BANCROFT LIBRARY THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Theo H. Crook Collection CONFIDENTIAL SUBJECTS VENEZUELA-BRITISH GUIANA BOUNDARY ARBITRATION DIGEST Of evidence arranged according to SUBJECTS Prepared for Private Use of Venezuelan Counsel NEW YORK The Evening Post Job Pkinting House, 156 Fulton Street 1899 52 CONTKNTS Chapter I. Geographic features and definitions. OrinocM> Delta. page General description i Military importance of Barima Point 7 Poineroon-Moriica Region 9 Lower Esseqnibo Region 12 Cnynni-Mazaruni Ba.sln. Definitions 15 Forests 17 Savannas 18 Obstacles to river navigation 20 Routes of travel, actual and proposed 21 Definitions. Amacura 23 Amazons 24 Arabian Coast 24 Barima 25 Cuyuni 25 El Dorado 29 Essequibo 30 —upper 38 Guiana 38 Itabo 40 Manoa 40 Mazaruni 41 Nova Zeelandia 42 Orinoco 42 — as far as 44 — Dardanelles of 44 — near to 45 Quake 46 Spanish Main 46 Terra Firma 46 Wild Coast 46 Chapter II. Dutch Trade and Fisheries. Dntch Trade —in general. With the Portuguese 49 Spanish 49 Indians of the coast 51 Indians of the interior 53 Participated in — by Surinam Dutch 56 — by French and others 57 Character as to legal rights. By permission of Spain 58 Surreptitious, clandestine and illicit 60 Never under a claim of right 63 Nature of trade — for horses 64 - -for various Indian products 66 (i) ii CONTENTS. Chapter 11. Dutch Trade and Fisheries— (Continued). PAGE How carried on 67 Spanish trade to Essequibo 68 Slave Trade. Slaves— whence and how obtained ^o — by whom captured and bought 75 — surreptitious character of trade in n Slavery — cruelties practiced 78 — its status and importance 81 — abolition of by British, its effect 84 Dutch Fisheries 86 Chapter HI. Boundaries. Claims. By the Spanish — to Guiana as a whole 89 — to Essequibo 94 — to all the coast 96 — to the Pomeroon-Moruca region 97 — to Barima and Orinoco mouth 100 — to Cuyuni, Mazaruni and the interior 103 — basis for, and Spanish views of Dutch claims to same 106 By the Dutch — to the Pomeroon-Moruca region no — to Waini 112 — to Barima and Orinoco mouth 115 — to Amacura 117 — to Cuyuni, Mazaruni and the interior 118 — to all the coast 121 — basis for, and Dutch views of Spanish claims to same 123 By the British — in colonial records, correspondence, etc 125 — in diplomatic correspondence 129 — in ofificial or semi-official maps 132 — in Cases and Counter Cases 135 — alleged basis for 1 37 Admissions. liy the Spanish 1 40 By the Dutch— direct, in general 143 — that Moruca was a frontier post .... 147 — passes required at Moruca 151 — tolls at Moruca 152 — boundaries on the Cuyuni 153 By the British — boundaries on the coast 1 54 — boundaries in the interior 1 58 — customs collected in Moruca 160 — Barima light-house 161 By the Venezuelans 162 Ignorance as to Boundaries - By the Spanish 163 Dutch 1 64 British 166 Boundaries as inferred from designations used 167 Acts of jurisdiction by one nation passed over without protest by the other 173 CONTENTS. Ill Chapter IV. Nature of Spanish and Dutch occupation. PAGE Spanish occupation — its purpose I75 — its methods 1 79 — its influence and results 1 79 — efforts and plans for extension of ; -expeditions to interior, and establishment of mis- sions and villages there i8i -reconnaissances of coast by Inciarte and others . . i86 -plans for Moruca Post and San Carlos de la Frontera 1 87 Dutch occupation— its purpose ; to trade, plunder and plant 190 — its methods ^9- — its influence and results I93 — its efforts and plans for extension always limited to trade relations I94 Chapter V. Remonstrances, and meaning of treaties. Remonstrances and acts or declarations of like nature I95 Meaning of treaties — Truce of 1609 214 —Treaty of Munster, 1648 217 " Utrecht, 1 7 14 -3^ " Aranjuez, 1791 -3- " London, 1814 233 — Agreement of 1850 233 —Treaty of arbitration, 1 897 240 —Charters of Dutch West India Company 241 — Dutch trading regulations 244 Chapter VI. British Trade and Timber Cutting. British Trade 245 British Timber Cutting 246 Chapter VII. Indians. The Indians considered by themselves. In general "53 Akaways -55 Arawaks ^57 Caribs 261 Makusis 270 Warrows 270 Various tribes unclassified 274 Their relations to the Essequibo Dutch. Hostility to "76 Independence of, as appears from —allegations in Cases and Counter Cases 279 — the words, invite, persuade, induce, etc 281 — the words, order, threat, demand, etc 284 — the \Nor As, friend, ally, neighbor, etc 285 — insolence, and demands made, and Dutch treatment of Indian complaints ..... -°9 iv CONTENTS. Chapter VII. Indians — (Continued). PAGE Treaties with Indians 290 Altitude assumed by the Dutch towards others as to Indian relations 291 Nature and purpose of Dutch-Indian relations. Alliances— for hostile purposes, in general 294 — to enslave uncivilized Indians 297 — to enslave Spanish Indians 297 Alliances — for defence of Dutch 3°' Alliances — for trade, in general 303 — for trade in slaves and capture of runaways 305 — inconstant character of 3°9 Protection given Indians by the Dutch 31° Creole-Dutch language 3^2 Their relations to the French, English, Snrinam-Diiteh, etc 314 Their relations to the Spanish. In general 3'^ Hostility to 318 — its cause 320 — its character (rebellion) 322 As subjects — ottradas and compulsory settlement in Missions 324 — punishment of rebels 325 — recognition of the Spanish as masters 326 — obedience to Spaniards 328 — Spanish claim to sovereignty over them 330 Their relations to the British. Appointment of Indian Captains 332 — by the Indians themselves 334 — by the Dutch and British 335 Protectors of Indians 341 Suppression of Indian slavery and its effect 346 Treaties or agreements with Indians 347 What Indians were controlled 350 Admissions that British did not control 354 Allies and friends, not subjects 358 Attitude towards British sovereignty 362 Their relations to the Venezuelans 363 rresents to Indians. By the Spanish 364 By the Dutch — origin of 365 — frequency of 366 — character and object of 367 By the British — frequency of 373 — object and character of 376 — to Indians outside the colony 380 CHAPTER I. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. ORINOCO DELTA-GENERAL DESCRIPTION. -. Venezuelan Case. The region bouinkMl on the north and nortlieasi by tliet^uHor I'aria ami tlie Atlantic Ocean ; on the east by the Atlantic Ocean, and by the divide separatlni!;- the waters of the 3IorHca from the waters of the Waini ; on Ihe south hy the Iniataca nionnlains; and extendintj thence westward, is a ireog-ra pineal and political unit, the material occupation of a part of which, by the nation tirst discovering and exploring it, is in law attributive and constructive possession of the whole. V. C., 224. British Counter Case. This proposition is untrue. Neither geographically nor politically is the region therein stated a unit, and no possession ever taken by Spain can be con- strued as giving constructive possession of the whole. B. C.-C, ijj. The Venezuelan contention as to the geograpliical unity of the so-called [Orinoco] delta region as defined by them is therefore entirely unfounded. Sa}nc, p. 12. -. Venezuelan Case. The Orinoco Delta Kegion ... is bounded on the north and west by the Orinoco itself; on the south by a range of hills or mountains, to differ- ent parts of which have been applied the designations Piacoa ntouutains and Iniataca mountains : on the east it is separated from the second of the four tracts above mentioned; first, by a wet savanna diflicult to traverse; and, further inland, by a tract of while sand, miles in length, white almost as the driven snow, hot and dazzling to the eyes, diflicult aud even painful to travel over. V. C, 14. Inlo the Orinoco, at aud above IJarima point, flow various streams: the Uarima, Amacura, Arature, Aguire and Imataca. The Barima, between Mora passage and Barimi point, can hardly be called an independent stream ; it is rather one of those many channels through which the Orinoco empties its waters into the ocean. At certain states of the tide the waters of the Barima flow westward and are discharged into the Orinoco ; at other states the current is in the opposite direction, the water from the Orinoco flowing eastward through this same Barima channel, and discharging through the Mora passage into the sea. This set of conditions, which converts the lower Barima and the Mora passage into a veritable Orinoco mouth, gives rise to un- usual conditions in the Mora passage itself. Same, p. ij. U) GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. ORINOCO DELTA-GENERAL DESCRIPTION-(Continued). Venezuelan Case. The Uiver Hariiua Tails iii1«> tlif south side of the thiiMK'o near the most eastern point of its nioutii. ' • <^-. ^i- -. Brilish Counter Case. The Barima aiMl the AiiiaKiini . . . iiiig:ht be supposed by a person unacquainted with the physical history of this coast, lo niii into the estuary of the Orinoco. ^'' t.-C.,7, -. Venezuelan Case. The entire eoast re?iion troni Hariuia point south-east, as far as tlie divide separating;- the »a(ers of the Moruca from the waters of tlie Waiui, is an intesrral part of the Orinoco delta. '^ V. C, 224. -. British Counter Case. This proposition is unfounded. Neither the Barima, nor still less the coast region as far as the watershed between the Moruka and Waini, is any part of the Orinoco delta. ^- C.-C, /jj. -. British Case. The delta of the Orinoco lies between the River Vagre on the west and the main stream of the Orinoco on the east. Tlie low land on the eoast to the east of the Orinoco has no connection with the Orinoco delta, having been formed by the detritus brought down by the rivers to the eastward of the Orinoco, and carried westward under the influence of the westerly current and the prevailing wind on that coast. B. C, S. -. British Counter Case. The Rivers Aniakuru and IJarinia, tlie Waini with its tributary the Barama, and the Pomeroon flow directly into the sea. B. C.-C, j. Tlie Aniakuru and Barinia are not tributaries of the Orinoco, but are, in fact, independent rivers ; . . . the conception of the Lower Barima and the Mora Passage as a mouth of the Orinoco is entirely at variance with the facts, and is founded only on erroneous mapping. Saiiw, p. 6. A first lilance at a map -fancifully drawn and coloured as at p. 1 of the Atlas delivered with the Venezuelan Case — may give the impression that the Aniakuru and the Barima, especially because of the north-west trend of the lower part of their course, belonj;' to the Orinoco system. It can be clearly shown from the origin of this north-west trend that these rivers have, in fact, no connection with the Orinoco system. Same, pp. 6-j. The snir^:estion made in the Venezuelan Case that the alluvial country is characterized by " iiilerlaciii;? bayous" as distinguished from " true flowing streams," is based on a misconception of the nature of the itabos. Same, p. S. The sea-tides fntiii ilie mouths of both the Waini and the IJarima How alternat(>l,v into the 3Iorawliana ; . . . llie current of fresh water which comes down from the Upper Barima Hows to tlie sea jiarlly through the Barima mouth and partly through the Morawhana. Same, p. //. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES, 3 ORINOCO DELTA-GENERAL DESCRI PTION-lContinued'. . British Counter Case. Detinition of the juiiuil limits ol llic doKu ol" tlio Oiiiioco. These are, as already stated, the liiver Yngio on tlu^ «ost, and on (he caisl, th« main stream of the Orinoco, flowing south of the Islands of Tortola, Imataka, and Cangrejo (or Ciab) Island. B. C.-C, //. [1750.] Anonymous Spanish MS. in Hydrographic Ofifice, Madrid. From this [Great] mouth [of the Orinoco] it is a passage of one hour across the sea to the entrance oi the River Barima. B. C.-C, App., /Q4. 1757. Don Jose Felipe de Iturriaga. IJarima, which llo>vs into the [Orinoco] mouth itself. />. C, //, ijy. 1768. Francisco Cierto. The Creek of Barima, which is dose lo the great mouth of the River Orinoco and falls into it. B. C, III, lyo. 1768. Manuel Cubas. Upon arriving at the mouth of tli<( Creek of Barima, which falls into the Kiver Orinoco close to the great month. Same, p. lyi. 1779. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. Here [near the mouth of the Arature] we cut masts for the felucca and launch, so as to have them ready for the opportunity of crossing from the mouths of the said Orinoco to the creek or river of Barima. B. C.-C, App., 21S. The Orinoco apparently does not communicate its watei-s to the said creek (Barima), and even if it does they are very little felt, for it was impossible to per- ceive any other change except that of the tide. Same, pp. 2ig-22o. The Orinoco does not communicate its waters t(> any of the creeks included between that of Barima and the River of Esse^juiljo. Same, p. 2jS. 1788. Don Miguel Marmion. [The Orinoco] rises and falls once every year; the waters begin to rise slowly in the month of March, and in the month of August, in which they attain their greatest height, again subside with the same slowness until February, in which they remain at their lowest level, between which and its highest point there is a difference here in the capital of about 14 fathoms. The rise of the river is favoured by the east winds or breezes w hich prevail for eight months in the year. B. C, V, jj. From Carucina [20 leagues more or less up the Orinoco from Toint Barima] the ridge runs along the same side of the Orinoco with a small tract of meadow land between the two and of hill country which ends at the River Caroni, where the range turns to the south. This portion of land has in length the distance shown, and in breadth, from north to south, twelve leagues, more or less, up to the town of Oputa where begins the flat tiact of snvannahs which reach to the Cuyuni and beyond. Same, p. j/. The south coast of the Orinoco, from the pomt of Barima, 20 leagues more or less inland, up to the creek of Carucima is low-lying and swampy land. Same, p. 6j. 4 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. ORINOCO DELTA-GENERAL DESCRI PTION— (Continued). i8o3. Major McCreagh. In fiiloriiijr t!n' Kivcr OriiMK-o by the south-east, generally called the great channel, Ca|M' Hiiriiiia roniis Hu' soiilh-cast point. IL C, V, lyj. 1839. Wm. Crichton, Suiierintcndcnt of Rivers and Creeks. 1 1) then descended the Wyena to the mouth of the Morocco Creek | Morji Passasrt'l whit'li iiiay pnuM'rly be toniied a iiumtli of the nariiiia discharging itself into the Wyenn River within a very short distance of the sea. B. C, VI, 75. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. The River IJarima Tails into the south side of the Orinoco, near the most eastern point of its mouth and in a direction almost parallel to the coast. B. C, VII, 33. 1879. ^- ^- i"i Thurn. The land [between EssequH»o and Orinoco] is chiefly low-lying swamp and is covered with dense forest ; and though few rivers— the Pomeroon, the Morooca, the Vani or Guiana, and the Barima, with their tributaries — run through it to the sea, yet none of these are of any great size, length, or im- portance. V. C.,JJJ, I JO. 1888. E. F. im Thurn. In the [Pomeroonj district the rivers form its most important features. These are : Rivers. Chief Tributaries. Pomeroon Arrapiakroo and Issororo. Morooka Manawarin. Waini Barrimanni, Moreybo and Barama. Barima Arooka and Kaitooma. Amakooroo. In addition . . . there is a number of creeks and also . . . of natural, or partly natural, waterways, liere called itabboos. which connect the rivers the one with the other, the whole water system thns constitnted formint;- a net- work which pervades the whole district. The most important part of this water system forms a sinsjie waterway, consisting partly of rivers and creeks, partly of itabboos, from the southern extreme of the district, on the Tapacooma Lake, to its northern e.xtrcme. B. C, VII, 2^3. 1897. Major C. S. N. Grant, R. E. The delta of the Orinoco ... is bounded on ()ne side by the Vatrre River, and on the other by what may be looked ii])on as the main stream of the Orinoco itself, (lowing south of Tortola and Iniataca Islands. 'I'hi' ^eoio^ical formation of the delta projK'r is, I believe, iliilVrent from tiiat of the coast reirion south of the Orinoco. The former iscomposed of the debris brought down by the river itself, and is dark in color, the latter is largely composed of sand, and much ligiiter in appearance. Santc, p. 3.p. There can be . . . little doubt that all tliis low-lying coast country, ex- tending from Cape Nassau to the mouth of tlie Amacura, has been built up of the detritus brought down by the Amazon and the Essequibo and its conlluents, the Cuyuni and the Ma/eruni, and lliat it has nothing to do with the delta region of the Orinoco. Same, p. 243. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 5 ORINOCO DELTA-GENERAL DESCRI PTION-(Continued). 1897. E. F. im Thuin. I have been well acquainted with the cUstrict referred to . . . for the last fifteen years, and . . . ain of opinion llial tliCi slalcnuMils made ai'O I'orn'd, and tliat the conclusions iorniod hy Major dlrant ai)[>oar to inc to be sound. B. C, VII, 243. 1897. D. F. Turnbull. The Orinoco lias a delta on its north side and on its south side consist- ing- of the usual delta swamp forniati<>!i. intersected witJi bayous generally large and deep in proportion to the amount of water which passes through them, but more or less obstructed by mud banks or bars, and, in the case of the smaller ones, by fallen trees. . . . On the North side and in descending the river, the really firm land stops about at the head of Brazo Macareo ; below that is the delta. On the south side there is Arm land down as far as Iniataea. It does not consist of a continuous firm bank to the river, but of a series of spurs which run out east-northeast from the main Imataca range of mountains. The river runs to the north of east ; the main Imataca range trends to the south of east, so that it recedes from the river. These spurs run out obliquely towards the river. As the general course of the Orinoco is to the east, these spurs approach it obliquely, and thus serve to keep the river from cutting to the south. IJetween these spurs there are what one may call bays lilled with river mud more or less consolidated into swamp or firm savannah. These spurs which, on the south bank, reach down the river as far as the town of Imataca, (back of which the main range of the Imataca mountains trends off more to the south), the ends of these spurs seem to stop further off to the south and the sort of great natural bay thus left by them has been filled up with mud and sand, making- the great southern delta of the Orinoco. V. C.-C, III, 324. Thus, if a person coming down t!ie river, finds on the south Ijank of the river more or less firm laud until he gets to Imataca; below that nothing but delta swamp, largely under water in the wet season, with an occasional bank of hummock where a few Indians live. The spurs terminate too far back from the river to be visible. . . . From the Imataca range a series of spur-like formations run out in an E-N-E direction towards the Orinoco ; these prevent the river, in general terms, from cutting away its south bank. Between each of these low ridges there is a drainage stream which finds its way into the Orinoco; and the lower portion of each of these streams generally flows through an alluvial, swamp-like region. Same, p. 323. Considering now Tniataca town ; It stands on the north slope of the last end of the spur from the Imataca mountains. This spur is here about 175 feet high. lieyond it however are some low mouth GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. i ORINOCO DELTA-GENERAL DESCRI PTION-(Continued). is al>st)liit,oly uiiioiiiKlct]. The Moniwhanna is simply the largest of many itabos which exist within the district of the alluvial deposit. . . . The course of the Morwahanna, at. represented in the atlas delivered on behalf of the Gov- ernment of the United States of Venezuela, is incorrect. It is there shown as a single straight reach flowing on from the VVaini into the Barima. As a matter of fact, the Morattliaiiiiii is by no means straight, and joins the Waini at a con- siderable angle; its course is correctly laid do^vii in 3Ir. !I<»liciiliirk's ( hart, which accompaiiios the Britisli Counter Case. . . . The Morawhanna, . . . like all other itibos or water passages, originally consisted of two streams or creeks, both rising in the same swamp, the one flowing into the Waini and the other into the Barima, and the itabo was formed in the usual way by canoes and boats being forced through the swamp. B. C.-C, A/>/>., 402. The tide rushes up the Waini and also up the connecting passage between the Waini and the Barima, the Mora Passage, so that for a certain time the water in the Barima is falling, whereas the water in the Mora Passage is rising, but as the flood tide up the Mora Passage becomes less and less strong, the cur- rent of the later flood tide in the Barima asserts itself, and then there is in the Mora Passage what is technically called " slack water," to be followed by falling water in the Mora and Waini, although it is still flood tide in the Barima . . . The siigifestiou that the Waiui empties itself into the ocean partly through its oivii inoiith ami partly throujih the Mora Vassage and the Barima River is thus shown to be absolutely incorrect. Same, p. 402. ORINOCO DELTA-MILITARY IMPORTANCE OF BARIMA POINT. . Venezuelan Case. The importance of Barima point, and of the land and rivers immediately sur- rounding it, is due to its commanding position with reference to the " Ship's Mouth " or main channel of the Orinoco. , . . This iiuportauce of Barima, political and otherwise, has been forcibly set forth by explorers and writers, and hijs been recounized and acted u|>on by British statesmen. ]-'. C, i~-iS. . British Counter Case. Political unity of what is called the Orinoco Delta Region is asserted solely on the alleged ground that Barima Point, the extreme point of the right bank of the Barima River, commands strategically the " Ship's Channel " into the Orinoco. As a matter of fact, Barima Point has not the strategic value ascribed to it in the Venezuelan Case. The ground is quite unsuitable for the erection of fortifications, and the Ship's Channel is 10 miles wide, its inner edge being about 5 miles from Barima Point. B. C.-C, 12. 1839. R. H. Schomburgk. Taking the mouth of the River Barima as the place of departure ; the line . . . onarht to be directed to the mouth of the River Amacura, in order to be able to insure the political importance which would always be attached to the mouth of the OrinooK B.C., VII, 5. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. Colonel Moody, of the Royal Engineers, . . . was sent in the earlier part of this century to report on the military situation of the Orinoco. Same, p. ij. 8 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. ORINOCO DELTA-MILITARY IMPORTANCE OF BARIMA POINT- (Continued). 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. Barima . . . point in the possession of Great Britain is of ?:reat valne in a military respect. Tlie peculiar conti.:,airation of tlie only channel (Boca de Navies), which admits vessels of some draught to the Orinoco, passes near Point Barima; so that if hereafter it becomes of advantage to command tlie entrance to the Orinoco, this might be easily effected from that point. This assertion is supported by Colonel Moody's evidence, who visited this spot in his militaiy capacity in the commencement of this century. B. C, VII, ij. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk (Confidential letter). I have now to point out the importance which is attached to this position [ Barima], should the British Government establish the Amacura as the boundary between British Guiana and Venezuela. . . . The only access to this vast inland commnnication for sailing vessels of more than 10 feet draft of water is by means of the Boca de Navios, which is commanded from Point Barima. . . . Colonel Moody considers this position " susceptable {sic) of being fortified so as to resist almost any attack on the sea-side . . . and debarka- tion from the Orinoco might be put under the fire of any number of guns— and the land reproaches (sic) . . . could be easily rendered inaccessible to an invading force. This . . . importance ... in a military respect . . . is fnlly horn ont hy personal inspection dnring* my late snrvey of the entrance to the Barima. Same, p. jj*. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. The Barima— a point of more importance to Great Britain than I have ventured to make it appear in my memorial. Same, p. j./. 1848. R. H. Schomburgk. .\ stronii" hattery estahlished at Pnnta Barima, where the Dutch had as early as 1660 a fortified outpost, >vonld prevent any vessel from enterina;" the Ori- noco draw! nit' more than eisrlit feet of water. Punta Barima, or Point Breme, as it was called by the Dutch, commands entirely the entrance of the Orinoco by the Boca de Navios; and when on a late occasion the right of possession to this point was the subject of discussion between the British Government and the Republic of Venezuela, Punta Barima was appropriately and emphatically styled " the Dardanelles of the Orinoco." V. C, 20. 1850. Belford Ilinton Wilson. The I Venezuelan] (Jovernor has spoken Af raisinsr a fort at Point Barima, . . . The . . . delates in Congress and . . . other reports . . . satisfy me of the desire and tendency in this country |Veneznela| . . . t(» secure, by actual occujvilion, possession of Point Barima. B. C, VI, /So. 1850. Governor Barkly. I need add little to what Sir Robert Schomburgk so forcibly stated at that time of the prospective importance, l»ot!i in a military and a commercial point of view, of a site which eilVi'lnaliy ci»!nman. C, J'/, iji. 1 87 1. \V. C. -McClintock, Superintendent of Pomeroon. This tract of land, situated on the left bank of Marucca, and bounded, for the most part, by the said river, and partly by the sea, is as large as the island of Wakenaam, and with the exception of the hiirh lands known as St. Koses l^lissioii, otherwise Maiial)ba, Comachane, and two or tliree other small hills, the wliole tract is nothini;- more or le.ss than a stvampy Jnn^le. I This] tract of swampy jungle to which allusion has been made extends to the head of the Baramanie Creek, a tributary of Rio Wynie. Sir R. Schom- burgk, in his map of Ciuiana, has laid down this branch, and, although wide and very deep, its extreme length don't exceed 30 miles. 'I'liis canal [on the Marucca] formed by coreals passing' and repassinir. is r» miles loiiif, and rnns throifurh a swampy crosslnir \sic\ in its course a sand- reef, parts ol tiie Owyebarri Hill, and by which the water of these vast swamps are separated, one portion flowing towards the Wynie River, the other down the Marucca. Satne, p. 21 x. Oeographic features. 11 POMEROON-MORUCA REGION-(ContinuedJ. 1886. E. F. im Tluun. Under ordinary circninsljuiocs . . . (•f cataracts and rapids, and become unnavigable except for small boats and native canoes. B. C, 146. . British Counter Case. The statement in the Venezuelan Case that " near the point of junction of the Ciiynni and iXassarnni there is a break in these mountains, and tlinnigh this . . . the Cuyuni and Massaruni Rivers jiour their united waters into the Essequibo," is entirely misleading. No su«'h n«»rg<' exists. B. C.-C.,j. 1739, Commandeur in Ksseciuibo. As the continuous rainy season . . . makes the road ab(»ve the [lowest Cuyuni I falls very dangerous, it has prevented the making of any further dis- covery — assumnig that anything at all is to be found there. B. C, II, Jo. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 13 LOWER ESSEQUIBO REGION-(Continued). 1742. Mining Engineer Hildebrancit. March 26. [1742]. Set out with nine slaves [to s^o from the Perker and Haak mine in the Blue Mountains douii lo the Ciijuiii mouth ] but the water was higher than I had yet seen it, and I passed ilie talis nitli g-reat daiig'cr, but just before reaching the indigo plantation I ran on a rock with the boat, so that a cask was thrown out and broken and a hole made in the boat. B. C. II, jS. 1743. Mining Engineer Hildebrandt. Early in the morning I looked out a suitable place where I could best get to from there overland, in order to make a station for storing ore and other com- modities of the Company, and also at the same time to make a path overland in case we should have anything important that mlj;-hti come to g'rief in the little falls Mhich lie above the sireat fall to the number of two. Same,p. jg. So I gjive orders to make another small path through the bush, to be used by men so as to escape tlie ^reat danger of the fsiUs, and later to transport other things by. Same, p. 40. 1823. William Hilhouse. The very existence of the Colony is precarious, except the immense belt of forest that forms its southern boundary, be occupied by some friendly Power. B. C, VI, S3. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. The dangerous fall Wakupang, where our stores were lost on the preceding day, was passed without accident. We had commenced this morning (26th July) the descent of the third series of falls, caused by a small range of mountains, through which tlie river has broken itself a passage. It rained almost incessantly; and, as the wind was against us, it endangered our descent of numerous rapids, and the coxwain could hardly look forward. We had to unload at the cataract Aruaka- matnbba, and to haul our corials overland. We passed soon after the Woku or Powis Mountain, which rises on the river's right bank to a height of 500 to 600 feet; this ridge extends west-north-west, and east-south-east, and it can be seen from the junction of the Cuyuni and Maxaruni. Little islets, consisting of heaped-up masses of rock, divide the river into numerous channels. We had to pass the fall Camaria, and, as it did not afford any portage, we attempted to descend it in our craft. It nearly proved our destruction. As it was, the craft filled with water, and it was only the presence of mind of some of our crew to which, under the Almighty, we were indebted for our safety. We reached, on that evening, Kmatiihba, generally called "the dJreat Fall," wliere we liad to unload and to haul our corials overland, and encamped at the foot of the small island, whither the corials had been drawn. Continued rains precluded the possibility of any observations, and we started on the morning of the 27th July, under the same unfavourable weather. An hour and a-half after we were at the foot of the last fall, called Akaya, and saw before us the junction of the three rivers Essequibo, Mazaruni and Cuyuni. B. C, VII, sg. The diHiculties vvhicli tlie Cuyuni presents to navigation, and those tre- mendous falls which impede tlie river in the first day's ascent, will, I fear^ prove a great obstacle to making the fertility of its banks available to the Colony. Same, p. JO, 14 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. LOWER ESSEQUIBO REGION-(Continued). 1843. Local Guide. The Loca/ Gu/(h' lor \S43, . . . fsays| : AImmc llie riii>i(ls, wliicli occur about .'>0 miles Iroiu its (Essequibo's) nioiitli. there are no inhabifiiils except Indians. The same is the case with the two gre.-it triliutaries of the Essequibo, the Cjiyiiiii and the Mazariini. . . . A siiort ids called Arctaka . . . separate the timber from the forest tract. These rapids interrupt the course of the river for upwards of fif- teen miles. Samc,p.4og. 1888. Michael McTurk. The lower part of the Cayuni Kiver is very much obstructed by falls, which, though not so numerous as those on the Mazaruni, are larger and tortu- ous in their course. The latter circumstance adds to the difficulty and danger of getting over them. . . . I made the preliminary survey of a route for a road from Cartaboo . . . to the placer mines on the Puruni. . . . For the first .'JO miles from Car- taboo tlie country is comparatively level. . . . Beyond this distance the land rises and is mountainous and rocky. . . . Unless at very considerable expense, I do not thuik a road could be constructed over this latter part of the route, owing to the rugged nature of the country. B. C, VII, J22. 1892. Michael McTurk. The old road from . . . Morabisci Creek to the open water above the Camaria Falls was reopened and is much used by the miners on the Cuyuni. ' . . . IJy nsiiij;' this road some of the most danijerous falls ou the Cuyuni Hiver are avoided. Same, p. 321). 1896. Marcus Baker. From the mouth of the Cuyuni to the tirst fall, called Akayn. is, according to Schomburgk's inap, 8 miles. IJeginning with Akayu fall the river widens and is much impeded by islands, rapids and cataracts for 8 miles. In tliis stretch Schomburgk enumerates 5 cataracts and rapids, as follows, going up-stream : Acayu cataract ; Saregatava cataract; Turrung rapid; I^matuha great cataract around which is a portage; Arcabusa cataract; and lastly Camaria cataract. The whole series is some- times Cillk'd the Camaria rapids. It is a dangerous part of the river. Schoin- GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 15 LOWER ESSEQUIBO REGION-(Continued). l)urgk oil Jiilv L*(>, isil, vas visible iite is sitiialcil at tlie eiilraiu'e t') tJie fore-it iTifion. the line of the forest here run- ning from northeast to southwest. From Boca del Monte we traveled in a southerly direction though a little to the east, for a distance of about ten leagues through a country covered by an iniiMMiolrable forest. The road is cut «ll- reetl.v tliroii<.rli this forest, and eimnects IJoia del Monte with the Venezue- lan to>vn of 1:1 Dorado at the junction of the Cnjuni and the Yuruan. v.c-c, 111,327-328. CUYUNI-MAZARUNI BASI N ; SAVAN N AS. . British Case. If the course of the Curumo and Yuruari be followed upwards from the Cuyuni. it is found that as the ground rises towards the watershed the forest is replaced at some distance from the Cuyuni by open plateaus called savan- nahs, which were formerly known under the collective name of the Pariacot Savannah. ^- ^•' ^- . British Counter Case. The savannahs do not extend to the Cuyuni, bat arc separated from it by a broad belt of forest. B. C.-C, iS. 11 is diflicuU to define the exact width of the belt of forest which sep- arates the savannah from tiie Cuyuni. ... By this road [made by Venezuela] it is about 33 miles [from the CuyuniJ to the edge of the Savannah. Up the Yuruary it is two days' voyage before the savannah is reached. Same, p. ig. 1850. Kenneth Mathison. The distance from Upata to the Missions or village of Tupuquen is 140 miles over extensive tracts of undulating open pasture-lands, through occa- sional large patches of woods, and narrow but deep streams. B. C, VI, 1S2. i88o. Michael McTurk. We turned up the Urawan. . . . There is a considerable fall here in rainy weather called Rurreewa, . . . The Savannah opens down to the creek a little below this place, on the opposite side. . . . About a mile farther we came to a landing. . . . Th3 path leads from this over the Savannah to Ciyou, which is the nearest Venezuelan town or village. About a mile from the landing, along the path, is the nearest house, Francisco's. It is a two days' journey over the Savannah along this path to Cayou. From Francisco the Savannah is open and undnlalini;-, with clumps of trees several acres in ex- tent iiere anrado. On the i:iii January we started at 8 A. M. for Su i-Sua riding, proceeding along GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 19 CUYUNI-MAZARUNI BASIN; SAVAN NAS-(Continued). the road, or rather busli track, which had been recently made. >Vc Inix^lliMl in ji ii(>rlli(M-ly dircH'tion, uu() in llic aClcriMMHi, tiie dis- taiu'i' bi'ius;' 83 aiiles, Uutil Siia-Siia was readied became to uooikmi country or savannah. The track was thn)Ui;-h bush the wIiohMvay. . . . Sua-Sna is a cattle ranch of roeent orig'iu . . . The country between Sua-Siia and U|>ata is savanuah, interspersed here and there witli swamps and small woods. B, C-C, A pp., ^oj-^o6. 1896. Marcus Baker. About six hours' journey by canoe from the mouth |up the Yuruari] is "a series of rapids," . . . it is here that Codazzi's map indicates the head of navigation. ... A few hours' journey farther up the river is a yet greater fall. ... A little above tliis tlie savanna reaches the banlis in places, first ou tlie eastern, and later on both banks. On emerging from the river's wooded fringe to the open savanna, Campbell climbed a small hill a half mile from the river and obtained a delightful view. Far in the distance, and from west around to northeast, were seen high moun- tains " probably those bordeiing the Orinoco. The view was diversified by nearer hills and large savannahs as far as the eye could reach, woods bordering the creeks and rivers, and clumps of trees in all directions. There was a fine breeze ; a thunderstorm was passing in the distance ; and the setting sun illumined the whole. Altogether it was very pleasing." It is hereahouts that Dixon's map indicates the limit of the savannas toward the soiitlieast. U. S. Com., Ill, j2'/-j2S. 1896. [1898J E.J. Monge. In the early part of 1896 I made a trip from Trinidad to Angostura, entering the Orinoco by way of the Macareo. . . . After remaining a short time at Angostura, I descended the Orinoco as far as the Caroni and San Felix. Leav- ing- San Felix and traveling- in a SDutheasterly direction, our party crossed a rang:e of hills somewhat wooded, but easy to traverse. Descending on the other side of this range, we reached Upata, which lies in a .savannah country. From Upatawe proceeded through savannahs to (xuacipati. From the lat- ter place we continued to El Callao and from there to Tumeremo, traveling all the time throug-h savsmuahs. V, C.-C, III, 32-/. 1898. Michael McTurk. These savannahs do not touch the Upper Cuyuni, but are separated from it by a thick belt of forest which decreases in depth until at its narr<»west part near the IJruau it is upwards of a day's journey on mules to the edge of the savanuah, or about 30 miles. B. C.-C, App., 40J-404. 1898. E. F. im Thurn. This tract of country which extends a considerable distance, namely, across the head of the Massaruni, and as far as the Cuyuni, is also everywhere covered by forest but interspersed with elevated treeless plateaux rising out of the forests. These plateaux in no way correspond with the savannahs ; in fact, the country north of Mount Roraima to the Cuyuni River, at the junction of the Uruan, can in no way be described as savannah. The siij?g'estion in the Venezuelan Case that the savannahs stretch from the Orinoco down across the great bend of the Cuyuni to the very centre of the great basin, and even beyond is, therefore, incorrect. Same, p. 406. 20 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. CUYUNI-MAZARUNI BASI N-OBSTACLES TO RIVER NAVIGATION. . British CDunter Case. The (►bsliU'h's to luiviirutioii on liic Ciiyuiii ln'l«>« (lie Irinm arc ilistrib- u1»mI ;Uoiig the whole course, ami aro iii»l, as ilie Venezuelan Case su.L,'L;ests, nHilincil t(» 1h«' lower part, wlicrc inilcitl tliey are less foriiiidable lliaii rm-nier up. The (liflicullies, such as they are. of p.aviyatinj,^ the Cuyuni up and down stream are llie same, whether it be approached from the Uruan or from the Essequibo. -"• ^--^-y ^o. 1 741. Thomas llildebrandt. Sunday, Ajjrii 23.— . . .ate breakfast with my people on the mdigo plantation, and then pushed on my journey to beneath the sjrcat fall, called by tlie IiMliaiis Kmatubo. Reached there safely in the evening at 6 o'clock, and stayed there over night. . . . Monday, April 24.— While my people carried the things to above the i^reat fall and with great difficulty dragged the two boats overland, I meanwhile washed the sand and examined the rocks, . . . When the things were again loaded in the boat I again came to a difficult fall, where I ate my midday meal and had again to have the things taken out of the boat and the boats dragged over again ; this done, went on to a fall iiaiiieil -Vwaroiilarii. . . . Sunday, April 30.— . . . came to a g-reat fall named Tokeyiie, where Me had i,'reat (er) trouble to get up than we had yet had anywhere, the height of the above-named fall being 4^ fathoms. If I had not had the luck of six Indians, who showed themselves helpful in dragging over my boat, I should have found it impossible to get up. -B. C, II,j2-jj. 1755. Don Eugcnio Alvarado. From the disemhoguement of the waters of the Cunurl to where they enter the Uiver Essequibo, through the rivers named [Yuruari and Cuyuni], the distance is from tneuty-live to thirty day.s of wearisome uavigation, on account of the falls and rapids; and it is necessary that the boats be very small, like canoes, made from the bark of a tree. Same, p. loS. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. The dangerous fall, Wakupang, ... is the commencement of the secontl series of falls. . . . The river | Essequiijo] is studded with islands. . . . Valuable forest trees become abundant along its banks; but the impediments wiiieh tlie numerous rapids throw in the way will for some time reader these treasures unavailable to the Colony. We . . . commenced . . . the descent of the third scries of falls ^ caused by a small range of mountains, through which the river has broken itself a passage. B. C, VII, 2g. i88o. Michael McTurk. AVe camped above the Yenia-ah Falls [some 40 miles more or less up the Cuyuni from its mouth) ab;»ve wliicli none of us had ever ascended. Before this fall there are two portages. . . . After passing the second of these, the river for some miles is free from any large falls such as require the boats to be unloaded and hauled over, Yanamoo and the Payuco being the largest. While hauling up the falls at Wohmopoh [the canoe wrecker], we saw some Indians (Acowois) . . . from the head of the Urawan ... on their way to Georgetown. . . . .At Wohmopoh . . . there is a j)orlage. V. C.-C, III, 24S. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURB:S. Si CUYUNI-MAZARUNI BASI N -OBSTACLES TO RIVER NAVIGATION- tContinued). 1893. Michael McTurk. The Cujuiii . . . is very much obstructed hj falls in its whole course up to and above the Uruan police station. B. C, VII, jjj. 1895. Michael McTurk. No f the Cuyuni. V. C, III, 131. 1891. Michael McTurk. If it is decided that a station is to be put up at the mouth of the Uruan, the matter must be taken in hand while the dry weather lasts, as it is not only a very laborious but also dangerous nndertaliing to ascend the Cuyuni at any other time. B. C"., VI,2jj. 1894. James Rodway. I'ost up the Cuyuni near its junction with Vuruan. ■ . . The police who reside tiure have to perform a very hazai'dous and long journey <»f forty or ilfty days to reach it and llicii are cut oif from all communication until re- lieved. V. C, III,j4g. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 23 CUYUNI-MAZARUNI BASIN-ROUTES OF TRAVEL, ACTUAL AND PROPOSED-(Continued). 1894. George G. Dixon. It lakes our (foveriiineiit from five to six wcelis to reaoli tlieir frontier station [Vuriiaii] whereas the Venezuelan outpost . . . probably is in direct communication with their capital by road and wire . . . I . . . proved . . . that the Yuruan frontier station can be reached in fourteen days from Georgetown . . . by steamer to the Barima falls, on foot overland, by the route I have opened, to Kuyuni, and in paddle-boats up that river. B.C., VI, 353. 1894. Combined Court. Mr. Weber proposed . . . that this Court . . . ask . . . the Governor that ... he give orders to make the plan for a wagon or mule road from the point where the Barima river is no longer navigable up to the Upper Cuyuni river, and if found practicable, to the Yuruan river, with the end of patting these rivers in direct communication. He said that his Excellency knew, no doubt, how difficult it was to reach that very important District ; that tlie numerous falls of tlie Ciiynni river made the trip to the Yuruan river so troublesome and rtiftieult, that almost seven weeks were required to reach tliat place. V. C.-C, III, 209. 1895. Michael McTurk. This journey to Uruan has been the quickest on record, occnpying- a little over 1?, days. B. C, ¥11,335. 1896. Michael McTurk. The Journey whicli extended beyond tlie Uruan, occupied 28 days there and back. Same, p. 336. The cutting of the line for a reconnaissance survey of the country between €artabo Point ... to the iiKuitli of the MaraMara on the Pnruni, lias been completed . . . while I do not consider that the ditficulties . . . in the construction of ... a road or railway are such that modern engineering cannot easily overcome, I do not think the financial condition of the Colony at present . . . will justify any attempt of the kind, considering the very rough nature of the country to be traversed. Same, p. 337. 1898. Michael McTurk. Tlie suggestion in the Venezuelan Case that the natural access to tlie Upper Cuyuni (and because of the suggested absence of falls and rapids in that part of the river, consequently to the whole of it) is from the Orinoco over the savannahs is without foundation, and a hastily formed conclusion founded on a want of knowledge of the river. B. C.-C, App., 403. DEFINITIONS. AMACURA. . British Case. In discussing the western boundary of the Dutch Colony it is necessary to bear in mind that in the eighteenth century it was not unusual to describe as the Barima the river now called the Amaciiru, and that now called the Barima as the Amakuru. The rivers are so marked in D'Anville's Maps and in many others, but the usage was not uniform. B. t.,30. 24 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). AMACURA— (Continued). 1762. [1897] George L. liurr. In 1762, on the title-page of the first directory of the Essequibo colony, one finds the River Amacura named as its western boundary; but a study of the con- text shows that the Amacura here meant must lie east of the Barima, for the Barima does not appear among the streams of the colony. It is probably the Amacura of the D'Anville map, so much appealed to by Governor Storm van's Gravesande, the author of this directoiy. . . . While it is, I am convinced, a misconcep- tion to hold that, when . . . Gravesande spoke of the IJarinia, he meant the Aniaeura, it is none the less certain that, when he here speaks of the Ama- cura, it was not the Amacura proper, but, at farthest, the stream we now know as the Barima. And so with the following directories, till their cessation in 1769. V. C.-C, II, 140. AMAZONS. 161 5. Report of Council to Spanish King. Some settlements and that in particular they [Diiteli] have three or four from the River Marauon [Amazon] to the Orinoco. B. C, I, 43. 1621. Cornclis Janssen Vianen. Diverse products and fruits which might be found or raised on the main- land of America, between Brazil on the east and the River Orinoco on the west, in and about the river Amazon. V. C, II, //. 1624. West India Company (the Nineteen). The deputies of Zeeland will please bring with them the instructions given to the ships ImmimcI for the Amazons, and further information as to the condition of things in that quarter; and the deputies of all the Chambers shall come in- structed, so as to devise means for the securing of that region, whether by the planting- of suital)le colonies or othenvise. I/. S. Covi., II,jS-jg. 1626. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Resolved, To look about for a capable person for director of the business in tiie .\niaz(»ns; and, if a capable one can be found to send him thither by the first ship. Saiiw, pp. 41-42. To the Orinoco shall be consigned, etc. Note by Prof. Burr. This is only one of a grou]) of decisions reached at this session as to the destination of vessels. Ships were also to be sent " to the Amazons" and " to Brazil," among other places. Saiiif, p. 42. Resolved to tit out the yacht Out-Vlissinghe for Angola, in order there to buy up some negroes and to carry them into Uie Aina/oii or to tlie plaeos where the Company may have its folk lyinu'. Same, p. 44. ARABIAN COAST. 1898. Editor of British Case. The iVrabian Coast is the local name for the coast district between the Esse- quibo and Pomeroon. B. C, 106. I GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 26 DEFINITIONS-(Continued). BARIMA. . British Case. The word Bariiua does not necessarily indicate either Point Barima or the river of that name, l)ut usually means tlic district on either bank of the river stretcliin!? to tlie Amaknra on the one side and to the Waini on the other. B. C, 7. In discussing the western boundary of the Dutch Colony it is necessary to bear in mind that in the eighteenth century it was not unusual to describe as the Barima the river now called the Amakiiru, and that now called the Barima as the Amakuru. The rivers are so marked in D'Anvillemaps and in many others, but the usage was not uniform. Same, p.jO. 1762. [1897] George L. Burr. In 1762, on the title-page of the first directory of the Essequibo colony, one finds the River Amacura named as its western boundary ; but a study of the context shows that the Amacura here meant must lie east of the Barima, for the Barima does not appear among the streams of the Colony. It is probably the Ama- cura of the D'Anville map, so much appealed to by Governor Storm van's Gravesande, the author of this directoiy. . . . While it is, I am convinced, a misconception to hold that, when . . . Gravesande spoke of the Barima, he meant the Amacnra, it is none the less certain that, when he here speaks of the Amacura, it was not the Amacura proper, but, at farthest, the stream we now know as the Barima. And so with the following directories, till their cessation in 1769. V- C.-C, II, 140. CUYUNI. . Biitish Case. The word Cnynni is constantly used of the district watered by that river and its tributaries. B. C, 7. 1680. Commandeur in Essequibo, An old negro of the Company, recently poisoned n\} in the Cujuni [iot/en in de Cajflcnc\, as the Caribs pretend, by the Accoways. B. C, I, iSj. 1683. Commandeur in Essequibo. I have sent a negro up in Cnynni \boven in Cajoeiie]. Same, p. /Sj. r685. Commandeur in Essequibo. The French in the Barima likewise come even to th<' npper Cnynni {^omen se oock self s tot boTeti in Cajoent-\. U. S. Com., II, 172. [Another translation.] The French in the Barima come and fetch them even as far as np in the Cnynni \komense oocke tot bo^Jen in Cajoene\. B. C, I, 188. [Still another translation.] The French come into the Barima, and fetch them \sic\ to above on the Cnynni. British Blue Book, Venezuela, No. j {iSg6), p. 60. 2fi GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFI N ITIONS-(Continued). CUYUNI— (Coiitiiiuetl). 1686. Commandeur in Essequibo. Savannah of the Pariakotts up in the Cnyiiiii River \hct savaen boven in Cajoene 7>an dc Pariakottcii\. ^- C., I, 201. 1697. Commandeur in Essequibo. Horses bought for you up in Cnynni [/xwen en Cyame\. Same, p. 2IJ. 1699. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. September 17, 1 1699]. Jotte, the old negro, arrived from the upper Cnjuni \van boven utjt Cioene\ Same, p. 216. November 17, [1699]. In tlie forenoon . . . Commandeur, . . . sailed from the fort to the bread plantation, from thence took a trip to the Cny- nni, \een tour na Ct'oene] . . . and came back in tlie course of the after- noon. Sa??ie, p. 217. 1700. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. March 20 [1700]. Some trading wares also dealt out to the old negro Louis, in order to go and purchase some cattle, &c., up in Cuyuni [boven in Cioene\ B. C.-C, App., Q2. 1701. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. January 8, [1701]. Tliis morning there appeared here Samuel Stoffelsen, to whom some trading wares were dealt out with which to go up in Cuyuni, [7taar boven in Cioene] and collect some cattle and rare birds. Same, p. ijj. January 31, [1701]. There also arrived from the dye store up in Cuyuni \bo%>en uijt Cioene\ Same, p. ijg. March I, [1701]. The Commandeur . . . proceeded up stream to Cuyuni [bove?t na Cioene^. March 3, [1701]. The Commandeur . . . again proceeded up stream into tlie Cuyuni [weder na boven i)i Cioene^ in order to see what timber had been s(|uared there by the negroes, and returned ag'ain in llie afternoon. March 4, I 1 701 |. . . . there also arrived here . . . towards evening Mr. Hendrik van .Susteren, who, as mentioned yesterday, had proceeded up into Cnynni [boven in Cioene] with the Commandeur and had remained there oxer- night. Same, p. 144. 17 10. Commandeur in Essequibo. These [runaway slaves] are somewhat scattered up in Cnynni \boven in Cyoene] among the Indians. B. C, I, 2J4. 1724. Court of l\)licy. Another coffee plantation . . . (above the cassava plantation already laid out in Cnynni [Cajoene] ). A new coffee plantation has also been laid out in Cuyuni [Cajoene], half-an- hour above that of your Lordships. The plantations belonging to your Lordships are all in a very fair state, and the growth of the coffee is . . , flourishing well. It is computed that both in Cnynni and at Hartica [.W(? in Cajoene als op Barri/igiie] \.\\cvf: :ixt about 15,000 coffee shrubs, which are all in very fine condition. B. C, II, 1-2. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 2T DEFINITIONS-(Continued). CU YUNI- (Coiitiuned), 1726. Court of Policy. The coffee plantation in Cnyuni [/« Cajocne\. The uTonnds in Cuynni \hi C^yV^^v/f] being belter for this | coffee] culture. B. C, II, 4. 1727. Court of Policy. We find tlie coffee in Cnynni [/// Cajocne\ will not yield a sixteenth i)art of that which it did last year. Same, p. 6. 1730. Commandeur in Essequibo. On the 29th and 30th September [1729] I inspected the coffee plantations In Cnynni [/;/ Cajot')ic]ho\\\ alsove and below the fall. Jan van der Meers . . . foreman at the coffee plantation in Cnynni [in Cajoene]. ... A small piece of land in Cnynni |/V/ Cajoeiie] has already been cleared and sown with indigo. ... A new coffee plantation upon the Island Batavia, in Cnynni [/;/ Cajoene]. Same, p. 10. 1732. Court of Policy. A commencement [for an indigo plantation] has already been made to-day, and a clearing made and planted with indigo np in the River Cnynni \booven in de revier Caioenc\ Same, pp. 14-15- 1732. Commandeur in Essequibo. On the I2th August of last year [1731] a beginning was made by nine ne- groes with cutting an opening for a new indigo plantation in Cnynni [in Cajoene]. Same* p. ij. 1733. Court of Policy. The coffee and cocoa plantation in Cnynni [in Cajoene]. . . . The aforesaid plantation at Cnynni [/« Cajoene]. Same, p. ly. 1735. Court of Policy, An able negro was drowned, who, having run away and fallen into the hands of the Indians, the director of the aforesaid plantation gave orders to the creole Jantie (who had been sent by the Commandeur up in the River Cnynni \na booven de Reiner Caioenj]) that, if he should find the negro among the Indians, he should put him in chains and bring him to the plantation. Same, p. 20. 1738. Commandeur in Essequibo. The unhealthiness which prevails in the Fpper Cnynni {bo%>en in de Rivier Cajoene]. ^'^'"^^ P- -'/• 1739. West India Company. Persuaded that minerals are to be found in the mountains np in the River Cnynni [boz>en aen de rivier Cajoene]. Same, p. 2S. 1739. Commandeur in Essequibo. A piece of ore found np in the chain of monntains of Cnynni \hoven in het Gebergte van Cajoene], . . , The Undersigned is getting ready to make a journey ... to np in tlie River Cnynni \naar boven in de Rivier Cajoenn] to the high mountains here called the Blue Mountains. Same, p. jo. 28 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). CUYUNI— {Continued). 1 741. Commandeur in Essequibo. Shall o-et everything ready |for mining] up in CuyunI \b(n>c)i in Cajoene], B.C.,II,35- 1742. Mining Engineer Hildel)randt. Feb. 2, 11742]. Ready to set out again to Iho River Cuyuui \na dc rcvier Ca- joene 1 . Feb. 3, 1 1742] Set out again for Cuyuni \7veder na Cajoene\. Feb. 28, L J742]- Set out again for the Upper €uyuni \aen na boven Cajoene\. Same, p. 37 . May I I 1742]. Sent off a boat to the l'pi»er Cuyuni \7ia boven Cajoene\ May 5 [1742I. Came home from the Upper Cnyuiii \van boven Cajoene] with the boat. May 7 [1742]. Sent off a boat ... to the Upper Cuyuni {)ia bo-ven Cajoene^ . May 1 1 1 1742]. At I o'clock in the afternoon there came back safely from above the boat which on the 7th of this month I had sent to tlie Upper Cuyuni [na boven Cajoene}. Same, p. jS. May 16 I 1742I. Sent another boat to the I'pper Cuyuni \na boven Cajoene]. May2o|i742l. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon the boat . . . sent up on the 16th . . . came back from above out of Cuyuni \7'an boven uiji Cajoene}. Same, pp. jS-jg. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. Courthial made an application to the Court for permission to cut a road ; through the wood in tlie River Cuyuni in order to bring mules and cows into the | river overland by that road \oin een weg door het bos, in dc Rivier Cajoene ie 7noge makcn om daer door over lant Muijl Ezch en koebeesten in de Rivier ie brengeri\. Same, p. 44. 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. \I)e Spanjaerdebegonne hoe langs hoe meer boven Ca.jouny te naderen.\ The Spaniards were beginning to gradually approach the Upper Cuyuni. Same, p. 57. [Another translation.] ^ The Spaniards were beginning to approach more and more up in Cuyuni. ■ V. C, II, loi. 1749. Commandeur in Essequibo. The design of founding a Mission in the River Cuyuni \aen de Rivier van Cajoenij], J^- C, II, 6j. 1760. West India Company. Zeeland Chamber. Your further remarks about Rio Cuyuni [over Rio Cajoene]. Same, p. iS^. 1762. I)irector-("»eneral in Esseciuibo. About ten of those Islaves] who were on llieir >vay lo Cuyuni \de weg van Cajoenij\ have been captured and brought back by the settler J. Crewit/, who lives below the fall, Sa?ne, p. 212. i GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 29 DEFINITIONS-(Continued). CUYUNI— (Coutiuned). 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. The Spaniards up in ('nyuiii \bo7'cn in CajoeniJ] are engaged in building boats. B. C, II, 217. 1766. Director-General in Essequibo. I continue to have a good look-out kept on all the movements of the Spaniards in tlio upper reaches ol* iliese rivers \bovcn deezc riviercn\, and have therefore charged . . . Tampoko. to go and live near the lirst fall In the C'nyunl. to make his way continually up and down tills river, . . . and to report to me upon all that occurs. B. C, III, iji. I {540. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. March 16.— Gave Postholder written instructions . . . The Postholder had just returned from having visited all the places in the hig-her parts of the Rivers Essequibo, Masseroeny and Cayonny. B. C, VJ, go. 1845. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. In consequence of the general indisposition, . . . combined with the very great scarcity of provisions . . . the Akaway Indians of Winey and Barama have destroyed their habitations, and gone to reside with other Akaways in the upper parts of the Rivers Coyouey and Massaruny. Same, p. 141. 1 891. Michael McTurk. I left Kalacoon for the Upper Cuyuni River. Same, p. 2^2. 1 89 1. Lieutenant-Governor. Mr. McTurk proposes to start immediately on a fresh expedition to the Upper Cuyuni. Same, p. 235. 1894. Mr. Weber. Mr. Weber proposed . . . a . . . road from the point where the Barima river is no longer navigable up to the Upper Cuyuni river. V. C.-C, III, 2og. 1894. James Rodway. A [British] boundary post up the Cuyuni near its junction with Yuruan. V.C.,III,J49- 1897. Michael McTurk. Peter Cornelisen ... I know , . . was a Captain for the Carib Indians living in the upper parts of the three rivers. B. C, VII, 2jj. EL DORADO. 1593. Antonio de Berrio. Hearing the great news that there is about the expedition to El Dorado. B. C. I, I. The Indians assured me that ... I should find a great river which is called Caroni which descends from Guayana . . . that there . . . the Cordilleras end and the provinces of Guayana begin, and then come successively those of Manoa and El Dyrudo and many other provinces. Same, p. 2, 30 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). EL DORADO -(Contiuued). 1598. A. Cabeliau. We made company to visit together tlie whole coast as far as the River Worinoque, so-called by the Indians, by the English Reliane, and by the Span- iards, Rio El Dorado. B. C, /, /g. 1750. Anonymous. The great river Orinoco, the fame of which has spread throughout Europe on account of the celebrated city of El DiUMilo, or the Golden, which is now regarded as fabulous, is said to take its n rue or derivation from this fable. B. C.-C, App., igo. ESS E(^ 1 1 DO. . British Case. [The Colony] of Esse!|uibo was for a long period the chief settlement, and besides the district of the Essequibo and its tributaries iueluded the rivers and districts of Poiueroon, Waini, and Darima on the west. Subsequently Dem- erara became the leading settlement and the seat of the Colonial Government has been at Georgetown in Demerara, Essequibo becoming the name of a county which included all the territory [in British Guiana] to the west of the Boerasirie Creek. B. C, 7. 1628. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Amazon, Wiapoco, Kiana [Cayenne], and so onward to Essequibo. Goods for Essequibo. B. C, I, 64. 1632. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Regarding the petition of Anthoni Janssen Enpoina asking to be granted a sum in lieu of twenty months' wages earned by liiiii iu Essequibo, As to the claim of Hendrik Munnix, arrived from Essequibo ; It was resolved to appoint a committee to settle with the colonists from Esse- quibo aud Cayeune ; A committee to negotiate with Confrater van Pere touching his proposition about the river Essequibo. Jan van der Goes shall be employed by the Company on the river of Esse- quibo. Hendrik Munnix of Middelburg and Willem Jacobsz. Fasol of Oiltgensplate are engaged to sail to the river Essequibo. U. S. Com., II, 66-67. 1636. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). There was read and adopted the letter for Essequibo, to Jan de Moor and others. Same, p. 70. 1637. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Resolved. That the sliip de Jti'^er shall provisionally be made ready to be sent to Arguin and Ksse(|uibo. Adriaen van de Woestyne, late cadet at the Castle of Arguin, at the wages of nine guilders a month, and taken along to Essequibo by Jan van der Goes as assistant. Same, p. 71. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 31 DEFINITIONS- Continued). ESSEi^riBO— (Continued). 1637. Corporalion of Trinidad. When the enemy entered Guayana [Santo Thome], they carried off, among other things, the Most Holy Sacrament, which is kept by the enemy in their fort at Macaruni [KykovoralJ. When the enemy [Dutch] entered Guayana [Santo Thome J they took him [Andres] and Juan Gonzalez and carried them off to Amacuro and Macaruni, where the enemy have a fort on an island, and . . . they carried off the property which they took in Guayana, and the Most Holy Sacrament of the said town, which they keep in a house in the said fort of 31at.-aruni. B. C, /, gS-gg. 1638. Instructions to J. Baptiste de Arezula. They have carried off the Most Holy Host, and are keeping it under great guard and custody in Essequibo, iu tlie fort and settlement which they hold f liere. Same, p. 116. 1639. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Then sail to Essequibo . . . after taking in the commodities which the Company has in Essequibi) ... in case of ill success, he offers his ser- vices to remain in Essequibo for three years ... so as to remain iu Essequibi) in order to trade in the river and on the Wild Coast. U. S. Com., II, g6-gj. 1640. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). There were read letters to Essequibo and Arguin, which were approved [and ordered] to be sent as drawn up. Same, p. gg. 1657. Committee governing Walcheren cities. There shall be equipped two ships, the one to the Wild Coast, otherwise Essequibo. Same, p. 143. 1657. Minutes of " Wet en Raed " of Vere. The colony of the Wild Coast and river of Essequibo. B. C.-C, App., 26. 1672. Contract between Essequibo and Berbices. Mr. Hendrik Rol, Commandeur of the Fort and Colony of the River Esse- quibo and the appurtenant rivers and districts. Same, p. 45. 1699, Official Diary at Kijkoveral. December 28. [1699] ... In the evening the Commandeur returned to the Fort from Essequibo. Same, p. 76. 1700. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. January 9, [i/oo] . . . Mr. Adriaen Hollander arrived at the Fort from Essequibo. Same, pp. 7S-7g. July 6, [1700]. At about 4 or 5 o'clock the vessel " De Jonge Jan " and our barque " Rammekens" came in sight and anchored off Essequibo. July 7. . . . the clergyman stopped here on his way to the vessel " De Jonge Jan," lying at anchor about an hour and a-half from here. Same, p. 107, 32 GEOGRAPHEC FEATURES. DEFI N ITIONS-(Continued). ESSEi^ri BO— (Continued). 1701. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. June II, [1701 \. Free colonists of tills river. B. C.-C, App., i^S. 1703. Muster Roll. Muster roll of all retainers, ... in the service of the . . . West India Company in the Chamber Zeclan 1, in the Colony EssiMjnibo, [includes postlioklers in U.-in^rary. M ihaicony, l*<)iui;ro;ni an I Ciiyuni|. Z?. C, VII, ijj. 1705. Muster Roll. Muster-ioU of all retainers, . . . in the service of the . . . West India Companv, Zealand Chamber, in the Colony of Essequibo, [Includes those in ronieroon and Waknpo]. Same, p. 134. 1719. Court of Policy. Commandeur and Council were ordered by the Directors of the Zealand Chamber, in . . . 1719, to issue a new notice forbidding any one to fell timber in the Colony of Esseiiuibo, or liie rivers of IJouweron or Demerary. Sat>ic,p. iSg. 1724. Court of Policy. That nation [Mag^anouts] intended to come and kill the Christians and ruin this river at the first opportunity. According to reports received, the Maganout nation were killing all they could lay hands on up in Esseqnibo. B. C, II, 2. 1744. Court of Justice. Two Spaniards on their way hither from Orinoco had been arrested at the Company's Post in AVac(iiiepi), an 1 asked if they would l»e allowed to arrive in the Colony or be sent back. It was resolved to allow them to come here this time, but that this must not be taken as a precedent. Same, p. 4J. 1746. West India Company. Something which might tend to the disadvantage of the Company or of the Colony in Essequibo. Same, p. 46. 1747. West India Company (the Ten). Condition of affairs in Ivio Esseqnibo. Letters from the Commandeur . . . written in llio Essequibo. Commandeur in Rio Esscquibo. Same, p. jo. Could be found in Esscijnibo a competent surveyor. Limits of this Company in Rio Esseqnibo. We approve the Regulations about the granting of lands mentioned in the Resolution of the Court of Policy of the Colony in Rio EsseciuilM). . . . Whether it is possible to find out how far the limits of the Company in Rio £s»equibo do extend. Same, p.j-f. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 33 DEFINITIONS-(Continued). ESSEQUIBO— (Continued). 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. I flatter myself that the map of this river thereby transmitted may yet come into your Honours' hands. I hope that the letters and papers by the " Juffrow Margareta " may yet come to hand, because I sent by her a map of tliis river made for your Honors. B.C., II, 37. 1750. Report of Committee on the Commandeur's report. No one whatsoever should be allowed to come into tlie river, much less make a stay there, unless he beforehand addressed himself to the Commandeur there, and asked him for permission to stay in the Colony for a stipulated period. Same, p. 6S. 1752. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The river and Colony of Essequibo. Same, p. yj. 1754. Muster Roll. List of all the . . . Company's servants on the nth October, 1754, in Rio Essequibo [include those in Moruka, Demerara and Mahaicony]. B. C, VII, 162. 1755. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The real limits of the river of Essequibo. B. C, II, 102. 1755. Don Eugenio de Alvarado. The woods of the southern slope which form the defence of Essequibo. Same, p. log. It is morally impossible to enter into negotiations of peace with the innumer- able Chiefs of the sources of Aquire . . . seeing that these sources are in the woods of the southern slope that protect the Colony of Essequibo. Same, p. 11 1. From the Province of Ouiana to the Dutch Colony of Essequibo there are two ways of journeying by sea. In both the starting point is the Great Ships' Mouth of the River Orinoco. Satne, p. 112. The most convenient navigation is to descend the Orinoco to its Great Ships' Mouth, then avoiding the coast to enter the Creek of Barima, facing the Island of Cangrejos, cross the Creek of Garambo, [Mora passage] ascend that of Baune [Waini] . . . and so on by otliers forming a species of zigzag until the Creek of Moruca is reached. Here the Dutch have a castle which they call the Post. Same, p. uj. The forests of the southern bank [of CuyuniJ, which serve as a defence to the Colony of Essequibo. Same, p. 114. 1755. Court of Justice. Deserters from this Colony would be prevented from escaping so easily from this river to the Orinoco. Same, p. i2j. 34 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-lContinued). ESSEQUIBO— (Continued). 1755. Muster Roll. List of all the . . . Company's servants on the ist June, 1755, in Rio Esseyuibo and Demerarij [includes those in Moruka, Mahaicony and CuyuniJ. B. C, VII, 162. 1756. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). For the defence of the Colony of Essiquibo. B. C, II, I2y. 1756. Director-General in Essequibo. Report of the Assistant of tlie Post Ariuda up in Essequibo, . . . report of the Assistant in Essequibo. Same, p. i2g. Jacob Steyner, Assistant at the Post Ariuda. Same, p. ijo. 1758. Prefect of Missions. The River Moroco, where the Post of Essequibo is situated. Sajjie, p. 148. 1758. Director-General in Essequibo. Lawrence Storm van's Gravesande, Director-Grcneral of this Colony and of the rivers of the district of Essequibo. Same, p. /jj. Well gxiarded and conducted as quickly as possible to this River Essequibo. Same, p. 1^6. 1758. Muster Roll. List of all the . . . Company's servants ... in service in the month of August, 1758, in Rios Essequibo and Dimmerarij [includes those in Moruka, Cuyuni and Mahaicony]. B. C, VII, i6j. 1759. Director-General in Essequibo. The address of the Governor of Cumanii's letter is : " To the Dutch Com- mandant residing in Essequibo," which sounds very haughty and contemptuous. B. C, II, 171. [Speaking of the destroyed Cuyuni Post Gravesande says] the ownership of this portion of Essequibo. Same, p. 172. 1759. States General. The general Company . . . having the special direction and care of the Colony of the River Essequibo and the rivers thereto subject. Savie, p. 176. 1764. Shareholders of West India Company. The Colony of Essequibo comprises the district of the northeast coast of South America lying between the Spanish Colony, the Orinoco, and the Dutch Colony, the Berbices, and that the same is crossed not only by the chief river. the Essequibo, but also by several small rivers such as Barima, Waini, Moruka, Pomeroon and DtMuerarj', from which it takes the name of the Colony of Essequibo and the rivers belonging thereto, though in the whole of the afore- said district — at least, as long as it was under the direction of the West India Company, until the year 1750, no other river than the chief river of Essequibo was inhabited or populated. B, C, III, 116. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 35 DEFINITIONS-(Continued). ESSEQUIBO— (Contiuued). 1764. Register of the Colony. Register of the Colony of Essequibo, Demerary, and dependent districts. Situated on the north coast of South America, 7^ north latitude and 42° longi- tude from the Creek Abari on the east to the River Amacura on the north, com- prising the Rivers Demerary, Essequibo, Pomeroou, Waiui, and the great Creeks Maykouny, Maheyka, Wacquepo, and Moruka, being a stretch of land along the seacoast of about 120 [Dutch] miles of 15 in i^ belonging to the Chartered West India Company. B. C, III, iiS-iig. 1764. Muster Roll. Monthly Report of the state of the Garrison in Rio Esseq^uibo and Deiue- rarij, together with the dependent Posts, on the last day of November, 1764. B. C, VII, 164. 1765. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The Colony of Essequibo and rivers thereto pertaining. B. C, III, 124. Demerara ... is situated between the two most extreme trading-places or posts in Essequibo — namely, the one, to the north, on the River Moruka, and the other, to the south, on the River Mahaicony, both of which rivers, as well as the others situate between, pertain to that Colony — which of course, shows un- deniably that Demerara is one and the same Colony with Essequibo. Same, p. i2§. 1767. Muster Roll. Directory of the Colony Essequibo, Demerarij, and dependent districts in the year 1767. B. C, VII, 166. 1767. V/est India Company (Amsterdam Chamber). Upon the States-General's Resolution of the 2nd September, 1751, this was then communicated to the Chief Participants, who . . . did declare their determination to continue to keep Essequibo with all the rivers appertaining thereto, from Rio Berbice as far as the River Orinoco. B. C, III, 14J. Demerara is situate between the two most extreme trading-places or posts on Essequibo, namely, the one to the north, on the River Moruka, and the other to the south, on the River Mahaicony, ... it therefore, undeniably appears that Demerara is subordinate to Essequibo, and both together constitute oue and the same Colony. Same, pp. 14^-146. This appropriation of Demerara which the Zeeland Shareholders are trying to effect for themselves, on the claim that Demerara is subordinate to, and is one and the same Colony as, the Colony Essequibo, rests upon, etc. Same, p. 146. The natural meaning of the expression " Essequibo and adjoined or subor- dinate rivers " is not that which the Zeeland Chief Participants attribute to it (namely, that all the places which are situate on the mainland of the so-called Wild Coast, between the boundaries which the Chief Participants themselves have . . . defined as extending from Moruka to Mahaicony, or from Rio Berbice as far as the Orinoco, are '• adjoined, subordinate to, and inseparable 36 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). ESSEQUIBO— (Continued). from," the Colony Essequibo), but, on the contrary, only this, that under that description are comprehended the various nioutlis and rivers, originating from Rio Essequibo or eaiptyiusf into it, which are marked on the map, such as, for instance, Cuyuni, Massaruni, Sepenouwy, and Magnouwe. B. C, III, 147. 1768. Muster Roll. Directory of the Colony Essequibo cum annexis at the end of 1768. B. C, VII, 166. 1769. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Upon opening the letter-bag brought by the ship . . . recently arrived from Essequibo cum annexis at Ziericzee. S- C., IV, iS. 1769. Remonstrance of the States-General. The Company . . . having the particular direction and care of the Colony of Essequibo, and of the rivers vvhicli belong to it. Same, p. 2g. The Colony of Essequibo and appurtenant rivers. Same, p. 32. 1769. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The Colony of Essequibo and adjacent rivers. Same, p. jj. Certain undertakings of the Spaniards from Oronocque against different Posts of the Colony of Essequibo. Same, p. 36. The States-General have demanded of us an account of the state of defence of the Colony, cum annexis. Satne, p. 40. The aforesaid Colony of Essequibo cum auuexis . . . the colony of Essequibo and adjacent rivers. V. C, II, 203. Tlie Director-General of Essequibo cum annexis. Same, p. 2og. 1771. Commandant of Guiana. An enemy could reach the said villages by different ports of the Orinoco . . , and with still more ease by coming from Essequibo, a Dutch Colony up tlie Cuyuni, which is navigable as far as the innermost and most important of all these Missions [y mucho mas facil si suben desde Esquivo, Colonia Olatidesa, por el Rio Cuyuni tiavegable hasta lo mas interior, e precioso de todas estas Misiottes]. B. C, IV, Sg. 1774. Muster roll. Muster Roll of the Military at Essequibo, made July 4, 1774. [includes per- sons at Arinda and Moruka]. B. C, VII, 16S. '775- J- C. V. Heneman, The Colony of Essequibo, . . . description and . . . detailed ex- planations of the extent of this , . . colony and its rivers. . . . And, tlie colony and river of Essequibo being of such extent that the mouth of this river can be reckoned at 6, and even nearly 7 hours wide. V. C, II, 224. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 37 DEFINITIONS-CContlnued). ESSEQUIBO— (Coiitiiiiied). 1776, West India Company (Zeeland Chamber), They had found a copy of a letter from the Postholder of Moruca, wherein he complains ... of the claims which the aforesaid Spaniards advance to the districts subject to tlie river Essequibo. B. C., IV, 140. They [Presidial Chamber, Amsterdam] had been grieved to learn the ex- cesses committed by the Spaniards against the free Indians in Essequibo, as seen from the letter written by the Postholder of Moruca. Same, pp. 140-141. 1780. Muster Roll. Muster Roll of the servants, ... in the Service of the . . . Nether- lands West India Company, in Rio Essequibo, . . . 4th . . . May, 1780 [includes persons in Wakupo and ArindaJ. B. C, VII, 174. 1796. Commandant of Moruca Post. Petition . . . addressed to his Excellency A. Beaujon, tloveruor-tJen- eral of botli Kivers Uemerary and Essequibo and Dependent Districts. B. C, V, 161. 1796. Court of Policy. Resolved : That the Articles of this Capitulation be . . . made known unto the Commander-in-chief and other Commanders of the military posts in Essequibo, Moruca, Courabana, Mahaica, and Mahaycony. Same, p. 162. 1796. Diary of Governor of the Colony of Essequibo, Demerary, and annexed Districts. Same, p. i6j. 1803. Court of Policy. Minutes of the Proceedings of the Court of Policy of the Rivers of Essequibo and Denierary and Dependent Districts. Satne, p. /So. 1804. Court of Policy. Meeting of the Court of Policy of the Rivers and adjacent Districts of Esse- quibo and Demerary. Same, p. iSj. 1804. Lieut. -Governor Myers. The Colonies of Denierara and Essequibo. Satne, p. 186. 1805. Court of PoHcy. The Colonies of Essequibo and Demerary, with their Dependent Districts. Same, p. i8y. 1 808. Court of Policy. Court of Policy of the Colonies of Essequibo and Demerary. Same, p. i8g. 181 1. Court of Policy. Minutes of the Proceedings of the Court of Policy of the Colonies of Deme- rary and Essequibo, with their Dependent Districts. Same, p. ig8. 38 ' GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). ESSEQIIBO— UPPER. • British Case. In . . . i8io a Carib Chief from the Upper Essequil)o or the Riipuii- nuni, with his followers, visited the capital. B. C, 104. 1 816. Court of Policy. Dorothea Pieterse, inhabitant of the Upper River of Essequibo. B. C, VI, 4. 1 831. Rev. J. Armstrong. I give you the following statement of the free colored people and Indians re- siding up the Esseqniho River. Having had an opportunity of going up the River Essequibo ... I inquired of them. . . . Their local situation is unfavorable to settling up cither the Essequibo or the Massaroony, since there are a considerable number of inhabitants on each branch of the river, From this circumstance, ... I conceive that the point of juncture, between the Essequibo and the Massaroony, would be the most con- venient situation for my . . . proposed school. Same, pp. 4^-46. 1832. Second Fiscal. The Postholder of Mazaroouy states the Indians as well as free colored people up the rivers to be in a state bordering on starvation. Same, p. 77. 1832. Supreme Court of Colony of Essequibo. There is a spar-cutting place up the Essequibo. Mr. De Bretton, a white person, lives there. It is a tide above the Buck place where I saw the bodies. I have known that place of De Bretton's eleven years. . . . Mr. de Bretton is an Englishman. Same, p. 48. 1834. Government Notice. The Lieutenant-Governor has been pleased to appoint . . . the following . . . Justices of the Peace within the . . . Colony. . . . Upper River Essequibo: Thos. Richardson. V. C.-C, III, iy4-ijj. 1840. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. March i6.^Gave Postholder written instructions . . . The Postholder had just returned from having visited all the places in the hig:her parts of tlie Rivers Essequibo, Masseroenyand Cayonny. B. C, VI, go. 1897. Michael McTurk. Peter Cornelisen ... I know . . . was a Captain for the Carib In- dians living about the upper parts of the three rivers. B. C, VII, sjj. GUIANA. . British Counter Case. There was no province of (liuiaua, and no defined tract of territory to which Spain became entitled by virtue of her settlement on the Orinoco. B. C.-C, IJ7. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 39 DEFINITIONS-(Continued). GUIANA— (Continued). 1 593. Antonio de Berrio. The Indians assured me ... I should find a great river which is called Caroni, which descends from tfuayana . . . ; that there ... the Cordilleras end and the provinces of Guayana begin, and then come successively those of Manoa and El Dorado and many other provinces. B. C, I, 2. These great provinces [Guayana, Manoa, El Doraldo and many others] lie between two very great rivers, namely, the Amazon and the Orinoco. . . . the river Caroni ... is the one that comes from Guayana. Same, p. j. 1 595. Capt. Felipe de Santiago. These territories [Guiana, Manoa, El Dorado] extend from the bank of the said River Orinoco along the windward side as far as that of the Maraiion [Amazon], so that they lie between these two mighty and celebrated rivers. Same, p. 10. 1599. States General. To make a voyage along the Coast of Guiana in America, there to seek the rivers of VViapoco and Orinoco. V. C, II, 12. 1602. Shakespeare. She is a region in Guiana, all gold and bounty. I will be cheater to them both, and they shall be exchequers to me : they shall be my East and West Indies. Merry Wives, Act I, Sc. III. 1603. William Usselinx. The province of Guiana in America lies at a northern latitude of from 4 to 6 degrees or more, and extends from the great river Amazon to Punta de Araya or Trinidad. ... Its situation is such that the nearest places inhabited by the Portuguese in Brazil are more than 300 [Dutch] miles away. Likewise the near- est places inhabited by the Spaniards are distant about 200 [Dutch] miles. U. S. Com., II, JO. 1613. Vargas, Governor of Margarita. Coast of San Tlioiue of Guiana. . . . Santo Thome de Guiana. B.C.,I,JJ. 1614. Don Juan Tostado. 60 leagues from that Government on the mainland at Santo Thome which is called the River Orinoco of Guiana. Sat/ie, p. j6. 1666. Major John Scott. The River Amazones bounds this province [Guiana] on ye south-east, whose north cape hath onely 38 minutes of north latitude and 335 degrees of longitude. . . . Oranoque bounds it on the north-west, whose Sotherne Cape hath eight degrees and 40 minutes of latitude, and 322 degrees of longitude. Between these two rivers Guiana fronts 230 leagues on the Atlantic Ocean. Same, pp. 167-16S. 40 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). GUIANA— (Continued). 1666. Major John Scott. Cape North, the Northerne Cape of the great Amazone, and Cape Brema, the Southerne Cape of Oronoque, by which all ye rest may be measured. B, C, 1, 168. 1737. Marquis de Torrenueva. The Dutch are established within this demarcation and limits, on the conti- nent of the Province of (jiuayana, and occupy with their cities and mills, the territor)' which stretches from the Orinoco, B, C, II, 41. 1753. Instructions to Iturriaga, To dislodge the foreigners on the coast of the Province of (Juayana. Same, p. 86. 1773. Commandant of Guayana. This Province of Gnaiana is the most easterly part of the King's dominions in South America on the north coast, and its boundaries are: On the north, the lower Orinoco, the southern boundary of the Provinces of Cumana and Caracas; on the east, the Atlantic Ocean ; on the south, the great River of the Amazons ; and on the west the Rio Negro, the cano of Casiquiari, and the Upper Orinoco, boundary of the eastern and unexplored part of the Kingdom of Santa Fe. B. C, IV, iJi. ITABO. . British Case. " Itabo '' is an Indian name for a waterway connecting two rivers, or two points on the same x'w&x, generally made by the passage of boats through intervening swampy ground. B. C, g. . E. F. im Thurn. We reached the point where the waterway leaves the river and passes along a narrow itiibbo, or artificial waterpatli, which connects the Moruka with the Waini River. This connecting passage is in all about 30 miles in length ; but only about the first 10 miles of this is actually semi-artiflcial itabbo, made by the constant passajje of the canoes of the Redmen through the swampy savannah. U. S. Com., Ill, 261. 1897. Marcus Baker. These bayous or sloughs are locally known as itabos, a word variously spelled etabbo, itabbo, etc., and derived from ita or eta, a native word for the eta palm {Mauritia), and abbo, a water course. V. S. Com., Ill, 24J. MANOA. 1593. Antonio de Berrio. The Indians assured me ... I should find a great river which is called Caroni, which descends from Guayana, . . . that there . . . the Cordil- leras end and the Provinces of Guayana begin, and then come successively those of MauiKi and El Dorado and many other provinces. B. C, I, 2. \ GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 41 DEFINITIONS-{Contlnued). MAZARUNI. 1637. Corporation of Trinidad. When the enemy entered Guayana [Santo Thome], they carried off, among other things, the Most Holy Sacrament, which is kept by the enemy in their fort at Maearuui [Kykoveral]. When the enemy [Dutch] entered Guayana [Santa Thome], they took him [Andres], and Juan Gongalez, and carried them off to Amacuro and Macanini, where the enemy have a fort on an island, and they carried off the property which they took in Guayana, and the Most Holy Sacrament of the said town, which they keep in a house in the said fort of Maearnni. B. C, I, gS-gg. 1686. Essequibo Council Minutes. Jan Genasie, chief Captain of the Caribs al)Ove in Mazaruni at the aniiatto store. Another Carib Captain in Mazaruni. Above the annato store in Mazaruni. When Makourawacke, with his tribe, were wishing to go to war with the Akuwayas up in Demerara, they . . . were advised to go and salt pork above in the Mazaruni River ; . . . [and that] they should make war far away in Mazarnni and moreover inland . . . not against their and our friends who dwelt close by the Caribs and the annatto store. Savie, p. 202. 1699. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. August 14, [1699]. Jan ... has set out for the Upper Mazaruni \is na boven Masseroenc vertrocketi\ ... to obtain some poison wood by barter. Aug:ust 27, [1699]. ... In the evening the boy Jan Antheunissen arrived at the fort from the Upper Mazaruni \van boven uijt Mas5eroene\ with fourteen or fifteen bundles of poison wood. Same, p. 21^. September 18, [1699] Jotte, the old negro, has set out for the Upper Mazaruni \is Jia boven masseroene vertrocke7i\ ... to bring down four or five slaves. September 22 [1699]. In the afternoon Jotte, the old negro, arrived from Mazaruni {uijt masseroene^ . . . bringing wath him four female slaves, two children, and a boy. Satne, p. 216. 1756. Director-General in Essequibo. The colonist, Couvreur, D., who has just now come from up in Mazaruni \boz'cn Masseroenzj], \vhere he lives. B. C, II, i2g. 1840. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. March 16.— Gave Postholder written instructions . . . The Postholder had just returned from having visited all the places in the higher parts of the Rivers Essequibo, Massaroney and Cayonny. B- C, VI, go. 1845. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. In consequence of the general indisposition, . . . combined with the very great scarcity of provisions ... the Akaway Indians of Winey and Barama have destroyed their habitations, and gone away to reside with other Akaways in the upper parts of the Rivers Coyoney and Massaruny. Same, p. 141. 42 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). MAZARIINI— (Continued). 1897. Michael McTurk. Peter Cornelisen ... I know . . . was a captain for the Carib In- dians living in tlie upper parts of tlietliree rivers. B. C, VII, 2jj. NOVA ZEELANDIA. 1658. Committee governing for Walcheren cities. There was read a short description by Cornehs Goliat of the Rivers Demerara, Essequibo, Pomeroon and Moruca, situated on the coast of Guiana, otherwise called the Wild Coast, and now Nova Zeelandia. B. C, I, 146. 1664. States-General. Niew Middelburgh, situated in the district named Nova Zeelandia, lying on the mainland Wild Coast of America. B. C.-C, App., 4J. 1686. West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber). Concerning the populating and cultivating of the River Pomeroon . . . formerly named Nova Zeelandia. B. C, I, jgj. ORINOCO. . British Case. Oronoque, the name given to the portion of the Orinoco district under Spanish control. B. C, 2g. . British Counter Case. It is certain that the term Oronoque, as used by the Dutch Commandeurs, referred to the Spanish possessions at Santo Tliome, and excluded the Ama- kuru, Barima, and more easterly rivers. B. C.-C, 6j. 1663. Commandeur in Pomeroon. Having taken my commission with me to Orinoco and not desiring to risk carrying it with me upon the journey from Barima, since we continued our voy- age in corrials, which were very small, it was left in the aforesaid galliote. B. C.-C, App., 41. [1666?]. Major John Scott. Gromweagle . . . had served the Spaniard in Oranoque. B. C, I, i6g. 1684. Commandeur in Essequibo. The French . . . have made themselves masters of the fort in Oronoque, . . . on his way to the said Oronoque. Sat/w, p. iSy. 1685. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Spaniards having resumed possession of Oronoque. Same, p. iSS. In 1684 . . . the French . . . raided the Orinoco and occupied Santo Thom^. U. S. Com., I, 2^g. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 43 DEFINITIONS-(Continued). ORINOCO— (Continued). 1723. Viceroy of New Granada. At the month of the said river [Orinoco] where it enters the sea, has been founded the castle of Guayana [Santo ThomeJ on the mainland. V. c, 111,36s. 1730. Commandeur in Essequibo. It was his [Bishop of Orran] intention to go to Orinoco. I learned that the Indians of Aguire (a creek in Orinoco) had . . . killed the aforesaid bishop. B. C, II, 11. 1737. Marquis de Torrenueva. The Dutch are established within this demarcation and limits on the continent of the Province of Guayana, and occupy with their cities and mills, the territory which stretches from the Orinoco [according to Delisle's map cited below this should read Esseqinbo\ to the before mentioned Surinam, a distance of 5^, from 3i8i'^ to 324^ of [East] longitude [according to Delisle's map of 1703, Atlas to V. C, map J7^. Same, p. 41. 1750. Anonymous. The great river Orinoco, the fame of which has spread throughout Europe on account of the celebrated city of El Dorado, or the Golden, which is now regarded as fabulous, is said to take its name or derivation from this fable. B. C.-C, App., igo. 1763. Secretary in Essequibo. The uncertainty of how they would be treated by the Spanish is the reason why I have this year dared to send no boats belonging either to the Company or to myself out saltiu^ to the coast of Orinoco. B. C, II, 22^. 1777. Records of the Colonies of Essequibo and Demerary. Postholdcr of Orinoco. \^Note by British Editor. Clearly a synonym for the Moruka Post.] B. C, VII, 1S2. 1802. Governor-General in Essequibo and Demerara. One detachment to the Post of Orinoco. The detachment ordered to the Post of Orinoco. The Postholder of the Post of Moruca comes to report that the detachment for that Post arrived there three days ago. B. C, V, //j. 1806. George Pinckard. It is suggested that we may obtain a supply [of provisions] from the Spaniards, who have great numbers of wild cattle, . . . upon the neig-hboring coast of Oronoko. V. C.-C, III, 224-225. 1809. Henry Bolingbroke. The west coast of Pomaroon juts on the boundary of the Orinoko where there is a military post established. Same, p. 2j2. 44 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFmiTIONS-(Continued). ORINOCO— AS FAR AS. 1598. A. Cabeliau. We made company to visit together the whole coast as far as the River WoriiKXiue, so-called by the Indians, by the English Reliane, and by the Span- iards, Rio El Dorado. ' ^- C., I, 19. 1637. Don Pedro de Vivero. On the mainland in the jurisdiction of this Royal Audiencia and of the said Government and port of Guayana, English, Irish and others, with negro slaves, have established and settled themselves, from Cape North up to the mouth of the River Orinoco. Same, p. no. 175 1. Memorial of Shareholders of West India Company. The Zeeland chief shareholders ... are resolved, ... to remain in possession of Essequibo, with all her subject rivers from River Berbice down as far as the River of Orinoco. B. C, II, 72. 1762. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We have seen that you [L. L. van Bercheyck] would not be disinclined to make a map, based on actual surveys, of the river of Essequibo. . . . Before we take any final decision ... we must know . . . whether . . . there might not ... be brought in the coast from Essequibo as far as Ori- noco, with an accurate location of the mouths of the Rivers Pomeroon, Waini and Barima, and such others as empty into the sea between Essequibo and the Orinoco. Safiie, p. 21 j. 1767. West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber). The Chief Participants . . . did declare their determination to continue to keep Essequibo with all the rivers appertaining thereto, from Rio Berbice as far as the River Orinoco. B. C, III, 14^. ORINOCO-DARDANELLES OF. 1 841. R. H. Schomburgk. Tlie Dardanelles, of this territory [the Orinoco]. B. C, VII, j6. 1843. R. H. Schomburgk. Point Barima, tlie Dardanelles of the Orinoco, as it has been lately styled by the Venezuelans. Sa//ic, p. jo. 1881. Earl Granville. What has been called the Dardanelles of the Orinoco. Same, p. 100. 1887. Senor Urbaneja. The so-called Dardanelles of the Orinoco. Sa)>ie, p. i2g. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 45 DEFINITIONS-(Continued). ORINOCO— NEAR TO. 1634. Bishop of Porto Rico. The Dutch, , . . who are now settled close to tliis great river Orinoco, in three rivers adjoining it, namely, the River Berbice, Corentine and Essequibo. B. C.-C, App., 10. 1739. Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago. These circumstances deserve consideration, chiefly because the Dutch on the mainland are so near to the principal uioutli of the Orinoco in three colonies called Surinam, Bervice and Essequibo, with large populations and fortifications, and are gradually approaching nearer. Same, p. j8i. The Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago . . . reports, referring to the first point: Namely, what means could be used and employed for dislodging the Dutch from the Colonies in which they have established themselves on the Orinoco. Same, p. iSj. 1745 (?). Father Joseph Gumilla. Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam, colonies of the aforesaid Republic estab- lished (not on tlie Orinoco), bnt a good distance to the east of its mouths. B. C, III, 84. 1757. Don Jose de Iturriaga. That the Dutch were building a new fort on the River Monica to the wind- ward and at a sliort distance from the Ship's Mouth of the Orinoco. B. C, II, 136. 1758. Prefect of Missions. By means of the River Moroco, where the Post of Essequibo is situated, or by the River Waini, all which rivers flow out near the mouth of the Orinoco. Same, p. 14S. 1761. Don Jose Solano. Colonies of the French at the mouth of the Amazon and those of the Dutch of Surinam and Esquivo, near the Orinoco. Sa7ne, p. 205. 1772. Court of Policy. With respect to the land in Maroco, the same is granted without determina- tion of the number of acres and upon the express condition that the owner or owners are bound to establish an outpost there, it being a ground lying close to the river Orinoco, full two days' sail from here, not cultivated by the lessee for some time, and lying quite waste. B. C, IV, loi, 1776. J. C. v. Heneman. At the creeks near Rio Barima and Rio Orinoco (Indian Posts, Moruca and Wacquepo). Same, p. i6g. 1788. Governor Marmion. The right was claimed of possession ... of the River or creek of Guayna near the outfall of the Orinoco. B. C., V, 62, 46 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). QUAKE. 1699. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. The Postholder . . . arrived with ISJ quakes, or abant 2| casks of annatto dye. B. C.-C, App., 74. SPANISH MAIN. 1806. George Pinckard. On our left [from Essequibo] we approach the river Orinoko, and what is termed the Spanish Main. V. C.-C, III, 22^. TERRA FIRMA. 1595. Capt. Felipe de Santiago. The mouths of the River Orinoco are situated on the coast of Terra Firnia, to the windward ot the Dragon's Mouth, B. C, I, g. WILD COAST. . British Case. The Wild Coast— a name by which the coast between the Essequibo and the Orinoco had become well known. B. C, 2j. , Editor of British Case. The Wild Coast was the original name of the coast between the Orinoco and the Essequibo. B. C, 1, 136. . Venezuelan Counter Case. This definition of the phrase Wild Coast, is an inadvertence whose repetition cannot be too earnestly protested against. Not " the coast between the Esse- quibo and the Orinoco," but the whole coast of Guiana, from the Orinoco to the Amazon, was what the Dutch called the Wild Coast. For this, as every scholar knows, it was their current and accepted name. No case has ever been adduced ... of its use in any narrower sense. It is important that this be from the outset clearly understood. ^ • C.-C, S-p. 1627. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The ship "Arent " shall go to the Amazon and the Wild Coast. In the River of Berbice on the Wild Coast. B. C, I, 6j. Articles upon which the Directors of the West India Company . . . have . . . granted to Abraham van Peres, that he carry men ... as settlen over to the coast of the mainland (called the Wild Coast) of West India, in the River Berbice. Same, p. 64. \ 1627. West India Company (the Nineteen). It is hereafter permitted to send colonists to the Wild Coast and adjacent islands. U. S. Com. , II, 47. GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 4t1 DEFINITIONS-lContinued). WILD COAST— (Continued). 1628. West India Company (the Nineteen). Liberties and exemptions accorded and granted by the Chartered West India Company to private Individuals who on the Wild Coast of Brazil . . . shall plant any colonies. To plant any colonies on the Wild Coast and the islands lying near and about the same. Their intention of planting on any river on the Wild Coast or the islands thereabout. -^- ^•' ^' ^J- All patroons of the Colonies in the rivers or on the islands shall be allowed ... to navigate and trade on tlie whole Wild Coast from tlie Amazon to the Orinoco, inclusive, and all the islands adjacent thereto.* Same, p. 67. 1 63 1. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Van de Mart was authorized to make up a cargo for the Hers on the Wild Coast in Essequibo. U. S. Com., II, 64. 1632. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Cargoes serviceable on the Wild Coast. Same, p. 65. 1649. West India Company. Ship de Lieffde, . . . destined to the Wild Coast and so on to Esse- quibo. Same, p. 112. 1656. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The Wild Coast extending from the River Amazon to . . . degrees northwards. -"• ^-f -'' ^37- 1657. Cornells van Lodensteyn. The coast of Guiana, situate in America on the Wild Coast between two and five degrees, . . . and as far inland as shall be convenient. Same, p. 140. 1657. Proceedings of Provincial Estates of Zeeland. New settlement on the Wild Coast of Essequibo and places thereabout, ex- tending from 1° to iqc north of the Equator, between the Rivers Orinoco and Amazon. -^-a;//^, p. 141- 1657. Committee governing Walcheren cities. There shall be equipped two ships, the one to the Wild Coast, otherwise Essequibo. There was read a letter from Cornells Goliat, offering his services for honest employment on the mainland Wild Coast. Same, p. 143. 1658. Committee governing for Walcheren cities. There was read a short description by Cornells Goliat of the Rivers Demerara, Essequibo, Pomeroon and Moruca, situated on the coast of Guiana, otherwise called the Wild Coast, and now Nova Zeelandia. Same, p. 146. * These bold face words are italicised in the original manuscript. 48 GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES. DEFINITIONS-(Continued). WILD COAST— (Continued). 1658. West India Company, Zealand Chamber. Put to the vote whether it would not be expedient to offer for hire to the Committee of the Wild Coast our Ship Prins Willem in order to carry folk over to Essequibo. ^- C-, /. 146-147- The whole Wild Coast, it being from one to ten degrees more than 200 [Dutch] miles. Same, p. 14S. 1765. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The River Demerara . . . belongs to the so-called Wild Coast, which is situated on the continent of America. . . . We refer ... [to certain papers] a!)out the particular interest of the in- habitants of Zeeland in the aforesaid Wild Cjast in general, ever since its first discovery, both in relation to navigation upon that coast and with regard to establishing and founding colonies and settlements thereon. B. C, III, 124-125. 1767. West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber). The River Demerara . . . just like Essequibo, . . . also belongs to the so-called Wild Coast, situate on the continent of America. Same, p. 143. A certain Contract made . . . between the Amsterdam Chamber, . . . in the name of the Company, . . . and the . . . Count of Hanau . . . granted to the aforesaid Count . . a certain stretch of land, to be chosen by that Count, on the Wild Coast, between the River Orinoco and the River Amazon, for cultivation, and for establishing of a Colony. Same, pp. 146-147. 1879. E. F. im Thurn. In Hartsinck's map . . . the boundary line of " Wildekuste " which name was applied to the tract coextensive with the Dutch possessions, falls far short of the Amacura. V. C, III, 152. CHAPTER n, DUTCH TRADE AND FISHERIES. DUTCH TRADE-IN GENERAL. WITH THE PORTIKUIESE. 1753. Director-General in Essequibo. Three of our inhabitants, having gone up to the Essequibo ... to try to estabhsh some trade with the Portug-uese along the Amazon, have been killed in a murderous way by the nation named Mapissanoe. B. C, II, 88. I'j'jd. Director-General in Essequibo. The Portuguese are trading- above in the rixer as the Spaniards here below. B. CIV, 176. WITH THE SPANISH. 1673. Venezuelan Case. By 1673 Rol was trafficking in the Orinoco with the Spaniards. V. C, 8j. 1683. British Case. In 1683 and onwards these [negro] traders are mentioned as periodically visiting the Pariacot Savannah, and as using the name of the Dutch Govern- ment to put an end to native wars on the Cuyuni, which hindered commerce. B. C, 14. 1693. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). No slight advantage . . . has . . . been brought the Company by your having started up in the River of Cuyuni a trade in horses. B. C, I, 212. 1701. Commandeur in Essequibo. The trade in horses up in Cuyuni Ybcwen in Cioene\ does not go as briskly as it used to ; still, the negro traders brought down, on the 24th March of this year [1701], 12 fine ones. Same, p. 221. 1733. Commandeur in Essequibo. The want of horses having already become great, on your Honour's planta- tions as well as on those of the inhabitants of this Colony, I shall by all available means try to obtain tlieni from the Spaniards. B. C, II, id. 1734. Commandeur in Essequibo. On the 19th February I . , , dispatched two canoes to the Orinoco, laden with thirty hogsheads of bread, four half-barrels of rum, and four of syrup, with a letter to the Governor requesting him to send horses in exchange there- for. ... I sent Fran9ois van der Maale ... to superintend everything. On the 23rd April van der Maale came back and reported to me that he had ob- tained eighteen horses by exchange. Same, p. ly. ^735- West India Company (the Ten). We praise and approve all that has been done by the Commandeur with the Governor of Orinoco ; . . . and recommend your Honour to use every en- deavour to cause that commerce to increase more and more. Same, p. 21. (49) 60 DUTCH TRADE. DUTCH TRADE-IN GENERAL; WITH THE SPAN ISH-(Continued). 1735. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Governor of Orinoco urgently asking me for a good quantity of bread, not only did politeness demand that I send it to him, but there was another im- portant reason in the prolits which this colony derives from trade with the people of the Orinoco. As long as peace continues and this trade remains open, such things cannot well be avoided. ... I sent to Orinoco the necessary rum, wares, etc., to pay for six mules, ... the Governor has kept the wares, sending provisionally three horses on account, and . . . saying . . that he would furnish the mules at the earliest opportunity. V. C, II, 8S-8g. 1750. Acting Commandeur in Essequibo. The Fathers above in Orinoco were inclined to open a trade with this Colony in cattle, which they (if able to obtain permission therefor), would trans- port overland. This would contribute very much to the raising and cultivation of trade, but on the other hand this would be a safe and open way . . . for the slaves who might come to run away from the Colony, unless a good Post were established thereon. B. C, II, 6g. 1750. Anonymous. They all make the utmost efforts to collect the produce offered by the Indian tribes and the Spaniards settled on the banks of the Orinoco, and also that offered by the smugglers who go down to the Kingdom of Santa Fe, and the Provinces of Barinas, Venezuela and Cumana. Of course a vessel rarely comes from Surinam and Berbice, owing to the distance and costliness of the journey ; but as they are in correspondence with Essequibo and that colony is constantly sending its ships to the Orinoco, they all share in its benefit. B. C.-C, App., jgj. 1752. Director-General in Essequibo. I shall send him [Commandeur of Orinoco] one [yacht] about the middle of November, together with some hardware for which he also asks, and shall re- ceive mules in payment, which are in readiness there ; it is my opinion that we must keep on friendly terms with this man, since that will always be more to our advantage than to our disadvantage. B. C, II, yd. 1754. Director-General in Essequibo. Concerning the trade with Orinoco that I shall do all that lies in my power to further the same as much as possible, ... a new Governor has arrived in Cumana, who assures me that he will do all that lies in his power to maintain friendly relations. Same, p. gi. 1760. Director-General in Essequibo. Trade on that river is at present (as far as such trade can be) fairly open and free. Same, p. iSj. 1764. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The hope of a larger and safer trade with the Orinoco is a matter which we count very advantageous for the colony. V. C, II, /jj. 1765. Don Joaquim Moreno de Mendoza. The inhabitants . . . enjoyed . . . trading with foreigners [at the old site of Santo Thome] of which they are here [Angostura] deprived. B. C, III, 123. Dutch trade. 61 DUTCH TRADE-IN GENERAL; WITH THE SPAN ISH-(Continued). . [1897] George L. Burr. The chief external trade of the Colony, and the only one of interest to the present research, was that with the Spaniards of the Orinoco. Begun as early as 1673, it seems always to have been carried on by that inland water route con- necting the Moruca with the Barima, and must have involved more or less of in- tercourse with the Indians of this region. Now connived at, now hampered by the Spanish authorities, it was always encouraged by the Dutch West India Company, save for a brief period of prohibition (from 1684 on) when they were clearly moved by distrust of their own Governor. V. C.-C, II, 86. The Moruca became ... as, to some extent it still is, the regfular ave- nue for the coastings trade witli the Orinoco— not alone that of the Esse- quibo, but that of the other Guiana Colonies as well. ... It was doubtless by this route that the Spaniards carried on that early trafific with the Pomeroon and the Essequibo of which we know through the pages of Raleigh and of Jan de Laet. Same, p. gy. Save for commerce and for the fishery at the river's mouth, the Waiui seems never to have actually been put to use by the Dutch. Same, p. 11 j. Of Dutch trade in this lower Orinoco region I find no mention after the sixties of the eigiiteenth century. With the lower Orinoco in general, and especially with the Aguire, they [Dutch] long maintained relations of trade, and in such sort as to make doubtful their recognition of Spanish sovereignty there. Same, p. 14J. . British Counter Case. In reality the trade with Orinoco, by which is meant the Spanish Settle- ments at and above Santo Thome, had nothing to do with the possession of Barima. B. C.-C, 78. WITH INDIANS OF THE COAST. 1596. [1896] James Rodway. Mr. Rodway . . . in . . . Tzmehri for December, 1896, . . . states that Ibarguen ... in 1 596 . . . says in his report that on his way from the Orinoco to the Essequibo he arrested "five Flamencos in a boat, who were trading with the Indians of Barima." . . . Yet this . . . suggests only that Dutch trade to Santo Thome of which we already know from the pages of Jan de Laet. V. C.-C, II, 42. 1638. British Case. In 1638 it was reported to the King of Spain that the Dutch . . . traded with the Indians of the Orinoco. B. C, 2^-26. 1673. Venezuelan Case. By 1673 Rol was trafficking in the Orinoco with . . . Caribs of Ba- rima. V. C, 8j. 1680. Tiburcio Axpe y Zuiiiga. The frequency with which those of said nation [Dutch] come to this river to trade among tlie natives, . . . their perseverance in maintaining such trade and transactions with the inhabitants in violation of the agreements ... as a result of these transactions this place has been lost several times. V. C.-C, III, J J. 62 DUTCH TRADE. DUTCH TRADE-IN GENERAL; WITH INDIANS OF THE COAST- (Continued). 1683. Commandeur in Essequibo. They [Indians] meet you with the tart answer that they can get plenty of these (goods offered) by trade in Karinia and other places, which partly squares with the truth, on account of the trade which the French from the islands carry on there. V. C, II, 44. 1683. [1897 J George L. Burr. Prior to 1683 little is known of the relations of the Dutch with the Barima; but, so far as known, they were of trade alone and did not differ from those of other Europeans trading in that river. V. C.-C, II, ijj. 1684. Commandeur in Essequibo. Much [anuatoj was supplied from Barima. B. C, I, 1S6. 1700. Venezuelan Case. As regards the Barima, there is no record of any attempt whatever to trade tliere during this period [1700-1725]. V. C, pj. 1723. Antonio de Guerrero. The river has neither garrison nor defense of any kind for preventing and hin- dering the incursions of the Hollanders and other foreign nations sailing on that sea, and having several settlements near the said river Orinoco, this gives them a chance to freely introduce themselves daily and frequently by the river, going far into the interior and trading^ with said Indians. V. C.-C, III, ig. 1735. Court of Policy. The Commandeur brought forward the matter of Jan Cauderas, informing them that this aforesaid Cauderas, as settler of this Colony, had . . . sought a permit from his Honour, to collect the debts of his comrade named Jeronimus Marseleijn, which he had left outstanding' among the Indians in the River Barime, to the satisfaction of his creditors in this river. B. C, II., 20. 1739. Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago. With which [slave trade] are united other branches of commerce they have held witli tlie Caribs in balms those countries produce, such as marana or copaiba, carapa, anatto, cotton, hammocks, birds, wild animals and a small number of horses. B. C.-C, App„ 182. 1764. [1897] George L. Burr, Down to this time [1764] , . . there is in the records no mention of any Dutchman's sojourning in the Barima f(U' any purpose save that of trade. V. C.-C, II, 132. 1765. Director-General in Essequibo, They . . . met the colonist Diederik Neelis coming from Barima. B. C, III, 127. 1768. [1897] George L. Burr. The Dutch documents . . . know little enough of the Barima after 1768, . . . Gravesande did not again urge it as the boundary ; . . . Not even a Butch trader is again heard of in the Barima. The West India Company, which theretofore had always encouraged the colonial trade to the Orinoco, issued in 1 76 1 its instructions that so far as possible this trade be transferred to the DUTCH TRADE. 63 DUTCH STRADE-IN GENERAL; WITH INDIANS OF THE COAST- (Continued). Spaniards and carried on, not from Essequibo to Orinoco, but from Orinoco to Essequibo. This policy was loyally and effectively carried out ; and within two years the current of trade was flowing the other way. V. C.-C, II, ij6. . [1897I George L. Burr. The [Essequibo] Colony's trade . . . was mainly a trade with the na- tives. . . . this was at the outset, and for more than a quarter of a century of its existence its exclusive function, . . . and for many decades this re- mained its [the Company's] chief source of income, and the object of its most jealous care. Satne, p. 82. WITH INDIANS OF THE INTERIOR. . British Case. Besides their enterprise upon the coast, the Dutch had also before the end of the seventeenth century penetrated far into the interior. Negro traders were employed by the Company to travel among the Indians and obtain by barter the products of tlie country. B. C, 14. Upon the Cuyuni, Massaruni and Essequibo the Dutch very early had estab- lished an extensive trade. Same, p. Si. . [1897] George L. Burr. Trade, from the first, knew far less narrow limits than settlement. That with the Indians was carried on (i) by the West India Company's outrunners, and (2) by its posts, and (3) by private rovers. The routes of the outrunners are little known ; the rovers were irresponsible and heedless of frontiers ; the posts were few, fixed, certain, and had a military and political as well as a commercial use. V. C.-C, II, SS. Trade with the Indians in the upper river [Mazaruni] began early, but no regular post was ever maintained there. Same, p. iy6. 1680. [1897] George L. Burr. The earliest mention of the river [Cnyuni] I have found in the Dutch records is that in Commandeur Abraham Beekman's letter of June 28, 1680, when that river, temporarily closed by an Indian war, is called "our provision chamber." Same, p. 146. 1681. Commandeur in Essequibo. By reason of the Accoway war in Cuyuni, of which you have heard, the trade in hammocks . . . has resulted badly. B. C, 1, 184. 1683. Commandeur in Essequibo. I have sent a negro up in Cuyuni in order ... to establish peace between the Akuways and the Caribs, so as by this means to get hold of the wild-pig hunting there as formerly. Same, p. 18^. 1684. Commandeur in Essequibo. Gabriel Bishop, and other interlopers from Surinam, spoil not only that [annato] trade [in Barima], but buy all the letter-wood, ... as well as madder oil and hammocks. . . . They traverse and overrun the land right up to [or even into] the River Cuyuni itself. Same, p. 1S6. 54 DUTCH TRADE. DUTCH TRADE-IN GENERAL; WITH INDIANS OF THE INTERIOR- (Continued). 1684. Commandeur in Essequibo. Copaiba and cnrcai are iinioli 1)on^1it up l)y the Spaniards. The war which various nations there [in Ciiynmi | carry on with one another has been the cause that Daentje the negro has not been able to get so far up among that nation. B. C, /, i86. 1685. Commandeur in Essequibo. Daentje, the negro has come hack . . . [from the Cuyuni] without bringing with him a single pound of balsam. Same, p. iSS. 1699. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. August 14, [1699]. Jan . . . has set out for the Upper Mazaruni . . . to obtain some poison wood by barter. August 18, [1699]. This morning the negro traders set out for the Upper Cuyuni \iiaar boven in Cioene] in order to procure some horses. August 27, [1699]. In the evening the boy Jan Antheunissen arrived at the fort from the Upper Mazaruni \van bovcn uijt Masseroene] with fourteen or fifteen bundles of poison wood. Same, p. 21 j. September 17, [1699]. . . . Jotte, the old negro, arrived from the Upper Cuyuni, bringing with him two parcels of bread, and having come down for a canoe in which to fetch the remainder of the bread. September 23, [1699]. . . . Jotte again set out for Cuyuni, to fetch the remainder of the purchased bread. Saturday, October 17, [1699]. Two Caribs . . . arrived from the Upper Cuyuni, bringing tidings that the old negro traders . . . had not set out from the dye store until the 20th September. Same, p. 216. 1700. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. January 27, [1700]. . . . There arrived from Mazaruni the old negro Big Jan, who had been sent thither upon the 2nd November last, bringing with him 10 quakes of oriane dye, 30 quakes of bread, 8 quakes of pork, and 4 quakes of flsh. ' Same, p. 21S. March 14, [1700]. Arrived Sam, the negro, from Mazaruni, bringing with him twenty parcels of bread, twelve quakes of oriane dye, and (.'') parcels of pork, &c., sent down by Big Jan. Same, p. 2ig. April 10, [1700J. There arrived here . . . the old negro trader Big Jan, with his boy Sam, bringing with them from Mazaruni, 22 parcels of bread, 22 parcels of pork, and 3 quakes of paaij, together with some other trifles. Same, p. 220. October 18, [1700J. There came here the old negro traders, Big Jan, Jan Swart, " Handsome Claesje," and Lieven, to each of whom trading wares were dealt out for the purchase of oriane dye. . . . Jan Swart and " Handsome Klaseje " [go] n|) to (luyuni \boven naar Cioene\. Same, p. 221. 1701. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. January 20, [1701 |. . . . In the afternoon there arrived here from . . . the negro trader Lieven, bringing with him some provisions. January 21. . . . the above-mentioned negro trader came here with the Indians he had taken with him and brought back again, who had served as pad- DUTCH TRADE. 65 DUTCH TRADE-IN general; WITH INDIANS OF THE INTERIOR- (Continued). dlers on the journey to and fro, and who were ready to proceed thither with him again. These were paid for their services, and fresh trading wares were dealt out to the above-mentioned trader, in order to proceed up stream again to acquire more goods by barter, whereupon they departed. B. C.-C, App., ijy. 1730. Commandeur in Essequibo. It having been found . . . that divers inhabitauts of this Colony allow trade to be caried on in the rivers of Massaruui and Cuyuui through the medium of their slaves or free Indians whom they send out for that purpose, both for the exchange of red slaves and other things ; and whereas those two rivers had for years past been kept for the private trade of the Honourable Com- pany, each and every one is hereby expressly forbidden to carry on any trade in them under the penalty of confiscation of the viessels, slaves, and other goods, and the imposition of an additional fine of 50 Caroly guilders. B. C, II, 10. 1731. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). That . . . yon have forbidden to private colonists the trade in the rivers Mazaruni and Cuyuni meets our full approval. , V. C, II, 8j. 1747. Inventory of trading goods at the Cuyuni Post. In the year 1 747 of the transfer of accounts to the former Postmaster and stock of the same, as follows : [Detailed list of cloths, looking glasses, knives, beads, etc. used in the Indian trade.] Safne, p. 2gY. 1750. Commandeur in Essequibo. I think it would be best ... to prohibit until further orders tralBc with the Indians on the Rivers Essequibo, Massaruni, and Cuyuni. B. C, II, dj. 1774. Director-General in Essequibo. The Postholders draw their pay, and, . . . furthermore, some wares for the Indian trade instead of regular rations, and they have freedom of trade, whereby, . . . they make quite a fair living, B. C, IV, i2j. 1 790. Captain-General of Caracas. The trade which the Indians of the province of Guayana are wont to carry on with the colony of Esseqnibo is done in corials or canoes, by way of the rivers Cuyuni and Curumo. It . . . appears that the territory . . . between the northern side of the Cuyuni and Essequibo is liable to overflow, and no . . . traffic is carried on by land, but only through rivers or bayous, and it is controlled exclusively by the inhabitants and natives, no other person being admitted by them. V. C, III, 401-402. . [1897] George L. Burr. The [Esseqnibo] Colony's trade . . . was mainly a trade with the natives. . . . This was at the outset, and for more than a quarter of a cen- tury of its existence its exclusive function, . . . and for many decades this remained its [the Company's] chief source of income, and the object of its most jealous care. V. C.-C, II, S2. 66 DUTCH TRADE. PARTICIPATED IN-BY SURINAM DUTCH. 1683. Commandeur in Essequibo. In Barima I have had one of the Company's servants take up his abode, since there is much annatto and letter-wood there and it is close by Pomeroon. Re- cently, too, it has been navigated as many as two or three times by Gabriel Biscop and exploited with great success, much to the prejudice of the Company. . . . That trade, both there and in Pomeroon, I have forbidden to him, and to all others as well. U. S. Com., II, 1^8-i^g. [Another translation.] I have caused one of the Company's servants to reside in Barima, as much annatto and letter-wood is obtainable there, and it lies near to Pomeroon, and has recently been navigated two or three times by Gabriel Bishop, and traded in with great success, to the great prejudice of the Honourable Company. ... I have proliibited him and all others trading: from there and in Barimaroome* \^stc\. B. C, I, iSj. 1684. Commander in Essequibo. Gabriel Bishop, and other interlopers from Snrinam, spoil not only that [annatto] trade [in Barima], but buy up all the letter-wood, ... as well as madder oil and hammocks. . . . They traverse and overrun the land right up to the river Cuyuni itself. To check this I have caused a small station to be made in Barima, and Abraham Baudaart, who is there [in Pomeroon] as Postholder . . . shall occasionally visit those places and encourage the Caribs to trade. Same, p. 186. 1717. Petition of Free settlers in Essequibo. It is now nearly five years since we have been prohibited . . . from trad- ing, as well within as without this Colony in Red Indian slaves, balsam, &c., . . . [and] must see the profits, which were to be expected therefrom, accrue before our eyes to our neighbours, to wit, the colonists of Snrinam and Berhice. [Traders from] Surinam and Berhice . . , traffic in the Rivers Marocco, "VVeijne, Barima, Pomeroon, Orinoco, Trinidad, and wherever it is con- venient to them. Same, pp. 246-247. We cannot . . . comprehend what is the object of Y. H. in prohibiting the business [trading in Indian slaves] to us seeing that you cannot hinder those from Surinam and Berhice — yea, not even French, English and other foreign nations. Same, p. 248. 1724. Governor of Cumana. As soon as I arrived in this Government . . . news was frequently sent me that many foreigners — the Butch from Surinam and Berbice — came to these places trading, in vessels, and penetrating more than 100 leagues up the Orinoco, and more than 30 above Angostura, the Fathers lamenting the trade carried on with the Caribs, the sale of tools, stuffs, wine, spirits, guns, and other arms, which they exchanged for a large number of Indian slaves. B. C, III, y8. 1728. Court of Policy in Essequibo. The Secretary, H. Gelskerke . . . communicated to us a certain letter written by Jan Batiste from the Post in Wacquepo, ... in which informa- tion was given that the Spaniards of the Orinoco Iiad with armed force taken possession of a Surinam vessel fishing in the neighbourhood of the aforesaid river. B. C, II, 7. * Note by George L. Burr. The reading " Barimaroome " finds no warrant in the manuscript ; it is clearly " Baumeronne," a common spelling of the name of the Pomeroon. U. S. Com., If, ij8. DUTCH TRADE. 67 PARTICIPATED IIM-BY SURINAM DUTCH-(Continued). 1750. Cominandeur in Essequibo. If this prohibition [against sale of fire arms to Indians] extended only to the Colonies of Essequibo and Demerara, this would cause much damage to the col- onists, . . . for a much greater number are sold by the neighbouring Colonies. The itinerant traders . . . always have an ample supply of them. B. C. II, 67. 1750. Anonymous. They all make the utmost efforts to collect the produce offered by the Indian tribes, and the Spaniards settled on the banks of the Orinoco, and also that offered by the smugglers who go down to the Kingdom of Santa Fe and the provinces of Barinas, Venezuela and Cumana. Of course a vessel rarely conies from Surinam and Berbice, owing- to the distance and costliness of the journey ; but as they are in correspondence with Essequibo, and that colony is constantly sending its ships to the Orinoco, they all share in its benefit. B. C.-C, App., ig^. 1757. Director-General in Essequibo. Complaints having been repeatedly made by the Commandant of Orinoco concerning the evil conduct in Barima of the traders, or wanderers, as well from Surinam as from here, I have written circumstantially to the ad interim Governor there, Mr. I. Nepven, whose reply is awaited daily. B. C, II, iji-ij2. PARTICIPATED IN-BY FRENCH AND OTHERS. . Venezuelan Case. The Dutch trade into the interior . . . was in no sense exclusive, . . . it was participated in . . . by . . . Spaniards, [andj . . . French as well. V. C, go. 1683. Commandeur in Essequibo. They [Indians] meet you with the tart answer that they can get plenty of these [goods offered] by trade in Barima and other places, which partly squares with the truth, on account of the trade which the French from the islands carry on there. V . C, II, 44. The wares already begin to depreciate in price and value, through the mul- titude of foreign traders, a medium axe being worth only 7 shillings, the rest accordingly. U. S. Com., II, 137. 1684. British Counter Case. There is no evidence whatever that the Spanish were at this time trading in the interior of Guiana at all. . . . Save for this interruption (of the French ... in 16S4) the Dutch at this time enjoyed the whole trade of the Cuyuni, Massaruni, and Essequibo. B. C.-C, 61. 1684. Commandeur in Essequibo. In order somewhat to check this [trade by French and Surinam Dutch], I have caused a small station to be made in Barima, and Abraham Baudaart, whois there [in Pomeroon] as Postholder in place of Daniel Galle, who is going home, shall occasionally visit those places and encourage the Caribs to trade in annatto and letter-wood which the French even from the islands in the river frequently come with their vessels to fetch. B. C, 1, 186. 58 DUTCH TRADE. PARTICIPATED IN-BY FRENCH AND OTHERS-(Continued). 1684. Commandeur in Essequibo. [Another translation.] In order somewhat to check this, I have caused a small shelter to be made in Barima, and Abraham Baudardt, who is stationed there [in Pomeroon] as outlier in place of Daniel Galle, who is going home, shall occasionally visit that place, and encourage the Caribs to the trade in annatto and letter-wood, which even the French from the islands frequently come and carry off with their vessels. U. S. Com., II, jjg-160. This trade [to Orinoco] is falling off, by reason of the various foreign traders and our neighbors, who cause the price of merchandise to fall. Same, p. 161. 1685. Commandeur in Essequibo. The French in the Barima come and fetch them even as far as up in the Cuyuni, and have burned there the houses of the Pariacots, and have driven them away. ^- C- > -^' "'^'^'^• [Another translation] The French in the Barima likewise come even to the upper Cuyuni to get them [hammocks] and have there burnt the houses in the Pariacotten [and] driven them away. ^- C.,11,52. 1686. Commandeur in Essequibo. Daentje, the Company's old negro, [has just come] . . . from the savannah of the Pariakotts up in the Cuyuni River. He has been away for fully seven months, and was detained quite three months by the dryness of the river. . . . The French are making expeditions through tlie country up there [in Cuyuni] in order to buy up everything. B. C, I, 201. 1717. Petition of Free settlers in Essequibo. The French and English barques are not behind-hand [in the Orinoco trade]. Same, p. 247. We cannot . . . comprehend what is the object of Y. H. in prohibiting the business [slave trade] to us seeing that you cannot hinder . . . French, English and other foreign nations. Sajne, p. 24S. 1750. Anonymous. This trade is equally sought for and carried on from time to time, by the French of the Island of Granada, . . . They also send their schooners or launches with brandy, fine linens, velvets and hats ; returning with money, bal- sam of copaiba, and Carib hammocks ; but they do not trade regularly, as the distance is costly, and when a vessel goes, it takes ten or twelve hundred pesos worth. B. C.-C, App., 195-196. CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS-BY PERMISSION OF SPAIN. . Venezuelan Case. Even while it [Cuyuni horse trade] lasted it was carried on in what was con- fessedly Spanish territory. V. C, 96. During a part of the 18th century the Dutch, with tlie permission of Spain, and together with other nations, traded to the main mouth of the Orinoco river, and to other parts of the Orinoco delta. Same, pp. 22^-224. DUTCH TRADE. 59 CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS-BY PERMISSION OF SPAIN- (Continued). . British Counter Case. Spain controlled the trade of the Orinoco from Santo Thome upwards, but, except in this respect, it is untrue that the Dutch trade to the Orinoco River and to other parts of the Orinoco delta was by permission of Spain. B. C.-C, 133. . Venezuelan Case. In the interior Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin, the Spaniards for a time permitted both the French and the Dutch to trade. V. C, loi. . British Counter Case. It is . . . certain that until Santo Thome was reached no Spanish per- mit was required. B. C.-C, 63. 1665. Clemente Gunter. He entered the Orinoco River . . . with a permit from Theodoro Saes, Governor of . . . Booruma. He had come to this city ... to collect some few debts for clothing sold on credit to two of the inhabitants ... [he said] Governor . . Viedma had granted him a permit to come up to this city ... to inform said Governor as to who were the debtors. V. C.-C, III, 11-12. 1702. Commandeur in Essequibo. I can no longer delay in making Y. H. acquainted with the great mortality of horses in this Colony, there being already almost 100 head dead through mange and other forms of sickness. That truly is a great loss to the Colony, the more so since the Spaniards will no longer permit any trafficking for horses on their territory. V. C, II, 6S-6g. 171 1. British Counter Case. In 171 1 a new Governor at Trinidad seems to have stopped the trade to Orinoco, but in 17 12 the traffic was renewed. B. C.-C, 67. 1726. Court of Policy in Essequibo. On the 14th March, [1726], Jan Batiste and Hendrik van der Win were sent to Orinoco for the aforesaid purpose [buying balsam], and also to buy red slaves, and were given a letter to the (governor of that river. B. C, 11,3. 1734. Commandeur in Essequibo. It is . . . to be feared that ... we shall suffer great need of horses, to obviate which I have by all available means tried to make arrangements with the Governor of Orinoco, and to put the trade, both in horses and other things, upon a tirm footing. ... He has politely excused himself, and this trade will he possible only by the governor's connivance and during his pleasure. V. C, II, S3. 1750. Anonymous. The Spaniards from Barinas and other smugglers come down to the Dutch colonies with cargoes of tobacco from Barinas and money, and return with the goods aforesaid ; and an occasional one ventures to take a cargo from the Islands of Granada or Martinique, carrying only the aforesaid goods in demand by the French. B. C-C, App., 196. 60 DUTCH TRADE. CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS-BY PERMISSION OF SPAIN- (Ccntinued). 1750. Anonymous. The same smugglers are wont to travel by land with a hundred, two hundred or more mules for Essequibo, bringing them from the plains and driving them behind the town of Guayana, at six or seven days' distance ; but they do not fre- quently use this route as it is long and troublesome, and on account of the rivers and ravines in which they lose numbers of cattle. It must necessarily follow that what li.as been conquered in the Orinoco will be lost if the Governor of Cumana carries out rigorously the exclusion of what the people of the river require, ... or the i)reveution of their trade with the Dutch. B. C.-C, App., ig6. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. There are no foreigners navigating the Orinoco, that is, above Guayana, for at its mouth and up to the neighbourhood of the said fortress they do so freely, but without being able to land in the said provinces, nor do any more trade than the fortress allows, and within the terms explained in my . . . Notes, and without the toleration therein stated, which is absolutely necessary, they can d<> notliina:. B. C, ///,jj. 1764. Director-General in Essequibo. The new (TOvernor of Orinoco has sent a trustworthy man here, bringing an assurance from his part that it is his intention to allow trade to be carried on with this river (but with absolutely no other). Same, p. 104. I think that trade with Orinocque will now be fairly easy, because our boats not only go to and fro unciiecked but only last week two Spaniards came to me with formal passports from the Governor to come here. Essequibo was not ex- pressly mentioned in them, but the neighbouring colonies of friends and allies, which is equivalent. Same, p. 106. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. Spanish deserters have arrived in Essequibo, . . . They give the harsh treatment of the new Governor as a reason for deserting. ... I do not trust the whole business, especially since commerce with Orinoco is entirely stopped, and even the fishery is absolutely at a standstill, which has never hap- pened before, and which is exceedingly embarrassing ... to the whole Colony. Same, p. 14J. 177 \. Director-General in Essequibo. If . . . the war between England and Spain has . . . commenced, . . • the . . . Spaniards . . . will require us, and we shall then g'et permission to fetch these animals [mules] from Orinocque. B. C.,/V,gj. CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS -SURREPTITIOUS, CLANDES- TINE AND ILLICIT. . Venezuelan Case. The [Dutch] trade then begun continued with more or less regularity during the early years of the 17th century, during which time Dutch vessels sailed along the Guiana coast, and ascended some of its rivers. They were at times driven off by the Spaniards, but at other times they were successful in capturing Spanish booty, or in quietly tradinsr with the natives at places from which the Spaniards were at tlie moment absent. V. C, 66-67. DUTCH TRADE. 61 CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS-SURREPTITIOUS, CLANDES- TINE AND ILLICIT-(Continued). . Venezuelan Case. Trade with the Spanish colonists of the Orinoco, though forbidden by the laws of Spain, began in the last quarter of the 17th century to be encouraged by the Dutch authorities. V. C, iii. . British Case. It is, of course, the fact that the Dutch carried on an extensive contraband trade with the Spanish possessions by the connivance of the authorities, but the existence in any region of trade carried on by the Dutch systematically and not on sufferance excludes the idea of Spanish political control, while it natur- ally, and in fact, led to political control by the Dutch. B. C, So. . British Counter Case. Balsam and red slaves were obtained from the country above Santo Thome, and trade therein, therefore, could not be well carried on without the consent or connivance of the Spaniards. B. C.-C, 64. The trade in balsam . . . was, in any case, contraband, and . . . involved going high up the Orinoco. Same, p. 6g. 1609. Ambassadors at Antwerp. They [Spaniards] replied that your subjects [Dutch] have never traded in tlie places and ports whicli they [Spaniards] have in the Indies, and that in negotiating the Peace you [Dutch] had neither claimed to have done so. B. C.-C, A pp., 320. 1755. Don Eugenio de Alvarado. The communications between Guiana and the Dutch Colony of Essequibo [by] the navigable rivers and streams, used for contraband commerce are most numerous. B. C, II, 11 j. 1757. Don Jose de Iturriaga. On these occasions Aruacas, Caribs and Dutchmen come disg-nised, so as not to be detected. These last named are accustomed to go ashore at the River Caura and elsewhere, and whilst the others are engaged in fishing for turtle they occupy themselves in buying from the Caribs Indian slaves. Same, p. Jjy. 1758. Director-General in Essequibo. The six mules which . . . were left behind in Orinoco have been brought here . . . but the Commandant there instead of 6 sent 8 head, . . . giving for reason that no more can be got for a long while, because one of H. M.'s ships is daily expected from Spain, which will stay at anchor in the mouth of the Orinoco. Thus the trade is stopped and even the salters will have to keep away from there until tilings take a different look. V. C, II, i2j. 1760. Confidential Report [to King of Spain]. Alvarado . . . shows that besides the River Imataca there are other rivers and other ways open by which various Dutchmen have gone in and out and traversed the province [of Guiana] laden with merchandise in the years 1742, 1747, 1749, 1750, and 1753, from which it is inferred that the same maybe done in the following years. B. C.-C, App., 20J. 62 DUTCH TRADE. CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS-SURREPTITIOUS, CLANDES- TINE AND ILLICIT-(Continued). 1763. Don Jose Diguja. The repairs and steps taken duly by the Governors, for the security of the fortress, st«»p tlie foreig:uers from continuing- their illicit traflic, their landing and their incursions through the provinces through which the Orinoco runs, as they did until the year 1734 and even that of 1746. B. C, III, 46. By this increase ... of the garrison . . . small illicit commerce will be very easily stopped. the foreigners , . . Same, pp. ^g-jO. Illicit entry ... is a general practice, ... in the Province of Gnayana by the vessels which enter through the mouths of the Orinoco, the chief parties interested being the Dutch of Essequibo and the other Colonies of the coast. This kind of trade is most difficult to avoid, and it is even necessary to tolerate it somewhat, for, unless that be done, ... the Spanish villages would become . . . devoid of clothing. Neither the King nor the country are affected by the loss of the surplus hides and tallow ; or of those of bad quality which the said Dutch purchase for more or less, as the case may be. For the aforesaid reasons ... it has been the practice of this Government to tolerate the fact of the poor people obtaining the clothing they need, and which they have no other means of getting in this country. Same, p. 76. [Marginal note on his report as follows] Letter from Don Phelipe Ricardos, in which he declares that the illicit commerce of foreigners in the Orinoco threatens irreparable ruin, and that they will penetrate to the provinces washed by that river. Same, p. ^4. 1768. Judicial Proceedings. Auto ordering the sale of the effects, seized in the Creek of Barima from the foreigners who had established themselves clandestinely in the said creek, for trade and exportation of woods and other products. Same, p. i6j. First notice [0/ sale]. I ordered . . . the first announcement should be given of the goods and utensils . . . that were seized . . . from the for- eigners clandestinely settled for commerce and traffic in the creek called the Creek of Barima, jurisdiction of this province. Same, p. 16S. [Act of] sale of the implements and other utensils and articles . . . which were seized from the foreigners who were clandestinely settled in the Creek of Barima, jurisdiction of this province, for the purpose of exporting woods and other products. Same, p. i6g. Whereas the Dutch have unwarrantably sought to take possession of the ter- ritory of Barima, jurisdiction of this province, where they had established farms and houses to carry on the exportation of woods and other products in a clan- destine manner, for which purpose, . . . they had . . . gathered . . . runaway slaves, ... to act as pilots, and point out the lawless Spanish subjects who only occupy themselves in carrying on clandestine expor- tation along the creeks and landing-])laces which are out of the way and un- known : . . . seeing that . . . it is forbidden ... to suffer or per- DUTCH TRADE. 63 CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS-SURREPTITIOUS, CLANDES- TINE AND ILLICIT-(Continued). mit foreigners to exercise the freedom of establishing themselves in these dominions by establishing new colonies, . . . we . . . declare that the said Dutch . . . must forfeit the implements and other things which they were found to possess, . . . and that they be devoted to the Royal Treasury. B. C, III, 173-174- 1769. Ex-Prefect of Missions. The most Reverend Father is persuaded that at the present time, under pretext of Ashing-, they [Dutch] wish to establish themselves freely with their boats in the mouths of the Orinoco, to re-establish and facilitate the clandestine ship- ment of ninles from Guarapiche and Guaruapo, and tobacco from Barinas, hides and other products of the Spanish Provinces, with which they used to benefit their Colony considerably when the Orinoco with its creeks was not so well guarded as now ; which new measure and want of commerce, is the real cause of the decay of Essequibo and of the resentment of Mr. Olravesande, the chief trader and always the most interested in the illicit commerce of the Colony. B. C.,IV,49. 1776. Charles Teuffer. I . . . asked him, [Commandant of Guiana] whether there was not a way of establishing some trade between the two Colonies. He told me that this was . . . strongly prohibited, . . . and that he could not give permission thereto. After a long conversation he said to me that it had stood with us alone to keep up a better understanding, and that, although he had been unable openly to give permission as regarded commerce, matters might have been arranged to the satisfaction of both sides. Same, p. i/j. 1 791. Captain-General of Caracas. It could be learned if the Dutch of Essequibo and Demerari sustain suspi- cious intercourse with the Indians of the margins of the Orinoco, and whether they supply them with arms and ammunition. V. C.-C, III, 1^2. CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS-NEVER UNDER A CLAIM OF RIGHT. . British Case. From the end of the sixteenth century the Dutch constantly and of rig-ht, traded to the coast of Guiana between the Orinoco and the Amazon. B. C, 78. From the early part of the 17th century the Dutch, and since their acquisition of the Colony the British, controlled the trade of the whole district now in dispute. -^-awt', p. iig. Trade was carried on by the Dutch systematically and as of right along the courses of all these rivers. Satne, p. 162, 1757. Director-General in Essequibo. Complaints having been repeatedly made by the Commandant of Orinoco, concerning the evil conduct in Barima of the traders, or wanderers, as well from Surinam as from here, I have written circumstantially to the ad interim Governor there, Mr. I. Nepven, whose reply is awaited daily. B. C, II, 131-132. 64 DUTCH TRADE. CHARACTER AS TO LEGAL RIGHTS-NEVER UNDER A CLAIM OF RIGHT-(Continued). 1769. Secretary of State for the Indies. It is necessary for rne to ask information ... in order that His Majesty may be informed of the extension of those boundaries and about the rigfht claimed \)j the [Dutcli] Republic to the fishery at the entrance to the River Orinoco— a tiling: as new to me as that the Carib tribe of Indians is conceived of as the ally of the Dutch. V. C, III, 3S1. 1772. Director-General in Essequibo. A new Governor has arrived in Orinoco. ... I hope that he will not be such a Turk as his predecessor. With the latter there was not the least chance of getting anything out of the Orinoco, and he even forbade the usual salting in the mouth of the river, and set a strong watch to prevent it. If the present one shows a little more tractability, as the former ones did, I will soon take advantage of it ; there must now be abundance of cattle there. B. C, IV, loj. 1897. George L. Burr. Van Meteren points out: The United Netherlands . . . endeavored . . . gradually to open a commerce with the West Indies, without seeking to make any conquests there, but rather to win the friendship of the Indians and to pro- tect them against the Spaniards, . . . and thus to come into traffic with them. V. C.-C, II, 48- NATURE OF TRADE-FOR HORSES. 1693. Venezuelan Case. In or about 1693 the Dutch began the trade in horses up in Cuyuni— a trade which could only have been carried on with the Spaniards ; and this trade was continued through the remaining years of the 17th century. V. C, gi. By 1693 . . . the Essequibo Dutch were travelling six weeks up from Kykoveral to the savannas of the Cuyuni to buy horses. This trade in horses in the Cuyuni continued without restriction until 1702. In that year the Spaniards prohibited it ; and though it was attempted to be kept up by the Dutch, they were compelled to abandon it altogether by 1707. Same, p. 104. . British Counter Case. The horses appear to have been brought by the Dutch from the Indian tribes on the Upper Orinoco, and possibly from some Spaniards in the same region. B. C.-C, 02. The prohibition of the trade in horses was against their being brought from the Upper Orinoco to the Cuyuni, and did not rest on any control of the latter river. Same, p. 69. 1699. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. August 17, 1 1699I This morning a goodly parcel of trading wares was given to the old negro traders, so that they may set out for the Upper Cuyuni to-mor- row to procure some horses by barter. August 18, This morning the negro traders set out for the Upper Cuyuni, in order to procure some horses, &c., by barter. B, C.-C, App., 52. DUTCH TRADE. 66 NATURE OF TRADE-FOR HORSES-(Continued). 1699. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. October 17, [1699]. Two Caribs also arrived from the Upper Cuyuni, bring- ing tidings that the old negro traders who had set out from the Fort on the 17th August for the purpose of piircliasing horses, had not set out from the dye store until the 20th September, on account of a lack of Indians, and having to wait for the bread baking. B. C.-C, App., 60. 1700. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. January 23, [1700]. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon there appeared here some of the Company's horse-kopers with the brother of the free planter Pieter Tollenaar, also licensed, and having been out for that business, reporting that they had obtained for the Honourable Company ten animals. Same, p. S2. February 15, [1700], Pieter ToUenaer, the free planter, arrived here from Cuyuni, where he had been looking out for the horse-kopers, but after staying there two or three times twenty-four hours, and not seeing any signs of them, he had come back. Savie, p. 86. February 17, [1700J. About 7 o'clock this morning the horse-kopers arrived here with four horses for the , . . Company, . . . also with four for the plantation " Hoog en Droogh." February 21, [1700J. In the forenoon there arrived the Company's horse- kopers, whose paddlers, having been paid their wages, again set out up the river in order to fetch the remaining horses down. Same, p. Sj. March 14, [1700] There arrived here from the Upper Cuyuni the Company's old negro traders Anthonij and Ceesje, bringing wiih them three horses, and reporting that one had died on the way. Same, p. go. September 12, [1700] . . . Some old negro horse-dealers, as well as some white ones, also arrived to speak to the Commandeur concerning the jour- neys they were about to commence ; . . . September 13, The above-mentioned old negro traders came here again, and trading wares for the purchase of the above-mentioned merchandize were given and dealt out to them. September 14, The aforesaid horse-dealeis came here, and after having been recommended by the Commandeur to take good care of everything, they took their leave and set out on their journey. Same, p. 114. 1 701. Court of Policy. The horses from above are not being any longer brought down as for- merly, and this might get still worse in case of war. V. C, II, 68. 1706, British Counter Case. Horses appear to have been obtained np-country in Cuyuni in 1706, al- though the trade seems to have subsequently fallen into the hands of the Eng- lish, who supplied better animals. B. C.-C, 66. 1706. Commandeur in Essequibo. Councillors and Master Planters of this Colony of Essequibo, Are hereby informed by the order of the Governor that if any of you are inclined to have some horses fetched from the Upper Cuyuni, you should get your men and trading wares, etc., ready and come next Friday the loth of this month to speak to his Honour the Governor thereupon. B. C.-C, App., /jp. 66 DrJTCH TRADE. NATURE OF TRADE-FOR HORSES-(Continued). 1707. [1897] George L. Burr. In October, 1707, the commandeur complained that they [horses] could no longer be got thus from above so conveniently and in such quantity as need re- quired. It is the last mention I have found of the imixu'tation of horses by this route. V. C.-C, II, /jj. 1723. Commandeur in Essequibo. I likewise intend to send in the coming May, 1723, two buoy-canoes to Ori- noco, to get from there liorses for the Company. V. C, II, jg. 1 73 1. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We have little fear that the English would bring no horses, if you did not also buy from them what they had intended to sell in the river ; moreover, you are well aware that it is far more advisable for the Company to foster the trade to Ori- noco with the Spaniards than to favor this dealing: with the Eug'lish. Same, p. Sj. 1 74 1. Court of Policy. The scarcity and lack of horses being taken into consideration, it was resolved that the respective plantations should send to Aguirre in order to barter for horses, and that the trading wares therefore be advanced out of the Company's stores. B. C, II, jj. NATURE OF TRADE-FOR VARIOUS INDIAN PRODUCTS. . . Venezuelan Case. Dutch trade into the interior. . . . Between 1680 and 1693, this trade seems to have been with the Indians and confined principally to hammocks, balsam and other Indian products. V. C, go. . British Case. [Before 1648J the Dutch carried on a large trade in anuatto dye, . . . obtained from the Indians, with whom the Dutch [were] ... in alliance and friendship during this period. B. C, ij. 1683. Commandeur in Essequibo. I am sorry about the low price of the annatto dye and sugar ; I shall . . . attempt to buy the dye from the natives at the lowest price possible witliont risk, and to impress them, . . . with the danger of ruin to that trade. . . . if one did not proceed with caution . . . they . . . would plant no dye-trees hereafter. This would be the death blow to that trade. V. C, II, 43-44. 1700. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. February 6, [1700] . . . About 4 o'clock in the afternoon there appeared here the negro trader Lieven, who had been sent out to Penony, bringing, in re- turn for the trading wares taken with him, three parcels of provisions, twenty- seven baskets of bread, twenty-seven quakes of annatto dye, and no more. B. C.-C, App., S3. 1 701. Ofificia] Diary at Kijkoveral. January 8, [1701J. There appeared here the Company's negro serv'ant Samuel Stoffelsen, to whom some trading wares were dealt out with which to go up in Cuyuni and collect some cattle and rare birds. Same, p. IJ3. DUTCH TRADE. 67 NATURE OF TRADE-FOR VARIOUS INDIAN PRODUCTS-(Continued). 17 lo. British Counter Case. In 1 710 . . . trade for balsam was continued with Orinoco. B. C.-C, 67. 1739. Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago. With which [slave trade] are united other branches of commerce they have held with tlie Caribs iu balms those countries produce, such as maraiia or copaiba, carapa, auatto, cotton, hammocks, birds, wild animals, and a small number of horses. B. C.-C, App., 1S2. 1750. Anonymous. The trade they conduct with the aforesaid Indians and Spaniards is, iu substance, that the Dutch couTey for the consumption of the people of the river, white and blue cloths, Rouen linen, coarse britannias, white holland, striped stuffs for gowns, other common cotton goods and some hats ; a large quantity of brandy, some white wine and implements, axes, picks, hatchets and cutlasses. And for the smugglers of the interior they convey spices, especially cinnamon and cloves in cases ; fine new hats of good quality and first class white ones ; velvets, silks, some lace, pieces of britannias and hollands, medium and fine ; wa.x, flour, and wine. What the Dutch take back is money (usually in gold), tobacco from Barinas, mules, a few heifers ; and a small amount in hides, bal- sam of copaiba, hammocks, and other similar goods. Same, p. ipj. . [1897] George L. Burr. The products mainly sought by this trade were such as could be furnished by the Indians, . . . alone : the dyes and oils and precious woods of the forests — annatto . , . letter-wood, carap oil, balsam copaiba. V. C.-C, II, 82. HOW CARRIED ON. 1724. Governor of Cumana. News was frequently sent me that many foreigners, the Dutch from Surinam, came to these places trading, in vessels, and penetrated more than 100 leagues up the Orinoco, and more than 30 above Angostura, the Fathers lamenting the trade carried on with the Caribs, the sale of tools, stuffs, wine, spirits, guns, and other arms, which they exchanged for a large number of Indian slaves. V.C.,II,2So. 1750. Anonymous. The vessels engaged in this ti'ade (except in that of mules) are in general medium-sized schooners of small draught, armed with swivel guns, blunder- busses, muskets and pistols, carrying from twelve to sixteen men besides the Aruac Indians who act as rowers. Barges and launches also go up with car- goes worth from five to seven or eight hundred pesos ; but of their trade no accu- rate estimate can be formed, as it is greater in some years than others, but I think it amounts to ten or twelve of them going up yearly from Essequibo, and two or three from the other colonies. For shipping mules bilanders are used (since schooners and barges are only able and accustomed, to take six, eight, or ten at most). B. C.-C, App., ipj. 68 DUTCH TRADE. HOW CARRIED ON-(Continued). 1766. Director-General in Essequibo. These Postliolders (at Arinda) receiving little salary, their only profit consists in buying and exchanging Indian slaves, hammocks, cotton, &c., which, on coming down . . . they sell to the planters. B. C, IV, 140. . [1896] James Rodway. Posts were established in the Essequebo from the time of its first occupation ; in fact, the early settlements were nothing more or less than posts. As such they were centres where bartering: witli the Indians of a ivide area on every side was carried on. . . . The first Postholders were traders and very little more. ... To reach new markets these posts were at great distances from the centre of the colony. V. C, III, 337. • [1897] George L. Burr. The means employed to this end [trade] by the colonial authorities were of two sorts, which must be clearly distinguished. . . . First, the agents, whom they called outrunners. These . . . scoured, by canoe or on foot, the whole country, stirring up the Indians to bring in tlieir wares and barter them at the fort or themselves carrj ing into the wilderness the trinkets for exchange, and bringing back the Indian produce. ... In addition to . . . outrunners . . . they came also to have their outliers. V. C.-C, II, 82. It was somewhat more than half a century after the beginning of the colony when a beginning was made of this new method. . . . It is clear that these posts were few, definite, constant. . . . five were all. The location of these posts did not, indeed, always remain the same. . . . Yet each quarter had but its single post ; however, for strategic or other reasons its site might vary, its relation to the colony remained the same. Same, pp. S3-84. SPANISH TRADE TO ESSEQUIBO. . Venezuelan Case. Before the middle of the eighteeth century the Spaniards themselves were beginning to take this [Orinoco] trade into their liands. By this time, too, and perhaps long before, these Spanish traders were making their way into the Dutch colony via the Cuyuni. The Orinoco authorities found it easy to favor their own people in this com- petition by merely enforcing against the Dutch traders the Spanish laws and thus making the Orinoco too hot for them. Both to avoid this danger and to lessen the risk of smuggling on their own side, the Dutch West India Company and the Essequibo government made it, from the middle of the i8th century, their settled policy to transfer this trade to Spanish hands. From about 1761 on, the trade was exclusively in the hands of the Spaniards ; and from this time forward one scarcely hears of Dutch traders to the Orinoco ; the current was all the other way ; and the Spaniards were induced to come to the Essequibo to sell their products there. By 1794 the Governor-General, though himself a son of the colony, was seem- ingly ignorant that this trade had ever been in other than Spanish hands. By the end of the century the former trade relations of the Dutch with the Barima had become a mere tradition. V, C, 112-114. DUTCH TRADE. 69 SPANISH TRADE TO ESSEQUI BO-(Continued). , [1897] George L. Burr. Prior to the middle of the eighteenth century this trade was carried on mainly by the Dutch. But from 1761 it became the settled policy of the Company and of the colonial authorities to transfer the coiuluct of this trade to the Span- iards. So successful were they that from this time forward one scarcely hears of Dutch traders to the Orinoco. V. C.-C, II, S6-S7. . British Counter Case. The inclosure in the communication of the Duke of Lerma (161 5), . . . is the only indication that the Spaniards ever did more than visit Esseqniho for trade. For this purpose they depended on the goodwill of the Arawak Indians; but these became hostile in 1618, and . . . the visits of the Span- iards to Essequibo were finally put an end to in 1619. B. C.-C.,ji. 1746. West India Company. It might perhaps be that the Spaniards, who are very clearly acting secretly in the matter, are through those people seeking trade with those of Esseqniho which it would be better to cultivate than to ruin. B. C, II, 46. 1748. West India Company. It gave us especial pleasure to learn . . . how by the zeal you have shown the trade of tlie Spaniards in the river of Esseqniho begins to develop more and more, and we hope that all further means will be put in operation to make it flourish there to perfection. Same, p. jd, 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. Business with the Spaniards begins to grow better as time progresses, . . . I shall try, as far as lies in ray power, to encourage the trade and to ad- vance it, and as far as possible to make it general. Same, p. j/. 1749. Commandeur in Essequibo. Some profit ought at times to be made out of the Spaniards, . . . many Spaniards come and go out of the river without coming under my observation ; . . . this occurring at the instance of some of the principal (planters), and also in order not to frighten away the Spaniards, I have until now con- nived somewhat at this. Same, pp. 60-61. 1750. Report of Committee on Commandeur's Report. The Committee, were of opinion that ... in view of the increasing Spanisli trade, it was not unlikely that a reasonable profit might be made by it, especially so if it could be brought about that the Spaniards no longer, as hereto- fore, has usually happened, tarried with their wares and articles of trade among the private settlers living up the [Essequibo] river, but came with them farther down and as far as to the fort. Same, p. 68. 1752. Secretary in Essequibo. It is very agreeable to me that my idea regarding the not allowing the Span- iards to trade overland in cattle with this Colony has your Honours' appro- bation. Same, p. /j. 70 DUTCH TRADE. SPANISH TRADE TO ESSEQUI BO-(Continued). 1 761. British Counter Case. The Dutch Director-General, in . . . 1761, . . . considered . . . it was best to send fewer no boats to the Orinoco, and to compel the Spaniards to come to the Essequibo. The Court of Policy reported that the [Orinoco] trade was a mere bagatelle, and also risky and precarious, particularly as England and Spain were said again to be at war, and Orinoco would probably soon be ruined for many years to come. Consequently the trade was purposely suspended by the Dutch. B. C.-C, 80. 1761. Director-General in Essequibo. I have always imagined that it was best for our inhabitants to send few or no boats to Orinoco, and so compel the Spaniards to come here with their mer- chandize ; in this way our people would not be exposed to the least danger, and the arrangement began to work very well. B. C, II, ig8. 1 761. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Concerning the trade which is carried on from the Colony to Rio Orinoco. We beg you to consider whether it might not be possible, and more profitable for the Company, to direct this trade into such channels that it must be carried on from Orinoco to Esseqnibo, by the Spaniards ; whereas it now, on the contrary, takes place from Essequibo to the Orinoco. Same, p. 202. 1764. Director-General in Essequibo. The Spaniards . . . come here [to Essequibo] with mules, cattle, to- bacco, hides, dried meat. B. C, III, iii. 1766. Director-General in Essequibo. The Spaniards who had come hither with tobacco, hides, and other things, all have to pass his [Postholder of Moruka] door, and some of them rest at his place. Same, p. ijg. 1776. Director-General in Essequibo. The Portuguese are trading above in the river as the Spaniards here below. B. C, IV, 176. SLAVE TRADE. SLAVES-WHENCE AND HOW OBTAINED. 1699. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. September 18, [1699]. Jotte the old negro, has set out for the Upper Maza- runi ... to bring down four or five slaves. September 22, [1699]. In the afternoon Jotte, the old negro, arrived from Mazaruni. . . . bringing with him four female slaves, two children, and a boy. B. C, I, 216. 1724. Governor of Cumana. As soon as I arrived in this Government . . . news was frequently sent to me that many foreigners — the Dutch from Surinam and Berbice — came to these places trading, in vessels, and penetrating more than 100 leagues up the OriiMH'i*, and more than 30 above Angostura, the Fathers lamenting the trade SLAVE TRADE. 71 SLAVES WHENCE AND HOW OBTAIN ED-(Continued). carried on with the Caribs, the sale of tools, stuffs, wine, spirits, guns, and other arms, which they exchanged for a large number of Indian slaves. B. C, III, 78. 1727. Court of Policy. On the i6th September last [1726I Jan Batiste arrived here from Orinoco and brought with him 200 stoops of balsam, two female slaves, and one child. B. C, II, 6. 1733. Commandeur in Essequibo. The outrunner, Yan der Bnrg", who has been among the tribes up in Esse- quibo for more than a year altogether in order to trade, sent me in September last one Creole, with two slave women and some copaiba balsam, writing that he would himself come down in November. Same, p. 16. 1734. King of Spain, In the [Barima] creek ... a Carib Chief . . . said . . . the whites of Guayana, . . . hindered him taking the Indians of the nations of the Orinoco and selling them to tlie Dutch. B. C, III, Si. 1734. Father Joseph Gumilla, Both nations [Butch and Carib] come up from the sea to rob and burn the villages of the Missions and carry off as many captives as they can, and sell them at Essequibo, Berbice and Surinam. Many Caribs receive a great supply of arms, ammunition, glass beads, and other trifles, with the understanding that they are to be paid for within a certain time with Indians, which they must take prisoners on the Orinoco. And when the time has elapsed the Dutch creditors encourage and even oblige the Caribs to their bloody raids against the defenceless Indians of the Orinoco. Same, p. 84. \72,7- Commandeur in Essequibo. Among the outgoing cargo are two half-kegs of fine dye, taken in exchange by Van der Burg up in Essequibo, where the necessary buildings have been made and a post established to extend trade through those regions, if possible, to the Amazon. ... in view of the slave trade and the production of fine dye, this post remains of much importance, since, small as is this beginning, we become acquainted among the Indians further inland, and this trade may by degrees become considerable. B. C, II, 24-2^. 1739. Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago. They [Caribs] sail up the river [Orinoco] to seize Indians of other tribes, whom they sell, both males and females, as slaves to the Dutch, with whom they carry on this trade and that of horses, which are to the Dutch and French a source of vast profit and benefit. B. C.-C, App., 186. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. The inhabitants are very much aggrieved [at the planting by the Spaniards of a Post on tlie CuyuniJ and the Carib Indians a great deal more so since it perfectly closes the Slave Traffic in that direction from which alone that nation derive their livelihood. B. C, II, 46. Y2 SLAVE TRADE. SLAVES-WHENCE AND HOW OBTAI NED-!Continued). 1747. Ramon Santa Maria. For this [slavc-selliiiar] trip [the Caribs] have, besides the navigation of the Orinoco and the channels of the Barima, a road on land which, crossing the Caroni above the Guajana Missions, reaches the Aquire river, and they go down by this river to near its mouth, when they act in concert with some vessel, which waits on this river, and when not, they enter the Yuruari and follow it down to the Esquibo. V- C, II, 2g7. 1747. Inventory of stock [Indian trading goods] at the Cuyuui Post. List of debts of the Master of the Post. Yriveno owes 8 slaves. Tucunuara " 3 Arinamene " 3 " Marayacano " i " Aritamar " 3 Carinare " 4 Asavue " i Arimanaca " 2 Manarvay " 4 " Total 29 slaves. Same, pp. 2gy-2g8. i'j/\.7. Commandeur in Essequibo. Two of our rovers, . . . have been murdered in the Upper Essequibo by the Indians. . . . The loss of those people would not be a matter of very great concern were it not that ... I fear that those tribes between the Amazon and this river, . . . being extremely embittered, and, fearing that vengeance will be taken for this murder, may perhaps raid our highest-lying plantations, ... I have long foretold such a thing, and on that account have desired to close the River of Essequibo, but have met with much opposition on account of the profit which some draw from there through the Slave Trade. B. C, II, S2. 1748. Minutes, Court of Justice. His Honour, . . . undertook to charge the Postholders of the Honour- able Company's trading-place Arinda with the recovery of the said outstanding slaves [iu the Upper Essequibo region]. Same, p. jj. 1749. Commandeur in Essequibo. All the itinerant traders which go from tliere [Surinam] in order to deal in slaves stop here, as all go to Barima, which is situated under this jurisdiction, to the great prejudice of the inhabitants, because they pay more for the slaves than we usually do. Same, p. 61. 1750. Anonymous. The Dutch obtain slaves from this river [Orinoco], for when the Caribs go up to attack other tribes of Indians, they surround their villages by night, seize the boys (whom they call Poitos) and sell them for slaves in the colonies, which is a very sad thing. B. C.-C, App., ig6. SLAVE TRADE. 73 SLAVES-WHENCE AND HOW OBTAI NED-(Continued). 1755. Don Eugenio de Alvarado. They [Caribs] navigate the Orinoco up to the mouth of the Caroni, enter it and pass its fall by night, and continue their course up the stream until they reach the islands mentioned, . . . where . . . they make a station for ingress into the interior. . . . They also go to Cunuri, Tupuquen, and other villages which were destroyed in 1751, and even to Miamo, until they reach the woods . . . inhabited by Caribs and other savage tribes, where they capture their poitos or slaves, whom they carry off to sell to the Dutch. B. C, II, log. 1758. Prefect of Missions. It is by no means incredible that the Dutch are in the Cuyuni buying slaves, for they do not hesitate to carry on that illicit traffic nearer the Missions. . . . Captain Bonalde encountered a Dutchman, about a day's journey from the Mission of Miamo, buying slaves or Indians which the Caribs were selling him. Apart from this we know well how frequently the Dutch go to the Paragua, Caura, and head waters of the Caroni, so that they maintain their position there every year. Same, p. 146. The Dutch and Caribs, ... [in pursuit of slaves, ascend] the river Essequibo, and turning on the right up the river Aripamuri, ... as far as possible, . . .the Rio Negro is reached. Descending the Rio Negro . . . they get to the Amazon, and, ascending the same river by turning to the right, they enter the Orinoco, . . . The Dutch, by means of the navi- gation of the Essequibo, communicate with Barinas, as well as with the Paragua, the head-waters of the Caroni, &c. . . . Numbers of Dutch, besides those who go to the Paragua, remain in tlie places called Tucupo, Capi, and Paraman, to buy slaves. These places are in the interior, some three or or four days' journey from the outermost Missions. . . . There are generally Dutch merchants in those places, for the Caribs bring them the slaves there. Same, p. 147. 1760. Don Jose de Iturriaga. They have gone higher up beyond the Falls of the rivers Paragua, Aroi and Caura, considering them insurmountable to the efforts of the Spanish. Thence they made war upon other nations, took slaves and sent them to Esse- quibo, depopulating in this way the dominions of the King, whilst peopling the territories which the Dutch enjoy. Same, p. iSj. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. 60 leagues from its [Orinoco] mouth . . . [there are] certain lofty ranges, peopled with numbers of Indians, who are harassed by the Caribs, who capture the women and children to carry off to the Dutch, and extermi- nate as many of the adult males as they can. B. C, III, 62. By making incursions along this river [Essequibo] and along the Massa- runi and Cuyuni, protected by the Carib Indians, though not of this province, to plunder the Indians, of whom they make slaves just as they do of the negroes, whom they sell and employ in their plantations and farms. Same, p. 64. 74 SLAVE TRADE. SLAVES-WHENCE AND HOW OBTAINED-(Continued). 1769. Prefect of Missions. The practice of these foreigners is now, as always, to penetrate to the in- terior of this province in order to kidnap and enslave Indians, your Ma- jesty's vassals, and take them to their Colony ; their practice is so common, as it is authorized by the Governor of Essequibo . . . from the licences and pass- ports [given] . . . under his own hand, to the persons leaving the Colony for this traffic of enslaving Indians, until, without respect, they enter our Missions. B. CIV, 20. In 1748 two white men from Essequibo came to our Mission of the Miamo with a passport from the Governor for the purpose of buying Indians. . . The same year a mulatto woman from Essequibo was on the savannahs of Cornuio, buying slaves from the Caribs, and in the year (17)49 a- soldier of our detachment caught one of these traffickers very near our Mission of Miamo, who had a licence of the Governor of Essequibo to come to buy slaves, and in that patent he styled himself Governor of Essequibo and mouths of the Orinoco. In the River Agnirre there was a Dutchman domiciled with the Caribs more than eight years buying slaves from them. There were also others in the same ti'afflc in Puruey, Caura and Parava. from vv'here they used to send to Essequibo and Surinam parties of from twenty to fifty slaves, and they discon- tinued in alarm at the arrival of the Royal Commission in the Orinoco. Satne, pp. 20-21. On the 20th of June, 1766, there arrived at our Mission of Cavallapi a negro and an Indian, slave-buyers, each with a licence from the Governor of Essequibo. He, [a negro slave-trader from Essequibo] told me that he had been three years on the Parava huying^ slaves from the Caribs. Same, p. 21. He [a negro slave trader] had come from Essequibo to theCuyuni, Yuruari, and the port of the Mission of Cavallapi. with two canoes or barges. One of these was laden with firearms and iron for axes and knives, clothes and other trifles. He distributed these among the Indians of the said village, and of Miamo and Guascipati, who in return, as the Caribs said, were to give them young Indians. Same, p. 22. 1770. Don Manuel Centurion. The constant export of slaves from the interior of this province, which the Dutch and Caribs carry on by the Rivers Apanoni, Sipo, Maseroni, and many others which flow into the Essequibo. Same, p. yS. 1771. Don Jose Solano. By virtue of the new situation of the capital in the Angostura, and the lesser settlements on the banks of the Rivers Caroni, Paraijua and Caura, the Caribs have been entirely subjected, and many tribes have thus been freed from their persecutions, the former being in the habit of making prisoners among the natives, and selling them as slaves in the Dutch Colonies of Esse- quibo and Surinam. Same, p. So. SLAVE TRADE. 75 SLAVES-WHENCE AND HOW OBTAIN ED-(Continued). 1778. Government Journal at Essequibo. July 13. I have provided one Veltman with a passport . . . to purchase Indians in the upper rivers; . . . (and) a letter of permission, in order to pass and repass the Post of Arinda. July 15. A letter of permission, . . . to J. H. C. Klein, that ... he might pass and repass the Post of Arinda in order to obtain slaves by barter among the nations in the river above. B. C, IV, iSg. 1785. Diary of Commander of Revenue Cutter in Orinoco. [Near Barima some Guarauno Indians informed me] that only some days previous some Hollanders had come down with a few Poytos to tlie head- waters of the Barima, and that they had taken them to Essequibo. V.C.-C.,ni,jj4. [1788 ?] Council of the Indies. The Dutch . . . went to the interior by this river [Orinoco], the Maza- runi and Cuyuni, protected by the Caribs, to pillage and capture the Indians of the . . . Province, frequently disturbing ... the Missions of the . . . Capuchins. V. C, II, 2^4. SLAVES-BY WHOM CAPTURED AND BOUGHT. . [1897] George L. Burr. If the Essequibo correspondence may be trusted, the Dutch slave traders who infested these parts [Amacura and beyond] are more likely to have been from Surinam than from the western colonies. V. C.-C, II, 142. 1593. Antonio de Berrio. [Faxardo] stole and carried off nearly 300 souls [Indians of Moriquita], whom he is selling like negroes. B. C, I, j. 1628. West India Company (the Nineteen). Lastly, the Company shall take pains to fuimish the colonists with as many negroes as shall be possible, on the conditions to be formulated. Same, p. 6g. 1638. Corporation of Santo Thome. Tlie soldiers who came [to help Santo Thome] would return enriched with the number of Indians whicli are given for slaves. The Governor . . . promises that all those whom they shall take they shall carry away to your Government, or any other part that your Excellency may order. Same, p. 104. 1656. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Colonists shall also be at liberty to go to the coast of Africa and fetch as many negroes as they shall have need of or may desire to offer for sale. . . . This Chamber . . . shall do its utmost ... to order negroes for the aforesaid coast. Same, pp. 138-/39. 1657. Committee governing Walcheren cities. There shall be equipped two ships, the one to the Wild Coast, . . . the other with a slave trader's cargo, to the coast of Africa, to buy slaves and carry them from there to the aforesaid Wild Coast. Same, p. 143. 76 SLAVE TRADE. SLAVES-BY WHOM CAPTURED AND BOUGHT-(Continued). 1686. British Case. In 1686 the enslaving- of Tudiuus by Dutch subjects was made illegal, and only those Indians might be bonght as slaves who were iu slavery to the Indians with whom the trade was carried on. This measure in effect protected from slavery all the tribes that inhabited the territory now in dispute, as the In- dians of that territory did not enslave one another, but treated as slave nations only certain tribes further in the interior. This law was strictly enforced, and had a great effect in promoting friendly relations between the Dutch and the Indians. B. C, Sj. 1699. Official Dairy at Kijkoveral. November 2, [1699]. There arrived at the Fort the Corporal, Joos Bacx, and Jan Debbaut, reporting that the expected Company's ship "Den Brandenburger," . . . had arrived here in the river with 330 [«<;] negro slaves, and during their voyage 130 of the 450 slaves shipped had died. B. C.-C, App., 63. 1 7 13. Commandeur in Essequibo. Red slaves have ^one np in price fully one-half as compared with what they used to be . . . ten or twelve years ago. This has mainly been caused by the Surinam people, who . . , [are] trying ... to get that trade into their hands. B. C, /, 23J. 1725. Governor of Venezuela. I informed your Majesty of the trade carried on by the Hollanders through the mouth of the Orinoco, buyins? little Indians from the victors for working on their plantations in the towns or fortresses of Surinam and Berbiz. V. C.-C, III, 24. 1726. Court of Policy. On the 14th March [1726] Jan Batiste and Hendrik van der Win were sent to Orinoco ... to buy red slaves. B. C, II, 3. 1726. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Directors of the . . . West India Company, having ordered us to purchase in Orinoco some slaves. Satne, p. 4. 1730. Court of Policy. Settlers are forbidden to trade for red slaves in the rivers Cajoene and Massereony, as for many years past these two rivers have been kept for the particular trade of the Honourable Company. B. C, VII, iSS. 1735. Governor of Cumana. Sustain themselves by waging war against the other Indians, whom they en- slave and carry away to sell to the Dutch and other foreign nations ; there being years in which the slaves sold by them are no Ifess than from 600 to 700. Last year I deprived them wholly of this accursed traffic, and . . . also . . . this year, whereat they became desperate, as they owed the Indians of Surinam some 700 head of slaves. V. C.-C, III, 42. 1750. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Carib nation would still bring slaves enough. B. C, II, 68. SLAVE TRADE. 77 SLAVES-BY WHOM CAPTURED AND BOUGHT-' Continued). 1758. Prefect of Missions. I am unable to name all the nations Avhich the Csiribs ]nirsue with the ob- ject of enslaving" them. But the tribes dwelling on our frontiers, and the most generally known, are the Barinagotos, Maos, Macos, Amarucotos, Camaracotos, and Aiiaos, Paravinas, Guaicas, &c. B. C, II, 14'/. 1762. Prefect of Missions. In the year I7[62] the Father President of the Mission of Supama advised me that a Onaj'ca Chief of this Mission had liidnapped some young Indians from the same village, and had sold them to the Dutch and the traffickers. B. C, IV, 21. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. [In the Upper Orinoco] the Dutch, chieily, bought from the Caribs and carried away all the Indians they could, for the establishment and cultivation of the plantations in their Colonies of Essequibo, Berbice, Surinam and Corentin. B. C, III, II. Several expeditions have been sent out, and one of these surprised a strong- hold, built by the Dutch on the River Cuyuni, where they had gathered all the Indians of other tribes captured by the Caribs and sold to them for mere trifles. The Catalonian Capuchins have . . . closed the Orinoco to the inhuman commerce of the Caribs and of the said Dutch. Same, fi. 20. In none of the said provinces are foreigners any longer seen overrunning them and committing hostilities or exciting the Caribs, their aUies, to do so, except the Dutch, who purchase from them all the Indians that are not Caribs. Same, p. jj. The Governor [of Essequibo] . . . grants them [Caribs] letters patent to make slaves of all the Indians whom they meet. Same, p. 44. 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. Mr. La Barre, the agent in Martinique of the Spanish Governors . . . has told me that . . . strict and well defined orders had come from His Catholic Majesty to those Governors to sell no more slaves belonging to subjects of France, England, or the State, but to detain the same and restore them to the owners, . . . nine French slaves coming from Cayenne to Orinoco had been sold by the Governor of Orinoco. Satne, p. 177. 1794. Governor-General in Essequibo. The present exorbitant prices of the neg-roes will again be an obstacle to t!ie progress of cultivation ; ... aid should again be given here to the planters, and you be requested to exempt the planters there for five years from the payment of the poll-tax. B. C, V, i^j. SLAVES-SURREPTITIOUS CHARACTER OF TRADE IN. 1734. Father Joseph Gumilla. To procure these [slaves, balsam and annatto] some Dutch introduce them- selves among- the fleets of these Indians, painted according to the custom of the said savages, by which they encourage them, and add boldness to the lament- able destruction which they work. B. C, III, 84, 78 SLAVE TRADE. SLAVES-SURREPTITIOUS CHARACTER OF TRADE IN-(Continued). 1753. Instructions to Iturriaga. This expedient [secret support of revolted slaves] ... is a just sat- isfaction for what they [Dutch] are constantly practising in the reductions of the Orinoco, inciting and leading the Caribs to hostilities. B. C, II, 86. 1758. Stephen Hiz, Postholder in Cuyuni. Asked if he had received any merchandize for the purpose of baying slaves, ... he answered that ... he had . . . nothing whatever to do with snch purchases. Same, p. 166. 1760. Valdez and Coronado. In regard to the half-breed, Jan Batista, who was well known, although in his confession he refused to give his name, and denied that he was a half-breed, saying that he was an Indian of the Aruak nation, and having- maliciously stained himself with annotto in order not to be recognized, his Honour . . . ordered that he should be put in irons in the fortress. Same, p. ig6. 1769. Prefect of Missions. I also saw and recognized a Dutcli Mulatto who came disguised as a Carib, to instruct and encourage the Caribs. His name, and he himself, is well known in these Missions. B. C, IV, 21. SLAVERY-CRUELTIES PRACTICED 1663. Commandeur in Pomeroon. A slave belonging to the late clerk, van Heijcoop, has cut the throat of his comrade and given him some fifty thrusts more while they were out on a journey with their master. After I had secured the culprit I had him executed by the hands of justice, liis head stuck upon the gallows and the four quarters at different places. B. C.-C, App., 36. The negroes, having suffered great want, made their appearance upon a plan- tation belonging to Indians and were delivered up to me ; after I had examined them, and they had confessed their crimes, I liad them broken upon the wheel by the hands of justice, tlieir heads and hands set up on a pole, and their bodies burnt. Same, p. jy. 1700. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. November 4, [1700] . . . the clergyman sent advice ... of the desperate deed of one of his negro slaves who had deliberately drowned him. self, . . . whereupon the Commandeur set out . . . and on arriving there he thought that the best thing to do under the circumstances was to have the said drowned slave hung up on a tree as an example and terror to any other malicious negroes who might have such intentions ; and this was done. Same, p. 122. December 27, [1700] . . . the Commandeur, accompanied by the sergeant and four musketeers, proceeded to the plantation " Poelwijck " in order to take the necessary measures there against the negro slaves who were rebellious, and to question them concerning the runaway negro Gerritje, who had run away with his wife and children into the woods. Same, p. ij2. SLAVE TRADE. 79 SLAVERY-CRUELTIES PRACTICE D-(Continued). 1700. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. About 6 o'clock the former foreman of the plantation " Poelwijck " arrived here bringing a report . . . that the two children of the above-mentioned negro had been found cruelly murdered by their father, also that he had heard from two negroes who had found the said children, and who were looking for the said negro with a dog that they had with them, and which ran on before them into the wood, that they had heard the dog howl, and the runaway negro had thrown a chopper at it, but that they had not found him. December 28 [1700]. The Commandeur . . . returned ... re- porting that the nuiaway uegro, together with his cliildreii, had been found, hut all killed in the following manner : The children with their throats cut, and he himself having* also hang-ed himself, with his entrails out of his body and a pollution between his legs. The negress, however, had escaped with a knife-thrust running downwards, and not fatal, and had fallen into our hands. For the rest, all was in good order upon both the plantations " De Hoop " and " Poelwijck." B. C.-C, App., ij2. 1720. [1763] Don Jose Diguja. In . . . 1720, . . . the Dutch, English, and French, . . . with the Caribs, overran . . . the Province of Guayana [and others] enslaving' and slaughtering all the Indians, other than Caribs, whom they could seize, and burning the Mission villages and Spanish settlements established in the said provinces. B- C., Ill, J4, 1743. Commandeur in Essequibo. There were brought me the hands of the two still absent Creoles Ariaen and Fortuyn, who, having run away from the head miner had been unwilling to come back on pardon. They were finally made an end of by the Indians of Waiui. B. C, II, 40. 1744. Commandeur in Essequibo. I . . . spared no promises or threats to obtain either alive or dead the three remaining (deserters), by all of which means I moved the Indians of Barima at last with much trouble to make an attack ; . . . they were successful and under command of the Jew, Moses Isaakse de Vries, broke their necks and brought their hands here, which I caused to be nailed to a post, as a warn- ing to others. Same, p. 42. 1749. Commandeur in Essequibo. Of the runaway slaves from the new plantation, . . . five have been brought back . . , but two are still wanting , . . these having been slain by the Carib Indians, by whom also the last one brought in was wounded. Same, p. 6j. 1758. Prefect of Missions. In view of the multitude of young Indians which the Caribs, with the Dutch, daily carry to the foreign Colonies, ... it will not be too much to say that the Caribs sell yearly more than 300 children, leaving murdered in their houses more than 400 adults, for the Dutch do not hke to buy the latter be- cause they well know that, being grown up, they will escape. Indeed, we know this, as some fugitives were seen in the Missions, and could be recognized by the brands of their masters, which many of them have on their bodies — for the Essequibo Company have ordered that the Indian slaves shall be branded on pain of losing them. Same, pp. 146-14'/. 80 SLAVE TRADE. SLAVERY-CRUELTIES PRACTICED-(Continued). 1758. Prefect of Missions. This slave trade has so completely changed the Caribs that their only oc- cupation is constantly going to and returning from war, selling and killing the Indians of those nations already mentioned. And not only the Caribs of the forests, but even those of the Missions, participate in these wars. B. C, II, 14S. 1 76 1. Don Jose Diguja. The Dutch . . . go by this river [Orinoco], and those of Mazaroni and Cuyuni, protected by the Carib Indians, pillaging and capturing the Indians that are not Caribs, from this Province, and reducing them to slavery, in the same way as they do with the negroes, and sell them and employ them in their plantations and farms. In order to seize them they employ every device that tyranny and avarice can suggest, keeping in close friendship with the Caribs, a ferocious and warlike tribe overrunning all this extensive Province ... in persecution of other In- dians, on whom the Caribs hold control, on account of their peaceful and gentle character, being continually assaulted in their ranches or grounds ; the old In- dians are killed, and the young and the women captured to be reduced to slavery. . . . The native Hollanders of those Colonies, who accompany the Caribs, teach them how to manage the arms, and they are even more in- human than the Caribs themselves. V. C, II, J42-J43. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. In order to obtain these poor Indians they [Dutch] adopt every method which their preed and tyranny suggest, . . . with the Caribs, ... in search of the other Indians, over whom the Caribs have the mastery . . . the men are slain and the women and children made prisoners, for these are the ones of whom they make slaves. B. C, III, 64. 1763. Director-General in Essequibo. The Chief of the Acuway nation above Demerary has come down with two neg-ro girls and three hands of negroes, bringing information that he had made a night attack upon the plantation De Savonnette, in upper Berbice, and killed flfty-flve negroes, men, women and children. B. C, II, 227. 1783. Dutch Administrator of Essequibo. They [slaves] exhibited to me the flogged Bomba, the negro Jamis, wlio had been shot, and the girl Dede, who detailed her miseries while they themselves there extracted the gun-shots and tied them up. B. C, V, 12. 1786. Director-General in Essequibo. The good effect ... of the Post of Maroco becomes daily more felt. A deserter from here and two runaway negroes . . . having been captured there. . . . One of these negroes has drowned himself, the other has by the Court here been sentenced on the 26th September last to be flogged, branded, and lias had his ears cut oft", and put in chains for his life. Same, p. 44. 1794. Jan Van Eersbeek. Having also brought with us one Indian and the right arm of that negro. Same, p. 1^7. SLAVE TRADE. 81 SLAVERY-ITS STATUS AND IMPORTANCE. . British Case. To prevent escape [of slaves] . . . the Dutch to a great extent relied on the Posts in the Upper Essequibo and the Cuyuni. B. C, p2. 1706. Commandeur in Essequibo. TJiirteen young- negro Creoles, whom I made use of as traders for the Com- pany . . . have run away up above the falls in Cayuni. ... I have . . . sent after them the sergeant. ... I have also sent a free Malack, named Jan Pietersen, . . . said Jan Pietersen has again come down, reporting that he has found four of the runaways overland in Penoeny, . . . the others have traveled further up the Cayuni, also to the savannah. B. C, I, 22S-22g. 1707. Commandeur in Essequibo. If the indigro succeed the Slave Trade will have a considerable stimulus. Same, p. 22g. 1708. Commandeur in Essequibo. The successful attempting of sugar-cane demands an undeniably g'reater uiiiu- ber of slaves, ... As regards the importation of slaves for this river, . . . in this grievous war-time private individuals have no desire to cumber themselves with more slaves. Same, p. 2jo. 1728. Commandeur in Essequibo. I . . . [take] the liberty to inform you that several slaves belonging to the inhabitants of this Colony have dared to run away and to remain under your protection in the River Orinoco, refusing to return to their duty ; . . . I beg most earnestly, Sir, that you may be pleased to return by the bearer of this all the slaves who deserted from this Colony. B. C, II, g. 1729. Secretary Gelskerke in Essequibo. For some years past your Lordships' slaves, as well as those belonging to the colonists, run away to Orinoco as soon as they think they have any grievance. There the Spaniards keep them, and will not give them up when we have claimed them. This makes them so insolent that measures have been devised to provide against this. Same. p. 8. 1753. Instructions to Iturriaga. Some years ago a number of rebellious negroes fled from their [Dutch] Colony of Surinam, whom, so far, they have been unable to reduce although for that purpose a large body of European soldiers were brought our. Same, p. S6. 1755. L)on Eugenio de Alvarado. This Indian slave trade is of great utility to tlie Dutch, as the said slaves cultivate their lands, and fetch as high a price as negroes. Same, p. iiS. 1769. Remonstrance of States-General. This desertion [of slaves] unless checked, miglit in time cause the com- plete ruin of Essequibo. B. C, IV, j2. 1769. Ex-Prefect of Missions. The Colony of Essequibo is going visibly to its rnin since the gate has been closed for the illicit traffic which it previously carried on in Orinoco, and the poilos or slaves have found that of their liberty open, so that they can escape thence. Sajiie, p. jo. 82 SLAVE TRADE. SLAVERY-ITS STATUS AND I M PORTANCE-(Continued). 1772. Director-General in Essequibo. The numbers of the runaways increasing- daily, this matter will end in the total ruin of a great many plantations, unless efificacious remedies be adopted. B. C, IV, 1 00- 10 1. 1773. Director-General in Essequibo. A still more ruinous occurrence for the Colony occurred a few days ago . . . eleven negroes, five negresses and one child made off in a boat to Orin- ocque, which has now l)econie a refuge for these people. Unless your Lord- ships be pleased to adopt efficacious means most speedily, and demand early redress from the Sovereign, we shall, I fear, hear before long of a large and in- creased number of similar occurrences, resulting in the total ruin of the Colony . . . If no treaty can be concluded with the King of Spain by which our runaway slaves may be restored to us . . . then I foresee . . . that our Colony, which is now beginning to flourish, will in less than ten years suffer irremediable ruin. Same, pp. 108-iog. 1774. Director-General and Courts of Justice and Policy. We again take the liberty of entreating your Lordships to be pleased to make an alliance or contract with the Court of Spain ... to restore and to send back our deserting soldiers or runaway slaves . . . If . . . not, . . . the whole Colony will some day come to total ruin. Same, p. I2j. 1774. Director-General in Essequibo. Unless your Lordships are enabled to adopt efficacious measures most speedily . . . in the matter of the slaves running- away to the Spaniards, we shall all be totally ruined here some day. Same, p. 128. 1775. Memorial to Director-General and Councillors of Essequibo. The Undersigned, wishing to prevent the total ruin of this Colony, humbly request your Excellency and your Honours to be pleased to bring this matter, which is one of threatening danger, most speedily to the notice of their Lord- ships, so that we may be ensured against further ruin and the loss of all our possessions, both by the establishment of a few forts in the direction of Orinoco and by positive orders from the Court of Spain for the restitution of our slaves. Satne, p. i2g. 1775. Courts of Policy and Justice. It were desirable that the remonstrances made by their High Mightinesses to the Court of Spain concerning the desertion of the soldiers and the running away of tlie slaves had had better results, . . . we fear with reason that this matter may one day be of evil consequence for the Colony, Same, p. ij/, 1776. Director-General in Essequibo. If the Governor (of Orinoco) does not restore our slaves, the Colony, in a short time, will suffer irretrievable damage. Same, p. 166. 1783. Dutch Administrator of Essequibo. It is to be wished that . . . something may be done with the Court of Spain that this lieavy I0.S8 of slaves to their neighbouring domain could be restored, and the total ruin of this land be prevented. B. C, V, 12. SLAVE TRADE. 83 SLAVERY-ITS STATUS AND I M PORTANCE-(Continued). 1783. Dutch Administrator of Essequibo. I, being at Demarara, saw the present Government dispatch a barque to Oronoque to bring cattle for the garrison manned by the best slaves of the plan- tations and of the (military) train, but until now I have seen none of them appear, and if they or others may do this they will be in a better position to teach the rest the road thereto, and the language of that fatal place, and come themselves to take away their families, that they may still be here, in order never to return. B. C, V, 12. 1784. Commandeur in Demerara. This matter [escape of slaves] is of the greatest importance to this Colony [Demerara] and to Essequibo. There passes no week without run- aways of one plantation or another going thither, and the neighborhood is depriv^ed of all possible means of being able to bring them back as long as there are no uitleggers or a good strong occupation Post erected on the boundaries of Oronoque. Satiie, p. 2j. 1784. West India Company (the Ten). The chief reason which induces tlie slaves to run away is their idea that as soon as they arrive there [in Orinoco] they will be exempted from their slavery, and it is a fact that, directly upon their arrival, they are baptized by a priest and declared free, but then they are starving, to prevent which they are given, on be- half of the King, their food and drink, or 5 stivers per day. In return for which they must work at the fortifications or in the mines fully as hard as they ever had to do during their slavery, and if they show the least in- clination to go back again, chains are put on their legs in order to keep them there. Same, pp. 24-2^5 . 1785. Director-General in Essequibo. This [as to the Moruka Post] is all subject to your Honours' approval, and to save as far as may be possible the Colony from ruin, caused through the deser- tion [of slaves] to Oronoque. Same, p. j6. Everything here is in good order, only there remains the desertion of the slaves of our inhabitants to Oronoque, which always continues, and proves a great drawback to the welfare of this Colony. Same, p. jg. 1786. Director-General in Essequibo. Now that we are . . . possibly about to become allies of Spain we may obtain a Cartel with [her] ... for the extradition of our slaves who de- sert . . . then would the inhabitants, particularly those of Essequibo, fast begin to enjoy rest. Then we should be able to open Bouweron without danger. Same, p. 41. 1788. Don Miguel Marmion. The Caura [river] deserves most attention, on account of its abundance of wood and the fertility of its soil and arable lands, in which the Indians cultivate produce of first necessity ; and a beg'inning' has been made of some small planta- tions of cotton by the fugitive negroes from Essequibo. Same, p. ^6. 1790. Director-General. For an exchange of runaway slaves to the Orinoco and other Spanish possessions. Same, p. J4. 84 SLAVE TRADE. SLAVERY-ITS STATUS AND I M PORTANCE-(Continued). 1790. Lopez de la Puente. The rebellious negro slaves, which at present numbers 12,000 more or less, . . . are independent, and recognize no superior. . . . They have always resisted the yoke of foreigners, but particularly that of the Dutch, and have beaten the large expeditions , . . sent for the purpose of reducing them ; . . . the Dutch now pay them a large sum in kind so that they may refrain from raiding their settlements. B. C, V, 120. 1 791. Treaty of Aranjuez. The reciprocal surrender of white or black fugitives is agreed upon be- tween all the Spanish possessions in America, and all the Dutch Colonies, and particularly, . . . between all the Spanish establishments on the Orinoco and Essequibo and Demerara, Berbice and Surinam. Same, p. 128. 1792. A. Backer to Spanish Governor-General. Whereas . . . the General States of the United Netherlands have, on the 23d of June of the past year, made an agreement in Aranjuez with . . . the King of Spain, with regard to the extradition and surrender of fugitive slaves ... we hope that the bearer of this letter will receive from Your Ex- cellency all the facility and aid to recover several negro slaves who have fled last year from Essequibo and Demerara to Orinoco. We are disposed, on our part, to strictly fulfill the above-mentioned Agree- ment. V. C. , //, 4S2. SLAVERY-ABOLITION OF BY BRITISH, ITS EFFECT. 1794. Governor-General in Essequibo. A plantation without slaves is a body without soul ; it is only too well known that our trade on the coast of Guinea is in great decay ; still, the agri- cultural Colonies must not for that reason be made to languish. . . . this Colony will now, we hope, . . . daily grow and flourish, if permitted freely to import slaves. B. C, V. 1^4. . Venezuelan Case. This same year of 1S07 saw the abolition of the African slave trade, the first of those steps which in 1838 resulted in the total abolition of slavery from the Colony. . . . this . . . came as a severe blow to the struggling planters whose dependence upon their slaves was complete. The blow itself came at a most inopportune moment. It came when the colony was already in a moribund condition. V. C, i/j. The effect of this final emancipation was almost the ruin of the Colony. Same, pp. J-/4-I75- -. British Counter Case. The abolition of the slave trade, the subsequent emancipation of the j negroes, and the resulting loss to the planters, this had no efl'ect upon the area which (jjreat Britain continued to occupy. B. C.-C, 112, 5 \ •I SLAVE TRADE. 85 SLAVERY-ABOLITION OF BY BRITISH, ITS EFFECT-(Coiitinued). 1807. [1893] James Rodway. The abolition of tlie African trade in 1807 was naturally a great shock to the planters. The old system of buying new laborers to open up and extend the plantations then came to an end, and enterprise in that direction received a check from which it has never since recovered. V. C, ///,j2j. 1 810. Court of PoHcy. [As to the Oaribs] having formerly been of great use to the Colony this certainly was the case at the time it was lawful to employ the other classes of Indians as slaves, when these Caraiban Indians were very nseful in pro- curing them, but could not be applicable at this moment, when that trade was prohibited. B. C, V. ig^, 1849. Earl Grey. It is most melancholy to learn, that while the difficulties of the planters have continued since the abolition of slavery to become more and more severe, until now their ruin appears to be almost complete, and the depreciation of prop- erty once of such great value, has reached a point which involves in the deepest distress great numbers of persons both in this country and the colony; at the same time the negroes, instead of having made a great advance in civilization as might have been hoped during the fifteen years which have elapsed since their emancipation, have, on the contrary, retrograded rather than improved, and that they are now as a body less amenable than they were when that great change took place, to the restraints of religion and of law, less docile and tractable, and almost as ignorant and as much subject as ever to the degrading superstition which their forefathers brought with them from Africa. V. C, III, J2y. 1894. James Rodway. The emancipation act had been passed on the 24th of August [183-] and was published in the Colony on the 19th of October. V. C, III,j2j. Under the emancipation Act the slaves were classified as predials and domestics, the former being bound to remain as apprentices until 1840, while the latter would be entirely free in 1838. Same, p. J26. It is undoubtedly true that emancipation meant a serious reduction of the estimated capital and, as a natural consequence, of all the advantages of its pos- session. Only about a third of the value of the slaves was received, so that every owner was mulcted in the amount of the other two thirds, leaving him in so much the worse position as a borrower. From all that can be gleaned, the human property on an estate was always of more importance than the acreage in cultiva- tion, and was therefore its prop and mainstay in all financial difficulties. Same, p. J26. It was undoubtedly true that there was great distress in the Colony at this time. Lieutenant Governor Walker reported to the Secretary of State [Earl Grey], on the matter, giving a sad picture of the Colony. Same, p. j2'/. A commission was appointed, in January, 1850, to enquire into the state and prospects of the Colony, which reported on the 28th of December of the same year. This report is most exhaustive, proving beyond a doubt that the colony In general was yirtually ruined. Same, p. j2y. 80 DUTCH FISHERIES. 1681. Commandeur in Essequibo. I have obtained little food from them [natives] and this want has been sup- plied by the sea-side and again two canoes have gone there, one of them to Aiua- cura to salt manatees and wild hog's flesh. B. C, I, iSj. 1699. Commandeur in Essequibo. Our barque which we sent to Waiiii ... to salt fish and to trade arrived here . . . with a very bad catch, and without having done any trading. We thought it to be the interest of the Company to let the said yacht [Ram- mekens] make a short cruise to Waiiii to salt fish, wherein the desired success was not achieved. Same, p. 214. 1699. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. July 31, [1699]. Daniel Henderson came to the fort from Demerary . . . to go salting up the river. Samg, p. 21 j. October 27, [1699]. The yacht " Rammekens " has gone down to the River Wayni for the salting of provisions. November 11, [1699]. The yacht "Rammekens" again dropped down stream to go and salt in the River Wayni, as has already been mentioned. Same, p. 216. 1710. Commandeur in Essequibo. Having learned through the Creole Jan, whom I had sent to Mazaruni to salt for the fort. Same, p. 234. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. This Colony from its very beginning having been in the possession of that [Orinoco] fishery, and never having suffered the least hindrance or opposition from the Spaniards, this [seizure by the Spaniards, of a Dutch fishing boat] ap- pears to m2 to bs a kind of piratical act which cannot be tolerated. . . . The new Governor being due in Orinoco in February next, I shall send there to claim the boats and cargoes, but I am certain that such will be in vain. B. C, II, 47. 1747. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We hereby repeat . . . and also very earnestly recommend you here- with to aid in every possible way, and with all your might, in the maintenance of the fishery [in the Orinoco region] and to help preserve the right thereof. Same, p. 4g. 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. I shall also, as soon as a favorable opportunity occurs, execute your Honours' order.s ... as regards the fishery. I have brought the matter so far with the Commandant of Orinoco, that I believe myself that no further disturbances will occur, but I can obtain no satisfaction for the three canoes taken away because he pretends that this took place through a privateer of Trini- I dad, and thus out of his jurisdiction. Same, p. JJ. DUTCH FISHERIES. 87 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. Spanish deserters have arrived in Essequibo, . . . They give the harsh treatment of the new Governor as a reason for deserting, ... I do not trust the whole business, especially since commerce with Orinoco is entirely stopped, and even the flshery is absolutely at a standstill, which has never hap- pened before, and which is exceedingly embarrassiuj? ... to the whole Colony. B. C, III, 14J. On account of the bad treatment received at the hands of the present Governor of Orinoque, all the Warouws, thousands of whom live on the islands in the mouth of the Orinoco, are fleeing from there, and that hundreds of them have already arrived in Barima. Our flshery is therefore knocked on the head for some time, unless that nation should resolve to exchange blow for blow ; . . . but courage fails them, for . . . [they are] most afraid of firearms. Same, p. 144. 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. They [Spaniards] are not content with most unreasonably keeping our run- away slaves and with hindering lis from carrying' on the flshery in Oronoco, which we have always been free to do, but they now wish to prevent us from salting along our own coasts, and will in this manner end by closing our river, and no boats will dare to go out any more. Same, p. 181. 1768. British Case. Tlie Dutch had for many years [before 1768] enjoyed the maracot flshery in the moutli of the Orinoco. It was much hindered by the Spaniards, but al- ways upon the plea that the vessels were not fishing but smuggling. B. C, J2. 1769. British Counter Case. The Dutch flshery iu the mouth of the Orinoco . . . had been enjoyed by the Dutch for a long period, and their right to it was never denied by the Spanish authorities till 1769. . . . All the captures of the Dutch fish- ing craft before that year were either acts of piracy, disavowed by the Spanish Commander, who, in many cases, procured redress for the owners, or were jus- tified only on the grounds that, under pretence of fishing, contraband trade was being carried on with the Spanish possessions. There is nothing to show that the Dutch fishery was permanently abandoned after 1769. B. C.-C, Sj-SS. 1769. Remonstrance of the States-General. That . . . the people of the Orinoco had some time ago not only begun to dispute with the people of Essequibo about the flshing rights in the mouth of the Orinoco and thereupon to prevent them by force from enjoying the same, notwithstanding that the people of Essequibo had been for many years in peaceful and quiet possession of that flshery, . . . but . . the people of Orinoco were beginning to prevent, by force, their fishing upon the territory of the State itself, extending from the River Marowjn to beyond the Rivei Wayne, not far from the mouth ot the Orinoco. B. C, IV, ji. 1769. West India Company. Concerning the . . . hindering of tlie fisheries ... we have made a very full remonstrance to the States General. V. C, II, 212. 88 DUTCH FISHERIES. 1769. Secretary of State for the Indies. It is necessary for me to ask information from the Governors of . . . Guayana and of Cumana concerning the facts which are reported, and to forward the said memorial [Dutch remonstrance of 1769] to the Council of the Indies, in order that His Majesty may be informed . . . about the ri^ht claimed by the Republic to the fishery at tlie entrance to the River Orinoco ... a thing' as new to me as that the Carib tribe of Indians is conceived of as the ally of the Dutch. V. C, III, 3S1. 1770. Commandant of Guayana. The fishery in the mouths of the Orinoco was never less disputed by the Spaniards to the Dutch than at present, for the Dutch do not fish there, and in the three years that the privateers for this river have been in service by my orders they have taken twenty-three foreign vessels, but no fishing boat, nor have even seen any, nor has it come to my knowledge that the Dutch have had such fishery . . . And I have only been able to find one case in which the Span- iards had met with and taken in the year 1760 a small Dutch schooner and two fishing-boats, in the mouth of the Orinoco and River Barima ... I am of opinion tliis pretended fishery should be denied to them and pro- hibited. B. C, IV, 72. 1785. Council of the Indies. In 1769 the Ambassador of Holland appeared, . . . presenting . . . a memorial . . . that the Spaniards had commenced some time back, to dispute their riglit to fish at the mouth of the Orinoco, and in the stretch of territory between the Marewigni river and the other side of the Wayne, be- longing to the State, . . . and that they had been disturbed in their fishing by force, notwithstanding the long time they had enjoyed it quietly and peace- fully, and that it was of great profit to them by reason of the abundance of fish to be found there. Same, pp. 2J4-2/J. The Governors of Guayana and Cumana . . . reported (justifying the same). Same, p. 2/^. That they could not found such pretensions upon the tacit or express permission that the Commandants of Guayana and Orinoco may have at times gijen them to fish at the Boca de Navios and the Barima and Aquire rivers ; on the huts they may have built to salt and dry their catch, nor on the navigation which may have been furtively allowed them as far as Guayana or farther up. Same, p. 2yj, The matter remained in this condition up to the year 1785, when, the brief having been made by the Relator, and the Record returned to the Attorney-Gen- eral ... he stated in his reply of May 27 of the same year [1785J that at that time there was no action required, since more than fifteen years having passed without any pressure being brought by the Minister of Holland in the premises, it was natural to believe that the Republic better apprised of the want of just reasons for tlie demand it had made, had desisted thei'efroni. Same, pp. 2jg-2So. CHAPTER m, BOUNDARIES, CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO GUIANA AS A WHOLE. -. Venezuelan Case. Spain was the first nation to discover South America, to explore it, and to take formal possession of it. V. C, 221. -. British Counter Case. That Spain was the first to discover South America is admitted, but her exploration of it was very limited. B. C.-C, ijo. Venezuelan Case. Spain was the first nation to discover and explore Guiana. V. C, 221. -. British Counter Case. It is admitted that Spain was the first nation to discover Guiana. It is untrue that except to a very limited extent she explored that country. All the im- portant explorations in that part of the territory now called Guiana were made by the English and Dutch. B. C.-C, ijo. -. Venezuelan Case. Spain was ... the first and only nation to take formal possession of, and to occupy, Guiana as a whole. V. C, 221. -. British Counter Case. At no time did she [Spain] t.alie formal possession of and occupy Guiana as a whole ; the acts of the Dutch and the Spaniards wholly rebut any such con- tention. B. C.-C, IJO. -. Venezuelan Counter Case. Spain herself, from first to last, proclaimed her sole right to the whole of Guiana south of the narrow fringe of Dutch, French and English settlements along the coast. The Orinoco and the entire coast region as far east as the Es- sequibo she always regarded as her own. V. C.-C, 2g. -. [1897] George L. Bun. Spanish claim, of any formal, official sort, as to the boundary in Guiana, I have nowliere found in the Diplomatic correspondence preserved in Dutch archives. . . . The Dutch remonstrances of 1759 and 1769, which alone from the Dutch side seem to have asked Spanish attention to the question, never re- ceived a formal answer, V. C-C, II, 20Q. (89) 90 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH -TO GUIANA AS A WHOLE-(Continued). 1615. King of Spain. It has been understood that in the region of Gnajana the enemy hare made some settlements in which they are planting a very great quantity of tobacco, and to which ships go very commonly to be laden therewith, and on the way they traffic and do all the other injury they are able. The said Governor is commanded to try to dislodge [them] from there, by taking from them the said settlements, and by taking the necessary measures to extirpate the enemy from every point of tliat island on which they have taken footing. B. C, 1,54. 1637. Don Juan Desologuren. Each new settlement which they [Dutch] found is a source of present advan- tage to them, and though it may seem an error of judgment to scatter their strength in so many places, it is not so in them, because by these means they di- vert His Majesty's arms and are not molested by his power, as they would be if their settlements were few, and they can thns advance npon the mainland in whatever part is most convenient to them. Same, p. jS. The coasts being as they are, infested with pirates and foreig-n settlements, it would be rashness for those in authority to send help even if they were com- manded to do so ; . . . I will not dilate here on the extent to which the coasts and islands are infested with enemies. Same, p. Si. 1627. Don Pedro de Vivero. On the mainland in the jurisdiction of this Royal Audiencia and of the said Government and port of Guayana, English, Irish, and others, with negro slaves, have established and settled themselves, from Cape North up to the mouth of the River Orinoco. Same, p. no. The said pirates want to seize this New Kingdom of Granada, and the ports and islands of Margarita, Trinidad, and Guayana, in the Government of Caracas and Venezuela, as they have done in Pernambuco and Brazil and other ports, which your Royal person and your Royal Council of the Indies have de- fended with such care and vigilance, so that the said pirates should not seize the said ports. And those who are therein have foreseen that upon ejecting them therefrom, they will doubtless proceed to take possession of the said Guayana on account of the great tobacco trade, the mines of gold and silver and the other products. Same, p. in. 1638. Royal Audiencia of New Kingdom of Granada. The Governor of Guayana . . . wrote to us in the month of August of last year, 1637, that he was besieged by the Dutch enemies who have generally infested those coasts, . . . representing the injuries that would follow if these enemies should take possession of those provinces. Same, pp. loj-iod. 1662. Governor of Trinidad. These [settlements on the Wild Coast] are composed of companies, and many of them with permission of the States of Holland, and fi'om the way they divide these lands, they appear to be tlieirs. Same, p. ij2. BOUNDARIES. 91 CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO GUIANA AS A WHOLE-(Continued). 1662. Spanish Council of War. For the said assistance [to Santo Thome and Trinidad] accrues to the defence of the New Kingdom and of the Province of Barinas, to which parts the enemy have an entrance through the mouths of the River Orinoco if they become masters of the said coast. B. C, 1, 160. 1676. Spanish Council of War. [Spanish claim to all (}niaua.J In view of the time and season, it does not appear advisable at present to bring the proposed complaint [against a proposed Dutch colony at Cape Orange between Surinam and the River Amazon] before the States-General. Same, p. 176. What the Dutch are now desirous of attempting is more absolute, for their object [in planting a Colony at Cape Orange] is to increase plantations in the Indies . . . and to extend them along the coasts of the mainland in order to get the trade more into their hands, to the serious loss and prejudice of the in- habitants of those ports, and the evident risli of the Indies bein^ lost through the numerous settlements which the Northern nations have made in those provinces. Same, p. 178. 17 yj. Marquis de Torrenueva. In view of the fact that the Dutch are established within this demarcation and limits, on the continent of the Province of Guayana, and occupy with their cities and mills, the territory which stretches from the Orinoco [according to the map cited below this should read Essequibo] to the before-mentioned Surinam, a distance of 5°, from 318^° to 3240 of [east] longitude, [according to Delisle's map of 1 703, U. S. Com. atlas, map J7] . . . The opinion which I gave at the Council of State in reference to the disputes with Portugal ... in which is also treated of what may and ought to be done to check . . . the Dutch on the River Orinoco [Essequibo according to latitude and longitude cited above] who are trying- by these rivers to establish themselves in our dominions. B. C, II, 41. 1739. Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago. The Dntch are establislied on the mainland, to the east of the Great Mouth of the Orinoco, and in the position marked out in the plan which he has sent. They are divided into the three Colonies which are called Essequibo, Berbice and Sur- inam. In order to dislodge them from all these Colonies a large number of troops and war vessels, well equipped, are necessary, as they are strongly forti- fied and garrisoned, and especially so in the ancient settlement of Rio de Surinam. B. C.-C, App., 183. 1743. Marquis de Torrenueva. Equal attention is due to the object with which the Dutch established them- selves to the windward of the River Orinoco, in 5^ north latitude, and 325^^ nearly of [east] longitude, according to Delisle [ F. C. atlas, map J7] to leeward of the Island of Cayenne, and in 6° north latitude, and 320° 40' longitude, with the two forts with the name " Zeelandeses " between the rivers named Surinam and Cupenam. And this could be no other than to get nearer to the mouth and banks of the said [Orinoco] river, and to found thereon plantations, which might facilitate their traffic with the new kingdom, and enable them to penetrate by that part to those places and districts which their avarice might dictate until they 92 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO GUIANA AS A WHOLE-(Continued). made themselves masters of the mouth of the Orinoco, ... it being necessary to preserve this mouth as a safeguard of that kingdom, it is no less necessary to restrain the Dutch from approaching its banks either by land or water, keeping in view with this object the Vth and Vlth Articles of the Treaty of Peace with that nation of 1648. The mouth of the River Essequibo offers facilities for carrying out those designs, being situated, according to this geographer, in 6° 40' latitude, and 318° 10' [east] longitude, and its source in 1° nearly of north latitude, and 316° of [east] longitude, thus the whole course of the river forms a large extent of country, ... it contains within its limits tribes of Indians to be reduced, many who would then serve as a barrier so that the Dutch might not pass to the west of this [Essequibo] river. B. C, II, 41. 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. A wanderer of the name of Pinet having gone up the River Cuyuni . . . has made report to me that the Spaniards had not yet undertaken the building of any forts or Missions as had been their intention lower down, but that they cruelly ill-treated the Indians subject to us, continually taking them by sur- prise in their dwellings and carrying them off, with their wives and children, to send them to Florida ; that he had spoken to the Chief of the Spaniards, . . . but that the latter had replied that the whole of America belonged to the King of Spain, and that he should do what suited himself, without troubling about us. Same, p. 38. 1753. Portuguese Secretary of State to Spanish Ambassador. The project of hindering the Butcli from penetrating, as they have en- deavored to do, into the heart of the dominions of the two crowns [Spain and Portugal] . . . appeared as justifiable as it is in conformity with the law of natural defence . . . that nation . . . reduced within their own proper limits, cannot subsist on the continent in which up to the present they have tried to usurp the dominions of others, except by bringing forces from Europe. Same, p. 82. 1753. Instructions to Iturriaga. No other means [than giving support to revolted slaves] offers itself to dis- cover the secret invasions they [Dutch] .are carrying on in our dominions. Same, p. 86. In respect that all the territory comprised between the Rivers Maranon and Orinoco unquestionably belongs to the two Crowns [Spain and Portugal] any establishment of the other foreigners in that place is to be looked upon as a usurpation of their rights, and they cannot show that we have formally recognized that dominion as theirs. Same, p. 87. Although the two Courts [Spain and Portugal] have not considered it con- venient to attack them [ Dutch in fiuayana] with open force, nevertheless they are agreed in the scheme of doing so by intrigue, . . . both nations have re- solved to take measures to Iicm them in, each on its own side, the Spaniards by that of the River Orinoco, and the Portuguese by the Maraiion ... in order that tlicy may not penetrate the interior, seeking better establishments and a more profitable commerce. Same, p. 88. BOUNDARIES. 93 CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO GUIANA AS A WHOLE-(Continued). 1760. Confidential Report to King- of Spain. In the public report we appear to ignore the place which the rebel negroes maintain against the Dutch. ... as Spain, by the Peace of Utrecht, is not bound to luaiiitaiu the Dutch in the said Colony, she may in good con- science and Christian policy, consent and contribute to their expulsion by the neg-roes, . . . these negroes . . . are about 30,000 in number, and though they were only 6,000, that number of resolute spirits would be sufficient to eject the Dutch from their colonies. These negroes have retired into the dale left by the small mountain range which borders the coast on the limits of this province, and runs, ... as far as Cape North, and thus their territory or colonies lie between the southern limits of the Dutch, and the northern limits of the French, which they call Cay- enne, . . . Your Majesty will understand how strong is the territory held by these men, and how difficult it is for the Dutch to reduce them by force of arms, and how conducive it would be to your Majesty's interests to acquire it. B. C.-C, App., 203-206. 1 76 1. Don Jose Diguja. This Province of (xuayana has as boundaries : On the east, all the coast on which are situated the Dutch colonies of Esquivo, Bervis, Demerari, Coren- tin and Surinama; and further to windward, Cayenne, belonging to the French ; on the north, the banks of the Orinoco, which, separating the Provinces of Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas, Barinas, Santa Fe and Popayan, forms a half circle, running back east to seek its head-waters in Parima Lake ; on the south, the dominions of the Most Faithful King in Brazil, the frontiers of the latter, and the said Province of Guayana being unknown. V. C, II, SJJ. 1761. Don Jose Solano. (juayana is the most eastern province of the dominions of your Majesty in the northern part of South America ; its boundaries are the western ocean on the east, on the coasts of which (? are the Colonies of tlie French) at the mouth of tlie Amazon and those of the Dutch at Surinam and Esquivo, near the Orinoco; on the south, the Portuguese, . . . and on the west and north the Casiquiari, . . . and this great river [Orinoco]. B. C, II, 204-203. 1769. Prefect of Missions. The territory of this Mission of tlie Capuchins ... is from Angos- tura of the Orinoco to the Grand 3Iouth, in a straight line, on botli sides, to the Marauon or Amazons. This, together with the protest, ... of the Governor of Essequibo, makes me doubt if it be permitted to us to penetrate to the interior in future for the purpose of reducing Indians of the before-mentioned parts, Barima, Moruca, Cuyuni, and even of the coast ; and as it is a matter so necessary to the practice of the reductions, it appears to me well to lay before your Majesty my doubt. B. C, IV, 23-24. 1769. Report to Council of Indies. The Province of Guayana is situated on the other side of the River Orinoco. Its limits are : — On the east all the coast on which are the Dntcli Colonies of Esquibon, Berbis, Mesari, Corentyne, and Surinam, and further to the windward Cayenne, which belongs to the French ; 94 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO GUIANA AS A WHOLE-(Continued). On the north, the banks of the Orinoco, which divide the Provinces of Cumana, Barcelona, Santa Fee, Caracas, Barinas, and Popayan, and form a semi-circle, bending to the east up to its source in the Lake of Parimas ; On the south, the dominions of Brazil, the boundaries between which and the Province of Guayana are unknown, as also is the extent of the interior. This Province has for its Capital Santo Thome de Guayana. B. C, IV, 4J. 1779. Don Jose de Abalos. The said Dutch Colony of Essequibo, and the others which the States- General possess on that coast, are all in general on the banks of the rivers, close to the sea-shore, and do not penetrate far into the Interior of the country, and, consequently, at the back of Essequibo and the other Dutch possessions, . . . the land is in part free from them and only occupied by heathen Indians and . . . negro slaves, fugitives. . . . The commissioners shall endeavor to occupy the said lands as appertaining to Spain, their first discoverer, and not after- wards given up nor occupied at the present time by any other Power, neither has any other Power a title tliereto. Same, p. /pj. The occupation of the lands in all these countries must be taken up as part of the same Province of Guayana, and in the name of the Governor and Com- mandant thereof as its Chief and Head, by grant and appointment from his Majesty. Same, p. ig6. 1790. Governor of Guayana. My care has been compelled by the fact that the Dutch, French and Portu- guese have occupied the greater part of this vast extent of our territory, and that from day to day they are advancing their possessions, particularly the Dutch, by the River Essequibo. B. C, V, 82. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO ESSEQUIBO. 1637. Jacques Ousiel. The Governor set forth that immediately after the conquest of Tobago he had resolved to carry his victorious arms against Essequibo, a fort lying in his province of tluayaua. B. C, I, S6. 1737. Marquis de Torrenueva. In view of the fact that the Dutch are established within this demarcation and limits, on the continent of the Province of Guayana, and occupy with their cities and mills, the territory which stretches from the Orinoco [according to the map cited below this should read EssequiboJ to the before-mentioned Surinam, a distance of .'>o, from .'{18^^' to 324° of [east] longitude [according to Delisle's maj) of 1703, V. C. atlas, pi. Ji\ . . . The opinion which I gave at the Council of State in reference to the disputes with Portugal ... in which is also treated of what may and ought to be done to check the French on the Mississippi and the Dutch on the River Orinoco [should be Essequibo according to longitude above cited | who are trying by these rivers to establish tliemselves in our dominions. B. C, II, 41. BOUNDARIES. 95 CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO ESSEQUI BO-(Continued). 1739. Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago. Your Majesty may order the chief or commander who will be in charge in Ori- noco to request the Governor of the nearest Diitcli settlement not to advance further towards the mouths of the Orinoco, and marking out the limits of the place where they are stationed, to take care that they do not advance further. B. C.-C, App., iSj. 1760. Confidential Report to King of Spain. The circuit of Guayana with its two districts, one extending to Essequibo and Caura, . . . and the other should . . . extend as far as the French settlements and the Portuguese frontier, both to the South of Guiana, and in this sense if other Dominions did not, and had not intervened, Guayana would extend to the mouth of the Amazon, . . . and would be an extensive island, comprehending what is shown on the general map from the ship's mouth to the mouth of the Marafion or Amazon. To return to the extensive district of Guayana belonging to your Majesty's dominion, . . . the country is wild, with mountains and woods, as far as Cape North, uncultivated, unknown, and inhabited by innumerable nations of wild Indians of whom the missionaries of Guayana make use for their villages, the French for their missions, and the Dutch for labour. Same, p. 20^. 1769. Councillor in Essequibo. Pedro Sanchos has come from Orinoco with the bad news that in a month or six weeks two boats will come ... as far as in Pomeroon to carry off the Indians, and then, I fear, plantations will surely be pillaged ; for this Gov- ernor sets his boundaries as far as the bank of Oeuo, [in the mouth of the Essequibo] where James Penning lives. -B- C, IV, 42. 1769. Director' General in Essequibo. That Governor bragged considerably to this man, and said that the laud belonged to His Catholic Majesty as far as to the bank of Oene [in the mouth of the Essequibo], and that he would come and seize those plantations which lay on Spanish territory. V. C, II, /p/. 1779. Don Jose de Abalos. The said province of Guayana . . . begins, on its eastern side, to windward of the outflow of the River Orinoco into the sea on the border of the Dutch Colony of Essequibo, it shall be one of the first cares ... in mak- ing the new settlement to go as near as possible to the aforesaid Colony . . . for founding the first settlement. B. C, IV, ig4-ig§. 1779. Don Jose Fehpe de Inciarte. Besides the advantages which, in the matter of settlement, maybe expected from founding on the said hill of Bauruma (Pomeroon), ... the result will be that with four or five villages the very banks of the River of Essequibo will be reached, and when this has been done the Dutch will be deprived of communi- cation, not only with the various tribes of Indians lying to the south of Essequibo and all the creeks of the Orinoco, but likewise with all the Parime [Barima]. B. C.-C, App., 233-254. 96 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO ESSEQUIBO-(Continued). 1788. Don Miguel Marmion. The portion of this country [finiana] belonging to Spain is bounded on the east by the Dutch Colonies of Esseciuibo, Demerari, Berbis, and Surinam, and by the French Colony of Cayenne ; on the south by the Portuguese Colonies of the Amazons and Rio Negro ; and on the west and north by the Upper and Lower Orinoco. B. C, V, ^2. 1788. Don Fermin de Sancinenea. The River Essequibo, which is between our possessions and those of the Dutcli. V. C, III, 400. 1 814. Venezuelan Case. At the time of the acquisition by Great Britain of the colony now known as British Guiana, the territories belonging to or that might lawfully be claimed by the Kingdom of Spain comprised the entire territory between the Oi'inoco and Essequibo riyers. V. C, 2jj. 1 814. British Counter Case. It is wholly untrue that at the time of the acquisition by Great Britain of the Colony now known as British Guiana, the territories belonging to, or that might lawfully be claimed by the King of Spain, comprised the entire territory between the Orinoco and Essequibo Rivers. B. C.-C, 141. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO ALL THE COAST. . Venezuelan Case. From the Orinoco to the Essequibo the Spaniards claimed dominion They also exercised exclusive control there. V. C, ijj. 1 614. Antonio de Muxica Buitron. It would be well to free our coasts of them [Dutch] entirely, for, from the River Marailon [Amazon] to the Orinoco there are three or four more [in addition to the one on the Corentine destroyed in 161 3] of their settlements, and their plan- tations are very considerable. B. C, I,j6. 161 5. Report of Council to Spanish King. By allowing Foreign nations so ill-affected to Spain to have settlements in ter- ritory which belongs to your Majesty, v/e suffer in reputation. Same, p. 44. 1662. Report of Spanish Council of War. He [Governor Viedma] says that he had sent a person to reconnoitre the settle- ments and towns which the foreigners have there, who found that on the coast of Terra Firma (jurisdiction of Iiis Government 20 leagues to windward of the River Orinoco) there are two settlements; one of 150 Dutcli, and another of 2)S0. Same, p. /jp. 1761. Don Jose Diguja. In the geographical description . . . by its Governor, . . . Diguja, in 1 761 . . . this Province of (jiuayana has as boundaries: on the east, all the coast on which are situated the Dutch Colonies of Esquivo, Bervis, Demerari, Corentin, and Surinama ; and furtlier to windward, Cayenne, belonging to the French ; on the north, the banks of the Orinoco, which, separating the Provinces of BOUNDARIES. 97 CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO ALL THE COAST-(Continued). Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas, Barinas, Sante Fe and Popayan, forms a half circle, running back east to seek its head-waters in Parima lake ; on the south, the dominions of the Most Faithful King in Brazil, the frontiers of the latter, and the said Province of Guayana being unknown. V. C, II, 2yj. 1769. Director-General in Essequibo. My opinion always has been that they [Spaniards] would gradually acquire a foot- hold in Cuyuni, and try to obtain the mastery of the river, as they now practically have done at the end of the past year. But I should as soon have expected Heaven to fall, as that they, in so high-handed a manner, openly, (as if in open warfare), in breach of the right of nations, in breach of all Treaties of Alliance with His Catholic Majesty, should attack us from another side, and have the audacity to go to work as if they were Sovereigns of this whole coast. . . . They have captured and taken away all our people that were on the sea-coast. The Salter of Luyxbergen has luckily escaped them, but his Indians, his vessels, two large canoes and three single canoes, which he had got by barter, they have taken away. B. C.,IV, 6-7. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO THE POM EROON-MORUCA REGION. . Venezuelan Case. Over by the Monica and Pomeroon they [Spaniards] had made their presence effectively felt, and Spain claimed both of these rivers as her own. V. C, I OS. . British Counter Case. No division, assignment or claim had ever placed Mornka within the province of the Capuchin Fathers. B. C.-C, Sq. . [1897] George L. Burr. From the first Dutch occupation of the Pomeroon, in 1658, down to late in the eighteenth century, the claim of the Dutch to that river seems to have been unquestioned. ... In 1769, for the first time, we hear in Dutch records of a counterclaim : the Spanish Governor of Orinoco is said to have declared that the territory was Spain's as far as the bank of Oene, in the moutli of the Essequibo. During the years which followed, though Spain and Holland were at peace, there was more than one Spanish incursion into the Pomeroon ; but, though ravages were committed along the coast and Indians abducted from the interior, there was no attempt actually to take possession of the river. Of the hisiruc- cion of the Spanish Intendant-General of Venezuela, in February, 1779, for the occupation and settlement of Guayana," to the borders of the Dutch colony of Essequibo," the Dutch authorities seem to have known nothing ; but of the reconnoisance later . . . by . . . Inciarte . . . they knew ; . . . but the Director-General having assured himself that they were " all gone without having done any harm " to the post or to the Indians, evinced no disquiet about the matter, and no steps seem to have been taken toward protest or further investigation. V. C.-C, II, g6. 1662. Report of Spanish Council of War. [Governor Viedma] says that he had sent a person to reconnoitre the settle- ment and towns which the foreigners have there, who found that on the coast of Terra Firma (jurisdiction of his Government 20 leagues to windward of the River Orinoco) there are two settlements; one of 150 Dutch, and another of 280. B. C, I, isg. 98 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO THE POM EROON - MORUCA REGION-IContinued). 1757. Don Jose de Iturriaga. If they [Dutch] be pcriulttert to-day in Monica, they will pass some other day to Barima, which flows into the mouth itself. B. C, II, ijy. 1769. Certificate of the Capuchin Fathers. We certify that by mandate of our Superior and permission of the Honourable Commandant-(jeneral of the River Orinoco, Don Manuel Cen- turion, we have passed into Maruca in search of the Indians belonging' to the Missions of the Capuchin Fathers of Catalonia, and out of regard for the Postholders we give these presents the 28th day of Februarj-, 1769. B. C, IV, g. 1775. Moruca Postholder. He [Spanisli Captain] further said that his lord and master would shortly set a guard in the creek of Weena, called the Barmani, and that the whole of Maroelilia also belonged to tlie Spaniards, and I thereupon answered that the river Barima belonged to the Swede, and Weene, as well as Maroekka, to the Dutch, and they said that it was not so. Same, p. ij8. [1778]. Council of the Indies. [The Commandant of Guiana wrote in 1778] between the Guayne and Moruca (a territory contiguous to the Orinoco, and never occupied by the Dutch). V. C, li, 278. 1779. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. At a quarter of a league before reaching the aforesaid Dutch post [Moruca] the rivulet forms a small bay . . . and this bay could serve as a port. It would be convenient in my opinion to found a town close to tliis bay or-port, as besides the advantages offered by the produce of the land, the com- munication which the Dutch have with the Orinoco by means of the inside branches could be prevented. The passage of the river Moruca could easily be prevented by erecting a fort with four or six guns in the aforesaid small bay. As for protecting the town against the attacks of the Dutch or any other enemy, this can be obtained by erecting a fort on one of the small heights. Same, pp. 4JJ-436. Having embarked and continued up the said Bauruma, [Pomeroou] we arrived . . . opposite the rancherias of the aforesaid Piache [an Arawak Indian doctor]. . . . Having asked me, through an interpreter, with what object I had come to these parts, I told them . . . that my chief reason was to ascertain whether . . . the Dutch were enslaving them and making Poitos of them while they had been declared free by our Sovereign. At this reply most of them became angry and spoke with harshness and contempt of the Dutch, and reproached me because the Spaniards, although owning the lands, and being their relatives, did not go thither to settle, and said they wanted to live in a village with their relatives the Spaniards. Having told them that everything would be done as they wished, they became very happy. . . . Directly I had looked at the farms they made me fire a shot at a tree, telling me that it was in token of having talicn possession of tliose lands in the name of . . . tlie King . . . for they belonged to him and to no one else. B. C.-C, App., 2j_§. Boundaries. 09 claims by the spanish-to the pom eroon- moruca REGION-(Continued). ^179- [1897] George L. Burr. The elaborate reconnoissance ... in 1779 by . . . Inciarte, was attended by no breach of the peace ; and his report in favor of Spanish estabUshments on both these rivers, altliough it resulted in a royal order for the erection of a Spanish village and fort in the Monica at the site of the Dutch post, seems to have led to no practical results. [Nothing of all this is known to the Dutch records except the presence of the Spanish party in Pomeroon and Moruca.] Whatever claims to the river migiit be made hy tlie Spaniards, I cannot learn that the Dutch were ever actually disturbed in tlie possession of their post. There was, indeed, as we learn from other sources than the Dutch, an un- successful Spanish attack on the Post in 1797, while the Colony was in the hands of the English ; but this was in time of war, V. C.-C, II, log. 1780. King of Spain. Inciarte is to return ... for the purpose of occupying and settling the places specified in his . . . Report . . . and making the provisional fortification which he considered needful, ejecting the Dutch from the Post or advance guard-house, which they have built on the road of the River Moruca, . . . If the . . . Governor of Essequibo should complain thereof, the answer is to be given that the proceedings ... are in accordance with the general laws and instructions . . . which do not permit such intrusion of foreigners in the Spanish dominious, for this is the reply that will be given here if any complaints or claims should be lodged by the States-General of Holland. B. C, IV, 212. 1783. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. As regards the settlement of the eastern part of the Lower Orinoco and the frontiers of the Colony of Essequibo, for which I hold a commission, I will refer to what ... I remitted ... to his Excellency . . . de Galvez . . . the 27th November, 1779 ; but as during the war the French took posses- sion of the Colony of Essequibo, the Dutch have abandoned the advanced Post they held on the banks of the River Moruca, which position it is important we should occupy ... it appears to me . . . advisable to fortify this Post . . . and to found a village with the Indian natives, who inhabit its vicinity, and to send two missionaries . . . and in this manner to prevent the inhab- itants of the said Colony from penetrating into the lands lying between thein and tlie Orinoco. b. C, V, 20. 1786. Director-General in Essequibo. Meanwhile there had, . . . been spread a rumour . . . that the Spaniards had threatened if the tobacco were not restored that they would raid the [Moruka] Post which they alleged was on their territory. Same, p. ^5. 1786. Minute on Report of Jose de Abalos. Placing tlie said . . . fort ... in the same creek of the said River Moruca to prevent the passage of all hostile vessels, and ejecting the Dutch from the said Post or advanced guard-house which had been built there. ... If the Governor of Essequibo should complain of this action he was to reply that he had proceeded in accordance with the general laws and instructions . . . which do not permit such intrusions of foreigners in Spanish dominions as those are. Same, pp. 47-48. 100 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO THE POM EROON- MORUCA REGION-(Continued). 1804. Lieutenant-Governor Myers. It [colony of Essequibo and Demerara] is separated from Berbice by the Abari Creek. The boundary with the Spaniards is disputed. According to Dutch, it is a line running north and south from Cape Brama or Brem ; and ac- cording to the Spjiniards it is the Morucco Creels, a little to the westward of Cape Nassau. B. C, V, 186. 1839. R. H. Schomburgk. The South American Colonies . . . claimed the banks of the Rivers Moroco and Pomaroon . . . from this point across the savannahs . . . first south-west and then south-east towards the confluence of the River Cuyuni with the Massaruni . . . and . . . along the western bank of the Esse- quibo as far as . . . the Rupununi. B. C, VII, 4, CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO BARIMA AND ORINOCO MOUTH. 1637. Governor of Guiana. If they [Dutch] attain their object in possessing themselves of the Orinoco and destroying Guayana [Santo Thome] whereby they will become masters of the best land in the Indies. B. C, I, loy. 1638. Governor of Guiana. If the enemy should seize this river [Orinoco] they could avail themselves of food for as many of their fleets as come, and for anything else they might design. Same, p. loi. 1719. Commandant at Santo Thome to Commandeur in Essequibo. I beseech you not to allow your soldiers to come to trade with the Indians of this river [Orinoco], because it is contrary to what has been stipulated, and a thing which must not be permitted. Same, p. 231. 1734. Commandeur in Essequibo. His Honour [the Spanish (iovernor, Don Carlos de Sucre] . . . has brought some troops to the Orinoco, and that he expects ten or twelve barques more with militia, whereof His Honour informs me, . . . giving as reasons for this sending of so many troops to these frontiers, that he was persuaded by advices (received) that the Swedish nation was intending to found a Colony in the River of IJarima, lying between the Orinoco and your Honours' Post at Wac- quepo, and he could not persuade himself that the Dutch nation would tolerate in their neighborhood so proud and haughty a nation as the Swedes. After the departure of Captain Laurens Brander ( ... in the year 1732, . . . ), a rumour spread in this Colony that the said Captain Brander would again return in order to take possession in the River Rarima of a tract of land which the King of Spain is said to have presented to the deceased Elector of Ravaria, who was Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, and which the Elector had again presented to the King of Sweden. B. C, II, jS. BOUNDARIES. 101 CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO BARIMA AND ORINOCO MOUTH- (Continued). 1734. King of Spain. The . . . President of . . . Santa Fe . . . having communi- cated . . . with respect to the settlement whicli the Swedes were at- tempting to make in River Barima, . . . I . . . command that . . . you take all proper measures to prevent the settlement attempted by the Swedish nation from being established. B. C, III, 82. 1737. Governor Don Carlos de Sucre. He [Governor Sucre] finds himself again compelled to have recourse to your Majesty . . . especially as the northern nations have begun to settle at the mouth of the river [Orinoco], and sundry families of Swedes are expected to come and settle in the Caiion of Barima, within the river of that name. This may result in the loss of those provinces and of that of Caracas, and in the ultimate blocking of the road to Santa Fe de Bogota. B. C, II, 26. 1758. MiHtary Commandant in Essequibo to Spanish Commandant in Orinoco. Ke [Director-General in Essequibo] has ordered me to send you the en- closed map [by M. d'Anville], on which you will be able to see them [the boundaries of the territory] very distinctly, and these, in accordance with the inviolable duty of his office, he hopes to be able to maintain. Same, p. ryj. 1760. Judicial Report as to Attack by Spaniards on Dutch settled in Barima. Since it conduces to the service of God our Lord and of His Catholic Majesty ... to keep the Dutch of the said Colonies [Essequibo and Surinam] by chastisement within their own possessions (if so be that they hold them lawfully) and to deter them from pressing into these dominions of the King through the intersecting rivers. Same, p. 187. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. Discussion for the last sixty years, about the fortification of this most im- portant river [Orinoco], so as to prevent its navigation by foreigners, and secure the whole of these provinces, to which it affords ingress. For this only three places have been considered adequate, . . . Angostura, . . . the Island of Faxardo, . . . and the fortress of Guayana. B. C, III, 2g. 1764. British Case. In 1764 the settlement of Santo Thome was removed to Angostura, on the Orinoco, above the mouth of the Caroni. The forts, however, remained at the old site which was treated as the effective frontier of the Spanish posses- sions. B. C, 16. 1768. Judicial Proceedings. First notice [of sale]. I ordered . . . the first announcement should be given of the goods and utensils . . . that were seized . . . from the foreigners clandestinely settled for commerce and traffic in the creek called the Creek of Barima, jurisdiction of this province. B. C, III, 168. 102 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPAIMISH-TO BARIMA AND ORINOCO MOUTH- (Continued . 1768. Judicial Proceedings. Declaration of First Witfiess. Francisco Cierto, Captain ... of the coast-guard which protects the ports of this said province, . . . declared : That tlic CoJiimaiidaut-fiJeiieral . . . having: received information that in the creek called the Creek of Barima which is close to the great front of the River Orinoco and falls into it, sundry Dutch families were established, dis- pjitched him [Cierto] with instructions to warn them once, twice and thrice to quit the whole of that territory hecause it belonged to the said province. B. C, III, 170. We . . . Centurion . . . and . . . Oleaga . , . having seen the " Autos " drawn up on the expedition made . . . against the Dutch foreigners who had unlawfully established themselves, for clandestine trade in woods and other products, in the Creek of Barima. jurisdiction of this prov- ince, . . . and in view of the way in which they took to flight without en- deavoring to defend themselves, leaving their implements . . . and goods , . . and in view of the sale . . . made of the articles brought back, the amount thereof being paid into the Royal Treasury . . . we . . . com- mand that . . . the division and distribution of the total amount of this matter be carried out in the form and manner following. Saute, p. 1J4. 1769. Royal Accountant in Guayana. I . . . declare that . . . Captain . . . Cierto, with the two cruising launches of this river, sent by the said Seiior Don Manuel Centurion, arrested the foreigners that were established on the Barima Channel, jurisdic- tion of the same Province, two boats and several tools and agricultural imple- ments, which . . . were . . . declared confiscated. V.C.,II,j6y. 1 77 1. Don Jose Solano. The Dutch of Essequibo, who had extended their settlements to the Ori- noco, and established themselves in the Grand or Ships' Mouth, I have forced to retreat to their legitimate possessions. B. C, IV, 80. 1784. Captain-General of Caracas. Settlement should be commenced by Lower Guiana. . . . From here it will not be diflficult to extend them to the frontier of Essequibo and Demerara, to restrict the usurpations of the Dutch, . . . and to occupy all the principal creeks of the Orinoco, with a view of impeding the contraband trade carried on by them. If the work of settling the land is begun in the vicinity of Essequibo, and the proposed fort built there, etc. B C, V, 21. 1786. Anonymous. An order was given to the Intendente of Caracas, on the 20th October, 1778, to settle the most suitable places on tlie frontier. 13th April, 1779, he obtained apptoval of the foundation of a village at no great distance from the banks of the Orinoco, not far removed from the capital of Guayana, ... On the 9th of March, 1780, all the measures were approved which he had taken for new settlements (of which, up to this time, not one has been carried out). Same, p. 46. BOUNDARIES. 103 CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO BARIMA AND ORINOCO MOUTH- (Continued). 1788. British Case. In a scheme of Governor Marmion of 1788 for the settlement and fortifica- tion of the frontiers of Guayana, it was proposed to abaiulou the connl ry on the sontli bank of the Orinoco for twenty leagues upward from Point IJarinia; and to commence drawing tlie line to be effectively held from tlie Creek of Curucima, or the point of the chain in the great arm of the Imataka Mountains, and thence following those mountains to the Cuyuni. B. C, 16. 1788. Don Miguel Marmion. Taking as chief base the said creek of Carucimea, or the point of the chain and ridg-e in the great arm of Imataca, an imaginary line will be drawn run- ning to the south-south-east following the slopes of the ridge of the name which is crossed by the Rivers Aguire, Arature, and Amacuro, and others, in the dis- tance of 20 leagues, direct to Cuyuni ; from there it will run on to the Masuruni and Essequibo, parallel to the sources of the Berbis and Surinama ; this is the directing line of the course which the new settlements and (ouudatious pro- posed must follow. B. C, V, 61. [1821]? Anonymous. It has already been observed that it is of vital importance to defend the mouths of the Orinoco, and to this end the first thing to be done is to found a considerable settlement in the lands in their vicinity. Same, p. 220. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO CUYUNI, MAZARUNI AND THE INTERIOR. 1753. Instructions to Iturriaga. It appears that we have no reason to doubt that the Rivers Marauon and Orinoco communicate by means of others intermediary, which flow through the centre of the Province of Guayana ... as also that such communica- tion may, some day or other, be prejudicial to His Majesty's dominions, the King wishes that, . . . you will observe and determine the sites where some Spanish settlements may be formed, which would hinder that communication being made use of by foreigners. B. C, II, 86. 1758. Commandant of Guiana. For the purpose of putting a stop to these prejudicial troubles [arising from the slave trade], and in order that the good intentions of His Majesty may be attained, by preventing any extension of the claims which the Dutch are every day advancing further in this part of his dominions, I ordain and commaud Don Santiago Bonalde as Commandant, and Don Luis Lopez de la Puente as Second, to proceed this day to the interior, and ... to the said Island of Curauuicuru for the purpose of apprehending the said Dutchman [Jacobs], and any other person that may there be found, . . . and bring them as prisoners, well guarded, to this fortress. Same, p. jjo. 1758. Governor of Cumana. Carrying on the unjust traffic of slavery among the Indians, in the dominions of the King my Sovereign. As this same river €uyuni and all its territory is included in those dominions, it is incredible that their High Mightinesses the States-General should have authorized you to penetrate into those dominions. 104 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO CUYUNI, MAZARUNI AND THE INTERIOR-(Continued). and still less to carry on a traffic in the persons of the Indians belonging to the settlements and territories of the Spaniards. I therefore consider myself justified in approving the conduct of this expedition. B. C, II, idg-iyo. 1758. Counsellor Padilla y Moron. The Counsellor . . . says that . . . the foreigners [Dutch at Cuyniii Post] . . . were appreliended, whilst acting as a guard, by order of the Governor of the Colony of Essequibo, within the limits of the juris- diction of this Government for the purpose of apprehending fugitive negro slaves deserting from their masters. Same, p. ijo. 1758. Don Jose de Iturriaga. It was discovered that the Dutch of Essequibo were coutinning their usurpations on the River Cuyuni, and although they were dislodged, . . . we fear they now intend to recover the lost Posts. Same, p. 171. 1758. Nicolas de Castro. The Commandant of Guiana has sent me ... a letter which you have written to him, demanding the delivery of the two Dntch prisoners, a negro, and a Creole, with their children, and of all that was found by the guard in com- mand there on an island in the River Cuyuni, which is, with its dependen- cies, a part of the domains of the Xing', my master, and on which these prisoners publicly kept up an illicit trade in Indian poitos, although it is incredible that their High Mightinesses should have authorized you to enter the said domains, and still less to purchase Indians from his villages and territories, in order to make slaves of them. Sa?ne, p. 179. 1759. Director-General in Essequibo. The Commandant of Orinoco, . . . maintains, . . that the River Cuyuni is Spanish territory, and refuses to give back the imprisoned Postholder, settler, and Creoles. Same, p. 171, 1769. Prefect of Missions. On the 20th of June, 1766, there arrived at our Mission of Cavallapia negro and an Indian, slave-buyers, each with a licence from the Governor of Esse- quibo. . . . They were detained and their canoes taken by the Father of the Mission, and he then sent them to me by land to the Mission of Guacipati. . . . I took the passports from them, which are in Dutch, and which I now inclose. . . . They were taken prisoners by the soldiers. . . . This same negro, at the end of (17)65, had come again to the Mission of Cavallapi and Guacipati with a passport. ... I prevented him from going further. B. C.,IV, 21. 1770. Governor of Cumana. Accordingly, they daily hinder the progress of the Gospel and the conversion of the Gentiles, which was especially the case when these Dutch crossed the bor- ders of tlieir Colony and came to take possession of territory and establish themselves, for the better security of the above-mentioned traffic, in the domin- ions of His Majesty, in the neighbourhood of the last Missions on their fron- tiers. This is shown by the fact that they established, . . . a Post . . . in the Iliver Cuyuni, in the territory of the Missions, ... for this river has never belonged, nor been held to belong, to the Colony of Essequibo. Same, p. 7J. BOUNDARIES. 105 CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO CUYUNI, MAZARUNI AND THE INTERIOR-(Continued). 1770. Commandant of Guiana. We should restrain withiu their own limits the Butch of Essequibo, Ber- bice and Surinam, . . . being always on the watch to stop the usurpations which they are constantly making in tliese our dominions, and which at pres- ent we cannot prevent, at the same time assuring to the king the possession of this valuable and extensive country, and in a short time giving to the Crown a valuable province and many subjects. . . . Nothing is wanting but the help we ex- pect from your Excellency ... to occupy these eighteen strongholds at Parinie and the surroundings. B. C, IV, jS. 1771. Commandant of Guayana. The famous Lake Parima (the centre of these provinces). Same, p. 83. On the River Parime ... the said officer shall cause a small fort to be built in some narrow pass or advantageous place, that the guns of the said fort may close the passage of the river to our enemies. . . . At El Dorado itself, or some site . . . best fitted to close the entrance of Lake Parime . . . a stronghold shall be built. Same, p. 98. Should any European foreigners be found in tliose parts outside the Col- onies allowed them, as . . . the Dutch on the coast of Surinam, Berbice, Essequibo, of the Atlantic Ocean, his Majesty's order shall be intimated to them that they quit those his royal dominions forthwith, and if, after the first re- monstrances, they do not withdraw to the former settlements allowed them, abandoning the territory they have usurped, they shall be driven out by force of arms. Same, p. gg. 1788. British Case. It is clear . . . that at this date [1788] Marmion treated the junction of the Uruan and Cuyuni as the limit of the Spanish territory in that direc- tion, and considered that by holding the mouth of the Uruan the Spaniards would secure not only all the territory which they then held, but all that they could hope to settle. B. C, jg-60. 1788. Don Miguel Marmion. Although all the land which lies beyond the Cuynni up to the sources 01 the Parime and Curaricara, having now been more explored, is found not to be of nearly such extent as was imagined, it may be expected . . . that it will be advantageously occupied withiu a few years by the spread of villages and cattle farms, the breeders extending their enclosures, the planters and settlers their plantations and the missionaries their reductions; mutually supporting one another and continuing their settlements on the other side of the Cuyuni in the great savannahs and margins of the rivers which run to the south. It is also a reason for not giving the Dutch, who have already too far pene- trated on the Cuynni, an opportunity, by continually extending their Colony, of taking possession of those more advanced districts and villages, and of render- ing it necessary for us to oppose them with forces which would be required for the defence of the other approaches to the Orinoco. B. C, V, 62. 106 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-TO CUYUNI, MAZARUNI AND THE INTERIOR-(Continued). 1792. Don Miguel Marmion. To the south of Cuyuni and bearing to the east, in the rear of the Dutch settlements, he [Lopez de la Puente] is to report whether he knows how many days' journey distant the dwellings of the negro fugitives from Essequibo and Surinam are situated. B. C, V, 142. 1792. Governor of Guiana. You should assure yourself of the information . . . that iu an island . . . helow the mouth of the Mazaruni there are various nations of In- dians armed with flre-arms and a stockade. . . . there is more reason for distrust when, as you tell me, they are provided with fire-arms in contravention of the general ordinances which govern us, . . . these vagrant nations . . . if . . . not protected by . . . more civilized ones could not be provided with such armament on the frontiers of our possessions, or rather, within our own. V. C.-C, III, J40-J41. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-BASIS FOR AND SPANISH VIEWS OF DUTCH CLAIMS TO SAME. . British Case. The Dutch were recognized as having- . . . rights iu the districts of the river itfassaruni. Spanish Indians, coming from the Spanish Missions, asked for the permission of the Dutch Commandeurs to settle in that locality. B. C, iij. 1757. Don Jose de Iturriaga. The request they [Dutch] make in writing to the Commandant of Guay- ana, that he may permit their Aruacas to pass higher up the river when they come for the turtle-fishing, though neces.sary to their interests, is hardly in con- formity with the title of (governors of Essequibo and Orinoco ; and I am positively assured that not only does the Commandant condescend to grant it, but he goes so far as to protect with his licences the vessels going up for that purpose. On these occasions Aruacas, Caribs, and Dutchmen come disguised, so as not to be detected. B. C, II, ijy. 1757. Don Jose Solano. Some fourteen years ago he [Iturriaga] saw a Protection or Patent executed in Latin by the Governor of Essequibo in behalf of a Carib Captain, who lived within the Orinoco river ; . . . and he ascertained that the States-dieneral in their Patents to the Governors of Essequibo add the title of Governors of Orinoco; and that it is a matter of fact that these Governors call themselves of Essequibo and the Orinoco in the licences issued by them. ... He adds that lie does not quite aj>prove of the title of Governors of Essequibo and of Orinoco, but deems needful for their benefit the request that they make by writing, to the Commandant of Guayana, that their Aroacas who come to fish for turtles be allowed to pass higher up. V. C.-C, III, 66. 1758. British Case. Fray IJenito de la Garriga ... in 1758 . . . say[s] . . . that he had seen documents from Essequibo, according to wliicli the jurisdiction of that Government extended to the mouth of the Aguirre, and the boundary BOUNDARIES. lOY CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-BASIS FOR AND SPANISH VIEWS OF DUTCH CLAIMS TO SAM E-(Continued). was a line drawn south from that point, skirting the outmost savannahs of the Missions of Miamo, passing Tucupo and Curumo, and reaching Aripamuri, by which name he referred to Rupununi. A study of the whole letter shows that the Dutch were supreme not only in the Barima district, but also in all the forest region between the Orinoco and the Cuyuni. B. C, Ii6. 1758. Fiay Benito de la Garriga. Moyo, ... on coming from Essequibo, . . . told me he had brought many papers from Essequibo, and among them an official document ill which the jurisdiction of the Groveruor was marked down. This, ac- cording to what he said, extends to the mouth of the Aguirre, and from that mouth a straight line due south shows the division of the jurisdiction of his Gov- ernor, so that the said line extends to the margins of the outermost savannahs of our Missions of Miamo, etc. The said line passes by Tucupo and Corumo, and crosses to the before-mentioned Aripamuri. I consider, if this news be true which the said party gave me, that tliey have cut the stolen clotli to suit their taste. And it must be true, for it is proved by the fact that the Governors sometimes give permits in which these boundaries are marked. B. C, II, 14Q. They clearly show the object of those foreigners, and give reason to think that they want to appropriate the vfhole of the Eiver Cuyuni if their passage is not stopped. And so we shall never have the Caribs in subjection, with proper authority to prevent the people of Surinam from passing along that river to purchase slaves, if they establish those posts. B. C.-C, App., 20j. 1758. Don Jose Solano. iturriaga adds . . . that the people of Essequibo declared openly and maintained that the extent of the Dominion of the States-General reaches to the " Boca de Navios " or great mouth of the Orinoco, and they even go far into the interior to make the most of their fishery. These four letters having been referred to . . . Don Joseph Solano, ... he [Iturriaga] fails to find on what basis they make their claims, unless it be the passiveness wherewith the Commandants of Guiana have al- lowed them to fish in " Boca de Navios " and Barina and Aguire rivers, and extend their navigation up to Guayana. That they thereby stretch their dominion to the great mouth of Orinoco. V. C.-C, III, 6y. 1761. Don Jose Solano. The third and fourth letter of . . . Iturriaga, dated . . . 17 57 and . . . 1758, treat of tlie pretensions on tlie Orinoco openly put forward by the (Governors of the Dutch Colony of the River Esquivo, on the ground that the titles that they have from the States-General give them this jurisdiction ; not- withstanding I do not know that they have reclaimed the vessels which the Trini- tarios and Guayanos took from them in the course of this river. B. C, II, 2oj. Nor do I know on what they [Dutch] could found their claims; for though, by the Vth article of the Treaty of Munster, the dominion of the countries, fortified places, factories, etc., was conceded to them which they at that time possessed in America, on the Orinoco neither they nor any others but the Spaniards alone, ever held, or have since held, castles or forts. Same, p. 204. 103 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-BASIS FOR AND SPANISH VIEWS OF DUTCH CLAIMS TO SAM E-(Continued). 1763. Don Jose Diguja. To the east, and on the coast of this province [of Guayana], are situated the Dutch Colonies, Essequibo, Demerary, Berbice, Corentin, and Surinam. According to reports obtained by Don Juan de DiosyValdes, , . . the Colony of Essequibo consists of sundry sugar estates, which the Dutch have planted, to the distance of 30 leagues, on the banks of the River Essequibo, beginning at its mouth, and also of some islands formed by the said river, which offer land for plantations. B. C, III, 62-63. i'76g. Fray Benito de la Garriga. From this I infer how much they [Dutch] are endeavoring to procure new sites, and thereby allege possession, and cause a dispute in time, if a stop be not put to them, for they now imagine that they hold as theirs the River Cuyuni, when before their guards did not go beyond its mouth, as is proved by the patent of orders issued to the Postholder of the Cuyuni. And even the tfoveruor claims it as territory of the Colony, as shown by the protest he sent to the Commandant of the Fort. And in like manner he claims the Rivers Mornca and Barima, upon which he now founds his complaint against the said Commandant-General, charging him with insults and outrages, because he dis- lodged them, as already noted, from the advanced Post of Barima. B. C.,/V, 23. He declared that the Dntcli are not, nor ever have been, in possession of the rivers or creeks which flow into the sea from the Essequibo exclusively, up to the nioutli of the Orinoco; that they have only been permitted to have in that part a small guard of two Europeans and some Indians, in a lodge which they call the Post, on the eastern bank of the River Moruca, which the Dutch call Maroco ; and that this settlement has not existed from time quasi-im- memorial, because the whole of the Colony is not so, and we know that it began in the year 1659. Same, pp. 47-4S. It is untrue that the Dutch have held, or do hold, possession of the River Cuyuni, ... for having established thereon a guard and lodge like that of Moruca, in the year 1747, to facilitate the inhuman traffic and seizure of Indians whom they enslave surreptitiously in the dominions of the King our Lord . . . directly it came to our notice, in the year 1757, they were dislodged there- from ; and so neither on the Cuyuni, Maseroni, Apanoni, nor the other rivers which have their outfall in Essequibo do the Dutch hold any possession, nor is it permissible that they should hold it. The only place wherein the Dutch are tolerated and established is on the banks of the River Essequibo, which runs from S. E. to N. W. almost parallel to the sea-coast, the eastern boundary of this Province of Guayana, and leaves the interior thereof free to the Spaniards, its legitimate possessors. Savic, p. 48. It is an equally false statement that they [Dutch] liave also been prevented by the Spaniards from carrying on the said llsliing in the territory which Gravesande calls territory of tlic State itself, which, he says, extends from the river Mareguine up to this side of the Guayne very near the mouth of the Orinoco, which supposition, . . . is an insufferable error. Same, p. 49. BOUNDARIES. 109 CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-BASIS FOR AND SPANISH VIEWS OF DUTCH CLAIMS TO SAM E-(Continued). 1769. Secretary of State for the Indies. It is necessary for me to ask information from the Governors of the new vil- lage of Guayana and of Cumana concerning the facts which are reported, and to forwaid the said memorial [Dutch Remonstrance of 1769] to the Council of the Indies, in order that His Majesty may be informed of the extension of those boundaries, and about the right claimed by the Republic to the fisliery at the entrance to the river Orinoco— a thins? as new to me as that the Carib tribe of Indians is conceived of as the ally of the Dutch. V. C, III, 381. 1770. Commandant of Guayana. In . . . the Missions of the Catalonian Capuchins, . . . the Caribs . . . have been settled to the number of 5,000 for over twenty years, without our knowing until now that this numerous tribe belongs to the Dutch, as Grave- sande says, nor still less that these forests are a part of the Republic, for they have always been the nursery for the reductions of the Catalonian Capuchin missionaries of Guayana. B. C, IV, 7/. The Post which Gravesande states the Spaniards took, near a rivulet to the south of the River Wayne, between this and the Povaron, where he states the Company has had from time immemorial a trading settlement, and which also be- longed, without contradiction, to the territory of the Republic, I imagine will be the one the Dutch abandoned when they intruded in the river Barima, in 1768, as soon as they learned from their friends the Caribs that our privateers were visiting that river, as one of the most considerable which flows into the Orinoco, although he wishes to make little of it by calling it a rivulet ; and the Director of Essequibo does not dare name it, least he thereby declare himself an usurper ; and consequently he shows himself of very weak memory by stating that this settlement was there from time immemorial, when it is scarcely two years old. Satne, p. 72. 1778. Council of the Indies. The Commandant of Guayana, Don Manuel Centurion, [stated that] Grave- sand had endeavored to arouse the States-General against the proceedings of the Spaniards, erroneously supposing that the Dutch had ever been in posses- sion of the rivers or rivulets that empty into the sea from the Esquibo to the Orinoco, because they had there no establishment other than a straw-thatched hut on the eastern bank of the Moruca, or Maroco, which had been tolerated for forty years back, intended to prevent the desertion of tlieir slaves. V. C, II, 277. That neither were they [Dutch] in possession of the Maseroni and other rivers that emptied into the Esquibo on its southwestern bank, . . . because the Esquibo flowing, approximately, parallel with the sea-coast . . . until it emp- tied into the sea forty-live leagues east of the mouth of the Orinoco, all the rivers having their sources in the furthest interior of the Province of Guayana and flowing towards the coast lying between the mouths of the Corentin and Es- quibo came in contact with the latter ; ... so that if, as the Dutch supposed, the territory embraced by the rivers feeding the Esquibo (and they are the Cuyuni, Maseroni, Mao, Apanoni, Putara, and other minor ones, with their 110 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE SPANISH-BASIS FOR AND SPANISH VIEWS OF DUTCH CLAIMS TO SAM E-(Continued). branches) belonged to the dominion of the Republic they would have in the Province of Guayana more than the Spaniards ; the case being, as appeared from the map he annexed, that the DutcJi could only cljiiin possession of the Suri- nam, Cupernam, Corentim, Benis, Demerara, Esqnivo, and Powaron rivers. V. C, II, 27 s. That the Post which Gravesand stated the Spanish took possession of near a rivulet south of the Guayne river, where he supposed the company had from time immemorinl a trading-place depending beyond contradiction upon the Re- public, must be, without doubt, the one which the intruding: Dutclimen upon the Guarima River abandoned in the year 1768, so soon as they learned that our cruising launches were patrolling that river, one of the largest emptying into the Orinoco, notwithstanding that Gravesand made it out a rivulet, without venturing to name it, so as not to declare himself a usurper. It is equally strana:e that he should call this an immemorial establishment, when it had existed barely for two years. Same, p. 2yg. Tliat they [Spaniards] had never up to that time disputed the right of the Dutcli to the fisheries at the mouths of the Orinoco because they did not fish there, as is proved by the fact that, having armed during the last three years some cruising launches for this river, they had seized thirty-three foreign vessels, but none of them engaged in fishing, nor was there even any information that the Dutch were in possession of such fishing grounds. Same, p. 2yg. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO THE POM EROON- MORUCA REGION. . [1897] George L. Burr. From the first Dutch occupation of tlie Pomeroon, in 1G.5S, down to late in the eighteenth century, tlie claim of the Dutcli to that river seems to have been unquestioned. . . . In 1769, for the first time, we hear in Dutch records of a counterclaim: the Spanish governor of Orinoco was said to have declared that the territory was Spain's as far as the bank of Oene, in the mouth of the Essequibo. During the years which followed, though Spain and Holland were at peace, there was more than one Spanish incursion into the Pomeroon ; but though ravages were committed along the coast and Indians abducted from the interior, there was no attempt actually to take possession of the river. Of the Instruccion of the Spanish Intendant-General of Venezuela, in February, 1779, for the occupation and settlement of Guayana " to the borders of the Dutch colony of Essequibo," the Dutch authorities seem to have known nothing; but of the reconnoissance later . . . by . . . Inciarte . . . they knew ; . . . but the Director-General having assured himself that they were "all gone without having done any harm " to the post or to the Indians, evinced no disquiet about the matter, and no steps seem to have been taken toward protest or further in- vestigation. V. C.-C, II, g6. 1703. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Governor of Surinam . . . shows himself ill-disposed because his traders here in our district, namely, Essequibo, Uaumeron and Demerary were not permitted to trade. B. C, I, 226. BOUNDARIES. Ill CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO THE POM EROON-MORUCA REGION- (Continued). 1737. Commandeur in Essequibo. We ought ... to keep up this Post ["tliei>ost of Wacquepo and MoruJia"! because it was establislied for the maiiiteiiaiice of your Honour's frontiers stretching toward the Orinoco. B. C, II, 2j. 1747. Commandeur in Essequibo. I have discharged Pieter de Laet, the Postholder of Morulia. on account of his bad behaviour, and since that Tost is of great importance, and it is essen- tial to tlie Colony to keep np the same, I have appointed [etc.]. Same, p. ^o. 1755. Postholder in Wacquepo. Concerning what you write, that if they will not come of their own free will you would come and fetch them with violent measures, I do not think that you meant this seriously, but that you only said so to frighten the Indians. Because I cannot believe that you would undertake to violate in such a man- ner the jurisdiction of their Hig-h Mightinesses, my Sovereigns. Same, p. 122. 1757. Secretary in Essequibo. Two [mules] died through the great drought, the lack of fresh water, and above all, the getting grounded in a certain canal, called Itaboe, and situated under the Company's Post Moruca. Same, p. ijg, 1760. Director-General in Essequibo. I have been obliged to send a detachment of four of the best soldiers to the Post of Maroco as quickly as possible because the Spaniards are beginning to put tJieir horns out again. . . . They also threatened to deal with the Post in Maroco ere long in the same way as they had done with that in Cuyuni. Same, p. igy. 1769. Postholder in Moruca. I . . . report . . . that ... a Spanish Tessel came into Marocco and to the Post, there being upon it two Fathers, twelve soldiers and a party of Weykiers with small canoes (the vessel was provided with eight swivel guns, and on the forecastle a four-pounder piece) coming to fetch Arowaks and Warouws ; and they have caught a whole party in Wayne and Maroco. . . . We knew of nothing until a Father came to the Post. He, however, did nothing to us at the Post, and I spoke to the Fathers, saying that such acts were not permitted on Dutch ground and territory. They stated, in reply, that they did not know that, and that they had orders from their Governor. They in the evening departed, . . . but . . . they came up stream again . . . with a noise, . . . and . . . asked where were the Indians whom they had seen. . . . They seized immediately one maid. . . . They have taken my two female slaves with their children, two free maids — one boy of mine is still missing. . . . They have gone with more than a hundred guilders' worth of my goods, that they found outside ; but in the house they touched nothing. According to the report . . . they will come again to come and fetch the Indians of Pomaroon. B. C, IV, S-g. X769. [1897] George L. Burr. But, in 1769, another remonstrance to the Spanish Court, drawn by the Zee- land Chamber of the West India Company, urged by the Stadhouder, and adopted 113 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO THE POM EROON-MORUCA REGION- (Continued). by the States-General, stated or implied definite claims as to territorial boundary in Guiana. On tfie coast the Dutch territory is represented as stretching to beyond the Waini ; in the interior, to a point between the Dutch post on the Cuyuni and the nearest Spanish Missions. This is the one document known to the diplomatic correspondence of the two countries which suggests the place of the boundary. V. C.-C, II, igo. 1786. Director-General in Essequibo. The threats to raid the Post Maroco appear only to be a popular rumour concerning which I deem it better not to write to the Government of Oronoque, . . . it . . . being ver)- probable that the Government never thought of it. By writing to them about it, we sliould either offend them or show fear, and thereby, perhaps, inspire them with a desire to do something of which they would not otherwise have thought. At the same time, it would be well to be on one's guard. B. C, V, 46. 1790. Report of Commissioners on condition of Essequibo and Demerara. More lands here could be brought under cultivation if the vicinity of the River Orinoco did not prevent it, for the Spaniards there sometimes come with armed boats ... as far as Moruca, and carry away by force the Indians who dwell there . . . The Colonies of Demerara and Essequibo, THEREFORE, form a stretch of 21 (Dutch) miles along the coast of Guiana. Same, p. yg. 1794. Governor-General in Essequibo. We went on as far as the Creek of Moruca, which up to now has been maintained to be the boundary of our territory with that of Spain, upon what basis I do not know. It will be of the utmost necessity to define that boundary-line once for all. Sarne, p. 14J. 1802. Anonymous [Dutch] Memorial. From the Creek Abary (being the boundary between the Colony of Berbice and Demerara) to the River Pomeroon, which belongs to the Colony of Esse- quibo, that extent amounts to fully 25 hours' march. Same, p. ij6. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO WAINI. , [1897] George L. Burr. Permission to cut timber [in the Waini] . . . was . . . repeat- edly and formally granted by the Essequibo Court of Policy in the name of the West India Company ; though, owing to the river's unnavigable entrance, this permission remained unused. V. C.-C, II, ii^- 1753. Director-General in Essequibo. In a short time everything will have been granted, and there will be no more land remaining. Wherefore, I have sent away Pilot J. Grotendorst to measure the Rivers Waini and Pomeroon. A rumour is current here that Emissaries of Sweden have arrived in Surinam in order to make inquiry respecting the River Barima lying between Oronoco and this river, in order to bring over a Colony there. B. C, II, "/J. feOUNDARIES. 113 CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO WAI N l-(Continued). 1754. Director-General in Essequibo. According to the reports of the Indians, there are between Orinoco and here two or three very rich silver mines, by no means at or near the River Orinoco, but far south of it on our side, and even, In my opinion, south of tiie >Vaini, and in the chain of mountains commonly called the Blaauwenberg, which forms a whole long line of mountain chain, . . . what shall I do? . . . It is even impossible for me ... to detach eight or ten men to garrison and defend as far as possible the Post of Moruka, which will, I fear, bear the brunt. B. C, If, 93. 1759. Director-General in Essequibo. The possession of that river [Cuyuni], as far, too, as this side of the Wayne, which is pretended to be the boundary-line (although I think the latter ought to be extended as far as Barima) cannot be questioned . . . and your Lord- ships' right of ownership is indisputable. Same, p. iSo. 1 761. Secretary in Essequibo. I respectfully reply that the aforesaid boats, having been seized by those pirates between the rivers of Barima and Waini, were absolutely on the Company's coast, for this is certain (not to enter upon the various opinions which exist about the limits of the Company's domains) that the river of Waini indisputably belong-s to the Company. Same, p. 200. 1762. Secretary in Essequibo. If we may not go as far as Weyne, which is your lordships' river as mucli as this one, I do not know what to do in future to get food for the slaves. Same, p. 21^. 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. Had both been captured in the mouth of the River Wayni (indisputably the territory of the Honourable Company). Same, p. 216. 1763. Director-General in Essequibo. The first [of the four Posts or so-called trading places of the Company] is Maroco, situated between this river and Orinoco, under the direction of which are the rivers of Pomeroon and Weyni. Same, p. 226. 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. A Spanish privateer from Orinoco, cruising along our coast, made an attempt to capture your Lordships' Salter before the River Waini (indisputably the Com- pany's territory), and fired very strongly upon him. The latter was cautious enough (not being able to escape otherwise) to run his boat high and dry upon the bank, so that he could not be reached by the privateer who, having continued to fire upon him for some time, and seeing that he could do nothing, finally departed. They [Spaniards] are not content with most unreasonably keeping our runaway slaves and with hindering us from carrying on the fishery in Orinoco, which we have always been free to do, but they now wish to prevent us from salting- along our own coasts, and will in this iranner end by closing our river_ and no boats will dare to go out any more. B. C, III, iSi. 114 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO WAINI-{Continued). 1769. Remonstrance of the States-General. The Spaniards had begun to carry off the Indians from Monica, and had made themselves masters of the Company's Post there, being a small river or creek south of the Weyne River, situated between the latter and the Pomaroon River, where from time immemorial the Company had also a tradiug place aud a Post, and nliich also iucoutestahly belong-ed to the territory of the Butch. B.C., IV, 30. i76g. [1897] George L. Burr. Ill the formal remonstrance, addressed in 1769, . . . by the States- General to the Spanish Court, a definite claim was made as to the boundary on the (iluiaua coast. The territory of the Netherlands, according to this docu- ment, stretched from the river Marovvyn to beyond the river Waini. So far as appears in the diplomatic correspondence of the Netherlands, no answer to this claim was ever made by Spain. Spanish aggressions, however, did not cease. V. C.-C, II, 114. The Dutch claim to the ownership of the Waini was officially enounced to Spain in the remonstrance of 17G9, and was (however forgotten in the in- terval) still a basis of action for the Dutch Colonial authorities in the period im- mediately preceding the final loss of the colony. Same, p. 113. 1775. West India Company, (Zeeland Chamber). He [Spanish Captain] . . . said that his lord and master would shortly set a guard in the creek of Weena, called the Barmani, and that the whole of Maroekka also belonged to the Spaniards, and I thereupon answered that the river Barima belonged to the Swede, and Weene as well as Maroekka, to the Dutch, and they said that it was not so. B. C, IV, 138, 1779. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. Having arrived within musket-shot of the said [Moruka] Post, I hoisted the Spanish flag. . . . Thereupon, two white Dutchmen appeared, without any other people. Having arrived opposite the said Post and moored the vessels in front of it, . . . the said Dutchmen came on board. . . . Having re- proached him, as though the lands where the Post was situated belonged to the Prince of Orange, with not replying with the Dutch flag to that of our Sovereign, he answered that he had no flag, nor knew to whom the said lands belonged, but that in Essequibo the said Birector-General assured him verbally that the said lands of Moruca, and those included in the whole Creek of Ouiaua belonged in ownership to the High and Mighty Estates of the Butch Republic. B. C.-C, App., 229. It is also to be noted that Paul Fernero, formerly Corporal of the said [Mo- ruka] post, and at present a soldier therein, said that the former Director- General 01 Essequibo told him in a letter, that the lands and rivers of Moruca and (juiana belonged in ownership to the Butch, and the creek of Barima and its lands to Sweden. Same, p. 2^5. 1839. R. H. Schomburgk. The Butch . . . recognized neither the mouth of the River Pomaroon nor that of the Morocco ... as the limits of their territory. B. C, VII, 4. BOUNDARIES. 115 CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO BARIMA AND ORINOCO MOUTH. . British Case, The Essequibo Dutch had made friends with these Caribs by the end of the [i7thj century, and the Bariuia district was thenceforward cousidered as within the sphere of the Postholder of Pomeroou. B. C, ii^. The Bariuia district . . . was treated by both the Dutch and British Governments successively as within their territorial jurisdiction. Same, p. iiS. . British Counter Case. The Barima continued to be generally regarded, in accordance with the belief and practice of more than a century, as within Dutch jurisdiction. B. C.-C, pi. 1683. Commandeur in Essequibo. I wish their Honours would take possession of that river [Barima] as well, which has been done by me provisionally in order to see what revenue it will yield, since I am of opinion that the Honourable Company has the right to trade and traffic there in an open river as much as other private persons. B. C. , 1, 185-186. 1734. Commandeur in Essequibo. If the Swedes undertake to try to establish themselves between the Orinoco and this Colony, on your Honours' territory, I should be obliged to try to pre- vent it. B. C, II, 18. 1749. Commandeur in Essequibo. All the itinerant traders which go from there [Surinam] in order to deal in slaves stop here, as all go to Barima, which is situated under this jurisdiction, to the great prejudice of the inhabitants, because they pay far more for the slaves than we usually do. Same, p. 61. 1758. Don Jose de Iturriaga. Those of Essequibo publish and sustain that the dominion of the States- General extends to the Ship's Mouth or Great Mouth of tlie Orinoco, and they even enter well inside that river to enjoy its fishery. Same, p. 141. 1758. [1897] George L. Burr. In 1758, the Governor of these Dutch colonies addressed to the Governor of Spanish Guiana a remonstrance against Spanish aggressions, in which he claimed for the Dutch the boundary laid down on the map of D'Anrille. This claim was made, however, without authority from the West India Company or from the State, and was not urged in the remonstrance [1759] addressed on this occasion at the instance of the Company by the States-General to the Court of Spain. V. C.-C, II, I go. 1760. Director-General in Essequibo. They [Spaniards] also took some canoes on this side of Barima, and thus within the Honourable Company's territory. B. C, II, igj. 1761. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The new outrages of the Spaniards in seizing the boat of Mr. Persik and the five canoes, which were busy salting, have greatly surprised us. . . . We still hope to receive these, and the earlier the better, together with the rea- sons why you deem that everything: which has happened on this side of Barima must be deemed to have occurred on territory of the Company. Same, p. igS. 116 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO BARIMA AND ORINOCO MOUTH- (Continued). 1764. Diiector-General in Essequibo. The whole jurisdiction of the Company, from Abary to Barima. B. C, HI, 105. 1764. Shareholders of West India Company. The Colony of Essequibo comprises the district of the north-east coast of South America lying between the Spanish Colony, the Orinoco, and the Dutch Colony, the Berbices, and . . . the same is crossed not only by tlie chief river, the Essequibo, but also by several small rivers, such as Barima, Waini, Moruka, Pomeroon, and Demerary, from which it takes the name of the Colony of Esse- quibo and the rivers belonging thereto, though in the whole of the aforesaid district — at least, as long as it was under the direction of the West India Com- pany, until the year 1750, no other river than the chief river of Essequibo was inhabited or populated. Same, p. 116. 1766. Court of Justice, Essequibo. Resolved . , . that . . . the following proclamations should be made : — All dwelling' or sojourn in Barima is forbidden to all colonists, all upon penalty of being further punished according to the exigencies of the case, but those who still have some timber cut there are permitted to fetch away the same. B. C.-C, App., 2og-2io. 1803. G. A. W. Ruysch — proposed Charter by. As in Pomeroon, Waini, and Barima, there are still found well stocked forests, tlie inliabitauts who wish to devote themselves to lumbering will be granted a certain extent of forest, wherein they shall be at liberty to fell timber, upon payment of certain dues to the Republic. . . . The ownership of the land remaining' reserved to tlie Republic, unless the petitioners should sub- sequently desire to establish plantations there, in which case the Governor and the Court of Policy, . . . shall grant letters of pre-emption and recommend- ation. B. C, V, iSj. 1804. Lieutenant-Governor Myers. It [Colony of Essequibo and Demerara] is separated from Berbice by the Abari Creek. The boundary with the Spaniards is disputed. According- to Dutch, it is a line running- north and south from Cape Brama or Brem ; and according to the Spaniards it is the Morucco Creek, a little to the westward of Cape Nassau. Same, p. 1S6. 1839. R. H. Schomburgk. They ] Dutch] had even occupation of the eastern banks of the . . . Barima | before . . . i666| . . . which military outpost they con- sidered to be their western boundary. B. C, VII, 4. The Dutch West India Company considered the mouth of the Orinoco to be the limit of their possessions. I Humboldt says| The Dutch, far from recognizing the Rio Pomeroon or the Moroco as the limit of their territory, plaiced the boundary at Rio Barima, consequently near the mouth of the Oroonoko itself, when they draw a line of demarcation from N. N. W., to S. S. E. towards Cuyuni. Same, p. J2. BOUNDARIES. 117 CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO BARIMA AND ORINOCO MOUTH- (Continued). 1839. R. H. Schomburgk. The mouth of the Orinoco had always been considered to form the western boundary of the former Dutch possessions. B. C, VII, jj. 1844. Earl of Aberdeen. The mouth of the Orinoco always claimed by the Dutch as their western boundary. Same, p. go. 1875. Governor Longden. The boundary claimed by the old Dutch Colony, namely, a line from Point Barima. B. C, VI, 212. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO AMACURA. . [1897] George L. Burr. It was even believed among the [Spanish] missions that the Dutch Oovernor of Essequiljo claimed jurisdiction as far as a line running due south from the mouth of the Aguire. This was told their prefect by a fugitive slave, who claimed to have brought from Essequibo an official document in which this was shown ; and a Dutchman from Essequibo told the same prefect that the Mission of Curumo had been destroyed because it lay east of this Hne. The slave-traders are even said to have once presented a passport m which the Essequibo governor styled himself " Governor of Essequibo and the mouth of the Orinoco." But all this is unknown to the Dutch records, and was certainly never reported to the home authorities. V. C.-C, II, 142. 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. Register of the Colony of Essequibo, Demerary, and the dependent districts. Situated on the north coast of South America, at about 7° latitude north and 42° longitude; from the creek Abari on the east to the river Amacura on the north, and comprising the rivers Demerary, Essequibo, Pomeroon, Weyne, and the large creeks Maykouny, Maheyka, Wacquebo, and Maroco, being a stretch of land along the sea-coast of about 120 (Dutch) miles, of 15 in 1°. Belonging to the Honourable General Chartered West India Company of the United Netherlands, under the administration of the Chamber of Zeeland. B. C, II, 2 1 2-2 1 J. 1762. Muster Roll. Directory of the Colony Essequibo, Demerarij, and dependent districts : Situate on the north coast of South America . . . from the Creek Abari on the east to the River Amacura on the north, including the Rivers Demerarij, Essequibo, Powaron, Weijne, and the large Creeks Maijkounij, Maheijka, Wacquepo, and Maroco. Belonging to the . . . West India Company. B. C, VII, 164. 1764, Director- General in Essequibo. Register of the Colony of Essequibo, Demerary, and dependent districts. Situated on the north coast of South America, at 7° north latitude and 42^ longitude from the Creek Abari on the east to the River Amacura on the north, comprising the Rivers Demeiary, Essequibo, Pomeroon. Waini, and the great Creeks Maykouny, Maheyka, Wacquepo, and Moruka, being a stretch of land along the sea-coast of about 120 [Dutch] miles of 15 in 1° belonging to the Char- tered West India Company. B. C. ///, 118-119. 118 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO AM ACURA-(Continued). 1765. Muster Roll. Directory of the Colony Essequibo, Demerarij, and dependent district : Situate on the north coast of South America . . . from the Creek Abari on the east to the River Aiuacnra on the north, including the Rivers Dim- merarij, Essequibo, Povvaron, Weijne, and the large Creeks Maijkounij, Maheijka, Wacquepo, and Maroco. Belonging to the . . . West India Company. B. C, VII, i6^- 1839. R. H. Schomburgk. When ... in the possession of the Netherlands ... its limits were considered to extend from Punta Barima ... to the nioutli of the River Amacnra, following the Caiio Cuyuni ... to its source, from whence it was supposed to stretch . . . towards the River Cuyuni, . . . and from thence southward towards the Massaruni. Same, p. 4. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO CUYUNI, MAZARUNI AND THE INTERIOR. 1 741. Storm van 's Gravesande, Secretary in Essequibo. He [Nicolas Hortsman] had considered it necessary to remain above [up the Essequibo] where lie had planted the flag' and cleared a bread garden. B. C, II, 32. 1 741. Commandeur in Essequibo. It is fully two months ago since Jacques Donacq (who attended to the Post in Essequibo in place of the deceased Jacobus van der Burg) came to me to report how an Indian had arrived at the Post, and had informed him, by order of the Surgeon Hortsman, that he had planted the flag of your Honours by the Lake of Parima, and had taken possession of the land, had cleared a cassava garden there, and had dispatched Christiaen Reijs over sea to give a further account of the journey which had succeeded according to his wish. Savie, p. jj. 1749. Commandeur in Essequibo. Having written to the Governor of Cumana that, if he persisted in the design of founding a Mission in the River Cuyuni, I should be obliged to oppose myself thereagainst effectually, he has replied to me that such was without his knowledge (not the founding of the new [Mission], but the site), and that it should not be progressed with, as in reality nothing has been done. On the map your Honours will find the place marked, as also the site of the one already estab- lished. The discoveries made in our neighborhood by the Spaniards in the year 1748, [1747 on his map] a copy . . . whereof ... I have been able to obtain cognizance of, is also of no small advantage for us — that notorious sea of Parime . . . having now at last been discovered and found, and even, according to the map, situated within our jurisdiction. Same, p. 6j. 1754. Court of Policy. I had the honour some years ago to inform your Honours that they [Spanish] had located a Mission in the Creek Mejou, which flows into the Cuyuni, . . . this Mission was so absolutely and indisputably on our territory. Same, p. gj. These two Missions are not in the Creek Mejou, but some miles lower on the River Cuyuni itself. Same, p. g^. BOUNDARIES. 1 19 CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO CUYUNI, MAZARUNI AND THE INTERIOR-(Continued). 1758. British Case. The Director-General of Essequibo addressed to the Commandant at Guay- ana a letter of remonstrance as to this raid [on the Cuyuui Post in 1758J. In this letter the claim of the Dutch to the territory is assumed as indisputable. B. C, 4g. 1758. Director-General in Essequibo. That the Post of your Lordships' Company was on Spanish ground, which is utterly and indisputably untrue. . . . It is my opinion that this river [Cuyiini] is of the greatest importance to youi' Lordships, much more so than any one of the others, and also that it is perfectly certain and indisputable that they [Span- iards] have not the slig-htest claim to it. If your Lordships will . . . look at the map of this country, drawn by Mr. D'Anville, . . . your Lordships will clearly see that this is so. Our boundaries, too, are defined in a way which proves that the compiler was very well informed. B. C, IT, 144. 1759. Director-General in Essequibo. There not being tlie slightest difficulty or doubt concerning' the owner- ship of this portion of Essequibo, most undoubtedly belonging, as it does, to the West India Company, this unexpected and unheard-of act [destruction of the Cuyuni Post] is a violation of all existing Treaties — a violation even of the uni- versal law of nations, and as a matter of the greatest importance it demands your Lordships' attention and vigilance. Same, p. iy2. 1759. Resolutions of the States- General. Remonstrance of the Directors of the West India Company, . . . set- ting forth that they . . . have been from time immemorial in undisturbed possession, not alone of the aforesaid River Essequibo, but also of all the branches and tributaries . . . and especially of the northernmost arm of the same river, called the Cuyuni. . . . They, ... in virtue of that posses- sion, have always considered the said River Cuyuni as a domain of this State. Same, p. 176. 1759. Ambassador of States-General at Madrid. [The States-General] have been from time immemorial in undisturbed possession of the River Essequibo, and all the little rivers which flow into it, and especially of the right arm of the said river, which flows northward, and is called tlie Cuyuui ; that, in virtue of the said possession, his masters have for a very long- time considered the whole of the said river as a domain belonging to them, and have consequently caused to be constructed ... an outpost as to which the Spanish Governors have never raised any objection, or made the least complaint, understanding that such outposts are absolutely necessary to us for the maintenance of the peace of the Colony against the raids of the sav- ages, and are constructed with noother object. V. C, II, ijj. 1761. Director-General in Essequibo. There can be no dispute about it with the Court of Spain, it being only too clear and evident that the [Cuyuni] Post not only stood upon the . . . Company's territory, but tliat that territory extends much farther. B. C, II, igg. 120 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO CUYUNI, MAZARUNI AND THE INTERIOR-(Continued). 1765. Director-General in Essequibo. [An Indian scout reports] that preparations are being made to establish a new Mission between Cuyuiii and Mazaruni, that is, in the middle of onr land. B. C, III, 121. 1767. Director- General in Essequibo. If no redress can be obtained at the Court of Spain, to use reprisals against the Missions, situated on our frontier, even on our territory ; I think they would then be brought to reason. Same, p. 143. 1767. West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber). Tlie natural meaning of the expression " Essequibo and adjoined or subor- dinate rivers " is not that which the Zeeland Chief Participants attribute to it, (namely, that all the places which are situate on the mainland of the so-called Wild Coast, between the boundaries which the Chief Participants themselves have . . . defined as extending from Moruka to Mahaicony, or from Rio Berbice as far as the Orinoco, are " adjoined, subordinate to, and inseparable from " the Colony Essequibo), but, on the contrary, only this, that under that de- scription are comprehended the various mouths and rivers, originating from Rio Essequibo or emptying into it, which are marked on the map, such as, for instance, Cuyuni, Massaruni, Sepenouwy, and Magnouwe. Satne, p. 147. 1769. [1897] George L. Burr. But. in 1769, another remonstrance to the Spanish Court, drawn by the Zee- land Chamber of the West India Company, urged by the Stadhouder, and adopted by the States-General, stated or implied defluite claims as to terri- torial boundary in Guiana. On the coast the Dutch territor)^ is represented as stretching to beyond the Waini; in the interior, to a point between the Dutch post on tlie Cuyuni and the nearest Spanish Missions. This is the one docu- ment known to the diplomatic correspondence of the two countries which suggests the place of the boundary. V. C.-C, II, igo. 1769. Remonstrance of the States-General. A Spanish detachment coming from the Orinoco had come above that Post and had carried off several Indians, threatening to return at the first following dry season and visit Masseroeny, another arm of the Essequibo, lying between that and the Cuyuni River, and, therefore, also unquestionably forming part of the territory of tlie Republic, ... and then to descend the River Masse- roeny, ascend the Cuyuni and visit the Company's said Post in Cuyuni. B.C.,IV,2g. 1776. Director-General in Essequibo. It is a pity that that boundary line, if I may call it so, lies so far up the [Essequibo] river. Same, p. 140. 1875. Governor Longden. The boundary claimed by the old Dutch Colony, namely, a line from Point Barima, where an old Dutch post subsisted, to the Dutch post on the Cuyuni, (opposite to the ancient fort marked on the map as " the most easterly Spanish Post- Humboldt") is the boundary which I understand to have been always claimed by Great Britain. This boundary is indicated ... on the large map of . . . Schomburgk's surveys . . . corrected . . . by . . . Chalmers and Sawkins ... in 1872. . . . This line . . . includes both banks of the Amacura River. B. C, VI, 212. BOUNDARIES. 121 CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO ALL THE COAST. -. Venezuelan Counter Case. No claim to the whole of this coast was ever made by the Dutch. V. C.-C, i6. -. [1897J. George L. Burr. Thus, in 1669, the Dutch West India Company conceded to the German Count of Hanau a strip thirty Dutch miles broad, . . . the grant reads: . , . " A piece of land situated on the wild coast of America, between the river Oronoque and the river of the Amazons," adding the condition, " which His Excellency will be entitled to select provided he keeps at least six Dutch miles from other colonies there established or founded by the said chartered West India Company, or with its consent." Tliat tlie grant implies that the wliole Wild Coast was counted by the West India Company open to Dutch colonization cannot be questioned. It seems to imply also that there were still on that coast unoccupied stretches of thirty Dutch miles in breadth lying at least six miles distant from the Dutch establishments of Surinam, Berbice, and Essequibo ; and that such a stretch might by the Dutch be granted outright, even to a foreigner. But it does not assert an exclusive Dutcli rig-ht to colonize tliat coast ; and . . . Great Britain and . . . France were also freely granting patents of territory on the Guiana coast, and . . . there has been found no record of the slightest Dutch protest against it. . . . It should be added that the colony of the Count of Hanau was a flash in the pan, no attempt ever being made to establish it. V. C.-C, II, 26-27. From the terms of these grants may unquestionably be inferred the as- sumption by the Dutch (xovernment of a right to plant colonies, either directly or through the West India Company, in the district known as the Wild Coast. There is, liowever, in none of them, anything to suggest that this was counted exclusively a Dutch right; nor is there in them any claim of sovereignty over this coast as a whole. Same, p. 28. Of any claim by the Dutch to (Tuiaua as a whole, or to any part of its western coast, there is thus far [1613] no intimation. Same, p. jS. Neither in connection with the early trading expeditions to Guiana nor with the first projects for its colonization is there now to be found in Dutch records a claim to definite territory there. The most that is anywhere urged is that this region is not yet occupied by the Spaniards or the Portuguese, and is there- fore open to trade or to settlement. Same, p. 176. But wliile there is . . . .abundant evidence of a claim of the Dutch to plant colonies freely on the coast of truiana from the Amazon to the Orinoco, I have found in Dutch records no claim, as against other European states, of an exclusive right thus to colonize Guiana ; and no protest at any timeL against the similar attempts which, throughout the greater part of this (i8th) century, the English and the French were likewise making to plai.t colonies on this coast. Same, p. iSo. I. The whole coast of (iuiana was, from the beginning of the seventeenth century, loolied on by the Dutch as open to colonization ; but no exclusive claim to that coast, as a whole, seems ever to have been made by them. Same, p. igo. 122 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO ALL THE COAST-(Continued). • [1897] George L. Burr. 2, From 1621 to 1674 the right to colonize that coast on behalf of the Dutch was vested in the Dutch West India Company, which was empowered by its charter to settle unoccupied districts. That Company, while freely exercising this right of colonization, and granting lands for its exercise by others, has left on record no definition of the limits of its occupation in Guiana, and no claim as to a boundary on the side of the Spanish colonies. V. C.-C, II, igo. 1632. States-General, None of the said vessels shall be permitted ... to sail to the coasts of African or to New Netherlands, or any other place where the Company may trade ; but shall be permitted to sail to the coast of Brazil ; item, in the West Indies, to wit, the River Oronocque westwards along the coast of Carthagena, Portobello, Honduras, Campecho, the Gulf of Mexico, [etc.], . . . in order to injure and offer hostility to the King of Spain. B. C, 1, 13- 1648. States General. We [States General] annul . . . all . . . regulations according to which all ships . . . have been permitted to sail for private trade [etc.] . . . to a certain area within the Charter of the West India Company; . . . we now decree . . . that the vessels of the . , . inhabitants [of the Nether- lands] shall henceforth be permitted to sail in the West Indies, to wit, from the River Oronocque westwards [etc.] . . . without permission to go east along the Wild Coast, much less to the Amazon. Same, pp. 135-136. 1669. West India Company. The Directors of the . . . IVest India Company . . . grant to His . . . Excellency [Lord Frederick Casimir, Count of Hanau] a tract of land situated on the Wild Coast of America, between the River Orinoco and the River Amazon, which His Excellency, . . . shall be pleased to choose, pro- vided they remain at least six Dutch miles from other Colonies, there erected and established by the . . . West India Company or with their permission, of about thirty Dutch miles in breadth along the sea and a hundred miles more as the aforesaid Colonists shall in the course of time be able to occupy and cultivate . . . on condition that the aforesaid district will have to be cultivated along the sea coast within a period of twelve years, or that what may then remain un- cultivated along the sea-coast shall again be at the disposal of the Company. The Company grants the aforesaid district to His Excellency as a lief or feud with all its prerogatives and rights. B. C.-C, App., 333-334. 1669. States-General. There was heard the report of . . . deputies in charge of the West India Company's affairs, having, . . . investigated and examined the petition of the Directors of the . . . West India Company, requesting . . . approval of what they, the petitioners, have agreed to . . . with the present . , . Count of Hanau concerning the establishment of a considerable Colony upon the wild coast ol America . . . being deliberated upon, it was approved. Same, p. jj/. 1714. West India Company. Although Orinoco, Trinidad, &c. is [sic) under tlie power of the Spaniard.s, still it also lies within the Charter of tlie Company where nobody has the BOUNDARIES. 123 CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-TO ALL THE COAST-(Continued). right to trade except the Company and those to whom the Company gives per- mission to do so, so that it all is the territory of the Company, although we have no forts there. B. C, I, 24 j. 1757. Don Jose de Iturriaga. About fourteen years ago I saw a passport ... in Latin, granted by the Governor of Essequibo of that date to a Carib Chief who lived within the river Orinoco. On making inquiries ... I came to learn . . . that the States-dreueral in their commissions to the Governors of Essequibo also give them tlie title of Governors of the Orinoco. What is quite certain is that these Governors style themselves of Essequibo and of the Orinoco in the licences that they issue. B. C, II, IJJ. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-BASIS FOR AND DUTCH VIEWS OF SPANISH CLAIMS TO SAME. • [""897] George L. Burr. With the lower Orinoco in general, and especially with the A^nire, they [Dutch] long maintained relations of trade, and in such sort as to make doubtful their recognition of Spanish sovereig-nty there. V. C.-C, II, 143. 1599. Zeeland Estates. In the matter of the request of the Burgomaster of Middelburg, Adriaen ten Heaft, setting forth how that in the preceding year, 1 598, at heavy cost to himself, he caused to be investigated on the continent of America many different rivers and islands, and how that in this voyage were discovered various coasts and lands where one could do notable damage to the King of Spain,— and how that he is well minded to send out again two ships. V. C, II, 12. 1 62 1. Cornells Janssen Vianen. If an attempt were made with superior force to gain the land there [on the mainland of America between Brazil and the Orinoco] and by such cultivation introduce products of Brazil and the West Indies, the Spaniards would beyond doubt seek forcibly to prevent this. Same, p. 17. 1758. Director-General in Essequibo. That the [Cuyuni] Post of your Lordships' Company was on Spanish ground, which is utterly and indisputably untrue. It is my opinion that this river is of the greatest importance to your Lordships, much more so than any one of the others, and also that it is perfectly certain and indisputable that they [Spaniards] have not the slightest claim to it. If your Lordships will . . . look at the map of this country, drawn by Mr. D'Anville, . . . your Lordships will clearly see that this is so. Our bound- aries, too, are defined in a way which proves that the compiler was very well informed. S- C, II, 144. 1759. Director-General in Essequibo. Cuyuni being one of the three arms which constitute this river [Essequibo] and your Lordships having had for many years the coffee and indigo plantation there, also that the mining master, with his men, having worked on the Blue mountain in that river without the least opposition, the possession of that river . . . cannot be questioned in the least possible way, and your Lordships' right of ownership is indisputable, and beyond all doubt. Same, p. iSo. 124 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-BASIS FOR AND DUTCH VIEWS OF SPANISH CLAIMS TO SAM E-(Continued). 1759. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We still request you to lay before us everything which might in any way he of service in proof of our right of ownership to, or possession of, the aforesaid [Cuyuni] river ; . . . For this purpose there might especially be of use to us a small map of the River of Cuyuni, with indication of the places where the Company's Post, and also the grounds of Oud Duinenburg, and of the Company's coffee and indigo plantations were situated, and, finally, of the so- called Blue Mountain in which the miners carried on their work. . . . We ask for this especially, because in your map of Essequibo ... we can find nothing of all this. B. C, II, iSr. We see . . . that you extend the boundary of the Colony in the direc- tion of the Orinoco not only as far as Waini, but even as far as Barima. We should like to be informed of the grounds upon which you base this conten- tion, and especially your inference that, Cuyuni being situate on this side of Waini, it must therefore necessarily belong to tlie Colony ; for, so far as we know, there exist no Conventions that the boundary-lines in South America run in a straight line from the sea-coast inland. Same, p. 1S2. 1760. Director-General in Essequibo. Although I am aware . . . that no Treaties have been made which decided that the dividing boundary in South America should run inland in a direct line from the sea-coast, as is the case with the EngUsh in North America, it still ap- pears to me . . . to be an irrefutable fact that the rivers themselves, which have been in the possession of your Lordships for such a large number of years, and have been inhabited by subjects of the State without any or the least opposition on tlie part of the Spanish, are most certainly the property of your Lordships. Same, pp. 184-iS^. 1 76 1. Director-General in Essequibo. The latter [canoe] having been captured this side of Barima, I am of opinion that it was captured upon the . . . Company's territory, for, although there are no positive proofs to be found here, such has always been so considered by the oldest settlers, as also by all the free Indians. . . . Some very old Caribs . . . told me that they remember the time when the . . . Company had a post in Barima, . . . and then, lastly, because the boundaries are always thus defined by foreigners, as may be seen on the map prepared by D'Anville, the Frenchman. These are the only reasons . . . upon which I base my opinions, because there are no old papers here out of which any information could be obtained. It appears to me tliat the Spaniards are not ignorant of this, else they would not have made so many complaints concerning the behavior of the depredators in Barima. I believe tliat had tliey considered it to be their territory they would have found some means for stopping it, especially since they dared to do so in such a violent manner in Cuyuni, when they were perfectly convinced that that place was beyond their own jurisdiction. Same, p. 201. 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. D'Anville's map ... is not only the best but the only one in which this coast is exactly and truly given. . . . It was published in the year 1751. Same, p. 211. BOUNDARIES. 125 CLAIMS BY THE DUTCH-BASIS FOR AND DUTCH VIEWS OF SPANISH CLAIMS TO SAM E-(Continued). 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. They [Spanish] must have great and important reasons to make such at- tempts to obtain possession of this [CuyuniJ branch of our river, and I have not the least doubt that such is the case. S. C, II, 211. . [1764] British Case. While claiming as Dutch all the territory up to the right bank of the Barima, the Director-General appears to have thought it inexpedient that the Dutch passes to traders should purport to include that river. In a . . . letter, said to have been sent by him . . . [in] 1764, to the Governor of Surinam, the latter is requested not to name Barima in his passes, as that gave offence to the Spaniards. The writer adds that they maintained tliat tliat river was theirs, and expresses an opinion in their favour upon this point, which, in one view, might be said to be inconsistent with the claim of the Director-General to the territory up to the right bank, £• ^v 5^- 1764. Director-General in Essequibo. The reasons that they [Spaniards] had for such unlawful proceedings [de- struction of Cuyuui post of 1758] must be best known to themselves, because they can have not the very least shadow of a claim to possession, or it must have been the chimerical pretentions of the priests in these parts that the whole of America belongs to His Catholic Majesty, and that all other nations hold pos- session mtreXy precarw, and by permission. B. C, III, log. * Mentioning the River Barima in those passes causes complaints from the Spaniards, who, maintaining that the river belongs to them, in which I believe they are rig-ht, some of these passes have already been sent to the Court of Spain. -S^aw^, p. 114. 1770. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). As regards the Spanish rodomontades of which you speak, ... of their desire to come and take possession of all the territory extending to the bank of Oene, which is situated on the west coast of Essequibo and below which there are several plantations, under pretext that it belongs to his Catholic Majesty, we believe that all these threats of the Spaniards . . . will disappear in smoke. B. C, IV, 44. The Spaniards . . . openly maintain that Powaron belong:s to them as far as the bank of Oene, this being quite in our river, several plantations lying below that bank. Same, p. 45. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN COLONIAL RECORDS. CORRESPOND- ENCE, ETC. 1797. Captain-General of Caracas. The Governor of Guayana, . . . reports, . . . that he has been informed that the English have apportioned all the lands which stretch from the Colony of Essequibo to Barima, ... and that from one point to another they have planted stakes, on the top of which they have affixed Notices, explaining to whom that portion is allotted, with the name of the owner. B. C, V, 164. * Note by editor of British Case. There is some reason to doubt the authenticity of this extract. 126 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN COLONIAL RECORDS, CORRESPOND- ENCE, ETC.-(Continued). 1797. Captain-General of Caracas. Although this news is not as clear as an affair of so much importance demands, ... I have dispatched Captain Don Manuel Astor, ... to proceed at once to Point Barima, reconnoitre it, and make a scrupulous investiga- tion into the truth of this matter, or obtain proof that it is unfounded. B. C, V, 164-165. 1798. King of Spain. The King has learned the news, sent to you by the Governor of Guayana, of the distribution of the lands wliich they occupy between the mouth of the Essequibo and that of the Orinoco that has been made by the English, and of the other matters to which your Excellency refers in the said communication, and the receipt of which I am commanded by His Majesty to acknowledge. Same, p. i6g. 1827. Lieutenant-Governor D'Urban. The Boundaries of the Colony [of Demerary] . . . are— On the north, the seacoast, from the mouth of the Abary to Cape Barima, near the mouth of the Orinoco. On the west, a line running north and south from Cape Barima into the in- terior. On the south, the Portuguese frontier, . . . generally defined by a line running east and west along the ridge which Humboldt calls the Cordillera of Parima, separating the two systems of rivers flowing respectively northward into the valleys of the Orinoco and Essequibo, and southward into that of the Amazons. B. C, VI, jg. 1834. Wm. Hilhouse. A Post deflnitory of tlie jurisdiction westward is indispensable, and . . . the Post of Pomeroon oug-ht to be maintained on a most respectable footing ... all the other posts are decided public nuisances ; . . . I would recommend their immediate abolition, the nearest burgher Captain being substituted in their charge as Protector. Same, p. jj. 1836. John Wadley. The extreme western boundary, had been settled at home to be at Point Barima (east point of Orinoco). Same, p. 60. 1839. Rev. Thomas Youd. I have visited the Indians who lie still farther south of Pirara, . . . and between the Riyers Essequibo and Rupununy, in the undoubted English ter- ritory. Same, p. 64. 1839. Governor Light. The Columbian Government is desirous of ascertaining their [boundary] . . . claiming- more than it will be advantageous for Great Britain to allow. B. C, VII, I. 1840. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The [Venezuelan] gun-boat is on the eastern side of the Barima River, and which river is our boundary. Some time ago the gun-boat did seize some corials, but these belonged to persons from the Orinoque, and were taken in the Barima, therefore I did not report the circumstance, it being beyond my jurisdiction. B. C, VI, gg. BOUNDARIES. 127 CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN COLONIAL RECORDS, CORRESPOND- ENCE, ETC.-(Continued.) 1841. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. May 12. — Accompanied Mr. Scliomburgk and party to the entrance of the Barima and Amacura Rivers, where Mr. Scliombiirgk planted l)ouii(lary posts ; the one at Barima, in token of Her Majesty's right of possession, aud the one at Amacura as claimed by Her Majesty as the boundary of British Guiana. Re- mained with the expedition at Barima Mouth. Captain Cabborally . . . informed [me] ... of a murder . . . Although this murder was committed beyond what [I] always considered to be the limits of British Guiana, but within the assumed limits of Her Majesty's Commissioner of Surrey [SchomTaurgk], . . . felt it [my] duty to have the body exhumed, and accordingly held an inquest thereon. B. C, VI, 112. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. It has been my aim, with the limited resources which I have at my command, to prove that the Orinoco was, at the 17th century, politically recognized as the boundary of the Dutch West India Company. B. C, VII, js- Her 3Iajesty's Government constituted an expedition to survey . . . the boundaries of British Guiana, based upon the right of primary possession, either of the English or their predecessors the Dutch. That the mouth of the Orinoco had always been considered to form the western boundary of the former Dutch possessions. Same, p. 37. 1843. R. H. Schomburgk. I consider that Her Majesty has undoubted right to any territory through which flow rivers that fall directly, or through others, into the River Esse- quibo. '5'awd', p. 50. 1845. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Indians of the more remote parts of this extensive district . . . resid- ing in the Rivers Winey, Bareema, and Amacoora. B. C, VI, 138. 1848. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Begs leave to suggest now, as the boundary of British Guiana is defined, and no likelihood of any interference by the Venezuelan Government, that a mis- sion forthwith be established on the Bareema for the convenience of the Worrow Indians of that river, and another on the Winey for Accaways. Same, p. 172. 1849. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Having . . . represented the . . . miserable condition of the Wor- row Indians— especially those who inhabit the more remote parts of this exten- sive district, . . . I . . . proposed ... the immediate establish- ment of a Mission on Barima, for the Worrow Indians. Same, pp. ijo-171. 1850. Governor Barkly. I have arrived at the same conclusion as Her Majesty's present Charge d'Affaires at Caracas, that that offer [of Lord Aberdeen] went far beyond any concession which the Venezuelans were entitled to expect, and I would, with the utmost deference, submit that no overtures of a compromise should in 128 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN COLONIAL RECORDS, CORRESPOND- ENCE, ETC.-(Continued). future meet the assent of the British Government, which iiiTolve the surrender of Point IJarima. I need add Httle to what . . . Schomburgk so forcibly stated . . . of the prospective importance, both in a miHtary and a commercial point of view, of a site which effectually commands the entrance of one of the mightiest rivers in the world. B. C, VI, iSj. 1875. Governor Longden. The arrest of a criminal on the north-western frontier of this Colony, in ter- ritory . . . always . . . claimed by Great Britain. Garrett was arrested on the banks of the Amacura river. . . . The boundary claimed by the old Dutch Colony, namely, a line from Point Barima, where an old Dutch post subsisted, to the Dutch post on the Cuyuni (opposite to the ancient fort marked on the map as the " most easterly Spanish post — Humboldt "), is the boundary which I understand to have been always claimed by Great Britain. This boundary is indicated ... on the large map of . . . Schomburgk's Surveys . . . corrected ... by . . . Chalmers and Sawkins ... in 1872. . . . This line . . . includes both banks of the Amacura River. Same, p. 212. 1884. Governor Irving, Demerara. The boHudary between Venezuela and British Guiana being unsettled, the Colonial GrOTernment has had to determine for itself the limits of its jurisdic- tion. . . . and it has taken for the purpose the line of compromise sug- gested by . . . Schomburgk which ... is considerably within the territorial claim of Great Britain. Although that line has never been officially recognized by both Governments, it has for a long series of years been taken for all practical purposes as the settled boundary of the Colony. ... In criminal cases jurisdiction has been from time to time proved by showing that the crime occurred at a place on the British Guiana side of that boundary- line. Same, p. 22^. 1884. Government Secretary, Demerara. The boundary line at Amacura River . . . No rights can be acquired within this territory except under the authority of the Colonial Government, and . . . all persons coming within this territory will be amenable to, and will be dealt with according to, the laws of the Colony. Same, p. 226. The whole of the territory . . . between the Amacura and Monica Rivers, is part of the (Colony of British (juiana, and the Colonial Government will maintain jurisdiction over this territory. Sa/Jie, p. 22g. 1887. Charles Bruce. I . . . acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 5th instant reporting the arrival here on the 31st ultimo of the Venezuelan gun-boat " Centenario," having on board Senores Dr. Jesus Munoz Tebar and Santiago Rodil. I . . . refer you to the notice dated the 21st October, ISSO, published in the London Gazette by authority of Her Majesty's Government, of which a BOUNDARIES. 121) CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN COLONIAL RECORDS, CORRESPOND- ENCE, ETC .-(Continued). copy is herewith enclosed, and to, state that the districts referred to in the official note enclosed in your letter are included within the limits defined by the terms of that Notice, and form part of the Colony of British Guiana. F. C, III, 2^4. 1891. Michael McTurk. I explained to him (Gen. Bastidas) . . . that there was a dispute . between her Majesty's Government and that of Venezuela as to the right to the land on the left bauk of the Cuyimi in that neighborhood (near Ynriiari mouth) but that we did not admit that there was auy dispute as to the laud on the rig-lit bauk, and which formed a part of the Colony of British Guiana, and over which the Government of that Colony exercised jurisdiction, and would enforce it if necessary ; that it formed part of the district over which I was appointed Magistrate. B. C, VI, 24S. I warned all the Venezuelans who were living on the right bank of the Cnynni that they were residing within the Colony of British (iuiana. Same, p. 2jj. By order of . . . the Lieutenant-Governor I have visited this part of my district [vicinity of the Ekereku Creek] for the purpose of warning such per- sons, of whatsoever nationality, that may be residing or prospecting for gold on the right or southern bank of the Cuyuui River, that such persons are resi- dent within the limits of the Colony of British Guiaua. It is admitted that there is a dispute as to the right to a part of the land on the left bauk of the Cuyuni River between her Majesty's Govern- ment and that of Venezuela, but there is no dispute as to the right bank. Same, p. 2J4. 1895. Robert Tennant. The total area of the colony [British Guiana] is estimated at 110,000 square miles. V. C, III, jjj. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 1850. Belford Hinton Wilson to Vice-Consul Mathison. The Governor has spoken of raising a fort at Point Barima, which is situated within the territory in dispute between Venezuela and Great Britain. The . . . debates in Congress . . . and other reports . . . satisfy me of the desire and tendency in this country ... to secure, by actual occupation, possession of Point Barima, the mouth of the Amacura, and all the territory in dispute between England and Venezuela. B. C, VI, iSo. 1880. Lord Salisbur}'. The boundary which Her Majesty's Government claim, in virtue of ancient Treaties with the aboriginal tribes and of subsequent cessions from Holland, commences at a point . . . westward of Poiut Barima. Venezuela in . . . 1877, put forward a claim . . . to the . . . Essequibo ... a boundary . . . which would involve the surrender of a province now inhabited by 10,000 British subjects, and which has been in the uninterrupted possession of Holland and of Great Britain succes- sirely for two centuries. B. C, VII, g6. 130 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE- (Continued). 1 88 1. Earl Granville. Her Majesty's (irOTeriniieiit . . . are disposed ... to submit ... a line. . . . The initial point to be fixed at a spot on the sea- shore 29 miles of longitude due east from the right bank of the River Barima. This boundary will surrender to Venezuela what has been called the Dar- danelles of the Orinoco . . . and it yields about one-half of the disputed ter- ritory ... in order to secure to Venezuela the undisturbed possession of the mouths of the Orinoco. B. C, VII, gg-ioo. i886. British Foreign Office. I submit ... a notice published by the London Gazette, Colonial Office, October 2i, i886. Whereas the boundary line between Her Majesty's Colony of British Guiana and the Republic of Venezuela is in dispute. And whereas it has come to the knowledge of Her Majesty's Government that grants of land wiihin the territory claimed by Her Majesty's Government as part of the said Colony have been made, or purport to have been made, by , . . Venezuela. Notice is hereby given, that no title to land, or to any right in . . . any land within the territory claimed ... as forming part of the Colony of Brit- ish Guiana . . . will be admitted or recognized by Her Majesty . . . and that any person taking possession of . . . such land . . . will be liable to be treated as a trespasser under the laws of the Colony. V. C, III, i6i. 1887. F. R. St. John. I am , . . instructed ... to state . . . that the request by the British Consul for the erection of such a lighthouse in 1836 was unknown to and unauthorized by the British Gov ernment of the day. B. C, VII, 124-123. 1890. Foreign Office to Senor Urbaneja. Her Majesty's Government could not accept . . . any arrangement which did not admit the British title to the territory comprised within the line laid down by . . . Schomburgk in 1841. They would . . . refer to arbitra- tion . . . certain territories to the west of that line. Same, p. /jj. 1890, Foreign Office. The claim of Great Britain . . . to the whole basin of the Cuyuni and Yuruari is . . . solidly founded, and the greater part of the district has been for three centuries under continuous settlement by the Dutch, and by the British as their successors. Her Majesty's Government . . . cannot admit any question as to their title to territory within tlie line surveyed by . . . Schomburgk in 1841, and laid down on Hebert's map. ... On the other hand. Her Majesty's Government do not wish to insist on the extreme limit of their claim, . . . and as an indication of good-will towards Venezuela they would be ready to abandon a portion of that claim . . . between the Schomburgk line and their extreme claim . . . and ... to submit their claims to the arbitra- tion of a third party. Same, p. 137. BOUNDARIES. 131 CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE- (Continued). (Jreat Britain . . . [by] a . . . reco^iiiiioii of the ri^ht of Yene- zuela to the main stream of the Orinoco . . . including- Point Hariina and the adjacent district . . . "would at once and unconditionally abandon a considerable portion of territory of which she is in actual occupation. That territory . . . accrued to the Netherlands under the Treaty of Munster of 1648 by right of previous occupation. It was constantly held and claimed by the States-General in succeeding years. It was publicly and effect- ively occupied by direat Britain during the wars at the close of the last cen- tury, and the formal transfer of the country so occupied was effected by the Treaty of . . . 1S14. B. C, VII, 140. Her Majesty's Government . . . cannot consent to snbmit to arbitra- tion what they regard as their indisputable title to districts in the possession of the British Colony. Every fresh investigation tends only to enforce and enlarge that title. Same, p. 141. 1893. Earl of Rosebery. Her Majesty's Ciovernnient consider that it is quite impossible that they should consent to revert to the status quo of 1850, and evacuate what has for some years constituted an integral portion of British Guiana. Same, p. 14J, 1895, Earl of Kimberley. I reminded his Excellency [Mr. Bayard] that, although Her Majesty's Gov- ernment were ready to go to arbitration as to a certain portion of the territory, which I had pointed out on the map, they could not consent to any departure from the Schomburgk line. V. C.-C, III, 2^g. Great Britain has throughout been prepared to make large abatements from her extreme claim, although Her Majesty's Government have been con- tinually accumulating stronger documentary proofs of the correctness of that extreme claim as being their inheritance from their Dutch predecessors. Same, p. 260. 1895. Lord Salisbury. The title of Great Britain to the territory in question is derived, in the first place, from conquest and military occupation of the Dutch settlements in 1796. Both on this occasion, and at the time of a previous occupation of those settle- ments in 1 78 1, the British authorities marked the western boundary of their pos- sessions as beginning some distance np the Orinoco beyond Point Barima, in accordance with the limits claimed and actually held by the Dutch, and this has always since remained the frontier claimed by Great Britain. Same, p. 27 j. The claim which had been put forward on behalf of Venezuela by General Guzman Blanco in . . . 1877, would involve the surrender of a province now inhabited by 40,000 British subjects, and which had been in the unin- terrupted possession of Holland and of Great Britain successively for two centuries. Same, p. 280. 132 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE- (Continued). 1895. Lord Salisbury. The Government of Great Britain have from the first held the same view as to the extent of territory which they are entitled to claim as a matter of right. It comprised the coast-line up to the River Amacura, and the whole basin of the Essequibo River and its tribntaries. As regards the rest, that which lies within the so-called Sehoniburgk line, they do not consider tliat the rights of Great Britain are open to qnestion. Even within that line they have, on various occasions, oflered to Venezuela considerable concessions as a matter of friendship and concilia- tion, and for the purpose of securing an amicable settlement of the dispute. If as time has gone on the concessions thus offered diminished in extent, and have now been withdrawn, this has been the necessary consequence of the gradual spread over the country of British settlements, which Her Majesty's Government cannot in justice to the inhabitants offer to surrender to foreign rule, and the justice of such withdrawal is amply borne out by the researches in the national archives of Holland and Spain, which have further and more convincing evi- dence in support of the British claims. V. C.-C, III, 28J. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN OFFICIAL OR SEMI-OFFICIAL MAPS. 1 78 1. British Case. In 1 78 1 the British captured the Dutch Colony, and . . . surveyed . . . the coast to a point beyond the Barima, ... A map was drafted by the ofifi- cer in charge of this expedition and published in London in 1783. I'pon this map, \atlas, p. jo\ there is a note which makes the western boundary of the Colony commence at the Barima, show n in the position really occupied by the Amakuru. B. C, jy-jS. 1783. L. S. de la Rochette. C. Barima, Cape Breme of the Dutch. Western boundary of the Dutch according- to their Claim. B. C. atlas, map jo. 1798. Thomas Walker. The boundary between the Spanish Grovernment [and British Gniaua] is a line running N. & S. from Cape Breme ; which forms one of the mouths of the River Oronocco, & is about 60 or 70 miles to the N. W. of Morocco. Sa7)ie, map j^. 1798. Friedrich von Bouchenroeder. Ancien poste HoUandaise Sur les Limites des possessions Espagnoles. [on east or right bank of the Barima River]. Same, map jj. 1 801. British Case. In 1 SOI, the British Commandant was ordered to report on the extent of the Colony. His report was illustrated by a chart {atlas, p. jy] which shows the boundary commencing' at Barima and includes the territories claimed by the Dutch in their Remonstrances. B. C.,p. 62. 1839. Governor Light. Mr. Schomburgk . . . having furnished me with the annexed memoir and map. [ V. C. atlas, f/iap S2\. B. C, VII, J. BOUNDARIES. 183 CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN OFFICIAL OR SEMI-OFFICIAL MAPS- (Continued). 1839. Governor Light. The views of Mr. Schomburgk can be traced with accomp.inyin§: map. [ V. C. atlas, map 82?^ B. C, VII, 2. 1839. R. H. Schomburgk. [Map of] British Guiana to explain a memoir on its boundaries. Shows the North-South boundary and also boundaries claimed by Venezu- ela and by Brazil " by which, if acceded to, British Guiana would lose more than half its Territory." B. C. atlas, map 4J. 1840. Lord Russell to Governor Light. But you will be pleased to adopt the spirit of those views in respect of any militarj' occupation or any aggression upon the Indians within the line which is assumed in Mr. Schomburg:k's map as bounding the Colony under your government. Blue Book, Venezuela, No. i, {iSg6) p. i8g. 1 841. R. H. Schomburgk. Map's of the limits of British Guiana surveyed under Her Majesty's Commis- sion by Robert H. Schomburgk — ist section. The limits between British Guiana and Venezuela. Drawn by Robert H. Schomburgk, colored by Edward Goodall. Shows expanded Schomburgk line. B. C. atlas, map 44. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. Map's of the limits of British Guiana surveyed under Her Majesty's Commis- sion by Robert H. Schomburgk. General map No. i. The limits between British Guiana and Venezuela Drawn and coloured by Robert H. Schombui^k. Shoius expanded Schomburgk line, with the note " Western limit of British Guiana as claimed under Her Majesty's Commission." Same, map 46. 1842. [1898] L.J. Hebert. Map of British Guiana constructed from the surreys and routes of Captn. Schomburgk, and other documents in the possession of the Colonial Depart- ment. Drawn at the Military Depot, Quarter Master Generals Office, Horse Guards, by L. J. Hebert, April, 1842. Shows expanded Schomburgk line. Same, map jS. " The Western Boundary of British Guiana on this Map from the Source of the Essequibo to the Boundary Post on the Cuyuni at the mouth of the Acarabisi is the line proposed by Mr. Schomburgk to be determined by Survey.*' Same, map jg. 1842. Senor Fortique. It ought to be observed that the line which has been traced is not that deemed by her Majesty's Government to be the fi'ontier of English Guiana, but that which Commissioner Schomburgk thought proper to lay down. B. C, VII, So. 1846. H. Mahlmann. Karte von Britisch-Gnyana . . . vornehmlich nach den in den Jahren 1835-44 veranstalteten, im Colonial Office zu London befindhchen Aufnahmen des Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, 1846. Shows north-south boundary. Same, map 40. 134 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN OFFICIAL OR SEMI-OFFICIAL MAPS- (Continued). 1873. Charles Barrington Brown. Geological map of British Guiana. The attached map [t/iis map], containing the geological work of this survey, is from tracings of Sir Robert Schomhurgk's large map (reduced one-half), furnished by the Colonial Ollice. Fo?- the boundary, see V. C. atlas, inap 4. Reports on Geology of British Guiana, Svo., London, i8js^ P- 4- We were engaged ... in copying Sir R. Schomburgk's large map, to serve as a basis for our geological work as directed by the Colonial office. Same, p. ji. As far as Otoniong Riyer, which forms the boundary line between the Col- ony and Venezuela. Same, p. 36. The boundary line of Venezuela according to the map furnished us. Same, p. 44. 1875. Governor Longden. The boundary claimed by the old Dutch Colony, namely, a line from Point Barima, where an old Dutch post subsisted, to the Dutch post on the Cuyuni (op- posite to the ancient fort marked on the map as the " most easterly Spanish post — Humboldt "), is the boundary which I understand to have been always claimed by Great Britain. This boundary is indicated by a line on the large map of British Guiana constructed from Sir Robert Schomburgk's surveys, and cor- rected to the present time by Messrs. Chalmers and Sawkins, and published in 1872. B. C, VI, 212. 1875. Great Colonial Map by Stanford. First Editio7i. Map of British Guiana compiled from the surveys executed under her Majesty's Commission from 1841 to 1844. And under the direction of the Royal Geographical Society from 1835 to 1839. By Sir Robert Schomburgk, K. R. E., Ph. D. Revised and corrected to the present lime by Cathcart Chalmers, Esq., crown surveyor of the Colony, and James J. Sawkins, Esq., Director of the Geo- logical Survey of the West Indies and British Guiana. With additions by Charles B. Brown, Esq. Engraved under the superintendence of William Walker, Esq., 1875. London. Note. The boundaries indicated in this map are those laid down by the late Sir Robert Schomburgk, who was engaged in exploring the Colony during the years 1835 to 1839, under the direction of the Royal Geographical Society. But the boundaries thus laid down between Brazil on the one side and Venezuela on the other and the Colony of British Guiana must not be taken as authoritative ; as they have never been adjusted by the respective governments ; and an engage- ment subsists between the Governments of Great Britain and Venezuela by which neither is at liberty to encroach upon or occupy territory claimed by both. B. C. atlas, map, 41. [1886.] Same. Second Edition. Above note omitted : shows expanded Schomburgk line. Same, tnap, 42. BOUNDARIES. 135 CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN OFFICIAL OR SEMI-OFFICIAL MAPS- (Continued). 1879. E. F. im Thurn. Scliomburgk marked the boundary as conceived by liiin in a map, which, after lying unpublished for some 30 years, formed the basis of the geological map published in 1873 by Charles Barrington Brown, and whicli was itself published in 1877 (though dated in 1875) under theauspices of the Government of British Guiana. Either this last published map or Brown's geological map may be consulted with a view to ascertain the boundaries which seemed most suitable to Scliomburgk. U. S. Com., II, 7/j, 1897. George L. Burr. I have again this morning studied most carefully, with glass and with naked eye, the final map — the so-called " Physical Map " — ... of Schombui'gk, of 1844. There is surely on it no suggestion of boundary anywhere and I cannot believe there ever has been. V. C.-C, III,joj. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN CASES AND COUNTER CASES. . Venezuelan Case. At the time of the acquisition by Great Britain of the colony now known as British Guiana, the territories belonging to or that might lawfully be claimed by the United Netherlands were all located east of the Essequibo rlTer. V. C, 2J4-2JJ. . British Counter Case. It is not true that at the time of the acquisition by Great Britain of the Colony now known as British Guiana, the territories belonging to, or that might lawfully be claimed by the United Netherlands, were all located east of the Essequibo River ; on the contrary, they extended as far as the Amakuru, and embraced all the territory eastward of the Schomburgk line, and a very con- siderable tract of territory to the westward and outside the Schomburgk line. B. C.-C, 141. . Venezuelan Case. The boundary line between the United States of Venezuela and the Colony of British Guiana, begins at the mouth of the Essequibo river; runs thence southward along the mid channel of said river to its junction with the Cuyuni and Mazaruni rivers ; thence around the island of Kykoveral, leaving said island to the east ; thence along the mid channel of said Essequibo river to the boundary line separating the territory of the United States of Venezuela from the territory of the United States of Brazil. V. C, sj^-sjd. . British Counter Case. The boundary to which Great Britain is entitled includes a considerable tract of territory to the westward, and outside of the Schomburgk line, and Great Britain is in any event entitled to all the territory up to the line drawn by Sir R. Schomburgk in 1841. B. C.-C, 142. Recognizing, however, the fact of the establishment of Spanish Missions during the eighteenth century on territory south of the Orinoco, in the neighbor- hood of the river Yuruari, which Missions continued to exist up to the year 1817, the Government of Great Britain has never actively sought to press its claim to that portion of the district north-west of the Cuyuni. in which Missions were actually situated. Same, p. 6. 13C BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN CASES AND COUNTER CASES- (Continued). . British Counter Case. [The Colony] of Essequibo was for a long period the chief settlement, and besides the district of the Essequibo and its tributaries iiieluded the rivers and districts of Pomerooii, Waiiii, and Barima on the west. Subsequently, Deme- rara became the leading settlement and the seat of the Colonial Government has been at Georgetown in Demerara, Essequibo becoming the name of a county which included all the territory [in British Guiana] to the West of the Boerasirie Creek. B. C.-C, 7. In 1840 . . Seliomburgk . . . laid down a line ivliich com- nicnced at the mouth of the Amakuru, followed that river to its source in the Imataka mountains, thence followed the crest of that ridge to the sources of the Acarabisi Creek, and descended that creek to the Cuyuni, ivliicll it followed to its source in Mount Roraima. This line . . . would have given to Venezuela a larg'e tract of terri- tory north and west of the Cuyuni which was never occupied by the Spanish Missions, which was, on the other hand, formally claimed by the Dutch. Same, p. iS. Prior to 179(> the Dutch, and, since that date, tlie British, have been in possession of all the territory now in dispute. Same, pp. iS-ig. From early in the eighteenth century down to the present time, the Dutch and their successors, the British, have had political control over all the ter- ritory now in dispute. Neither the Spaniards nor the Venezuelans ever had possession of any of the territory in dispute. Neither the Spaniards nor the Venezuelans ever exercised any political control over the territory now in dispute. By the recognized principles of international law, Great Britain is entitled to a territory far more extensive than that which she is at present claiming. Same, p. ig. In 1665 the English captured the [Pomeroon] colony, storming the Dutch fort of Moruka. The extent and importance of the settlement was such that possession of it was regarded as carrying with it the country right up to the Orinoco. Same, p. 28. For the purposes of militia organization and parochial division, no account was taken of territory beyond the Pomeroon . . . [but] British officers never regarded the Colony as so limited. Sajue, p. loS. The Barinia district . . . was treated by both the Dutch and British Governments successively as within their territorial jurisdiction. Same, p. iiS. Schomburgk did not discover or invent any new boundaries. . . . He . . . ascertained tlie limits of Dutch possession, and the zone from which all trace of Spanish influence was absent. On such data he based his reports. Same, p. 121. In 1 836 a correspondence had passed between the Venezuelan authorities and the British Consul at Caracas . . . [regarding] a beaicon on Cape BOUNDARIES. 137 CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-IN CASES AND COUNTER CASES- (Continued). Bariina . . . This correspondence was in no way authorized by the British Government, and they had no knowledge of it until it was commu- nicated to them in 1842. B. C.-C, 122. . British Counter Case. Her Majesty's Government submit that, putting aside for the moment all question of a title derived from the Dutch, Great Britain has, at this moment, and had, at the date of tlie Treaty of Arbitration,full and complete political possession of this territory, and that the Venezuelan Case discloses no evi- dence of any facts sufficient to displace it. Same, p. 124. That this offer [of 1844] was extremely generous cannot be denied, and it was prompted by Lord Aberdeen's desire to come to a speedy and amicable arrangement with a weaker Power whom Great Britain had so often befriended in the past, and was ready to help again. . . . Lord Aberdeen's proposal, when communicated some time later to the Government of British Guiana, was found to he unnecessarily unfavourable to tlie Colony, even to the extent of interfering* with settled districts, ... In fact, it was generally consid- ered to have been made in a spirit of undue concession. Satne, pp. 124-12^. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-ALLEGED BASIS FOR. . British Case. The Dutch and the British have for centuries been in full possession of . . . both sides of the Essequibo below the point where it is joined by the Masaruni. . . . This carries with it the right to the whole basin of the Essequibo and its tributaries, except in so far as any portion of that basin may have been occupied by another Power. . . . Such right can only be rebutted by proof of actual occupation by another Power. There is not even a pretence of such occupation by Spain or Venezuela except as regards ... the neighborhood of the Yuruari. The title of the British to the basin of the Essequibo and its tributaries is greatly strengthened by the fact that the only permanent means of access to by far the greater part of the upper portion of this basin is by these streams themselves. B. C, 161. The occupation and control of the coast would of itself carry with it, in the absence of any competing occupation, the right to the basins of the Rivers Pomeroon, Moruka, Waini, and Barima ; bnt the evidence also establishes actual possession of the greater part of tliese rivers. The British are there- fore rightfully in possession of the whole coast, ... to the right bank of the Amakuru. ... In the absence of actual occupation by any other Power tbey are thus entitled to the whole hinterland of this range of coast, extending to the watershed constituted by the Pacaraima range, of which Mount Roraima, where the Cuyuni rises, forms part, and further east by the Akarai range, in which the Essequibo has its source. Same, p. i6j. Towards the coast tlie Amakuru constitutes tlie natural boundary be- tween the territory occupied and controlled by the British and that occupied and controlled by the Venezuelans. . . . Tlie Imataka mountains and the range 138 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-ALLEGED BASIS FORMContinued). of hills constituting tlie water-shed between the tributaries of the Orinoco and those of the Cuyuni and Massaruni form the boundary of the river basin to which Great Britain \?> prima facie entitled. B. C, i6j. . Venezuelan Case. There is no pretence that any new title has been acquired by Great Britain since 1S40 ; and the definition of the present boundary must, therefore, depend upon the extent of Dutch and Spanish rights in 1803, . . . The Essequibo settlement was always, until very recent years, confined to the mouth of that river ; and . . . Great Britain's present pretensions to territory west of that stream have not, in fact, as they could not have in law, anything in the history of the present century to support them. V. C, 162. The occupation by British subjects or by persons under British protection, of the territory above described, . . . was undertalien after due warning from the Venezuelan Government that titles thus sought to be acquired would not be recognized, and after due notice from the British Government that persons so entering into said territory must do so at their own peril. Same, p. 237. . British Counter Case. This proposition is inaccurate. The occupation by British subjects, or by Indians under British protection, of the territory referred to, existed for many years before 1880. B. C.-C, /jj. . Venezuelan Case. A nation is bound to faithfully observe its treaty engagements ; and no acts committed by it in violation of such engagements can be made the basis of title, especially as against the nation with whom such treaty was concluded. V. C, 22g. . British Counter Case. A nation is bound to faithfully observe its Treaty engagements, but it is not true that no acts committed by it, though in violation of such engagements, can be made the basis of title. In some cases title can be acquired by the exercise of hostile or adverse acts. B. C.-C, ijo. . Venezuelan Case. Neither the early relations of the Dutch with Guiana prior to 1648, nor the es- tablishment by them, prior to said date, of a trading post in the Essequibo river, gave them a right to the soil, nor sovereignty over the territory occupied. V. C, 230-231. . British Counter Case. The relations of the Dutch in Guiana prior to 1648, and the establishment by them, prior to that date, of their settlements and Posts on the Essequibo and elsewhere, gave them, and were recognized by Spain as giving them, a right to the soil and sovereignty over the territory occupied. The Dutch, from the time of the establishment of their Posts upon the Esse- quibo and elsewhere, weie entitled to extend their Colonies and possessions. B. C.-C, 138. 1814. Venezuelan Counter Case. [Tiic British Case admits] that the sole title of Great Britain to British Guiana is the title conveyed to licr by the Dutch in 1811. V. C.-C, 13. BOUNDARIES. 139 CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-ALLEGED BASIS FOR-(Continued). i84[. R. H. Schomburgk. The fall Mecoro-Vussu. . . . It is not known to the Indians inhabiting these regions that white men had ever penetrated so far before ... I considered it of importance to trace it [Barinia River] hi^lier up, as, by its western course on its ascent every mile would add to the British terri- tory. B. C, VII, 23. Great Britain has not undertaken the question of determinating the bounda- ries of British Guiana upon the principles of aggrandizement. She does not wish more than belongs to her by justness, ... she is naturally anxious to settle the boundaries . . . (as well out of political as philanthropical motives). Same,p.j8. 1842. Earl of Aberdeen. Her Majesty's Government will send instructions ... to remove the posts . . . placed by Mr. Schomburgk near the Orinoco. But . . . Her Majesty's Government must not be understood to abandon any portion of the rights of Great Britain over the territory which was formerly held by the Dutch in Guiana. Same, p. 80. 1844. Combined Court of British Guiana. Mr. Macrae : . . . They are the aborigines of the country, and we in- herited from them our possessions in this colony. (Mr. Arrindell laughed aloud.) It appears to have excited the risible faculties of the honorable member, but I repeat that we do hold our title from them orginally. V. C.-C, III, 181. Mr. Arrindell : . . . The small portion of land which we occupy was obtained first by conquest, and then by treaty, and we have nothing to do with the treaty. Same, p. 184. 1850. Belford Hinton Wilson. The Ladronera party . . . have had recourse to the old political artifice of imputing to England a design ... to seize upon the Province of Vene- zuelan Guayana. I have considered it right and expedient to give at once a flat denial to this statement, and to show . . . that it is . . . the very reverse of the truth. I have explained fully both to President-General Monagas and to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, . . . that these declarations . . . must not be under- stood as indicating in the slightest degree an intention on the part of the British Government to abandon any portion of the rights of Great Britain over the territory which was formerly held by the Dutcli in Guayana. B. C, VI, 178. 1850. Governor Barkly. Of the validity of that claim [Schomburgk line] as derived by conquest and cession from the Dutch, I entertain not the slightest doubt. For were the historical evidence as to the fortification of Point Barima by that people in the sixteenth century, and their formation of settlements high up the river altogether wanting, no one travelling through the country, as I did, and tracing the still remaining effects of their influence over the Indian population, could resist coming to this conclusion. Their Chiefs to this day bear the names of 140 BOUNDARIES. CLAIMS BY THE BRITISH-ALLEGED BASIS FOR-(Continued). Jan, Hendrick, or the like ; their intercourse with Europeans is still carried on mainly in the Creole Dutch ; . . . even in their own dialects the Dutch names for things derived from abroad (rum, gunpowder, &c.,) are incorporated ; whilst the enormous mango, orange, and other fruit trees, which crown each rising ground, are all associated with traditions of the same people. In the State Atlas of Colonel Codazzi . . . the Venezuelan boundary-line is . . . visionary . . . not merely severing from this Colony Protestant Missions, for years supported by British liberality, and lands occupied by British subjects for half-a-century past, but still more strangely including Cartabo Point, of which the Dutch held uninterrupted possession from the sixteenth century to the capture by Great Britain, together with thousands of acres in the vicinity, long ago granted away, as recorded in the archives of this Colony, to Dutch settlers. B. C, VI, 1S4. 1 85 1. Governor Barkly. A very erroneous impression has existed, that prior to . . . Schom- burg:li's survey, no jurisdiction whatever, beyond the Morucca Creek, >vas claimed by the British . . . but I found abundant evidence to the con- trary in every step of my journey, . . . even the few Indians ... on ... the Barima itself . . . having, till quite lately, been governed by a Chief holding his commission from Sir James Carmichael Smyth, who died . . . several years before that survey was dreamt of. B. C.-C, App., jco. 1887. Lord Salisbury. The British claim to the . . . southern mouth of the Orinoco (includ- ing Barima) ... is derived, . . . from ancieiit Treaties witli tlie aboriginal tribes, and the subsequent cessions from Holland. B. C, VII, ij2. 1893. Earl of Rosebery. Great Britain claims certain territory in Guayana as successor in title of the Netherlands, and (by right of conquest as against Spain). Same, p. 143. ADMISSIONS-BY THE SPANISH. . British Case. The Spaniards recognized the Amakuru or the Barima as being tlic effective frontier of their possessions. The Spanisli authorities recognized tlie junctions of the Rivers Uruan and Curumo with the Cuyuni as being on tlie frontiers of their possessions. B. C, 7S. The area over wliicli Dutch trade in Guiana extended ... it can be shown from Spanish documents . . . was regarded by the Spaniards as impressed de facto with a Dutch political character. Same, p. S2. 1614. Antonio de Muxica Buitron. Tliey [Dutch ] liave possessed themselves of the mouths of these two rivers [Amazon and Orinoco], and are making themselves masters of the produce and possessions of the natives, which is a serious matter. B. C, I,j6. BOUNDARIES. 1J:1 ADMISSIONS-BY THE SPANISH-(Continued). 1637. Don Juan Desologuren. Help sent from hereto this end will be more useful under the command of the said Don Diego Lopez de Escobar than a much larger number sent from Spain, for the ends to be accomplished are only to be effected by strategem in the settle- iiieuts and retreats which the enemy possess by right of niig:ht. B. C, I, 79. 1638. Governor of Caracas. With many gifts of articles of barter and clothing, which they give to the Indians, they hold all the country on their side, and being- thus united and in particular to the Caribs, who are in great numbers. Same, p. loi. . British Counter Case. The Settlement of Ponieroon . . . was settled without any opposition on the part of Spain. B. C.-C, 55. The Dutch, in 1664, openly stated with regard to the West India Company, that it had been empowered, and still was empowered, to establish Colonies and Settlements of people on lands which were not occupied by others. This position was never questioned by Spain, though the establishment of the Colony at Pomeroon was . . . clearly brought to the knowledge of the King. Sa7)ie, pp. 56-57. In 1676 the Spaniards admitted that the Dutch held the chief portion ot the coast from Trinidad to the Amazon. Same, p. 58. No objection to the [second] Settlement at Pomeroon was suggested by the Spanish Government. Sat/te,p. 60. 1676. Council of War. Holland . . . resolved to establish a Colony on the coast of the mainland at Cape Orange, between Surinam and the River Amazon, where they [Dutch] hold the chief portion of the coast from Trinidad up to this river, with settle- ments in Barbiche, Sequiebes and Surinamte. B. C, I, 176-177. 174.7. Don Jose de Iturriaga. By these channels, without entering the sea, one can navigate with small ves- sels to the blockhouse called the Post, which the Dutch of Essequibo maintain with three men and two small cannon, 16 leagues from the Colony towards the Great Ships' Mouth. And it is by this way that the Dutch make their voyages when they are returning from the Orinoco in small vessels. B. C, II, 53. 1755. Don Jose de Iturriaga. I consider that in these Missions [Miamo and others] which are more in the hands of the Dutch than those of their owner, there exist [etc.]. Same, p. 107. 1758. Prefect of Missions. I answer what is known to all the religious of our Missions, but particularly to the Fathers President of 3Iiamo, Carapo, and Yuruary, on account of their im- mediate proximity to the frontiers. Same, p. 146. 142 BOUNDARIES. ADMISSIONS-BY THE SPAN ISH-(Continued). 1764. [1897] George L. Burr. The remonstrance at this time [1764] addressed by the Essequibo Governor to the Governor of Surinam against mentioning in . . . passes the name of the Barinia lest umbrage be given to the Spaniards, suggests by its silence that no sH<'Ii umbrage was caused by the name of tlie Waini. V. C.-C, IT, iij. 1769. British Case. From time almost immemorial the Dutch had been in possession ... of the . . . Essequibo ... of several rivers and creeks ... all branches and streams which fall into Essequibo, and . . . of . . . the Cuyuni. This claim tlie Spanish Government never denied and never re- butted. J3. C, 54. 1770. Commandant of Guayana. In the vast Province of Guayana, so fertile and so advantageously situated, all the coast is occupied by foreigners, and there only remains to us Spaniards, the mouth of the Orinoco in one corner as an outlet to the sea. The Dutch possess the best and most useful parts of the coasts of this extensive terti- tory for there many navigable rivers which traverse the most fruitful part of the far interior of Guayana flow into the sea. B. C, IV, yj. 1773. British Case. Centurion, Commandant at Guayana . . . stated . . . that the French and Dutcli had occupied the whole sea-coast of Guiana. B. C.,57. 1773. Commandant of Guiana. On the confines or limits of the vast region of this province [of Guiana] tlie Frencli and Dutcli have occupied tlie whole sea-coast with their Colonies — the French in Cayenne, round the mouth of the Amazon, and the Dutch in Surinam, Berbiz, and Essequibo, 55 or 60 leagues from the Great Mouth of the Orinoco. B. C, IV, jji. Our actual possessions are limited to a part of the Rio Negro, the whole of the Casquiari, Upper and Lower Oi'inoco, and the new settlements which we are founding in the interior of the country, along the rivers Caroni, Paragua, Aroy, Caura, Erevato, Padamo, Ventuari, and others running from the unexplored heart of Guaiana to the Orinoco. Same, pp. 111-112, , British Counter Case. The Spaniards did not dispute the Dutch right in the Essequibo. B. C.-C, S7. 1803. Francis McMahon. He [Governor of Guiana] wished that our Government would let two small vessels cruise off Moroqna Tost and Wynali River, as the knowledge of their being there would perhaps deter the negroes from further attempts. B. C, V, 1S4. 18 1 4. British Case. In . . . 1814 . . . the Colonies of Essequibo . . . and Berbice were finally ceded to the British, who had been in possession of them since 1803. No question of boundary was raised by Spain, although it had been reported to the Spanish Government that the English had apportioned the lands taken from the Dutch as far as the Orinoco. B. C, 64. BOUNDARIES. 143 ADMISSIONS-BY THE SPANISH-(Continued). 1897. George L. Burr. Though more than once visited by bodies of armed Spaniards, who forcibly abducted the Indians settled about it, no Spanish attempt to take it [MornkaJ into possession is known to Dutch records. V. C.-C, II, log. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-DIRECT, IN GENERAL. 1599. [1897] George L. Burr. Cabeliau . . . makes affidavit. It was the certificate demanded by the States-General, and its validity was conceded, for on October 19, 1599, the free- dom of convoy conditioned upon it was . . . awarded by the States- General. By these acts the supreme political authority of the Netherlands becomes a witness that the coast of (iniana was theretofore unvisited l)y the Butch. An investigator of political titles may well be content with such evidence. Nor is there, so far as I can find, the slightest reason to question its truth. V. C.-C, II, 44. 1683. [1897] George L. Burr. Beekman, in 1683-4, iir^e[d] the . . . occupation of the Bariina. . . . It is clear, then, that in the eyes of . . . Beekman, the Barima is not yet an actual possession of the Company. Yet it cannot be questioned that his prohibition of trade there is a distinct assertion of claim, as his statement that such trade is "to the prejudice of the Company " is the distinct assumption of a right— the claim and right, not of Holland in general, but of the Dutch West India Com- pany. After all, these were but the provisional acts of a subordinate. What did the Company answer? Directly, nothing. Neither the proceedings of the Zeeland Chamber nor those of the supreme board— the Ten— show any discussion of the matter. ... In their long reply to Beekman's letter, there is from begin- ning to end no mention of Barima. Satne, p. 122. Whatever their reason, it is certain that the West India Company never answered the suggestion as to a Barima Post ; and Beekman himself never mentioned it again. Same, p. j2j. Toward the end of 1683 the Dutch Commandeur in Essequibo provisionally took possession of that river [Barima] for the Dutch West India Company, by stationing there an employe to buy up Indian wares and by warning off other traders ; and early in 1684 he had a shelter built there for occasional visits from the Pomeroon Postholder, at the same time suggesting to the Company that it take the Barima into its possession and establish there a permanent outlier's post. The West India Company wholly ignored these suggestions. Same, p. 137. • [1897] George L. Burr. But while there is . . . abundant evidence of a claim of the Dutch to plant colonies freely on the coast of Guiana from the Amazon to the Orinoco, I have found in Dutch records no claim, as against other European States, of an exclusive right thus to colonize Guiana ; and no protest at any time against the similar attempts which, throughout the greater part of this [17th] century, the English and the French were likewise making to plant colonies on this coast. Same, p. j8o. 144 BOUNDARIES. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-DIRECT, IN GEN ERAL-(Continued). 1694. Commandeur in Essequibo. Most of the red slaves [Indians] come from the Rivers Bariiua and Orinoco, i^liich lies nnder the dominion of the Spaniard. D. C, /, 2/j. 1701. Court of PoHcy in Essequibo. All the lands wliere >ve carry on onr liorse-trade, are nnder the Kin^ of Spain, as we know by experience from the prohibitions we have already met in the trade to Orinoco. V. C, II, 68. 1702. Commandeur in Essequibo. Great mortality of horses in this Colony, there being already almost 100 head dead through mange and other forms of sickness. That truly is a great loss to the Colony, the more so since the Spaniards ivill no longer permit any trafiickins: for horses on their territory. Same, pp. 6S-6g. 1703. Commandeur in Essequibo. Owing to the present war, no horses are to be had above here as formerly, in- asmuch as those Indians think they stand under the crowns of Spain and France, and this trade is thereby crippled. Same, p. 6g. 171 3. Commandeur in Essequibo. [Order prohibiting trade] causes great regret among the free, who have sev- eral times complained to me about this, urging that they did not intend to trade ivithin the territory of the Company, bnt only asked for permission to do so on Spanish gronnd, such as Orinoco, Trinidad, &c they claim that . . . they were promised free trade, . . . outside the jurisdiction of the Company. B. C, I, 2j6. For a considerable time it has not been possible to carry it [the annatto and balsam trade] on, because of some dislike which the Spaniards (on whose territory the copaiba is pnrchased) have taken to our nation. They have also now been cruising after the Dutch boats which go thither, so that I have not dared to risk so greatly the Company's wares and other effects. Tliis trade [in balsam] was permitted to the free, because it took place ont- side of the Company's district, and was only carried on upon Spanish territory in the River Orinoco, where the Inhabitants of the Colonies Berbice and Surinam likewise trade. Same, p. 237. 1 7 14. West India Company. Althongii Orinoco, Trinidad, A:c., is [«V] nnder the poAver of the Span- iards, still it also lies within the Charter of the Company, where nobody has the right to trade except the Company, and those to whom the Com- pany gives permission to do so, so that it all is the territory of the Company, although we have no forts there. Same, p. 24J. 1 717. Petition of Free Settlers in Essequibo. We [free settlers in Essequibo] are restricted in a river, which is out- side the territory of the Noble Company, where the same has no more power than a private merchant, which is in Spanish possession. Y. H. are also aware (or at present we suppose so) that Orinoco is a river which is actually under the King- or Crown of Spain, which nation is con- sequently master there. Same, p. 247. BOUNDARIES. 145 ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-DIRECT, IN GEN ERAL- (Continued). 1732. Venezuelan Case. In 1732 the Swedes conceived a project of settling in the Barima. This being reported ... to Spain, a royal order enjoined prompt and thorough resistence . . . and a force of soldiers was gathered for the purpose of expelling the intruders, . . . tlie dlovernor of Essequibo, . . . not only made no protest, but furnished supplies to the Spaniards; and the . . . Company, . . . [upon] a request for instructions, did not so much as deign to reply. V. C, rjg. 1735- West India Company, We have decided hereby to give you [Commandeur in Essequibo] express orders that, . . . you . . . forbid each and every one ... to take any hand-arms or material of war from the river to Oriuoco, or to any other places not under tlie jurisdiction of the States-General, ... if any one be found to do it a second time, that he be banished from the river all the days of his life. We order that you henceforth cause to be examined all boats leaving the river which excite the least suspicion. Considering that, perhaps, a way might be found for exporting arms from the Colony without using the river, you must also provide against this as much as possible ; . . , we . . . authorize and order you to exercise strict super- vision over all the ships which come into the river. In case . . . anybody should undertake to export slaves from the river we order you to forcibly prevent this. B. C, II, ig-20. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. A nation of Indians have come down from Orinoco and have attacketl the Caribs subject to us in the River Wayui. I have expressly forbidden him [the " Postholder of Wacquepo and Moruka "] to set foot upon the Spanish territory — not even to go below the River Wayni [Weijne]. Same, p. 4^. 1760. Director-General in Essequibo. Cuyuni is not a separate river like Weyne and Pomeroou (which last has been occupied by us, and still contains the foundations of your Lordships' fort- resses). Sa/ne, p. iSj. 1766. Director-General in Essequibo. I shall write to the Governor of Orinoco concerning the state of affairs in Barima, which would become an absolute den of thieves, a ragtag-and-bobtail party of our colonists staying there under pretence of salting, trading, &c. The west side of Barima being- certainly Spanish territory (and that is where they are), I can use no violent measures to destroy this nest, not wishing to give any grounds for complaint; wherefore I think of proposing to the Governor . . . to carry this out hand-in-hand, or to permit me to do so, or as and in what manner he shall consider best. B. C, III, iji. 1766. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). You told us that the place about Barima, where some scum and offscourings of folk were staying together and leading a scandalous life, was Spanish terri- 146 BOUNDARIES. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-DIRECT, IN GENERAL-(Continued). tory, and that you intended to . . . submit some propositions to the Spanish Governor for the extirpation of that gang. And now you inform us of your hav- ing sent thither the Postholder of Moruka with positive orders, probably /r^/r/a antIiorilatc without any concurrence of the aforesaid Governor, . . . and we cannot quite make this tally with the other. If that place is really Spanish terri- tory, then you have acted very imprudently and irregularly ; and, on the con- trary, if that place forms part of the Colony, and you had previously been in error as to the territory, then you have done very well, and we must fully approve of your course, as also of the Court's Resolution that henceforth no one shall be at liberty to stay on the Barima. But if the Court has no jurisdiction in that place, we see little result from that Resolution : extra territoritim suuiit Jus dicenti etiivi iinptme non paretur. B. C, III, ijy. 1767, Director-General in Essequibo. Concerning the matter of Barima and the case of Rose, I shall have the honour to inform your Lordships tliat we, as well as the Spaniards, regard the River Barima as the boiiudary division of the two jurisdictions, the east bank being the Company's territory, and the west bank Spanish. I have in two consecutive letters given the Governor of Guayana a circum- stantial account of the matter, and asked him to send some men to help us clear out this nest. His Honour did not answer those letters, but sent me a verbal message by . . . one of the principal colonists of Guayana, that it was impossible for him to send men on account of the great distance and the lack of boats, (Sec , and that the best thing would be to let those evil-doers fight it out. Thereupon I sent the Postholder of Moruka my orders, but was careful to charge him to avoid the Spanish bank, but that he was not to avoid the islands lying in the river, because these were uncertain territory. He followed my orders faithfully, Rose having been apprehended on our shore. Safne,p. 141, 1769. [1897] George L. Burr. And in the remonstrance to Spain in 1769 the l>utch Government described its territory as extending, not to the Barima, but only " to beyond the river Waini." V. C.-C, II, 136. 1769, West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The hindrances by them [Spaniards] caused to those of Essequibo, as well in the fishery on the territory of the Republic as in the nioutli of the River Orinoco. B. C, IV, 26. This and the other enterprises of the Spaniards, together with their hindering the tisliery on onr <»vn coasts and their preventing tlie fishery in Orinoco. . . . have been brought ... to the notice of the States-General. Sa»t€, p. 28. Hindering of the fishery for those of the aforesaid Colony, both on their own coast avnd also in the month of tlie River Oronoque. i>amt-,p.j6. BOUNDARIES. 147 ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-DIRECT, IN GENERAL-(Continued). 1775. Postholder in Moruka. He [Spanish Captain] . . . said that his lord and master would shortly set a guard in the creek of Weena, called the Barmani, and that the whole of iMa- roekka also belonged to the Spaniards, and 1 thereupon answered that the Kiver IJarima beloiij^eil to the Swede, and Weene, as well as Maroekka, to the Dutch, and they said that it was not so. B. C, IV, ij8. . [1897] George L. Burr. One first finds an explicit claim to the Waini by a division of the West India Company itself. The Zeeland shareholders, . . . describe the colony as "crossed . . . by the . . . Bariuia, Waini, Moruca, &c." But, alas, the West India Company was at strife within itself, and a counter-memorial, ... by . . . the Amsterdam Chamber . . . scouted such claims that these ad- joining rivers were a part of the colony of Essequibo. It is even urged by these hostile critics that the Zeeland Chamber is not at harmony with itself as to the limits. V. C.-C, II, 114. The claim to the Barima as boundary, though its mention by Hartsinck in 1770, its recognition on the English map published in 1783 from the observations of Thompson, and its adoption in 1798 by the map of Bouchenroeder must have kept it familiar, fluds for loug no further mention in the records. In 1801, however, the confidential envoy sent to represent the Dutch Council of the Colo- nies at the elbow of the Dutch plenipotentiary in the Congress of Amiens was instructed to see that the colonial boundary was there defined at the Barima, if it could not be fixed at the Orinoco ; but, as he explained to the Council in a most suggestive letter, he found it unwise to mention the question there. The negotiations at Madrid suggested by him were never undertaken ; and the only further mention of the river I have found among Dutch papers is in an unused and unpublished charter submitted by this returned envoy to his colleagues in 1803, wherein it is proposed that under certain conditions the colonists of Esse- quibo and Demerara shall be allowed to cut timber in the Pomeroon, the Waini, and the Barima. Same, p. ijy. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH -THAT MORUCA WAS A FRONTIER POST. 1726. Court of Policy in Essequibo. Knowing that the said Post [Wacquepo] lies far out of the ordinary course of boats which come hither through the inland waters, it was his [the Com- mandeur's] intention to choose a fit place in the River of Marocco to which he might transplant the house and Post, since all vessels which come through the inland waters must pass that way. . . . they decided that the fittest place was where the horse-dealers from Orinoco generally moor their boats in the Riyer of Moruka, called in the Indian language Accouiere, . . . The unfor- tunate state of affairs in Europe having been taken into consideration, it was resolved to establish the house and Post of Wac(£uepo upon the aforemen- tioned site as soon as possible, and thus have an opportunity of being kept well informed of the hostile boats that had any intention of coming to disturb this river. B. C, II, j-d. MS BOUNDARIES. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-THAT MORUCA WAS A FRONTIER POST-(Continued). 1728. Court of Policy in Essequibo. Resolved to reinforce the aforesaid Post of Wacqnepo with two soldiers, and to direct Jan Batiste to have the necessary coast-guards posted, so that we may receive the earliest information in case the Spaniards shonld send any armed vessels to this Colony in accordance with the rumours afloat. B. C, II, 7. 1728. Secretary Gelskerke to Postholder at Wacquepo. You are ordered to have proper coast-guards posted, where such are neces- sary, so that we may be informed luetimes slionld the Spaniards wish to send any vessels to this Colony to molest the same. Same, p. S. 1730. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Commandant of the Post which I have between the OriiKK'o and this river [Essequiboj. Same, p. 11. 1735- [1897] George L. Burr. [In 1735] the French still traded in the Barima ; nor is there in the pro- ceedings, as reported, or in the contemporary correspondence with the Com- pany, any questioning- of their rig-ht to do so. V. C.-C, II, 127. 1744. Court of Justice of Essequibo. Two Spaniards on their way hither from Orinoco had been arrested at the Company's Post in "VVacyuepo, and [the Commandeur] asked if they would be allowed to arrive in the Colony or be sent back. It was resolved to allow them to come here this time, but that this must not be taken as a precedent. B. C, II, 4J. I'/^'b. West India Company. You will do well by driving- away again out of the Wacquepo and Moruka the Indian nation which came down from far up in the Orinoco and tear down what you find they have made there, and thus maintain the Company's territory. Same, p. 46. 1747. Commandeur in Essequibo. In Wacquepo and Moruka all is again still, as the nation v/hich arrived there with the intention of killing the Caribs dwelling there was received by them reasonably, and thereupon they again retired back up the Orinoco. But the un- dertakings of the Spaniards go so far that, if proper measures be not taken against them, they may, in the course of time, lead to the total ruin of the Colony. Saf/ie, p. 4S. 1749. Commandeur in Essequibo. This ship had been stranded at Peehy, and therefore on the territory of Spain, and I had no right to touch it. Note by Prof. Burr. In reporting the affair to the West India Company Storm van 's Gravesande had described the location of the wreck as " between Camoeni and Peche, about 1.5 [Dutch] miles below [/. e. west of] the Post in Mornca." . . . The bay of Peche, according to the Bouchenroeder map, ( V. C. a//as, map 46) is a little east of the mouth of the Waini. V. C, II, 103. BOUNDARIES. 149 ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-THAT MORUCA WAS A FRONTIER POST-{Contlnued). 1754. Court of Justice in Essequibo. [Resolved] 2. That an armed boat be placed at Monika to keep aruard, . . . with instructions, at the first signs or suspicion of the approach of the enemy, to come and inform the Director-General as soon as possible. [Resolved] 3. That ... a safe conduct be sent to one . . . Meyer, . . . at present amongst the Indians in Barima, for him to arrive safely here. B. C, //, pj. 1754. Director-General in Essequibo. I have also sent order to Moruka to cause all inland waters and passages to be closed, so that they [Spaniards] may not be able to pass with small vessels. Safne, p. g6. Two small vessels are being made ... to keep watch between Moruka and Pomeroou, and the Arawaks of the Post are spread along the sea- coast in corrials so as to be able to give timely warning. Same, p. gj. 1764. Director-General in Essequibo. A very good and fit barque of Mr. Dudonjon has also been equipped to go and lie by the angle of the Pomeroon. Same, p. gS. 1765. Memorial of Shareholders of Zeeland Chamber. Demerara ... is situated between the two most extreme trading- places or posts in Essequibo — namely, the one, to the north, on the River Moruka, and the other, to the south, on the River Mahaicony, both of w^hich rivers, as well as the others situate between, pertain to that Colony — which of course, shows undeniably that Demerara is one and the same Colony with Esse- quibo. B. C. , ///, I2J. 1766. Director-General in Essequibo. Having . . . inform [edj your Lordships in one of my former letters of the barbarous mode of life of some of our colonists in Barima, and hearing that this was getting gradually worse, I charged the Postholder of Moruka, . . . to proceed thither in order to prevent all further mischief, and ... to order the evil-doers to come to the fort. [After convicting Rose] the Court made a further order forbidding- any one to stop in Barima, and charged the Postholder of Moruka to see that this was carried out, because in time this would become a den of thieves, and expose us to the danger of getting mixed up in a quarrel with our neighbours the Spaniards. Same, pp. iji-ij2. 1767. West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber). The natural meaning of the expression " Essequibo and adjoined or subordin- ate rivers " is not that which the Zeeland Chief Participants attribute to it (namely, that all the places which are situate on the mainland of the so-called Wild Coast, between the boundaries which the Chief Participants themselves have . , . defined as extending from Moruka to Mahaiconj', or from Rio Berbice as far as the Orinoco, are " adjoined, subordinate to, and inseparable from " the Colony Essequibo), but, on the contrary, only this, that under that description are comprehended the various mouths and rivers, originating from Rio Essequibo or emptying into it, which are marked on the map, such as, for instance, Cuyuni, Massaruni, Sepenouwy, and Magnouwe. Same, p. 147. 150 BOUNDARIES. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCHTHAT MORUCA WAS A FRONTIER POST-(Continued). 1777. Court of Policy in Essequibo. There lies ... on the frontier and in the direction of Oronocque, a Post in the creek of Morocco and Wacquepo. B. C, IV, 184-183, 1777. Commandant at Fort Zeelandia. The objection might be raised here that, when a post [in Moruca] of soldiers is stationed so near to those Spanish frontiers, it is more exposed to desertion of those soldiers ; . . . But the condition and life of the Spanish troops having been wafted over from Rio Orinoco to this river, by the testimony of those who have heretofore deserted, the desire to desert thither seems to have greatly diminished. Same, p. 186. 1778. Manager of Plantations. But the Post lies far in the Maronca, so that I, in a fast row boat with an awning, manned by twelve oarsmen, was obliged to travel full six hours from the mouth before I could reach it. Thus almost two (lays elapse ere tidings of the desertion can come to the Postliolder ... so that the runaways, who presumably made all speed, could be long in the Spanish territorial jurisdiction before the Postholder Is acquainted thereof. Same, p. IQ4. 1779. Venezuelan Case. This reconnoissance ... of 1779, . . . by . . . Inciarte . . . examined the whole coast region ... far into the Ponieroon ; . . . Tlie Dutcli Governor of Essequibo was informed of the presence of the Span- iards in the Pomeroon, and even of his intention to build a fort there ; but he not only made no effort to arrest him, but reported the matter to the Company without so much as a protest ; and no protest was made by that body to the Dutch government, or through it to that of Spain. V. C, 146. 1784. West India Company (the Ten). In order that ... no occasion be giv-en to the Spaniards to have much communication with our negroes in the Colony, it would be well to make the rule that when such Spaniards have any negroes as aforesaid, they must bring them to the Post at Moruca, and there hand them over, in return for payment of the established price, to a person to be appointed therefor. B. C, V, 2j. 1790. Report of Commissioners on Condition of Essequibo and Demerara. It behooves us to say a word here of the so-called Postholders. These are employes of the Company who dwell on the various frontiers in order to foster the good understanding with the Indians. Same, p. Si. 1794. Governor-General in Essequibo. We went on as far as the Creek of Moruca, which up to now lias been main- tained to be the boundary of our territory witli that of Spain, upon what basis I do not know. It will be of the utmost necessity to define that boundary- line once for all. Same, p. 14^. BOUNDARIES. 151 ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-PASSES REQUIRED AT MORUCA. 1 701. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. April 18, [1701]. . . . there arrived . . . Pieter Faull, and Abraham Baudaart, requesting the Commandeur to issue a pass to Orinoco for Mr. Aarnout van Groenewegen, which was granted and delivered to them. B. C.-C, App., 131. 1719. West India Company. We uuderstaiKl it to be necessary and just that satisfaction be 8:iven the CiJoveruor of Orinoco, but that, one free planter having wronged him, the trade to Orinoco should therefore be forbidden to all others, cannot receive our ap- proval ; on the contrary, we charge you to grant passes to all others, withhold- ing them from the offender or offenders until the necessary satisfaction has been given. B. C, I, 2J2. 1760. Director-General in Essequibo. I have . . . sent an order to the [Moruca] Post to let no Spaniards pass this way on any account whatever, except a single one who might be the bearer of letters from the Government. B- C, II, igy. 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. In the Commission given . . . to . . . Lopez I have seen that the corsair had alleged that the boat which he took at the mouth and even in the River Demerary had no passport — a very frivolous excuse and an ungrounded one, since passports are never giyen to boats going from one plantation to an- other, and which are going to board vessels in the Colony itself, and since this is only done for boats which go from one country or from one colony to another. On the other hand, . . . the Company's boat from which he took the salt fish at the month of the Wayni, and which he afterwards smashed, and that of our colonist, Andries Heyse, which he pillaged, were both provided with passports in due form. Satnc, p. 220. 1764. Director-General in Essequibo.* In all passes issued by me, I only grant permission to pass the Posts and to trade amongst the Indians, without mentioning any place. B. C, III, 114. 1766. Provisional Instruction for the Post of Moruca. Every white who shall resort to \\\q Orinoco not holding a licence from the Director-General, shall be detained in the said post, and sent to Essequibo, as well as all slaves, both Indians and Dutch negroes, and in case any Spanish craft should arrive there laden with produce, she shall be detained, and the said Deik shall embark in the said craft so detained, and shall proceed with her, not allowing anything to be sold before reaching the said Essequibo. B. C.-C, App., 255. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. He [Moruka Postliolder] shall allow no one to pass the Post without a passport. B. C, III, 134. He [Moi'uka Postholder] shall bear in mind that the passports issued shall be valid for one voyage only, as they are put to misuse. Same, p. /jj. * Note by editor of British Case. There is some reason to doubt the authenticity of this extract. 152 BOUNDARIES. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-PASSES REQUIRED AT MORUCA- (Continued). 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. I had strictly forbidden Jan la Riviere to settle between Essequibo and Ori- noco, and for greater security I had this inserted in his pass ; he was also forbidden by the Court to settle in Barima. B. C, III, 176. 1770. Director-General in Essequibo. Air. Tullekin, having asked for a permit to go to Maroco, and having obtained the same, I now hear that he went farther and that he was arrested, and is now a prisoner in Orinocque. V- C., II, 216, , British Case. Passports . . . often contained conditions as to the conduct of the holder in the district beyond the Post. B. C, 8j. 1774. Director-General in Essequibo. Both from English captains leaving the Essequibo (formerly the Colony) in their barques or vessels and from private individuals the Governor receives for a pass 7 guilders 10 st. and 5 guilders for a permit to barter or trade in Indians outside the Post, which for some time was not observed, but in 1774 I again in- troduced or renewed it by reason of the necessity. B. C, IV, i2j. 1775. Government Journal in Essequibo. Gave to the Carib Owl named Awamerie, with his people, a passport for Barima. Same, p. 189. 1789. Journal kept in Essequibo. December 7. A passport granted to the Indian Carwe to go to the coast of Essequibo, and to pass the Post of Maroco. B. C, V, 73. 1793. Journal kept in Essequibo. Pass g-ranted to the free Indian Frederik in order to get, in Pomeroon or beyond the Post Marnca, corials for " den Heraut" in exchange for other wares. Same, p. 14J. 1796. Governor of Essequibo. A pass is applied for . . . for four Spaniards . . . who recently arrived here with horned cattle from Orinoco, in order that they may return thither ; . . . the Governor has issued the desired pass. Same, p. i6j. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-TOLLS AT MORUCA. 1707. Commandeur in Essequibo. I have likewise thought of submitting to you [W. I. Co.] whether it were not right necessary to lay a toll on the traders from Berbice, who traffic on the Orinoco for vessels, balsam, red slaves, and cocoa, in the Rivers Marocco and Pomeroon. B. C, I, 22g-2jo. 1708. Commandeur in Essequibo. As regards the (proposed) tolls in Marocco and Pomeroon ... I will reply . . . that such could not be properly carried out, especially the ex- penses of doing it could not be repaid. Same, p. 2jo. BOUNDARIES. 153 ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-TOLLS AT MORUCA-^Continued). 1708. West India Company. As for your proposal to Lay iu the Rivers of Monica and Poiueroon a toll for the traders to Orinoco ... we can as yet give no positive answer ; . . . you would first have to inform us whether this can just now be prop- erly and lawfully done. B. C, J, 2ji. [As to] laying- a toll, in the Rivers of Mornca and Poiueroon, (the Com- mandeur is directed to) . . . carefully inquire into the aforesaid matter, and inform us . . . what annual profit the Company might derive from impos- ing said tolls. Same, pp. 2j 1-232. As . . . to the laying: of a toll upon the boats, copaiba, &c., for the dealers from Berbice who trade to Orinoco, . . . we, . . . hereby in- struct you to . . . collect a poll-tax there, . . . from every white person and also from ever}' slave at present in Essequibo, and who shall in future arrive in that Colony. Same, p. 2j2. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. He [Postholder at Moruka] shall demand fi-om the Spaniards coming there with tobacco, &c., 5 per cent, import duty and forward the same here. B. C, ///, 155- ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-BOUNDARIES ON THE CUYUNI. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. On the 7th of this month [March 1746] one Ignatius Courthial made an ap- plication to the Court for permission to cut a road through the wood iu the River Cnyuni, in order to bring mules and cows into the river overland by that road. . . . permission was granted him on condition that there shall be paid to the Company 3 guilders recognition money for every mule, and 2 guilders for every horse or cow, . . . it is my intention to place the Post which lies in Demerary ... on this road instead. B. C, II, 44. 1746. West India Company. We can approve the resolution taken by you and the Court of Policy regard- ing the request made by Ignatius Couthial [Courthial], and the further measures taken by you in that regard, for the prevention of all fraud in not rightly declar- ing the animals to be brought from the River Cuynni. Same, p. 44. 1754. Director-General in Essequibo. The common ramour was that one of our colonists had been near by there [the mission destroyed by the Caribs and Panacays] and ... I caused him to be apprehended and brought to the fort. Because such a matter would be of consequence, and ivould afford the Spaniards real and well-founded reasons for complaint, I have always taken punctilious care therefor. Same, p. g6. 1759. Director-General in Essequibo. If the Spaniards remain in possession of Cuyuni . . . there will be no safety at all in this Colony. . . . The Spaniards continue to stay where they are, and to entrap and drive away all the Caribs living there. Same, p. ijj. 154 BOUNDARIES. ADMISSIONS BY THE DUTCH-BOUNDARIES ON THE CUYUNI- (Continued). 1763. Director-General in Essequibo. It is certain . . . that this is not the time to tliink of the re-establishment of the Post ill Cuynni. That matter will give us plenty of work to do when . . .all is at rest and in peace, because the Spaniards, liayins? driven all the Indians ont of the river, it will be no small matter to get all the necessary buildings in readiness there. B. C, //, 228. 1769. Remonstrance of the States-General. The establishment of two Spanish Missions, occupied by a strong force, one not far above the Company's said Post in Cuyuni (apparently, however, on Spanish territory), and the other a little higher up on a creek which flows into the aforesaid Cuyuni River. B. C, IV, jo. ADMISSIONS BY THE BRITISH-BOUNDARIES ON THE COAST. 1802. Commandant of Berbice, Demerary and Essequibo. Essequibo is a particular district of the Government of Demerary. A small creek, ... the Borassirie, . . . forms its eastern boundary. The west sea-coast, called the " Arabian Coast," is now . . . almost entirely settled. It is bounded by the River Pomaroon. at the entrance of vvhicli is the furthest military post, called the Post of Morrooco. The foregoing lines are descriptive of the whole extent of that part of the coast of Guayana situated between the River Corantyn and the Pomaroon, and within which are included the Colonies of Berbice, Demerary, and Esse- quibo. B. C, V, 172. 1806. George Pinckard. It is suggested that we may obtain a supply (of provisions) from the Span- iards, who have great numbers of wild cattle . . . upon the neigrhboring coast of Oronoko. V. C.-C, III, 224-223. A party of Spaniards crossed the River Oronoko in the night of the 19th inst. [February, 1797], and made an attack upon our outpost at Moroko, the remotest point of the Colony of Essequibo, . . . but . . . they were defeated. Same, p. 227. 1834. T. S. St. Clair. The colony of Demerera ... is bounded on the east by the Albany creek. . . . The western limits are marked by the small creek Bonnosique, a distance of twenty miles up the great river Essequibo ; formerly the Bossicay creek was the western boundary, but by an act passed by Governor Bentinck, in 1806, it was extended to the present limits. The colony of Essequibo adjoins to Demerara, being under the same governor, and is our most leeward possession in this country. The creek or river, called Morocco, is the boundary line between this colony and the Spanish Main, which is not far from the Pomeroon creek. Same, pp. 2J4-2JJ. r838. Venezuelan Case. (lovernor Li^ht in . . . 1838, wrote : The Pomaroon River, at the western extremity of Essequibo, may be taken as a limit lo the country. V. C, 167. BOUNDARIES. 155 ADMISSIONS BY THE BRITISH-BOUNDARIES ON THE COAST- (Continued). 1838. Venezuelan Case. Speaking of the region " between the romeroou au- 188 NATURE OF SPANISH AND DUTCH OCCUPATION. SPANISH OCCUPATION, EFFORTS AND PLANS FOR EXTENSION OF-PLANS FOR MORUCA POST AND SAN CARLOS DE LA FRONTERA- (Continued). 1779. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. From the Tapacuma, following the Bauruma as far as Branch Visorun, the distance is of about five and one half leagues. . . . Within the five and one half leagues there are two hills. The second hill which is on the left going up the Bauruma, is at about one and one half leagues from this branch ; ... it seems to me that the first town which it is intended to found under the name of San Cai'los (le la Frou- tera should lie on this spot, as being distant from Essequibo by land only twelve or thirteen leagues, it commands, on account of its advantageous position, not only the surrounding lands but also the aforesaid branch Bauruma. V. c, II, 437. Besides the advantages which may be expected from founding a town upon the hill of Bauruma, the distance from it to Essequibo being only as I have said before from twelve to thirteen leagues, we can reach the shores of the river Essequibo by means of four or Ave towns ; and this being obtained, the Dutch are deprived of all communication, not only with the various indian tribes south of the Essequibo and all the branches of the Orinoco, but also with the whole of the Parime. Same, p. 4j8. 1779. Don Jose de Abalos. The Commissioners are charged that, if they meet with the above-mentioned obstacles against penetrating and establishing themselves, not only in the fur- thest limits of the eastern portion of the province, but even much nearer, they may in such a case select for a first settlement the most suitable site in the country which lies between the moutlis of the Orinoco and the Colony of Esse- quibo. B. C, IV, ig6. In order to commence the great work of occupation of the said lands, and the foundation of settlements, it is necessary to bring some families from , . , the Province of Guayana itself . . . taking them for the said purpose to the place in which the first village is to be founded . . . the land should be sur- veyed, . . . and a selection made of the spot . . . most suitable ; and . . . plantations of plantains and other fruits be made for the support of the new inhabitants. . . . When this has been done the settlers may be trans- ferred to this first village, where, when they are cnce settled, the measures for fur- ther advance may be taken in every form. This first village shall bear the name of San Carlos de la Frontera. Same, p. ig8. On account of the attacks which might be experienced from certain Corsairs, pirates, smugglers, and other people of evil life, ... it will be desirable to found tlie new settlement at a slight distance inland, in order that it may be free from all risk, and that its inhabitants may live without fear ; while, with slight labour, they will enjoy the advantages of exporting and importing what they require by water. Sa»ie, p. igg. The want of the Treaties of Peace for my instruction and accurate knowledge of what has been agreed upon with tlie States-General respecting the settlements of Surinam and Essequibo, and how far their frontiers extend, leaves me in a state NATURE OF SPANISH AND DUTCH OCCUPATION. 189 SPANISH OCCUPATION, EFFORTS AND PLANS FOR EXTENSION OF-PLANS FOR MORUCA POST AND SAN CARLOS DE LA FRONTERA-(Continued). of uncertainty as to the selection of a site for the first village ; but . . . accord- ing to Inciarte's report, the most eligible site is one situated beyond the first place or Post of tlie Diitcli called Monica, . . . and ... I propose to make arrangements for cstablisluug- it in that spot. B. C, IV, 210. 1779. Don Antonio de Pereda. The Intendant of Caraccas . . . suggests that on our side the new settlements should be founded towards the east of this province, within the sliortest possible distance of the Dutch Colony of Essequibe. ... a survey should be made of this territory, with a view to choosing the most con- venient site for the foundation of the first town, which will afterwards serve as capital to the others, to be established in due course in those parts, with the design previously mentioned, all these new settlements to be in subordination to this province. Same, p. 206. 1779. Court of Policy. The said Director-General . . . received a report from the Postholder of Marowyuo and Wacquepo that some Spaniards were stopping- in the River Bauron [Pomeroon], . . . that the same had again departed, and . . . that a clearing had been made upon the west corner of that river where the old Post stood to re-erect the same, and requesting to know how further to act with regard to the poldering thereof. Same, p. 2oy. 1780. [1812] Don Jose Olazara. [In] 1780, His Majesty, with respect to the eastern pait of the province, re- newed the decree that attention be given with absolute faithfulness to the foster- ing of its settlement and agriculture. ... All these decrees are totally unexe- cuted, and, as the general welfare of the province and the interest with which the government should regard it . . . make it necessarj' to anticipate in time the results threatened by the neighborhood of the foreign powers which have shamefully entered the province, and to give thought earnestly to the remedy of these injuries, present and past. And, for this purpose, it is urgently needed that you immediately bring- about the execution of the said decrees in all their parts, and of the special commission which . , . Inciarte had for undertaking- the establishment of the new settlements, especially those of the eastern part, . . . and which is the nearest to the frontier of Guayana, Dutch and French. V. C, III, 421-422. 1810. Captain of Militia of Angostura. He knows [that] . . . Inciarte . . . finds himself under commission . . . And to all citizens who are willing to establish themselves in the said settlements . . . His Majesty . . . offers to give lands for cultivation and for the raising of cattle free of charge, and also lots for houses, . . . and that at the earliest day there shall be founded forts from Old Guayana downward as far as the limits or boundaries of the Dutch Colony, at present English, of Essequibo, the first foundation to be begun on the river or bayou named Bouruma [Pomeroon], on the border and territory on the side of the territory of Essequibo, where there is an elevation or small hill, on which can be built a fort with the name of 8au Carlos de la Froutera ; . . . that His Majesty author- 190 NATURE OF SPANISH AND DUTCH OCCUPATION. SPANISH OCCUPATION, EFFORTS AND PLANS FOR EXTENSION OF-PLANS FOR MORUCA POST AND SAN CARLOS DE LA FRONTERA-(Continued). ized the removal of all the families that would willingly go from the kingdom of Santa Fe de Bogota to the said settlements, all at the expense of his Royal Exchequer ; and that for this purpose there had come from Spain . . . more than two hundred families ready and willing to go to the said settlements, and that, on account of the wars which occurred with France and thereafter with England, their departure had constantly been prevented, but that their coming with the Governor of the Province had been for the purpose of providing for the said settlements ; and that when peace was restored with the British Nation, in the year 1802, the said Inciarte . . . [said] he was now ready to enter upon the completion of his mission . . . but that first he wanted . . . to complete the reconnoissance of the ranges (Sierras), as he was instructed to do. V. C, III, 417. DUTCH OCCUPATION-ITS PURPOSE TO TRADE, PLUNDER AND PLANT. . [1896] James Rodway. The Posts were established in the Essequebo from the time of its first occu- pation ; in fact the early settlements were nothing- more or less tlian posts. As such they were centres where bartering with the Indians of a wide area on every side was carried on. The first Postholders were traders and very little more. To reach new markets these posts were at great distances from the centre of the Colony. V. C, III, jj/. . Venezuelan Case. The object of those early [Dutch] voyag'es to Guiana, was, in the first place to harass the Spaniards, and, in the second place, to g'ain pi'oflt by trade and plunder. Settlement upon Spanish soil, or the acquisition of territorial rights was hardly thought of. V. C, 6^-66. [In 1648] the entire Dutch colony . . . consisted of a body of two or three dozen unmarried employes of the West India Company, housed in a fort on a small island, and engaged in traffic with the Indians for the dyes of tlie forest ; at the time when the treaty was signed, they were not cultivating an acre of land. This and an establishment on the Berbice were the only Dutch settle- ments in Guiana in 1648. Neither then, nor at any time prior thereto, had the Dutch occupied or settled a foot of ground west of their Essequibo post. Same, p. 74. Tlie objects which first broug-ht the Dutch to America, were to plunder the Spanisli settlemeuts, and to rob the Spanish treasure on its way across tlie oc(>an. When the Treaty of Munster put an end to this system of robbery, the Dutch relations with Guiana became those of mere trade; and the posses- sions of the Dutch on the Guiana coast stood out as merely so many trading establishments. Same, p. pp. The earliest relations of the Dutch, witli (Juiana in general, and with the Essequibo in particular, were limited to trade and to hostile operations against the Spaniards. Same, p. 222. NATURE OF SPANISH AND DUTCH OCCUPATION. 191 DUTCH OCCUPATION-ITS PURPOSE TO TRADE, PLUNDER AND PLANT-{Contlnued). •. British Counter Case. It is true that the earliest relations of the Dutch with Guiana and with the Essequibo related to trade and hostile operations against the Spaniards, but these relations inimediately developed into the taking of posssession of parts of the country. They were certainly trading to the Essequibo before 1635. /)'. C.-C, iji. . British Case. The Postholders' relations with the Indians, in course of time became more political tlian commercial. B. C, 88. Numerous passages from the records can also be cited to show that at a comparatively early period the political functions of the Postholders had be- come more important than the commercial. It will be found that in British times the Postholders traveled largely through the districts round their Posts, and exercised magisterial functions. During the Dutch period it does not appear that they habitually did so. Same, p. Sg. It thus appears that, as the influence of the Company among the Indians increased, a change took place in the duties of the Postholders. Originally mainly trading agents, they had become, before the British occupation, al- most exclusively political officers, and they were maintained in order to fulfil functions of this kind long after the trade [in balsams, annatto and slaves] had come to an end. Same, pp. Sg-go. ■ . Venezuelan Counter Case. [Dutch] occupation . . . consisted exclusively of trade and of rela- tions with Indians. V. C.-C, 22. 1688. States-General. Concerning a certain Company which is said to be newly formed in Amster- dam for the purpose of trading to the West Indies. B. C, I, 2oy. 1731. Commandeur in Essequibo. I sent your Lordships by Captain Daniel Bellein ... a sample of the indigo made by Jan van der Meers. ... I wish from the bottom of my heart that heaven miglit be pleased to bless this plant (as being the surest means of furtlier populating this Colony). B. C, II, 12. 1732. Commandeur in Essequibo. I sent him [Jacobus van der Berg, one of the Company's servants], above the falls in Essequibo on the 15th October, 1731, with orders to go as far as he possi- bly could, to deal with tlie Indians in a most friendly manner, and furtlier to see whether lie could not induce any Chiefs to come here, so that I might talk to them myself by means of interpreters. Same, p. 16. 1733. Court of Policy. Every possible means is being employed liere to cultivate the trade with the Indians, but the many branches into which the nation is split up, and the absence of good interpreters, are great obstacles to success. Same, p. ij. 1735. West India Company (the Ten). We praise and approve all that has been done by the Commandeur with the Governor of Orinoco ; . . . and recommend your Honour to use every en- deavour to cause tliat commerce to increase more and more. Same, p. 21. J 92 NATURE OF SPANISH AND DUTCH OCCUPATION. DUTCH OCCUPATION-ITS PURPOSE TO TRADE, PLUNDER AND PLANT-(Continued). I737- Commandeur in Essequibo. In view of the slave trade and the production of line dye, this post re- mains of much importance, since, small as is this beginning, we become ac- quainted among the Indians further inland, and this trade may by decrees be- come considerable. B. C, II, 24-2^. 1752. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We liave always proposed to ourselves nothing more tJian to facilitate . . . the coininerL^e which is carried on, not only from here [Middelburg in Holland] to the river and Colony of Essequibo, but also there with the natives [and] Spaniards, and especially with those of Orinoco. Same, p. yj. 1769. Prefect of Missions. I sent him [a negro slave-trader from EsseqniboJ off, promising tliat ho .vvonld return with his family and become a Cliristian. B. C, IV, 21. 1775. Director-General in Essequibo. The Post of Arinda up in the River Essequibo ... the only nse of this Post is to get the Indians up the river to become somewhat more accustomed to us, and at the same time to keep a sharp loolc-out whether those nations niig:ht not be planning- something^ ag'ainst us. Same, p. ij6. 1897. George L. Burr. Van Meteren points out : " The United Netlierlands . . . endeavored . . . gradually to open a commerce with the West Indies, without seeking to make any conquests there, but rather to win the friendship of the Indians and to protect them against the Spaniards, . . . and thus to come into traffic with them." V. C.-C, II, 4S. DUTCH OCCUPATION-ITS METHODS. . Brhish Case. In 1724, the Postholder at Wakepo mustered Indians to protect friendly tribes in Essequibo from attack. B. C, Si;>. The object of these presents was to secure the assistance of the tribes in case of a negro revolt, and to attract them to the neighborhood of the Dutch Posts. Same, p. p2. 1724, Court of Policy. The Commandeur . . . informed the Court that, according to reports re- ceived, the Maganout nation were killing all whom they could lay hands on up in Essequibo, and that they were driving away all other nations who were our friends. His Honour maintained that it was very necessary for the protec- tion of the whole Colony to extirpate and annihilate these rebels if possible. . . . It was unanimously agreed to order Jan Batiste, the Postliolder at . . . Wacquepo, ... to proceed against tlie said Maganouts, and to kill or capture all lie can llnd. B. C, II, 2-j. NATURE OF SPANISH AND DUTCH OCCUPATION. 193 DUTCH OCCUPATION-ITS M ETHODS-(Continued). 1730. Commandeur in Kssequibo. On the 26th May of last year [1729], I received an unexpected visit from a French gentleman named Nicholas Gervais, Bishop of Orraii, coming from the Orinoco . . . he expressed to me his intent ion of making a stay in or about this Colony and seeing- whether there niiglit not he some means of converting? the Indians of these lands to Cliristianity, if I would grant him permission to do so. I demonstrated to him the impossibiHty thereof, and, furthermore, that it was not in my power to grant him such permission. You will see from the enclosed letter, . . . how that prelate has un- happily been murdered by the Indians in Aguirre. B. C, II, lo-ii. 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Spaniards were beginning to approach more and more up in Cuyuni ; but a war having some weeks ago arisen between the Carib nation and that of the Warrows, which is carried on very obstinately, this will stop their further pro- gress, and possibly, 11 the Caribs obtain tlie upper liaiul, they will be driven somew hat fjuthcr away, w ithout our having? in the least degree to meddle there witli. V. C, II, loi. 1758. Don Jose Solano. They [foreigners] enter and exploit the interior and the rear of these provinces to the great detriment of the Royal Treasury and the injury of so many heathen. This harm is chiefly done by the Dutch of Esse(iuibo, who incite the Caribs to make raids and Iiunt for slaves, and they are the cause of the repeated risings in the Missions of the Orinoco and of the constant desertions of Indians already reduced. B. C, II, 140. 1778. Colonial Records. 1778. From Plantation Duynenburg. [Kiltum /. e. rum, furnished] to the Indians in tlieir revels, by order of the Director-General, ... 176 gallons. B. C, VII, 1S2. DUTCH OCCUPATION-ITS INFLUENCE AND RESULTS. . Venezuelan Case. The early attempts of the Dutch to gain a foothold at various points on the coast of Guiana ended invariably in failure. V. C, jo. . British Case. The trade of the Dutch with the Indians led naturally to control by the Company of the territory in wliicli this trade was carried on. B. C, S2. 1758. Prefect of Missions. It appears to me that the Dutch v/ere never so eager in their pursuit after slaves as they are at present, and it is precisely on that account that so little fruit is obtained in the efforts made to convert the Indians and Caribs, for, being counselled by the Dutch not to allow themselves to be drawn into the Mis- sions, they do not like the villages, and, consequently, retire to the forests. It was precisely owing to these bad counsels that the Indians of tlie four Mis- sions rebelled in the year 1 17]50. B. C, II, i4g. 194 NATURE OF SPANISH AND DUTCH OCCUPATION. DUTCH OCCUPATION-ITS INFLUENCE AND RESULTS-(Contlnued). 1777. Augustin Crame [and] Joseph Linares. This province is bounded on the east by the Dutch Colony of Essequibo and French Guayana. The proximity of the Dutch does not at present give any ground for alarm. lu no way whatever do tliey belie their peaceful system, nor iiiauifest auy ambition to extend tlicir possessions in the interior. Never- theless, their explorations have reached the Parime. B. C, IV, lyg. 1790. Don Miguel Marmion. On account of various Indians having gone to Esquivo from these Missions to sell hammocks and other articles, and brought back in return . . . spirits, they had a drinking feast, and there resulted therefrom a disturbance, and the Religious of the village of Guascipati killed one of the Indians acci- dentally, B. C, V, 114. DUTCH OCCUPATION-ITS EFFORTS AND PLANS FOR EXTENSION ALWAYS LIMITED TO TRADE RELATIONS. • [1897] George L. Burr. Throughout the period of this truce [of 1609] I have lighted on no mention of (xuiana Colonies in any official record, but this by no means disproves their exist- ence ; long after their existence is certain the effort to keep them secret is demonstrable, and they scarcely appear in Dutch official papers till after the treaty of Munster. V. C.-C, 11,53. . British Case. The energies of the Dutch were not confined to the area of actual planta- tion. Hunting and fishmg were carried on, and Posts established in various parts of the territory in question. B. C, 2g~jo, 1623. British Case. At least as early as 1623 the Dutch began to establish settlements in the territory between the Corentin and the Orinoco, and from that time down to the acquisition of Brhish Guiana by Great Britain they continually extended their settlements in various parts of that district. Same, p. yS. 1638. British Case. In 1638 it was reported to the King of Spain that the Dutch were seek ingf favorable sites for the foundation of new settlements. Same, p. 25. 1722. British Case, In 1722 the officials of the Company were making explorations in order to ascertain the nature of the soil in the interior with a view to plantations. Same, p. 33, , British Case, During the period shortly antecedent to 1750 , . . the Dutch records tell of peaceful development, of coffee, cocoa, and indigo plantations, of exploration, and of trade. . . . tlie Dutch were established in the Province of Guiana, and were occupying with their cities and mills the territory from the Orinoco to Surinam, and it was suspected that their design was to make themselves masters of the mouth of the Orinoco and of the nations that dwelt on the river, to found plantations in that district, and to penetrate wherever they pleased. Same, p. 3/- CHAPTER V. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE. — . Venezuelan Case. Tlic story of Dutch reiiioiistrances is one of Spanish aggression and asser- tion of sovereign rights in the territory now in dispute, followed l;y repeated protests of the Dutch, and memorials to the Spanish Court, all of which were treated with contempt — answered only by a continuance of these aggressions, by further acts of polhical control, by further grumblings on the part of the Dutch, by further complaints to which the Spanish Government did not deign to reply, and by tinal acquiescence by the Dutch in the inevitable. l^. C, /j/. -. British Counter Case. The ideas conveyed by this paragraph are entirely opposed to the facts. " Spanish aggression " there was, in the sense that there were occasional raids upon Dutch territory. " Assertion of sovereign rights or political control " by Spain in the territory now in dispute there was none. It is quite true that there is an absence of any official admission by the Spanish Government of the justice of the Dutch Remonstrances and that in many cases no definite answer was obtained. The attempt, however, to build upon* this foundation the theory that there was final acquiescence by the Dutch in Spanish pretensions is preposterous. The Dutch remained in possession of what they claimed. B. C.-C, 102. -. Venezuelan Case. During a portion of the present century, in violation of the Treaty of Munster, (ireat Britain has occupied a strip of land along the coast, between the Essequibo and the Pomeroon rivers, known as the Arabian or Arabisi Coast. Venezuela has repeatedly protested ag-ainst such occupation, and has, in every way possible, short of war, asserted her rights to the territory so occupied. V. C, 225. Venezuela has repeatedly protested against such occupation [of disputed territory by Great Britain]; and has in every way possible, short of war, asserted her rights to the territory so occupied. Same, pp. 226-22J. -. British Counter Case. This proposition is denied. B. C.-C, ijj. -. Venezuelan Counter Case. The first intimation which Venezuela received of the presence of any British in the Barima-Waini region was at the time of the Schoniburgk survey in 1841; she at once protested ag-ainst it; in consequence of that protest the boundary posts erected by Schomburgk were removed. V. C.-C, no. (195) 19t) REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE N ATU R E-(Continued). 1580. Queen of England. Mendoza, Ambassador for Spain in England, made an angry and vehement demand for satisfaction from the Queen, complaining that the Indian Ocean was navigated by the English. The reply that he received was as follows : — That the Spaniards, by their unfairness, . . . had brought these troubles upon themselves. . . . Her Majesty does not understand why her subjects and those of other Princes are prohibited from the Indies, which she could not persuade herself are the rightful property of Spain, by donation of the Pope of Rome, in whom she acknowledged no prerogative in matters of this kind, much less authority to bind Princes who owe him no obedience, or to make that new world as it were a fief for the Spaniard and clothe him with possession : and that only on the ground that Spaniards have touched here and there, have erected shelters, have given names to a river or promontory ; acts which cannot confer property. So that this donation of alien property (w-hich by essence of law is void), and this imaginary proprietorship, ought not to hinder other princes from carrying on commerce in these regions, and from establishing Colonies where Spaniards are not residing, without the least violation of the law of nations, since prescription without possession is of no avail. B. C.-C, App.,jJJ. 1676. Spanish Council of War. The Council finds itself compelled to [suggest] that a letter may be written to tlie States-General or that they may be given to understand ... the annoyance which would be occasioned if they were to make new plantations in the Indies without informing jour Majesty. B. C, I, 178. 1688. Don Manuel Coloma, Spanish Mmister in Holland. At Amsterdam and other places of these provinces [of Holland] several private persons are uniting and seek to establish a fi'ee port in the form of a new Commonwealth, ... to the prejudice of His Majesty [the King of Spain]. The Envoy Extraordinary . . . thinks it his duty to inform you thereof, in order that you may be pleased promptly to prevent the execution of tlie un- dertaking- they have planned. Sa»u\/>. 20J. 1693. Council of the Indies. The . . . Governor of the Province of Venezuela, in a letter of i6th Oc- tober, 1 69 1, reports, amongst other things, that they have been under arms, both in the city of Caracas, where he resides, and in the port of La Guayra, in that province, on account of seven Dutch vessels of large draught, . . . and more than thirty bilanders of the same nation which were trading therewith the great- est boldness possible, and no efforts or care have been able to prevent it, as these foreigners are masters of all the coast, . . . and he lays stress upon the great frequency with which foreigners assemble there. The Council, in view of this letter, . . . consider it their duty to place it in your Majesty's royal liands in order that, upon consideration of its ! contents, your Majesty may be jileased to give orders that . . . complaint may be made to the States-tJencral respecting the serious breach of the stipulations in the Peace of America. B. C.-C, App., 46-4?' REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 197 REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Continued). 1735. West India Company. >Vc I'lilly anprove the course followed by you with regard to the Spanish Governor of Orinoco, siud recouiiiiend you to go on in the same way with all thoughtful prudence, and not to desist from the complaint you have put for- ward. B. C, II, ig. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. Nine soldiers deserted from the Berbice River to Orinoco . . . On their arrival in Orinoco they joined a vessel from Trinidad which was cruising about there to prevent trade, and captured three canoes from this Colony that were out fishing. . . . The new Governor being due in Orinoco in February next, I shall send there to claim the boats and cargoes, but 1 am certain that such will be in vain, having- profited by the example of the Postholder, Jurge Gobel, whom they had promised me by letter to deliver up, but nothing came of it, the man now living in the Spanish village in Orinoco. Same, p. .//. 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. I shall . . . execute your Honours' orders . . . concerning the forts of the Spaniards, and as regards the fishery. I have brought the matter so far with the Commandant of Orinoco, that I believe myself that no further disturb- ances will occur, but I can obtain no satisftiction for the three canoes taken away because he pretends that this tooli place through a privateer of Trinidad, and thus out of his jurisdiction. Same, p. jj. A wanderer of the name of Pinet having gone up the River Cuyuni . . . has made report to me that the Spaniards had not yet undertaken the building of any forts or Missions as had been their intention lower dovvn, but that they cruelly ill-treated the Indians subject to us, continually taking them by surprise in their dwellings and carrying them off, with their wives and children, to send them to Florida ; that he had spoken to the Chief of the Spaniards, and had placed before his eyes the unfairness of this treatment, as well as the consequences of it, but that the latter had replied that the whole of America belonged to the King of Spain, and that he should do what suited himself, without troubling about us. . . . Seeing that all my remonstrances and letters to the Spaniards are of no avail, and no redress is obtainable, I intend to tell the Chiefs of the Indians when they come to me, that I can provide no redress for them, and that they must take measures for their own security. Then I feel assured that in a short time no Spaniard will be visible any more above in Cuyuni. Same, p. ^8. 1749. Commandeur in Essequibo. Having written to the Governor of Cumana that if he persisted in the design of founding a Mission in the River Cuyuni, I should be obliged to op- pose myself thereagainst effectually, he has replied to me that such was without his knowledge, (not the founding of the new [Mission] but the site), and that it should not be progressed with, as in reality nothing has been done. Satne, p. 6j. 1757- Director-General in Essequibo. Complaints having been repeatedly made by the Commandant of Orinoco concerning the evil conduct in Bari ma of the traders or wanderers, as well from Surinam as from here, I have written circumstantially to the ad interim Governor there, Mr. I. Nepven, whose reply is awaited daily. Same, pp. jji-ij2. 198 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-lContinued). 1758. Director-General in Essequibo. It is with the greatest surprise that I learned from some Indians a few days ago that our post in the River Cuyuni had been attacked by Spaniards, the chief of the said post, his second in command, a Creole slave of the Company, and a Creole woman with her children taken prisoners, and the house burned down. V. C, //, fsj. AVhat, sir, am I to infer from an offence so directly opposed to the law of nations, and to tlie Treaties of Peace and Alliance snbsistinar . . . between His Catholic Majesty and . . . tlie States-General J ... I am thoroughly convinced that His Catholic Majesty, far from approving an offence of this nature, will not be remiss in rendering the fullest justice to my Sovereigns, and inflicting an exemplary punishment upon those who thus dare to abuse their authority. Same, p. 124. 1758. Nicolas de Castro. The Commandant of Guiana has sent me, with other papers a letter which you [(ilravesande] have written to him. demanding- the delivery of the two Dntch prisoners, a negro, and a Creole, with their children, and of all that was found by the guard in command there on an island in the River Cuyuni, which is, with its dependencies, a part of the domains of the King, my master, and on which these prisoners publicly kept up an illicit trade in Indian poitos, although it is incredible that their High Mightinesses should have authorized you to enter the said domains, and still less to purchase Indians from his villages and territories, in order to make slaves of them. This being so, and our action being a justi- fiable one, I cannot consent to the restitntion of the prisoners whom you de- mand until I know tlie will of my master, to whom 1 have made a report of all that has passed, with papers in justitication of my action. B. C, II, lyg. 1758. Military Commandant in Essequibo. Having read the contents of the aforesaid letter, [of de Castro] and seeing the frivolous pretexts which are are alleged in order to justify a proceeding so directly contrary to the law of nations, . . . His Excellency . . . per- sists, and now for the second time demands the freeing- of tlie prisoners and a suitable satisfaction for this violation and insult done to the territory of his Sovereigns, and that since it seems to him . . . that you in Guayana and at Cumana are ignorant of the boundaries of the territory of His Catholic Majesty and those of the States-General ... he has ordered me to send you the enclosed map on which you will be able to see them very distinctly. V. C, II, 12S. 1759. Director-General in Essequibo. The letter from the Commandant here to the Commandant in Orinoco has been sent back unopened, B. C, II, 1J4. . Venezuelan Case. The only answer the Spanish Commandant gave to these remonstrances was a continuation of the very acts which brought them forth. V. C, ijS. Renewed complaints by Ccravesande were returned unopened, and his envoys driven away unheard. The remonstrance of the States General to the Conrt of Spain was treated with the same contempt. V. C, i^g. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 199 REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Contmued). 1759. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). As to the raid upon the Post of Cuyuni by the Spaniards, not only does it exceedingly astonish us, but also seems to us of the gravest consequence for the Colony. For that reason we shall not fail . . . to make upon that subject the necessary representations to the States-General. B. C, II, 1^4. Regarding the raid of the Spaniards upon the Company's Post in Rio Cuyuni . . . after discussion ... it was resolyed to request the Committee on Commerce to consider more fully the documents bearing upon the said raid, and also to instruct the Advocate to formulate their views thereupon in a Remon- strance to the States-General. Same, p. lyj. The Committee on Commerce reported . . . concerning the raid of the Spaniards upon the Company's Post in Rio Cuyuni, and that the Advocate had formulated their views in a Remonstrance to the States-General which they sub- mitted for approval to this Chamber. Resolved to approve said Remonstrance as it stands. Same, p. i-jd. 1759. States-General. Read . . . the Remonstrance of the Directors of the West India Company . . . setting forth that they . . . have been from time im- memorial in undisturbed possession, not alone of the aforesaid River Essequibo, but also of all the branches and tributaries. . . and especially of the . . . Cuyuni. That they, the remonstrants, in virtue of that possession, have always considered the said River Cuyuni as a domain of this State, and have, in conse- quence, built on its banks a so-called Post. With the most extreme astonish- ment . . . the remonstrants have learnt . . . that a troop of Spaniards . . . from Orinoco . . . had attacked overcome and burned the said Post ; and . . . carried off to Guayana as prisoners the Postholder and assistant, as well as a Creole man and womaa, with their children. That the said Director-General . . . addressed a letter ... in . . . 1758 to Don Juan Valdes, Commandant of Guayana, requesting . . . reparation for the said outrage. . . . But that he . . . instead of satisfying this just de- mand, had simply ordered to be written by one Nicolas Castro from Cumana, a . . . haughty and unsatisfactory despatch. The remonstrants therefore pray for the reasons alleged that Their High Mightinesses may be pleased to cause such representations to be made to the Court of His Catholic Majesty, that reparation may be made for the said hostilities, and that the remonstrants may be reinstated in the quiet possession of the said Post, situated on the banks of the River Cuyuni, and also that, through their High Mightinesses and the Court of Madrid, a proper delimitation between the Colony of Essequibo and the River Orinoco may be laid down by authority, so as to prevent any future dispute. It was moreover approved and agreed that . . . the . . . Ambas- sador of their High Mightinesses to the Court of Spain ... be instructed . . . to insist [as above]. Same, pp. lyd-iy/. 1759. Dutch Ambassador at Madrid. Since the said Commandant (of Guayana) wishes to support, without any good reason, an invasion and hostilities committed upon territories properly belonging 200 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE N ATU R E-(Continued). to my masters, . . . they have directed the undersigned to communicate the above to your Excellency . . . and they are confident of obtainins? . satisfactorj' reparation for the past and orders for the fnture, so that they may see themselves in undisturbed possession as before, of the said Post on the River called Cuyuni. V- C., //, /j6. 1759. Dutch Ambassador at Madrid, to States-General. Pursuant to your august orders, I gave information orally of the matter [of the destroyed Cuyuni Post] to Seiior Wall, and yesterday I repeated my complaint against the Conimandenr of Guayana by a written memorandnm thereof, and pressed for prompt reparation. B. C, II, lyg. 1760. Director-General in Essequibo. I am well aware, my Lords, that to undertake measures of reprisal a distinct order from the Sovereign is necessary. . . . Although the appearance of some such threat is contained in my letter to the Commandant of the Orinoco, it has never entered my head to proceed to such extremities. Same, p. 1S3. 1762. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Concerning the affairs of Cuyuni we shall shortly present a furtlier Memo- rial to tlie States-General. Same, p. 211. 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. I trust that your Lordships will not lose sight of the outrage iu Cuyuni. That matter, My Lords, is of the utmost importance for many very weiglity reasons, and more than any one in Europe could imagine ; . . . even if there were no important reasons which compelled the Honourable Company to take an interest in the possession of Cuyuni, I cannot see why we should permit the Spaniards to disturb and appropriate our lawful possessions. Same, p. 211. I hope their High Mightinesses will be pleased to arrive at a favourable Reso- lution respecting the affairs of Cuyuni, and receive justice in this matter from the Court of Spain. The reason why I did not claim the boats captured by the Spaniards is as follows : — The settler Jan Dudonjon having been sent by me to Orinoco with special authority to claim ... a few runaway slaves who were prisoners there, the commandant ... not only refused to give him a hearing, but forbade him to set foot on shore, ordering him to depart at once. Same, p. 21 j. Prior to this he had also returned to me unopened a letter which I had asked the Commandant to write to him. Of what use would it therefore be to take further steps? One cannot even get a refusal when the letters are thns sent back unopened, and llie Envoys are driven away unheard. Same, p. 214. 1762. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Up to this time not the least answer has been received from the Court of Madrid to tlie Memorial about Cuyuni presented by us to the States-General. In view of this, it is our inlention loshortly present a further Memorial upon that subject to llie States-General, with addition of what has happened since. Same, p. 214. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 20] REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Continued). 1762. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Notwithstanding- all the reasons alleged in your letter, we could have wished that you had duly claimed the captured salters' vessels; a refusal from the Com- mandeur of the Orinoco would have given us a better right to complain to the Sovereign. B. C, II, 214. 1765. Director-General in Essequibo. Since tlie raid upon the Post in Cuyuni I have never received one word of answer to all my letters ; some have been even sent back [unopened]. B. C, III, 128. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. If it is desired to prevent the ruin of the Colony, the three following points should be taken into serious consideration and be put into effect as soon as pos- sible : — I. To insist with the Court of Spain upon redress for the grievances, and to ask there for measures to make those in command obey the orders of His Catholic Majesty, for they really laugh at them. And if no redress can be obtained at the Conrt of Spain, to use reprisals against the Missions, situated on our frontier, even on our territory ; I think they would then be brought to reason. Same, p. 14J. 1767. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). As to taking efficacious measures against the running away of slaves to Orinoco and elsewhere . . , we already told you how little effect we were expecting from any representations or requests here in Europe, in view of the result ob- tained at the Court of Spain, by the representations made at the request of the Presidial Chamber of Amsterdam, regarding the slaves absconding from Curagao to the coasts of Cora. However, ... we have appointed a committee to report to the Pensionary of this Province about the condition of affairs, in order that he may . . . lay the matter before the meeting of the Provincial Estates and bring- it about that the Deputies to the States-General be instructed to urge in that body that Mr. Doublet ran Cirroeneveld be reqnested to make the most vigorous representations to His Catholic Majesty, to the end that the slaves deserting from Essequibo cum annexis to the Spanish Colonies may be returned, as has always hitherto been done until a few years ago. Same, pp. i^g-ijO. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. We shall have to wait and see what results the solemn oaths and promises of the Governor of Guayana will have . . . because we believe that all fur- ther demands for restitution of the runaway slaves will be fruitless both in America and Europe, and especially those which your honours seem to think could be made to the Spanish Ambassador. Same, p. /jS. 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. Don Manuel Centurion, Governor of CJuayana, . . . writes to me that Mr. La Barre was quite mistaken in what he told me ; . . . slaves who had fled from Cayenne to Orinoco . . . were really returned by an authori- tative order. But that not any orders had been received from His Catholic Majesty, concerning the restitution of the Dutch slaves, and that there was no likelihood of such being given. Same, p. 181. 202 REMONSTUANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE N ATU R E-(Continued). 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. Must we, my Lords, regard all this quietly and endure all these insults and hostile acts? Must we see our Posts raided and ruined and our boats attacked upon our own coasts ? What is to be the end of this ? There is no redress to be got from the Court of Spain. Why not exercise the Jus talionis? B. C, III, I S3. 1768. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We have repeatedly instructed our Deputies in the Assembly of Ten to pro- pose there tliat the States-Greneral be again urged to liave empliatic repre- sentations made to tlie Court of Spain for restitution of tlie slaves who ran away from Curagao to the coasts of Cora and from Essequibo to Orinoco ; but no report having yet been made thereof, we cannot as yet inform you of the result. Same, p. 1S4. 1769, July 6. Fray Benito de la Garriga, Prefect of Missions. Tlie Missionaries there collected 140 Indians, . . . And they found in tlie power of the Dutchman living in the Post of Moruca, three Indian Monien with their children, wliom he had enslaved and taken from the mouths of the Orinoco, as they explained to us, and from the Kiver Massaruni. Tliese the religious took away together with others above mentioned, without violence or causing any injury to the Dutch. And now the (xovernor of Essequibo finds in this a motive for complaining of your Commandant-General, charging him with the infraction of Treaties, outrages, and offences, being indignant because last year the same Commandant-General had dislodged the people whom he kept surreptitiously in Barima. B. C, IV, ig-20. 1769, Aug. 2. Remonstrance of the States-General. The Company . . . having the . . . direction and care of the Colony of Essequibo, and of the rivers which belong to it . . . had . . . from time almost immemorial been in possession not only of the aforesaid River Essequibo and of several rivers and creeks which flow into the sea along the coast, but also of all branches and streams which fall into the same River Esse- quibo, and more particularly . . . the Cuyuni . . . which is considered as a domain of the State [whereon] there had been established a so-called Post. A Spanish detachment coming from the Orinoco had come above that Post and had carried off several Indians, threatening to return at the first following dry season and visit Massaroeny, another arm of the Essequibo, lying between that and the Cuyuni River, and therefore, also unquestionably forming part of the ter- ritory of the Republic, in order also to carry off from thence a body of Caribs . . . and then to . . . visit the Company's said Post in Cuyuni. Same, p. 2Q. The Director-General aforesaid had also informed them ... of the estab- lishment of two Spanish Missions, occupied by a strong force, one not far above the Company's said post in Cuyuni (apparently, however, on Spanish territoiy), and the other a little higher up on a creek which flows into the aforesaid Cuyuni River. The Spaniards had begun to carry off the Indians from Moruca, and had I made themselves masters of the Company's Post there . . . where from time immemorial the Company had also a trading place and a Post, and which also incontestably belonged to the territory of the Dutch, Same, p. jo. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 203 REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Continued). 1769, Aug. 2. Remonstrance of the States-General. That they, the remonstrants, had further learnt . . . that the Spaniards of the Orinoco River had murdered or . . . caused to be murdered . . . the Company's Postholder of the Post Arinda . . . and also all the Caribs he had with him. . ^. C., IV, 30-31. That the people of the Orinoco had some time ago not only begun to dispute with the people of the Essequibo about the fishing rights in the mouth of the Orinoco, and thereupon to prevent them by force from enjoying the same, not- withstanding that the people of Essequibo had been for many years in peaceful and quiet possession of that fishery, . . . but that, further, the people of Orinoco were beginning to prevent, by force, their fishing upon the territory of the State itself, extending from the River Marowyne to beyond the River Wayne, not far from the mouth of the Orinoco. That lastly, . . .the conduct of the people of Orinoco, contrary not only to the law of nations, in taking away and retaining, ... the slaves which deserted thither from that Colony, notwithstanding that the owners de- manded their return formally and most emphatically. Same, p. 31. Decreed that a copy of the aforesaid Remonstrance ... be sent to . . . [tlie] . . . Envoy ... to the Conrt of Spain. That lie be . . . instrncted . . . to insist upon a prompt reparation of the acts of hostility committed, and npon the reinstatement of the remonstrants in tlie peaceful possession of the above-mentioned Posts and other rights, such as the fishing at the above-mentioned places ; and . . . upon the necessary measures being taken to prevent such causes of complaint in future ; and that accordingly, the Court of Spain may give orders as soon as possible to restore, without fail or delay ... on payment of the expenses incurred, all slaves who have deserted ... or who may desert hereafter. And an extract of this Resolution . . . shall be communicated to the , . . Envoy ... of His Catholic Majesty, with a request ... to support with his good ofiices these representations. Same, p. 32. 1769, Aug. 21. West India Company to States-General. We had the honour to receive . . . your . . . resolution taken upon our Remonstrance of July 17 last, which concerned certain enterprises by the Spaniards from Orinoco against various posts of the Colony of Essequibo ; also the impeding and preventing of the fishery for the people of the aforesaid colony, upon their own coasts as well as in the mouth of the river Orinoco ; and, lastly, the detention ... of the slaves deserting from the colony of Essequibo to Orinoco . . . We saw that yon had been i»leased ... to in- struct the Envoy ... at the Conrt of Spain that he make due represen- tations with respect to the three aforesaid points, and insist . . . upon a prompt reparation . . . and upon the necessary provision for the future. V. C, II, 204. 1769, Sept. 7. Secretary of State for the Indies. It is necessary for me to ask information from the (Jovernors of the new village of Ouayana and of Cumana concerning- the facts which are reported, and to forward the said memorial [z. e., Dutch Remonstrance of 17()»] to the Council of the Indies, in order that His Majesty may be informed of the exten- 201 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE N ATU R E-(Continued). sion of those boundaries and about the right claintied by the Republic to the fishery at the entrance to the River Orinoco — a thing as new to me as that the Carib tribe of Indians is conceived of as the ally of the Dutch, and letir appar- te'/iaiit en qiielque sorte. V. C, III, jSi, 1769, Sept. 7. Dutch Ambassador at Madrid to States-General. His Excellency told me he had received extract of your High Mightinesses' Resolution, inclosing the complaints mentioned, . . . that he had given report thereof to the King . . . that his Majesty had commanded it to be placed in the hands of the Secretary of State for the Department of India and the Navy. . . . his Excellency said he knew nothing of the matter, and that he would send the said document to tlie Council of the Indies, in order to take their advice thereon. ... I requested him ... to send or- ders to the Governor to discontinue all hostilities, and to leave those of the Col- ony in quiet possession, as they had possessed the same until now. His Excellency replied to me that, when the advice of the Council of the Indies was received, he should send the same to the Marquis de Grimaldi, and that they would then make report thereof to the King. B- C-< IV, 3^- 1769, Sept. 23. Royal Order to Commandant of Guayana. Tlie Minister of Holland has presented a note complaining: of the pro- ceedings of tlie Spaniards established on the Orinoco against the Colony of Essequibo, as stated in detail in the annexed paper. By order of the King I send you this document in order that, in view thereof, you may, with all pos- sible despatch, and with ail the necessary proofs, report what may have occurred in reference to the acts mentioned therein, and what may suggest itself to you on the subject for the information of His Majesty. Same, p. 46. 1769, Oct. 23. West India Company to Director-General. Concerning the enterprises of the Spaniards, of which you speak in your letter, as also about the hindering- of the fisheries and the detention of the slaves deserting- . . . we have made a very full remonstrance to the States-General, which has had for a result that on this subject the most em- phatic representations have been made to the Court of Spain ... of which, however, up to this time the effect has been only this, that the Court of Spain has demanded of the Council of the Indies a report on this head. V. C, II, 212. 1769. [1897] George L. Burr. In the formal remonstrance, addressed in 17(>9, . . . by the States- General to the Spanish Court, a definite claim was made as to the boundary on the Guiana coast. The territory of the Netherlands, according to this docu- ment, stretched " from the river Marowyn to beyond the river Waini." So far as appears in the diplomatic correspondence of the Netherlands, no answer to this claim was ever made by Spain. Spanish aggressions, however, did not cease. V. C.-C, II, 114. The Dutch documents, indeed, know little enough of the Barima after 1768. Storm van's Gravesande did not again urge it as the boundary ; and in the remon- strance to Spain in 17(JJ) the Dutch government described its territory as extending, not to the Barima, but only "to beyond the river Waini." Not even a Dutch trader is again heard of in the Barima. Same, p. Ij6- REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 205 REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Continued). 1770. Don Manuel Centurion. In the city of Guayana on the 4th of April, 1770 Senor Don Manuel Cen- turion, Commandant-General . . . declared : That having seen the declara- tions and inquiries whereof these " Autos " consist he approved them and considered them sufficient for the proofs which by order of the King he has been instructed to draw up respecting the complaints made to His Majesty by the Minister of Holland concerning- the proceedings of the Spaniards of Orinoco against the Colony of Essequibo, and therefore ordered that a complete copy of this report be taken by us the witnesses, the original should be sent to the King our Lord. B.C.,IV,6g. 1770. Commandant of Guayana. From the two judicial documents enclosed, your Excellency will see proved that the Director of the Colony of Essequibo, Laurence Storm van Gravesande, has ^vished to alarm the States-Oeneral with false charges, on which the Ke- public of Holland has founded tlie complaints presented through their Minister in Madrid, in reference to the proceedings of the Spaniards of Orinoco against that Colony. Same, p. 70. 1770. Council of the Indies. The Minister of Holland having complained of the aforesaid proceedings against the Colony of Essequibo, . . . Instructions have also been issued to the Commander of Guiana and to the Governor of Cuman.l to have ready the matter in reference to the subject of the complaint of the Minister of Holland. This letter and documents to be sent to the Council. V. C.-C, III, 80-81. 1772. Director-General in Essequibo. I have . . . written to the Governor [of Orinoco] . . . asking him for the restitution of the slaves. I am certain that this is in vain, and that no attention will be paid to this demand. B. C, IV, 100. 1773. Dutch Ambassador at Madrid. I have been honoured with your High Mightinesses' Resolution, . . . whereby I am desired, in writing, to renew^ the complaints of the rnnning away of slaves from the possessions of the Netherlands West India Company to the Spanisli possessions. I shall not neglect to make . . . earnest remonstrances, according to the tenour of )our High Mightinesses' highly respected Resolution, and to give, as speedily as may be, information of the result of my commission. Same, p. 120. 1774. Proceedings as to Complaint by the Dutch Minister. Having placed these proceedings and annexes in the hands of the Attorney- General, as directed, said attorney, in his answer of the 6th of August, 1774, said : That, in the proceedings instituted, in consequence of the pretensions of the Minister of Holland assuming his right or dominion on his part to fish in that portion of Orinoco river, and that he was disturbed and unjustly ejected by the subjects of His Majesty, he recalls the fact that, in order to carry out tlie Royal order of September 10, 17(J5), he requested from tlie Secretary of the Uni- versal Department of Indies, as well as from the Council, all the documents and antecedents to be found in connection with the subject. V. C, II, 42S. 206 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Continued). 1774. Proceedings as to Complaint by the Dutch Minister. That it was done and that he received a large amount of papers, letters, and documents, and that having taken them all into mature consideration he found that it was a protracted matter, wanting close attention and considerable time, that he needed for the discharge of his duties, and in order to avoid this inconvenience he sug:gested that the whole affair should be submitted to a Relator of tlie pleasure of the Council, so as to take special notes, and an ab- stract of all the antecedents and facts up to the present time, and when that had been done, to send it back to him (the Attorney-General) so as to submit his further views and report to his Majesty. And the Council having" accepted this suggestion by decree of the 1st of September, 17 74, all the proceedings were delivered to me for the purpose already explained by the answer of the Attorney-General. That was the result. V. C, //, 43S-42g. 1774. Report of Fiscal on Complaints by Dutch Minister. The Fiscal, for the Expediente, necessitated by the Dutch Minister, wishing to allege full right and dominion in the Colony of Essequibo and fishery in that part of the River Orinoco, and that your Majesty's subjects trouble and disturb it unjustly, states that, in order to comply with the orders expressed in His Majesty's Royal Order of tlie 10th September, 1705), concerning this affair, he requested tliat all documents and data Ihat might serve to elucidate this matter, and had any connection whatever therewith, should be sought for in the Department of the Council of tlie Indies, as well as in that of the Secretary of State, and be added to the file. This was effectively complied with by the transmission of a mountain ("crecido cumulo ") of papers, dcspatclies, letters and documents; and the Fiscal, having devoted himself to their examination, finds that the proper study and discernment of all these is a very long affair, in which a great part of his time, that he requires for the due transaction of other and very important affairs of his office, would be uselessly consumed. Consequently, he is of opinion tliat to avoid this inconvenience, and that the greatest exactness may be attained, the whole affair should be placed in the hands of a competent person chosen by the Council, so that a circumstantial commentary and abstract of all the docu- ments, and whatever else there may be therewith connected at the present time, be drawn up, and on its conclusion the whole returned to the Fiscal for his opinion and judgment, and whatever else may be necessary to inform His Majesty. V. C, II, 429. 1775. Mar. 2. Resolution of States-General. The West India Company . . . had expected that, after the repeated representations which at their request the States-General had been pleased to make to the King of Spain, . . . His 3Ijijesty the King would at last liave given sudi orders that tliose well-founded complaints might Iiave been removed ; but that to their sorrow tliey had learned tiiat all tlie representations made by tlie States-tJeneral had hitherto remained fruitless. That although no such agreeable prospect was held out to them as that further remonstrance might attain the desired success, they, however, felt it had become their duty afresh to bring to their High Mightinesses' knowledge the new complaints which they had lately received from the Director- General, REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 207 REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Continued). Essequibo, not alone with respect to fugitive slaves, but even that the Spaniards had come under and at the Posts of the said West India Company, and there had forcibly carried away or killed the free Indians. D. C, IV, ij2. And it is therefore approved and decided : that copy of the letter aforesaid shall be sent to . . . their High Mightinesses' Envoy to the Court of Spain, and that a letter be written to represent this. That tlieir High Mig-htiuesses had hoped and expected that some atteii- tiou would have been paid to the numerous complaints from time to time made of the retention of fugitive slaves, and of the refusal to give them back. Their High Mightinesses . . . would not, considering the slight regard which has hitherto been paid to all their representations on this subject, have again troubled his said Majesty thereon ... but that they are compelled . . . to make a renewed appeal to His said Majesty, in order that he may be pleased to at once issue order against such outrages. . . . That the servants of His said Majesty in the West Indies, not satisfied with affording a place of shelter for fugitive slaves, have gone so far that they have come even under and to the Posts of the Colony of Essequibo to carry off by force or to slay all the free Indians thereabout ; that their High Mightinesses are perfectly persuaded that His Majesty will not approve, or yet permit, such a mode of action, and that ... he will give the orders requisite to obviate the consequences which might possibly spring therefrom. That undertakings of this nature are so prejudicial and ruinous to the Colo- nies of the State that they should be compelled to take measures to repulse these violent acts ; . . . that men cannot refrain from using the means they have at hand to defend themselves ; and that their High Mightinesses therefore, to pre- vent all estrangements between officers on either side, request, in the most entirely friendly and earnest manner, that the necessary precautions may be taken; . . . that no free Indians may be carried away by violence from, or ill-treated in, the Colonies of the State, but also that the retention of fugitive slaves may be effectually prevented. Same, p. ijj. 177$, April lo. Spain's answer to States-General's Resolution of Mar. 2, 1775. I am obliged to repeat to you that which I said by order of the King, . . . that a very long time has elapsed since it was decreed in Spanish America that slaves who became fugitives from Protestant Colonies with the intention of em- bracing the Catholic religion, should remain free. Wherefore this has been observed, and is still observed, in all the dominions of the King in these regions, without any possibility of altering this incontestable practice. But with regard to the outrag-e which you assure me that Spanish sub- jects have committed in the Dutch Colonies, in taking by force or killing free Indians, I must declare to you that these acts of violence have caused the King much surprise, and that his Majesty has ordered the xMinistry of the Indies to make the most minute inquiry into the fact, and to proceed to the condign punishment of the aggressors. Same, pp. ijj-ij^- 1776. West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber). They were somewhat reluctant to address them-elves in this connection to the States-General, because the States-General had more tlian once caused repre- 208 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Contlnued). sontations to be made to the Spanish Court upon this subject, but without result. That however, they thought it best to bring the matter unofficially before the Ministry at the Hague, and get an expression of its opinion. B. C, IV, 141. 1776. West fndia Company (the Ten). As regards the petitioners' complaint about the desertion of the slaves . . . and also of the procedure of the Spaniards . . . the States-General . . . at various times have given the necessary orders to their Minister at the Spanish Court to induce His Majesty the Xing' of Spain to cause an end to be put to the complaint made against the Spaniards. The representations made having been fruitless, the States-General . . . adopted a very urgent Resolution but ... all has been fruitless, and . . . the Spaniards on the Orinoco are acting more and more unreason- ably and boldly. Sajiie, p. 160. Of a Treaty with the Court of Spain there is as yet no ground for hope. Same, p. 161. 1776. Charles Teuffer, Envoy from Essequibo to Orinoco. After many slaves of the Colony of Essequibo had run away to Rio Orinoco, a Spanish province, the Council of the Kivor Essequibo resolved to send an Envoy to the Governor of Orinoco, in order to claim the runaway slaves and have them delivered up to him. The Council was pleased to honour me with that commission. Satne, p. lyi. The Governor . . . received me very graciously . . . He told me that he was much grieved at his inability to satisfy the demands of our Court to give back to us the slaves who have come here from our Colonies; . . . that by the latest orders His Majesty declared free any slave who should come to place himself under the protection of his domains. Same, p. i/2. I told him that the States-General had received an answer from Madrid that his Majesty would give orders ... to return to us our slaves. Don Manuel told me that such orders had not yet arrived. All the propositions I made to the General in order to induce him to give effect to my commission were in vain. He protested to me that, though he was well aware of the prejudice which our Colonies suffered through the frequent absconding of our slaves, it was not in his power to remedy it, as he was not at liberty to act against the orders of the King without the risk of incurring his displeasure. But he told me that I should in his name assure our (Governor and the Council that when he arrived in Europe he would not fail personally to make representations on this subject to His Majesty, and that if the Company would address itself to his Court he was not doubtful of good success. He advised me at the same time that we should never make mention of the Indian slaves ; that he was fully persuaded His Majesty will never consent to having them sold, because every Indian, of whatever nation he be, was re- garded as a Spanish subject, and consequently as free and in no way subject to slavery. Same, p. lyj. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 209 REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-Continued). 1779. Julian de Arriaga. In consequence of what was set forth by the Council of the Indies, in a " Con- sulta " of the 27th October of the past year, in regard to reporting upon the com- plaints made by tlie Diiteli Minister on acconnt ol" tlie proceedings of tlio Spaniards of the Orinoco against tlie Colony of Kssequiho, it is necessary that the documents referring thereto be examined, and it is requested they be sent to him ; . . . I lierewitli transmit to your Excellency, by command of the King, the said documents. V. C, II, 433-434. 1780. King of Spain. Inciarte is to return ... for the purpose of occupying and settling the places specitied in his annexed Report of the 27th November last, and makiigthe provisional fortification which he considered needful, ejecting the Dutch from the post or advance guard-house, which they have built on the road of the River Moruca. It is to be understood that if the Director or Governor of Esse(iuil)o should complain thereof, the answer is to be given that the pro- ceedings in the matter are in accordance with the general laws and instructions for the good government of our Indies, which do not permit such intrusion of foreigners in the Spanish dominions, for this is tlie reply that will be given here if any complaints or claims should be lodged by the States-Cxeneral of Holland. B.C., IV, 212. 1 78 1. Governor of Guiana to Director-General in Essequibo. You complained of Mr. Mateo, who, . . . being in the mouth of the river Essequibo, had taken possession of a httle boat with five negro slaves, . . . and of another with three negro slaves ; . . . that, furthermore, . . . some Spaniards, doubtless by compulsion of the aforesaid Mateo, had taken possession of a small schooner ; . . . moreover, that they have seized another boat ; . . . which acts your Excellency brought to my notice, in order that I should command the aforesaid Mateo to depart at once from the aforesaid coast, and should place at Your Excellency's disposal . . . everything which Mateo or the Spaniards who were there, may have stolen and carried off . . . V. C, II, 239. I make known to Your Excellency that the authority to pass judgment or decide as to the prizes made by the privateers of this province belongs ex- clusively to the Intendent-Ueneral tliereof, Don J(»sef de Abalos, residing in Caraccas, to whose high Court all must address themselves who . . . have complaints to make. Same, p. 240. 1784. Dutch Ambassador at Madrid. Having made myself conversant with tlie complaints made anew and in these days, on account of the West India Company, of the continual and in- creasing desertion of slaves in Essequibo and Demerara, I spoke . to the said Minister of State, on the said subject repeatedly, and in the most emphatic terms, and have placed in his hands a second note relative thereto. Doubtless this Court will not be otherwise than reluctant to assent thereto. B. C, V, 22. 210 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Continued). 1785. Report of Spanish Council of State on Dutch Remonstrance. The Fiscal has examined the papers put together in this Department in consequence of a certain Memorial presented to His Majesty by the Dutch Minister, complaiiiinsi- of the proceedings of the Spaniards established on the Orinoco against the Dntch Colony of Essequibo. This Memorial was sent confidentially with a Royal order, dated the loth September, 1769, that it should be examined as soon as possible by the Council, and His Majesty advised. To this Memorial was annexed, as a precedent, another file of papers, made up and laid before His Majesty on the 9th May of the year 1768. B. C, V, jj. It was agreed on the 6th August, 1774, that the whole should be given to the precis-writer to make a complete abstract, and this has been done. At present, the papers call for no steps, for the long- period of more tlian fifteen years having passed without any fresh demand having been made for a reply upon this question by the Dutch Minister, it induces one to believe that that Republic, being better informed of the want of just grounds for the claim made they have already abandoned it. It appears that what ought to be done is to wait until future events show what is the best course. Sa/ne, p. J4. . Council of the Indies. In 17()9 tlie Ambassador of Holland appeared, complaining of the pro- ceedings of the Spaniards established on the Orinoco, against the Dutch Colony of Esquibo ; presenting in support of his complaint a memorial . . . in which, supposing that from time immemorial the Republic of Holland was in possession not only of the Esquibo river, and of many other rivers and streams emptying into the sea along this portion of the coast, but also of ail the branches and rivulets emptying into the former, particularly the northern one called Cayoeni or Coyuni, on whose bank, considered as dominion of the State, they have main- tained a wooden cabin, guarded by a small vessel manned by some slaves and Indians, he set forth that a Spanish detachment coming from the Orinoco, had attacked that Post, and taken many Indians, threatening to return at the first ebb and visit ... the Maseroni. . . . That . . . afterwards . . . the Spaniards had constructed two cabins, guarded by many troops and one of them very near to the cabin on the Cuyuni river, and had begun to take the Indians on the Maroca, taking possession of a site near the rivulet to the south of the Weyne, between it and the Powaron, where the Company had had from time immemorial a trading place belonging, beyond contradiction, to the territory of the Republic. V. C, //, 274. That the Spaniards had commenced some time back, to dispute their right to fish at the mouth of the Orinoco, and in the stretch of territory between the Marewigni river and the other side of the Wayne, belonging to the State, . . . and that they had been disturbed in their fishing by force, notwithstanding the long time they had enjoyed it quietly and peacefully, . . . and, finally, . . . the Spaniards . . . retained the slaves fleeing from the Dutch establishments. Same, pp. 274-273. The Governors of Ouayaua and Cumana . . . reported . . . [jus- tifying the same]. Same, p. 273. KEMONSTRANC'ES AND MEANING OF THEATIES. 211 REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-! Continued). The Council ordered by its resolution of the first of October, 1774, that it should all be referred to the Relator. The matter remained in this condition up to the year I7s.>, when, the brief having been made by the Relator, and the record returned to the Attorney- General, Don Antonio Porlier, he stated in his reply of May 27th of the same year that at that time there was no action required, since, more than fifteen years having passed without any pressure being brought by the Minister of Hol- land in the premises, it was natural to believe that the Republic, better apprised of the want of just reasons for the demand it had made, had desisted therefrom. V. C, II, 27g-28o. 1785. States-General. Received a dispatcli from the Comte van Rechteren, their High Mightinesses' Ambassador to tJie Conrt of Spain, . . . making mention, inter alia, of the receipt of their High Mightinesses' reiterated order relative to the establishing of a Cartel with the august Court in question for preventing the desertion of slaves from the Colonies of Essequibo and Demerara to the contiguous ones of the Crown. And further, that he had now for almost two years allowed no opportunity to pass either by speaking or writing, to bring- about the conclusion of a Treaty of this nature. That he was steadily put oflF witli favourable promises, and that they, under all sorts of pretexts, had always avoided, not only to enter upon negotiations, but also, . . . even to give a wiitten reply. B.C., V,jj. 1841, August 17. Francisco Aranda. The Government has been informed of a very singular occurrence, namely, that there was seen and reconnoitered at Point Playaso, near the mouth of the Cauo Amacuro, a British flag with the Royal ensigns hoisted, near a sentry box constructed for the purpose, and stationed on a part of the Yenezuelau territory of wdiich ihe Government has always been in quiet and peaceable possession. The Government is still ignorant of the motive or object of this incident, as also whether it proceeded from orders of British authorities, or was the spontane- ous act of private individuals. At the same time it cannot be indifferent with regard to an occurrence which manifests the introduction of foreigners into our territory without the permission or assent of the competent authorities. . . . Therefore ... I hasten to request you will be pleased to communicate to me what you may know or consider conclusive to enlig-hten the (Tovernment on the subject. V. C, III, ig6. 1841, Sept. 3. Francisco Aranda. The Government has thought proper to appoint a Commission ... to proceed to Demerara . . . for the purpose of investigating the origin and design wherewith the British flag and other marks as of possession were planted at Barima and Amacuro ; to enter into explanations . . . respecting the limits between Venezuela and the British Colony, and also to make suitable reclamations and protests in defence of the rights of the Republic. Same, p. iq6. 212 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE- (Continued). 1844. Mr. Macrae. Thoy [Indians] are the aborigines of the country, and we inherited from them onr possessions in tliis colony. (Mr. Arrindell laughed aloud). It ap- pears to have excited the risible faculties of the honorable member, but I repeat that we do hold our title from them originally. V. C.-C, III, 181. 1844. Mr. Arrindell. The small portion of land which we occnpy was ohtalned first I>y con- quest, and then by treaty, and we have nothing to do with the treaty. Same, p. 1S4. 1875. Governor Longden. A colored creole girl . . . was murdered ... in the city of George- town by another colored Creole, named Thomas (iarrett. Both . . . were British subjects. . . . The murderer . . . was apprehended in a house on the banks of the Amacura River. B. C, VJ, 21J. 1875. Venezuelan Consul-General. Garrett was . . . under the protection ... of the Republic . . . police ofificers . . . declared him their prisoner in the name of Her Majesty, the Queen of Great Britain, put him in irons . . . and . . . proceed[ed] to Georgetown. . . . It is the bounden duty of my government ... to protest, as it does protest. . . . I am ordered by my Govern- ment to request that your Excellency will please to order . . . that the police of the Colony shall take back Thomas Garrett to the place where they arrested him. Same, pp. 214-215. 1875. Governor Longden. Garrett was tried at the Supreme Court ... in this city [Georgetown] and . . . sentenced to penal servitude for life. Sa7ne,p. 216. 1884. [1886] Guzman Blanco. In October, 1884 . . . some English . . . penetrated into places at all times the property of Venezuela, erected posts, put up placards declaring the British laws to be there in force, changed some officers of the Republic for others of their own selection, attempted to put under their orders Venezuelan functionaries, and promised to return in force to have their ordinances complied with. In fact, they returned, to proceed with the series of acts begun, without taking- the least notice of the remonstrances of the Yenezuelan autliorities. Not satisfied with this, they took away a Commissary of the Republic . . . Robert Wells ... at Amacuro. V. C, III, 236-237. 1885. British Legation at Caracas. I am directed by her Majesty's Government to draw the attention of that of Venezuela to the proceedings of the agents of the Manoa Company in certain districts, the sovereignty of which is equally claimed by Her Majesty's Govern- ment and that of Venezuela. Earl (iranville further instructs me to re(|uest tlie Venezuelan (govern- ment to take steps to prevent tlie agents of the Manoa Company . . . from asserting claims to, or interfering witli, any of the territory claimed by Great Britain. '-'^■'"''^•- /• -'•/-'• i REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 213 REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-iContinued). 1885. British Legation at Caracas. Her Majesty's Government, in the event of that of Venezuela declining to move in this matter, would to their great regret, feel themselves under the neces- sity of adopting measures for preventing the encroachment of the Manoa Com- pany. V- C, III, 242. 1887. Senor Urbaneja. The Presideut of the Republic demands from Her Majesty the evacuation of Venezuelan territory from the mouth of the Oriucvco to that of tlie Poma- roon, which she. Great Britain, has unjustly occupied with the understanding that if by the 20th February next, at the meeting of Congress, to whom the Government is bound to render an account of everything, no reply should be received or should be negative, the diplomatic relations between the two countries shall be broken off. B. C, VII, 124. 1887. Jesus Muiioz Tebar and Santiago Rodil. As it has reached the notice of the Government of the Republic that on the Amacura, Barima, Guiama, and other river districts, there are at present several parties who it is said have been appointed Rural Constables by the British authorities of the Colony, the President of the Republic has also resolved that these facts be investigated, and that orders be given for the immediate reorgani- zation of the parishes of the territory situated on the banks of the said rivers. In view, therefore, of these instructions, and after the preliminary works of the erection of a lighthouse at Punta Barima had been made, we proceeded to sur\-ey the Amacura River, the Brazo Barima, the Mora passage, and the Barima, Aruca, and Guaima Rivers; and, in fact. Sir, we found in the neighborhood of the Amacura a wooden house thatched with straw, said to have been built by orders of the authorities of this Colony, and two men who handed us their precepts as Rural Constables, signed by Michael McTurk, Stipendiary Magistrate. In the neighborhood of Aruca we were informed there was another Rural Con- stable. ... In Cubana on the banks of the Guaima River, a missionary, the Rev. Walter Heard, had some seven years ago built wdth public subscriptions, a small house that is in actual use as a church and schoolroom. lu all tliose places . . . we hare protested in the name of Venezuela ag-aiust such proceeding's, and declared to the inhabitants that all those districts belong to Venezuela, and not to Her Brittannic Majesty. V. C, III, iSj. 1890. British Foreign Office. Lord Salisbury has received with great surprise ... the intelligence of the issue by the Government of Venezuela of two Decrees . . . purporting to establish Venezuelan Administrations in the district between Point Barima and the River Pomaroon, and in the neighbourhood of the point where the Cuyuni debouches into the Essequiho. Such notices can have no practical effect, and any attempt to put them into execution could only be regarded as an invasion of the Colony, and dealt with accordingly. He cannot but regard the publication of the Decrees at the present moment as entirely inconsistent witli the professed desire of the Venezuelan (iovern- menttocometo a settlement of pending differences by means of friendly dis- cussion. B. C, VII, 140. 2U REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. REMONSTRANCES AND ACTS OR DECLARATIONS OF LIKE NATURE-(Continued). 1890. R. F. Seijas. Against the British usurpation of our territory ... I hereby solemnly and publicly protest. I further declare that tlie (lovernnient of the United States of Venezuela have already protested, and by these presents do protest, against all and every act or acts which are known to the Government of the Republic, and named in the foregoing twelve Articles ; that the Government of Venezuela disowns the legality which may be imputed to such acts, which are and will always be null, void, and of no value whatever. B. C, VI, 246. 1893, Confidential Agent of Venezuela. Territory which Venezuela considers exclusively her own of which she has been in peaceful possession, and which tlie British Colony has only durinsr the last few years invaded with acts of jurisdiction, whicli have called forth re- peated energetic protests from the dJovernment of the Republic. i am only doing my duty in again protesting most solemnly, in the name of the Government of Venezuela, against the proceedings of the Colony of British Guaina, which constitute an invasion of the territory of the Republic. V.C.,in,30j. 1896. Richard Olney. Venezuela's claims and her protests against alleged British usurpation have been constant and emphatic, and have been enforced by all the means practicable for a weak power to employ in its dealings with a strong one, even to the rupture of diplomatic relations. baine, p. joS. MEANING OF TREATIES-TRUCE OF 1609. . British Counter Case. At the time of the truce in 1609 the Dutch maintained their right to found settlements in any part of South America not actually occupied and possessed by Spain, and never abandoned that position. It was maintained by them in all the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Munster, and received sanction once again in the definite terms established by that Treaty. B. C.-C,S5- 1608. Instructions to Marquis de Spinola. In granting them [Dutch] liberty to trade with Spain, as you may, on the same terms enjoyed by the French and English, they will have to absolutely renounce that of the East and West Indies, and pledge themselves to punish those of their subjects who shall make bold to undertake that voyage. B. C.-C, App., 31S. 1608. Report on Negotiations for Truce of 1609. The Rapporteurs asked what should be resolved, and that being left to the afore-written President, he replied that he thought a Resolution should now be taken . . . concerning traffic, which, since it was becoming more lively, was a point of greater importance ; . . . the Commissioners, being interrogated, declare their opinion to be liiat these lands should have free traffic everywhere in the realms and lands of the King of Spain and Archdukes and everywhere where they had free trafific before the war, but not in the East Indies. Where- upon the Rapporteurs replied that the Lords States intend that these lands shall REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 215 MEANING OF TREATIES-TRUCE OF 1609-(Continued). have free traflic and trade not only in the reahiis and lands of the King of Spain and Archdukes but also in the East Indies, and everywhere else where they at present trade free and have traded and trafficked during the war as being fun's Goiiiiini. Against that the Commissioners said that the most principal cause which hath moved the King of Spain to this peace negotiation is beciiuse he desired to have the East Indies free for himself, which the Lords States ought not to refuse. B. C.-C.,App.,3iS. 1608. Instructions for Reply by States-General to demand by Spain. The States have considered the second point of their paper, in which is proposed the abaiuloniueut of navigation to the East and West Indies, con- cerning which the negotiations are at present in abeyance, and that their Might, inesses' determination, purpose, and intention is to avail themselves of the said navigation, and to continue it by means of peace, truce or war — leaving the same to their option without renouncing the same in any way. Same, p. jig. 1609. What passed between the Ambassadors at Antwerp as to the Truce. [President Richardot] . . . told us that it was sufficient that the Truce should be general in all parts, without distinction of places or persons. . . . And with regard to commerce, that it should be limited and restricted, so far as concerned the kingdoms and countries of the King of Spain, to Spain and the countries which it holds in Italy. Since with regard to the localities, places, ports, and harbours v/hich belong to him beyond the said countries and even in the Indies, he by no means intended to allow the said trade there. Satne, pp. jig-j20. We replied that since the Truce was to be general and therefore in the In- dies as well as elsewhere, it was quite reasonable to also make trade free and general, without excepting any locahties, places and ports, that the said Lord King holds in the Indies or elsewhere than in Spain and Italy. But they [Span- iards] replied that your subjects [Dutch] have never traded in the places and ports uhich they [Spaniards] have in the Indies, and that in negotiating the Peace you [Dutch] had neither claimed to have done so. Having adjourned in order to see what they had written, and to give them an answer at the next meetng, we found that the draft was not worded in such a way as your security required, and we made another which was rejected by them, then a second which they would also not accept, since we made express mention of the Indies ; they saying to us that the King of Spain was indeed willing to consent to this commerce in the said places, but without expressing it ; . . . that it would be less humiliation and vexation to him to suffer and overlook the commerce, hav- ing granted it by general phrases and circumlocutions than by mention of the word Indies. Same, p. J20. At length, after various discussions upon this article carried on and continued in two separate conferences, we resolved to draw up another document which seemed to us to determine and elucidate pretty clearly this commerce of the In- dies, although the word was not expressed in it, on condition that it should be put into the general treaty in the place of the article concerning commerce. Same, p, J2I, 216 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TRUCE OF 1609-(,Continued). Although the article relating to the Indies, as it is inserted in the Treaty of which they have seen a copy is in their opinion so well and intelligibly expressed that it can give rise to no ambiguity, ... the following article . . . can only be understood to refer to the Indies, and for which reason they made difificulties for a very long time about agreeing to it, and we obtained it only at the moment of our departure. B. C.-C, App.,j2i. 1609. Extract from the Twelve Years' Truce, April 9, 1609. II. Said Truce shall be ^00(1, valid, loyal, and inviolable and for the period of twelve jear.«. III. Each party shall remain seised of and shall enjoy effectually the coun- tries, towns, places, lands, and lordships which he holds and possesses at pres- ent. IV. The subjects and inhabitants of the countries of the Said King, Arch- dukes, and States . . . may . . . fre([nent and stay in each others territory, and there carry on their trade and commerce in all security, . . . but this always the aforesaid King understands to be restricted and limited to the realms, countries, lands, and lordships which he holds and possesses in Europe and other places and seas where the subjects of Kings and Princes who are his friends and allies allow the said traffic by mutual agreement — and with regard to places, towns, ports, and havens which he holds outside the limits above mentioned— that the said States and their subjects cannot carry on any trade there without the express permission of the said King. Same, pp.j22-j2j. 1609. Secret Treaty demanded of Spain and granted. Whereas by the fourth article of the Treaty of the Truce made this same day [April 9, 1609], between His Majesty the Catholic King [of Spain] and the Most Serene Archdukes of Austria on the one hand, and the Lords, the States General of the United Provinces on the other, the commerce accorded to the said Lords States and to their subjects has been restricted and limited to the kingdoms, countries, lands, and lordships which the said Lord King has in Europe and else- where, in which it is permissible for the subjects of the Kings and Princes who are his friends and allies to carry on the said commerce at their pleasure ; and whereas the said Lord King has moreover declared that he had no intention of obstructing in any way the trade and commerce which the said Lords States and their subjects may carry on hereafter in whatever country and place it may be, either by sea or by land, with the potentates, peoples and private individuals who may permit them to do so, . . . which however has not been couched in writing in the said Treaty ; now therefore, . . . their lordships. . . . in the name and as deputies of the said Lord King and Archdukes, . . . have promised, and do promise, in the name of the said Lord King and his successors during the time that the said truce shall last, that His Majesty >vill not ob- struct in any way, either by sea or by land, the said Lords States or their sub- jects in the trade wliich tliey may carry on liereafter in the countries of all princes, potentates, and peoples who may permit them to do so, in whatever place it may be, even beyond the limits determined above and anywhere else. Same, pp. 32J-J24. 1609. Ambassadors of France and England. We, the undersigned Ambassadors of His Most Christian Majesty and the King of Great Britain hereby declare . . . that the deputies of the said Lords Arch- REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 217 MEANING OF TREATIES-TRUCE OF 1609-(Continued). dukes have likewise consented and agreed that the said Lords States and their subjects shall not be able to trade at the ports, localities and places held by the Catholic King in tlie Indies, if he do not permit it; that it shall neither be lawful for his subjects to trade at the ports, localities and places which the said Lords States hold in the said Indies except by their permission. B. C.-C.,App.,j24. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648. 1632. Reply of Provincial States to Articles submitted by States-General. That the 4th article of the preceding trnce [of 1609] shall be maintained with respect to the East Indies as it was practiced in the preceding truce ; and witli regard to the matter of tlie West Indies, that they sliall be left in tlie con- dition in which they at present are. B. C.-C, App.,j2§. 1633. Articles submitted by States-General to King of Spain, April i, 1633. The affairs of the West Indies shall be left in such condition and situa- tion of traffic and war as tliey at present are. Same, p. S2j. 1633. Reply by Spain to Articles submitted April i, 1633. That all points and Articles included in the Treaty of tlie 0th April and in the subsequent Convention of the 7th January, 1010, shall, save what may be framed in these present negotiations, be considered as enacted afrcsli and in- violably observed, both in and out of Europe, throughout the world. Same, p. J2j. 1633. Prince Henry of Nassau. Respecting the Articles relating to the Indies, we see no means of any modi- fication . . . neither for money nor for any other promises ought we to abandon the Company of the West Indies, as being one that has deserved so well of the St.ate, and that can still do the interests of the King- of Spain so much injury ; ... we think that on this we ought both to hear the opinion of the aforesaid Company, and to act in accordance with what they, as having the best knowledge of and being most interested in the matter, advise. Same, p. J26. 1645. West India Company to States-General. Those of the Company adjudge that ... in case of general peace or Truce, the Company should receive an assurance from the King of Spain that it would be honestly kept and that they would remain maintained in their privileges, free navigation, commerce, and exemptions. That in such Peace or Truce may be included all Potentates, Nations, and Peoples with which Your High Mightiness[es] or the West India Company in your behalf, are within the aforesaid limits of the Charter in friendship and alliance. That the Company shall be able to push their trade and traffic in all places within the aforewritten limits of the Charter, where the King of Spain hath no castles, jurisdiction or dominion. That the subjects of Spain shall in no wise be permitted to navigate or trade in any harbours or places where the West India Company in the name of your High Mightinesses, has any castles, forts, and dominion or warehouses unless vice versa there be granted to the aforesaid Company similar action in all districts and places under the dominion of the said King of Spain. Same, pp. J26-J2y. 218 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Contlnued). 1645. Instructions to Dutch Ambassadors appointed to Negotiate for Peace at Munster. Each party shall remain seised of and shall effectually enjoy those countries, towns, places, lands and lordships uhioh he at present holds and occupies, without being disturbed or hindered therein in any manner whatsoever during the said Truce, in which are understood to be included the boroughs, villages, ham- lets and campaigns appurtenant thereunto. The subjects and inhabitants of the countries of the said Lords the King and States shall during this Truce maintain among themselves all good relations and friendship ... It shall also be permissible for them to come and stay in each other's territories and to carry on their trade and commerce there, in all security, as well by sea and other waters as by land, although the aforesaid Lord King intends this to be restricted and limited to the kingdoms, countries, lands, and lordships which he holds and possesses in Europe and other places and seas where the subjects of those kings and princes who are his friends and allies carry on the aforesaid trade by mutual agreement, and with regard to those places, towns, ports and harbours which he holds outside the aforesaid limits that the above-mentioned Lords States and their subjects shall not be allowed to carry on any trade there without express permission of the aforesaid Lord King. B. C.-C, App.,327. We, the Ambassadors of His Most Christian Majesty and the King of Great Britain, and we, the deputies of my lords the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands certify by these presents that being this day. the last of the month of March, 1609, assembled in this city of Antwerp, ... a great difference arose concerning the commerce of the Indies, which the deputies of the said Lords Archdukes were however quite willing to allow in the name of the said Lord King in the words and terms contained in the fourth and fifth articles of the Truce, which they said were sufificient to express the said com- merce, although no express mention was there made of the Indies from the use of which they have abstained for certain reasons which are of no prejudice to the said Lords of the States, but only concern the particular contentment of the said Lord King, who intends to allow them to effectually enjoy them in all liberty during the Truce. Same, p. J28. We, the deputies of the said Lords States, were unwilling to accept, requiring that the Indies should be expressed by name and the article so intelligibly worded that there should be no ambiguity or pretext for causing any difficulty therein in the future. ... we willingly allowed ourselves to be used, endeavouring to persuade the deputies of the Archdukes to use the expression that was demanded of them. . . . But they both remained so firm in their opinion that it seemed that the said Treaty would be broken off from this cause. Finally we, the deputies of the said Lords States, declared ourselves satisfied to accept the said articles, provided that the said Lords, His Most Christian Majesty and the King of Great Britain, previously solicited on behalf of the States, be willing to act as guarantors of the observance of the Truce, with an assurance of their aid in case of infraction and consent to pledge themselves specially for the observance of the said commerce as promised and agreed by the said articles, as validly as if the word Indies were therein expressed. Same, p. 329. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 219 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued). 1646. Proposal by Spanish Plenipotentiaries at Munster. We in-opose to the said Plenipotentiaries of the said States a truce like that which was agTced upon in the year 1605), following that copy and treaty. And whereas, since the said truce, experience may have shown that it is desirable to take away, add, or explain some of the points already treated, and others which it may seem desirable to introduce anew ... it shall be permissible to both parties to draw up in a separate note the points and heads they may consider necessary. -^'- C.-C, App., jjo. 1646. States-General. The fifth Article of the aforesaid seventy Articles [of the proposed Treaty of Munster] shall be struck out and in its place there shall be inserted and split up into two, that is to say, excluding the alternative, in this wise, to wit : — That the navigation and trade to both the Indies respectively shall be main- tained pursuant to and in conformity with the charters already given or yet to be given . . . there shall be comprised under the aforesaid Treaty all potentates, nations and peoples with whom their High Mightinesses or those of the East and West India Companies on their behalf are within the limits of their said charters in friendship and alliance ; and each party . . . shall continue to possess and enjoy such lordships, towns, castles, fortresses, commerce and lands in the East and West Indies, as also in Brazil ; and on the coasts of Asia, Africa, and America, respectively, as the same respectively do hold and pos- sess, amongst whicli are especially included the places taken from this State and occupied by the Portuguese, or the places which they shall hereafter without infraction of tlie present Treaty come to acquire and possess. Same, p. 332. With regard to the West India Company, the same shall he at liberty to carry on its trade and traffic in all places within tlie limits of the Charter granted to them, by their High Mightinesses, either in places belonging to neutral princes and peoples, or even in places where the King- of Spain has castles, fortresses, jurisdiction and dominion ; and the subjects and inhabitants of the King of Spain shall be permitted to exercise similar liberty of trade and traffic both in places belong[ing] to neutrals and in districts occupied by the said West India Company. Same, p. 332. In default of the above stipulation, both the subjects and inhabitants of the above-mentioned king [of Spain] and the inhabitants of this State shall refrain from sailing to and trafficking in the harbours occupied by either one or the other party with forts, lodges or castles, and if any proposal is placed before their High Mightinesses' Ambassadors extraordinary contrary to what is hereabove expressed, they shall huve to give notice thereof to their High Mightinesses. Same, p. 333. 1646. Dutch Report on Peace Negotiations at Munster. On the afternoon of the same day [December 13, 1646] we visited the Am- bassadors of Spain, and delivered to them the amendments and additions to be made in the seventy Articles to be converted into a treaty of peace with six fresh Articles ; . . . they were accepted by the aforesaid [Spanish] Ambas- sadors with a declaration that they would discuss them at once and meet us promptly with a reply. Same, pp. 333-334- 220 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued'. 1646. Dutch Report on Peace Negotiations at Munster. Art. 5. — Let this be entirely deleted and the following be inserted in its place : Eacli party . , . shall remain in possession of and enjoy sucU lord- ships, towns, castles, fortresses, commerce and lands in the East and West Indies as also in Brazil and on all the coasts of Asia, Africa, and America re- spectively as the above-mentioned Lords, the King: and States respectively hold and possess, herein specially included the localities and places which the Portu- guese have taken from this State and occupied ; including also the localities and places which they, the Lords States, shall hereafter, without infraction of the present Treaty come to acquire and possess. B. C.-C, App., 333-334. With reg-ard to West India Company it will be permitted to extend its business and trade in all places within the limits of the Charter granted it by the said Lords States, both in the places of neutral princes and peoples, as also especially in the places where the King of Spam has castles, fortresses, jurisdiction and dominion ; and the subjects and inhabitants of the said Lord King of Spain shall be permitted to exercise similar liberty of commerce and trade both in places of neutrals and in countries possessed by the said West India Company. Same, p. 333. [December 14, 1646.] In the afternoon we were visited by Mr. Brun, the Am- bassador of Spain, saying that they . . . had given us the option of a Peace or Truce, and a Truce having been chosen by us they had given way as much as possible in order to accede to all that we demanded . . . that in a truce it is indeed usual to leave everything in the state in which it is, and for each party to retain what he possesses, but that such is not done in any treaty of peace, and that if we had spoken of a peace from the beginning, they would not have granted everything so liberally . . . that they had not expected that after the lapse of a year from the commencement of the negotiations and of about five months from the agreement upon the aforesaid articles we should seek to place the King in a worse position by a peace than by a truce. Same, p. 333. The King could not agree to the trade in tlie West Indies; that was quite an innovation, and unknown in the treaties of truce, and since the trade in the Indies was not permitted any foreign nation by any treaty . . . therefore our State could not enjoy what was refused the subjects of the King. Same, p. 336. [December 15, 1646.] . . . After nine o'clock in the evening Mr. de Brun sent me under cover the written reply ... as follows : . . . To the fifth. That the Lords States will be permitted to recover all that the Portuguese shall have occupied of theirs in IJrazil, His Majesty retain- ing his rights over all that lie had tliere at the beginning of the Portuguese rcbell ion. Same, p. 33^. [December 20, 1646.] Mr. Andrada,the Ambassador of Portugal, visited me privately upon the subject alone of the following memorandum . . . con- taining a resiuest to include P<>rtiigal in our peace, and to co-operate in be- half of Prince Edward of Portugal, who was in peril of being condemned for crime. Same, p. 339, REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 221 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued). 1646. Dutch Report on Peace Negotiations at Munster. We are informed that Your Excellencies are hastening to conclude a peace with the Catholic King [of Spain]. . . . We request that in them [the ncgc- tialions] may be included our Lord the most Serene King of Portugal . . let our Portugal, like Spain, enjoy a cessation of hostilities and breathing space through the benign effects of a truce of thirty years, otherwise there will be no lasting, safe, or perpetual peace. Finally do you so earnestly demand the release of the Most Serene Infante Eduard that you may receive it. B. C.-C, App., jjg. [24 December, 1646.] Received a visit on the same day from the Archbishop of Cambrai and Mr. de Brun, the Spanish Ambassadors, and conferred upon the Articles. . . . Also decided after various discussions concerning the fifth and sixth Articles regarding East and W^est India to make a fair copy of the Articles agreed upon in order to have them signed by both parties. . . . During this conference Mr. Brun said in the course of conversation : " After the Peace we will gladly make alliance with you to share Brazil, and perhaps more. ..." After seven o'clock in the evening Mr. Brun returned, saying . . . that they could not grant . . . what had been proposed by them respecting East and West India, consisting of the words " ivitliout being- al)le to extend themselves further," which they wished to delete and to add to the words " ivhich the States may hereafter occupy from the Portuguese in the East Indies." And to add to the sixth Article " As also in every island and continent which the said Lords the King and States respectively possess." That this is their final opinion . . . Mr. de Brun finally said . . . that the retention in Article 5 of the words " the Spanish shall remain within their limits " of itself included the clause " without extending themselves further," . . . and that we ought to be satisfied that if they remained within their limits no obligation should be placed upon them not to extend themselves further ; Mr. Brun also said that the words which he desired to add to the sixth Article "as also in every island and continent " are of themselves included in the declaration set dow^n in the fifth Article: " Each party shall retain his lands, places, merchandize in Asia, Africa, America, Brazil, etc." Sa>ne, pp. J3g-J40. 1647. Count De Monte Rei. I suggest whether it would not be advisable for the sole purpose of accom- plishing the conclusion of peace with Holland, to announce a special Embassy to France with authority to make a solemn request for peace at any price, . . . If this embassy were received, or even announced, ... it would stir up the indifferent and negligent not only to obtain the peace with Holland which is of such importance, but a private league for the preservation of Italy. Same, p. 343. 1647. Marquess de Mirabel. What he, [the Marquess de Mirabel] considers to be above all desirable is the conclusion of the peace with Holland ; and that, with a view to attaining it the utmost efforts should be made, though it should be necessary to give new advantages and gratifications to the United Provinces, or spend a large sum of money in encouraging those who might be able to facilitate it, for . . . it is less disadvantageous to benefit the Dutch than the French. And your Majesty having once come to an arrangement with them you have in them people who will fulfil whatever is stipulated, more punctually and religiously than the others, Same, p. 343. 222 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648 (Continued). 1647. Marquis de Mirabel. •And he summarises his vote by saying that with regard to the affairs ofj Portugal, nothing should be listened to, public or secret, and no Article be ad- mitted in the Treaty with the French. And that the utmost efforts slionld be made for effecting: the peace with Holland. B. C.-C, App. , 345. 1647. Council of State. On various occasions Your Majesty has been advised, and it has also been re- solved, that the flrst advantage for this monarchy, in the condition in which it at present exists, is to arrange the peace with Holland, and this at any price. Sam£,p. 34S. Count de Peneranda . . . hesitates at no means of settling the peace with Holland, for he much distrusts that with France. Saine, p. 34S. 1647. King of Spain. Let him [Count de Penaranda] thus be written to, with instructions to use all possible means to separate the Hollanders from the French, arranging it at any cost, in which he will do me a great service, from the benefits which will ensue to my Monarchy. Same, p. jj/. 1648. Treaty of Munster. V. The navigation and trade of the East and West Indies shall be maintained according to and in conformity with the charters given or hereafter to be given therefor ; for the security of which the present treaty . . . shall serve. And there shall be comprised under the above-mentioned treaty all potentates, nations and peoples with whom the said Lords States, or those of the Company of the East and West Indies in their name, are within the limits of their said charters in friendship and alliance, and each party . . . shall remain in possession of and enjoy such lordships, towns, castles, fortresses, commerce and lands in the East and West Indies as also in Brazil and on the coasts of Asia, Africa and America respectively as the above-mentioned Lords, the King and States respectively hold and possess, herein especially included the localities and places which the Portuguese have taken from the Lords States since the year 1641, and occupied ; including also the localities and places which they, the Lords States, shall hereafter, without infraction of the present treaty, come to conquer and possess. Same, pp. 351-35^- VI. And as to the West Indies, the subjects and inhabitants of the kingdoms, provinces, and lands of the said Lords the King and States respectively, shall forbear sailing to, and trading in any of the harbours, localities and places, forts, lodgments or castles, and all others possessed by the one or the other Party. Same, p. 352. 1660. West India Company. King Charles I [of England], of illustrious memory, being likewise of too just and too generous a nature to give away and present to his subjects lands and places already possessed and governed by other free nations, his allies. Unless such should be claimed on the ground that the English nation have settled . . . about that region of America, (namely, in Virginia) prior to and before the Netherlanders, V. C, III, 367. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 223 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued). 1660. West India Company. If that be given weight, then we think the Dutch nation must instead be pre- ferred, being considered the same in earlier times, namely, vassals and subjects of the KiiiJ»" of Spain, first discoverer and founder of this new American world, who since, at the conclusion of the peace, has made over to the United Nether- land Provinces all his right and title to such countries and domains as by them in course of time had been conquered in Europe, America, etc. V. C, III, 367. 1688. Don Manuel Coloma, Spanish Minister in Holland. The aforesaid Envoy Extraordinary [of Spain] is convinced that your Lord- ships [the States-General] will not permit His Majesty to suffer any damage there, inasmuch as this would be in direct contravention of tlie Vth. Article of the Treaty of Peace made between His Majesty and your Lordships in the year 1648, which is religiously observed by both parties. B. C, I, 20j. 1688. States General. Concerning a certain Company which is said to be newly formed at Amster- dam for the purpose of trading- to tlie West Indies, ... it was approved and agreed to reply . . . that as yet nothing has been undertaken by their citizens which could give any cause for complaint, and that, before giving per- mission for the aforesaid establishment, the States-General will thoroughly investigate whether the aforesaid purpose is in any respect contrary to the Yth. or to other Articles of the Treaty of the year 1648. Sa/ne, p. 2og. 1719. Basnage de Beauval. The commerce of the Indies was a greater difficulty, because they demanded full liberty to carry it on in places which the Spanish possessed, but the others urged that that was contrary to the constitution and to the laws of Spain by which exclusion from this public and free commerce had been enforced not only against strangers in the treaties made with the King of England but even against a part of the subjects of his Catholic Majesty as also against the Italians and the Flemish. The Dutch conceded that the law should be reciprocal, that the Spanish should not carry on their commerce in the towns of the East and West Indies possessed by the Dutch, and that the Dutch should be subject to the same restrictions. Meanwhile the latter should preserve all that they had taken as against Portugal or that which they should take in future. This article was adrantageous to the Republic, because Spain bound her hands, and undertook not to make any new conquests in the East while the Dutch retained the power to extend their limits far and wide in America and particularly iu Brazil. B. C.-C, A/>p.,jjS. 1743. Marquis de Torrenueva. Equal attention is due to the object with which the Dutch established them- selves to the windwai-d of the River Orinoco, in 5^ north latitude, and 325° nearly of [East] longitude, according to Delisle [Af/as to V. C, map jj^ to leeward of the Island of Cayenne, and in 6^ north latitude, and 320^ 40' longitude, with the two forts with the name "Zelandeses" [" Fort de Zelande"] between the rivers named Surinam and Cupenam. And this could be no other than to get nearer to the mouth and banks of the said [Orinoco] river, and to found thereon planta- tions, which might facilitate their traffic with the new kingdom, and enable them to penetrate by that part to those places and districts which their avarice might dictate until they made themselves masters of the mouth of the Orinoco. B. C, II, 41. 224 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued). 1743. Marquis de Torrenueva. And it being necessary to preserve this mouth as a safeguard of that kingdom, it is no less necessary to restrain the Dutch from approaching its banks eitlier by land or water, keeping in view with this object the Vth and Vlth Articles of the Treaty of Peace with that nation of lOlS. The mouth of the River Esse- quibo offers facilities for carrying out those designs, being situated, according to this geographer, in 6" 40' [North] latitude, and 3180 10' [Eastj longitude, and its source in 1° nearly of north latitude, and 316^ of [EastJ longitude, thus the whole course of the river forms a large extent of country, . . . it contains | within its limits tribes of Indians to be reduced, many who would then serve as a barrier so that the Dutch might not pass to the west of this [Essequibo] river. B. C, II, 41. 1753. Secret instructions to Iturriaga. In respect that all the territory comprised between the Rivers Marafion and Orinoco un(iuestionably belongs to the two Crowns [Spain and Portiig-alJ any establishment of the other foreigners in that place is to be looked upon as a usurpation of their rights, and they cannot show that we have formally recog- nized that dominion as theirs. For the Portnguese Crown has only against it the Treaty of Utrecht, made with France . . . which contain no recogni- tion of dominion, nor formal cession of rights. Neither on the part of Spain has any cession to, or formal recognition of, the Dutch been made ; to which is to be added the bad faith with which both act, in order to penetrate tlie interior, and draw all possible profit from the two dominions, against the pro- visions of Laws and Treaties. Same, pp. Sj-SS. 1754. Director-General in Essequibo. Has not this [question of boundary] been regulated by the Treaty of Munster ? Same, p. gj. 1755. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Neither in the Treaty of Munster (concerning which you gave us your own opinions), nor in any other is there to our knowledge anything to be found about this [limit of the Colony]. Same, p. 102. 1 761. Don Jose Solano. Nor do 1 know on what they could found their claims ; for though, by the Yth article of the Treaty of Munster, the dominion of the countries, fortified places, factories, etc., was conceded to them which they at tliat time pos- sessed in America, on the Orinoco neither they nor any others but the Span- iards alone ever held, or have since held, castles or forts, nor customs duties, fishing, hunting, or use of the soil ; nor can they found their right on the tacit or even express consent . . . sometimes given them, to fish in the Boca de Navios and the Rivers Barima and Aguierre, which run into it ; nor on the huts which they have built to sun and dry their fish, nor on the navigation which has been furtively allowed them as far as Guayana, or still further; nor can they prove the legality of the armed Post they hold in the Rio Moruca ; . . . it being prohibited them by the said Treaty to erect new fortifications under any pretext. Sajne, p. 204. 1769. Court of Policy. The invasi(ui of the Spaniards, as unexpected as it is contrary to the law of nations and the treaties of alliance, calls for your Lordships' most serious consideration, and requires a speedy resolution for redress. B. C.,IV, 12. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANtNG OF TREATIES. 225 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued». 1769. Remonstrance of States-General. The people of Orinoco, contrary not only to all Treaties, but also to the law of nations, in taking" away and retaining, . . . the slaves which deserted thither from that Colony. B. C, IV, 31. 1897. George L. Burr. What was meant by the wo^'ds translated "forts and places "? The words " lieux " and " />/aces," " plactsen," are the most general and in- definite terms known to these languages for the expression of locality, and corre- spond wholly to the cognate English word, ''places!' . . . The Kng'lisli translation shonld therefore run, not " forts and places," but "places" alone. V. C.-C, II, 1-2. What is meant by the words translated " acquire and possess ".' " Conquer and possess" would therefore be a truer English translation ; and the phrase would seem to imply rather a seizure from another State than an occupation of lands held only by aborigines. What "places " were in the thought of the parties to the treaty? The only places suggested by the negotiations are those to be won back from the Portuguese in Brazil. Same, p. j. As everything points to the Estates of Zealand or to their deputies in the States-General as the most zealous promoters of the provisions of the treaty touching the West Indies, this clear intimation that the Portuguese possessions alone were in their thoug'ht in framing the questioned clauses should be of use in the interpretation of the treaty. By this historical survey it has been made clear, I think, that the questioned clause came originally from the West India Company itself or from its sponsors ; that, after sharp scrutiny, it was accepted by the Spanish envoys precisely as it was submitted, save for a possible (but, if actual, most significant) change of "acquerir" to "conquerir ;" that, in the minds of its authors, it had reference only to possessions of the Portuguese; but that, already in the minds of the French diplomats, and possibly in the intent of the Dutch plenipotentiaries, it was susceptible of ambiguous interpretation. Same, p. 12. What was the policy of the Dutch as to recognizing a right of any other power to lands still occupied only by natives ? More even than did other Europeans, they sought their title from the natives themselves. Their relations with the aborigines of the Guiana coast seem from the first to have been those of friendship and alliance ; and, though no specific treaties have been adduced, still less is there anywhere implication, in the accessible Dutch sources, of a claim derived from Spain. Same, pp. 12-ij. Was this provision of the treaty ever appealed to by the Dutch in support of aggressions on territory claimed by the Spaniards ? Throughout the century and a half of their neighborhood in South America — a period filled with reciprocal aggressions and complaints — I have as yet found no instance of appeal to tliis clause of the treaty by the Dutch. ... no such instance is cited by the British Blue Books. Yet it may, of course, be replied that, while the Dutch might be unwilling, by urging such a claim, to admit Spanish rights over unsettled territory, Spain might still be estopped by the clause from resenting their encroachments. Same, p, ij. 226 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued). 1897. George L. Burr. How have later historians and diplomatists interpreted this clause ? In the multitude of authorities I have consulted I have found as yet no other interpretation tliaii tliat it refers to Portiig^iiese possessions. Postscript. — Having, since the submission of this report, made search in the Dutch archives, through the whole of the diplomatic correspondence between the Netherlands and Spain during this period, and also through the papers of the States-General and of the West India Company, I am able to affirm this position with much greater positiveness. To other clauses of the treaty I find Dutch ap- pealing ; to this never. . . . Had the Dutch been disposed to invoke the Treaty of Munster against Spanish aggressions, they surely could have had no more tempting occasion than was given by the assaults on the Essequibo posts during the latter half of the eighteenth century. Yet I find neither in the pro- tests of the West India Company and of the States- General nor in the diplo- matic correspondence with Spain any allusion to that treaty. Once, indeed (September 2, 1754), the governor of the Essequibo colony asked the Company if the boundary between Holland and Spain in Guiana were not regulated by the Treaty of Munster; but they were obliged to reply (January 6, 1755) that neither in that treaty nor in any other could they tind anything about it. V. C.-C, II, 13. I . . . add what amounts to an official Spanish exposition of this article of the treaty of Munster. . . . Thus argue the Spanish diplomatists in their memorial submitted to the Dutch States-General on December 4, 1786 : " The first of these points was that Spaiii should restrict her limits in the East Indies to those which she then possessed, conceding or leaving to the Dutch the conquests in all the remainder ; " The second point agreed on was that Spain and the States-General should re- main in possession of wliat tliey respectively occupied at the time of the treaty ... on the coasts of . . . America. " The third point was that the States-General should preserve their possession and rights as to the forts and places which the Portuguese had taken from them since the year 1641, as also to the forts and places which the said states shall come to conquer there hereafter, . . . without infraction of the present treaty." Same, pp. 14-15. It seems fair, then, to conclude that : 1. It is improbable that, in the intent of its framers and its ratifiers, the Treaty of 3Iunster conceded ta the Dutch a right to win from the natives lands claimed by Spain. 2. It does not appear that it was ever interpreted in this sense by either Spain or the Dutch. Same, p. 16. What may have been the political significance of these posts is less easy to determine. Among the forms of occupation specified by the Treaty of Munster, in 1648, as precluding visit and trade by the subjects of the other power, was that by loges (in the Dutch text lo^ien). This word was at the time delinod by the Holland Estates to mean warehouses. But it is by this word that the posts are described, (notably that on the Cuyuni) in the formal remonstrances of the States- General to Spain, (1759, 1769). The postholder and his one or two white assistants were usually old soldiers and remained enrolled among the military of the colony, at least until the year 1775. Same, p. 84, REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 22Y MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued). 1897. George L. Burr. The Treaty of Miinster, by whicJi in 1648 Spain for the first time form- ally recognized the independence of the Dntch and the existence of their colonial possessions, makes no mention of Guiana or of any other region by name; nor do tlie records of tlie negotiations, preserved to us in great fullness, show any mention of that district. Equally silent are the treaties of the Nether- lands with England and with France. Nor are the Guiana colonies matters of discussion in the diplomatic correspondence between Holland and Spain. V. C.-C, II, iSo-iSi. . Venezuelan Case. By Article V of that Treaty [of Munster], the Netherlands obtained from Spain a title to what they at that time held npon the coasts of America. That treaty fixed the boundary of Dutch dominion at that time. British rights to-day, so far as the territory in dispute is concerned, are what Dutch rights were tw'o hundred and fifty years ago — no more. V. C, ^2. The effect of this treaty [of Munster] was two- fold : on the one hand it con- ferred npon the Dntch a title to territory which before belonged to Spain ; on the other hand it constituted an eug-agement on the part of the Netherlands that, as against Spain, and at the cost of Spain, the Dutch would acquire noth- ing more than they then possessed. Same, p. yj. Upon the restoration of peace [Treaty of Munster] she [Spain] gave them [Dutch] a title to territory which up to that time they had held as mere trespassers. The extent of this grant cannot be difficult to define : the entire Dutch Colony, if indeed it might be dignified by such a name, consisted of a body of two or three dozen unmarried employes of the West India Company, housed in a fort on a small island, and engaged in traffic with the Indians for the dyes of the forest : at the time when the treaty was signed, they were not cultivating an acre of land. This and an establishment on the Berbice were the only Dutch settle- ments in Guiana in 1648. Neither then, nor at at any time prior thereto, had the Dutch occupied or settled a foot of ground west of their Essequibo post. Sa/iie, p. Y4. 12. By the Treaty of Munster the Dutch engaged to neither sail to nor trade in any places held and possessed by the King of Spain. Same, p. 22j. . British Counter Case. This proposition is admitted. B. C.-C, ij2. 13. By the same treaty the Dutch engaged to respect the sovereignty of Spain over all lordships, towns, castles, fortresses, commerce and countries at that time held or possessed by Spain, and to do nothing which might be an infraction of the treaty. V. C, 22J. . British Counter Case. This proposition is admitted. B. C.-C, /J2. . Venezuelan Case. Twice, during the latter part of the 17th century, the Dutch, in violation of the Treaty of Munster, attempted to plant settlements west of the Essequibo River, on the banks of the Pomeroon. V. C, 22j. 228 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648- Continued^ . British Counter Case. These settlements were not in violation of tlie Treaty of Munster, but were expressly in accordance with the rights reserved to the Dutch by the Vth Article of that Treaty. B. C.-C, ij2. ■ . Venezuelan Case. Twice during the 1 8th century the Dutch, in violation of the Treaty of Munster, attempted to establish slave and trading posts on the Cnyuni river. V. C, 223. . British Counter Case. It is inaccnrate to say that the establishment of such Posts was in violation of the Treaty of Munster. B. C.-C, ij2. . Venezuelan Case. At various times during the 1 8th century, the Dutch, in violation of the Treaty of Munster, attempted to establish, and in some instances for brief pe- riods maintained, sl.ave-tradina: stations near the mouths of the Pomeroou and Moruca rivers. V. C, 224. - — . British Counter Case. It is ■wholly untrue that these stations were founded in violation of the Treaty of Munster, B, C.-C, ijj. . Venezuelan Case. On March 30, 1845, Spain recognized Venezuela's independence and formally renounced in her favor all the sovereignty, rights and claims previously her own in the territory formerly known as the Captaincy-Ueneral of Venezuela. Said territory comprised the region now in dispute. V. C, 22J. . British Counter Case. It is untrue that the territory renounced by Spain comprised the region now in dispute. B. C.-C, IJ4. . Venezuelan Case. During a portion of the present century, in violation of the Treaty of Mun- ster, (ireat IJritain lias occupied a strip of land along the coast between the Essequibo and the Pomeroon rivers, known as the Arabian or Arabisi coast. V. C, 22J. . British Counter Case. This proposition is wholly inaccurate. Occupation by Great Britain, which always extended and now extends far beyond the strip of land along the coast referred to, was as of right in succession to the Dutch, and by virtue of their and her independent right of colonization and settlement, B. C.-C, IJ4, . Venezuelan Case. Subsequent to the year 1880, Cfreat Britain, in violation of the said agree- ment of 1850, and of the Treaty of Munster, forcibly entered upon and took possession of the territory lying between the Essequibo river and the line first' published in 1886, since claimed by Great Britain to be the Schomburgk Line. Said territory included not only the entire region which was in dispute in 1850, but also territory belonging to Venezuela, the title to which had never been questioned prior to 1886. V. C.,226. li REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 229 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Contlnued). . British Counter Case. This proposition is inaccurate. The hne pubHshed in 1886 was the original Schomburgk line as it exists upon the map drawn by him, and the alleged entry and taking possession of the territory lying between the Essequibo River and that line was no violation of the Arrangement of 1850. It is untrue that Great Britain entered any territory belonging to Venezuela, or any territory, the title to which had never been questioned prior to 1886. B. C.-C, ijj. . Venezuelan Case. The Dutcli not having come as occupants of lerra luillius, but as mere tres- passers on territory belonging to Spain, no valid title to the land occupied by them in the Essequibo river rested in tlieni until, by the Treaty of Munster, Spain released and confirmed to them the possession of such land. V. C, 231. . British Counter-Case. The Dutch were in no sense trespassers on territory belonging to Spain. They had a valid title to the lands and settlements occupied by them in the Essequibo River and elsewhere, which title had been recog'nized by Spain long' before the Treaty of Munster. The Treaty of Munster was not a release and confirmation to the Dutch, but a recog:nition of the fact that they were settled in Guiana as elsewhere by virtue of their own rights as an independent nation. The Treaty of Munster was much more a protection of the possessions of the Spaniards against the Dutch than a confirmation of any Dutch title. B. C.-C, ijS. . Venezuelan Case. The Dutch having co.ne to the Essequibo as disseizors, and the Treaty of Munster having released and confirmed to them only such places as they then actually held and possessed, the territory thus released and confirmed was limited to such land only as was in fact then physically occupied by them. V. C, 2JI. . British Counter Case. The Dutch had not come to the Essequibo as disseizors, but as independent settlers. The Treaty of Munster did not release and confirm to them only such places as they then actually held and possessed ; on the contrarj% it recog- nized in terms their right to acquire further possessions. B. C.-C, ij8. . Venezuelan Case. The places actually occupied by the Dutch in the river Essequibo at the date of the Treaty of Munster having been limited to the island subsequently known as Kykoveral, the Treaty of 3Iunster i-eleased and confirmed to them the title to that island only and the right of free ingress thereto and egress therefrom by way of the Essequibo river itself. V. C, 2ji. . British Counter Case. It is untrue that tlie places occupied by the Dutch in the River Essequibo at the date of the Treaty of Munster were limited to the island then, and sub- sequently known as Kijkoveral. Their possessions, as was well known to Spain, extended to many other places in Guiana. B. C.-C, ijS. 280 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued). . Venezuelan Case. Said Cuyuui-Mazaruni liasin bein^ a tract of laud geographically separate from and iiidepeii«lent of the Essequibo river ; and no part of said basin having been in the possession, occupation or control of the Dutch at the date of the Treaty of Munster, that treaty conferred upon the Dutch no right or title what- soever thereto. V. C, 2j2. . British Counter-Case. The Cuyiini-Mazaruni Basin is not a tract of land geograpliically sepa- rated from and independent of the Essequibo River. The Dutch were at the date of the Treaty of Munster in occupation of part of the said basin, and had practically control over the whole. B. C.-C, ijg. . Venezuelan Case. The eflorts of the Dutch twice during the latter part of the 17th century to establish settlements on or near the Pomeroon, having been ineffectual as well as in violation of the Treaty of Munster, cannot be made the basis of title to that region. V. C, 2j2. . British Counter Case. The settlements of the Dutch on the Pomeroon were not a yiolation of the Treaty of Munster. On the contrary, if that territory was not in the occu- pation of the Dutch at the date of the Treaty, these settlements were directly in accordance with the power of settlement possessed by them as recognized by the Treaty. B. C.-C, ijg. . Venezuelan Case. The efforts of the Dutch twice during the i8th century to establish slave and trading posts on the Cuyuni river, having been ineffectual as well as in viola- tion of the Treaty of Munster, cannot be made the basis of title to that region. V. C, 232-233. . British Counter Case. The Posts established by the Dutch on the Cuyuni River were not in vio- lation of the Treaty of Munster. B. C.-C, 140. . Venezuelan Case. The present occupation by Great Britain of a portion of the territory now in dispute, being in violation of the Treaty of Munster and of the agreement of 1850, and having been effected subsequent to the year 1880, in the interior, and subsequent to 1884, on the coast, cannot be made the basis of title to that region. V- C., 233. . British Counter Case. The occupation by Great Britain of the territory now in her possession was not a violation of the Treaty of Munster or of the Arrangement of 1850. Great Britain never undertook to abandon territory over which she had at the time of the said Arrangement complete control, or to abstain from continuing the development of that territory. B. C-C, 142. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 231 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Contlnued). . British Case. The Treaty of Miinster . . . included the places which the Portuguese had taken from the States-General since the year 1641, as well as all places which the States-General should thereafter come to conquer and possess without infraction of the Treaty. Tlie object of this jn'ovisioii was that the Dutch sliould be at liberty to recapture from the Portuguese all places which the latter had acquired at their expense during the Portuguese rebellion. B. C, 26. . Venezuelan Counter Case. By the Treaty of Munster tlie Dutch received from Spain, in 1648, a quit-claim to i^hat they tlien possessed, not to any subsequent extension of those possessions at Spanish expense. By that Treaty also the Dutch agreed to respect Spanish possessions, and to acquire no more Spanish territory. V. C.-C, 13. . British Counter Case. At the time of the truce in 1609 the Dutch maintained their rigiit to found settlements in any part of South America not actually occupied and possessed by Spain, and never abandoned that position. It was maintained by them in all the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Munster, and received sanction once again in the definite terms established by that Treaty. With regard to the Treaty of Munster, Her Majesty's Government, . . submit that this Treaty cannot possibly be regarded as a "grant" by Spain to the Dutch of their Settlements, and that there was nothing in that Treaty to limit the expansion of the Dutch Settlements, provided they did not encroach upon territory actually held and possessed by Spain. B. C.-C.,j^. The true effect of the Treaty ofMiinster was, first, to confirm the Spauisli and the Dutch respectively as equal soTereign powers in the right to hold undis- turbed and without molestation the possessions which they respectively held in Guiana at the time of the Treaty ; secondly, to control tlie trade relations between the two countries as regards their respective possessions ; and thirdly, to specifically recognize the right of the Dutch to acquire by conquest or otherwise further possessions in Guiana from Portugal or from the native tribes, an undertaking being given by the Dutch not to infringe upon or interfere with any territory actually occupied and possessed by Spain. Same, p. jS. In considering these Articles [of the Treaty of Munster] it must be borne in mind . . . that the Dutch were at the time in a position to make tlieir own terms, and that the Spaniards were most anxious to agree to a Treaty at any price, and had in fact given instructions to their Plenipotentiaries to that effect. Same, p. jg. The suggestion that the rights reserved to and recognized in the Dutch by the latter provision were confined to a right to gain possessions beyond those which they already occupied only from that part of South America which the Portuguese held, is contradicted by the terms of the Article [V.] itself. The words : . . . " including also the localities and places which the same Lords States shall hereafter without infraction of the present Treaty come to con- quer and possess," . . . are a recognition of the right of the Dutch to extend 232 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF MUNSTER, 1648-(Continued). their possessions in South America and elsewhere, only so long as they did not encroach upon the territories actually possessed and enjoyed by Spain at the date of the Treaty. B. C.-C, 41. The words which give the Dutch the right to conquer aud possess new places " without infraction of the present Treaty " are wholly inconsistent with the view that the Treaty was limited by or made subject to Spanish rights to claim as their property unoccupied territories. The words " without infraction of the present Treaty," referred to the recog- nition by the Dutch of the actual Spanish possessions contained in the Treaty itself. Same, p. 4^. This Article [V.] . . . was inserted in order to give the Dutch the fullest rig'ht of taking- possession of any territories, including Guiana, not already in the actual occupation of Spain. Same, p. 4j. After the most careful examination no single document lias been found to Justify the contention that Spain considered tliat slie >vas making a grant to Holland by virtue of any paramount title, or that the Dutch understood that they were receiving, so to speak, a grant from Spain of their possessions in Guiana. Same, p. 46. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF UTRECHT, 1714. 1760. Confidential Report to King of Spain. As Spain, by the Peace of Utrecht, is not bound to maintain the Dntcli in the said Colony, she may in good conscience and Christian policy, consent and contribute to their expulsion by the negroes. B. C.-C, App., 206 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF ARANJUEZ, 1791. 1791. [1876] Senor Calcaiio. In the Convention which they signed at Aranjuez on the 23d June, 1791, . . . where it is clearly expressed that just as Porto Rico is Spanish and St. Eustace Dutch, Coro Spanish and Curasao Dutch, so all the establishments of the Orinoco are Spanish, and how far } As far as the other boundary which designates what is Dutch, as far as the Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam. Here it is settled by Holland herself that her limits with Spain to the north only reach as far as the River Essequibo. B. C, VII, g4. . British Case. Senor Calcano further quoted the Cartel of Aranjuez which was made in the year 1791. Senor Calcano [in 1880] suggested that the word Essequibo at the end of the above Article referred to the river. A perusal of the Treaty, both in the French and in the Spanish text, shows that this suggestion is unfounded, and, further, from the documents which passed during the negotiations for the Treaty it is clear that the words Essequibo, Demerara, Berbice and Surinam were used throughout as the well-known general descriptions of the Dutch Colonies, Essequibo being, as before mentioned, the nanie commonly applied to all the Dutch possessions between the Boerasirie Creek, situated to the east of the River Essequibo, and the Orinoco. B. C, 126-127. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 233 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF LONDON, 1814. 1814. Convention between Great Britain and the Netherlands: — Signed at London, August 13, 1 8 14. Article I. His Britannic Majesty engages to restore to the Prince-Sovereign of the United Netherlands within the term which shall be hereafter fixed, the Colonies, factories, and establishments which were possessed by Holland at the commence- ment of the late war, viz., on the ist January, 1803, in the seas and on the continents of America, Africa, and Asia : with the exception of the Cape of Good Hope and the settlements of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbioe, of which possessions the High Contracting Parties reserve to themselves the right to dispose by a Supple- mentary Convention, hereafter to be negotiated, according to their mutual in- terests. B. C, V, 228. Additional Article I. In consideration and in satisfaction of the above engage- ments, as taken by His Britannic Majesty, the Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands agrees to cede in full sovereignty to His Britannic Majesty the Cape of Good Hope and the settlements of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice, upon the condition, nevertheless, that the subjects of the said Sovereign Prince, being proprietors in the said Colonies or settlements, shall be at liberty (under such regulations as may hereafter be agreed upon in a Supplementary Convention) to carry on trade be- tween the said settlements and the territories in Europe of the said Sovereign Prince. Same, p. 231. 1839. R. H. Schomburgk. By an Additional Article to a Convention, signed at London, the 13th August, 1 8 14, Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice were finally ceded to Great Britain. The British Empire acquired, therefore, Guiana, with the same claims to the termini of its boundaries as held by the Dutcli. B. C, VII, j. MEANING OF TREATIES-AGREEMENT OF 1850. 1850. Venezuelan Case. In the year 1850 Venezuela and Great Britain ag-reed that, pending the settlement of the boundary question, neither would occupy or encroach upon the territory then in dispute. V. C, 226. . British Counter Case. The existence of the Arrangement made in 1850 is admitted, but no definition or agreement as to the limits of the disputed territory was ever arrived at, and at no time did Great Britain agree to abstain from the develop- ment of the country east of the Schomburgk line, which she has throughout maintained was her disputed property. B. C.-C, IJ4. 1850. British Charge d'Affaires in Caracas. Letters which I have received from Mr. Vice-Consul Mathison, stating that orders had been communicated to the authorities at Bolivar by the Supreme Government to place the Province of Guayana in a state of defence, and . . . that the Governor has spoken of raising: a fort at Barinta. a point to wliich the i-ig:ht of possession is in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. I have requested Mr. Mathison ... to ascertain correctly and report to me from time to time whether . . . any occupation be effected of territory claimed by Great Britain, and especially whether any forts or buildings be erected or military posts established at Point Barima, or at the mouth of the Amacura. B. C, VI, 179. 23i REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-AGREEMENT OF 1850-(Continuecl). 1850. Lord Palmerston. The territory in dispute between Eiigrl.iiid and A'^enezuela . . . Her Majesty's Government lias uo iutentiou of occupying- or encroaching upon. B. C, VI, I So. 1850. British Charge d 'Affaires in Caracas. Tlie determination of Great Britain not herself to occupy or encroacli upon the territory in dispute. The mahcious assertion of the occupation of Fuerte Viejo by British troops. Same, p. iS^. 1850. British Charge d'Affaires in Caracas to Sefior Lecuna. The undersigned, Her Britannic Majesty's Charge d'Affaires, had acquainted his Lordship with the steps which he had taken to contradict a rumour mis- chievously circulated in Venezuela that Great Britain intends to lay claim to the province of Venezuelan Guiana. [This rumour is] not only utterly and entirely destitute of any foundation whatever, but . . . the very reverse of truth. Point Barima, the right of possession to which is in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. Same, p. 1S6. Her Majesty's Government has no intention of occupying or encroacliing upon the disputed territory. The Venezuelan Government, cannot, without injustice to Great Britain, distrust for a moment the sincerity of the formal declaration, now made in the name and by the express order of Her Majesty's Government, that Great Britain has no intention of occupying or encroaching upon the disputed territory; hence, in a like spirit of good faith and friendliness, the Venezuelan Government cannot object to make a similar formal declaration to Her Majesty's Government, namely, that Venezuela herself has no intention of occupying or encroaching upon the disputed territory. Her Majesty's felovernment, as before stated, will not itself direct or sanc- tion any such encroachments or occupation on the part of British authorities, and should there ever be any misapprehension of its determination in this respect, it would, the Undersigned is persuaded, willingly renew its orders upon the point; he therefore feels satisfied that Venezuela will not hesitate to send positive in- structions to the Venezuelan authorities in Guiana to abstain from taking any measures which may be justly considered aggressive by the British authorities. Same, p. iSj. 1850. Senor Lecuna. Reposing in this confidence, fortified by the protestations contained in the note under reply, the Government has no difficulty in replying that Venezuela has no intention of occupying: or encroaching upon any part of the terri- tory, the dominion of which is in dispute, and that it will not view with in- difference that Great Britain shall act otherwise. Furthermore, orders will be issued to the authorities in Guayana to abstain from taking steps by which the engagement the Venezuelan Government has hereby contracted may be violated. bame, p. jSS. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 235 MEANING OF TREATIES-AGREEMENT OF 1850-(Continued). 1858. Secretary of State for Colonies. The Governor ... of British Guiana . . . will not make grants of any land, or issue Hcences for the use or occupation of any land, lying between the boundaries claimed by Great Britain and Venezuela. If any British trader or other British subject shall establish himself on Point Bai'ima or in any other part of the dispnted territory without grant or licence, the Governor, . . . shall warn him that he does so at his own peril ; that whilst the territory shall be in dispute, it would be inconsistent with the understanding between the British Government and that of Venezuela that it should be occupied. B. C.-C, App., 305. As to the course to be taken with any applications for licences to cut timber on the Barima, the Waini, or other waters in that neighborhood ... No portion of the disputed territory can be occupied for such purposes consist- ently with theengagments entered into in 1850 with the Government of Venezuela by the British Charge d'Affaires. Same, p. 306. 1863. 1 1894] James Rodway. In the first half of the year 18(>3, the dormant gold fever again showed signs of its presence. On the 12th of June a number of gentlemen . . . applied to Governor Hincks for a right of occupancy of a tract of land on the Cuyuni. Four days later the Governor replied that he was precluded from granting them a license, and that he could only regard them as a community of British Adventurers. V. C, III, 339. 1867. Government Notice. Whereas in the year 1850 a mutual engagement was entered into by the Government of Clreat Britain and that of Venezuela to the effect that neither Government would occupy or encroach upon certain tracts of country theretofore in dispute, lying between the boundary of British Guiana, as claimed by Great Britain, and the boundary of Venezuelan Guiana, as claimed by Venezuela : And whereas a Company has been lately formed ... for the purpose of seeking for gold and working any deposits thereof to be found within the tracts aforesaid: . . . thisis to inform those British subjects and all others concerned, . . . that Her Majesty's Government cannot undertake to afford protection to British subjects so employed in these tracts as aforesaid, and that all such British subjects can only be recognized as a community of British adventurers, acting on their own responsibility and at their own peril and cost. Same, pp. 148-149. 1875. Governor Longden. Difficulties arose as to frontier questions, which were settled in 1850. B. C, VI, 212. The sole question, therefore, connected with Garrett's arrest which seems to admit of doubt is whether the declaration of 1850 does or does not preclude either Great Britain or Venezuela from entering upon the territory in dis- pute between them to arrest a criminal flying from either territory to evaed justice. It would be a misfortune to both countries if it should be held that the territory lying between them is a sanctuary for criminals from both to flee to, . . . if 236 REMONSTKANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-AGREEMENT OF 1850-(Continued). it be publicly held that no criminal can be arrested in the disputed territory, it is only in reason to expect that crime will be encouraged by the immunity from the punishment. A party of constables was sent in pursuit of the murderer, and he was ajt- prelieiided in a house on the banks of the Amacura River. . . . The country appears to be a wilderness . . . It is in fact a part of the disputed territorj' referred to by Colonel Wilson in his despatch to Lord Palmerston of the 30th December, 1850, with regard to which he exchanged declarations with the Venezuelan Government that "neither Government should occupy or encroach upon the territory in dispute." As far as this Government is concerned, this de- claration has been carefully observed, and there are no resident British authorities within the district. The criminal Garrett was, as ! have said, arrested in the wilderness, in a country the possession of which has by the Agreement of 1850 been acknowl- edged to be in dispute. B. C, VI, 21 j. 1875. Earl of Derby. Declarations were exchanged in 1850. I have informed Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies that in my opinion it could not have been intended that this agreement should preclude either Government from arresting criminals iu the disputed territory, and that it would be most undesirable that it should have that effect. Same, p. 21J. 1879. E. F. im Thurn. A murder having been committed at the Penal Settlement, which, according to the convention of 1850 and the proclamation of 1867, cannot be regarded as within British territory, the company employed counsel for the accused to put in a plea of jurisdiction, the crime having been committed in disputed terri- tory. The plea was of course overruled, but, equally of course, inconsistently. V. c, 111,154. 1881. British Case. In . . . 1881 . . . the Venezuelan Government had granted a concession of the whole disputed territory to General Pulgar. ... In 1883 and 1884 ... the Venezuelan Government granted the whole of the territory between the Orinoco and Essequibo to foreign concessionnaires in two separate grants, which covered the whole area of the territory claimed by Great Britain. The first of the two grants was to C. C. Fitzgerald who established the Manoa Company. The grant included . . . the whole of the coast district between the Orinoco and the Pomeroon. The second grant, to Herbert Gordon, covered the whole area between the Manoa grant and the Essequibo River, with the exception of a strip on the west bank of the Lower Essequibo. These limits were not expressly stated in the grants, but were marked upon the maps which accompanied them. B. C, yj. 1884. Governor Irving, Demerara. The line is not defined by the concession, but the (Manoa) Company have defined it for themselves by exhibiting in their map and prospectus the Moruca River as the limit of their grant. B. C, VI, 225. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 23T MEANING OF TREATIES-AGREEMENT OF 1850-(Continued). 1884. Governor Irving, Demerara. This is a definition against which the Colonial Government is bound to protest. Its effect would be to sever from the Colony the whole of tlie terri- tory lying- between the Monua and the Aniacura Rivers, within which the Colonial (Government has exercised jurisdiction for a Ions? series of years, to hand over to the tender mercies of a foreign Joint Stock Company a consider- able population of aboriginal Indians, many of whom have taken refuge in this territory from Venezuelan ill-usage, and who have learnt to regard themselves as living under British rule and under the protection of British law ; and to sur- render to a foreign Power a control over the inland water communication of the Colony which would now be a source of embarrassment to the Government. B. C, VI, 22 J. 1884. [1895] Lord Salisbury. Early in 1884 news arrived of a fourth breach by Venezuela of the Ag-reement of 1850, through two different grants which covered the whole of the territory in dispute. V. C.-C, III, 2S1. 1886. British Case. In 1886, the Venezuelan Government having ceased to observe this arrange- ment [of 1850], Her Majesty's Government declared itself no longer bound by it. B. C, 18. 1886. F. R. St. John. I was . . . able ... to point out that the disputed territory com- menced at tlie Amacura River, ten miles westward of the Barima, and . . . that the election of a liglithouse [at Barima] would still constitute a viola- tion of disputed ground. ^- C., VII, 117, I stated that the only instances of British authorities visiting the disputed territories had been, as far as I knew, for police purposes. Sa7ne, p. iiS. 1886. Minister of Venezuela. This Agreement [of 1850] has remained unaltered up to the present time. since neither of the parties thereto limited it in any way, nor have they made to each other the least communication on the subject from that date. Now, if such an Agreement means anything, it has not been lawful either for Great Britain or Venezuela to occupy disputed places. . . . But the ra- tional meaning' of the Agreement is that it was intended to maintain the status quo. It has thus been understood by the Venezuelan Republic, who, though claiming as her own places possessed dc facto by Great Britain as far as the Essequibo, has left them so provisionally. On the contrary, Great Britain has continued to advance her occupations. V. C, III, 233-236. 1887. Lord Iddesleigh. Her Majesty's Government ... do not, however, wish you to say any- thing further concerning the pursuit of fugitives into the disputed territory by the Venezuelan police, as it is not desirable to encourage the Venezuelan Govern- ment to adopt such action. An attempt to erect such a lig-hthouse without the consent of Her Majesty's Government Avould be a departure from the reciprocal engagement taken by the (ilovernments of Venezuela and England in l.s.)0 not to occupy or en- croach upon the territory in dispute between the two countries. B, C, VII, iiS. 238 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-AGREEMENT OF 1850-(Continued). 1887. F.R.St. John. Evacuation by us of territory between Orinoco and Pomeroon is required. B. C, VII, 121. 1887. Seuor Urbaneja. It is clear that (xreat Britain has violated this Agrreement [of IS.jO], which was her work ; that slie has penetrated into forbidden places, visited the Rivers Guainia Morazuana, and Amacura, and Barinia Creek, affixing Notices on the trees on the river banks that her laws were there enforced; . . . that she established in Amacura a public office, . . . sending thither a magistrate in order to inquire into and decide police and criminal cases ; that she authorized the woiking of mines on Venezuelan territory, and Anally appropriated it on the g:round, as alleged, that the dispute of limits was pending'. Same, p. 124. 1887. F. R. St. John. To erect such a lighthouse [at Barima Point] without the consent of Her Majesty's Government would be a departure from the reciprocal agreement taken by the Governments of Venezuela and England in 1850 not to occupy or encroach upon the territory in dispute between the two countries. Same, p. I2j. 1887. Lord Salisbury. The Venezuelan Government . . . require the evacuation by this country of the territory situated betMeenthe Orinoco and Pomeroon Rivers. Her Majesty's Giovernment ... are not prepared to accede to the demand. Same, p. 12^. 1887. Selior Urbaneja. On the 1 2th instant, . . . you communicate to me by order of the Govern- ment of Her Majesty, that the latter having been informed of the recent visit of two Venezuelan Commissioners to that portion of the territory which is claimed by Great Britain as part of British Guiana and of what they there did, will not permit any interference with British subjects in those places. Same, p. ij2. 1887. Lieutenant-Governor Bruce. Among- the applications which have been received for mining licenses . . . are many which apply to lands which are within the territory in dis- pute ... I have received instructions of the secretary of state to caution expressly all persons interested in . . . acquiring an interest in the disputed territory, that all licences concessions or grants applying to any portion of such disputed territory will be issued and must be accepted subject to the i)ossi- bility that, in the event of a settlement of the present disputed boundary line, the land , . . may become a part of the Venezuelan territory, in which case no claim to compensation from the colony or from Her Majesty's Govern- ment can be recognized. V. C, III, 164. 1890. Venezuelan Case. In 1890, the Venezuelan Government received an intimation from Sir Andrew Clarke and Captain Lowther that (Jreat Britain was disposed "to evacuate tlie invaded territory, and to submit the case to the aibitration of a friendly Power, provided Venezuela would declare diplomatic relations to be re- established between the two countries." V. C, 217. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 239 MEANING OF TREATIES-AGREEMENT OF 1850-(Continued). -. Venezuelan Case. Subsequent to the year 1880, Great Britain, in violation of tlie said aarrce- mcnt of 1850, and of the Treaty of Munster, forcibly entered upon and look possession of the territory lying between the Essequibo river and the line first published in 1886, since claimed by Great Britain to be the Schomburgk line. Said territory included not only the entire region which was in dispute in 1850, but also territory belonging to Venezuela, the title to which had never been ques- tioned prior to 1886. ^- C., 226. -. British Counter Case. This proposition is inaccurate. The line published in 1 886 was the original Schomburgk line as it exists upon the map drawn by him, and the alleged entry and taking possession of the territory lying between the Essequibo River and that line was no violation of the Arrangement of iH.'iO. It is untrue that Great Britain entered any territory belonging to Venezuela, or any territory, the title to which had never been questioned prior to 1886. B. C.-C, IJS- -. Venezuelan Case. The present occupation by Great Britain of a portion of the territory now in dispute, being- in violation of the Treaty of Munster, and of the agreement of IS.jO, and having been effected subsequent to the year 1880, in the interior, and subsequent to 1884 on the coast, cannot be made the basis of title to that region. V. C, 235. -. British Counter Case. The occupation by Great Britain of the territory now in her possession was not a violation of the Treaty of Munster or of the Arrangement of 1850. Great Britain never undertook to abandon territory over which she had at the time of the said Arrangement complete control, or to abstain from continuing the development of that territory. B. C.-C, 142. —. British Case. The line which had been provisionally proclaimed in 1886 was, on the whole, fairly observed by both parties until the aggressive action of the Venezuelans, which ended in the destruction of the Uruau station and viola- tion of ^/i/ar/^ British territory in 1894. The only event of importance since that date was the Harrison incident in 1896, v/hen the Venezuelans again violated the line at the Acarabisi and arrested Mr. Harrison, a Government surveyor engaged in making surveys for a road between the Barama and the Cuyuni. At the time of the signature of the Treaty of Arbitration the same status quo was tacitly observed. B. C, 77-78. As the boundary question remained for so many years unsettled, it became impossible to prevent British subjects and Indians from collecting and settling in the districts between the aioruka and the Amakuru, believing that in a territory claimed by Great Britain where she had for years past exercised jurisdiction and granted concessions they would be more secure than under the unsettled rule of Venezuela. Although Great Britain, after 1850, abstained from encouraging these settlements, she could not prevent them, nor could she undertake to hand them over to a nation of different race and language. Same, p. ijj. 240 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-AGREEMENT OF 1850-(Contlnued). . British Case. In I.S80-87, the increase of population and the danger of leaving a large tract of land without any sort of government, left no other course open to Her Majesty's Government but to determine finally on the Sdioniburgk line as indicating the territory the title to which Great Britain would not admit to be open to question. B. C, ijj. MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF ARBITRATION, 1897. . Venezuelan Case. Tlie burden is upon (ireat Britain to establish how far encroachments upon territory, originally Spanish, can, under the stipulation of the Treaty of Munster and under the rules adopted by the present treaty, confer title upon herself. In the meantime, and until such proof shall be forthcoming, Vene- zuela considers it unnecessary to set forth at length the history of Spanish and Venezuelan occupation and control during the present century. V. C, iqS. At no time, either before or after the date of the Treaty of Munster, did the Dutch, for a period of fifty consecutive years, exercise exclusive political control or lawfully occupy any part of the territory lying between theEssequibo and Orinoco rivers. Same, p. 22^. . British Counter Case. Both before and to a still greater extent after the date of the Treaty of Mun- ster the Dutch continuously and for a period greatly in excess of fifty years exercised exclusive political control over the territory between the Esse- quibo and the Orinoco Rivers. B. C.-C, ijj. . Venezuelan Case. Venezuela has accepted this rule {Rule a, Ariich IV.\, but she submits and will claim that time is but one of many elements essential to create title by pre- scription. Prescription to be effective against nations, as against individuals, must be bona-fide, public, notorious, adverse, exclusive, peaceful, continuous, uncontested, and maintained under a claim of right. Rule (n) fixes 50 years as the period of prescription, but leaves its other elements unimpaired. V. C, 22g. . British Counter Case. The proposition herein enunciated is not accurately stated. Time and pos- session are, broadly speaking, the only essential elements of prescription. B. C.-C, 137. It is clear that by virtue of Article IV, Rule (a) of the Treaty of Arbitration, Great Britain is entitled to retain whatever territory lias been held by her, or has been subject to her exclusive political control for a period of fifty years, although the result might be to give to Great Britain territory which had never been Dutch, and might even conceivably have at one time been Spanish. Moreover, there has been nothing' to prevent the extension of British settle- ment and control, if tlie regions into wliich such extension was made were at tlic liinc lying vacant. Territory acKlecl to the British Colony by such ex- tension cannot be awarded to Venezuela, however recent the British possession may have been. Same, pp. 107-10S. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 241 MEANING OF TREATIES-TREATY OF ARBITRATION, 1897- (Continued). . British Counter Case. It is true that any occupation by Great Britain since 1847 cannot of itself confer a valid title to territory which may be adjudged to have belonged by right to Venezuela. But no question of adverse holding or prescription esiu arise except where one Power has occupied territory by right belonging to the other ; and, except in such cases, present possession, however recent, cannot be disturbed ... so Her Majesty's (lonies, occupy lands, and furthermore, as fully and amply as any patent from the King can extend, and such is expressly declared under the Great Seal of the State." V. C.-C, II, 26. 1674. Venezuelan Case. A new Company, created by fresh charter in 1674, entered on the inheritance of the old at the beginning of 1675. The territorial limits of the old had in- cluded the entire coast of both North and South America ; those of the new included, on the mainland of those continents, nothing but "the places of Jse- kepe I EssequiboJ and IJauwmerona [romeroonj." V. C,^6. REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. 243 MEANING OF TREATIES-CHARTERS OF DUTCH WEST INDIA COM PANY-(Continued). 1674. British Case. In 1(>74 a new Chartered Company was formed with the same rij^hts and limits as those possessed by the former Dutch Company. Pomeroon and Esse- quibo are specifically mentioned in the grant. B. C., 2S-2g. 1674. Venezuelan Counter Case. [In] the new charter of 1G74 . . . tlie limits of the Company's monopoly were cnt down to a small part of " those possessed by the former Dutch Company." On the mainland of America nothing: was granted except Esseqnibo and Pomeroon. V. C.-C, 75. 1674. [1897] George L. Burr. The fate of the old Company had long been sealed, and on September 20, 1674, the States-General created by charter an entirely new one. Its territorial limits were vastly narrower. V. C.-C, II, ig. As the new and flnal charter of 1674 granted the new Company formed by it notliing else on the American mainland than " the places of Esseqnibo and Pomeroon," the Orinoco could hardly again come into question, even as a trade hmit, unless the Orinoco were counted the boundary of Pomeroon. That it was so counted never appears in the legislation of the States-General, and seems ex- pressly precluded by the terms [" the territory of the State, extending ... to beyond the river Waini, not far from the mouth of the river Orinoco "] of the remonstrance addressed by the States-General to Spain in 1769. Same, p. 2j. There result, then, from this review of the legislation of the States-General the conclusions : /. That neither in any charter of the Dutch West India Company, nor in any " reaffirmation " or extension of any charter, is there mention of the Orinoco as a limit. 2. That in none of the published legislation in behalf of that Company, is the Orinoco made a boundary of territorial right, possession, or jurisdiction. J. That its second and flnal charter of 1()74 seems to exclude the Orinoco from the territorial possessions of the Company. Same, pp. 2J-24. But what became of Dutch claims, if such there were, to those portions of the Wild Coast, unoccupied at the date of this new charter [of the Dutch West India Company of 1674] is a question for the lawyers. No light is thrown upon it by the contemporary records of the States-General's action. Same, p. iSi. 1674. Venezuelan Case. The charter of 1674 was renewed at various times; first on November 30, 1700; again on August 8, 1730; once more in 1760; and finally on January i, 1762. Each time the renewal was without change of limits. The Company was dissolved at the close of the year 1791. V. C, 57. 175 1. Memorial of Shareholders of West India Company. Of not the least support can be the . . . pretexts that Essequibo and Pomeroon should be reckoned among the common possessions of the General Company, since, ... in the place of the Charter, where mention was made of Essequibo, their High Mightinesses only fix tlie limits of the dJeneral Company, and in no way deflne possessions of tlie same. B. C, II, 'j2. 244 REMONSTRANCES AND MEANING OF TREATIES. MEANING OF TREATIES-DUTCH TRADING REGULATIONS. . British Case. They [the Dutch West India Company] from time to time made orders asserting their exclusive rig:ht to certain inland trades also. B. C, 8j. 1629. [1897] George L. Burr. The States-General . . . on October 13, [1629], . . . issued an " Order of filovernment both as to policy and as to justice, in the places conquered and to conquer in the West Indies." " The Councillors," says the fifteenth article, " shall further seek at every op- portunity to establish friendship, trade, and commerce with neighboring and near-by lords and peoples, also alliances and compacts, to the damage and en- feebling of the King of Spain, his subjects and allies. V. C.-C, II, 23. 1632. Venezuelan Counter Case. The so-called " sailing- regulations " of 1632, and others which followed, , . , were not regulations of the Company for its own trade, but regulations of the States-General forbidding Dutch warships from visiting the coast of Guiana. . . . They could not and did not prohibit the vessels of other nations from going there. The trading' regulations of 1648, which were drawn up prior to the Treaty of Munster, though promulgated a little later, threw open to free trade the Span- ish coast of the Carribean and the Gulf, and the Orinoco served merely as a point of departure for these, there being still reserved for the Company, not Guiana only, but the entire remaining coast of America and that of West Africa. F. C.-C, 74-75' 1648. British Case. [In 1648] the States-General again issued trading* regulations [in which] . . . the whole of the coast between the Orinoco and the Amazon was treated as belonging to the West India Company. Same, pp. 26-2J. 1648. George L. Burr. On August 10, 1648, the Company issued yet anothar of those regulations as to trade. . . . It is clear at a glance that what is here thrown open to free trade is again the Spanish coasts of the Carribean and the Gulf, and that the Orinoco serves as a point of departure for these, while what is reserved for the Company is the entire remaining coast of America, with that of West Africa. Were this a territorial claim, it would imply Dutch ownership of all America and Africa. It is in fact a trade restriction implying in itself no territorial claims whatever, though territorial possessions doubtless had their share in determin- ing this restriction of trade. V. C.-C, II, 2j. CHAPTER VL BRITISH TRADE AND TIMBER CUTTING* BRITISH TRADE. -. British Case. From the early part of the 17th century the Dutch, and since their acquisition of the Colony the British, controlled the trade of the wliole district now in dispute. As early as the 17th century the Dutch had a station at Barima, and the dis- trict there and its inhabitants and trade remained throughout under the control of the Dutch and British. B. C, iig. -. [1897] H. B. Bridgewater. My father trafflclied in Barima witli the Indians. . . . My father had been trafficking with the Indians there for a length of time. B. C, VII, 21 j. -. [1897] Samuel Josephs. I first came to the Barima and Aruka Rivers eighteen years ago, and was trafficliing' among the Indians of those rivers. Same, p. 216. -. [1897] Angus Campbell. I am a native of British Guiana. . . . I am 48 years old. . . . When I was from 8 to 10 years old I remember that my fatlier used to leave home to travel about the Barima River. He used to traffic with the Indians of those parts and used to bring back yams, fowls, and so on. Sometimes he went alone on these journeys, sometimes with other people, especially with Robert Bridgewater. Same, p. 216. 5. E. F. im Thurn. Some licenses— I think only two— for the sale of liquor and other j^oods, have already been taken out in the [Barima] district. B. C, VI, 242. 5. E. F. im Thurn. Practically for the first time, in 1889, the revenue from licences has been col- lected in the Barima Sub-district. B. C, VII, 263-264. The Barima has been declared a port of entry, with a custom liouse at Morawhanna. Same, p. 26^. 1. E. F. im Thurn. The stations at Amakooroo, Barima Sand, and Morawhanna are also district custom houses. Same, p. 26g. (245) 246 BRITISH TRADE AND TIMBER CUTTING. BRITISH TRADE-(Continued). 1 891. E. F. im Thurn. IS sloops and schooners, of a total tonnage of 197 tons, made between them 141 jonrneys, with cargo, from 3Iora>Yhanna alone, to Georgetown during: the twelve months ending March 31, 1891. B. C, VII, 2S1. 1892. E. F. im Thurn. The collection of revenue, has for the first time during 1891-92, as far as the Northwestern District is concerned, been carried out for a full year. . . . The number and value of the licences collected have been as follows : Num- ber, 377 ; Yalue, $1,266.72. Same, p. 2S6. 1894. E. F. im Thurn. License Duties on dogs, guns, tobacco, wine, shops, etc., collected in tlie North-Westeru Fiscal District during 1892-93: Number, 463 ; value, ^662.40; during 1893-94 : Number 587 ; value, $899.03. Same, p. 311. BRITISH TIMBER CUTTING. . British Case. The journals and reports of the Superintendents of Rivers and Creeks and of the Postholder at Moruka also show that planting, boat-building, and wood-cuttins^r were actively prosecuted in the Pomeroon district, . . . Mention is also made of residents and woodcutters in the Essequibo, 3Iassa- runi, and Cuyuni. B. C, 63. During the British period timber was regularly cut under direction of the Government in Essequibo, Massaruni and Cuyuni. In 1823 there was a "spar- cutting place " up the Essequibo. A Petition for timber-cutting rights in Waini was presented in 1836, which referred to the grant of previous licences in that river. Much wood-cutting was done in the Pomeroon during the present cen- tury, giving employment to large numbers of Indians, and those who cut wood without a licence were liable to be prosecuted by the Postholder and fined. Sajiie, p. 112. The timber cutting on the Essequibo, Massaruni, and Cuyuni was eon- trolled by the Dutch and British Governments. Same, p. 162. Timber-cutting has been licensed on the Pomeroon, the Morulia, the Waini and the Barinia by the Dutch and British Governments, and by them only. Same, p. 163. 1832. [1840] R. H. Schomburgk. Timber estates in Demerara and Essequibo in 1832. Whole Colony 9 St. John's Parish 2 Trinity Parish i V.C.,III,3i4' BRITISH TRADE AND TIMBER CUTTING. 247 BRITISH TIMBER CUTTI NG-(Continued). 1832. G. P. Wishrope. Tliero is a spar-ciittiiiff place up the Esscqiiibo. Mr. de Brctton, a white person, lives there. It is a tide above the Buck place where I saw the bo(Hes. I have known that place of De Bretton's eleven years. . . . Mr. De Bretton is an Englishman. B. C, VI, 48. 1834. Rev. John Duke. Further up where there is a juncture of the Pomerooii and the Arapiaoa I preached ... at Mr. Justice Pickersgiirs wood cutting estahlisliment, and a little higher up the latter river, baptized two negro children, the property of a colored gentleman named Alstein, who owns a similar establishment. B. C.-C, App., 27 s- 1836. British Case. In 1836 there were many plantations in the Ponieroou besides hoat-lniilding and wood-cutting- establishments. B. C, 64. 1836. Postholder in Pomeroon. There are no other settlements [than plantations Dumbarton Castle, Cali- donia, Chapel, Phoenix Park and Land of Promise] until you arrive at a hoat- huilding establishment, which is eight hours from the Post [immediately at the mouth of the Pomeroon on the west bank], and some little distance above that, there are several MOod-cutting" settlements. B. C, VI, 61. 1838. Governor Light. There is one wood-cutting- settlement on the Pomaroon which may be con- sidered as fit for mercantile purposes, and is prosperous. V. C.-C, III, lyy. 1838. Wm. Crichton, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The . . . Indians settled in the Morocco Creek and . . . the numerous tribes in the Wyena River, and through to the right bank of the Ba- rima River, . . . benefit . . . the Colony ... in the labour they afford as woodcutters on the various establishments of that nature. B. C.-C, App., 2S3-2S4. I counted 200 hard wood posts at the entrance of the Creek [Morocco], which he [Rev. Mr. HermantJ acknowledged were his property. Same, p. 2S4. 1839. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. There is no flag, flag-staff, ammunition, or arms at the Post [Ampa] belong- ing to the Colony. There are two cannons said to belong to the former Post- holder. . . . There is no person at the Post but the Postholder and two servants. Messrs. Clarke and Smith, Mr. Ansdele, and Mr. Odwiu, also Mr. Breton, are the only woodcutters on at all a large scale. B. C, VI, 87. The establishments in the Pomeroon are chiefly boat-building ones, and troolie establishments. Same, p. 88. 248 BRITISH TRADE AND TIMBER CUTTING. BRITISH TIMBER CUTTING-(Continued). 1840. Local Guide of British Guiana. The inhabited part of the coast extends from the mouth of the Pomeroon ... to the mouth of the Corentyn. . , . The banks of the Essequibo are inhabited only by a fen scattered wood-cntters, V. C, 168. 1840. R, King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. March 13.— For cntting: wood on Crown land, having no Ucence. All pleaded guilty to having cut the wood, but stated that they had permission from his Excellency the Governor. Fined them ten dollars each. B. C, VI, 8g. March 15.— Went ... to Tiger Creek, to Messrs. Smith and Clarke's wood-cutting- establishment. . . . There is another vessel about to proceed up here to be loaded with wood. Same, p. go. April 5. — In the Pomeroon. Proceeded to Mrs. McClintock's place. She had twenty-six Warrows at work, chiefly at the arnotto cultivation ; also cutting firewood. Same, p. pi. Mr. George Jeffry has also a large wood-cutting establishment in Supinaam Creek. There is also a wood-cutting establishment carried on in Merteens' Creeks by the Messrs. Casely. The two last establishments have saw- mills attached thereto. Almost all the labour of these establishments is carried on by Indians. Same, p. 104. The wood-cutters here [Pomeroon] are Messrs. Pickersgill, Holmes and Bunbury ; all the labour performed by Indians. Same, p. 10^. Received a letter from the Postholder in Essequibo, stating that he had seized thirty-one pieces of Grreen-heart cut above Marshal's Fall in the Massa- ronny. B. C.-C, App., sgi. There are no wood-cutting establishments near this [Fort Island] Post. Messrs. Smith and Clarke woodcutting establishment is near the Post [Ampa]. There are .also, not far from the Post, Mr. Ansdell's in the Massa- ronny, and Mr. Breton in the Esseauibo; also a Mr. Odwin high up in the Massaronnj. Most of the establishments [at Pomeroon Post] are Troolie cutters or boat building. There is no wood as yet brought to the Post by the Indians. Same, p. sgj. 1841. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. May 30.— Arrived at the Post in Pomeroon . . . The Postholder . . . has cut a considerable quantity of wood for sale. B. C, VI, 112. At the Morocco Mission the Indians are busily engaged cutting timber for the erection of their chapel. [At] Mr. Clarke's wood-cutting establishment, [at Post Ampa] . . . four vessels have been loaded with timber ... for the home market. Same, p. iij. BRITISH TRADE AND TIMBER CUTTING. 249 BRITISH TIMBER CUTTING-(Continued). 1841. W. C. McClintock, Postholder in Pomeroon. Your reporter, according to instructions received, did . . . employ ten Indians to cut materials for the repairs of the Post. The gang . . . cut as many Tacooba posts, 1 2 feet, as paid off all their expenses, leaving a balance of 400, equal to 400 guilders, if sold in the river, for the repairs of the Post. B, C, VI, irj. 1 841. A. F. Baird, Postholder at Ampa Post. May 30. — The barque Spence . . . having completed taking in a load of timber at Tig:er Creek, weighed anchor . . . and dropped down the river. June i8th. — Returned to the Post . . . with 5,000 feet W. P. lumber. June 19th. — Landed the lumber, &c., from the schooner. B. C.-C, App., 2g4. 1843. Local Guide of British Guiana. The bauksof the Essequibo are inhabited only by a few scattered wood- cutters; and above the rapids, which occur about 50 miles from its mouth, there are no inhabitants except Indians. V. C, III, 406. 1844. A F. Baird, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. To the Industry saw-mill, the property of Mr. George Jeffrey, is attached a large tract, say about 4,000 acres, . . . [near] Duccalabba Creek. ... On this land there is no building or cultivation, all the valuable timber has been cut except spars; there is still abundance of firewood. The Industry is one of the oldest settlements in the Supenaam River, and was first established by a Dutchman of the name of Holtz, who erected a wooden saw-mill. ... A Mr. Kilderman . . . succeeded him. . . . After his death the Industry was purchased by the late Mr. Hugh Junor, who carried on an extensive wood-cutting establishment. George Jeffrey ... a few years after . . . erected the present large iron mill with two frames capable of driving a double set of saws, at a cost of ^1,750. A Mr. Henderson was proprietor of the Grampian Hills. He died in 1819 or 20. He had a large gang of wood-cutters. Indiana is about 22 or 23 miles from the mouth of the Supenaam, and was first settled by Messrs. George and William Jeffrey, who had to retire that length into the interior to procure logs for the mill, all the large timber lower down having been cut away by the former named settlers. B, C.-C, App., 2g8-2gg. The only wood-cutting establishment in the vicinity of the [Ampa] Post is that of Mr. Clarke, at Tiger Creek, on the opposite shore. B. C, VI, ijo. 1846. W. C. McClintock, Postholder in Pomeroon. During the whole of this quarter he was occupied looking after a gang of Worrow Indians whom he employed to cut hardwood posts with other materials to paal off the front dam of the post. Same, p, 14J. 250 BRITISH TRADE AND TIMBER CUTTING. BRITISH TIMBER CUTTING-(Continued). 1850. [1895] Robert Tennant. Timber did not comnieiico to be an article of export till 1850, some years after the cultivation of coffee was discontinued. All the timber lands belonged to Government, and a "grant" for felling is to be had on very easy terms— viz., the cost of the sur\-ey and a royalty of a few cents ... per cubic foot. Nearly all the best timber lands adjoining the navigable rivers, where the trees can be felled and floated easily down to market, have been "gone over," but there are hundreds of thousands of acres in the interior still untouched by the axe, which are virgin forests. . . . Wood-cutters are paid generally by piece-work. V. C.C., III, 2^6. 1853. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Was engaged for several weeks . . . getting: the timber intended for the repairs of the Post dwelling-honse hauled out of the busli, and also in having as much thereof conveyed to Moruca mouth as . . . [was] enabled. Moruca, where the piles . . . were cut. Feels himself compelled ... to appeal to his Excellency for . . . the privilege of cutting the timber and plank on the Crown lands. B. C, VI, jg3. Removing large timbers from Upper Pomeroon to Moruca— upwards of 50 miles. The timbers intended for the construction of a lockup, are cut, squared, and hauled out, but not yet conveyed. Satne, p. 194. 1856. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. According to the instructions . . . from his Excellency the Governor he felt himself authorized to grant permission to the Indians >vho have paid money to cut wood for sale, and on the ungranted lands of the Crown, . . . upon Ciceka, a hill situated on the right bank of Arapico (or Arrapiaco) creek, one of the principal tributaries of the Pomeroon River. Same, p. 2or. 1879. E. F. im Thurn. The whole of the western bank of the Essequibo River, which from the mouth to its first fall, some sixty miles above, is more or less thickly peopled by British subjects, and from which a large part of the wood used in and ex- ported from the Colony is obtained. V. C, III, /jj. 1880. E. F. im Thurn. The timber tract . . . extends toward the interior as far as the lowest cataracts on the various rivers. Sa?nc, p. 40S. The forest tract immediately succeeds the timber tract, and ... is everywhere covered by dense forest, as yet untouched by the wood-cutter. Same, p. 4og. BRITISH TRADE AND TIMBER CUTTING. 251 BRITISH TIMBER CUTTING-(Continued). 1888. E. F. im Thurn. Nominally no tinihcr is cut in the district, except l)y Indians. The latter carry down small quantities of timber to the Essequibo coast from the Arapiakroo and Tapacooma Creeks. Some is also, as I have already stated, cut in the same places by other than Indians. But there has been no timber ^rant in the dis- trict, at least for very many years. A very considerable quantity of remarkably fine cedar was till recently cut from the Barima, and is still cut from the Amakooroo, but this, practically, has all found its way to Tenezuelau mai'kets, without benefiting this Colony in any way. B. C, VII, 2^g. 1888. Michael McTurk. Owins? to the falls on the rivers, only a comparatively small area of country can be used for timber-cutting, and this space has been cut over twice, and in some places three times. Same, p. j2o. The timber trade on the river [Essequibo] has been a little better last year than the previous one, but the space over which the timber is being cut is a limited one owing to the short distance upward the rivers are navigable for timber craft. Same, p. J24. 1889. Michael McTurk. The timber trade has increased during the past year, and the prices are greater than they have been for very many years. . . . The illegal cutting of timber from the ungranted Crown lands still continues. Same, p. 324. 1890. E. F. im Thurn. No actual step has been taken yet towards the development of a timber industry in the district. Same, p. 263. 1891. E. F. im Thurn. There are no legalized w ood-cutting operations carried on in the Nortli- Western District. A small amount of red cedar has been taken to Georgetown from the Amakooroo ; but this was nominally, and perhaps really, cut on the Venezuelan side of that river, and imported into the Colony from there. Same, p. 2'/^. No timber is cut except for local use by the Indians. Same, p. 2yg. 1 1892. Michael McTurk. The timber trade still maintains a precarious existence. Same, p. 331. The Shipment of greenheart timber from the Essequibo still continues, and several cargoes have been despatched during the year. Same, p. 333. 1896. Michael McTurk. During the year a line of rails has been laid and a truck placed on it, across the portage at Little Matop on the Cuyuni River, for the use of persons taking their batteaux and stores across on their way to the placers above. B. C, VII, 336. 252 BRITISH TRADE AND TIMBER CUTTING. BRITISH TIMBER CUTTI NG-(Continued). 1896. Michael McTurk. The approach to the upper end of the line has been unavoidably left unfinished owing to the want of material in the shape of timber to complete it. The many rapids in the Cuyuni, particularly in the immediate neighbourhood of this portage, renders it impossible, except at very great risk of life and expense, to get timber from any distance above to the spot. The timber in the locality has been exhausted. There is suitable timber below, but it is quite impossible to bring it up against the stream and over the rapids. B. C, VII, jj6. The timber trade has shown an increase over the previous year. Greenheart is at present the only timber exported from the Colony. Our forests contain many varieties of both useful and ornamental woods, but they are known to few, and rarely made use of. It is a matter for regret that in a Colony like British Guiana, covered as it is for many miles inland with dense forests of fine timber, so little is actually known of the quality of its woods, even by the regular wood-cutters. Attention is entirely devoted to greenheart, walaba, and a few other kinds of timber used for export or local consumption, and other kinds are not considered. Same, p. jj8. 1897. Wood-cutting- licenses in existence March 31, 1897, in county of Essequibo. Essequibo — Tiger Creek 6 — Bonasika Creek 4 — Scattering 7 — 17 Mazaruni 5 Pomeroon 3 Total 25 V, C.-C, III, 217. CHAPTER VIL INDIANS, THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY THEMSELVES-IN GENERAL. 1593. Antonio de Berrio. Having overrun all the island [Trinidad] and made the description of the natives that are there, there are found 7,000, and so many Indians married that they would exceed 35,000 souls. B. C, I, 4. [1603]. W. Usselinx. Especially among the clothed Indians residing a few days' journey inland. Same, p. 2j. 1638. Corporation of Santo Thome. One grieves for so many women and children, who are here [Santo Thome] looking for death at the hands of inhuman savages, eaters of human flesh, and of heretics, enemies of our Holy Catholic faith. Same, p. loj. 1684. Commandeur in Essequibo. The war which various [Indian] nations there [in Cuyuni] carry on with one another has been the cause, etc. Same, p. 186. 1688. Jacob De Jonge. I have been informed by his Excellency the Heer van Sommersdijck, in a letter of the 5th January, 1688, that since the Indian war was spreading itself in the neighbourhood, it was advisable for me to proceed to River Essequibo to help to free that river, . . . The greatest " Owls," or Chiefs, are apparently on the side of Heer Sommersdijck. Same, p. 206. 1733. Government of Trinidad. They hinder the propagation of the Catholic faith by their threats and wars, in which they are continually and exclusively engaged, with the object of eating human flesh and satiating their cruelty. B. C.-C, App., 177. 1755. Don Eugenio de Alvardo. There is not merely one celebrated Chief of the Islands of Caroni, but sev- eral ; the second is, that those of the sources of the Creek Aquire are many, and of equal reputation and strength. B. C.,II, no. 1756. Director-General in Essequibo. No Indian's testimony can hold ^ood against that of Christians (a custom that rests on good grounds, because most of them are not to be trusted, and many of them can be made to say whatever one wishes for drink, or other con- siderations.) Same, p. 123. 1788. Don Miguel Marmion. A great part of this extensive province [Spanish Guiana] is occupied, especially towards the centre, by divers nations of barbaric Indians, who are but little known and very difficult to reduce, owing to their wandering life, to their sheltering themselves in the thickets of their woods and forests, and to their attachment to, and extreme love of, independence, which they prefer to all the greater advantages of civilized and rational life. B. C, V, J^- (253) f 25i INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-I N GENERAL- (Continued). 1790. Don Fermin de Sincinenea. The numerons tribes of Indians who dwell between the said Essequibo and the mouths of the Orinoco, already noted, must he loolied upon ^vitli sus- picion. -6'. C, V, 77. 181 3. D. van Sistema. The manners of tlie different Indian tribes are mucli the same. Indo- lence is the prevailing passion. . . . Their residence, in general, is from 12 to 20 miles distant from the river. Same, p. 2i§. 1823. Wm. Hilhouse. The Indians are, like all uncivilized nations, addicted to drunkenness. The Warrows the most so, after them the Arawaks, then the Caribisce ; and the most sober are the Accavvays. B. C, VJ, 2y. The Indian, though in peaceable times lounging in his hammock and courting for his presents any hand that will bestow them, becomes, when he paints for war, a new subject. The only commander he will follow is the man tliat cau hunt and march througli the bush, swim the flood, and live like him and with liim. The appointment of persons to this capacity [Protector of Indians] without these requisites inspires the Indian only with contempt — he despises the authority, and becomes insubordinate and unmanageable. Same, p. JT. 1846. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The general unproductiveness of the hig'h lauds of this district after the first crop compels the Indians to wander about in search of other hills. Same, p. 14S' 1848. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The Worrows ... are designated as . . . the hewers of wood and drawers of water. The Caribs are known as the warriors, the Arrawaks the aristocracy, and the Accaways, or more commonly called Waikas, the agriculturists. Same, p. 171. 1849. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. To disappoint the Indian— who is already fickle and suspicious— only tends to make him still more so. Same, p. 173. Indians are easily led and willing to obey. Same, p. 176. 1 86 1. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The Missions, Waramuri and Cabacaburie, have achieved wonders by wean- ing the Indians, almost completely, of their previous wandering habits. /)'. C.-C, App., 307. 1888. E. F. im Thurn. These people [Indians in Pomeroon judicial district] all live in small set- tlements, usually consisting only of a single family, up the small and obscure side-creeks. B. C, VII, 237. INDIANS. 255 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-AKAWAYS. . British Case. The principal Indian tribes inhabiting the territory known as Guiana were the Caribs, the Akawois or Waikas, the Arawaks, and the Warows or Guaraunos. B. C, 9. Next in importance to the Caribs were the Akawois. No fixed Hmits are indicated for the area of the Akawoi settlement in earlier times. The tribe was found in the neighbourhood of the Post of Arinda, on the Essequibo, the Upper Cuyuni, the Demerara, and the Pomeroon. It is probable that this nation, like that of the Caribs, was nomadic in its habits, and was to be found scattered throughout the Dutch Colonies of Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam. In the early years of the British occupation the Akawois were described as the most pugnacious of the Indian tribes, the Caribs, having to a great extent lost their ascendency and being greatly reduced in numbers. The Akawois were at that period described as occupying the country between the great fall of the River Demerara, the Massaruni, and the Upper Pomeroon. Same, p. 10. 1666. Major John Scott. Matteson . . . had managed a trade 22 yeares for the Spaniard from ye Citty of St. Thome, in Oranoque, with the Shaliones, Sepoyes, and Occowyes, [Akaways] whose habitacions are 200 leagues south-west from St. Thome, neare the mountaines of the sunne. B. C, I, 16S, The Occowyes [Akaways] Sliawliouns, and Seinicorals are great powerful nacions, that live in the uplands of Guiana. Same, p. i6g. l68o. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Accoways wlio live up country. Same, p. iSj. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. E. Athing, . . . faithfully reported all that took place amongst the In- dians and especially amongst the Acuways living up in Demerary— a quarrelsome nation which will not endure the least injustice and which is continually at war with the Caribs. B. C, III, 150. 1776. Director-General and Councillors of Essequibo and Demerary. Some nation which, according to old custom or their relations with us, it was not permitted to bring to slavery, such as the Carib, Arrowak, Warrow and Akowa nations. B. C, IV, 141. 1778. Government Journal at Essequibo. In Boumeron ... a sort of Akuway nation named Arenakottes. Same, p. IQO. The Arenakotte [Akaway] nation which last dwell above in Caroeni, a branch of the Oronoque, there being still other Arenakottes who dwell in Ciperoeni above the Post, and do business under the whites. Same, pp. igo-igr. 1778. Court of PoHcy. A sort of bastard nation of the Acuway Indians called Arenakottes, who live inland above the Creek of Supinaam. Same, p. ig2. 25C INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-AKAWAYS-(Con- tinued). 1802. Commandant of Berbice, Demerary and Essequibo. The interior of Guyana is inhabited by various tribes of Indians, who are generally termed " Buks." Those residing nearest the sea ... are the Arawaak, the Akawye, the Worrows and the Charibbs. But of late ver>' few of them have made their appearance, and it is to be apprehended that this circum- stance has arisen from dissatisfaction. It would, however, be better policy to keep these people in good humour, and . . . their attachment may be secured at a very small expense. B. C, V, IJ2-J7J. 1 818. Thomas Cathrey, Protector of Indians of Essequibo River. These people [Akaways] are in general a trading and wandering tribe. They go every year to the Spanish Savannah and Settlements ; to the Macusse and Adray nations as soon as their cultivation grounds are prepared and planted. B. C, VI, 13. 1823. William Hilhouse. The Accaways are the most warlike of any tribe in the Colony, and, not- withstanding the smallness of their number, set all the other tribes at defiance. They elect their own Captains, and acknowledge no Protector, and are particu- larly repugnant to the interference of white persons in their domestic govern- ment, or the settlement of whites in their territory. Same, p. 2^. The Aocaways are of small stature, but capable of bearing great fatigues and priv'ations. They are a nation of pedlars, carrying on a constant traffic with the coast tribes and those of the interior. Sa7iie,p. 26. They are peculiar in treating their women with more kindness than any of the other tribes. It is true the household, and great part of the field labour, devolves upon the females ; but, except in very flagrant cases, they do not treat them with severity, and in all family arrangements they are consulted with considerable defer- ence. There is no instance on record of an admixture of their blood with the negroes, which is a common circumstance amongst the other tribes. The men are uncouth in their manners, independent, and quarrelsome. Their Captains are sure to be men capable of drubbing their followers into obedience, which is the only way they have of enforcing respect. In employing them care must be taken to have no communication whatever with the inferior Indians. This is also applicable to all the tribes. They occupy the country between the rapids and the Great fall of Demerary, the Massaroony, and Upper Pomaroon. Same, p. 2y, The Indians are, like all uncivilized nations, addicted to drunkenness. The Warrows the most so, after them the Arawaaks, then the Caribisce ; and the most sober are the Accaways. Same, p. 2j. 1841. R. H. Schomburgk. The Kaituma is inhabited by Warrau and Waika [Akaway] Indians. B.C., VII, 20. 1845. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. In consequence of the general indisposition that prevails amongst all classes on the sugar estates of the Arabian coast, combined with the very great scarcity of provisions that at present exists throughout most Indian settlements, the INDIANS. 25Y THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-AKAWAYS-(Con- tinued). Akuway Indians of Winey and Barama have destroyed their habitations, and gone to reside with other Akaways in the upper parts of the Rivers Coyoney and Massaruny. />'. C, VI, 141. 1846. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Your reporter is gkid to be able to announce the return of several Accaway Indians from the Upper Coyoney to Barama Creek, where they formerly resided. Same, p. 144. 1848. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Barama is a large tributary of the Winey River, inhabited by Worrows, Carra- beese, and Accaway or Waika Indians. Same, p. i-j2. 1883. E. F. imThurn. The population of the whole district is very scanty and is very scattered. Most of the inhabitants are Red men — True Caribs chiefly on the Barama and Upper Barima, Ackawoi on the Morooka and upper Waini, Arawaks on the Morooka, and many Warraus everywhere at the mouths of the two rivers. V. C, III, 317. 1888. E. F. im Thurn. Different tribes of Indians living within the [Pomeroon Judicial] district, as well as the special parts inhabited by each. Ackawois [dwell at] Pomeroon, Issororoo Branch ; Waini, upper part. B. C, VII, 2S7. 1889. Michael McTurk. The Indians now inhabiting these parts [Uruan and Yuruari] are principally Kamaracotas, who, although they do not call themselves Carabisce, speak that language. There are also a few of the Accawois tribe from the Mazaruni. Same, p. j22, 1898. E. F. im Thurn. Some other tribal names occur in the documents in connection with the present arbitration. Some of them are merely synonyms, e.g., Guaraunos for Warows, and Waikas or Guaycas for Akawois. B, C.-C, App., 408. ARAWAKS. . British Case. The principal Indian tribes inhabiting the territory known as Guiana were the Caribs, the Akawois or Waikas, the Arawaks, and the Warows or Guaraunos. B. C, g. 1595- Don Felipe de Santiago. Entering by any of the above-mentioned mouths, and going up the River Orinoco in the direction of the new Kingdom of Granada, various territories of several tribes of natives are met with, such as the Arnacas, Yayos, Sapoyos, Caribs, and Napuyos. B. C, I, p. 1598. A. Cabeliau. On the 17th [February 1598] there came on board from the continent, out of the aforesaid river [Caurora] three other canoes, in which were about sixty persons — men, women, and children, and this tribe, together with the tribes Hebio and Arwacciis, continued to come on board. Same, p. ig. II 258 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-ARAWAKS-(Con- tinued). 1 615. Report on the West Indies. The savag-es who live on the coasts of this river [Wiapoco] had fled — they are called Noruacas [Arwacas]. B. C, I, 40. 1 619. Fray Pedro Simon. The river Baruma, [Pomeroon] which is the first in those provinces where the Arawak Nation dwells. U. S. Com., I, 23S. 1638. Maldonado. The Chaguana Indians dwell about these territories [lower Orinoco], where they have a village of about 1,000 able-bodied men, and another village of Tivitives, and on this bank [north bank of the Orinoco], the village of the Guayanos is also. . . . And on the other side of the river [is] the town of the Aniacas, a very powerful people. B. C, 1, 120. 1665. British Case. Next in importance to the Akawois was the tribe known as the Arawak nation, who were described by Scott in 1665 as being " the best-humoured Indians of America," being both very just and generous-minded people, and as inhabiting the region between the Rivers Corentin and Waini. Nearly two hundred years later they were described by Hilhouseas " of all the tribes the most docile, cleanly, and of the best stature and personal appearance " but at the same time as being immoral, fickle, and inconstant, and possessing none of the warlike spirit of the Caribs and Akawois. The Dutch employed them at the Post of Moruka ; for the fishery in the Orinoco, and the salting fishery generally; and also in the recapture of fugitive slaves. After the British took possession of the Dutch Colonies the Arawaks readily sought employment as laborers, especially on the plantations up the rivers, though averse to labour among the negroes on the coast. The Arawaks were regarded as the aristocracy of the Indian tribes and superior to all of them in the scale of civilization. No precise locality can be indicated as their usual place of abode. B. C„ lo-ii. 1666. Major John Scott. From the west side of Curianteen to Wina there lives about 8,000 families of Arawagoes [Arawaks]. B. C, I, i6g. 1673. Commandeur in Essequibo. Peace had been made with the Caribs in Barima and the Arawaks, and they had intercourse with each other. Satne,^, JJJ. 1758. Commandant of Guayana, The Ariiaca Indians, dwelling there [Moruca] for the purposes of trade, are divided into three settlements or villages, each of ten or twelve small houses, for an Indian family. And the villages are separated the one from the other by a dis- tance of more than a league, and are situated on the banks of the said River Moruca. B. C, II, 142. INDIANS. 259 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-ARAWAKS- Con- tinued). 1776. Director-General and Councillors of Essequibo and Demerary. Some nation which, according to old custom or their relations with us, it was not permitted to bring to slavery, such as the Carib, Arrowjik, Warrow and Akowa nations. B, C., IV, 141. \77g. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. Having asked the said Piache [an Arawak Indian doctor] how many families there were in the Creek of the said Bauruma | Pomeroon], he told me that there were thirteen of his relatives alone, the total as he showed by adding them to- gether might reach 200 persons, without counting boys and children. The Ariiac Indians are in general of well proportioned stature, most of them have handsome features, and are not greatly enervated. They are disposed to farm work, but still more to barter or trade, and consequently do not fly like the rest when they see white people. Their clothing is simply a loin-cloth of linen, they paint themselves slightly with annatto, but they are very fond of turtle grease for anointing their heads, to protect them, as they say, from the power of the sun. The women are well made and have better features than the men, they are very neat and wear their hair in Catalan fashion, making a plait and rolling it up and sticking a large, broad silver pin through it to keep it in its place. Their clothing is simply an apron of one span square, worked and woven with beads of various colors. They are very fond of combs, scissors, ribbons, earrings, finger rings of silver, small crosses of the same, garnets, mirrors and other trifles ; but what they appreciate most are certain kinds of beads which the Maipures Indians make out of tiny shells, and which the said Aruacs call Quiripa. B. C.-C, App., 2j6. The whole of the aforesaid Bauruma is inhabited by Indians of the Aruaca tribe who have most beautiful farms of yucca, corn and other fruits. V. C, II, 438. 1802. Commandant of Berbice, Demerary and Essequibo. The interior of Guyana is inhabited by various tribes of Indians, who are gen- erally termed " Buks." Those residing nearest the sea, and, consequently most frequently come among the settlers, are the Arawaak, the Akawye, the Worrows and the Charibbs. But of late veiy few of them have made their appearance, and it is to be apprehended that this circumstance has arisen from dissatisfaction. It would, however, be better policy to keep these people in good humour, and as their wants are but few, and of the most trivial description, their attachment may be secured at a very small expense. B. C, V, i'/2-i'/j. 1823. William Hilhouse. The Arawaaks. — Of all the tribes these are the most docile, cleanly, and of the best stature and personal appearance. Living in the immediate vicinity of the white settlements, they are the most civilized, but they are also the most indolent and deceitful, and cowardly, and of the most debauched habits. They have no scruple in forming connection with the whites, negroes, or any colour, and have not the least idea of national or personal pride or honour. They treat their women in the most brutal manner on the slightest grounds of offence, and are fickle and inconstant to a proverb amongst the other tribes. Their docility, vicinity, and knowledge of fire-arms makes them very eligible for sudden calls and expeditions of no great duration or import ; but for protected 260 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-ARAWAKS-(Con- tinued). I ? protracted] service, or one in which resistance is expected, they are not to be depended upon. They are prone to desertion, and have none of the warlike spirit of the Caribisce or Accaways. Their cultivation is very trifling, so much so that they live principally on plan- tains procured from the plantations, and they are in consequence called plantain- eaters by the other tribes. They are good fowlers, but indifferent huntsmen, and worse fishers ; their principal forte is making pegals, bows and arrows, and In- dian toys. It is of these Indians, who principally compose the Missions of the Oronoque, that Father Gomillo [Gumilla] speaks, when he describes them as deficient in intellect, poor in spirit, and in every way inferior to the negro, whom they will readily obey, though no negro will acknowledge obedience to them. B. C, VI, 2T. 1 83 1. William Hilhouse. Many Indians live between the Falls of the Essequibo and the mouth, particu- larly Arrowacks in the Tapacouma Creek. There are tribes of Arrowacks ; . . . there are upwards of thirty. The tribes move much about from place to place amongst each other, frequently change their residence. Same, p. 41. 1833. Protector of Indians in Pomeroon. In the district of your reporter the principal tribes who inhabit nearest the cultivation are Caribs, Arrowacks, Warrows, and some Spanish Indians. Same, p. 4S. 1834. Wm. Hilhouse. Of the Arawaaks and other tribes in the district of the Pomeroon Post I can only say that the last ten or twelve years has reduced them to a state of mental and physical degradation which has no parallel in any other European pos- session. Same, p. J2. 1836. Postholder in Pomeroon. There are three tribes of Indians within twenty-four hours' journey from this Post, say Warrau, Arawacks and Caribs. There are in all about from 700 to 800, including males and females. There are also about from 200 to 250 Spanish Indians, residing about six hours' distance from this Post up the Morocco Creek. Satne, p. 61. 1839. Wm. Crichton, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The Indians ... of the Arawack nation . . . are decidedly superior to all the others in the scale of civilization. Same, p. yS. 1840. R. H. Schomburgk. The Arawaaks and Warraus live at the coast regions, and their small settle- ments extend scarcely one hundred miles inland ; I estimate their number at 3,150- v.c, 111,314. 1843. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent in Pomeroon. The Arrawack Indian, although so frequently employed on the sugar estates of the Arabian coast, have notwithstanding the greatest aversion to perform any kind of labour connected with the manufacture of sugar, but however averse they may be to field work, their services as jobbers are greatly valued and much encouraged by the planter. B. C, VI, isy. i INDIANS. . 261 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVESARAWAKSHCon- tinued). 1883. E. F. im Thurn. The population of the whole district is very scanty, and is very scattered. Most of the inhabitants are Red Men — True Caribs chiefly on the Baraina and upper Barima, Ackawoi on the Morooka and upper Waini, Arauaaks on the Morooka, and many Warraus everywhere at the mouths of the two rivers. V. C, 111,317. 1888. E. F. im Thurn. Different tribes of Indians living within the [Pomeroon Judicial] district, as well as the special parts inhabited by each. Arawaks [dwell at] Tapacooma Lake ; Arapiakroo River ; Wakapoa Lake ; Arooka River. B. C, VII, 2jy. 1897. George L. Burr. For the earliest period . . . the Waini, unlike the rivers to the east of it, was the home, not of the mild Arawak, but of the Carib. V. C.-C, II, no. Though Arawaks, like Raleigh's pilot, lived scattered among the Warrows of the coast to the west of the Pomeroon, yet, according to all the early narra- tors, this region was mainly Carib ; and they agree ... in making the Pomeroon, or its little neighbor, the Moruca, the first occupied by the Arawaks. Same, p. 116. 1898. Michael McTurk. The Arrawacks, who appear to have come to the territory in question from the West Indian Islands, appear to have chiefly occupied the territory between the Orinoco and the Essequibo wherever they found any place of some elevation above the surrounding flat country. B. C.-C, App., 404. 1898. E. F. im Thurn. There are three chief Indian stocks in this part of Guiana, the Warow, Arawak, and Carib, each using a distinct language, and that of these stocks at least one, the Carib, is distinguishable into a number of sub-tribes — Macusis, Arekunas, Akawois or Waikas, Partamonas, and others — each of which uses a dialect of the stock Carib language. The geographical position of these tribes within the area seems to have been much the same in the earliest recorded times as now, and is almost certainly connected with the history of their respective migrations into the country. . . . The Arawaks, probably somewhat late-comers, who formerly occupied some or all of the West Indian islands, were gradually forced southwards, in front of the great Carib migration, down that chain of islands and on to the mainland, when they occupied the coast-land, from the Orinoco to the Essequibo and be- yond, wherever it rose a little above the swamps. Same, p. 40S. CARIBS. . British Case. The principal Indian tribes inhabiting the territory known as Guiana were the Caril)S, the Akawois or Waikas, the Arawaks, and the Warows or Guaraunos. B. C, g. 262 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-CARI BS-(Con- tinued). . British Case. Of the above tribes, by far the most numerous and powerful throughout the whole period of Dutch occupation of Guiana was the Carib nation. In the later period of British occupation, though still claiming and receiving precedence among the aborigines of the Colony, and known as the warriors among the native inhabitants, their numbers had become greatly reduced, and they had become in some instances industrious cultivators of the soil. But in the early days of the Colony the Caribs, surpassing as they did all other nations in personal bravery, were the great freebooters on all the coast from the Island of Trinidad to the Mouth of the Amazon. They were strong enough to control the waterway of the Orinoco, and they permanently occupied the lower portion of the right bank of the Orinoco as far as Barima. In the interior of Guiana they were found on the Upper Essequibo, the Massa- runi, the Upper Cuyuni, the Pomeroon, and the Barima, and they ranged at will through the forest region. B. C, lo. 1593. Don Antonio Berrio. All the conntry [along the banks of the upper Orinoco] is withont natives, on account of the fleets of the Caribs, who ascend the river and have eaten them up, and the others have abandoned the plain and gone to the woods. . . . All the Indians assured me that in descending the Orinoco I should find great settlements of Caribs, and lower still I should find a great river which is called Caroni, which descends from Guayana, and, on account of a great water- fall, cannot be navigated ; but that there, and a little above, where there is a Chief called Morquita, the Cordilleras end. . . . God was pleased to send us guides in tlie form of two pirogues of Caribs, who were stealing people for their cannibal feasts and food, and who came with me for presents. They were Caribs of Barima, towards which I journeyed in their company, down the Orinoco as far as the dwellings of the River Caroni, which will be more than 350 leagues; and during this voyage we experienced much friend- ship, and two of their Chiefs came into my pirogue, and I gave them a Spaniard, and they disclosed to me great secrets of the country, and confirmed all the in- formation that I had received above, and I found all that had been told me true. I asked these Caribs why they took such a long journey with so much labour, when they were so numerous and courageous, and had Guayana so near. They replied that the Guayenese were numerous and were very near, and can make war upon them by land, and for this reason they wish to be friendly with them. B. C, I, 2. 1595. Don Felipe de Santiago. Entering . . . and going up the River Orinoco . . . various terri- tories of several tribes of natives are met with, such as the Aruacas, Yayos, Sapoyos, Caribs, and Napuyos. Same, p. g. 1598. A. Cabeliau. On the 15th February [ 1598] we perceived a boat, called by the Indians a canoe, which came about 2 miles from the continent out of the River Caurora, in which were six men, one woman, and a little child of the (icribus | Carib] and Jau nation, and they were quite naked, and it was long before they dared to come on board. Same, p. iS. INDIANS. 203 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EM SELVES-CAR I BS-(Con- tinued). 1612. Sancho de Alqui§a. Boats are not to be found when they are wanted in this town [St. Joseph de Oruna in Trinidad], and when they are found, Indian rowers are not to lie got, on acconnt of their having: l^een so harried hy the t'aribs, that in con- sequence of the great ravages they make amongst them they have retired inland, and do not come to this town unless they are fetched ; and this is a matter of considerable difficulty, as not less than twenty-four soldiers can go at a time, for if less go, it is like sending them to destruction. B. C, I, 2y. 1621. City of Santo Thome. The enemy will come to an understanding with all the multitude of the Carib nation, which dwells in those islands to the windward, such as those of Tobago, Granada, Matalino, and Dominica, and many more besides, and the sea-coast to the River Maranon, uniting with all the €aribs, natives of them, who are the great pirates and freebooters and cannibals of all those coasts. Same, p. j2. 1624. Sloane MS. It [Ezikebe] is inhabited by Caribs and Aruakas. The Caribs inhabit the upper part of the river and the others the lower part. Same, p. 61. 1 63 1. Marquis de Sofraga. They [corsairs] join with the Carib Indians who inhabit those coasts. Same, p. yo. 1634. Bishop of Porto Rico. Taking three armed vessels at my own cost with nearly sixty persons, soldiers and Indians of war, as a protection against the numbers of Caribs who infest these coasts, B. C.-C, App., 11. 1637. Don Juan Desologuren. Between the coast and Cacanare there are 50,000 Indians, mostly Caribs, and the others may almost be counted their subjects such is their fear of them. B. C, I, 78. 1638. Maldonado. From those places [Essequibo, Berbice, etc.] referred to there go forth every year a number of pirogues of Caribs to murder and rob along the entire coast during the summer, which is the most favourable time to do so. Same, p. 124. 1666. Major John Scott. It is beyond all controversy that Gniana hath been time out of mind ye station of ye Carrebs, and all the Indians on the island [Guiana is here taken to be an island] owe their oridginall from thence. The most numerous nacion of Indians in Guiana are ye Careebs, and these are inhabited in Aricare about 6,000 Careeb families. In Wiapoca, Macorea, and Abrewaco, 11,000 Careebc families. In the River Marrawina, about 800 Cireeb families. Same, p. 168. In Suranam, Commowina, Suramaco, Copenham, and Currianteen are about 0,000 Careeb families. From Wina to the utmost part of Awarabish, on the west syde of Oranoque and the Rivers Oronoque, Poraema, and Amacora, are about 20,000 Careebs families. Same, p. i6g. 204: INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-CARIBS-(Con- tlnued). 1673. Commandeur in Essequibo. Peace had been made with the Caribs in Bariiua and the Arawaks, and they had intercourse with each other. B. C, I, lyj. 1682. Commandeur in Essequibo. Among: the natives of the country, thank God, there is peace as yet. . . . On account of the war between tlie Caribs and Accoways the River Cuyuni no longer furnishes provisions. Same, p. iSj. 1683. Commandeur in Essequibo. I have sent a negro up in Cuyuni in order, if it be possible, to establish peace between the Aliuways and tlie Caribs. Same, p. 183. 1686. Tiburcio de Axpe y Zuiiiga. This nation [Carib] is very numerous (not, however, in those parts about Guarapiche or the Golfo Triste, described by the Capuchins, where they are few in number), for on the mainland various places are occupied by them, as, for in- stance, Amana, Pao, Caura, and all the coast from the River Orinoco to the Maranon. Same, p. ig^. 1686. Sancho Fernandez de Angulo. The Carib Indians, . . . are a nation very numerous in various parts, and in the Island of St. Vincent (one of the Windward Islands) they are proud, valiant, warlike, and the arbiters of peace and war, and trample on the other na- tions ; they eat human flesh generally, and every year at a fixed time they gather together and go to the districts of the River Orinoco to make war on other nations, and they eat the Indians whom they kill. In these [cannibal] feasts . . . they usually decide on warlike expeditions which are very pernicious, both against the Spaniards and against other Indian nations. Same, pp. igy-igS. 1723. Viceroy of New Granada. On the banks of the said river [Orinoco], and inland from it, are innumerable infidel and Carib Indians who inhabit and people that region. V. C, III, j68. 1733. Father Bernardo Rotella. I suppose, fourthly, that the Guayquiries, including the Aguaricotas, Mayopes, and Salinas, are for the most part Caribs, some, because they are the sons of Caribs, others through inheritances, marriages, and friendship ; and even if I were to say that part of the Guayanese are the same I should not be wrong, for from Guayana not only up to the mouth of the Meta, but up to the Maypures, twenty-three days' sail or more, these are Caribs already, and consequently traitors. B. C.-C, App., 168. And those [Indians] who do not go over to their [Carib] side, they will sweep away just as they have destroyed, at the present time, more than forty-two tribes, of which there is one, namely, that of the Saypos, which was very numerous, but whereof no more than one boy now remains. Same, p. i/o. The Caribs, my friend, are overbearing, insolent and bold, and if they had not met with resistance there would have been by this time neither Missions nor missionaries. Same, p. 172. INDIANS. 265 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY THEMSELVES-CARIBS-(Con- tinued). 1733. Father Bernardo Rotella. Respecting what I say against Araguacare. This man, my friend, was loyal until he was made a captain ; but now he is no longer Araguacare, but another Yaguaria, and through him and the rest of the Caribs it is already known for certain that the Guayanese, Guayquiries, Mapoyes, Agxiaricotes, and Salinas are declared Cai'ibs, and consequently greater traitors, as they are those we have in the Missions. The utmost excess appeared to be reached when a Salina captain sold one of his uncles ... to the Caribs ; but this is surpassed by a chief of these Guayquiries who has actually sold me to the Caribs of Caura. B. C.-C, App., 172-173. The worst is that a Guayquire Chief (not the one who sold me) through such speeches, and through being the son-in-law of a Carib, wanted to kick me in the presence of the said Don Feliz and the other soldiers of my escort. Same, p. 174. 1733. Government of Trinidad. It must be borne in mind that the said Caribs are not natives of the Orinoco, but intruders, and that Law 13, Title 2, Book 6, allows war to be made upon those of that tribe who come to infest these provinces with armed force, and who eat human flesh, and sanctions the enslavement of those above 14 years, except the women. Same, p. 178. 1734. Father Joseph Gumilla. This . . . only proved the means of aggravating the liaiig:hty and cruel cliaracter of tlie Caribs. B. C, III, S6. 1735. Governor of Cumana. The Carib nation, which is the most numerous and rules over all the other nations, having arrogated to itself the title of the King of the Orinoco, and being constantly at war with the other nations, as it has no other occupation nor way of living, for they neither till nor cultivate their lands, but sustain themselves by waging war against the other Indians, whom they enslave and carry away to sell to the Dutch and other foreign nations ; there being years in which the slaves sold by them are no less than from 600 to 700. V. C.-C, III, 42. 1739. Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago. There are twenty leagues of river [below Angostura] on which many Caribs are established, and especially those of Aguire, Caroni and Tacorapo, who carry on traffic, the latter sailing up the Caroni, . . . communicate by land at no great distance with the Indian Caribs, who are established above Angostura, on the rivers Caura, Rio Tauca, Puruey, Curumutopo, and in other places. B. C.-C, App., 1S6. This Fort being taken, the garrison of soldiers will without doubt die or be murdered, because the Caribs do not grant any kind of quarter. Same, p. iSj. 1747. Don Jose de Iturriaga. The Caribs who dwell within the Orinoco occupy about 70 leagues of the south bank from the mouth of the River Caroni, distant 6 leagues to the west from Guayana, to the mouth of the River Caura. B. C, II, jj. 266 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY THEMSELVES CARIBS-(Con- tinued). 1747. Don Jose de Iturriaga. As in the 90 and more leagues [up the Orinoco] from the mouth of theCaroni the Caribs hold sway, the navigation is dangerous for those who are not their friends, or who are not accompanied by a force strong enough to repulse their attack. The very many attacks on the Missions, their desolation and destruction, are proofs of the dislike with which they [Caribs] regard them. The threats of the Carib.s, which some Indians fear, their suggestions, which perturb others, and the free life of the forest, which appeals to all those recently settled, are likewise causes of the sudden dispersement which they have been wont to suffer. B. C, II, 34. 1753. Don Jose de Iturriaga. I know by experience that the Caribs of the Orinoco will not abandon their territory to come and dwell in other parts of the banks of the river, however much we may flatter them with advantageous offers, nor will they condescend to admit missionaries. Same, p. go. 1755. Don Eugenio de Alvarado. Assuming then that the savage Carib tribe is spread along the tributaries of the Orinoco, equally towards the east and towards the west, and likewise in the woods of the southern slope which form the defence of Essequibo, it is evi- dent that they will be continually going to and fro through all parts, attacking the other tribes who inhabit both banks of the Orinoco, and also in the interior, the Missions of the Capuchin Fathers and of the Observants, in order to capture their poitos and destroy by fire and sword those who are already reduced. Same, p. log. With them [Caribs] Chiefs are nothing more than a union of persons of both sexes, composed of sons, brothers, first cousins, and nephews, who form an asso- ciation and occupy a certain district with their ranches and he is considered the most powerful among them who can bring together the greatest number of people. They have no respect or subordination whatever to the Headman, and have no other laws than those of their own fancy. Same, p. ill. 1758. Prefect of Missions. I am unable to name all the nations which the Caribs pursue with the object of enslaving them. But the tribes dwelling on our frontiers, and the most generally known, are the Barinagotos, Maos, Macos, Amarucotos, Camaracotos, and Anaos, Paravinas, Guaicas, etc. Same, p. 14^. The Paraman where the Caribs dwell in great numbers. This slave trade has so completely changed the Caribs that their only occupa- tion is constantly going to and returning from war, selling and killing the Indians of those nations already mentioned. And not only the Caribs of the forests, but even those of the Missions participate in these wars. Same, p. 148. 1760. Don Jose de Iturriaga. The Caribs from the Paragua had proceeded to the River Parime ; some from Caura had likewise gone to the neighborhood of Essequibo, and the rest were moved to follow them. Same, p. 1S4. INDIANS. 267 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-CARI BS-(Con- tinued.) 1761. Prefect of Missions. In the year 1758 the Mission of Terepi was also lost. The Caribs of whom it was composed, 48 in number, had fled the preceding year, but were retaken, and showed signs of perseverance. They were established in the same place; but moved by their iucoustaut character, they again fled. V. C, II, sjg. 1 76 1. Don Jose Diguja. The Caribs, a ferocious and warlike tribe overrunning all this extensive province [of Guayana] and part of those of Barcelona, Caracas and Santa Fe. Same, p. J42. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. Various separate Carib Indians, ... in consequence of their roving and warlike nature, go long distances from their settlements. In some of the said ranges, even of those which are below the equinoctial line, the cold is excessive, for which reason the said Caribs trade little therein, being afraid of getting benumbed, as they say. B. C, III, 60. 1765. Director-General in Essequibo. I had received tidings from Upper Massaruni that the Carib nation was at war with that of the Acuways, and that the latter had massacred all the women and children in a Carib village on the Massaruni. Same, p. iig. 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. We are at piesent in very precarious circumstances, the Acuways and Caribs being now in open war. Same, p. 178. 1770. Postholder in Cuyuni. The greater part of the Caribs have departed from Cuyuni to Masseroeny to make dwelling places there [Moruca] and some have gone to Upper Siepanamen to live there. B.C., IV, 76. 1776. Director-General and Councillors of Essequibo and Demerary. Some nation which, according to old custom or their relations with us, it was not permitted to bring to slavery, such as the Carib, Arrowak, Warrow and Akowa nations. Same, p. 141. 1785. Diary of the Commander of Revenue Cutter in Orinoco. I ordered them to be asked whether there were any negroes living at Amacura with Carib Indians and they said there were none, nor even Carib In- dians there. At the mouth of the Barima . . . some Guaruano Indians had a hut inland; and . . . some Guaruano Indians appeared . . . and . . . they told me that they were Indians from Sacupana fleeing from the Carib In- dians, and that on Barima creek and Amacuro there were about three thousand Indians fleeing from the severity (the floods ?) of the Orinoco. V.C.-C.,III,332-333' 268 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY THEMSELVES CARIBS-(Con- tinued). 1802. Commandant of Berbice, Demerary and Essequibo. The interior of Guyana is inhabited by various tribes of Indians, who are gen- erally termed " Buks." Those residing nearest the sea, and, consequently most frequently come among the settlers, are the Arawaak, the Akawye, the Worrows and the Charibbs. But of late very few of them have made their appearance, and it is to be apprehended that this circumstance has arisen from dissatisfaction. It would, however, be better policy to keep these people in good humour, and as their wants are but few, and of the most trivial description, their attachment may be secured at a very small expense. B. C, V, 172-17 j. 1 81 3. D. van Sistema. The Charaibes are generally understood to be the most warlike, but they are less numerous than the Maconcies ; it is, nevertheless, certain that they all acknowledge the Charaibe Manerwa to be their Chief in time of v/ar. Same, p. 21 j. 1823. William Hilhouse. The Indian tribes within the limits of the Colony are as follows: — Caribisee, Accaway, Arawaak, Warrow, Macouchi, Indians of the Savan, which, though nominally Arawaaks, have some peculiarities which constitute them a separate tribe — Paramuna. The Caribisee are generally reputed the most warlike ; but it is certain that, at the present day, they have no ascendency over the other tribes. Within this Colony they are far from numerous, and reside so far in the interior that they are almost totally unacquainted with the use of firearms. They cultivate the soil, and are more stationary than the other tribes, and though of good stature, they are less able to bear the fatigue of active and prolonged service. They, however, claim precedence, which the other nations do not appear to object to. They are found in the Cayoni, Upper Essequibo, Upper Pomeroon, and Manawareena, and Wackpow Creeks, but not one in the Demerary River. B. C, VI, 26. 1833. Protector of Indians in Pomeroon. In the district of your reporter the principal tribes who inhabit nearest the cultivation are Caribs, Arrowacks, Warrows, and some Spanish Indians. Same, p. 48. 1836. Postholder in Pomeroon. There are three tribes of Indians within twenty-four hours' journey of this Post, say Warrau, Arawacks and Caribs. There are in all about from 700 to 8oo, including males and females. There are also about from 200 to 250 Span- ish Indians residing about six hours' distance from this Post up the Morocco Creek. Same, p. 61. 1840. R. H. Schomburgk. Of the Caribi, the once widely-extended people, . . . there remain but few in British Guiana. The Caribis inhabit the lower Mazaruni and Cuyuni ; about 100 are located at the Corentyn, 80 at the Rupununni, 30 at the Guidaru, and their wliole num- ber . . . does not at present surpass 300. V. C, III, JI4. INDIANS. 269 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-CARI BS-(Con- tinued). 1848, W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Barama is a large tributary of the Winey River, inhabited by Warrows, Carrabeese, and Accaway or Waika Indians. B. C, VI, 172. 1883. E. F. im Thurn. The population of the whole district is very scanty and is very scattered. Most of the inhabitants are Red men — True Caribs chiefly on the Barama and upper Barima, Ackawoi on the Morooka and upper Waini, Arawaaks on the Morooka, and many Warraus everywhere at the mouths of the rivers. V. C, III, 317. 1888. E. F. im Thurn. Different tribes of Indians living within the [Pomeroon Judicial] district, as well as the special parts inhabited by each, True Caribs [dwell at] Pomeroon, upper part ; Manawarin ; Barama ; Barima, upper part. B. C, VII, 2^7. 1897, George L. Burr. For the earliest period ... the Waini, unHke the rivers to the east of it, was the home, not of the mild Arawak, but of the €arib. V. C.-C, II, no. Though Arawaks, like Raleigh's pilot, lived scattered among the Warrows of the coast to the west of the Pomeroon, yet, according to all the early narrators, this region was mainly Carib ; and they agree ... in making the Pome- roon, or its little neighbor, the Moruca, the first occupied by the Arawaks. Same, p. 116. 1898. Michael McTurk. The Carib tribe, which can be divided into a considerable number of sub- tribes, such as the Macussies, Arckunas, Ackawois or Waikas, and others, all of which use different dialects of the Carib language, occupy all the interior parts of the Colony beyond the country occupied by the Arrawacks. The true Caribs are to be found more or less on all the large rivers of the Colony, and as far inland on the Essequibo as Apoeterie, at the mouth of the Rupununi. They are, however, more numerous on the Barama, Barima, and Pomeroon than elsewhere. B. C.-C, App., 405. 1898. E. F. im Thurn. There are three chief Indian stocks in this part of Guiana, the Warow, Ara- wak, and Carib, each using a distinct language, and that of these stocks at least one, the Carib, is distinguishable into a number of sub-tribes— Macusis, Areku- nas, Akawois or Waikas, Partamonas, and others— each of which uses a dialect of the stock Carib language. The geographical position of these tribes within the area seems to have been much the same in the earliest recorded times as now, and is almost certainly con- nected with the history of their respective migrations into the country. The Warrows . . . represent the earliest occupiers . . . The Arawaks, probably somewhat later comers, who formerly occupied some or all of the West Indian islands, were gradually forced southwards, in front of the great Carib migration, down that chain of islands and on the mainland. . . . Lastly, the great migration of Carib tribes came in the wake of the Arawaks. Same, p. 40S. 270 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY THEMSELVES-MAKUSIS. . British Case. The last-named tribe [Maknsis] was much raided by the Caribsand Akawois, and it was from this nation that the Indian slaves, or "poitos," were largely ob- tained. What precise localities this tribe occupied it is difficult to trace, but in the year 1833, when their numbers had become greatly reduced, they were found at the headwaters of the Essequibo. B. C, g-io. 1765. Director-General in Essequibo. The Postholder of Arinda states that ... he had intended to proceed up the River Rupununi, but had found the Maconssis and Wapissanes, the two nations living there, at war. B. C, III, 120. 1771. Commandant of Guiana. Mount Dorado . . . adjoining the aforesaid lake [Parime] at the mouth of the creek of Guaricuru, inhabited or guarded by the Macusi, Arecuna, and many other nations of savage Indians from the interior of this Province. B. C, IV, 97. 1790. Lopez de la Puente. It would be much to our advantage to acquire the friendship of the Macnsis, a considerable tribe, and the largest that dwells in the interior of the country. This would not be difficult by means of the Guaycas, by making them some presents, such as looking-glasses and other bagatelles of that kind. B. C, V, 121. 1823. William Hilhouse. The Macoiichis. — These Indians are few in number, and but little known. They live in great terror of, and alm.ost in subjection to, the Caribisce and Acca- ways, who possess many slaves of this tribe, and in former times trafficked in them with the whites. They are sulky and timorous, but cruel and revengeful, and generally dip their weapons of offence in the Worali poison, which is sup- posed to be the reason why the other tribes have leagued against them to their almost total extirpation. They are neither numerically or physically calculated for any service. B. C, VI, 27. 1839. Rev. Thomas Youd. I have visited the Indians who lie still further south of Pirara, . . . and between the Rivers Essequibo and Rupununy. The different tribes which I have met are the Maciisic, Wapishana, Attorie, and Taruma nations, but south of all these the Wie-Wie tribe are settled upon the source of the Essequibo. Same, pp. 64-6J. 1840. R. H. Schomburgk. The most powerful tribes now extant are the Maeusis and Arecunas, who in- habit the extensive plains on our southern and southwestern boundary. V. c, 111,314. WARROWS. . British Case. The principal Indian tribes inhabiting the territory known as Guiana were the Caribs, the Akawois or Waikas, the Arawaks, and the Warows or Guaraunos. B. C, 9. INDIANS. 271 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-WARROWS-(Con- tinued). 1 666. Major John Scott. In little villages by the sea-side lives about 400 families of Waroocs in Ma- roea and Wiiia, and in the islands of Oranoque River and near the mouth of that river, lives about 5,000 families of Warooes. B. C, I, i6g. 1764. Director-General in Essequibo. The Warouws, who inhabit the islands in the mouth of the Orinoco. B. C, III, Jir. 1767. British Case. The Warows originally inhabited the swampy morasses and islands in the mouth of the Orinoco, as well as the lower reaches of the Barima. ... In 1767 they migrated in great numbers to the Barima district. ... In this locality they still remained after the British had taken over the Dutch Colonies, and are to be found there to the present day. The Warows had none of the warlike characteristics of the Caribs and Akawois. They are described as a nation of boat-builders . . . they were expert fishermen, and it was by them that the noted Maracot fishery of the Lower Orinoco was kept up. The women were skilful in the manufacture of baskets and . . . hammocks, . . . Under the British Government this tribe became more industrious, and contributed more labour to the sugar plantations than any Indian tribe of Guiana, and though despised by the other nations, and regarded as hewers of wood and drawers of water, they proved to the planter the most useful of labourers. B. C, 11-12. 1776. Director-General and Councillors of Essequibo and Demerary. Some nation which, according to old custom or their relations with us, it was not permitted to bring to slavery, such as the Carib, Arrowak, Warrow and Akowa nations. B. C, IV, 141. 1802. Commandant of Berbice, Demerary and Essequibo. The interior of Guayana is inhabited by various tribes of Indians, who are generally termed " Buks." Those residing nearest the sea, ... are the Arawaak, the Akawye, the Warrows and the Charibbs. But of late very few of them have made their appearance, and it is to be apprehended that this . . . has arisen from dissatisfaction. It would, however, be better policy to keep these people in good humor, and . . . their attachment may be secured at a very small expense. ^- ^•' '^' ^7^~^73- 181 3. Acting Governor Codd. Nothing in the world, for example, would induce a Warrow Indian to quit the district which alike furnishes him with fish and his beloved eta, or wild cabbage. Same, p. 213. 1823. William Hilhouse. The Warrows.— This is a nation of shipwrights. From their infancy they are trained to the construction of canoes and corials, and it is truly astonishing with what nicety, perseverance, and ingenuity they excavate the most immense trees into vessels of the most perfect symmetry, and, without any instrument but the axe, form the hull capable of a velocity of motion superior to any produced by the rules of European art or practice. -"• ^•' ^■'' ^7' 272 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY THEMSELVES-WARROWS-(Con- tinued). 1823. William Hilhouse. Their model appears to be the body of a fish, say the querryman ; but they reverse the propelling motion, making the head of the canoe the tail of the fish, and vice-versa. They are of middling stature, and very dark complexion. They derive their subsistence from the water, being all expert fishermen. Their cultivation is very trifling; their food being principally fish with few vegetables, and, at a pinch, they make a kind of bread of the pulp of the Eta tree. They are, for Indians, very industrious, but of filthy habits, and of no great personal courage, but, when sober, docile and submissive. They are great drunk- ards, and, when drunk, excessively quarrelsome and outrageous. On expeditions they may be useful where the country is swampy and overflowed, as they are very expert in forming temporary crafts, and are almost amphibious ; but they have little knowledge of fire-arms. B. C, VI, 27. 1833. Protector of Indians in Pomeroon. In the district of your reporter the principal tribes who inhabit nearest the cultivation are Caribs, Arrowacks, Warrows, and some Spanish Indians. Same, p. 48. 1836. Postholder in Pomeroon. There are three tribes of Indians within twenty-four hours' journey from this Post, say Warraii, Arawacks and Caribs. There are in all, about from 700 to 800, including males and females. There are also about from 200 to 250 Spanish Indians residing about six hours' distance from this Post up the Morocco Creek. Same, p. 61. 1840. R. H. Schomburgk. The Arawaaks and Warraus live at the coast regions, and their small settle- ments extend scarcely one hundred miles inland ; I estimate their number at 3,150. V. C, 111,314. 1 841. R. H. Schomburgk. The Kaituma is inhabited by Warrau and Waika [Akaway] Indians. B. C, VII, 20. There are several Warrau settlements on the banks of the Camwavu. . . . The Manari is mostly inhabited by Warraus, but there is a settlement of Waikas. Same, p. 22, 1846. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The Worrow Indians who are the most numerous, being, as they are, the principal inhabitants of Morocco Creek and its tributaries, as also of the Rivers Winey, Bareema, and Amacoora and their various streams. B. C, VI, 14^, 1848. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The Worrows are likewise useful in the fabrication of corials and canoes, and the celebrated Spanish launches, sometimes so large as to carry seventy per- sons, are made by them also. The Worrows . . . inhabitiug the Rivers Winey, Bareema, and Auia- curu. Same, p. ijo. INDIANS. 273 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-WARROWS-(Con- tinued). 1848. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The WoiTOWS . . . are designated . . . the hewers of wood and carriers of water. B. C, V/, lyr. Barama is a large tributary of the Winey River, inhabited by Worrows, Carrabeese, and Accaway or VVaika Indians. Same, p. 1^2. 1883. E. F. im Thurn. The population of the whole district is very scanty and is very scattered. Most of the inhabitants are Red men — True Caribs chiefly on the Barama and upper Barima, Ackawoi on the Morooka and upper Waini, Arawaks on the Morooka, and many Warraus everywhere at the mouths of the rivers. V. C, III, 317. 1888. E. F. im Thurn. Different tribes of Indians living within the [Pomeroon Judicial] district, as well as the special parts inhabited by each. Warraus [dwell at ] Amakooroo ; Barima, near mouth ; Morooka. B. C, VII, 237. 1897. George L. Burr. Though Arawaks, like Raleigh's pilot, lived scattered among the Warrows of the coast to the west of the Pomeroon, yet, according to all the early narrators, this region was mainly Carib ; and they agree ... in making the Pomeroon, or its little neighbor, the Moruca, the first occupied by the Arawaks . V. C.-C, II, 116. 1898. Michael McTurk. The aboriginal Indians who inhabit the country between the Orinoco and the Essequibo, although apparently divided into a large number of groups, may be classified into three principal stocks, namely, the Warraus, the Arrawacks, and the Caribs, each of which use a distinct language. The Warraus appear to have been the earliest occupiers of the country, and they inhabited, as they still do, the swamps both in the actual delta of the Orinoco and eastwards of that river almost as far as Pomeroon. B, C.-C, App., 404. 1898, E. F. im Thurn. There are three chief Indian stocks in this part of Guiana, the W^irow, Ara- wak, and Carib, each using a distinct language, and that of these stocks at least one, the Carib, is distinguishable into a number of sub-tribes — Macusis, Areku- nas, Akawois or Waikas, Partamonas, and others — each of which uses a dialect of the stock Carib language. The geographical position of these tribes within the area seems to have been much the same in the earliest recorded times as now, and is almost cer- tainly connected with the history of their respective migrations into the country. The Warows . . . represent the earliest occupiers of the country of whom any trace remains. At the first arrival of the Europeans they occupied, as they still do, the swamps both in the actual deha of the Orinoco, and eastward of that river almost to the Pomeroon. Same, p. 408. Some other tribal names occur in the documents in connection with the pres- ent arbitration. Some of them are merely syuouyius, e. g., Guarauos for Warows, and Waikas or Gua} cas for Akawois. Same, p. 40S, 274 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-VARIOUS TRIBES, UNCLASSIFIED. . British Case. Other tribes of less importance [in Guiana were] the so-called Arawak- Akawois, or Wauwejaus, who were considered descendants of both the former tribes, though distinct from each of them, the Mag'aiioiits, or Mauoas, a power- ful and warlike nation dwelling in the region watered by the Upper Essequibo and Massaruni, the Paramouas, and the Macusis. B. C, g. Mention must also be made of the Panacays who appear to have lived in the neighbourhood of the Upper Cuyuni, and of the Pariacots, who seem also to have inhabited the same district. Same, p. lo. 1 595. Capt. Felipe de Santiago. On the banks of all these mouths [of the Orinoco] mentioned many natives of two tribes, known as the Ciiag-iiaues and Tivitives, dwell, both of them living in swamps. Entering by any of the above-mentioned mouths, and going up the River Orinoco in the direction of the new Kingdom of Granada various territories of several tribes of natives are met with, such as the Aruacas, Yayos, Sapoyos, Caribs, and Napuyos. B. C, I, g. 1638. Maldonado. Under tents or in canoes, covered with bihao leaves and palm mats, which they call antivitives. Same, p. i2j. 1755. Don Eugenio de Alvarado. The Pariag'oto Indians, who inhabited the ramifications of the Imataka Mountains. ^. C.-C, III, 33. The Parives are more idle than the other Indians, and as they found their courage upon being continually in motion and attacking other tribes, they are very roving, and work their farms with the poitos they capture, from among whom they select the most robust men and the best-looking women, and sell the rest to the Dutch. B. C, II, ui. 1755. Director-General in Essequibo. Some Indians of the Cliiama nation, by us [Dutch] called Sliiamacolte, and who have already (over ten years) been dwelling under the [Moruka] Post. Same, p. 121. 1755. Postholder in Wacquepo. Some Indian Cliianias living in these parts . . . The aforesaid Indians have been living here already some years, and being free men I cannot compel them to depart from here. B, C, II, 122, 1763. Director-General in Essequibo. The nation of 3Ianoas (called here along the bank Magrnouws) being dissat- isfied with the treatment they received from the Portuguese of Brazil, had resolved to come to this Colony to make a Treaty of Commerce with us. Same, p. 222, INDIA.NS. 275 THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-VARIOUS TRIBES, UNCLASSIFIED-Continued). 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. The Creole Tampoko , . . reported that the Postholder and assistant at Arinda had not run away, nor been killed, but that the nation of the Maiioas, here called Mjigiiamvs, had been making a raid through the country and had come to the Post and carried off both the Postholder and the assistant ; that they had taken all the goods and destroyed the buildings. This nation is an ally of the Portuguese of Brazil. B. C, III, 1^2. 1767. Commandeur in Demerary. [The Arowak Acuways] are far superior to the Caribs in courage and daring ; they are at the present moment on friendly terms with the Caribs, and are the sworn enemies of the real Acuways, who live up in the river Rupununi ; here in the river they are called the Aruwak Acuways, because they are descended from Aruwaks and Acuways, but their right name is Wauwejaus. Same, p. 160. 1769. Fray Benito de la Garriga. We thus prevented the attack which was plotted against the Indian tribe of Cueuicotos, who are on the southern boundary of these Missions, and to the north of the river Apononi. B. C, IV, 22. 1 77 1. Commandant of Guiana. The Purueotas ... of the River Parime. Same, p. pp. 1779. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. The Gfuarauna tribe is the most inconstant and variable among almost all the tribes that occupy all the creeks of the Orinoco. B. C.-C, App., 2J4. 1788. Don Miguel Marmion. The Meta from its mouth up to the first settlements ... is nearly a desert, or at most inhabited by the (liiiajibos Indians, a nomadic nation, impossible to subdue, cowardly and very treacherous. B. C, V, jj. 1802. Commandant of Berbice, Demerary and Essequibo. The interior of Guyana is inhabited by various tribes of Indians, who are generally termed " Buks." Those residing nearest the sea, . . . are the Arawaak, the Akawye, the Worrows and the Charibbs. But of late vei-y few of them have made their appearance, and it is to be apprehended that this circum- stance has arisen from dissatisfaction. It would, however, be better policy to keep these people in good humour, and , . . their attachment may be secured at a very small expense. Same, pp. //'2-i/j. 1823. William Hilhouse. The Paraimiiia inhabit the interior between the Upper Demerary and Essequibo ; they are subservient to the Accaways and Caribisce, few in number, and not qualified for service. B. C, VI, 2y. 1833. Protector of Indians in Pomeroon. In the district of your reporter the principal tribes who inhabit nearest the cultivation are Caribs, Arrowacks, Warrows, and Some Spauisli Indians. Same, p. 48. 2Y0 INDIANS. THE INDIANS CONSIDERED BY TH EMSELVES-VARIOUS TRIBES, UNCLASSIFIED-(Continued). 1840. R. H. Schomburgk. The . . . Aborigiiiocs within the boundaries of British Guiana . . . consist of the following tribes : Arawaak, Warrau, Caribi or Carribisi, Accawai or Waccawaio, Taruma, Macusi, Arecuna, Wapisiana, Atorai or Atoria, and Woyawai. V. C, III, 314. 1853. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Indians of the Maiong-nng nation . . . settled on the River Wieney. B. C, VI, igj. 1865. Editor of British Counter Case. [Four Maiong-kong's], a tribe residing about the source of Cuyuni River. B. C.-C, A pp., 30S. [Arecnnas] A tribe living about Roraima, and north of the source of the Cuyuni. Same, p. jog. 1888. E. F. im Thurn. Different tribes of Indians within the [Pomeroon-Judicial] district as well as the special parts inhabited by each. Spanish Arawaks [dwell at] Morooka, upper. B. C, VII, 237. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-HOSTILITY TO. 1637. Jacques Ousiel. The great fort [of the Dutch in Trinidad], which is likewise a stockade, built only as a defence ag-ainst the €aribs. B. C, I, S3. 1679. Commandeur in Essequibo. There lately came tidings of the approach of a strong fleet of Caribs from the Corentyn with intent to visit this [Essequibo] river and Pomeroon, having perhaps a secret understanding with the Caribs dwelling here to make a common attack upon us. Satne, pp. 1S1-1S2. 1680. Pitri Dirguian. He stated that they had left Berbis in quest of some Caribs who had killed SCYcral Hollanders; that they had found said Caribs at the mouth of the river Orinoco and killed them. V. C.-C, III, 14. 1681. Commandeur in Essequibo. By reason of the Accoway war in Cuyuni, ... No one dares to trust himself among that faithless tribe. B. C, 1, 1S4. 1684. Commandeur and Planters in Essequibo. Two or three hostile [bands of natives J] from Coppenani surprised and at- tacked the barque of Captain Gideon Biscop, lying in the Barima . . . and killed the said Captain with all his men. Same, p. jSS, 1685. Commandeur in Essequibo. The dispersed and hunted-away Caribs from the Copename River are flying to leeward about Barima, Weyni, Amacoora, often alarming this coast, and sometimes slaying some unlucky Arowak Indians or Christians. Same, p. iSS. INDIANS. 277 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-HOSTILITY TO-(Continued). 1689. [1897] George L. Burr. It was at tlie hands of French and Caribs from Barima that the Poincroon colony fell, in April of 1689. V. C.-C, II, i2j. 1723. Court of Policy in Esseqiiibo. Necessary to send two equipped boats up in the falls of Esseqiiibo for a month, with three or four Christians, in order to keep an eye upon the Mag:a- nouts, since evil reports were daily heard from that nation. B. C„ I, 2jj. 1724. Court of Policy in Essequibo. According to reports received the Maganout nation were killing all whom they could lay hands on up in Essequibo, and they were driving away all other nations who were our friends. His Honour maintained that it was very necessary foi' the protection of the wliole Colony to extirpate and annihilate these rebels, if possible. B. C, II, 2. 1725. Court of Policy in Essequibo. Reports are daily received concerning* the Maganout nation, and . . . attention should be paid to the matter, whereupon it was resolved to send two proper soldiers to the Plantation Nieuw Cortrijk [about 20 miles up the Essequibo from its junction with the Cuyuni-Mazaruni and on the east bank] . . . to keep a good lookout, ... in case of treason they are ordered to give immediate information to Mr. van derKaay, as well as to the nearest planta- tion, which is Oosterbeek [about 15 miles up the Essequibo from its junction with the Cuyuni-Mazariuni and on the east bankj, and which shall further be obliged to send immediate warning to the Commandeur, and to give these soldiers a 3-pr. and ammunition, this being considered necessary, since the Mag"anouts must first pass tliere if tliey wish to come by water and injure this river. Same, p. J. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Postholder of Wacquepo and Moruka came the day before yesterday [July 18, 1746J, to inform me that a nation of Indians have come down from Orinoco and have attacked tlie Caribs subject to us in the River Wayni [ } the Akawaini, a small tributary of the Pomeroon. See V . S. Com. Rep., Ill, pp. 2SJ-2S4. Also B. C, II, pp. 4S D and JO C], have killed several, and have threatened that they would extirpate them all. ... I have strong reasons to suspect that the Indians have been sent by the Spaniards of Cumana. Same, p. 4^. 1748. Court of Justice. Upon the charges of Gerrit van Leeuwen, a colonist, . . . Gerrit van Leeuwen . . . deposed that the Indian named Tobias, being his slave, had had the audacity to strike liim on the head with a piece of timber and grievously wound him whilst he lay asleep at night in the River Cuyuni. The Indian . . , did openly confess without being put to any kind of torture that he had done so . . . we considered the aforesaid Indian de- serving of death, and therefore passed the following sentence. B. C.-C, App., I go. 1750. Commandeur in Essequibo. A war witli tlie natives would be the ruin of tlie Colony. B. C, II, 6s. 27S INDIANS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-HOSTILITY TO-(Continued). 1 75 1. Acting Commandeur in Essequibo, The aforesaid Postholder [in Arinda] has also reported to me that those of the Magrauoiit nation are attacking? and driving- away the otlier nations far up in the Essequibo, and that, . . . they liad killed a certain trader named Pieter Lons. ^- C., II, 71. 1752. Director-General in Essequibo. Since my return here they [the Caribs] pitifully murdered a certain B. de Beaumont, as well as six of the men he had with him when on their return journey with tobacco. The other two, although severely wounded, were rescued by our colonist, J. Smit, who was returning from Orinoco with horses. Same, p. 76. 1755. Director-General in Essequibo. The nation of the Acnways, which is very strong in the interior, and some of whose villages both in Essequibo and in Massaruni and Demerary are situated next to our plantations, commenced by attacking the dwellin8:s of some free Creoles belonging to the plantation Oosterbeek and massacring those they found there. S^"^^' P- ^^o. 1756. Director-General in Essequibo. As peace has not yet been made with the Acuways of Mazaruni and Esse- quibo, I am obliged to leave the garrison at the old fort. Same, p. i2g. 1756. Assistant at Arinda. On the 27th May, [1756J, I was told by an Ackewey of Demerara that the Ackeways, who did so much mischief last year, are again getting themselves and their slaves ready to war against the Christians. Same, p. 130. 1758. Stephen Hiz, postholder in Cuyuni. Asked . . . what was the object of occupying that Post [on the Cuyunij, he answered ... to apprehend negro slaves who escaped from Essequibo ; and to obstruct and restrain tlie Carib tribe, so tliat they miglit not do any injury, by way of that river, either to those of the said Colony or to the neigh- bouring Spaniards and domesticated Indians. Asked with what motive he took up arms against the Spaniards, ... he answered . . . that he wished to rise in order to escape, being under the impression they were Caribs. Same, p. i6j. 1769. Postholder in Cuyuni. I have heard from a Carib that the Caribs of the Mazaruni were coming down with this flood to carry off the Caribs of Cuyuni to the Mazaruni, and were also coming to llic Post to kill me and Gerrit van Leeuw. ... It is my in- tention ... to remove the Post to an island Toenamoeto, lying between two falls, and on that island the post will be better and healthier. I have already commenced to make a clearing there. V. C, II, iSg. INDIANS. 279 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS ALLEGED IN CASES AND COUNTER CASES. . British Case. The policy of maintaining an alliance with the Iiuliaiis and of protecting them from outrage and wrong either at the hands of Europeans or of one another was continued [by the British]. B. C, //. In 1(>38 it was reported to the King of Spain that tliC Dutch . . . were in close alliance with tlie Caribs. Same, pp. 2^-26. At the time of the Treaty of Utrecht (1714) the Dutch . . . had estab- lished friendly relations with the Indian tribes of the interior, who looked to them as their arbiters in tribal disputes, and offered them assistance in time of hostile attack. Same, p. j2. As early as the seventeenth century and thenceforward, the Company found it necessary, not only to regulate trade itself, but also to exercise control of a political nature over the district in which trade was carried on. It was impera- tive that the Indians with whom the trade was carried on should be prevented from making war upon one another, and should be protected from outrag-e at tiie hands of Europeans. Same, p. S4. The Dutch considered the Indians of Guiana as their subjects, and tlie In- dians, on their part, looked to the Dutch Ciovernment in the Colony for protection against any ill treatment at the hands of the Spaniards. Thus, in 1724, the Court of Policy, on learning that the Maganouts (Manoas) had at- tacked the Caribs and Akawois, gave instructions for the commencement of hos- tilities, because the Akawois and Caribs killed were " under the protection of this river." Same, p. gy. In their relations with the Spaniards and with other tribes of Indians, the Caribs . . . acted under the control of the Dutch, and recognized their pro- tectorate. The Dutch on their part assumed the responsibilities of a Protect- ing' Power. Same, p. gS. The Indians of that district [Mazaruni] shared in the subsidy given by the Dutch, and had their Captains appointed by them, like the Indians of Cuyuni and Essequibo. In the Upper Cuyuni as early as 1746, and again in 1757, the Caribs were prevented from attacking- the Spanish Missions in that neighbourhood, because the Dutcli Commandeur regarded tliem, and had reason to believe that the Spaniards also regarded them, as belonging- to Dutch jurisdiction. Same, p. iij. The Indians of Guiana submitted to, acknowledged, and supported the sov- ereignty of the Dutcli and IJritish respectively within the territory now in dis- pute. The Dutch and, subsequently, the British, claimed and exercised the right of appointing the Captains of the Indians who were officially recognized as such by the Government of the Colony. Same, p. iig. The Indian Captains were appointed by the Dutch and British Govern- ments. Same, p. 162. 280 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS ALLEGED IN CASES AND COUNTER CASES-(Continued). . British Counter Case. In 1701 the Dutch, who had then made peace with them [Caribs], called upon them for their aid against the French and the Spaniards in the war which then threatened the Colony. B. C.-C, 64. Dutch subjects were resident at different times in various parts of the Up- per Cuj uni Valley, and were in alliance with the Indians there. Sajue, p. 7J. All the Indians of the [Bariiua] district considered themselves to be under the jurisdiction of the Dutch. Same, p. 77. . Venezuelan Counter Case. Dutch relations witli the Indians . . . were never of such a character as to afford a foundation for a claim of Dutch sovereignty to the territory in dispute. V. C.-C, 24. The Dutch did not attempt to exercise jurisdiction over the Indians, but only over Dutchmen. . . . So in the case of Marichal ; the Carib chief who appeared before the Court and confessed . . . ^ saying . . . " / com- mitted the deed," the Court found that Marichal had not instigated him to do the deed, acquitted the Dutch colonist, and took no notice whatever of the con- fessed crime of the Carib chief. Satve, pp. 94-Qj. Except over the Indians living in the Colony itself, or in the immediate vicinity of the posts, the Dutch authorities exercised no political control whatever ; and . . . even over the Indians at the posts, such control as was exercised depended largely, if not entirely, on the permission of the Indians themselves. Same, p. gj. That the Dutch did not control a//, but merely some of these Indians . . . would certainly be nearer the truth. . . . The fact is that no such general control was ever exercised, either with the consent of the Indians or otherwise. . . . The only Indians who ever came under any sort of Dutch control were the Indians who were settled within the Colony, or wlio were collected about the posts. Same, p. pp. That the Dutch exercised no jurisdiction over the Indians beyond these posts seems clear. Same, p. 102. The Dutch did not assume over the Indians tliat command which is an es- sential element of sovereignty. This manner of dealing with the Indians implies a state oi friendship rather than a condition of allegiance or servitude. This was in fact what was sought by the Dutch and what actually at times existed. It was a friendship without any obligation to assist on the part of the Indians. It was an alliance for the mutual benefit of both without any thought on the part of the Indians that they were surrendering their freedom or that they were recognizing Dutch sovereignty. Same, p. loj. INDIANS. 281 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS ALLEGED IN CASES AND COUNTER CASES-(Continued). . Venezuelan Counter Case. The Dutch never claimed to be sovereigns over the Indians, . . . they never treated the Indians sis subjects, ... the two were at times bitter enemies and ... at best they were quondam friends and allies, nothing more. V. C.-C, /oj. In Dutch times the Indians selected their own Chiefs, and such authority as was vested in them emanated from the Indians themselves. The gewgaws, which these Chiefs at times received from the Dutch authorities, tickled their vanity, and their recogititio7i as Chiefs by the Dutch probably gave them a feel- ing of still greater satisfaction ; but never did they, nor the Dutch for that mat- ter, suppose that such act conferred any authority on the Chief. The Chief was the principal man of his family or tribe, and it was precisely because lie was Chief that the Dutch courted his friendshii). Same, p. loS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS INVITE , PERSUAD E. INDUCE , ETC. 1637. Don Juan Desologuren. The licence of their lives has made them masters of all the people of those islands from which their merchandize is drawn, . . . the Indians embrace their company, because they imitate the barbarity of their lives and allow them to enjoy full liberty without constraint of tributes, labour, or the sweet yoke of the Gospel, heavy in their opinion. B. C, I, yy. 1680. Commandeur in Essequibo. The trade in hammocks and letter-wood has this year not had the desired success, on account of the war between those [Indians] of Cuyuni, Esse- quibo, and Mazaruni, and the Accoways who live up country ; and we have re- peatedly . . . tried to persuade the highest Chief to make peace ... to that end offering axes and other wares. They even tJireatened, if we would not let them continue the war, to depart in great numbers to Barima and elsewhere. These being the most important traders in dye, I was, to my sorrow, compelled to desist; and hereby [/. c, by the Indian war] the River Cuyuni, our provision Chamber, is closed. In addition we lately have been embittered by the death of Gilles, an old negro of the Company, recently poisoned up in the Cuyuni, as the Caribs pretend, by the Accoways. On that account the aforesaid old negroes have become afraid to have intercourse with that tribe ; I shall, however, be- think me of means for conciliating that tribe. Same, pp. 1SJ-1S4. 1686. Essequibo Council Minutes. Another Carib Captain in Mazaruni, named Makourawacke, . . . had slain, at a Carib [village] . . . some Akuwayas dwelling not far from the annato store before mentioned, and friends of ours and of the Caribs. Friends [of the slain Akuways] seeking revenge, . . . having killed both married women and children of the Caribs, have so intimidated the rest that they . . . have fled to the forest. When Makourawacke, with his tribe, were wishing to go to war with the Akuwayas up in Demerara, they were then dissuaded . . . and advised to . . . make war far away in Mazaruni, and moreover inland against their common enemy, not against their and our friends who dwelt close by the Caribs and the aunatto store. Same, p. 202. 282 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS, INVITE, PERSUADE, INDUCE , ETC- (Continued). 1696. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We have resolved to instruct you hereby ... to ... do everything to preserve quiet and peace among the Indians. B. C, I, 213. 1755. Director-General in Essequibo. The Council has sent to Barima ... to invite hither the Chief of tlie Carihs who murdered the Acuways in Mazaruni, to be present at the Session. B. C, //, 123. 1763. Director-General in Essequibo. I shall write to Post Arinda as soon as possible to instruct the Postholder to induce the Carib nation, by the promise of a recompense, to take up arms in this matter (mutiny of slaves in Berbice). Safne, p. 223. At the beginning of these troubles [slave rising in Berbice] I had sent to Up- per Essequibo to warn the Indian nations, and, if possible, to g:et theui to take up arms. They did, indeed, hold their arms in readiness, but went no farther. Same, p. 224. \ 1764. Director-General in Essequibo. The Colonist E. Pipersberg is the only man to my knowledge who has been any distance up the river [Mazaruni] in pursuit of thirteen of his runaway slaves, whom he got back, too, from a nation wliicli liad never seen a white man, and which refused him admittance to its land, he having got his slaves back through the medium of a free Indian known to that nation, and by means of payment. ^- <^-> ^^ ^og. I have not been able to get any Indians up to the present to aid me in re- establishing the Post in Cnyuni, and without tlieir help it cannot be done, . I am in great difficulties with this work, and the re-establishment of that Post is, in my opinion, of the greatest necessity. Same, p. 117. 1765. Director-General m Essequibo. A murder . . . having been committed by the Indians themselves. One of the murderers, brought here and imprisoned, has killed himself before being brought to trial, wherein he would probably have been acquitted, and his corpse has been hung on the gallows for the satisfaction of the deceased's friends. The principal one has not been apprehended, and I have told the complainants that they must themselves apprehend him and bring him here, in which case he should receive his well-deserved punishment. Same, p. 126. 1767. Commandeur in Demerary. Had I not proposed that we ought to try and persuade tlic Owl of the Aru- wak Acuways, either by promises or presents, to come down below the falls with his force of Indians, and there to wait for the coming of the negroes, or to go and meet them with his people. Same, p. 160. 1767. British Case. I In] 1767 . . . the Arowak-Akawois were ready to give their help to the Dutch. ^- C., 94- w INDIANS. 2R3 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS, INVITE, PERSUADE, INDUCE, ETC- (Continued). 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. Having also been obligred to remove Pierre Martin, the Postliolder of Cuy- uni (because the Indians will on no account have a Frenclinian there) as well as the one in Maroco, I have no one there now but the two assistants. B. C, ///, 164. 1772. British Case. This assistance the Akawois again ofifered in 1772 on the outbreak of a fresh revolt. B. C, pj. 1772. Director-General in Essequibo. I have never seen any Acuways come to onr assistance Avith arms. They are good friends, but nothing further. Last week, however, five of them came down and went to Van der Heyde, saying that their nation would come down the Denierary to aid us. B. C, IV, loj. 1776. West India Company. Means of protection will have to be resorted to [to stop slaves deserting] either by well manning the posts, or by small forts, or by outliers, or all of these, together with the aid of the free Indians, from whom it seems to this body that probably the most advantage is to be expected, and whose friendship must thei'efore be cultivated by all available means, and all causes for offence avoided. Same, p. 161. 1778. Court of Policy, Essequibo. The Indians [were] . . . asked ... to accept of the presents. Sa7ne, p. iSy. If they have any grievance amongst them, to come forward and make it known, and that if they are wishful of visiting here, they shall always be wel- come and be well received. Same, p. 188. 1778. Essequibo Letter. If they [Dutch] should there [Moruka Post] among the Indians, instead of flattering them in a friendly way, introduce military rule, and become feared and dreaded by these last, the Indians who till this day have remained will forever place themselves at a distance from us. Same, p. igj. 1790. Report of Commissioners on Condition of Essequibo and Demerara. Since these [Indians] are free-born people, and not to be brought under subordination, and not always to be won even by money or presents, it follows that one must in this matter act with circumspection. The service which can be expected of them must take its origin only in good will and inclination toward their neighbours, or even in the rudiments of pride ; that is to say, in their consider- ing themselves honoured by being able to render service to the whites. For this reason, it should not be looked upon as an act for which we pay them, but as a favour received from them, in return for which we make them a present as a remembrance and to foster friendship for the future. And especially must care be taken that no Indian be ever cheated or ill-treated by a white. B. C, V, 80-Si. 284 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-DEPENDENCE UPON, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS ORDER, THREAT, DEMAND. 1733. British Case. j 9 In 1733 the Caribs of Barima • • • had received directions from them '^ [Dutch] to prevent any settlement of Swedes in that district. B. C, 11^. 1734. The King of Spain. I The Dutch] told the aforesaid [Carib] Indians [in Barima] not to show the Swedes a j?ood place for their settlement, and they themselves would give them , all they required. B. C, III, 81. jl 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. They [Caribs] have also expressed a desire to surprise the Mission [reported to have been founded, by the Spaniards, on the Cuyuni] and level it to the ground, which I, not without trouble have prevented, because they belong to our jurisdiction, and all their trade being carried on in the Dutch Colonies, such a step would certainly be revenged upon us by the Spaniards. It is very perilous for this Colony to have such neighbours so close by. B. C, II, 46. 1752. Court of Justice. Some Caribs from the Barima came and complained that one Christian Tonsel continually tyrannizes over them all, and that he took away their children and friends as pledges for debts. Tonsil is sent for, and, . . . reprimanded and ordered to deliver to the Carib his children, . . . The Caribs being at the same time sharply admonished not to detain or conceal any slaves belonging to Christians, under pain of bein^ heavily punished therefor. Same, p. yj. 1755. Director-General in Essequibo. I have already sent several orders for some of the Arnwaks ... to come to me in order that I may examine them and send them to the Chiefs of the Acuways to try and establish peace. ... I have sent orders . . . everywhere to bring me some Acuways here either by persuasive or forcible measures, and I have hopes that when I get some to speak to I shall be able to make peace with them. Same, p. 121. 1755. Arraytana, a Carib Chief. Performed the journey to Essequibo . . . because I had been summoned by the orders of my ally, His Excellency, who told me . . . that . . . the reason why he had summoned me [was] in order to tell me that I must hold myself in readijiess to come and help him resist the Spaniards. I asked my ally, his Excellency, for permission to go to Upper Essequibo \boven Essequibo] in order to make my bread in Masseroeny before my journey to Essequibo. Would you not kill those who seek you.? I answered, No; because your Lord, my ally, only recently forbade me most expressly to do no harm to the nation, who are his friends or allies. Same, p. 126. 1756. Director-General in Essequibo. The Carib Chief, Aretanna, . . . appeared in person, in consequence of my orders sent to liim. I had charged Adriaen Christiaense . . , to summon the aforesaid Indian. Same, p. 125. INDIANS. 285 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-DEPENDENCE UPON, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS ORDER, THREAT , DEMAND -(Con- tinued). 1758. Prefect of Missions. The Caribs are deserting them [DiitcliJ because they compel them to fell large forest trees with great labour. B. C, //, 146. 1758. Military Commandant in Essequibo to Spanish Commandant in Orinoco. Our Governor has always striven to keep up good relations and friendship with his neighbours ; you yourself, Sir, have had a convincing proof of this when he took the trouble to write to you to warn you, as soon as he had received advice that the Caribs had formed the plan to attack your Missions; which warning, and his repeated interdictions to tlie Caribs, even accompanied witli threats, have prevented the execution. Same, p. lyj. 1758. Director-General in Essequibo. I have ever tried to cultivate the friendship of the Spanish nation, our nearest neighbors. I have always used all my power to prevent the savage Caribs doing" tliem the least wrong-. Same, p. iy8. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. I received a report from the Post in Cuyuni that the Indians are being bribed and incited to such a degree that they are unwilling to do the least thing: for the Postholder, and that when he orders them to go alongside the passing boats to see whether there are any runaways in them, they obstinately refuse to do so, and when he tlireatens to shoot upon them they reply that they have bows and arrows with which to answer. B. C, III, 143. 1768. British Case. These [Barima] Caribs were so thoroughly under the control of the Dutch Commandeur that when attacked by the Spaniards and certain Dutch deserters they did not dare to defend themselves without his permission. B. C, 116. 1769. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We also fully approve of the orders your Honour gave to the Caribs of Barima. B. C, IV, 2g. 1803. Court of Policy. Tne vexatious treatment which has been received by the Indians on the part of the Postholders by demanding labour from them, for which they are not obliged, neither can they be forced to do, I3- C., V, iSi. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH - INDEPENDENCE OF, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS FRIEND , ALLY^ NEIGHBOR, ETC. 1714. West India Company (Secret instructions). They shall meet the same as far as possible in a peaceful manner, and seek to gain the friendship of the natives. B. C, I, 242. He shall then represent . . . that they have come there as friends, in order to deal in friendship with those people, and to establish a trade with them. Same, pp. 242-24J. 286 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS FRIEND, ALLY, NEIGHBOR, ETC- (Continued). 1 7 14. West India Company (Secret instructions). l The aforesaid persons [servants of the W. I. Co.] shall . . . note , . . with what nation or people they [Indians of the Upper EsseqniboJ carry on trade, and whether they are free men or vassals of others, and if the latter, under «hose command they stand. AVliether it would be possible to take possession in their country, and whether it would be possible to keep such possession. B. C, I, 243. 1732. Commandeur in Essequibo. I sent him [Jacobus van der Burg one of the Company's servants] ahoTC the falls in Essequibo on the 15th October, 1731, with orders to go as far as he pos- sibly could, to deal with the Indians in a most friendly manner, and further to see whether he could not induce any Chiefs to come here, so that I might talk to them myself by means of interpreters. B. C, II, 16. 1740. Court of Policy. [Granted] to J. la Riviere, to cut a bread-garden in the upper parts of the Creek Itterbicie without interfering with the Indians. B. C, VII, igi. 1756. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Your action with respect to the Acuways also has our approval, since we are fully convinced that nothing can contribute more to the safety of the colonies, than a kind, but at the same time circumspect, treatment of the neig-hbouriug native tribes. B.C., II, 127. 1763. Director-General in Essequibo. The Rivers of Pomeroon and Weyni, full of Indians of the Carib, Arawak and Warouw nations, whose help is always required . . . and who have also to be kept in a continual sort of subjection in order to prevent the escape of runaway slaves, and to facilitate their capture. Same, p. 226. 1764. Director-General in Essequibo. Our Caribs, both from these rivers and even from Barima, have loyally done their best and are yet doing it, constantly roving about between the two Colo- nies [Essequibo and Berbice]. B. C, III, 10^. 1765. Director-General in Essequibo. Nothing has yet been heard of any strangers in the interior, and he has made such arrangements with the Indians that whoever might turn up would be immediately seized and sent to the fort. Same, p. J 20, 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. I told him [the Creole Tampoko] that he must . . . expressly forbid the Caribs, in my name, to molest our Acuway subjects. Same, p. 142. ll^^l- West India Company (Zeeland Chambers). We likewise approve of the hint which you caused to be given in your name to the Caiibs, namely, that they must not molest the Acuways subject to the Company. Same, p. Jjo. INDIANS. 287 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS FRIEND, ALLY, NEIGHBOR, ETC- (Continued). 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. He [Moruka Poslholder] shall treat the free Indians friendly and gently, and not wrong them in any way, nor shall he allow them to be ill-treated, wronged, or oppressed by any one else, but endeavour as much as possible to entice them to live at and in the vicinity of the Post. He shall also make the Indians keep a strict look-out after the runaway red and black slaves. B. C, III, 134. 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. Our colonies here on the coast having on the one side restless neigrhhours who cannot long remain still, and on the other side the Spaniards, who have al- ready given us and still give us so many reasons for suspicion that we can really not be careful enough. Same, p. 164. Now our Caribs of Essequibo and Massaruni will take up arms [against the Acuways]. Same, p. lyS. 1768. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The friendship of the Carihs, though otherwise to be fostered by all possible and permissible means, might, instead of being advantageous to the Colony, be- come very disadvantageous. Same, p. 180. 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. The Carihs of Barinia . . . complained that some of our deserters with a party of Spaniards were continually molesting them in Barima and robbing them of everything. I asked them whether they were not men and had no hands to defend themselves. They answered " Indeed, they had," but that they did not know whether they might do so. I replied that they must indeed be careful to give the Spaniards not the slightest reason for complaint, but that if they were unjustifiably attacked they might stoutly defend themselves. This pleased them very much, because 1 had not yet been willing- to grant them so much liberty. Same, p. 183. \\ 1769. Remonstrance of States-General. Caribs [in Mazaruni] (an Indian nation, allies of the Dutch and under their jurisdiction). B. C, IV, 29. 1769. Director-General in Essequibo. The nation of the Cai'ibs, my Lords, are looked upon as nobles among the Indians. It is a very good thing to have them as allies or friends, for they render excellent services, but they are formidable enemies, capable of more bravery and resistance than one would think. When their principal or great Owls come to me, they immediately take a chair and sit down, and will eat and drink nothing but what I have myself, and they call me by no other name than that of " mate " or " brother." A good way up the river there are several villages of that nation which white people have never seen. These are well populated, and the inhabitants get what they want through those of their nation who deal with us, We can rely upon them as friends in case of need. Same, p. j. 288 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE OF, AS SHOWN BY THE WORDS FRIEND, ALLY, NEIGHBOR, ETC- (Continued). 1769. Director-General in Essequibo. The chief of the Caribs, who is now here, goes up the river to-day. He has promised me to attack the murderers of the Postholder, and to hold all his people in readiness in case we might have need of them. Commandant Backer told him this morning that he would like to come up the river, and asked him whether he would then let him be master. He answered, " No ; I am mas- ter of the Caribs. You can be master of the whites and of the other nations, and then we can together becomes masters of everything." I let him see one of the silver ring-collars which I still have, and promised to give it to him, and to give him some clothes (of which they are very fond) if he behaved well. B. C.,IV, II. 1772. Director-General in Essequibo. [The slaves having revolted, IJ immediately sent to my good friends the Caribs on all sides asking tliem to come to our help, which they did not fail to do, for they came down from all parts, and as I write they are three hundred strong on the coast under Councillor Van der Heyde. Same, p. lOj. 1774. Court of Policy in Demerary. Indians ... of a nation whom we regard as free, and whose help, as- sistance, and friendship is of such importance to us that your Lordships your- selves very earnestly recommended us to live in harmony with them but a short time ago. Same, p. 123. 1775. Memorial to Director-General and Councillors of Essequibo. Pirates and evil-intentioned persons, who, incited by and allied with the Spaniards make raids upon our coasts and kill, carry off, and drive away our In- dians, our protectors, from our verj' Posts and territory. Same, p. i2g. 1778. Director-General in Essequibo. The chief task of a Postholder consists in trying, by friendly and familiar intercourse to win over the Indians more and more, and accustom them to us. Same, p. 1S6. 1779. Journal kept for the Government in Demerary. The following Indians were presented with commissions as Captains or Owls of their nation : Carrouwe, of the Aruwak nation. Perivuris, Arroywaynyma, Maycoanaree, Morabu, Moraru and Morawarj-, of the Carib nation. Abraham and Cloos, of the Warouw nation. Same, p. 2oy. 1785. Director-General in Essequibo. We must gratify these people [CaribsJ in every respect, for they, on onr side, are our only resource against the negroes. B. C, V, 36. I am laying myself out for again winning the friendship of the Indians again entirely for our nation, notwithstanding manifold evil-treatment in previous times and manifold changes since 1781. Same, p. jS. INDIANS. 289 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH -INSOLENCE , D EMANDS MADE AND DUTCH TREATMENT OF INDIAN COMPLAINTS. 1729. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Coiuiiiaiidenr lias received divers complaints from the free Indians dwelling- in the lower portion of this Colony concerning the great tyranny to which they are subjected by some inhabitants, from which it is to be feared that if those vexations are not prevented and put a stop to the Indians, following the example of others, will also leave their dwellings and proceed elsewhere, thus occasioning great embarrassment here. The Commandeur and Councillors have, therefore . . . expressly forbid all servants of the Honourable Com- pany, as well as the respective inhabitants of this Colony, to exercise any or the least tyranny over the free Indians dwelling in or around this river or further under the jurisdiction of the Honourable Company, or to employ force in com- pelling them to work. B. C, II, g. 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Indians were in the highest state of indignation [against the Spaniards] ; . . . four of their chiefs were on the point of coming down in order once more to come and complain to me. I intend to tell the Chiefs of the Indians when they come to me, that I can provide no redress for them, and that they must take measures for their own security. Same, p. 38. 1750. Commandeur in Essequibo. I have . . . caused the natives to be informed of this [order to arrest Jan Stok who raided Arinda Post], and caused them to be promised satisfac- tion, with a request to send their Chiefs, so that they may be personally present. This some have already assented to, ... I believe, however, that as soon as they learn of the arrest of this man they will quite return to calmness. However, to obviate all further misfortunes (for a war with the natives would be the ruin of the Colony), I think it would be best ... to prohibit until further orders traffic with the Indians on the Rivers Essequibo, Massaruni, and Cuyuni. Same, p. dj. 1756. Director-General in Essequibo. Accusations made against Pieter Marschal concerning the war v/ith the Acuways. 3Iarschal was declared innocent of the charges, although I, and many with me, think him really guilty. He, consequently, returned to his plantation, but on his arrival there the Acuways . . . appeared again in large numbers, and compelled him, if he wished to save his life, to take flig'ht as speedily as possible, so that he was obliged to leave. ... I should by no means advise him to think of returning to his place, because, whether he be guilty or not guilty, the Acuways would certainly kill him. Same, p. 123. 1761. Director-General in Essequibo. Spaniards and Spanish Indians in Cuyuni have been down to the lowest fall, where your Lordships' indigo plantation is situated, driving all the Indians thence and even it is said, having killed several. The Indians sent in complaint upon complaint. Same, p. 201. 290 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH- INSOLENCE, DEMANDS MADE AND DUTCH TREATMENT OF INDIAN COMPLAINTS- (Continued). 1 76 1. Director-General in Essequibo. So long as I have [held] . . . command here I have embraced every op- portunity of preventing the Indians from annoying them. B. C, II, 202. 1768. Director-General in Essequibo. All the Indians have declared that they will liave no French at the Posts, a troop of more than 100 Warouwans, all well armed, having already arrived at the Post Maroco, saying that they came to see whether there was a Frenchman there, and intending to kill him if it were so. B. C, III, 161. Pierre Martin has come down the river from Cuyuni, the Indians flatly refns- ing to come and live anywhere near the Post so long- as he is there [he being a Frenchman]. They will have a Dutchman, they say. Same, p. 162. 1768. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). It being hard to catch hares with unwilling hounds, you cannot do otherwise than accede to the wish of the Indians in Cuyuni and Moruca, and send no Frenchmen thither as Postholders. Sa7ne, p. iSo. 1785. Governor-General in Essequibo. I had the honour some days ago to have here some (who were Caribs) who were very insolent, and in the presence of the negroes said that if they obtain no presents, tliey, if once again a revolt occurred, would not alone abstain from helping the whites, but would assist the negroes and murder tJie wliites with their bananas, salt fish, men ; so much they desired gifts and salempour (clothes), cotton, knives, mirrors, &c., out of the store-house. B. C, V, 36. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-TREATIES WITH INDIANS. . British Counter Case. It can be established beyond all question that at the date of the Treaty the Dutch, to the knowledge of the Spaniards, were in friendship and had made alliances with the native races of Guiana, especially with the Caribs who held the country on the east bank of the Lower Orinoco. B. C.-C, 40-41. 1763. Director-General in Essequibo. Tlie nation of Manoas (called here along the bank Mag-nouws) being dis- satisfied with the treatment they received from the Portuguese of Brazil, had re- solved to come to this Colony to make a Treaty of Commerce with us. B. C, II, 222. 1776. Commandant in Rio Essequibo. De Bt'sc/iryvi/ige Van Guiana ... by Hartsinck ... in describing the River Berbice . . . states : — These rivers and creeks were inhabited by the Arawakas, Warouwas, and Schotjes . . . and higher up by the Akuwayas and Caribs. . . . We Iiave made Treaties of Friendsliip witli all these races, and they may not be sold as staves. "At the commencement of this century some Captains of the Schotjes were sent to the Netherlands to conclude Treaties of Peace with our people. They INDIANS. 291 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-TREATIES WITH INDIANS- (Continued). were well received, and sent back with presents and with clothes and handsome furnishings. . . . However, . . . in . . . 1672 they owned a trading house on the River Canje, but they could not withstand the firearms of the Netherlanders, being compelled to retreat, . . . leaving their coasts to their conquerors, who thenceforth lived in peace and friendship with the remain- ing Indians. They left them in an entire freedom, and promised by the Treaty of Peace that no Caribs of that coast, or Aruwakas, Warauwas, or Akuwayas should ever be reduced to slavery. B. C, IV, 142-14J. 1776. Director-General in Essequibo. About the half-free slaves I have repeatedly inquired, but I can nowhere find proofs that this half-freedom is hereditary. There must have been made in the old times, a Couveiitioii between the Europeans and the free Indian natives, of which he, (Hartsinck) also makes mendon, but of which, likewise, nothing can be found here. Same, p. 14J. 1813. Protector of Indians. Though my appointment as Protector of the Indians is of no more than three or four years' standing, yet I have been in the habit of calling, on the behalf of Government, for the assistance of the Indians at different periods since the year 1795, during which space of time I know of no Treaty or Ag'reement with the Chiefs of Indian tribes implying anything of the nature of subsidy or tribute ; nor in my intercourse with these nations was I ever authorized by this Govern- ment to make any promise of the kind, though I know, from a residence of thirty-three years in the country, presents were generally made by the Dutch Government, and as often expected. B. C, V, 204. 1897. George L. Burr. Tlie treaties of the Dutch West India Company with native tribes are carefully preserved ; but tliere is none with the Indians of (Guiana No such treaty is known to the extant records of the Company or to the documents trans- mitted from the colony. . . . Nor have I found anything in the records to suggest that the Dutch here ever looked on the Indians as possessing any owner- ship of land. V. C.-C, II, Sj. Of treaties with the Indians there is no record. Same, p. SS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-ATTITUDE ASSUMED BY THE DUTCH TOWARDS OTHERS AS TO INDIAN RELATIONS. 1730. Commandeur in Essequibo. On the 26th May of last year [1729] I received an unexpected visit from a French gentlemen named Nicolas Gervais, Bishop of Orran, coming from the Orinoco. He expressed to me his intention of making a stay in or about this Colony and seeing- whether there might not be some means of converting' the Indians of these lands to Christianity, ... I demonstrated to him tlie impossibility thereof, and, furthermore, that it was not in my power to grant him such permission. You will see from the enclosed letter, . , . how that prelate has unhap- pily been murdered by the Indians in Aguirre. B. C, II, lo-ir. 292 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH-ATTITUDE ASSUMED BY THE DUTCH TOWARDS OTHERS AS TO INDIAN RELATIONS- (Continued). 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Carib Indians . . . desire to surprise the [new] Mission [in Cuyuni] and level it to the ground, which I, not without trouble, have pre- vented, because they belong to our jurisdiction, and . , . such a step would certainly be revenged upon us by the Spaniards. B. C, II, 46. 1748. Commandeur in Essequibo. Seeing that all my remonstrances and letters to the Spaniards are of no avail, and no redress is obtainable, I intend to tell tlie Chiefs of the Indians when they come to me, that I can provide no redress for them, and that tliej must take measures for their own security. Then I feel assured that in a short time no Spaniard will be visible any more above in Cuyuni. I have always, but with great difficulty, restrained them, and prevented all hostilities by fair promises. Same, p. ^S. The Spaniards were beginning to approach more and more up in Cuyuni; but a war having some weeks ago arisen between the Carib nation and that of the Warrows, which is carried on very obstinately, this will stop their further progress, and possibly, if the Caribs obtain the upper hand, they will be driven somewhat farther away, witliout our liaving- in the least degree to meddle therewith. V. C, II, loi. 1755. Director-General in Essequibo. Many of the colonists . . . have requested me to send out an invitation to the Carib Indians to take the field against the Acuways, but ... I have not yet decided to do so. B. C, II, 120. 1757. Court of Justice. Resolved, ... to strictly refuse the Caribs . . . powder and shot in the event of their coming down, and to request his Excellency to give in- formation of this rumour [as to the Caribs attacli upon the Mission] as speedily as possible to the Commandant of Guayana in order to avert all suspicions which the Spaniards might form with regard to this colony. Same, p. 131. 1763. Director-General in Essequibo. The Postholder of Arinda has reported . . . that the nation of Manoas (called here along the bank Magnouws) being dissatisfied with the treatment they received from the Portuguese of Brazil, had resolved to come to this Colony to make a Treaty of Commerce with us, and that a strong body had set out with that ob- ject. Also that the Carib nation, jealous of its trade, . . . had now assembled. . . . and had lain in ambush for the Manoas in order to prevent their progress. This caused a sharp fight, in which both sides lost heavily ; but the Caribs were totally defeated and put to flight. The Manoas . . . postponed their journey till this year, and sent word to the Postholder that they would come down in such numbers as to have no fear of the Caribs. On the other hand, the Caribs are assembling from all sides in order to oppose them, so that it is possible that we shall this year see one of the bloodiest and most obstinate fights that has probably taken place in these parts for 100 years or more. I hope the Caribs may j?et a good Iiidiug, because 1 have always wished to see a few Manoas here. Same, pp. 222-223. INDIANS. 203 RELATIONS TO ESSEQUIBO DUTCH -ATTITUDE ASSUMED BY THE DUTCH TOWARDS OTHERS AS TO INDIAN RELATIONS- i^Continued). 1765. Director-General is Essequibo. I had received tidings from Upper Massaruni that the Carib nation was at war with that of the Actiways, and that the latter had massacred all the women and children in a Carib village on the Massaruni. Not without some reason did I fear that we should ag-aiu be mixed up in this as we were a few years ago, especially through the indiscretion of some itinerant traders and avaricious settlers, who allow themselves to be drawn into these quarrels upon the slightest inducement of profit, supporting one or other of the parties either with arms or with advice, which being discovered by the other side, always leads to fatal results, and might be of great danger to the Colony itself. I . . . set out upon my journey, leaving Commandant Bakker written instructions ... in case he should be compelled ... to send any sol- diers there, to give . . . strict orders to act simply on the defensive, and not to interfere directly or indirectly in tlie quarrels of the Indians. The . . . Caribs . . . were . . . waiting ... to fall upon the Acuways, . . . Wherefore he had done all that he possibly could to pacify the two nations, and had fairly succeeded. B. C, II, iig-120. 1765. West India Company. We are perfectly at one with your Honour that the restoration of the Post in Cuyuni is of the highest necessity, and accordingly it was most acceptable to us to learn finally that Indians had been found to oiFer a helping- hand, provided an assurance of protection against the Spaniards was griveu them, wliich it was easy to promise. Same, p. 122. 1765. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). In the war between the Carib and Acuway nations, observe a strict neu- trality, which we agree with you in thinking extremely important. Saincp, I2j. 1766. Director-General in Essequibo. We are expecting a bloody battle every day [between the Caribs and Acuways]. I have charg'ed the Commandeur ... to proceed to Upper Demerary in order to be on the spot, . . . and to take especial care that strict neutrality is maintained by the citizens. I have further charged him not to interfere, directly or indirectly, in the matter, nor to help either of the nations in the slightest manner, and to make an effort, if there be still time, to reconcile the two parties and prevent bloodshed, through the mediation of the Arawaks, who are friends of both sides. I have myself succeeded in doing this several times already, both by persuasion and threats. Same, p. ijj. I S3 1. A. van Ryck de Groot. I am a Protector of Indians. If an Indian made complaint to me I should act as a mediator, not as a Mag-istrate. If the injuring party did not choose to appear, I should not feel myself authorized to compel him to do so. In their quarrels I should consider I had nothing to do unless they called on me as mediator. B. C, VI, 41. 204 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS; ALLI- ANCES FOR HOSTILE PURPOSES-IN GENERAL. 1613. Capt. Melchor Cortes. The Dutch . . . [in their fort on the Corentine river] (lefonded themselves courageously with the assistance of the (!arib folli, who likewise fought with equal courage, until it became evident that they were doing great damage to the Spanish troops from the fort, owing to the large number of Caribs who were ]ieli>iiig them ; so it was necessary to set fire to the fortress, . . . and when the fort was burnt out they found inside it six men dead and burnt. And . . . a very large quantity of booty, axes, knives, cutlasses, and other things, with which they kept the Carib race at their disposal, whose daughters they used to marry. . . . Eight [Spaniards] were wounded . . . tlirong'h tlie Caribs having' fought so valiantly and being so numerous that on all sides they en- deavoured to prevent the dislodgement of the said Dutch, on account of the great advantage they derived from them. B. C, I,jj. 161 3. Don Juan Tostado. In June of 1613 he of Guiana . . . while disarmed and (sailing) for a run along the coast, encountered the €aribs and riemings. Same, p. j6. 1 61 4. Lieutenant of Guiana. The insolence and ill-treatment which the Aruacas suffered from the Flemish and Caribs were such, etc. Same, p. j6. 1614. Don Juan Tostado. Which comes of their [Carib] strong alliance with the Flemish, always moving together as they did when they attacked the Aruacas. Same, p. jy. . British Case. The Butcli were allied with the Indians ag'ainst the Spaniards of Santo Thome and Trinidad. B. C, 12. 1614. British Case. In 1614 the Dntch invested . . . Trinidad in conjunction with tlie Caribs. Reinforcements and ammunition were sent from Spain with a view to protecting that island, which was in imminent danger. Same, p. 22. The English and Dutch allied themselves witli the Carib Indians against the Spaniards. Same, p. 23. \6yj. Corporation of Trinidad. The said town [Santo Thome] has been taken, burnt and plundered by the enemy, the Dutch and Indian Caribs from the River IJervis, and other tribes from Orinoco, Amacuro, and Essequibo. The Dutch threaten this Island of Trinidad with a powerful fleet, and are in league with the numerous Indian tribes, and with the very natives of this island, who are all risen, the Dutch being so mixed with the Indians that they marry with the Indian Carib women, as well as with those of the other tribes. On the 14th October of this year, 1637, the Governor, Don Diego de Escobar being in Guiana, the Dutch and the Indian tribes of Aruacas, Caribs, Tibe- tibes and Nepuyos came in great numbers to this Island of Trinidad. B. C, I, SS. INDIANS. 295 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS; ALLI- ANCES FOR HOSTILE PURPOSES-IN GEN ERAL-(Continued). 1637. Governor of Margarita. The Dutch enemy, on the 14th October of this year [1637] burned and sacked the town of San Josepli de Oruna, the principal settlement of the Spaniards in the said Island of Trinidad, bringing: with them for this purpose a number of Indians, Caribs, Aruacas, and Neyuyos. B. C, I, go. 1637. Miguel de Morillas. The Dutch enemy with a number of Indians of the Carib and other tribes, attacked the said place [Santo Thome] and burned the houses. The fact was that on the 14th October of this same year [1637] being Wed- nesday, early in the morning, the enemy [Dutch,] attacked the town of San Joseph de Oruna in the said Island of Trinidad, with twenty pirogues, bring-iug' with them a^reat numbers of Carib Indians and Aruacas and Napuyos, the latter being natives of the Island of Trinidad. Same, p. gi. All the Aruacas and Caribs were allied with them. Same, p. g2. 1637. Jacinto de Mendoca. On the 14th October, being St. Calixtus' Day, early in the morning, tlie enemy came with twenty pirogues, and coming up the Ri\er Caroni, assaulted the town of San Joseph de Oruna, a settlement of Spaniards on the said Island of Trinidad, with a great number of Carib Indians and Aruacas and Nepuyos, who are natives of the same island. Same, p. g2. 1637. Lorenzo Manuel. The enemy [Dutch] had assaulted the said place of Santo Thome de la Guayana with a large force of Carib Indians. On the 14th October of this year [1637], early in the morning, the said Dutch enemy came up the River Caroni to the Island of Trinidad, with twenty pirogues, and attacked the town of San Joseph de Oruna, a settlement of the Spaniards of about twenty-eight or thirty inhabitants, bringing" Avith tlieni a great number of Indian bowmen, Caribs, Aruacas, and Nepuyos, which latter are natives of the Island of Trinidad. Same, pp.gj-g4. An Indian, named Andres, . . . captured at the assault on Guayana, [Santo Thome] . . . said in Spanish that the enemy had . . . many men and many tribes of Indians who assisted them. Same, p. g4. 1637. Corporation of Trinidad. On Wednesday morning, the 14th October [1637], the Dutch, allied with corsairs of the Carib and otlier tribes, attacked this town [St. Joseph de Oruna in Trinidad], . . . and burned the town and the principal church, so that nothing escaped. He [Andres] is a Spanish-speaking Indian in the service of Captain Cristobal de Vera, whom the enemy took from Guayana [Santo Thome] when they seized the place. Same, pp. g4-gS- An Indian was taken belonging to Cristobal de Vera, speaking Spanish, and a Christian, called Andres, otherwise Cabeza de Bagre [Fish Head]. Same, p. gg. 206 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS; ALLI- ANCES FOR HOSTILE PURPOSES-IN GENERAL-(Contlnued). 1637. Don Lopez de Escobar, Governor of Guiana. The Dutch arc fortified in Esscquibo, in imioii ivith the Indians their confederates, who are many, for they collect all the nations of those parts, and all the coast of Guayana and of Orinoco propose to come and attack the said town [Santo Thome]. The Indians frequent them [Dutcli trading: sliips] very willingly for the sake of the considerable articles of barter they give them. A powerful enemy who is confederated with all the Indians. B. C.,I, loy. I am informed that tlie Dutch continue to approach nearer to this town [Santo Thome] and that some of them have settled among the Caribs their allies. Satiic, p. loS. 1637. Archives of the Indies. The enemy [Dutch] who came in such strength, combined with the Carib Indians, and, like robbers, they knew all the entrances so well that they were not perceived until they knocked at the doors and began setting fire to the houses. Although the enemy remained for some days in the river, on account of the preparations which they heard of from the Indians, whom we regarded as friends but who were much more devoted to them than to us, they did not ven- ture to come to close quarters. Same, p. Uj. 1638. Governor of Caracas. Escobar, Governor of Guayana and the Corporation of that city, have informed me ... of the distress and trouble in which they are placed througli tlie hostility of the Hollanders, and the Indians and Caribs and other nations joined with tliem. Satne, p. 100. 1638. Corporation of Santo Thome. The enemy [Dutch] hold seven towns on this coast, and all the Caribs are joined with them, and form a league and confederation with the object of de- stroying us, in order to occupy tliis river [Orinoco]. There are many natives of different tribes, all of whom the Dutch enemy try to attract with large quantities of articles of barter, which they distribute on all sides, merely with a view of attaining their object. Same, pp. 103-ioj. 1638. Maldonado. The number of Christians who meet their death so cruelly at the hands of these savages [Caribs] will excite sympathy for making this concession, and num- bers of poor residents will wiUingly go forth for the purpose of having security in all the coasts and farms, and on this remedy depends their removal from al- liance with tlie Lutlierans. This Island of Trinidad has been very frequently visited by the peoples of different nations, and they have tried to settle the Punta de la Galera situated at the head of the island, and in order to have greater security in making the settle- ment, the Dutch have united with the Caril) Indians, and have attacked the town and killed some Spaniards and sacked it. Same, p. 12^. 1733. Father Bernardo Rotella. I suppose . . . that, although Taricura is an Indian, and consequently his speeches might be despised, that he does not speak from himself alone, nor from confidence in their numbers, but from the certainty of support from the Dutch. B. C.-C, App., 16S. INDIANS. 297 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES TO] ENSLAVE UNCIVILIZED INDIANS. 1724. West India Company's Account Books. Goods delivered in payment to 60 Indians wlio liave been at Post Wacqucpo to serve 00 days ag^ainst the Magenauts. B. C, VII, lyg. 1747. Don Jose de Iturriaga. Their [Carib] pride and superiority over the other nations keeps them in con- tinnal movement against them, although they may be very distant, with the view of slave-raiding", in order to sell tlieni to the iniiabitants of tlie Dutch Colonies — Essequibo, Berbice, Corentine, and Surinam, B. C, 11,53. 1753. Director-General in Essequibo. I intend . . . to attack tliem [the Mapissanoe Indians in the upper Esse- quibo] with the assistance of the Caribs, who have come and offered their services for this purpose. . . . This will take place much the more easily be- cause they have also murdered some Caribs and Macusis, who are their nearest neighbours. Same, p. Sg. 1760. Judicial report of attack by Spaniards upon the Dutch in Barima. The said Dutch (in Barima) are waiting for a batch of Indians whom they have ordered to be purchased throug:li their allies, the Caribs, who can go more freely up this river (Orinoco). Same, p. i8y. For the purpose of hindering the inhuman traffic of the Dutch with the Carib Indians, which the latter carry on by the sale of infidels of otlier tribes, whom they capture in wars or by raids, and sell as slaves to the said Dutch for small prices. Same, p. iSS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES TO ENSLAVE SPANISH INDIANS. . British Case. Other expeditions [to catch slaves] . . . were from time to time organ- ized, the Caribs never failing- to respond to the calls made upon them. B. C, p. 95. 161 3. Corporation of Trinidad. The Flemish and Caribs steal the friendly Indians and carry them to their settlements to employ them in cultivating tobacco. B. C, 1, 55. 1637. Jacques Ousiel. On the east side of the island named Punta Galera dwell two nations of Indians, the one called Nipujosandthe other Arawaks, over 600 able men ; these are friendly to the Dutch, especially the Nipujos, who are deadly enemies of the Spaniards ; but the Arawaks occasionally serve the Spaniards in rowing their canoes, and cannot be relied upon so well. i7. S. Com., II, 87. 1733. Father Bernardo Rotella. " On my return journey I [Araguacare, Lieutenant-General of the Carib tribe on the Orinoco,] am going to kill them all ; . . . when I have done this, I am going to summon my relations from Essequibo, (this is what Taricura calls the Dutch) and I am coming with them to burn Guayana, for all this Orinoco is 298 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES TO ENSLAVE SPANISH I N Dl ANS-(Continued). mine, and its inhabitants are my slaves, and so I can give and sell them to whomsoever I please. I do not wish them to belong to the Spaniards, but that the Dutch should have them. Do you not see that I bring Dutchmen to my wars without the people of Guayana saying anything to me, and they continue to live in my house for one or two years, or as long as they choose ; and they and the French give me as many muskets and shot as I want, and the Spaniards take them from me if they see them, for they are very evil, while the Dutch are good, and give us many presents. I will bring numbers of Dutch, and they will not leave a white man alive in Orinoco ; and on my return I will kill the Fathers. B. C.-C, App., 167. 1733. Corporation of Trinidad. Nothing can be expected from the said Carib tribe save the total ruin of the entire province of Guiana, for they keep all the other tribes of Indians in a state of terror, and exhaustion through the slaughter they commit among them ; and those who are not killed by their hands they sell as slaves to the Dutch of the adjoining Colonies ; and these Dutch in order to keep up this iniquitous and base trade with them, give them assistance in arms, ammunition, and men for use against the Spaniards. Sa?ne, p. 176. By the offensive and defensive alliance which they [Caribs] have with certain Dutchmen, to the prejudice of the natural liberty of the Indians, . . . their objects are directed to the destruction of the other tribes of Indians, uhom they enslave in order to keep them unJer their dominion, or sell them to the Dutch, as they are in the habit of doing. Same, p. 177. 1734. Father Joseph Gumilla. Both nations [Dutch and Carib] come up from the sea to rob and burn the villages of the Missions and carry off as many captives as they can, and sell tliem at Essequibo, Berbice and Surinam. -B- C., Ill, S4. 1745. Father Joseph Gumilla. Besides the profit from slaves the Dutch are moved to keep up their strong alliance M'ith the Caribs, by the value of the Balsam of Tolu (Aceite de Maria), and of a species of bixwort found on the Orinoco. To procure these some Dutch introduce themselves among the fleets of these Indians, painted ac- cording to the custom of the said savages, by which they encourage them, and add boldness to the lamentable destruction which they work. Added to which, many Caribs receive a great supply of arms, ammunition, glass beads, and other trifles, with the understanding that they are to be paid for within a certain time with Indians, which they must take prisoners on the Orinoco. And when the time has elapsed, the Dutch creditors encourage and even oblige the Caribs to their bloody raids against the defenceless Indians of the Orinoco. V. C, II, 2g4-2gs. 1747. Commandeur in Essequibo. I should already long ago have removed and demolished the first fort up in Cuyuni (which even now is easy of accomplishment on my part through the Caribs). B. C, II, 49. INDIANS. 209 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES TO ENSLAVE SPANISH INDI ANS-(Continued). 1751. Acting Commandeur in Essequibo. Persik . . . informed me that in the month of January [1751I the Carib nation made a raid upon three Spanish Missions, and murdered four or five priests, which caused much disorder and bitter fecHng amongst the colonists there. B. C, I J, 70. 1753. King of Spain. The Catalonian Capuchin missionaries of the Province of Guayana have made known the injuries and ninrders which have been committed in their missions by certain villages of Caribs belong^ins? to these, through the influence of the Dutch of Essequibo, as is supposed because they have taken refuge in that Colony, and because the Governor of it gives them license to make slaves of all the Indians whom they find. V. C, III, 372. 1753. Instructions to Iturriaga. No one is better informed than your Excellency of the number and condition of the Indian Caribs dwelling on the banks of the Orinoco, and of the ravages tliey liave committed on our Missions, influenced and directed by the Dutch. B.C.,II,8g. 1754. Director-General in Essequibo. They [Caribs] have made an alliance witli the Tanacays . . . and both tog'ether surprised that Mission, [in Cuyuni] massacred the priest and ten or twelve Spaniards, and have demolished the buildings. Same, p. g6. 1757. Court of Justice. Councillor Piepersberg having communicated both to his Excellency and to the meeting that he had been requested by Johannes Neuman, the Postholder in the Cuyuni, to say that the Caribs there had determined to make a raid upon and devastate the Spanish Mission situated up in that river. Same, p. ijo. 1758. Director-General in Essequibo. It would not be very difficult for me, by making- use of the Caribs, to pay them back in their own coin and drive them from their present position. But since the Indians are unwilling to go without having some white men at their head, ... I shall not think of it without having received express authority. Same, p. 144. 1760. Don Jose de Iturriaga. The Caribs in the settlements made repeated journeys to the dwellings in the woods, obtaining permission from their missionary fathers on the pretext of bringing to the settlement some of their relatives, and occupied themselves in the same work [slave-catching] as those in the woods. Some remained there and others returned to their settlements. Same, p. i8j. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. He [Governor Sucre] made several expeditions to pursue the Dutch and other foreigners, who in union with the Caribs used to raid the said provinces and tlie Orinoco, B. C, ///, 18. 300 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES TO ENSLAVE SPANISH INDIANS-(Continued). 1763. Don Jose Diguja. The Carlbs and Dutcli, who, by way of the Cuyuni and Mazaruni Rivers, and on the rear of the said Missions, had attemped to wa^e hostilities agrainst them [Spaniards], have been harassed; and to prevent this in future several expeditions have been sent ont, and one of these snrprised a strongrhold, built by the Dutch on the River Cuyuni, where they had gathered all the Indians of other tribes captured by the Caribs and sold to them for mere trifles. B. C, III, 20. By means of these advanced Missions the Dutch protected by the Caribs, have been prevented . . . from reaching ... the Cuyuni and the Mas- saruni Rivers, to commit acts of hostility, to kidnap Indians, . . . and to make new settlements in the centre of this province. Same, p. 21. The vigilance of my predecessors was not enough to prevent all the ravages that at different times had been carried out by the Carib Indians always sup- ported and encouraged by foreigners, especially by the Dutch. Same, p. jj. His Majesty issued the following Resolution : The Catalonian Capuchin Mis- sionaries of the jurisdiction of Guayana have represented the injuries and atrocities i»erpetrated in their Missions by some Carib settlements, under the influence of the Dutch from Essequibo, as it is surmised, on account of their having taken refuge in the said Colony and because the Governor of the same grants them letters patent to make slaves of all the Indians whom they meet. Same, p. 44. To-day it [Guayana fortress] is now sufficiently fortified to prevent the foreigners' illicit trade and the entrance of the Caribs, their allies, in the Orinoco, and their landing and hostile demonstrations against these Provinces, as they did before until the year 1747. Same, p. 48. The Dutch natives in those Colonies who accompany the Caribs teach them to manage fire-arms, and are even more inhuman than the Caribs, for which reason great vigilance is needful to restrain them and defend the said Missions, which they endeavour to destroy in order that they may not serve as a check to their Colonies. Same, p. 64. 1 769. Fray Benito de la Garriga. After the rebellion of all the Caribs in the year 1750 in our five INIissions of Miamo, Cunuri, Tupuquen, Curumo, and Mutanambo, . . . they then told us, what we had already surmised, that the outbreak was instigated l>y the Dutch. I also saw and recognized a Dutch mulatto who came disguised as a Carib, to instruct and encourage the Caribs. His name, and he himself, is well known in these Missions. B. C, IV, 21. At that time we suspected that the Caribs would rebel again as in the past, as they showed signs of insolence, which they do at a word from the meanest Dutchman. This comes from the protection they receive at Essequibo whenever they escape from our Missions; and now another plot has been discovered among the Caribs of our Missions and those of the Observant Fathers ; their in- tention being to revolt and take refuge in the Parava, under the protection of the Dutch. "^V^w^^ P- -'-'• INDIANS. 301 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES TO ENSLAVE SPANISH I N Dl ANS-(Continued). 1769. Fray Benito de la Garriga. The chief Caribs they [Dutcli] have are fugitives from our villages and those of the Observant Fathers, and they are always trying to attract more. B. C.,IV,2j. Tlie Caribs . . . labour coutiuually, nudcr the direction of the Dutoli, iu the destrnctiou of our villages by various means, at one time burn- ing them, as they did in 1750; at another time attacking them by main force ; at another raising rebelUon by diabolic craft and policy ; ... the Dutch, to- gether with the Caribs, have destroyed . . . seven of our established vil- lages, without counting those which they burnt and destroyed belonging to the Jesuit missionaries and to the Observants. Satne, p. jo, 1772. Don Manuel Centurion. Shortly after the expedition . . . had left this city to take possession of the famous Lake Parime . . . the Catalan Capuchins undertook a similar expedition ; ... as they were on the banks of the Mayari . . . they were at- tacked by savage Indians, friends, allies, and relations of the Dutch (as they proclaimed themselves with cries, and which was further proved by the fire-arms and ammunition which they used against our people). Same, p. 106. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES FOR DEFENCE OF DUTCH. 1614. Antonio de Muxica Buitron, Lieut, of Guiana. The insolence and ill-treatment which the Aruacas suffered from the Flemish and Caribs were such that he [Buitron] proceeded to the river called Corentine, 200 leagues from that city [Santo Thome] where the Flemish and Caribs have a fortress. B. C, I, 36. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Postholder of Wacquepo and Moruka came the day before yesterday [July 18, 1746] to inform me that a nation of Indians have come down from Orinoco and have attacked the Caribs subject to us in the River Wayni [perhaps the Akawaini, a small tributary of the Pomeroon. See U. S. Com., Ill, pp. 2S3- 284. Also B. C, II, p. 4S D; 70 C.\, have killed several, and have threatened that they would extirpate them all, ... I have strong reasons to suspect that the Indians have been sent by tlie Spaniards of Cumana. B. C, II, 45. 1754. Director-General in Essequibo. We have ordered the Captains to . . . warn the Caribs and other Indians at the earliest opportunity, to make ready as soon as possible ships to serve as outlying posts, and to send a messenger to Orinoco with a letter from me to the Commandant there. Same, p. pj. I have had all the Indians, our allies, warned and armed, and they only await my orders to march and send expresses to our neighbours and allies. Same, p. gg. The Indians above in Cuyuni, have only this week caused me to be assured that they will well guard the passage, and that I had nothing to fear from that 5J(lg Same, p. 100, 302 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES FOR DEFENCE OF DUTCH-(Continued). 1755. Director-General in Essiquibo. As I now write this I have staying^ at my house the chiefs of the Panacay tribe up in the Cuyuni. I must absolutely keep them friendly, for many weig'hty reasons. , . . The Chief of the Panacays (a mighty nation which has never before been here) have expressly comedown to offer their help against the Spaniards if required, and they are going to settle down with their dwellings round the Post. B. C, II, iig. 1755. Arraytana, a Carib Chief. My journey [to Essequibo] was because I had been summoned by the orders of my ally, his Excellency, who told me . . . that . . . the reason why he had summoned me, [was] in order to tell me that I must hold myself in readiness to come and help him resist the Spaniards. I asked my ally, his Excellency, for permission to go to Upper Essequibo, \boven Esseqtiebo\ in order to make my bread in Masseroeny before my journey to Essequibo. " Would you not kill those who seek you ? " I answered, " No ; because your Lord, my ally, only recently forbade me most expressly to do no harm to the nation, who are his friends or allies." Satne, p. 126. 1755. British Case. In 1755 the Panacays settled in the neighborhood of the Cuyuni Post to prevent the encroachments of the Spaniards. B. C, pj. 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. These [guns and cutlasses] will be urgently required, especially if the piracies continue, in which case we shall be oblig-ed to employ the Carib nation, who cannot or will not fight without guns. B. C, II, 21J. On the nth September, [1762] the Carib nation unexpectedly sent mes- sengers down the river, inquiring- how matters stood with the Spaniards, say- ing: that they would certainly not allow the latter to obtain a footing- here, and that they were ready to aid us with all their might. I answered that there was no great danger yet, . . . but I requested them to be good enough to keep their arms and boats ready to come down at the least warning, and that in such an event we would provide them with powder and shot. This they accepted and promised. Satne, p. 21S. 1762. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We also send you herewith fifty muskets and cutlasses, so as if need be to arm therewith the natives for the defence of the Colony. Same, pp. 220-221. 1764. Director-General in Essequibo. In this emergency I have again had a talk with V'an der Heyde about Cuyuni. He has told me that the Indians were won over to be helpful, but that they wished in that case to be assured also of protection ag-ainst the Span- iards. B. C, III, iiS. INDIANS. 303 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES FOR DEFENCE OF DUTCH-(Continued). 1765. Director-General in Essequibo. Friendly relations with the Indians are certainly of the greatest necessity to the Colony ; the dangerous circumstances in which we found ourselves, and the loyalty shown and assistance rendered at that time by the Caribs and Acnivays, have given convincing- i>roofs of what advantage their friendship, and how injurious their enmity, niig-lit be to the Colonies. B. C, III, 118. 1765. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We were glad to see . . . that you intended ... to keep a watchful eye upon the movements of the Spaniards, and to take proper measures against them, in case this should unhappily become necessary. Still we are of opinion that the friendship and lielp of the Carib nation would under such circumstances be to us of uncommon utility, ... for which reason we strong^ly recommend tliat yon cultivate it as much as possible. Same, pp. 12^-126. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. I can rely upon the assistance of the Caribs in case we have to meet violence with violence, but so long as circumstances demand soft measures they are no earthly use to me, their hatred ag:ainst the Spaniards being deep-rooted and great. Same, p. 142. 1769. Director-General in Essequibo. I asked the Carib Owl this morning whether the Caribs were no longer men, and whether they had no hands with which to defend themselves, whereupon he replied, " Indeed, they have ; but the Spaniards liave guns, and we only bows and arrows. Give us rifles, powder, and shot, and we will show you what we are." Even had I been incHned to do so I could not, having no further supply of these than just sufficient for the garrison. B, C, IV, ij. 1790. Lopez de la Puente. As there is a petty King or Carib Chief, enemy of the rebellious slaves, and allied with the Dutch in the territory intervening, it would not be possible to go that way without being perceived, and then the Dutch would quickly arm the Caribs to prevent our going- to the interior, precisely as they did [in 1 76S]. The greatest care would have to be exercised so that the Caribs, friends of the Dutch, sliould not come to know of it, otlierw ise tlie affair would fail. B. C, V, 121. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS; ALLI- ANCES FOR TRADE, IN GENERAL. . British Case. They [Indians] were also from the earliest Dutch times largely employed, oil an organized system, in growing- and preparing annatto [oriane dye], in collecting balsam and other natural forest products, and in bringing these to the Posts to be forwarded to the Dutch markets. Large numbers of Indians were also habitually employed by the Dutch in well-established fislieries along the whole coast from the Essequibo to the Orinoco, and even beyond, but more especially in the mouths of the Waini, Barima, and Amakuru Rivers, and up the right bank of the Orinoco as far as the Aguirre. B. C, g6. 304: INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS; ALLI- ANCES FOR TRADE, IN GEN ERAL- Continued). 1604. J. Maldonado Barnuevo. As the Dutch go among them giving three yards of Rouen print and other cotton stuffs, where the Spanish merchant only gives them one, and buying the products of the land, and all the merchandise they have for sale, at double the price paid or current in the country, they [Indians] will prefer their [Dutch] trade and trafBc to that of Spain, as we see they now do with the English, French and Flemish. B. C.-C, App., j. 1637. Corporation of Trinidad. The forces of the enemy have increased in this Government on the mainland, with new settlements amongthe Carib and Aruac nations, who are allied with tlieni, and thev are settled on the River Essequibo. When the Governor, Don Diego Lopez de Escobar, arrived to take possession of his government in the Island of Trinidad, he found the enemy settled therein in two forts and in alliance with the natives. B. C, I, log. 1638. Governor of Guiana. With many gifts of articles of barter and clothing, which they g:ive to the Indians, they hold all the country on their side, and being: tlius united and in particular to the Caribs, who are in great numbers. Same, p. loi. 1638. Anonymous letter in the archives at Seville. From the fortress [Essequibo], as already stated, they [Dutch] trade and traffic with the Indians of the same settlements, and with those who are estab- lished in Aguire and in Abarima and in Bauruma [Pomeroon]. Same, pp. iij-jid. It is known for certain from the same Aruacs who are the ones who always report these occurrences, that the Dutch sent to Flanders before they took Guayana [Santo Thome] for ships and barter, in order to settle it throug'h the influence they already possess with all tlie natives of the Orinoco and in- terior, who are in communication with one another by land, . . . they will do it [settle the Essequibo river] very easily through the good understand- ing between the natives and themselves. Sa7ne, p. 116. 1638. Maldonado. All [Indians of the lower Orinoco] trade and traffic witli the Dutch and others of other nations. Same, p. 120. The Caribs there [Essequibo] give to the Lutlierans the spices which they have, as well to them as to those who arrive in ships which trade with those of the said fort. Same, p. 134. 1690. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). The annatto is at present much in demand and at a good price ; therefore we recommend you to employ all conceivable means to get as much dye as is possible, and for that purpose to gather in iigain the dispersed Indians and stimulate them thereto by promise of certain favorable conditions. U, S. Com., II, ig2. INDIANS. 305 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS; ALLI- ANCES FOR TRADE-IN GENERAL-(Continued). 1701, Official Diary at Kijkoveral. February 5, [1701]. There also arrived some Indians with a small quantity of poultry, who, having received payment for the same, again departed. B. C.-C, App., 140. 1724. Court of Policy in Essequibo. The Court [of Policy finds] it necessary to draw up these instructions [to destroy the Maganout Indians] since the Akawois and Caribs who have been killed, and are under tlie protection of tliis river, are a source of great advantag'e to the same, being frequently sent up above, salting, by the Honour- able Company and by the colonists. B. C, II, 2. 1733- Court of Policy in Essequibo. Every possible means is being employed here to cultivate the trade with the Indians, but the many branches into which the nation is split up, and the absence of good interpreters, are great obstacles to success. Same, p. //. 1734. Father Joseph Gumilla. Besides the profit from slaves the Dutch are moved to keep up their close alliance with the Caribs, by the value of the balsam of Tolu (Aceite de Maria), and of the annatto found on the Orinoco. B. C, III, 84. 1771. Commandant of Guayana. Very few of the latter [Arawaks] have remained in the woods, for besides not being a numerous race, they have now for many years been united to the Dutcli, and incorporated in their Colonies both in relationship and other ties. Of the Guarauno Indians there are many on the islands and creeks at the mouths of the Orinoco, but it is difficult to reduce them, because the neighbourhood of the Dutch of Esquivo gives then a sufficient supply of hatchets, knives, and other baubles which they value highly, in exxhange for the fish and wax they obtain and pi- rogues and launches which they build in their native woods. B. C, IV, Sj. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES FOR TRADE IN SLAVES AND CAPTURE OF RUNAWAYS. . British Case. The Dutch employed them [Arawaks] at the Post of Moruka ; for the fishery in the Orinoco, and the salting industry generally ; and also in the re- capture of fugitive slaves. B. C, it. Friendly relations with the native Indian tribes, and effective control over them, were essential to the Dutch, for many reasons, but particularly because of the presence of a hostile and turbulent slave element, . . . always ready for revolt ... as well as ... to desert. ... To prevent desertion of slaves the Dutch were compelled to depend upon the assistance of the Caribs, Akawois, and Arawaks, and other Indian tribes, to whom it was cus- tomary to pay rewards for each slave re-captured. Same, p. gs. 306 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI - ANCES FOR TRADE IN SLAVES AND CAPTURE OF RUN- AWAYS-(Continued). . British Case. The services of Indians were iiidispcnsible in preventing' the escape of slaves by sea. The assistance of the Indians ... in the case of mutiny or the still graver occurrence of a slave rebellion, was essential for the safety of the Colony. It frequently happened that slaves instead of taking one or other of the routes to foreign Colonies, made off to the bush, intrenched themselves in the swamps or in the forests of the interior, and defied the Dutch to drive them out. At such times the services of the Indians could not be dispensed with. B. C, gj. Throughout the whole of the eighteenth century the Dutch had to contend with repeated rising's of the negroes, in all of which the Indians gave them assistance, and in one . . . the native tribes from every part of the Dutch territory — from the Orinoco to Berbice — were actively employed in combined military operations against tlie rebels. Sajne, pp. 9S'94- . British Counter Case. The relations between the Dutch and the Caribs . . . was an element of strength, and materially confirmed and extended Dutch power in Guiana. Tlie Caribs continually offered their assistance to the Dutch ; the Dntcli could call upon them at any time to aid them either against revolted negroes, Dutch or slave deserters, or Spanish aggression, but the Caribs offered their services to friends, and came as allies of the strong, not as protectors of the weak. B. C.-C, Sj. 1638. Maldonado. The Caribs sell these Lutherans the Indian women they steal from the villages, and thereby they are in their service. B. C, I, 120. 1724. Governor of Cumana. As soon as I arrived in this Government . . . news was frequently sent me that many foreigners — the Dutch from Surinam and Berbice — came to these places trading, in vessels, and penetrating more than 100 leagues up the Orinoco, and more than 30 above Angostura, the Fathers lamenting the trade carried on Avilh the Caribs, the sale of tools, stuffs, wine, spirits, guns, and other arms, which they exchanged for a large number of Indian slaves. B. C, III, j8. By means of this fortress [at Angostura] your Majesty will prevent the trade and commerce of foreigners with the Caribs. Same, p. yg. 1733. Commandeur in Essequibo. The outrunner. Van der Burg, who has been among the tribes up in Esse- quibo for more than a year altogether in order to trade, sent me in September last one Creole with two slave women and some copaiba balsam, writing that he would himself come down in November. B. C, II, 16. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. I had information . . . that they [Spaniards] were thinking next year of founding yet another [Mission] lower down [the Cuyuni] whereat the inhabi- tants are very much aggrieved, and the Carib Indians a great deal more so, since it perfectly closes tlie Slave Trallic in that direction from which alone that nation derive their livelihood. Same, p. 46. INDIANS. 307 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES FOR TRADE IN SLAVES AND CAPTURE OF RUN- AWAYS-(Continued). 1750. Acting Cominandeur in Essequibo. I immediately caused information thereof [oseapc of some slavos| to be ^ivcn to the Carib and the Awawois nations, and entertain no doubt that llioy will be taken alive or dead. B. C, II, yo. 1752. Director-General in Essequibo. There is a rumour here that some negroes have made Iheir appearance np in Esseqnibo, . . . I . . . have, under a promise of good payment, strongly persuaded the Indians of the Akawois nation living below the Post [Arinda] to g'o out and capture them, and they have promised me to do so. Same, p. y6. 1755. Don Eugenio Alvarado. Oraparene is a man of advanced intelligence, and openly replied that he did not want to give up his Kingship and go into a state of misery in the Mission, where he could not have authority, . . . [wives] freedom to capture poitos, or to trade with his friends the Dutch. ... To these reasons he added many others in favour of uncivilized life, and so he remains obstinately attached to that sort of existence. Same, p. iii. The Dutch Colonies have a kind of alliance with the many savage tribes of Indians living in the forests, which run from north to south and separate the province of Guiana from the Dutch settlements. They hold with these Indians a commerce of barter and exchange, giving hatchets, knives, choppers, gaudy ornaments, and glass beads in exchange for the poitos or slaves, which these tribes of savages make between themselves. Same, p. 118. 1758. Prefect of Missions. The account you [Ferreras] were good enough to give me, [Garriga] of your journey, was as follows : . . . That the murderers [who destroyed the Mis- sion Avechica] were some Caribs, who in the year (17)50 had rebelled in the set- tlement of Tupuquen, commanded by the Indian Caiarivare, the Alcalde of the said settlement of Tupuquen ; and that the said aggressors were living in the interior, on the River Cuyuni and at the very mouth of the River Corumo ; that they were living with some Dutchmen from the Colony of Essequibo, engaged in Slave Traffic for the said Colony ; that the principal reason for their murdering the said Captain was because he was founding a settlement in the neighbourhood of Avechica, and thereby was closing the pass of the River Usupama ; and . . . that the said Dutch, with these very same Caribs, are still living at the mouth of the River Corumo, buying Indian slaves. Same, p. 14^. 1760. Director-General in Essiquibo. I . . . took measures to have the whole sea-coast guarded by Caribs, so that it was impossible for the slaves to get to Orinoco. What I most feared was that they might take the road through Cuyuni where, since the raid upon the Post by the Spaniards there are no more Indians, and there was therefore no means of stopping them. Same, p. 1S6. 308 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS- ALLI - ANCES FOR TRADE IN SLAVES AND CAPTURE OF RUN- AWAYS -(Continued*. 1760. Director-General in Essequibo. I had sent waruing: to all the Posts, and had the coast guarded by the Carib nation, so that it should be Impossible for the slaves to make off in that direction. The road to Cuyuni was open to them, because since the raid upon the Post there by the Spaniards the river has not been occupied, and the road to Orinoco is an open and easy one. B. C, II, igy. 1 761. Governor of Cumana. The Dutch . . . go by this river [Orinoco], and those of Mazaroni and Cuyuni, protected by the Carib Indians, pillaging and capturing the Indians that are not Caribs, from this Province, and reducing them to slavery, in the same way as they do with the negroes, and sell them and employ them in their plantations and farms. V. C, I 1,342. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. [In the Upper Orinoco between 1579 and 1720] the Dutch, chiefly, bought from the Caribs and carried away all the Indians they could, for the establish- ment and cultivation of the plantations in their Colonies of Essequibo, Berbice, Surinam and Corentin. B.C., Ill, 11. [The Spaniards] found in that stronghold [Dutch Cuyuni post] . . . the current account which the said Butch kept with the Caribs. Sa7ne, p. 20. 1768. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). Against the desertion of the slaves from the Colony to Orinoco we know no other means of provision than the projected coast guards, Same, p. iSj. In the meanwhile, the measures which have been taken, ... of encour- aging the free Indians to bring in the runaways are . . . very good, if carried out, but still it seems to us that they are in no way sufficient to effica- ciously stop and hinder the runaways. Same, p. 1S4. 1 77 1. Director-General in Essequibo. In all places where Caraibans are living in the neighborhood there is little fear of desertion [of slaves]. B. C, I V, g6. \'JJ2. Director-General in Essequibo. The former Postholders in Maroco were able to do something to arrest the progress of this evil [slaves running away], they having at least six or seven hundred Indians around that Post, some of whom they could always have out at sea, but the unauthorized attacks of the Spaniards have driven these natives away. Same, p. tot. 1777. Court of Policy, Essequibo. An order about ... the cultivation of friendship with the Indians, &c., for the purpose of preventing the flight of slaves on that side . . . was agreed to. Same, p. 1S4. 1777. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber). We confirm by these presents the orders already given several times to culti- vate friendly feelings witli tlie Indians, which same may be of great service in recovering fugitive slaves, and . . . that they may be always at the service of the Government, upon which the security of both colonies so greatly depends, V. C.-C, III, 297. INDIANS. 300 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES, INCONSTANT CHARACTER OF. . Venezuelan Counter Case. But even this friendship was by no means either constant or exclusive. The Caribs wei'e at times the friends, but at times also the enemies of the Dntch. They attacked Dutch settlements and posts ; they allied themselves with French and English against the Dutch ; the very Barima Caribs . . . were the ones who guided the French from the Barima to the Pomeroon in 1689, and who helped in the destruction of the new Dutch Colony there. V. C.-C, 104-/0J. 1638. Anonymous letter in the archives at Seville. They [Dutch] are settled in Amacuro . . . with a great population of Carib Indians ... It is known from Aruac Indians that although it is true that they are in peaceful communication with Guayana [Santo Thome] they also receive bribes from the Dutch, and have trade and intercourse with them. B. C, /, iij. 1662. Governor of Trinidad. These foreign nations hold at their disposal all the Indian natives of these Windward coasts. Same, p. ijj. 1681. Commander in Essequibo. We know as yet . . . of no war, nor even of rumours thereof, and now live on satisfactory terms with the natives of this country. Same, p. 184. 1724. Court of Policy in Essequibo. The Court received a Report . . . that the Mag'anouts nation had killed all the Caribs and Akawois they could get hold of, and that those whom they captured alive they sold at other places . . . further . . . that that nation intended to come and kill the Christians and ruin this river at the first oppor- tunity. B. C, II, 2. 1750. Commandeur in Essequibo. It is the height of imprudence in the colonists that, . . . they . . . put into the hands of that warlike [Carib] nation, who beyond dispute are the bravest and most numerous on this coast, the weapons which in future may brln^ about their own destruction. Same, p. 6y. 1755. Director-General in Essequibo. As I now write this I have staying at my house the chiefs of the Panacay tribe u]) in the Cuyuni. I must absolutely keep tliem friendly, for many weighty reasons. Same, p. iig. The nation of the Acuways, which is very strong in the interior, and some of whose villages, both in Essequibo and in Massaruni and Demerary are situated next to our plantations, commenced by attacking the dwellings of some free Creoles belonging to the plantation Oosterbeek, and massacring those they found there. Same, p. 120. 1758. Fray Jose de Therriaga. It is well that the Caribs should keep withdrawing from the Cuyuni, even if it be through fear of the Dutch. V. C, II, j2j. 310 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-ALLI- ANCES, INCONSTANT CHARACTER OF-(Continued . 1758. Santiago Bonaldes. That he made use of the Caribs who infest these parts, and they conducted them in a friendly manner, taking all care that they should neither be observed nor heard, to a certain place (which he does not remember), where they met a white Dutchman. All being arranged in good order [for the attack on the Cuyuui Post]. (In which disposition he took the opinion and judgment of the Caribs themselves.) B. C, II, 139. 1758. Juan Jose Fragas. That from thence they [the Spaniards en route to the Cuyuni Post] departed in conip.any with some Carib Indians. Same, p. 162. 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. So lona: as we have the good fortune to stand well with the Indians (and I shall always try to remain so), and keep them under our protection, so long, I say, we need liave no fear. Same, pp. 211- 212. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-PROTEC- TION GIVEN INDIANS BY THE DUTCH. . British Case. The Company was obliged in very early times to interfere to protect tlie natlTes from the whites. B. C, Sj. In their protectorate over and government of the Indian tribes, the Dutch se- cured the loyal service of those tribes in duties of a military or quasi-military character. The Indians, however, acted not only as the allies and soldiers of the Dutch but also as their servants, being employed by them, as afterwards by the British, for various duties of an industrial character. Same, p. pj. The districts of Amakuru and liarima were occupied by Caribs and other Indians, who acknowledged the Protectorate and jurisdiction of the Dutcli ; the whole of this region was dealt with in all respects as an integral portion of tbe Colony of British Guiana. Same, p. 114. When ill-treated by Dutch traders they [Indians of Barima] complained to the Court of Justice for the Colony of Essequibo. Same, p. 113. The Dutch West India Company received authority from the States-General to establish, and, in fact, established, a Protectorate over the Indian tribes of Guiana. The Dutch and British employed the Indians living within the territory now in dispute in services both of a military and industrial character. Subsidies were for many years paid to the Indians for military services by the Dutch and British Governments respectively. Same, p. iig. INDIANS. 311 NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-PRO- TECTION GIVEN INDIANS BY THE DUTCH- (Continued). 1750. Court of Justice. His Honour . . . stated that some Caribs from the River Massaruni were come to complain of the colonists Pieter Marchal. . . . said Marchal, . . . had made them and their wives work for nearly four months without giving them any payment. The accused ... is sharply admouished to leave the Indians there unmolested in their liberties, and to duly pay them for their services rendered. Complaints concerning similar ill-treatment of the Caribs by Pieter de Bakker being confirmed . . . Pieter de Bakker is to be reprimanded. B. C, II. 64. 1750. Commandeur in Essequibo. I had the honour to give your Honours information of the intolerable and in- excusable dealings of some of our itinerant traders above in the River Essequibo, which caused me to fear that the nations there would be induced to revenge themselves. ... I have never been able to obtain proof . . . sufficient for a Court so as to be able to punish any of them according to their deserts. Wherefore, being convinced of the justice of the Indians' complaints, I closed the river, and forbade individuals trading there. Jan Stok . . . committed horrible enormities there [Upper Essequibo]. Accompanied by a party of Orinoco Caribs, he attacked the nations our friends close by the Post Arinda, caused all the men to be killed, and carried the women and children away as slaves, ruined all the provision gardens, and perpetrated many unheard of things. In a word, they hare made the Indians desperate, ivho intend to take vengeance therefor, so that the otlier traders >vlio are still up tiie river are in extreme peril of life, and the plantations up the Essequibo run the risk of being deserted. Saine, p. 64. The wantonness of the rovers, or traders, up in Essequibo should also be forcibly restrained, for by it the tribes are g-reatly embittered. The wanton- ness goes so far that certain of these do not hesitate even to go with some tribes to make war upon others, or greatly to maltreat them, often carrying off free people and selling them as slaves, and abusing the Indian w'omen. Satnc, p. 6j. 1755. Director-General in Essequibo. Up to the present no plantation lias been attacked except those wliose owners, according to common report, are accused of having: grossly ill- treated that nation, and who were the cause of several Acuways being killed by the Caribs. Same, p. 121. 1762. Court of Justice. Serious complaints had been made to him concerning Nicholas Stedevelt and the free Indians, to the effect that he, Stedevelt, had gone so far as to wound an Indian up the Essequibo so . . . that the man had died therefrom the following day, . . . His Excellency considering such conduct likely to lead to many evil and dangerous results, had caused the said Stedevelt to be apprehended. It was decided ... to send away the aforesaid Stedevelt by the Essequibos Welvaeren . . . on account of his frequent ill-treatment of the free Indians, for which he has already received correction in former times. B. C.-C, App., 208. 312 INDIANS. NATURE AND PURPOSE OF DUTCH-INDIAN RELATIONS-PRO- TECTION GIVEN INDIANS BY THE DUTCH-(Continued). 1769. Commancleur in Demerary. No one , . . is more convinced how advantageous and necessary the friendship of the Indians is to this Colony, because so long as we are fortunate enough to have them living around us we are quite safe inland, and have nothing to fear concerning the desertion of our slaves. I therefore neglect no possible opportunity of cultivating the friendship of the same, and of protecting: them from all the ill-treatment and tyranny of the whites, . . . and in this way I have made myself so beloved by them that I can now get tliem to do whateTer 1 wish. B. C, IV, j. 1785. Court of Policy. He shall take good care that the post be kept in proper order ; shall, for the benefit and welfare of the Post, treat all Indians properly ; shall enrol and take into protection about the Post as many of them as his means shall allow ; and, besides, shall not suffer any wrong to be done (by any person, no matter who) to any belonging to these tribes. B. C, V, sg. He shall not be at liberty to go from the Post for the purpose of carr}ing on any trade or commerce among the Indians, but shall do his utmost that the trade with the Indians for the profit of this Colony be more and more estab- lished. Sa7)u, p. JO. RELATIONS TO THE ESSEQUIBO DUTCH; CREOLE-DUTCH LAN- GUAGE. . British Case. As a result of the constant intercourse between the Dutch and the Indians, there sprung up a language known as " Creole Dntch," which, when the British came into possession of the conquered territories, formed the best and most con- venient form of communication between the settlers and the native population. B. C, gd-gj. This language was spoken by Indians of the Massaruni, Essequibo and Cuyuni as the language next to their own best understood by them, and was used by them in their intercourse with the settlers. Same, p. gj. All the Indian Captains in the Barima (including the Aruka) and Waini . . . The Creole Dutch was spolten among them. Samc,p. iiy. The Indians in the district up to the Amakuru speak English as well as their own language, and the Spanish language is not spoken by any Indian tribes except the refugees from Venezuela settled on the Moruka. Same, p. 162. . British Counter Case. Creole-Dutch was also the common language among the Indians in the centre of the Colony (/. e. in the valleys of the Cuyuni, Massaruni. and Central Essequibo) so far as they used any language but their own. . . . English and Creole-Dutch are the only languages, except their own, used by Indians in any part of tlie territory now in dispute, with the exception of tlic Span- ish Arawaks. B. C.-C, 26. INDIANS. 313 RELATIONS TO THE ESSEQUIBO DUTCH; CREOLE-DUTCH LAN- GUAGE-(Continued). 1768. Court of Justice. His Excellency reported that it would be necessary to appoint and administer an oath to a permanent interpreter of tlie Indian lan^nag:es, and also to give him a small salary, and for this purpose he proposes the person of Jean Baptiste, which is agreed to by the Court. B. C.-C, App., 216. 1779. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. I left the two Guaraunos Indians we captured in Moruca at the first settle- ment, having treated them well. . . . They showed that they were highly gratified, and the younger, who was very sensible and handsome, spoke English and Dutch, and told me to pass where they lived on my return, ... I thanked him for his offers, though they can not be relied upon, since the Guaranna tribe is the most inconstant and variable among almost all the tribes that occupy all the creeks of the Orinoco. Same, p. 2J4. 1833. Rev. L. Strong. Mr. Armstrong [of Bartika Mission] has also regularly visited the settlements of Indians in the Essequibo and Massaruni Rivers alternately every week, expounding the scriptures ... to some in English, to others through an interpreter in the Creole Dutch. B. C, VI, 4g. 1836. Postholder in Pomeroon. I do not understand any of the Indian languages, but can make them under- stand me in the Creole Dutch. Same, p. 61. 1836. Postholders in Boeraseri. I have been Postholder about a month. I can converse with the Indians in the Dutch Creole language, which is generally understood by them. B. C.-C, App., 276. 1836. Postholder in Waibana. Generally, all of the Indians up here speaking English and Creole Dutch, I can converse with them very well. Same, p. 2j6. 1836. Postholder in Berbice. Can converse with the Indians in the Creole language, which is understood by all of them. Same, p. 276. 1839. Dr. George Ross. I took down the statement of the woman Meea Caria under the disadvantage, however, of an interpreter who could speak very little English. Most of the questions and answers had, therefore, to be communicated through the medium of C reole Dutch. ^a">e, p. 2S6. 1840. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The Postholder [of Fort Island] can converse with the Indians of the Essequibo, most of whom speak Creole Dutch. . . . [Ampa] Postholder can converse with the Indians in Dutch Creole. Same, p. 2g2. 1 841. R. H. Schomburgk. The Arawaak chieftain Jan [of Amacura region] . . . spoke the Creole Dutch perfectly. B. C, VII, 14-15. 314 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE ESSEQUIBO DUTCH; CREOLE-DUTCH LAN- GUAGE-(Continued). 1850. Sir Henry Barkly. Their chiefs to this day bear the names of Jan, Hendrick, or the like ; their inter- course with Europeans is still carried on mainly in the Creole Dutch ; . . . even in their own dialect the Dutch names for things derived from abroad (rum, gunpowder, &c ,) are incorporated. B. C, VI, 1S4. 1897. Sir Henry Barkly. The proof of the long-continued occupation of the adjacent region [Barima] by the Dutch ... is clearly shown by the distinct indications of the influence they had exercised over the Indian population. The Chiefs of the Indian tribes then as at this day bore the names of Jan, Hendrik, and many other Dutch names. Their conversation and transactions with Europeans were largely carried on in the Creole Dutch laiigiiage, and even in their own dialects the Dutch names spoken of, for instance, rum, gunpowder, &c., were incorporated. B. C, VII, 2j6. RELATIONS TO FRENCH, ENGLISH, SURINAM-DUTCH, ETC. . British Case. The English and Dutch .allied themselves with the Carib Indians against the Spaniards. B. C, 2j. . [1897] George L. Burr. The French seem to have maintained for years their alliance with the Barima Caribs against the Dutch. V. C.-C, II, 124. 161 3. Governor of Margarita. Vargas, Governor of Margharita, . . . reported that he had information . . . that . . . not far from Margharita, on the coast of the mainland, some English had settled, witli the favour of the Caribs, with the intention of cultivating tobacco. He gives information of the settlements [of English and Caribs] which are being made in the island of Trinadad and coast of San Thome of Guiana, where, with the friendship of the Caribs, they are extensively cultivating tobacco. The English, who were making settlements on the rivers in union with the Caribs. B. C, I, jj. 1614. Don Juan Tostado. For if they [Dutch] had settled there [on the Corentine] as they had resolved to do, it would be a great injury to the friendly Arnac natives to have the Dutch and Caribs so close to them. Sa/ne, p. jy. Some natives of the island [Trinidad] brought news that they had seen a number of Carib pirogues on the southern side of the island in company with some Flemish vessels, which are those that the Flemish in the fort [on the Coren- tine river] were expecting in order to load tiiem with the tobacco they had prepared. They are now seeking revenge. It is proved by the information of six witnesses that this island is generally surrounded by the Flemish and Caribs both by sea and land, so that the in- habitants live in constant want of many things which they cannot go and fetch for fear of the enemy, the Caribs even coming as far as the city to rob and ill-treat them, which comes of their stn>ng' alliance with the Flemish, always moving together as they did when they attacked the Aruacas. Same, p. jJ. INDIANS. 315 RELATIONS TO FRENCH, ENGLISH, SURINAM-DUTCH, ETC- (Continued). 1615. Report of Council to Spanish King. If they [enemies of Spain] are aided by the Caril) Indians, as they now are. B. C, I, 44. 1637. Don Pedro de Vivero. Euglisli, Irisli, and others, with negro slaves, have established and settled themselves, from Cape North up to the mouth of the River Orinoco, in most productive lands, allying themselves with more than 5,000 peaceful Indians and Caribs, with many forts and a castle, on nine rivers. Same, p. no. 1662. Report of Spanish Council of War. They [En§:lish and French] have very great numbers of the Indian natives of that country [Terra Firma] subject to them, on account of the merchandize they give them in barter. Same, p. 160. [1666.] Major John Scott. Hendricson, a Switz by nation, that had served some Dutch merchants in those partes 27 yeares in quality of a factor with the upland Indians of Guiana. Same, p. 1 68. 1684. [1897] George L. Burr. In the summer of 1684, and for long thereafter, the Barima was occupied by hostile Caribs and by their allies, the French, who in 1689 were building a fort in that river. V. C.-C, II, 137-138. 1684. British Counter Case. The alliance between tlie French and the Barinia Caribs, which com- menced in 1684 (in which year these Caribs came to the Barima from Cope- name), lasted only during the war which was then proceeding. B. C.-C, 64. 1684. Commandeur in Essequibo. They [tlie French] have for their assistance many Caribs from Copename . . . taking refuge here to our great disquietude. Gabriel Bishop, . . . from Surinam and Berbice, coming into the Barima in order to trade, . . . being surprised and overtaken by the Caribs afore- said, he with fifteen of men, was slain, . . . with threats to some other Indians friendly to us, that they, conjointly with the French, will probably come to destroy all the plantations outside the fort at Essequibo. B. C, I, 1S7. 1686. Tiburcio de Axpe y Zuiiiga, Those [Caribs] of the Golfo Triste in particular have committed much slaughter and devastation in alliance with the French, with whom at the present time they have traffic and communication, and it is much to be feared that they are going to help the French to settle on the mainland. Safne, p. ig6. 1686. Sancho Fernandez de Angulo. To fulfil their ambition and that of the French, they [Caribs] will make joint incursions with the latter, and it is to be feared will proceed to occupy the territories and ports of His Majesty as they have done in other parts, and as the Dutch have also done with other settlements on the River Orinoco in the region of the mainland. Satne, p. igS. 31G INDIANS. RELATIONS TO FRENCH, ENGLISH, SURINAM-DUTCH, ETC- (Continued>. 1689. [1897] George L. Burr. It was at the liands of French and Caribs from the Barima that the Pomeroon colony fell, in April of 1689. V. C.-C, II, i2j. 1 70 1. Court of Policy in Essequibo. They [the crew] shall . . . inquire amon^ the Caribs there [Waini] how the matter stands, explaining to them, namely, to the Chiefs, that if the [French] enemy's boats try to g-ain their favour . . . they may expect all the Christians and Aravvalis of Surinam, Berbice, and Essequibo upon them, and that the Commandeur of Essequibo, who has already made peace with them, strives to continue therein. B. C, I, 224-22^. 1 701. Official Diary at Kijkoveral. February 10, [1701]. . . . Mr. Hollander stated that he had had reports from the Carib nation concerning the murder of five [whites] who had been living amongst them at the mouth of the Corentin, and that this was con- firmed by a certain Indian who had seen the deed with his own eyes, and who said that they were not French, their sworn enemies, as liad been pretended, but rather whites from Surinam with trading wares. He further stated that tlie said Caribs were uniting with all kinds of Indian tribes, wherever nec- essary, in order to kill and extirpate all the Europeans. Even if the above should be untrue, it were well that we should take speedy measures, since their rascally practices were known to all the world, as well as their avarice, deceit, and bloodthirstiness. B. C.-C, App., 141. 1752. Council of Indies. The Prelates of the Missions of the Society of Jesus and Capuchins report that the Caribs are in possession of the great river Orinoco, and the other tribes cannot approach owing to the hostilities they carr)' on against them, and also through tlie friendship which this tribe has contracted with the foreigners of Martinique, Surinam, Berbice and other colonies. Same, p. igj. 1754. Director-General in Essequibo. The Surinam wanderers and most of tlie Carib Indians have retired from Barima, and have departed to the Waini. B. C, II, 100. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. In the year 1 720, . . . Dutch, English, and French, . . . with the Caribs, overran . . . the Province of (iuayana [and others] enslaving and slaughtering all the Indians, other than Caribs, whom they could seize, and burning the Mission villages and Spanish settlements established in the said prov- inces. B. C, III, J 4. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-IN GENERAL. 1595. Capt. Felipe de Santiago. The Province of Caura, which is very fertile, and inhabited by a great num- ber of natives. Although Caribs, they are friendly towards the Spaniards. B. C, I, 10. INDIANS. 317 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-IN GEN ERAL-(Continued). 1614. Don Juan Tostaclo. For if they [Diitcli] had settled there [on the Corentine] as they had resolved to do, it would be a great injury to the friendly Ariiac natives to have the Dutch and Caribs so close to them. B. C, I. 34. 1637. Governor of Guiana. With 300 men well provided with munitions, and with a quantity of Indians whom 1 will take care to collect by gifts ... I would undertake the expedition [against Essequibo]. Same, p. 107. 1638. Diego Ruiz Maldonado. On this bank [North bank of lower Orinoco] the village of the Glnayanos is also, who, while they belong- to his Majesty, have in all the invasions of Guayana that have taken place by the Lutherans, rendered snccour ; not only have they not united with them, but they have come to the help of the people with provi- sions on the occasions that have presented themselves. And on the other [south] side of the river the town of the Arnacas, a very powerful people, and all enemies of the taribs and friends of the Spaniards. Same, p. 120. They knelt down, with great attention, both the Caribs and those of other na- tions, who were to the number of 133 in all, being rowers of the pirogues. And there is no doubt that were they instructed in the Faith they would embrace it, as they are all very docile, especially the Chaguane Indians, who like the Spaniards much. Same, p. 121. The first village [to be christianized] must be of the Chaguanes, as they are veiy numerous, and because these are very friendly with the Spaniards, beyond others of those nations, and it must be called the village of San Felipe de la Real Corona. Same, p. 128. 1688. Governor of Trinidad. The free Indians of the villages of San Pedro de Mariguaca and Santa Maria Magdalena de Caucao, which are in the said territory of Guayana. Same, p. 212. 1767. Director-General in Essequibo. On account of the bad treatment received at the hands of the present Gov- ernor of Orinoque, all the Warouws, thousands of whom live on the islands in the mouth of the Orinoco, are fleeing from there, and that hundreds of them have already arrived in Barima. B. C, III, 144. 1770. Commandant of Guiana. The information previously given me by the friendly Caribs [of Upper Orinoco]. B.C., J ¥,77. 1779. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte. A canoe overtook me and brought in a youth [Arowak] of twelve or fourteen from the said Piache, begging me to take him with me that he mig-ht learn to speak Spanish and might see the lands of the Spaniards. I took him, thanked them for their confidence, and promised to bring him back with me on my return. ^- C.-C App., 2jg. 318 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO. . British Counter Case. The Caribs regarded the Spaniards as enemies, not as rulers. B. C.-C, Sj. 1598. A Cabeliau. They are there [Santo Thome] about 60 horseman and 100 musketeers strong, who daily attempt to conquer the auriferous Weyana, but cannot concjuer the same either by the forces already used or by any means of friendship, since the nation named Charibus daily offer them hostile resistance with their arms. B. C, I, 20. They who are enemies, and who bear enmity to the Spaniards, are friends with the Indians, and they constantly Iiope tliat they will be rid of tlie Span- iards by the Flamingos and Angleses, as they told us. Satne, p. 21. 1 601. Governor of El Dorado. In reference to . . . the depopnlation of the Arias, ... In the first uprising- [of Indians] they killed the Spanish chapetones (Spaniards who come without passports to America) ; . . . Being so fertile, here the city of the Arias was founded. There was an uprisins? of the natives, who killed the Major ; their punishment and seizure was seriously undertaken. By reason of the control exercised over them and the war made against them, tlie natives refused to sow tlie land or to come to the town, and by tliis means the Spanisli were ejected from tliis province, famine being- used as the worst kind of weapon. V. C.-C, III, 4. 1602. Governor of Nueva Andalucia. The city of the Arias is one of the two that Don Fernando had settled ; it is farther inland tlian Santo Thome, . . . thiclily populated by In- dians who, being barbarians, conceived such a liatred toward the Spaniards tliat tliey preferred to leave their native country rather than to have intercourse with them, and they retreated so far that, in a radius of thirty leagues from that city, not one single Indian was to be found. The soldiers, being unable to support themselves without the aid of the Indians, were com- pelled to leave said site and to search for another, where they could rebuild said city, which has not been done as yet. Same, p. 2. 1612. Sancho de Alquica. From this island [Margarita] to that of Trinidad is more than 60 leagues to windward, and infested by Carib pirates, who ccnumit great damage. B. C, I, 2Q-JO. 1614. Mansilla, Parish Priest in Trinidad. The evil done by the Caribs is notorious. Same, p. jS. 1637. Jacques Ousiel. On the east side of the island named Punta Galera dwell two nations of In- dians, the one called Nipujos and the other Arawaks, over 600 able men ; these are friendly to the Dutch, especially the Nipujos, who are deadly enemies of the Spaniards ; but the Arawalis occasionally serve the Spaniards in rowing their canoes, and cannot be relied upon so well. U. S. Com., II, Sj. One mile inland [in Trinidad] there is a very good opportunity for obtaining a supply of bananas from the old plantations of the Caribs who were driven from the aforesaid island by tlie Spaniards, and still are wont to come there every year with their canoes to lay in provisions, V. C, II, 22. INDIANS. 319 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO-(Continued). 1638. Corporation of Santo Thome. The Carihs of the Province of Caura, who are Indians under the jurisdic- tion of this town [Santo Thome] killed the men Avlio came with the said iii- foriuation [about the quicksilver mine near Santo Thome] and took all the des- patches. B- C., I, J 03. The bearer is an honest soldier, married here, and as there is so much distress here, ventures his life through so much danger, as there is in tliese plains of the Caribs, only to take these letters. Same, p. 104. 1686. Tiburcio de Axpe y Zuiiiga. It is impossible to conquer them [Caribs] all owing to their great number and the various territories they occupy in a space extending over 300 leagues in length. Same, p. ig6. 1733. Government of Trinidad. It must be borne in mind that the Caribs are not natives of the Orinoco, but intruders, and that Law 13, Title 2, Book 6, allows war to be made upon tliose of that tribe who come to infest these provinces with armed force, and who eat human flesh, and sanctions the enslavement of those above 14 years, except the women. B. C.-C, App., 178. 1735. Governor of Cumana. It was necessary to cross over to seek them [Caribs] in their own lands, in their clearing which they call the Pumeyo, where they had three encounters with said Caribs. V. C.-C, III, 42. 1737. Governor of Cumana. The Governor, Don Carlos Sucre . . . reported to your Majesty the con- dition of that fortress [Santo Thome] and dependency, and also of the war which the Carib Indians, with other allies, are making-, causing- death and torture among the missionaries, and other Spaniards. B. C, II, 2j. Nothing- further can be taken in hand except defensive measures against the Caribs. Same, p. 26. 1739. Marquis de San Felipe y Santiago. By these means [making- war] he is persuaded the object will be attained of punishing their [Carib] cruelty, and forcing them to quit the country, leav- ing the other Indians free to settle there. B. C.-C, App., 1S2. 1750. Commandeur in Essequibo. We dare not openly oppose them [Spaniards] as might very easily be done, by means of the Carib nation, their sworn enemies. The frequent and well-founded complaints which the Spaniards make of the damage done to them by the Carib nation well deserve your Honours' attention, not only on account of the damage which the Spaniards suffer, for by their harsh and unjust dealings they give cause for this, but on account of the in- evitable consequences which in course of time might befall the Colony. B. C, II, 67. 1755. Don Jose de Iturriaga. It is morally impossible to enter into negotiations of peace with the in- uiimerable Chiefs of the sources of Aquire. Samf, p. iii. 320 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO-(Continued). 1755. Director-General in Essequibo. The chiefs of the Panacays, (a mighty nation which has never before been here) have expressly come down to offer their help ajjaiust the Spaniards if required, and they are going to settle down with their dwellings around the Post. B. C, II, iig. 1759. Director-General in Essequibo. The latter [Caribs], on their part, are not taking matters quietly, but are beginning: to make a vigorous resistance, and to do much mischief in Ori- Moco itself. Two well-armed boats have been kept cruising up and down the river, and the Spanish commerce has suffered a good deal. Same, p. ly^. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. In the year 1720, . . . Dutch, English, and French, . . . with the Caribs, overran . . . the Province of Guayana [and others] enslaving and slaughtering all the Indians, other than Caribs, whom they could seize, and burning the Mission villages and Spanish settlements established in the said provinces, B. C, III, 34. [The inhabitants will soon quit Ciudad Real for other causes] even if the continual attacks of the Indians do not overwhelm them. Same, p. 67. 1766. Director-General in Essequibo. We can fully rely upon the assistance of the Caribs, The deep-rooted hatred and enmity of that nation towards the Spaniards is so great that there is little probability of a reconciliation between them, and although that nation has lost many of its old characteristics, this still continues to be one of its innate peculiarities. Same, p. iji. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO, ITS CAUSE. 1594. Antonio de Berrio. I cannot get the Indians [to help conquer Guiana] owing to the malice of my neighbours [/. e., Spanish governors of neighboring provinces.] B. C, I, S. 1621. Juan de Lezama. Juan de Lezama, Procurator-General of the City of Santo Thome and Island of Trinidad of the Province of Guayana, says that in respect of the English pirate . . . having excited the natives of it, and caused them to rise in rebellion, and refuse to acknowledge the obedience which they had given to your Majesty, and allied themselves with the enemy. Same, p. j6. 1662. Governor of Trinidad. The Carib Indians of the Caura, servants appropriated to residents of this city [Santo Thome], Guaiqueries, Mapoies, and other nations, revolted in general, killed all the people that were among them, more than thirty persons, including residents of the city and strangers. The cause of this rebellion and havoc was the incitement which the Dutch of these new settlements liave produced, tlirough the secret communication they hold with them . . . I am taking the necessary measures for the punishment of these Indians. When so many enemies surround me, both Indians of numerous tribes, and the Dutch who incite them. Same, p. /jj. ! INDIANS. 321 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO, ITS CAUSE-(Con- j tinued). 1 1686. Tiburcio de Axpe y Zuiiiga. I The injury which results . . . through the bondage system is \inter ij aIia^^ . . . that, . . . the Iiidiiiiis of those regions witlidraw aiul de- fend themselves in order that they may not be compelled to settle; and they regard the proposal to convert them as a snare, for they say that it is only for the purpose of making them work. B. C, I, ig§. 1733. Father Bernardo Rotella. ; " Why do you want to have a Father? " said Araguacare, [Lieulenant-General of the Carib tribe on the Orinoco] to him [Aritana, a Carib, Chief of the Jesuit Mission of Santa Teresa]. " Do yon not know that the Spaniards are very bad \ that they will take from you whatever you possess? They will take away your wives, and leave you only one ; they will gather your sons together and carry them off for sale. If you complain they will kill you, or put you in the I stocks, and will maltreat you continually." ! " Know," he continued, " that you will no longer be my friends, for you are friends of the Spaniards, nor will you get implements or clothes ; you will be II their perpetual slaves, even though they are your relatives and friends, for be- fl cause I was their friend they often made me deliver up my relatives to death, and, consequently, I want to come and live at Curumotopo, so that, being at a distance from them, they may not be sending for me every moment ; and if, per- chance, they come some time to summon me, I will ^o or not, as I please ; and if they send other soldiers to summon me again. I will kill them." B. C.-C, App., 166. I • . . ask . . . for the perpetual banishment of all the Caribs from Orinoco, as not being in their legitimate lands, as traitors to . . . Spain, as perpetual and even sacrilegious homicides, . . . for hindering' the spread of the Catholic faith, not only in their villages, . . . but because for more than forty years, by force of arms and assassinations of apostolic missionaries, they have hindered it from spreading to the other tribes, with no other object than that they may not be prevented from gorging themselves with human flesh, and stealing the children of other tribes for sale outside these dominions. Same, p. lyi. 1734. King of Spain. That in the creek [of Barima] there was a Carib Chief, . . . who had more than two hundred Indians, with arrows, guns, and broad swords, which force he kept, said the Indian, for the whites of Guayana, because they hindered him taking the Indians of the nations of the Orinoco and selling- them to the l>utch. V. C, II, 2S3. 1735. Governor of Cumana. Don Carlos Sucre [Governor of Cumana] reports the excesses committed by the Carib Indians in the neighborhood of the River Orinoco, by reason of his absence from that part ; that they have cut to pieces a settlement of 200 persons, which he had founded with three missionaries, of whom they killed one. . . . He shows likewise how the Missions are on the point of perishing by the hand of the Caribs, ... he will do his utmost to try if he can get together as many as 150 men, in order to try to form at the Angostura of the River Orinoco a redoubt with good stakes, in order once for all to block their way and restrain them. B. C, II, 22. 322 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO, ITS CAUSE-(Con- tinued . 1758. Prefect of Missions. The account you [Ferreras] were good enough to give me [Garriga] of your journey was as follows : That the murderers [who destroyed the Mission Ave- chica] were some Caribs who in the year [17]50 had rebelled in the settle- ment of Tupiuiiien, commanded by the Indian Caiarivare, the Alcalde of the said settlement of Tupuquen, one of the principal instigators of the rebellion ; and that the said ag'gressors were living in the interior, on the river Cuyuni, and at the very mouth of the river Corumo, which flows into the said river; that they were livins? with some Dutchmen from the Colony of Essequibo, engag'ed in Slave Traffic for the said Colony ; and that the principal reason for their murdering the said Captain was because he was founding a settlement in the neighbourhood of Avechica, and thereby was closing the pass of the River Usupama, and hindering them from passing without being discovered; . . . [and] that the said Dutch, with these very same Caribs, are still living at the mouth of the River Corumo, buying Indian slaves. B. C, II, 143. 1 761. Don Jose Solano. He [the Governor] can defend the city [Santo Thome], . . . and hinder the Dutch from coming up to the Caura to buy slaves from the Caribs and to furnish them with arms and cultivate the hatred of the Spaniards, which they 1 have introduced among the Indians. Same, p. 20S. \ 1763. Don Jose Diguja. In none of the said provinces are foreigners any longer seen overrunning them and committing hostilities or exciting the Caribs, their allies. B.C., Ill, J5. 1898. Michael McTurk. The Caribs, as is well known, were the inveterate enemies of the Spaniards, with whom tliey waged continual warfare, and were also the slave raiders, penetrating as far for this purpose as the Upper Cuyuni and the Upper Essequibo. B. C.-C, App., 403. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO, ITS CHARACTER (REBELLION). 1594. Antonio de Berrio. Part of the natives [of Trinidad] have rebelled, and the Caribs of the Islands of Dominica, Granada, and other neighboring places harass and injure me. B. C, I, 8. 1618. British Case. After the sack of Santo Thome by Raleigh in IGIS the Arawaks, till then the friends of the Spaniards, also turned against them. B. C, 2j. 1618. City of Santo Thome. The enemy [English under Raleigh] remained in possession of the place for twenty-nine days, during which time he [Raleigh] succeeded in attracting to him- self the i)eacefiil Guayana Indians nearest to the town, who at once rose in rebellion, doing much damage, in order to favour the enemy. They soon embarked, . . . having excited and raised all the native Indians in rebellion, at their pleasure, who dwell on the sea-coast, Aruacas, Chaguanes, and Caribs of that province, who renounced obedience to yonr Majesty. B. C, I, 49' INDIANS. 323 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO, ITS CHARACTER (REBELLION)-(Continued). 1621. Juan de Lezama. In order that they may now defend this land, and that the iiatiTOS in robcl- liou may l)e reduced and thereby brought to recognize your Majesty. B. C, I, 56-57- 1 62 1. King of Spain. It is stated . . . that the natiyes have thrown off tlie obedience which they had g'iven me, allying themselves with the enemy [English under Raleigh]. Same, p. 57. 1637. Governor of Guiana. The whole place in great danger through two settlements of Dutch being therein, and all the Indians in revolt and nuited with them. Same, p. 106. 1662. Governor of Trinidad. I endeavored to pacify . . . the native Indians of . . . Trinidad, wiio were in rebellion, and did not wish to serve the Spaniards. I carried it out with the few Spaniards of that island and some friendly Indians, and while receiving those who, warned by the punishment I inflicted on the bad ones who were in my power, came and submitted peacefully, and promised to give service to the Spaniards. Same, p. 154. 1733. Father Joseph Gumilla. I, Joseph Gumilla, . . . declare that having been for the last two years on good terms witli the Caribs of this Orinoco, looliing^ npon them as sub- missive to the (irovernment thereof, there came up this summer from Barima, Taricura ; . . . he . . . terrified all the villages of my Mission, threat- ening death to the missionaries and to their escort, and to such Indians as might believe the Fathers ; and they actually killed the Salina Captain Chab- iruma and many of his men belonging to the village of Los Angeles [Los Santos Angeles de Sabinos]. B. C.-C, App., 162. 1752. Director-General in Essequibo. The Spaniards have attacked and driven away the Caribs below Orinoco, and these have all retreated to our side, and thus their number has considerably in- creased. Now they are more than ever incensed against the Spaniards aforesaid ; tliey lately overran two Missions, and have murdered everyone there. B. C, II, 76. 1758. Prefect of Missions. Not only the Caribs of the forests, but even those of the Missions partici- pate in these wars, without our being able to control them in any way ; and whenever we make any efforts to do so, they immediately desert us in great num- bers. Same, p. 14J. 1758. Military Commandant in Essequibo to Spanish Commandant in Orinoco. Our Governor has always striven to keep up good relations and friendship with his neighbours ; you . . . had a convincing proof of this when he took the trouble to write to you in order to warn you, as soon as he had received advice that the Caribs had formed tlie plan to attack your Missions ; which warning, and his repeated interdictions to the Caribs, even accompanied with threats, have prevented the execution. Sa?ne, p. 17J. i 324^ INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH-HOSTILITY TO, ITS CHARACTER (REBELLION)-(Continued). 1763. Don Jose Diguja. It is clear that if . . . the fortress is attacked and taken by the enemies of the Royal Crown, the Missions would at once be destroyed. Their own in- habitants would plunder them, set them on fire, and return to the forests, as hap- pened in 1742, when it was found that the Indians did much more harm than the English. . . . The fortress, ... is the safeguard of all these provinces, . . . without it the Missions can neither be extended nor be certain that those now existing will not rebel when it is least expected, namely when driven to do so by the Carib tribe, which is formidable from its fierce, treacherous, and warlike character. B. C, III, 24. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS ENTRADAS AND COMPULSORY SETTLEMENT IN MISSIONS. . . Venezuelan Case. The " entradas," . . . were constant throughout the region west of the Essequibo from the coast far into the interior, even beyond the Pacaramia moun- tains. V. C, 133. . Venezuelan Counter Case. Spain was in truth the recognized sovereign of the Indians: . . . her rule over them was a rule depending not on friendship nor acquiescence, but upon force exerted by a ruler over subjects. V. C.-C, 103. 1615. Council of the Indies. In order that the Spaniards now residing there and the Christian Indian subjects of Y. M. V. C.-C, HI, 6. 1686. Spanish Fiscal. With regard to the removal of the Carib Indians, who are close to those Missions. B. C, I, 194. 1 761. Judicial Decree. As the Aruaca Indians seized at the mouth of said creek [IJarima] have been delivered to the Reverend Fathers of those Missions, so as to people the same and distribute them, his Honor . . . did rule tliat said Indians be kept for the above purpose in the said Mission. V. C, II, 341. 1772. Don Manuel Centurion. [While going] to take possession of the famous Lake Parime . . . the Catalan Capuchins . . . had an escort of fifty men at arms, twenty of which were Spaniards and thirty friendly Caribs. B. C, IV, 106. 1786. Director-General in Essequibo. Frequently having had complaints that the Spaniards and Spanish Indians . . . surprise our free Indians when off their guard, and also drag them into slaver v. B. C, V, 45. INDIANS. 325 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SU BJ ECTS- ENTRADAS AND COMPULSORY SETTLEMENT IN MISSIONSHContinued . 1787. F. Mariano de Cerveia. Last year I went to the mouths of the Orinoco at a settlement of Guaraunos. I had with me only two soldiers and some Guayanos from Caroni. Tlic excur- sion was brief and lucky, for within a few days I had made the catch, and came back i^ltli 1-10 souls, all of whom arrived here, excepting eight, who escaped at San Antonio, although they were afterwards caught. In the early part of this year I went on another excursion to the river Cuyuni, accompanied by Father Antonio de Martorel, with his Caribs of Cumamu, and we only suc- ceeded in catching eighty-one Guaycas, for on the same day we started out, a Guayca of the Mission of Cura made his escape and warned those living in the woods, so that we found everything in confusion. V. C, II, 446. 1792. Governor Marmion. Experience has constantly shown that the Cruarauno and Mjiriusa Indians, . . . whenever any effort has been made to take them from the creeks and mouths of the river and convey them to settle in the interior of the Missions, have usually been of very little use and endurance, and upon the least inattention on the part of the Religious they have escaped to the woods or returned to their native spot, the little islands of the Orinoco. There will be no inconvenience in forming a settlement of these people, as Lopez proposes on the Creek of Imataca. B. C, V, 14J. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-PUNISHMENT OF REBELS. 1637. Don Juan Desologuren. In all these parts [Essequibo, Berbice and lower Orinoco] they have deal- ings with the Indians, and in the last named with the [Spanish] inhabitants both vassals and freemen, and they are incensed against the said (Governor [of Guiana] for having overcome and dislodged them, and with the Governor of Margarita for having beheaded the prisoners sent to him. B. C, I, 78. 1653. Report of Council. The obligation of Don Martin de Mendoza was ... to reduce tlie natives who had rebelled, chastising those who refused to render obedience. B. C.-C, App., 23. 1686. Tiburcio de Axpe y Zuiiiga. These [Cai'ib] Indians likewise prevent the conversion of the others, and have on various occasions sacked villages of Indians already subdued. For these crimes such a race may be chastised by force of arms. And by these means and by occupying the ancient fort of San Carlos Fernandez de Angulo, it will be rendered certain that the Caribs will not return to give assistance in the Golfo Triste. And thus the Capuchin missionaries will easily convert the rest of the Indians. B. C, I, ip6. 1733. Government of Trinidad. The said Governor endeavored to chastise this outrage, the only result was that a son of the said Yaguaria was killed, ... the effort was not con- tinued, as they had withdrawn to the Dutch of Essequibo. B, C.-C, App., 17J. 326 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-PUNISHMENT OF R E B E LS-KContinued). 1 760. Don Jose de Iturriaga. To prerent so many evils I despatched the Lieutenants . . . Antonio Mayhew to the Aroi . . . and . . . Vincent Doz ... for Caura, arranging the time so that both surprises should be executed at the same moment. This was done, and so successfully that . . . all those of Caiira and . . . Aroi were seized with the exception of those who were on expeditions for capturing slaves from other nations. B. C, II, 184. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. The said militia are the hardest workers in the entire garrison, for with the regulars they are detached to the Missions ... to snbdue the Indians in the frequent disturbances which occur. B. C, III, 66-67. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-RECOGNITION OF THE SPANISH AS MASTERS. 1695. Capt. Felipe de Santiago. Province of Caura . . . inhabited by a great number of natives. Al- though Caribs, they are friendly towards the Spaniards, and disposed to serve them. ^- C., 1, 10. 1596. Roque de Montes, Treasurer of Cumana. I instructed him (Felipe de Santiago) that he should warn the Chiefs of the Indians on that bank (of the Orinoco) not to admit nor receive any strangers henceforward in their territories, except Spaniards in your Majesty's service. According to a Report I have received from the said Captain Felipe de Santiago ... he gave the Indians the necessary warning-. Same, p. 12. 1596. Venezuelan Case. Keymis . . . says . . . "It was long time before wee could procure them [Indians] to come neere vs, for they doubted least wee were Spanish." ... he adds that the Indian Chief informed him that the Arwacas " doe for the most part serue and follow the Spanyards." V. C, 46. 1604. J. Maldonado Barnuevo. The Indians and half-breeds are an abandoned people, and as to their being Christians and frequenting the churches and sacraments— most of them do so more from force than from duty, being compelled by those who govern them, and by the clergy who go to instruct them. B. C.-C, App., j. 1733. Father Bernardo Rotella. Araguacare, Lieutenaut-Oeneral of tlie Carib Tribe, resident on this Orinoco, having got and obtained . . . permission issued by the Lieutenant-General ... of this province, Don Antonio de Robles, with the signature of the Sec- retary of State, Angel Francisco Sanabria, in which his Lordship commanded that no person . . . should dare to hinder ... the said Araguacare in his journey for trade in slaves, . . . and that the said Araguacare was an Indian very loyal to his fliajesty's Crown. . . . This letter was obtained surrepti- tiously and by fraud, saying (as I believe) that he was going to purchase slaves, while his object was simply to kill and destroy the tribes of this Orinoco and steal their property and children for sale to the Dutch and French. Same, p. 164. INDIANS. 327 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-RECOGNITION OF THE SPANISH AS MASTERS-iContinged). 1733. Father Bernardo Rotella. Araguacare seized a little daughter of Captain Don Juan Vrayari to carry her off, but when Vrayari threatened him with tlie Fathers and the Lieutenant of Gnayana lie relinquished her and gave Vrayari a guayuco [girdle] to say noth- ing to the whites. B. C.-C, App., i6j. 1755. Don Jose de Iturriaga. They [Caribs] are afraid of the Missions, and dread bein^ discovered, especially by the Pariagota tribe, their enemies. This statement is general as regards the Caribs of the Orinoco. B. C, II, log. 1758. Prefect of Missions. The Caribs of Mianio have very often told the Father that he ought to allow them to go and seize or kill the Dutch at the mouth of the Corumo, who had a large quantity of articles for the purchase of slaves. The Barinagotos of the Yuruary say the same. Same, p. 14.6. 1758. Fray Benito de la Garriga. The Varinagotos and Guaicas of Father Thomas have returned \-ery discon- solate from the incursion, for they thought they were s^oina: to kill all their ene- mies, the Caribs, at once, and with clubs in their hands they wanted to begin with the first they found, but the Captain did not allow it. B, C-C, App., 204. 1762. Director-General in Essequibo. At the time of that occurrence [destruction of Dutch Post on the CuyuniJ the Caribs were full of courage and ready for all kinds of undertaking ; now they are all driven away from there and have retired right up into Esse- quibo. B. C, II, 217. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. It is extremely difficult for the missionaries to supply these Indian labonr- ers. They do not leave their villages, except very reluctantly, and when at the fortress they must be treated with great kindness and without severity, or else they run away and take refuge in the forests. Only in a few cases do they come back to their villages, which they easily abandon. And no matter how good their treatment may be, it is always impossible to keep them at work for more than eight days. B. C, III, 23-24. It is probable that they [Indians in the newer Orinoco Missions] would go back to the woods and carry on a thousand rascalities were it not for fear of the troops who are at hand to repress disturbances, especially in the villages of the Caribs, who are by nature haughty and apt to rebel. Same, p. 24. The Indians [in Missions] are very easily controlled. Same, p. 32. 1773. Government of Trinidad. This compelled the said Governor to go in person to Guayana, and publish a proclamation that the Caribs who desired to live in peace under His Majesty's protection should appear before him, and would be pardoned, but otherwise they would experience his Royal indignation. Thereupon some of the Chiefs came 328 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-RECOGNITION OF THE SPANISH AS M ASTERS-(Continued). forward, among them Araguacare with his adherents, and promised obedience and fidelity ; and in order to cause it to be obser\'ed by their subjects with authority, they prayed the said Governor to confer upon him the title of Captain, and he so conferred it with its insignia. B. C.-C, App., 177. 1777. Augustin Crame (and) Joseph Linares. When war becomes imminent, another company must be formed with the Cabre Indians. They manage a gun like Europeans, and are very loyal to our Sovereign ; . . . their village . . . is in the jurisdiction of Ciudad Real . . . These Indians are, , . . few in number. B. C, IV, 181-182. 1789. Governor Marmion. Tlie Indians, being an uncivilized and insubordinate people, lovers of their independence and liberty, which the enemy would undoubtedly offer so as to attract them to their side, it is to be feared that they would submit cheerfully to any change which would enable them to escape the subjection in wliich the Religious keep them for the purpose of instruction. B. C, V, 111-112. 1794. Postholder in Pomeroon. September 2, 1794. The son of the Captain Periper, a Carib by nation, came to the Post ... to ask me for assistance in order to retake his father, whom the Caribs from the Orinoco had taken and bound all his family. . . . Tlie Caribs who had taken them were of the Mission of Tnpuqueu, and the friar who is at that Mission is a Capuchin. Scdiic, p. 1^6. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-OBEDI ENCE TO SPANIARDS. 1 62 1. City of Santo Thome. When the native Indians, who are to-day obedient, see the little help and remedy given, they will say that they have been deceived, and that what was promised . . . was not carried out, . . . and now knowing . . . that the rebellious Indians, their companions, have not been reduced, they, too, will rise and unite with the enemy. The enemy have now full knowledge of the navigation of the river, [Orinoco] its entrances and outlets, and the Indians are in their power, whom they have made to rebel. B. C, 1,30. 1662. Governor of Trinidad. I endeavoured to pacify . . . the native Indians of that Island of Trinidad, who were in rebellion, and did not wish to serve the Spaniards. I carried it out with the few Spaniards of that island and some friendly Indians, and while receiving those, who, warned by the punishment I intlicted on the bad ones who were in my power, came and submitted peacefully, and promised to give service to tlie Spaniards. Sa7ne, p. 134. 1682. Governor of Trinidad and Guiana. The natives abiding in this island [Trinidad] and in Guayana, all in this jurisdiction, numbering more than twenty-four thousand, and who communicate with us and serve us for certain small presents that are given to them. V. C, //, 26Q-270. INDIANS. 329 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-OBEDIENCE TO SPANIARDS-(Continued). 1686. Tiburcio de Axpe y Zuiiiga, The Brazil Indians who are in Trinidad, Margarita and Cumana, and who came with the Portuguese when they arrived in the year 1666, being strangers and few in number, have heen and are very obedient, and the same thinjjwill happen witli the Caribs who may be captured, if they are transported to the said islands [Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo and Havannah], B. C, I, ig6. 1743. Governor of Guiana. Before His Honour had appeared Don Juan GfUayurumay, cliief of tlie Panacuyo nation, with two other chiefs of the same nation, . . . ex- pressing' . . , his wish to settle at tlie place Cunury, . , . subject to the teachings of the Capuchin Missionaries . . . and as vassals of H. M. ; and that for the purpose he has, as a beginning, thirty-three men of arms, . , . thirty-eight women, twenty-three boys, and sixteen girls, . . . requesting that he be received under the Royal protection and vassalage, and be granted the site of Cunury for settlement. Wherefore, in order to encourage them to settle there, he resolved and ordered that the said Don Juan Guayurumay be appointed Founding Captain of the said Cunury settlement. V. C, II, 2S7-288. 1755. Don Eugenio de Alvarado. I spoke with, the (Iliief Patacon (who formerly lived in the Islands of Ca- roni, and is now settled with the greater part of his people in the Mission of Morucuri, founded by Father Joseph de Guardia). B. C, II, no. 1758. Prefect of Missions. On account of that murder the said Guaicas of the Avechica Mission have returned again to the forests. There are also Indians of that nation in the Mis- sions near the Yuruary, and they frequently demand to be allowed to go to avenge the murder of their people. But the priest of the said Mission ... in- formed me of these events, and that by his counsels he detained tliem. Same, p. 14J. 1758. Santiago Bonaldes. That ... he considered it better to allow the aforementioned Caribs to return freely of their own accord, as they promised liim they would, and as they accordingly did. . . . The proof of what he here states is to be found in the fact that to-day a great part of those Caribs are to be found in the Missions of the Reverend Capuchins. Same, pp. i^g~i6o, 1763. Don Jose Diguja. The said Missions are important to the fortress, on account of the provisions which they supply to it, they are also important on account of the Indians who do the work, and altliongh they are very slow and not under compulsion, it is they who do it. These Indians have repaired the fortiiications ; they have built the fort of San Fernando ; they have made the bricks and the lime necessary for these works. They also provide the rowers for the vessels which necessarily have to be fitted out. B. C, III, 2j. 330 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-OBEDIENCE TO SPANIARDS-lContinued). J 1777. Augustin Crame [and] Joseph Linares. When war becomes imminent, another company must be formed with the , Ciibre Iiulians. They inanago a gun like Europeans, and are very loyal to ■ our Sovereign. . . . their village . . . is in the jurisdiction of Ciudad Real. . . . These Indians are . . . few in number. B. C, IV, 181-182. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-SPANISH CLAIM TO SOVEREIGNTY OVER THEM. 1619. City of Santo Thome. Governor Don Fernando deBerrio . . . dispatched forty of them [soldiers] in the year 1619 to the Province of the Aruacas, which the enemy kept and keeps in rebellion on the sea-coast, to reduce tliem to tlieir former obedience to your Majesty. Among these Indians there were six of the enemy's ships, trad- ing and negotiating with them, and doing all in their power to dissuade them from acknowledging- your Majesty's jurisdiction, and urging them to kill all the Spaniards of the town. B. C, /, 49-30. 1682. Spanish Council. In tlic year 1082, ... at the instance of Don Tiburcio de Axpe y Zuiii<''a, orders were given to abolish, in the Province of Trinidad of Guayana, every sort of bondage-contract of Indians, in order that they might enjoy their liberty. Same, p. igj. 1686. Spanish Fiscal. With regard to the removal of the €arib Indians, ... he agrees with . . . Don Tiburcio and Don Sancho ; in whose proposal and in their method of carrying it out by hostilities, which are rendered necessary by the character of the Indians, the Fiscal sees nothing objectionable ; . . . when it has been carried out it will be possible to place the Caribs in other islands and in the neighbour- hood of Spanish settlements, so that . . . being lield in subjection on all sides, they may live as rational beings. Same, p. 194. 1686. Tiburcio de Axpe y Zuiiiga. As to providing a measure for removing the Carib Indians from their present place, . . . and the conveyance of them to another i)art, where it might be hoped that . . . they would cliange their habits, as we have experienced with those who were brought from Brazil, and who are now peaceful. Same, pp. 194-193. With reference . . . recently converted Indians ... I consider it very much for the service of God and the King that the Indians should remain subject to tJie missionaries for the space of ten years, and should afterwards be under the Royal Crown, and that, in recognition of vassalage, a small tax be placed upon them. Same, p. 193. It will be very advantageous if the said Caribs are conipelled to leave it ; [place spoken of by the CapuchinsJ and the method which seems most suitable is that His Majesty should bestow upon any one who will drive out the Caribs INDIANS. 331 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-SPANISH CLAIM TO SOVEREIGNTY OVER TH EM-(Continued). from that part the grant of an appointment of Captain Conquistador [etc.] . . . upon condition that all the Carib Indians, men and women, above the age of 14 years, who might be captured, should be conveyed to the Islands of Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, and Havannah. B. C, I, igj-ig6. 1686. Sancho Fernandez de Angulo. Thus the object for which the Fathers went will be attained, and all the Spaniards will enjoy their advantages at the hand of the Fathers, who have always taken care and will take care that the ludiaus are not idle. Same, p. igy. I held a Council in one of the Missions then existing upon the advisability of commencing a war acfaiust the Carihs ; but for reasons which then prevailed it was suspended as far as they were concerned, and they remained in perfect security, for it was then advisable, and they assisted me by a national force against the [other Indian] nations I was attacking. Same, p. igS. And passing on to consider [as to] the effect of taking the Carib ludiaus from there and trausportiug' them to other i)arts, it seems to me that . . . the CoHucil [should] . . . approve the executiou tliereof >vith vij^our aud force of arms. Same, p. igS. If in this invasion any ludiaus, men or women, are takeu prisouers, they can be easily transported to the Islands of Puerto Rico and Santo Domingo, or to New Spain, . . . uot oue of tliem must be allowed to remaiu iu the couutry under any pretext. Same, p. igg. 1733. Father Bernardo Rotella. By beiug- divided they [Caribs] will uot be able to revolt agaiu, and still less, fly to their lands, which will be settled at once with good tribes, who, through fear of the Caribs, have fled from the Orinoco. And thus a stop w'ill be put to any Carib from the sea coming up the Orinoco. B. C.-C, App., iji. It is absolutely uecessary to eject theui [Caribs] from the Oriuoco as they were ejected from Cuuiaua. Same, p. 174. 1735. Governor of Cumana. This uatiou is the ouly oue that refuses to be subdued, all the others that have been discovered by us seek our friendship, and many nations send me their Caciques to swear obedience, recognizing His Majesty as King and Master. V. C.-C, III, 4j. 1746. Commandeur in Essequibo. The Postholder of Wacquepo and Moruka came the day before yesterday [July 18, 1746] to inform me that a nation of Indians have come down from Or- inoco and have attacked the Caribs subject to us in the River Waini [perhaps the Akawaini, a small tributary of the Pomeroon. See U. S.Com., Ill, PP.2S3-2S4. Also B. C, II, p. 4S D, 70 C], have killed several, and have threatened that they would extirpate them all, ... I have strouj? reasons to suspect that the ludiaus have beeu seut by the Spaniards of Cumaua. B. C. II, 43. 332 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AS SUBJECTS-SPANISH CLAIM TO SOVEREIGNTY OVER THEM-(Continued). 1753. King of Spain. With a view to dispelling the fears of the [Carib] Indians who revolted. [from the missions and lied to the Dutch] His Majesty wishes you in his Royal name to pardon them their crime of rebellion, exhorting them and givin;? tliem warning- for tlie fnture. V. C, 111,373. 1758. Fray Benito de la Garriga. The Indian women . . . who . . . cut the sticks of manioc and cast them down the river, saying that the Caribs were never more to dwell in that river [Cuyuni], because the Dutch would make Poitos of them, and would be held responsible for the capture. And for that reason all the Caribs were already inclined to come to the Mission. But althongh I had charged the Captain to bring JiU the Caribs, and especially those who kept the purchasers of poitos in their houses, he told me that considering how very well they behaved with them, he has thoiiglit it better not to disturb them from there, but gave them his warnings and threats. B. C.-C, App., 203. 1763. Don Jose Diguja. The Catalonian Capuchins have pacified and subdued part of the Indians of the Province of CJuayana. B. C, III, 20. 1769. Fray Benito de la Garriga. With respect to the slaves who have deserted from Essequibo : ... if there is any question about our retention of these, our reason for it is clear ; for being subjects of the King criminally enslaved by the Dutch, who maintain this inhuman traffic with the Caribs contrary to all law, We cannot and must not re- store tliem to slavery when they have the good fortune to escape it by again availing themselves of the protection of the officers of their legitimate Lord and Sovereign. B. C, IV, 4g. 1 77 1. Commandant of Guiana. The aforesaid commanding officer shall . . . make friends with all those nations, especially with the Macusi and Arecunas, presenting the Indians with such charms and amulets as they esteem, especially the Chiefs ... in order to encourage them all to submit voluntarily to tlie dominion of the King, our master, in whose name the said officer shall formally take possession of all that territory with as much solemnity as circumstances may permit ; de- manding an oath of fidelity from the Indians, . . . offering them help and protection in the King's name, promising to preserve their lands and goods as those of faithful subjects, and to defend them from their enemies that they may . , . enjoy the many other advantages of those who subject themselves to the just and gentle dominion of our Lord tlie King. Satne, p. gS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAPTAINS. . British Case. Tlie IJrif isli claimed and exercised the right of appointing the Captains of the Indians, who were officially recognized as such by the Government of the Colony. B. C, iig. The Indian Captains were appointed by the Dutch and British Govern- ments, Same, p. 162. INDIANS. 333 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS-(Continued). 1778. British Case. Ill 1778 a number of Indian Cliiofs were snmnioncd, and it nas ollloially stated that tlie hats and staves then presented to them were given as a token that the Cliiefs were reeos;nized as sncli by the Dutch (government, and that when the tribes desired to appoint new Chiefs they might present to that Governnment the persons selected. B. C, go. 1778. Court of PoHcy. The presents were given to the Chiefs of the Indians named respectively Marawari, Jurmare, from Tampoco, Maraywirany, Massuckury, Mawara, Mas- seuw, and to their attendants, who arrived last, and in manner as follows : The interpreters being called in, they were told to inform the Indians that the Government asked them to-day, in consideration of the old friendship, to accept of the presents, and to cultivate the friendship, as the presents were given to them as a token of friendship. That it is expected from them that they will always be true and faithful to the Government and the inhabitants of this Colony, and, when called upon, to give all help and assistance. That if they have any grievance amongst them, to come forward and make it known, and that if they are wishful of visiting here, they shall always be welcome and be well received. That the hats and sticks were given to the Chiefs as a token that they are recognized as such by the government. That if they want to appoint new ones they sliall clioose such persons from among them as may be proposed by the Government. B. C.,IV,iS7-i88. [Another translation?^ The presents have been distributed to the latest-arrived Indian Chiefs and their suites in the same manner as before. The names of the Chiefs are Warawri, Jarimare or Tampoco, Maraywinany, Massuckury, Mawaru, Massieuw. The interpreters having been called in, they are directed by the presiding Cap- tain-Commandant, to explain to the Indians that it was on account of the old friendship that they were invited to the Government to amuse themselves, and in order to' cultivate that friendship ; that, as a proof of this, the presents are given ; . that it was expected from their side, that they should always faithfully adhere to the Government and to the inhabitants of this colony, and when called upon give all help and support ; that, when they have any grievances, they must always come to present them ; that, whenever they wish to come to this place, they shall always be welcome and be received ; that the hats and canes are given to the Owls as a token that they are recognized as such by the Government. And that, when wishing to appoint new Chiefs, they may, to that end, offer to the Government such persons among them as they shall choose thereto. ^- ^' <^''"-' ^^' ^^-^-^^- . Venezuelan Counter Case. . . Among new acts of jurisdiction which have been practiced by Great Bntam, and which were wholly unknown to the Dutch, is the appointment of Indian Captains by the Colonial Government. The British Case at various tmies speaks of this new practice as though it were something datmg very far back, into Dutch times ; but in reality it is wholly British. V- C.-C, 107, 334 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS-(Continued). 1804. Court of Policy. One of their captains, named Arawara, . . . had come down Essequibo River some time ago, . . . and . . . had ^iven over his conimission of captain or Uil, ivliich he had received from the former (Governor Baron van (lirovestins, and expressing his dissatisfaction. B. C.-C, App., 262. 1897. Michael McTurk. The same system of Captains who exercised control over the Indians was pursued in that part as in the Essequibo, and it had been followed by the Dutch previous to the English occupation. B. C, VII, 2J4. 1897. E. F. im Thurn. From the commencement of the present centur}-, in fact, previous to the transfer of the country from the Dutch to the Eng:lish, the system lias been in practice of appointing- Captains of Indians for the respective tribes. Same, p. 2jj. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS (OWLS) BY THE INDIANS THEMSELVES. 1 8 18. Thomas Cathrey, Protector of Indians. I Tonys an Arawak chief at Bartika Grove being dead] Warakan commands the tribe till the majority of his son, who is absent. B. C, VI, 12. 1823. William Hilhouse. The Accaways are the most warlike of any tribe in the Colony, and, notwith- standing the smallness of their number, set all the other tribes at defiance. They elect tlieir own Captains, and acknowledge no Protector, and are particularly repugnant to the interference of white persons in their domestic government, or the settlement of whites in their territory. Saiiw, p. 2j. I have also to request, on the part of the Indians generally, that your Excel- lency will be pleased to prohibit all interference of the whites in the nomi- nation of their Captains, as different individuals have in many instances taken upon themselves this right, which is purely elective on the part of the Indians themselves, Sa»u-, p. 34. I 833. Protector of Indians in Pomeroon. The Indian Captains, which Mr. Hilhouse asserts to be appointed by the Posthokiers, are diametrically opposed to the fact, at all events in the Pomeroon district, where no deviallon has been practice*! contrary to the ancient estab- lished custom of leaving the choice of their Captains to the tribes them- selves. Same, p. 4g. 1844. Mr. Macrae. We all know that they [Indians] are ruled by their own chiefs. V. C.-C, III, iSt. INDIANS. 335 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS (OWLS) BY THE INDIANS TH EMSELVES-(Continued). 1897. Stephen Johnson, an Akaway Indian. My father . . . was an Accowayo Captain, Mr. MoCIiiitook did not iiiakc him a Captain, but he was so through an inherited rii^ht. The Accowayo and Carib nation in the whole of the Barima River and also the Woeboo country did look upon him as their only chief. B. C, VII, 2j2. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS, BY THE DUTCH AND BRITISH. 1 83 1. William Hilhouse. The Ackaways during the insurrection applied to have me appointed tlieir Chief. ^'- C., VI, 41- 1834. Captain Tonge, Pomeroon. Having collected as many of the Indians as . , . the weather would per- mit, I first explained and then presented in form his Excelleney's eommission to Captain Juan and . . . it . . . was universally received with respect and gratitude. Same, p. 34. 1837. Rev. A. Hermant. The Indian Maria Hyme applied ... to pray me to appoint and choose another Indian for Captain. Seeing that if he is Captain against his will he shall not attend to his duty, I . . . recommend ... the Indian, Miguel Chacon, who is now living in Essequibo ; . . . He is esteemed by the Spanish Indians. B. C.-C, App., 2/6. 1840. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Visiting the Hymurucaboru, several of the Warrov>- Indians residing in that creek, as well as those ... in the Manawarein, requested that Captains should be appointed to live among them— Captain Jonklass . . . and Cap- tain George . . . having . . . died. B. C, VI, loj. 1843. W. C. McClintock, Postholder in Pomeroon. I . . . inclose Captain Maguil Chacon"s commission, who died in Morocco Creek . . . last month. The inhabitants of Morocco having- expressed their desire to have an- other Captain appointed, I . . . recommend . . . the Spanish Indian, Jaime Maria, as . . . fully qualfied to act as Captain and constable over all the Spaniards in Morocco Creek. . . . Permit me to recommend that the person holding the commission be allowed to act as constable also. Same, p. I2j. 1S43. Rev. J. Cullen. Captain Jaime Maria and the Indians of the Morocco Mission, . . . are desirous to have Calistro Hermandez appointed to act as sub-Captain, as they consider it necessary to have a protector . . . during the . . . absence of the Captain. Moreover, as the Postholder may require the services of the Captain in his capacity of Chief Constable, it is expedient to make this appointment. The Indians likewise are desirous tliat a constable's staff be provided for the Captain and sub-Captaiu, and accompany their respective commissions. oame,p. /2/. 33G INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH- APPOINTM ENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS, BY THE DUTCH AND BRITISH-(Continued). 1843. R. H. Schomburgk. Tlie Macusi chieftain, Pasieo . . . I , . . recommend ... as Captain of tlie Macusis near the frontier, and deserving to receive the stick, or offi- cial staff, and a commission like the Arawaak chieftain CaboralH at the Guainia. B.C., VII, 53. 1848. W. C. McChntock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The following Indians, ... fit and proper persons to hold the office of captain, are . . . submitted Cabarally (Arrawack), captain and constable for Assakata Creek. Moses (Worrow), captain forWiney River, Ben (Worrow), captain for Barania Creek. Daniel (Carabeese), for Barania Creek. John (W^orrow), for Upper Bareenia River. Nelson (Worrow), for Arnka Creek, or Lower Bareenia. B. C, VI, 172. 1849. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The Arrawak Indian Cabarally . . . having- already held a Commis- sion, which, however, he returned to the then Government Secretary, . . . because I declined to recognize him as captain for the Worrow Indians. . . . His Excellency . . . caused a Commission to be issued to John Henry, a Worrow ... in Upper Morocco : . . . I pray his Ex- cellency will . . . confirm the said Arrawack Indian Cabarally in the office of Captain and constable, for the Assakata Creek. Same, p. lyi. 1852. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. I . . . recommend . . . the Warrow Indian France, whose settle- ment is in Himara Cabara Creek, . . . as a fit and proper person to fill the office of Captain and Constable. Sa/ne, p. jSg. I . . . recommend . . . the following- Indians as . . . fit to act as Captains and Constables: Thomas Adams, Arrawack Indian, residing at Piraca, Upper Paniaroon. Cornelius Scarda, Arrawak, residing at Pomeroon. John Carrabeese Indian, residing in Iserooroo Creek, Upper Pamaroon. France, Carrabeese, residing in Kiramap Creek, Rio Pamaroon. JefYrey, Carrabeese, living at Arria, Rio Pomeroon. Same, p. /go. Indians . . . recommended ... to act as Captains and con- stables : France Carrabeese Pomaroon. Hermannus " John " Isserooroo Creek, Tributary of Pomaroon. Dick " Pomaroon. Jeffrey " . .Arria . . " (Upper). Thomas Adams. .Arrawack Pomaroon. Cornelius Scarde " " John William " Arrajiicro Creek, Fraser " Tapacooma Creek. Same, p. jgi. INDIANS. 337 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS, BY THE DUTCH AND BRITISH-(Continued). 1854. W. C. McClintock. Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. I communicate the loss of John Henry, Captain of the Warrow Indians in Tpper 3Ioruca, . . . from an attack of small-pox. ... To fill up the vacancy which his death has caused I respectfully recommend . . . the Warrow Indian Watson, and . . . for similar appointments, the Warrow Indian France, living on Kinauiu Creek, situated between Moruca and Wieney River, and the Arrawack Indian Cabaralli, of Assakata Creek, where no Captain has yet been created. B. C, VI, igy. 1863. Governor of British Guiana. Whereas it has been represented to me that the Carabice Indian Cephas is a well conducted and loyal subject, . . . I . , . appoint the said Indian Ceplias to tlie office of Captain and Constal)le. B. C, VII, 22-/. 1868. W. C. McChntock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Names of the Indians respectfully submitted ... to hold the oflice of Captain and constable over their respective tribes : — William Scard (Arawack), in the room of Cornelius. Hany (Warrow), in the room of France. Davidson (Warrow), in the room of Ben. Antonie (Accoway), in the room of Saurawick. Francisco (Maiongong), in the room of Raiman. The above-named five Indians attend at the Waramurie Mission. B. C, VI, 20S-20Q. 1868. Petition of John Davidson, an Arawak Indian. Since the death of our Headman, Captain Caliestro, all the buck Indians up that side of the Colony, they are wholly ungoverned, making wars against them- selves, and taking each others' lives, for want of a Chief or Captain amongst them, or a Headman over them ; . . . under these circumstances your peti- tioner respectfully prays to recommend himself to ... be appointed by your Excellency as Headman or Captain over the other bnek Indians in the room of the late Captain Caliestro, ... so that I could command peace and order amongst them as formerly during the lifetime of Captain Caliestro. Same, p. 2og. 1869. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Previons to 3Iissions being" established among the aborigines of this dis- trict, tlieir Captains, or Cliiefs, were always selected by themselves, and the men possessing the art of conjuror^or, according to the people's belief, the power of destroying the lives of others by their incantations and prayers — were invariably chosen to fill the ofifice. This system proving- sucli a bar- rier to everything: calculated to ameliorate their then degraded condition, the conjurors having so much influence over their respective tribes, as to induce them to set their faces, so to speak, against all kind of instruction, and seeing, as I did, the necessity for some interference, 1 brought matters under the notice of Sir Henry Light, the then Governor of the Colony, expecting the difficulties to be overcome before any permanent good for the Indians could be achieved. With the view, therefore, of removing, if not to suppress entirely, the then prevailing influence of the Chiefs, I suggested to his Excellency Sir Henry Light, 338 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS, BY THE DUTCH AND BRITISH-(Continued). that they should at once he dispossessed of all authority to nominate Cap- tains, and the power of making such appointments should be vested in the Executive ; this arrang:emeut . , . has proved most beneficial. B. C, VI, 2og. I, therefore, beg his Excellency to appoint Sandy, Carribee Indian, to the office of Captain &c., for this district. Same, p. 210. 1876. Governor Longden. Whereas . . . the Caribee Indian, Peter CorneHus, is a well conducted and loyal subject, . . . I . . . appoint the said Indian, Peter Cor- nelius, to the office of Captain and Constable. B. C, VII, 227-22S. 1877. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent in Pomeroon. I . . . recommend . . . Jose Rosario Torres, Spanish Arrawack of Moruca River, ... to fill the office of Captain and constable. I have also to recommend ... a Warrow Indian named Moses, of Himara-Cabara Creek, Rio Moruca, ... to fill the office of Captain. B. C, VI, 216. 1878. Kortright, Governor of British Guiana. Whereas . . , the Caribeese Indian, Peter Cornelius, is a well conducted and loyal subject . . . I . . . appoint . . . Peter Cornelius to tlie office of Captain and Constable. B. C, VII, 228. 1 891. Michael McTurk. Twenty-five Indians came from the creek. They had many complaints to make of the " Spaniors," all of the same nature, the taking away of their cassava, and giving nothing in return. There "vvas no man amouar tliem [Indians of Ekereku Creek] whom I considered lit to be appointed as captain, but the most intelligent one, Edward Robert, I promised should be appointed as a constable, and he is to follow me to Kalacoon for the purpose. I explained to him, through an interpreter, what his duties would be, and also the boundaries of our territory. . . . This interested the others very much, and they appeared pleased that the Governor should appoint some of their own in authority, and promised to obey him. B. C, VI, 2^4. 1897. Michael McTurk. Indian Captains liave been appointed by me in the Pomeroon and Moruca rivers, , . . These appointments have given great satisfaction to the Indians. B. C, VII, jj/. 1897. Wauakumma, a Warrow Indian. I have heard from my father and mother. . . . that the Dutchmen had places about Koriabo. ... I also know the place below Koriabo which is called "the Dutchman's place." . . . There are three trenches there into the Barima River. ... 1 liave heard the old people speak of the Warrau Captain Tremencia [dementia] . . . My father and mother told me about the Dutch. They were very good to the Warraus, and used to give them cloth and things. Same, /. 2og. INDIANS. 339 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS, BY THE DUTCH AND BRITISH-(Continuedi. 1897. Burriburrikutu, a Warrow woman. I knew tijo IVarraw Captain Tromoncia. Tromcucia had a short stick with silver at tlie head of it, and he had a paper from the governor. B. C, VII, 210. 1897. Kwaidawarri, a Warrow Indian. 1 knew the Arawack man Caberalli. He was the Arawack Captain. He lived in Asacarta, bnt sometimes . . . at Howhanna, in Aruka. . . . He had a paper from the drovernor. Same, p. 211. My father's brother been the Warrau Captain this side. His name been Waiakwarri. . . , >Vaiakwarra had a stick with tliree holes in it. Schombruck g-ave him the stick. After Waiakwarra died, a white man from Essequibo came to Moruka and took the stick. He said the stick belonged to the EngUsh people. There been at the same time another Warrau Captain in Kaituma. He name Waha. He had a stick from the Governor. I saw it. Tamanawarri was another Warrau Captain. He lived in Kaituma too. He had a stick from the Governor. Same, p. 212. 1897. Bautista Calietro, a Spanish Arawak. My father was Captain Callietro, . , . Captain of the Spanish Arawacks, who all lived in Moruka. , . . My father, because he was Captain of tliem all, had a Commission, a stick, a flag-, and a cannon. The Colony gave him these things. After he died Mr. Mac took them all back again. . . . After my father died Captain Raffaelle was made Captain in his place. Captain Caberalli . . . had a Commission, a stick, and a flag, but he did not have a cannon. Same, p. 21J. 1897. Issokura, an Arawak woman. Captain Jan been my mother's brother. Dutchmen been make him Cap- tain. He been have paper and stick. Dutchmen been give them to him. He been talk the Dutch language. Same, p. 2ig. 1897. Neebrowari, a Warrow Indian. My father . . . was Captain for the Warrau and Arawack in Amakuru. He . . . had a stick. Same, p. 220. 1897, Matthias Schade, an Arawak Indian. 3Iy father was made Captain of the Arrawaks . . . when Mr. Brett was missionary and before the Pomeroon Mission was moved from Arapaikru Mouth to Cabacaburi. . . . The Bishop hauded him the stick and the writing. Same, p. 221. 1897. Michael McTurk. Peter Cornelisen ... I know . . . was a Captain for tlie Carib Indians living about the upper parts of the three rivers. I also knew Thomas Cephas. . . . The Het Fall, on the River Esse- quibo, where he lived, is the second fall encountered on ascending the river. The staff now produced and shown to me ... is his staff of office, and was pre- sented to him on his appointment. 840 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-APPOINTMENT OF INDIAN CAP- TAINS, BY THE DUTCH AND BRITISH-(Continued). The staff now produced and shown to me . . . belonged to the Captain of the Atorai Indians, who inhabit the savannah at the head of the Essequibo and Rupununi. . . . and who . . . held the position of Captain for a con- siderable number of years. B. C, VII, 2jj. The same system of Captains who exercised control over the Indians was pur- sued in that part as in the Essequibo, and it had beeu followed by the Dutch prcTious to the Eng:lish occupation. Same, p. 234. 1897. E. F. im Thurn. The following is the earliest complete, or nearly complete, list of these Captains [appointed by the Government] that I have been able to compile, and would embrace the period from about 1840 to 1850: — Name, Tribe. Residence. Spanish Arawacks Hobo (Moruka). Arawacks Assacarta. Peter . Caribs • • • Bushman Warraus (tribe of Warraus in Moruka) Manawaina. Warraus (Barima) Warina. Warraus Cumacka. Tamanawari ) Ditto Kaituma. Waha i Arawacks Wassekuru. Same, pp. 2jy-2jS. [1 898. J Editor of British Case. List of Commissions to Indian Captains. A complete series of the Com- missions issued does not seem to be extant ; those collected here are a few lead- ing specimens : Name. Tribe. Place. Date. John William . . . Erijee Manarwa. . William Arawak Pomeroon I'pper Essequibo. Barima Moruka Nov. 18, 1852. Warow Jan. 1855. Aug. 27, 1 86 1. Sept. 24, 1861. Patricio Sabana . . Wiabee tt Nov. 9, 1 86 1. Waini. Feb. 5, 1862. t( July 9, 1862. ., a Hillario Akawoi Barama « Same, p. 246. INDIANS. 341 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-PROTECTORS OF INDIANS. 1785. Director-General in Essequibo. November 28, 1785. To-day, . . . discharged from his Postholder- ship, Nicolas Pierson, who had been appointed by the French, and in his place was placed again, and newly sworn in, Daniel Starrenberg, the former protector of Indinns and Postholder in the upper part of this river from old time called Moera, with fresh instructions and a fresh commission. B. C, VII, iy4. 1803. Court of Policy. A Petition dated the loth December, 1802, addressed to his Honour by F. J. van (lerLott as Captain of the bnr^lier soldiers in the division of the Red Ensig-n in Demerary, containing a report of his demands in the matter of the last general bush expedition against the bush negroes. B. C, V, ijg. Ordered, that an extract of the present Resolve be transmitted to Lieutenant Moore and to the Protector of Indians in Esseqnibo for their respective infor- mation. Same, p. i8j. 1804. Court of Policy. Read a memorial of the Protector of the Indians of Essequibo, Mr. F. T. van der Lott, acquainting the Court with his having some time ago, in his capacity as Protector of the Indians above-mentioned, appointed to be Post- holder in the Upper River of Essequibo the free coloured man Amon Cor- nells. Resolved, to conform the provisional nomination made by the Protector, Mr. van der Lott, on the person of Amon Cornells aforesaid. Ordered, that an extract from this Resolution be handed to the Protector, Mr. van der HolT, aforesaid. Counsellors van der Velden and Kroll have not concurred [and believe] . . . that Mr. van der Hoff should not have appointed Amon Cornells . . . Mr. van der Hoff then observed . . . that he was not aware of it [a certain resolution] when he made the above-mentioned appointment. Same, p. iSj. Mr. Mack, who was requested and deputed by the Court's Resolution of the 30th of May, of the present year, together with Mr. Clements and Mr. Fiscal van der Lott, as Protector of Indians, to assemble the Indians in the Upper River of Essequibo, and to assure them of the friendly dispositions of the Gov- ernment of the Colony towards them, and at the same time distributing among them some small presents or gifts, reported that he . . . repaired to the upper river of Essequibo ; that he found on the place of rendezvous about 300 Indians and twelve Captains or Uilen, whom lie consequently entertained in the usual way, and whom he endeavored to satisfy with some small gifts, prom- ising them . . . another distribution would be made amongst them. B. C.-C, App., 262. 1805. Court of Policy. The manner in which a distribution out of these articles was to be made among the Indians being now deliberated upon, it was resolved, in the tirst place, with regard to Essequibo, to request Mr. Mack, as Protector of the Indians of that river, to appoint the time and place for such distribution to take place, and to give the necessary direction to the Postholders to collect the Indians and to report to the Court. B. C, V, iSj. 342 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-PROTECTORS OF INDIANS-(Con- tinued). 1805. Court of Policy. With respect to Demerary River, Mr. Cuming was requested to arrange with the two rrotectors of Imlians in tliat river the time and place for a gen- eral distribution of these articles among the Indians of that district. B. C, V, 1S7. Gratifications and presents to Indians — Account of Mr. Mack, Protector, for sugar and rum provided for the great entertainment of Indians which took place some time since i,423-5 A- Satne, p. iSS. 1807. Court of Policy. Mr. Councillor Knollman, in his capacity as Protector of the Indians in Essequibo, [stated] that the Indians who live at the Post of Morocco, and who had been employed in a bush expedition under the direction of the late Pro- tector, Mr. Mack, deceased, had not yet been paid. Whereupon it was resolved to authorise the said Mr. Knollman, if the articles which are deposited in the Colony House are not sufficient, to purchase an addi- tional quantity of salempores, etc., for account of the Colony, and therewith to pay the Indians. Mr. Knollman was further authorised at his request to take over, under a proper inventory, the presents for Indians which still remain at the house of the late Mr. Mack, deceased ; and, further, to share every three months among the Indians ivho live near the Post of Morocco 100 gallons new rum, and a pro- portionable quantity among the Indians of the Upper River Essequibo. B. C.-C, App., 263. Read a letter from Mr. Knollman, the Protector of the Indians in Essequibo. With respect to the second part of Mr. Knollman's letter relative to the cir- cumstances of two free Indians having been purchased as slaves by an inhabitant of Essequibo, it was resolved that the letters respecting that charge shall be transmitted to the Fiscal of Essequibo, that he may enforce the law against the delinquent. Same, p. 263. Relative to some differences which had lately broken out between the free colored people settled in the Essequibo River, and some of the Indian tribes, particularly the Ackawoys. . , . some mutual animosity seemed to prevail among the Indian tribes themselves, yet . . . they were all irritated against the above-mentioned free coloured people. Mr. Knollman begged leave to report, in his capacity as Protector of the In- dians of Essequibo, that ... he had directed the Postholder Linau [of Moruka], to proceed without delay up that river [Essequibo], as well as up its branches named Cajooni and Massaroenie ; also with instructions to collect every information and to satisfy the Indians of the amicable disposition of the Colony in their behalf, so as to induce all those who might have left their villages to return and reside there peaceably. Same, p. 264. 1808. Court of Policy. Resolved that Mr. G. Timmerman be, and hereby is, appointed Protector of the Indians for tlie district of the West Coast of Essequibo, commencing at Supename Creek, and extending to the utmost limits of the Colony towards the Spanish settlements ; and that Mr. A. C. Roberts be appointed Protector of the Indians for the River Essequibo and its dill'erent branches. Same, p. 263. INDIANS. 34:3 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-PROTECTORS OF INDIAINIS-(Con- tinued). 1808. Secretary of Demerara to Gerrit Timmerman. H. yy. Kiiollman, . . . having resigned the post of Protector of the ludians for the River and Dependent Districts of Esseqnibo, the . . . Court has . . . seen fit, in the place of . . . Knollman, resigned, to nominate you . . . and instal you as Protector of the Indians so far as con- cerns the west coast of the aforesaid Colony from the Creek Supename right up to the Spanish boundary, the River Pomeroon being included therein, Mr. C. A. Roberts having been appointed as Protector of the Indians for tlie River Esse- qnibo and the rivers and creeks tlowing^ into it. I have ... to request you to . . . apply to Mr. Knollman, with a view of taking over the papers and documents respecting' the post of Protector [of the Indians] and at the same time (according to inventory) the half of the items for native trading and rations belonging to the Colony which may yet re- main under the care of Mr. Knollman, B. C, V, igi. 1809. Court of Policy. The Court having considered an act of H. C. Wahl, Postholder with the Indians in the River Massaroeni, for sundries supplied for the use of the Post, and wages of Indians hired to work about the same, amounting in all to G. 7,232 15, it was resolved that the same shall be paid in this instance, but ... in future he is directed positively to abstain from contracting or engaging for any expense whatsoever . . . without the previons knowledge and approbation of the Protector of the Indians under whose orders he stands. B. C.-C, App., 363. 1809. Court of Policy. The . . . Petition having been read, the Court ordered that the same be referred to Mr. Roberts as Protector of the Indians in the River Esseqnibo, to report thereon to the Court at the next meeting. B. C, V, ig2. 1 810. Court of Policy. Laid before the Court a list of some articles which the Protector of Indians in Esseqnibo, Mr. G. Timmerman, requested the Court's authorization to purchase for the Indians who have been attached to the Post of Morocco since April, 1809, to April, 18 10. B. C.-C, App., 266. 1810. Accounts. G. Timmerman, Protector of Indians at the Post of Morocco . .G. 2,313 7 8 The heirs of . . . W. H. Knollman, for sundry disbursements of said Mr. Knollman when Protector of Indians in Esseqnibo. .G. 2,621 2 o Protector of Indians, A. C. Roberts, for sundries delivered and paid for the Indians G. 812 o o Same, p.jgi. 181 2. Postholder of Mazaruni. Tlie Protectors make their regulations themselves, and these the Post- holder follows. B. C, V, igg. 1813. Acting Governor Codd. Mr. Edmonston, tlie Protector of the Indians, is a gent universally re- spected in the Colony and beloved by them, but his private affairs do not admit of his taking any active measures to improve the condition of the Indians, nor does it appear to be prescribed as a duty expected of him. Same, p. 21 j. 344 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-PROTECTORS OF INDIANS-(Con- tinued). 1 813,* May 15. Instruction for Postholders. 1. The Postholder shall keep an accurate journal. 2. He shall transmit quarterly a copy of this journal to the Protector of his district. 3. In case of any extraordinary occurence at or near the Post, he shall imme- diately acqualut therewith the rrotector. 6. When required by the Protector he shall . . . execute promptly any orders he may receive from the Protector. 7. He shall not permit any persons, ... to pass the Post, unless they show him a pass, either from the Governor-General, or from the Commandeur of the Essequibo, or from one of the Protectors of the Indians. 8. If any person not provided with such a pass, should attempt to pass the Post, the Postholder shall . . . detain such person ... at the same time giving notice to the Protector. 13. Should any Indian apply to him with complaints . . . he shall repair with such Indian to the Protector. 14. Any white or free coloured person about the Post who might be desirous to have an Indian woman to live with him, shall acquaint therewith the Post- holder, who is then to wait on the Protector with such woman, . . . and the Protector is then either to sanction or to refuse such cohabitation as he may think right. 17. He sliall apply from time to time to the Protector for the rum he may want for the purpose of giving a dram to the Indians ^vho call upon him. ^- C., V, 216. 1814. Court of Policy. William Rohertson, as Protector of Indians for Essequibo, stated that the Post Masseroeni had not been supplied with their annual allowances for nearly two years, . . . and moved that the Protectors should be authorised to pro- cure the necessary articles. The Court . . . ordered that the Protectors of Indians for Posts Mas- seroeni and Mahaica be authorised ... to procure the annual allowances for their respective Posts. B. C.-C, App., 26g. 1823. William Hilhouse. The office of Protector of Indians is of recent creation, not being known in the earliest days of the Colony. Its principal benefit appears to consist in the establishment of a medium of communication between the Indians and the Head of the Government. . . . It is entirely a civil office. B. C, VI, jo. There are five Protectors -that is, five petty Governments— over the In- dians, without concert and without superintendence. . . . In a military point of view the office is in every way objectionable, and its inconveniences can only be obviated by the regular and acknowledged appointment of a Commander, or Captain-General of Indians. Same, p. 31. ♦This document dated May 15, 18O3 was enclosed in a letter dated Sept. 26, 1813. 18O3 is believed to be a misprint for 18I3. INDIANS. 345 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-PROTECTORS OF INDIANS-(Con- tinued). 1823. William Hilhouse. The following remarks . , . from ... an Indian Captain : — Our Protectors are appointed without reference to any choice of ours, and when we look up to them for kindness and favour, we receive coldness and con- tempt. B. C, VI, J2. 1824. Instructions for Protectors of Indians. The Protectors of ludiaiis will, to the utmost of their power, give effect to and euforce amoug- their respective Postliolders a strict and diligent observ- ance of the instructions originally issued on the 18th May, 1803, and subse- quently reprinted and issued afresh by authority on the 2nd May, 181 5. Same, p. jg. 1827. Lieutenant-Governor D'Urban. There is a legally appointed Protector of Indians for each of the six rivers : Mahaiconey, Mahaica, Demerary, Boerasirie, Essequibo and Pomeroon, under whose immediate orders Postholders act. Same, p. jS. 1 83 1. A. van Ryck de Groot. I am a Protector of Indians. If an Indian made a complaint to me I should act as mediator, not as a Magistrate. If the injuring party did not choose to appear, I should not feel myself authorized to compel him to do so. In their quarrels I should consider I had nothing to do unless they called on me as medi- ator. ... I give presents ... to the Indians, they are a retaining fee for their fidelity and friendship, . . . the Indians consider them as presents to them as friends and allies, not as subjects. Same, p. 41. 1 83 1. Second Fiscal. In every district of the Colony where Indians reside, an officer is ap- pointed, who is selected from amongst the most respectable proprietors, whose very title— " Protector of Indians" — proclaims the duties which he has to perform. To him it belongs to receive the complaints which Indians may have to prefer against, not only, as I conceive, any of the other inhabitants, but also against each other, and use every legal method to procure redress of their griev- ances. In each of these districts is also a Postholder, receiving a salary from the Colonial Government, and residing at situations more immediately in contact with the Indians, who are chiefly, though not exclusively, appointed for the pur- pose of assisting the Protectors in their care of the Indians, as appears in the in- structions for those officers, and who are therefore placed under the immediate superintendence of the Protectors. That such protection has been promptly and effectually afforded, and been re- lied on by the Indians can be proved by the production of innumerable instances. Same, p. 44. As soon as he had committed the crime ... he made his way to Mr. Tim- merman the Protector of Indians. . . . The family of the murdered woman pursued him there, and demanded that he should be surrendered to them, which was, of course, refused by the Protector. The family then proceeded to the office of the Second Fiscal . . . demanding jus'ice . . . and de- sirous that he should be dealt with according to our laws. [While] Second Fiscal three or four [like] cases [were] . . . brought before me by the Indians. Sa7ne, p. 44. 346 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-PROTECTORS OF INDIANS-(Con. tinued). 1832. William Playter, assistant Postholder. Mr. Richardson is the Postholder. . . . His duty is to look after the Indians and keep them in order. They always come to him when they have dis- putes to have them settled . . , There is a Protector of Indians in the Essequibo, His Honor George Bag-ot. Mr. Richardson is allowed every three months, a puncheon of rum and one of molasses, plaintains and fish, cutlasses and axes, for the purpose of distributing to the Indians. I have been to the Protector for these supplies, and I have also received them in town by his order. Sometimes they come and put the Post in order and weed the grass, and they are given these things in payment. They always expect payment for their work. Sometimes they get these things without work. B. C, F/, 4S. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-SUPPRESSION OF INDIAN SLAVERY AND ITS EFFECT. 1807. Court of Policy. Respecting the revival ... of the law promulgated on the 1st May of the year 1793, by express command of the States-General . . . against tlie purchasing: of Indians as slaves, it was resolved that the said law shall be again republished for the general information . . . and with the addition . . . that it shall also be unlawful and criminal for any persons to take or receive Indians in pawn, or as a pledge for debts due by other Indians. B. C.-C, App., 264. 1810. Court of Policy. The Ambassador had then received some presents and had returned into the woods, and his Excellency began to entertain some hopes he would have been heard of no more, when this Chief arrived, which now rendered it absolutely necessary to come to some determination on the subject of their rep- resentations ; and as the selling' their Indiau prisoners as slaves iu these Colonies could not be allowed, to devise some means at least so iar to satisfy them as to prevent their making- war upon the Indians settled in the back lands and their murdering- their prisoners . . . his Excellency was not, however, of opinion that their settling in the neighborhood of the Colonies should be encouraged, or their alliance for the purpose of internal defence be courted. B. C, V, 194. [As to the Caribs] having formerly been of great use to the Colony . . . this certainly was the case at the time it was lawful to employ the other classes of Indians as slaves, when these Caraiban Indians were very useful in pro- curing them, but could not be applicable at tliis moment, when that trade was prohibited. Same, p. ig^. 1 81 2. Court of Policy. Chief Manarwan having been now admitted in Court . . . His Ex- cellency . . . demanded . . . the reason of his coming, he answered : That the presents made to him and his people when he was last in this Colony were for services rendered in former years to the Colonies. That Governor Bentinck and the Court at that time made him promise not to wage vyars against the other Indian tribes . . . and that he should entirely give up tlie Slave Trade. B, C, V, 200. INDIANS. 347 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-SUPPRESSION OF INDIAN SLAVERY AND ITS EFFECT-(Continued). i8i2. Court of Policy. That his Excellency and the Court, in consideriiliou of his thus leaving' the Slave Trade, had promised to distribute to him and his people annually, when called for, similar kinds of presents as those then given to him. That he had faithfully kept his word, . . . and that he consequently ex- pects to receive the presents promised him and his people. B. C, V, 200. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-TREATIES OR AGREEM ENTS WITH INDIANS. 1 8 10. Court of Pohcy. The result of a v^ery long conference . . . was the following agreement, — That the Court should g-ive him [Manariwan, a Carib Chief] and his people, in the first instance, such articles as he had demanded . . . and that the same kind of presents should he distributed to them annually when called for at the end of each year. In consideration whereof he, the said Manariwan, . . . pledged him- self not to make war upon the Indians residing in the back lands or con- nected with this Colony ; that he would spare the lives of the prisoners he had made, . . , and that, finally, he and his people would behave themselves peaceably and amicably towards the whites and those who lived under their pro- tection, excepting, in case of his being molested by either of them. B, C, V, igs. 181 2. Court of Policy. Chief Manar\van having been now admitted in Court ... his Excellency . , . demanded . . . the reason of his coming, he answered : — That the presents made to him and his people when he was last in this Colony » W'Cre for services rendered in former years to the Colonies. That Governor Bentinck and the Court at that time made him promise not to wage wars against the other Indian tribes . . . and that he should entirely give up the Slave Trade. That His Excellency and the Court, in consideration of his thus leaving the Slave Trade, had promised to distribute to him and his people, annually, when called for, similar kinds of presents as those then given to him. That he had faithfully kept his word, . . . and that he consequently expects to receive the presents promised him and his people. The Governor . . . explained to the Chief Manarwan that, he having so faithfully kept his promise, the government on their part would give him the presents he and his people had come down for. ... His Excellency was of opinion that he could not continue this annual subsidy without the sanction of His Majesty, that his Excellency would therefore give him as soon as they would arrive the presents of the year, but that he could not promise anything further without a sanction from home. The Chief having expressed his surprise at his Excellency's statement, saying Governor Bentinck and the Court had stated to him that the agreement entered into . . . was on record, and that provided he [Manarwan] kept his promise he would have no trouble in obtaining whatever presents had been promised. Same, p. 200. The arrival of the Carib Chief Manowara . . . placed me in a situa- tion . . . which I felt extremely difficult and delicate. . . . This Indian . . . declared he came by invitation to receive presents promised 348 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-TREATIES OR AGREEMENTS WITH I N DIANS-(Continued). annually. On referring to the Minutes of this Honourable Court I found his state- ment correct. ... my predecessor, . . . Governor Bentinck may have had instructions from high authority, which would cause an act of his to be . . . proper, whereas, . . . without the commands of my Sovereign . . . I do not think myself authorized to enter into any compact or assent to this Colony being bound to pay a yearly subsidy. I do not think it would be in my power to assent to any Treaty of this nature, unless by express orders from . . . the Prince-Regent. B. C, V,20i. 1 813. Governor Carmichael. When Manarroc, the Chief of the Caribs, came down with about 300 people, ... I received him and his Chiefs, desiring to know the cause of their visit. His reply was, that he came for presents promised him, and . . . he expected to have what he came for. I told him that the promise of any former (xovernor I could not be answerable for, unless ordered by my King — that I was confident His Majesty . . . would not permit any demand to be made as a right, but that they would grant from their own generosity and friend- ship a boon and a gift, which must come of their own free will and when they thought proper, . . . I then told him that, in consideration of the distance he had come, he would be given what presents could be had conveniently, but he must not come or expect any more unless sent for, that the Eng'lish would always perform any promise made by them, but did not now consider any to bind them. Five chiefs of the Arrowauks, with their followers, came down the Dem- erary ; as their tone and demeanour seemed to be inore peremptory than the Caribs, expressing a jealousy of the presents they had received, and threatening to make war, ... I told them at their peril to attempt anything of that kind, and informed them they could not now receive anything, but if at any future time it was thought proper to call for them, notice would be given to Mr. Edmonston, their Protector, and the gratuity or presents would depend upon good behaviour. Satne,p. 20J. 1813. Charles Edmonston, Protector of Indians. Though my appointment as Protector of the Indians is of no more than three or four years' standing, yet I have been in the habit of calling, on the behalf of the Government, for the assistance of the Indians at different periods since the year 1795, during which space of time I know of no Treaty or Ag"reement with the Chiefs of Indian tribes implying anything of the nature of subsidy or tribute ; nor in my intercourse with these nations was I ever authorized by this Government to make any promise of the kind, though I know, from a residence of thirty-three years in the country, presents were generally made by the Dutch Oovernment, and as often expected. Same, p. 20^- In 1811 a claim was set up by a tribe of Indians, which came down the Essequibo from a distant part, to an old cnsragement alleg:ed by the Indians to have taken place between tlie Old I>ulcli (Joveniment and tlieir fore- fathers, wliereby the former were indebled to the latter, and if the Colony had any regard for their (the Indians) friendship, it had now a fair opportunity of confirming the same by agreeing to supply their wants. Same, p. 204. INDIANS. 349 RELATIONSTO THE BRITISH-TREATIES OR AGREEMENTS WITH INDIANS-(Continued). 1813. Charles Edmonston, Protector of Indians. It was not, I believe, thought expedient to repulse them suddenly. They were in consequence told that, though tlie dlovcriimont could never recognize a claim of the nature made by tliem, yet, that in consideration of their wants, and the great distance they came, some presents would be sent for to England. B. C, V, 204. 1826. TREATY OF PEACE and Friendship . . . BETWEEN THE IN- DIAN CHIEFS LEWIS on the One Part, AND JANKLASS AND JARA- BAKKARIJ ON THE Other Part, BOTH OF THE ACCUWAIJ NATION, FOR AND ON BEHALF OF THEIR RESPECTIVE TRIBES. ARTICLE I. — ... all hostilities . . . shall cease, and full and free pardon shall be granted for all and every offence that may have been committed by individuals of the one Party against those of the other Party. ARTICLE II. — There shall be peace, friendship, and alliance between the parties from henceforth. ARTICLE III. — Should any individuals of either Party offend against any of the opposite Party . . . the offender, together with the persons aggrieved, shall be brought by the Chiefs of the Party to which they respectively belong be- fore the Protector of Indians to be dealt with as he may think right and neces- sary. . . . in the presence of . . . George Bagot, Protector of Indians, David McKie, ... J. W. Thompson, . . . G. P. Wischropp, Assistant Postholder, whose names appear hereto. B.C., VI, jj. 1826. Protector of Indians. The murderous warfare . . . carried on between the Carbinee and Para- mona tribes of the Akawaye nations of Indians in the Mazaroony River, has been put an end to by . . . Mr. McKie and the Assistant Postholder Wishropp, whom I have ordered to proceed to the settlements of the respective parties for that purpose. . • . I . . . lay before jour Excellency a copy of a Treaty of Peace and Alliance Mliich has been entered into and ratified by the Chiefs, with the unanimous consent and concurrence of their followers. Same, p. jS. 1 831. William Hilhouse. I know from tradition a Treaty has been made by the Colony with the Arrowacks, Warrows and Caribbees . . . retaining- them as soldiers in the defence of the Colony, ... in consequence of which an allowance is made every three years, which they consider as a retaining fee. I think it the only tie — they look on it as subjecting them to serve when called on solely as allies : there is no clause I have heard of calling on them to submit to the laws in other respects. I was employed by the Governor to raise an Indian force. . . . The Governor, in my presence, thanked them as friends and allies. Same, p. 41. 1831. A van Ryck de Groot. I do not know that they [Indians] have any mode of recording events or any substitute for writing ; any compact between them and us is oral only. Same, p. 41, 350 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-WHAT INDIANS WERE CONTROLLED. 1818. Thomas Cathrey, Protector of Indians. Return of Indians [Essequibo]. List of Indian chiefs in the District of Esse- quibo, etc. The table shows 277 Caribs, 6 being chiefs, al)oiit the jiinction of the three rivers ; 566 Arawaks, 12 being chiefs cliiefly in or near tlie Esseqnibo estuary ; 643 Akuways. 21 being chiefs chiefly in the Cuyuni and Mazarnni. B. C, VI, 12. 1823. William Hilhouse. The nearer the Indians are to the wliite settlements the more debauched they are in their manners, and the less dependence can be placed upon their services. They are also more prone to desertion from the immediate vicinity of their homes, and their habits of traffic with the whites gives them such a supply of necessaries that the pay and allowances of the service are no objects to them. The Accaway Indians, living beyond these temptations, altliouifh they are less civilized, are more subordinate, and from their poverty the pay and allow- ances they receive is of considerable importance to them. It would be difficult to keep together for any time beyond a week a body of Arawaaks without an equal number of Accaways to influence and overawe them. The Accaways are the most warlike of any tribe in the Colony, and, notwith- standing the smallness of their number, set all the other tribes at defiance. They elect their own Captains, and acknowledge no Protector, and are particularly re- pugnant to the interference of white persons in their domestic government, or the settlement of whites in their territory. Same, p. 2j. 1 83 1. A. van Ryck de Groot, I lived in Fort Island in 1795. ... A man was punished in 1795, ^ think, for murdering his wife. I believe she was an Indian woman. I cannot say whether the man was an Indian or not. but we took him for one. His name was Macaniouri ; he was decapitated. Sa7nc, p. 41. 1836. Postholder in Pomeroon. There are three tribes of Indians within twenty-four hours' journey from this Post, say Warrau, Arawacks and Caribs. There are in all, about from 700 to 800, including males and females. There are also about from 200 to 250 Spanish Indians residing about six hours' distance from this Post up the Morocco Creek. Same, p. 61. 1837. [Father HermantJ. In the Mission of Morocco there are now no more than ten or twelve Indian families residing. The others are scattered in Pomeroon, Essequibo, Waini, and even about Oronoco Rivers. Same, p. 62. Should his Excellency manifest expressly his will to have them settled in Morocco there is no doubt that all those living in Pomeroon and Essequibo should obey to his order immediately, and those living in Waini should come, when they should be advised. Same, p. 6j. INDIANS. 351 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-WHAT INDIANS WERE CON- TROLLED- (Continued). 1838. Governor Light. The number of Indians below the Falls of Essequibo on the rivers and creeks, not including those of the Morocco and Poiueroon, amounts to 680. On those of the two last, with their tributaries, the number is supposed to amount to 1 ,700. Let us take this amount as that of the Indians who from time to time approadi our cultivated regions on the other rivers and creeks of British Guiana. B. C, VI, 63. 1839. William Crichton, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The aborigines [of Barima-Waini region] look to this colony for i)ro- tection. ^(^me, p. 77. 1840. W. C. McClintock, Postholder in Pomeroon. Return of Indians in the Pomeroon District, December, 1840. Whole number 2361 ; includes all the settlements, 181, situated between the Baramany and Itrabecse creeks. Same, pp. gg-ioo. Your reporter ... has visited all the Indian settlements in Pomeroon district, and . . . assembled the families in each, ... to furnish a most correct Return with the names of the creeks, the number of settlements, and the number of Indians residing in each. If tlie above number of 2,361 were added to tlie numerous Indians that inhabit the Rivers Waini, Bareema, and the riglit bank of the Amacoora Creek, which by Sir Robert Schomburgk's survey is the western boundary of British Guiana, together with their various tributaries, the grand total would be upwards of 6,500 Indians. Same, p. 106. 1 841. Rev. W. H. Brett. I am unable to give an accurate account of the number of Indians in the Pomeroon and its tributaries, but should estimate them at 400 or 500. Mr. McClintock, the Postholder, has taken a census. Same, p. 117. 1845. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The number of Indians residing- in these remote parts [Waini, Barima and Amacura] must remain doubtful until a census be obtained, a job which your reporter would gladly undertake ... but ... he is strongly of opin- ion that they would number about 4,500, say, 1,400 effective people, all excellent workers and in every respect worthy the notice of colonists, not only on account of their numbers, but to insure their more constant services to the estates on the coast. If emigration were the only object in view a Post in Bareema River would have the desired effect. Your reporter is so sanguine on this point, he has no hesitation to say that were he residing in that part of his district, he would undertake to furnish the estates with three times the number of Indians as already employed by them. From such a post, properly conducted, he is satisfied results would be arrived at which would prove of enduring advantage to the sugar estates as well as to the Indians generally. Same, pp. rjS-ijg. 352 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-WHAT INDIANS WERE CON- TROLLED-(Continued). 1845. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. If the [WaramuryJ Mission be properly conducted, it will be the means of adding at least 1,000 Indians to the present stock of labour on that coast. Desirous that his Lordship . . , should be afforded an opportunity of conversing with Indians from the more remote parts, he despatched luesseiigers to the Rivers Wiiiey, Bareeina, and Amacura, with liistnictioiis to eacli Headman or Chief to bring as many Indians as conld conveniently ho collected, to Waramnry hill, which instructions were obeyed with alacrity. . . . When the Indians from Winey, Bareema, and Amacura were added to those already on the hill, there could not have been less than 700, of which Warrows formed the principal number. B. C, VI, 141. 1846. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The general unproductiveness of the high lands of this district after the first crop compels the Indians to wander about in search of other hills ; therefore, to curb this propensity, which, without a shadow of a doubt, is the main barrier towards civilizing them, can only be accomplished ... by placing them in possession of land, ... to hold ont to the Indians snch inducements as may be liliely to cause them to remove from their present Iiiding places . down to the post . . . that ... the Post lands . . , be . . . given over to such Indians as may feel disposed to settle thereon. Same, p 14J. Proposing to drain the lauds belonging to the Post . . . firstly, for the purpose of inducing Indians, especially those who at present inhabit the banks of the Rivers Winey and Rai'eema, to locate thereon; secondly, to im- prove the general condition of those people by combining industry with education, and thirdly, as this last can only be accomplished by placing the Indian in possession of land capable of yielding large returns, . . . the Post [is] better calculated to answer his expectations than any other part of the district. Same, p. I4j. 1848. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. During . . . 1.S40 . . . and . . . 1841, your reporter took tlie census of all the Indians inhabiting a portion of this most extensive district, commencing from Bai-amauy Creek, which is about 27 miles beyond Morocco Creek, and extending as far as Itrabeese Creek in the Essequibo River. Same, p. i6g. 1849. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The importance of keeping up tlie Post-house at the mouth of the Pom- eroon River lias been too often represented; ... to leave this district unprotected would be the means of renewing the old system of imposing upon the poor Indian and dragging them per force from their settlements, and compelling them to labour on the coast and elsewhere, and afterwards send them home unremunerated, disgusted, and heart-broken. Same, p. lyy. 1850. Governor Barkly. Since the claim of (ireat Rritaiu was distinctly defined by landmarks, several tribes have moved within them. Same, p. JS4. INDIANS. 353 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-WHAT INDIANS WERE CON- TROLLED-(Continued). 1856. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. Mr. James Light, manager and attorney of plantation Anna Regina, addressed reporter during the disturbance, expressing a wish for assistance " from any quarter." To this reporter immediately responded by sending at once a body of Arrawack Indians to aid Mr. Light, at the same time offering to convey a large number of Carabeese, should they be required. The Spanish Arrawack Indians of Muruca Creek were exceedingly indignant . . . with reporter for not taking them to the coast to assist the whites in suppressing the late riots. Such is tlie loyalty of the Indians of Moruca Creek, or rather of St. Roses Mission. B. C, VI, 200. If the foregoing suggestions were advocating the cause of the aborigines only, he would not have introduced them, liuowing the feelings generally to be rather against than in favour of the Indians, simply because they, as a body, don't contribute continuous labour to the cultivation of the staples of the country, , . . but as it so happens, these few observations apply equally to their more favoured brethren, the negroes of the Colony, who have received all the loaves and fishes. Same, p. 201. 1857. W. H. Holmes and W. H. Campbell. The Indian population inhabiting the country between the rivers Pome- roon and Aniacuru, the Atlantic Ocean and the river Cuyuni. Mr. McClintocIc . , . estimates their number at about 2,500. V. C.-C, III, igS. 1 86 1. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. The Census returns I now beg to forward ... do not exhibit, by very many, the actual number of resident inhabitants for . . . most of the laborious population are on the coast selling plantains, &c., and . . . a number of the people attached to this district were returned as residing on the sugar estates, . . . hkewise, . . . to arrive at a correct census of tliis district, the people, other than Indians, residing on the rivers Marnca, Winey, and Bareema, should be included. B. C.-C, App.,joY. 1888. E. F. im Thurn. The lives of nearly all these people [Indians in Pomeroon Judicial District] have been deeply colored by Mission influence, and the Warraus of the Amalioo- roo and Lower Barima, tlie Arawaks of the Arooka, and tlie Caribs of tlie Upper Barima, and possibly of the Barama, are the only Indians of this dis- trict now living in something like their natural state. B. C, VII, 'j/. 1897. Waiaree, a Carib Indian. Whenever my father required anytliing, or wanted justice, he went [from Barima region] up to Macaseema in the Upper Pomeroon, where the English Magistrate lived, and also at Aikowinie [branch of Pomeroon] mouth, where the Postholder resided. Same, p. 22g. 354 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-ADMISSIONS THAT BRITISH DID NOT CONTROL. . British Case. In the first instance every sei'ious case of coiiiplaiut by the Indians came belVn-e the rostholdcr, to whom the Indians were exliorted in every instance to repair instead of taking the law into their own hands. B, C, loo. The early days of British administration produced no immediate change in the custom of the Indians to exact tlie penalty of life for life in every case in which a white inhabitant did not step in to buy off the avenger. . . . It was not unusual for the Protector or the Postholder to buy off the animosity of the friends of an Indian who had met with his death under circumstances which afforded no grounds for the institution of a prosecution. Sajiic, p. lor. 1807. Commandeur in Essequibo. I . . . Commandeur of Essequibo, hereby authorise Mr. A. Meertens, together with Messrs. Molier, Hebbelinck, De Haas, and Spaman, to go to the upper part of the river to the Indians, in order there to inquire into the reasons why the said Indians have abandoned their village, and make preparations to undertake what, . . . never can be suffered ; they, moreover, are to inquire if they have any complaints to make, and how far such complaints may be well founded. Furthermore, to do and perform whatever the said gentlemen may judge necessary for keeping the interior quiet. B. C, V, iSS. I recommend to you in particular not to let the Indians perceive you are armed, to prevent their suspecting- us from liaving any hostile intentions. Same, p. iSg. 1 81 8. Thomas Cathrey, Protector of Indians in Essequibo River. [Macollo an Arawak chief generally residing at Iterbice creek, in the River Essequibo] has been called three times for registration, but will not obey. In 181 5, at the distribution, his tribe was 19 men, 10 women and 10 children. B. C, VI, 12. 1823. William Hilhouse. An enormous sum is appropriated by the combined Court for the purchase of the alliance and friendship of tlie Indians, and as an equivalent to them for the occupation of their territory by the whites. This sum is certainly enormous, for the principal object for which it is given remains at this day unaccomplished, and in the assemblage of our Indians for service we are obliged to depend upon the individual popularity of those persons most immediately in contact with them, or the muster would be indeed miserable. At this day there is no loyal feeling amongst them towards the Colony, which is the consequence of what they esteem a series of unfriendly or neglectful acts towards them. But they have only withdrawn their attachment to the commun- ity to vent it in individuals, and a recurrence to the candid and generous policy of former Governments would soon restore that tone of feeling amongst them, so in- dispensible to our interests. The immediate evil resulting from this neglect has been the emigration of such numbers from within the limits of the Colony that at the same rate a few years would leave us without an ally. Sanic,p.jJ. INDIANS. 855 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-ADMISSIONS THAT BRITISH DID NOT CONTROL-(Continued). 1 83 1. Lieutenant-Guvernor D'Urban. Protection is aff'orded to tlie IiuIiaiiH by the Magistrates of the Colonial Government, and . . . they willingly avail themselves of it. . . . but . . . if . . . our laws suffer such a iiinrderer to escape with impunity, they will cease to resort to their interference, and resume their habit of seeking their own veng'eance. B. C, VI, 43. 1 83 1. Second Fiscal Bagot. From the despatch of my Lord Goderich it would appear that there is a want of information at the Colonial Office on the subject of the relative situation of the Indians of these settlements with the Colonial Government, and your Excellency would, in my opinion, be doing a service to the former, and but justice to the latter, by informing the Secretary of State more minutely on the actual re- lations subsisting between them. This is perhaps the more necessary at this moment, as, unfortunately, I have, within a few days, had to send up another Indian for trial on a charge of the murder of two individuals. Same, p. 4J. The Indians . . . consider our taking upon ourselves the decision of cases of this nature [murders] as the greatest favour we can do them. Indians receive effective protection where offences are committed against them by persons other than Indians ... I have sent forward within the last two years three cases for trial for offences against the persons of Indians. Fears have been expressed that the natives have to this day received no com- pensation for the lands we have dispossessed them of. . . . Indians can scarcely be said to be dispossessed of lands . . . they never inhabited or cultivated. Same, p. 4^. 1832. Second Fiscal Bagot. The Indians of the Orinoco . . . also those Spanish Indians located in and about the Morocco. Mr. Hynes seems most anxious to draw the Indians now in the Morocco more into the heart of the Colony, as well on their own account as with the hope that they might eventually become the means of extending Christianity and habits of industry and morality amongst the Indians of our settlements. Same, p. 46. 1834. George Bagot, High Sheriff. As the . . . Warrow Indians appear impressed with a strong suspicion that the Indian Hendrick came unfairly by his death, and the family of the de- ceased may feel themselves bound to revenge it unless some compensation be made, I would recommend some small present should be offered them, on condition of their giving' up the feud ; otherwise, I apprehend from the cus- toms of these people, there will be bloodshed, and, if once begun, it is hard to say where it may end. Same, pp. jS-jp. 1834. T. S. St. Clair. The Europeans in this country seem to be afraid of leaving the seashore, apparently anxious not to expose themselves to the fury of the native In- dians. ^- C, ///, 402. 356 INDIANS. RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-ADMISSIONS THAT BRITISH DID NOT CONTROL- Continued). 1834. T. S. St. Clair. It is to the interest of our government to reconcile this people [Indians] to our possession of their lands, and conducive to our peace and comfort to keep on amicable terms with tlieni. V. C.-C, III, 2jy. 1838. Governor Light. Many of the Pomaroon, Morocco and Essequibo Indians are contribntinar by labor on wood-cutting and other establishments to administer to the wants of the Colony. They are acquiring slowly, indeed, habits of civilized life, . . . >Ve used these people as auxiliaries, . . . we made them presents . . . Their influence brought much larger numbers of Indians that at present are witliin our borders. It is evident if some equally powerful motive were pre- sented they would again appear. B. C, VI, 6j. 1839. Pastor of Morocco Mission. In the aforesaid rivers [Waini and Barima] there are several Spanish Indians, all Roman Catholics ; many tribes of Warows, Waycos [Akaways] and Arawaks are presenting their children to be baptized. . . . The Cap- tain of the Waycos, named Juan Ventura, is a Spaniard, and himself, and almost all his tribe, are Roman Catholics. In the one only creek of Ba- reema vvhicli I visited I met the Catholic Captain and the most of his tribe. Same, p. 64. 1 841. R. King, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks. April 22. — Remained on the Shell Bank at Waini until the 27th, . . . [then] started, accompanied by Mr. R. Schomburgk, to the Aruca River. April 28. — Remained at Aruca. April 30.— Several Indians came from Amacura, and complained of the treatment of the Spaniards towards them. . . . advised them most strongly to remove into the Waini, or other parts where there could be no doubt as to the boundary, and that they should have every protection. Same, pp. 111-112. 1841. Rev. W. H. Brett. Every efl'ort to induce the Indians to attend [church] for the purpose of receiving instruction seemed ineffectual, and all solicitations were met with indifference or ridicule. At length, having succeeded in inducing an Arrowaak captain to set the example, and use his influence with his tribe, accompanying me to the various settlements, they began to attend divine worship, and leave their children with me for instruction. Same, p. 116. 1 841. R. H. Schomburgk. Venezuela has a Post and a Commandant within a short distance from the mouth of the Orinoco ; the Post nearest to the western boundary of British Guiana is in the River Pomeroon, a distance of 120 miles from the Amacura : and it follows, consequently, that the Postholder of the Pomeroon can never exer- cise his influence or protection over the Indians who are settled on the Barima or its tributaries. B. C, VII, ij. 1841. Postholder at Ampa Post. Two corials with bucks passed up this evening ; they were requested to stop at the Post for a few hours and assist in getting up the sills of the new house from the waterside, which they refused to do, although oflered pay- ment. B. C.-C, App., 2(^j. INDIANS. 357 RELATIONS TO THE BRITISH-ADMISSIONS THAT BRITISH DID NOT CONTROL-(Continued). 1844. Mr. Macrae. No attempt has been made as a imblic measure to witlirtraw tlic In- dians from the wilderness and their habits there, and to settle them in a community in a civilized state, in the midst of our cultivation. V. C.-C, III, I So. 1844. W. C. McClintocl<, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeledient to present, from time to time, tliese trifles to the Indian chiefs, in order to stimulate them to present themselves. V, C.-C, III, 2(p7. INDIANS. 3G7 PRESENTS TO INDIANS-BY THE DUTCH, FREQUENCY OF-^Con- tinued). 1777. Court of Policy. As early as was feasible, the Chiefs of the Indians should be summoned to the fort, and the canes ami other presents conferred [on them], and thereto obliged, twice a-year, to come do^vn here in