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THE
PORT AND TRADE
LONDON,
HISTORICAL, STATISTICAL, LOCAL, AND GENERAL.
CHARLES CAPPER,
MANAGER OF THE VICTORIA (LONDON) DOCKS.
The time shall come, when, tree as sea or wind,
Unbounded THAMES shall flow for all mankind ;
Whole nations enter at each swelling tide,
And seas bnt join the regions they divide."
POPE.
LONDON :
SMITH, ELDER & CO. 65, CORNHILL.
1862.
[The V.igJif of Tra/mlnHon is reserved.}
LONDON :
R/CLAY, BON, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS,
BREAD STREET HILL.
PREFACE.
THE present work originated in a want of which
I became conscious as Manager of an important
commercial undertaking connected with the Port of
London,
In the daily course of commercial transactions,
I found myself under the necessity of searching a
great variety of books of reference, for the purpose of
correctly ascertaining points, of history and practice,
which I failed to find in any one volume to which I
could refer.
It occurred to me, under these circumstances, to
bring together all the information I could respecting
the Port of London its history, its trade, its manage-
ment, its statistics, and its customs. The inquiries
necessary for this purpose, as I believe always happens
in such cases, gradually, and almost insensibly, ex-
tended themselves far beyond the limit originally
intended. I laid out for myself, in the first instance,
certain salient matters of inquiry ; but soon found
that the investigation of each topic involved con-
siderations not originally anticipated, and that what
PREFACE.
was intended for a note-book was speedily swollen
into a volume.
The historical chapters of this work, which occupy
so many pages, were originally designed to form a
summary. The chapters upon Trade, which fill more
than a moiety of the volume, were entered upon
under the impression that they would -be embraced
in a small proportion of the space they occupy. As
my researches progressed, the subject amplified itself
beyond anticipation, and extended itself into directions
not previously contemplated. In the very outset,
indeed, as the Reader will discover in some of the
earliest of the following pages, I found that, in
treating of the commerce of the Port of London, I
was in reality dealing with the commerce of all
England; and long before my task was developed,
I found that in dealing with the trade of England,
I was, practically, treating of the commerce of the
world.
I thought, at one time, that I should have to
apologise to the reader of this book for its re-
dundancy. As I approach its conclusion, I feel
most sensibly that what I have really to regret is,
its incompleteness. The multitude of " facts and
figures " compressed in the following pages, is
rivalled, probably, in very few works that are not
designedly statistical. Nevertheless, had space per-
mitted, I could have added to these to an extent
which may almost be characterised as unlimited. If,
instead of closely analysing and condensing the facts
embodied in the many volumes I have found it
necessary to consult, I had contented mvself with
PREFACE.
" cuttings " from their pages, this volume might have
been extended to dimensions which would have ren-
dered it practically of as small avail for purposes of
reference to others, as I found still larger volumes at
the commencement of my task.
What I have endeavoured to do is, to bring to-
gether all that is of interest and importance to the
practical man of business. Differences of opinion
will, of course, prevail as to what is of interest, and
what is of importance. The historical student will
naturally think I have omitted to develop many
points which others will consider I have dwelt upon
too largely. On the other hand, some may think
that I have dwelt too much upon the past, without
sufficiently regarding the state of trade at the time
present, or, it may be, speculating enough upon
the future. In view of these and other critical
objections, I can only say that, as a practical man,
I have striven to bring into association those his-
torical features which appeared most forcibly to
bear on our existing commerce, and to regard
that existing commerce mainly with an eye to its
growth and development in those channels which our
present experience allows us to foresee.
At the outset, also, I anticipated objections which
assumed a different phase as the work progressed.
I thought, at first, it would be said, " This book
is merely a compilation;" and I prepared myself
with the ready answer, " That all history was, of
necessity, a compilation; and that it was a very
bad history that did not resort to the most nume-
rous authorities." But, long ere the work arrived
vi PREFACE.
at a conclusion, I found substantial grounds, less for
fearing this objection, than for apprehending that
my views might be condemned as running wide of
history. Many there are, even in these days of com-
mercial advancement, who will probably be startled
by new, and what some may, perhaps, consider bold
opinions, as to the influence and eifect of commerce
on public events. To such, I must be permitted
to recommend an attentive consideration of the
influence of commercial and private interests on
political occurrences. Por my own part, the more
deeply I have dived into the history of commerce, the
more I have become convinced that its teachings have
been too often ignored or misinterpreted. Following
the interpretations of historians whose records refer
to periods antecedent to the growth of commerce,
modern writers have been in the habit of attributing
the outbreaks of war and the restoration of peace
to the passions of monarchs, the intrigues of courts,
the workings of ambition, religious animosities, or
the jealousies of neighbouring and rival nations.
The time has come when, looking more deeply
into the causes of events, we may rather find that
wars and revolutions, as well as treaties and pro-
longed periods of peace, have to a great extent had
their origin in the commercial necessities and in-
terests of peoples. Going back to the great events
of our own history to the Wars of the Eoses, or the
Civil Wars of the Commonwealth we may find that
the accession and deposition of monarchs was not un-
frequently attributable to the influence exercised by
the citizens of London, and we shall as frequently
PREFACE.
find that the citizens of London sought or derived
some commercial advantages from the course they
followed.
This view, as well as many others developed in
this volume, may be novel to many; and will be
subject to criticism. I have written, however, in
sincerity and in good faith ; and, whether my views
are shared or otherwise, I trust that I may venture,
without pretension or undue assumption, to offer this
account of the Port and Trade of London to those
who, like myself, are interested in its commerce,
as a book embodying a vast amount of information
not previously accessible in any one volume. The
book may also be offered as a LANDMARK. The
commerce of Great Britain has risen, during the
last half century, in a degree, with a rapidity and to
an extent, utterly unexampled in the history of the
world. In 1860, the import and export trade of
Great Britain amounted to no less than the gigantic
and almost inappreciable sum of
THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FIVE MILLIONS
(375,000,000) STERLING !
The present volume, to some extent, develops how,
when, and why, this enormous trade, unparalleled
in the world's history, rose, in a comparatively brief
space, to this amount. It shows, not alone the
progress of commerce, but its vicissitudes; the dif-
ficulties it has had (and still has in some quarters)
to encounter ; and it deals, unreservedly and boldly,
with our own past and present blindsightedness,
shortcomings, and mismanagement.
viii PREFACE.
In recording the statistics of our commerce, it will
be observed that I have taken the year 1860 as the
basis of all computations of the value of our imports
and exports. There are sound reasons why the sta-
tistics of that year should be preferred to those of any
other. 1860 was, in Great Britain, a year of compara-
tively uninterrupted trade. There were no disturbing
causes immediately operating upon commerce at any
period of that year. This was not the case in 1859,
when the Continent was suffering under the effects
of the war in Italy; nor was it the case in 1861, when
our trade was subject to great disturbance from the
outbreak of the civil commotions in America. As
the landmark of commerce, 1860 is decidedly the
period from which we may therefore date with the
greatest precision and advantage.
The facts embodied in this volume have been
obtained from the best sources. The figures, where-
ever practicable, have been taken from parliamentary
returns. This work, moreover, has had the great
advantage of having had its proof-sheets, as it passed
through the press, subjected to the examination and
criticism of some of the most practical men in each
of the branches of commerce to which those sheets
referred. In many instances the details of our trade
with foreign states have been examined and revised
by the Consuls or Vice-Consuls representing those
countries in the city of London ; to whom I
have to tender my best thanks for the courtesy
with which they have invariably responded to my
inquiries, and afforded me information upon doubtful
points.
PREFACE.
The information respecting our colonial and
coasting trades has, in the same way, been derived
from the best sources, and revised by the best
authorities. I have to regret, in regard to these
departments of the work, that the exigencies of the
publication have necessarily contracted the limits of
its information.
The same cause has obliged me to omit some
chapters which I originally designed to insert, upon
other matters appertaining to the business of the
Port : as, for example, the Trinity House, the peculiar
laws and customs of the Port, the management of
Lloyd's, the insurance system, shipwrecks, the con-
dition of the seamen of the Port, &c. &c. These and
other subjects I find, very reluctantly, that it is
necessary to leave untouched, although they involve
considerations of great importance, and which, no
doubt, properly form a portion of my subject.
In conclusion, I will only observe, that this work
has been compiled and written amid a pressure of
business most antagonistic to literary labour. On this
account, as well as the first effort of an unpractised
pen, I feel entitled to ask some consideration for
errors and shortcomings. No one can be more
sensible of the deficiencies of the book than I am.
"With all the kind aid and assistance which has been
afforded me, I know how incomplete is the perform-
ance, and how much it falls short of the original
design, in execution, whilst it exceeds it in mere
bulk. I can claim for the work, however, the merit
of good intention; and if, as a HANDBOOK to the
PORT and TRADE of this great commercial Metro-
PREFACE.
polls, the volume should prove useful, I shall feel
that I have not employed my time and industry in
vain, but that I shall reap my reward in the certain
development and prosperity of British commerce in
the "Port and Trade of London."
C. C.
9, MINCING LANE,
MAY I, 1862.
CONTENTS.
I. HISTORICAL . 1
II. DITTO (continued) 78
III THE PORT OF LONDON 139
IV. THE SHIPPING OF LONDON 170
V. FOREIGN TRADE 189
VI. DITTO AMERICA, AFRICA, AND ASIA 300
VII. TRADE WITH INDIA AND THE COLONIES 350
VIII. COASTING AND COAL TRADES 448
APPENDIX 483
INDEX 493
THE
POET AND TEADE OF LONDON.
CHAPTER I.
HISTORICAL.
THE COMMERCE OF LONDON covers the ocean with its
ships, and animates the most distant portions of the tory<
globe by its operations. An account of that commerce
must ever form an important feature in the history
of England ; for London is not only the seat of
Government and of the law, but she is the centre and
focus of the great commerce of the nation.
In the amount and magnificence of her trade, Amount
in its variety and extent, London infinitely surpasses ficenTe 3 ??
all her predecessors. Tyre, Carthage, Alexandria, the com :
' merce of
Byzantium, Venice, renowned for their commerce in London,
former periods of the world, conducted a trade small
indeed in proportion to the trade now carried on in
London. These cities owed their commercial greatness
mainly to their geographical position with reference to
other trading nations. But the prosperity of London
as a port of commerce is fortified, not only by this
advantage, but by a combination of favourable circum-
stances of a peculiar and distinctive character.
The circumstances which govern and direct the
commerce of a given place are
B
2 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I.
Its suitableness to all the purposes of maritime
requirements.
Its geographical position in reference to other
trading nations.
The extent of population to be supplied through
its agency.
Their wealth, and consequent power of consump-
tion; and
Their industry or means of producing what will
pay for that which they consume.
The trade In all these respects London stands without a
exceeds n parallel and without a rival. The noble river Thames,
S eve which forms the Port of London, possesses all the
fonnerseat conditions desirable in a port, whilst its geographical
merce position, particularly in reference to the continent of
Europe, cannot be surpassed. No city ever had
in conse- within herself the population of London, and as great
of the 6 wealth is uniformly found to go with great numbers,
wealth,' it may be taken as certain that no city ever had her
power of consumption. The commerce of London
and power rules the productive industry of England. It is in
tionof the that power of production that consists our power of
people ; consumption. "We pay for the products of the world
by greater luxuries produced at lower rates than the
luxuries we purchase.
of the A secondary series of circumstances which corn-
means of , . _
communi- bine to secure the supremacy of the commerce oi
cation, ! OIlc i OI1 win k e found in the means of communi-
cation, internal and external, of the Port. No
city ever has been, and few can hope to be, more
favourably situated in these respects. London rules
external the shipping trade of the world, and thereby com-
municates with every portion of the globe with so
much facility that other nations come to her for
means of transport. Her position in reference to
Sternal, our own coast, and her internal railways, place her
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL.
within an easy distance of the sources of her export
trade: thus enabling her to sell the commodities
she supplies at the smallest possible charge above
the prime cost of manufacture. The recognised sta-
bility of our institutions has made London the great and of the
centre of monetary operations; and it may be said ^^7
that she rules commerce with threefold power, as London -
the merchant, the carrier, and the banker of the
world.
London enjoys a third series of advantages, essen- Also, the
tial to the development of commerce. It is neces- SoTof'the
sarv for commerce that the people of a commercial i* 50 ? 16 for
* -*- commerce,
nation should have, not only the aptitude, but a dis-
position for trade. Happily Londoners are not only
disposed to trade, but their commercial character
stands unrivalled. It is also essential to com-
mercial greatness that the people of a nation should their free
be free to trade, and that the laws by which its trade laws '
is regulated should be favourable to commercial
intercourse. In these respects England advances with
the age.
The supremacy of trade has also been said to be and
materially dependent upon maritime power, though
it may reasonably admit of consideration whether mac y-
maritime power is not equally dependent upon supre-
macy of trade : at any rate the two are certain to go
hand in hand. London is the metropolis of the
nation the seat of its government the representa-
tive of its power and of its wealth. London is, in
fact, to England what England is to the whole world ;
and it may be safely predicated, so long as the great
sources of her greatness her raw material, her iron,
her coal remain unexhausted, so long must she
maintain the supremacy that she has acquired as the
greatest commercial nation of modern times.
The supremacy of London as a commercial city
B 2
4 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
is of comparatively recent date. At all periods
of her history, London has been, indeed, a place
of trade, but that trade has not at all times been
in her own hands, nor has it until a compara-
tively recent period borne any proportion to the
trade of the world at large. It has been a fashion
to say that until the reign of Elizabeth Eng-
land possessed no trade. This is scarcely correct,
although no doubt it was not until, or even after, the
reign of Elizabeth that English commerce began to
acquire importance. But as this subject is one of
interest, and not irrelevant to the purpose of this
work, it is proposed at the outset to trace the history
of the commerce of the Port of London, so as to
develop the various gradations through which it has
passed, and the steps by which it has attained its
present greatness.
Trade of The earliest mention of London as a commercial
jntain. Q ^. occurs i n the works of BEDE, who, in refer-
ring to events of the year A.D. 604, describes
London, though at that period the capital of one
of the smallest kingdoms of England, as, " by its
" happy situation on the banks of the noble
" navigable river Thames, the emporium for many
" nations repairing to it by land and sea." * It
is not, indeed, to be supposed that at a much
earlier period there was any trade with the Thames.
Although the Carthaginians, doubtless, sent ships to
Cornwall for tin and hides, and although there was a
* Bede, His. Ecc. lib. ii. c. 3. It is observable that King Alfred, in translating
the passage referred to, speaks of " Ceap-Stow " (merchandise place) ; an allusion
\vhich will explain the name of one of the principal trading streets of London.
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL.
certain trade carried on with Britain by the Veneti,*
of which we have no particulars, the trade appears to
hare been entirely passive on the part of the original
inhabitants of our island. Indeed trade on their
part was impossible, for they had no ships. No
early author mentions any kind of vessel belonging
to the Britons other than boats, of which the keel
and principal timbers were made of light wood, and
the bottom and sides of a kind of basket-work of
osiers, the whole being covered with hides.
The Romans, no doubt, carried on a certain trade Under the
with England, but it was a trade chiefly for the
supply of articles of luxury, necessary for their own
use and consumption, and which could not be pro-
duced within the island. Brazen utensils, earthen-
ware, and salt, appear to be the only articles
of import that could have entered into general
use. The exports under the Romans were prin-
cipally of tin, lead, hides (under which description,
perhaps, wool may be included), some corn,t cattle,
iron, amber, ornaments for bridles, and other toys
(made probably of bones), of slaves (who were captives
taken in the wars carried on by the tribes against
each other), of dogs, which were highly valued by the
Romans in hunting, and bears, which were used in
the sanguinary sports of the Roman circus. Oysters
(which must have arrived at Rome in very indifferent
condition) were sent through Gaul by Massilia (Mar-
seilles) to Rome from the coast of Kent; and the
Romans also delighted in a British wild-fowl, called
by them cheneros, which was probably the goosander,
* The Veneti are said by Strabo (lib. iv. p. 297) to have been a Belgic nation
settled near the north-west extremity of Gaul ; on the coast opposite Devon and
Cornwall. They were utterly annihilated by Caesar, who, after destroying their
fleet and righting men. massacred all their senate, and sold the people for slaves
(vide Ca?s. Bell. Gal. lib. iii. cc. 716).
t The Romans described England as " stored with corn.'' The abundance of
grain was stored in subterranean storehouses.
6 THE POBT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I.
or the wild-duck. This appears to have been the
extent of the trade of Britain in the days of the
Romans, who, besides that they held commerce in
contempt,* were probably too much occupied in the
subjugation and safe military custody of the island
to attend to the development of its resources.
Under the Eor a considerable period after the Roman evacua-
tion there appears to have been an entire absence
of commercial intercourse between England and the
Continent. But previous to the year 800 we find
notice of a trade carried on in English productions
charie- through Erance. This is to be found in a letter of
Charlemagne to Offa, then in effect monarch of all
England, which is given by Matthew Paris, f and of
English which the translation is as follows :
merchants,
A.D. 796. CHARLES, by the grace of God, King of the Franks and
Lombards and Patrician of the Romans, to our venerable and
most dear brother, Offa, King of the Merkians, greeting ;
" First, we give thanks to Almighty God for the sincere
Catholic faith which we see so laudably expressed in your letters.
" Concerning the strangers, who for the love of God and the
salvation of their souls, wish to repair to the thresholds of the
blessed Apostles, let them travel in peace, without any trouble.
" Nevertheless, if any are found among them not in the ser-
vice of religion, but in the pursuit of gain, let them pay the
established duties at the proper places.
" We also will that merchants shall have lawful protection
in our kingdom according to our command ; and if they are
in any place unjustly aggrieved, let them apply to us or our
judges, and we shall take care that ample justice be done to
them."
Nature of It is evident from this that English traders re-
e ' sorted to the Continent at this period, chiefly in the
guise of pilgrims. The articles which they carried
with them were evidently such as admitted of being
carried about their persons, or as a traveller's baggage,
* Vide Gibbon's Rome, vol. iii. p. 404. + Vit. Of&e, p. 20.
CHAP. L] HISTORICAL.
and were probably works of gold and silver, which
the Anglo-Saxons were skilful in manufacturing.*
Reliques, images of saints, precious stones, and
dresses for priests, are supposed to have been the
chief articles of their homeward cargo.
Mr. Strutt, in his Chronicles of England (vol. i. The Saxon
p. 437), describes the Saxon vessels :
" The form of the Saxon ships," he says, " at the end of the
eighth century or the beginning of the ninth, is happily preserved
in some of the ancient manuscripts of that date. They were
scarcely more than a very large boat, and seem to have been
built of stout planks, laid one over the other, in the manner as
is done in the present time.f Their heads and sterns were very
erect, and rose high out of the water, ornamented at top with
some uncouth head of an animal, rudely cut. They have but
one mast, the top of which is also decorated with a bird, the
head of a bird, or some such device. To this mast is made fast
a large sail, which from its nature and construction could only
be useful when the vessel went before the wind. The ship was
steered by a large oar with a flat end, very broad, passing by
the side of the stern ; and this was managed by the pilot, who
sat in the stern, and thence issued his orders to the mariners."
It is obvious from this that no trade could have
been carried on in articles of bulk. By some writers
it has been imagined that under Alfred England
carried on a trade of some importance even with
remote countries, and they have instanced, and occa-
sionally much exaggerated, " an expedition " which
that great monarch is said to have sent forth to
India. The authority on which this expedition rests
appears to be that of William of Malmesbury, who
* The gold and silver ornaments which have been found in barrows in different
parts of the kingdom, show that the art of working in those metals was under-
stood even by the Ancient Britons. Undoubted proof of the skill of English
jewellers in the reign of Alfred is afforded by a piece of ornamental work in gold,
preserved in the Ashrnolean Museum, and which the ancient inscription on it
declares to have been made by the command of Alfred himself. The goldsmith's
work in this relique is of very considerable excellence, and is greatly admired by
competent judges.
t He probably means that they were what is technically termed " clinker-built,"
8 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I.
Bishop sig- mentions that Sighelm, Bishop of Shireburn,* was
pedTtiolTto sent by the king with relief to the Christians of
India, g^ Thomas in India, and that he accomplished his
expedition prosperously, and penetrated to India, from
which he returned with aromatic oils and splendid
jewels. King Alfred himself has left no account
of this expedition. It is well known that Sighelm
A.D. 883. went to Rome A. D. 883, and it is probable that he
may have passed by way of Alexandria to Bussora,
or even to India itself. But if he purchased oriental
commodities at Alexandria or Bussora, they were
pretty certain to have been confounded by his country-
men with purchases made in India. At any rate,
it is obvious that this expedition had no commercial
consequences.
If Alfred did not establish England as a com-
mercial nation, he went far to lay a sound foundation
^ b / f r commerce. There is no doubt that he obtained
Alfred,
geographical information respecting the Baltic and
White Seas. He also made great improvements in ship
building, and in the science of navigation ; and one of
his laws shows that he had due respect for foreigners
arriving in England, for he made regulations for their
full protection. In a succeeding reign King Athel-
and in- stan allured his subjects to engage in commerce, by a
'by 8 law which conferred the rank of Thane on every
merchant who made three voyages over the sea with
A.D. 938. a vessel and cargo of his own ; but the greatness of
this reward would seem to indicate how few there
were in the kingdom who were capable at that time
of acquiring it ; for it has been well observed that " if
" many English merchants had traded to foreign
" countries, or if many of them had been capable of
* The see of Shireburn was removed to Old Sarum, by Herman the Bishop, in
the reign of William the Conqueror (vide Camp. Liv. Chan. vol. i. p. 42). Some
of the jewels brought home by Sighelm, are said to have been deposited in Salisbury
Cathedral.
CHAP, i.] HISTOEICAL.
" fitting out and loading vessels, this attempt of
" Athelstan to induce his subjects to avail themselves
" of the natural advantages of their insular situation,
" Would have been neither necessary nor proper."
It was probably the attraction of such rewards First set-
and encouragements that induced, a very few years
after wards, the first settlement of merchants in lin s s J* 8
7 merchants
London. These were the so-called Easterlings, or in London.
Merchants of the Steelyard, a branch of the famous
commercial confederacy, first formed on the east
shores of the Baltic, in the eighth century, for
the protection of their trade from the piratical
incursions of the Northmen. Pennant styles the
Easterlings " our masters in the art of commerce.'
They are known to have been settled here before the Reguia-
year 978, for a regulation of King Etheldred, of that ^ n8 to relat '
date, declares that " the emperor's men, or East-
" erlings, coming with their ships to Belingsgate,
" shall be accounted worthy of good laws." Under
the same ordinance they were not to forestall the
markets of the burghers of London, and were " to
" pay toll at Christmas, two grey cloths and one
" brown one, with ten pounds of pepper, five pairs of
" gloves, two vessels of vinegar, and as many at
" Easter."
A long account of the Easterling guild of London Their set-
will be found in Stow's Survey* accompanied by a thTstee**
chronological account of their charities and privi- yard<
leges. Their principal factory in London was
in Downgard (Dowgate) Ward, in Thames Street,
the premises now occupied by the Victoria Dock
Company of London. The settlement of the Foreign
Easterling merchants in London appears to have been ^ c e h fol
imrnediatelv followed bv trade resorting to the port low f dtheir
" . settlement.
from foreign ports. The law passed at Wantage in
* Stow's Survey, vol. i. p. 292.
10 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I.
Berkshire, in the reign of King Etheldred, which im-
posed duties on vessels arriving at " Bilynggesgate,"
Articles made exemptions in favour of "the men of Rouen,
imported : ^ Q brought wine and large fish, those of Flanders,
" Ponthieu, Normandy, and France, who showed their
" goods and cleared the duties, as did also those of
" Hegge, Liege, and Nivele."
Exported. The exportations from England at this period
must have been almost exclusively wool and hides.
There is no reason to suppose that under the Anglo-
Saxon government corn was at any time shipped from
England ; indeed, at the time of the Conquest, a very
large proportion of the country appears to have been
in the state of uncultivated forest, which was chiefly
useful for feeding hogs and wild animals, and fur-
nishing fuel and timber for building.
internal The internal trade of the country during the same
period must also have been on a diminutive scale,
since under one of the laws of Edward the Confessor,
the presence of two or more witnesses, and of the chief
magistrate, the sheriff, the priest, or the lord of the
manor, was necessary to give validity to a bargain of
more than twenty pennies.
Commer- The Norman Conquest does not appear to have
of England had any immediate effect upon the trade of the
quest, a " country. William the Conqueror did indeed "invite
A.D.1066. f- ne yessels of foreign merchants by assurances of
" security and protection," but the turbulent state
of the country, in which " the law directed that
" markets should nowhere be held but within burghs.
" walled towns, castles, and safe places, where the
" king's customs and laws would be secured from
" violation," probably prevented their taking advan-
tage of his assurances. London is exempt from,,
register in Domesday Book, and what is to be col-
lected from it concerning other places, gives no
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 11
reason to think that England had any considerable
trade at other ports. " In Sudwerche (Southwark)
" the king had a duty upon ships coming into a
" dock, and a toll on the strand." The king's
income was rated at 161. Dover, which was burnt
soon after the arrival of King William in England,
was rated at 54/. ; and it is recorded that " ships are
" greatly incommoded by the agitation of the water
" occasioned by a mill at the entry of the harbour,
" which was not there in the time of King Edward."
Sandwich paid 50/. and " 40,000 herrings for the
use of the monks." Yarmouth, which paid VUl.
16s. 4<d. to the king, besides payments to the earl
and sheriff, appears at that time to have been
of inferior importance to Sandwich in the fishery,
although it is recorded that " twenty -four fishermen
" living in this town belong to Gorleston, a manor
" on the south side of the river Tare," between
which manor and Yarmouth, it may be observed
that jealousies of various sorts continue to exist
to this day. The Cinque Ports and their tributaries
were the ports of the greatest consequence upon
the coast, Dover and Sandwich taking the lead,
Hythe, Bomney, Bye and Winchelsea, and Hastings
and Pevensey following. Pevensey at the time of
William I. appears to have been largely resorted to,
in consequence, no doubt, of the landing of the
Conqueror having been effected under its walls.
The charter granted by the Conqueror to the City charters
of London made no mention of commerce. It merely
declared " the burghers " of London to be " all law-
worthy as they were in the days of King Edward," the CON-
and assured them of the king's protection.* But
* This Charter commences as follows : " William the King greets William the
" Bishop, and Godfrey the Port-reve, and all the Burghers within London, French
" and English, friendly."
"William the Bishop" -was a Norman ecclesiastic set up by the Conqueror
12 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. T.
and by Henry I. on his accession, in a charter granted to
HENRY I
A.D. 1100. "his citizens of London," declared "they and their
" property of every kind quit and free from paying toll,
" passage, lest age,* and other customs, throughout
" all England and in all the seaports : " an important
privilege to merchants carrying on trade personally,^
as we may imagine some to have done, in small but
valuable articles, either of export or import, across
the sea to the Continent through the ports either of
Sandwich, Dover, Rye, or Pevensey. Unfortunately
it is recorded that the whole of Henry I.'s long reign
was passed in the continual violation of all the
articles of his charters, so that no benefit appears to
have resulted from it to the mercantile community.
STEPHEN, Stephen, who relied principally upon the aifections
of the Londoners, commenced his reign by granting
them a charter confirming, in general terms, the
charters of his predecessor, and commanding "the
" good laws of Edward the Confessor to be observed."
himself with authority within the City. " Godfrey the Port-reve" was an elected
officer, whose precise functions and authority it is now impossible to define ; but
as "Gerefa" (or Governor) of the "Port," it is obvious that he had authority
over the " Port," as well as over the City of London : and it is conjectured that
he also had authority over fiscal matters, such as the collection of dues, tolls, &c.
It does not appear to be precisely known at what period the City of London
acquired its rights (recently extinguished) as conservators of the Thames ; but in
Saxon times they disputed with the Church of Canterbury the right to a certain
demesne near Sandwich, which they claimed to appertain to the Port of London.
" Toll " is the generic term, of Gothic derivation, for every species of tribute
levied upon the transit of commodities or persons throughout the realm. " Passage"
was the charge for passing over ferries. "Lestage" was a custom, of variable
amount, levied to the king's use upon every last of leather exported. In ancient
times tolls were very numerous, and the abuses in collecting them were so
notorious and oppressive, that it became necessary to restrain them under the
severest penalties by statute (vide Coke's 2d Ins. 219). This exemption in favour
of the citizens of London was unquestionably of important value. It still remains ;
but its benefits have been greatly curtailed by various decisions of courts of law,
which have settled that these privileges cannot be claimed by, or on behalf of,
non-resident citizens, nor against any tolls created by statute for new purposes ;
such as turnpike tolls, &c. (vide Norton's Hist, and Franchises of London, p. 364 )
t In Scotland, about this period, the lands of merchants who traded to foreign
countries, were declared exempt from seizure for any claim whatever during their
absence, unless they appeared to absent themselves to evade justice. It is from
this tolerably evident that trade at the time was carried on personally.
CHAP. L] HISTORICAL. 13
But whatever may have been this king's intentions,
his whole reign was so completely occupied by the
intestine wars arising from a disputed succession,
that there was but small opportunity of cultivating
commerce.
The accession of Henry II., however, gave promise chartersof
of great advantages to trade. By his marriage with HENBY II
Eleanor, Duchess of Aquitaine, he acquired the best
wine country in France, and became master of all
the west side of that kingdom. The merchants of all
the French ports on the ocean became therefore
fellow-subjects with those of England a connexion
which could not but have been very favourable to the
commercial interests of both countries. Henry II.
commenced his reign by confirming all the charters A.D. 1154.
granted to the citizens of London, with additional
privileges, and by taking measures for the organiza-
tion of " guilds," or trading fraternities within the
City, upon the principle of the guild of the Easter-
ling merchants. One of the most ancient char-
ters extant is a charter of Henry II. granted to
the WEAVERS of London, " To have their guild
" in London with all liberties and customs which
" they had in the time of Henry, my grand-
" father" (Henry I.).* The number of guilds created
by this king, it is impossible now to say, inasmuch
as none of the existing charters of City companies
date back to this period. But Glanville, writing of the
reign of Henry II., speaks of guilds as common
institutions ; and the History of the Exchequer gives
a list of eighteen of the London guilds which were
amerced during this reign as adulterine, or set up
without the king's licence, f
William Fitz- Stephen, who was a citizen of London,
* This Charter has affixed to it the seal of Thomas a Becket.
t Vide Herbert's History of the London Livery Companies, vol. i. p. 24.
14 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAI-. r.
Fitz-stc- and who may be called the historian of this reign,
coiStVf 5 speaks thus of our capital in his famous " Life of Sir
Tnom as a Becket " :
temp. ' "Amongst the noble and /Vinous cit : es of the world, this cf
HENBT II. Lo n( l on) the capital of the kingdom of England, is one of the
most renowned, on account of its wealth, its extensive trade and
commerce, its grandeur and magnificence. . . .
"To this city merchants repair from every nation in t'ro
world, bringing their commodities by sea :
" ' Arabia's gold, Sabsea's spice and incense,
Scythia's keen weapons, and the oil of palms
From Babylon's deep soil ; Nile's precious gems ;
China's bright shining silks ; and Gallic wines ;
Norway's warm peltry, and the Russian sables,
All here abound.' "
Fitz-Stephen has been spoken of by modern writers
as a "mere panegyrist," and the description recited
has been read by Stow and more recent authorities, as
. if it were a specific detail of the importations of
London at the time, instead of a poetical quotation in
Latin hexameters. Fitz- Stephen's quotation may
appear inflated, but there really is nothing in it that
is not borne out by fact. The history of the Ex-
chequer shows that silks, spices, frankincense, precious
stones, palm oil, gems, furs, and wine were all
The fo- brought to London at this age. The trade was not,
indeed, in the hands of Londoners, but in the hands
f ^*e Easterling merchants, and of the Jews, who,
following wealth and commerce, had come to make
and the London their head quarters.* But that Eitz-Stephen
did not exaggerate concerning London f is shown by
* To this, indeed, they were impelled, by an obligation to carry their dead from
all parts of England for interment in one general cemetery appointed for them in
Red Cross Street, an obligation which continued until the year 1177, when they
obtained permission to purchase burial-grounds in other parts of the kingdom
(Stow's London, p. 553).
+ As, contrary to modern usage, I have set up the authority of Fitz-Stephen, who,
since the time of Elizabeth, it has been the fashion to decry, it may be right to
state, on his own authority, who he was. " I was," he says, " a fellow-citizen
" with my lord [Thomas a Becketl, one of his clerks, and an inmate of his family ;
CHAP, i.] HISTOEICAL. 15
the evidence of another cotemporary writer, "William Fitz-ste-
of Malmeshury, who says, Lratedby
William of
" London is a noble city, renowned for the opulence of its Malmes-
citizens, who, on account of the greatness of the city, are con-
sidered of the first quality and noblemen of the kingdom. It is
filled with merchandize, brought by the merchants of all countries,
but chiefly those of Germany ; and in case of scarcity of corn in
other parts of England, it is a granary where it may be bought
cheaper than anywhere else."
It would scarcely be proper to pass from the Trade of
mention of William of Malmeshury without chroni- towns of
cling what he records of the state of trade in other
parts of England during this reign. BRISTOL he HENB * IL
speaks of as "a celebrated town, and a port for vessels
" coming from Ireland, Norway, and other foreign
" countries." Henry II., in the eleventh year of his
reign, gave the burgesses a charter. CHESTER he
speaks of as " situated in a poor country, producing
" scarcely any wheat, though there is abundance of
" cattle and fish. The poor live on milk and butter,
" the rich on flesh. Bread made of barley or rye is
" thought a dainty. Some trade with Ireland supplies
" the place with such necessaries as nature has denied
" to it." DUNWICH is spoken of as a famous sea-port,
stored with various kinds of riches. NORWICH as a
populous town famous for its commerce. LYNN as a
1 and as, by express invitation, I was called to his service, I became a remembrancer
' in his chancery, a sub-dean in his chapel, whenever he officiated, and when he
' sat to hear and determine causes [as Lord Chancellor], a reader of the bills and
' petitions, and, sometimes, when he pleased to order it, 1 even performed the
' office of advocate. I was present with him at Northampton, when the most
' important matters concerning him were agitated, and I was an ocular witness
' of his martyrdom at Canterbury." Fitz-Stephen died in 1191. As he speaks
of himself as a " fellow-citizen of my lord " [a Becket], it may be proper to observe
that St. Thomas a Becket was the son of a merchant of London, of Saxon origin,
and moderate wealth, who served the office of sheriff of the City. The father was
that Gilbert Beck or Becket of whom the romantic legend remains that the
daughter of an emir of Palestine fell in love with him in the Holy Land, and fol-
lowed him to England, where, knowing no other English word but " Gilbert," she
found hiin in Cheapside, and being converted to Christianity, became his wife.
16 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
city distinguished for commerce and abundance, the
residence of many wealthy Jews, and resorted to by
foreign vessels. GRIMSBY as an emporium resorted
to by merchants from Norway, Scotland, Orkney, and
the "Western Islands. LINCOLN as one of the most
populous seats of home and foreign trade in England,
in consequence of the construction of a canal of seven
miles in length, from the Trent at Torksey to the
Witham at Lincoln,* which had given the city the
command of an extensive inland navigation, and
rendered it accessible to foreign vessels. WHITBY,
HARTLEPOOL, and other places on the East coast,
are spoken of as possessing vessels ; and Berwick
as a noble town belonging to the King of Scotland,
and having more foreign commerce than any port in
Scotland, and many ships.
Exports of Henry of Huntingdon, who wrote in the early part
temp of this reign, speaks of the exports of England.
HENRY H. c< JMjueg o f copper, iron, tin, and lead," he says, " are
" abundant ; and there are some, though but few,
" mines of silver." We exported also " a wonderful
" plenty of flesh and fish," (herrings and oysters
are particularly noticed) our "most precious wool,"
our "milk" (probably converted into cheese and
butter), and " cattle innumerable." So that, he says,
" silver," which is brought in exchange for these
from Germany, " is even more plenty in England
" than in Germany; and all the money of England is
" made of pure silver."
Not only was wool at this time a considerable item
of export from England, but it appears to have been
* This canal remains open to this day, and is known as the Foss Dyke
navigation. It is supposed that the Trent originally ran by a natural channel
eastward to the sea, and that it was carried, artificially, northward to the Humber
for purposes of drainage or navigation. If this was so, as an old map of Roman
Britain would lead us to suppose, the Foss Dyke was only a restoration of the
river to a part of its ancient channel, by letting in the water of the Trent,
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 17
wrought up by weavers in our own country. Before Export of
the occupation of Ireland by the English, two mer- SShSa-
chant ships, bound from England for Dublin, laden ]"**
x to Ireland.
with English cloths, were taken off Dublin by
Swein, the Earl of Orkney, who, on his return home,
covered his sails with scarlet cloths, and called that
his " scarlet cruise." The art of dyeing was largely
carried on in various parts of England, as appears
from the quantity of woad imported.*
It is observable that the articles exported from Balance of
England at this period, were adapted to the wants of fe
all classes of mankind, whilst those imported were in
demand only among the superior ranks, and though HENRY n.
sold at very high prices, amounted to but an incon-
siderable sum in comparison with the exports. Hence
the balance of trade was in favour of England, which
led to the abundance of silver noticed by Henry of
Huntingdon as brought into this country from Ger-
many.
The greater part of the silver which came from
Germany in this reign, probably returned to it in the
next, in the shape of ransom money for King Richard I.
That sovereign, engrossed as he was with wars for Trade,
O ' O
the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre, gave little
encouragement to commerce, although the ultimate
effect of the Holy Wars must have been propitious
to it, by extending shipping, and acquainting the
English people with foreign nations and their various
productions. Richard, however, gave the citizens an
extended jurisdiction over the Thames, with a view
* Woad a plant of the genus Isatis was once the great staple of Languedoc.
It imparts a lasting and substantial blue colour, which may be reduced to various
different shades ; and it is also of importance in fixing other colours. The use of
woad has been superseded by that of indigo. The plant was known to the
Ancient Britons, who are said to have used it in dyeing then: bodies. The duty
upon woad imported into London in the year 7 and 8 Rich. I. amounted to
96?. 6s. 8eZ., which shows that the import must have been very considerable (vide
Madox's Hist. Exch.).
C
18 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I.
to improve its navigation. The first legal mention of
corn exportation occurs in his reign, in the shape
of a law passed in 1194, prohibiting the exportation
of corn from England, in order " that England might
" not suffer from the want of its own abundance."
There is little reason to suppose that agriculture at
this time had advanced so far as often to produce
more corn than was needed for home consumption.
But there was some occasional exportation of corn,
for in 1181, a fine was paid to the king for licence
to ship corn from Norfolk and Suffolk, for Norway.*
The payment for this licence was, of course, equivalent
to a customs duty upon exportation.
Temp. King John commenced his reign by addressing a
KlNGJOHN. 5 ,, J & .
Encou- letter to the mayor and commonalty ol .London, in
ragements wn ich he promised that foreign merchants of every
offered to * *
foreign country should have safe- conduct for themselves and
A.D. 1199. their merchandize in coming into and going out of
England, agreeable to the due, right and usual cus-
toms, and should meet with the same treatment in
England, that the English merchants met with in
the countries they came from. Similar letters were
addressed to the sheriffs of Sussex, Kent, and Hants,
the sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, the sheriff of
Dorset and Somerset, the sheriff of Hertford and
Essex, and the Sheriff of Devon and Cornwall, these
being apparently esteemed at that time the trading
counties of England. A similar letter was also sent
to tl^e Mayor of Winchester, and to the bailiffs of
Southampton and Lynn. John also addressed a
letter to the citizens of Cologne, offering them the
freedom of resorting to his dominions with their
merchandize, on paying the customary duties paid by
their ancestors, an offer which they accepted in the
following reign. He sent similar letters of encourage-
* Madox's Hist, of Exc. c. 13, 3, note k.
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 19
ment to the merchants of Flanders and Prance, who
were our greatest customers for wool.
That these letters of invitation and assurance were Confirmed
consonant with the spirit of the age, is clear from the
41st clause of MAGKNA CHARTA, which provides
"'That all merchants shall have safety and security in coming MAGNA
to and in going out of England, and in remaining and tra-
veiling through it by land or water, for buying or selling, free
from any grievous impositions, and agreeable to the old and
upright customs ; except in time of war, and except merchants
belonging to a country at war with us, who, at the commence-
ment of a war, shall be attached, without any injury to their
persons or property, till it be made known to us, or our chief
justiciary, how the merchants of our dominions who happen to
be in the country at war with us are treated there ; and if our
merchants are not injured there, they shall not be injured
here."
This great charter was renewed immediately upon Conse-
the accession of Henry III. One of the first results
was the resort of the Cologne merchants to London,
who established here their " Gild-hall," under a toLondon >
temp.
special permission of the king, and who were per- HENRY in.
mitted the privilege of attending fairs and markets **
throughout the kingdom. The trade of London at
o o
this time was no doubt on the increase ; and whilst
expensive wars, and domestic profusion continued
to load the sovereign with debt and difficulty, the
citizens of London increased so rapidly in wealth,
despite all the extortions of the age, that the king
himself was driven to say, " On my word, if the
" treasury of Augustus were brought to market, the
" citizens are able to be purchasers. These clowns,
" who call themselves barons, abound in everything,
" whilst we are reduced to necessities." *
* M. Paris, p. 501. The citizens were "barons" in their capacity of tenants
of the king in capite in free burgage. All burgesses of that quality acquired
the title e. g. the " barons " of the Cinque Ports.
c 2
20 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
Queen- At an early period of this reign, regulations were
pote3for made, by tli e authority of the Crown, for the dis-
disembar- embarcation of goods in the river Thames. Queen-
cation of t ^
goods in hithe was appointed as the place for the delivery of
Thames, corn coming from the Cinque Ports. Eish brought in
A.D. 1225. vesse i s no ^ belonging to the citizens of London, were,
two years after, ordered to be delivered at the same
place, and a fish-market was appointed to be held
there. Queen-hithe appears at this time to have been
a very important wharf. The corn, fish, salt, fuel,
and other articles landed there, were sufficient to
keep thirty-seven men and numerous horses employed
as meters and carriers.
Thefo- About the same period, the foreign merchants of
London agreed with the citizens to pay to the mayor
fi^ty marks annually, for the privilege of landing and
ing and storing the woad imported by them, instead of being
dues in the obliged to sell it on board their vessels. This arrange-
ment shows that the sale of woad, and, consequently,
the manufacture in which it was used, must have
been on the increase. This is the first record we
have of any landing or wharfage dues within the
Port. In furtherance, no doubt, of this arrange-
ment, the City in the year 1246 purchased Queen-
hithe from Richard, Earl of Cornwall, and agreed
to pay for it an annual rent of 50. to him and his
heirs.
Manufac- Probably the manufacturing industry of England
dusSIJro- was a ^ this time promoted by the troubles which
motedby prevailed in Elanders, where internal disturbances
foreign *
troubles, caused such a stagnation of business, that the
English dealers in wool are said to have been
greatly disappointed of their trade. The Cistercian
monks, who were apparently the greatest breeders
of sheep in the kingdom, and who claimed, as one of
the privileges of their order, exemption from import
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 21
or export duties both in England and Flanders, are
recorded, in 1254, to have lost all their market. * A. D . 1254.
Spain, which afterwards supplied England with
wool, was, at this period of our history, a purchaser
of wool from England, for which she had nothing to
export in return hut gold. It would appear, indeed,
that even previous to this time Spanish wool was
considered of very inferior quality to English, for
in the charter given by Henry II. to the London
weavers, it was provided, that if any weaver mixed
Spanish wool with English in making cloth, the
chief magistrate of London should burn it. A
regular customs duty was first charged in this reign A customs
upon the exportation of wool, the collection of which
was regulated by Act of the Exchequer. Through-
out this reign mainly, no doubt, in consequence of
the demand for English wool the balance of trade
remained in favour of England.
The importance of the wool trade at this period is Growing
forcibly illustrated by occurrences in the years 1271
and 1274. In the former year, disputes having
arisen between King Henry III. and the Countess of
Elanders, on account of money which she claimed
as owing to her, and for which she had seized English
vessels, King Henry issued orders prohibiting the
exportation of wool to Elanders, and for the seizure
of all Elemish cloth imported from abroad. These
restrictions upon trade proved, however, too severe,
and it was soon permitted to resume its natural
channel. In the 1st Edw. I., difficulties between the
two countries broke out again, and the exportation
of wool was again prohibited. But as the English
could not consume all their own wool, and as the
* Ecclesiastics, in the reign of Edward III. A.D. 1344, were prohibited from
engaging in trade, both in Flanders and in England. This, however, would not
prevent them from breeding sheep and selling the wool.
22 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
Flemings could not manufacture without it, a treaty
of peace was concluded in July, 1274, each party
agreeing to make satisfaction for the damages done
to the other side,
and m- Throughout the reign of Henry III., as we may
gather from the list of customs for foreign merchan-
^ se ' anc ^ ^ ^ ues ^ or ^ ne privilege of foreign merchant
settlers, the foreign trade of London must have heen
very considerable. That trade, indeed, was almost
entirely carried on by foreigners, against whom, at
this time, much jealousy began to be manifested.
Their introduction to the freedom of the City was
objected to ; they were compelled to sell and buy
only with citizens under penalty of the forfeiture
of all goods bought of and sold to other foreigners ;
and the City records show that these forfeitures were
very numerous.* Despite all these restrictions, how-
ever, the commerce of the Port increased and nourished,
as is shown by the exactions to which, in consequence
of their wealth, the citizens of all classes were exposed.
Temp. It would appear from the course of events in the
f-iTmk 1 ' earlier period of the reign of Edward I., that the
jealousies referred to increased in strength. The
ordinances respecting foreign trade were, at the corn-
changes of mencement of this reign, exceedingly conflicting.
On the first accession of the king, the justices, who
administered the kingdom during his absence in the
Holy Land, appear to have given encouragement to
foreign merchants ; but soon after his return, a
mandate was issued by the king himself, obliging
all foreign merchants to sell their goods within forty
?' days a ^ er their arrival in England ;t thereby putting
them entirely at the mercy of the buyers, unless
when the demand happened to be very great. Shortly
* Vide Madox's Hist. Exch. vol. i. p. 77&-9.
t Hakluyt, vol. L p. 133.
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 23
after, most rigorous measures were taken against
the Jews, whose property was very generally con-
fiscated ; and this persecution was carried to such and expa-
an extent that a few years afterwards all Jews were the jews
ordered to leave the kingdom and never to return on A ' D> l< "
pain, of death. The number thus expelled amounted
to 16,511. The great charge against the Jews Unfound-
arose out of the depreciation of the coinage,
the circulation of bad money, which caused great
v '
conveniences to trade. The bad money, smuggled predating
into England in bales of cloth and other packages, age.
consisted partly of light pieces and partly of counter-
feits coined at Avignon, and made of base metals
coated with silver. It does not appear that the Jews
were responsible for this depreciated coinage ; but as
most of the money of the country was in, or passed
through, their hands, it is scarcely surprising that the
deterioration was attributed to them. The charge
of depreciating the coinage extended itself to other
foreigners, and it was ordered that on entering the
kingdom they should submit all their money to the
inspection of officers appointed by the Government.
At a subsequent date other officers were appointed to
superintend the payments of the merchants through-
out the kingdom, and to examine their money, and
in 1299, still stricter laws were made to prevent the
circulation of any inferior or foreign coin.* As might
have been anticipated from the first, it ultimately
became necessary to issue a new coinage, which was
done in 1301, and which act was the fullest exoneration
of the Jews from the charges brought against them.
But whilst these rigorous measures were directed conces-
against the Jews, the reign of Edward was marked by merchants
some concessions to other foreign traders. The king,
at the outset of his reign, confirmed to the merchants
Stat 27 Edw. I.
24 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
of Germany, occupying the Teutonic Hall in London,
all the privileges and liberties granted to them
by his father. In 1297, he entered into a treaty
Flanders, with Guy, Earl of Elanders, whereby the subjects of
Flanders were permitted to carry wool and other
merchandize from the king's dominions in England,
Ireland, Scotland, and "Wales, as freely as the Lom-
bard or even as the English merchants. In 1300,
Bordeaux, the merchants of Bordeaux complaining of difficulties
in selling and stowing their wines in London,* the
king directed a writ to the mayor and sheriffs, in
consequence of which, very large houses with cellars
were erected on the river's bank, on the place to this
day caUed " the Vintry." In 1302, he gave to the
and Aqui- merchants of his Duchy of Aquitaine, a charter, licens-
ing them to import wines and other merchandize into
all his dominions, and to sell them in wholesale, either
The privi- to the foreigners or natives. The privileges granted
grln^dex- to these merchants were considered so advantageous
tended to that all the foreign merchants in England desired to
all foreign
merchants participate in them, and offered to pay additional
jux 180*.' duties, in consideration of obtaining a charter where-
by their privileges should be clearly defined. The
king, accordingly, on the 1st February, 1303, granted
a general charter to all foreign merchants, of which
the following is the substance :
The fo- " The King, &c. being desirous that the merchants of Ger-
reign mer- ma ny } France, Spain, Portugal, Navarre, Lombardy, Tuscany,
charter. Provence, Catalonia, Aquitaine, Thoulouse, Quercy, Flanders,
A.D. 1303. Brabant, and all other foreign countries resorting to his
dominions, may enjoy tranquillity and ample security, esta-
blishes the following regulations, to be observed by himself and
his heirs for ever :
" All foreign merchants may come safely into England and our
* Wine, up to this period, was sold on board ships lying in different parts of
the river (vide Fitz-Stephen).
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 25
other dominions with all kinds of merchandize, free from any
demands for murage, pontage, and pavage.*
" They may sell, by wholesale only, to our subjects, and also
to foreigners, in all the cities, burghs, and market-towns of
our dominions ; and they may also retail spices and the wares
called mercery, as formerly.
" After paying the due customs, they may export to any
country not at war with us, whatever they bring into our
dominions or purchase in them, except wine, which must not
be carried out of our dominions without our special licence.
" They may reside, and keep their goods, in any of our cities,
burghs, and towns, as they shall agree with the owners of houses.
" Every contract for merchandize shall be firm and stable, after
the earnest penny is given and accepted by the contracting
parties ; but if any dispute shall arise, it shall be determined
by the customs of the fair or town where the contract was made.
" We promise that we will make no prise,t nor arrest or
detention on account of prise, upon their merchandize or goods,
upon any occasion, against their will, without first paying the
price which they may get from others, and that no price or
valuation shall be set upon their goods by us.
" We order that all bailiffs and. officers of fairs, cities,
burghs, and market-towns, on hearing the complaint of the
merchants, shall do justice without delay according to the
merchant law ; and in case of delay, even though the merchant
recover his damage, we will punish the officer or bailiff; and
this we grant that speedy justice may be done to strangers.
" In all pleas between a merchant and any other person
whatever, except in cases of capital crimes, one half of the jury
shall consist of the men of the place, and the other half of
foreign merchants, if as many can be found in the place.J
* Murage, a duty for upholding the walls of a town ; Pontage, for making or
repairing bridges ; Pavage, for paving streets or highways.
t Prisage was an ancient right claimed by the Crown of England of taking two
tuns of wine from every ship importing twenty tuns or upwards, one from before,
and one from behind the mast. The 2s. duty in lieu of this prisage on wine was
paid to the king's butler, and was, in consequence, termed " butlerage." The
prisage duties were not legally abolished until 49 Geo. III. though the citizens of
London were exempted from them by charter 1 Edw. III. The Lord Mayor of
London has, from tune immemorial, claimed to serve as the king's principal
butler at a coronation. In Ireland, the family of Boteler (or Butler) had an
hereditary grant of the prisage.
I This clause of King Edward's Charter appears to have been the foundation of
what subsequently became a law of England applicable to all foreigners in all cases.
26 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
" We ordain that our weight shall be kept in every fair and
town ; that the weigher shall show the buyer and seller that the
beam and scales are fair, and that there shall be only one weight
and measure in our dominions, and that they be stamped with
our standard mark.
" A faithful and prudent man, residing in London, shall be
appointed justiciary for the foreign merchants, before whom
they shall plead specially, and recover their debts speedily,
according to the merchant law, if the mayor and sheriffs neglect
or delay their causes.
" In consideration of these liberties and the remission of our
prisage, the merchants, conjointly and severally, for themselves and
all others of their countries, have unanimously agreed to pay to us
and our heirs, within forty days after landing their goods, for
" Every ton of wine imported / , ._, .020
Every sack of wool exported J , , 1 1 (, .034
Every last of hides exported } . C . 13 4
Every 300 wool-fells exported ' a r . 3 4
Every scarlet cloth or cloth dyed in grain ..020
Every cloth dyed partly in grain .... 1 6
Every cloth without grain 010
Every hundredweight of wax 010
and for fine goods, such as stuffs of Tarsus, silk, cindal, seta
(probably satin), and also horses,* and other animals, corn and
other articles not enumerated, a duty on importation of three
pennies in the pound of their value, according to their invoice,
or their oaths, if they have 110 invoice ; also for every article,
not enumerated, upon exportation, three pennies in the pound
of their value, besides the former dues.
" Foreign merchants may sell wool to other foreign merchants
within our dominions without paying any duty ; and after they
have paid custom in one port of our dominions for their goods,
they shall not be liable to pay it in any other part.
" Henceforth no exactive prise, loan, or burthen of any kind
shall ever be imposed upon the merchants or their goods." f
* High prices were paid for foreign horses by English knights. They were
brought from Flanders, Lombardy, Spain, and Sicily. It is by the admixture of
these breeds that English horses have been brought to their present state of
perfection.
t Rymer's Foedera, vol. iv. p. 361. The above is a summary, rather than an
absolute translation, of the text of the Charter.
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 27
This charter the first charter of foreign trade Necessity
ever granted in this country was probably more
especially necessary in consequence of the persecutions this
to which the Jews had been subjected at an earlier
period of the reign, and the harsh treatment which
foreign merchants had previously met with in conduct-
ing their trade in London. The enumeration of coun-
tries with which trade was carried on at this period is
valuable, as showing the extent of the trade ; and the
enumeration of articles, as showing its character.
Wool, cloth, hides, and wax seem still to have been
our principal articles of exportation, and wine, silks,
and fine goods our principal articles of import. The
value of this charter to the foreign merchant must
have been immense, considering his previous un-
settled position and the peculiar privileges which
had been secured by the citizens of London in the
various charters granted by previous kings. It may
be, indeed, that one inducement to grant this charter
was the feeling of King Edward I. towards the
citizens of London, whose franchises he seized into his
own hands in the twelfth year of his reign, appoint-
ing a custos, who held the authority of mayor for a
period of twelve or fourteen years, when the Charter
was restored.
As a necessary corollary to this charter, a table of
weights and measures was made up by authority,
and published with the statute 31 Edw. I., and " the
" Mayor of London and other citizens, in obedience
" to the king's order, caused a scale to be made for
" the weighing of wool."*
Edward II., having married a daughter of the Temp.
king of Prance, commenced his reign by giving fj DW
permission to the merchants of that kingdom to
come to England with money and merchandize, and the
* Madox's Hist. Exch. vol. i. p. 782.
28 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
chants of after transacting their business, to return with their
A.D. labs, goods, and horses, and even money, notwithstanding
the laws of the previous reign prohibiting the expor-
tation of coin. The king of France solicited his
son-in-law to remit in favour of the French merchants,
other pri- and especially those of Amiens, the new duty of 3d.
loujht and in the pound imposed on the value of foreign goods,
refused. -g ut fa Q -j^g answered, "that the duty had been
" granted in his father's time, in a full parliament, and
" at the desire of the foreign merchants themselves, in
"consideration of liberties and immunities from which
" they had reaped great advantages, and that he could
" not remit it without the advice of parliament." The
king of Prance appears at this time to have been
peculiarly anxious to encourage manufactures at
Lisle, and other places in the northern part of France,
and he begged King Edward to induce his subjects,
and, if necessary, to compel them, to attend the fairs
at Lisle and St. Omer's, and to hold their wool-staple
there; but the king wrote in return from Berwick
(16th July, 1314), that as the matter concerned all
the merchants of his kingdom, and many other of his
subjects, he could give no final answer, but would
take advice upon it. Tn the year succeeding, the
king called an assembly of prudent and experienced
English merchants to deliberate with the parliament
at Lincoln on this subject.
character In the year 1315, an event occurred in connexion
trade n ex n with the trade of London which is noticeable as
amplified showing the character of its early commerce. A
by the case
of the vessel called the Little Edward, lying upon the
ward, ' ground at low water, near Margate, was attacked
AJ>. 1315 ; an( j se i z ed by the French (on the ground that she
was Flemish property), who took her over to Calais.
She is described " as a vessel belonging to the port of
" London, owned and commanded by John Brand,
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 29
" citizen and merchant of London, loaded with a cargo
" of wool from London for Antwerp, owned by three
" merchants of the Hanse * of Germany, who had lived
" in England in the enjoyment of the ancient privi-
" leges granted by preceding kings." It would seem
from this that the Londoners had now acquired some
shipping, and were carrying on not only dealings
for themselves as merchants, but a carrying trade for
the great confederacy of German and other merchants
resident in London. The Little Edward was valued
at 40. sterling, and her cargo (consisting of 120
sarplars, or half-sacks of wool) at 1,200., or 10.
per sarplar. She is the first trading vessel of the
Port of which we appear to have an account by name.
The large value of a ship's cargo at this time is by that
fixed by another occurrence of the same period. The Genoese
harvest of 1315 was a failure in England, and the dromund;
nation was afflicted with a famine, which raised the
price of provisions above the reach of persons even
in middling circumstances. At this time a great
dromund of Genoa, laden with corn, oil, honey, and
other provisions for England, was attacked in the
Downs by a fleet of vessels, which carried her into
Calais. King Edward applied to the King of Prance
and others to bring back this ship, the loss of so large
a cargo of provisions being, in a time of famine, a
national calamity. Compensation was claimed for
ship and cargo to the extent of 5,716Z. 12s. sterling :
a sum in those days of very large amount.
The reign of Edward II., which was a reign of and by the
internal commotion, warfare, and disturbance, can JJ^f'^
scarcely have been supposed to have been very ^ O n n sc t r ip the
favourable to commerce ; yet trade undoubtedly pros- citizens.
* This is said to have been the first occasion on which the Easterling and
German merchants were so designated. This would appear to be the first occasion,
also, of a national dispute respecting the right to seize a neutral vessel laden with
a cargo belonging to a belligerent.
30 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
pered ; and judging from the circumstance of London
having, on the occasion of a general conscription,
been required to provide five times more men than any
other city, we must conclude that its relative wealth
and influence had risen to a very high ascendancy.
Temp. ED- The reign of Edward III. has been described as
WARD in. a ^ e g rea t d awn o f the fine arts and of commerce,"
in this country. One of the first acts of this
incorpora- monarch was to- incorporate trading societies in
live con> Condon, composed exclusively of English merchants.
panics of In the first year of his reign he gave birth to three
A.D. 1327. of those great trading fraternities, which from gene-
rally assuming a distinctive dress or livery, came to
be denominated LIVERY COMPANIES; and the three first
incorporated the Goldsmiths, the Merchant Tailors,
and the Skinners* define pretty tangibly what were
at that period generally regarded as the most im-
portant domestic trades of England, t At the com-
mencement of this reign the foreign merchants, in
merchants consequence probably of the wars in which England
* The " Merchant Tailors " were not merely cutters of cloth, but importers of
and dealers in that article. They also supplied everything relating to the lining
of armour, and, perhaps, caparisons and horse-furniture. The business of a
" Skinner " at this period was of equal importance. Furs of all descriptions were
much more largely used than at later periods, when they became superseded by
velvets and other more agreeable articles of apparel. Furred winter garments were
commonly worn by all classes, from the time of the Saxons to that of Elizabeth,
and the superior orders vied with each other in the choiceness and richness of the
furs upon their robes, gowns, hoods, and tippets. Furs were also used for bed-
coverlets, as is shown by a bequest of Thomas Mussenden, Esq., in 1402, who
left to his wife " one bed covered with ermine." In remote days there were, of
course, many more animals in England which afforded furs than at a period when
the country became more populated.
t Of the twelve great City companies, the Fishmongers was the only company
which received a charter prior to 1 Edw. III. The Fishmongers received a
charter 17 Edw. L, though their charter of incorporation does not date till
37 Edw. III. The dates at which the first charters were granted to the twelve
companies are as follows
Fishmongers
Goldsmiths . .
Skinners . . .
Merchant Tailors
Grocers .
17 Edw. I. Drapers . . 38 Edw. III.
1 Edw. III. Vintners . . 38 Edw. III.
1 Edw. III. Mercers . . 17 Rich. II.
1 Edw. Ill, Haberdashers 26 Hen. VI.
27 Edw. III. Ironmongers . 3 Edw. IV.
Salters .... 37 Edw. III. Clothworkers . 20 Edw. IV.
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 31
was engaged with her neighbours, had withdrawn
themselves almost altogether from the kingdom. In
order to bring them back, the king, in April 1332,
published a confirmation of the charter given by
his grandfather to the foreign merchants in 1303 ;
and in the following year he ordered the sheriffs
to make proclamation that foreign merchants should
not be abridged of any of their privileges on account
of the renewal of the war with Scotland. At the
same period the king, availing himself of discon-
tents among the manufacturers of Flanders, held and maim-
out invitations to them to transport themselves to
England. The first person who thereupon removed especially
to this country to carry on his business, was by name w<
John Kempe, a weaver of woollen cloth, whom, to-
gether with his apprentices and servants, the king
took under his protection. The king also held out
temptations and encouragement to dyers and fullers dyers, and
willing to settle in the kingdom, and there is no
doubt that very valuable results followed to the
woollen trade of England, and especially in the
manufacture of the finer description of cloths. Soon
after their settlement in London, the foreign cloth
weavers were maltreated and threatened by a mob, A.D. 1344.
but the king ordered proclamation to be made by
the sheriffs that no one should do any injury to the
foreigners under pain of imprisonment.
A struggle was now arising between the foreign struggle
and the English trader, and the commercial policy of
the reign was in consequence continually varying, jj| *
sometimes leaning towards foreign merchants, some- dera -
times discouraging them, and endeavouring to place
the export trade of the kingdom in the hands of
the natives. These fluctuations of policy were also
influenced by the foreign wars in which Edward was
perpetually engaged, and by his various treaties and
32 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP.
arrangements alternately with Prance and Flanders.
Had the king settled himself down quietly to promote
the best interests of his subjects, the English might
have hecome, in the course of his reign, the greatest
manufacturing and commercial people of the time,
so greatly were they impressed with ' the value of
trade, and so anxious were they to take the com-
merce of the nation into their own hands.*
By directing the attention of his own subjects to
manufacturing industry, Edward laid the foundation
f future advantages to the nation, although the
immediate effect may have heen detrimental to
foreign commerce, by reducing the export of the
raw material and its re-import as a manufactured
article. It was complained that the shipping in
English ports was reduced during this reign ;f but
this complaint appears to have been directed against
the king on account of his impressment of trading
vessels to transport his troops, and the real fact seems
to have been that the London merchants of the
Trade now period possessed more shipping than their ancestors.
By the creation of the Livery Companies, trade also
ti- Became "the established, as it was the natural quali-
zenship.
* A curious illustration of the growing preference for commerce even amongst
the highest citizens is afforded by the City archives. Amongst other modes of
raising soldiers and supplies for the French war, the king issued a writ to the
sheriffs of London, commanding them to require every citizen possessed of a tene-
ment of the value of 401. per annum to take upon himself the order of knight-
hood. He evidently anticipated by this means either to get knights for his army,
or money in the shape of fines for non-service. But the citizens, preferring
trade to knighthood, resisted this order, on the ground that their tenure was not
by knight-service but by free burgage ; a plea which was too well founded not to
be acquiesced in. As showing the importance of the citizens of London in tin's reign,
it may be mentioned that, although they had thus declared themselves burghers
and not knights, Edward the Black Prince wrote a letter to the Mayor, Aldermen,
and Common Council of the City, informing them of his victory at Poictiers, and
describing the battle. The letter is still extant amongst the City records.
t Vide Hume's Hist. Eng. vol. iii. p. 512.
Free burgage tenure limited those who held it to the defence of their walls.
Knighthood engaged them to the king for foreign service.
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 33
fication of citizenship ; for it is obvious that, except
where individuals unite for self-defence, the very
essence of civic association is trade.
An occurrence at the commencement of the reign Temp,
of Richard II. tends to show very forcibly the IL H
greatly increased consequence of the London mer- A-D ' 1377>
chant. John Mercer, a merchant of Perth,* who
traded with France, when returning home from that
country in 1377, was driven by stress of weather on
the coast of England, and was seized and confined in
the Castle of Scarborough, until an order from court
effected his discharge. His son, to avenge the injury,
collected a fleet of Scotch, French, and Spanish
vessels, with which he cruised before Scarborough
and made many captures. At this time the navy of
England would appear to have been very deficient ;
and the Duke of Lancaster, who governed the kingdom
in the minority of his nephew, appears to have been
unable to attack Mercer's fleet. Therefore, John sir John
Philpot, an opulent citizen and alderman of London,
took upon himself to collect vessels in the Thames, to
arm them with a thousand men, and send them to
sea in search of Mercer, whom they took, together commerce
with his prizes and fifteen Spanish vessels, his con-
sorts, all richly loaded. By this enterprise, Philpot
got much envy and ill-will amongst the nobles and
military men of the kingdom; and he was called
and questioned on the subject in the King's Council ;
but he obtained much applause from his fellow
citizens, who elected him lord mayor at the next
election. The occurrence altogether affords a striking
proof of the wealth and personal influence of an
individual merchant, who could undertake and exe-
cute an enterprise of so material a character, t
* After the lossjof Berwick, Perth was for some time the principal port of Scotland,
t Sir John Philpot was a Kentish man. He was a member of the Grocers'
D
34 THE PORT AND TEADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
The citi Another illustration of the growing importance of
the citizens is to be found in the demands now
ma ^e upon them for loans to the sovereign. . Previous
Kin s- to the reign of Edward III. the kings of England had
borrowed money of their clergy, but they now found
their best source of supply among the citizens of
London, who to a single loan in the first year of this
reign contributed 5,000. In the later years of his
reign, Richard II. made applications for these loans
so frequently, that at last the citizens refused
compliance, which led him to seize their charter,
and declare their privileges forfeited. It was this
arbitrary conduct that lost Richard the affection of
the Londoners, who invited Henry of Lancaster to
the City immediately he landed, and supplied him
with the major part of 20,000 men to suppress a
formidable insurrection against Mm, and to maintain
his authority.
increasing The jealousy of foreigners among the people rose
to a great height during this reign.* It is recorded
by Walsingham, that in the year 1379, an opulent
Genoese merchant came to England with a pro-
posal to make Southampton a dep6t for all the
Oriental goods which the Genoese were wont to carry
to Flanders, Normandy, and Brittany. He applied
Company. His residence was on the site of Philpot-lane, which is named after
him. He was lord mayor in 1378. It is probable that he was a considerable
shipowner, as at a subsequent date he undertook to convey the English army into
Brittany. Fuller speaks of him as " the scourge of the Scots, the fright of the French,
" the delight of the Commons, the darling of the merchants, and the hatred of
" some envious lords, but who was at his death lamented and afterwards beloved
" of ALL, when his memory was restored to its due esteem." He died in 1384,
and was buried in Christ Church, Newgate-street.
* It was greatly inflamed by Richard's marriage with Anne of Bohemia, which
was exceedingly unpopular. One of the charges which led to the banishment of
the king's favourite, Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford and Duke of Ireland, was
that he had intermarried with a lady who came over in her train, and who was
called " a Bohemian of low extraction." In reality she was neither, for she was
a daughter of the Count of Luxemburg, and one of the most lovely and accom-
plished women of her time.
CHAP. i.j HISTORICAL. 35
to the king for the privilege of storing his goods in
the Castle of Southampton ; and he held out very sound
commercial inducements for the privilege, declaring
that he could reduce the price of pepper to 4$. per
pound, and other spiceries in proportion. But the
English merchants are said to have regarded .this
scheme with great jealousy, as likely to be prejudicial The
to their own trade ; and the Genoese merchant was
murdered in the streets of London by assassins who
were said to have been hired for the purpose.
Henry IV. being so deeply indebted to the citizens of Temp.
London for his throne, could do no less than concede
their demands. They commenced by complaining of Com-
the treatment which London merchants received i
foreign ports, especially in Lubeck, Rostock, Stral- Londoners 6
sand and Wismar. The king remonstrated with the and Hanse-
grand master of Prussia, and even went so far as to chants.
warn the merchants of the Hanse * that if they did not
secure good treatment for English merchants abroad,
he would annul their charters here. Despite these
remonstrances and warnings, the feuds between Eng-
lish merchants and seamen and those of Prussia and
the Hanse towns continued throughout this reign,
and complaints were loud on both sides. The
merchants of the Hanse towns complained of the
infringement of their chartered privileges by the
communities of London ; the English merchants on
the other hand complained that the Hanse merchants
in their own towns abroad refused to hold any inter-
course with English merchants, or to buy cloth from
them. They accused them also of passing off as
their own the goods of people not belonging to the
Hanse, in order to evade payment of the proper
* The Easterling merchants of the Steelyard had assumed, or had acquired, the
name of the merchants of the Hanse towns, from the commencement of the
fourteenth century (vide ante, p. 28).
D 2
36 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, i
duties. There were, no doubt, substantial grounds for
these complaints on both sides. The national and
foreign trades were in active competition, and bad
feeling began to be the consequence. The facts show,
however, that London merchants had, at this time,
acquired the conduct of their own trade abroad, in
ports with which a century previous the whole trade
was conducted by an association of foreign merchants.
A London merchant (Thomas Eaulconer, lord
mayor in 1414), made a complaint at this time
London o f fa e se i zure o f a vessel and cargo of 200 tons owned
and LIB- '
bon. by him, by the King of Portugal, at Lisbon, on a
false information. Her cargo was oil, wax, and other
merchandize (wine not mentioned). Thomas Eaul-
coner claimed damage to the extent of 6,000 crowns
of gold, which King Henry demanded from the King
of Portugal.*
The trade In a cotemporary writing, London is described
described" at this time to be " preferred to any city of the
wes * f r population, opulence, and luxury. It is
writer. seated on the river Thames, which," says the
writer, " by the advantage of its tide, daily re-
" ceives and despatches trading vessels from and
" to various countries."
Advancing Throughout this reign we may trace indications
of of the prosperous and improving condition of London.
^0 valuable were the privileges of the citizens, and
so much had the interests of trade advanced, that
Henry IV. was compelled to place a restriction upon
apprenticeship. The statute 7 Hen. IV. c. 17, recites
that there is a want of husbandry labourers, by
reason of the peasantry having been bound to learn
trades, and that the nobility are impoverished thereby,
and it enacts accordingly that none shall put out
their children as apprentices who are not possessed
* Rymer's Feeders, vol. viii. p. 727.
CHAP. i.J HISTORICAL. 37
of land to the amount of 20s. per annum.* In this
reign the citizens of London gave another proof of
their advanced consequence by erecting their Guild-
hall. The streets also, under the direction of the
lord mayor, were lighted at night by public lanterns ;
from which we may conclude that the internal police
was under tolerably good regulation.
The short reign of Henry V. was one of splendid Temp,
conquest, but the interests of commerce were disre- A.^ HIS.'
garded. When peace was restored trade began to
revive; and a curious record has come down to us,
in a politico-commercial poem, called, " The Libell of
" English Policie," of the condition of commerce in Trade of
Europe in the earlier years of the reign of
Henry VI.
Spain exported figs, raisins, bastard wine, dates, Spain.
liquorice, Seville oil, grain, Castile soap, wax, iron,
wool, wadmole, skins of goats and kids, saffron, and
quicksilver. Of these wool was the chief article. The
trade of Spain was chiefly with Bruges, the great
Flemish emporium; and it would appear that the
English bought the major part of the productions
of Spain either at Bruges itself, or at other places
in Flanders and Brabant.
Portugal exported wine, wax, grain, figs, raisins, Portugal,
honey, cordovan, dates, salt, hides, &c. England had
considerable intercourse with Portugal direct.
Prussia exported beer, bacon,osmunds, copper, steel, Prussia,
bowstaves, peltry, pitch, tar, boards, flax, Cologne
thread, fustian, canvass, cards, buckram, and also
silver, obtained from Bohemia and Hungary.
The Genoese, in great carracks, imported into Genoa.
* " They did not foresee," says Hume, " bow much the increase of commerce
" would increase the value of estates." " These absurd limitations," he adds,
" proceeded from a desire of promoting husbandry, which, however, is never more
" effectually encouraged than by the increase of manufactures " (Hume, vol. iii.
pp. 318 and 425).
38 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I.
England cloth of gold, silk, black pepper, woad in
great abundance, wool, oil, wood-ashes, cotton, alum,
and gold for paying the balances. They took in return,
wool, and woollen cloths of all colours.
Venice. The Venetians and Florentines imported into
England, in large gallies, all kinds of spiceries and
groceries, sweet wines, apes, and other foreign animals,
and many trifling articles of luxury. In return they
received wool, cloth, and tin. The balance appears to
have been in their favour, for the author is displeased
that
" Thei here the gold out of this lond,
And sowketh the thrifte out of our bond,
As the waspe sowketh hony of the be."
The Venetians were also dealers in the exchanges, and
lent money at interest. There appeared to be some
jealousy of them on the part of British merchants.
Brabant Brabant and Zealand exported madder, woad, gar-
Zeaiand. lik onions, and salt fish. In the marts of Brabant
were also sold the merchandise of Prance, Burgundy,
Cologne, Cambray, and Hainault, brought in carts
overland. The English at this time are said to have
bought more in the marts of Brabant, Elanders, and
Zealand than all other nations.
Ireland. Ireland exported hides, wool, salmon, hake, her-
rings, linen, and the skins of various animals, such as
martens, otters, squirrels, hares, rabbits, sheep, kids,
and foxes. The abundant fertility and excellent
harbours of Ireland are noted.
Scotland. Scotland exported wool and hides, chiefly to
Elanders, from which she imported mercery, haber-
dashery, cart-wheels, and barrows.
Bretagne. Bretagne exported wines, salt, and canvas; but
the trade between England and that country was in
an unsatisfactory condition, in consequence of piracies
said to have been committed by the people of St.
Malo. Eor the better encouragement of commerce, a
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 39
treaty was entered into in 1440, between King Henry
and the Duke of Bretagne, under which the com-
manders of vessels fitted out in the ports of either
country were obliged to find security not to commit
depredations on the subjects of the other power.
A trade was carried on between the port of Bristol Northern
and Iceland stock-fish being the principal article
imported, and corn, cloth, wine, ale, and salt, being the
exportation.* This trade seems to have been princi-
pally carried on by two Englishmen, who had obtained
appointments from Rome to bishoprics in Iceland,
but who, " being unable to go so far," employed the
master of an English vessel to " inspect their bishop-
ric as deputy bishop." f Both bishops were in some
way connected with John Weston, a stock-fishmonger
in London ; and there would seem to have been, at
least, suspicion of schemes to carry on an illicit trade
with Norway and Denmark, under cover of this trade
with Iceland, and the authority of the bishops.
In 1439, Parliament passed a strong law against Laws .
" merchant strangers," J prohibiting them from buying foreign 8
and selling with each other in England, and enforcing merchants -
a previous law, obliging them to live under the sur-
vey of "hosts," appointed by the magistrates, and
under whose inspection they were to do all their
business. The same Act gave some facilities to native
trade, allowing the exportation of butter and cheese,
without licence. It would appear that a strong party
were very anxious, at this time, to restrict the trade
of foreigners to the merchandize of the country from
which they came, but the king would not consent to
this proposal.
* Before the discovery of America, Iceland appears to have been resorted to
for fish, as Newfoundland has been since.
+ It would seem from this that ecclesiastics still evaded the law of Edward III.
which prohibited them from engaging in commerce (vide ante, p. 20, note).
18 Hen. VI. c. 3.
40 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
The king and his advisers, indeed, appear to have
better understood the true interests of trade than
the Commons. In 1433, the Parliament petitioned
the king i. <?., passed a Bill ^to give additional
force to the Acts of Henry IV. against merchant
strangers. The king refused his assent to this
measure, as he did also to another, proposing, " That
" such persons as shall have their goods taken by the
" merchants of Hans in their ports, may have their
" remedy by action-at-law in London, against the
" Hans merchants residing in that city."
Eminent We have some records of this period concerning
merchants of high repute. In the reign of Edward
III., William de la Pole, a merchant of Eavensrod,
or Ravenspur, in Yorkshire, opened a trade at
Kingston-upon-Hull, for which town he obtained
a grant of the customs from the king. Upon Hull
being incorporated, he was elected its first mayor.
He founded the monastery of St. Michael, near
the town, and having acquired the confidence of
the sovereign, he was employed in embassies along
with the first men of the kingdom, who were directed
by his knowledge of business. William de la Pole
having lent King Edward a large sum of money
(upwards of 18,000/.), was made by the king second
Baron of the Exchequer (no doubt with a view to
enable himself to pay the debt), and he established
himself in London, where Stow describes him to
have been a merchant. His son Michael, in the
A.D. 1383. following reign, became Lord Chancellor, and was
created Earl of Suffolk upon the extinction of the
A.D. 1386. family of Ufford, who had previously held that title.
Michael de la Pole appears to have inherited the
wisdom of his father, and to have been a profound
statesman ; but, being the son of a merchant, and
bred to business, he was envied in his station by the
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 41
old nobility, wlio planned his ruin, and very soon
compassed it by an impeachment. He died in exile
in Paris (A.D. 1388). In the reign of Henry VI. we
find his grandson, the Marquis of Suffolk, still car-
rying on trade, and obtaining the king's licence for
shipping 2,000 sacks of Norfolk wool to the best
market, " according to the direction of his judgment."
WHITTINGTOX must not be forgotten, upon whose Richard
history some light has recently been thrown by t0 n. ltting
an industrious antiquary.* He was the third son
of Sir "William Whittington, of Pauntley, in the
county of Gloucester, who appears to have fallen
into indifferent circumstances, and whose widow
married a second time Sir Thomas de Berkeley, of
Cubberley, where she died in 1373. Richard Whit-
tington was born in 1350, and, at an early age, came
to London to seek his fortune. He was apprenticed
to one Hugh Fitzwarren, a mercer (who appears also
to have been a Gloucestershire man). Being dis-
gusted with the drudgery of apprenticeship, he essayed
to run away, but "turned again," to his own great
advantage, on the approach of night, and on hearing
the sound of Bow bells f whilst resting himself on
the stone cross at the foot of Highgate Hill.
The story of the cat, which laid the foundation His cat.
of Whittington' s good fortune, is known to every
English child ; and it is pleasant to think that it
has been lately rescued from ridicule, and that tradi-
tion in this, as in other cases, is more to be relied
on than is often allowed, j W T hittington married
* Vide " The Model Merchant of the Middle Ages," by the Rev. S. Lysons, M.A.
Rector of Rodmarten, Gloucestershire. London, 1860.
t At the sound of Bow bell at curfew, the 'prentices and others were wont to
leave off their day's work. An old rhyme shows that they complained of " its
late ringing."
I Mr. Lysons, in his " Model Merchant," discusses the whole question very
fully and fairly, and establishes the probability of the truth of the story of the
cat : " 1st. From the ancient and generally received tradition. 2d. From the
42 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
Alice Eitz warren, his master's daughter, and, no
doubt, succeeded to his trade. He became a most
eminent mercer. The issue rolls show that he sup-
plied the wedding trousseau of the Princess Blanche,
King Henry IV.'s eldest daughter, on her marriage
with the son of the King of the Romans ; and also
the wedding dresses, pearls, and cloth of gold, for
the marriage of the Princess Philippa, the King's
daughter, Queen of Sweden and Norway, with the
King of the Romans. He was also the Court banker
of the day, and lent large sums of money to the
sovereigns, especially to Henry V., " for maintaining
the siege of Harfleur."
Whittington, it is said, was " thrice Lord Mayor
of London." In fact, he filled the office of Lord Mayor
of London four times, and was the first Mayor to
whom the prefix of Lord was granted. He was first
appointed Mayor by the Crown, 1397 (20 Rich. II.),
" in the place of Adam Baunne, who had gone
the waye of all fleshe." He was elected Mayor in
the year following, 1398 ; and he was again elected
in 1406. (8 Hen. IV.). In 1416 he was elected Mem-
ber of Parliament for the City of London, and he
was again elected Lord Mayor in 1419 (7 Hen. V.)*
His popu- The popularity of Whittington amongst his fellow-
citizens appears to have arisen as well from his public
" scarcity and value of domestic cats at that period. 3d. From its not being a
" solitary instance of a fortune made by such means. And 4th. From the ancient
" portraits and statues of Whittington, in association with a cat, some of which
" may be traced back to the times and orders of his own executors." Cats were
first brought from Egypt, where divine honours were paid to them, to Cyprus ;
and from thence they got to England. That cats were highly prized in England
shortly anterior to Whittington's period, is shown by one of the charges against
the Knights Templars, in 1309, "that they worshipped a certain cat which was
present in the congregation ;" and that very large sums of money have been paid
for this animal in different countries, is established by all the annals of commerce.
So late as 1535, Don Diego Almagro, the companion of Pizarro, paid 600 pieces
of eight for the first Spanish cat that was introduced into Chili.
* A MS. memoir, in the possession of the Mercers' Company, records that "the
" Company attended the cavalcade of Whittington, chosen Mayor of London for
" the fourth time."
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 43
acts as from his private liberality. He was one of
the most strenuous supporters of the native trade,
and a vigorous opponent of the admission of foreigners
to the freedom of the City. He also made himself
very popular by proceedings which he instituted
against the Brewers' Company "for selling dear ale;"
alleging that they "had ridden into the country,
and forestalled the market to raise its price." The
Brewers upon this information were convicted and
fined 201. , and were ordered to be kept in the Cham-
berlain's custody until they should pay it, or find
security;* to which "extraordinary and arbitrary
" proceedings of Richard Whittington against the
"Company" the Brewers greatly objected, and re-
fused " to make feasts or breakfasts, or to provide
" their yearly livery during his mayoralty, in con-
" sequence of the grievous and great charges which
" Richard "Whittington imposed upon them."f
Whittington, in fact, was a people's champion, as HIS mum-
well as a royal banker ; and he lent his purse, as well ficence<
as his influence, to raise the people in the social scale.
During his lifetime he erected conduits for the people
at Cripplegate and near Billingsgate; he founded a
library for the Grey Friars' monastery in Newgate
Street, and furnished it with books, which, at that
time, before the introduction of the art of printing,
were extremely costly ; he caused the compilation of
the Liber Albus, a book of great importance, in which
were entered " the laudable customs not written, but
wont to be observed in the City of London;" and he
contributed largely towards the erection of the library
at Guildhall. He restored the Hospital of St. Bartho-
lomew, Smithfield, which had fallen into decay, and, by
his instructions on his death-bed, he provided for the
* Herbert's Hist. Lon. Liv. Companies, pp. 56, 104.
t Ibid. p. 76.
44 THE PORT AND TKADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
rebuilding of the prison of Newgate, which was so
pestiferous a place as to cause many deaths ; and for
the erection of a noble set of almshouses at Hi^hsrate,
o ~
which bear his name. It is stated of him that, in his last
mayoralty, King Henry V. and Queen Catherine dined
with him in the City, when "VVhittington caused a fire
to be lighted of precious woods, mixed with cinnamon
and other spices, and that, taking all the bonds given
him by the King for money lent, amounting to no
less than 60,000/., he threw them into the fire and
burnt them ; thereby freeing his Sovereign from his
debts. The King, astonished at such a proceeding,
exclaimed, " Surely, never had king such a sub-
ject ;" to which Whittington, with courtly gallantry,
replied, "Surely, sire, never had subject such a king."
His resi- Whittington lived in a house in Hart Street, " four
doors from Mark Lane, up a gateway." The resi-
dence, which was a very handsome one, existed till a
recent period. He died in 1427, aged 73. He was
buried in the church of St. Michael, Paternoster
Royal, to which he had been a liberal benefactor, and
where his wife had been previously interred. He had
no children ; and the bulk of his estates he left to
his executors, to be laid out in purposes of charity
and in completing the works he had commenced. He
left his collar of SS t and some silver plate to his
brother " Robert, Lord of Pauntley, and his heires."
Whittington was in every way in advance of his
age, and a valuable example to successive generations.
The liberal views which he introduced into trade, no
doubt did much to promote legitimate commerce, as
well as to show English merchants the superior ad-
vantages of an honest and liberal mode of trading.
The collar of SS worn by the Lord Mayor of London, was first worn in
Whittington' s time, having been introduced by King Henry IV. about the year
1407. The principal features of the insignia are the red rose and the portcullis.
Whittington in an old picture is painted in this collar.
CHAP. i.J HISTORICAL. 45
William Canyngs (whose memory has been re-
vived by Chatterton) was at this time a famous
merchant of Bristol, of which he was five times
mayor, and where he founded the church of St. Mary
Redcliff, according to Camden, the most magnificent
parish church in England. Canyngs appears to have
carried on a large trade with the Baltic, where he
had "factors," who were recommended by the
King of England to the good offices of the Grand
Master of Prussia and the magistrates of Dantzic, as
" factors of our beloved and honourable merchant,
"William Canyngs." Canyngs, in the year 1450,
obtained letters from the King of Denmark autho-
rising him to load certain vessels with lawful
English merchandize for Iceland and Einmark, to
take in return fish and other merchandize, and to
make as many voyages as he should think proper
during a limited term of two years. The trade with
Iceland and Einmark was prohibited by an English
Act of Parliament, but King Henry, considering
the good services rendered by Canyngs as mayor of
Bristol, gave him leave to trade in conformity with
the letters of the King of Denmark. Canyngs is
said to have possessed ships of 400, 500, and even
900 tons (?) burden, and it has been conjectured that
these vessels were built in the Baltic, and used by
him for the transport of timber therefrom.*
John Taverner, of Kingston-upon-Hull, a mariner j hn
and merchant there, built, during this reign, a great
carrack, which he called the Grace Dieu. The king
granted Taverner the privilege of trading from the
* That large vessels were built in the Baltic at this period is unquestionable. The
King of Sweden at this time owned a trading vessel of 1,000 tons burden, called
" the King's Barge," which he sent to England, in 1455, with a request that she
might be permitted to trade, and reload with English merchandize, which was
granted, provided the due customs were paid. The King of Scotland also at this
time owned a very large ship, called " a Carvel." It appears to have traded with
Flanders.
46 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
ports of London, Southampton, Hull, and Sandwich
direct to Italy, in consideration of the great size of
his ship. This appears to indicate that large vessels
had not hitherto been huilt in England.
Jacques Jacques Co3ur, of Bourges, was at this time the great
surges, merchant of France. He is said to have employed 300
factors to manage his commerce, which extended to
the Turks and Persians of the East, and the Saracens of
Africa. His exports consisted chiefly of woollen cloths,
linens, and paper, then the principal manufactures
of Prance, and his returns were silks, spiceries, &c.
He was treasurer (argentier) to the King of France,
and had the control of the precious metals within the
realm, in which he also dealt. He was deprived
of his property in France in 1453, and died at
Cyprus in the service of the Pope three years after-
wards.*
The The commerce of Florence and Italy was largely
in the hands of the Medici, a race of successive
eminent merchants, and the ancestors of many fami-
lies of sovereign princes. Cosmo de Medici was only
equalled in opulence and importance hy Jacques
Coeur. In every part of Europe he had houses estab-
lished for conducting his commerce, and he carried
on so large a trade in money, that he may he
described as the banker of Europe. So great was his
monetary power, that when Naples and Venice com-
bined against Florence, he deprived them of resources
for carrying on the war, merely by calling in the
vast sums due to him by those states. The money
lent through one of his agents to King Edward IV.,
amounting to 120,000 crowns, contributed in a great
* The history of Jacques Coeur is involved in mystery. Nothing remains of him
but memorials of his greatness in his native town, where the Hotel de Ville,
originally his private residence, still attests the magnificence in which he must
have lived ; and displays on its balustrades, in Gothic characters of stone, his brave,
yet punning motto, " A vaillants Cceurs rien impossible."
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 47
measure to support that monarch in his contest
with the House of Lancaster. Cosmo died 1st of
August, 1464.
Eabyan, who was an Alderman and Sheriff of Arrest of
London, relates, in his Chronicle, that in 1438 all the merchant*
Genoese merchants in London were arrested, im- m London -
prisoned, and condemned to pay 6,000 marks. The
cause assigned was the injury done in the Levant to
a merchant of Bristol, named Sturmyn, whose vessel
had been seized on the pretence that she had on board
growing plants of pepper and other spices, proposed
to be propagated in England. It is probable that
Sturmyn had infringed other trading regulations of
the ports with which he traded, and that the story
of the spice plants was only his own account of
the transaction. But the record is valuable as
showing that there was an English trade with the
Levant in this reign. It is probable that the affair
concerning Sturmyn led to the treaty entered into
with the Genoese in 1460, of which one article was
that the advantages proposed should be reciprocal,
and that the misconduct of one individual should not
break the treaty.
The trade of the Levant with London must at Trade of
this time have been considerable, for we find the wi th e ^
metropolis well supplied with the productions of London>
Italy. In an account preserved by the Grocers' Com-
pany of the pageant on the occasion of the arrival of
Henry VI. in England, on his return from being
crowned King of Erance (A.D. 1432), there are the par-
ticulars of a great conduit, erected between Grocers'
and Mercers' Halls, representing " a grove of such
" foreign fruits as were peculiar to a grocer, and in
" the midst of it three WELLS (in allusion to the name
" of the Lord Mayor, John Wells, alderman and
" grocer), whose waters, at the king's presence, as if
48 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
" miraculously, changed to wine." Lydgate, who
has commemorated the ceremony in a long poem,
describes the fruits in the grove. There were
" Oranges, almondys, and the pomegranade,
Lymons, dates, there colours fresh and glade,
Pepyns, quynces, chandrellys to disport
And the pom cedre, corageous to recomfort :
'Eke othere fruits, which that more comown be,
And other manye ful faire and fresh to se."
English During this reign the English, who appear always
agestT to have possessed the love of travel, acquired a fashion
of making pilgrimages to the shrine of St. James of
Compostella. The rage for this pilgrimage became
greatest about 1428, when permits were granted by
the king for carrying sixty-three cargoes of pilgrims,
consisting of 3,000 persons, with the money necessary
for their charges and devotional offerings. This pas-
sage-trade to Spain appears to have centered chiefly
at Southampton, from which, in 1434, we find a
vessel called the Mary fitted to carry as many as
100 pilgrims. Only two vessels sailed in that year
direct from London. They had cargoes of eighty
and sixty persons each. Most of the vessels made
two passages in the course of the season. In 1445
the shipowners, who found the trade profitable,
fitted out vessels capable of carrying 200 passengers
each. *
* St. lago de Compostella, the chief town of Gallicia, is sufficiently near to
the coast to be an agreeable, without being a very laborious, pilgrimage for
those who resort to that province, being very little farther from its ports than
Canterbury from Dover or Margate. " Its squares and churches," says an old
writer, " are' very magnificent ; and it has a number of monasteries for both
' sexes. It is pretended that the body of the Apostle St. James is buried here,
' which draws large numbers of pilgrims to his shrine. They walk in pro-
e cession to the church, and visit his wooden image, which stands on the great
' altar, and is illuminated with forty or fifty wax candles. They kiss it three
' times with a very respectful devotion, and then put their hats on its head. In
' the church are thirty silver lamps, always lighted, and six chandeliers of silver,
' five feet high. The poorer pilgrims are received into a hospital, built for the
' purpose, which stands near the church." Gibbon says, " Of all the holy romances,
' that of the Apostle St. James can alone, by its singular extravagance, deserve
' to be mentioned. From a peaceful fisherman of the lake of Gennesareth, he
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 49
That the commercial policy of Henry VI. did not
satisfy the Londoners, would appear by the dis-
satisfied political feeling which the citizens evidenced
towards the close of the reign of that monarch, and
by the extreme avidity with which they embraced
and supported the family of York. Those, in fact,
who had placed the house of Lancaster upon the
throne were the principal supporters of the prince
who sought to supersede that dynasty.
In accordance with the desire of the citizens, Temp.
EDW IV
the reign of Edward IV. commenced with the A .D. nei.
re-establishment of measures of restriction upon
foreign commerce, and "protection" in favour of
the home trade. Foreigners were prohibited from More re-
-... -, , n ,-t ,-, strictions
buying or shipping wool except irom the northern on foreign
counties, where it was to be shipped at Newcastle merchants -
only.* And no English merchant was allowed to
ship any goods, outward or homeward, in foreign
vessels, unless sufficient freight could not be found
in English shipping. By the same Act the importa-
tion of corn, except from Wales, Ireland, and the
islands belonging to England, w r as prohibited, when-
ever wheat did not exceed 6s. 8d., rye 4s., and barley
3s. per quarter. This measure is said to have been
especially directed against the Hanse.
The male and female artificers of London having importa-
reported that they were grievously injured by t
importation of foreign articles of quality inferior to
those made by them, the parliament prohibited t
importation or sale of all the following articles, the
' was transformed into a valorous knight, who charged at the head of the Spanish
' chivalry in their battles against the Moors. The gravest historians have cele-
* brated his exploits, the miraculous shrine of Compostella displayed his power,
' and the sword of a military order (the knights of S. Jago), assisted by the terrors
' of the Inquisition, was sufficient to remove every objection of profane criticism."
' His stupendous metamorphosis was performed in the ninth century." Gibbon's
Rome (Bohn's Ed. ), 77.
* 3 Edw. IV. c. 1.
E
50
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. i.
list of which is interesting, as showing what goods
were then in request, and what manufactures were
then established in London :
Woollen Caps.
Dice...
Sheaths.
Cloths.
Tennis Balls.
Playing Cards.
Laces.
Points.
Pins.
Corses.
Purses.
Pattens.
Ribands.
Gloves.
Pack Needles.
Fringes of Silk or Thread.
Girdles.
Any Pakited Ware.
Laces of Thread.
Harness for Girdles.
Saucers.
Silk Twined.*
Latten.
Caskets.
Embroidered.
Steel.
Rings of Copper or Gilt.
Laces of Gold.
Tin, or Alkinine.
Chafing Dishes.
Tires of Silk or Gold.
Articles made of Tanned
Hanging Candlesticks.
Stirrups.
Leather.
Chafing Bells.
Harness belonging to
Tawed Furs.
Sacring Bells.
Saddles.
Buskins.
Rings for Curtains.
Spurs.
Shoes.
Ladles.
Bosses for Bridles.
Galoches or Corks.
Scummers.
Andirons.
Knives.
Counterfeit Basins.
Gridirons.
Daggers.
Ewers.
Locks.
Wood-Knives.
Hats.
Hammers.
Bodkins.
finishes.
Pinions.
Shears.
Cards for Wool.
Firetongs.
Scissors.
Iron Wire.
Dripping Pans.
Razors.
Biiimgs- About the same period the trade, which had been
mad e a fhe n taken from Billingsgate to Queen-hithe,t was partially
London* res t re <l to Billingsgate no doubt at the desire of
Retalia-
the citizens, and on account, as was alleged, of the
delays and inconveniences occasioned by passing the
drawbridge at London Bridge.J
The immediate consequence of these enactments
was the withdrawal of many foreign merchants from
London. Retaliatory measures were also taken by the
* At a later period of this reign the restrictions on silk manufactured articles
ceased to be operative, and there was such an inundation of silks from Cologne,
that the English manufacturers were thrown idle ; a clear proof that their produce
was inferior and dearer than the foreign article. In consideration of their distress,
foreign silk goods were prohibited by parliament for four years.
t Vide ante, p. 19.
J Queen-hithe being above bridge, near to the Steelyard Wharf, was probably
the most convenient "hythe" or port for foreign merchants ; whilst Billingsgate,
and its vicinity, the ancient seat of trade below the bridge, was more especially
the seat of the domestic business. We can understand from this, that the
restoration of the trade to Billingsgate was a concession to the native London
merchants.
CHAP. I.] HISTORICAL. 51
Duke of Burgundy, who published an ordinance,
" never to be repealed," banishing all English woollen
cloth and woollen yarn out of his dominions ; which
he thought would at once prove ruinous to English
trade. The English parliament retaliated by pro-
hibiting the importation of any produce of the
Duke's dominions except provisions ; but the mer-
chants of the Teutonic guild were excepted from
the operation of this statute; which had, there-
fore, only the effect of giving them an entire mono-
poly of the trade with Burgundy. Of course this
state of things between two neighbouring commer-
cial nations could not be of long continuance. Ac-
cordingly, in 1467, a new treaty of commerce was and restor-
entered into between King Edward and the Duke J^^^u,.
of Burgundy, by which free trade between the coun-
tries was restored.
Richard III., having obtained his elevation to the Temp,
throne very mainly through the influence of the A^^SS'.
Londoners, was compelled in his turn to make them
all the concessions they required. Their demands Renewed
and complaints were directed against " the mer- agSElt" 1 *
chants of Italy, including the Catalans," whom they foreigners,
accused of keeping cellars and warehouses in Lon-
don, in which they packed and mixed their goods,
and kept them till they got great prices for them.
It was alleged also, that, contrary to the law,
they sold by retail; bought English commodities
and sold them again in England, and sent part
of the money arising from the sales to their own
country by exchange; that they bought up wool,
and employed people to make it into cloth on their
own account ; that they employed none but their
own country-people as workmen or servants, whereby
the king's subjects were driven into idleness and
beggary ; and that after making fortunes in England
E 2
52 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
they retired to other countries to enjoy them. In
and legis- order to remedy these evils the parliament enacted
against that all Italian merchants, including Catalans, not
being denizens, should sell their goods, and invest
the proceeds in English commodities before May 1,
1485 ; and that all goods arriving after Easter, 1484,
should be sold within eight months after their arrival,
and all then unsold should be carried abroad within
two months more under pain of forfeiture. They
were prohibited from selling woollen cloth in Eng-
land, and from employing people to convert wool
into cloth for their account ; and they were debarred
from having any concern in the clothing trade.
They were further limited to the sale of wares by
wholesale, and only in the place of their residence.
A dawning attention to the interests of literature
prompted an exception from the rigour of this Act
in favour of importers and writers and printers of
books. (1 Rd. III. c. 8.) Another Act of Parliament
enforced and extended the prohibition of the former
reign on the importation of articles of foreign
manufacture.
The " Bowyers " having complained of " a sedi-
tious confederacy " of the Lombards, who had " raised
the price of bow-staves from 40s. to 8. per hundred,
and obliged them to take good and bad together,"
Parliament enacted that no Venetian or other mer-
chant should be permitted to import merchandize
without bringing ten good bow-staves for every butt
of malmsey, and the bow-staves should be sold only
to natives of the kingdom.
Of fifteen Acts passed by the single parliament
held by Richard III., seven were for the regulation
of commerce and manufactures. They were all much
in the same spirit, imposing impolitic restrictions on
foreigners, under the idea of promoting English trade.
CHAP. i.J HISTOEICAL. 53
The first parliament called by Henry VII. appears Temp,
to have been inclined to deal with commercial ques- A .i> N i4S5.
tions in a fairer spirit, though " native " influence was
still predominant. Observing that in consequence
of the Acts of Edward IV. a number of foreign
merchants had obtained letters and acts of deniza-
tion, whereby they were put on a footing with
natives in regard to payment of customs, they en-
acted that all foreigners should pay the same duties,
whether denizens or not. They confirmed the pro-
hibitory Act of Edward IV., and for the encourage-
ment of the navy, and the unemployed seamen of
the country, they passed a Navigation Act prohibiting
the importation of any wine of Guienne or Gas-
coigne, or woad of Thoulouse, except in vessels
belonging to England, Ireland, or Wales, navi-
gated principally by natives of England, Wales,
Ireland, or Calais. They repealed the Act of Richard
respecting Italian merchants ; and very soon after
his accession, Henry issued orders to all his subjects
to receive the merchants of Erance in a friendly
manner.
An Act of the third year of King Henry VII. gives inland
a good picture of the position of the inland trade
of England. The m'agistrates of London in order to
oblige people to resort to the City for their purchases,
had made an ordinance that no citizen should carry
goods to any fair or market out of the City. The
people interested in the fairs of Salisbury, Bristol,
Oxford, Cambridge, Nottingham, Ely, Coventry, and
other places, were alarmed, and represented to par-
liament the great hardship of being obliged to travel
to London to procure chalices, books, vestments,
and other church ornaments, and also victuals for
the time of Lent, linen cloth, woollen cloth, brass,
pewter, bedding, osmund, iron, flax, wax, and other
54 THE POUT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
necessaries. Parliament accordingly annulled the
London ordinance, and the citizens were permitted
to take their goods for sale to the fairs and markets
in every part of England.
New Com- A very few years after the accession of Henry VII.
England hegan to experience, for the first time for
nearly a century, the full benefits of peace, internal
tranquillity, and a stahle government. Commerce
began in consequence to seek outlets. In 1490, a
valuable treaty was concluded at Copenhagen between
England and Denmark (England being represented
by a doctor of laws, a herald, and two merchants
of Lynn). By this treaty the trade of Iceland was
thrown open, and the English were permitted to pur-
chase fresh fish to salt in the Northern Seas. English
vessels were also permitted freely to go " through
the Belts," on payment of a toll, and English
merchants were assured of their liberties and pro-
perties wherever they might settle in the Danish
dominion. As there were no reciprocity clauses, it has
been concluded that the whole Danish trade at this
time was in Ensrlish hands. In the same vear
o /
a very important treaty was concluded "by a doctor
of laws and an alderman of London," with Lorenzo
de Medici, for the regulation of the English trade
with Florence ; whereby the English obtained advan-
tages conceded to them in a spirit of liberality much
beyond the feeling of the age. In 1494, Henry VII.
appointed two Italians (Benedict and Laurence Bon-
nice) to be English consuls at Pisa.
Our trade with the Netherlands was, however,
trade with interrupted in 1493, in consequence of the encourage-
men ^ which the Duchess Dowager of Burgundy had
given Perkin Warbeck. King Henry was so pro-
voked as to banish the Elemings out of England,
whereupon the Arch-Duke banished the English out
CHAP. I.] HISTOEICAL. 55
of Elanders, which gave the Steelyard merchants
a great advantage, by enabling them to import and its
Flemish merchandize into England from their own q^Tces.
Hanse towns. This was very prejudicial to the
London merchant-adventurers whose trade was
direct with the Netherlands, and their apprentices
and journeymen rose, and by the aid of a mob,
attacked and rifled the warehouses in the Steelyard.
The riot, however, was soon suppressed, and the
rioters punished. The suspension of trade between
England and the Netherlands continued much longer
than it ought to have done, but the trade being of
importance to all parties, it was re-opened in 1496,
when a new treaty of commerce and alliance was
concluded between Henry and the Arch-Duke Philip.
In the year following (1497) we have the first English
parliamentary recognition of English merchants. It
occurs in an Act of Parliament, 12 Hen. VII. c. 6,
entitled, " Every Englishman shall have free recourse
, J . . ,, , . , A. D. 1497.
" to certain foreign marts, without exaction to be
" taken by any English fraternity." This Act com-
mences by reciting that the merchant-adventurers
residing in different parts of England, out of London,
trade to beyond sea, as well into Spain, Portugal,
Bretagne, Ireland, Normandy, Erance, Seville, Venice,
Dantzic, Eastland, Erizeland, and many other ports,
there to buy, sell, and make their exchanges according
to the laws and customs of those ports ; and that of
late the fellowship of the Mercers and other mer-
chants and adventurers, dwelling and being free
within the City of London, by confederacy amongst
themselves, for their own singular profit, contrary
to every Englishman's liberty, to all law, reason,
charity, right, and conscience, have made an ordinance
amongst themselves, to the prejudice of all other
Englishmen, that no Englishmen resorting to the
56 THE PORT AND TRADE OF -LONDON. [CHAP. i.
coasts of Inlanders, Holland, Zealand, Brabant, and
other places under the Duke of Burgundy, shairbuy
or sell there without compounding and paying fine to
the said fellowship of London merchants. This
freedom fine, which they state had formerly been^an
old noble sterling (6*. Sd.) they had increased to 40/.
sterling. And parliament now interfered, and fixed
the fine at ten marks, or 61. 13s. 4<d.
By this law we get to know the extent of the
foreign commerce of the English merchants, and the
steps by which the Society of Merchant-Adventurers
had risen to so much importance as to be able
to increase their freedom fines from 6$. Sd. to 40 .
It will also be observed that this Act did, by impli-
cation, establish the right of the Society of Merchant-
Adventurers of London to a monopoly of trade with
the places indicated. As to this right, great conflicts
arose, and continued for nearly two centuries after,
the London merchant-adventurers claiming that all
merchants should belong to their fraternity, others
disputing the claim, and many companies and frater-
nities claiming exemption from it. Another fraternity,
" the merchants trading in woollen cloth," styled
themselves "the Merchant- Adventurers of England ,"
and obtained a charter, " confirming all their former
privileges," which led to almost endless confusion and
disputes. At times the disputes between the different
companies, English and foreign, ran so high, that the
trade betweenEngland and the Netherlands was greatly
prejudiced, and ultimately the Emperor Maximilian,
and his grandson, the Emperor Charles V. were
obliged to make declaration that the English should
enjoy all the commerce of the Netherlands, as stipu-
lated in 1495, before any of these!; charters received
existence.
The reign of Henry VII. was distinguished for the
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 57
discovery of the New World by Columbus, of which Discovery
England might have had the honour and advantage.* net
As it was, her share in it was limited to the discovery
of Newfoundland, by John Cabot (or Cabota). Cabot Cabot's -
and his sons were citizens of Venice, settled at Bristol, JwfouJd.
and (although the date has been disputed) there is now land -
no doubt that John Cabot and his son Sebastian, sailed
from Bristol in May, 1497, and made their discovery on
the 24th June following. Their main object appears
to have been the visionary one of discovering a North-
west passage to the Indies and China (Cathay). After
Cabot's first voyage, Henry VII. was so engaged in
his wars with Scotland, that he had no inclination to
prosecute further voyages of discovery, and Sebastian
Cabot was accordingly obliged to enter into the
service of Spain. The first record we have of a
fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, is in 1517
(twenty years later). It was then carried on by
Portuguese.
English vessels appear to have increased con-
siderably in tonnage during this reign ; a circum-
stance, which in that immediately succeeding (Henry Temp.
VIII.), led to the construction of several % large HEN>v
vessels for the naval service of the country. The
first of these large vessels was a ship of 1,000 tons, construc-
called the Regent, built by order of the king, at
"Woolwich. This ship was lost in 1573, in a battle
before Brest, with a French ship called the Cordelier.
The latter was set on fire, and both ships were con-
sumed with the larger proportion of their crews, the
* " It was by accident only that Henry VII. had not a considerable share in
' the great naval discoveries by which the age was distinguished. Columbus, after
' meeting many repulses from the Courts of Portugal and Spain, sent his brother
' Bartholomew into England, in order to explain his projects to Henry. The king
' invited Columbus to England, but his brother, in returning to Spain, being taken
' by pirates, was detained on his voyage, and Columbus, meanwhile, having
' obtained the countenance of Isabella, was supplied with a small fleet, and
' happily executed his enterprise." (Hume, vol. iii. p. 427).
58 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
Regent losing 700, and the Cordelier (it was esti-
mated) 900 men. To repair this grievous loss, King
Henry had another and a still larger vessel built,
which was called the Henry Grace de Dieu.
Fortresses In the year of the battle thus recorded, and pro-
Thames, bably in anticipation of a French invasion, King
Henry VIII. had a platform of cannon erected at
Gravesend, and another on the Essex shore opposite,
where Tilbury Port was afterwards built.
The jealousy of the Londoners against foreigners
rose at the commencement of Henry VIII. 's reign
"Eva May to greater extent than ever. The "May Day" of
Trf 1518. 1518 long afterwards remembered as " Evil May
Day" witnessed a fearful riot committed by the
London apprentices and others, and directed en-
tirely against foreign residents. The complaints of
the rioters were that "there were such numbers
" of foreigners employed as artificers that the
" English could get no work ; that the merchant
" strangers brought in all silk, cloths of gold, wine,
" iron, &c., and that no man, almost, buyeth of an
" Englishman ; that they also export so much wool,
" tin, and lead, that English adventurers can have
" no living ; that they compass round the city, in
" Southwark, Westminster, Temple Bar, Holborn,
" St. Martins (le Grand), St. John's Street, Aldgate,
" Tower Hill, and St. Catherine's ; that they forestall
" the market, so that no good thing cometh to the
" market, which are the causes that Englishmen
" want and starve whilst foreigners live in abundance
" and plenty ; that the Dutchmen bring over iron,
" timber, and leather, ready manufactured, and nails,
" locks, baskets, cupboards, stools, tables, chests,
" girdles, saddles, and printed cloths." These com-
plaints throw considerable light on the commercial
condition of London at the time. The pretended
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 59
crimes of the foreigners, probably arose from their
working cheaper than the people of the country.
The trade of England began at this time to be
directed to articles of luxury. An Act of 1512
refers to the importation of " cloth of gold and luxur y-
" cloth of silver, vaudekin, velvet, damask, satin,
" sarcenet, tariton, camlet, and other cloths of silk,
" and of silk and gold and silver." But there
were other articles of still more value to the nation
now being introduced. At the commencement of the
reign, it has been said that " Queen Katherine could
" not have obtained a salad for her dinner in all Eng-
" land ; " but the trade with Holland and Elanders
now led to the supply of carrots, turnips, and other
edible roots, and of gardeners to cultivate them in
this country. In 1524, we learn from an old distich
that
" Turkeys, carp, hops, and beer,
Came into England in one year."
Carp were first imported by Leonard Mascal (the
king's gardener), of Plumstead Place, near Hurst-
pierpoiiit, Sussex (a moated house, now in the pos-
session of the Earl of Chichester). He was greatly
given to travel, and it is probable that he also brought
over hops, which are said to have come first from
Artois. The liquor made with hops appears to have
been called " beer," as contradistinguished from the
more ancient Saxon beverage, called " ale." Sundry Cuitiva-
other fruits and plants were first cultivated in f ru its and
England about this time, such as apricots, melons, plants>
gooseberries, currants (brought from the island of
Zante), and garden roots of different sorts. Cherries,
of a species not previously known in England, were
imported about 1540 from Elanders, and planted in
Kent with such success, that an orchard of only
thirty-two acres, produced in one year as much fruit
60 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. L
as yielded 1,0001. Probably the novelty of the
fruit made people at first give high prices for it.
strictive The increase of the woollen manufacture was found
during this reign to give rise to so great a demand
f r wo l> as to lead to a practice of diverting lands
from tillage to the support of sheep, which led
to great enhancement of the price of corn, cattle,
wool, pigs, geese, hens, chickens, eggs, &c. For
remedy of this grievance, it was enacted that " none
" should keep above 2,400 sheep (exclusive of lambs),
" at any one time, except it be on his own land of
" inheritance ; and that no man should hold above
" two farms, in the parish of one of which he was
"obliged to reside." (25 Hen. VIII. c. 13). The
city of Worcester, and the towns of Evesham, Droit-
wich, Kidderminster, and Bromsgrove, having repre-
sented that they were injured by persons dwelling in
the villages about those towns, who not only en-
grossed farms, but carried on the business of cloth-
makers, to the great depopulation of the city and
town, it was also enacted " that no person within
" Worcestershire shall make cloth but the proper
" inhabitants of the said city and towns, excepting
" persons who make cloths solely for their own and
" family's wearing." (25 Hen. VIII. c. 18.) AUthis
was of course most detrimental to the true interests of
commerce, which is to facilitate and cheapen produc-
tion and manufacture, so that the merchant may ex-
port at a price which enables him to undersell foreign
competitors.
Trade According to Hakluyt (" Voyages," vol. ii. p. 96),
from about the year 1511 to 1534, " divers tall ships
of London, Southampton, and Bristol," had a large
trade with Sicily, Candia, and Ohio, and sometimes
to Cyprus, Tripoli, and Barutti, in Syria. The exports
were woollen cloths and calf-skins (hides), and the
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 61
imports silks, camlets, rhubarb, malmsey, nrascadel
and other wines, oil, cotton, wool, Turkey carpets,
gall, and Indian spices. In 1530, Simon Harris, of
London, merchant, was appointed by the king to be
consul of the English merchants at Candia ; and in
the year following, a foreigner was appointed to be
consul at Ohio, and parts adjacent in the Archipelago.
In the year 1535, a ship of 300 tons, from London,
went on the Levant voyage, which usually occupied a
year, and returned in eleven months. She took out
100 persons, who were settled by the English mer-
chants as factors for them at the different places of
trade.
About the same period, the English began to trade Guinea
to the Guinea coast, and some of their voyages a
said to have been most successful. One ship brought
home above lOOlb. weight of gold-dust, besides ele-
phant's teeth, &c. In 1537, a trade was also esta-
blished with the coast of Barbary, the English
exporting linen and woollen cloths, coral, amber, and
jet, and receiving back sugar, dates, almonds, and
molasses.
In 1536, King Henry encouraged certain merchants
to send out two ships on discovery to the north coast fishery.
of America. They visited Cape Breton and New-
foundland, but being in distress for want of pro-
visions, returned home. This voyage, however, gave
rise to a settlement in Newfoundland by Mr. Hoar, a
London merchant, with a view to the development of
the fishery on the banks. Unfortunately for Mr.
Hoar, his effort met with ill success.
In 1540, we have the first record of a voyage from Voyage to
London to Brazil.
During; the reiffn of Henry VIII. there was, no Advance
, . ,,, ,, of England
doubt, a great accession to the wealth 01 the country, in this
The woollen trade flourished, as is shown by its intro- reign '
62 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
duction into Halifax in 1537, and other manufactures
greatly developed themselves, as is shown hy statutes
of 34 and 37 Hen. VIII., regulating pin manu-
facturing. The first statute relating to bankrupts was
passed 34 Hen. VIII., showing that there was a neces-
sity for dealing with merchants' estates. The towns
were subjected to great improvements, and various
Acts of Parliament were passed regulating the repairs
of buildings, &c., amongst which may be especially
mentioned an Act (35 Hen. VIII. c. 9) for the
embankment of the district now known as Wapping,
which appears formerly to have been a marsh. The
streets of London, especially the Strand to Charing
Cross, and High Holborn, from the Elect to Holborn
Bars, were ordered to be paved with stone; and
by a statute (35 Hen. VIII. c. 12) the streets and
lanes in Cripplegate, St. Clement Danes, Shoreditch,
Westminster, and other then outlying parts of London
were ordered to be paved by those who had lands or
tenements adjoining, " in like manner and form as
" the streets of the City of London be paved, with
" causeys and channels in the midst of the same
" streets." English commerce, however, appears still
to have been quite in its childhood, though, if we
may believe Voltaire, it was superior to that of the
Erench, for writing of this period, he says :-
" The French, though possessed of harbours both on the
ocean and Mediterranean, were yet without a navy ; and though
immersed in luxury, had only a few coarse manufactures. The
Jews, Genoese, Venetians, Portuguese, Flemings, Dutch, and
English traded successively for us, we being ignorant even of
the first principles of commerce."
Temp. At the commencement of the reign of Edward VI.
the Londoners appear to have been very anxious to
extend their trade. One Thomas Barnaby, a mer-
chant, made a proposal to the Court that every city
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 63
company should provide and send out annually at
least one ship, laden with commodities proper to their
own trade or manufacture. This proposal was not
adopted, hut steps were taken to release the foreign
trade of London hy breaking the monopoly of the Abolition
Steelyard merchants. Against this monopoly the exclusive
English Society of Merchant -Adventurers made JJ 1 ^ 68
strong representations in 1552, to the king's Privy steelyard
Council. They complained that the Steelyard
merchants were exempt from Aliens' duties ; that
they traded as a body, and therefore prevented
competition for the produce of the country, and
kept down the price of wool ; that, having the
command of the foreign markets, they prevented
other merchants from trading successfully in their
towns in proof of which it was alleged, that in the
previous year the Steelyard merchants had exported
44,000 woollen cloths to 1,100 exported by all the
English merchants. It was also represented that
their whole trade was carried on in foreign bottoms,
to the great detriment of our marine. Upon mature
consideration of these and like reasons the Privy
Council annulled and made void all the charters of
the Steelyard, and resumed their privileges and
franchises, " saving, however, to the said merchants
" all such liberty of coming into the realm and
" trafficing, in as ample manner as any other mer-
" chants have within the same."
It is stated by Hapin that the regent of Flanders
made strong representations on behalf of the exclusive
privileges of the Steelyard merchants ; and King
Edward the Sixth's Diary, published by Bishop Bur-
net, shows that ambassadors were sent to him from
Hamburg and Lubeck, " to speak on behalf of the
Stilliard merchants," but the king told them he
must abide by the decision of his council. In con-
64 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
sequence of the reversal, the trade with Elanders
immediately went into the hands of English mer-
chants in London, who, in the same year, shipped
off 40,000 cloths for Manders, where they had only
shipped 1,100 in the year preceding.
Formation Another proceeding which marked this reign,
Ru2i was * ne formation of the first English company of
Company, shareholders for trading purposes of which we have
A.D. 1553. ' L *
any record. It was formed hy merchants of London,
together with some nohlemen, who were emulous of
the fame and desirous of sharing in the profits
acquired by the Portuguese and Spanish discoverers
of unknown lands. The immediate object of the Com-
pany was a trade with China by the north-west ;
the capital was 6,000/. in 240 shares of 25/. each ; and
Sebastian Cabot,* who was a principal adviser of the
undertaking, was appointed the first governor. Three
vessels were fitted out at Deptford for the expedi-
tion, and were placed under the command of Sir
Hugh Willoughby. The result to two of the vessels
was very disastrous. After being tossed about by
tempestuous weather on the Coast of Spitzbergen,
they were driven by the approach of winter into an
obscure harbour in Russian Lapland, called Arcina-
Keca, where the crews of the two vessels, being
unprovided for the severity of the winter, were
frozen to death ; and where some Laplanders, in the
summer following, found Sir Hugh Willoughby sit-
ting in his cabin, dead, with his diary and letters on
the table before him. The result of the voyage to
the third vessel, called the Bonaventure, was very
different. She ran into the bay of St. Nicholas, in the
White Sea, where no ship had ever been before, and
* Sebastian Cabot was at this time in the employment of the Crown, Edward
VI. having settled a pension upon him as " Grand Pilot of England." He
was the authority of the time on all questions of navigation. He died 1577,
aged 80.
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 65
finding that the people residing there, under the pro-
tection of a small fort called the Castle of Archangel,
were rich in furs, hemp, and other valuable commodi-
ties, Richard Chancellor, the commander, with the
assistance of the governor of the fort, travelled on
sledges from the fort to Moscow, where he obtained
from the Czar, on behalf of his company, the privi-
lege of trading to the Coast. Thus was founded the
llussia Company, which afterwards rose to great im-
portance ; and which, although disappointed in the
hope of arriving at China by a northern passage,
made the useful and profitable discovery of a trade in
the White Sea a discovery, moreover, which subse-
quently led the way to the English whale-fishery at
Spitzbergen.*
During the reigns of the Tudor kings much Retail
wealth was accumulated in -London by commerce ; but
it was engrossed by comparatively a few individuals.
The list of celebrated merchants which has de-
scended to us from the time of Whittington to the
time of Gresham, probably comprehends almost all of
the great native traders of the City. There was no
middle class of tradesmen, and, indeed, no middle
class at all ; but in the reign of Edward VI. a new
class of dealers sprang up in the form of the shop-
keepers. Up to this reign, as Stow informs us, there
was scarcely such a thing as a shop between West-
minster and St. Paul's ; but now, all along the line
of Ludgate, Elect Street, and the Strand, shops, pre-
senting great temptation to the eye, began to be
opened ; and he records, especially, that there were
* In Hakluyt's Voyages (Lond. 1598, p. 413), is printed " The request of an
" honest merchant, by letter to a friend of his, to be advised and directed in the
" course of killing a whale." The subject at the time no doubt occupied atten-
tion, as some of the Russia Company's vessels killed whales near Spitzbergen for
the first time in 1597. The Norwegians in early times, and the Biscayans at a
later period, were the only whale-fishers.
P
66 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
numerous mercery shops most tempting to the fair
sex. The retail business, in fact, which had been
previously transacted in fairs and markets, on certain
specified days of the month or week, now came to be
conducted at all times at the dwelling-houses of the
traders; a vast convenience for the public, and a
strong evidence of the increasing wealth of the
country, which afforded a demand for commodities
even of luxury, which required to be met by a con-
tinuous supply.*
Temp. The loss of Calais, in the reign of Queen Mary,
MAKY although considered a national disaster, was pro-
pitious to the trade of London and the realm.
Calais had been held by the English for upwards
from of two hundred years; and, from a very early
of period, had been made the "staple" port for the
English wool trade. t So long as we held Calais,
* Stow describes the haberdashers' shops to have made a gay show formerly,
from the various foreign commodities they were famished with ; "and by pur-
" chasing of them," he says, "the people of Condon, and of other parts of
" England, began to expend extravagantly, whe'reof great complaints were made
" amongst the graver sort." There were but few of these milliner's shops in the
reign of Edward VI., not more than a dozen in all London ; but in 1580, every
street from Westminster embraced the business of woollen-drapers, cutlers, up-
holsterers, glass and earthenware men, perfumers, and various other dealing,
eastwards, until the whole town became full of them. They sold, amongst other
wares, French and Spanish gloves, and French cloth or frigarde (frieze), Flanders-
dyed kersies, daggers, swords, knives, Spanish girdles, painted cruses, dials, tables,
cards, balls, glasses, fine earthen pots, saltcellars, spoons, tin dishes, puppets,
pennons, ink-horns, toothpicks, silk, and silver buttons. All which " made such
a show in passenger's eyes, that they could not help gazing on and buying
these knicknacks." This great offence a contemporary writer, quoted by
Stow, bitterly apostrophises. He " marvels " that " no man taketh heed to it
' what number of trifles cometh hither from beyond the seas, that we might either
' clean spare, or else make them within our own realm ; for the which we either
' pay inestimable treasure every year, or else exchange substantial wares and
'necessaries for them, for the which we might receive great treasure." The
Governments' taking up the same narrow idea was, no doubt, the cause of sump-
tuary regulations, about which there were so many precepts anciently issued to the
Companies and City of London.
t I have forborne, in this historical outline, to enter into all the various details
respecting the " Staple." The dissensions were continuous from 1313 downwards ;
various parties striving to get the staple fixed at different towns in England, and
others striving to get it fixed at various places on the Continent, as best suited
their interests at different periods. At one time one party succeeded, and at
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. (57
and continued it as the " staple " port for English A.D. 1558.
trade with the Continent, so long the trade in
our principal exports, must have remained a cir-
cumscribed monopoly. The result of the loss of
Calais was to free the export trade of England from
the restriction of that monopoly, and to enable our
merchants to select and to open out for themselves
new fields of commerce, which appears to have been
very consistent with the feeling of the time. The
immediate result of the loss of Calais was the nominal
removal of the English staple to Bruges, in order
to accommodate the manufacturing localities of
Elanders ; but the ultimate result was the destruc-
tion of the " staple " altogether, and the opening out
of the trade of London itself, by the operation of
an Act passed in the first year of Elizabeth (c. 13),
repealing all the former laws, which prohibited the
importation and exportation of merchandize in any
but English ships. By allowing the exportation of
our cloth and wool in foreign vessels from the port of
London, London, under a free system of trade, was
made, in effect, the " staple " mart of a direct export
trade ; a trade precluded by the establishment of the
staple at Calais, where the exports of England in
English vessels had to be handled and re-shipped into
foreign vessels for transport to the places at which
the commodities were needed.
Philip and Mary having, in the first year of their successes
reign, granted a charter to the Russia Company, jfuSl
that company, in each succeeding year, sent out new company,
expeditions to Russia, all of which appear to have
been attended with success. In 1558, their agent,
Mr. Anthony Jenkinson, set on foot a new channel
another time another. The subject, though not without interest, appeared to me
not to be absolutely germane to the purpose of this work, and I have therefore
avoided the very elaborate narrative which it would have necessarily involved.
F 2
68 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
of trade, through. Russia into Persia, for raw silk;
sailing down the Volga to Nishni-Novgorod, Casan,
and Astracan, and thence across the Caspian Sea to
Persia. This voyage he performed seven different
The first times, and the Czar, in return, sent an Ambassador-
Extraordinary to the Court of England to promote a
f r i en diy correspondence between the Courts. On his
voyage, this Ambassador and his retinue had the mis-
fortune to be shipwrecked on the coast of Scotland.
On hearing of this disaster the Russia Company
despatched a deputation, with a supply of every
necessary, to escort his Excellency to London. He
was met, twelve miles from the City, by eighty mer-
chants on horseback, who regaled him sumptuously
at Highgate, where he rested the night. The next
day he was met by Lord Viscount Montague, on the
part of the queen, attended by 300 knights and
esquires, besides 140 Russia merchants, attended by
their servants. They conducted him to Islington,
where he was presented with a stately courser, with
velvet trappings. On, this he mounted, and entered
the City at Smithneld Bars, where the Lord Mayor
and Aldermen received him, and from thence he rode
through the streets with great pomp between the
Lord Mayor and Viscount Montague, to his apart-
ments in Gracechurch Street, where many rich
presents from the queen awaited him. The whole
cost of his journey to London, and of his residence
here, was borne by the Russia Company. Mr. Hume
conjectures that this was the first intercourse which
the Russian empire had with any of the western
states of Europe.*
Temp. The success of the Russia Company undoubtedly
ELKA- na( l a considerable effect in promoting that spirit of
BETH.
At a later period Jenkinson was appointed by Queen Elizabeth to be Ambas-
sador from England to the Czar of Muscovy.
CHAP, i.j HISTORICAL. 69
enterprise and desire for foreign discovery, which
distinguished the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The
history of the various voyages and enterprises set on
foot and conducted by Erobisher, Davis, Raleigh,
Grenville, Sir Erancis Drake, and others, during this vpyages O f
reign, scarcely belong to the present volume. It
may be observed of them, as of most similar voyages
of discovery, that their results were rather beneficial
to after ages, than either to the promoters them-
selves or their cotemporaries.
The importance acquired by English commerce in
the reign of Elizabeth resulted from other causes
than the progress of discovery.
The manufacturing industry of Elanders had raised
the port of Antwerp to a very high state of commer- Commer-
cial consequence. Antwerp had succeeded not only quence of
in establishing an import and export trade, but in Antwer P-
making herself an emporium ; for, to a large extent,
the Antwerpians had superseded the Venetians and
Genoese in the trade which they had so long carried
on between the northern ports of Europe and the
Levant. Antwerp now traded with Italy, Cyprus, and
Tripoli, sending out English and German products,
and importing the productions of those countries,
which thev sent to England and Germanv in return.
V * *
An old writer says :
" In London, at the commencement of the reign of Elizabeth,
there were at least one hundred Netherland merchants, who
bought all the commodities which the merchants of Italy, Ger-
many, Spain, France, and Eastland (of which nations there were
before that time divers famous and notable rich merchants and
companies) used to bring into England out of their own
country directly."
But all the commerce and magnificence of Ant- Antwerp
werp, which had not been of long continuance, was bJ 8 the yec
destined, during this reign, to be scattered. The per- s P aniarda
70 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
secutions on account of religion, which had occurred
. in the Spanish Netherlands, under the Duchess of
Parma and the Duke of Alva, had driven many fugi-
tives, especially Walloons, to England; hut the
A.D. 1585. finishing blow to the commerce of the country was
given hy the siege and plunder of Antwerp itself.
The town was ruined ; 3,000 of the inhabitants fell hy
the sword; 1,500 were burnt and trodden to death, and
as many more drowned in the Scheldt. For three days
the Spanish soldiery wallowed in the plunder of the
city, from which they carried off at least two millions
of pistoles ; besides which, an incalculable quantity of
rich merchandize and furniture was destroyed by fire.
The shipping trading to Antwerp was chiefly foreign,
and after the bombardment, it never returned to
its manu- the Scheldt. The manufacturing industry of Flanders
an( i Brabant was thereby dispersed, and about a
third part of the merchants and manufacturers who
wrought and dealt in silks, damasks, taffeties,
bareges, serges, &c., settled in England : England
being at that time comparatively ignorant of those
manufactures. As a very large proportion of the
trade in which Antwerp was engaged concerned
England, it is probable that nearly the whole com-
merce of Antwerp would have settled here, but
that foreigners were still subject to double customs,
were excluded from the companies, and subjected to
national jealousies and other disadvantages. The
woollen merchants and manufacturers of Flanders
consequently went to Leyden, and the linen trade to
Haarlem and Amsterdam. Thus did England and
Holland (Protestant nations) triumph by the vio-
lence of Catholic Spain, and obtain the wealth and
enterprise which that nation insanely expelled from
the richest section of her dominions.
Following up the policy initiated in the reign of
CHAP. I.] HISTORICAL.
Edward VI., Queen Elizabeth not only refused to Elizabeth
restore any of the privileges of the merchants of t
Hanse towns, but she put other restrictions upon them. J
The Hanse merchants, in retaliation, put restrictions shuts U P
on English trade in their towns ; nattering themselves yard.
that the Queen would gladly restore their ancient
privileges in England, in order to recover the like
privileges for English merchants within the limits
of their corporation. But English trade had now
assumed too independent a footing to be thus dealt
with ; and under the advice, it is said, of the ex-
patriated Netheiiand merchants, Elizabeth deter-
mined to order all the German merchants in her
dominions to quit England on the day on which the
English merchants had been ordered to quit Staden A.D. 1597.
(a Hanse town), and she issued a commission to
the Mayor and Sheriffs of London to shut up the
Steelyard altogether. This was the close of the
Hanseatic influence in England, and it was very
shortly afterwards entirely extinguished. On the
settlement of numerous Protestant merchants at
Hamburgh, that city pushed a commerce in oppo-
sition to the Hanseatic towns upon the Baltic ; and
being better situated for trade, " the Hanse " rapidly
declined, leaving only cities, such as Wismar, to
attest their former opulence.
Elizabeth made great efforts to promote an English The Le-
trade with Turkey and the Levant; and granted
letters patent for the establishment of the com- "J
pany of Levant merchants.* Sir Edward Osborne
?a lord mayor and merchant of London, and the
\ v
ancestor of the Dukes of Leeds) was the first
governor of the company. On the commence-
* This charter expired in 1588, and was renewed in 1593. It expired again in
1605, and a new company being formed, a charter was granted to it, in per-
petuity, by King James I., under the designation of the " Merchants of England
trading to the Levant."
72 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
ment of this trade with Turkey, the company
had great thanks and commendations from the
queen and council for the ships they built of
so great burden, with many encouragements to go
forward. It is said, that the first returns of this
trade were in the proportion of three to one. By
opening up a direct trade with Turkey and the
Levant, England procured all the productions of
Greece, Syria, Egypt, Persia, and India, much
cheaper than when the trade was wholly in the
hands of the Venetians, as it was previously; and
being able to supply cloths cheaper than the Vene-
tians could do so at second hand, she soon drove
them out of the cloth trade with Turkey. Venice,
after this date, only sent one argosy to England,
which, with a rich cargo and many passengers, was
wrecked on the Isle of Wight in 1587.* It should
be mentioned that Elizabeth sent out as English
ambassador to Turkey a merchant of the name of
"William Harkborn, or Harburn. He arranged ar-
ticles of peace with Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli ; and,
despite the opposition of the Venetians, established
English factories in Turkey, under the authority of
a treaty with the Sultan Amurath III. It is recorded
that he performed the voyage out in the ship Susan,
of London, mounting thirty -four guns.
The The merchants of London afforded the greatest
Armada, assistance to the sovereign in protecting the country
A.D. 1588. against the Spanish Armada. The English fleet con-
sisted altogether of 197 vessels. Of these seventy-
* The reader may be reminded of the passage in " The Merchant of Venice"
(Act II. Scene 8) :
" I reasoned with a Frenchman yesterday,
Who told me in the narrow seas, that part
The French and English, there miscarried
A vessel of our country, richly fraught."
Shakespeare is believed to havejwritten " The Merchant of Venice " in 1594.
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 73
six were furnished by the Queen ; the City of London
equipped thirty-eight, and the Society of Merchant-
Adventurers of London ten. Various seaports con-
tributed eighty- three smaller vessels. The Spanish
vessels (134 in number) were generally much larger
than the English ; but the latter had a great advan-
tage in sailing, and were consequently able fre-
quently to harass the enemy by the agility of their
manoeuvres. Throughout this naval campaign the
English did not lose one capital ship, nor in the
whole above 100 men ; whilst the Spaniards lost
eighty-one ships and 13,500 soldiers and mariners,
besides much treasure.*
The destruction of the Spanish Armada was not Effect of
only valuable to England by depriving Spain of the l ^ or ^ s
empire of the sea, but it was still more so by obliging
the English to apply themselves to improvements in
the art of building and equipping ships, and also
to the maintenance of a regular navy, which, from
this time, became a principal object with the sove-
reign. Erom 1590 Queen Elizabeth assigned a regu-
lar annual payment for the repairs of her fleet ; and
in the same year, as is shown by an Act of Jac. I.
c. 23, the manufacture of sail-cloth was first intro-
duced into England a most important contribution
to the establishment of maritime power.
Amid the numerous maritime expeditions of this First
period, an English ship was reported to have passed from 86
round the Cape of Good Hope in 1589. This voyage
* The Spaniards made great efforts to restore their fleet ; and fifty years after
they were able to send a great armada, consisting of sixty-seven large ships, from
Conmna, against the Dutch, who were blockading Dunkirk, and who also
overran the Netherlands. This expedition was encountered in the Channel, and
afterwards in the Downs, by the Dutch fleet under Van Tromp, who gained an
entire victory, and destroyed most of the Spanish ships. This terrible blow,
followed by other defeats at sea by the French, entirely broke the naval power of
Spain, so that she never recovered till our own time, when her fleet was again
destroyed by the English, under Nelson.
A.D. 1591.
74 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
has not been well established ; but, in 1591, a regular
voyage to India round the Cape was undertaken in
London. The expedition consisted of three ships ; but
they lost so many men by sickness on the way out,
that they were obliged to send one ship home, so that
only two vessels proceeded from the Cape. Of these,
Capt. Raymond's, which was the principal vessel,
parted company in a gale off the Cape, and was never
heard of more ; the third vessel, Capt. Lancaster's,
arrived in India, but met with great misfortunes on
her way home by the West Indies, where many of
the men perished. This expedition, like most others
of the period, partook rather of a privateering than
of a commercial character, but it is noticeable as
having led the way to the formation of a company to
trade to the East Indies.
The Dutch The Dutch, in 1595, determined to force their way
tionsjsgs- to India by the same route, and nine merchants of
Amsterdam subscribed a capital of 76,000 guilders to
send out four ships. They returned in twenty-nine
months, flushed with success and big with hope. In
1598, they sent out another expedition with eight
ships. They returned home in 1600, laden with
cinnamon, pepper, cloves, nutmegs, and mace. Prom
this time the Dutch made regular yearly expeditions,
making vast returns of profit; all Europe using
spices to a much greater degree than at present.
Formation The success of the second expedition from Holland
f ' impelled the English to form a company for trading to
* tlie East Indies - Accordingly, on the 31st December,
A.D. 1600. 1000, the Queen granted a charter to George, Earl
of Cumberland, and 215 knights, aldermen, and
merchants, that, " at their own charges, they might
" set forth one or more voyages to the East Indies ;"
" to be one body politic and corporate, by the name of
" the Governor and Company of Merchants of London
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 75
" trading into the East Indies." Sir Thomas Smith,
alderman of London, was to be the first governor.
Their capital appears to have been 72,000. by sub-
scription shares of 50/. each.
In the following year, 1601, the company de- A.D. ieoi.
spatched their first fleet, commanded in chief by
Capt. James Lancaster, and consisting of one ship of
GOO tons, one of 300, two of 200 each, and one of
130, carrying 480 men, and 27,000. in Spanish money
and goods, the rest of the 72,000^. having been absorbed
in the furniture of the ships, artillery, ammunition,
provisions, &c. The expedition reached Sumatra,
where they loaded some of the ships with pepper ;
from thence they sailed for the Straits of Malacca,
where they captured a Portuguese ship of 900 tons,
loaded with calicoes, &c. with which they completed
their cargoes. They then sailed to Bantam, where
they settled factors, and then, sailing homewards,
arrived in the Downs in September, 1603, having
made their first voyage prosperously in two years and
seven months.
It would appear that the East India Company was
a good deal opposed in the outset by the Levant Com-
pany, with which it was thought it would interfere.
But the opposition, which appears to have been
grounded on the usual reasons for the maintenance
of a monopoly, entirely failed.
Throughout the reign of Elizabeth, the encourage-
ment of trade was one of the main objects of her
government ; and, despite the ill-judged patents and
monopolies which she granted to favourites, many of
which she recalled as injurious to trade, such im-
portant advances were made in commerce, that her
reign may be considered an era in the commercial
history of the nation. The general measures of this
sovereign were marked, from the outset, by great
76 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i.
wisdom and by a sound knowledge of the interests of
her people. The extinguishment of the monopoly of
the Hanseatic league, the declaration of free trade in
shipping, the encouragement afforded to those who
were willing to embark in commerce to distant
regions, the treaty with Turkey, and the charter to
the East India Company, were measures calculated to
arouse commercial activity, and excite the enterprise
of the nation. The state of affairs in other parts of
Europe largely contributed to the success of her
measures ; and Elizabeth increased her own glory,
and the prosperity of her subjects, by the encourage-
ment she afforded to the Netherlander driven to seek
shelter and hospitality within her dominions, and by
following their counsel and advice in regard to
matters of trade and manufacture,
increasing The increased importance of the trade of London
during this reign is well attested by the necessity for
the erection of the Royal Exchange for which
London was indebted to the munificence of one of her
greatest merchants. Statistical proof of her import-
ance may, moreover, be found in the annals of the Ex-
chequer, which show that London exported at this time
three times as much as all the rest of England put
together.* This increase of trade had its corresponding
effect in the increase of buildings, especially in the
* In the " Circle of Commerce," a treatise published by Edward Missenden,
Esq. an eminent merchant, in 1623, we have the following account of the Customs
of England for the year beginning Christmas, 1612, and ending Christmas, 1613 :
LONDON. OUTPORTS. TOTAL.
s. d. s. d. s. d.
Outwards .... 61,322 16 9 25,471 19 7 86,794 16 2
Inwards. . .'. . 48,250 1 9 13,030 9 9 61,28011 6
109,572 18 6 38,502 9 4 148,075 7 8
The EXPORTS of all England for that year, are stated at . . 2,090,645
The IMPORTS (Silks, Venice Goods, Spanish Linen, Wines,
and other Merchandise) 2,141,151
CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 77
suburbs, which the Queen by two proclamations,*
and Parliament by an Act (35 Eliz. c. 6), vainly
endeavoured to prevent. The reasons assigned for
restricting the size of the City appear at the present
day extremely puerile ; but in the time of Elizabeth,
the principles of political economy were very imper-
fectly understood, and it is probable that increase of
the prices of provisions, consequent on a population
rapidly increasing in both number and wealth, may
have led to clamours which induced imperfect
reasoners to deem these measures of restriction
needful.
Ten years afterwards, i. e. in 1623 (said to have been an unfavourable year for
trade),
The Exports were 2,320,436
The Imports 2,619,315
The Total Customs' Duties . . 168,222
Showing an increase in the ten years, despite all unfavourable circumstances.
* A.D. 1580 and 1602.
CHAPTER II.
HISTORICAL. FROM THE ACCESSION OF KING JAMES 1.
Effect of THE accession of James of Scotland to the crown of
of e the" on England was a measure valuable to English commerce,
En* knd f as bringing the whole island under one system and
and Scot- closing the most dangerous back-door of the country
land, L -n e i
A.D. 1603. against ranee or any loreign enemy. As regards
trade, however, the immediate effect was not beneficial
to the Scotch. The removal of the court carried
away from Scotland the principal nobility and gentry,
as well as foreign ministers and strangers, and thereby
decreased the demand for both foreign and home
products. For a time, the commerce of Scotland,
which had never been large, in consequence of her
having little to export, was diminished to almost
nothing ; and this diminution created discontent. For
all this, however, ample compensation was afforded
by England in other ways, and, ultimately, there
has been nothing by which Scotland has profited
more largely than by the share she has acquired in
English trade.
Policy of King James at his accession declared himself at
James i. (t p eace w ^h all the world," and called in all the ships
of war and privateers which during Elizabeth's reign
had been so largely employed against the Spaniards,
CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 79
and had done them so much damage in various quarters
of the globe. This measure proved of great advantage
to commerce, as it led to the immediate employment of
the shipping in a business of the highest consequence
to the country. The adventurers who, in the previous
reign, had sailed in expeditions of warfare and dis-
covery, now directed their attention to planting and
colonizing the countries they visited; and numbers
of settlers were taken out to Virginia (by which, at America.
that period, was meant the larger portion of the coast
of North America), New England, the Bermudas,
and Newfoundland.
Companies began to be formed for the purpose of Formation
promoting these settlements. The first was established Virginia
by charter, A.D. 1606, and was called the " South
Virginia Company, or the London Adventurers."
It had a patent granted to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir
George Somers, Edward Wingfield, Esq., Mr. Hak-
luyt,* and others, for all lands in America between
the 34th and 41st degrees of north latitude, compre-
hending what are now called Maryland, Virginia,
and Carolina. This company sent out two ships,
carrying Mr. Percy (brother to the Earl of Northum-
berland), and four of the council of the company, a
clergyman, artificers, tools, and ammunition. They
landed in Chesapeake Bay, and fortified three miles from
the north of the Powhattan, giving their first settle-
ment the name of "James Town," after the king.f
Here one hundred men were settled, and this was the
first English colony which took root on American
soil. The company subsequently (A.D. 1610) obtained
an extension of their powers, and were incorporated
* Mr. Hakluyt, of the Middle Temple, was the industrious compiler of
" Hakluyt's Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation," published in 1598.
He was therefore at the time an authority on trade and navigation.
t The "United States Gazetteer" states that "nothing now remains of this
town but a few ruins."
80 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
as the Virginia Company. Although the first ad-
venturers were far from being gainers, yet the nation
subsequently reaped a rich harvest from their enter-
prize. A second company, called " the Plymouth
Adventurers," were empowered to plant what are
now called Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and
Massachusetts ; but they did not plant till some time
after.
Discovery The spirit of discovery was prosecuted at the same
son's time, being principally directed, as before, to the
straits, o j)j ec t of obtaining a direct passage to India. Cap-
tain Hudson made several attempts prior to 1G10,
ending in little besides his giving his name to Hud-
son's Straits. William Baffin, at the charge of
several directors of the Russia Company, penetrated
still further in 1616, and gave his name to Baffin's
fin's Bay. -~ ..-,- , ,
A.D. 1616. Bay. He reported, that
" Having for three years coasted all the circumference of
Davis's Straits, he had found no other than a great bay, and no
hope of a passage. But some advantage may be made of the
voyage, since there are here plenty of great whales. The same
may be pursued, and good store of oil may be made between the
middle of July and the last day of August."
Settlement In 1609 the King proposed to the City of London
of ulster. ^ e establishment of an English settlement in Ulster,
then much depopulated. The city accepted the pro-
posal and sent three hundred persons there of all sorts
of handicrafts and occupations. The Irish inhabi-
tants were transplanted to Connaught. Coleraine
and Londonderry were repeopled, and the lands and
fisheries greatly improved. The City of London
raised 20,000/. for the formation of this new plan-
tation.
Attempted About the same period the King, in imitation of
propaga- '
tion of the Henry IV. of Prance, of whom he had a laudably
Silkworm. * '
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 81
high esteem, endeavoured to promote the propagation
of the silkworm in England, and sent circular letters
into the counties to promote the planting of mul-
herry trees, which he procured from the Continent in
1606, with instructions for the breeding and feeding
of silkworms.* Experience has proved that silk-
worms cannot he propagated north of the river Loire ;
but the royal experiment, although unsuccessful in
itself, was not without valuable results in causing its results.
a resort to England of silk-throwsters, weavers, and
dyers, who were brought over by a Mr. Brulamach
by the King's order, and who immediately caused a
considerable silk trade to rise up in London, f In the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, the first pair of silk stock-
ings known in this country was imported from Spain,
and presented by Sir Thomas Gresham to her Ma-
jesty. A century afterwards (1681) the English silk
trade was said, by Sir Josiah Child, to employ 40,000
people.
This manufacture was more rapid in its growth, imports
and greater in its value, on account of the exceed- EM
ingly increasing trade of the East India Company,
\vlio now began to bring large quantities of raw silk
from India and China. Mr. Munn, who wrote in
1621, gives the following curious table, showing the
* The king had a mulberry garden planted at Pimlico, in 1609, on what is now
the site of Buckingham Palace. Sedley sang its praises, and Dr. King says :
" A princely palace on that space doth rise,
Where Sedley's noble muse found mulberries."
It is interesting to know that the celebrated mulberry tree with which Shake-
speare enriched his garden at New Place, and which the Rev. Mr. Gastrell caused
to be cut down in 1752, was one of these exotic and, at the period, very rare
plants. Probably most of the fine old mulberry trees, of which there are, or
were, very many in the gardens around London, have the same origin as Shake-
speare's tree. It is well established that Shakespeare's tree was planted with his
own hand.
+ 1623. " I saw at Mr. Gale's a sample of the satin lately made at Chelsea of
" English silkworms, for the Princess of Wales, which was very rich and beau-
" tiful." (Thoresby's Diary, vol. ii. p. 372.)
THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
Great
Treaties
of Com-
merce.
imports of the Company in the year preceding,
with the prices in India and England :
COST
IMPOBTS, 1620.
ON BOARD SHIP
SELLING PRICES
IN INDIA.
IX LONDON.
s. d.
,. cL
*. d.
s. d.
250,000 Ib. Pepper . . .
o 24
26,041 13 4
1 8
208,333 6 8
150,000 Ib. Cloves . . .
1 9
5,626
6
45,000
150,000 Ib. Nutmegs . . .
! 4
2,500
2 6
18,750
50,000 Ib. Mace . . . .
S
1,666 13 4
6
15,000
200,000 Ib. Indigo . . .
1 1 2
11,666 13 4
5
50,000
107,140 Ib. China Raw Silk
7
37,499
20
107,140
50,000 pieces Calico . . .
7
15,000
20
50,000
100,000
494,223 6 8
The East India Company at this time had so
greatly increased, that, according to the same autho-
rity, they employed 10,000 tons of shipping,* 2,500
mariners, 500 ship carpenters, and about 120 factors.
England now, instead of importing from Venice,
was absolutely exporting Indian goods to Genoa,
Leghorn, Marseilles, and even Turkey. It should
be mentioned, that it was in this year (1620) that the
company established their settlement at Madras,
where they had a trade in diamonds, muslins, and
chintzes, in return for stockings, haberdashery, gold
and silver lace, looking-glasses, drinking-glasses,
lead, wines, cider, cheese, hats, stuffs, and ribands.
James I., during his reign, entered into many
treaties and arrangements for the advancement of
British trade ; particularly with the Kings of Spain,
France, and Denmark, with the Czar of Muscovy,
* In 1610 this company built the largest merchant ship then known in
England. She was of 1,100 tons burden, and was called The Trades' Increase.
At the same time the King built a ship of war superior in size to any seen in
England before : being of 1,400 tons, and carrying 64 cannon. The ships of the
East India Company were, in 1615, of the several tonnages of 1,293, 1,100, 1,060
900, 801), and the rest from 600 down to 150 tons.
CHAP, ir.] HISTORICAL. 83
and with the Hollanders. Our trade with Holland,
however, was a good deal prejudiced by a circum-
stance which occurred in 1608. It appears that the Disputes
art of dyeing and dressing woollen cloths had greatly Holland,
improved in Holland; and that it had become
custom to send white cloth from England to Holland
Patent
to he dyed and dressed, and sent hack to England
for sale. Reflecting on the great profit thereby
made by the Hollanders, Alderman Cockayne, and
some other London merchants, proposed to the King
to undertake the dyeing and dressing of cloths at
home, and obtained a patent. The King also issued
a proclamation prohibiting the exportation of white
cloth from England, and seized the charter of the
Merchant Adventurers of London, which empowered
them to export it. The Hollanders retaliated by
prohibiting the importation of English dyed cloths.
Thus was commerce thrown into confusion. Cock-
ayne was disabled from selling his cloths anywhere
but at home ; and it proved that his cloths were
worse dyed, and yet were dearer, than those done in
Holland. A great clamour was consequently raised
by the weavers and merchants, and, after much
controversy, the King, in 1615, found himself
obliged to annul Cockayne's patent, and to restore
the charter of the Merchant Adventurers.
The granting of monopoly patents by the Kin^
gave rise to loud complaints. These monopolies
were granted, on a large scale, to favourites, for
the sole vending or making of certain articles of
merchandize or manufacture. In 1610, King James
was obliged to revoke these patents by proclamation ;
but he suffered himself to be drawn into new ones revoked,
afterwards; and, in 1624, the Parliament was com- and
pelled to interfere, and to declare all monopolies of void!
this sort void.
G 2
84 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
Trade of An anonymous writer, in the interest of the
during this Levant Company, gives a picture of the trade of
England at this period :
" We trade to Naples, Genoa, Leghorn, Marseilles, Malaga,
&c. with only twenty ships, chiefly herrings, and thirty sail
more laden with pipe-staves from Ireland.
" To Portugal and Andalusia we send twenty ships for
wines, sugar, fruit, and West Indian drugs.
" To Bordeaux we send sixty ships and barks for wines.
" To Hamburgh and Middleburgh, thirty-five ships are
sent by our Merchant Adventurers' Company.
" To Dautzic, Koningsburg, &c. we send yearly about
thirty ships, viz. six from London, six from Ipswich, and the
rest from Hull, Lynn, and Newcastle, but the Dutch many
more.
" To Norway we send not above five ships, and the Dutch
above forty, and great ships too.
" Our Newcastle coal trade employs 400 sail of ships ;
viz. 200 for supplying of London, and 200 for the rest of
England.
" And besides our own ships, hither, even to the mine's
mouth, come all our neighbouring nations with their ships
continually, employing their own shipping and mariners. I
doubt not whether, if they had such a treasure, they would
employ not their own shipping solely therein. The French sail
thither in whole fleets of fifty sail together, serving all their
ports of Picardie, Normandie, Bretagne, &c. even as far as
Rochel and Bordeaux. And the ships of Bremen, Emden,
Holland, and Zealand supply those of Flanders, &c., whose
shipping is not great, with our coals.
" Our Iceland fishery employs 120 ships and barks of
our own.
" And the Newfoundland fishery 150 small ships.
" And our Greenland whale fishery fourteen ships.
" As for the Bermudas, we know not yet what they will
do ; and for Virginia, we know not what to do with it ; the
present profit of these two colonies not employing any store of
shipping."
The value of this cotemporary record must be
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 85
apparent. That the Bermudas and Virginia were The King's
not in a very satisfactory state, may be accounted biStes"'"
for bv the " count erblastes " continually issued by Against
* A tobacco.
the king, which much affected those plantations. As
early in his reign as 1604, the king laid a tax of six
shillings and eightpence a pound on tobacco : * de-
claring that
" Whereas tobacco being of late years found out and brought
from foreign parts in small quantities, was taken and used by
the better sort, both then and now, only as physic, to preserve
health, but is now, at this day, through evil custom and the
toleration thereof, excessively taken by a number of riotous and
disorderly persons of mean and base condition, who do spend
most of their time in that idle vanity, to the evil example and
corrupting of others; and also do consume the wages which
many of them get by their labour, not caring at what price they
buy that drug : by which immoderate taking of tobacco the
health of a great number of our people is impaired and their
bodies weakened and made unfit for labour ; besides that also a
great part of the treasure of our land is spent and exhausted by
this only drug, so licentiously abused of the meaner sort ; all
which enormous inconvenience we do perceive to proceed prin-
cipally from the great quantity of tobacco brought into this our
realm, which excess might in great part be restricted by some
good imposition to be laid on it. Wherefore, &c."*
But this was not the only check upon the trade of
the new colonies. At a later period, in 1619, the king
issued a proclamation in Virginia, to restrain the
people from growing tobacco. He commanded that ^- 1019.
no planter should make above one hundred weight
of tobacco per annum, " for the market was so low, he
could not give above three shillings per pound for it,"
and advised the colonists to turn their spare time
towards producing corn and stock, and towards the
* Nevertheless the consumption must have largely increased ; especially if, as
is asserted, there were " 7,000 tobacco shops in London in 1614."
t Fcedera, c. xvi. p. 601.
86 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
making of potash, or other manufactures.* This pro-
clamation, which is given in the history of Virginia,
is sufficiently strangely worded to induce the belief
that it was issued hy some local authority, but it was
1620. enforced in the early part of the following year, by a
proclamation which commenced
" Whereas we, out of the dislike we had of the use of tobacco,
tending to a general and new corruption both of our bodies and
manners, and yet, nevertheless, holding it, of the two, more
tolerable that the same should be imported, amongst other
vanities and superfluities which come from beyond seas, than
be permitted to be planted here within this realm, thereby to
abuse and misemploy the soil of this fruitful kingdom, &c. ;
We therefore strictly charge and command that our proclamation
of December last, restraining the planting of tobacco, be
observed."
The king appears hardly to have imagined that the
time would come when tobacco would be so impor-
tant an article of commerce, and so fruitful a source
of revenue in his dominions. The effect of his pro-
clamations was most injurious to the rising colonies,
its impor- and, in 1624, he was obliged to issue a proclamation
prohibiting the importation of any tobacco except
fr m Virginia and the Somers Islands, thereby giving
them a monopoly of the trade.
One of the latest acts of King James's reign was
^ i ssue a special commission to inquire into the state
intestate o f trade, and especially of the wool trade, which
Avas said to be depressed. This was the first com-
mission of the sort ever instituted, and it is thought
to have been instigated partly by causeless complaints
as to the state of trade, and partly by some real grounds
of grievance arising out of the competition of the
* At "a subsequent period, the King, with more judgment, recommended the
propagation of the silkworm in Virginia. It is rather strange that it should
not have been tried in " a climate so well calculated for the propagation of
the worm.
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 87
Hollanders, and the disputes between private traders
and the Mer chant Adventurers of London, and also
between the Levant and the East India Companies.
A good understanding generally prevailed through-
out this reign between King James and the citizens.
London began to exhibit a greatly improved outward improve-
aspect. An Act of Parliament was passed for paving Londo^f,
the outlying hamlets of St.-Giles-in-the-Eields, and
Drury Lane.* The City undertook the paving of
their market at Smithfield, and the king (A.D. 1618),
issued a commission " for the removal of nuisances
" in the grounds called Lincoln' s-Inn-Fields, and for
" laying out those fields into regular walks, &c., in
" such form as Inigo Jones, our survey or- general
" of our works, and one of the commissioners, shall
" draw by way of map." The " substantial inha-
bitants " of the adjacent parishes were called on to
defray the expense by contributions, and the king
directed that " a list of all such as will not contri-
bute shall be laid before us." This mode of pro-
viding for the expense was probably the reason why
the work was imperfectly executed.
In 1619, a proclamation was made for the builders
of London to make their walls of brick ; and it
must not be omitted to be noticed that it was in the
same year that London was first effectually supplied and of its
with water from the Lea through the enterprise supply.
and energy of Mr. (afterwards Sir Hugh) Mid-
diet on. f The canal constructed for the purpose of
* 3 Jac. I. c. -22.
t The first extraneous water supply of London was from the Ty-burn, from
whence water was brought in pipes for the supply of the Great Conduit erected
in West Cheap in the year 1285. Three hundred years after (in 1582), Thames
water was first conveyed into houses by pipes, from an engine erected near London
Bridge, by Peter Norris, a Dutchman. Middleton first laid his scheme for
supplying the City with water from the River Lea before the Common Council in
1609 ; and the New River was completed, and water brought into London houses
by it, in 1620.
88 THE POET AND TKADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
affording this supply, is to this day a monument of en-
gineering skill. Perhaps, however, the most valuable
improvement for London effected in this reign, was
Navigation the improvement of the navigation of the upper
Thames section of the river Thames, so as to make the
improved. wno le course of that river navigable for barges and
lighters, from Oxford to London. This was done
by Act of Parliament (21 Jac. I. c. 32), " for the
" conveyance of Oxford freestone by water to London,
" and for coals and other necessaries from London to
" Oxford, now coming at a dear rate, only by land
" carriage, whereby the roads are become exceeding
" bad." The Act shows that the Thames was already
navigable from London to Burcot, and that it was
also navigable for many miles above Oxford, so that
a deepening of the navigation for about seven
miles, placed London in direct water-communication
with several inland counties.
Temp. It would have been well indeed both for himself
AJX 1625. and for his people, had King Charles I. carried out
the policy of Queen Elizabeth, and of his father,
with regard to trade. But from his first accession
to the crown, Charles pursued a course most repug-
nant to the feelings and detrimental to the interests
of his people. He ascended the throne in 1625, and
one of his earliest acts was to create one of those
Trading trading monopolies which had been so much com-
HeTre? plained of in the time of his father, and against
stored. which the Parliament had legislated only in the pre-
vious year.
Trading patents and monopolies had been granted
by Elizabeth and James as acts of favour at the
instance of their favourites. Charles thought that
they could be made a means of enriching himself.
He accordingly granted monopolies and patents in
all directions, and to whomsoever would pay him
CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 89
most for them. The freedom of trade, which had
so rapidly enriched the nation since the first year
of Elizabeth, was interfered with in almost every
direction. The importation of alum was prohibited,
in order to create a monopoly in favour of certain
alum works in Yorkshire.* The manufacture of
bricks was interfered with. The King took into his
own hands the manufacture of saltpetre, which was
to be made from urinary deposits. Monopolies were
granted for manufacturing tapestries; for opening
mines in Cardiganshire ; for dressing ships with a
cement which would prevent them from burning in
fights at sea, and would also preserve them from
barnacles. Patents were issued "for the manufacture
of copper farthings ;" for the " sole making of steel;"
for "rendering sea coal and pit coal as useful as
charcoal, without offence by smell or smoke;" "for
the sole making of stone pots, jugs, and bottles;"
" for the draining out of mines ;" " for making guns,
great and small;" "for melting iron ore;" "for
plowing land without horses or oxen;" "for making
" mills to grind without the help of horses, wind, or
" water ; " the patentees of all these projects paying a
yearly sum to the Royal Exchequer. Many of the
projects were absurd, but none of them were harm-
less. The people were led to embark their money in
projects thus launched with the royal sanction and
support ; and, as the projects either proved unwork-
able and came to nothing, or were interfered with
by new plans for which patents were also granted,
all the blame of failure came to be attributed to the
king, who conducted the affairs of the State without
either Cabinet or Parliament, and his personal un-
popularity became excessive.
Nor was this the worst. Eor the purpose of
* Probably those now possessed by the Marquis of Normanby, near Whitby.
90 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
raising revenue, Charles interfered with privileges
which had been granted by his predecessors on the
throne to influential trading communities. His father
had done enough to injure the plantation in Virginia ;
Charles annulled the charter of the London merchants
for the settlement of that dependency, made a royal
Tobacco monopoly of the sale of tobacco within the realm,
a and gave the finishing stroke to the prosperity of the
Monopoly. co } on y by prohibiting the exportation of tobacco
from Virginia to any foreign state, and by taking the
sole pre-emption into his own hands at his own price.
A duty Of his own authority, King Charles also levied a duty
export of e of 4<s. per chaldron on all coal exported from England
to foreign ports, interfering with a trade which, as
we have already seen, had become of some magni-
tude; and in 1636, nothing else being left him to
A brewing tax, he established a malting and brewing monopoly,
^te- 0p< under pretence of restraining the excessive number
bushed. Q ma jt s ters, and the abuse of making bad malt, and
the excessive number of victuallers "who took upon
" them to brew ale and beer, and make it too strong
" and heady, serving for drunkenness and excess."
Effects of Measures such as these, which interfered with the
measures. trade of every class amongst the people, from the
merchant prince down to the publican, could not but
occasion the direst confusion, and the gravest dis-
satisfaction. Constant evasions or attempted evasions,
of the monopolies assured by the Crown, and of the
privileges, or pretended privileges, granted to its
patentees, soon filled the jails of England. Charles
granted " commissions to compound with offenders "
another mode of legalising offences upon payment of a
fine. This dissatisfied the patentees ; and at length,
such was the confusion, that Charles, to quiet his
people, was obliged to issue a proclamation, " utterly
" revoking divers grants, licences, privileges, and
CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 91
" commissions, procured from him on pretence for the
" common good and profit of his subjects, and since,
" upon experience, found to be prejudicial, and incon-
" venient to the people." But, as usually happens
in the case of a royal concession, it came " TOO
LATE." The nation was on the eve of revolution, and
concession only gave encouragement to those who
were preparing for revolt.
Charles even went the length of endeavouring to
subject to some sort of taxation those whom he most
oppressed. We have seen that in the preceding reign,
emigration had begun to make some progress, and in
this reign, the Puritans were inclined to seek in the
New World a free sphere for its exercise. Charles,
under pretence that the emigration of persons paying stricted,
subsidies within the realm would impoverish the
kingdom, issued a proclamation to prevent "these AD. 1637,
" idle and refractory spirits, whose only, or principal
" end, is to live as much as they can without the
" reach of authority," from embarking themselves
without a licence : or, if under the value of a subsidy
man, " without a certificate of his having taken the
" oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and likewise
" from the minister of his parish, of his conversa-
" tion and conformity to the orders and discipline of
" the Church of England." In the blindness of his
counsels he even went further than this ; for having
refused to allow the Puritans to seek freedom from
persecution in the wilderness, he proceeded to the
length of preventing them from earning their bread
at home, by trading restrictions such as that imposed
upon the Weavers' Company of London. That corpora-
tion was allowed onlv to admit into its freedom such ; nd | he
*' freedom of
" as should be conformable to the laws of the realm trading
" and the constitutions of the Church of England." SSd to
92 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
persons As if," says an old writer, " the constitutions of
formedto " any Church could have anything to do with the
of e E C ng- rch " trade of weaving."
land. At length these tyrannical restrictions on the
liberty of trade and the exercise of religion led to
their natural consequences. The Imposition of Ship-
Money, by which every county in England was
annually taxed to provide a ship of war of a certain
tonnage and with a certain number of men, to make
war upon the Dutch * (a measure, in itself, by no
means popular), led to that struggle which is known
The Great in our history as the GREAT REVOLUTION. Of
tion. l course, during the whole period of the Civil War,
trade must have been greatly affected. The straits
to which the king himself was driven are matters of
history, as are many of the extraordinary methods he
resorted to for raising money. Only one of these
discreditable proceedings need be recorded here. On
the eve of his struggle with the Scots, King Charles
bought up on credit all the pepper in London
belonging to the East India Company, which he sold
out again, for ready money. In 1642, we find in an
account of money disbursed out of the tonnage and
poundage duty, an acknowledgment of the debt in
an entry as follows :
" To the East India Company, in part of a debt owing to
them by his majesty for pepper, bought by my Lord Cottington,
9,4:131. 145. 7d"
Trade of Though the trade of London must have suffered
during" the m ost severely during the Civil War, we find the citi-
civii War. zens still the richest population in the empire, and
able to make the largest contributions to the cause
* The City of London was taxed at two ships of 800 tons and 320 men each,
Devonshire was required to supply the largest ship, which was 900 tons burden,
and 360 men. Leicestershire was rated to the smallest, 450 tons, and 180 men.
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 93
which they espoused. Although, according to Claren-
don, the Londoners, throughout this reign, made the
most lamentahle and continual complaints of the
ruinous effects of the king's measures on their
trade, yet it is clear, from the state of the customs
duties in 1640, that the trade of the kingdom had
progressively advanced.
In 1641 we have a printed notice of the industry of Manufac-
Manchester, though that town is helieved to have had Man
manufactures before 1600. A writer of the period ter -
gives the following curious account of the trade of
the town :
" The town of Manchester buys the linen yarn of the Irish
in great quantity, and, weaving it, returns it again into Ireland
to sell. Neither," he adds, "does her industry end here,
for they buy cotton wool in London, that conies first from
Cyprus and Smyrna, and work the same into fustians, ver-
milions, dimities, &c. which they return to London, where they
are sold, and from thence, not seldom, are sent into such foreign
parts where the first materials may be more easily had for the
manufacture."*
The outbreak of the Civil "War is said to have
occasioned the establishment of banking business in JJ London.
London. Prior to that time, the Hoyal Mint in the
Tower had for some years been made use of by mer-
chants as a Bank of Deposit ; but King Charles having
made free with the money therein, the Mint lost its
credit. On the breaking out of the Civil War, the mer-
chants began to lodge their cash in the hands of gold-
smiths, with power to receive and pay for them ; and,
no doubt, also calculating that, in certain events, these
goldsmiths would be able to send their money to
foreign parts, in the form of plate or otherwise. The
goldsmiths also, at the same time, began to receive
the rents of gentlemen's estates, and to hold the same
* The Treasury of Traffic, by Lewis Roberts, 1641.
94 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
to their credit, with interest. It was very soon
found that this system was highly convenient for
all parties in commercial transactions. The bankers
soon began to flourish, and in the Commonwealth
were able to supply Cromwell with advances on the
security of the public revenues.
it? great To such extent indeed did banking succeed, that
several projects were started during the Common-
wealth for the establishment of banks, by public com-
panies and otherwise, on, to say the least, very ques-
tionable bases. Amongst others, one Henry Robinson
projected the establishment of a " Land Bank," with
a principal bank in London and 100 branches in
country towns, to lend money upon mortgage of
lands at 6 per cent., the payments of the bank to be
in "bank credit," i.e. paper. This, and other like
proposals, though not adopted at the time, were
revived at a later period.
The The stoppage of English trade during the Civil TTai-
WEALTH! was of great advantage to the Dutch. Amsterdam
in a few years rose to a great state of prosperity, and
Disputes " the Hollanders had, in short, at this time, well-
Dutch. e " nigh beaten all nations by traffic out of the seas,
" and become the only carriers of goods through-
A.D. 1651. " out the world." * In 1651, the Rump Parliament,
observing with concern the growth of Dutch com-
merce, and that their vessels were importing even
the produce of our own possessions, whilst our
The Navi- English ships were rotting at home, passed a
>n Act. jf avigation Act, prohibiting importation of mer-
chandize from Asia, Africa, or America, except
in English-built ships. This law grievously affected
the Dutch, who complained loudly, but were unable
War cou- to obtain any satisfaction. Thereupon disputes arose
between the two States, and the Dutch prepared for
De Witt's Interest of Holland, part i. c. 13.
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 95
war, which broke out in the following year (1652),
and continued until 1654. The English had the
advantage, not only in the naval engagements, but by
being able almost to annihilate the Dutch commerce,
which necessarily passed through the English Channel.
In the two years of this war, the English captured
or destroyed 700 Dutch merchant vessels a loss so
severe, that the States were obliged to sue for peace,
and to accept such terms as the Protector thought
fit to grant. By this result of the war English
trade was soon restored.
The policy of England being liberal, the Jews at
this time petitioned Cromwell to readmit them to
settle in England, from which they had been excluded AlD> 1656<
V
since their expulsion by King Edward I. (365 years).
Their admission was opposed by Prynne and other
Roundheads, but the Protector was persuaded of the
benefit to commerce which would result from their
readmission, and admitted them accordingly.*
Although commercial advantages were secured to Feeling
f t-\\
England under the Commonwealth, Cromwell was citizens
never able to obtain the entire good-will or confi-
dence of the mercantile community of London.
Probably, they regarded him merely as a military
leader, and considered the future position of the
country too unsettled, under his government, to
induce them to place in it implicit confidence. As
always happens after lengthened wars and intestine
commotion, an obvious anxiety was evidenced, during
the later years of the Commonwealth for a permanent
and stable government; and Cromwell's last breath
was scarcely drawn, before the Citizens of London
deserted the party of which they had been the main
* The Jews on their return to London settled in Duke's Place, AJdgate ; a
locality which they still inhabit in large numbers, and close to which they have
their principal synagogue.
96 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
support, complaining that "the good old cause had
been too long neglected." With almost universal
acclamation they accepted General Monk's proposal
to restore the royal family of Stuart ; and King
Charles II. was received in London with such
universal acclamations, that he wondered " where
*' his enemies were concealed, and how he could
" have so long delayed repairing to his friends."
The One of the very first acts of the Parliament, on the
Restoration, was to grant to the king, " their supreme
f( }i e g e ;L or cl and Sovereign," " one subsidy called
" tonnage, and another called poundage." This act
established differential duties, which show with
much significance the state of public opinion as to
trade at this time. The tonnage granted was as
follows :
Tonnage " For every ton of Wine, the growth of France, that shall
dutie come into the PORT OF LONDON by way of merchandize,
" By your natural born subjects, 41. 10s,
" By strangers and aliens, 6^.
" And into the OUTPORTS.
" By natural born subjects, 3Z. ; and by aliens, 41. 10s.
" For every butt or pipe of Mucadels, Malagays, Gites, Tents,
Alicants, Bastards, Sacks, Canaries, Malagas, Madeiras, and
other wines whatsoever, commonly called sweet wines, of the
growth of the Levant, Spain, and Portugal, or any of them, or
of the islands belonging to them, or elsewhere,
" That shall come into the Port of London,
" Brought by English subjects, 2Z. 5s. ; and by aliens, 3?.
" And into the Outports,
" By English subjects, \l. 10s. ; and by aliens, 2?. 5*.
" And also for Rhenish wines,
" By natural born subjects, 17. per aura ; and by aliens,
1?. 5s."
Poundage. POUNDAGE was granted,
" For all manner of goods or merchandize exported or im-
ported, either by denizens or aliens, 12rf. for every 20.--. as in the
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 97
book of rates valued, or ad valorem; and for English products or
manufactures exported by aliens, Vid, more for every 20s. over
and above the first 20s. ; excepting, however, all manner of
woollen cloths, commonly called old draperies, and all other
goods mentioned to be customs free in the said book of rates."*
At the same time an Act was passed, on the prin- A Navi ga -
ciple of that of 1651, " for the general encouragement p^ e d. ct
and increase of shipping and navigation," but it
was questioned whether exclusive trade was now
necessary; for under the operation of the previous
act, and in consequence of the injury inflicted on
Dutch commerce, " ships in England had become
one-third dearer, and seamen's wages so excessive,"
that the cost of our freight had become very much
enhanced.
The trade of England at the commencement of this Trade at
reign would appear to have been very flourishing.'
The East India Company, especially, were carrying
on a most extensive business. They imported such
vast quantities of muslins and other choice goods, as
even to interfere (as the silk weavers complained) with The East
the internal manufactures of the country. They im- company's
ported so much raw silk as to interfere (as the Turkey Trade '
Company complained) with the trade of the Levant.
The consequence was, great controversies respecting
this Company ; one party desiring to preclude it
from importing raw material, and the other party
wishing to preclude it from importing manufactured
goods. The cause of the Company was stoutly
pleaded by Sir Josiah Child, who proved that its trade
was of the greatest value to the nation ; but the
Company was placed in great jeopardy principally in
consequence of a rupture which occurred in Parlia-
ment concerning it.
Thomas Skinner, a merchant, had fitted out a ship skinner's
case.
* 12 Chas. II. c. 4.
98 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
A.D. 1657. for India in 1657. On her arrival out, in 1658, the
agents of the East India Company not only seized
the ship and her merchandize, hut seized the house
and Island of Barella, which Skinner had bought
of the King of Jamby. Skinner came home overland
(being denied a passage by sea in the East India Com-
pany's ships), and made lamentable complaints to the
King, who first referred him to a Committee of
his Council, and next to the House of Peers. The
Peers directed the Company to answer, but they de-
murred to the Lords' jurisdiction, as not coming
properly before them from an inferior court. The
Lords overruled this plea, and the Company there-
upon petitioned the House of Commons against the
proceedings of the Lords, which they alleged to be
contrary to law. The Lords were greatly inflamed,
and gave Skinner 5,OOOZ. damages against the Com-
pany. This inflamed the Commons, who sent Skin-
ner to the Tower. The Lords voted the Company's
petition to the Commons to be false and scandalous.
The Commons resolved that whoever should execute
the sentence of the Lords in favour of Skinner, should
be deemed " a betrayer of the rights and liberties
" of the Commons of England, and an infringer of
" the privileges of their House." These violent pro-
ceedings obliged the King to adjourn Parliament seven
times ; and the quarrel reviving in 1670, the King
called both Houses to Whitehall, and prevailed on
them to erase all the votes of both Houses on the
subject. Thus ended the great case of Skinner, after
many elaborate disquisitions on the jurisdiction of
either House of Parliament : amid which it does
not clearly appear that Skinner ever obtained any
redress at all ! Some years afterwards the King
t/ O
granted a new charter to the Company, by which
their monopoly was confirmed, and they were em-
CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 99
powered " to seize the ships and merchandize of
interlopers " with the forfeiture of one-half to the
King.
The prosperity of trade which marked the earlier Another .
period of this reign was not of long continuance. The
Dutch having reconstructed their fleet, the war for
maritime supremacy hetween that people and the
English again broke out, and terrible conflicts at sea
occurred between the fleets of the two nations. This
war was most expensive and injurious to England ; not
so much by reason of non-success, as because the affairs
of Erance, being well and wisely administered, that
nation took every possible opportunity of profiting take ad-
by the conflict which weakened her two greatest vantage<
rivals. The intelligent minister, Colbert, who was
called to the administration of the Einance of Erance,
soon perceived that these vain contests for maritime
supremacy afforded his country the opportunity of
developing her manufacturing industry. He imme-
diately established the famous Gobelin manufactory
for tapestry, procuring the most eminent artists from
all parts to support it. He established, also, manu-
factories of cloth, silk, and glass. He procured from
England the secret of the stocking-frame ; and gave
encouragement to manufacturers of iron, steel, fine
earthenware, and leather. " Every year of his
" ministry," says Voltaire, " from 1663 to 1672,
" was distinguished by the establishment of some
" new manufacture." * By his means, Erance soon
became the great rival and supplanter of both Eng-
land and Holland in foreign markets, more especially
in woollen goods ; and even in England itself it
began to be complained that " every maid-servant
" had become a standing revenue to the Erench
" King of the half of her wages."
* Age of Louis XIV,
H 2
100
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. IL
English
trade
stagnant.
Peace
restored.
A.D. 1667.
The Hud-
sou's Bay
Company
chartered.
The consequence was, that the balance of trade,
very early in this reign, became against England.
OUR IMPORTS WERE OUR EXPORTS WERE
In 1602 . . 4,016,019 2,022,812
In 1668 . . 4,196,140 2,063,275
showing that we scarcely advanced in the interval,
and that the balance was largely against us. This
state of things could not continue, and, therefore,
late in 1667, a treaty was concluded at Breda
between England and Holland. Before it was
actually signed, the Dutch entered the Medway
with seventy ships of war, and took the fort of
Sheerness, which they blew up, with a great quantity
of stores; and after burning four or five of our
largest ships at Chatham, returned in triumph to
their own coast. This had nearly caused a con-
tinuation of the war, but ultimately peace was
signed.
The importance of this peace to English trade was
established by the eagerness with which the people
immediately applied themselves to commercial con-
cerns. Trade, however, required encouragement, and
certain persons about the Court endeavoured to obtain
it from the Sovereign. In the year 1669, Prince Rupert,
and seventeen other persons of quality, sent out an
adventure to Hudson's Bay, and in 1670 they obtained
a Charter for a Company, since called the Hudson's
Bay Company, giving them
" The sole trade and commerce of all the seas, bays, straits,
creeks, lakes, rivers, and sounds, that lie within the entrance of
the strait, commonly called Hudson's Straits," together with
the fishery therein, and " all mines royal of gold, silver, gems,
and pretious stones;" "yielding and paying yearly to us, our
heirs and successors, for the same, two elks and two black
beavers, whensoever and as often as we, our heirs and suc-
cessors, shall happen to enter into the said seas, straits, bays," &c.
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 101
The Charter was a very ample one, but the " mines
royal of gold, silver, gems, andpretious stones" proved
illusory. The sort of commerce carried on by the
company was exhibited half a century afterwards. It
was a commerce with the Indians wholly by barter
the articles given for skins being powder, shot, hatchets,
beads, tobacco, knives, guns, old clothes, kettles, look-
ing-glasses, combs, &c. Eor these things, in 1740, the
Company received and imported about 45,000 beaver
skins, 100,000 other skins, 4,800 Ib. of bed feathers,
1,200 whale fins, and 240 gallons of whale oil.
Probably this and other concessions to commerce The king'*
would have given stimulus to the English trade, but c iosed e , qu
unhappily, in the following year (A.D. 1671-2), King A - D - 1671 - 2 -
Charles II., pressed by pecuniary difficulties, and in
anticipation of another war with the Dutch, was so
ill-advised as to shut up his Exchequer, most cruelly
and unjustly seizing the monies of the merchants
and bankers deposited therein to the amount of
1,328,526^. The result was not only a very just
clamour, but an entire cessation of all confidence in
the government. Sir "Win. Temple, in his Miscellanies,
remarks that, by this act
" The credit of the Exchequer was irrecoverably lost, for
credit is gained by custom, and seldom recovers a strain. I have
heard," he says, " a great example given of this that happened
upon the late King Charles I. seizing 200,OOOZ. in the Mintj
but after that invasion of it, although the king paid back the
money in a few months, the Mint never recovered its credit
amongst foreign merchants."
In the case of King Charles II. the same result
happened. Trade was paralyzed. The Crown never
recovered its credit in the time of the Stuarts, and
this breach of honour and good faith was probably
one of the latent circumstances which contributed to
the ruin of that family.
102 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
Another To make things worse, at a later period of the year
AA wr? " 1672, war was again declared against the Dutch,
and continued, with numerous and terrible battles at
sea, until 1674. In these battles both nations claimed
the victory, and both may be said to have suffered
the defeat the losses on each side were so vast. In
Peace. ^ 1674 peace was restored, and such was the immediate
effect on trade, that after a great frost in that year,
" there sailed out of the harbour of Rotterdam no
" less than 300 sail of English, Scotch, and Irish
" ships all at once, with an easterly wind." *
Revocation The event, however, which tended most to the pros-
Edict e f perity of England at this time was less the restoration
of peace with Holland than the revocation of the Edict
of Nantes, under which the Protestants in Erance
had previously enjoyed the free and public exercise of
their religion. This event proved very lamentable to
hundreds of thousands of Erench people, amongst
whom were many of the best merchants, manufac-
turers, and artificers of that kingdom. All that
Colbert had so perseveringly and successfully en-
deavoured to establish was shattered by this religious
Resort of blow. Numbers of artificers came to England;
artificers among them a large body of skilled silk manufac-
turers, who settled themselves in London, in the dis-
tricts of Spitalfields and Bethnal Green; and many
gold and silver-smiths, watch-makers, and carvers,
who settled in St. Giles, and the neighbourhood of
Soho Square. The number who came over has been
variously estimated at from 50 to 70,000, and they
are supposed to have brought with them more than
three millions of money. Assisted by these refugees,
the English people set on foot a number of Erench
manufactures and fabrics, and began to make for
themselves articles which had previously been im-
* Ker of Kersland's Memoirs, vol. ii.
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 103
ported from France, and which had contributed to
make the balance of trade so large against the
country.*
The effect of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Public
and of the immigration of the Protestant refugees, Jvouf o?
was not, however, confined to English trade. Occur- the refu -
ring as it did immediately previous to the death of
King Charles II., it excited throughout the country
a strong Protestant feeling, which set itself deter- and
minedly against a successor to the throne who openly
avowed the principles of the Roman Catholic religion. ^
Nothing was wanting to a revolution but the policy
which James II. madly adopted, which caused so
determined and unmeasured a feeling against him as
within two years to lead to his expulsion from the
throne for ever.
Two great events specially affecting London occurred The Great
in the time of Charles II. The first was the Eire of London.
1666, by which a very large portion of London was
entirely destroyed, and which caused a vast amount of
distress amongst the citizens of all ranks. 13,200
houses were burnt, together with the Cathedral of
St. Paul's, and most of the churches and corporation
halls ; besides which, the loss of merchandize, treasure,
plate, and household furniture, was immense; the
damage done exceeding, as has been computed, ten
millions sterling. It shows the greatness of London
and the elasticity of her trade, that, although England
was in the midst of a vindictive war, within four
* Among the articles of manufacture which the English were taught to make,
or in which they were improved, by the French refugees, were light woollens, silk,
linen, writing paper, glass, hats, lutestring silks, brocades, satins, ducapes, velvets,
watches, cutlery, clocks, jacks, locks, surgeons' instruments, hardware, toys, &c.
The greatest encouragement and assistance were given to the refugees, for whom
collections were made even in James the Second's reign, as was indeed the case
in every Protestant country of Europe. At the commencement of the reign of
William III. 15,OOOZ. a year was settled by Parliament on such of them as were
persons of quality, or were, through age or infirmity, unable to support themselves.
104 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
years after this event, the city was mostly re-con-
structed in a more beautiful and substantial manner
than before.* The streets, under Act of Parliament
(19 Chas. II. c. 2, 3), were ordered to be built much
wider than before, and new ways constructed in the
districts previously most crowded. The houses, more-
over, were now all constructed of stone and brick
instead of wood, and many nuisances, obstructions,
and " middle rows," were entirely cleared away. The
mercantile community made the greatest efforts to
restore the city, and did so, very much to its com-
mercial advantage. It has been alleged against the
citizens, that their " interested opposition " prevented
the very superior plans of Wren or of Evelyn being
adopted, by which the beauty of the city would have
been much enhanced. But it has been remarked,
that, had either of those plans been adopted, the
city, by the removal of its trade beyond its boundaries,
would have lost in trade, in wealth, and population,
as much as it would have gained in beauty.
The char- The Eire of London was made the pretext for a poli-
Sinchises tical act of Charles II. equally unjust and impolitic.
sekeL don After the shutting up of the Exchequer, in 1671-2, a
very ill feeling grew up between the court and the
city, which continued throughout the reign. The
citizens, resolute to maintain their liberties, were
constantly thwarting the despotic measures of the
court, and the court consequently made great
efforts, of a very corrupt character, to acquire an
ascendancy in the city. In 1683, an attempt was
made, under circumstances which belong to history,
to obtain the election of sheriffs who would empannel
juries in the interest of the crown ; and this attempt
being thwarted by the citizens, who, under the charter
* Within seven years the whole work of restoration was accomplished, except
St. Paul's.
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 105
of Henry I., had a clear right to choose their own
sheriffs, the king determined to seize the City charters,
liberties, and franchises. He accordingly ordered a
writ of quo warranto to be prosecuted, of which the
first allegation was, "that the city had forfeited
" their charters, in consequence of an act of Common
" Council, passed nine years previously, by virtue
" of which new rates of tolls had been levied on
" persons using the city markets, to pay for their
" rebuilding after the great fire." The object of the
king appears to have been to seize the whole of
the corporate charters of England into his own hands,
and to re-issue them with such limitations as he
might see fit, in favour of the prerogative of the
Crown. The citizens resisted this act of despotism
and usurpation, and their case was argued at great
length, and with peculiar ability. But the judges,
some of whom are said* to have been raised to
the bench for the express purpose, gave judgment
against the City.f The City charter was seized : the
aldermen, recorder, and other officers of the corpora-
tion, obnoxious to the Court, were displaced, and
other officers appointed to act " during pleasure."
This violent act of power was followed by quo
warrantos against most of the other corporations of
England, including the trading (or livery) companies
of London. Seeing the inutility of opposition in
the then state of the courts of law, they most of
* Tide Burnet's History of His Own Time.
t Judgment was delivered in Trin. Term, 35 Chas. II. (June, 1684). Chief
Justice Sanders, -who is probably pointed to by Bishop Burnet, died the same day,
or the day after judgment was given ; and the court was therefore only composed
of the puisne judges Jones, Raymond, and Withers. Justice Jones pronounced
the judgment, and the others assented, and affirmed that Chief Justice Sanders
was of the same opinion. Their decisions were" 1. That a corporation aggregate
" might be seized. 2. That exacting and taking money by the pretended by-law
" was extortion, and a forfeiture of the franchise of being a corporation," &c.
(Vide the Charter of the City, and Abstract of the Arguings of the Case of
Quo Warranto, by J. E. London, 1738.)
106 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
them surrendered their charters into the king's hands
at once.
King The citizens continued to be deprived of their
charter until the last year of King James II. ; but
theno SOOIier did that monarch hear of the landing
A.D. less, of the Prince of Orange, than he sent for the Lord
Mayor and aldermen, and informed them of his
intention to restore all their privileges. His chan-
cellor, Jeffreys, accordingly came down to the Guild-
hall in great state, and delivered to the citizens
a charter, together with two grants of restoration to
the Court of Aldermen ; but the king had hardly
left London to encounter his opponents, when the
Court of Common Council agreed to address the
Prince of Orange, imploring his protection, and
promising him a welcome reception in the City.
"When the prince arrived in London, the Corpora-
tion waited upon him with an ardent address of
congratulation, delivered by their own Recorder ; and
one of the first acts of "William and Mary was
" An Act for reversing the judgment in a quo
" warranto against the City of London, and for
" restoring the same to its ancient rights and pri-
" vileges." (2 Wm. and Mary, Session 1.)
Temp. The prosperity of the country was evidenced in the
and MART, reign of "William and Mary by the establishment of
the Bank of England, which, despite a great deal of
opposition from the Court and the monied men, ob-
The Bank tained a charter on 27th July, 1694.* The establish-
iand esta- nient of the Bank of England gave life and energy
^ business, and made trade easy. Great eagerness
was exhibited to embark in commercial enterprise; and
this even extended itself to Scotland, where, in 1795,
* The capital was 1,200,OOOZ. sterling. Sir John Houblon was the first Gover-
nor, Michael Godfrey, Esq., who had written strongly in favour of the formation
of the Bank, was the first Deputy-Governor.
CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 107
the Bank of Scotland was established, which soon The Bank
rose to very high credit. The projector of both banks jJn
was Mr. William Paterson. The capital of the Scotch
Bank was 1,200,0002. Scotch, or 100,0002. sterling.
The Scotch, in the same year, embarked in another
company, originated by Mr. Paterson, which ob-
tained great notoriety, and became the subject of
much dispute. This was a company called " The
Company of Scotland, trading to Africa and the
Indies;" a trade, which they proposed to conduct as
far as India, was commenced, across the Isthmus
of Panama, at a settlement called "Darien." But
this Company met with great jealousy from the Eng-
lish merchants. Parliament was induced to address
the king against it, and they even went so far as to
impeach two persons who had been instrumental in
getting subscriptions for it in London. Despite these
and other obstacles the Company was formed, and,
in 1698, it sent out an expedition of five ships to
Darien, where a fort was erected, called St. Andrew,
and a new town founded, called New Edinburgh.
This caused great rejoicings in Scotland, where the
people, with an amount of enthusiasm rather unusual
among the Scotch, at once concluded that they were
about to establish a trade with Peru and Mexico, and
China and Japan, besides India, the Spice Islands,
and all the coast of America, north and south.
The promoters of this Company did not, however, its diffi-
calculate sufficiently on the difficulties of their culties
position. Not only was the project itself full of
difficulty, involving as it did an unlading and reship-
ment of goods upon the voyage, and their portage
through a very mountainous and difficult country,
but almost all Europe eyed this project with jealousy
and disfavour. The King of Spain represented to the
King of England that this settlement of his subjects
108 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. u.
in the heart of the Spanish dominion in America was
"an insult." The Dutch regarded it as injuriously
affecting their East India Company and their new
settlement at Curayoa. The French were apprehen-
sive it would injure their West India commerce,
which was beginning to be considerable; and the
East India Company of London brought all their
powerful influence to bear against the project both in
Parliament and at the Throne. Thus pressed on all
sides, by subjects and by allies, the king was com-
pelled to disavow the Company, which he did by a
proclamation, issued in the spring of 1699, pro-
hibiting supplies being sent to the Scottish colony
at Darien, either from Great Britain or any of her
And disas- dependencies. The colony, by this proclamation,
was ruined, and the settlers were obliged to abandon
it on the 20th June, 1699, after having bravely
defended it from a Spanish force which had been sent
against it. This disaster greatly inflamed the Scotch
people against King William and their English neigh-
bours. They demanded redress ; and even so late as
1706, when the Articles of Union were under considera-
tion, with characteristic pertinacity, they refused to
sign them until measures had been taken for in-
demnifying all who had suffered by the Company,
and repaying the shareholders the full capital and
interest.
Specula- Restrained by continental wars from engaging
Jj-j* largely in foreign trade, the English during this reign
period. embarked their money in numerous projects, chiefly
for the development of the internal resources of the
country. Banks, linen companies, drainage com-
panies, salt and paper manufactories, water com-
panies, and mining and fishing companies were started
without number in 1695 and 1696; and with them many
projects of a less useful and beneficial character.
CHAP. II.]
HISTORICAL.
109
The spirit thus invoked led to a great deal of gambling
in shares ; and lottery speculations without number
were established, which multiplied exceedingly and
promised "mountains of gold."
The Foreign Trade, however, was not in good con- Position of
dition, and in the later years of King William III.
even the East India Company, in consequence of their
losses during the war, was unable to pay a dividend.
Against this Company the fury of the London silk
weavers was directed, and so tumultuous did they
become, that, in 1697, they attempted to seize the trea-
sure at the East India House, and almost succeeded.
Their complaints led to proceedings in Parliament in
the spring of 1698, in the course of which " a new
company " was formed under very powerful auspices,
which obtained parliamentary powers, and raised
2,000,000/. of capital. Without recounting all the
difficulties which ensued, it may suffice to mention
that ultimately the two companies were incorporated
in one, in 1702.
At the close of this reign we have the first record
of the number and measurement of vessels belonging
to the different ports of England. It is derived from
a return issued by the Commissioners of Customs for
1701-2, and shows that there belonged to all the
English ports
3,281 Vessels, estimated at 261,222 Tons, and carrying 27,196 Men.
The principal ports were as follows :
Shipping
hind" 8
A - D - 1701 -
Ships.
Tons.
Men.
Ships.
Tons.
Men.
London . .
560
84,882
10,065
Hull . . .
115
7,564
187
Bristol . .
165
17,338
2,359
Whitby. .
110
8,292
571
Yarmouth .
143
9,914
668
Liverpool .
102
8,619
1,101
Exeter . .
121
7,107
978
Scarborough
100
6,860
606
No other port had 100 vessels ; but Newcastle had
63 vessels, measuring 11,000 tons ; and Ipswich had
1 10 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
39, measuring 11,170 tons.* Of the Hull vessels, 80
were laid up, which accounts for the small number of
men in that port.
Temp. Queen Anne commenced her reign by declaring
ANNE? war against Prance. She immediately afterwards
The entered into a treaty with the King of Portugal,
Methuen -. -. . -. / /> .... ,, -,-,
Treaty, whereby, in exchange lor a iree admission 01 woollens
into Portugal, England bound herself " for ever to
" admit the wines of the growth of Portugal into
" Britain," " so that at no time, whether in peace
" or war, there should be a higher duty upon those
" wines than on the wines of France." t This was a
most improvident arrangement, inasmuch as it was cal-
culated to exclude us from a large market for our
goods in France, and limit us to a very small market
for them in Portugal; excluding us also from the
greatest, cheapest, and most varied wine-producing
country of the world. For upwards of a century and
a half, however, high-priced port wine was forced
into consumption in England under the provisions
of this treaty ; from which we were only relieved,
in 1860, by the effect of the recent commercial treaty
with France.
its inju- A trade, however, sprung up with Portugal. " The
on our ' Methuen Treaty," in the course of the years of
wfth 1013 war which succeeded, became the charter of a vested
France.
* This figure has been questioned, but there is reason to think it correct. In
Clarke's " History of Ipswich," he speaks of " the huge colliers, called Cats,"
which used to be employed here. He says, " These cats were of large tonnage,
' standing very high above the water. They were wider in proportion than other
' vessels of similar burden ; their hulls were painted black, and, with their dingy
' crew and gigantic bulk, they had a gloomy and terrific appearance. It is still a
' common expression among the old seamen, in reference to the face of a vessel,
' to say that she is cat-built." (Clarke's Ipswich : Ips. 1830, p. 417.) "Ships
' of any burden can come up the Orwell as far as Downham Reach." The ship-
ping of Ipswich in 1S30 numbered 147 vessels, of 8,538 tons. The number of
craft had largely increased, though the tonnage had diminished.
t Mr. Gladstone's device of an "alcoholic test," i.e. a differential duty on wines,
according to their strength, no doubt had for its object to release England from the
meshes of this treaty.
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. Ill
interest ; and a great clamour was raised in 1713,
when, under the articles of the Treaty of Utrecht,
it was proposed to place Prance in the same com-
mercial position, as regarded her trade with Eng-
land, as she had heen in 1664. Newspapers were
started to assail the articles, and " the weavers,"
as usual, predicted all sorts of ruin to the "black
and coloured silk manufacture" from an introduc-
tion of silks, ribbons, and embroideries from France.
The Parliament, by a majority of nine, refused to
ratify, by Act of the Legislature, so much of the
treaty as re-established French trade, and the com-
merce of the two greatest commercial countries of
the world remained, in consequence, in a state of
semi-prohibition on both sides, to the great encourage-
ment of the smuggler.
It was in the ninth year of Queen Anne that The South
Sir Robert Walpole, Earl of Oxford, then Prime P auy
Minister and Lord Treasurer of Great Britain, pro-
cured an Act of Parliament to be passed for " making
" good deficiencies and satisfying the public debts,
" and for erecting a corporation to carry on a trade to
" the South Seas, and for the encouragement of the
" fishery," &c. The Royal Charter incorporating the
Company was dated the 8th September following.
Its stock rose to a high price. The Queen, who was
said to take a personal interest in its success, ob-
tained the Company the privilege to trade on the
Spanish Main from the King of Spain. The Com-
pany, however, did not commence trade, but kept
adding to its capital stock until Midsummer, 1715,
when it amounted to ten millions. In the same year
it launched its first ship, called the Hoyal Prince,
after the Prince of Wales (George II.), who was mag-
nificently entertained on board. This vessel did not
make her first voyage until 1717.
112 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
Condition The balance of trade throughout this reign was in
in this e favour of England, and the net customs duties rose
"^ from 1,389,000/. in 1700, to 1,714,00(M. in 1714. The
East India Company, in a representation to the House
of Commons in 1712, alleged that "they annually
exported to the East Indies about 150,OOOZ. value in
woollen goods and other English products." Upon
the whole, however, it cannot be considered that trade
was flourishing, or that improvements were at all
proportioned to the advancement of the age, whilst
the long wars with France created a national debt,
amounting at the death of Anne to 50,000,000/.
sterling.
Temp. To meet this heavy burden the Ministers of
' George I., as soon as his government was established,
were compelled to take measures for the reduction of
the legal rate of interest. This was a salutary mea-
sure for commerce, and it began to extend itself
in consequence. Unhappily, however, the attention
impulse of all classes was speedily diverted from legitimate
splcuia enterprise by the scheme brought out by Law in
Paris, for the settlement of Louisiana by a company
designated the " Mississippi Company." This scheme
gave an impulse to speculation, which extended itself
to every quarter of Europe, and especially to London,
The South where the South Sea Company, which had hitherto
pany'8 m done nothing but raise capital and build ships, pro-
p^Tff the P ose( l to * ne king a scheme to pay off the National
National Debt by incorporating it into their stock. This pro-
posal was accepted in Parliament, and a Bill brought
in " for enabling the Company to increase their present
" capital stock and fund, by redeeming such public
" debts and incumbrances as are therein mentioned."
The rumour of this scheme sent the public into a
frenzy of speculation, and the stock of the Company,
which was not much above par before Christmas,
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. U3
1719, rose by the 1st June, 1720, to 890 per cent.,
the stocks of other Companies rising in proportion.
At the same time, numerous new projects were brought
out, some of which were sound,* whilst others were of
a very speculative character. The rage for speculation
in these various Companies at length reached a point
at which the managers of the South Sea Company
thought, very foolishly, that they obstructed the
operations of the South Sea Company; and accord-
ingly, in August, 1720, they caused legal proceed-
ings to be taken by writ of scire facias against certain
of these " pretended companies " " promulgated con-
trary to law." The immediate effect of these pro-
ceedings was, of course, the collapse of the companies Collapse
directly proceeded against and of many others of specula-
lesser note ; and as the public did not know to what
extent such proceedings might go, they began to with-
draw their money, as well as they could, from all the
speculations, the various shares of which underwent
in consequence most rapid diminution. The South Sea
Company itself participated in this decline, for, al-
though by the promise of dividends of from 30 to 50
per cent, the price of their stock was maintained at
about 800 until the 1st September, it had sunk by
the 29th to 175, and the bonds of the Company were
at 25 discount.
The result of all this was great uneasiness and National
clamour, and a run upon the Bank. Before the close
of the year, the country began to experience severe
distress. Various expedients were started for re-
lieving the sufferers. The South Sea Company peti-
tioned the King for a grant of that part of the island
of St. Christopher's, which had been ceded by France
to England under the Treaty of Utrecht, or for the
* The Royal Exchange and the London Assurance Corporations, two of the
greatest fire and life insurance offices in London, were originated at this time.
I
1 14 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
territory of Nova Scotia, which they offered to settle
and make advantageous to trade. They did not succeed
in this application, but they induced the Legislature
to remit the entire sum they were bound to pay for
taking up the National Debt ; so that the public were
deprived of all the benefit anticipated from that
scheme. In the following year, Parliament appointed
a Select Committee of Inquiry into the affairs of the
South Sea Company, which ended in restrains upon
the directors and officers, who were prohibited from
leaving the kingdom, in proceedings against other in-
fluential authorities, and in "an Act for restoring
public credit." But this, an Act of Parliament must
always be comparatively ineffectual to accomplish;
and much more was done to restore public credit by
the peace which was shortly afterwards concluded
with Spain, than by all the measures which Parlia-
ment could enact upon the subject.
Trade Peace being established in 1721, the South Sea
thTsouth Company sent out a rich ship to trade with the
Sea com- Spanish settlements at Porto Bello and Carthagena,*
and in 1723 they sent another ship, with a rich
freight, to trade at Vera Cruz. In 1725, stimulated
by the success of the Dutch in the Greenland whale
fishery, the same Company commenced sending ships
to fish for whales. This trade they carried on for eight
years (until 1732), when, finding that there had been
considerable losses, they were obliged to lay it aside.
Their total disbursements on account of the fishery
amounted, during the eight years, to 262.172/. The
amount obtained by the sale of oil and whale fins, as
well as by the sale of their ships and stores, was 84,390^.:
leaving a dead loss of principal, without interest, of
177,7822. The Company claimed great merit for
* The Company were obliged to obtain licences from the Spanish government
to carry on this traffic, and great difficulties were sometimes thrown in the way of
their trade.
CHAP. II.]
HISTOEICAL.
115
having carried on the trade so long under such dis-
advantages.
O
As showing the state of trade of the port at this Trade of
period, some statistics may be interesting : this period
NUMBER OF VESSELS entered Inwards in the Port of London,
1728 :
British 1,839
Foreign 213
Coasters 6,837
Total
8,889
EXPORTS from London for the month of May, 1730 :
Pewter (wrought) . . 499 J cwt.
Lead 184 fodder.
Ditto in Shot . . . 847 cwt.
Alum 1,275
Copperas 4,033
Tobacco 866,163 Ibs.
Calicoes 76,847 pieces.
Gold Watches ... 47
Silver ... 113
Wrought Plate . . . 972 ounces.
Woollen Cloths . . . 5,357 pieces.
Bays, Colchester, &c. . 6,990
Stuffs, Druggets, &c. . 24,484
Perpets and Serges . 4,108
Hats 2,028 dozens.
Hose 9,368 doz. prs.
Flannel and Cotton . 53,053 yards.
Frieze 7,858
Gartering 774 gross.
Leather 2,290 cwt.
Block Tin 1,036
Besides 339,353 oz. of Silver, and 36,294 oz. of Gold.
IMPORTS into London, May, 1730 :
Thrown Silk from Italy 31,218 Ibs.
Raw Silk 3,441
Coffee from Turkey only 1,781 cwt.
Oil from Gallipoli . . . 390 tons.
Holland Cloth, or Fine
Linen 66,286 ells.
Ditto from Hamburgh
and Bremen . . . 1,232,209
Irish Linen* . . . 179,114 yards.
Linen Yarn from Ham-
burgh 73,450 Ibs.
Coffee from Mocha . . 5,000 bales.
The East India Company in the spring of this year
* In 1688 Ireland did not export annually above 6,OOOZ. worth of linen. In
1741, her exports of linen were valued at 600,000/. This rapid increase was
foretold by Sir William Temple, in his " Miscellanies." '* No women," he says,
" are apter to spin linen thread well than the Irish ; and this trade may certainly
be advanced and improved into a great manufacture, so as to bear down the trade
of France and Holland ; for besides what has been said of the flax and spinning,
the soil and climate of Ireland are proper for whitening, both by the frequent
brooks, and also the winds of the country."
I 2
Wines .
4,299 casks.
Ditto from Leghorn . .
459 chests.
Ditto Rhenish ....
1,019 auras.
Brandy from Dunkirk .
24,687 galls.
Rum from Brit. Colonies
6,327
Sugar
1,421 hhds.
Rice from Carolina . .
3,025
Spanish Wool ....
1,144 bags.
Indigo from Spain and
our Colonies ....
57,784 Ibs.
Hemp from the East
Country .
1,160 cwt
1 16 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, n-
Trade, sailed seventeen ships from India to the Thames, but
3 ' they did not arrive until late in the year. The South
Sea Company's great ship Prince Frederick returned
to the Thames from Vera Cruz this year, with a
lading of 400,000 dollars, or Spanish pieces of eight,
in specie, 190,000 Ibs. of cochineal, 47,000 Ibs. of
indigo, and 170 tons of logwood. The cargo was
valued altogether at 350,000. sterling. Our colonial
trade with America and the West Indies had also
begun about this time to be large. The total value
of the imports of England this year was 7,780,019/.,
the exports, 8,548,982Z.
Temp. The earlier years of the reign of George II. were
SORGE IT. verv propitious to commerce. The times were tran-
quil; the policy of the Government had warded
off foreign war, suppressed the Jacobites, and for a
season paralysed faction. The nation, having re-
covered from the effects of the year of speculation,
Commerce was now pursuing commerce steadily and surely.
expands. ]y one y was plentiful, and the rate of interest low.
The West India Islands were largely developing the
sugar manufacture, and were also sending us coffee,
cotton, ginger, pimento, mahogany, logwood, and
indigo. Jamaica alone employed at this time 300
sail of ships and 6,000 seamen. Carolina, having
become a royal dependency, had begun, after reducing
the Indians, to extend its plantations. Virginia and
Maryland were sending home 60,000 hhds. of tobacco
annually, and the northern ports of the American
coast were supplying us very largely with timber, tar,
and other articles which had previously been obtained
from foreign nations in the Baltic. The American
colonies also exported to the West Indies cask-staves,
timber, pork, peas, flour, and biscuits, in exchange for
rum, of which they consumed great quantities, sugar,
and Spanish mahogany. The slave trade between the
CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 1'7
coast of Africa and the West Indies and America,
also employed at this time a large number of vessels,
and there was a considerable export of articles of
English manufacture needed on the coast for the
purchase of the slaves.
The greater proportion of the commerce of the The trade
port of London was at this time carried on by the carried "
great companies, such as the East India Company,
the Russia Company, the Levant Company, the South
Sea Company, the Hudson's Bay Company, the African
Company, &c. It was probably this circumstance, as
well as considerations of convenience relating to the
O
position of the ports, and the character of the com-
merce, which led the West India, the African, and a
large portion of the American trade, to establish itself
at ports on the western coast of England, where it
was carried on by individual traders. The seaports The Out-
of Bristol, Liverpool, and Glasgow, began at this time EngJanA
to develop themselves very rapidly, as did also the
cotton manufactories of Manchester, and the small
ware and hardware trades of Birmingham. Liverpool
had so much increased as to have become the third
commercial town in England, and, together with it,
Manchester had sprung into a large town, contain-
ing, in 1727, at least 50,000 people. London, also
profiting by the general prosperity, had so much General
extended her boundaries, that new parishes were P ros P ent y-
obliged to be created in Bloomsbury, Limehouse,
Bethnal Green, Stepney, Westminster, and Deptford,
in order to supply the spiritual wants of the new,
populous, and wealthy districts which were everywhere
arising. It may be observed, in proof of the growing
richness of London, that it had become at this time
the great European mart for diamonds, and other
precious stones, the importation whereof was facili-
tated by an Act passed 2 Geo. II. (c. 7.)
118 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
Georgia In 1732 a most charitable design was set on foot
coiomsed. ^ n ;L OIlc ion by a number of benevolent gentlemen.
Being moved with compassion towards the numerous
poor prisoners who, under the then state of the in-
solvent law, were confined in the gaols for debt, they
raised a subscription for sending such of them as
were inclined to emigrate to a district of America, for
which they procured a grant from the Crown, and
which was denominated Georgia. The first settlement
was made at Savannah, in 1733. This new Colony
was established solely for the benefit of the emigrants,
and not for purposes of gain to any company. The
promoters procured and sent out vine-dressers, with
different sorts of European vines, silkworms, and some
Piedmontese skilled in tending them and in winding
silk. They also sent all the plants and seeds likely
to thrive in the climate. In 1757 (five years after),
1,052 Ib. of cocoons was produced in Georgia. In
1758 the production rose to 7,000 Ib., and in 1759,
to 10,000 Ib., though the season was not favourable.
At a subsequent period the production declined,
owing probably to the cultivation of other articles of
commerce.*
war with The increase of our trade in America and the West
Indies was the cause of a serious war which broke out
in 1739, between Spain and England. Our colonists
were naturally desirous of trading along the shores of
the rich countries settled in America by Spaniards,
and the position of the British West India Islands,
and especially of Jamaica, gave them great facilities
for doing so. But the Spaniards, who were always
* In 1764, the production exceeded 15,000lb, though the season was said to
be unfavourable. The silk of Georgia, however, was complained of in the London
market as " too round and spungy," owing to its being badly wound. The silk
cultivation in Georgia appears to have given way to the cotton cultivation. The
U.S. Gazeteer of the present day, makes no mention of silk in its list of Georgian
productions.
CHAP. IL] HISTORICAL. 119
great monopolists in trade, laid severe restrictions on
British commerce with their South American pos-
sessions. They declared it, for the most part, con-
traband, and guarded their coast with revenue vessels,
called "guarda cos fas."
In 1737, the merchants of Jamaica petitioned the Causes of
king for protection against these guarda costas, which *
were said not only to stop and search vessels on the
high seas, hut forcibly and arbitrarily to seize them, and
to treat the commanders and sailors with inhumanity.
The king promised them redress if they could make
good their allegations, which they proceeded to do.
The House of Lords passed a resolution " that the
" Spaniards searching British ships on the open seas,
" under pretence of their carrying contraband and
" prohibited goods, is a violation of the treaties
" between the two crowns." And Spain, not making
what was deemed satisfactory reparation, England,
in 1739, declared war, "to maintain the honour of
" the crown, and to obtain redress for the much
" injured merchants and traders, who, from all parts
" of the kingdom, made earnest petitions for relief."
This war was exceedingly popular amongst the mer- its
cantile community, who anticipated great advantages mkjt
from forcing Spain to open her trade. Commodore
Anson's expedition was fitted out to harass the
Spaniards on the coast of South America. In the
course of the voyage which he made round the world,
that commander captured many rich Spanish galleons,
and other prizes ; but it is very much to be doubted
whether the injury done to British trade in the
Levant, which, during this war, was largely inter-
fered with by the French, did not more than counter-
balance any successes obtained in South America. n s
The war lasted until 1748, when peace Avas restored slon
by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, without Spain mak-
120 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
ing any concessions in respect of trade. Indeed, the
English themselves began at that period to doubt
whether a trade direct with the Spanish settlements
in South America was so profitable to them as a trade
with Cadiz, from which the Spaniards themselves
could supply South America with British manufac-
tures. The consequence was, that under a supple-
mental treaty, the South Sea Company, on receiving
a certain compensation, were deprived of the privilege
which Queen Anne had obtained for them, of sending
an armed ship to trade on the coast of South America,
and each nation agreed to treat the other on the
general principle of " the most favoured nation."
Nova On the conclusion of the war the English again
colonised, began to apply themselves to colonization. Nova
A.D. 1749. S C otia was at this time the scene of settlement,
where, under the name of Halifax, an important
town was established. At the same time the " private
traders," whose influence and weight had for some
time been increasing, began to make complaints
against the great companies by which English trade
Com- had been hitherto principally conducted. The Hud-
against the son's Bay Company was first attacked. It was corn-
Bay cm- plained that, though possessed of exclusive privileges,
they did not open out their trade ; that their settle-
ments were limited, their exports of small value, the
soil of their territory uncultivated, though very rich
and fruitful, their fisheries undeveloped, and their
country rich in copper and lead mines which they
afforded no encouragement to work. Bristol and
Liverpool petitioned for the opening of the trade ; and
Parliament a Committee of the House of Commons was appointed
and l reorts to consider the allegations against the Company.
thereon. They reported that, " considering the Companv's
" capital, &c., it did not appear that they had not, in
" the main, done as well as could be expected for
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 121
" promoting their commerce, and that it seemed very
" doubtful whether, if the trade were laid quite open,
" it might not be gradually lost from us to the French
" of Canada."
The private traders were more successful in an The
*
application to Parliament in the following year to
open the trade with Africa, which was done with
so much success that this branch of British com- A D - !7
merce assumed quite a new aspect. Two years after,
in 1752, the old Royal African Company, on receiv-
ing a compensation, surrendered their Charter, lands,
forts, slaves, stores, and all other effects, and gave up
their trade.
This assault being successful, in 1753 the private The Le-
traders assailed the Levant Company. They ob- Sed from
tained an Act of Parliament throwing open all the
liberties and privileges enjoyed by the Company to
all persons paying 20/. to the use of the Company.
This was virtually withdrawing the Charter of the
Company, and throwing open the trade to private
merchants.
In the last days of George II. 's reign commerce War with
was unfortunately interrupted by a war which broke lo^
out with France in 1756, and continued until 1763.
The British arms, however, were crowned with suc-
cess by sea and land ; and the acquisition of Canada
may, perhaps, be regarded as some compensation for
the check which our growing trade must have sus-
tained. Apart from the checks inflicted by war, it Progress
must be acknowledged that during the reign
George II. the commerce of England made more pro- g c
gress than at any period up to our own time. Vast
wealth was acquired by the country ; and to the con-
tentment thereby ensured, the House of Hanover, no
doubt, owes its settlement upon the English throne.
It should be added that the arts and sciences pro-
122 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. II.
gressed greatly in England during this reign. In
1751 an Act was passed " for correcting the Calendar
and establishing the new style;" and, in 1754, the
Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures,
and Commerce was established, which immediately
issued proposals for the encouragement of our Ame-
rican colonies. That which was of even greater im-
portance to commerce, was the discovery of the mode
of settling the longitude at sea, by which the science
of navigation at once reached its highest point.
Maitland, in his Survey of London, has given a list
to Loi, of the vessels belonging to the port in 1732. They
iid e 3?' numbered 1,487, of 178,557 tons, navigated by 21,797
toL men. 130 of these ships were from 300 to 500 tons,
and 83 from 200 to 300 tons, excepting the South Sea
Company's great ship of 750 tons. In 1739 we find,
from a local act of Parliament, that Liverpool had
211 ships, of which 1 was of 400, 1 of 350, 1 of 300,
1 of 250, 2 of 240, 2 of 200, 2 of 190, 4 of 180, 7 of
160, 15 of 150, 10 of 140, 5 of 130, 13 of 120, 6 of
110, and 16 of 100 tons. In 1754, Bristol had 300
ships engaged in foreign trade, besides coasters. It
is probable that, by 1760, London possessed nearly
2,000 vessels, whilst the other ports had risen in
proportion.
Temp. Whilst war prevailed in the latter years of George II .
ni B and the earlier days of George III., the English
appear to have applied themselves to the improve-
Roads re- ment of their internal communications. New roads
were constructed and old roads repaired, and the
advantages of inland water carriage beginning to be
Canals con- appreciated, attention was turned to the construction
strutted
of canals. The first great work of this sort, the
superb canal constructed by Brindley, for the Duke
of Bridgwater, for the conveyance of coal from his
estate at "VVorsley into Manchester, was opened in
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 123
July, 1761. At a somewhat later date, this canal was
extended to Liverpool, and made applicable to pas-
senger traffic between Liverpool and Manchester.
The trade of England at the commencement of the state of
reign of George III. had reached a very high point. A. 1760.
Our imports in the year 1760 amounted to 10,683,595^.
and our exports to 15,781,175/. Our principal im-
ports, moreover, were from our own possessions in
the East and West Indies and America, whilst our
largest exports were to Germany, Holland, Portugal,
Spain, and India. Peace with Prance being concluded
at Paris early in 1763, business immediately increased;
the imports of that and the succeeding year being as
follows :
IMPORTS. EXPORTS.
1763 . . 12,568,927 . . 15,578,943
1764 . . 11,250,660 . . 17,446,306
At this time occurred the first differences between Differences
England and her colonies, in consequence of England
endeavouring to apply the operation of a Stamp Act
to America. The colonists destroyed the whole of the A.D. 1754.
stamped paper, and entered into an agreement to im-
port no more goods from Great Britain. In order to
carry out this resolution, a society was established at
New York for the protection of arts, commerce and
manufactures, and the colonists began to apply
themselves to manufacturing industry. The export
trade of England to the American colonies conse-
quently experienced a very large decline in 1765 ; and
trade became greatly deranged. Petitions were pre- Parliament
sented to Parliament from all the commercial and gJJJJJjf jJJtJ
manufacturing communities complaining of distress, A - D - 1765 -
and in 1766 the Legislature found itself obliged to
repeal the Stamp Act, a measure which was hailed in
London with great demonstrations of public rejoicing.
Our imports and exports, which had sunk consider-
ably, speedily exhibited an increase.
124 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
IMPORTS. EXPORTS.
1765 . . 11,812,144 . . 15,763,867
1766 . . 12,456,764 . . 15,188,668
1767 . - 13,097,153 . . 15,090,000
1768 . . 13,116,280 . . 16,620,132
Although the Parliament removed the Stamp Act,
they still insisted on maintaining certain duties on
colonial imports. This caused great dissatisfaction
in America, where a large party continued to dis-
courage the use of British goods. The increase
of trade was consequently not progressive, and,
in 1770, "the merchants trading to America"
presented a petition to Parliament, setting forth
" the great losses they sustained by the interrup-
" tion of their trade in consequence of the late
" laws." Parliament reconsidered and repealed some
But insists of the duties ; * but the duty on tea they still per-
duty, e Ba mitted to remain in force. It is curious that the
A.D. 1770. ^ c ^. re p ea ii n g the duties was brought into Parlia-
ment on the 5th March, the very evening on which
a riot broke out at Boston, in which the first blood
was shed in the quarrel between Great Britain and
her colonies.
irritation - Great irritation resulted from the perpetuation
colonists. f this claim to tax the colonists, and the British
admiral in America found it necessary to place armed
vessels at certain places in order to suppress smug-
gling and protect trade. At Providence, Rhode
Island, the activity of the officer who commanded one
of these vessels so provoked the people, that a party
of them boarded the schooner on the night of the
10th June, 1772, took the crew out of her, and set
her on fire. This affront was highly resented at home,
whilst in America it served to widen the breach be-
tw T een the colony and the mother- country.
The East The year 1771 had been a year of large speculation.
India Com-
10 Geo. III. c. 17. '
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 125
The imports had risen on the year preceding from pny per-
16,000,000^. to upwards of 19,000,000*. The conse-
quence was a reaction, and 1772 was a year of bad ^c
trade. The East India Company participated in the A -- 1773 -
general distress, in consequence principally of their
wars and heavy expenditure in India; and being
unable to maintain their high dividends (which had
reached 12g per cent.), they petitioned Parliament in
1773 for some assistance. They obtained an Act which,
together with pecuniary aid, permitted them to export
their teas to all parts of the world free of duty. In
August, 1773, having then 17,000,000 Ib. of tea on
hand, a majority of the Company decided at a meeting
to ship consignments of tea to America, although very
many arguments were used against it; and several
vessels were chartered in London to carry out these
teas to different colonial ports.
Now, for some years, the colonists had taken The Coio-
scarcely any of the Company's tea, but had pro- S*^^*
cured their tea from foreign markets. It had been ifc >
said by some that this conspiracy against the Com-
pany's trade was the cause of the Company's dis-
tress ; and this idea was, of course, very pleasing
to the vanity of the colonists. When, therefore,
they heard that the Company and the mother-country
were about to relieve themselves from their difficulties
by sending tea to America on which an import duty
was to be paid by the colonists, their wrath broke
forth into a flame, and they determined to prevent
the tea from, beinsr sold or even landed.
o
Accordingly, on the arrival of three tea ships at and dis-
O v J -L t it
Boston, the people of that town assembled. Following
the example set at Providence, a number of men, dis-
guised as Mohawk Indians, boarded the ships in the
night-time, and without offering any violence to the
vessels or seamen, discharged the whole of the cargoes
126 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
overboard, and then went qaietly on shore. This
occurred on the 18th December, 1773.
Such tea ships as arrived at Boston afterwards
returned directly to England with their cargoes. At
New York a parcel of tea was landed under the guns
of a ship-of-war ; but the colonists insisted on its being
locked up from being sold. At Philadelphia orders
were issued to the pilots to conduct no tea ship up
the river ; and at Charlestown the example of Boston
was followed by discharging the tea into the sea.
Parliament In consequence of these outrages the Imperial Par-
liament passed an Act (June 1, 1774) depriving Boston
f ^ s P r i y il e g es as a port.* On the oth of September
pt. following, a " congress of delegates of the British
" colonies in America" was held at Philadelphia.
Their first act was to issue an address to the people of
Great Britain, " their friends and fellow- subjects."
Their next was to revive the non-importation regula-
The Colo- tions of 1764. They resolved to import no goods
solve to whatever from Great Britain to desist from the
Brltilh no slave-trade to increase the breed of sheep, and to
goods. uphold to public odium any one who, in consequence
of the scarcity of goods, should demand extravagant
prices. The Congress ordered an estimate of the popu-
lation of the Associated Provinces, which showed them
to amount to 3,026,000 people. Soon after, they
opened a commerce with .France and Holland.
Parliament On this being known in England, Parliament passed
them 6 the Acts restraining the American provinces from trading
trade * w ^h any foreign country ; f but before the passing
A.D. 1775. of these Acts was known in America, the impending
cloud had burst in deeds of open hostility. The war
broke out by the seizure of some ammunition and
A Congress stores near Boston, in April, 1775. In the July
the mTe- following the Congress of the " United States of
" 14 Geo. III. c. 9. t 15 Geo. III. cc. 10, 18.
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 127
America" declared their independence, which was pe ndence
confirmed by a formal proclamation, issued on the united
4th July, 1776. states.
The immediate effect of this war upon British com- Effect of
merce was novel and peculiar. It had been predicted the war-
that the refusal of the Americans to consume British
articles would be followed by serious results to British
exports. But this did not prove to be the case.
It was speedily discovered that the manufactures of
England were now the best and the cheapest in the
world ; and accordingly the exports of Great Britain
were not immediately affected, but were only directed
into other channels.* But upon the shipping of Eng-
land the result was unexpected. Our shipping had
greatly increased, and we were now carrying on
a large transit trade. The Americans, not being American
blockaded in their ports, fitted out numbers of small p rivateer -
. . 1D S-
privateers, with which they infested every sea ; and
finding shelter and even encouragement in the ports
of France and Holland, they were even able to make
captures on the coast of England itself. The conse-
quence of this was especially serious to our West India
trade. So many ships from the islands fell into the
hands of the Americans, that the insurance on home-
ward-bound "\Yest India vessels rose, in 1777, to the
high rate of 23 per cent. The result altogether was
so serious, that in that year the river Thames was
* France granted a sum of money to Congress for clothing the American troops.
Mr. Laurence, jun. was entrusted with the duty of providing the cioth, and
instead of laying out the money in France, he bought English cloth in Holland,
from whence he exported it to America. The French Minister] was instructed to
complain of this transaction to Congress, as ungrateful and injurious to France ;
but Mr. Laurence justified himself, by saying that it was his duty to do the best
he could with the money, and that the English cloths were much better than the
French at the same price. It was not until the year before the close of the war
that Congress was able effectually to prevent the introduction of British goods
into America, which they did at last by a law which rendered them liable to
seizure and forfeiture, wherever found (vide Lord Sheffield's Observations on the
Commerce of the American States, p. 10).
128 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
crowded with foreign vessels loading for various parts
of the world with British cargoes, the shippers of
which were afraid to trust their property in British
vessels.
France i n 1778 France joined America, and laid an em-
S* e hargo on all English shipping in her ports. The
A.D. 1778. jjouse o f Lords at this time appointed a Committee
on the state of the nation, hefore which the merchants
complained of the severe losses they had sustained
by the war. It was estimated that 733 vessels had
been captured, of the value of 2,600,000/. The
African trade had been almost destroyed. Sugar and
other West India commodities had doubled in price,
as well as all kinds of naval stores. The number of
American privateers was stated to be 173, carrying
2,556 guns, and nearly 14,000 men. On the other
hand it was stated that we had captured 900 American
vessels, and had destroyed their fishery; but it is
obvious that this could give very little consolation to
the British merchants who had suffered.
Parliament The consequence of all this was that Parliament
empowers . * . . . .
empowered the King to appoint commissioners to go
to America, and there to treat "with any persons
" whatsoever for the redress of grievances supposed
" to exist in the government of the colony." * Five
commissioners were appointed, and went out. But,
as in all these cases, the concession was "TOO LATE."
Congress, flushed with its successes, determined not to
enter into any negotiations, except as an independent
State, and the commissioners soon returned home.
Commer- The Channel being covered with a French fleet, in
1778, the most serious apprehensions were entertained
for the safety of two fleets of East India, and two
fleets of West India ships on their way home, these
fleets constituting the great bulk of British trade,
* 18 Geo. III. c. 13.
CHAP. XL] HISTORICAL. 129
and being of large value. Happily, on the 27th July, Admiral
Admiral Keppel was able to bring the French fleet J^jJSf "
to an action off Brest, and to force them to retreat
into that port. The British ships from all quarters
of the world consequently arrived in the Thames and
other ports in safety, and Admiral Keppel, having
refitted his fleet at Plymouth, rode triumphant in the
British Channel, and made captures of a large
number of French vessels, entirely reversing the con-
ditions of the parties, and inflicting damage to French
commerce to the extent of 80 or 100 millions of
livres.*
The Dutch at this time insisted on their right, as Dutch
a neutral nation, to carry supplies to France. To fS^ 6
this Great Britain objected, and made seizure of *^' D 1780
Dutch vessels wherever they- were found. On July 1,
1780, a Dutch fleet of merchantmen, protected
by five ships of war, was met off Portland by a fleet
under Commodore Fielding, who requested permission
to examine the merchant ships. This being refused,
he sent his boats, which were fired upon by the
Dutch ; whereupon Commodore Fielding fired a shot
at .the Dutch admiral, who immediately fired a
broadside. The compliment was returned, and the
Dutch admiral struck his flag. The merchant vessels
* This is the estimate of the Abbe Raynal (ride Hist. Phil, et Polit. vol. ix. p.
216). The value of one of the captures, the Modeste, from China, laden with tea,
and taken by H.M.S. Porcupine, was estimated at 300,000. The Gaston, another
Indiaman, taken by two privateers from Liverpool, was worth 500,OOOZ. Forty sail
of French West India ships were captured worth 15,OOOJ. each. Liverpool at this
time did a flourishing trade in privateering. Between August, 1778, and April,
1779, she fitted out no less than 120 privateers, measuring 30,787 tons, carrying
1,986 guns, and 8,754 men. When a carrying trade is destroyed, a few guns and
ammunition in a fast ship, convert her instantly into a privateer. The East India
Company at this time fitted out three ships with seventy-four guns each, and
presented them to the Government as an addition to the navy. They were
called, in honour of the three presidencies, the Ganges, the Carnatic, and the
Bombay Castle. The Company offered a bounty for 6,000 seamen to man these
and other vessels. Their patriotic example was followed by several other com-
munities, both in building ships and raising men. Indeed, great exertions were
everywhere made to protect British commerce on the seas.
K
130 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
were detained as prizes, but the Commodore refused
to make prizes of the Dutch men-of-war. They
therefore hoisted their flags again, but accompanied
their vessels to Spithead, whither they were carried.
This affair incensed the Dutch exceedingly, and they
vehemently demanded satisfaction, which the British
refused to give them. But this state of things led to
declarations on the part of B/ussia, Sweden, and
Denmark
" I. That neutral ships shall enjoy a free navigation, even
from port to port, and on the coasts of the belligerent
powers.
" II. That all effects belonging to the subjects of belligerent
powers shall be looked upon as free on board such neutral
ships, except only such goods as are stipulated as contraband."
The The declaration, of which these are the principal
NeilSSi- points, was called the " Armed Neutrality." The
ty> " Dutch assented to it in November, 1780, but the
effect of their declaration of assent was neutralized
by an incident which occurred about the same time.
Mr. Laurens, previously President of Congress, had
been sent from America to Holland, in an American
vessel, as ambassador to the States-General. The
ship in which he embarked was captured by an
English vessel off Newfoundland, and amongst Mr.
Laurens' papers was found a recent treaty of com-
merce, signed in September, 1778, between the United
war with States and Holland. England immediately demanded
satisfaction of the Dutch, but they being in no hurry
to comply with the demand, on December 20th
England declared war, and seized all the Dutch
vessels in her ports.
England was now at war with four nations with
Erance, Spain, Holland, and America. Great as was
her power at sea, it could scarcely be expected, nor
was it for the interest of nations, or of the world,
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 131
that this state of things should long continue. The
commerce and manufactures of the country were dis-
tressed ; the exports had sunk from 17,288,000/. in
177^ to 11,332,000/. in 1781. Yet, strange to say,
the reaction which began at this time to set in, and
which ultimately brought about a peace, arose less
from the distresses than from the successes of England.
In the West Indies, close to St. Christopher's, there Capture of
is a small island, scarcely known to us in the present &,
day, called the island of St. Eustatia. It is only five A> - 178L
or six miles long, destitute of springs, and little else
than a huge volcanic mountain. From the year 1600
St. Eustatia was successively in the possession of the
Dutch, the French, and the English; and at the
treaty of Ryswick it came into the possession of the
Dutch again, and remained theirs until this war.
Having determined to make war with the Dutch, the
English Government sent out instructions to Admiral
Rodney, who commanded the British fleet in the West
Indies, to seize this island ; and in February, 1781, he
invested St. Eustatia with his fleet, and seized the
possession, which, although strong, was defenceless
against his forces. As a neutral port, St. Eustatia
had become, during the progress of the war, a great
depot for merchandise, and Rodney found not only
its warehouses crammed with goods, but 250 mer-
chantmen ready for sea. He seized all the merchan-
dise and shipping, and the value of his capture was
supposed to amount to 6,000,0002. sterling. In the
result, however, it proved that a very large proportion
of this property belonged to British merchants, either its effect
in England or the West Indies. They applied to commerce.
Rodney to give it up, but he answered them very
cavalierly, expressing his surprise that any British
merchants should have placed their property in a
position in which it could be made the means of afford-
K2
132 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
ing succour to the enemy. The merchants commenced
actions against him, and petitioned Parliament for re-
dress; and their complaints were advocated by Mr.
Burke, who strongly inveighed against the seizure.
The matter would, no doubt, have gone much further
than it did, but for subsequent events. In November,
1781, the Marquis de Bouille, at the head of 2,000
men, embarked from Guadaloupe, surprised St.
Eustatia, and took it for the Trench; and, shortly
after, the Comte de Grasse, who commanded the
French fleet in the West Indies, having prepared an
expedition to seize Jamaica, Admiral Rodney met
him, and destroyed his fleet, thereby preserving that
important island to the British. This double event
set aside all parliamentary consideration of the
claims of the British merchants, and Lord Rodney,
instead of being considered a robber, came to be
regarded as a hero. The commercial loss, how-
ever, was very great, and the nation complained
of it the more bitterly because Rodney sold the
property he seized by auction for less than one-fourth
of its value, on the island of St. Eustatia, so that it
passed, on the recapture of that island, into the hands
of the French and Americans, who were consequently
supplied with British stores at one-quarter of their
value.
General England was not the only country which suffered by
forpeaee. the proceedings in the West Indies. The loss which the
commerce of the Dutch sustained was so severely felt
by them, that Russia and Sweden interposed to bring
about an accommodation between that country and
England. The King declined their intervention ; but
the nation was now very clamorous for peace, and the
other belligerent powers were believed to be equally
tired of the war. The French had captured several
West India islands, but their commerce had suffered
CHAP. II.]
HISTORICAL.
133
severely, many of their merchants were ruined, and
even their national credit hegan to be affected by
their own expenses and their supplies to America.
Except in the taking of Minorca, the Spaniards had
only obtained barren advantages. The Dutch, in
two years, had lost many of their best trading settle-
ments and nearly all their trade, and had sunk their
country into the condition of a province of France.
The Americans had objects to gain irrespective of
their European allies ; but the industry and commerce
of America could not be developed whilst war lasted,
and, provided her independence was obtained, she
could not do better than secure peace. England had,
perhaps, suffered as little as any of the parties to the
war; but she had accumulated an enormous debt.
Thus the belligerent nations were all anxious to bring Peace re-
about a peace ; the preliminary articles of which jjj[jj[
were signed at Paris on the 20th January, 1783,
England consenting to recognize the independence of
the United States.
The balance of trade, which had gone against
England for several years, immediately readjusted
itself, and the imports, which had sunk to 10 millions
in 1782, sprung up to 15^ millions in 1784 ; and the
exports from 13 millions to 15 millions. The follow- Trade of
ing table gives a view of the trade of the nation from
the commencement to the close of this great war :
YEAR.
IMPORTS.
EXPORTS.
1774
14,477,876
17,288,486
1775
14,815,855
16,326,363
1776
12,443,434
14,755,703
1777
12,643,831
13,491,006
1778
11,033,898
12,253,890
1779
11,435,264
13,530,702
1780
11,714,966
13,698,177
1781
12,722,862
11,332,295
1782
10,341,624
13,009,458
1783
13,122,235
14,681,494
1784
15,272,877
15,101,491
134 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
improve The period during which England was oppressed
thefts 11 by this war will always be memorable in its history,
not only on account of the war itself, but on account
iSClCUCQS. v
of the improvements in the practical arts and sciences
which now began to dawn. It was in 1775 that
Watt obtained from Parliament the extension of his
privilege for the invention of the steam-engine, for
which he had taken out a patent fourteen years pre-
viously, but without being able to make his project
practically beneficial. The working of iron was now
also brought to a great state of perfection, and became
an object of national importance. The great guns,
bored for the first time with a drill by the Carron
Company, were exported to Russia and other coun-
tries in quantities so considerable that precautions
were taken by Government to prevent their fall-
ing into the hands of the enemy. Caslon, in 1778,
greatly improved the founding of types, which we
had previously obtained from France, but which
we now began to export as a manufacture of our
own. Verdigris, which we had previously im-
ported from the South of Prance, became a manu-
facture of England about 1781.* In 1784 Mr.
Palmer introduced improvements into the system
of the post-office, which rendered the English mail-
coach the most rapid postal conveyance of Europe :
and 1785 set in general motion the machinery
for spinning cotton, which Arkwright had invented
some years previously, by which the price of every
description of cotton goods was immediately reduced,
and the British manufacture greatly extended, t
* Verdigris is extensively used by painters, and in dyeing ; also to some extent
in medicine. It is formed by the corrosion of copper with fermented vegetables.
At Montpellier they use to form this substance, the refuse of Languedoc wine :
in England, the refuse of cider.
t In less than two years after the expiry of Arkwright's patent, no less than
143 cotton spinning mills were erected in Great Britain, affording employment to
CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 135
These are only a few of the improvements applied
at this period to our manufactures, machinery, and
motive power. It is curious to consider how they
aided and assisted each other. Immediately at the
close of the war, capital being released and com-
merce re-opened, so great a disposition was evinced
by the people to avail themselves of these improve-
ments, that from 1785 we may fairly date the com-
mencement of the manufacturing era of the nation.
It was during the same period of war that Captain Captain
Cook's
Cook prosecuted his voyages round the Avorld, and V0 ya g es.
made the useful discoveries which are associated
with his name. England took advantage of those
discoveries soon after the restoration of peace, by
sending out Captain Arthur Phillip of the Royal
Navy, with a fleet of transports, a body of convicts,
and a stock of horses, cows, sheep, goats, rabbits, and
poultrv, to form the settlement of New South Wales, settlement
f "V 7 "
He arrived at Botany Bay in January, 1788, but not soutiT
liking that harbour removed to Port Jackson, the WiUes -
next harbour to the northward, where he established
his colony.*
From the restoration of peace until 1793, commerce Rapid de-
rose to a great height. The imports, which were 16J of '
millions in 1785, exceeded 19| in 1792; and the 1
1792.
at least 350,000 people. The value of our cotton manufactures exported in 1780,
was 355,000. In 1787, it exceeded a million ; and in 1860, the declared value
exceeded FORTY MILLIONS !
* In the present day, when our ships are returning from New South Wales
laden with gold, and wool, and other precious goods, we can appreciate the
importance of this settlement ; though for many years it was of no value to
commerce. An account of the commerce of Great Britain, in the year 1800, thus
refers to the trade of our great Australian colonies :
" NEW HOLLAND.
" EXPORTS. A little wood (wool '?) ; some birds.
" IMPORTS. Wrought iron ; woollen, silk, cotton, and linen goods ; hardware ;
" vtme provisions, spirits and wine, all in small quantities."
In ] 860, the declared value of our exports to Australia was nearly 10,000,000 :
whilst the official value of our imports (fa-chisire of gold) exceeded five millions
and a half.
136 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, n
exports during the same period rose from 16 millions
to nearly 25. Our internal means of communication
by canals were most largely increased. London,
during this interval, was united with the Severn and
with the Mersey by a splendid system of inland
navigation. Inland water communication was, in fact,
The developed throughout the nation. But in January,
public de- 1793, King Louis XVI. was beheaded in France, and
A-rTma' on the 1st July following, the National Convention
of Prance declared war against England. The funds
immediately felt the shock, and the effect on com-
Commer- merce was a violent collapse. There immediately
a panic. occurre( j fag fij. s i o f those panics, of which there
have ever since been periodical recurrences. Many
mercantile houses in London of the most extensive
dealings failed, and their fall involved numbers of
their correspondents and connexions in all parts of
the country. Large sums of money had been invested
during the peace in machinery and canal shares, but
the value of such property appeared to be annihilated
in the general apprehensions. Mr. Pitt, the then
Minister, was appealed to, and by his advice a meet-
ing was held at the Mansion House, on the 23d
April, 1793, when resolutions were adopted for the
revival of commercial credit and the restoration of
Govern- confidence. In consequence of this, Government
pos^ 1 "' agreed to issue 5,000,000/. in Exchequer Bills to
merchants, traders, and bankers, on approved secu-
rity, or the deposit of goods to the value of double
and re- the amount advanced a measure which immediately
fide r nce. con restored confidence, and prevented further immediate
mercantile disaster.
Monetary Despite the war, which had but little effect on
English commerce, trade revived and steadily ad-
vanced until 1797, when its course was again inter-
rupted by the want of coinage, which had made itself
CHAP. II.]
HISTORICAL.
137
felt throughout the country. The Bank of England
had lent several millions of money to the Govern-
ment for the purposes of the war; and they now
found themselves unable to supply the wants of mer-
chants. Representations were made to the Govern-
ment, the result of which was a measure restricting
the Bank from making any further payments in cash
until the sense of Parliament could be taken. The
currency of the country accordingly became a paper
currency, based on national credit. The immediate
effect of this panic was disastrous to trade ; but it
naturally revived when the circulating medium of
the country was extended to meet its wants. The
exports, which were 30^ millions in 1796, sunk to
less than 29 millions in 1797, but reached 33^ mil-
lions in 1798. Such, indeed, was the elasticity of
commerce in the latter year that the merchants,
traders, and others of London, voluntarily subscribed
the sum of 2,000,000. to assist the Government in
the war, which all classes in England were extremely
anxious to bring to an end.
Erom this time till the year 1800 trade continued Exports
wonderfully to expand, as the following table will imports,
show :
YEAR.
IMPORTS.
EXPORTS
1785
16,279,419
16,117,168
1786
15,786,072
16,300,730
1787
17,804,024
16,869,789
1788
18,027,170
17,472,238
1789
17,821,103
19,340,549
1790
19,130,886
20,120,121
1791
19,669,782
22,731,995
right to observe that the rates of valuation employed officially for com-
puting the value of articles imported and exported, were fixed in 1694, and re-
mained unaltered down to a recent period, so that the sums here given must not
be supposed accurately to exhibit the selling value of goods exported and imported.
The "official values," however, show the relative values of the imports and exports
better, perhaps, than if the actual selling price of each article was taken as the basis
of the computation, inasmuch as the selling value must necessarily be governed
by supply and demand as well as by fluctuations in the value of money.
138
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n.
YEAR.
IMPORTS.
EXPORTS.
1792
19,659,358
24,905,200
1793
19,255,116
20,388,828
1794
22,276,915
26,748,083
1795
22,736,889
27,123,338
1796
23,187,319
30,518,913
1797
21,013,956
28,917,010
1798
27,857,889
33,591,777
1799
26 837,432
35,991,329
1800
30,570,605
. 43,152,019
Trade of At the commencement of the present century the
A.D. 1800. trade of the Port of London is reported to have been
more extensive than at any previous period in the
history of England. London carried on one-third of
the trade of the empire ; and the value of the floating
property upon the Thames, forming its commerce,
was estimated at no less than 70,000,000^. annually.
It was found that the conveniences of the Port were
utterly insufficient for its trade ; that the landing
wharves and quays and sufferance wharves together,
were inadequate for the wharfage and warehousing
of the goods landed and embarked : and that the
depredations on property, consequent on the vast
increase of shipping and the want of accommodation
on the legal quays, rendered adjuncts to the Port
absolutely necessary. In 1799, the West India mer-
chants accordingly obtained an Act of Parliament
to make docks, with legal quays, and wharves and
warehouses, for the reception and discharge of the
vessels in their trade ; and from this period we may
date another era in the commerce of the Port of
London.
CHAPTER III.
THE PORT.
THE limits of the Port of London were first defined The Port
in the reign of Charles II. Some uncertainty
appears to have existed respecting those limits at.
previous periods.* Billingsgate and Queenhithe
were, from very early periods, recognised landing
places at which the King's Customs were collected ;
hut as trade increased, it was found necessary to
provide additional accommodation for landing goods
in the Port, and other wharves and landing places
were used, with the consent, apparently, of the
authorities. This, however, gave rise to attempts to
evade the payment of customs by shipping and
landing at unrecognised places ; to remedy which,
a statute was passed t in the reign of Elizabeth, to
compel all goods to he landed and shipped between
sunrise and sunset in such open places as should be
appointed by Eoyal Commission. J
* Sir Matthew Hale appears to have shared in this uncertainty. " A port of
" the sea," he says, "includes more than the bare place where the ships unlade,
" and sometimes extends many miles, as the Port of London anciently extended
" to Greenwich, in the time of Edward I. ; and Gravesend is also a member of it."
He mentions Blackwall and Lea as other members of the port, and speaks of
London as the caput porttit (De Port. Maris, c. ii.).
t 1 Elizabeth, c. 11.
+ A Royal Commission was accordingly issued, which, under date 28 August,
1559, appointed the following to be general lading and discharging places for all
kinds of goods :
140 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
In consequence of the Fire of London, it was ne-
cessary to make new arrangements respecting the
wharves and landing places. An Act was passed*
empowering Commissioners to define the limits of
ports, and to appoint open places for lading and dis-
charging goods therein; and prohibiting the lading
and discharging of ships elsewhere without the special
sufferance and leave of the Commissioners of Customs.
The Commissioners appointed under this Act, made
as settled their certificate respecting London, on the 24th May,
s! ii. 1665, by which they not only assigned the boundaries
of legal quays, but settled for the first time the
precise limits of the Port, which they did as follows :
" To prevent all future differences and disputes touching the
extent and limits of the Port of London, and the many frauds
. and abuses which have been acted and committed as well upon
and within the river of Thames, as without the mouth thereof,
upon the sea, the said Port is declared to extend and to be
accounted from the promontory or point called the NORTH
FORELAND, in the Isle of Thanet, and from thence northward
in a supposed right line to the opposite promontory or point
called THE NASE, beyond the Gun-fleet, upon the coast of
Essex, and continued westward, through the river Thames
and the several channels, streams, and rivers falling into it, to
LONDON BRIDGE ; saving the usual and known rights, liberties,
and privileges to the ports of Sandwich and Ipswich, and either
Old Wool Quay,
New ditto,
Galley Quay,
Andro. Morris' Quay,
Amb. Thurston's Quay,
RauflTs Quay,
Cocks' s Quay,
Dyce Quay,
Bear Quay,
Somers' Quay,
Botolph's Wharf,
Sab's Quay,
Young's Quay, ;
Crown Quay,
Smart's Quay,
Fresh Wharf,
Gaunt's Quay.
Billingsgate was appointed only for fish, corn, salt, stones, victuals, and fruit
(groceries excepted).
The Three Cranes for wine and oil, and together with Johnston's Quay and
Busher's Wharf, for pitch, tar, flax, &c.
The Bridge House for corn and other provisions ; and
The Steelyard for Merchant Strangers free of that Guild.
Wood, coals, and beer might be landed or shipped in any place in presence of
the searcher.
* 13 & 14 Chas. II. c. 11.
CHAP, m.] THE PORT. 141
of them, and the known members thereof, and of the customs,
comptrollers, members, and other deputies within the said ports
of Sandwich and Ipswich, and the several creeks, harbours, and
havens to them or either of them respectively belonging, within
the counties of Kent or Essex."
The legal Port of London is therefore from LONDON
BRIDGE to the NORTH EORELAND.
The wharves set out by these Commissioners were The Legal
now assigned as Legal Quays,* and exact metes and Quays>
hounds for each were set forth. The Commissioners
also proposed plans for carrying into effect a clause of
the Rebuilding Act, which provided that there should
be a quay forty feet broad, on the north side of the
Thames, from London Bridge to the Temple, to be
used as a public and open wharf. It did not, how-
ever, suit the views of parties interested, that this
open space and public wharf should be provided; and
this part of the Commissioners' certificate was, there-
fore, never carried into effect. f
Up to the commencement of the present century, sufienmce
the arrangements made by this Commission of King wharves -
Charles II. were the only statutory arrangements
respecting the Port of London. From time to time,
however, in order to meet the exigencies of com-
merce, the Commissioners of Customs, under the
provisions of the Act of Charles II., permitted other
wharves and landing places to be used under certain
conditions; and having, as the Act provided, "the
* They were by name
Brewer's Quay,
Chester's Quay,
Galley Quay,
Woof Dock,
Custom House Quay,
Porteus Quay,
Bear Quay,
Sab's Quay,
Wiggan's Quay,
Young's Quay,
Ralph's Quay,
Dice Quay,
Smart's Quay,
Somers' Quay,
Lyon's Quay,
Botolph Wharf,
Hammond's Quay,
Gaunt's Quay,
Cock's Quay,
Fresh Wharf, and
Billingsgate.
Several of these Quays were purchased for the site of the present Custom House,
t The provision made by Parliament for the vacant space for this open wharf
was repealed by 1 & 2 Geo. IV. c. 89.
142 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. m.
special sufferance and leave of the Commissioners,"
these landing places came to be classified as " Suf-
ferance JFTiarves." Under this designation they are
to this day distinguished from the " LEGAL QUAYS ;"
though for the most part both classes of landing and
shipping places have now common privileges.
The It may be desirable to observe that the legal Port
Consr- 8 of London, thus constituted and established under
the Act of Charles II., is to be distinguished from
the Port of London as defined for the Conservancy
of the Thames, which, under very ancient Charters
and Acts of Parliament, was vested in the Corpora-
tion of the City of London. The jurisdiction of the
Thames Conservancy extends from Staines to Yantlett,
or Yauntlet Creek, in the river Medway ; and operates
upon all that relates to the course of the stream of
the Thames itself, and all its " issues, branches, and
" ground overflown so far as the water ebbeth and
" floweth." The privileges of the Corporation as con-
servators of the Thames, Parliament has thought it
necessary, very recently, to take away from them, and
to vest in an official commission, of which the Lord
Mayor is chairman.* The powers which were exer-
cised by the Corporation from time immemorial, are
vested in this Commission. They are empowered to
* The Thames Conservancy Act, passed in 1857. This Act appears to have
been a great and most unnecessary stretch of the power of the Government, and
a most unwarrantable interference with ancient privileges and powers. The policy
of the Government of the period was inimical to the Corporation of London, with
which it had striven to interfere in various matters, in which the citizens had
proved too strong for the state. Amongst other things, a great suit had been
pending between the Crown and the City for many years, respecting the right to
the bed and soil of the Thames and the foreshore of seas, estuaries, and rivers.
The cost of this suit was very heavy ; and the City found itself involved in a
litigation, from which it could derive no profit for itself, on behalf of all the
owners of soil on the coasts of England and Wales. Both parties were anxious
to settle this suit ; and one of the stipulations of the settlement was the cession
of the Conservancy of the Thames by the City of London to a mixed Com-
mission. But it may be a question whether the time will not arrive when Mh
parties the Crown and the City of London will find cause to regret having come
to this arrangement.
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 143
regulate the fishing in the Thames, to remove its
obstructions, cleanse the river, repair its banks and
breaches, license wharves, piers, stairs and other pro-
jections, and remove such as are unlicensed, grant
licences for the erection of mills and waterworks, and
punish all offenders.
The Port of London, for legal purposes, may also The Port
be distinguished from the Port as it is constituted for
purpose of revenue, port- dues, and accommodation.
Thus, as regards the arrangements of the Port for purposes.*
colliers, the Port is taken to commence at Gravesend
Reach, above which no vessel laden with coal is
allowed to pass without a Harbour Master's certifi-
cate. Eor the purposes of ballasting, &c., under
the regulations of the Trinity House, the limits of
the Port are differently defined. But these are points
which will be subject of subsequent consideration.
The warehousing system, which is now an impor- The Ware-
tant part of the business of the docks, quays, and
wharves, commenced, as an official document* informs
us, about the year 1714.
" The article of tobacco was then allowed to be warehoused
on payment of a small portion of the import duty which was
repaid on exportation, and the tobacco was permitted to be
shipped without further charge. This regulation continued until
1789, when the duties on tobacco again became the subject
of Parliamentary consideration, and many new regulations
were then established, principally affecting its internal re-
moval ; but tobacco and snuff were in that year, for the first
time, allowed to be exported from the warehouses without the
payment of any part of the duty.
" In 1742, rum, the produce of the British sugar plantations,
was allowed to be warehoused for months without the payment
of the excise duty. In 1760, an Act was passed expressly to
encourage the exportation of such rum, and the shipment was
* Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the Customs and Excise, dated
3d October,
144 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
permitted without payment of any duty of excise ; the customs
duty, which was small, continued payable in the first instance,
but was allowed to be drawn back on exportation.
"In 1765, rice was allowed to be warehoused, and in 1767
cocoa-nuts and coffee on payment of a small duty, which duty,
on such cocoa-nuts and coffee as were the produce of the
British plantations was, on the exportation of the goods,
wholly drawn back."
These regulations were intended only to relieve
our merchants from the inconvenience of paying
duties on goods which were ultimately to be sent to
a foreign market. The plan of rendering Great
Britain a place of depot for merchandize in general,
was not then in contemplation.
Proposed In 1762, the principal merchants of London repre-
sented to the Crown that the Port of London was
overcrowded, and the legal quays and sufferance
wharves very insufficient for the purposes of trade.
The Crown accordingly issued a Commission, in
pursuance of the statute of Charles II., directing
certain persons therein named to assign and set
out other fit and convenient places as legal quays.
The Commissioners made a return of a large
extent of ground, including the Tower ditch, as " a
frustrated fit and convenient place : " but the vested interest
vested (i.e. the "Wharfingers) having obtained a quo war-
ix 1762. runto from the Court of King's Bench, succeeded in
quashing this return on the ground of uncertainty
the Court, however, expressing its opinion "that the
" expedience of an extension was wholly in the breast
" of the Crown."
Further This affair caused great dissatisfaction, and, after
sundry proceedings before the Lords of the Treasury,
and much dispute with the Commissioners of Customs,
the Crown was prevailed on, in 1765, to issue another
Commission ; and the Commissioners made a return,
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 145
assigning a certain spot in the parish of St. Kathe-
rine's, between Irongate Stairs and the King's brew-
house, for the purpose of a legal wharf; " such ex-
tension being necessary and expedient." But in the
ensuing term, application was made to the Court of
Queen's Bench to stop the filing of this return, and
the case having been argued by counsel on behalf
of the wharfingers and the inhabitants of St. Kathe-
rine's on the one side, and by counsel for the mer-
chants and the commissioners on the other, the Court proposed
decided against filing the return, on the ground " that defeated,
the places assigned for the new wharves were not open A D- 1/65 '
places" (as required by the Act of Queen Elizabeth).
Thus were the good intentions of the Crown, to pro-
vide adequately for the business of the Port, frus-
trated by the proceedings of interested parties.
Between 1765 and 1798, various committees were Pariia-
appointed by Parliament to inquire and propose plans
for the relief of the commerce of the Port. The
inconvenience to navigation and trade, consequent the Port,
upon the crowded state of the Port ; the insufficient
accommodation afforded by the quays and wharves ;
the inconveniences, and loss of property arising from
the necessity of loading from and into lighters, were
all fully established. The grievance was felt to be
intolerable ; yet so powerful were the vested interests
that for many years nothing was attempted.
The " legal quays," at this time, extended only
1,419 feet on the north side of the river, between
London Bridge and the Tower. The " sufferance g^ &c -
wharves" occupied about twice that quantity ofj erce
lineal space. But it was calculated, in 1795, that Port,
if all the wharves on the river, with their ware-
houses, were appropriated to the article of sugar
alone, they would be insufficient. The legal quays
could only store 32,000 hogsheads, the sufferance
L
146 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
wharves only 60,200 ; whilst it sometimes happened
that 120,000 hogsheads arrived in the course of three
months. The sugars, at this time, were piled to the
height of six or eight tiers of hogsheads, exposed
to he wetted by the rain, and plundered by numbers
of eager, watchful, and experienced thieves.
r>epre<ia- The amount of depredation on the river prior to
the establishment of the docks would appear in-
1 cre dible, did we n t bear in mind the inconveniences
ta which shipping in the river were exposed. All
their cargoes had to be discharged, in the middle of
the stream, into barges, lighters, punts, lugger boats,
billy-boys, and other small craft which were employed
in bringing the commodities from the ships to the
quays and wharves. Erom 3,000 to 4,000 craft were
employed in this service, besides many thousand
labourers, who were under little or no control. The
police was necessarily very imperfect, and a vast
amount of dishonesty and crime developed itself in
connexion with the commerce of London, which no
ordinary precaution could meet. Mr. Colquhoun, a
police magistrate who devoted himself to the sub-
ject, describes the depredators of various classes as
follows :
" The ' river pirates,' who were connected with the marine
store shops ; they reconnoitred by day and made their attacks
in armed boats on dark nights, cutting adrift the lighters and
barges, and taking out the merchandize. The 'night plun-
derers' watermen of the lowest class, who attacked unpro-
tected lighters and made over the stolen goods to receivers.
The ' light horsemen ' comprising mates of ships and revenue
officers, who would wink at the robbery of the ship, in which
coopers, porters, and watermen take part. The 'heavy horse-
men ' porters and labourers, who wore an inner dress, called
a guernsey, provided with pockets wherein to stow away small
quantities of colonial produce, whilst portering about the ships
and quays. Besides these organized depredators, the wine
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 147
coopers pilfered whilst opening and refining casks ; the mud-
larks picked up stolen bits, which others by concert threw into
the mud ; the rat-catchers employed on board the ships carried
away produce ; the lightermen concealed goods whilst going
from the ships to the quays; and the warehousemen, when
sugar reached the warehouses, pilfered and sold the stolen sugar
to small dealers at public-houses."
In 1793, a plan was proposed for the construe- Wet Docks
tion of wet docks in the Thames, and, in 1795, P r P sed -
the West India merchants, whose trade had very
largely increased, appointed a committee to consider
the most effectual remedy for the evils to which they
were exposed. That committee reported
" That the existence of the "West India trade at the Port of
London is necessarily connected with a more adequate pro-
vision for the discharge of shipping, and the warehousing of
produce, than the legal quays can possibly afford."
They recommended an application to Parliament,
for the construction of wet docks, to be surrounded
by wharves and warehouses, to be declared "legal"
by Act of Parliament. They opened a subscription
for a capital to carry on the work, which was filled
in two days (22d and 23d December, 1795), to the
amount of 800,OOOZ.
Powerful as was this organization, it was by no Competing
means plain sailing, even for the West India mer- 8(
chants, to obtain a dock in London. The Corpora-
tion of the City of London had vested interests in
the river and the wharfage, as they controlled the
lighterage and port-dues of the Thames. They pro-
fessed themselves naturally jealous of any measure
which, by the removal of the shipping from the
neighbourhood of London Bridge, might have an
injurious effect upon the traders of the City. The
Corporation, accordingly, proposed plans of their own
to supply the admitted deficiency in the accommo-
L 2
148 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, m
dation of the Port. In opposition to the "West India
Dock scheme they proposed a dock close to the City
boundary, and (with a view to meet a desideratum,
which the plans of the West India merchants would
supply) they also proposed to cut a canal across the
Isle of Dogs, " to provide for the inconvenience
" occasioned by the circuit now performed by vessels
" round that peninsula."
The Corporation, in fact, were not disinclined to
get the docks of London into their own hands, and
their design was, no doubt, to construct a very large
dock in the Isle of Dogs, under the guise of a canal
for navigation. Parliament, however, was scarcely
inclined to place the dock-system of the Port in the
hands of the Corporation ; and yet the Corporation,
allied with the then vested interests, was sufficiently
strong in Parliament to defeat any body of merchants
coming to it for powers. Three years elapsed before
the matter was brought to a conclusion.
A Dock It was not until 1799 that Parliament adjusted
A.D. 1799. this conflict between the contending parties. They
then passed an Act,* entitled " An Act for rendering
" more commodious, and for better regulating the
" Port of London," empowering the Lord Mayor,
Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London to
make a canal sufficiently large and deep to be navi-
gated by ships, across the head of the peninsula
called the Isle of Dogs. They vested the property
in this canal in the Corporation, empowering them
to grant licences to build on the adjacent ground.
In consideration of the cost of the canal, and of the
accommodation and advantage it would afford to the
shipping and trade of the Port, they gave the Cor-
poration a toll, to last fourteen years, of from Id.
to %\d. per ton upon all vessels using the Port;
* 39 Geo. III. c. 69.
CHAP, m.] THE PORT. Ml)
fishing and passenger craft excepted. They awarded
compensation to various parties, and amongst others
to Lord Gwydir, who had a grant from the King
of the profits arising from the use of all mooring
chains within the Port. They then proceeded to
provide for the " Incorporation of the West India The West
Dock Company,"
" For the purpose of making wet docks with legal quays pany '
and wharves, and also warehouses attached to them, on the
north side of the proposed canal in the Isle of Dogs, for the
reception and discharge of vessels in the West India trade,
whereby great accommodation will be given to the other ship-
ping in the river, and the West India produce will be guarded
from plunder and other damage."
The capital stock of the Dock Company thus its
created'was fixed at 500,000/., with power to in-
crease it to 600,000/. The dividends were limited
to 10 per cent. The Company was required to
inclose its docks, wharves, and warehouses with a
strong wall of brick or stone, not less than thirty
feet high, surrounded by a ditch of at least twelve
feet, constantly filled with water to the depth of
six feet. Parliament gave the Company exclusive and
privileges for a period of twenty years. They pro- P rivlle es -
vided that all vessels coming from the West Indies
must discharge within these docks, and that the Com-
missioners of Customs might order other vessels to
discharge there. All vessels bound for the West
Indies were also obliged to take in their cargoes in
the Company's docks, or else in the river below Black-
wall. 6s. Sd. per ton register was fixed as the sum
to be paid by each ship on entering the docks, and
other dues for the use of the quays, wharves, cranes,
and for landing, housing, weighing, and cooperage,
according to the articles landed, those not enumerated
to pay such rate as used to be paid within the Port of
London.
150 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
Success of The docks were commenced in 1800, and were
India' 6 ** partially opened for business in August, 1802. It is
Docks. no ^ sur p r i s i n g that, with such provisions as those
above recorded, the West India Docks proved imme-
diately successful, and that for many years, after their
first half-year, they should have paid a full 10 per
cent, dividend, and have accumulated a vast fund
besides.* But what is curious in this record is to
observe the ultimate operation of this Act upon the
Failure of various parties concerned. The Corporation of the
c h an2 ty Cit 7 of Lo^on cut their "City Canal," which proved
almost useless for the purpose for which it was de-
signed. So few vessels, indeed, passed through it that
it did not pay its working expenses; and, in 1829, the
Corporation were glad to sell it to the West India
ultimate Dock Company, f The West India Dock Company,
the privi- on their part, although immediately benefited by the
granted to exclusive privileges they obtained, were ultimately
the Docks, seriously prejudiced thereby. By limiting themselves
to West India produce, they excluded from their docks
branches of trade of a more productive character, so
that by the time their exclusive privileges expired
they found that business they might well have
carried on had passed into other hands, from which
they have never since been able to obtain it. The
consequence was that the West India Dock Company
languished for many years after the expiration of
their exclusive privileges. Considering the very small
capital at which they stood, they, perhaps, would better
have been without any exclusive privileges at all.
The l n 1800, parties who had felt with the Corporation
Docks, of the City of London, the importance of retaining the
l00 ' trade within the City, went to Parliament for a Bill
* In 1819 this fond amounted to 400,000?. The Company were then obliged
by a Committee of the House of Commons to reduce their rates,
t Under the powers of an Act of Parliament, 10 Geo. IV. c. 130.
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 15J
to make wet docks at Wapping, to be called the
London Docks. The capital was 1,200,000/., with
power to borrow 300,OOOZ. These docks, avoiding the
West India Dock monopoly, were laid out for the re-
ception of the produce of countries not included in the
exclusive privilege of the other Company. Parliament
granted an Act of Incorporation,* and directed that all
ships entering the Thames, laden with wine, brandy,
tobacco, and rice, should unload in these docks for a
period of twenty-one years from the time of their
completion, under penalty of forfeiture of the ship to
the Crown, and 100. from the owner and master. The
London Docks were commenced in 1801, and finished
in 1805. Being constructed on river-side property,
not distant from the City boundary, their cost ex-
ceeded the original estimate; and, in 1804, an Act
was obliged to be obtained to add 500,000. to the
capital. The 2,000,000?. thus created soon after
became 3,000,000?., and the capital has since been
increased to nearly 5,000,000?.
It is curious that the heavy cost necessarily
entailed by constructing these docks in a crowded
locality, and afterwards enlarging them to meet &c
the requirements of commerce, does not appear to
have been regarded as a difficulty at the time the
docks were first proposed. They were objected to
on the ground of their locality rendering them
"inaccessible to the greater and more valuable part
of the trade of the Port." The lightermen and pilots
declared that it would be
" Unsafe for loaded ships, drawing sixteen feet of water,
to attempt navigating as far up the river as the proposed docks ;
that no prudent pilot would attempt to bring up such ships
at any period of a neap tide ; that they must wait upon an
average eight or nine days for a spring tide to proceed up from
* 39 & 40 Geo. III. c. 47.
152 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
Deptford, and that it would be highly imprudent to make the
attempt even at spring tides."
All the difficulties thus started, have certainly
proved illusory. The London Docks have always been
able to receive vessels of the largest class. But the
vast cost attending their works of construction and
extension, and the proportionate outlay for repairs and
maintenance, have certainly operated injuriously on
the London Dock Company. It has never been able
to pay an adequate dividend, except when its rates
have been at a maximum, and hence, of all the dock
companies, it has been the least able to bear the effects
of competition.
The East In 1803, Parliament granted powers for the con-
DodM. struction of another series of docks " for the accom-
A.D. 1803. modation of the East India shipping of the Port of
London." * All vessels arriving in the Thames with
cargoes of produce from any part of the East Indies
or China, were obliged to discharge in these docks,
and outward bound vessels to those countries were to
take in their cargoes either in these docks or in the
river below Limehouse Reach. Eor the protection of
the London Dock Company, however, Parliament
enacted that no vessel not being immediately come
from, or being immediately bound to, the East Indies
or China, should, under a penalty of 50/., enter the
East India Docks, without the consent in writing of
the Treasury.!
The The shipping of the Port was thus provided with
dock accommodation. But the new system intro-
^ uce( ^ ky the dock companies rendered necessary an
alteration of the regulations of the Customs, which
was productive of most important consequences.
* 43 Geo. III. c. 176.
t The East India Dock Company was united with the West India Dock
Company in 1838. The management is now vested in a joint Board of forty
directors, of whom eight retire for a year, at the expiration of every fifth year.
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 153
Previous to this period, the duties on most goods
imported had to be paid at the moment of importa-
tion; or a bond, with sufficient security, had to be
given for their payment to the revenue officers. The
inconvenience of this system was obvious. It crippled
the resources of the merchant, and even, in some
cases, actually prevented the country from being L
made an entrepot for foreign merchandize. It was
not always possible or easy to find sureties, especially
for large amounts ; and the merchant, in order to
raise funds to pay the duties, was often obliged to sell
his goods immediately on their arrival, when, perhaps,
the market was already glutted. The system, more-
over, had an obvious tendency to discourage trade.
Competition was diminished in consequence of the
larger amount of capital required for trading pur-
poses ; and the price of goods was enhanced by the
amount of profit required on the capital advanced for
payment of duties. In addition to all this the system
tended to obstruct trade by preventing the resort of
foreigners to our markets, for the difficulty of obtain-
ing an equivalent drawback upon articles which had
paid duty, rendered it difficult, if not impossible, to
complete an assorted cargo of goods, and consequently
hindered the importation of such as were not required
for home consumption.
The quays and wharves of the various docks " Bonded
having been declared "legal quays," and adequate houses
warehouses having been constructed in which tobacco,
wine, silk goods, and other commodities were allowed
to be deposited under the custody of the officers
of Customs, it became obvious that the facilities
afforded to importers might, by a very slight modi-
fication of the law, be extended to exporters.
Accordingly, an Act was passed* which laid the
* 43 Geo. III. c. 132.
154 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
foundation of the system now in operation with
regard to warehousing. It allowed goods intended
for exportation to be deposited in warehouses
appointed and licensed by the Commissioners of
Customs. In the first instance, this privilege of
bonded warehouses was limited to the Port of London,
but at a later date it was widely extended ; and by
recent Acts * the system has been adapted to the
commercial requirements of the nation.
Facilities By this most important arrangement, there can be
no doubt that the trade of London largely benefited.
The transactions of the merchant were greatly faci-
litated. He was able at once to pass property lying
in the dock warehouses, by the simple transfer of a
dock warrant, which, for all purposes of sale or ex-
change, is one of the most substantial securities that
can be offered. Foreigners are, by these means,
afforded facilities of purchasing under the most fa-
vourable circumstances, having not only the security
of the dock companies for the goods themselves but
for their exact quantities.
Docks on In 1810 Parliament passed an Act for the im-
Bideo? tie provement and construction of docks, called the
Commercial Docks, in the parish of Hotherhithe, on
the south side of the Thames, with a view " to facili-
" tate. the discharge of ships and vessels laden with
" timber, wood," &c. In the following year an Act
was passed for completing and maintaining the East
Country Dock in the same parish; and, about the same
period, the Grand Surrey Canal Company, which had
been incorporated by an Act of Parliament in 1801,
was empowered to make a dock. Parliament, however,
did not constitute the wharves belonging to these
docks " legal quays ;" on the contrary, it provided
against the landing of any goods, except such as were
* Especially by the Customs' Consolidation Act of 1853, 16 and 17 Vic. c. 107.
river.
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 155
specified, without the special sufferance of the Com-
missioners of Customs. These docks have, conse-
quently, been chiefly used, from the time of their
construction, for the timher and grain trades.
Their situation, on the south side of the river, pre-
cludes them, indeed, to a very great extent, from
sharing in the general import and export trades of
London.*
The Port of London remained in the position thus Expiration
described until the year 1824, at which period the
exclusive privileges granted by Parliament for twenty-
five years to the West India Dock Company expired.
The London Dock Company appears to have been
hostile to the renewal of those privileges, and the
West India Dock Company did not apply for their
extension. The West India trade being, accordingly,
thrown open, the London Dock Company readjusted
their rates in order to obtain it. Whilst the mono-
poly of the three great dock companies had continued
their rates were at the maximum, and their dividends
had been proportionate. Now that their privileges
were about to expire, it was natural that other par-
ties should seek to share their profits.
Accordingly, in 1823, a company, consisting of The st.
influential merchants, applied to Parliament for a Sne-aDock
Bill to enable them to construct docks on the site of Company
formed,
the Hospital of St. Katherine, next the Tower, and to A.D. 1323.
treat with the Master and Brethren of the Hospital
for the exchange or purchase of lands. They repre-
sented to Parliament that
" The commerce of the Port of London cannot receive its
* The Commercial Dock Company obtained an Act, in 1851, enabling them to
land and warehouse nearly every description of goods, if sanctioned by the Customs.
Under the authority of this Act, they purchased the adjacent East Country Docks,
and incorporated them into their system. Their returns, however, show that
their business is almost exclusively limited to corn and timber. Of 1,200 vessels
docked in 1858, only 49 contained any other loading.
156 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
full share of advantage, unless the heavy rates and charges for
the lauding, housing, bonding, and shipping of goods, with
which it is burdened, shall undergo material and permanent
reduction ; and increased accommodation for the loading and
unloading of vessels be afforded/'
Opposed In consequence, probably, of their case not being
London well prepared, the Company were obliged to with-
com k an ^ raw ^ e ^ ^^ ^ n 1824, but they proceeded with it
in 1825, when a curious incident occurred. The
London Dock Company, which was for free trade
whilst the exclusive privilege of the "West India Dock
Company existed, now declared itself strongly for
the protection of its own interests. It most violently
opposed the St. Katherine's by all the means in
its power and its power was by no means small.
The London Dock Company denied that " any addi-
" tional Docks were required by the state of the
" commerce of the Port, by the burden of rates and
" charges, by want of accommodation, or by want of
" further competition amongst the Dock Companies."
They represented that they had expended "an im-
mense capital" in constructing bonded warehouses,
that the same were insufficiently used, and that, in
consequence, their dividend had not for five years
exceeded 44 per cent., whilst during several preceding
years it was only 3 per cent. They averred that they
were ready to appropriate fourteen additional acres of
land in their possession for legal quays and ware-
houses whenever the same should be wanted; and
they prayed Parliament " not to encourage and
" sanction the expenditure of immense sums in the
" construction of supernumerary rival docks, to the
" serious detriment of commerce and shipping."
Proceed- A practice had at this time grown up amongst
pSia" parliamentary agents and solicitors, of presenting
ment. petitions to Parliament against private Bills at the
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 157
very last moment, and in a very vague form a
practice which the House of Commons had endea-
voured to remedy by a standing order passed in the
preceding session. The London Dock Company state
in a document they published on the subject* that
they desired " to conform with the utmost strictness
to this order."
" Every part of the petition which had been prepared was
examined by the Chairman and Secretary with a view of
ascertaining with certainty, that every fact of the statements
contained in it was capable of proof; and so minute and care-
ful was this examination that the petition was not finally settled
until ten o'clock at night. The following morning it was en-
grossed and put under the common seal of the Company, and
the solicitor attended in the lobby of the House of Commons
at four o'clock, for the purpose of meeting an honourable mem-
ber by whom it was to have been presented; but, in consequence
of the death of the Speaker's brother on the very day the peti-
tion was to have been presented, there was NO HOUSE, and the
Company was deprived of the opportunity of having their peti-
tion presented and referred to the Committee."
The next day the counsel of the London Dock Com- The
pany applied to the Committee to adjourn until the Dock
petition was before them ; but the Committee being
of opinion that the London Dock Company ought not
to have delayed presenting this petition till the last
moment, determined on proceeding with the considera-
tion of the Bill. Its preamble set forth that it was
desirable that docks " should be established on the
"principle of free competition in trade, and without
" any exclusive privileges and immunities ; " and after
the examination of two witnesses,! the Committee
declared the preamble proved. On the following day,
the petition having been presented to the House and
* Case of the London Dock Company, by Mr. S. Cock, Secretary to the Com-
pany. London, 1825.
t Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Hall, the promoter and first Secretary of the
Company, was the principal witness. The other was the engineer.
loS THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
referred to the Committee, the counsel for the London
Dock Company again claimed to be heard by the
Committee, but the Committee refused to hear them
except on such clauses as had not been considered.
Upon these facts, a motion for the recommittal of the
bill was proposed in the whole House, but it was
negatived by 91 to 20, and the House of Commons
passed the Bill.
The st. These proceedings appear to have driven the London
Dock Company almost to a state of desperation.
They published a long statement of their grievances,
A 1825 ^ u t without effect. They then petitioned the House
of Lords, and were heard before a Committee of
that House ; but the Lords followed the example of
the Commons, and passed the Bill. The London
Dock Company then made a great effort to prevent
the St. Katherine's from obtaining their capital,
but the Directorate of the new Company was very
powerful,* and the amount they required, less than
2,000,000/., was soon subscribed.
site of the The St. Katherine's, therefore, were the first FREE
St. Kathe- , , . _ . __. ~
rine's docks in London. The Company arranged for an ex-
:ks< change of land with the Master and Brethren of the
Hospital of St. Katherine; providing them with a site
for their establishment on the east side of the Eegent's
Park, where that hospital now stands. f They had, in
addition, to purchase several wharves, and an exten-
sive river-frontage on the Thames. In order to effect
* Mr. T. Tooke was chairman, Sir G. G. de H. Larpent, deputy ; and on the
Directorate were the eminent City names of Alexander, Barclay, Crawford, Glyn,
Grenfell, Goldschmidt, Haldimand, Heath, Hodgson, Lubbock, Horsley-Palmer,
Powles, Alderman Thompson, Wilson, &c.
t The Royal Hospital or Free Chapel of St. Katherine's at Tower, was founded
in 1148 by Matilda, wife of King Stephen, re-founded by Eleanor, Queen Con-
sort of Edward I., and enlarged by Philippa, wife of Edward III. The office of
Master of this Hospital is the only preferment in the gift of the Queen Consort
or Queen Dowager of England. The Hospital consists of a chapel, with a resi-
dence for the master and six brethren. The revenues may be applied for such
good and charitable purposes as the royal patroness for the time being may direct.
CHAP, m.] THE PORT. 159
this, and to construct up-town warehouses, they were
obliged to borrow 700,000/. in addition to their
capital. 1,250 houses were pulled down, and 11,300
inhabitants removed, to clear the ground for this
undertaking. Mr. Telford was the engineer, and
Mr. Hardwick the architect. Much difficulty pre-
sented itself in dealing with the earth excavations,
which were extremely heavy. Ultimately they were
carried by water to Millbank, and employed to fill
up the old reservoirs and cuts of the Chelsea Water-
works Company (who were removing at the time to
a situation higher up the river), on the spot on which
Eccleston Square and much of the south part of
Pimlico has since been erected.
Under the Warehousing Act,* the Commissioners
of Customs were empowered very considerably to
extend the bonded warehouse privilege. Various
places were licensed as up-town warehouses, suffer-
ance wharves, and bonded granaries, and the old
restrictions to legal quays were almost wholly swept
away. No other considerable change, however, oc- The
curred in the Port until 1850, when, in consequence
of the enormously increased shipping trade of London, A - D - 1850>
an application was made to Parliament for power to
construct the Victoria Docks. These docks were pro-
jected on a very much more extensive scale than
any previously constructed in London. Their cost
of construction, however, was relatively very small.
Being situated lower down the river, the land taken
for these docks was valued at little more than agri-
cultural prices ; and the position being below high-
water mark, instead of having to take down houses,
and make deep excavations for dock purposes, as
had been necessary in constructing the London and
St. Katherine's, the Victoria Docks were formed by
* 3 & 4 will. iv. c. .->:.
160 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. m.
making little more than embankments and entrances.
The Company's Act authorized it to raise 1,200,000.
by shares, and to borrow, if necessary, 400,000/. ad-
ditional. The entire expenditure of the Company
has, however, only amounted to about 1,000,000/.
The advantages which have accrued to the Port
tSTr>ock f London from the Dock system are obvious. That
s y s ^ em nas n t on ty greatly extended the area of the
Port, but it has provided despatch in landing and
loading cargoes, security against plunder, facility of
access to goods, classification of commodities, and,
above all, that bonding system which is the keystone
of our foreign trade. Without the docks, the busi-
ness of the Port of London could not now be carried
on ; and the wonder is that, without that system, it
ever reached the point it did.
Railways Railways and telegraphs have of late years very
greatly facilitated the business of the docks. It was
^ e want of facility of ready access and facile commu-
nication that gave the London Dock Company so
much advantage over the West India, when the two
Companies came into competition on the expiration
of their exclusive privileges. No doubt, also, these
considerations weighed with the promoters of the
St. Katherine's Docks when they proposed to con-
struct a very limited dock, at a vast cost, in the
immediate proximity of London Bridge, instead of
an extensive dock at a small cost, on a less expensive
site. Even in those days it was endeavoured to be
shown that the West India Docks were practically
not more distant than the London from the centre of
commerce. " I can go," said one of the witnesses
before a Committee of the House of Commons,
" from the Royal Exchange to Limehouse for a
" shilling, and it costs me as much to go to the
" London Docks." But ho admitted that he occu-
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 161
pied more time in the journey. But telegraphs and
railways have now brought the different docks to a
par as regards accessibility, if, indeed, they have not
even given an advantage for many purposes to the
docks most distant from the City.
The railways which encircle the Victoria Docks, Facilities
enable them to bring produce to their uptown ware-
houses, or to deliver it to the railway companies or
to the London consumer, with greater facility and
less loss of time and in some cases even with less
expense than the same goods could be carted to the
railway stations or elsewhere, from the London and
St. Katherine's Docks, which are connected with no
railway. The electric telegraph, of course, places all
the companies on an equal footing with regard to
messages; and in most other respects, the various docks
of London stand on an equality. Their arrangements
for docking, wharfing, warehousing, &c. are all first-
class. The companies highest up the Thames have
the smallest water space ; but they possess the largest
warehouse room. The companies lowest down the
river possess the largest water space, and the smallest
warehouse accommodation in their docks, but they
supply this deficiency by providing large warehouse
accommodation in the heart of London.* The use of
hydraulic machinery was first introduced by the
Victoria Dock Company, and was found so valuable, ery.
both in expediting the delivery of cargo and in saving
expense, that it was immediately adopted by the
other companies, to a greater or less extent.
The St. Katherine's Dock Company certainly labours
under a great disadvantage, in regard both to its
* That supplied by the East and West India Dock Company is in Fenchurch
Street, and its neighbourhood, where the Company have warehouses of great
extent. The uptown warehouses of the Victoria Dock Company are in the
Minories, on the line of the Blackwall Railway, which runs into them. The
St. Katherine's Dock Company have an uptown warehouse iii Cutler Street.
M
162
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. in.
water space and warehousing accommodation. The
ships in this dock are crowded into the narrowest
compass ; and, unfortunately, the Company, hemmed
in as they are by the Tower of London on one side
and the London Docks upon the other, with the
Thames before them and the Royal Mint behind,
have no prospect of ever being able to extend their
bounds. The warehouse accommodation at this dock
is too confined in its area to allow of any distinct and
separate classification of goods ; and, indeed, it is to
be objected to the warehousing system of London al-
together, that goods are not properly classified. This
remark applies with increased force to the sufferance
wharfs and legal quays, where goods are massed
together without regard to any other consideration
than getting the largest quantity into the smallest
space. To this cause may be attributed the frequent
occurrence of fires in the river- side warehouses. No
precautions can prevent these fires so long as the
warehouses contain inflammable materials.
The following tables will show the extent of the
v?decTb P y ro accommodation provided by the Dock Companies in
c h ompa- ck tne Port of Condon, the number and tonnage of the
nies - ships frequenting the docks, and the capital stock
and dividends of the companies :
Accommo-
NAME.
WATER AREA.
WAREHOUSE, VAULT, AND SHED
ACCOMMODATION.
London Docks
St Katherine's Docks . .
West India Docks . . .
East India Docks ....
Victoria Docks ....
34 acres.
11
98
29|
100
31,553,654 cubic feet.
17,823,229
31,531,725
5,402,200
19,728,550
Total ....
272f acres.
106,039,358 cubic feet.*
Exclusive of Tip-town warehouses.
CHAP. III.]
THE PORT.
163
NUMBER of SHIPS, with their Tonnage, frequenting the principal
Docks of London for Five Years.
Number
NAME or
DOCK.
YEARS.
1856.
1857.
1858.
1859.
I860.
Ships
Tonnage
Ships
Tonnage
Ships
Tonnage
Ships
Tonnage
Ships
Tonnage
East and \
West India / '
London . . .
,1,069*
1,066
468,971
414,466
1,128
979
466,451
390,759
1,099
912
451,865
372,702
1,169
1,019
483,128
436,400
1,200
1,032
498,366
424,338
St. Katharine's
902
213,797
944
201,941
904
202,740
891
217,719
905
223,397
Victoria . .
1,541
410,463
1 722
594,773
2,420
849,360
2,52..
716,131
2,682
850,337
ships
docked.
Exclusive of colliers and grain vessels.
CAPITAL of the principal Dock Companies of London, 1861.
DOCKS.
CAPITAL STOCK.
LOANS AND DEBENTURES.
London
St. Katherine
3,816,897 5/10
1 939 800
1,121,413
619592
East and West India . .
Victoria
2,065,668
856,502
215,851
Commercial
514,410
100,000
Surrey Canal
351,100
300,000
Capital of
the Dock
Compa-
nies.
DIVIDENDS paid by the principal Dock Companies.
Their divi-
dends.
NAME or DOCK.
EAST AND WEST
INDIA.
LONDON, t
ST. KATHERINE' s. f
VICTORIA,
1856
6 per cent
5 per cent.
With Income tax.
44 per cent
Without Inc. tax.
5 per cent.
Without Inc. tax
1857
6
5 per cent.
Without Inc. tax.
44 per cent.
5 per cent.
1858
6
4 per cent.
44
5 ,,
1859
6
3
4i
51
1860
6
2
3!
5*
1861
6
2*
3*
5*
t The marked reduction of dividends in the case of these companies has no
doubt arisen from a competition which has been followed by a reduction of rates.
M 2
164 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. m.
Sanitary The sanitary condition of the different docks has
oTtiie lot been more than once reported upon by the medical
officers of health attached to the Customs department
of the Port of London. From their reports it would
appear that the permanent labourers in the St.
Katherine's Docks are by far the most exposed to
sickness and mortality. In 1857-8, when the strength
of the permanent staff of officers, clerks, petty officers,
and labourers was 667, the number of absentees from
these docks, through illness, averaged nearly 100 a
month, and the deaths exceeded one a month. At
the London Docks, where 1,579, or more than double
the number of persons, were employed, the average
number of absentees was 63 per month, and the num-
ber of deaths was less. At the East and West India
Docks, the strength being 574, the number of ab-
sences was only about 30 a month, and the number of
deaths in the year only 3. At the Victoria Docks the
Report states that " there was little or no sickness
amongst the people employed in them."
causes of The causes of sickness amongst the officers and
the st 38 m labourers in the docks appear to be attributed to the
over-crowded state of the St. Katherine's, and the
i m P ur ity f the water and the immense mud deposit
in both that dock and the London. The Report,*
speaking of the St. Katherine's Docks, says :
" The average depth is twenty-two feet, but not more than
four feet can be let off at a time, consistently with the safety of
the shipping and the dock buildings. By the steam engine, the
dock water can be raised six inches per hour. Some idea of the
immense mud deposition may be formed when it is said that
8,000 tons have been dredged in these docks in the course of a
single year. The average number of shipping constantly in these
docks is from seventy to eighty.
* Vide Third Report of the Commissioners of Her Majesty's Customs, p. 80.
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 165
" In July, 1857,* the water in the St. Katherine's, and also in
the London Docks, smelt offensively, and when looked upon
from the quay, in both docks, it appeared as black as ink ; but
when taken up without disturbing the stratum of mud beneath,
it presented little impurity. Dr. Odling examined the waters
of the London and St. Katherine's Docks in July. In both docks
the water smelt offensively, but they contained respectively only
six and nine grains of dissolved organic matter in a gallon.
" In June, July, August, and September, 1858, more espe-
cially during the first of those months, the effluvia from the
water of these docks was again very offensive, and to a degree
far exceeding that of the previous year."
Speaking of the East and West India and Victoria Official re-
Docks, the Report says
" These docks are not like the London and St. Katherine's, India ami
surrounded by a dense population. On the water side they Victoria
command a fine view of the open country, and. there is a free
circulation of air. The river water, and consequently the
dock water, is here comparatively clean, and at spring tides,
by opening the gates of the Blackwall entrance, and discharging
the water at the Limehouse entrance, the Dock is scoured and
the water is thus frequently renewed. There is seldom much
foul smell, even in the hottest weather." ..." The East India,
like the West India Docks, were in much better condition than
those higher up the river during the hot weather."
" Victoria Docks. These splendid docks, situated below Black-
wall, comprise a water area of 100 acres each. These docks
command a free exposure on all sides. . . . The water of these
docks was in good condition during the summer, and there is
little or no sickness among the people employed. The average
number of ships always in these docks is 156."
The existing legal quays and sufferance wharves The legal
labour, commercially, under many disadvantages. As sufferance
the Docks, Custom House, &c., occupy the space most wharves -
proximate to London Bridge, there is no opportunity
for the extension of wharfage towards the west ; and
* At this time, and in the months of August and September following, the
sickness in the docks was at the highest.
166 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in.
the wharves, therefore, can only seek additional space
at points lower down the river, less convenient for
the general purposes of trade. Being in the hands
of private individuals, the wharves are also limited as
to the business they transact, and the warrants and
other documents issued on the wharfingers' authority
do not secure the same commercial confidence as the
warrants and documents of a dock company. Although
many of the wharves and landing-places possess very
fine warehouses, experience has also shown that they do
not afford the same security as the dock premises, either
in protection from fire or plunder. As regards the de-
predations to which the goods landed at the wharves
are subject, it is, indeed, obvious, that they cannot be
subject to the same protection as goods landed from
the ship's side into the dock warehouses. Goods
have to be conveyed to most of the wharves from the
ship's side in barges or lighters, involving a double
handling, and a consequent delay and loss, which
must fall on somebody. Nevertheless, subject as they
are to all sorts of disadvantages, the wharves, in
consequence, possibly, of being more economically
managed, are enabled to compete to a large extent
for the business of the Port ; and by regulating their
rates in accordance with those of the dock companies,
and keeping them conveniently lower, they continue
to command a considerable trade in almost all sorts
of imports.
Thames Besides the accommodation offered by the water-
audthe' space and warehouse-room in the clocks and at the
still wharves, the river itself, for one of the largest items
o f fae trade of London, continues to be used, as in
days of old, as the scene of transhipment. Nearly all
the sailing vessels which come to London laden with
coals, instead of entering docks to unload their cargoes,
lie in the stream of the river, and transfer their coals
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 167
to lighters, which convey them to the yards of coal
merchants, situate either on the banks of the river
itself or of the canals which run into it. The delay
and inconvenience arising from this system is very
great, hut the subject is sufficiently important to
demand separate consideration.
The facilities aiforded by the railways have operated Outports
which are
to make some of our outports adjuncts of the Port of adjuncts to
London. A very large proportion of the silk manu- *f London,
factures of the Continent, especially ribbons and
other light products of the looms of Lyons, are
now imported at Folkestone, and transmitted from
there to London. Southampton, owing to the s
facilities afforded by the South- Western Railway in
connexion with its docks, has also become a port of
very considerable trade, in connexion with the London
market. Great quantities of raw silk are brought
to this port from the East by the Peninsular and
Oriental Steam Company's packets ; the Hoyal Mail
Steam Company's ships bring considerable quantities
of cocoa, coffee, and tobacco from the West Indies
and South America ; and from France the port enters
a very large supply of eggs, and other light articles.
Southampton, which was a decaying town and f n athamp "
port, prior to the construction of its docks and
railway, owes much to the enterprise and zeal of
those who, in the course of the last twenty-five
years, have so largely developed the advantages of
its position. The docks of Southampton and the f P rt f ? r
J- . London in
railway from that town to London, form, in fact, a the British
direct communication between the British Channel
and the Thames, and render Southampton almost
an outport of the Port of London. That the im-
portance of such a direct communication between
the Thames and the Channel was felt at a remote
period may be gathered from the fact that the
168 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, in-
Venetians sent their large annual ships to Southampton
in the very early days of English trade. In 1825, an
attempt was made to connect London and the British
The Grand Channel. A "Grand Ship Canal" was projected
" from London to Portsmouth." The capital was
to he 4,000,0002. with an additional 1,000,000/. to
cover contingencies. The prospectus, which will he
found in the British Museum, stated that " a line
"had heen ascertained by which the river Thames
"might be connected with Portsmouth harbour
"by means of a tidal canal from Deptford, with-
"out locks, and navigable for ships of the largest
" class fully equipped and laden, which may be ex-
" peditiously passed through it by mechanical means."
The proposal, which was described as a " stupendous
national object," does not appear to have got into
Parliament; but some ten years after, the South-
ampton Railway provided, in a better form, the means
of transit for goods, which the promoters projected.
Numerous projects have at various times been
placed before the public for the construction of other
docks in London. So far back as 1825, " Collier
Docks " were projected at Bermondsey, " to contain
" 160 ships, with additional space for barges, and
" covered sheds for 200,000 chaldrons of coals." The
capital was 750,0007. and the Hon. Douglas Kinnaird
was the chairman, but the scheme proved abortive.
Doc k U s" r at A P^lic "Collier Dock" in the Isle of Dogs was
the Me of about the same time projected and strongly advocated
by one of the then harbour-masters of the Port of
London, Mr. Charles Rowland. A very strong
direction was formed for the promotion of this
dock. Mr. George Byng, the member for Middlesex,
was chairman ; Mr. "Wm. Mellish, deputy-chairman ;
Mr. Astell, the East Indian director, Sir Edward
Banks, Mr. Barnard, banker, Sir James Cockburn,
CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 169
Sir Edward Codrington, Sir John Scott Lillie, Sir
John Lubbock, Mr. J. Lewis Minet, Mr. J. P. Mus-
pratt, Sir J. D. Paul, Mr. Pitcher, Mr. Prescott,
Mr. Tooke, Sir J. Rae Reid, and Mr. A. W. Robarts,
were among the directors and auditors. Supported
by such influence it might have been assumed that
this project could not fail of success; but the company
fell to the ground. At a later period, Collier Docks,
in connexion with railway projects, have been pro-
jected at points much lower down the Thames, as at
Thames Haven, Tilbury, Purfleet, and other places. Thames
Docks have been also proposed on the Essex side of the
Thames at Dagenham, and on the Kent shore at
Northfleet. Under the auspices of Mr. Anger stein, one
of the members for Greenwich, docks have also been wich
proposed to be formed in the marshes between Green-
wich and Woolwich. These various projects, how-
ever, have all proved abortive; and at the present
time the dock accommodation which is afforded to
shipping in the Port of London is so ample, and the
facilities for extension possessed by the East and
West India, and by the Victoria Dock Company are
so great, that it is scarcely possible any other docks
can be projected with prospect of success. Except
at an enormous cost, no docks can be made higher up
the river on the north side than the East and West
India, and Victoria; and at any point lower down
the river they must obviously labour under a dis-
advantage in competing with docks nearer to the
London markets. Considering also the increased
and increasing value of land, it is scarcely possible
to imagine that docks could now be made any where
on the Thames at less cost than the Victoria ; and
the cost of original construction alwavs must be the
O fr
main element in regulating the price at which dock
managers can transact the business of a port.
CHAPTER IV.
SHIPPING OF THE PORT.
Number THE shipping of the Port of London consisted in
1860 of 2,943 vessels of 919,591 tons burden ; or, in
round figures, 3,000 vessels, carrying a million tons.
The proportion of the tonnage to that of all England
is above one-fourth ; the total number of ships of all
denominations belonging to English ports being
21,007, of a registered tonnage of 3,709,615.
The shipping of the Port is thus classified :
NO. TONNAGE.
Sailing vessels of and under 50 Tons . . 679 ... 23,174
above . . 1,737 . . . 657,218
Steam vessels of and under . . 159 . . . 4,745
above . . 368 . . . 184,454
Total . . 2,943 . . . 919,591
It will thus be seen that the greater proportion of
London ships are of the larger rates of tonnage;
indeed, whilst the average of all the shipping of
England gives only 176 tons to each vessel, the
London vessels average upwards of 330 tons each.
Great pro- But the superior character of London shipping is
large'ste^m more remarkably exemplified by the fact that London
tongSgto wns the larger proportion of all the larger steam
the Port, vessels of England. Of late years the employment
CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 1J1
of large steam ships in first-class trades has been
greatly on the increase, and the number and tonnage
of these vessels has been very rapidly increasing.*
The steam vessels of and above 50 tons belonging to
English ports number altogether 822, of 323,500 tons
register, of which London owns 368 of 184,454 tons,
or more than one-half the tonnage.
The number of vessels belonging to the Port does Vessels
not, however, in any degree represent the trade of
the Port of London. This is represented by a much
larger number of ships, as will be seen by the fol-
lowing return :
NUMBER AND TONNAGE OF VESSELS ENTERED AND CLEARED
AT THE PORT OF LONDON IN 1860, DISTINGUISHING
BRITISH FROM FOREIGN SHIPS.
ENTERED INWARDS.
NO.
TOKNAGE.
British Sailing Vessels . .
. 19,990 .
. . . 3,371,681
Steam Vessels . . ,
, 4,676 .
. . . 1,610,083
Foreign Sailing Vessels . .
. 4,414 .
. . . 1,011,319
Steam Vessels . .
462 .
. . . 142,888
Total ....
. 29,542
6 135,971
* The following table will show the progressive increase:
STEAM VESSELS BELONGING TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. Increase of
steam
VESSELS. TONS. Dipping.
1814 .... 1 .... 59
1829 .... 34 .... 3,018
1830 .... 295 .... 30,009
1840 .... 768 .... 87,539
1849 .... 1,142 .... 158,729
1860 .... 2,200 .... 454,327
The single vessel in 1814 was, no doubt, the Comet, a boat of fourteen horse-power,
which was placed on the river Clyde and worked for hire there about that year.
There was not a single steamer engaged in the foreign trade earlier than 1822.
The preference for steam ships in certain trades is now very great, and it is probable
that in the course of the next ten years the proportion of steam shipping belonging
to the Port of London will show even a still larger increase.
172
THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv.
ENTERED
OUTWARDS.
NO.
TONNAGE.
British Sailing Vessels . .
Steam Vessels . .
Foreign Sailing Vessels . .
Steam Vessels . .
Total ....
. 9,394 ....
. 3,475 ....
. 3,852 ....
438 ....
1,302,355
1,086,133
848,589
134,560
. 17,159 ....
3,371,637
Ships The mode in which this shipping was employed
p ye will be seen from the following accounts of the entries
inwards and outwards in different trades :
in the
Coasting,
IN THE COASTING TRADE.
INWARDS.
OUTWARDS.
NO.
TONS.
NO.
TONS.
British Sailing Vessels .
Foreign .
British Steam Vessels .
Foreign .
15,514
19
2,832
2,151,544
1,708
1,001,309
6,915
10
1,893
471,133
2,862
603,009
Total . .
18,365
3,169,861
8,818
1,077,004
the Colo-
nial,
IN THE COLONIAL TRADE.
INWARDS.
OUTWARDS.
NO.
TONS.
NO.
TONS.
British Sailing Vessels .
Foreign .
British Steam Vessels .
Foreign .
1,889
273
66
731,677
132,821
28,368
1,183
135
63
600,427
78,690
26,51 1
Total . .
2,628
892,886
1,381
705,628
CHAP. IV.]
SHIPPING OF THE PORT.
173
IN THE FOREIGN TRADE.
and the
Foreign
trades.
INWARDS.
OUTWARDS.
NO.
TONS.
NO.
TONS.
British Sailing Vessels .
2,587
488,460
1,296
230,795
Foreign
4,122
876,790
3,707
767,037
British Steam Vessels .
1,778
580,406
1,519
456,613
Foreign
462
142,888
438
134,560
Total . .
8,949
2,088,544
6,960
1,589,005
It will be seen from the foregoing, that the total Total ships
ships and tonnage entered inwards with cargo in the nage en-
Port in 1860 exceeded six MILLION TONS.
tered in-
wards in
1860.
In the Coasting Trade
Colonial
Foreign
Total ,
SHIPS.
18,365
2,028
8,949
29,344
TONNAGE.
3,169,861
892,886
2,088,544
6,151,291
Of this tonnage, the proportion of British shipping Propor-
was as six to one the total foreign ships and tonnage British to
being 4,876 ships of 1,154,207 tons. Of this total, it
is also observable, that nearly the whole, or 4,584
ships of 1,019,678 tons, were foreign ships employed
in the foreign trade, which they have a clear right to,
and which it is even our interest that they should
carry on in their own vessels ; for it cannot be de-
sirable that a nation which has so large a trade as
ours, should not find in its ports the ships of other
nations bringing hither the merchandise of those
nations with a view to trade with us for our manu-
factures and commodities. As it is, the enterprise
of British shipowners and merchants is sufficiently
shown by the fact, that even in the foreign trade, the
174 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv.
British tonnage entered in the Port of London exceeds
that of all other nations put together, amounting to
1,365,250 tons, whilst the total foreign tonnage is only
1,154,207. It may, therefore, be concluded, that any
measures, either of taxation or otherwise, which ex-
cluded foreign shipping, or prevented them from resort-
ing to our ports on favourable terms, would operate
most injuriously upon British shipping; for it is to
be observed, that the foreign trade carried on in
British vessels is larger than the entire colonial trade
carried on in the vessels of all nations ; so that were
any restrictive measures on foreign shipping to be
applied, for example, to colonial trade, the retaliatory
measures of other nations would operate much more
injuriously on British shipping engaged in their com-
merce, than British measures would operate on foreign
ships engaged in British commerce.
The coast- Perhaps, however, the most striking fact in the forc-
ing trade. * ' . .
going table, is the enormous proportion 01 shipping
engaged in our coasting trade. A few years ago, when
this trade was thrown open, a great outcry was raised
that our vessels would be driven out of the trade by
the Americans, the Swedes, and the Norwegians, and
that " the nursery for British seamen," as it is called,
would be annihilated. The facts show that this idea
The large wag on \j imaginary. In spite of the competition of
engaged in railroads, the coasting trade of the country shows a
large and steady increase, and has reached an enormous
tonnage. This tonnage may be said to be exclusively
British; only 19 foreign vessels of 1,708 tons being
employed in it out of 18,365 vessels of upwards of
3,000,000 tons entering the Port of London. The fact
is, that every nation must, of necessity, be able to con-
duct its own coasting trade to the greatest advantage.
The language, the habits of the people, the knowledge
of the best and cheapest markets, the connexions
CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 175
subsisting between the merchant and the shipowner,
the acquaintance with the coast and its navigation,
the facilities attending the loading and unloading of
the vessels all these are elements in a coasting trade
in which a native must have the advantage of a
foreigner. And the condition of our coasting trade,
O O '
six years after it has been absolutely thrown open
to foreign competition, shows that there is not the
slightest ground for apprehension as to the effects of
that competition on the shipping of this country.
Another remarkable fact in favour of British The steam
shipping developed in the foregoing tables, is our
almost exclusive monopoly of the steam shipping
trade. No foreign nation has a single steam vessel
employed in the coasting or colonial trades of
London ; and their proportion engaged in the foreign
trade is little more than one-fifth. Of the whole
steam shipping entering the Port of London with
cargoes amounting to a
STEAM SHIPS. TONNAGE.
Total of 5,138 .... 1,752,971
The British Vessels number . 4,676 .... 1,610,083
The Foreign Vessels only . . 462 .... 142,888
or not one-tenth of the whole.
There can be no doubt that the great increase in the The in-
number and tonnage of our steam shipping between ^Sm ol
1850 and 1860, (during which period it increased jj e p ^f
from 160,000 to 450,000 tons,) was the main cause of cause of
the depression complained of in our shipping trade, depression
At the commencement of the Russian war, a great
demand arose for large steam vessels for the transport
of troops and stores to the Crimea; and vessels of this
class were chartered by the Government at such high
rates, as to give an immediate and undue impetus to
the building of large-sized steam ships. When the
Russian war terminated, the value of these vessels
176 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAR iv.
sunk as disproportionately as it had previously risen ;
and the Australian trade becoming weak about the
same period, a serious depression occurred in every
branch of the merchant-shipping business. A com-
mittee of the House of Commons was appointed to
consider and report upon the circumstances attending
the depression. This committee made a valuable
report in 1860, showing the real cause of the
depression in the trade; and recommending the
removal of many burdens and restrictions imposed
Extent of on our mercantile marine. Between 1850 and 1860,
creLT the number of steam vessels in the United Kingdom
increased from 1,100 to 2,200, and their tonnage
increased from 158,000 to no less than 454,000 tons.
The effect of this large increase of steam tonnage
seems scarcely to be sufficiently appreciated even at
the present time. If special employment cannot be
afforded it, it must not alone displace nearly 300,000
tons of other tonnage ; but, inasmuch as one steamer
in the coasting and short trades can accomplish as
much work as five sailing vessels, it must displace
five times 300,000 tons. The depression in the
shipping trade, therefore, must, to a great extent,
be considered to have arisen from the effect of the
transition from sailing to steam shipping, stimulated
(no doubt, excessively) by the outbreak of the war.
The depression, in fact, was one of the inevitable
results of the progress of science. However pro-
ductive of transient injury to individuals, the results
of such improvements are beneficial to the general
interests of mankind, and are beyond the reach of
legislation.
itsuiti- The development of navigation by steam shipping
on our must be of special advantage to Great Britain.
trade "
Possessing within herself all the resources necessary
for iron-ship building and steam propulsion, she
HAP. iv.j SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 177
must be able successfully to compete with every
other nation in the art and business of steam navi-
gation. When every point of comparison is duly First cost
considered, there can be no doubt that steam ships can s l^ 1
be built in this country at less expense than in any
other ; and this, indeed, is proved by the fact that a
very large proportion of the steam shipping now
navigating the waters of the globe under the flags
of other nations, owe their construction to England,
whilst a still larger number are indebted to this
country for their machinery and boilers.
The progress made by Great Britain in the con- and cost
struction of steam vessels for herself, has been more them, r
than equal to everything hitherto accomplished by, or
for, all the other countries of the world in the aggre-
gate. Nor is this wonderful : inasmuch as England
possesses the motive power in the greater abundance,
she must be able to work her steam vessels at less
cost than any nation which has to purchase or import
it from England; or which raises coal under less
advantages either as to quality or cost. And if this all in
reasoning be correct, it becomes obvious that the British*^
more steam vessels are employed in the commerce of commerce -
the world, the larger must be the proportionate share
of England in that commerce.
At the same time it must not be forgotten that
steam navigation has its limits. The great bulk of Ti
fuel requiring to be carried on very long voyages, g t a e t J n naT1 ~
operates practically as a prohibition to steam navi-
gation for such distances, except in cases where there
may be intermediate coaling stations, or where the
freights to be conveyed are of a light character. In On very
cases where bulky goods are to be conveyed for long
distances in steam vessels, and where no intermediate
opportunitv for coaling is practicable, the application an
f. , .,. ary power
oi steam power only as mi AUXILIARY to the sailing
N
1J8 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv.
power, appears to be most desirable. In such cases,
the steam power is used only in calms and against
light adverse winds; the ship using her sails alone
when the wind is sufficiently fair to enable her to
dispense with the application of steam. By this means
not only is that space afforded for the freightage of
the ship, which is otherwise occupied by the coals
to be consumed on the voyage, but a large saving is
also effected in the cost of the voyage by the di-
minished quantity of coals consumed. Of recent
years this principle of applying steam as an auxiliary
to sailing power has become recognized in the Port
of London, and very large steam vessels on long
voyages have been fitted expressly to carry out
the object. The results have been highly satis-
factory in comparison with those obtained by vessels
worked under steam power alone. The difference has
amounted to the whole difference of either profit or
loss upon the voyage.
Railways Another case in which the success of steam vessels
Successful /j T , T ., ,-, n -t
finds its limit, is the case ot passenger vessels,
exposed to competition with railways. In the early
ships for days o f steam vessels they were thought to be
passenger -n i
traffic. specially and peculiarly applicable to the navigation
of inland waters, and to short passages across the
seas. They came consequently to be employed very
extensively, and for a time with remarkable success,
upon the rivers of England, and in such short voyages
as from London to Antwerp, Rotterdam, and Ham-
burg. Mr. Porter, in his " Progress of the Nation,"
tells us that
" The facility of moving from place to place, joined to the
great economy both in time and money that has accompanied
the adoption of this mode of propelling vessels, has excited the
locomotive propensities of the English people in a most remark-
able degree. The countless thousands who now annually pass
CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 1/9
in these packets up and down tl*e river Thames, seem almost
wholly to have been led to travel by the cheap and commodious
means that have been thus presented to them, since the amount
of journeying by land has by no means lessened. The number
of passengers conveyed between London and Gravesend by
steam-packets in 1835 was ascertained by the collector of the
pier-dues at the latter town to have been 670,452. It was stated
in evidence before a Committee of the House of Commons in
1836, that at least 1,057,000 passengers, including those to and
from Gravesend, pass Blackwall in steamers every year. The
number of passengers conveyed by the Hull and Selby steam-
packets, in the twelve months which preceded the opening of
the Leeds and Selby Railway, was 33,882, whereas, in the
twelve months that followed that event, the number conveyed
was 62,105."
This was published only ten years ago (1851).
AVliat has occurred in that short interval ? Two rail-
ways have been constructed on the banks of the
Thames, communicating with Gravesend, one on the
north shore (the London, Tilbury, and Southeiid),
and the other on the south (the North Kent line).
The number of persons resorting to Gravesend has The
been trebled ; but the steamers have been obliged
utterly to succumb to the railways, and of the two or ed to
three fleets of admirable vessels which in 1851 per- succumb
formed the water passage between London Bridge ways.
and Gravesend with the greatest speed and regu-
larity, carrying nearly a million of passengers per
annum, scarcely one remains! Above bridge, the
steamboat communication between London and Rich-
mond has in the same way been utterly abandoned ;
the railways carrying all the traffic. So in the case
of the communication between Hull and Selby. In
the interval since Mr. Porter's book was published,
the Leeds and Selby Railway has been extended to
Hull, and the thousands of passengers who used to
be carried by boat upon the Humber from Selby to
x 2
180 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv.
Hull and Hull to Selby, are now all carried by the
railway. It may be doubted whether, iipon any river
in England, there now remains a steamboat service of
any moment where the river's bank is traversed by
a railway.
Sea -com- The result is equally remarkable in the case of
tioTty sea-communication. Mr. Porter in 1851 wrote :
steam ves-
aels - " Scarcely any two ports of consequence in the United
Kingdom can be pointed out between which steaui communi-
cation is not maintained, as well for the conveyance of pas-
sengers, as for the transmission of goods. Besides this, the
communication is regularly maintained with all the principal
neighbouring ports on the Continent of Europe. From London
vessels proceed to the French coast almost every day; to Hol-
land three times a week; to Belgium as frequently; to Hamburg
twice a week ; and to Lisbon and Cadiz every week."
Along our The steamers along our coast at that time carried
passengers to Portsmouth, Southampton, Dartmouth,
Plymouth, Falmouth, Ipswich, Yarmouth, Hull,
Newcastle, Edinburgh, Dundee, Aberdeen, and even
round to Bristol, Cardiff, Liverpool, and Glasgow.
But the much more direct, rapid, and (considering
time as an element) more economical transit secured
by railway, has put a stop to all this trade, and
except to Scotland and the east coast, in the summer
season, scarcely a passenger vessel now leaves the
and to Thames for any port in Great Britain. In the same
Sent, l way, railways have effected a complete alteration in
the passenger trade to the Continent. It may be
said that all the passenger trade with France now
goes by railway through either Folkestone, Dover,
Newhaven, or Southampton. Scarcely anything re-
mains of the large passenger traffic formerly carried
on by steamers from London to the ports of Ostend,
regtiktni Antwerp, and Rotterdam. Although the resort of
facilities, English subjects to Belgium, Germany, and Holland
CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 181
has been unequalled during the last ten years, travellers
are now almost altogether conveyed by the boats from
Dover to Calais, or Dover to Ostend, from whence
they find their way to the places in Belgium or Ger-
many which they wish to visit. Even the Hamburg
steamboat traffic, which at one time was the greatest
source of profit to the General Steam Navigation
Company, is now only maintained by a reduction of
from 50 to 75 per cent, upon the passage money.
The fact is, that in all the elements desirable for Causes of
journeys of limited extent, the railway presents su-
perior advantages. In speed, certainty, facility,
enjoyment, time, and, consequently, cost, the steamer is
necessarily an inferior means of transit to the railroad ;
and, as may be illustrated by innumerable examples,
no steamer can compete with it for passenger traffic.
That this is becoming to be thoroughly understood
is shown by the various proposals which have been
made to form a direct communication between the
coasts of France and England by tunnels under the
Channel. Visionary as such projects seem to be in
the face of the difficulties nature opposes to such
a work, they illustrate, in a very forcible manner, the
preference which is given to the railroad, even in a
case where the passage of the steamer has been
brought within the limits of little more than one
hour, and where the facilities for the voyage, and for
shipping and unshipping, are almost the best that
human in^enuitv can devise.
C? 9/
What has been observed upon this subject, how-
ever, does not apply in any way to the conveyance of steam
goods. In respect to articles of bulk, the steamer
will probably always be able to command the trade. ve y anc e f
9 ET>0<1R-
She does not stand at the same cost of construction,
has less to pay for in wear and tear, and is worked
relatively at a cheaper rate. These elements will
182 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv.
enable a steam vessel to carry at a less cost per ton for
an equal distance than the railway; and when we con-
sider that commerce is always carried on in great cities
at the water's side, and that the steamers have access
to the quays, the wharves, the warehouses, and the ap-
pliances which railways, in many cases, cannot reach,
an additional advantage appears to be secured to
steam vessels, of which it will never be easy to divest
them. Besides, the trade of a railroad is from a
certain point to a certain point; that of a steam vessel
may be diverted from one port to another, according
to the exigencies of commerce and the requirements
of the merchant.
of ship-building scarcely falls within
the the compass of this work. There are a considerable
Thames
number of building yards upon the Thames, at which
first-class vessels are built; and the trade of ship-
building has been increasing of late years in conse-
iron nuence of iron vessels having come more and more
vessels 1 .
into use, and the skilled labour always to be obtained
in London making the Thames very available for the
construction of these vessels. At the present time
there are more iron than wooden vessels constructed
on the river, and the .number of persons taking up
iron ship-building as a trade is on the increase.
Compare- The question of the comparative values of iron and
of iron and wood in ship-building - lias long been very much
^ip-" debated; although, of late years, the opinion of
building. p rac tical men appears gradually to .have tended in
favour of iron. It is claimed in favour of iron with
considerable force, that in the principal elements
desired by the ship-builder and the merchant, the
ship constructed of iron has the advantage. She
Advan- nagj it is said, greater strength combined with light-
ness, greater capacity for stowage, greater safety
under the ordinary, circumstances of accident, much
CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT._
greater speed, more durability, and (which is of great
consequence to the shipowner) less occasion for repair,
and it is also said that she draws less water, and
that, in England, she can be constructed at less cost.
Against this, it is admitted that there, are certain
freights for which iron vessels are unsuited; as forSSi, 88
instance, sugar, the drainage from which produces
very rapid corrosion of the iron. It is ali> admitted
that derangement of the compass (at least until
" compensating compasses " were invented), was a
serious drawback ; and that, in the warmer climates
especially, iron vessels foul with greater, rapidity than
timber ships properly sheathed .with copper. If all
the advantages urged on behalf -of iron vessels can be
supported, they would seem greatly to overbalance
these disadvantages, and the more so, as there is
nothing in them 'which the progress of science may
not surmount by expedients of; a simple character.
The superior, strength of an iron vessel is ad- as regards
mitted by most persons. The stowage of a ship stooge,'
depends upon her build, and the principal advantage ^J) and
of an iron ship over a timber vessel . in stowage is durabilit y-
derived from her shell being thinner, and there being
less interruption from beams. Safety is dependent
on the circumstances attending the accident, and the
chances of risk are, probably, about as great on the one
side as the other.* As respects speed, the iron vessel,
no doubt, ordinarily has the advantage, from the finer
* It has been contended by some persons that iron vessels are the safer, because
they can be fitted with bulkheads which divide them into water-tight compart-
ments. But Captain Sullivan, R.N., who, as an officer of the Board of Trade,
gave evidence before the Committee on Merchant Shipping, suggested whether
these bulkheads were not productive of weakness rather than strength. " It
' becomes a question," he says, " whether vessels are oftener broken up by the
' rivet-holes necessary for these bulkheads, than they are saved from loss by the
' partitions preventing their sinking." " I cannot recollect one case myself in
' which a ship Jias been saved by a water-tight compartment, except when it was
' a bow compartment." He says that it is a question whether a ship is not more
liable to part in consequence of the weak points made by these bulkheads, which
are " something like the holes in a return-ticket on a railway."
184 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv.
form which the builder is able to adopt when he has
to deal with a material of construction more capable
of easy moulding than heavy logs of timber. As
regards durability, the question lies between the
corrosion of the iron and that dry rot which is the
scourge of timber vessels; and it would seem that
one may be prevented, whilst the progress of decay
from the other can only be retarded. The wear and
tear of a timber ship doubtless exceeds that of an
iron vessel, but the reparations, when they have to be
made, are, perhaps, more costly in the case of an iron
than of a timber ship, especially if such reparations
have to be effected in a foreign country.
Prime cost. As the advantages, in these matters, to a great
extent counterbalance each other, the prime cost
becomes, and will, probably, for a long time remain,
the chief governing element in the construction of
ships. The prime cost will be governed by the price
of materials and the cost of labour. Primd facie,
it would seem that, as wood is cheaper than iron, and
as carpenter's labour is, ordinarily, less expensive
than smith's, the cost of a timber vessel must be less
than that of an iron ship. But it has to be con-
sidered, that a timber vessel is not constructed of
that material alone. Her timbers have to be bolted
and rivetted with iron, and she has, at a heavy cost,
to be sheathed with zinc or copper. This combination
of materials and of the labour required in their appli-
cation, bring up the cost of a wooden vessel to an
amount which, under ordinary circumstances, is not
inferior to that of an iron ship ; and which, if dura-
bility is considered, probably in the end makes the
iron vessel the cheaper of the two.*
Mr. C. Wigram, who gave admirable evidence before the Select Committee
on Merchant Shipping, on the subject of Iron ship-building, said, " I think that
" taking equally, faithfully built vessels, and of equal strength, there is very little
" difference in cost ; I am speaking of vessels built in London." Q. 301.
CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 185
These considerations seem to lead to the conclusion
that the construction of iron and timber vessels will or wooden
prevail according, very much, to the circumstances
under which the vessel is intended to be used. A ferr . ed ac ;
cordmg to
steam vessel required for a first-class service will the service
probably, henceforward, be ordinarily constructed of they are
the material which affords greater strength, dura- re( i uired -
bility, and speed; a ship that is merely required to
carry heavy general cargo, will probably continue to
be constructed of the material which is least imme-
diately costly. As the trade of London with foreign
ports is now carried on chiefly by vessels of the best
class, it is, therefore, probable, that for purposes of
foreign trade, iron ships will rapidly increase in
use; whilst the bulk of those trades in which
speed is less necessary will, probably, for a long
time, be carried 011 in vessels constructed of the
cheapest material. At present, the preference of
London merchants for first-class ships, leads to an
increasing use of iron for the shipping constructed in
and for the Port ; and, probably, during the next
twenty years, it will be found that iron vessels
increase in use in London in far greater proportion
than they have done hitherto great as has been
the recent increase in the number of our iron vessels.
The tables on the pages following will show the
quantities of the principal articles imported into the
Port of London in 1860, and will enable the reader
to compare the imports and exports of the Port with
those of the United Kingdom generally :
186
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv.
IMPORTS.
PRINCIPAL ARTICLES IMPORTED,
1860.
INTO THE
UNITED
KINGDOM.
INTO
PORT OF
LONDON.
Animals, Living :
Oxen, Bulls, and Cows Number
Sheep and Lambs
Bones (except Whalefins) Tons
Cocoa Lbs.
Coffee
Corn :
Wheat Qrs.
Bailey
Oats
Peas
Beans .
Indian Com or Maize
Wheat Meal and Flour Cwts.
Cotton, Raw
Cotton Manufactures, not made up .... Value
Dyes and Dyeing Stuffs :
Cochineal , . Cwts.
Indigo
Madder and Madder Root ... , . .
Flax:
Dressed or Undressed ,,
Tow or Codilla of Flax ' .
Fruits :
Currants . ,
Lemons and Oranges Bushels
Raisins Cwts.
Guano Tons
Hemp Cwts.
Jute and other Vegetable Substances . .
Hides, Untanned :
Dry
Wet
Tanned or Dressed Lbs.
Mahogany Tons
Metals :
Copper Ore and Regulus
Copper, Unwrought and part Wrought . .
Iron in Bars, Unwrought
Spelter, Unwrought and Rolled ....
Tin, Unwrought , Cwts.
Oil:
Train, Blubber, and Spermaceti .... Tuns
Palm Cwts.
Cocoa Nut
Olive Tuns
Seed Oil, of all Kinds ,
Oilseed Cake Tons
77,010
320,219
62,321
9,009,860
82,767,746
5,880,958
2,112,861
2,290,951
314,201
439,834
1,851,762
5,086,220
12,419,096
604,547
22,486
77,321
283,295
1,298,276
166,534
.755,41 5
1,154,410
242,770
141,435
787,283
821,892
236,923
611,405
4,707,272
44,710
97,317
11,753
54,061
23,481
58,220
17,029
804,326
194,309
20,859
12,995
108,26
54,079
287,203
6,983
6,672,631
| 72,784,354
1,180,903
486,460
1,645,901
56,289
86,503
43,188
1,079,394
316,861
185,253
6,504
67,981
3,068
14,288
1,431
474,949
511,111
149,788-
22.945.
205^98
477,547r
176,050
232,931
1,960,411
22,590
5,802
3,778
8,215
12,518
50,110
6,314
153,094
187,574
5,068
9,022
38,0*3
CHAP. IV.]
SHIPPING OF THE PORT.
187
PRINCIPAL ARTICLES IMPORTED,
I860.
INTO THE INTO
UNITED PORT OF
KINGDOM, j LONDON.
Provisions :
Bacon and Hams
. Cwts.
326,106
261,259
173,009
840,112
583,283
838,477
198,030
16,123
1,534,640
1,074,765
264,902
1,330,623
269,403
9,178,647
224,335
539,947
530,796
233,910
12,810,040
21,127
7,319,673
2,342,543
635,410
8,817,276
345,010
606,503
1,430,108
88,946,532
23,709,874
25,226,597
2,727,255
149,236
113,790
128,045
427,942
202,506
245,135
28,452
5,513
789,392
342,864
119,826
391,163
148,037
2,405,580
139,871
254,744
381,908
217,235
10,552,319
20,235
5,171,824
1,547,624
206,160
4,846,132
98,281
95,372
899,101
83,711,086
9,023,843
14,459,188
1,469,224
Beef, Salted
Pork
"
Butter
Cheese
Eggs
Cubic Feet
Lard
. Cwts.
Rags, and other Materials, for making Paper
Rice not in the Husk
. Tons
Cwts.
Saltpetre and Cubic Nitre
Seeds :
Clover
Flaxseed and Linseed
Qrs.
Rape Seed
Silk, Raw .
Lbs.
Thrown
Silk Manufactures of Europe : .
Broad Stufl's
Ribbons ...
Silk -Manufactures of India :
Bandannas, Corahs, &c
. Pieces
Spices :
Pepper .
. Lbs.
Pimento
. Cwts.
Spirits :
Rum
. Gallons
Brandy .
Geneva
Sugar, Unrefined
. Cwts.
Refined, and Sugar Candy ....
,, Molasses
Tallow
Tea
Lbs.
Tobacco :
Stemmed
Unstemmed
Cigars and Snuff
*
Wine :
Imported from
British Possessions
. Gallons
679,941
11,795,060
549,347
8,629,382
Foreign Countries .
Total Wine .
12,475,001 9,178,729
Wood and Timber :
Not Sawn or Split
. Loads
1,275,109
1,452,806
76,378
145,501,651
2,894,926
918,927
212,381
411,654
27,090
79,700,315
31,662
172,105
Battens, Boards, &c. Sawn or Split . .
Staves
Wool Sheep and Lambs'
. Lbs.
Alpaca and Llama
Woollen Manufactures, not made up ...
. Value
188
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv.
EXPORTS.
PRINCIPAL ARTICLES EXPORTED, 1860.
TOTAL FROM
THE UNITED
K IX GDOM.
FROM
PORT OF
LONDON.
Apparel and Slops
2,156,478
1,385,138
1,868,144
1,308,248
Butter
637,925
64,573
Candles Stearine
238,622
199,235
120,068
49,536
Coals, Cinders, and Culm
3,316,281
57,061
Cotton Manufactures :
Calicoes, Cambrics, and Muslins, )
Fustians, and Mixed Stuffs . |
All other Kinds
40,346,342
1 795 163
6,101,460
252,327
Cotton Yarn
9,870 875
966,708
Earthenware and Porcelain
1,450,644
182,799
Fish Herrings
474 805
7,046
Glass of all Kinds
653 198
328,990
Haberdashery and Millinery
4,004,431
996,981
Hardwares and Cutlery
3,770,609
807,149
Leather, Tanned, Unwrought
403 286
248,280
., Wrought
1,406 984
868,304
Saddlery and Harness
318 094
195,123
Linen Manufactures :
Cloths of all Kinds, and Cambrics ....
All other Kinds
4,434,858
369 945
435,043
10,569
Linen Yarn
1 801 272
283,864
Machinery :
Steam Engines
] 238 333
476 212
Other Sorts
2 599 488
571,825
Metals :
Iron Pig, Bar, Wire, and Cast ....
Railroad, of all Sorts
4,442,661
3 408 759
687,109
934 926
Wrought, of all Kinds
3 317 349
966 419
Steel Unwrought ..... .
986 228
48 020
Copper, Unwrought
749 879
180 006
Part Wrought, and Wrought . .
Lead Ore, Pig, Rolled, Sheet, aud Shot .
Tin, Unwrought
2,037,837
545,727
361 592
1,290,882
274,452
237,420
Plates
1 500 812
187 718
Oil, Seed
1 131 357
328 155
Painters' Colours
475 143
240 891
Salt
358 162
13 141
Silk Manufactures
1 587 303
265 401
Thrown, Twist, and Yarn
826 107
431 335
Soap
249 538
85 323
Soda
96,5 348
129 885
Spirits
286 818
98 074
Stationery
759 391
435,323
Sugar, Refined
235 798
203 644
Wool, Sheep and Lambs'
877 082
416 692
Woollen and Worsted Manufactures :
Woollens
7 098 009
1,056 943
Worsted and Mixed Stuffs
4 401 936
455 629
All other Kinds
657 053
122 130
Woollen and Worsted Yam, including Yarn )
mixed with other Materials J
3,843,4.50
30,679
All other Articles
11 512 043
5 9 -> l 717
Total Declared Real Value ...
135,891,227
:!<>,s:S7,688
CHAPTER V.
FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT.
THE trade greatest in importance, and which is re- o.ir trade
garded most hopefully, in the Port of London is CHINA.
undoubtedly, at the present time, the trade with the
East Indies and China. Of the trade with the East
Indies we shall speak under another head, and at
present confine ourselves to the China trade.
The trade of China with the United Kingdom is almost
almost exclusively conducted in London. Of the^ j^ ted
85,000,000 Ihs. of tea sent from China to Great Britain in London
in 1860, no less than 80,000,000 Ibs. came direct to
London, and the silk received was even in still larger
proportion. Tea and silk are almost the sole exports
of China to these realms. The value of the tea and imports
silk imported in 1860 was
Tea 6,601,894
Silk 2,387,867
The other imports were
Oils, of all sorts valued in 1860 at 53,500
Sugar 47,388
Rhubarb
Cassia Lignea
Mats and Matting
Ginger, Preserved
Wax
China or Porcelain Ware . . .
Camphor
Japanned and Lacquered Ware
Wool
22,216
20,399
18,227
11,340
9,389
8,476
5,454
4,574
2,265
The total value of our imports from China in 1860
190 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
was 9,323,764/. This was more than two millions less
than in 1857, when we made war upon that country.
Exports to Our principal exports to China in return for tea
and silk are cotton and woollen manufactures, of
which we sent them, in 1860, to the value of nearly
4,500,000. The chief articles of export were as
follows :
Cotton Goods valued in 1860 at 3,160,165
Woollen Goods 870,671
Cotton Yarn ............ , 410,416
Iron and Steel
Lead and Shot
Beer and Ale
Coals, &c
Copper
Apparel, Slops, and Haberdashery
Linens
Glass Manufactures . . . ; .
Hardware and Cutlery ....
Stationery
Earthenware
Tin Plates.
145,313
114,035
99,-493
' 8,655
58,984
32,814
30,855
29,864
25,735
11,066
6,903
4,167
Of articles not our own produce, we also sent
them
Wine valued in 1860 at 45,030
Quicksilver 26,013
Brandy 12,986
Spelter 8,806
Cochineal . 4,396
Steel 2,854
Glass 2,764
The trade The total exportations to Chinese ports in 1860
amounted in value to about five millions and a half.
A very large proportion of this total appears in the
form of articles exported for the supply of our own
troops, and of the British settlers in China, who now
number more than 10,000.
Earthen- It is curious to observe that, although we derived
from China the art of making porcelain, we now ex-
port to that country nearly as much earthenware as
we receive from it, whilst we sond them a considerable
ware.
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 191
quantity of glass manufactures in addition. The
quantity of beer sent to British residents and others,
in China, is also noticeable. The export of beer to Beer.
China, which, in 1856, only amounted to 3,118
barrels, rose in 1860 to 27,749 barrels, of the value J r ^; f
of nearly 100,000^., all of which must be consumed our trade
by our own people, as the Chinese, it is said, refuse cha,
to drink beer, which is indeed a liquor of a very
different character from the ordinary drinks of the
Chinese, in the form of tea, and a sort of wine,
drunk hot.
That our trade with China will largely increase,
may be concluded from the fact that since the treaty
concluded in 1858 it has already more than doubled
itself, as the following will show :
AGGREGATE VALUE OF BRITISH EXPORTS TO CHINA.
1831 547,701
1841 862,570
1851 2,161,268
1856 2,216,123
I8o7 2,449,982
1858 2,876,447
1859 4,457,573
1860 5,318,036
It must be confessed, however, that this trade, restricted
considerable as it is in some articles, is extremely <h lt y Ur
limited, considering that China is a nation consisting
of nearly 400,000,000 people, from whom we obtain
one of our principal articles of daily consumption.
That which at the present time limits the extension
of the China trade is the excessively heavy duty levied
in England upon the principal article of Chinese
export. When England forced upon the Chinese in
1858 a treaty in the highest degree advantageous to her
own trade, it surely was a matter of policy, as well as
of justice, to have made arrangements for the reduc-
tion of the tea duties. No nations can expect to be
192 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
brought to trade together except in those articles
which constitute their mutual means of paying for
what they purchase; and of course our trade with
China must be restricted so long as we restrict the
demand of our population for the article with which
China supplies us. Now the duty upon tea, which
amounts, even at the present reduced rate, to fully
200 per cent, upon the original cost price of the
article in China, practically prevents the extension of
that large trade with China which we sought to secure
by the treaty which opened the whole country to our
commerce. Upon this subject, however, the best
practical information will be found in the valuable
Report of report of a Select Committee of the House of
commit?* C mmons on - our commercial relations with China,
tee of the presented so far back as 1847, but which remains
Commons applicable even to the present hour.
on our
Trade with
China. REPORT.
" THE select committee appointed to take into consideration
the present state of our commercial relations with China, have
considered the matters to them referred, and have agreed to
the following report :
" In reporting on the condition of our commercial relations
with China, your committee regret to state, on undoubted
evidence, that the trade with that country has been for some
time in a very unsatisfactory position, and that the result of
our extended intercourse has by no means realized the just
expectations which had been naturally founded on a freer access
to so magnificent a market.
" Whether we look to the tables of exports, which mark a
declension of exports in nearly every branch of manufacture,
or listen to the statements of experienced merchants or manu-
facturers, we are brought to the same conclusion.
" We find the exports of cotton manufactures decline between
the years 1845-46, from 1,735,1417. to 1,246,518/. in value;
those of woollens, in the same period, from 539, 223/. to
439,668/.
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 193
" We find that on a great proportion of the trade for the CHINA
same years, the loss, taken both Avays, i.e. that on the manu- A __
factures sent out and on the tea brought home in payment, Report
may be fairly stated at from 35 to 40 per cent. ; so great,
indeed, that some manufacturers have abandoned the trade
altogether, and that much of the tea lately sent home has been
sent on Chinese account, the English merchants declining to
run the risk of the venture.
" We find that the difficulties of the trade do not arise from
any want of demand in China for articles of British manufac-
ture, or from the increasing competition of other nations.
There is no evidence that foreign competition is to be seriously
apprehended in the articles of general demand. The sole
difficulty is in providing a return.
" Stripping the question of minor details, which may fairly
be left out, as not atfecting the general results, and setting aside
the junk or native trade, which, though considerable, does not
assist in the general adjustment of foreign accounts, the trade
of China may be thus shortly described. The bulk of its
transactions are with England, British India, and the United
States.
" The recognised imports into China, of which we have any
account, were, in 1845, as follows :
From all countries $20,390,784 = 9,401,336
In English ships . . . $16,073,682
In American ships .... 2,909,669
18,983,351
Leaving for all other countries a value of $1,413,433 only.
"To this may be added 23,000,000 dollars, the estimated
value of 38,000 chests of opium, all brought on British or
American account, and from British India.
" The export from China to all countries for the same year
was 36,931,000 dollars = 8,00l,926/., of which
For England and British India .... $26,697,321
For the United States 8,261,702
$34,959,023
" Thus leaving for all other countries no more than $1,972,875
iu value.
O
194
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. v.
CHINA
TRADE.
Report
continued.
" The returns for the year 184:6 are not yet completed ; but,
as far as they go, they indicate the same result.
" From England, China buys largely of manufactured goods.
From the United States the same articles to the extent of
170,000/. From British India, opium and cotton-wool to a very
large amount. In the year 184?5 these imports, as will have
been seen above, were valued at 43,390,784; dollars, equal to
9,401,3361
"The whole of this vast import has to be paid for, with
slight exceptions, by tea, silk, and silver, though sugar, and
Chinese grass, as a substitute for hemp, may possibly be here-
after of some importance.
" The payment for opium, from the inordinate desire for it
which prevails, and from the unrecognised nature of the trans-
action, which requires u prompt settlement of accounts, absorbs
the silver, to the great inconvenience of the general traffic of
the Chinese, and tea and silk must, in fact, pay the rest.
" Of these, England and the United States are nearly the
sole consumers; and thus it happens, that the advantages which
were so naturally expected from commercial access to a civilised
empire of above 300,000,000 people, are practically limited by the
extent to which these countries are willing or able to consume
these two products of the soil of China.
" The balance of trade will, no doubt, adjust itself sooner or
later, in accordance with the severe lessons of loss and dis-
appointment which the last three years have taught ; but unless
we can look forward to an increased consumption of those
products in which alone China has the means of paying, this
adjustment can only be made at the cost of largely diminished
exports, and of restricted employment to f very branch of in-
dustry connected with them.
" The export of silk from China is steadily on the increase ;
and as it labours under no heavy taxation on its entrance either
into the United States or Great Britain, and as the access now
opened to the port of Shanghai has brought us into closer con-
tact with the districts most productive of it, there is every
reason to hope that it will grow with the growing wealth and
luxury of nations, and progressively become an element of
greater importance amongst the means of payment.
" This, however, from the nature of the article, is a slow
operation, and we must look to tea mainlv, and to an increased
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. ]t)5
consumption of tea, for the means of maintaining, still more of CHINA
. TRADE
extending, a profitable trade with those vast regions. For such '
an extended consumption, unless we are content to wait for the Report
, . , , , , , . continued,
slow progress or an increase dependent solely on the increasing
numbers of our population, we can only look to some consider-
able reduction of the price ; and for such reduction, now that
competition since the abolition of the monopoly of the East
India Company has had its full effect, and that new sources of
supply have for some time been opened, we can only look to a
reduction of the duty. On a first cost, ranging on the qualities
in most general demand from 8d. to 1(M in the ports of China,
if any reduction can be effected, it might be of advantage to
the merchant, but would have no important effect upon the
selling prices in England. It is only through the duty, a duty
on the average qualities of about 200 per cent., and on the
worst qualities of about 350 per cent., that any such reduction
to the consumer can be effected as to stimulate consumption in
any sensible degree ; and such a reduction thus becomes essen-
tial to a healthy and an extended trade. That it is also desirable
in itself, as promoting the increased consumption of a beverage
wholesome and agreeable to every class of our population, and
one which is increasingly desired as a substitute for intoxicating
liquors ; and that it would be no more than is due to the Chinese,
who tax our products so lightly,* while we burden theirs so
heavily, and with such inconvenience to their trade, your com-
mittee conceive to be equally clear. In fact, the sole difficulty
exists in the effect which any material reduction and none
other would be of much value may be expected to have upon
the resources of the Exchequer.
:< The revenue derived from tea in the last year amounted to
5,110,897/. ; and although this amount of revenue cannot be
permanently relied on, being founded on a consumption which
has been carried to that extent by prices not remunerating to
the importers, and which are therefore not likely to be con-
tinued, yet it is no doubt so important an element in the
income of the country, that under present circumstances it
cannot be lightly dealt with.
" Upon this point the House itself only can determine. At
the same time, although your committee will not pretend to
* " The highest duty imposed by the Chinese is 10 per cent, and the average is
from 5 to 7 per cent."
o 2
196 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, v
affirm that no loss to the revenue would be the consequence, or
TRADE. ^ Q ca i cu i ate n i ce ]y the probable results of any particular re-
Report duction, they cannot forbear from stating the reasons which
continued. induce them " to think tbat though the loss might possibly for a
time be considerable, it would not be long continued.
" In the first place, tea is an article the taste for which is
widely spread and growing among all classes, although the con-
sumption has evidently been checked, in comparison with the
similar articles of coffee and cocoa, by the want of that favour
in the shape of reduction in duty, and consequently in price to
the consumer, of which they have been the object. Indeed,
while they have been reduced respectively, since 1821, from
1*. to 4e?. per lb., and from Is. to 2d per lb., the duty on tea
has been enhanced ; but although the effect of this different
treatment of articles so similar in their nature may be seen in
the different rates of increase which took place since 1821, the
consumption of coffee having increased by oOO per cent., and
that of cocoa by above 1 ,000 per cent., while the increase in
that of tea in the same period has been only 130 per cent., yet
even that proportion amounting to a positive increase of
24,000,000 Ibs., due only to lower prices, arising from a more
open trade, fully bears out the general proposition.
" That the consumption of tea has not yet received its full
development, is further clear, if we consider the larger propor-
tion of tea consumed in other populations of similar tastes with
those of the British Islands. In these the consumption is no
more than 1 lb. 10 oz. per head, whereas, it appears that in the
Isle of Man it is 2 lb. 10 oz., in Jersey and Guernsey 4 lb. 4 oz.,
and in Newfoundland and Australia a very considerably larger
proportion.
" It will be said, however, that any reduction in duty would
only have the effect, by throwing a large demand on the markets
in China, of increasing the price to the English merchant ; and
that consequently the benefit of such reduction would rather
go to the Chinese grower or merchant, than to the English
consumer. This would undoubtedly be the case to a consider-
able extent, if the market of supply were limited or difficult to
be extended ; but your committee are bound to state that they
have no apprehension that this will be found to be the case with
regard to tea. Although it is a point on which, from the limited
acquaintance which we possess with the interior of China, it is
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 197
impossible to produce distinct information, yet we know that CHINA
the demand for tea from China has been progressively and
rapidly rising for many years, with no other result than that of Report
diminished prices ; and that there is a population which is com-
monly assumed to be above 300,000,000, and at all hours of
the day consuming tea, which only requires some change of
preparation to be fit for exportation ; thus implying an amount
of supply, on which any demand that may be made for foreign
export can be after a very short time but slightly felt. We
know also that the market has never been drained of tea in any
one year, but that there has been always a surplus left to meet
any extraordinary demand. We have every reason to believe
that the cultivation of the plant may be indefinitely extended.
" We have, moreover, the general experience in all articles,
the supply of which is not limited by physical or other causes
(such as cotton, &c.), that an increased demand, by stimulating
the industry or the enterprise of the parties interested, has the
no very distant effect of producing a larger supply at a lower
price, instead of permanently raising it.
" If, on the other hand, it should be said, that to convert
that into a profitable, which has hitherto been an unprofitable
trade, it is necessary that some part of the reduction should go
to the benefit of the merchant in increase of price ; the answer
is, that the mere interest on the duty, if reduced from 2s. 2^d.
to Is., would, of itself, be nearly enough to make the whole
difference between a losing and a living trade, and the whole
benefit of the reduction would still be left to the consumer.
" Under these circumstances, your committee have little
doubt that the full benefit of any reduction of price would very
shortly, if not immediately, accrue to the consumer, and thus,
in no longer interval of time, by increased consumption, repair
any defalcation which might at first appear.
" It must also be remembered that the increased consumption
of sugar consequent on any large increase in that of tea would
assist in repairing the loss.
" For these reasons your committee think themselves war-
ranted in recommending to the House, a considerable reduction
in the duty on tea at the earliest period which in its wisdom it
may seem fit, as most desirable in itself with a view to the
comforts and the social habits of the people, as involving but a
temporary loss to the revenue, and as essential to the extension
198 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
of our trade with China, nay, even to its maintenance at the
point \vhich it has already reached." *
Effect of a This report was presented fourteen years ago ! and
ofthe'tea yet, although the opening of the trade has materially
duty increased the exportation of tea at a reduced price,
our duty upon tea is allowed to remain at the
present time at no less than 200 per cent, upon the
cost price of the article in China. In the face of a com-
mercial treaty, such as that negotiated in 1858 with
the Chinese, not even the most urgent necessity ought
on the to a n ow the continuance of this duty. There can
revenue,
be no doubt that, if it was reduced, the revenue would
speedily repair itself from the largely increased con-
sumption which would immediately ensue, especially
amongst the poorer classes.
Considering the interest which London merchants
have in this question, it seems wonderful that they
allow year after year to pass without agitating
for the reduction of duties which would so largely
extend their trade with a nation which treaties
on com- have opened up to our commerce, and which shows
itself so well inclined to consume our manufactures.
The opening of the trade with the northern ports of
* "The British Consul, in his despatch dated 15th of February, 1847, says,
' How long the Chinese will be able to sustain this continual drain (<'. e. of
2,000,000?.) of the precious metals is impossible to determine ; but the fact being
now well established, that the export of tea to England cannot he increased under
the present system of duties, it is not difficult to foresee, that unless a new
opening be found for a larger consumption of China exports in our markets, a
gradual reduction must take place, either in the quantity or the prices of our imports
in China, until they come to a proper level. On the other hand, it is beyond
calculation to what extent the Chinese would purchase our woollens and our
cottons, were we enabled to take their produce in return, especially after having
attained the legalization of the opium trade ' He further states, and is confirmed
by Sir J. Davis in the statement, that ' it must be borne in mind that the import
trade is regulated by and depends wholly on the export trade, and that therefore
only an increase of exports can cause a corresponding increase in imports. The
China trade being essentially a direct barter trade, it is obvious that unless means
can be found to take from the Chinese a larger amount of their principal export,
tea, there seems to be but a limited prospect of deriving for the British manufac-
turing interests all those advantages which the new position we hold in the
country consequent on the late war must lead them to expect.' "
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 199
China is certain to lead to an immense demand for
English goods. Even at the time this page is
passing through the press the public are informed by
the newspapers that " the trade upon the River Yang-
tse-Kiang is extending itself with wonderful rapidity."
AYhilst trade was confined to Canton, the use of
British manufactures by the Chinese was attended
with great difficulties. Canton was purposely selected
by the Chinese Government as the seat of trade with
" the barbarians," on account of its being at the point
of the empire most distant from the seat of govern-
ment. Nor was it political reasons alone which
dictated this policy. The finances of the empire were
largely increased by it. China possesses scarcely
any beasts of burden ; almost all the animals of the
country are bred and kept for purposes of food. The
cost of transport through the country, therefore,
becomes a most important addition to the price of
every article of consumption. Now, in China, the
transport of merchandise, whether on men's backs or i
by boats drawn by men along the canals, is a monopoly Canton,
regulated by and in the hands of the Government.
Canton is not only the port most distant from the seat
of government, but it is also the most distant port
from the provinces in which tea is most successfully
cultivated. The result was that Canton was the port
most favourably situated for the transport monopoly,
because the conveyance of tea to Canton, and of
foreign merchandise from Canton to Pekin, involved
the longest journey, and consequently the highest
rates for carriage. In order to be consumed at Pekin,
where the coldness of the climate rendered them
most useful, our woollen goods had to be conveyed
1,200 miles, involving portage across a mountainous
barrier, at either foot of which they had to be
unloaded from and again loaded into boats. The
200 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
consequence was, that only a very small portion of
our exports to China ever left the province in which
Canton itself is situated; our metals, indeed, were
entirely consumed there, as they would not hear the
Traded!- cost of transport. But now that a trade is permitted
the tea direct with Pckin, Nankin, and the tea districts, the
uts ' consumption of goods must be increased most largely,
and the more so, as at Shanghae, Eoo-chow-foo, and
other ports, we can obtain tea free from the large
additional cost which the transport of it to Canton
formerly involved; and free also from all the extra
costs on the merchants resulting from the heavy port
duties, and the intense system of corruption prevailing
at Canton. It only, in fact, requires that the British
Government should reduce the duty on tea, to make
China one of the largest, if not absolutely the largest,
market in the world for British manufactures. And
as " there can be but one great market," and as
London is the seat of the tea trade of Europe, all the
great commerce of England and China must, in-
evitably, concentrate itself in London.
There can be very little doubt, also, now the trade
of England is penetrating even to Pekin itself, that
a class of superior manufactures may be exported
with profit for sale in China. China manufactures
her own cotton and her own silks ; but it is a matter
of question whether the prices of our cotton and the
character and novel patterns of our silk goods would
not secure them a preference. When Lord Macartney
was sent on his embassy in 1794, he was furnished
with a present for the emperor, consisting of astro-
nomical and mathematical instruments, an orrery,
globes, models of ships, &c., and views of objects not
otherwise portable. It is not improbable that our
machinery of different sorts may, at no distant period,
find a sale amongst this ingenious and industrious
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 201
people. And if British enterprize will apply itself to
the navigation by steam of the great river arteries of
China, it is probable that within a moderate period
the trade of England with the Chinese may be ex-
tended beyond the most sanguine expectation.
The trade of London with RUSSIA employs a larger
amount of ships and tonnage than any other trade of JJ
the port. The London trade with the northern ports
of Russia employed, in 1860, no less than 1062 vessels
of 234,040 tons. With the southern ports the trade
employed 195 vessels of 75,800 tons, making a total
of more than 300,000 tons employed in the Russian
trade with London. In the list of English ports,
Hull, as might be presumed from its natural position,
ranks next to London in this trade, employing about
500 ships of nearly 150,000 tons. Liverpool employed
56 ships of about 16,000 tons. Nearly two-thirds of
the tonnage employed in this trade is British.
The principal imports from the northern ports of imports
Russia, are, tallow, flax, hemp, timber, and hides ; BSk
from the southern ports we obtain corn, and also
linseed and tallow, the latter article having only
recently been brought from the shores of the Black
Sea, but having come during the last vear in con-
v
siderable quantities. The total value of our imports
from Russia in 1860, exceeded 11,000,000/. from the
northern, and 5,000,000 from the southern ports ;
total, 16,000,000/. The principal imports from the Northern
northern ports were as follows :
Tallow valued at 2,759,493
Flax 2,579,649
Corn
Wood and Timber . . .
Hemp
Linseed, Seeds, Flaxseed .
Bristles
Wool
Tar
lr"ii in Bars
1,697,328
1,062,460
908,061
782,103
284,673
194,601
150,255
53,382
202 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Isinglass valued at 53,497
Rags 47,653
Bones of Animals . . .
Quills, Goose and Swan .
Hides and Russia Leather
Candles, Stearine . . .
Linen, Manufactures of .
Stearine
Feathers for Beds . . .
Oil Seed Cake ....
47,106
38,682
36,745
29,382
28,697
25,492
24,030
21,533
Southern From the southern ports in 1860 our imports
ports.
were
Corn valued at 3,740,437
Linseed and Flaxseed . . 860,182
Tallow ....
Wool ....
Salted Beef . .
Preserved Meats .
281,504
163,931
20,538
15,229
increase of Our trade with Russia since 1857 has been an
certain ex- . . , ,-, e , ,
ports to increasing trade, in consequence principally ol alte-
ra tions which were made in that year in the Russian
tariff. These alterations were important to us, as
permitting the introduction of iron and steel, and of
machinery of various descriptions, which had pre-
viously been practically prohibited. The changes
were necessitated by the construction of railroads in
Russia, which under their previous trade regulations
could not be maintained in consequence of the
prohibition which existed against articles which the
Russians were utterly unable to provide for themselves.
In consequence of these alterations, certain exports
from England to Russia have increased as follows :
1857. 1860.
Iron 174,353 .... 630,044
Steam Engines .... 61,644 .... 193,477
Agricultural Implements , 1,600 .... 48,423
"Other machinery" which was exported in 1856 to
the extent of 255,000/. has since risen to an annual
average export of double that amount.
High rates The amended tariff of 1857 also effected reductions in
. the duties on various other articles of import, especially
of duties
in
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 203
on cotton, woollen, and silk fabrics, and on earthen-
ware, sugar, and salt. But the duties still maintained
are too high ; and a differential duty which prevails in
favour of articles imported into Russia inland against
those imported by sea, is prejudicial to British
commerce, despite the difference which there always
must be in favour of the cost of water conveyance.
The object of Russia in maintaining high rates of Their ob-
duties is stated to be less the maintenance of-* 60 *'
revenue than the promotion of a manufacturing
industry amongst her own people. But it is wrong
to suppose that a people who are not possessed of the
first element of manufacturing industry, namely,
coal, and who are obliged to smelt the little iron
they can bring from Siberia by means of wood fires,
can ever hope to compete with the British rnanu- Their fu-
facturer, who has all the first essentials at the first tUlty>
price.
Nothing can be more unwise than the policy,
Russia in endeavourin to force a business which
is not natural to her climate, her condition, or
ture.
habits of her population. By the use of better ap-
pliances it is probable that the Russians in a few
years will so largely develop their agriculture, which
has hitherto been carried on with the rudest imple-
ments, as to be able to export produce more largely
and to more profit than any other people in Europe.
In this they will be greatly aided by their improved
means of internal communication. But as a manu-
facturing nation, everything is against this compara-
tively thinly populated country, and even in its own
markets, it never by any possibility can compete
with the productions of Germany and Great Britain
admitted at low duties.
Russia supplies England with three -fourths inThetaiiow
value of all the tallow we import. This trade,
204 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
during the last few years, has been interfered
with under circumstances which may possibly lead
The "great hereafter to remarkable results. Several years since
specula- a Company or Society at Moscow commenced a
" speculation," as they termed it, to raise the price
of tallow in Russia. They soon discovered, in conse-
quence of the large stocks held in London, that it was
necessary to operate in the market here for the pur-
pose of maintaining their operations. Their large
purchases in London caused tallow to reach a fictitious
price in the market so very considerably above its
real value as seriously to prejudice its sale. Oils of
different descriptions, consequently, began to super-
sede the use of tallow, and lamps were invented for
burning cocoa-nut, Colza, and various other descrip-
tions of oils, which were found to be cheaper than
tallow at the price to which that article had reached.
At the same time the English merchants sought to
develop the tallow trade of South America, Australia,
and other countries, from which considerable supplies
were obtained.
Nevertheless, the Moscow speculators, being ex-
tremely well supported, were able for some time to
maintain their position. The price of tallow was kept
up notwithstanding the largely increased stocks on
hand both in London and St. Petersburg. But such a
state of things naturally could not last in the face of
the exertions made by English merchants to secure
tallow from other countries. In the month of June,
1861, much to the relief of the tallow market, the
its failure, great Moscow speculators were compelled to succumb,
having lost, it is said, a sum of money by their
speculations variously estimated at from 300,0007. to
500,000/. The price of tallow in England, which was
60s. per cwt. in January, 1860, fell to 43s. 6d. in the
month of August, 1861, with the prospect of a still
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 205
further decline. The fall, however, was checked by a
large fire at the riverside wharves, which destroyed
nearly 10,000 casks of tallow, and hy a demand which
sprang up for a supply for the Continent of Europe,
where the stocks had fallen to a minimum during the
progress of the speculation.
The large trade which we carry on with Russia for The flax
flax and hemp chiefly centres itself at Riga, though trade. emp
large quantities of hemp come from St. Petersburg.
In our market, however, Riga qualities of both articles Ri s a -
have the preference in price. Russian flax and hemps
are generally preferred to those of any other countries,
in consequence probably of the care taken in their
shipment, the classification of qualities, and the assort-
ment, inspection and branding by official authorities,
who are said to perform, their duties with laudable
exactness and impartiality. The flax shipped at Riga
is grown chiefly in White Russia, and the trade is
principally carried on by our own merchants, who do
more than half the business of that city. The hemp
trade, however, has decreased of late years in conse-
quence of the general substitution of iron for hemp
in the manufacture of cables, cordage, &c., and also
in consequence of the use of jute, an article of lower
price, which we derive from the East Indies, and
which is a good substitute for hemp and flax where
the article of manufacture is not liable to be exposed
to the action of water.
"We have seen in previous pages of this volume The Rus -
. . . sinn Com-
that the original establishment of English trade with
Russia was due to the Russian Company, first
incorporated by Philip and Mary for the discovery
of a north-western passage to India. This Company
had at first an absolute monopoly of all trade with
the dominions of the Czar. The monopoly was
limited in Russia at various periods, as other nations,
206 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
especially the Dutch, sought opportunities for com-
merce ; and ultimately, by statute of William III.,*
the Company was virtually thrown open in England,
any merchant heing allowed admission to it on pay-
ment of 5/., and being permitted to conduct his
business as a private adventurer entirely as if the
Duties ie- Company was abolished. The Russian Company, bow-
tie Com- ever, continued, up to last year, to levy a number
of small duties on all goods imported from llussian
ports, under the authority of its original patent,
which granted them those duties at a time when the
trade was exclusively in their own hands. In the
aggregate the duties amounted to about 11,000/. per
annum, of which the London trade of course paid
the largest proportion.
Agitation ;p or some years there prevailed, amonsr a power-
againstthe . *
duties. ml party in this country, a strong desire to get
rid of the duties payable to the Russia Company,
which were said to be vexatious to the merchant,
whilst no sufficient services are performed for them.
These dues were raised under the several names of
" Lastage," " Address Money," " Church Money,"
" Company's Agent," " Cronstadt Agency," and
"Passes;" but, except for the "Church Money," it
did not appear that any real services of value were
performed for any of those various items of taxation.
The "Church Money," which amounted to about 2,000/.
a- year, was paid to the Committee of the Chapel of the
British Eactory at St. Petersburg, and for the assist-
ance of any British poor who may be found in that
city or in Cronstadt ; and it was contended strongly
by the Company that these were payments which
could not be abandoned without disadvantage. On
o
this head the contest between the Company and the
merchants opposed to it was extremely keen. Two
* 10 & 1 1 Wni. Ill, c. 6.
CHAP, v ] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 207
different Committees of the House of Commons re- Reports of
ported upon the matter ; one, on the Local Charges
on Shipping in 1853, reported :
these dues.
" That if it provides a Church establishment in Russia, in
favour and support of which British residents of all religious
persuasions agree to waive their doctrinal differences if, under
its operation, the poor of the increasing communities of British
subjects are supported, and the education of their young pro-
vided for ; and if it afford the means of union and common
action in all cases where the interests of trade may be affected
by political events, then it would be peculiarly undesirable to
break up this association, which it would be impossible to revive
under another form."
Whilst a later Committee, the Select Committee on
Merchant Shipping, 1860, reported :
" With regard to certain dues still levied by the Russia
Company on ships and on goods carried in ships, we deem the
continuance of any such tax quite unjustifiable. In the present
state of our political and commercial relations with the Emperor
of Russia, no exceptional legislation is required to secure pro-
tection for English residents in the dominions of Russia. The
charter granted to the Russia Company in bygone ages has
survived its original design, and the religious and charitable
objects, however pious or benevolent their character, to which
the dues on goods carried in ships are applied, having but little
reference to maritime trade, ought not to be compulsorily cast
upon merchants and shipowners who do not receive any direct
benefit from them."
The dispute was virtually settled in 1861, by the Adjust-
Russia Company themselves, who informed the the ques-
Govermnent and the Legislature that "they would tltm '
" no longer levy dues on the import of goods into
" the United Kingdom."
Our exports to the ports of Russia (both Xorth Exports to
and South) in 1860, amounted to 5,446,279/. The R
principal items of our own produce and manufactures
exported to the northern ports were as follows :
208 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Northern Iron valued at 630,044
ports- Machinery , 630,947
Woollen Yarn
Cotton Yarn
Coals, &c
Lead and Shot
Hardware and Cutlery . .
Cotton Goods . ...
"Woollen Goods
Soda
Tin (unwrought) ....
Agricultural Implements
Linen Manufactures . . .
Salt
Silk Manufactures ....
Tin Plates
Earthenware and Porcelain .
362,842
183,039
126,783
108,056
102,474
84,454
77,154
71,880
57,044
48,423
40,496
40,061
17,318
15,688
13,427
In addition we sent to these ports, foreign and
colonial produce to the following amounts :
Raw Cotton valued at 1,413,264
Indigo 236,449
Coffee 89,260
Cochineal 55,234
Wine 29,353
Rice , 17,034
Southern The exports to the southern ports, which amounted
in all to 47 7, 042 1. were in much the same articles
and proportions. The Board of Trade 'returns, how-
ever, cannot be entirely relied upon in regard to
these articles, as many of the ships which trade to
the Black Sea and the sea of Azov, clear out for
Constantinople, so that exports intended for Russia
are assigned in the tables to Turkey.
Our trade The trade of the Black Sea has, only at a conipara-
ism^hern tively recent period, been opened freely to foreign
Russia, nations ; and it is only since the repeal of our own
Corn Laws, that we could have had much intercourse
with a country whose principal production is corn.
Odessa has hitherto been the principal port frequented
by the English ; but of late years a considerable pro-
portion of the corn trade has been carried on with
Taganrog, at the head of the sea of Azov, and with
CHAP v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 209
Kaffa (or Theodosia) in the Crimea. The fact is, that
Odessa is most unfortunately situated for trade. The
Russian Government, at the end of the last century,
sought to establish this port as a commercial entrepot,
by giving it considerable privileges. But they have
discovered that they sought to establish what has
been well described as " a shop in a desert." Odessa, Odessa,
situated on an arid plain, between the rivers Dniester,
Bug, and Dnieper, is, in fact, at a considerable
distance from the estuary of either; and the con-
sequsnce is, that the principal portion of the corn
brought down those rivers is obliged to be conveyed
from different points to Odessa in carts, drawn by
oxen, over roads, wretched at all times, and absolutely
impassable at some seasons of the year. These im-
pediments to internal communication might, 110 doubt,
be obviated by a railway system ; but, in the southern
parts of Russia, the towns are so few and far between,
and the country appears to be so thinly peopled, that
it is doubtful whether railways could be constructed
with profit.
Taganrog, on the sea of Azov, is at the estuary of Taganrog.
the Don, by which river immense quantities of corn
are brought down. Up to a recent period these were
sent down to Kertch, where a large trade is carried on,
and coastwise also, to Kaffa and Odessa; but vessels are
now finding their way up the Sea of Azov to Taganrog
itself, despite difficulties of navigation arising from
the shallowness of the sea, and from its being at
times completely shut by frost. By a canal from the
Don to the river Wolga, the sea of Azov is connected
with the Caspian Sea ; and thus Taganrog becomes a
port of vast importance to trade, as opening up a rich
interior country of. immense extent, which can be
most readily supplied with foreign commodities. The
trade of the Caspian is, at the present time, almost
210 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
exclusively in the hands of the Russians. That they
are not without enterprise, is established by the fact,
that the Caspian and Wolga are both navigated by
steam vessels.
Balance of It would appear from the official account that the
Russia* 11 balance of our trade with Russia is against England in
against * ^ e proportion of sixteen millions to five and a half.
Some abatement from this there would probably be
in consequence of the circumstances under which the
trade is conducted, and the enhanced prices at which
our products are sold to the Russians ; * but, with
whatever abatement, the position of the case is too
striking not to receive notice. Russia is a compara-
tively rich country, and England carries on with it
the largest trade carried on with any European nation.
We receive direct from Russia 16,000,000/. of goods
per annum, and only send to her direct 5,446,000/., of
which little more than 3,000,000. are articles of the
produce and manufacture of the United Kingdom !
inquiry Something is, of course, due to the tariff to which
causes^ reference has already been made. Still more is due
this - to the comparative want of facilities for internal
communication, which are so great that they prac-
tically limit the consumption of imported articles to
St. Petersburg and other ports of importation and the
country immediately adjacent to such ports. Although
by means of rivers and canals, the Neva at St. Peters-
burg is actually connected with the Caspian Sea, yet
the great distance to be traversed and the very short
period of the year during which the rivers and canals
Absence of are navigable, render the conveyance of goods both
- difficult and costly. This applies even more to im-
- P or t e( l than to exported commodities ; for the pro-
tenor.
* Some allowance should also be made for British goods purchased by Russian
merchants at Hamburg, and carried to St. Petersburg by the steamers, via Kiel,
or Lubeck.
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 211
ducts of the country sent down the rivers for exporta-
tion are loaded, in the winter months, into boats which
take advantage of the high water and float down with
the current as soon as the snow and ice begin to
melt. The cargoes up the rivers are obliged to be
carried up slowly when the stream is low in the
autumn ; and if they should be blocked by ice before
they reach their destinations they have to be con-
veyed, during the winter, by sledges. The barks on
which goods are floated down are also mostly broken
up and sold for firewood on their arrival at their port
of destination, so that comparatively few return.
Thus the cost of conveyance into very much exceeds
that out of the country, an evil which the establishment
of railroads through the empire alone can remedy.
But perhaps the greatest drawback to trade with
Russia is to be found in the way in which commerce
in that country has hitherto been conducted. Up to in Russia -
June, 1860, none but native Russians were permitted
to engage in the internal trade of the country. This
restriction, although it was evaded, operated preju-
dicially upon the foreigner who imported goods, by
compelling him to sell to a native at the port of
arrival. Again, the Russian trader was required by
law to be registered, and to be possessed of a certain
amount of capital, according to which he was classed
as a merchant, an inland trader, or a shopkeeper.
These restrictions prevented many persons from
trading at all, and limited that competition which is
the life and soul of business. They were swept away
by an Imperial Ukase of the 19th June, 1860, a period
too recent to enable any idea to be formed of the result
of the proceeding. The modification of such restric-
tions cannot fail, however, to be beneficial to commerce
generally, and to exercise an important influence on
the trade of the country. It may be hoped, also, that
p 2
212 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
it will alter the trading system of Russia. At
present the practice is for the foreign merchant to
make payments in advance for the produce which he
purchases, and to sell goods for the supply of the in-
terior on credit. The Russian, in fact, makes his pur-
chases in the summer, when he comes to St. Petersburg
to trade, on the strength of his produce to be sent down
in the following spring. Hence it results that the
English merchant in Russia must be possessed of
considerable capital, and must have some personal
acquaintance with the persons he trusts : two con-
ditions which necessarily limit the number of tho
English merchants settled in Russia. The system oi
trade, also, appears to be one of large profits and
slow returns, as opposed to small profits and quick
returns : a system which abates the surprise we might
otherwise feel at finding the balance of trade appear
so largely against us.
The trade with Russia, in fact, requires both in-
ternal and external enterprise for its development.
With the vast population and resources of that empire
it is absurd to suppose that under an enterprising
system of trade 5,400,OOOZ. could represent anything
like the value of British exports to that country.
Had the wealthy society of Moscow speculators who
lost their 300,0002. in endeavouring to raise the price
of tallow in Russia, embarked their capital in that or
any other of the Russian products, with a view to
make a profit by a genuine trade, it is probable that,
instead of being obliged to succumb, they would have
by this time doubled their principal, whilst by opening
up the internal trade of their country to British
manufactures, they would have added to the comfort,
Trade 'th na PP mess J an( l wealth of their own people.
SWEDEN Whilst our trade with Russia may be said to be
WAY. carried on almost exclusively by English merchants,
CHAP. V.]
FOREIGN TKADE OF THE PORT.
213
that with SWEDEN and NORWAY is conducted in almost
as great a degree under the flags of those countries,
and for the account of their own dealers. The traders
of Norway, and to some extent of Sweden also, are
usually the owners of ships, who freight them on
their own account with the produce of their country,
which they bring to England for sale, obtaining
freight here for any foreign port, if they can, or, if not,
returning to their own port with such cargo as they
may purchase, or still more frequently in ballast.
A very common practice with a Swedish or Norwegian
vessel is to bring a cargo of timber, corn, iron, or ice,
to London, and having found a market for it, to clear
out in ballast for Newcastle or Sunderland, and there
take in a cargo of coals with which to proceed home.
This will account for the discrepancy between the clearances
number of Swedish and Norwegian vessels which .hipim,
enter and leave the Port of London from and for their ballast -
own countries, and also for the very large number of
Swedish and Norwegian vessels which clear out of the
Port of London in ballast, as shown in the following
return of the entries and clearances for 1860 :
PORT OF LONDON.
From Sweden
FromNonvay
For Sweden
For Norway
SHIPS ENTERED, 1860.
BRITISH.
FOREIGN.
TOTAL.
With Cargo.
In Ballast.
With Cargo.
In Ballast.
No.
108
5
Tons.
19,750
664
No.
Tons.
No.
812
313
Tons.
170,154
96,285
No.
Tons.
No.
920
318
Tons.
189,904
96,949
SHIPS CLEARED, 1860.
13
4,327
6
1
1,533
206
68
34
11,095
7,391
344
427
83,535
136,169
431
462
100,490
143,766
214
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Thus we see that nearly the whole of the outward
trade to these countries is conducted by the Swedes
and Norwegians themselves, the English only em-
ploying in it 13 ships out of 893. Of these 893, we
also see that no less than 771 left London in ballast,
only 102 carrying back cargo, whilst, on the other
hand, every vessel that entered the port from Sweden
and Norway, without a single exception, brought
cargo to the port.
Accounted If> however, we turn to the records of shipping
at Newcastle, we shall find this state of things
reversed.
PORT OF NEWCASTLE.
for.
FromSweden
FromNorway
For Sweden
For Norway
SHIPS ENTERED, 1860.
BRITISH.
FOREIGN.
TOTAL.
With Cargo.
In Ballast.
With Cargo.
In Ballast.
No.
6
Tons.
781
No.
Tons.
No.
58
144
Tons.
7,939
17,050
No.
3
170
Tons.
445
45,033
No.
66
314
Tons.
;9,165
62,083
SHIPS CLEARED, 1860.
85
7
14,435
1,275
-
-
499
237
74,683
28,483
1
121
584
245
89,118
29,879
Thus, whilst only 380 vessels entered this port
from Sweden and Norway, one half of which were
in ballast, no less than 829 vessels sailed for those
countries, of which number only one solitary small
vessel did not carry cargo. This shipping, as before
observed, was probably almost altogether composed of
the Swedish and Norwegian vessels which had entered
the Thames with cargo, and gone out of it in ballast.
imports The produce sent to England by the Swedes consists
from swe- cn i e fl v o f WOO( j an( j timber (principally sawn into
CHAP. V.]
FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT.
215
deals and boards), corn (chiefly oats and barley), and
iron (unwrought and in bars). The values of the
quantities imported in 1860 were as follows :
Wood and Timber valued at 1,388,613
Corn 1,005,862
Iron 645,621
Steel (unwrought) 64,012
The total value of our imports from Sweden in
1860 amounted to 3,193,3082.
The supply of timber sent by Sweden to England Timber,
is, at the present time, larger than that of any other
country. In 1861, London received the following
quantities :
TIMBER IMPORTED INTO LONDON, 1861.
CARGOES
From Sweden 368
Prussia 271
Norway 230
Russia 227
Finland 50
Canada 134
New Brunswick, &c. . . 92
Africa and India, &c. . . 68
TONS.
115,472
80,312
75,230
60,839
16,974
105,648
54,356
36,204
Total
1,440
545,035
The quality of the Swedish timber is said to excel
that of the timbers received from Russia and Prussia ;
and being sold at a cheaper rate it commands our
market. The Swedish timbers chiefly come from
ports in the Gulf of Bothnia. They are sawn in the
form of deals, battens, lathwood, masts, balks, and
railway sleepers. This trade is carried on principally
under the flags of Prussia and Mecklenburgh, for
account of English merchants who have recently
embarked considerable capital in the acquisition of
large forests, which they cut down and saw upon
the shore. Several of these English companies are
established on the principle of " limited liability."
216 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
o a t 8 . The corn sent from Sweden is principally oats.
The exportation of oats from Sweden to England is
only second in quantity to that of Russia, and is
double that of Prussia and the Hanse Towns. It has
progressed during the last five years in the following
ratio :
EXPORTATION OF OATS FROM SWEDEN TO ENGLAND.
Q.ABTEKS.
1856 ..... 200,141 ..... 240,169
1857 ..... 258,110 ..... 297,733
1858 ..... 427,885 ..... 470,585
1859 ..... 443,087 ..... 485,248
1860 ..... 554,369 ..... 655,504
iron and It appears, at first sight, singular that England,
which produces more iron than all the other countries
of the world together, should import iron and steel
from Sweden to the extent of nearly three-quarters of
a million annually. The fact is accounted for hy the
very superior quality of Swedish iron, which is found to
be especially well fitted for conversion into steel, and
for use in the manufacture of high-priced articles. It
would appear, indeed, that in consequence of the
great consumption of British iron of late years, less
attention has been paid by our own manufacturers to
quality than to quantity. The object here has been
to produce iron to the largest amount, and at the
smallest price; whilst in Sweden the production
being limited, and the smelting process by means of
charcoal dimcult, the stimulus to trade has been less,
and greater opportunity has been aiforded to attend
to the manufacture. In a recent address to the
Mr. Hawk- Institute of Civil Engineers by its present president,
Mr. Hawkshaw, that able engineer said
manufac
f
Great " ^ e are > -^ b e ^ eve > i n the infancy only of discoveries in the
Britain. improvement of the manufacture of steel and iron. Until
CHAP. v.J FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 217
lately, the nature of tlie demand for iron rather retarded than
encouraged improvements in its manufacture. Railways con-
sumed iron in vast quantities, and railway companies cared
nothing about quality. They were driven to seek a tolerably
good material for engine and carriage tyres, but as it respected
the vast consumption in the shape of rails, they -were implicitly
guided by the lowest prices. As long as this system continued,
it suited the iron-masters to manufacture a cheap article in large
quantities, and they therefore gave themselves no concern to
establish a better state of things. But heavy engines, high
speeds, and an enlarged traffic, are gradually working a change.
We are beginning to find that iron of the very best quality has
hardly durance enough for rails or locomotive tyres ; that there
is no economy in putting down rails which require taking up
again in a year or two ; and, in short, that the increased strains
arising from the accelerated motion of railways, steamboats, and
machinery in general, are necessitating a better material.
" In marine steam-engines, which have received much atten-
tion, and -where great attempts have been made at perfection,
paddle-shafts, crank-axles, screws, and other portions, have, as
before intimated, already attained an unwieldy size, and the
ris inertia and weight of such masses of metal are of them-
selves no slight impediment to the improvement of steam-
navigation, and would be greatly obviated by the use of a
stronger material.
" Fortunately for this country, just at the time that the use
of iron is extending, and improvements in its manufacture are
developing, fresh discoveries are made of the raw material, and
men seem to stumble, as it were, by accident on new fields of
iron ore, in places where those mineral riches have laid dormant
for centuries,, to await a new era and another age, when ships,
like knights of old, are to go forth to battle in complete armour,
and when the civil engineer has assumed the duties which de-
volved on the smith and armourer of former times."
Our exports to Sweden in 1860 amounted to less Exports to
than a million; namely, 940,613?. The principal Sweden '
items exported were,
218 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
HOME PRODUCTS.
Coals valued at 90,583
Iron , 62,030
Machinery >, 57,077
Cotton Yarn , 51,634
Woollen Goods
Cotton Goods
Woollen Yarn
Hardwares
Linseed Oil .
Apparels, Slops, and Haberdashery
Soda
47,070
28,539
28,843
27,108
21,174
14,533
11,847
COLONIAL AND FOREIGN PRODUCTS.
Cotton, raw valued at 142,701
Sugar, unrefined 70,493
Wool 35,307
Hides 33,396
Indigo ,. 25,185
Coffee 13,350
Palm Oil 12,143
Wine 7,228
Guano 5,847
Tea 3,176
Their The character of these exports appears to show that
the Swedes are relying largely upon their own manu-
facturing industry. They take raw products, such
as iron and coals, to a much greater extent than
articles of manufacture ; woollen manufactures being
those of which they require the largest supply,
and of those only to the extent of 47,000. This
absence of demand for English products is not caused
by any unnaturally high tariff in Sweden, but rather
from the character of the people, whose habits are
simple, and whose wants are comparatively few.
Export of One item in the account of exports to Sweden
deserves observation. Although guano was exported
to that country to a comparatively small amount in
1860, there was, in previous years, a very large
supply sent to Sweden; amounting, in 1856, to as
much as 53,OOOZ. The fact is that the Swedes,
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 219
as their country has been rapidly cleared of timber,
have applied themselves with great industry to agri-
cultural pursuits ; and, notwithstanding the character
of the climate and the general inferiority of the soil,
have made great progress in the production of corn,
as we have seen in the account of her exports.
The internal communications of Sweden are very internal
favourable to her exports. The port of Gothenburg, SSJ^f
which stands next to Stockholm in the trade of the Sweden -
country, is peculiarly well situated in this respect.
By means of the river Gotha, the Wettern Lake, and
the Trollhatten Canal, Gothenburg is open to the
whole interior, and possesses the advantage of a
direct water communication with Stockholm and the
Baltic without the necessity of a sea passage round
the Sound. The construction of the canal which
enables vessels to avoid the falls of Trollhatten was
long an object of the sovereigns of Sweden, and its
accomplishment has proved of the highest value to
their country.
It may be hoped that as the resources of Sweden
become developed, and as her people increase in
wealth, her demand for foreign productions will
increase, in which case London, which is her largest
customer, will probably also be the source from which
she will draw the largest proportion of her supplies.
Comparatively small as is the whole value of our
exports to Sweden at the present time, their amount
demonstrates the beneficial results of the adoption of
free-trade principles in England, for, in 1846, our
exports to that country amounted to only 146,654.,
little more than the trade of Great Britain with the
Canary Islands !
From Xorwav our imports, in 1860, were valued at Trade with
*" *- "
1,160,992^. ; and of this amount the wood and timber
was valued at 933,918/. In the list of smaller items
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
imported from Norway, the following, however, are
worthy of mention :
Fish (principally Lobsters) .... valued at 71,492
Seal skins, undressed 36,792
Copper ore 23,658
Ice 13,718
The ice The ice trade of Norway is a husiness opened by
the Norwegians themselves some few years since,
shortly after the Americans began to send Wenham
Lake ice from Boston to Great Britain. The trade in
ice is naturally in some degree dependent on the
character of the season in England. In the very hot
summer of 1859 we imported from Norway 31,470
tons of ice, of the computed value of 11. per ton. In
the cool summer of 1860 the importation fell to
13,718 tons. The Norwegian ice is principally sent
to us from the town of Drobak, on the Christiania
Eiord. The arrangements for receiving, storing, and
shipping it there are very ingenious and simple.
Drobak is situated on the side of the fiord, which has
a great depth of water on each of its shores. On the
hills, which rise precipitously above the little town,
are large ponds, from which the ice is cut out in the
winter, by very simple means, in blocks of about
three feet square. These are passed by a series of
inclined planes down the hills to the ice-houses at
Drobak, where they are stored in sawdust till the
following summer. By another series of inclined
planes, formed in the simplest manner of fir planks,
the blocks of ice are then passed out of the ice-houses
into the holds of the ships lying in the fiord, the
process occupying scarcely any time, and being almost
costless.
Consump- Unfortunately, the bulk of the English, even of
ii Eng. lce the upper classes, have yet to learn the advantage
landt and luxury of using ice. In the United States it is
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 221
found on every table, and enters into the composition
of almost every summer beverage, besides being
largely used for the preservation of food. Probably
the Norwegians owe it to the circumstance of
their trade being so largely in their own hands, that
efficient means have not yet been discovered for
selling ice in London. The carts of wholesale
traders deliver daily supplies of the article to clubs
and other establishments which take large quantities,
but there are no efficient means of providing it to
smaller householders, who, if they obtain it at
all, can only do so from the fishmonger (!),* at a
price highly disproportionate to its real value, and
not always in the best condition. If its retail supply
could be arranged on moderate terms, it is probable
that the demand for ice in London would soon be
greater than in New York, and the Norwegians would
find employment for a large amount of shipping in
supplying the article, t
Firewood forms a very important branch of the
trade of Norway with London. The quantity im-
ported in 1861, must, it is said, have occupied more
than 55,000 tons of shipping. Christiania is the prin-
cipal seat of this trade. The fir timber is floated from
the interior down the various rivers which empty them-
selves into the fiord, until they reach the saw-mills to
which they are consigned, and at which they are sawn
The ice trade probably got into the hands of the fishmongers, from their
being brought into connexion with the Norwegians as dealers in fish and lobsters,
and from their personally frequenting the markets at the east end of London, to
which the Norwegians most resort. In no other way can such an anomaly be
accounted for. It might have been supposed that the " butterman" would have
been a better purveyor of such an article, useful as ice must be in the pre-
servation of butter and cream in summer weather. But who has yet seen ice
in a biitter shop ? The buttermen of London deal with English producers
only, and do not come into contact with the Norwegian traders.
t The home consumption of ice in the United States is estimated at little
less than 300,000 tons a year. In 1854 the quantity exported was 156,540 tons
from Boston, and 20,000 tons from New York. A large proportion of this finds
its way to the East and West Indies.
222 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
into deals, boards, or battens, cut up for firewood, or
hewn for making herring-barrels. The vast water-
power of the country enables these several processes
to be carried on without difficulty and at very small
expense. Christiania deals formerly obtained a higher
relative value than any other wood in our market ;
but they have recently been in less demand, American
spruce being preferred for cheapness ; and the white
The fish deals of Sweden and Finland for quality. Bergen, on
Bwgen/ 1 ^ e wes ^ coas ^ f Norway, is the source of the fish trade.
This town is celebrated for its salted cod, or stock-fish,
of which from twenty-five to thirty million pounds is
annually exported, but very little, if any, of it comes
to England, our supply of that article being derived
from Newfoundland. We receive from Bergen, how-
ever, immense numbers of lobsters, which are brought
to the Thames in vessels constructed for the purpose.
It should be observed, however, that the average
amount of our trade with Norway for fish is very
much lower than the sum given above as the com-
puted value of the import of that article in 1860.
Export* to Our exports to Norway amounted, in 1860, to
Norway. 630,773^ heing in better proportion to the imports
than in our trade with Sweden. The principal articles
exported were :
Iron valued at 87,124
Woollen goods 67,628
Coals
Machinery ....
Cotton goods . . .
Hardware and Cutlery
Apparel, Slops, &c. .
Linen goods . . .
Earthenware . . .
Oil, Linseed . . .
56,793
51,350
49,058
32,361
20,678
18,770
14,784
8,865
Leather 7,633
Cotton, raw valued at 69,890
Sugar, unrefined 20,192
Coffee 5,585
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 223
Hides, untanned valued at 4,494
Tea 4,017
Wine 3,899
Indigo 3,761
Tobacco 2,119
It is curious that ale and beer does not appear
amongst the above items. Up to a comparatively
recent period the Norwegian drink most commonly in Norway.
use was a nauseating spirituous liquor, called finckle,
very speedily productive of intoxication. Of late years
great efforts have been made in Norway to establish
sober and temperate habits among the population;
and happily those efforts have been attended with
great success. In order to this object, liquors of a
different description from finckle were required to be
supplied for general consumption, and a large brewery
was established in Christiania, which arranged an
excellent system of supplying the interior with beer
in bottles at very reasonable rates. Besides this, the
light wines of Bordeaux were imported into Norway,
and distributed through the country with great suc-
cess. The trade in these wines is carried on by
means of the ships which convey stock-fish from Bergen
to Bordeaux ; and so successful has been the attempt
to extend their use that there is scarcely a village in
Norway where a bottle of Bordeaux wine may not be
obtained at a price very little above prime cost,
and at less than, under the reduced duty, we can
obtain wine of similar quality in England. It is
probable that had the trade with Norway been prin-
cipally in the hands of English merchants more might
have been done to induce the consumption of English
articles. Our commodities are well appreciated by
the Norwegian people, and the supply of them to the
flourishing little towns of the interior is now greatly
facilitated by the railway which has been made by
English engineers and contractors from Christiania to
224 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Eidsvol, and by the navigation of the lakes and fiords
by steamers, which have been supplied from this
country for the purpose, and which are almost in-
variably in the charge of English engineers.
Trade with To no country, except to our own, has the Repeal
IMARK. Q ^ e om j, aws an( j the establishment of a system
of Eree Trade in England been more advantageous
than to DENMARK. The agricultural and pastoral
character of that country, and its proximity to our
own shores, eminently fitted it for supplying England
with articles of food. Accordingly, since our trade
has been opened, an immense and annually increasing
supply of corn and cattle has been imported from
imports. Denmark, raising our importations from that country
to 2,575,000/. per annum. In 1860, we imported from
Denmark :
Corn, of all sorts to the value of 1,678692
Cattle, Oxen, Horses, and Sheep. , 503,508
Wool, Sheep and Lanihs
Oil Seed-Cake ....
Butter
Bacon and Pork ....
Bones of Animals . . .
Seal Skins
Hides
Fish .
101,039
78,315
49,351
41,657
17,073
15,412
12,102
12,078
The larger proportion of these articles could not
have been imported here at all under the former pro-
tective system of this country.
The cattle The cattle trade with Denmark, which has grown
into so much importance, is at present carried on
between Sleswig and the river Thames. On the fine
pasturages of the former country herds of cattle are
now fattened for the English market, under circum-
stances most favourable to their speedy development,
and the Sleswiger is rapidly learning the art of
fattening cattle in the most expeditious, and con-
sequently in the most profitable manner. The beasts
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 225
are brought to Tonning, on the German ocean,
either by road or by the railway which crosses the
peninsula from Elensburg and Rendsburg to that
port. At Tonning, they are shipped in steam-
vessels, principally belonging to the port of London,
by which they are brought to the Thames with
tolerable expedition : and, after a short refreshment
in the marshes below Blackwall, are carried at
once to the Metropolitan Cattle Market. This
trade has increased during the last five years in its i
the following ratio :
ANIMALS IMPORTED FROM DENMARK.*
1856 ..... 27,196 ..... 336,099
1857 ..... 32,841 ..... 406,530
1858 ..... 22,608 ..... 251,897
1859 ..... 37,759 ..... 428,164
1860 ..... 48,863 ..... 503,508
,
It is only to be regretted that the supply is not
greater. In proportion to the supply required for
the consumption of London, the importation is small London -
indeed. The returns of the market show that, in
1860, the cattle exposed in the metropolitan market
numbered :
Oxen .......... 295,018
Sheep .......... 1,570,080
Calves . . . . ...... 27,309
Pigs ........... 27,030
TOTAL 1,919,437
The total number of foreign oxen in the market in
the year was 54,079, or not one-sixth of the whole.
* It should be observed that there is an addition to this supply, which comes
through Hamburg. The growth of the trade is shown by the fact that, in' 1845,
Denmark only exported to England 57 head of oxen, and 44,694 Ibs. of meat.
Q
226
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Exports to Our chief exports to Denmark are
Denmark.
Coal valued in 1860 at 166,681
Iron 146,981
Cotton Yarn .... , 98,737
Cotton Manufactures . , 58,323
Woollen Manufactures . , 40,156
Herrings* , 31,689
Linens , 29,807
Linen Yarn , 21,764
Hardwares and Cutlery . , 19,862
Soda 15,743
Salt 9,320
Machinery 8,575
Tin Plates 4,217
Tea . valued in 1860 at 45,688
Indigo 27,671
Sugar 21,455
Linseed , 11,89
Rice , 11,195
Coffee , 6,183
Guano , 5,711
Rum , 5,532
Cotton, Raw .... 5,092
Wine 3,659
Our total exports in 1860 to Denmark direct were
valued at 915,912^.; but it should he observed that
Denmark derives a supply of British goods through
Hamburg, both by legitimate and illegitimate com-
merce. The Danish customs' duties on certain manu-
factured articles are sufficiently high to render a
* It seems remarkable that England should export herrings to a country so
bountifully furnished with bays and wide inlets, and whose seas were said by
Saxo Gramaticus (a chronicler of the twelfth century) to be " so full of fish that
" ships could scarcely get through them, and fishing apparatus was not required,
" as the fish could be caught by hand." It is not easy to ascertain the cause of
the great decrease in the resort of fish to the Danish coast and fjords. The
herring fishery has given no profit since 1828, when so many herrings were caught
that 100,000 barrels were exported. Since then the returns have been very small,
and, except in Jutland, the Danes have gradually abandoned their fisheries for
the more profitable occupation of agriculture. In addition to the import from
England, there is a very large annual importation of fish of various sorts from
Iceland and the Faroe Islands. The desertion of the coast of Denmark by the
herring is one of those piscatorial phenomena for which science has not yet
accounted. It has occurred at previous periods in the history of the country, out
the shoal at some period or other has always returned to the coast.
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 227
contraband trade across her frontier profitable ; and
in a country so geographically situated as Denmark,
the trade of smuggling is easy.
Considering that Denmark is by no means a
densely populated country, and that, until recently, the
people, by the high tariffs both of their own and of
other nations, as well as by internal restrictions of
other sorts, have been denied the opportunity of
developing their trade, it cannot be considered that
our commerce with Denmark is unsatisfactory. It
is gratifying to find that the consumption of what
may be regarded as the luxuries of life is gradually
increasing in that country in proportion to the
increase of its wealth, and the more favourable
opportunities which are now offered for obtaining the
commodities.
The tonnage of the shipping which entered the
Thames from Denmark in 1860 was 78,873, of which
32,000 was foreign, and 46,000 British. Nearly all the
London trade with Denmark is carried on in steamers,
so far as our own shipping is concerned ; indeed, the
cattle-trade could not be otherwise conducted, so that
here again we have an illustration of the advantages
of steam propulsion.
The trade with the ports of PRUSSIA, carried on Trade with
with London, employed, in 1860, 934 vessels, of
177,442 tons burden, or about the same number and
tonnage as the trade of Sweden. The imports and
exports were, however, very much larger than from
that country. Our imports from Prussian ports in
1860 amounted to upwards of 7,500,000/., and our
exports to nearly 3,000,OOOZ., exclusive of the
quantity of goods which find their way into Prussia
from England, through Hamburg and the Hanse
towns.
The principal imports were
Q 2
228 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Imports Com valued at 4,361,141
from Wood and Timber , 1,588,020
Prussia. geeds (Clover) Linseed, Rape, and Tares).
490,309
268,138
97,786
96,540
91,383
Wool 65,804
Spelter
Oil, Rape
Oil Seed-Cake
Pork, Salted
Spruce Beer .
Spirits . . .
Bones . . .
Hides . . .
Bristles . .
34,359
23,716
22,584
13,882
8,544
3,338
Trade of Stettin, situated on the Oder, which is the natural
stettin. p Or ^. o Berlin, and which communicates with it by rail-
way, is the principal port of importation in Prussia ;
and since the aholition of the Sound-dues, in 1857,
the trade of this port has more than doubled. This
extraordinary increase of trade in so short a period
is due also to the position of Stettin, which, by means
of the railways, now communicates, through Berlin,
with all the western parts of Germany on the one
hand, and with Posen, Silesia, Poland, Galicia, Bohe-
mia and Austria upon the other. The Oder, on which
Stettin is situated, flows through the centre of the
Prussian dominions, and is united by means of canals
with the Elbe, the Vistula, and other rivers, by means
of which Stettin is able to send her imports into the
very heart of Germany. Another main cause of the
great increase of the trade of Stettin is to be found
in the improvement of the entrance to the Oder at
Swinemunde, where there was formerly a bar, over
which no vessels could pass drawing more than seven
feet water ; but by dredging and the construction of
breakwaters, this has been so much improved that
vessels drawing eighteen feet can now be admitted.
Whilst Stettin is the largest port of importation in
Prussia, Dantzic rivals it in respect of exports. This
city, situated on one of the mouths of the Vistula,
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 229
has the. command of a great internal navigation, and
communicates also by railway with the whole of
"VYest Prussia and the Russian frontier. The wheat Com
of Poland comes down to Dantzic in flat-bottomed
boats, suited to the navigation of the Vistula, the
Bug, and the other shallow rivers of the country.
These barges are rudely made of fir. They are about
seventy-five feet long and twenty feet broad, and hold
from 150 to 200 quarters of corn. Long fir-trees are
placed at the bottom of the barges, on which they lay
hurdles. These are covered with mats made of rye-
straw, which serve the purpose of dunnage. The wheat
is thrown on the mats, piled as high as the gunwale,
and left uncovered. It consequently suffers on the
transit, not only from the pilfering of the crew and
others, but from the weather. The rain, which is
sure to fall sooner or later, during a voyage that
extends over many weeks and sometimes months,
penetrates the wheat to the extent of an inch or an
inch and a half, and causes the grain to germinate.
The surface of these boats consequently becomes
covered with a spring crop, and they assume the ap-
pearance of floating corn-fields. But the fibres soon
form a thick covering, which prevents the rain from
penetrating or doing further damage ; and the main
bulk, being thus protected, arrives at Dantzic in fair
condition. There it is spread abroad, exposed to the
sun, and dried, and subsequently stored in the huge
granaries of the place, in which it is again turned
over two or three times a week, and kept subject to
good ventilation. The men who navigate the boats
down the Vistula have very generally to return to
Poland on foot.
The warehouses of Dantzic are very large. It is
estimated that 500,000 quarters of wheat can be
stored in the Dantzic granaries, which is almost
230 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
double the amount of the average stock in hand.
The loading of ships from the granaries is executed
with much despatch.
cost of The corn trade of Poland is in the hands prin-
cipally of Polish Jews, who purchase the corn
from the growers and resell it to the merchants,
deliverable at the port at which it is intended to
be shipped. In some instances of great estates the
proprietors communicate directly with the Dantzic
merchants, and send down the corn by their own
serfs. It has been estimated that the prime cost of the
wheat in Poland may average 20s. a quarter, and that
the cost of conveyance to Dantzic, including carriage
to the river, loading, waste, cost of the barges, and
the expenses of the peasants who navigate them,
is from 10s. to 12s. more. The wheat, therefore, is
assumed to cost 35s. when it reaches the Dantzic
merchant. The ordinary price of wheat at Dantzic
is 40s. per quarter,* on shipboard, which leaves the
merchant there 5s. per quarter, for his expenses in
turning, drying, screening, warehousing, and loading,
together with his profit or commission. It is obvious
from this that Dantzic wheat cannot be sold in
London at a profit much under 47s. or 50s. During
the ten years last past, the average price of Dantzic
wheat in London has been nearer to 60s. than to 50s.
Dantzic being the largest port of exportation of
wheat in the North of Europe, the price of corn
of ^rTin ^ th at P ort mav De assumed as the governing price
the Baltic. a t the other shipping ports. The price at Dantzic,
* The average for fifty years, from 1770 to 1820, was 45s. 4d., but this included
the years of war, during which there were many obstructions to agriculture and
the conveyance of corn. From 1831 to 1841, the average price was 37s. Ud.,
making, with an addition of lOrf. for shipping charges, &c., 38s. 9rf. free on board.
This comes very near the average of 40s. generally taken by the best authorities
as the price of Dantzic wheat. The advance of price in England in recent years is
attributable to our increased demand, as well as to the superiority of Dantzic corn.
It is now much used for seed.
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 231
it is true, is usually above the price at Hamburg,
but the difference is owing to the superior quality of
the wheat exported from the former port ; the wheats
of Holstein and Hanover, which are generally met
with in Hamburg, having much less reputation in
the British market.
The grain from the Baltic ports comes to London com gran-
in bulk, and unless sold to the miller direct, ex-ship, p"rt i?
is received into the very large granaries on the banks London -
of the Thames, where it continues stored until it
changes hands at the Corn Exchange. The dues con-
nected with this trade in the Port of London are
complained of by importers ; but there is reason to
think that if sold ex-ship, the corn trade of the
Thames is conducted at as little cost as that of any
other port in England. The warehousing charges
are certainly higher than those of either Liverpool or
Hull ; but the London rates are stationary, or nearly
so, prices being rarely raised, even in cases of extreme
scarcity of space, whilst in most of the outports the
rates occasionally vary very much.
In connexion with the corn trade there is a business
carried on in London which ought not to be passed over
without mention, as it is the means of affording
employment to a very large number of our poorer millers.
population. As the corn of the Baltic comes to us in
bulk, and as it has to be delivered to the smaller
dealers in sacks, it is necessary that sacks should be
provided for the purpose. These sacks are principally
made up of a strong canvass woven at Dundee, by
women residing in the neighbourhood of the granaries,
who receive the canvass for the purpose. Latterly,
sewing-machines, which are well fitted for this rough
sort of work, have been applied to the manufacture.
The sacks are not charged for to the purchaser of the
corn or meal, but are returnable to the owner when
232
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. v.
empty ; but large numbers never find their way back,
and a metropolitan miller calculates on losing at least
a fourth of his sacks in every four or five years.
Grain London being so large a purchaser in the grain
London, market, it may be interesting to give in this place the
" 61< total quantities of foreign and colonial grain imported
into London during the last six years :
YEAES.
WHEAT.
OATS.
BARLEY.
FLOUR.
Qrs.
Qrs.
Qrs.
Sacks and Barrels.
1856
893,911
996,696
212,853
515,802
1857
629,876
1,453,189
586,271
246,272
1858
657,737
1,788,758
602,819
192,323
1859
688,566
1,509,821
518,419
159,005
1860
1,184,241
1,664,683
478,929
560,956
1861
1,438,837
1,529,278
366,996
1,007,577
The quantity of wheat received from the Prussian
ports in 1861 was considerably under that of 1860,
which is attributable to the circumstance of the
United States having in 1861 sent to London the
enormous quantity of 563,000 qrs. of wheat more
than a third of the whole quantity imported, and
nearly jive times as much as she sent in the year
previous. She also sent no less than 864,000 barrels
of flour, more than twice as much as we received
from her in 1860. The large quantities of oats received
in 1861 came mostly from Sweden, and after Sweden,
from the ports of Russia in the Baltic and White
Sea, and from Denmark. The barley was derived
mainly from Russian ports in the Black Sea, and
from Egypt, Denmark, and the Prussian ports. A
considerable quantity also came from the Turkish
dominions.
The Baltic The wood and timber which form so large an item in
trade. our imports from the Prussian ports, is almost wholly
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 233
the produce of Russian Poland. Prussian timber is
becoming scarce, and even in Poland the quantity of
timber that lies near the Niemen and other rivers, by
which it can be floated down to the sea, is becoming
comparatively scarce ; still, however, a fourth of our
whole supply of undressed timber is derived from
Dantzic, Memel, and other Prussian ports.* Naturally,
the trade in wood and timber is very much distributed
through all the ports of the United Kingdom, this
article being required in every district. London, how-
ever, has the largest proportion of the trade, especially
from the Baltic ports. In consequence of a change in
the timber duties, which was made by Parliament in
1860, when the duties on foreign and colonial timber
were equalized, the trade at the present time is in a tran-
sition state, and it is difficult to draw inferences from
the accounts of quantities, &c., imported. The first First
effect of the new arrangement has been to overstock ourequaii-
the market. Immediately the timber duties were
equalised, large quantities of timber were imported Duties.
and taken out of bond. At the beginning of 1861,
very large stocks were, consequently, collected at all
the principal ports of the kingdom. This, however,
did not restrict the shipments of wood to England
in 1861 ; on the contrary, increased supplies were
sent to us from the countries of production, and the
importation of the year exceeded former years by
nearly half a million of loads. The trade of the year
naturally suffered from the depressing influence of
stocks largely in excess of former times, and, as
* Memel was formerly the great port of timber exportation ; but Dantzic, in
consequence of the more abundant supply there, is said to be rapidly super-
seding it. Stettin only exports staves. A very large quantity of the fir timber,
received in England from Prussian ports, is for use as railway sleepers. Forests
of timber support our iron roads ; and, as the process of decay is such that
the sleepers require to be renewed every twelve or thirteen years, we may judge of
the progress of the trade which must inevitably follow the increase of railways.
234 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
timber is an article the demand for which must, to
some extent, be regulated by other circumstances
than its own price, we must wait the disposal of the
stocks on hand, before we can expect to derive any
benefit from the opening of the trade in this com-
modity.
Spelter. The spelter (or zinc) which forms so considerable
an item in the list of Prussian exports, is sent to us
chiefly from Stettin. It is the product of Upper Silesia,
whence it is conveyed to the port of shipment by
internal navigation. Being less brittle than the zinc
which is worked in Flintshire and the Isle of Man, it
is better fitted for rolling than our own ; and being
now free from any but a nominal duty, it is brought
here to a large extent, as ballast, and is exported by our
merchants to India and other countries. It is chiefly
used for roofing and piping, and for admixture with
other metals in the manufacture of yellow metal and
brass.
OUT ex- The principal exports of England to Prussia were :
ports to
Prussian Cotton Yarn valued at 630,742
P orts - Iron . . . -. ... . . . . 227,190
Home Herrings ........ 223,866
products. Coal 155,177
Machinery 73,116
Cotton manufactures .... 60,545
Oils , 51,561
Linen Yam ....
Soda
Linens, manufactured .
Cement
Hardware and Cutlery .
Woollen Goods . . .
Copper
Woollen Yarn ....
Salt
Tin Plates
Painter's Colours . . .
Beer and Ale ....
Lead and Shot . . .
Rosin
Drugs
50,983
42,865
42,096
38,787
33,460
27,660
23,367
21,150
20,846
19,740
11,152
8,716
7,228
7,019
5,947
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 235
Cotton, raw valued
at 314,343
137,990
124,764
107,187
41,418
, 33,302
31,886
31,624
29,453
23,779
21,462
18,622
18,541
3.844
Colonial
and
foreign
produce.
Coffee
Tea
Palm Oil
Pepper .
. Rice ...
Copper .
Guano
Cocoa-Nut Oil
Indigo
Caoutchouc
Hides
Raisins ,
Rum .
Our total exports to Prussian ports amounted to
2,879,4467. which shows an increase on preceding
years ; but this total is far from showing the real
condition of our export trade with Prussia, which
obtains a very large portion of her imports through
Hamburg, Rotterdam, and other ports.
The efforts of Prussia during the last half century
have been exerted in favour of a free commercial T<
system. As far back as 1808, those principles
were made the governing commercial principles of
Prussia, by the celebrated minister, Von Stein.
The Zoll-verein, or tariff alliance, of which Prussia
is at the head, extends now over almost every
State of Germany, except Austria; and although
Austria has not joined the league, she has been in-
duced to enter into a commercial treaty with Prussia,
whereby a complete freedom of trade is established
between the two countries in all articles of raw pro-
duce, and fair and moderate duties are imposed on
articles of manufacture. The tariff of the Zoll-verein
is moderate, except upon the coarser descriptions of
cottons, woollens, and linens, on which high duties
are levied, for the purpose, apparently, of protecting
the manufactures of Saxony. At the present time
negotiations are pending between the Governments of
England and Prussia for a reduction of the duties
236 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
imposed by the Zoll-verein on these and other articles,
and there is reason to hope that no long period will
elapse before such modifications are made as will
materially extend the consumption of British goods
throughout the States of Germany.
The For many years, trade with the Prussian, and, in-
due d deed, with all the Baltic ports, was seriously affected
by the dues levied by Denmark on the passage of
vessels through the Sound. These dues were of two
kinds, namely, the dues levied on merchandise, and
those levied on shipping. These dues were levied
primarily for the maintenance of lighthouses and
buoys in the Sound and Belts ; but there were other
dues for defraying the expenses of the collection,
and for the purposes of the general revenue of
Denmark. These Sound-dues were long a subject
of complaint by merchants. In 1855, the Govern-
ment of the United States gave notice to the Govern-
ment of Denmark of their intention to resist their
payment, after the termination of a commercial
treaty between those countries, then about to expire.
In consequence of this proceeding, the Danish
Government invited the other European Powers
to a conference at Copenhagen for the purpose of
considering whether it might not be possible to
abolish the Sound-dues entirely, on the principle of
a pecuniary contribution to be granted to Denmark
by all maritime States.
The first conference was held in January, 1856, and
was attended by representatives of the Governments
of Great Britain, Austria, Belgium, France, Holland,
Oldenburg, Prussia, Russia, Spain, and Sweden and
Norway; the Governments of Hanover, Mecklen-
burgh, and the Hanse Towns, intimating their in-
tention to attend also. The Danish Commissioner
laid before the conference accounts showing the
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 237
annual amount of dues levied on the shipping of each
maritime State in the years 1851, 1852, and 1853, and
he announced the readiness of the Danish Government Redeemed
to accept a sum of 35,000,000 rigs dollars, or ahout
three millions and a half sterling, as a compensa-
tion for the total abolition of the dues. After some
haggling as to the amount, Russia, Sweden, and
Oldenburg agreed to accept the offer of Denmark,
and an arrangement was arrived at which was made
the basis of a general treaty. By this treaty the
navigation of the Sound was declared FREE ; Denmark
ceding her right to detain or levy duty on any ships
on any pretext whatsoever. Denmark also engaged
to maintain all the lighthouses, buoys, and land-
marks on the coast intended to facilitate the passage
of the Sound and Belts ; and in consideration of these
cessions and agreements, the other Governments
agreed to pay Denmark a sum of 30,476,325 rigs
dollars, in certain proportions equivalent to the trade
of each nation, the amount to be paid in forty half-
yearly instalments, covering a period of twenty years
from the date of the treaty. The share of Great
Britain was agreed to be 10,126,853 rigs dollars, or
one-third of the whole amount, which the British
Parliament agreed to pay.
The free navigation of the Sound cannot fail to be
of the greatest importance to British commerce, and
it is the more so as the arrangement made with
Denmark will no doubt prove a precedent for similar
arrangements with other states which levy taxes on
merchandise and shipping in the form of passing
tolls. Already the most monstrous of these exactions
has been put an end to by a similar arrangement.
The exaction referred to was that persisted in by
the Government of Hanover under the name of
" Stade-dues : " dues which afflicted all the shipping ^ e e g stade '
238 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Their navigating the river Elbe. The story of the Stade-
tory ' dues affects ourselves. In 1715, the King of Denmark,
having wrested the City of Stade from Sweden, ceded
it to the Elector of Hanover as part of the Duchy of
Bremen. The consideration was 750,0002., which the
British Government undertook to pay, in furtherance
of the war then being carried on against Sweden.
Now the City of Stade had for a number of years, and
under various Governments, levied certain tolls on all
vessels navigating the Elbe. Denmark, having ceded
Stade to Hanover, under pecuniary stipulations with
England, the Elector of Hanover considered the tolls
taken on shipping at Stade, not the property of the
country or of his state, but his own private perquisite !
A short time after, this Elector came to the crown of
England under the title of George I. ; and, as the re-
venues of England and Hanover were always distinct,
there was, of course, no inquiry here as to the applica-
tion of the money. In 1740, George II., in consideration
of his obligations to the British people, renounced
these tolls altogether as far as they related to British
and Irish commerce, " for which bounty his said
" majesty received an humble address of thanks from
" the British Company of merchant adventurers
" trading to Hamburg." George III., however, re-
imposed the Stade-dues. Whilst Hanover was occu-
pied by the French, from 1804 to 1814, the Elbe was
opened, and the dues were suspended altogether.
But, in 1814, when Hanover was restored to George
III., the Stade-dues were revived with many aggra-
vations. This state of things continued until the
assembling of the Congress of Vienna. That con-
vention declared that " all the German rivers should
be free;" but, when the commissioners appointed
to re-organize the regulations for the navigation
of the Elbe came to consider the question of the
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 239
Stade-dues, the Hanoverian representative astonished
them by arguing that this was a "sea" and
not a "river" question, and objecting to any inter-
ference. Against Hanover, supported by England,
the other states were powerless, and they therefore
agreed " to waive and renounce all further discus-
sion." This exaction consequently continued until Agitation
the separation of the crowns of England and Han-
over on the accession of her present majesty Queen
Victoria. The dues taken by the Hanoverian guard- England
ship at the mouth of the Elbe were most extor- Hanover,
tionate, and the impediments imposed on trade were
most grievous. There appears to have been no
published tariff ; everything was taken on the ground
of " usage." In 1839, Mr. Hume and other members
of the British Parliament urged that these dues
ought to be abolished. An agitation ensued, and
the Government of the King of Hanover was'obliged
to publish a tariff. The tariff was a very heavy
one, and Denmark and other states strongly objected
to it. In 1844, a treaty was agreed upon between
England and Hanover, which effected a modification
of this tariff; but this treaty appears to have been
unfortunate, inasmuch as it amounted to a quasi
admission on the part of England of the legality of
these tolls, which certainly otherwise had no legal
basis. The fact, no doubt, was, that the influence
of the King of Hanover in England was suffi-
cient at that time to obtain this sort of guarantee
of his revenue, even at the expense of British com-
merce. In 1859, a very strong pressure being put
upon the British Government, they were forced to
refer it to the Law Officers of the Crown, to consider
" the legality " of these dues ; and in 1861, on the
precedent of the arrangement with Denmark, it was
agreed that Hanover should renounce the Stade-dues
240 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
The altogether, receiving a compensation of about 465,000/.,
d^med!" one-third to be paid by England, one-third by the
A.D. i86i. c -^.y O f Hamburg, and the other third by maritime
nations, in proportion to the amount of the toll levied
on them. On the 15th July, 1861, Parliament ac-
cordingly voted 155,000. for the redemption of these
dues, and thus got rid of one of the most offensive
obstructions that ever existed in the way of com-
merce.
It must be admitted, that England, which had to
pay a third of the whole redemption-money, was
properly punished for her conduct in this matter.
Had it not been for the position of her royal family
in Hanover, these Stade-dues would have been long
ago abolished. Nothing could be more monstrous
than such an obstruction of the commerce of such a
river as the Elbe a river navigable into the very
heart of Germany, and the scene of the export and
import of the great bulk of the commerce of the
German people. The merchants of Hamburg, who
have of course been most injuriously affected by this
tax, for years protested and agitated against it, but
without avail. The time, however, has now arrived
when the Elbe will be as free as the Sound ; and
flow, it may be hoped, " for all mankind."
our trade The Stade-dues principally affected HAMBURG.
g c -^ ^ great entrep6t of the commerce of the
North of Germany, has a trade with London un-
equalled in extent by any other town in Europe. It
was computed, some years since, that the mercantile
transactions conducted at Hamburg amounted to
not less than 50,000,000/. annually. Of this vast
trade one-half is conducted with England; and the
shipping returns show, that by far the largest pro-
portion of the tonnage employed in the Hamburg
trade is entered in the Port of London.
with H *-
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 241
In I860, the trade with Hamburg was represented its large
by the following very large figures : and
Imports therefrom 6,582,102
Exports thereto 12,415,371
Bremen and Lubeck, the other cities associated
with Hamburg in the Hanse Town Confederation,
sent us about half a million exports, and received
somewhat more than a million imports, making the
total of the trade
Imports 7,027,406
Exports 13,779,428
Total Trade with the Hanse Towns . . 20,806,834
Of which, it will be seen, that the trade of Hamburg
amounted to nearly eighteen-twentieths.
We have seen, in regard to all the Baltic trade, character
that the balance has been largely against this country,
our imports from Russia, Sweden, Norway, Denmark,
and Prussia, exceeding 25,000,000/., whilst our ex-
ports to those countries little exceeded 10,000,0002.
But the Hanse Towns take from England double the
amount they send to us, thus, to a great extent re-
storing the balance. The business carried on with
those towns is, in fact, to a great extent a commission
business for the northern nations. To Russia and
Sweden, Hamburg sends considerable quantities of
English goods, by steamers from Lubeck and Kiel.
By the Elbe, which is navigable for lighters, through
the kingdoms of Hanover and Saxony, into the midst
of Bohemia, Hamburg obtains access to the heart of
Germany ; and the lines of railway which now con-
nect Hamburg with all the important towns in
the interior of Germany must greatly extend her
connexion.
R
242
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Our im-
ports via
Hamburg.
Hamburg trades in all the items that the various
nations of the world produce or require. The fojlo\v-
ing were her principal exportations to England in
1860.
Corn valued at 1,065,351
Wool 869,120
Butter ' 652,471
Bacon 397,481
Oxen, Cows and Sheep 307,508
Clover Seeds 264,773
Woollen Manufactures 195,581
Pork (Salted) 192,575
Woollen Yarn 191,651
Spelter , 105,271
Hops , 97,670
Oil-seed Cake , 91,220
Cotton Manufactures ...... , 89,202
Lard 76,104
Rags .... ... 68 879
Seed Oil . 68,716
Musical Instruments(Concertinas,&c.) , 60,470
Toys , 56,696
Spirits , 52,516
Hair (of Animals) 47,217
China and Earthenware , 45,558
Worsted Yarn, for Embroidery . . , 40,611
Glass, Flint, Cut 39,824
Bristles , 39,614
Hides , 35,498
Prints and Drawings , 31,285
Beads and Glass Bugles , 25,806
Books 24,844
Horns , 21,333
Seal Skins , 20,956
Bones , 20,888
Beef, Salted , 17,806
Their
varied
Our im-
manufac-
tures.
This list will show how diversified is the trade of
Hamburg. It consists of every sort of production of
agriculture and manufacture, from bones and seal
skins up to prints and drawings and instruments of
music. As the exporter of German manufactures,
Hamburg, it will be observed, sends us goods to a
large amount, of which we are ourselves principal
producers. She sends us cotton manufactures to the
extent of 89,000?. ; china and earthenware at 45,500. ;
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 243
cut glass to the extent of nearly 40,000&, besides
articles specially the product of Germany, such as
toys (valued at 56,000/.), and beads and bugles (va-
lued at 25,800Z.).* The great bulk of the export
consists, however, of agricultural produce. The butter, of
which presents so large an item in the list, is made
chiefly in the district of the Elbe, adjacent to Ham-
burg; but is generally considered inferior to the
butter of Holland, of which, as we shall see here-
after, the supply is even still larger. Bacon, salted Bacon
pork, and hams, which we also received last year to
so large an amount from Hamburg, were subject up
to 1846 to a prohibitory duty, and from 1847 to
1852, to a duty that very much restricted the impor-
tation. Since 1853, the demand for foreign bacon
has increased remarkably, without the smallest re-
duction of price to the consumer. The quantity
imported last year was very largely in excess of any
previous year's importation, which is the more re-
markable, as the importation of bacon from the
United States was also last year extremely large,
and it is from the United States that we draw our
principal supply of this article. The quantity of
books and of prints and drawings imported, shows
the taste which has sprung up in England for
German literature and art.
Our exports to Hamburg comprised quantities of Our
almost every article which England produces ar- S
ticles of clothing standing at the head of the list.
Woollen Yam valued at 1,864,517 Home
Cotton ......... , 1,784,736 products.
Woollen Manufactures ; 1,306,648
* Beads and bugles are chiefly imported for the African trade. Of 241 ,000 Ib.
imported for transhipment in 1860, 222,000 went to Liverpool. The larger
proportion of these, however, did not come from Hamburg, but from Venice,
where small wares of glass are largely manufactured. The beads brought here
through Hamburg are made in Bohemia.
B 2
244
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Cotton Manufactures valued at 1,276,768
Linen Yarn 528,568
Manufactures 354,895
Silk 397,992
Iron 238,769
Hardwares and Cutlery 188,990
Coals 186,203
Machinery 157,204
Wool 150,592
Skins 98,365
Linseed Oil 84,716
Apparel, Slops, and Haberdashery . 81,058
Copper 78,766
Leather 62,103
Horses 55,233
Painters' Colours ....... 48,291
Drugs 39,673
Earthenware and Porcelain ... 35,256
Soda 34,846
Cement 29,828
Tin Plates 19,574
Stationery 19,166
Herrings 15,572
Brass Manufactures 12,013
Foreign Besides these we sent the following large quantities
and Colo- / j i i j
niai pro- of foreign and colonial produce.
duce.
Raw Cotton valued at 843,540
Skins, Beaver, Fox, Marten, &c. . . 276,101
Indigo 268,601
Hides. . 213,284
Tea 139,394
Raw and Thrown Silk 106,264
Wool 82,528
Sugar 75,426
Coffee 54,799
Oils, Palm and Cocoa Nut 54,410
Tobacco 45,808
Gum Shellac 44,103
Cochineal 35,840
Raisins 32,837
Caoutchouc 30,296
Guano 28,847
Rice ... 25,108
Elephants' Teeth 22,150
Wine 22,016
Pepper 17,500
Spirits 18,658
Straw Hats 18,678
Cocoa 9,372
Currants 8,29.1
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 245
The value of our colonial and transhipment trade Total
is very effectively shown by this account. The total vt
value of the foreign and colonial produce ex-
ported from England to Hamburg was close upon
13,000,0002.
Vessels frequenting Hamburg were formerly Docks at
obliged to load and unload in the Elbe; but this in- Hambur *-
convenience has recently been obviated by the con-
struction of docks, in which the ships are brought
alongside quays and warehouses. Dependent upon
commerce, great efforts are made at Hamburg to con-
duct it efficiently. The commercial system of the Her com-
city is liberal : the duties levied on goods few and ^stem.
very low. Hamburg conducts a large trade with
Hull ; but the tonnage which entered Hull from the
Hanseatic ports in 1860 was only 94,341 tons against
nearly 150,000 tons for London. More than one-
third of the tonnage was that of steamers ; showing
how extensively such vessels are being employed in
our shorter trades.
Our trade with HAXOVER, on the other side of the Our trade
Elbe, has been considerably influenced of late years ER. H
by the Stade dues. Some years since, the King of
Hanover, in order to encourage the trade of his own
dominions, remitted the Stade dues on all vessels influence
going up the Elbe to Harburg, a town in Hanover, ^^
which set itself up as the opponent of Hamburg. dues -
Harburg is not ill-situated for commerce, though, of
course, it wants altogether the advantages of the
central market presented to the merchant and trader
at Hamburg.
Our imports from Hanover in 1860 amounted to
357,0002. ; our exports to 1,892,7222. Corn, butter,
oil-seed cake, and wool were the principal imports;
whilst the chief exports were
246 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Exports to a w Cotton ......... valued at 226 > 291
Hanover. Woollen Yarn ......... 189,655
Coffee ............ ,, 171,581
Cotton Yam ......... 157,538
Herrings ........... 106,594
Woollen Goods ........ 100,473
Machinery .......... 94,326
Cotton Goods ......... 84,781
Linseed Oil ....... .... 81,409
Iron ......... ... 47,844
Linen Yarn ......... , 42,098
Cocoa Nut Oil . .
Indigo . . . .
Cochineal . . .
Coals
Wool, Foreign. .
Silk Manufactures
Linen
Caoutchouc . . .
39,455
37,760
33,668
30,274
23,828
23,232
22,642
19,417
Hardwares 13,301
Agricultural Implements 11,336
Molasses 12,482
This is a fair record of trade, and now that the
Stade question is settled, it may be expected that
the trade of Hanover will increase if a liberal policy
is pursued with regard to the navigation of the Elbe
above Hamburg; for the railway route through
Hanover on the west side of the Elbe is, to many
parts of the interior of Germany, shorter and more
convenient than that of the right bank or east side
of the river, by which Hamburg communicates with
the interior.
our trade In treating of our trade with HOLLAND, it is not
riND. HoL unnatural to be tempted to a consideration of the
Causes of causes of the decline of that once great commercial
of the com- country. This subject has been the theme of many
dissertations, but the real solution of the question
appears to lie in a comparatively narrow compass.
Holland attained her great commercial consequence
at a period of European history when other countries
were engaged in external or internal warfare. Her
geographical position then rendered her towns the
CHAP. v.J FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 247
entrepots of commerce, whilst her shipping and the
commercial aptitude of her people made her the
carrier of Europe. But the time came when the
Dutch themselves were forced to engage in warfare.
Their long and frequently disastrous wars crippled
their maritime power, both naval and commercial,
and this, together with the other expenses of their
wars, led to heavy taxation. Holland, having no
manufactures or extraordinary natural productions,
was compelled to lay the burden of such taxation on The b "r-
that which was the sole source of her wealth taxation
namely, on her commerce. Eor a time the other commerce
nations of Europe had no resource but to bear the
taxation thus imposed on the articles which they
procured from Holland. But, as other countries, causing it
which were not subject to such burdens, began to places at
develop commerce, trade naturally passed away from
the dearest to the cheapest markets. Holland, which
was unable sufficiently to reduce her taxation to meet
the competition, rapidly succumbed. Her own mer-
chants (as, for instance, the Hopes of Amsterdam)
carried their capitals to develop trade in other
countries, where it could be carried on to greater
advantage ; and Holland was left, what she remains,
a depot only for the trade of the Rhine, and other
rivers which reach the sea in her dominions.
Our own imports from Holland amount to about Our im-
-IT Tir ports from
eight millions a year. We import Holland.
Butter valued, in 1860, at 1,633,489
Cheese 996,910
Animals 935,120
Flax 458,796
Sugar
Wool
Wine
Garancine . . . .
Yeast, Dried . . .
Hides
Cotton Manufactures
414,257
376,056
256,871
183,739
174,399
133,535
122,865
248 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Seeds valued, in 1860, at 119,855
Fish 100,603
Tobacco 84,085
Geneva Spirits 75,425
Oil-seed ,, 73,292
Ultramarine 72,685
Tin 68,632
Woollen Manufactures .... 63,328
Cotton Yarn 51,705
Hops ,, 50,735
Silk Manufactures 47,476
Manganese 43,808
Madder 37,410
Spelter 35,776
Wood Hoops 35,685
Potatoes. 21,443
Bark (for Tanners' use) .... 20,533
Clocks 16,298
Bones 14,100
It will be seen that the principal items of this im-
Butter and portation are Dutch productions. Holland sends us
cheese. f rom two-thirds to three-fourths of all the butter we
import. The Dutch butter is the best produced,
perhaps, by any country; but the cheese is very
inferior, according to the rule which prevails in
almost all butter-producing districts. The Dutch
cheeses, however, keep well, and are consequently
good commodities for exportation, and being cheap,
they are much used amongst the poorer class,
wine. The wine we obtain through Holland is the growth
of the Rhine and the Moselle. The quantity im-
ported last year in consequence of the reduction of
the wine duties was double that of years preceding.
The madder and garancine (which is madder in a
powdered state) is the production of Zealand. This
commodity is used to obtain a red dye, which is
cheaper, though not so bright as cochineal. The
Zealand madder is largely used by our woollen dyers ;
but Holland sends us less of this commodity than
Turkey, France, or the Two Sicilies. Of the fish
Eels. imported, one-fourth (or 26,820/. in value) \vere eels,
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 249
which are extremely abundant in the canals through-
out Holland, and especially in Jutland. They are
brought here in cargoes averaging from 15,000 to
20,000 Ib. weight, the trade being carried on entirely
by the Dutch, who employ in it many small vessels.
London is almost exclusively supplied with Dutch
eels. The other fish brought to us from Holland are Fish,
chiefly turbot, which excel upon their coast, salmon,
of great size, but by some considered coarse, and
smelts, which are, however, inferior to those of the
Medway. The large sum of money which the Dutch
receive in the London market for turbot, salmon, and
eels, illustrates the importance of their fishery.
The spirits introduced from Holland under the Spirits,
name of "Hollands" or Geneva (Genievre, the Erench
term for juniper) are chiefly the manufacture of the
distilleries of Schiedam. Of the quantity imported,
the larger proportion is reshipped, chiefly to the
East Indies. The manganese we receive through Manganese.
Holland is brought down the Rhine from the Grand
Duchy of Nassau, and is largely used by the glass
and earthenware manufacturers of this country for
glazing their goods.
The " Dutch clocks," as they used to be called, clocks.
were at one time great favourites in small households,
but the Americans have recently sent a better article
at low prices, and the Erench a very superior article
at a somewhat higher value, so that the Dutch clocks
are competed with and comparatively driven out of
the market here. It is interesting to notice that we
are importers of potatoes from Holland. They are Potatoes,
chiefly new potatoes, brought here in the early season.
Our principal exports to Holland (1860) were Exports to
Holland.
Cotton Yarn valued at 2,023,034
Woollen 705,036
Cotton Manufactures 704,347
Woollen , 417,306
250
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. v.
Iron ............ valued at 399,763
Silk, Thrown and Yarn ..... 195,798
Copper ........... 171,660
Linen Yarn .......... 167,744
Oil, Linseed ......... 160,869
Coals ........... 130,575
Leather .......... 110,967
Machinery ......... 110,956
Hardwares and Cutlery ..... 79,278
Silk Manufactures ....... 74,531
Linen ....... 61,163
Apparel, Slops and Haberdashery . 59,970
Soda ........... 59,006
Hemp ........... 33,881
Drugs, &c. ......... 25,194
Painters' Colours ....... 21,371
Earthenware and Porcelain .... 20,986
Tin Plates ......... 15,871
Wool ........... 11,287
Salt ........... . . 10,286
Mill Grease ......... 7,461
Foreign Besides these we sent of colonial and foreign
niai pro- produce the following amounts :
duce.
Raw Cotton ......... valued at 1,023,787
Coffee ........... 395,429
Silk, Raw and Thrown ..... 388,509
Indigo ........... 320,803
Palm Oil .......... 202,664
Hides .......... '. 150,951
Seeds ........... 148,700
Rice ............ 110,941
Cocoa Nut Oil ........ , 106,493
Peruvian Bark ........ . 72,967
Wool ........... , 67,825
Currants .......... , 37,550
Tobacco .......... , 27,906
Tea ............ , 25,803
Raisins .......... , 23,232
Pepper ........... , 15,836
Cochineal .......... , 14,763
Guano ........... , 12,724
And other articles to the value of nearly half a
million. Our total exports to Holland in 1860 fell
little short of TEN MILLIONS.
The The foregoing tables show to how large an extent
we are no t only manufacturers, but carriers for the
carriers for
the Dutch. Dutch. We not only supply them, as it will he
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 251
observed, with almost all the articles we produce
ourselves, but we bring them from almost every
quarter of the globe the produce of other countries,
cotton, indigo, silk, palm oil, rice, Peruvian bark,
currants and raisins, tea, coffee and tobacco, pepper,
cochineal, and even guano.
Our intercourse with Holland is carried on prin- Proportion
cipally in our own vessels ; the total tonnage trading aL^oreign
with Holland in 1860 being 814,000, of which 529,000 Dipping
P in this
was British, and 285,000 foreign. The Dutch, it trade.
should be mentioned, are carrying on their intercourse
with us largely by ste.am ships, which are said to be
built at Rotterdam and Amsterdam, as successfully
as on the Thames or the Clyde. Of 867 vessels
entered inwards in the Port of London in 1860 from
Holland, 586 were steamers. The largest number of
course belonged to our own country, but the Dutch
steamers are very numerous.
It is somewhat curious that whilst the trade of our trade
England with Holland has been for many years past UM BEL
a largely increasing trade, that with BELGIUM, which
England did so much to render an independent state,
has been a stagnant, if not an absolutely declining
traffic. This is attributable to two causes ; first, the Causes of
Scheldt dues, whereby the commerce of Antwerp, er
the chief port of Belgium, has been much prejudiced ;
second, the proximity of Belgium to Prance, and the
general sympathy of the two people, who, to a great
extent, speak the same language, are of the same
religion, and cultivate the like fashions and domestic
habits. To all this it must be added that the Belgian
Chambers have evinced in commercial matters a very
narrow spirit, as, indeed, they have exhibited in many
other matters of public policy. Their feeling has
been in favour of a protectionist policy, and they have
at various times imposed differential duties of various
252 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
sorts, the tendency of which has been to favour French
in preference to British goods. Thus it has occurred
that a kingdom governed, it may he said, by an
English sovereign (for King Leopold is a naturalized
Englishman), bound to this country by the strongest
ties of gratitude and interest, and drawing from it
vast sums of money annually, both from commerce
and intercourse, stands in less immediate mercantile
correspondence with England than any country of
northern Europe.
Lord Pal- It may be hoped, however, that this state of things
will speedily be changed.* In the early part of the
montl1 of February, 1862, Lord Palmerston, in
. answer to questions propounded to him in the House
of Commons, made the following important state-
ment, which throws much light on our past and
present relations with Belgium :
"Negotiations are now going on between her Majesty's
government and Belgium, which are being conducted in the
most amicable spirit, and which I trust will terminate in a
treaty that will give to Great Britain a footing of the most
favoured nation with regard to commerce with Belgium, unac-
companied by any conditions with regard to the other questions,
such as that of the capitalization of the dues of the Scheldt.
"England bore a very prominent part in the negotiations
which resulted in the independence of the Belgian nation ; and
therefore if the Belgian government were to form an exception
to all national character, and to be inspired actively by a sense
of gratitude which I am afraid is not to be expected from col-
lective bodies they ought to have been anxious to give to
England every advantage that it was possible for them to afford,
equal to or even superior to those possessed by any other country.
Our great object was to give to Belgium a national representa-
tion a free constitution. Now, if you give to a country a free
constitution, by which the passions and the prejudices of the
* It is stated that the Protectionist party in Belgium is declining in influence,
and that Verviers, Liege, and other great seats oi industry, are in favour of free
trade, Ghent alone remaining protectionist.
CHAP, v.] FOEEIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 253
country are actively represented, you must make up your mind
to endure the inconvenience which national and local prejudices
and passions are sure to entail. That has been the case, not in
Belgium alone, but in Portugal and Spain, where, greatly
through the influence of the British government, representative
institutions have been established. Now, we, in this country,
were a long time before we were brought to understand that
freedom of trade was to the advantage of all parties concerned.
Luckily we are now undeceived on that point ; but Belgium has
not, as yet, got so far in political education. The Belgian
government has to overcome great local prejudices, and the
Belgians do us the compliment for compliment it is of being
much more afraid of the competition of English industry than
of French industry. Therefore they were more easily led to
agree to extend to France indulgences which they were not dis-
posed equally to extend to England. I trust, however, that that
is over, and by the treaty which is to be concluded that we shall
be put in all respects upon the footing of the French nation.
" Then there is the question of the Scheldt dues. When the
treaty was negotiated by which the independence of Belgium
was acknowledged by the five Powers, it was known that
Austria, Russia, and Prussia most reluctantly agreed to the con-
clusion, and that they clung, step by step, and point by point,
throughout the long and arduous negotiation, to everything that
might be advantageous to Holland rather than to Belgium ; and
they made a point that there should be levied a toll on vessels
passing through the Dutch waters to Antwerp. There was a
double object in that first, to assert the territorial rights of
Holland, and next to put a check upon the commercial prospects
of Belgium. That toll was to be levied by the Dutch authori-
ties stopping all vessels at Carlhuis. It was afterwards agreed
between the Belgian and Dutch governments that the toll should
not be levied at Carlhuis, that the vessels should not be stopped,
but that there should be a commissioner appointed at Antwerp
to levy tolls on vessels coming up the Scheldt. The Belgian
government afterwards, sensible that those tolls would operate
as a discouragement to vessels coming to Antwerp, the com-
merce of which they were desirous of encouraging, passed a law
by which the Belgian government took upon itself the payment
of the toll to the Dutch. That was an engagement liable, of
course, to be revoked at any time by the Belgian Chamber, and
254
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
in that event tolls would be levied in the old way. The Belgian
government in 1851, I think, made a treaty by which they
agreed for ten years to pay the toll upon British vessels ; and it
will be matter of negotiation after the treaty of commerce is
concluded, to deal with the question as between Belgium and
Great Britain.
"The Belgian government have acted throughout with the
greatest desire to do all that fairness, gratitude, and justice
would require. As they have, however, to deal with a popular
assembly, which represents, as all popular assemblies do, the
passions and prejudices of the nation represented, they have
had difficulties to encounter which would not have been felt in
countries of a more despotic constitution."
The imports of Great Britain from Belgium
amounted in 1860 to 4,070,8G6/., and included the
following items :
Silk, Stuffs, and Ribbons valued at 655,010
Wool, Sheep and Lambs' 472,362
Flax 437,938
Butter 407,686
Worsted Yarn 202,108
Sugar, Refined 178,816
Glass, Window, Plate, and Flint . . 139,124
Hops 99,060
Spelter 86,440
Oil-seed Cake 71,896
Paper 71,175
Woollen Manufactures 70,033
Corn 62,571
Apples 60,328
Cotton Tarn 55,723
Bark 50,900
Seed Oil 43,994
Cotton Manufactures 42,705
Poultry and Game 40,270
Clover Seed 36,714
Eggs 34,144
Lace 28,049
Chicory 26,693
Horses 21,690
Potatoes 14,442
Calves 12,518
Hides 12,004
Embroidery and Needlework .... 10,239
In this list the balance is tolerably equal between
CHAP, v.] FOEEIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 255
agricultural produce and manufactured articles. The
silk manufactured goods which stand at the head of silk goods,
the list, are principally the production of Antwerp,
which city is remarkable for its manufacture of
rich black silks and ribbons. It is curious to
observe that we are large importers of wool, and large Wool,
exporters of woollen goods to Flanders ; how great a
change from a few centuries ago, when almost the
sole export of England was wool to supply the manu-
factories of Ghent and Bruges. The flax which wenax.
receive from Belgium is chiefly grown in the province
of West Flanders, and is of the finest quality. Our
importation of this article has lately been largely in-
creasing, whilst that of lace from Brussels, Mechlin, Lace.
&c., has been almost stationary, which says more for
our progress in manufacturing industry than for the
wisdom of the Belgian tariff. The trade in what
is termed Ostend butter is also largely increasing. Butter.
It comes to us well packed in oaken cases, and
is consumed in considerable quantities in London.
Concerning articles of inferior amount, attention may
be pointed to hops, which are now being largely im- Hops,
ported from Belgium for use in our porter breweries,
especially in bad hop years at home ; to paper, which Paper,
came in largely from Belgium on the repeal of the
customs duty on foreign paper in 1860 ; to apples, Apples.
for which we paid 60,000/. to Belgium in the year
1860 (a bad apple year in our own orchards) ; to
poultry and game, of which the larger proportion Poultry
consists of rabbits, bred on the Dunes about Ostend, "
and of which nearly a million a year are said to be
consumed in London they are skinned in Belgium,
and sold here at reasonable prices ; and to horses, of HOI-SOS.
which it is to be regretted that we do not import a
larger number, the breed of this animal in Flanders
being still of great superiority.
256 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Our ex- Our exports to Belgium consist less of our own
Belgium, manufactures than of colonial and foreign produce.
We sent them in 1860
Produce and Manufactures of the United Kingdom . .1,610,144
Foreign and Colonial Produce 2,354,526
Total Exports 3,964,670
Home The principal articles of home manufacture were
manufac-
tures. Woollen Goods valued at 219,458
Yarn 175,111
Cotton Goods 128,009
Machinery 116,427
Copper 98,431
Iron 98,154
Linen Yarn 74,812
Hardwares and Cutlery 55,169
Wool 56,486
Silk, Thrown and Yarn 64,272
Leather 45,780
Cotton Yarn 40,552
Silk Manufactures 38,953
Apparel, Slops, &c 24,300
Linens 23,493
Coals, &c 20,475
Soda 18,218
Oysters 18,104
Linseed Oil 17,315
Caoutchouc Manufactures ] 0,032
Drugs 9,427
Painters' Colours 9,119
Stationery 4,818
It must he admitted that this is a very poor list
of exports to so rich and populous a country, and
such a highway of nations. It is the more so when
it is considered that a proportion of these goods are
received in Belgium for transport, and not for con-
Foreign sumption. The quantities of colonial and foreign
produce taken are more respectable :
Wool valued at 600,597
Cotton (Raw) 390,959
Indigo 205,507
Hides 160,599
Seeds (Flax, Rape, &c.) 150,356
Coffee 131,109
CHAP. V.]
FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT.
257
Rice valued at 120,443
Silk
Manufactures of Goats' Hair .
Guano
Tobacco
Sugar
Cochineal
Copper
Cocoa
Indigo
Wheat
Tallow
Tea
90,938
82,131
43,146
20,136
15,818
11,579
9,997
8,452
6,777
5,489
4,159
3,466
Passing from Belgium, we come to consider the OUT trade
state of our trade with FRANCE, a country with which, FRANCE.
under our new commercial arrangements, there
appears a prospect of our speedily doing an immense
trade.
Our trade with France has been rising in the its pro-
following progression since 1856 :
gress.
TRADE WITH FRANCE.
YEAR. IMPORTS. EXPORTS.
1855 .... 9,146,418 . 10,421,881
1856 .... 10,386,522 . 10,471,077
1857 .... 11,965,407 . 11,326,823
1858 .... 13,271,890 . 9,242,201
1859 .... 16,870,859 . 9,561,956
1860 .... 17,774,031 . 12,701,372
1861 .... (not yet ascertained.)
Whilst our imports from France show a steady
increase, our exports to that country were, as the
above table shows, stationary and even languishing,
up to the period of the commercial treaty negotiated
by Mr. Cobden at the end of 1859. Yet of all Recent ^de-
countries next to England, France has, perhaps, during of French
the last twenty years developed commerce the most
largely. The decimal average shows that the total
aggregate value of her imports and exports were
commerce.
In the ten years ending 1836 .
1846 .
1856 .
1,366 million francs a year.
2,112
3,136
258 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
The last decimal average showing an annual trade,
amounting in 1856 tol25,000,OOOZ. that of England,
at the same period, amounting to 311,000,000?.
Commer- In the historic section of this work, the difficulties
S a t lcy which we have from time to time set up against trade
SnSdered with our nearest neighbour have been touched on. It
is right, however, to observe that these difficulties
were not greater than the difficulties interposed by the
French to trade with other nations. The policy of
France up to the present time has been essentially
Protectionist, and she has suffered from it. To no
country, indeed, could such a policy have been more
injurious. France stands unrivalled in a single pro-
duct, which she must export ; but of which she has
limited the amount of her export by laying duties on
the productions of other nations for the protection or
cultivation of manufactures in which she does not
herself excel. France employs 3,000.000 of people in
her wine culture ; yet she has prevented the free ex-
portation of their produce, in order to protect the
limited number of hands which she can employ in the
manufacture of iron or of cotton goods. The per-
petuation of this system has no doubt led to many
of those periodically recurring depressions in France
which have resulted in outbreaks ending, frequently,
in revolution.
The Cob- Happily, for both France and England, this
Htf ' unnatural state of things has been terminated by the
Cobden Treaty, which, since October, 1861, has opened
the trade of each country to the other. Of this treaty,
of which England is just beginning to reap the benefit,
Mr. Glad- the Eight Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Chancellor of the
statements Exchequer, spoke at Leith, in January last, in the
respecting f u ow i n g emphatic language :
" I think it very peculiarly desirable, on many grounds, that
this improvement in our commercial relations should take place
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TEADE OF THE PORT. 259
between England and France. It is true the old state of things
in the commercial law between this country and France savoured
of the period when it was almost thought a matter of duty to
regard Frenchmen as traditional enemies. That opinion does
not, I am happy to say, prevail now. The truth is, that the
union of England and France in the bonds of special amity and
harmony is, of all other things that can be named, the greatest
benefit both to these countries themselves and to the other
nations of the world. It is a benefit which we cannot always
enjoy, because it is impossible that the view r s and the policy of
Governments and of nations should always coincide ; but it is a
benefit with respect to which I presume to say, that when we can
have it we should have it, for there is none other comparable to
it in magnitude there is none other which so completely offers
us, humanly speaking, a guarantee for the general peace and
happiness of the world. The policy of Governments as opposed
to nations may sometimes interfere to mar that harmony.
Therefore it was well that we should not look simply to the
policy of Governments, but that we should endeavour to unite
the two nations in harmonious feelings. When was there any
means or instrument so powerful and so valuable for that purpose
at our command as the means and instrument employed in the
treaty of commerce with France, which increases and multiplies
tenfold the quiet, peaceful, unnoticed, and beneficial intercourse
between the two countries ? "
The new commercial treaty having only come into
operation in England in I860, and in France towards
the close of 1861, it is impossible, at the time this is
written, to do more than anticipate many of the ad-
vantages which must ultimately result from it. The
experience we have already had of the operation of
the treaty is certainly most favourable. The first re-
duction in the duty on wine came into operation in
1860, and the importation immediately more than
doubled itself.
FRENCH WINE IMPORTED.
GALLONS. VALUE.
185S .... 623,041 .... 383,100
1859 .... 1,010,888 .... 559,304
1860 .... 2,445,151 .... 1,036,620
9
S -
260 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
The returns for 1861 are not yet complete, but
sufficient of them, is known to show that the increase
was maintained. Large as it is, this increase, as Mr.
Gladstone said at Leith, does not anything like repre-
sent the quantity of French wine which we shall
when in import when the new tariff conies fully into operation
Miopera- . n ^ rance< rp^g French Government, in order to meet
the views of the strong Protectionist influence which
still prevails in France, wisely allowed a certain period
to elapse before bringing the free-trade treaty into full
operation. It was only on the 1st of October, 1861,
that the most important changes were made, and even
the reductions which then came into operation were
not final. But such was the immediate effect upon
commerce, that, although the reductions under the
Treaty were only partially in operation for three
months of 1861, our exports to France of the produc-
tions and manufactures of the United Kingdom sprung
up in 1861 from 5,249,9SOZ. to 8,896,282Z. ; indeed,
in the last three months of the year, the increase
exceeded cent, per cent.
But, as before remarked, this is probably only an
indication of what will be the ultimate effects of the
Cobden Treaty. Mr. Gladstone truly observed, that
"neither the laws, the necessities, nor the palates, of
men change in a moment." It cannot be doubted
that the taste for French wines is a rapidly growing
taste in this country amongst almost all classes of the
population; and that now we are able to purchase
those wines in England almost as cheaply as in Paris,
their consumption will soon exhibit a large and rapid
increase. The admission of our products at low rates
of duty into France will, of course, stimulate the
growth of French wines, and their exportation at rates
which will allow also of their more universal consump-
tion; and thus the opening of commerce, so long
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 261
virtually closed between the two countries, may be
expected in a very few years to result largely in the
benefit of both nations.
It has been objected to the French Treaty that, so Objections
far as England was concerned, it only reduced duties French
levied on articles of luxury, which were fairly subject
to taxation. But this is a very narrow and unphilo-
sophical view of the case, for there can be no object in
maintaining taxation on articles of luxury but to
raise revenue, and all taxation that obstructs trade
must be prejudicial to revenue as well as prejudicial
to trade. We shall no doubt find, when the full
effects of the Erench Treaty come to be developed,
that the reduction of the duties on foreign wines will
involve no loss whatever to the revenue. At present, The loss
the loss has been much less than might have been custom's
anticipated. The amount received by the Customs for
duty upon foreign wines was
In 1859 1,982,327
1860 1,174,105
1861 1,219,533
So that the entire loss in 1861 was only about
750,000/., as compared with 1859, when the high
rates of duty prevailed. In that year the whole
amount of the duties received on Erench articles
amounted to only 3,327,OOOZ. Our gross Customs
duties amounted
In 1859 to 25,065,066
1861 to 23,657,513
Decrease .... 1,407,553
of which a considerable proportion is due to the
interruption of our commerce with America. But
supposing the entire million and a half to have been
sacrificed by the Treaty with Erance, have there been
262
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
more than
counter-
balanced
by the ex
tension of
trade.
Our im-
ports from,
and ex-
ports to,
FRANCE.
no advantages which have counterbalanced this loss ?
As already shown, the export trade of England in
1861 was absolutely maintained by our increased and
increasing exports to France, and that at the time of
all others when we most needed it, because of the
great decline of our export trade to the United States.
Whilst our total exports to France in 1859 were
represented by 9,561,000/., the total in 1861 amounted
to little less than 17,000,000/., an additional export of
seven millions and a half to counterbalance a loss of
revenue of one million and a half. "When we consider
the employment which this additional trade must
have given to British manufactures and produce, as
well as to the British merchant and shipowner, who
can doubt that the policy of the commercial treaty
was right, even though it did reduce the duties chiefly
upon articles of luxury ?
The list of our French imports and exports in 1860
is a long but not an uninteresting one :
IMPORTS.
VALUED AT
Corn of all sorts . . . .3,899,298
Silk, Stuffs, and Ribbons . 1,907,930
Spirits 1,058,379
Wine 1,036,620
Raw Silk* 833,268
Sugar 786,927
Gloves 566,069
Butter 441,641
Eggs 399,648
Cotton Manufactures . . . 384,251
Watches* 334,825
Seeds . . 308,200
Silks, unenumerated . . . 277,826
Straw Plaiting and Chip . 182,530
Oil-Seed Cake 165,667
Rape Seed 140,933
Boots and Boot Fronts . . 139,013
EXPORTS.
VAJ.TTED AT
Wool 573,091
Coals 564,243
Copper 548,072
Iron 370,381
Silk, Thrown and Yarn . . 353,578
Linseed Oil 342,021
Woollen Manufactures . . 293,639
Cotton . . 248,261
Woollen Yarn 233,828
Machinery 171,020
Hardwares and Cutlery . . 118,265
Tin, unwrought .... 115,123
Horses 94,740
Telegraphic Wires . . . 75,461
Linen Yarn 70,620
Linen Manufactures . . . 63,582
Silk ... 60,124
* These are chiefly the' productions of Italy and Switzerland, sent through
France to the British merchant.
CHAP. V.]
FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT.
263
IMPORTS.
Hides
VALUED AT
136,121
EXPORTS.
Cotton Yam ....
VALUED AT
50 459
Oxen, Cows, and Horses
136,111
Spirits
49,610
Clocks
136,387
Apparel Slops &c.
44418
Artificial Flowers ....
113,388
Tin Plates
36 076
Cream of Tartar ....
Madder and Madder Root .
105,202
92,210
Painters' Colours ....
Cement
34,082
32979
Silk Plush for making Hats
90,674
Lead and Shot
24,197
Wool
89,734
Caoutchouc Manufactures
18,472
Flax
87,405
Saltpetre . . . .
17 761
74,527
Drufirs .
16 263
Embroidery and Needlework
63,770
Raw Cotton
62,562
Tallow
60,642
Raw and Thrown Silk . .
3 328 476
54,768
Wool
1,176,370
China and Porcelain . . .
49,805
Seeds
399,107
Harmoniums and Seraphiues
48,624
Flax
306,610
Straw Bonnets and Hats .
46,917
223,463
Kid Skins, dressed ....
44,087
211,054
Books
31 392
Hair Manufactures of
137 974
Asphaltum and Bitumen
28,150
Coffee
130,360
Prints and Drawings . . .
27,393
Bice
126,331
24,487
Oils Cocoa Nut Palm Seed
121 909
Cambrics and French Lawns
20,928
Hides .
115,661
Apples".
20,339
Wine
101 396
Salted Pork
14 663
Elephants' Teeth
52 768
Paper Hangings ....
13,797
Peruvian Bark
50,922
Manufactures of Caoutchouc
4,956
Caoutchouc
47,287
Worsted Yarn, not dyed
4,779
Sponge
41,337
Machinery, Tools, & Cutlery
2,962
Tin
36,452
Fancy Ornaments of Iron .
1,094
Rum and other Spirits . .
Quicksilver
27,308
23,936
20,217
Silks of India
16,227
Raisins
15 603
Cochineal .
13.154
This list will show the very general character of our Character
imports from France, with which country our trade, port
now that restrictions on hoth sides are removed, will, France -
no douht, hereafter partake largely of the character of
an exchange of commodities according to the varia-
tions of fashion and the requirements of the period in
either country. For example, in 1860 we were large
importers of corn from France, our own harvest being
deficient ; but in 1861 we were exporters of corn to
264 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
our neighbours, their harvest having been greatly
Rapid in- below the average. In the superior articles of dress,
tL impor- which the French know so well how to manufacture
Sks, u f such as silk stuffs and ribbons, gloves, boots, artificial
boot8 8 '&c nowers it is curious to see how largely our receipts
from France have increased under the new tariff. The
imports in successive years have been
1858. 1859. 1860.
Silk Stuffs and Ribbons ... 1,151,871 . . 1,372,065 . . 1,909,930
Kid Gloves 359,174 . . 487,775 . . 566,069
Silk Manufactures, unenumerated 204,993 . . 240,770 . . 277,826
Boots, &c 111,215 . . 111,002 . . 139,013
Plaiting of Straw, Chip, &c. . . 105,785 . . 125,192 . . 182,530
Artificial Flowers 103,677 . . 97,273 . . 113,388
Dairy pro- The importation of certain descriptions of dairy
produce has increased in the same way : as, for
example,
1858. 1859. 1860.
Butter 97,997 . . 152,480 . . 441,641
268,942 . . 293,588 . . 399,648
clocks and And we have a like increase in clocks and watches,
though the last -mentioned of these are less the manu-
facture of France than of Switzerland.
1858. 1859. 1860.
Clocks . 76,549 . . 90,226 . . 136,387
Watches 208,125 . . 210,738 . . 334,825
But enough has been said to show the effect of the
new tariff on our imports from France, from whence
we have now the opportunity of acquiring many
articles of which the supply is extremely valuable to
us, at rates which were quite unknown to our fore-
fathers.
Of the results of the new state of things on the
other side, it is to be regretted that it is impos-
sible to speak with the same particularity, the tariff
having only come into operation in France late in
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 265
1861, and the tables of exports for that year not being
yet published. Of the general result we are apprised,
and the very large increase in the exportation of our
home productions and manufactures has been already
observed upon ; but the details of that increase are,
unfortunately, not before us.
Our exports to France of foreign and colonial
produce and manufactures amounted in 1860 to
nearly seven millions and a half, which shows the
extent to which England is doing the carrying trade
of the neighbouring country. The fact is, that the TheFrench
i'i ' j* ~r\ i? i j. i i mercantile
mercantile marine 01 Jb ranee ol late years has scarcely marine,
increased at all; and that at the present time the
greater part of the commerce of the French is done
in English and American bottoms. On the 1st
January, 1858, the whole French mercantile marine
only consisted of
14,845 Sailing Ships, of the burden of 980,465 Tons.
3,330 Steamers 72,870
Total . . 18,175 Vessels of ...... 1,053,335
Whilst England has
36,164 Sailing Ships, of the burden of 5,210,824 Tons.
2,337 Steamers 500,144
Total . . 38,501 Vessels of 5,710,968
The trade of England with France nearly all con- Trade with
centrates itself in London. But, as has been already S^gh
stated, a very considerable proportion of the imports Southamp-
and exports takes place at Southampton and Folke- Folke-
stone, to which ports goods are sent from London and s
received by railway. Nearly all the eggs imported
from France come through the former port, and
nearly all the silk goods through the latter.
The trade with France is chiefly conducted in our
own vessels. Of the total tonnage entered inwards
266 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
in 1860, amounting to 737,000 tons, 529,000 was
British and 208,000 foreign. This proportion is
much greater in the London trade, only 22,000 heing
French foreign, whilst 154,000 was British tonnage. Nearly
the whole of the latter tonnage was in steam ship-
ping, in which form nearly all the intercourse between
the Channel ports is also conducted, only bulky
articles, such as coal, iron, copper, &c., being now
sent to Erance in sailing vessels. It should be ob-
served, however, that before the repeal of the duties,
the wine trade between London and Bordeaux was
conducted in small vessels, brigantines and schooners,
belonging to a few owners, and permanently engaged
in this trade, of which they may be said to have had
a sort of monopoly. This state of things will, of
course, be altogether changed with the opening of
the wine trade, and the importation of large quan-
tities of wines from shippers not previously engaged
in the English trade.
Our trade The Mcthuen Treaty, which for a century and a
half has been so prejudicial to English commerce
with Prance, was intended to open up to us immense
advantages in connexion with " our ancient ally,"
PORTUGAL. To suppose that a trade, with a country
containing only 4,000,000 inhabitants, could compen-
sate us for the loss of our trade with a country
containing nearly 40,000,000, was against all the
principles of common sense.
The Me- The object of the Methuen Treaty was to introduce
Treaty of o ur woollens into the limited market of Portugal,
A.D. 1733. f rom w hich they happened at the time to be ex-
its object eluded. The extent to which the object was accom-
3 ' plished is shown by the fact that our export of
woollens to Portugal in 1860 was to the value of
less than 125,000/. Our wholo export to Portugal
amounted in 1860 to little more than two millions,
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. '267
and this was nearly an eighth above the average.
To secure a trade with a poor country, which, in a
century and a half, has only developed itself to the
extent of two millions, we may be said to have
sacrificed not merely our commerce with France, but
all that large proportion of our national debt which
has arisen from our wars with that great country.
The only article of great account which the Portu- "Port"
guese had to send us in return for our woollens was
their wine, shipped at Porto or Oporto, and conse-
quently known to us by the name of " Port." It has
been of no small advantage to Portugal to find a
customer for this wine in so rich a nation as ours
the more so as no other people have shown them-
selves inclined to be drinkers of it. Of an average
of 35,000 pipes of port wine shipped at Oporto, from
1851 to 1858, 27,000 pipes came to the United King-
dom, whilst only 2,000 went to any other European
country, and only 6,000 elsewhere.* England, there-
fore, may be said to be almost the sole customer of
Portugal.
Our imports from Portugal in 1860 amounted, inOurim-
the whole, to 1,882,293^. This includes not only
the imports from Portugarproper, but from Madeira,
the Azores, the Canary and the Cape de Verd Islands.
The principal articles imported were
Wine valued at 898,336
Wool 230,124
Cork 129,696
Oranges and Lemons . . .
Oils Olive, Palm, and Seed .
Oxen
Elephants' Teeth
Orchil
Corn (chiefly Indian Corn) . .
Onions
Figs
Potatoes . .
113,886
113,166
82,674
33,847
29,938
20,891
20,616
13,627
12,551
Chiefly to Brazil.
268 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Copper Ore valued at 15,2S5
Argol 8,756
Cream of Tartar
Lead
Hides
Spirits
Salt
Corks, ready-made .
Grapes
Chesnuts
Argoi. "Argol" and " Cream of Tartar" are the same
articles, the latter being argol purified. Argol is
produced in wine countries by the deposit of a crust
on the sides of the vessels in which wine has been
kept. It is much used by dyers to dispose the stuffs
Orchil to reseivc their colours. The orchil, of which we
obtain a large quantity from Madeira, the Canary
and the Cape de Verd Islands, is a sea-lichen yielding
a beautiful purple tincture, also used by dyers. It
is found on our own coasts, especially on the Isle
of Portland; but the Madeira and Canary Islands'
orchils are the most esteemed, and fetch occasionally
an exceedingly high price. At periods of scarcity,
orchil has been known to be sold as high as 1,0001. a
ton ; but it is probable that the progress of chemical
science will find a substitute for this colour, as it has
Cork. for others. The condition of our trade affords us
facilities for the admission of cork from Portugal ;
but although we obtain it in large quantities, it is
not so much esteemed as Spanish cork. The num-
Oxen. her of animals we import from Portugal has been
increasing for several years. They principally come
to Southampton in steam vessels, and are sent to the
London market ; but although very fine beasts, they
are frequently much deteriorated by the voyage.
Frmt Our imports of garden produce and fruit from
Portugal are increasing, and this trade might, with
Onions, advantage, be further developed. The Portugal onion
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 269
is a cheap and delicate vegetable, and is getting to be
much, esteemed. Portugal grapes also reach us in Grapes,
good condition, and are sold at prices which admit
of their general consumption. Our chief fruit trade Oranges,
with Portugal is, however, in oranges. We are in-
debted to the Portuguese for this most delicious of
tropical fruits, they having originally transferred
the plant from China to their own country. The
orange trade in England is now one of considerable
value and importance, oranges being even cheaper
than most of our domestic fruits, whilst they are
perhaps the most refreshing and wholesome of all the
fruits we gather or import. Oranges are imported
in boxes containing from 250 and upwards, and in
chests holding 500 to 1,000. The quantity imported
has been steadily increasing for some years past. In
the three years ending with 1842 the average imports
were 334,070 boxes ; in the five years ending with
1850 they had increased to 380,000 boxes. Since
then the quantity has been computed in bushels.
The average annual imports in the five years ending
with 1860 were 977,440 bushels. The quantity
taken for consumption has now reached upwards
of 1,000,000 bushels, and, assuming each bushel to .
contain 650, this would give 650 millions of oranges,
or about 22 annually for each individual in the
kingdom.
The quantity of oranges imported in 1860 were as Oranges
follows :-
BUSHELS. - VALUE.
From the Azores .... 627,709 .... 330,627
From Portugal 218,480 .... 113,886
From Spain 158,674 .... 77,079
From Sicily 140,983 .... 64,547
From other Quarters . . . 8,564 .... 4,200
Total . . . 1,154,410 . . . '.590,339
270
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
The The group of nine islands known as the "Azores,"
r st D8 Mi- from which the largest portion of this supply comes,
produces the finest oranges. Those from the Island
of San Miguel (or St. Michael) are the most esteemed
by us. The imports of oranges from the Azores have
doubled during the last five years, and the produc-
tion of oranges has consequently become the occupa-
tion of the population of the islands. The orange-
gardens in St. Michael are now walled, and the
bloom carefully protected. They gather the oranges
for the London market as early as November. Up
to 1853 there was a duty of 2s. Qd. a bushel on
oranges and lemons, which was reduced to 8d. a
bushel in that year. This greatly stimulated the
trade, not so much by making oranges and lemons
cheaper or inferior to the consumer, as by relieving
the importer from a restriction. In 1860 the Sd.
duty was repealed, and these delicious fruits can now
be imported free. We think that we already see the
advantage of this relief to the trade in the large
quantities and superior qualities of the oranges sold
in the streets of London in the early part of 1862.
Our exports to Portugal in 1860 consisted of
Our ex-
ports to
Portugal.
Cotton Manufactures valued at 775,317
Iron
Woollen Manufactures . .
Butter
Spirits
Coals
Silk Manufactures . . .
Hardwares and Cutlery
Linen
Copper
Machinery
Cotton Yarn
Brimstone, Refined . . .
Apparel and Slops . . .
Tin Plates
Drugs
Earthenware and Porcelain
Painters' Colours .
161,125
124,739
110,058
47,438
44,792
41,656
36,020
31,889
24,161
21,427
20,247
18,442
16,663
16,597
8,192
7,415
7,145
CHAP, v.j FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 2/1
Glass Manufactures valued at 6,571
White Lead 5,842
Tin, Unwrcmght
Lead and Shot .
Stationery . .
Soap ....
Sugar and Molasses
Raw Cottoii . .
Indigo ....
Tea
Rice
Silk
Flax and Hemp
5,827
4,436
4,379
1,147
89,009
44,014
35,881
35,202
34,429
18,457
16,691
In return for the oranges we received from the Azores, Trade with
we sent to those islands
Cotton Goods valued at 57,608
Woollen 11,814
Sugar, Refined 6,330
Apparel 2,680
Some small quantities of earthenware, cutlery, iron,
linen, silk, and colonial produce, the total amounting
to less than 100,000*.
With Madeira our trade has declined in con- Trade with
sequence of the destruction of the grape in that
island. Our importation of Madeira wine in 1860
was to the extent of nearly 60,000 gallons, whilst
thirty years ago it exceeded 300,000 gallons. The
number of English ships also visiting the island has
fallen off. Formerly both East and West Indiamen
touched at Madeira on their outward voyage to take
in wines or provisions ; but the island is now ordi-
narily only sighted. We sent to Madeira last year
about 69,000/. worth of goods, of which cotton and
woollens formed the major part.
Our trade with Portugal is almost exclusively British
carried on with Oporto and Lisbon. The Portuguese
are almost wholly indebted to us for shipping. Of 972 1 >
vessels which arrived from Portugal, Madeira, and the
Azores in 1860, 815 were British, 83 only Portuguese,
272 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LOXDOX. [CHAP. v.
and 74 the vessels of other nations. Liverpool shares
with London in the trade to Portugal. Southampton
also does some portion of it.
Our trade Whilst England has done everything during the
SPAIN last century and a half to cultivate an intimate
commercial exchange with the little territory of
Portugal, her rulers up to a very recent period have
done scarcely anything to bring about more intimate
relations with her far richer, more populous, and
restricted more productive neighbour, SPAIN. The Spanish
Government has been, no doubt, as much answerable
for this as was our own. Up to 1848 nothing could
be worse than the commercial system of Spain. It
was a system of prohibitions, under which the impor-
tation of articles of foreign manufacture or production
into that country was almost absolutely prohibited.
Yet Spain had an article of great importance to ex-
port, of which England took a large supply. Despite
prohibition, therefore, trade went on. England
annually received more and more Sherry from Cadiz,
and Spain, although she prohibited them, was supplied
with more and more British manufactures from
which England. It was, of course, the smuggler who
reaped the advantage. The trade of the contraban-
ciigta became an established business in Spain. It
was computed that from 100,000 to 150,000 persons
were directly engaged in the occupation of smug-
gling. The number indirectly engaged was legion;
for the Spanish custom-house was so notoriously
corrupt, that almost any goods could be got through
Extent it for a consideration. A few vears ai?o it was
A T- ^
computed that 3,000 actions were annually insti-
tuted in s P ain against illicit traders. " The courts
of law were filled with perjury and the country with
bloody conflicts." Yet, nevertheless, French and
English goods might be purchased in all the shops at
CHAP, v.l FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 273
Madrid, and, indeed, throughout Spain, at very little
more than their price at Bayonne or Gibraltar, from
whence they were principally smuggled. Three-
fourths, in fact, of the trade of Spain was in the
hands of the contrabandistas, and the Government
revenue was proportionately small.
In 1849 the Spanish Government adopted a some- A Spanish
what more rational system, and introduced a tariff, adopted
which removed prohibitions and levied ad valorem A - D - 1849>
duties upon articles of different classes. These duties
are in many cases too high, and there is a discrimi-
nating duty of 20 per cent, on importations in foreign
vessels, which, considering the present condition of
the Spanish mercantile marine, must operate as an
additional tax on the consumer, without in any way
protecting or encouraging Spanish shipping. But
the effect of this tariff has been favourable. The
trade of Spain since 1849 has decidedly been in-
creasing. The exports of Spain in 1850 were only
4,000,000/. per annum ; in 1856 they had risen to
10,636,000/. per annum ; and the imports had risen
from 6,000,000?. to 13,000,000/. Total increase of
trade in six years nearly 14,000,000/.
The statistics of our own trade with Spain are not Our ex-
easily given, inasmuch as so large a proportion of Spain*
our goods were for a long period imported clan-
destinely through Gibraltar, Malta, and Portugal;
and a considerable proportion, though not to the same
extent as formerly, continues to be introduced into
that country through the same channels. But our
direct exports to Spain have been increasing. They
amounted
In 1850 to 864,997
1854 to 1,436,106
1856 to 2,112,303
1858 to' 2,366,562
1860 to 2,623,291
T
274
THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. v.
Our im- Our imports have gone up during the same period
Sp2n. rom from three millions and a half to four millions. These
consist of
Wine valued in 1860 at 1,734,613
Fruit, viz.
Raisins . . 264,833
Nuts . . . 112,865
Oranges . . 77,079
Almonds . 15,769
Figs . . . 11,874
Grapes . . 4,730
487,150
Wheat and Flour ...... 405,093
Lead , 374,497
Quicksilver , 271,209
Ores, unenumerated , 178,168
Wool, Sheep and Lambs' ... , 97,743 .
Copper Ore and Copper .... , 91,498
Oxen 66,177
Manganese Ore 44,059
Eggs 34,019
Cork 29,813
Olive Oil 16,480
Madder 9,692
Liquorice Juice and Paste . . . 3,755
sherry. The sherry wines, which are exclusively shipped at
Cadiz, are little likely to be superseded in this country
as dinner wines ; unless, indeed, their price should be
maintained at rates beyond their intrinsic value. The
quantity of this wine entered for home consumption
in England in 1861 was greatly in excess of preceding
years; and it is to be hoped that the reduction of
duty in this country will develop the trade and
permit us to have purer and, at the same time,
cheaper specimens of the article.
The fruit trade with Spain is chiefly in what are
Dry fruits, known as "dry fruits." Our duties on raisins and
almonds were, up to 1853, very exorbitant. They
were then reduced, and the consequence has been
largely increased importation. "We derive the best
Raisins raisins (muscatels) and the best almonds (Jordan)
almonds, from Malaga; Valencia also supplies us with these
CHAP, v.j FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 2/5
fruits. The nuts, for which we pay so large a sum Barcelona
as 112,000/. a year, come from Tarragona (these m
are known as Barcelona nuts). Our corn trade Com.
with Spain would rise into increased importance
were there more facilities of inland carriage. At
present, so large a proportion of the produce has to
be brought down to the port of shipment on mules,
that great waste is the consequence, as w^ell as an
undue expense for conveyance. The export of minerals Minerals,
from Spain has been increasing in importance, and
the quantity of lead, quicksilver, copper, and other
ores, manganese, &c., which we derive from Spanish
mines is now considerable. Many of them are in
the hands of English capitalists and are worked by
English companies. Malaga is the chief port for the
export of ores : all the lead ores which are worked
on the coast near Adra are sent to Malaga for ship-
ment. The produce of some other mines near Seville
are shipped at Cadiz, to which they are brought
by railway. It is curious to observe how the
relations of Spain and England have altered with
regard to wool, of which we at one time derived Wool,
our largest import from Spain. At present the
quantity of wool we receive from that country is
comparatively unimportant ; and, indeed, is largely
exceeded by the quantity of woollens which we send
to her.
Spain is so productive a country her riches are so Direct and
vast, and her labour is so cheap that there can be trade 6 with
no doubt that we might do a much larger trade with Spain -
her were her internal customs' system placed upon a
footing of more liberality. Spain has fallen from her
high estate amongst commercial nations by her own
fault, though it is not entirely by her own fault that
she has not a better trade with England ; for certainly
the English Government have done little to cultivate
T 2
276
THE PORT AND TKADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, v
commercial relations with this important, prolific,
and adjacent country.
Exports to It nas been already observed, that it is difficult to
Spain. estimate the amount of the exportations from England
to Spain. In 1860 those direct to Spain amounted
to 2,623,291. ; hut those to Gibraltar, which were
no douht largely intended for Spain, amounted to
1,244, 233 1. more ; and if we add the exportations to
Malta and Gozo, of which a part would go to Spain,
we have an additional sum to add to the amount.
It is possible that in the whole we do not send much
less than 4,000,000 1. a year of our produce to Spain,
The following table will show the items :
EXPORTS TO SPAIN, GIBRALTAR, AND MALTA, 1860.
ARTICLES.
SPAIN.
GIBRALTAR.
MALTA.
Iron
616,017
37,024
23 856
Linen Yarn
448,118
102 932*
Coals
222,535
37221
61 224
Machinery
308 087
Woollen Manufactures .... . .
123,706
74 659
44 871
Cotton
99 986
623 166*
Q*4 QOfl
Hardwares and Cutlery
91,795
33848
8 ^04
Tin Plates and Unwrought
52,396
8,021
1 62^
Bacon and Hams
48 495
Telegraphic Wires . .
39 757
Carriages of all sorts ....
35 607
Provisions
35,940
2,537
Silk Manufactures
21,156
14,668*
2,580
Soda
17 985
Cotton Yarn
15,744
4,660
40,032
Fish (Cod and Ling) ....
14 344
Copper, Wrought
12 745
4,620
10829
Drugs
7,617
Linseed Oil
7 605
2 199
Woollen Yarn
7,137
3,967
Apparel
5,535
38,684*
23,856
Glass
3,505
2,969
* These are the principal articles for smuggling. Some portion of the exports
to Gibraltar are for trade with Morocco, and those to Malta for trade with Tripoli
and Tunis.
HAP. V.]
FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT.
277
It will be seen that whilst the heavier articles,
iron, coals, machinery, hardwares, tin-plates, tele- tra.te.
graphic wires, carriages, provisions, fish, copper,
drugs, and oil, go to Spain direct, the contrabandista
still does the principal trade in the lighter articles,
such as cotton prints and wearing apparel, as well
as a very large proportion of the business in linen
yarn, woollens, silk manufactures, and the better
sorts of cutlery. Gibraltar formerly did an enor-
mous contraband trade with Spain in the article of
tobacco, but this has declined. Tea, however, is
still carried into Spain from Gibraltar in defiance
of the customs.
Our trade with ITALY is represented by the follow- Trade with
, , ITALY.
mg table :
STATES.
IMPORTS
FROM.
EXPORTS
TO.
Sardinia (Genoa)
265,714
2 297 132
Tuscany (Leghorn)
575,064
1,198,257
Papal States (Civita Vecchia, Ancona) . . .
Two Sicilies (Naples, Palermo, Marsala, &c.) .
Austrian Territories (Venice and Trieste) . .
39,843
1,867,904
986,349
302,371
1,479,960
1,488,098
ToTUi
3,734,874
6,765,818
This table appears to show a very large balance
in favour of Great Britain. The discrepancy is to
some extent to be accounted for by a proportion of
the produce of Northern Italy, especially silk, coming
to us through Prance and by the Rhine. The iron
and coal exported to Sardinia for railway purposes
also swells the amount of exports.
During the last ten years our trade with Italy i
has been gradually increasing, especially with Sar- em Italy
dinia, our exports to which country have almost
doubled in amount. This result is attributable to
improved means of internal communication, which
278 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
attribute- promises rapidly to place the city of Genoa at the
proved head of the Italian cities of commerce, if not to
inte'maf restore her to something like her former greatness.
transit. Bound in by an amphitheatre of mountains, the
difficulty attending the conveyance of heavy goods
from Genoa to the interior greatly circumscribed her
trade ; but now that the mountains have been pene-
trated by a railway, which brings Genoa into direct
communication, not only with Piedmont, but with the
Milanese, Lombardy, Parma, Modena, Venice, and
even with the Tyrol, her trade must acquire greatly
increased importance immediately peace is restored
to the country she supplies.
Tuscany. "With Tuscany our trade has also increased largely
of late, probably in consequence of the completion of
the railway between Leghorn and Florence, and the
opening out of Lucca, Sienna, and other productive
districts. We obtain, via Leghorn, large quantities of
Boracic the Carrara and Sienna marbles and of Boracic acid,
the latter used as a flux for metals, and brought to us
from the famous lagoons near Monte Cerbole,* where
an ingenious manufacturer, M. Larder el (Count de la
Pomarance), has constructed pans in which water, im-
pregnated with the acid, is evaporated by the heat of
the lagoons, and the acid deposited in crystals. We
also derive through Leghorn considerable quantities
of Lucca and Florence oil, anchovies, lard, lambskins,
copper ore, rags, and some wheat and flour. The
Leghorn " Leghorn bonnets " and " Tuscan hats," once so
fashionable, are now to a great extent supplanted,
although the heavy duty which formerly existed on
them has been removed. The fact appears to be,
* These lagoons are spread over a surface of thirty square miles. They consist
of a number of low volcanoes and springs in a furious state of ebullition. The
ground upon the banks shakes and burns beneath the feet. The vapours, which
are impregnated with the boracic acid, send out dense and unsavoury odours.
The peasants of the country long deemed the district an entrance to the infernal
regions, and regarded it with great superstition (ride Dr. Bo wring's Report on the
Statistics of Tuscany).
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 279
that our own manufacture of straw bonnets has so
considerably improved as to supersede the Tuscans,
which always were extremely high in price.
With the Papal States we can scarcely be said The Papal
to have any trade ; some cream of tartar, lambskins, Sl
rags, walnut wood, and brimstone, constituting the
whole of our imports, the value of which is
very trifling. With Southern Italy (Naples and
Sicily) we have, however, been doing a largely Naples,
increasing trade; and it is to be hoped, now that
a more rational government is likely to be established
in this kingdom, that it will greatly and speedily
improve. Sicily was once the granary of Europe, Sicily,
and both its soil and climate afford it the means of
producing almost any amount of grain. But the itscorn >
labours of the husbandman and of the merchant were
both, for a long time, restricted by a series of the most
odious and oppressive restraints; having apparently
for their sole object to create a monopoly in the
export trade of grain in favour of persons of high
distinction, and even, it has been said, in favour
of members of the family of the Sovereign himself.
In the same way the late Neapolitan Government
dealt with the sulphur trade. Some few years since sulphur,
they adopted measures which virtually placed that
trade in the hands of a French company; and had
not the British Government remonstrated and secured
an alteration of the system, England would have
been compelled to purchase all her sulphur through
the intervention of the French. Our trade with
Sicily for this article has been rising rapidly and
largely. In 1833 we only took 19,122 tons of sul-
phur from Sicily : in 1838, 38,654 tons : but our pre-
sent import exceeds an average of 50,000 tons ; and
the value of the quantity imported in 1860 was
computed at nearly 500,000 /. The wine which we and wine.
obtain from Sicily is the produce of the district
280 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
around Marsala, and was first introduced into con-
sumption in England in consequence of a report
from Lord Nelson, recommending it for the use of
the fleet instead of rum. In general this wine is
very indifferently made from grapes which are grown
on or close to the ground, from which they derive
an earthy flavour. The wine sent to England is
principally grown and shipped by English capitalists
who have embarked in the trade, and who have
their business at Marsala. More care is bestowed
on the vintage where their influence prevails; but
still the wine of Marsala, although it has many
good qualities, cannot be regarded as likely to com-
pete with the vintage of Spain; and latterly the
importation has not been increasing.
Theoa The best olive oil brought from Southern Italy
GampoU. comes from Gallipoli, and since the reduction of duty
on this article the trade has been largely increased.
The whole country between Gioja and Gaeta is covered
with olive trees; and, in fact, Apulia and Calabria
may be said to produce little else. The olives are
permitted to hang on the trees till they drop ;
they are then picked up by women and children
and carried to the mill, at which they are expressed.
The oil is then brought, in sheep or goat-skin sacks,
on the backs of mules, to the magazine, or cistern,
of the merchant, in Gallipoli, in which it is clarified
to the highest possible degree. "When the oil is to
be shipped, it is drawn off from the cistern into
skins, and carried on men's shoulders to a house
on the sea- shore, where it is measured in a large
open basin, and then racked off into casks admir-
ably made of well-seasoned staves, which, before
being put together, are well soaked in sea-water.
These casks, when filled, are rolled to the brink
of the sea by porters, and from thence are towed by
boats to the ship waiting to be laden. There is
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 281
no reason why Oil, now it can be obtained at a
low price, should not enter more largely into iiEng- l
domestic use in this country. In many culinary laud '
preparations it is a superior article to butter ; and
it is probable that, had it not been for the enormous
customs duty which for some years we levied upon
this article, it would have been much more largely
used by us than it has been. It is objected that
most English palates dislike the taste of oil; but
the fact is that good olive oil has no taste what-
ever; and that where there is a taste to it, it has
been either badly manipulated or has suffered from
long keeping. The prejudice against oil in England
more probably arises from the use which has been
made in this country of various descriptions of
nauseous oils for medicinal purposes. There can
be no doubt that olive oil itself is one of the most
nutritious and wholesome of all articles of food.
Shumac is another article which we derive in shumac.
considerable quantities from Southern Italy. The
Italian shumac is used for producing a full yellow
dye, approaching to the orange; but the colour is
said to be fugitive. Commoner sorts of shumac
produce dove colours in calico-printing, and are also
capable of dyeing black. Liquorice we cultivate at Liquorice
home, especially at Mitcham in Surrey, and Ponte- jm
fract in Yorkshire, where the strong, rich, black,
loamy soils are peculiarly suited to the growth of
the plant. But we derive nearly all our " Liquorice
juice and paste " from Southern Italy, where the roots
of liquorice are crushed in mills, then slowly boiled
until they become of a proper consistency, and after-
wards refined and purified. The article is largely used
in medicine by our chemists, and our importation of
liquorice juice has been increasing considerably.
The comparatively small amount of our imports
from the Austrian possessions in Italy, affords a more
282 THE POUT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Trade with interesting and suggestive record than is at first
triluterri- sight apparent. The two largest items on the list,
tory> 245,0002. of corn, and 154,0002. worth of beads
and bugles, present very different subjects for re-
flection. Beads and bugles are now almost the
sole export of the once great and flourishing com-
merce of Venice. They are the produce of her
own glass manufactories, for which the Venetians
were once so famous, and of which the remains are
still carried on on the island of Murano. The
corn imported was, on the other hand, the produce
of the plains of Styria and Sclavonia, brought by
Trieste, railway to the flourishing port of Trieste, with which
our trade with the dominions of Austria will pro-
bably henceforward be most largely conducted.
Venice, commercially considered, represents only the
past; whilst Trieste, opening out hitherto unpene-
trated districts to British trade, represents, it may
be hoped, a prosperous future.
Commer- Trieste, almost the sole port of the great territory
auce of p rt ' of Austria, has, hitherto, been traded with by England
Trieste, ^o a very limited extent. Hemmed in, like Genoa,
by high ranges of mountains, this commercial city
has, up to a very recent period, been unable to
develop her trade, in consequence of the distances
to be traversed and the difficulties attending trans-
port. But the railway system now perfected brings
Trieste not only in direct communication with the
interior of Austria Proper, but opens out to her
all the commerce of Hungary. Situated as this
city is, embracing as she does within her port the
largest proportion of the commercial marine of the
empire, having within herself a sound and suc-
cessful mercantile system of undoubted solidity,
and having behind her all the riches of an absolutely
undeveloped territory of unusual extent and popu-
lation, there must be a great fault and failure
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 283
somewhere if Trieste, in a very few years, does not
rise to immense commercial importance.
It will have "been seen that at the present time Large ex -
our whole trade with Austria, through Venice and w hi c hour
Trieste, amounts to no more than a million a year^J r lth
of imports, and a million and a half of exports might be
- 1 - . . developed.
values absolutely trivial, considering the extent of
the empire, and the rich and varied productions
of almost every section of her territory. Hungary
can afford any quantity of corn and wine, both of
the highest qualities and at the lowest prices. All
the corn-growing plains, watered by the Danube, can
now find means of exporting their produce through
Trieste. The wines of Hungary, equal in every
respect to those of Burgundy, are drank in Vienna
at from sixpence to a shilling a bottle, and can be
had in England (where they are almost utterly
unknown) at a very trifling advance upon that
price, the difference being nothing more than the
cost of shipment and transit from Trieste. It will
be the fault of our own merchants if these wines,
of which the supply is unlimited, do not come into
large consumption in this country. Trieste can also
furnish us with admirable woods, the produce of the
forests of Carniola; also staves, which we already
import to the extent of nearly 100,000/. a year;
and minerals of almost every description. The rich
trade of the Austrian Empire, in fact, has been
almost wholly undeveloped by our merchants. Of
2,276 vessels which entered Trieste in 1857, only
ninety-five were British; and our direct trade with
Austria is, in proportion to the population of that
empire, absolutely, at the present time, the smallest
of any in Europe.*
* Some allowance has of course to be made for trade with the Northern States
of Austria, via the Elbe and Hamburg ; but the above remark holds good even
with this allowance.
284
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. v.
Italian The following tables will be interesting, as showing,
at one view, the varied character of the trades which
we carry on with the different states of Italy :
imports. IMPORTS FROM ITALY, 1860.
ARTICLES.
SARDINIA
TUSCANY
PAPAL
STATES
Two
SICILIES.
AUSTRIAN
TERRITORIES
Olive Oil
58,036
148,751
683,942
12,083
Essential Oils
3,748
41,266
Gun Stocks
45,551
Walnut Wood
24,976
13,680
8,449
Bark
28,912
Sugar Unrefined
20,178
Cream of Tartar
2,764
9,243
40,032
22,981
Marble
4,309
62,070
Boracic Acid
77 336
Lard
36,828
75,577
31,769
3,933
5,217
Sponge .
15,489
1,871
20,375
Raars
18,942
8,241
Corn, Wheat, and Flour . . .
Straw Platting
2,154
20,454
7,914
1,680
6,096
245,743
Anchovies
7,129
Madder Root ......
71 469
16,969
35,298
11,231
Silk
17,460
Straw Hats
3,596
153,066
15,44^
Tallow
3,033
8 885
Wine
58 278
Vermicelli and Macaroni . .
Liquorice Juice and Paste . .
Brimstone
8,587
1 559
1,179
52,587
475 023
Oranges and Lemons ....
Barilla
64,547
10 574
8 056
7 088
Juice of Lemons and Oranges .
Bugles and Glass Beads . . .
Wooden Staves
Currants
E
12,093
154,534
98,977
20 060
Seeds, Clover and Grass . . .
16,156
3 246
Our principal exports to these states will be seen
by the following table :
CHAP. V.]
FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT.
285
EXPORTS TO ITALY, 1860.
Exports.
ARTICLES.
SARDINIA.
TUSCANY.
PAPAL
STATES.
Two
SICILIES.
AUSTRIAN
TERRITORIES
Apparel, Slops, &c. ....
Coals
14,546
89,518
10,319
6,416
1,579
7,093
11,139
56,980
5,670
52,882
71,358
15,541
571
30,531
13,203
Cotton Goods
400,408
407,396
125,517
373,833
327,153
Yarn
185,646
197,030
81,634
354,873
189,764
2,821
3,461
4,194
2,619
Earthenware ......
7,268
4,846
218
6,653
4,117
Fish : Herrings and Pilchards
35,279
16,475
14,718
4,331
1,113
9,524
19,289
15,984
8,840
211,066
69,358
28,670
136,476
131,956
Linen Goods
46,109
30,735
4239
38,558
19 356
,. Yarn
139,254
25,638
3 379
23,999
5,508
Machinery
66,773
13,734
42,443
27,582
Oil ' Linseed
44,372
36,396
Saltpetre
15,792
4,886
4085
Silk Manufactures ....
Soda
15,590
7,729
1,890
4,977
7,897
15,504
Tin Plates
35,657
8,621
80S
14,015
13,976
Woollen Goods
301,872
139,116
27 029
118,533
68,447
Yarn
22 763
Colonial Produce ....
432,794
163,822
8,196
158,621
494,429
Our exports to Italy have largely increased in
the last ten years, as the following comparative table
will show :
EXPORTS OF BRITISH PRODUCE TO ITALY.*
STATES.
1850.
1860.
Sardinia
774 512
1 864 338
Tuscany
769 409
1 034 435
Papal States
222,559
294,175
Two Sicilies
1,026,456
1,321,339
Austrian Territories ......."..
607 755
993,669
TOTAL
2,800,891
5,507 956
* Exclusive of Colonial and Foreign Produce.
286 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Prospects There is still, however, great room for improve-
itaiian ment, especially with Southern Italy and the terri-
tories occupied by Austria ; and there is every reason
to hope that this improvement will soon be made
apparent. Under a liberal Government, the riches
of Southern Italy cannot fail to be speedily opened
up to commerce, and the Austrians are already
showing a desire, amounting to anxiety, to extend
the trade between Trieste and England.
Shipping The total number of vessels employed in our trade
employed ^.^ j^ ^ ^^ ^^ ^ Qf -^g^gg t(ms ^fo^
of which about 125,000 tons was British. Liverpool
did the largest share of this trade, employing 194
ships of 71,000 tons. London employed 241 ships
of 50,000 tons. The trade is principally carried on
in sailing vessels, although from Liverpool there
are lines of steam packets several times a month
to various Italian ports, which accounts for the
superior tonnage that port employs in this trade.
Proposals have been recently published for opening
a new line of direct steam communication to Trieste,
under the sanction and with the assistance of the
Austrian authorities. The line is much wanted, and
if judiciously commenced and worked would probably
be successful. London and Southampton have been
mentioned as the probable ports of departure.
Our trade "We now come to consider the trade of Great
GREECE. Britain with GREECE, which, from the number and
wealth of the Greek merchants settled in London
and Manchester, might be supposed to be extensive.
The fact is, however, that the trade of the Greek
merchants is with all the Levant; and that the
trade of England with Greece Proper is very limited,
and is by no means increasing in amount. Our
imports consist almost exclusively of currants from
Patras, which were imported, in 1860, to the extent
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 287
of 630,0007. ; the computed value of the entire im-
ports being only 677,0007.; and our exports to Greece
being only of about the same value, and consisting
principally of cottons, woollens, and iron. The
currants which we import from Patras have not
the same reputation in our market as those supplied
to us from the Ionian Islands, but the fruit is The fruit
better gathered and is procurable in larger quantities
and at less prices, for reasons which will be presently
explained. Hence our largest supply is obtained
from Greece.
This fruit trade is almost entirely conducted in
London. Some years since it was carried on in
swift sailing vessels (schooners), and as the cargo
of fruit which first arrived always secured the best
price, great was the excitement amongst the dealers
under the shadow of the Monument when the vessels
were expected in the Thames. The adoption of
steamers, however, for this traffic has put an end
to the speculation which formerly prevailed, the
days of arrival being now a matter of certainty,
within the knowledge of all the merchants.
In connexion with the Greek trade we should men- Trade
tion that of the Ionian Islands, which, although they
are under "British protection," are treated, as re- lslands -
gards commerce and duties, as well as in other
matters, as if they were a foreign nation instead
of a dependency. It has been already noticed that
we derive a large supply of currants from the island
of Zante. Our imports from the Ionian Islands
generally, amounted in 1860 to 267,7307., of which
182,0007. came to us in the shape of currants, and
68,0007. in olive oil. Our principal exports to these
islands were cotton goods and yarn, woollen goods,
apparel and haberdashery, and coals ; the last
probably for the supply of our own men-of-war and
288 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
merchant steamers. The trade of these islands has
increased considerably since 1850, and is capable of
large development. In 1850 we exported to the
Ionian Islands domestic produce to the value of
135,9122., whilst in 1860 our exports amounted to
345,0552., an increase of 156 per cent, in ten years.
The Now, there is no doubt that the Ionian trade might
"Protec- be still further improved, under a system which
gave any encouragement to the population of these
injurious islands. But, on the contrary, our rule, which has
commerce been a merely military occupation, has in reality
island** been oppressive to the cultivation and commerce
of these productive islands.
In order to support the large and expensive esta-
blishments which are maintained in these islands-
including a "Lord High Commissioner's Civil List" of
14,5002. a year, a " Civil Establishment " of 40,0002. a
year, a " Judicial Establishment " exceeding 15,000/.,
and a "Contingent Government Expenditure" of
Taxes on 20,0002. a year a revenue is levied in the Ionian
Islands upon " exports." The burden of this tax falls,
of course, upon the staple products of the islands, oil
and currants, in which commodities the lonians have
to compete with Italy and Greece. The export duty
on these articles amounts to 18 per cent, ad valorem ;
and, hence, for the support of extravagant establish-
ments, utterly unfitted to the people "protected,"
the commerce of these islands is placed under
disadvantages, for which nothing but the extreme
fertility and productiveness of the soil could possibly
compensate. Great complaints have been made of
late years of the " bad spirit " prevailing amongst
the population of the Ionian Islands, who have
been condemned as wanting in industry, in attention
to their patrimony, and as cultivating arts of state
corruption and intrigue in preference to cultivating
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 289
their own soil. But who are to blame for this so
much as those who display before the eyes of the
population the wealth and power consequent upon
possession of office, at the same time that, for its
maintenance, they levy taxes which greatly discourage
the cultivation of the islands and the trade of the
population ? It is probable that if we induced a
better system in these dependencies, and gave due
encouragement to their commerce, we might make
the Ionian Islands an important acquisition of the
British Crown, not merely for the military and naval,
but also for the commercial objects of the realm.
Before leaving the commerce of Greece, mention The trade
must be made of Syra, an island of the Greek y "
Archipelago, which, during the last quarter of a
century, has become a considerable commercial
entrepot. The commerce at this port is chiefly earned on
carried on by Greek merchants, who have attained ^ y e ^ reek
the distinction of being the carriers, factors, and chants.
traders of the Levant. This is due mainly to the
great advantage they possess over other foreigners
in their knowledge of the languages, customs, habits,
and requirements of the various Eastern populations
with whom they have to trade. The Greeks are able
to avoid the profits necessarily given by other mer-
chants to middlemen for collecting the goods they
require and for selling their commodities to the in-
land traders. The habits of the Greek merchants also
enable them to deal in any class of goods, whether
in large or small quantities ; and their extensive
banking and exchange operations afford them fa-
cilities for commerce, which, until a comparatively
recent period, were not possessed by other merchants
in the Levant.*
* The establishment of the Ottoman Bank and the Bank of Egypt, sister insti-
tutions, which have their head-quarters in London, now enables British traders in
TJ
290 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
situation Syra is admirably situated as a depot for trade,
ptng^ and the number of vessels resorting to it are
Syra> annually on the increase. 6,600 vessels of 570,000
tons burden entered its waters in 1858, of which
number 163 of 79,000 tons were vessels which
brought goods from England. The largest portion
of the trade of the island is, however, conducted in
vessels under the flags of Greece, Turkey, and
Austria, which carry on the trade between Syra
and those countries.
Our trade Our trade with European and Asiatic Turkey has
greatly increased during the last ten years; but it
is not to be exactly measured either by the amount
of the importation or exportation, as the importation
varies according to the condition of the corn trade,
and as a large quantity of the goods exported (nomi-
nally) to Constantinople are destined for Russian
ports in the Black Sea, whilst goods consigned to
ports in the Levant are, in the same way, intended
for trade with Persia. In 1860 our imports and
exports were as follows :
IMPORTS PROM. EXPORTS TO.
Turkey Proper 3,178,109 . . . 4,588,108
Wallachia and Moldavia . . . 2,252,246 . . . 201,273
Syria and Palestine .... 75,137 . . . 668,458
5,505,492 5,457,839
The corn Erom "Wallachia and Moldavia, corn (principally
maize and barley) and seeds (rapeseed and millet)
were almost the sole articles composing the large
total of imports. The products of these territories
were received direct from the respective ports of
Ibrail and Galatz, the latter of which is rapidly
becoming a first-rate emporium for the produce of
Turkey, Syria, and Egypt, to avail themselves of these advantages. These Banks
were immensely opposed, in the first instance, by interested parties, and had, in
consequence, great diffiailties to surmount.
CHAP. V.]
FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT.
291
the vast and fertile countries traversed by the
Danube. Galatz is a free port, and vessels of 300
tons can lie at its quays; but the navigation of
the river up to it is not always easy. The trade
of the district has been chiefly carried on by Greek
merchants ; but there are now English houses which
have establishments and representatives at Galatz,
and the Ottoman Bank has a branch there.
Our imports from Syria and Palestine consist imports
of galls, madder root, olive oil, saffron, wool, and Syria.
scammony, the article first mentioned constituting
nearly a half of the whole. The gall nuts of
the Syrian oak have, from a very remote period,
been regarded as superior to those procurable in
any other country. Gall is largely used in the
manufacture of ink, in the art of dyeing, and in
medicine.
Our imports from Turkey are represented by the List of im-
f olio wing table :-
ports from
Turkey.
Corn
Madder Root ".
Goats' Wool
Valonia
Sponge
Opium
Silk (Raw and Waste) . . . .
Raisins
Figs
Boxwood
Wool (Sheep and Lambs') . . .
Scammony
Stone
Tobacco
Olive Oil
Lamb Skins
Carpets and Rugs
Otto of Roses
Tallow
Gum
Galls
Yellow Berries
Nuts
Chromate of Iron
u 2
valued, in 1860, at 825,092
421,256
378,071
261,501
238,383
187,643
148,511
126,508
90,922
45,647
39,929
30,268
2S,957
26,569
17,075
17,037
15,869
15,828
8,436
7,406
5,585
5,262
4,530
2,160
292 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
Com. The corn consisted chiefly of maize. The madder
Madder, root, of which we obtain so large a quantity from
Smyrna, is grown at Kurdar, near that place, and
affords a brighter colour than the Zealand madder
sent us by the Dutch. Smyrna is also the chief
Sponge, market for sponge, which is speared or dived for,
where it is found adhering to the rocks about the
Opium, islands of the Archipelago. The opium produced
in Turkey yields a much larger quantity of morphia
than that produced in India ; and as opium is chiefly
used in this country as a drug, it consequently
Baisins. produces a higher price. The black Smyrna raisin
is a common variety inferior to the raisins produced
Figs. in Spain ; but Turkey produces the best sort of figs
Scam- which come to our market. The scammony, of
which we receive so large an amount, is a gum
resin peculiar to Syria, and is only used in medicine.
It is imported from Smyrna in cakes, like wax,
Carpets, packed in chests. The Turkey carpets and rugs
imported are about an average quantity, and repre-
sent our own annual consumption of this superior
Yellow article of manufacture. The Turkey yellow berries
are an unripe fruit, and are used as a dye drug
in calico-printing. The other articles in our list
of imports from Turkey do not require observation.
Export Our export trade to Turkey, although increasing,
is by no means so considerable as it should be, con-
sidering the position of Constantinople for trade, the
resources and population of the empire, and the
countenance which the Turks have always given to
commerce. This is owing to the disorganized con-
dition of the country, to the absence of internal
development, and the want of facilities for transport.
Commerce can only be expected to improve with the
internal improvement of the nation.
The following is the list of exports :
CHAP. V.]
FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT.
293
EXPORTS, 1860.
Exports to
Turkey.
ARTICLES.
TURKEY.
SYRIA.
MOLDAVIA.
Cotton Goods .......
2,810,426
496,188
39,900
Yarn
738,984
96,683
43,114
Iron
131,857
35,875
Woollen Goods .......
113,732
4,881
792
Coals
91,623
8,220
5,210
Machinery .
61,640
457
Copper .
58,406
19,162
Sugar, Refined
49,561
460
1,615
Hardwares and Cutlery ....
Tin
34,550
36,488
3,099
4,239
2,443
3,984
29 862
25 804
3 171
Tin Plates
20 328
1,518
16,347
Linen Goods
24217
Earthenware
19 322
2046
3,190
Silk Goods
14 482
Glass Manufactures
11 458
Plate and Jewellery
Telegraphic Wire
10,718
7 325
Beer and Ale
4 559
Furniture . .
3 261
Painters' Colours
3,558
Gunpowder
1,930
Butter
1,265
Coffee
53,787
857
7,611
Tea
25,637
6,591
Indigo .
21,947
589
Cochineal
20,498
416
832
Rice
17,157
8,005
6,015
Pepper .
7,652
773
2,128
Spirits
2,489
1,162
It is probable that some portion of the goods
sent to Moldavia and "VVallachia were intended for
the Upper Danube.
The shipping engaged in our trade with Turkey Shipping.
and her provinces is about one-half foreign and
one-half British. The trade of Liverpool with the
Levant is carried on by regular steam-vessels belong-
294
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. v.
ing to that port. A very large proportion of the
trade with Galatz is, however, carried on in vessels
under the Austrian and other flags, which bring
corn here and clear out in ballast. A very large
share of this business is done with Cork, which
now imports, for Irish consumption, considerable
quantities of Turkish maize.
w!th trade ^ ur trade with EGYPT represents a very large
EGYPT, and a most rapidly increasing total; but it is
to be observed, that a very large proportion of
this trade, and especially of our imports from Egypt,
consists merely of articles in transit from India.
The following have been our imports and exports
for the last five years:
YEAR. IMPORTS. EXPORTS.
1856 5,753,518 1,630,833
1857 7,853,876 1,955,446
1858 6,026,191 2,141,075
1859 8,572,312 2,341,693
1860 10,352,574 2,598,912
Transit Our importation, via Egypt, of raw and manufac-
tured silks, elephants' teeth, &c. from India amounted,
in 1860, to nearly 7,000,0002., which has to be de-
ducted from the 10,300,0002. of imports. Exclusive
of these items, we received from Egypt in 1860 :
Imports
from
Egypt.
Raw Cotton valued at 1,480,895
Com (chiefly Wheat and Beans) . . . 907,947
Manufactures of Goat's Hair and Wool . 464,576
Seeds for expressing Oil therefrom . . . 96,129
Wool (Sheep and Lambs') 83,925
Gum Arabic 69,901
Pearls (probably from Ceylon) .... 49,840
Rags 31,737
Coffee 18,927
Flax (dressed and undressed) 18,445
Lentils 18,426
Jewels (unset) 11,600
Linseed and Flax-seed 10,863
Musk 7,864
Opium 6,384
Tortoise Shell 1,909
Senna 1,598
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 295
Cotton, which stands at the head of our list Cotton.
of importations from Egypt, has been grown in
that country from a very remote antiquity. The
native cotton, however, was of very inferior quality,
and it was not until the seeds of the best Sea
Island cotton were imported from America that
Egyptian-grown cotton acquired any reputation in
our markets. For some years what was called
Egyptian Sea Island cotton, i.e. the produce of the
best American seed grown on Egyptian soil, secured
a price only second to the price of American Sea
Island cotton. But its culture was never very ex-
tensive; and whether from the character of the
climate, or from want of care, or both causes, it
has very much degenerated. The total amount of
cotton brought to us from Egypt is comparatively
unimportant in proportion to the supply we require
for the purposes of our manufactures. In 1860,
out of 12.500,000 cwts. of cotton, Egypt only sent
us 392,000 cwts. or little more than one-thirtieth.
And not only is her production limited, but she
appears to have no power of expanding that pro-
duction. In 1861, when distress was anticipated
in consequence of the civil Avar in America inter-
rupting the supply, Egypt sent us less cotton than
in the preceding year.
It is not, therefore, to Egypt that we must look com.
for cotton. "We might look to her for a large
supply of corn, particularly wheat and beans, in
periods of scarcity; but the truth is, that Egypt
is not our best market for corn, which we can
ordinarily obtain with greater facilities from Eussia,
Poland, and America, where we also find better
markets for our goods. In Egypt, too, we have a
competitor in the corn market, for the Egyptians
are the corn-growers for the grape-growing popu-
296
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
lations of the Mediterranean and the Levant, whose
demand for corn maintains the price of this article in
ordinary years in Egypt.
Exports to The articles exported to Egypt are shown in the
Egypt. .n . -,
following abstract :
Cotton Manufactures valued at 1,049,545
*Apparel and Haberdashery . ... 223,116
*Plate and Jewellery 170,907
Silk Manufactures 123,852
Iron 84,617
Cotton Yarn 83,070
'Books 70,987
Copper 75,780
Machinery 69,457
Indigo 62,832
Coals 54,313
Hardwares and Cutlery 41,215
Steam Engines 38,070
"Stationery 34,353
Woollen Goods 24,706
*Arms and Ammunition , 17,071
"Linen , 15,715
Carriages , 15,063
'Mathematical Instruments .... , 14,494
'Provisions , 13,497
'Drugs , 11,720
"Earthenware , 8,090
*Wine , 6,689
Silk Manufactures , 6,261
Brandy , 5,802
Tobacco , 4,812
*0pium , 4,447
Cochineal , 3,274
Prohably the largest proportion of the articles
marked thus (*) were intended for India.
Shipping Our trade with Egypt employed, in 1860, 320
employed. Vej8gds of I 63j8 o0 tons burden, of which 133,500
tons was British and only 30,000 foreign. The
bulk of this trade is carried on in large steam-
vessels from Southampton and Liverpool. Two-
thirds of the raw silk we receive from India comes
to the London market, via Southampton, by the
Peninsular and Oriental Company's splendid ships
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 297 '
trading between Alexandria and Southampton.*
The facility which the railway affords between
Alexandria and Suez greatly assists this transit
trade.
The Suez Canal project, still in some quarters The Suez
a matter of speculation, has at no time received * pro
any encouragement or pecuniary support in London.
The French, with whom a canal through the desert
has been a favourite scheme, have endeavoured to
account for this by, what they style, our "vested
interest" in the long sea voyage. But in truth
England is more interested than any nation in ob-
taining the shortest and most facile " route " to
India, whether by the Isthmus of Suez or by any
other channel ; and even were our " vested in-
terests " in the long sea passage much greater than
they are, there is sufficient enterprise and capital
in London, amongst parties interested in the trade
through Egypt in opposition to the route round
the Cape, to give an impulse to the Suez Canal
project, did it appear likely at any time to prove
remunerative.
The fact is, that the parties in this country best its im-
qualified to form an opinion of the feasibility of
this project have come to the conclusion that it is
not practicable. The very fact that a canal did
once exist on the route of that proposed to be con-
structed appears to them the best evidence, not in
favour of, but in opposition to the scheme. Eor if
a canal for small vessels once existed, which choked
<<ip, and was obliged (as is said) to be again and
re-opened, and of which even the traces are
now almost entirely obliterated, how much less
likely is it that any canal for large ships could be
kept open? We know that Alexander the Great
* Of 9,178,000 Ib. of silk imported in 1860, fi.350,000 Ib. came by this route.
298 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v.
difficulty of maintaining a deep harbour
ing that it at Pelusium to be so vast, that he founded the
couS be port and city of Alexandria to the westward of the
kept open. j^ ^ order t() ayoid the effect Qf the current
which carried down the debris of that great and
mud-producing river to the harbour of Pelusium,
and to the mouth of the canal from thence to Suez.
And we know further that the same Nile still con-
tinues to bring down mud, and that the same
current still continues to sweep it into the Bay of
Pelusium. But the harbour required to be made
there, and the channel required to be maintained from
thence to Suez must be infinitely larger and deeper
than was needed in the days of Alexander. The
difficulties, therefore, which that sovereign con-
sidered insurmountable remain as great as ever;
whilst, if they ever could be overcome, the operations
needed to overcome them for the purposes of our day
would be far greater than they were two thousand
years ago. We believe, therefore, in Alexander the
Great rather than in M. Lesseps. "We believe
that the undertaking he proposes is not feasible;
that a canal which depends upon the practicability
of maintaining and keeping open a deep entrance
at Pelusium is not feasible ; and we decline to risk
three millions in the sands of the desert, and of
that shallow shore to the eastward of the Nile,
in which all human experience has shown that it
is impossible to keep a harbour open.
Feeling of That ^it would be to the interest of England to
^bu^r? nave a navigable channel from the Mediterranean
specting to the Hed Sea no one can question. If it was
thought that it would be practicable to construct
it, the commercial men of London, of all classes,
would be the first to give it their time, their
money, and their experience. It is because they
CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 299
know that the construction and maintenance of the
channel is an impracticability that they refuse to
encourage and almost to listen to it. They confide
in the opinions of a great English engineer who
declared "that nothing could he effected, even by
" the most unlimited expenditure of time, and life,
" and money, beyond the formation of a stagnant
" ditch between two almost tideless seas, unapproach-
" able by large ships under any circumstances, and
" only capable of being used by small vessels when
" the prevalent winds permitted their exit and their
" entrance." " I believe," added Mr. Robert Ste-
" phenson to this opinion, " that the project will
" prove abortive in itself and ruinous to those
" engaged in it." And the British public concur in
this opinion.
CHAPTER VI.
COMMERCE WITH AMERICA, AFRICA, AND ASIA.
Our com- THE preceding chapter has heen devoted to an
account of the commerce of England with various
European and other countries, which is chiefly con-
ducted in the Port of London. "We now come to
speak of trades in which London has only a share,
the chief intercourse heing with other British ports.
In regard to the trade of England with the United
engrossed States, Liverpool stands so pre-eminent that she
p joi, m may he almost said to engross the business. This
arises not only from her situation on the seaboard
and why. of the Atlantic, but from her immediate proximity
to the great seat of our cotton manufacture. It
is, of course, the greatest object with the manu-
facturers of Lancashire to obtain their cotton at
the nearest seaport, and consequently with the least
expense for inland carriage. Before railways were
thought of, a ship canal was projected to bring
the cotton ships direct from the Mersey to Man-
chester, without unloading at Liverpool at all; and
at a later date, amongst other projects of a period
of railway mania, a plan was actually proposed to
bring the ships to the Manchester manufactories
by railway, so as to save the cost of the double
handling at either terminus.
Situated as she is, it is not to be wondered at
that Liverpool enjoys the trade with the great cotton-
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 301
producing country of the world. Since the Atlantic import-
has been traversed by steani-ships the trade with wes tem
America has more and more centred itself in Liver-
pool, and is more and more likely to do so. Before
that change in navigation, London carried on a steam
very considerable trade with the United States, ino^ sa
first-class passenger ships which sailed from the
Thames, calling at Southampton or Plymouth for
passengers. These vessels sometimes made the passage
from port to port in almost as short a time as the
"liners" from Liverpool. But the introduction of
steam-vessels naturally superseded this; for it was,
of course, of the first consequence to vessels com-
pelled to carry large supplies of coal, to save the
navigation of the British Channel and the Thames,
which would have added so greatly to the burden
of their fuel. Hence the first attempts at Atlantic
navigation by steam were made from the western
ports of Bristol and Liverpool ; of which Liverpool,
from its proximity to Manchester, was obviously
the port best adapted for the trade.
In 1860 the trade of the United States with Amount of
England was larger than that of any other country
in the world. It represented no less than SIXTY-
SEVEN millions of money, viz. :
Imports from the United States ..... 44,724,312
Exports to ditto ...... 22,907,681
TOTAL 67,631,993
All but about one million, of the export trade was
produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom.
Of the great import trade from the United States, The cotton
the bulk was raw cotton, which we imported to tr
the amount of no less than thirty millions of money.
This enormous quantity of produce was chiefly
302
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
received from the Southern States, the shipping
ports being New Orleans, Mobile, and Charleston;
whilst, on the other hand, the great bulk of our
exports of manufactured goods was to the Northern
States, which diffused them through the Union by
means of coasting craft and railways.
imports of The United States sent us, in 1860, nearly all the
cotton we consumed. The following table, showing
the quantities and values of this article received from
every country, will not be without its interest :
COTTON IMPORTED, 1860.
cotton,
I860-
COUNTRY.
CWTS.
VALUE.
From the United States
9,963,309
1,822,689
392,447
154,347
28,250
19,524
7,336
2,571
2,046
2,069
1,186
23,322
30,069,306
3,373,614
1,480,895
561,949
82,672
62,562
27,280
9,518
8,825
6,094
3,336
70,838
British East India
Brazil
Mauritius
British West Indies ....
Peru
British Guiana
the Western Coast of Africa ....
South Africa
other parts
TOTAL
12,419,096
35,756,889
Previously to 1790 the United States did not
pply us with a single pound of cotton. It was
exported in 1791, when the trifling quantity
of 189,316 Ib. was shipped. In 1800 only about
50,000,000 Ib. of cotton was imported altogether
into England, and the United States produced a
very small proportion of that quantity. The in-
crease of our imports from the United States during
the last twenty years will be seen from the following
table :
CHAP. VI.]
COMMERCE WITH AMERICA.
303
COTTON IMPORTED FROM THE UNITED STATES.
YEAR. LB.
1840 ....... 487,856,504
1844 ....... 517,218,622
1849 ....... 634,504,050
1854 ....... 722,154,101
1860 ....... 1,955,982,800
In twenty years, therefore, we have more than
quadrupled our import.
The value of our trade with the United States our
will be illustrated by the following long and curious with
table of imports and exports. It is interesting to
notice what free trade has done for us.
cheese, bacon, butter, salted beef and pork, which
we imported from America amounted in 1860 to
no less than 8,500,000^., paid for in articles of British
manufacture. The amount which we received from
the United States, in articles of human food, was
absolutely greater in 1860 than the whole value of
our exports to that country, prior to our adoption
of free trade.
The COrn, creased by
free trade.
IMPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES, 1860.
VALUED AT
Raw Cotton 30,069,306
Corn 6,866,147
Tobacco 1,181,182
Cheese 532,443
Bacon 424,566
Timber 414,052
Lard 388,004
Spermaceti Oil 362,142
Butter 347,459
Beef, Salted 347,439
Tallow 347,345
Oil Seed Cake 314,319
Skins and Furs .... 263,686
Hops 254,865
Spirits of Turpentine . . 213,917
Clover Seed 196,788
Hides 183,763
Resin 178,990
Salt Pork
Caoutchouc
Wool, Sheep and Lambs'
Turpentine
Rice
Clocks
Cigars
Hams
Tea
Logwood
Pearl and Pot Ashes
Whale Fins
Copper Ore
Bark for Tanners . . .
Copper, Wrought . . .
Tar
Caoutchouc Manufactures
Peruvian Bark ....
List of im-
VALUED AT ports.
108,584
92,732
92,211
85,868
81,602
64,888
62,687
55,300
45,325
41,481
34,344
34,244
27,137
24,841
19,482
19,178
14,222
13,921
304
THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. vi.
war in
America.
EXPORTS
Cotton Manufactures . .
Woollen . .
Iron
TO THE U
VALUED AT
4,534,136
4,084,693
3,136,340
2,084,165
1,417,262
1,054,908
1,018,536
654,283
526,806
463,420
192,779
140,941
125,627
123,777
119,993
104,873
100,375
88,531
83,839
75,351
74,77
NITED STATES, 1860.
Glass Manufactures . . .
Spirits
VALUED AT
67,078
66,322
64,342
44,053
42,238
23,185
206,274
154,678
94,486
72,856
56,252
47,169
35,930
34,466
30,893
24,204
26,233
18,070
16,793
Copper, Wrought ....
Stationery
Linen Manufactures . . .
Apparel, Slops, &c. . . .
Hardwares and Cutlery . .
Tin Plates
Machinery
Tin, Wrought
Earthenware .
Wool, Sheep and Lambs' .
Indigo
Soda
Silk Manufactures . . .
Coals &c
Gums, Lac Dye, &c. . . .
Raw Silk
Printed Books
Drusrs
Leather
Hides
Salt
Cochineal
Iron in Bars
Opium
Brandy
Plate and Jewellery . . .
Painters' Colours ....
Linseed Oil .
Wine
Argol
Bristles .
Our export trade to the United States has in-
creased as follows :
DECLARED VALUE or EXPORTS TO THE UNITED STATES.
TEAR. AMOUNT.
1840 5,283,020
1845 7,742,839
1850 14,362,976
1855 17,318,086
1860 22,907,681
It is lamentable to reflect that the bulk of this
large and growing commerce was lost to us in 1861
by the miserable civil war which broke out between
the Northern and Southern States. Our exports
fell, in 1861, from nearly 23,000,000/. to little more
than 9,000,000/., with every prospect of further
decline should the war continue. The declared
value of our exports last year was as follows :
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 305
To the Northern Ports 8,399,986
To the Southern Ports 239,985
To the Pacific Ports 418,355
TOTAL 9,058,326
The important question for the British merchant Future
at the present moment is, what will be the future ofthe ect
of our commercial relations with the States ? The trade -
answer must in a great measure depend upon the
duration and results of the war. Looking, in the
first place, to our export trade to America, it is
most probable that the heavy losses, the severe
depression, and the high taxation consequent on the
struggle will prevent the Americans from becoming,
for some time, large purchasers in our markets for
any other articles than those of the first necessity.
But the great territory, the large population, the
industry, energy, enterprize, and elasticity of the
American population will speedily enable them to
recover from the effects of the war, whatever may
be the conditions on which peace is restored; so
that we shall ultimately, no doubt, find that the
demand upon our market equals and even exceeds
the total of the past.
But then comes the question : How will America p ro babie
pay ? The best answer to this, as regards the ^Jon of
Northern States, is the fact that in their year of * he
* Americans
trouble, 1861, they sent us nearly 10,000,000/. as pur-
worth of wheat and flour, or more than double
the quantity they ever sent in any previous year. kets -
As regards the Southern States, the elasticity which
they have already displayed in producing almost
any quantity of cotton that might be required
for the markets of the world, gives assurance
that whatever may have been the temporary
x
306 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
suffering occasioned by the war, the restoration
of peace will enable them speedily to recover.
It is, indeed, more than probable that these States,
by the acquisition of greater independence, will be
able to enter into the markets of Europe, as pur-
chasers, to a larger extent than was possible whilst
they were so largely dependent on the markets and
finances of the North ; and this could not fail to
be advantageous to British commerce.
Their The question, however, with regard to these States
system of is, By what system of taxation will they defray the
taxation. ex p enses o f he war in which they are engaged ? Ex-
port duties are contrary to the genius of the United
States, and are, indeed, prohibited by its constitution.
The Southerners have always been opposed to Import
duties; and one of the causes of the war is attri-
buted to an attempt of the Northern States to
protect their own manufacturing interests by placing
a high tariff on imported articles. But, on the
other hand, the landed proprietors of the Southern
States, who, though comparatively small in number,
are large in possession, must be interested in opposing
direct taxation upon their property. If they do
submit to it, and establish a system of free trade,
whilst they may endure a temporary inconvenience
they will, no doubt, ultimately bring their territory
to a condition of unprecedented prosperity.
Probable The opening up of New Orleans, Mobile, and
cLi effects Savannah to the importation of British goods in
American largely increased quantities, would, no doubt, be
War > advantageous to British commerce. The trade of
those great cotton marts has hitherto been practi-
toopena cally limited to the exportation of that article; but
tiSwitu there seems no reason why the supplies of the South
the and of the rapidly increasing states of the West
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 307
should not go direct to these ports, instead of being southern
increased in price to the consumer by a long and em&tatet
costly transport from New York.*
Another advantage which England will probably to open
, , . ,, ,. 6 .,. . L \ . J thePana-
obtain, when the disputes now prevailing in America ma route
are adjusted, will be increased trade with the States
in the Pacific. At the present time our trade with
California is unduly prejudiced by the policy of the
United States Government, which has practically
shut us out from the trade of her western States by
denying British vessels running between New York
and Aspinwall, and Panama and San Erancisco, the
privileges enjoyed by the American flag. That this is
not only an injury to British commerce, but an injury
to the States on the seaboard of the Pacific, no one can
doubt. The Panama route ought to be free to all the
world under all circumstances; and it is monstrous
to exclude any nation from it under the pretext that
the trade of the seaboard of the ocean is a " coasting
trade." New York, at present, practically reserves to
herself the trade with California by the adoption of
this measure ; but it may be confidently anticipated
that no long time will elapse before a concession
is made of this commerce to the principle of free
trade.
Eree intercourse with California is the more im-
portant to us as our commerce with it has been
increasing. We have sent to that State the following
quantities of produce and manufactures, of which
the largest proportion was cotton goods :
* In 1858 the value of the exports of native produce from New Orleans nearly
equalled that of New York ; but the value of the imports was in very small
proportion. The figures were :
EXPORTS. IMPOETS.
NEW YORK .... $89,031,741 . . . $178,475,736
NEW ORLEANS . . . 88,270,224 . . . 19,586,033
x 2
308 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
EXPORTS TO CALIFORNIA.
YEAR. AMOUNT.
1855 336,699
1856 460,111
1857 451,500
1858 521,366
1859 459,622
1860 624,997
an d All this was paid for in gold; the only other
importation, in 1860, being 3,600^. worth of silver
ore. Our own recent discoveries of gold in Van-
couver's Island and British Columbia increases the
importance of a perfectly free system of trade across
the Isthmus.*
It is probable that another good effect of the war
m America will be to render British industry less
dustry less
dependent dependent than it has been for many years past
supply of upon the supply of cotton from the United States.
from 11 Practically, as already shown, our whole supply has
America. n itherto been drawn from this quarter; but the
outbreak of the war, and the stoppage of the supplies
of cotton in consequence of the blockade of the
Southern ports, in the latter part of 1861, has caused
our merchants to pay increased attention to the ne-
cessity of developing new fields of supply. There is
every reason to hope that the result will be to develop
very rapidly the cultivation of the cotton plant in
India ; thereby relieving us from the necessity of
relying exclusively upon one country, and that a
foreign power, for our supply of the article; intro-
ducing a competition, which will have the good effect
* A direct intercourse with these districts is, at the present time, regarded as
of so much consequence, that all sorts of projects are on foot to secure it. A
railway is talked of, but the distance to be traversed (nearly 3,000 miles) seems
to render this impracticable. The British Columbia Overland Transit Com-
pany advertise that they will organize a perfect land transport train of horses
and spring-carts, from Lake Superior to British Columbia, ana hope to make the
journey in twelve days. They propose to commence their operations this
summer (1862).
CHAP. VI.]
COMMERCE WITH AMERICA.
309
of checking any undue rise in its price, and opening
out new fields for our manufactures amongst the
vast populations of Hindostan and adjacent countries.
The commerce between Great Britain and the
United States employed, in 1860, nearly 4,000
vessels of more than 3,500,000 tons. The precise
figures were as follow :
shipping
Entered
Cleared
SHIPS.
1,932
2,000
TONS.
1,724,048
1,804,046
Britain
and the
United
States.
TOTAL . . 3,932 . . . 3,528,094
Of these the largest proportion were American ships: Propor-
tions of
COUNTRY.
ENTERED.
CLEARED.
TOTAL.
American
and
British
shipping.
SHIPS.
TONNAGE.
SHIPS.
TONNAGE.
SHIPS.
TONNAGE.
British ....
613
488,181
629
522,678
1,242
1,010,859
United States . .
1,174
1,174,991
1,178
1,164,110
2,352
2,339,101
Other Countries .
145
60,876
193
117,258
339
178,134
TOTAL . . .
1,932
1,724,048
2,000
1,804,046
3,932
3,528,094
Although it appears from this that British com- Thi
merce with the United States is in the hands of
foreigners to the extent of more than two to one,
yet, viewed practically, there is nothing in this cir-
cumstance which ought to occasion us any regret.
The people .of the United States are exporters of
cotton, tobacco, corn, and other bulky articles
which we consume. Under any condition of com-
merce it is natural that the vendor should send
his goods to market in his own way. The Americans
send their cotton, corn, &c. to our markets in their
own ships, just as we send our manufactures to
India, Australia, and China in our own ships. A
farmer takes his cartload of hay to market in his
310 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
own cart; and the American sends his cotton and
corn to us in his own ship. It would be unnatural
to suppose that it should be otherwise; and instead
of regretting that American ships resort to our ports
in such large numbers as they do, we ought to
rejoice that they come here to trade with us, bringing
articles that we require, and purchasing goods from
us with which they may themselves trade with other
markets to which they have access.
For it is to be observed that the American vessels
which bring American produce to this country rarely
leave our ports without cargo. There are some
countries with which our trade is, unfortunately,
quite one-sided. Our own North American pro-
vinces, for example, sent us, in 1860, 2,178 ship-
loads of their produce ; but they only cleared out
1,522 ships from our ports, and of those no less
than 600 ships, comprehending -half the tonnage,
were in ballast. On the other hand, the very small
proportion of American vessels that clear out in
ballast is remarkable. Of those which cleared in
1860, the proportion in ballast was not one-tenth.
SHIPS. TONNAGE.
Total United States' Ships Cleared . . 1,178 . . . 1,164,110
Of which Cleared in Ballast 105 ... 93,867
character This is to be largely accounted for by the system
American which prevails in the American shipping trade,
shipping A n American shipowner knows the value of keep-
ing his vessel constantly employed. He will, there-
fore, take cargo at any place for any place. If,
when he has brought freight from New Orleans
to England, he does not find a return freight
from England to New Orleans, he is prepared to go
in any other direction in which freight may be
required. It is altogether wrong to speak of this
as injurious to the interests of British shipping. It
JHAP. VI.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 31 1
is of the very life and soul of commerce; the very
essence of a sound system of international trade;
and instead of looking with any jealousy upon this
commerce, or regarding it as a rivalry, we ought to
rejoice, as a manufacturing and exporting nation, that
the Americans are in a position to come into our
markets as purchasers and carriers of our manufac-
tures and products to other regions where they are
needed for consumption.
Our commerce with the countries which may be our trade
considered to form Central America, may be thus CENTRAL
classified I AMERICA.
COMMERCE WITH CENTRAL AMERICA, 1860.
STATES. IMPORTS. EXPORTS.
Mexico 490,221 .... 538,949
Central America . . 224,909 .... 196,091
New Granada . . . 555,177 .... 854,500
Venezuela .... 24,940 .... 327,357
Central America (or the Mosquito Country, as it is Central
sometimes called) is the central portion of the long Amenca -
isthmus which unites North and South America ; its
boundaries being our own settlement of Belize, and the
Mexican states upon the north, and the republic of
New Granada on the south. This territory comprises
Guatemala, Honduras, San Salvador, Nicaragua and
Costa Rica, each being a " separate independent re-
public " under its own government. We trade on the
Atlantic seaboard with Truxillo, and a number of small
shipping-ports in the Gulf of Honduras. The settle-
ment of Bluefields, claimed by the " King of the
Mosquito territory," to whom we some years since
made a present of a flag, is situated in Nicaragua,
and it is at this part of the Panama Isthmus that the
English have sought to establish a line of communi-
cation across it, either by a canal or railroad.
A proportion of our trade with the States of
Central America is carried on from our West India
312 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. \i.
dependencies and from our settlement at Belize
(Honduras).
New With New Granada our principal trade is over the
Granada. Isthmus of Panama, by railway of about thirty-
five miles long, which a New York Company has
provided from Chagres to Panama. We have also
a trade with this country at the ports of Cartagena,
Venezuela. Santa Marta, &c. With the state of Venezuela, of
which we acknowledged the independence in 1834,
we have been doing a gradually increasing trade.
The country is rich in vegetable products, and it
Panama has some minerals. The straw hats, best known as
Panama hats, come principally from this country.
They have been long known to Europeans in the
West Indies for their extreme lightness, cleanliness,
and durability, and also for their efficiency in pro-
tecting the head from the heat of the sun. They
formerly fetched immoderate prices in Jamaica and
other British colonies : in some of which, first-rate
Panama hats were sold retail at as much as a Spanish
doubloon, or 5Z. 6s. 8d. each. These hats have of late
years become an article of commerce in England.
Here they fetch about a guinea each in the shops ;
but these are fictitious prices, of course far above
their intrinsic value. A number of Panama hats are
sent from London to Germany, where the fashions are
less opposed to their use than in London or in Paris.
Mexico. In Mexico, the chief ports traded with are Vera
Cruz, Tampico, and Campeachy. Up to a recent period
illicit trade a very large portion of the trade of Mexico was illicit ;
lco ' and nearly the whole of the goods so introduced were
paid for in the gold and silver of the country. Mexico,
however, has of recent years adopted a somewhat
better system in relation to trade ; and, if the country
was settled under a responsible government, it is pos-
sible that her commerce would greatly increase.
CHAP. VL] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 313
Cochineal and various sorts of woods form the imports
principal proportion of the imports from Mexico. Mexico.
The Brazil wood, which is the largest article of Brazil
Import, is much used to impart a red dye. This w
wood, it should be mentioned, does not derive its
name from Brazil ; on the contrary, that empire
is supposed to have been so denominated from the
quantities of the " Madera del Brasil" (as the
Spaniards call it), which was observed by early navi-
gators to abound upon its coasts. The mahogany we Mahogany,
get from Vera Cruz and Tampico is not of first-rate
quality ; but the trade in this article at home is of such
a character that quantity is more desired than quality
in dealing with it. The cochineal insect is cultivated Cochineal.
with more success on the plains of Mexico than any-
where else ; and this article, from its hitherto high
value and small compass, has been an important
article of commerce. Whether it will continue so
may be doubtful, seeing the advance made by chemists
in the production of dyes. Jalap, which we derive Jalap,
almost exclusively from Mexico, takes its name from
Xalappa (or Jalap a), a town in the interior of that
country, and is brought to us in irregular round or
pear-shaped masses. Its taste is extremely nauseous.
It is a well-known and powerful medicine, but is not
used in the arts. Vera Cruz is the best market for sarsa-
sarsaparilla, which is also grown in Honduras, Brazil, pariUa '
and Jamaica : the produce of each country having its
own price. It is imported in bales. Vanelloes (or
Vanilla) is the fruit of a species of vine which grows
extensively in Mexico. It is principally used in
preparing and mixing with chocolate, and is, on that
account, largely exported from Mexico to Spain. In
England, latterly, it has been used to flavour ices,
tarts, &c. There are four sorts of vanelloes, differing
in price and quality. The best comes from the village
314
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Fustic. of Zentilla. Fustic is the wood of a species of mul-
berry. It produces a yellow dye. The fustic of
Cuba is more esteemed than that of the Spanish Main
or Jamaica.
VALUE OF IMPOSTS FROM THE STATES OF CENTRAL AMERICA, 1860.
Exports to
Mexico,
&c.
ARTICLES.
MEXICO.
CENTRAL
AMERICA.
.NEW
GRANADA.
VENE-
ZUELA.
Brazil Wood
172,060
Mahogany
96,652
22,826
67,384
19,220
142,825
Nicaragua Wood
65,121
263
2,192
17,261
406
15,475
15,077
S3
4,371
Vanelloes
8,383
8,205
10 180
9,239
7,786
17,912
3,979
35,251
140,228
Balsam of Peru
6 433
Coffee
104 767
Hides
13 691
100 184
25 475
J COl
4694
c 9<SA
2 700
Tobacco
^fi Q72
4272
Our export trade to Mexico has fluctuated very
much of recent years. It amounted to nearly 930,0007.
in 1856, which was the highest point it ever reached ;
but from this it has sunk to somewhere about half a
million, which seems to be the average. The exports
to Central America are, in the same way, fluctuating
and decreasing ; but those to New Granada show
large and continuous increase, and have grown from
about 219,0007. in 1846 (when they were first distin-
guished from the records of other states), to 515,0007.
in 1856, and 854,5007. in 1860. This shows the value
of the Panama route.
CHAP. VI.]
COMMERCE WITH AMERICA.
315
The articles principally sent to these countries are character
our own manufactured goods of superior qualities, articles
In addition to cottons and woollens, we send out 8U PP lied -
to Mexico and New Granada (the latter being, no
doubt, chiefly for California), very considerable quan-
tities of silks both of English and Indian manufacture,
fine linens, cutlery, wearing apparel, and plate. We
also export large quantities of quicksilver, for use in
the mines, &c. The trade, though subject to compe-
tition with the Americans, is no doubt profitable and
might be extended. In fact, wherever there is gold
to be had in return for goods, the commanding
price of the great standard of value in Europe must
always secure a profitable trade with those who can
supply it.
The following is a tabular view of our exports to
these states :
VALUE OF OUR EXPORTS TO CENTRAL AMERICA, 1860.
ARTICLES.
MEXICO.
CENTRAL
AMERICA.
NEW
GRANADA.
VENE-
ZUELA.
Cotton Manufactures ....
Linen
252,886
63,199
100,244
5,093
531,219
53,807
224,157
44 147
Woollen . ....
51,228
6,095
44,873
31 001
Silk
17,068
2,033
30,075
1,451
Hardwares and Cutlery ....
Cotton Yarn
16,447
13,875
8,159
4,036
22,613
3,986
Machinery
2,049
4,711
3,725
1 420
Iron and Steel .
8,957
6,789
6,020
1 714
Apparel and Slops
8,132
10,508
50,673
2,956
Soap
4,4^)1
4,363
Earthenware
5,014
6,880
3,710
2759
3,195
799
974
1,734
528
Coals .
875
1,921
Plate, &c.
773
16,385
61,905
194
20,119
Raw Silk
8,678
Indian Silks, &c . .
2,684
8,536
6,228
Wines and Spirits
753
1,170
478
316
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Our trade
with
SOUTH
AMERICA.
Its rapid
increase.
We now come to the countries of South America,
on the coast of the Atlantic, with which we carry on
a much larger trade, but from which our imports are
of entirely different articles. The trade of these
countries, BRAZIL, URUGUAY (Monte Video), and
BUENOS AYRES,* has been largely cultivated of late
years by our merchants, and has afforded them an
increasing business. Our imports and exports to
South America have increased as follows :
COUNTRY.
IMPORTS FKOM.
EXPORTS TO.
1854.
1860.
1850.
1860.
Brazil
2,083,589
386,996
1,285,186
2,269,130
867,328
1,101,428
2,544,837
60,480
848,800
4,571,308
944,002
1,820,935
Uruguay ....
Buenos Ayres . .
TOTAL . .
3,755,771
4,237,886
3,454,117
7,336,245
If it had been possible to take back the imports to
1850, which we are prevented from doing in conse-
quence of the form in which the official tables were
then compiled, the result would, no doubt, have been
even more remarkable. As it is, the account shows an
increase of more than 100 per cent, upon our export
trade to South America within a comparatively short
period, and a total trade transacted of 11,500,000/.
per annum.
The articles derived from these countries will be
shown by the following table :
* Buenos Ayres, in 1852, separated from the Argentine Confederation, and
formed a separate government for herself. In 1859, after the battle of Acepeda,
a compact was formed by M'hich she agreed to rejoin the Confederation. Her
re-incorporation was delayed until the present year (1862), when she was declared
to be at the head of the Argentine states.
CHAP. VI.]
COMMERCE WITH AMERICA.
317
IMPORTS FROM SOUTH AMERICA, 1860.
Imports.
ARTICLES.
BRAZIL.
URUGUAY.
BUEXOS
AYRES.
561,949
517,412
Hides
479,842
453,895
550,172
236,432
Coffee
162,877
Brazil Wood
61,648
36,038
31,322
27,272
21,297
64,531
43,499
Tallow
19,971
204,060
197,423
10,342
12,021
Cigars and Tobacco
9,766
25,174
Brazil Nuts
9,039
Tapioca .
8,303
6,612
11,737
5,768
Ipecacuanha
2,530
Horsehair
2,374
28502
58,221
Wool (Sheep's)
486
82,921
104,394
Copper
30,632
Skins and Furs
63,968
Brazil, for many years past, has, under an esta- Brazil,
blished Government, been attaining great prosperity.
Though the taxes are light, her finances show a con- Her in-
tinuous increase in the revenue, and recently a large
excess of income over expenditure. Her debt is little
more than one year's present income, and is chiefly
held by natives. Her commercial policy has been
liberal, and the consequence has been progressive
development of her resources, and rapidly increasing
wealth.
Brazil suffers, to some extent, from want of labour. Her pro-
The consequence has been a diminution of the pro-
duction of articles, like sugar, requiring a large
amount of work to promote their growth and manu-
318 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
facture ; and a large increase in the production of
other articles, like coffee, which are capahle of
more easy cultivation and manipulation. This is
perhaps, less realized in the British than in the other
commerce of Brazil ; hut it is the fact that whilst the
export of sugar from the country scarcely exceeds in
quantity what it amounted to twenty years ago, the
export of coffee has increased a hundred per cent.
This is particularly the case in the neighbourhood of
Bio Janeiro, the capital, from whence most of the
Brazilian coffee is derived. The sugar we get from
this country comes from Bahia, and the cotton from
Pernamhuco.
Diamonds. Brazil appears to export very much less than she
imports from Great Britain ; but the fact is that the
balance is more than made up in the form of diamonds
and other precious gems, in the search for which
hundreds of persons are employed, under the direction
of the Government and otherwise. The exportation
of diamonds being subject to severe restrictions, they
are the subject of an illicit traffic, chiefly carried on at
Bahia, in a desert part of which province the most
productive diamond- ground in the world was dis-
covered some years since, and is now worked. It is
difficult to estimate the quantity of rough diamonds
supplied by Brazil annually ; but it probably is not
less than 1,000,000. It is to be remembered that
diamonds are not only used as articles of jewellery.
They are indispensable in many operations of art, for
which purpose discoloured diamonds, and those not of
good water, are generally used. The cameo and
intaglio are brought to perfection by the use of the
diamond, and it is also employed in cutting all
descriptions of hard stones, seals, crystals, &c. Many
diamonds are broken into powder in order to be used
in diamond polishing.
CHAP. VI.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 319
The rosewood exported from Brazil is the best Rosewood,
procurable, and is in the highest esteem of any wood
amongst our cabinet and musical-instrument makers.
It is the produce of a large tree, of which the supply
appears to be limited.
The province of Para, in Brazil, furnishes us with Drugs,
our largest supply of balsam of Copaiva. It comes
here in small casks. The Ipecacuanha we import comes
in bales. Both these articles are largely used in medi-
cine. The nuts which Brazil sends us are the interior Brazil
seed of the fruit of very large trees, which grow on ni
the banks of the river Oronoco. The fruit is figured
and described by Humboldt as "a spherical cone as big
" as a man's head, having four cells, in each of which
" are six or eight nuts." These nuts are irregular,
triangular bodies, having a hard shell. The kernel is
a firm, oily almond, of a pure white colour. It yields
a large quantity of oil, well suited for lamps. These
nuts are also to be found in our fruit markets.
The Pampas of La Plata, and the fertile plains Monte
watered by the rivers Parana and Uruguay, feed those
numerous herds of wild cattle, of which we receive Ayrea>
such large quantities of the hides, bones, tallow, horns,
hair, wool, grease, and skins from Buenos Ayres and
Monte Video. These republics, torn to pieces for
a long period by their internal discords, are now
beginning to develop their great wealth. Cattle of Cattle,
course constitute the chief property of the country.
Some of them are consumed by the people, but the
larger part are sent to slaughter-houses, where the
flesh is dried in the sun, converted into jerked beef,*
and exported to various parts of America, the hides,
horns, and tallow coming mostly to us. Mules,
* "Jerked," from the Peruvian " Charqui," or "dried." "Charqiii" is the
principal animal food of the lower classes in Peru. ( Vide Prescott's Peru, vol. i.
p. 141.)
320
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Exports to
South
America.
sheep, and horses are also largely bred in the coun-
try. The mules are chiefly exported to Cuba, where
that animal is in much request as a beast of burden.
Monte Video lying on the north and Buenos Ay res
on the south side of the broad estuary of the river
Plate, their internal trade is with different localities.
Monte Video has gained on Buenos Ayres, in con-
sequence chiefly of the superior character of its har-
bour ; the shallowness of the water at the latter port
obliging the vessels to lie far off the shore, and even
their boats being obliged to load and unload into ox-
carts in the water.
Our exports to these countries were as follows in
EXPORTATIONS TO
BRAZIL.
URUGUAY.
BUENOS
AYRES.
Home Productions
4,446,776
922,733
1 782 447
Colonial and Foreign Productions
124,532
21,269
38,488
TOTAL
4 571 308
944 002
1,820,935
The various articles exported may be thus clas-
sified :
EXPORTS TO SOUTH AMERICA, I860.
ARTICLES.
BRAZIL.
URUGUAY.
BUENOS
AYRES.
Cotton Manufactures ....
Woollen ....
2,360,437
258,044
300,950
453,482
194,827
28,092
873,977
373,012
69,175
Linen Manufactures
215,453
25,718
50,382
Hardwares and Cutlery ....
Butter
124,251
132,410
44,394
79,051
Copper
91,412
3,990
89,922
12,884
11,577
Machinery
94,315
12,487
Beer and Al6
70,389
15,659
25,331
Apparel
68,676
46,174
111,865
CHAP. VI.]
COMMERCE WITH AMERICA.
321
EXPORTS TO SOUTH AMERICA, 1860 (continued}.
ARTICLES.
BRAZIL.
URUGUAY.
BUENOS
AYRES.
Leather Manufactures ....
Earthenware
49,289
59,662
34,541
33,477
29,301
29,403
30,104
30,760
24,141
19,241
17,901
4,782
3,206
10,864
11,665
7,318
3,688
8,927
14,839
13,904
3,710
6,374
21,295
12,930
7,234
3,033
5,946
6,742
Lead and Shot . . . .
Plate
Silk Manufactures
Soda
Tin Plates
Painters' Colours
Linseed Oil .... ...
Musical Instruments ....
Stationery .
Drusrs
On more accounts than one this is an exceedingly character
interesting record. Not only does it show a very large
increase in the demand for British goods, but more,
perhaps, than in the case of any other country with
which we trade, it shows a demand for articles of
luxury, proving the advantages which our commerce
confers upon the nations with which it is established,
as well as on ourselves. Brazil is, indeed, in a con-
dition of very remarkable prosperity ; and as she
has prospered, so has our trade with her increased.
Next to the United States she is now our best cus-
tomer on the American continent, and it is gratifying
to find that her imports from Great Britain exhibit
a large per-centage of excess over her imports from
all the other countries of the world. It may be
hoped that the other States of South America as they
become tranquillised under settled governments will
increase in that prosperity which enables them, even
now, to deal so largely in our highest-class productions.
322 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Looking at their wants and at our means of supply-
ing them, there can be little question that in a few
years, if the people will apply themselves to the
development of their means, our trade with South
America may afford as rich a harvest as any branch
of British commerce thus realizing the anticipations
of Mr. Canning, when, nearly forty years ago, he
" opened a new world to British industry," in re-
cognising the independence of the States of South
America.*
In 1860 > 582 shi P s > witl1 a tonna g e of 171,323 tons,
were employed in our trade with Central and South
America. Of these nearly one-half were employed in
the trade of the Brazils. The share of London in this
trade was to the extent of 176 vessels of 62,181 tons ;
whilst that of Liverpool was 497 vessels of 178,915
tons. These countries having few vessels of their
own, their trade is almost entirely carried on by
British shipping. Some very large steamers, owned
^7 an English company, were a short time since
steam laid on as packet vessels from Liverpool to Lisbon,
Madeira, St. Vincent, Pernambuco, Bahia, and Bio
de Janeiro. They were understood to be subsidized
by the Portuguese and Brazilian Governments ; and
they certainly afforded a very admirable agency
for communication between all the ports most in-
terested in the trade between Europe and South
America. Prom whatsoever cause, the line, however,
does not appear to have succeeded, and it has been
discontinued. The ordinary trade is conducted in
large sailing vessels.
^ * s ^necessary to make more than passing
mention of PARAGUAY and PATAGONIA, with which
* A submarine telegraph between Buenos Ayres and Monte Video is about to
be laid, and railroads have been contracted for in both territories, and are in
process of construction in that of Buenos Ayres.
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 323
we have scarcely any commercial relations; as
could, indeed, hardly be expected, the former being
an inland and the latter a scarcely civilized terri-
tory. We have no direct exports to these countries,
and we have only derived from the former some
tobacco, and from the latter a supply of guano, vary-
ing in amount in different years. Upon the settle-
ment of Paraguay, some years since, notifications
were issued by the President, with a view to stimu-
late British commerce up the river ; and since 1855
English steamers have navigated the Parana and south
Uruguay ; Rosario, Salto, and Arijaba being the
principal places traded with.
Passing round Cape Horn, we come, next, to
the countries of the Pacific, CHILI and PERU, with PACIFIC.
which our commerce is more satisfactory. Prom
Chili we receive large quantities of the precious
metals, and of copper, in bars and ore. The exporta-
tion of the latter mineral has recently most largely
increased, and in 1860 exceeded 2,000,000/. Chili Chili -
also sends us some corn, and a fair supply of wools
of different descriptions. Prom Peru, our principal
import is guano (the excrement of wild sea-birds), Peru
which is found in vast quantities on the coast, and on
some small unoccupied islands, amongst which may be
named Lobos de Afuera, about fifty miles from the
mainland.* In 1858 we imported guano from Peru to
* Our first discovery of guano was made in 1843, on Ichaboe, an island of
about a mile in circumference, two and a half or three miles from the mainland of
Africa, lat. 26 13' S., long. 14 15' E., a rainless district, in which fresh water is
very difficult to find. The first shipment was brought home by a Captain Parr, of
the Anne, of Bristol, who is said to have been the first human being who set foot
on the island, which was very difficult of approach, there being no harbour and a
heavy surf. Captain Parr stated that " he could scarcely tread without setting
his foot on birds, who took no notice of him whatever, except pecking at his feet,
he being at the time barefooted. On a gun being fired, they merely fluttered
about, making much noise." Ichaboe was immediately most largely resorted to,
and as early as 1844 the whole of the guano on the island had been 'carried away,
although the deposit was from thirty-five to thirty-eight feet deep. The Peruvian
Y 2
324
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. vi.
Imports
from Chili
and Peru.
the value of nearly 4,000,000/. In 1860 the impor-
tation was to the extent of something less than
1,500,000/., still an immense amount to be paid
for a manure. No guano that has ever been im-
ported is at all equal to that from Peru, which arises
from the circumstance that the coast on which it is
found is rarely if ever subject to rainfall, which would
destroy the usefulness of the manure by washing
away the ammoniacal salts which constitute its
value.* The trade in guano is a monopoly of the
Peruvian Government, for whom Messrs. Anthony
Gibbs and Sons, of London, have for many years
acted as the agents.
The following were the
IMPORTS FROM CHILI AND PERU IN 1860.
ARTICLES.
CHILI.
PEKU.
Copper Ore and Wrought Copper
2 015 683
85 704
Silver Ore
319 261
30 914
Nitre Cubic
40 476
446 030
Alpaca and Llama. Wool
58443
263 635
Wool, Sheep and Lambs'
21 925
145 555
Wheat and Flour
21 705
Orchal
IS 521
Peruvian Bark
14 685
24226
Mother of Pearl, Shells
9 815
Cocoa
6 398
Raw Cotton
4 030
9 518
Coffee
3 fi74
Guano ^ .
1 469 508
Borax
16 565
Hides
14 401
Tin, and Tin Ore
42 e95-
guano supply is said to be almost inexhaustible. The manure is described as
covering all the small islands and cliffs of the coast. Guano was used as a manure
in Peru before the country was visited by the Spaniards.
* It may be observed, in passing, that in this one fact consists the whole ques-
tion, so long debated, of the value or inutility of what are called "Sewage
CHAP. VI.]
COMMERCE WITH AMERICA.
325
Our exports to these countries show a somewhat Amount of
. , T mi exports to
increasing trade. 1 hey were in chiiiana
Peru.
YEAR.
CHILI.
PERU.
TOTAL.
1840
1,334,873
799,991
2,134,864
1845
1,077,615
878,708
1,956,323
1850
1,156,266
845,639
2,001,905
1855
1,387,073
1,345,438
2,732,511
1860
1,737,929
1,428,172
3,166,101
The analytical table of exports will show that the Articles of
population of the two countries require, to a very great
extent, the same articles. Chili is the richer, Peru
the more populous nation ; but the real difference in
the condition of the two nations is probably occasioned
by the guano, which is now the largest export of Peru,
being a commodity exported not by the people, but by
the Government of the country ; and the advantage
derived from it as an article of commerce, going,
accordingly, into the State revenue instead of being
distributed amongst the population.
Manures." The excreta of the population of London, and our other large towns,
is sent from the houses into sewers, mingled with large quantities of water from
cisterns, &c. In the sewers it becomes still further mixed with many times
its own quantity of water, from rain-fall and street drainage. In its passage
to the outfall the sewage becomes churned and washed by this water, until it is
deprived of almost every particle of the ammonia which constitutes its fertilizing
property. All attempts which have hitherto been made to re-collect the excreta,
and form a solid manure from it, have proved failures ; and, in a liquid state, the
sewage water itself appears to have little greater fertilizing power, when applied to
land, than a corresponding amount of rain-fall or clean water applied by hose or jet-
The only modes of making the sewage of towns available for the purposes of manure
would be either to collect the excreta from the houses, or to convey it into some sort
of tank or receptacle, independently of rain water, from whence it could be conveyed
away in closed carts, as is done in Paris. But it is improbable that the inhabitants
of London and other large towns in England, who have spent so much to obtain a
perfect system of drainage from their houses to the great natural outfalls, will ever
consent to resort to a system which restores the era of cesspools, and the pollution
of the soil and of its waters, which were formerly so much complained of.
326
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON.
[CHAP. vi.
EXPORTS TO CHILI AND PERU, 1860.
ARTICLES.
CHILI.
PERU.
1,022,640
801,430
173,333
220,633
Iron Goods .
122,599
31,023
53,095
70,418
Hardware and Cutlery
51,689
38,173
Coals . . .......
23,090
10,787
22,198
26,300
20,539
Machinery
16,281
15,370
Beer and Ale
16,698
13,969
Cotton Yarn
16,411
Leather and Harness
13,701
10,562
EmDtv Baers
12,367
6,835
Glass Manufactures
12,509
7,131
11,690
9,908
Silk Manufactures
9,184
9 562
8,885
8 149
Earthenware
8,853
24 829
Painters' Colours
8,077
Bricks
4,690
3,732
8,542
Stationery
3,468
2 154
Furniture
2822
goda
2 750
Plate and Jewellery
2 713
862
Tin Plates
2441
3 166
1 848
2 652
Bees' Wax
11 895
Ports. The commerce of Chili is principally carried on at
Valparaiso, which is the most central depot for the
productions of the country. Caldera and Coquimbo
are also considerable places of export. A trade of
some amount is carried on by muleteers, across the
Cordilleras, and supplies of European goods are
thus indirectly obtained by the Chilians from Buenos
Ayres ; but, in 1858, this trade did not amount to
more than one-twentieth of that carried on by sea. The
import trade of Peru is chiefly conducted at Callao,
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 32J
which is the port of Lima, the capital. Lima, in
the days of the Spanish occupation, was the grand
entrepot for the trade of all the west coast of South
America ; but this is now ended. The guano, which
is now the chief article of export from Peru,* is
obtained direct from the Chincha islands, and there-
fore the export trade of Callao only amounts to about
one-fourth of its import.
Our trade with the small States of BOLIVIA and Our trade
ECUADOR, although limited, demands a passing BOLIVIA.
notice. The former republic has, of late years,
sent us, directly, a considerable supply of copper
ore and regulus. The supply has increased as
follows :
COPPER IMPORTED FROM BOLIVIA. Copper
ore.
YEAR. TONS. VALUE.
1856 1,129 18,086
1857 1,569 32,344
1858 1,898 34,931
1859 3,531 ..... 110,515
I860 5,239 175,797
Bolivia also exports a quantity of silver, and some Sil ver.
gold, chiefly obtained from the mines of Potosi, and
estimated to amount in value to about 2,000,000
Spanish dollars per annum. She is possessed of some Guano,
guano beds ; but the quality of the Bolivian guano is
very inferior to that of the Peruvian. In regard to
exports, we send nothing direct to Bolivia, except
a little quicksilver for use in her mines; but the
people derive supplies of European commodities from
Valparaiso, Callao, and Panama.
With Ecuador we did a trade in 1860 amounting
* The whole commercial exports of Peru in 1859 were valued at 16,700,000
Spanish dollars, of which the guano was estimated at 8,500,000. Llama and
Alpaca wool is rapidly becoming a considerable item of Peruvian export. We are
indebted for the use made of this article to Mr. Salt, of Saltaire, near Bradford,
who first applied it in manufactures. " Alpacas " now form a very important class
of woollen goods.
328 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
to nearly 200,000/., our chief imports and exports
being
Trade TRADE WITH ECUADOR, 1860.
with
Ecuador. . I MPO RTS.
VALUED AT
Cocoa 73,744
Orchal 23,610
Caoutchouc 3,241
Bark and Sarsaparilla . . 611
Other Articles 5,797
EXPORTS.
VALUED AT
Cottons 48,218
Hardware and Iron . . . 7,696
Linens and Woollens . . . 5,406
Earthenware 1,777
Silks, Wine, Pepper, &c. . 2,122
Precious This republic also exports precious metals from the
al8 ' mines near Quito, but their development has been
small of late in consequence of the distracted state of
the country. Guayaquil is the port with which trade
is carried on, for which its situation, depth of water,
and other circumstances well adapt it.
Trade Having spoken of the trade of the continent, it is
nex * necessary to speak of our trade with the islands
of America. The foreign islands with which we trade
o
islands, consist of the republic of Haiti, Cuba and Porto
Rico, St. Thomas and the other Danish "West India
islands, &c.
Our trade with Haiti is larger than might be
anticipated from the circumstances of that republic
It will be recollected that there was a revolution in
December, 1858, when the Emperor Eaustin Soulouque
fled, and General Eabre Geffrard proclaimed a re-
public, became president, and, as his first act of
authority, re-named the capital, " Port au Prince,"
" Port re*publicain." The largest proportion of the
Haitian trade is done with the United States ; but
England has about a third of the whole. In 1860 our
trade with Haiti was :
Imports .... 123,147 | Exports .... 417,072
of which the items were as follow :
CHAP. VI.]
COMMERCE WITH AMERICA.
IMPORTS.
Mahogany
VALUED AT
84 473
EXPORTS.
Cotton Goods ....
VALUED AT
. 274,345
Logwood . .
17 964
Linens
76,223
Lignum Vitse
6,260
Woollens
8,722
Satin Wood
3,593
Hardware and Iron . .
13,011
Fustic
2,896
Earthenware
10,215
Coffee
2,930
Apparel
5,464
Cotton
626
Soap
3,529
Other Articles .
21.424
Foreim Produce. &c. .
4.133
The Haitians, it will be observed, send us scarcely
anything but their woods.
Of a very different character was our trade with the CUBA and
PORTO
Spanish islands of CUBA and PORTO Rico. In 1860 our RI CO .
imports from those islands amounted to 3,288,106/.,
and our exports to 1,609,696^. : total, 4,897,802/. This
trade is of much more considerable value than might
have been expected, and, as we shall hereafter see,
does not fall very far short of our trade with all our
own British possessions in the "West Indies put
The different articles of import and export
together,
were :
IMPORTS.
VALUED AT
Sugar and Molasses . . . 2,622,361
Cigars and Tobacco . . . 291,417
Copper Ore 243,893
Mahogany, &c.
Cedar Wood .
Rum ....
Fustic . . .
Coffee. . . .
Other Articles .
EXPORTS.
VALUED AT
Cotton Goods 462,909
Linen 353,855
Iron 171,904
65,174 Machinery 98,231
20,742 Apparel and Slops . . . . 74,296
11,513 Hardwares 73,877
3,969 Rice 70,533
322 Coals 60,276
28,725 Earthenware 38,263
Beer and Ale 33,459
Copper 30,400
Glass Manufactures . . . 15,398
The imports show the great development of these
rich and fertile islands ; and the exports illustrate the
advance which Cuba is making in the construction of
railways, for which such considerable quantities of
iron, machinery, and coals are required. The great
wealth of Cuba gives reason to hope that our trade
Imports
and ex-
ports.
330 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Prospects with her may undergo a large increase. Hitherto, the
trade! 8 United States have done the largest share of the busi-
ness of Cuba, not only in consequence of their proxi-
mity, but in consequence of their being able to take
the sugars of the island, and to supply in return the
flour, salt fish, timber, &c. required for the island use.
There seems some reason to hope that this trade may
in a large measure be diverted. The increasing
demand for sugar in Europe, and the excellent quality
of that received from Cuba, must stimulate the exports
of the island. The tobacco of Cuba we are always
prepared to take, and the blockade of the southern
ports of the United States ought greatly to stimulate
this branch of commerce. The mines in Cuba are
chiefly in the hands of British capitalists, who are
understood to be working them successfully, which
must give England an increased interest in the trade
of the island; whilst the difficulties existing in
America, the blockade of the Southern ports, with
which Cuba carried on such extensive intercourse,
and the political spirit which the Americans have
evinced, as regards Cuba herself (a spirit which the
Spanish population of the island have deeply re-
sented), must be calculated to bring England and
Cuba more and more into commercial contact.
The sugar Our own equalization of the sugar duties will do
much, no doubt, to stimulate commerce with posses-
sions which for a long period we were practically
debarred from trading with. The immense increase
of importation which that equalization has occasioned
is shown by the following account of our general
IMPORTS FROM CUBA AND PORTO Rico.
YEAR. AMOUNT.
1840 514,782
1845 695,379
1850 849,278
1855 2,332,753
1860 3,288,116
CHAP. VI.]
CCtttMERCE WITH AMERICA.
331
It may be, however, objected that in deriving so
large a proportion of our sugar from Cuba and Porto ti
Rico, we are doing injustice and injury to our own
colonies, and making no distinction between slave
labour and free. On this head the following table
will be interesting. It shows the quantity of sugar
imported into this country in different years, and
proves that the equalization of the sugar duties has
not diminished the import from our own possessions,
but has simply enabled us to obtain that additional
quantity from foreign countries, which our own
colonies and possessions cannot supply, but which
the wants of our population and of our commerce
render it necessary that we should acquire.
SUGAR IMPORTED.
YEAR.
FROM BRITISH
POSSESSIONS.
FROM FOREIGN
COUNTRIES.
TOTAL.
1840
CWTS.
3,592,092
CTVTS.
2,315
CWTS.
3,594,407
1844
4,129,345
98
4,129,443
1846
4,617,509
602,739
5,220,248
1850
5,183,097
908,395
6,091,492
1854
5,589,467
2,439,291
8,028,758
1860
5,431,912
3,385,365
8,817,277
It therefore appears that instead of 3,500,000 cwts.
received from all countries in 1840, we now are able
to obtain a supply of nearly 9,000,000 cwts. of sugar ;
of which 5,500,000 cwts. is obtained from our own
possessions. The result, in fact, of the equalization
has been to benefit the consumer, the merchant, and
the shipowner, whilst stimulating the sugar cultiva-
tion in our own possessions, and increasing by many
millions both our colonial and foreign trade.
Our supply of sugar in 1860 was drawn from the
following countries :
332
THE PORT AND TKADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Countries
which
supply our
sugar.
Shipping
employed
in the
trade.
Trade
with the
FRENCH,
COUNTRY.
IMPORTED.
VALUE.
British West India/ Islands
CWTS.
2,491,120
3,364,730
Cuba
1,382,398
1,998,051
1,163,732
1,537,218
British Guiana
884,490
1,202,403
British East Indies
760,875
978,347
547,669
688,561
432,943
517,412
Philippine Islands
381,809
471,194
262,713
381,355
157,742
229,728
Holland .
112,984
147,785
Dutch Guiana
60,304
82,047
giam
46,803
64,773
Other Parts
131,695
174,257
TOTAL
8,817,277
11 837 861
Our largest foreign supply, therefore, comes now
from Cuba. The rapid development of her trade with
us in this article is shown by the fact that, in 1856,
Cuba only sent us 736,165 cwts., so that she has nearly
doubled her supply in the short space of four years.
The largest proportion of the trade with Cuba and
the foreign West India Islands is done in London.
London employed in it in 1860, 205 ships of 52,984 tons,
Liverpool only employing 117 ships of 27,940 tons.
The larger proportion of the ships engaged in this
trade are foreign, probably American vessels, which
take a cargo from the United States to Cuba, and
obtain freight of sugar and tobacco from thence to
England. In the trade with Porto Rico (which has
not the same amount of intercourse with the United
States), it should be observed that the greater propor-
tion of the tonnage employed is British.
Owing to differential duties on shipping, our direct
trade with the French possessions in the West Indies
(Guadaloupe, Martinique, &c.), amounts to NIL. We
CHAP. VL] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 333
send them some small supplies of coals, but receive
nothing from them worthy record. With the Dutch DUTCH,
possessions (St. Martin, St. Eustatius, and Cura9oa)
our trade is larger. We receive their produce (chiefly
divi-divi and fustic) to the extent of about 9,000.
a year; and we sent them cottons, linens, woollens,
earthenware, and hardware to the extent, in 1860, of
43,000. With Dutch Guiana we have a sugar trade
amounting to between 80,000. and 90,000/. annually,
and we supply them in return with British manufac-
tures amounting to about 25,OOOZ. a year. But our
chief trade with the smaller islands is with the
Danish possession of St. Thomas, which is the coaling and
DANISH
station of the Royal Mail Steam Packets, and which islands.
has consequently become an entrepot for British goods
intended for consumption in the other islands. In
1860, our export trade to St. Thomas amounted to st.
678,138^. ; cottons, linens, woollens, hardwares, ap- Thomas -
parel, iron, and coals being the principal articles
embraced in the total. St. Thomas is a small island,
and it has, of course, very little of its own to send us
in return ; but as imports from it the Board of Trade
record the following articles, all of which, no doubt,
came to St. Thomas from the Spanish Main and
Panama, and were re-transhipped there for England
by some commission agent :
Pearls 34,770
Platina 5,279
Straw Hats 4,398
Jewels, Unset 2,060
It should be observed that the pearl fishery is importa-
carried on to a large extent in the neighbourhood of pe ari.
the Isthmus of Panama. In 1851 a vessel arrived
in London with a cargo of no less than 2,104,000 pearl
shells, to be used, no doubt, as mother-of-pearl. This
is said to have been the largest importation of the sort
334 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
then known. These shells are extensively used in the
manufacture of buttons, knife-handles, inlaid boxes,
toys, &c.
Trade The association which there is between the trade of
westCoLt ^ ne continent of America and the West Indies, and
of Africa, the trade of the western coast of Africa, may excuse
a reference to the latter trade in this place. The trade
of England with the west coast of Africa is, we rejoice
to believe, an altered trade. We have been able of
late years to find on the western coast of Africa a
commodity of great value, for which we can deal with
the chiefs and people on the coast without having any
direct concern in that abominable traffic in mankind
which is still carried on in that region by some other
nations.
Palm oil. Although palm oil was known to us half a century
ago, the trade in it received no impulse until about
ten years since, when some large candle and soap
manufacturers were wise enough to see in this article
an admirable substitute for more expensive ingre-
dients. The consequence was that a demand for palm
oil arose so rapidly as far to exceed the means of
supply. Gradually, however, the trade has been
developed wherever the palm-tree grows along the
coast of Guinea, and we now receive this commodity
annually to the value of upwards of a million and a
half.
in ,. The trade with the western coast of Africa has
trade always had its chief seat at Liverpool. The merchants
ducted, of that port at the present time freight steam-vessels
with goods for the African coast, and send them out
to trade. Up to a very recent period the whole trade
was conducted, by barter, on the ships' decks. The
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AFRICA. 335
native chiefs came off and bargained for the goods dis-
played under their eyes, promising so many casks of
oil for a few cowries,* brass buttons, beads, or calicoes.
The goods which the chiefs received for their oil were
usually taken away from the ship at once ; but as the
time at which the oil could be shipped depended upon a
variety of circumstances, the vessels in the trade were
sometimes compelled to lie off the coast for very con-
siderable periods before their cargoes were completed.
Upon the duration of this detention mainly depended
the success of the speculation the material cost of
the oil consisting in the cost of freight. Recently,
however, all this has undergone considerable altera-
tion, the principal houses having appointed agents
on the coast, who purchase the oil in anticipation of
the arrival of the vessel by which it is to be shipped.
In England palm oil has fluctuated exceedingly in Uses of
price, according to supply and demand. The purposes pa !
for which it is being used are, however, becoming more
numerous, and, consequently, the demand for it is
likely to prove more steady, and the supply more
regular and more abundant. Combined with other
materials it is largely used for lubricating the axles
of railway carriages, and most of our best soaps now
contain a greater or less proportion of this oil.
From the character of this trade it is very difficult character
of the
to give any real account of the value of the exports trade.
and imports. The intrinsic value of the cowries and
beads, with which we trade with the chiefs, amounts
to very little, whilst the oil imported generally ac-
quires a value in the market far beyond its intrinsic
worth at the place of shipment. The following is the
official account of the trade :
* We import cowrie-shells from the Maldives expressly for this trade. It
should be observed that cowries are used as a small coin in many parts of Southern
Asia, as well as on the coast of Guinea. From 3,000 to 4,000 cowries go to a
rupee in Bengal.
336
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Africa.
TRADE WITH
IMPORTS.
TALUED AT
Palm Oil f i fis4 sa9!
AFRICA, 1860.
EXPORTS.
Cotton Goods
VALUED AT
464,661
161,782
74,192
68,351
50,314
56,538
25,147
24,158
23,227
20,820
15,695
14,421
12,900
14,585
7,636
4,079
8.129
Elephants' Teeth .
. . . 35,672
8,939
Guns and Gunpowder . .
Tobacco
7 370
Rum
Raw Cotton . .
. . . 6,094
Hardwares and Cutlery . .
Wood Staves and Casks
Iron
Ebony ...
. . . 3,797
2 590
Bees' Wax
2 134
Apparel, &c
Cotton Yarn
Brass Manufactures . . .
British Spirits
Silk Manufactures . . .
Beads, Home and Foreign .
Cowries
* Camwood a
dyeing, is brought
Leone.
red wood, used in
chiefly from Sierra
Salt
Soap
Cot>r>er
The character of the trade upon this coast is signi-
ficantly attested by the lists of exports. The guns and
gunpowder, tobacco, rum, spirits, beads, cowries, &c.
bespeak a traffic carried on in anything but the spirit
in which we must all desire to see a large commerce
conducted. Let us hope that the time may come
when the trade with Western Africa may assume all
the characteristics of a legitimate commerce. It has
made great advances : there is still room for im-
provement. And if Europeans once get over the
stigma which the slave trade has brought upon them,
there is ample room for commerce in hitherto unex-
plored regions of the African continent. That con-
tinent is variously estimated to contain from seventy
to one hundred millions of human beings. It is impos-
sible not to be struck with the following account given
by Mr. Livingstone of one of the numerous attempts
made by the natives to trade with his exploring party
in a district removed from the demoralized region
of the coast :
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AFRICA. 337
" Throughout this region the women are almost entirely naked,
their gowns being a patch of cloth frightfully narrow with no
flounces. Nothing could exceed the eagerness with which they
offered to purchase strips of calico of an inferior description.
They were delighted at getting pieces about two feet long in ex-
change for a fowl and a basket of upwards of twenty pounds of
meal. Many of the women, with true maternal feeling, held
up their little naked babies, entreating us to sell only a little
rag for them. The fire, they say, is their only clothing by night,
and the little ones derive heat by clinging closely to their
parents. Instead of a skin or cloth to carry their babies in, the
women plait a belt, about four inches broad, of the inner bark
of a tree, and this, hung like a soldier's belt, enables them to
support the child by placing it on their side in a sitting
position."
With MOROCCO a direct trade is now transacted to Our trade
the extent of 280,000/. imports, and 214,000. exports ; MOROCCO.
total, say half a million annually. Some English
goods, however, intended for this country go to
Gibraltar, which keeps up a constant communication
with Tangiers, Tetuan, and El Araish, receiving from
those places large supplies of fruit, vegetables, cattle,
and other articles of provision for the garrison and
population. Mogadore is the port with which our Port of
direct trade is conducted, it being the most convenient
for trade with the capital and the interior. The staples
of Mogadore are gums and almonds ; but we have
lately been deriving from this country considerable
supplies of beans and other commodities. Up to
1856 our trade with Morocco was crippled by a series
of monopolies, and by excessive duties laid upon
the principal articles of commerce, both exported and
imported. In December, 1856, a treaty, for which The treaty
we are indebted to our consul-general, Mr. Drummond
Hay, was concluded at Tangiers between her Britannic
Majesty and the Sultan of Morocco, by which most
of the monopolies were abolished and moderate rates
z
338
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, vi
Imports
and ex-
ports,
Morocco.
Trade
with the
Barbary
coast.
Algeria.
of duty established ; British merchants were at the
same time relieved from many oppressive and annoy-
ing restrictions, and important concessions were made
to commerce. Our export trade has consequently
been increasing in amount.
TRADE WITH MOROCCO.
IMPORTS FROM.
EXPORTS TO.
. 14,222
. 31,799
YEAR.
1840 .. .
1850 . .
1854 231,593 92,556
1857 344,301 190,097
1860 280,424 214,510
And it may be hoped that the recent financial opera-
tions which have led to closer relations between this
country and Morocco, may further extend the com-
mercial intercourse between the two countries.
The following . list shows the principal articles of
our trade with Morocco in 1860 :
EXPORTS.
IMPORTS.
VALUED AT
Corn (Beans and Maize) .
. 119,487
Almonds
34,828
Wool, Sheep's .
32 161
Bees' Wax
20,219
Olive Oil
19,831
Gum
18,520
Ostrich Feathers . . .
17,551
VALT7ED AT
Cotton Goods 134,324
Sugar 16,642
Copper 3,650
Iron 2,785
Linen Goods 1,399
Woollen 1,179
Colonial and other Produce. 43,086
With the other States on the African shore of the
Mediterranean, formerly known as the Barbary
States, but now described separately as Algiers,
Tunis, and Tripoli, we have, comparatively, very
little trade. The business of Algiers is carried on
with Marseilles; and, except coals, iron, and tele-
graphic wire, we have sent little or nothing to
Algiers for many years, and have only received from
it some supplies of copper ore, which have grown
small by degrees, until, in 1860, they only amounted
XJHAP. vi.] COMMERCE WITH AFRICA, 339
to 131 tons, valued at 1,572. It remains to be seen
what the Treaty of Commerce with France may do
for us in regard to trade with Algeria. By the
eighteenth clause, "the arrangements of the Treaty
" are applicable to Algeria, both for the exportation
" of her produce, and the importation of British
" goods." But the great difficulty in regard to trade
with Algeria is a diiferential duty imposed in the
form of port- dues on vessels entering Algiers and
Oran. The duty on foreign vessels amounts to as
much as four francs per ton, whilst French vessels
scarcely pay anything ; and practically this excludes
our trading with Algeria, except in French vessels.
Our exports are, therefore, limited to the supply
of such articles as the Government requires for
railway, telegraphic, and like purposes ; and our
imports to the receipt of such copper ore as they
choose to send us to smelt.
TUNIS, on whose territory is the site of Carthage, Tunis,
that great emporium of the ancient world, and
former mistress of the seas, still carries on some com-
merce. Caravans start from Tunis for Tunbuctoo and
the interior of Africa, carrying cottons, linens, hard-
ware, spices, &c., and bringing back gold dust, ivory,
ostrich feathers, and drugs. The principal trade of
Tunis with Europe is directed to Marseilles ; but
some business is also carried on between Malta and
Gibraltar and the ports of Tunis. Our direct trade is
very small. We send out some coals, iron, indigo, and
other articles ; for which we receive olive oil. With
TRIPOLI it is still smaller ; indeed, but for the in- Tripoli.
direct trade through our Mediterranean possessions,
British commerce with this territory might be de-
scribed as nil. One cause of this may be the state
of the harbours on the coast, which have, in the
course of time, so silted up, that any other than
z 2
340 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
small vessels find it difficult to enter them. There
is reason to think, however, that commerce with
Tunis and Tripoli might be cultivated with ad-
vantage. Both countries are rich in articles which
we require, and both have commercial relations with
populations able to consume many of our leading
manufactures more largely than they do. A trade in
the ports along this coast, skilfully conducted, would
probably prove as productive as the trade which has
been established along the western coast of Africa.
The mulberry is largely cultivated in Tripoli, and a
large quantity of silk is sent from thence to Marseilles
for the looms of Lyons.
In order to complete the account of our foreign
trade, it is necessary to say a few words as to trade
with some portions of the globe with which commerce
is only, at this moment, beginning to develop itself.
With the JAPANESE EMPIRE we only commenced to
JAPAN. trade ^^ ^ 3^59^ when we gent Qut a ^ out 3 } ()00/.
worth of goods, chiefly perfumery, soap, and candles,
and received back about 100,0002. worth, in the form
of raw silk, galls, soy, and Japan-ware, t In 1860
and 1861 our trade was extended. We received in
1860 goods to the amount of 167,500Z. from Japan,
and in 1861 we sent them our own manufactures to
the extent of 43,100Z. It is probable that with some
experience of the character of the articles most in
demand in Japan, we shall be able to establish an
increased traffic with that country; and the visit of
* The Treaty of Jeddo was signed 26th August, 1858.
t The Japan-ware, which appears to be universal in the country from which
we have given it its name, is obtained by the use of the milky-juice of the Rhus
Vernix, or varnish-tree. Our own lacquered ware is for ordinary purposes of
superior utility, and it is of course cheaper.
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH ASIA. 341
the native ambassadors, who attended the opening of
our Exhibition in the current year, may extend in
Japan the knowledge of the means in our possession
of contributing to the comfort and happiness of
their population.
At the same time, we must not be too saneruine as Question
as to the
to the development of trade with the people of these suitability
islands. Industrious, ingenious, and wealthy, as they
no doubt are, it is questionable how far they are able Eur P ean
consump-
to send us commodities in any abundance, that are
calculated for general European consumption. Japan,
so far as we are acquainted with it, is a dear country.
It raises, at present, little more than it consumes : and
the prices of its products are governed by that cir-
cumstance. The tea which we imported from Japan
in 1860, was not considered well calculated for our
market, and did not realize a price sufficient to
induce speculation in the article. It is probable,
indeed, that our acquired taste for Chinese teas of
particular descriptions will prevent our speedily
adopting other sorts. Besides this, it is to be borne
in mind that the Japanese are a people hitherto
unacquainted with commerce, and, indeed, sup-
posed to be absolutely antagonistic to it. Time,
therefore, and opportunity will probably be required
to enable us to introduce our manufactures into
general use among the Japanese.
SIAM is regarded by many commercial men as a
fruitful scene of future commerce. Although a
country of limited extent, the people are exceedingly
enterprising, and they exhibit considerable skill in Mechanical
the arts, especially in ship building, navigation, and people.
the use of various descriptions of machinery. For
some years we have been receiving produce of
various descriptions from Siam; the chief article its pro-
being sugar, which is largely manufactured in that
342 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Sugar. country, not only for use, but for exportation, and
of which we obtained, in 1860, about 50,000 cwts.
Exports to Our direct export trade to Siam can scarcely be
siam - said to have commenced before 1860, when we
sent out about 13,500Z. worth of cotton goods, ma-
chinery, iron, cotton yarn, and other articles. But
Siam has for some years had a considerable indirect
Trade of trade with England through our settlement at Singa-
pore, with which its dealings in 1856 amounted to
nearly 300,OOOZ. Bankok is the principal port traded
with ; and besides sugar, pepper, rice, indigo, hides,
sapan wood, &c., the junks which trade between
Siam and Singapore often bring gold dust, elephants'
teeth, bees' wax, tin, &c., showing the character of
Inter - the trade which it might be possible to extend. It
course
between should be noticed that between Siam and China
China!"" there has long existed the largest commerce yet
established between any two Eastern nations. The
Siamese employ a very large number of Chinese
labourers, whom they induce to emigrate to their
country a remarkable proof of the advanced con-
dition of a nation which, whilst it is regarded in
Europe as almost barbarous, knows how to employ the
industry of the people of the Celestial Empire itself.*
* A story current in City circles, which was taken to show the ignorance
of the Siamese, might, with more reasonableness, have been employed to de-
monstrate our own want of mercantile judgment and enterprise. In passing
through Gracechurch-street, it was said that the Siamese envoys, who came to this
country in 1860, entered a button-shop, in which they astonished the shopkeeper
by purchasing of him all his old stock of brass buttons, of whatsoever description,
at almost any price he chose to ask for them. It may seem at first sight
ridiculous enough that choice should be made of brass buttons as an article of
commerce, especially considering the very little respect we ourselves pay to the
article, the very name of which, amongst ourselves, is a measure of contempt. But
when we come to consider the character of the commodity its utility, its dura-
bility, its appearance, and its cheapness we can scarcely fail to be struck with
the ready judgment displayed by these Siamese, in making a large purchase of the
article on the very first occasion on which it was brought under their notice. It is
evident, in this case, that it was not novelty these people looked to, but utility ;
and it really is doubtful which ought to occasion us the most surprise, that the un-
civilized people were struck with the advantages of a brass button, or that we, the
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH ASIA. 343
With the MALAY peninsula and COCHIN CHINA, our
whole trade is conducted from Singapore, and so is
the larger proportion of our commerce with the
CELEBES. The inhabitants of the latter islands are the The
carriers of the Indian Archipelago. They own at least
1,000 prahus, which are all employed in commerce, Carrying
the people ahhorring piracy, and defending themselves tr
against the Malays with desperate valour whenever
attacked by the piratical vessels of that race. The
people of tlie Celebes leave their islands at the begin-
ning of the Eastern monsoon, and proceed westward
as far as Singapore. Their outward cargoes consist Cargoes.
of gold dust, tortoiseshell, coifee, scented woods, rice,
and edible birds' nests and sea slugs for Chinese
epicures. They purchase considerable quantities of
our cotton goods, and contrive to diffuse British manu-
factures through the islands of the Eastern seas.
The Dutch have been for many years endeavouring The Dutch
to establish their supremacy over the population of J^STes.
Celebes, but they are only able to establish themselves
upon the island; and the population has occasion-
ally risen against them and placed them in consider-
able peril. The Dutch have recently made Macassar
a free port, in the hope of diverting some part of the
trade of Singapore, but the experiment has not yet
met with any remarkable success. We sent to
Celebes, in 1860, about 8,000/. worth of goods, but
received no direct imports in return.
With the settlements of the Dutch in JAVA, where JAVA.
they have established the centre of their commerce
with the Indian Archipelago, our direct ' trade has
been very rapidly increasing, as the following return
will show :
civilized people the manufacturers and merchants of the world had never
thought of introducing such an article into countries where it must obviously be of
so much utility.
344
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
Its sugar
produc-
tion.
Imports
and
exports.
Increased
trade
between
Java and
Holland.
EXPORTS TO JAVA.
1840 349,521
1844 378,918
1850 507,499
1854 641,912
1858 836,062
1860 . . . 1,425,724
This increase of our trade with Java indicates that
our manufactures are permeating the numerous Dutch
possessions in the Archipelago. To some extent, also,
it results, as in the case of Cuha, from our being ahle
to receive the sugars produced in large quantities in
Java.
The details of our commerce with Java are :
IMPORTS.
VALUED AT
Sugar 229,728
Rice 63,666
Caoutchouc 20,380
Rattan Canes 3,446
Hides 3,116
Coffee 2,562
Pepper 1,886
Nutmegs 510
FROM SUMATRA.
13,674
Rice 1,102
Canes 131
Cassia Lignea HO
EXPORTS.
VALUED AT
Cotton Goods 1,071,025
Machinery 77,369
Cotton Yarn 71,069
Iron 37,715
Woollen Goods 26,219
Earthenware 22,900
Copper 20,668
Hardware 16,963
Linens 8,194
Beer and Ale 7,634
Wine 5,502
Glass Manufactures . . . 5,443
Coals 4,642
Apparel 2,563
Tin Plates 1,982
General Merchandize . . . 25,402
It may he observed, that the trade of Java with
Holland herself, always important, has now become of
very great consequence. The private trade between
Holland and her dependency is now unrestricted ; the
Netherlands' Trading Company being only employed
as the agent of the Government in carrying the produce
of the Crown lands to Europe. Holland received from
Java,in 1859, produce to the value of nearly 8,000,000/.,
chiefly consisting of sugar, which she refined and sent
CHAP. VI.]
COMMERCE WITH ASIA.
345
for consumption into the interior of Germany. The
export trade of Holland to Java is not, however,
more than 3,000,000., or about double the export
trade of England to Java : a fact which demonstrates
the great advantage we have over the Dutch as
shippers of articles in general consumption.
The principal trade of Java is carried on at
Batavia, from whence an intercourse is maintained
with most of the islands of the Eastern seas.* The
trade of Java with Singapore is considerable ; but
the largest proportion of the British trade is now
transacted direct by British merchants settled at
Batavia.
The large and populous island of SUMATRA, on SUMATRA.
which the Dutch have several coast settlements, is
traded with through Java and Singapore. But Sumatra
can scarcely yet be said to have felt the influence of
European commerce. The Dutch have failed to pene-
trate this important and interesting island; the in-
terior of which is almost unknown, although it is said
to contain fifteen different nations, of which six have
made considerable progress in civilization. It will
* The Dutch colonial possessions in Asia, with their geographical areas, are as
follows :
commerce.
SQUARE MILES.
Java 50,000
Madura 2,700
Sumatra 160,000
Billeton 2,250
Borneo 200,000
Celebes 70,000
Amboyna .... 1,320
Ternate . 32
SQUARE MILES.
Timor 13,500
Bali 3,000
Lombock 2,500
Sumbawa 8,800
Mangeray .... 500
Junduna 3,500
Semao 200
Billeta Island . . . 2,250
Several of these islands have no commercial importance. Timor is remark-
able for its picturesque and romantic scenery. On Borneo the Dutch only have
some settlements along the coast ; although they claim the whole country.
Cloves are the production of Amboyna, to which island the Dutch have practically
restricted the cultivation by rooting up the clove and nutmeg trees from other
islands on which they naturally grew. The exportation, however, does not
increase, the passion for spices in Europe having abated, or rather, spices having
been superseded by coffee and by the general use of tobacco.
346 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
not be forgotten, that in 1811, Java and Sumatra
were taken possession of and became British depen-
Tke. dencies. "When Java was restored to the Dutch by
the treaty of London in 1814, a British settlement,
under Sir Stamford Raffles, was established at Ben-
coolen, in Sumatra, by the East India Company,
chiefly with a view to the cultivation of the pepper-
plant. The settlement was abandoned ; but the inter-
course thus opened with the people of Sumatra is said
to have been more beneficial to them than any they
have had either before or since with Europeans ; and
when England restored Sumatra to the Dutch in
1824, under the treaty by which Holland recognised
our settlement at Singapore, the restoration of Dutch
rule was considered a serious grievance by the native
its effect chiefs. Sumatra supplies Singapore with many articles
with 1 of produce, and the natives take our cotton manu-
Sumatra. futures in return. It is to be wished that our inter-
course with this island could be extended.
Next to Holland, Spain has the largest possessions
in the Eastern Archipelago ; and it is said by Malte
Brun, in his account of the PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, that
their inhabitants are the only people in the Eastern
seas who have improved in civilization from European
The PHI- intercourse. Whilst, in the Western Ocean, Spain
ISLANDS, always strove for an exclusive commercial monopoly
for the Crown, it is remarkable, that in the Philippine
Islands she has left commerce free to the colonists.
Their go- During the 300 years Spain has possessed these
islands, they have been fairly governed ; no check
has been imposed on their colonization; liberal
grants have been made of unappropriated lands ;
slavery has never been introduced or sanctioned;
native usages have been respected, and a moderate
taxation has always left industry untrammelled. The
consequences have been no less marked than the
CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH ASIA. 347
contrast. Whilst a cruel and illiberal policy justly
lost Spain all her territories in America, the wise and
prudent administration of her Eastern possession has
produced a contented and prosperous dependency.
The error of Spain in the government of the Philip-
4-' 1
pine Islands has been the same into which England
fell in dealing with her colonies ; namely, attempting pm s-
to make their trade subservient to domestic purposes,
by levying differential rates or duties in favour of ships
belonging to the mother country. This system of
legislation is, at the present time, fettering the
commerce of the Philippines. Productive as the
islands are, and well situated as they are for the
supply of the increasing populations of Eastern
countries, the Philippines might do a great trade in
tropical produce, if their commerce was unrestricted.
Sir John Bowring, in a report upon these islands,
speaks of them as the natural sources of the supply
of sugar, tobacco, coffee, &c. for Australia.
The absurdity of the differential duties levied on Their in
shipping in the Philippines, is illustrated by the fact
that the European commodities supplied to these
islands are almost exclusively of English manufacture, islands.
The differential duties accordingly fall upon the
inhabitants of the islands themselves, either in the
form of additional cost for articles imported in
British ships, or of the extra charge of freight and
transhipment upon such as are received in Spanish
bottoms from Singapore. The quantity of British
goods imported into the Philippines from the latter
entrepot is said to be in excess of our direct exporta-
tion ; but the latter amounts to a considerable item.
In 1860, our trade with the Philippines was
Imports . . . 603,329 | Exports . . 679,320
The principal articles were as follows :
348
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi.
The Philip-
pines,
imports
and
exports.
IMPORTS.
VALUED AT
. 471,194
EXPORTS.
Cotton Goods
VALUED AT
523,370
18,940
18,131
15,144
14,462
12,760
11,397
9,021
7,652
3,254
3,161
2,798
1,585
1,304
5,085
88,801
Iron
Mother-of-Pearl . . .
Sapan Wood ....
12,916
7,788
Woollen Goods
Linen
Cigars
7,590
Hides
2,444
Tortoiseshell ....
2,018
Copper
1,841
Hardwares
Apparel
Coals
Earthenware
Colonial Produce, &c. . .
The
Manilla
trade
SARAWAK.
Manilla, or more properly its suburb, Eidondo,
with which it communicates by a bridge, is the port
with which our trade is principally conducted. The
hemp we get from this port is highly appreciated.
The cheroots made of the island tobacco have been
for some time in large demand ; though in 1859 and
1860 the supply of tobacco to England from Manilla
was very much below the average. Manilla com-
municates with the rest of this large group of islands
(of which there are said to be nearly 1,200) by small
craft. Many of the islands are capable of greater
development. There is no doubt of their mineral
wealth. Gold is found amongst the mountains, and,
with proper machinery, copper of very superior qua-
lity might be raised in abundance. The islands also
afford excellent timber ; and horned cattle, introduced
by the Spaniards, have thriven admirably. It may
be of interest to mention, that Manilla was a British
possession from 1762 to 1764. It was taken from
Spain in the former year, and ransomed in the latter
for a payment of a million sterling.
A company has been established in London, under
the title of the Borneo Company, for promoting a
CHAP, vi.] COMMEECE WITH ASIA. 349
trade with Sarawak, the territory ceded by the Sultan
of Brunei to Sir James Brooke, and now governed
by him as " Rajah." The imports of this company
in 1860 were to the extent of 12,500Z., the principal
articles imported being sago, ore of antimony, and
pepper. We send no direct exports to Borneo; but
Sir James Brooke has established a steam communi-
cation between Sarawak and Singapore, by which the
Dyaks, and the Chinese imported into that territory,
are supplied with what they require.
London presents the great market for Eastern London,
products, and it is to the enterprise of London that
we must look for the opening out of that great trade
with the Eastern Archipelago, which, at no distant
period, will probably become no inconsiderable portion
of the commerce of the world. At the present time
British trade to the eastward of the Straits of Malacca
is quite in an infant state; but if we consider the extent
of the countries to be traded with, their vast popula-
tions, the variety of their productions, the suitability
of our manufactures to their climate and their
wants, the large interest we have in developing their
resources, the extent of our shipping, and the growth
of our own Australian and other colonies, little doubt
can exist that the next quarter of a century will
witness fields of commerce opened up in the Eastern
world far greater than we have ever known before.
CHAPTEll VII.
TRADE WITH INDIA AND THE COLONIES.
Trade of THE trade of England with our Indian Empire and
"
possessions in the East is almost as exclusively a trade
East tbe f ^ ue Port f London as the trade of America is a
trade of Liverpool. Of 702 vessels, of 530,378 tons,
entered inwards in 1860 from the East Indies and
Singapore, 634, of 437,034 tons, came to London,
leaving only sixty-eight vessels for the trade of all the
other ports of the United Kingdom.
why it The monopoly of the trade with the East, formerly
iTndon in veg ted in the East India Company, is of course the
primary cause of that trade now centring itself in
our Port. It would scarcely, however, have remained
with us to the extent it has, if London did not aiford
the best market in the world for Eastern commodities.
Eor silks, spices, indigo, and other productions of
India, London affords the largest number, not only
of British, but of foreign purchasers, and therefore
she continues to enjoy the largest share of Eastern
trade.
Great The value of our trade with the East Indies is shown
thliTtrade. DV the fact that in 1860 our exports thereto amounted
to nearly EIGHTEEN millions, of which seventeen
millions consisted of produce and manufactures of the
United Kingdom. Extraordinary as it may appear,
almost the whole of this enormous trade has been the
Its recent
growth, growth of the last twenty-five years. AVe are in the
CHAP, vii.] TEADE WITH INDIA. 351
habit of thinking of the old East India Company as
a gigantic combination of merchants ; but the fact is
that the amount of their annual exportations to India
was always inconsiderable. The Company, in fact, The East
throughout the period of their monopoly absolutely company
set themselves asrainst an export trade from Great opposed to
x an export
Britain to India! So lately as 13th January, 1809, they trade to
declared, in a letter addressed by their Chairman and
Deputy Chairman to the Board of Control, that Their de-
there was practically no market for English goods in < this
Tnrlia subject,
A.D. 1809.
" The small demand," they wrote, " for foreign commodities
in India results from the nature of the Indian people, their
climate and their usages. The articles of first necessity their
own country furnishes more abundantly and more cheaply than
it is possible for Europe to supply them. The labour of the
great body of the common people only enables them to subsist
on rice, and to wear a slight covering of cotton cloth ; they,
therefore, can purchase none of the superfluities we offer them.
The comparatively few in better circumstances, restricted, like
the rest, by numerous religious and civil customs, of which all
are remarkably tenacious, find few of our commodities to their
taste; and their climate, so dissimilar to ours, renders many of
them unsuitable to their use ; so that a commerce between them
and us cannot proceed far upon the principle of supplying mutual
wants. Hence, except woollens, in a very limited degree, for
mantles in the cold season, and metals, on a scale also very
limited, to be worked up by their own artisans for the few
utensils they need, hardly any of our staple commodities find a
vent among the Indians ; the other exports which Europe sends
to India being chiefly consumed by the European population
there, and some of the descendants of the early Portuguese
settlers; all of whom, taken collectively, form but a small body,
in view to any question of national commerce." *
They repeated this expression of their opinion in A.D. isis.
1813, when they declared, by a resolution passed at
* Papers published by authority of the East India Company, 1813, p. 21.
352 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
a general Court of the Company, " that no large or
" sudden addition can be made to the amount of
" British exports to India." They declared that the
Company had suffered hy attempting to extend this
branch of their trade ; and in order to show that it
could not be carried on prosperously, they added that
their warehouses at home were glutted with Indian
goods, for which there was no demand.
The During the whole period of the Company's mono-
theCom f Pty our ex P or ts to India were consequently very
pany. limited. They amounted to as follows :
EAST INDIA COMPANY'S EXPORTS TO INDIA.
1724 (average of 10 years ending) 92,410
1741 ditto 8 years 157,9-44
1748 ditto 7 years 188,176
1773 ditto 3 years 489,803
1780 386,152
Chiefly These totals included all the military stores, am-
Sores r and munition, &c. sent to India for the purposes of the
ammuni- Company's troops. The value of these amounted, no
doubt, to a very large proportion of the whole, so
that it can scarce be said that up to 1780 we had
any real export trade to India at all.
Company's About 1790 the exports of the Company showed an
mcrease '> but this was owing to two causes. First,
there was a largely increased demand in England for
tea, the consumption of which was widely extending
itself, and for which the Chinese were willing to
receive British commodities. Second, the Company,
anticipating that their charter, which expired in 1793,
might not be renewed, were engaged during the
preceding years in glutting the Indian markets with
such commodities as they thought they could export
with any advantage ; so that, if the trade was opened,
they might, as far as possible, prevent successful
trading by other merchants. The amount of the
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 353
Company's exports in 1792 was stated at 1,031,2621. Their total
Of this 553,U6/. was stated to be the cost of Euro- t e g-
pean goods sent to Canton, the merchandize sent to A - D -
India being
To Bengal 96,277
To Bombay 65,740
To Madras 60,015
Total 222,032
This total may be taken as about the value of the
Company's exports of merchandise to India at that
period; and may be contrasted with the items at p. 364.
"When the East India Company's charter came The
under the consideration of Parliament in 1793, the
Company presented accounts to show that their sales
of European goods in India were all conducted at a A.D. 1793
loss! By this account, woollens, copper, lead, iron,
steel, and japanned goods appear to have been all the
articles of export. They had never attempted a trade
in any other European articles whatever. Parlia- Provision
ment, in renewing the charter, now made a species of JJJJJ^
provision for the trade of private individuals with m< r nt A for
A private
India. It was enacted that all his Majesty's subjects trade in
should be permitted to export any article of British
produce to India, in the Company's ships; and the shlps-
Company were obliged annually to appropriate 3,000
tons of shipping for the use of private traders, at a
freight of 5/. outwards in time of peace, and 15/.
homewards.*
The privilege thus extended to private traders
was not satisfactory to our own merchants. Few
British traders were inclined to carry on a com-
petition with the East India Company in their own
* At the present time (1862) the freight outwards to India for dead weight is
17s. 6d. per ton : admeasurement about 40s. : homewards it varies from 21. 10s. to
51., according to the article.
A A
354 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Advantage vessels. But British residents in India (many of
tS s en ri- f them officers of the Company) largely availed them-
viiege. selves of the privilege ; and soon began to complain
that the freight afforded them was not large enough ;
and that the Company frequently disappointed them,
made inconvenient distributions of their goods in
different vessels, and otherwise deranged their plans
of commerce.
incidents One of the first efforts of these merchants in India
toaiarge was to endeavour to induce Parliament to allow them
mTntTf t employ vessels built in India, of teak wood, for the
the export export of goods from India to England. The Com-
pany would not consent to any such infringement of
their privileges ; but an accident in 1795 occasioned
a large trade to arise in vessels of this class. The
great price of corn in England having caused vast
distress at home, it was resolved by the East India
Company to import a very large quantity of rice from
India. Having no sufficient tonnage in which to
carry on the importation, they ordered it to be shipped
in vessels freighted on the spot ; and in order that
they might get this freight at the lowest price
they added a permission to carry to India a return
cargo of goods for account of the owners. In conse-
quence, a number of teak vessels, built in India, for
the first time sailed into the Thames. The result of
the speculation was very remarkable, and almost
a retribution on the Company. Before their rice
ships arrived the price of corn in England had
moderated, and the Company's rice, imported at heavy
freights, turned out a bad speculation. On the other
hand, the owners of the Indian ships returned to
India, carrying cargoes of " French wines, cutlery,
" looking glasses, window glass, wine glasses, and
" other ornamental articles of glass, Manchester goods,
" printed linens, silks, and cotton hosiery, gold and
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 355
" silver thread, iron in bars, lead in pigs, tin in
" blocks, copper in sheets, copper pans, broad cloths,
" long and broad ells, camlets," and other articles,
scarcely any one of which the Honourable Company
had ever previously thought it worth while to export.
Whilst the Company suffered, vast profits were made
by the Indian merchants.
From this period to 1813, when the Company's TheCom-
exclusive privilege of trade was put an end to,
the East India Company's trade with India (both
export and import) suffered, though in a most unex- officers.
pected manner, from the effects of the system of which
Parliament had permitted the introduction in 1793.
Although general merchants would not take advantage
of the facilities which were afforded by the private
trade tonnage, the officers and servants of the Com-
pany saw a great opportunity of making profits by
using the 3,000 tons of shipping which the Company
were annually compelled to allot to private traders.
The captains of the East India Company's vessels, and
other officers in their employ, began therefore to trade
upon their own account. They were not exposed to
the difficulties and discouragements which a private
trader would find in competing with the Company ;
on the contrary, in many cases, as is obvious, the
Company's own officers were able to trade in the
Company's own vessels at superior advantage to the
Company themselves ! Thus, whilst the Company
complained that they were annually trading with
India at a loss, many of their own servants were
trading in their own ships at enormous profits ;
indeed, at this moment, there are large estates and
splendid mansions in the most fertile districts of
England, owned by the descendants of shrewd and
farsighted men, who, as captains of the East India
Company's vessels, made their fortunes by competing
A A 2
356 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vii.
with the Company for their own trade in their own
ships.*
The East The trade to India was thrown open by Act of
Jhwn rade Parliament on the 10th April, 1814. In that year
P en the value of the exports of Great Britain to countries
east of the Cape of Good Hope (excepting China)
was
By the East India Company 826,558
By private traders 1,048,132
Total .... 1,874,690
Rapid in- i n 1317 the account was
crease of
the trade. By the East India Company 638,382
By private traders 2,750,333
Total .... 3,388,715
In 1828
By the East India Company 488,601
By private traders 3,979,072
Total .... 4,467,673
The private traders thus rapidly developed our export
trade to the East, whilst the East India Company's
trade almost as rapidly declined. In more recent
years the trade has progressed as follows :
* In addition to the public tonnage, the commanders and officers of the
Company's ships were also allowed to ship goods, under certain restrictions, to an
amount of tonnage prescribed according to their rank. This was called the
" Privilege Trade." Each commander was allowed thirty-eight tons, the chief
officer eight, the second officer six, the surgeon six, and so on down to the
carpenter, boatswain, and gunner, who were allowed one ton each. Besides this,
it was customary to allow the commander and officers an additional quantity of
thirty tons as " extra indulgence," to be stowed in parts of the ship where the
Company's cargo was not stowed. These privileges extended to the China trade ;
and the Company's charges on " privilege tea " being much less than on private
trade tea, at a period when the duties and charges on tea were excessively high,
immense profits were made by officers in the Company's service who brought
home tea from China. It is not long since a descendant of one of these gentlemen,
holding an estate in the West of England, was so powerful as to be able to return
three members for one county. I is scarcely necessary to add that they all sat
on the Protectionist side of the House of Commons.
CHAP. VIL] TRADE WITH INDIA. 357
TRADE WITH THE BRITISH EAST INDIES.
YEAK. IMPORTS FROM
1840
1845
1850
1855
1860
12,668,732
15,106,595
EXPORTS TO.
6,023,192
6,703,778
8,022,665
10,353,475
17,683,669
This is, indeed, a wonderful increase ; and, certainly,
if any argument were needed to show the value of a free crease the
effect of a
system of trade over a monopoly, it could not be free trade.
better illustrated than by our trade with India. The
great Company which had the whole trade of India
exclusively in its own hands for nearly two centuries,
failed to extend our exports to that nation ; whilst
under a free system that trade has risen, in a quarter
of a century, in the wonderful ratio of progress thus
recorded.
It is to be observed, moreover, that this trade has internal
increased in spite of every internal obstacle. Up to a to traded
very recent period there have been no means of lndiat
internal transit for merchandise in India; for even
the navigation of its splendid rivers can scarcely have Want of
been said to be open to commerce. Besides this, the I^mai
government of India has been conducted on principles trans P rt -
most antagonistic to the development of trade. The
people have been oppressed by a system of taxation Land-tax.
calculated to prevent their cultivation of the soil.
Internal duties have been levied on the transport of Transport
goods. Almost every article of export from India has
been subjected to a tax ; and, more than all, up to a Export
comparatively recent period, we ourselves practically
prevented the development of our own commerce with
our own greatest possession, by insisting on a scale of
differential duties on susrar and other articles of East J?'f * re ?.-
tial duties.
Indian produce, in order to favour the sugar growers
in the West Indian Islands.
The increase of our trade with India is no doubt very
358 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
much due to the removal of some of these restrictions ;
especially the duty with which sugar was burdened ;
a duty which had the practical effect of preventing
the planter from making any attempt to improve the
cultivation of the cane or the manufacture of the crop.
Growing Another cause of the increase has, no doubt, also
India for been the growing taste in India for productions
fabrics, of British manufacture. The East India Company
would have had us believe that the cotton fabrics of
India never could be rivalled by those of England.
They failed entirely to take into account the character
of our home manufacture, the advantage afforded by
our machinery both in the form and cost of production,
and the love of novelty, which influences every people
in whatever condition of life.
Develop- No sooner did private traders commence sending
cotton goods to India than they found an admirable
cotton
manu
1 market for them; and the result has proved to be
that, without superseding native manufactures, India
has become one of the best and most extensive
markets in the world for the cotton goods of England ;
whilst England promises to become the best market
in the world for the raw cotton grown in India. In
the whole history of commerce probably nothing can
be shown so remarkable as the development of such
an exchange of products in so short a period as only a
quarter of a century. We received from India in
1860 all the raw cotton they could send us, amounting
in value to 3,339,000. ; and we sent them cotton
manufactured goods in return to the extent of no
less than 9,164,000/.
The pro- Considering the vast population of India, the im-
SITr^rade provements now making in the means of internal
restricted 1 communication the general tranquillity and settle-
by per- nient of the country and our own interest in deve-
nicious
legislation, loping its resources, it might be anticipated that the
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 359
growing trade between Great Britain and her Indian
Empire would extend itself in the next ten years
almost without limit. No doubt it will do so, if mis-
government, which has so long been the bane of
India, does not check the progress which commerce
seeks to make. It has, however, to be noticed that, in
1859, Mr. James Wilson, who went out from England
to India as Financial Secretary, on the abolition of
the East India Company, sought to provide for the
deficient revenue of India (a revenue exhausted by
wars and by the high salaries paid to officials) by
an imposition of duties, amounting to 20 per cent. Mr.
ad valorem, on articles of British manufacture. The
argument which Mr. Wilson used to reconcile the
people of British India to such import duties was the
... . tures.
desirability of promoting their native manufactures.
The fallacy of such an argument is proved by the
facts. Eor a number of years past the population of
British India have been showing a gradual preference
for British goods have been taking them in increas-
ing quantities, and have been sending us their raw
materials, in improved and improving shape, in order
to enable us to manufacture articles suited for their
markets. At the moment that the trade, thus com-
menced, reaches a vast amount, a legislator steps in
and tells the people that they shall prefer that which
they do not prefer, and shall be driven to manufacture
for themselves at higher rates than they can purchase
the same class of goods made for them by others.
This most pernicious attempt to interfere with trade,
were it persisted in, would, no doubt, be equally in-
jurious to both countries. It would prevent the
people of India from receiving our cotton goods,
which they prefer, and it would prevent our receiving
their raw cotton, which they would require for their
own manufacture, although they might more profit-
360
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Our im-
ports from
India.
Cotton.
ably send it to us. It is to be hoped, however, that
such monstrous legislation will not be persisted in.
The following list contains the items of our import
trade from the East Indies (exclusive of Singapore
and Ceylon) in 1860 :
IMPORTS FROM INDIA, 1860.
VALUED AT
Raw Cotton 3,339,076
Indigo 2,220,119
Linseed and Flax Seed . . 1,493,039
Sugar 939,026
Rice 801,938
Wool 699,861
Jute 652,677
Saltpetre . 649,505
Hides 631,642
Rape Seed 461,013
Teak 303,600
Tea 230,064
Coffee 224,959
Tin 193,186
Cocoa-NutOil 173,995
Shellac 163,347
Silk Manufactures .... 146,052
Coir Rope and Twine . . 112,576
Goat Skins 109,991
Oils, unenumerated
Elephants' Teeth .
Raw and Waste Silk
Castor Oil . . .
Safflower ....
Pepper
Cotton Piece Goods
Sheepskins . . .
Caoutchouc .
94,860
87,118
84,441
81,735
79,015
76,044
59,402
51,872
49,541
VALUED AT
Seed Oil 47,591
Horns 44,974
Cutch 43,681
Lac Dye 38,026
Train Oil 36,368
Turmeric 34,807
Nutmegs 34,339
Tallow 31,731
Rum 27,927
Cardamons 27,015
Bees'-Wax 26,451
Ginger ....... 24,058
Madder and Madder Root . 23,133
Poppy Seeds 17,538
Hemp, undressed . . .
Borax
Clover
Mace
Mustard Seed ....
Olibanum
Oil Nuts
Senna
Gum Arabic
Cassia Lignea ....
Goats' Hair Manufactures
Cinnamon
Wheat
16,550
13,061
11,633
9,626
8,824
6,744
6,413
5,944
3,082
1,447
700
695
488
Its
increased
growth in
India.
Haw cotton, of which in the days of the East
India Company we received next to none from British
India, now stands at the head of the list of articles
imported.*
rapid, as the following table shows :
The growth of this trade has been most
* The manufacture of cotton has been carried on in India from the most remote
antiquity. It is mentioned by Herodotus that "in India there are wild trees
which produce a sort of wool, superior to that of sheep, and that the natives dress
themselves in cloth made of it." Similar statements are made by other ancient
writers.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 361
QUANTITIES OF RAW COTTON IMPORTED FROM THE EAST INDIES.
1835 41,429,011 lb.
1840 77,011,839
1845 58,437,426
1850 118,872,742
1855 143,486,672
1860 202,041,026
An objection is made to East India cotton by our objections
manufacturers on the score of quality. They cannot, ind^
it is said, spin it into the finer descriptions of thread. cc
There is reason, however, to hope for improvement in
the cultivation of the plant in India, now that our
cotton market is likely to be so largely dependent on
the supply from that empire; for there can be no
doubt that, if the war between the Federal and
Confederate States is long continued, our principal
supply of cotton must be drawn from our Indian Prospects
territories. Great Britain may be expected to reap a trad*
double advantage from that circumstance. She will
afford profitable employment to the countless popu-
lation of her Indian empire, and will, therefore,
contribute to the contentment and prosperity of the
natives; and she will no longer be dependent, as
she has been for so many years, upon one source of
supply of the article most essential to her own
industry. Besides this, it may be anticipated that
the colonization of the interior of India will be pro-
moted by the settlement of Europeans, taking there
their capital and skill with a view to promote the
cotton cultivation.
The cultivation of Indigo has for some years been indigo,
extending itself in Bengal. The culture and use of its cuitiva-
the plant was known to the ancients, and indigo was
brought from India to Europe prior to the discovery
of the route to India by the Cape of Good Hope. It
was formerly used to give a more brilliant tone to the and use.
dye produced by woad, but gradually it has entirely
362 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
superseded the latter. It was not, however, until
late in the last century that Bengal sent any very
considerable quantities of indigo to England. A
Quantities number of Europeans then began to engage in the
qualities manufacture (which requires but little capital) ; and
imported f rom fa^ period Bengal has been the chief source of
Bengal, the supply of indigo to every nation of the world.
Of 77,000* cwts. imported in 1860, 66,000 came from
British India. The Bengal indigo, especially that
classed by importers as " Bengal blue," is most
highly appreciated in the European market. Then
follow Bengal " violet " and " copper " indigoes.
After these rank " Oudes " and " Madras." It should
be observed that the culture of the indigo plant is
very precarious, and that, although the consumption
varies very little, the prices of the article in the
varying London market sometimes vary very much. At the
?ndi g o. commencement of the present year, 1862, in con-
sequence of the failure of the crop in Bengal in
1861 (when the smallest quantity was produced for
forty years), prices are reported by the indigo brokers
to have reached " extremely high rates."
East India Up to 1836 differential duties prevailed on sugars
cultivated in the East and West Indies. In 1835,
whilst we imported 3,500,000 cwts. from the West,
we only imported 100,000 cwts. from the East Indies.
Upon the equalization of the duties the cultivation
in the East Indies rapidly improved ; and in the year
after (1846), we received from the East Indies nearly
1,500,000 cwts. This supply has not been maintained
since the reduction of the duties on foreign sugars in
1854 ; the quality of East Indian sugars being inferior
to those of Cuba and Porto Rico, which have come so
largely into consumption.
Rice. Rice, which is the principal article of food amongst
the Eastern nations, forms, with us, only a substitute
CHAP. VIL] TRADE WITH INDIA. 363
for other grains, and is consequently imported in
greater or smaller quantities, according to the excess
or deficiency of our own cereals. In consequence, how-
ever, of the reduction of duties, which were formerly
most excessive, on this article, rice has come into more
general consumption than was at one time the case
in England ; and in consequence new sources of
supply have of late years been found in connexion
with our Eastern trade. Those sources are the
districts now included in British India on the east
side of the Bay of Bengal, the principal shipping ports
being Akyab, Rangoon, Bassein, and Moulmein.* its supply
It was only in 1854 that we began to receive supplies
of rice from this district ; but it has since proved
itself capable of sending us any quantity that may
be required. In 1858 the importation amounted to
no less than 3,500,000 cwts. It is probable that the
civil war in America Avill be of advantage to this, as
well as to other trades. Hitherto, the rice of Carolina
has obtained a very much higher price in our market
than any description of Indian rice ; but that trade
being cut off, it appears, from the trade circulars of
1861, that " the cleaning trade has received a great
" impetus, and the East India cleaned rice has in con-
" sequence been required to fill up the hiatus." Large
quantities of cleaned Patna and other East Indian
rices were actually shipped during 1861 from London
and Liverpool to the Northern States of America.
It will obviously be for the interest of the shippers in
India to send us improved qualities of rice to supply
the place of the Carolina ; and if they can do so in
the next few years, it is not improbable that the East
Indian will supersede the United States' rice in the
European market, especially seeing the unlimited
supply of the former in comparison with the latter.
* The teak wood received from India is also from Moulmein.
364
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
pur Our imports of rice in 1860 were
imports of
rice.
COUNTRIES.
From the British East Indies .
Java
the United States .
,, China
,, other parts ....
TOTAL ,
CWTS.
1,314,811
97,744
69,932
23,520
18,856
1,524,863
VALUE.
852,929
63,666
81,602
13,376
11,535
1,023,108
Our
exports to
India.
So that India now sends us by far the largest pro-
portion of all the rice imported into England.
Turning to our exports to India, we find them in-
creasing in every successive year from 1852 to 1859,
when they reached a total of nearly 21,000,000/. The
annual progress is worth noting.
1852 6,483,627
1853 7,324,147
1854 9,620,710
1855 10,353,475
1856 11,024,518
1857 12,191,960
1858 17,394,400
1859 20,782,853
Their From this great total, chiefly, no doubt, in conse-
recent de- quence of Mr. James "Wilson's contemplated measures
the cause, of taxation, the exports fell
I860 17,683,669
1861 16,412,090*
a decline which shows the dangerous and even per-
nicious effects of interfering in any way with the
* In 1861, the exports to the respective presidencies were, for the first time,
distinguished in the government tables. They were
To Bengal 9,111,867
To Bombay 6,182,082
To Madras 1,118,141
16,412,090
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 365
ordinary current of trade.* If our commerce with Prospects
India, however, is allowed to he unfettered, there is
the best reason for believing that, in the next decennial
period, the increase will he far greater than during
the last. The natives evidence the strongest desire
to use European goods. Computed upon the popu-
lation of India, our exports only amount to Is. *l\d.
per head. South America, in proportion to its
population, took from us, in 1860, more than seven
times the value of British productions exported to
India in the same year; and the United States,
notwithstanding protective duties, took over eight
times that amount. The increase of import between
1850 and 1860 was 136 per cent. If the import
in India is only 100 per cent, during the next ten
years, the amount taken in 1870, although it will
equal forty millions, will still be very inadequate
to the per capita consumption of British productions
by other nations. It may be anticipated, however,
from the rate at which India, is progressing, that the
increase of consumption (if unchecked by legislation)
will be very much greater than is here indicated.
* The heavy decline of 1861 upon 1859, which was chiefly in the demand for
manufactured cottons, so greatly alarmed the Bombay Government, that they
thought it necessary to institute an inquiry into its causes. Colonel Baird Smith
was accordingly appointed to proceed to the North-West districts, and to report
upon their commercial condition. As this officer had previously been appointed
to inquire into the causes of the famine hi those provinces, it was, no doubt, hoped
and expected by many persons in authority in Bengal, that he would solely attri-
bute to the famine the falling off in the consumption of British articles. Colonel
Baird Smith, however, very honestly concluded his report by attributing the
causes of the decline to the high prices caused by high customs duties. Although
very guarded in expression, in order evidently to avoid giving offence to high
authorities, he makes his views tolerably apparent in the following passage :
' Every reduction in the price brings a new stratum of society into the class of
'consumers, and the benefit of high prices, such as have occasionally ruled of late
' years, is temporary and accidental I doubt if permanent expansion be com-
'patible with prices materially above the present rates, and having this doubt,
' I sincerely rejoice in the financial policy which will in tune relieve the Manchester
' goods tradt 'from the pressure of Customs duties greater than are required for
' revenue only, as such relief icill assuredly be followed by a permanent addition to
' the present consumers, ichich, while benefiting the trade, unit amply compensate
' the public revenue for the sacrifice made."
366
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
List of
articles
Probably 1870 will see the exports of England to
India amounting to not less than seventy millions of
money annually.
The following is the list of the principal items of
articles j
exported, export :
EXPORTS TO INDIA, 1860.
Cotton Goods 9,164,196
Iron and Steel 2,010,599
Cotton Yarn 1,609,062
Copper 949,783
Beer and Ale 566,646
Machinery 366,435
Steam Engines 259,221
Woollen Fabrics .... 264,818
Hardwares and Cutlery . . 181,741
Apparel and Haberdashery . 155,436
Stationery 122,893
Glass Manufactures . . . 111,466
Coals 88,402
Salt 72,228
Linen Goods 62,308
Spelter 56,755
Earthenware and Porcelain . 52,256
Preserved Provisions . . . 49,217
Printed Books 49,157
Umbrellas and Parasols . . 48,685
Drugs 34,707
Saddlery and Harness . . 33,027
Telegraphic Wire .... 31,567
Painters' Colours .... 30,679
VALUED AT
Leather 26,774
Pickles and Sauces . . . 26,679
Lead and Shot 23,190
Tin Plates 14,703
FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PRODUCTS.
Wood, Sawn 103,378
Wine 75,939
Cotton Yarn 75,222
Spelter 61,136
Glass Beads and Bugles . 53,413
Cochineal 49,354
Copper 46,846
Cotton Goods 41,100
Plated Wire 30,242
Steel 28,361
Iron 27,170
Quicksilver 17,926
Brandy . . .
Paper . . .
Copper Wire
Woollen Goods
Fancy Glass .
10,181
9,010
6,511
5,786
2,328
Vast
amount of
our
fabrics
consumed
in India.
The vast amount to which our cotton manufactures
cotton are taken by the native population will not fail to
strike the reader. Upwards of NINE MILLIONS of
manufactured cottons, and upwards of a MILLION and
a HALF of yarn. Our imports of cottons from India
amount to less than 60,000/. Yet this is the country
of which the East India Company told us that they
did not require any articles of this description, being
able to make everything for themselves ! So much
for monopoly in trade. The Honourable Company
tried to force upon the people of India British
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 367
woollen goods, too hot for their climate, and lost a
very large sum in the attempt. Private adventurers
sent out cotton goods, which were suited for the
clothing of the country, and the result is a trade
amounting to upwards of ten millions annually in that
article alone ; whilst the consumption of woollens only
reaches the comparatively small item of 264,000/. *
Very remarkable, moreover, is the proof afforded by
these figures of the value of our machinery. In the
table of imports we find an import of raw cotton from
India to the extent of 3,300,000/., of which, from the
table of exports, we see that no less than 1,600,000/.
returns to India in the shape of cotton yarn. The
natives, therefore, actually find it to their advantage
to send their raw material to England to be spun for
their own use, or to receive yarn in exchange for cotton.
The large quantity of iron sent to India is, no Railway
doubt, for the construction of the railways, which ^j
will account also for the sawn wood which appears at to India -
the head of our exports of foreign products : the sawn
wood being, probably, creosoted sleepers of Norway
pine. The large items under the heads " machinery
and steam engines, coals, telegraph wires, &c." are
to be accounted for in the same way. This expor-
The rapid progress made in the export of our cotton manufactures to India is
indeed wonderful. In 1814, the first year of the free trade to India, the export of
cotton amounted to 817,000 yards, of which only about 170,000 yards, valued at
17,778?., were exported by the Company ! In 1859, the quantity exported was equal
to 1,000,000,000 yards, valued at 1 1,000,000?. ! Yet, enormous as this total is, it is
scarcely too much to say that English cotton manufactures have not yet entered
into the bulk of native consumption in India at all ! Colonel Baird Smith in
his recent report to the Government of India, on the commercial condition of the
North-West provinces of India, says : " The chief consumers of English cloths here
' are all classes near to open and easy lines of commvnicatio n, be they by land or
' icater ; a comparatively small section of agriculturists, being the upper grades
' of the class at a distance from such communications ; a very large proportion of
' the inhabitants of towns and cities everywhere, and, of course, the whole of the
' European community. The mass of the agricultural and the poorer non-
1 agricultural classes have scarcely yet become the customers of Manchester at all,
' though it is merely a question of time and internal improvements of roads and
' rivers when they shall become so."
368 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
tation is not only advantageous to our export trade at
present, but will tell far more wonderfully in its favour
when the railroads come to be constructed, opening up
facilities of transport for goods which hitherto have
been utterly unknown in India.
Export of The large exports of " beer and ale," " preserved
provisions," " umbrellas and parasols," " printed
books," "stationery," "earthenware and porcelain,"
" saddlery and harness," " drugs," " pickles and
sauces," "lead and shot," and amongst foreign articles,
" wine and brandy," speak of the social life of our
own countrymen in India. Apart, in fact, from the
cotton goods, which form so large a part of the whole,
few of our articles of exportation appear to be in-
tended for the consumption of the natives, except,
Export of indeed, salt an item of very large amount, which
tive r con- tells another tale of fiscal misgovernment.* This
sumption, observation may be laid to heart by British merchants
and manufacturers, who, when the completion of the
Indian railways enables them to reach the great
internal districts of the country with their goods, may
probably find profitable markets for articles which
even yet have scarcely entered into our list of ex-
portations.
Notice has already been taken of the trade recently
opened with the territories ceded to us by the Burmese
on the east side of the Bay of Bengal. Reference must
also be made to the very considerable trade which
Kurrachee. has been opened at Kurrachee, at the north-west ex-
tremity of the coast of Scinde. For some time this
port has been regarded in London and elsewhere as
* The "Salt monopoly," maintained by our Government in India, has been one
of the most cruel items of taxation upon the people of that country, at the same
time that it has been most injurious to trade. See frequent debates in Parliament
on this subject. The Salt which cost the Government, in 1860, 323,800Z. was
sold to the natives for no less than 3,056,2007. ; this enormous taxation being
levied, it is to be remembered, on an article of the first necessity.
cn\v. vii.] TRADE WITH SINGAPORE. 369
the probable future emporium of the vast territories
traversed by the river Indus. A railway already
connects Kurrachee with Hyderabad, so as to make
Kurrachee the port for all the territory dependent
on that great city. By this port and the Indus,
Cashmere, and other districts, previously almost
beyond the reach of direct commerce, will hereafter
be penetrated with facility.
In close connexion with our East Indian com- SINGAPORE
merce, is our trade with SINGAPORE, a British
settlement of moderfl date, but of the utmost value
to the commerce of the world. The settlement of its settle-
Singapore was originally undertaken by Sir Stamford sir's. y
Raffles so recently as 1818. Sir Stamford, who was J
a man far in advance of his time, got small thanks
from the British Government for his enterprize ;
indeed they did not even recognise the settlement, now
so valuable to them, until seven years after, just one
year before his death. When Sir Stamford Raffles
first settled Singapore, its beautiful harbour was the
retreat of a body of Malay pirates. It was settled,
at first, by about 150 persons ; but five years after,
in 1824, its population had increased to 10,680 per- its rapid
manent settlers, and it has now more than 60,000
inhabitants. In 1825 the British Government entered
into a convention with the Dutch, and with the native
princes, by which Great Britain was confirmed in its
possession of this territory.
The importance of the settlement results from its import-
position. Equidistant from Calcutta and Canton,
it is a central point for the commerce of the Indian
Ocean and the North and South Pacific. Its situa-
tion also is most convenient for trade with all the
islands of the Oceania. The flags of all the nations
of Europe and America are intermingled in the
waters of Singapore harbour, with the streamers of
B B
370
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Trade of
Siugapore.
the junks of China, and of the prahus of Slam, Borneo,
Java, Sumatra, Celebes, and all the larger islands
of the southern seas. Singapore, being a free port,
is resorted to by all the independent traders of
the Archipelago. Much of the trade even of the
Dutch dependencies is carried on here in preference
to the highly-taxed ports of Java. In fact, in Singa-
pore, the British have an emporium for their trade
with eastern nations, rivalling, and even in many
respects surpassing that of the Dutch at Batavia.
The trade of Singapore in a few years after its
first settlement exceeded two millions. It is now
computed to exceed ten millions annually. With
Great Britain in the year 1860, the import and ex-
port trade approached 3,000,000. : our imports being
1,054,000, and our exports 1,718,0002. The following
were the principal items :
TRADE WITH SINGAPORE, 1860.
Imports
ana ex-
ports
IMPORTS FROM.
Terra Japonica . .
VALUED AT
158,435
EXPORTS TO.
Cotton Goods ....
VALUED AT
.1,086 582
Gutta Percha .
154 627
Yarn ....
175 246
Pepper
151,658
Woollen Goods ....
84,700
SonrA
129,794
Iron ,, ....
49 718
Tin
110,732
Copper
47,132
Hides . . .
48,592
Coals, &c
31 599
44,217
Linens
29 105
Sugar . . ....
40,355
Beer and Ale ....
19,879
Coffee
39,694
Gunpowder
14,959
31,897
Hardwares and Cutlery .
10,534
Caoutchouc ......
31,291
Glass
8,384
21 520
Earthenware
8 255
Canes
19,779
Machinery
7 425
Cutch
8,779
Apparel
6 787
Nutmegs
5,206
Steam Engines ....
3 380
4821
Guns
1 331
3 963
Camphor
2,703
Foreign Cotton Yarn &c
24 9'i9
Cassia and other Oils . . .
2,469
Wine
6469
Mace
1,002
Steel and Iron .
5 592
Gamboge
828
Spelter . . .
2 171
Vegetable Tallow ....
742
Brandy
813
Paper .
200
CHAP. VIL] TRADE WITH CEYLON. 371
Singapore exports no products of her own. The Singapore
settlement is on an island little larger than the Isle P 6tfb
of AYight, which does not produce sufficient for the
consumption of its own inhabitants, who are supplied ?
by junks from the neighbouring coasts and islands
with grain, vegetables, fruit, pork, turtle, fish, and other
articles. The exports of Singapore to England are,
therefore, products drawn from the various ports of the
Archipelago with which she trades. Her imports, in
the same way, are principally intended for distri-
bution amongst the countries with which Singapore
carries on her commerce. The principal merchants
and agents at this interesting settlement are British,
but there are a number of very respectable Chinese
and native dealers.
CEYLOX, which was only separated from the govern- CEYLON.
ment of the East India Company and brought under
that of the State, at the commencement of the present
century, is still considered as an annex of British
India as regards commerce.
Widely different, indeed, is the history of our The ciu-
trade with this island from the history of that monopoly.
of the dependency last adverted to. "When Ceylon
was wrested from the Dutch towards the close
of the last century, the principal product of the
island was Cinnamon. Of the trade in that spice
the East India Company made a close monopoly;
and on the transference of the island to the Govern-
ment of Great Britain, the Company agreed to pay
60,000/. a year for 400,000 Ib. or 4,342^ bales of
cinnamon; it being stipulated that if the quantity
collected exceeded that amount, the surplus should
be burned. This agreement was subsequently broken
off; but, down to 1833, the Government continued the
monopoly, sent the cinnamon to England, and sold
it on their own account at quarterly sales. Xow, it
B B 2
372 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
its in- is obvious, that this monopoly could not be main-
tained without limiting the culture of the plant.
This led to the most harassing and grievous inter-
ferences with the rights of individuals, and to oppres-
sions of such a character as seriously to affect the
prosperity of the island. The evils engendered at
length became so great, that it was found necessary
to abandon the monopoly, and, in 1833, the Cingalese
were allowed to cultivate cinnamon where and how
they pleased. But, unfortunately, the Government
accompanied the abolition of the monopoly with the
Export imposition of an exorbitant duty upon exportation^
fevSiou amounting to from 200 to 300 per cent, upon the
cinnamon. va i ue O f the article. In the face of such duties the
Their exports of cinnamon declined, and the cultivation of
the island languished. Successful attempts were
also made to cultivate the plant in Java and other
places, where it was not subjected to the duties
levied in Ceylon ; and besides this, a substitute for the
article was found in the bark of the cassia lignea, a tree
extensively grown in Sumatra, the Philippine Islands,
and other places in the southern seas. It appeared
probable, therefore, that the cinnamon of Ceylon would
be driven out of use, in which case the island would
have been left without any article of export. Happily,
at this juncture, the people turned their attention to
another production, for which Ceylon was found to
be particularly well adapted both by soil and climate.
Substitu- The rapid increase in the consumption of coffee in
coffee cui- e England consequent upon a reduction of customs'
tivation. Duties in 1825, led to an attempt to extend the
growth of the berry in the interior of Ceylon, and
that attempt proved so successful, that the island has
now become the great source from whence we derive
coffee, not only for our own consumption but for
exportation to the other countries of the world.
C HAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH CEYLON.
373
The following were the quantities of coffee imported Our
and entered for home consumption in 1860, from
different sources of supply :
COFFEE IMPORTED, 1860.
f
FROM WHENCE.
IMPORTED.
RETAINED
FOR HOME
CONSUMPTION.
VALUE.
Ceylon
lb.
59,322,797
7,562,947
6,236,395
3,831,010
3,459,668
502,495
468,359
366,031
241,237
111,452
92,323
89,271
483,761
lb.
25,734,575
4,021,758
208,185
2,075,960
2,690,146
330,739
42,237
115,627
10,285
6,057
11,550
59,121
368,141
1,813,215
264,653
162,877
120,320
104,767
13,764
18,927
15,685
6,053
2,930
2,562
2,453
15,101
British East Indies
Brazil
British West India Islands . .
Central America
New Granada
Eervut
United States
Hamburg
Hayti
Java
Philippine Islands
Other Parts
TOTAL
82,767j746
35,674,381
2,543,307
It will be seen from this table that Ceylon has Great
entirely superseded our British West India Islands
and Hayti in the supply of coffee, and that she sends
IT , T i Ceylon.
us nearly double as much as we require for our own
consumption, enabling us to export her produce to
other countries to the extent of nearly 35,000,000 lb.
of coffee a year. The most extraordinary and rapid its rapid
increase in the growth of coffee in Ceylon is illus-
trated by the following table :
EXPORTATION OF COFFEE FROM CEYLON.
increase.
YEAR.
1837 .
1840 .
CWTS.
.... 34,164 . .
.... 68,206
VALUE.
, . . .106,999
214 529
1845 .
.... 178,603 . .
. . 363 259
1851
.... 349,957 . . .
. . 688,156
1855
.... 506,540 . .
. . . 1,025,282
1860
.... 895,000 . .
. . . 1,813,215*
It is remarkable that the consumption of coffee has not increased in England
374
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
toI 7-
Such is the history of our trade with Ceylon. It
this S his m affords another practical illustration of the different
effects produced on commerce hy monopoly and
free trade. Under the former system the trade
of this productive island was nearly ruined ; under
the latter it has risen to such prosperity that the
balance of trade is in favour of the island to the
Extent of extent of a million and a half per annum our
trade, in 1860, being represented by the following
Ceylon.
Imports from Ceylon .
Exports to
2,274,647
. 711,582
Of which the principal items were as follows :
Imports
aud
exports.
IMPORTS FROM CEYLON.
VALUED AT
Coffee 1,813,215
Cocoa-NutOil 229,184
Cinnamon
Coir Rope, &c.
Black Lead .
Cotton . . .
Essential Oils
Ebony . . .
Cowries . .
Hides .
51,641
39,860
36,359
34,538
20,909
9,091
3,328
1,339
EXPORTS TO CEYLON.
VALUED AT
Cotton Goods i'364,646
Iron 38,755
Coal, &c 27,075
Cotton Yarn 26,004
Beer and Ale 25,593
Apparel 21,843
Hardwares and Cutlery. . . 21,783
Woollen Goods 13,691
Wines 11,790
Earthenware 11,734
Stationery 8,231
Copper 7,134
Glass 7,026
Machinery 6,478
Drugs 3,693
for several years past. In 1846, 1847, and 1848, we absolutely consumed more
coffee than in 1856, 1857, and 1858, though in the latter years the prices were
lower, and our population had greatly increased. In 1860 we retained for home
consumption no greater quantity than in 1845. The cause of this may perhaps
be partly found in the admixture of chicory with coffee. It is also probable
that the retail price of coffee, which is surely beyond its intrinsic value, together
with the quantity of sugar required to make coffee palatable to English tastes,
renders it a beverage scarcely less costly to the poor than tea. In the United
States, where the article is cheap, the consumption of coffee has increased with
#reat rapidity. New York obtains its chief supply of coffee from Brazil.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH THE MAURITIUS. 375
The trade with Ceylon has hitherto been principally The ports
conducted with Colombo ; but as the harbour there is of
very inferior, being, in fact, an open roadstead, and
as the coffee plantations may be reached from other
ports with equal facility, it is probable that they will
soon acquire a share of the commercial importance of
what is now the principal port of the island. This
will be advantageous to our trade with Ceylon, which
can scarcely yet be said to be developed. As their
exports have increased, and as they have consequently
increased in wealth, the inhabitants have been taking
somewhat larger supplies of our commodities ; but it
is obvious that the island has capacity for a very
much larger consumption. The following shows the increase of
the Ceylon
increase of its trade during the last five years : trade.
TRADE WITH CEYLON.
YEAR. IMPORTS FROM. EXPORTS TO.
1856 .... 1,304,174 .... 411,095
1857 1,503,897 549,054
1858 1,679,852 570,404
1859 1,654,391 697,825
I860 2,274,647 711,582
RITIUS.
The MAURITIUS and its dependencies are extremely The
thriving. Originally a Trench dependency, the
Mauritius, was taken possession of by our forces in
1810, and was only definitively ceded to Great Britain
in 1811. Up to 1825 the island was treated, commer-
cially, almost in the same way as a foreign country ;
but in that year, sugar, and other articles imported
from the Mauritius were put upon the same footing
as the like goods imported from the British West
Indies. This measure proved to be a great boon to
the Mauritius, inasmuch as only eight years after, in
1833, the island was included in the Slave Eman-
cipation Act, under which the proprietors in the
Mauritius obtained upwards of 2,000,000/. of the
376
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Its past
inercial
history.
Great in-
crease of
its sugar
produc-
tion.
twenty millions voted by Parliament as " compensa-
tion " for their abandonment of slave labour. This
large payment was of the utmost importance to the
colony. Unlike the West Indies, the estates in the
Mauritius were not deeply embarrassed by mortgages,
and the compensation money was capable of being
applied to the improvement of the country. The
proprietors, with great judgment, expended a very
large proportion of the money they received, in
fertilizing their land, improving their machinery,*
and importing labour from the East Indies, Mada-
gascar, and other parts. They thus brought a large
and entirely new labouring population into their
country; and by good management of them, they
have rendered the Mauritius one of the most nourish-
ing of the British colonial possessions.
In 1840, the imports of sugar into the United King-
dom from the Mauritius amounted to 516,076 cwt. In
1856 they amounted to 2,372,313 cwt. Besides this,
the Mauritius sends a very large quantity of sugar to
France, Australia, and the Cape of Good Hope. It
has given itself up to sugar cultivation. Since 1854,
its other exports, such as coffee, tortoiseshell, &c.
have ceased, and the whole island has become a
sugar-factory. A curious contrast, indeed, with the
condition of our West India Islands, in many of
which proprietors have been abandoning the sugar
cultivation in despair, without, it is to be feared,
applying themselves to the production of any other
articles.
* In the three years 1857, 1858, and 1859, the planters of Mauritius expended
the following sums in mill machinery, guano, and mules :
Machinery 249,582
Guano 233,022
Mules 108,053
TOTAL
to90,657
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
377
Our trade with the Mauritius in 1860 was repre-
sented by
Imports therefrom, amounting to . . 1,684,264
Exports thereto .... 564,787
Sugar represents 1,537,0002. of the imports ; the statistics
only other articles brought from the Mauritius were with the
rum, and some small quantities of raw cotton, and M
wool. Our exports to the island were
EXPORTS TO THE MAURITIUS, 1860.
VALUED AT
Cotton Goods 132,415
Machinery 75,422
Iron 62,227
Copper 29,331
Beer and Ale 25,065
Apparel 24,159
Hardware and Cutlery . . . 21,118
Steam Engines 17,817
Tin Plates 11,097
Carriages 9,872
Linens 7,615
Painters' Colours 6,756
Woollens 6,132
VALUED AT
Prepared Fuel . 5,767
Glass Manufactures .... 5,938
Lead and Shot 5,473
Coals 2,798
Earthenware 2,767
Manure 1,972
Guano 9,313
Wine 5,872
Cigars 3,146
Wood, Sawn 2,160
Cheese 1,464
It is gratifying to find that the CAPE OF GOOD Trade
HOPE, which we took possession of purely for military
purposes so lately as 1806, now stands next to Australia
and Canada in the list of our colonies considered in
reference to commerce. For a lonsr time the com-
Cy
mercial development of this territory was very much
retarded by the frontier war between the Boers and
Kaffirs which, originating with the Dutch, continued
to be carried on down to a very recent period of our
rule. In 1853, however, a guerilla warfare, which
had lasted for a number of years, was brought to a
conclusion by the voluntary submission of Sandilli,
with whom the Governor (Sir George Cathcart)
concluded a treaty, one of the provisions of which
assigned the Kaffir tribes new lands for their residence.
Since tranquillity was thus established, the roads of
378
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Its large
increase
since the
cessation
of the
Kaffir
Wars.
Imports
and
exports.
Wool.
the colony have undergone repairs, new lines of com-
munication have been opened out, and the resources
of the Cape have been greatly developed. The fol-
lowing table will show the commercial progress of
the colony since 1854. To the exports and imports
since 1856 there have to be added those of Natal,
which previously to that year were included in the
Cape list :
TRADE WITH THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
TEAR.
1854
1855
1856
1857
1858
1859
1860
IMPORTS FROM
691,352
949,640
1,502,828
1,793,717
1,723,445
1,685,258
1,713,502
EXPORTS TO.
1,064,283
1,212,630
1,417,465
1,949,224
1,812,881
2,045,425
2,162,731
The principal articles in which the people of the
Cape have increased their export trade to England
since 1852 have been wool, wine, hides and skins;
all indicating their progress as an agricultural popu-
lation. The increase in their export of wool has been
something quite surprising :
EXPORT OF WOOL FROM THE CAPE TO ENGLAND.
1833 113,077 lb.
1843 1,754,757
1853 7,221,448
1856 14,305,188
1860 16,574,345 *
"Wool is now by far the most important item of
export from the colony. The increase of the quantity
exported is the more remarkable, as the native breed
of sheep at the Cape is very inferior, the fleece being
worth little, and the animal itself being principally
of account in consequence of the size of its tail, which
sometimes weighs as much as 18 lb. or 20 lb. The
* The exportation in the last year being exclusive of 530,060 lb. sent us from
Natal.
CHAP. vn.J TRADE WITH THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. 379
wool grown at the Cape, therefore, has been produced
from imported sheep of the Spanish merino and other
breeds, which have thriven well in the colony. Next
to Australia and India, the Cape of Good Hope now
sends us the largest supply of wool we receive from
any quarter of the world.
The production of wine at the Cape of Good Hope
was a good deal stimulated by the differential duties
until recently levied in this country. Those duties,
by permitting the introduction of Cape wines at
lower rates than foreign wines, gave an opportunity
to the wine merchant of mixing the wines of the
Cape with those of Spain, and thereby obtaining
increased profits. This adulteration was, at one time,
carried to a great extent. Then, Cape wines were
brought into consumption in their natural state, show-
ing the demand which existed amongst the public for
wine at a low price. Except Constantia, however, of
which the growth is very small, the Cape wines are
all of inferior quality, and they cannot be expected
to compete in the English market with the vintages
of Spain and other vine-growing countries nearer
home. The export of Cape wine which reached
789,000 gallons in 1859, previous to the reduction
of the wine duties, fell to 690,000 in 1860, and a
further decline must be anticipated.*
Hides, skins, and horns, form a very important Hides, &c.
item of import from the Cape. They principally
come from Algoa Bay, which communicates with
the plains on the eastern side of the colony. The
exportations of ostrich feathers and elephants' teeth Ostrich
feathers.
* Since this was written, the Board of Trade returns show that the wine
imported from South Africa, in 1861, only amounted to 126,950 gallons. Some
parties in the wine trade appear to think that " the reaction will prove but of
short duration." The writer, however, differs from this view. The wines of the
Cape may find a market in South America, the Mauritius, &c. ; but they must
undergo very considerable improvement to enable them to compete with European
wines in the English market.
380
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
have also recently much extended, showing increased
communication with the interior, and more unre-
stricted trade with the natives. Copper ore has only
become an article of export from this colony within
the last ten years; the quantity exported in 1852
having been only 26 tons, whilst, in 1860, it had
risen to 3,512.
The following is the list of principal articles under
both heads :
Imports
and ex-
ports.
Our ex-
ports to
the Cape.
IMPORTS.
VALUED AT
Wool, Sheep and Lambs' . 1,187,748
Copper Ore 95,861
EXPORTS.
Apparel and Hosiery . . .
Cotton Goods
VALUED AT
382,193
359,332
153,222
150,035
128,549
98,539
70,892
49,810
48,189
38,613
37,912
32,383
31 ,132
28,156
23,761
21,691
19,096
18,723
17,510
16,114
16,515
15,370
15,854
14,791
86,354
sses of
ilation
Wine 92,893
Woollen
Skins, Sheep and Goat . . 89,730
Hides 48,477
Iron
Hardware and Cutlery . .
Leather Goods .
Ostrich Feathers .... 43,025
Elephants' Teeth* . . . 37,590
Sugar 18,867
Soap and Candles ....
Beer and Ale ....
Seeds, Flax and Linseed . 15,960
Guano 7,860
Machinery
Saddlery
Seal Skins . . 7 681
Hats
Cotton 3 336
Linen Goods
Aloes ... .2 914
Stationery
Horns 2 752
Guns
Furniture
Glass
Earthenware
Empty Bags
Printed Books
* The ivory of the African elephant
is less liable to become discoloured than
any other, and is therefore more es-
teemed. The price of good ivory (" bil-
liards") in London varies from 301. to
601. per cwt. according to the size of the
tooth, the heaviest fetching most.
Our exports to the CE
goods first, for the supp]
Gunpowder
Silk Manufactures . . .
Drugs
Wine
Other Foreign and Colonial
Goods
ipe are of two cla
y of the native popi
and for trade with the interior of Southern Africa;
and, second, for the supply of the British inhabitants
of the colony, who, judging from the character of the
articles they require, arc rapidly increasing in wealth
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NATAL. 381
and luxury. The quantities of wearing apparel and
hosiery, soap and candles, beer and ale, saddlery,
furniture, glass, earthenware, hooks, stationery, silks,
&c. exported to the colony denote a very nourishing
population. The trade with the interior admits, Trade
however, of extension ; and prohahly, in the course natives
of a short time, that extension will be obtained. Africa. 111
Hitherto the Americans have done, in a contraband
way, a very considerable share of the business with
the native populations of the Cape. In consequence
of our frontier wars, the sale of gunpowder and
firearms to the natives was, for some time, prohibited
in this colony. The Americans took up the business
of supplying them, surreptitiously, with those articles
at ports on the eastern coast, and along with guns
and gunpowder sold them many other articles of first
necessity. Now that the frontier war has been abated,
and order established in the colony, it may be hoped
that a better system of trade will be promoted.
Algoa Bay, on the eastern side of the Cape Colony, Aigoa Ba
has recently become a larger seat of export trade than
Capetown. The principal port, called Port Elizabeth,
has an excellent harbour. Farther on along the
coast, we established a new settlement in 1841, which
is now recognised as Natal. To this colony, which NATAL
is said to have a delightful climate, large emigra-
tion has taken place of late years. Since 1856 its
imports and exports have been distinguished in
official returns from those of the Cape of Good
Hope. The trade with Natal is at present limited,
but it is obviously growing, as the following figures
show :
IMPORTS FROM. EXPORTS TO. TOTAL TRADE.
1857 . . . 86,174 .... 140,546 .... 228,720
1860 . . . 103,721 .... 236,864 .... 340,585
The list of imports and exports is not large, but
382
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. {CHAP. vir.
Trade
with
Natal.
ASCKN-
SION.
ST.
HELENA.
the items indicate agricultural progress and some
development of native trade :
TRADE WITH NATAL.
IMPORTS FROM.
VALUED AT
Wool 37,851
Hides 21,640
Elephants' Teeth .... 18,092
Sugar 12,506
Arrowroot 10,073
Ostrich Feathers . . 317
EXPORTS TO.
TALCED AT
Cotton Goods 43,004
Apparel 30,551
Machinery 26,541
Woollen Goods 23,427
Iron 15,141
Hardwares 15,005
Leather and Saddlery . . . 15,611
Colonial Produce, &c. . . . 16,24s
The trade carried on with the lone Atlantic
islands of ASCENSION and ST. HELENA would scarcely
be worth mentioning but for some peculiarities.
Ascension, which is a mere volcanic rock, pro-
duces nothing. We use it as a coal depot for
steamers navigating the Southern Ocean, and they do
not appear largely to resort to it, as our export of
coal and prepared fuel scarcely amounts to 2,0002.
a year. ST. HELENA sent us in 1860 about 12,0002.
worth of orchal, gathered on her rocks ; some guano,
which, considering the moisture of her climate, must
have been an unprofitable import ; a few hides, and a
small quantity of wool. In return we sent to St.
Helena, in small quantities of course, nearly every
article that enters into the daily consumption of a
European population: bread and butter, cheese and
biscuits, beef and pork, beer and ale, soap and
candles, slops and haberdashery, boots and shoes,
brandy, tea, tobacco, and wine. The value of the
goods sent there was 56,1572. The sum paid out of
the national exchequer for the cost of supporting
this dependency was 63,0002. It would appear,
therefore, that we are keeping up this distant island,
with its population of 5,500, at a greater cost than
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH THE FALKLAND ISLANDS. 383
the whole value of its trade. For what object we
maintain a government and military establishment on
this rock it is difficult to say. It no longer affords
any protection to our commerce, for the trade to and
from the East Indies is very much diverted to other
routes, and comparatively few vessels now touch at
St. Helena.
In the FALKLAND ISLANDS we have another instance
of a dependency maintained, as it would seem, without LANDS.
any other object than that of patronage.* Upon this Main-
isolated group, with a population of less than SOO
souls, we are expending, in salaries paid out of the
Imperial Treasury, an amount which, on the average
of the last five years, exceeds the total exportation of
the islands ! A Company was formed some years
since, under the title of " the Falkland Islands Com-
pany," whose principal object it was to trade in the
herds of wild cattle which have been multiplying in
these islands since Commodore Byron landed on them
in 1764. One would not suppose, however, that the not for
enterprise was very successful, judging from the commerce,
following meagre list of imports and exports for 1860,
which do not exceed those of many a provincial
village :
IMPORTS FROM.
Hides
VALUED AT
. 3,631
EXPORTS TO.
Slops
VALUED AT
. 1 148
Wool
2,338
Leather and Saddlery
770
Seal Skins
659
Com and Flour . .
309
Train Oil
207
Beer and Ale -
213
Rum
184
Tea
172
Tobacco
145
Wine
135
* The Under Secretary of the Colonies, Mr. J. F. Elliott, could give no better
reason to a Parliamentary Committee for the occupancy of the Falkland islands
than that " they were held to prevent bad uses." Every attempt made to colonize
these islands has failed. They are only fit for a convict settlement ; and it
would entail great cost to adapt them even to that purpose.
384 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [OHAP. vn.
b atrona e ^ ne g^^er part of the population of these un-
' productive islands are stated to be office-holders,
receiving salaries from the British Government. It
is lamentable to think of our keeping up govern-
ment establishments in dependencies so obscure and
worthless; especially knowing as we do, that we
may be forced at some future date into enormous
expenditure for maintaining or defending them.
Our very right to the Falkland Islands has been
with other already, on more than one occasion, disputed by the
Governments of Spain and Buenos Ayres ; and it is
doubted, if not questioned, by other more important
powers.
Trade Passing from these islands which afford nothing,
with Aus-
THALIA, we proceed to consider the trade of the colonies of
AUSTRALIA, which, whilst Downing Street has been
engaged in settling the Falkland Islands, have pro-
moted themselves to so high a position in the ranks
of commerce. It will be seen, from the following
table, that our gross trade with these countries ex-
ceeded 21,000,OOOZ. in 1860, of which 15,000,000*. was
represented by merchandise, and 6,000,000/. by coin
and bullion.
TRADE OF GREAT BRITAIN WITH AUSTRALIA, 1860.
IMPORTS FROM. EXPORTS TO.
New South Wales .... 1,830,371 .... 2,709,973
Victoria 2,867,445 .... 5,802,513
South Australia 736,480 .... 880,894
West Australia 93,699 .... 116,838
.3,527,995 9,510,218
Gold and Silver 6,719,857 29,720
12,247,852 9,539,938
In order correctly to measure the progress of our
trade with these colonies, it is necessary to take them
seriatim.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NEW SOUTH WALES. 385
Down to the 1st of August, 1848, NEW SOUTH
.
WALES was a penal colony. From that date thewaies,
transportation of convicts to Australia ceased. In
1850, Port Philip was separated from it, and made
a separate colony under the name of Victoria, and
constitutions were granted to both. At that time
the population of New South "Wales amounted to
250,000. It was entirely dependent upon its pastoral its pastoral
* *mr character.
resources, and its sheep and other stock. "Wool and
tallow were by far the most important exports of the
colony. The value of the Australian trade generally
was about 2,500,0002. annually ; the wool and tallow
exported amounting to about 1,000,0002., and the im-
ports from Great Britain averaging about 1,300,0002.
In 1852 the discovery of gold changed the whole Discovery
aspect of New South Wales. In order to pay the
expenses of our convict and other establishments,
England, up to that time, had annually been obliged
to export gold to Australia. All this was now changed.
The people grew suddenly rich, and were able to pur-
chase supplies of commodities greatly in excess of
their previous consumption. Our export trade to Conse-
New South Wales accordingly rose at once from crease of
1,632,1372. in 1852 to 4,527,7752. in 1853.
Our exportation in the latter year was, no doubt,
in excess of the wants of the community, and many
failures both in England and in the colony resulted
from the disappointments consequent upon this over-
trading. These embarrassments, however, were only
temporary. A large increase of trade was justified
by the ability of the colonists to purchase ; and since
the trade has settled down, free from the excitement
of the first discovery of the precious metals, our ex-
portations to New South Wales have averaged fully
3,000,0002. per annum. The list of articles chiefly
imported and exported is as follows :
c c
386
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Imports
from and
exports to
Sydney.
TRADE WITH NEW 5
IMPORTS FROM.
VALUED AT
Wool . . . 1,527,648
OUTH WALES, 1860.
EXPORTS TO.
Apparel
VALUED AT
495,265
287,496
181,600
176,337
154,094
142,360
121,764
81,223
54,470
49,135
46,275
46,415
39,475
37,895
33,298
33,088
31,673
29,735
26,967
26,281
25,162
23,099
21,192
15,965
15,877
15,600
15,556
15,270
14,788
12,708
12,546
11,147
10,961
10,618
10,257
7,135
4.665
Hides . - . 97,308
Leather
Cocoa Nut Oil 45,548
Cotton Goods
Copper Ore 32,949
Iron
Spermaceti . 31,940
Woollen
Tallow . 23 274
Beer and Ale
Gums 6,521
Hardwares and Cutlery . .
Stationery
Woods . . . . . . 5,456
Whale Fins 5,109
Saddlery and Harness . .
Brandy
Bones 3 322
Sheep Skins 3 284
Wine
Tortoiseshell ... . 2 944
Hats
Australian Wine .... 58
Linens
Bum
Silk Manufactures ....
Glass
Soap and Candles ....
Drugs
Furniture
N.B. There are no reliable accounts
of our imports of gold from New South
Wales since its discovery, nor of the
gold yield of the colony. The quantity
of gold which has been coined at Sydney
amounts to a very large item ; in 1860
it was estimated at 1,621,354Z. The
export of uncoined gold that year was
estimated at 93,036 ounces. It is anti-
cipated that the colonial gold coined at
the Sydney Mint will presently be made
a legal tender throughout all the British
dominions ; so that we may soon have
Sydney sovereigns current in Cornhill.
Large shipments of gold are made from
Australia to India. New South Wales
gold is generally of a lower quality than
that from Victoria.
Pickles and Sauces . . .
Books
Steam Engines
Earthenware
Raisins and Currants . . .
Musical Instruments . . .
Corn and Flour
Confectionery
Butter and Cheese ....
Copper
Machinery
Empty Bags
Straw Hats, &c
Tobacco
Qin
Plate and Jewellery . . .
Carriages
Gloves .
Australia now stands at the head of the list of
countries which supply England with wool. The
following is an account showing the quantities of
wool imported in 1860 from all the countries of the
world :
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NEW SOUTH WALES.
38"
WOOL IMPORTED, I860.
COUNTRY.
QUANTITY.
VALUE.
Ib.
59,165,939
16,574,345
8,733,484
20,214,173
. 4,723,628
5,387,078
1,187,748
869,120 i
699,861
472,362
376,056
358,532
230,124
145,555
104,394
101,039
97,743
92,211
89,734
83,925
82,921
65,804
56,903
39,929
32,161
30,551
25,232
21,925
54,014
British Possessions in South Africa ....
British East Indies
BeJoium .
Holland
3,760,546
8,730,107
4,424,260
2,743,193
1,614,538
2,368,882
1,000,227
1,091,390
931,128
2,066,650
1,260,370
661,372
1,402,492
939,609
849,325
306,549
252,909
418,389
1,268,146
Peru (Alpaca and Vicuna Wool)
Buenos Ayres
Denmark and Iceland . .
Spain
United States
Eflvnft
Uruguay
Prussia
Gibraltar
Turkey Proper
Morocco
Bremen .
Hanover
Chili (Alpaca and Vicuna)
TOTAL
145,501,651
10,704,922
Quantities
of wool
received
from dif-
ferent
countries,
A.D. 1860.
In 1810 Australia sent home its "first clip" of Vast and
wool. In 1860 the Australian colonies furnsihed
nearly 60,000,000 Ib. The progressive supply for
each ten years was as follows :
wocl -
EXPORT OF WOOL FROM AUSTRALIA.
YEAR. lh.
1810 167
1820 99,415
1830 1,967,309
1840 9,721,243
1850 39,018,221
1860 59,165,939
c c 2
388 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
The alpaca and vicuna have recently been intro-
duced with success into New South Wales, and in the
next ten years we may expect supplies of the wool of
those animals.
importa- It should be noticed, that the importation of
tallow from this colony has materially decreased.
In consequence of the increase of population, the
Wales, sheep are not now boiled down as they were some
years ago, but are used as food. The flocks, however,
are so rapidly increasing, that it may be expected,
at no distant period, that there will again be an
excess of the supply required for consumption, in
which case, the exportation of tallow will, no doubt,
again increase. It is curious to note the progressive
fall in the quantity exported
Decrease TALLOW EXPORTED FROM NEW SOUTH WALES.
of the
export TEAR. cwt.
of tallow. 1852 ......... 118,649
1853 ......... 115,933
1854 ......... 64,378
1855 ......... 42,029
1856 ......... 73,281
1857 ......... 48,257
1858 ......... 29,601
1859 ......... 11,924
1860 ......... 8,110
Australian In the same way the importation of wine grown
and manufactured in Australia sunk from 3,356
gallons in 1852 to 586 in 1860 ; but this, considering
the quality, can scarcely be considered any loss.
The hides exported are about stationary, and the
copper ore has considerably increased.
QUEENS- In 1860, the accounts of the rising colony of
QUEENSLAND, which has recently become a distinct
settlement from New South Wales, were first pub-
lished separately from those of the larger colony. The
statistics are not yet in a condition to enable us to
CHAP. VIL] TKADE WITH VICTORIA. 389
do more than draw from them a favourable augury
as to the future of this productive pastoral settle-
ment. Our exports to Queensland direct in 1860,
amounted to 53, 297 J. and in 1861 to 75,000/. ; but
this does not by any means show the extent of the
consumption of this very rising colony.
The colony of VICTORIA is, if possible, even a still
more remarkable instance of rapid progress than that
of New South "Wales. This colony was absolutely
unsettled until thirty years ago. In 1824 it was
visited by two English travellers, who published an
account which drew attention to it, and in 1826
Western Point was formally taken possession of, and
a small fort erected on an island in Port Philip
Harbour. Up to 1836, however, the Government its settle-
appeared anxious to check emigration to this colony, despite
and would sanction no territorial arrangements cal- stet Sff-
culated to promote its effectual settlement. In that ficulties -
year they appointed a governor and some other
officials, and the colonists themselves imported
30,000 sheep from Van Diemen's Land. The colony,
thereafter, made rapid progress, and at the time it
was separated from New South Wales, contained a
population of upwards of 80,000, and exported as
much wool as the parent colony.
In 1851, only fifteen years after what may be con- Discovery
sidered its settlement, the first discovery was made
of the extraordinarily productive gold-fields for
which Victoria has since become famous. Such was
the rush to the colony, that its population imme-
diately rose from 95,000 to 200,000; a rise in onef n en t f e dlise
year said to be absolutely without any precedent in prosperity
the world's history. The immediate increase in the colony.
prosperity of the colony will be illustrated by the
following table :
390
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
STATISTICS OF VICTORIA.
1851.
1852.
Imports from the Colony
1,056,000
4,044,000
Exports to ,,
1,424,000
7,452,000
Colonial Revenue
380,000
1,577,000
Tonnage Entered Inwards
126,000
380,000
Population of Melbourne
23,000
80,000
of Geelong
8,000
20,000
,, of the Colon v . '
95,000
200,000
Decline of The population of Victoria in 1860 was upwards of
produce 500,000, of whom 300,000 were males. The produce
accounted o f g^ ^as dedine^ ^^ this is well accounted for
in the following despatch of the Governor, Sir Henry
Barkley, presented to Parliament in April, 1862 :
" I reckoned in 1857 on a large and continuous accession to
the mining population, to compensate for the comparative
falling off in the richness of the earliest worked alluvial
deposits; whereas immigration at the public expense was soon
afterwards discontinued, and one class of miners suddenly
reduced in numbers by the threatened exaction of residence
tax from the Chinese. Much labour was also withdrawn to
the construction of railways, as well as to agriculture by the
opening up of the lands. But above all has been the drain
annually caused by the reports of gold discoveries of surpassing
richness in other colonies. In 1858 the Port Curtis rush drew
ten or twelve thousand diggers to what is now the territory of
Queensland; in 1859-60, at least an equal number were
tempted by the glowing, though fallacious, accounts of the
Snowy River diggings to cross the frontier into New South
Wales ; in the present year as many more have embarked for
the gold-fields in the Otago Province, New Zealand ; and while
it is still uncertain whether these will support a quarter of their
present population, the note of preparation for a rush to the
* The actual quantity of gold found in Victoria, between 1851 and 1861, was
about 800 tons, or 103,000,000/. sterling. It is to be regretted that no reliable
materials exist for giving the annual import of gold from our colonies; m>
account of the gold and bullion imported having been taken by the customs ]>ri<>r
to 185".
CHAP, vii.] TEADE WITH VICTORIA. 391
Lachlan, in New South Wales, is again being sounded by the
Sydney press.
" The wonder is, indeed, that the effects of all this have not
been more strongly exhibited at the Victoria gold-fields, but it
must be borne in mind that there always was a large unsettled
population in this colony prospecting for new gold-fields at
home, and it is from this source mainly, though by no means
exclusively, that these foreign rushes are fed, many diggers
going to and returning disappointed from each in succession.
" No accurate data exist for determining the numbers
actually engaged in mining at the two periods, but some idea
may be formed from the fact, that so late as 1859, when the
Mining Surveyor's Reports were first published, it was computed
at 125,764, whilst, in the Report for September last, the aggre-
gate stands at but 103,384. Added to this, more than 1 0,000
Chinese had left the colony between 1857 and 1859; their
number now, allowing for a subsequent reduction of 3,000,
being estimated at 23,000 as against 36,000.
" A reduction to so great an extent in the labour applied,
goes a long way in accounting for the diminution in the
product. It not merely explains why no great rush has taken
place within the colony since 1858. and why so little new
alluvial ground has been opened, but accounts, in some degree,
for the deserted aspect of the old alluvial diggings around the
towns I visited, which I anticipated, when there before, would give
profitable employment in reworking for a far longer period."
The following were the exports of Victoria to Great Exports of
Britain in 1860, in addition to the gold : victoria -
Wool 2,357,545
Hides 200,219
Copper Ore 105,962
Copper, partly wrought, &c. . . 61,135
Sheep Skins 24,775
Tallow 9,501
Tin Ore 7,800
Other Articles 100,313
It is observable, that whilst the annual exports of Their pro-
New South Wales have rather decreased than other-
wise since the discovery of gold, the exports of
Victoria have steadily increased. They were in
392
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, vn
1854 1,651,649
1855 1,798,790
1856 ........ 2,033,654
1857 2,472,479
1858 2,110,277
1859 2,427,820
I860 2,867,445
This is a very favourable symptom for the colony;
showing that the mania for gold-finding has not
superseded other efforts to develop its resources.
Our exportations to Victoria consisted in 1860 of
the following long list of articles, the total value
of which amounted to no less than 5,800,000.
Articles
exported
to Vic-
toria.
Exi
Apparel .
ORTS TO VICTORIA, 1860.
. 912,765 Linfins ...
34,492
31,898
28,723
25,120
24,856
23,080
20,487
18,362
16,961
16,520
15,809
12,771
8,095
7,659
6,132
6,088
5,147
5,022
4,480
3,417
3,318
3,284
2,106
1,794
1,226
636,264
Iron .......
576,382
Furniture ......
Leather Goods ....
525,297
Empty Bags .
Butter and Cheese . .
Woollen Goods ....
. 318,792
315,745
Straw Hats and Bonnets .
Gin
Cotton ....
299,732
Currants .
Beer and Ale ....
285 195
Musical Instruments . . .
Plate and Jewellery . . .
Wood, ready sawn . . . .
Lead and Shot
Hardwares and Cutlery .
Stationery
. 204,901
156 616
Bacon and Hams . . .
Soap and Candles . . .
Corn and Flour . . .
Steam Engines ....
145,020
111,305
88,286
86,830
Rum
Quicksilver .......
Cigars .
Glass Manufactures . .
Silk Goods
85,942
85,309
Raisins
Olive On
Brandy
80,598
Gloves
Hats
73 973
Tobacco
Machinery
73,146
'Wooden Wares
Printed Books ....
61,019
Corks ....
Wine
60 434
Succades
Foreign Ribbons . . . .
Chicory, roasted . . . .
Coffee
Drugs
60 358
Saddlery and Harness .
Pickles and Sauces . .
Stearine Candles . . .
Earthenware
53,542
48,692
46,402
41,938
Tea
Rice
Confectionery ....
39,665
Unenumerated Articles . .
Apparel. The large proportion of ready-made wearing ap-
parel in the lists of exports to Australia is very
remarkable, and shows the large extent to which
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH VICTORIA. . 393
the export tailors of the East-end of London are
employed for colonial purposes. These wholesale
and export houses, it will be recollected, are the
employers of those sempstresses and tailoresses whom
we have been anxious, for many years past, to
emigrate to these very colonies, in consequence of
the unreniuneratlve character of their labour at
home, and the extent to which they overstock the
London labour market. It is curious also to notice
the great quantity of "butter and cheese" sent to Butter and
this colony : which is said to arise from the tem-
perature being ordinarily too hot for good dairy
operations. Even more observable is the quantity of
bacon and hams exported. These, it is to be pre- Bacon aQ d
sumed, are mostly for the diggings, where " a rasher"
would probably be the ne plus ultra of cookery.
Victoria is one of the very few portions of the globe
with which we trade in which the quantity ofwooiiena.
woollen goods consumed is in excess of the quantity
of cottons. This is the more singular, considering the
climate. The stationery and printed books, which station-
form two heavy items, speak well for the intelligence ery ' &c '
of the colony. On the other hand, the very great
quantity of brandy and other spirituous liquors sent Spirits.
out (despite a heavy colonial duty of 10s. per gallon
on importation) is to be deplored. Taking the popu-
lation of the colony in 1856 at 500,000, the importa-
tion of spirituous liquors from England in that year
was at the rate of nearly four gallons per head per
annum for every man, woman, and child, in the
colony,: and although the quantity imported was not
so great in 1860, that does not appear to have pro-
ceeded from diminished consumption.
Victoria, at present, stands at the head of all our The
colonies in regard to commerce : her total imports pre
and exports from and to all portions of the world
394
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
and future
of Vic-
toria.
SOUTH
AUS-
TRALIA.
Its copper
mines.
Their
progress
checked
by the
gold dis-
coveries.
Increase
in the clip
of wool.
amounting to very nearly 30,000,000^. annually. It is
somewhat hazardous to make predictions of the
future trade of a colony so largely dependent as
Victoria is upon its gold-fields. The industry of its
settled population, the increase of its raw productions,
and the large sums which have been and are still
being expended upon public works,* are, however,
indications of a prosperous future, whatever may be
the mineral development of the country.
SOUTH AUSTRALIA, which was settled under the
auspices of an English Land Company, in 1836,
mainly owes its prosperity to the discovery of copper
and lead mines in 1842 and 1843, by two gentlemen
who had gone out as settlers (Mr. Dutton and Mr.
Bagot). These gentlemen combined to buy the land
which contained these great mineral riches, and
which comprehended what are now known as the
copper mines of Kapunda. This land, to the extent
of eighty acres, they purchased at the Government
price, I/, an acre, and some time after refused to sell
for 27,0007. In 1852, the exports of copper ore,
regulus, &c., from Port Adelaide, amounted to 9,984
tons ; but the discovery of the gold-fields in the
other colonies of Australia, by attracting many of
the labourers from the copper mines, gave a serious
check to their progress, and the quantity of copper
since exported has been decreasing almost every year.
On the other hand, it is gratifying to notice that the
annual clip of wool in South Australia has largely
increased.
* It is computed that, in the last ten years, there has been expended in the
Australian Colonies, on
Railways 8,000,000
Telegraphs 163,476
Roads and Bridges 5,272,620
Other Public Works 3,500,000
16,936,096
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH SOUTH AUSTRALIA.
395
WOOL IMPORTED FROM SOUTH AUSTRALIA.
TEAR. lb.
1852 3,922,318
1853 3,339,743
1854 4,395,957
1855 5,589,657
1856 5,976,796
1857 ...".' 7,138,009
1858 7,464,351
1859 8,339,079
1860 9,769,474
Besides wool, our general imports from South imports
Australia, in 1860, were of small account. The fr)m '
following is the complete list :
IMPORTS FROM SOUTH AUSTRALIA, 1860.
Wool valued at 594,306
Copper 121,838
Bark, for Tanning 7,708
Hides 4,986
Lead Ore 200
Other Articles 8,042
The principal exports were and ex-
ports to,
EXPORTS TO SOUTH AUSTRALIA, 1860. the colony.
Apparel 154,053 j Hats of other sorts . . . 13,863
Cotton Goods 72,550 Agricultural Implements . 12,518
Woollen 69,906 Tobacco and Cigars . . . 12,290
Iron and Steel 67,644 Machinery 11,984
Leather 49,685 Wine ........ 11,876
Hardwares and Cutlery . . 38,564 Linens 11,782
Empty Bags 25,119 Glass Manufactures . . . 8,701
Soap and Candles .... 24,442 Drugs 8,116
Beer and Ale 23,174 Pickles and Sauces . . . 7,440
Stationery 22,539 Butter and Cheese . . . 6,817
Saddlery . 15,387 j Printed Books 6,383
Silk Manufactures . . . 14,573 Furniture 5,204 .
Straw Hats 14,439 Earthenware 3,506
The whole amount of our trade with this colony grew Present
from about 500,0007. in 1852 to 1,616,000/. in 1860.
The trade with South Australia at the present time is
steady, and there is every probability of its being
maintained. The land of the colony is rich, nearly
396 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
300,000 acres are under cultivation, and the popula-
tion has risen to nearly 120,000. Considering that
in 1840 the settlement may be said to have been
utterly bankrupt, this state of things may be con-
sidered highly satisfactory.
WEST WEST AUSTRALIA (better known as the Swan
LIA. River settlement) for many years suffered from very
serious errors which were made in its original coloniza-
tion, and is only just beginning to exhibit symptoms
of commercial vitality. Compared with the sister
colonies of this portion of the globe, West Australia
made but slow progress, until 1859 and 1860, when its
export of wool and copper ore was doubled the
former rising from 464,5101b. to 970,2981k, and the
latter from a value of 9,350. to 18,628^.: the total
value of our imports from the colony being increased
from 47,94U in 1858 to 93,261Z. in 1859, and
93,6992. in 1860. For a long period the produce of
this colony was not sufficient to pay for the articles
which we annually exported to it ; but the tide now
appears to be turning.
TASMANIA. it is to be regretted that the same cannot be said
of TASMANIA, or Van Diemen's Land,* which has
suffered of late years from the taint and bad effect of
having been a penal settlement, as well as from the
emigration of its population to the gold-fields. Since
1856, Tasmania has certainly been retrograding as
colony. regards commerce. The trade of the colony in that
year, as compared with 1860, was
TRADE OF TASMANIA.
YEAR. IMPORTS THEREFROM. EXPORTS THERETO. TOTAL.
1856 .... 576,296 .... 741,512 . . . 1,317,808
1860 .... 497,006 .... 425,151 . . . 922,157
* The name was changed, at the desire of the colonists, when Van Diemeif s
Land ceased to l>e a penal settlement.
CHAP, vii.] TEADE WITH NEW ZEALAND. 397
All the principal articles we import from this
colony have declined.
IMPORTATIONS FROM TASMANIA.
1856. I860.
Wool .... 5,267,828 Ib. . . . 4,415,516 Ib.
Hides . . . 217,399 Ib. . . . 140,683 Ib.
Spermaceti Oil . 834 tons. . . 451 tons.
Since the gold discoveries in Australia, a trade in its local
articles of food, which is proving lucrative to the Sew 3 *
population of Tasmania, has sprung up between that ^J and
island and Sydney and Port Philip. In 1856, victoria.
Tasmania sent to Australia flour, oats, potatoes, and
fruits, to the value of nearly 324,OOOZ. She also sent
to Australia upwards of 600 horses, and a considerable
quantity of timber. It is probable that this is a trade
which will increase; though it may be questioned
how far it will compensate the Tasmanian colonist for
the decline in the production of wool, which is the
most valuable staple of the colony.*
Whilst Tasmania has declined, NEW ZEALAND has NEW
been exhibiting, during the last few years, an illustra- z
tion of extraordinary colonial progress. The imports its rapid
from this colony in the six years 1855 1860 inclu-
sive, have increased upwards of twelve-fold ! The
statistics are
VALUE OF IMPORTS FROM NEW ZEALAND.
1855 33,190
1856 100,644
1857 157,220
1858 261,538
1859 341,634
I860 445,244
This wonderful increase has been chiefly in wool,
of which the quantities and values exported during ^.
these years have been as follows :
* Large as is the value of the gold imported from our Australian colonies, it is
worthy observation that the value of their wool is scarcely inferior. In 1860 they
sent us GOLD to the value of 6,719,857?., WOOL to the value of 5,387,078?. And
the latter is a steadily increasing trade.
398 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, vn.
WOOL IMPORTED FROM NEW ZEALAND.
YEAR. QUANTITY. VALUE.
1854 . . . 299,383 lb 22,454
1855 . . . 358,493 .... 27,821
1856 . . . 1,065,794 .... 93,257
1857 ... 1,608,564 .... 140,146
1858 . . . 2,699,364 .... 216,025
1859 . . . 4,060,556 .... 309,097
1860 . . . 5,067,963 .... 408,083
increase in ^11 the other items imported from New Zealand
other im- *
ports from have also risen during the same period, though not
Zealand, in the like proportion. In 1860, our imports were:
Wool valued at 408,083
Gunis 14,173
Hewn Wood .
Spermaceti Oil
Copper Ore . .
Hides . . .
Flax .
7,395
3,177
1,493
1,242
889
Exports Of all the articles enumerated besides wool, the
colony, exportation from New Zealand, in 1855, only amounted
in value to 3,64*6. This increase in the prosperity
of the colony is the more satisfactory, as up to
1860 the settlers were disturbed by their differences
with the Maori tribes.
Compare- The population of New Zealand and Tasmania
of the w being very nearly equal, it may be interesting to
exports to contrast the list and values of exports to the two
Zealand colonies. It should be first observed, however, that
and Tas-
mania, our total exports to New Zealand have been increasing
as rapidly as those of Tasmania have been declining.
The following is the comparison :
TOTAL EXPORTS TO NEW ZEALAND AND TASMANIA.
YEAR. NEW ZEALAND. TASMANIA.
1855 276,376 685,144
1856 400,489 741,512
1857 408,204 594,979
1858 542,186 646,239
1859 719,185 557,355
1860 663,848 425,151
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH NEW ZEALAND.
399
New Zealand has thus been rising in almost pre-
cisely the proportion in which Tasmania has been
declining.
VALUE OP EXPORTS TO NEW ZEALAND AND TASMANIA, 1860. Compara-
tive List.
ARTICLES.
NEW ZEALAND. TASKAN I A.
Apparel, &c j 117,241
Iron I 50,280
Leather 35,527
Woollen Goods 33,573
Hardwares and Cutlery 30,451
Beer and Ale 29,641
Cotton Manufactures 27,583
Tobacco 23,438
Tea 20,910
Wine 18,405
Stationery 16,269
Soap and Candles 15,959
Saddlery 14,756
Furniture 11,969
Printed Books 11,028
Agricultural Implements 10,114
Brandy 9,726
Machinery 9,196
Glass Manufactures . 8,522
Empty Bags 6,137
Rum 5,942
Steam Engines 5,867
Coals 5,757
Sugar, refined 5,679
Pickles and Sauces 5,444
Musical Instruments 5,041
Linens 4,630
Silks I 4,809
Earthenware 4,499
3,888
Coffee 1,187
Currants 1,375
Raisins 975
Drugs
Hats
Corn and Flour
Lead and Shot
Copper
Plate and Jewellery
Butter and Cheese .
90,736
20,501
17,738
23,145
15,450
19,533
25,888
16,484
10,284
5,951
9,698
9,181
4,878
3,102
7,177
3,418
2,933
6,370
4,263
5,158
530
6,635
4,408
2,992
5,546
5,613
5,265
4,406
1,303
1,092
6,144
4,557
5,354
3,465
2,277
1,894
1,352
400 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Our WEST The commerce of our WEST INDIA colonies lias
COLONIES, been subjected to various vicissitudes, owing princi-
pally, it must be admitted, to changes of public
feeling at home, and alterations in the character of
Conflicting our legislation. At one time the British Parliament
!?regrd n nas fostered a particular manufacture in these colonies,
to them. an( j k as afforded the settlers the most undue advan-
tages with a view to its encouragement. At another
period Parliament has deprived them of their exclusive
privileges, and forced them into an unequal compe-
tition with countries possessed of the advantages
which they have lost. For a number of years they
were encouraged to supply themselves with slaves from
Africa. Then, with no little inconsistency, they were
compelled toforego that supply, whilst competing
countries continued it ; and whilst the West Indian
colonists themselves were permitted to retain in
slavery those they had already imported and their
descendants, whom we recognised as British subjects !
Then, after the lapse of a quarter of a century,
Great Britain insisted on the emancipation of slave
labour in her own colonies, and, at the same time,
threw open her ports to the produce of that labour
from every other quarter of the world. That this
legislation was proper and desirable, no wise man
can doubt. But right and desirable as it was, it
was highly inconsistent; and, so far as the British
colonists were concerned, eminently unjust. It was
the more so, because, whilst on the one hand the
Imperial Parliament discouraged the trade it had
created, it did nothing to develop the other resources
of the West India Islands, or to direct the inhabitants
into other fields of enterprise.
En-ore Whilst our own changes of policy have been
colonists, detrimental to the prosperity of the West Indies, it
must be admitted, however, that the conduct of the
CHAP, viz.] TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 401
colonists themselves has been infinitely more so. The
The whole history of these islands hears testimony colonized
to the fact that they have been regarded not as ew to
countries to be settled and cultivated with a view P 8 " 1811 *
residence.
to permanent occupation, but simply as convenient
localities for forcing labour and forcing a soil
out of which the largest profit was to be made
in the shortest possible period to be borne away
to the mother-country and there expended in
profusion. In the proper sense of the term, there
have never been British " settlers " in the West
Indies. Young men went out to the islands, a
few with capital, the majority without. They took
lands, procured slaves, planted the sugar-cane, en-
forced a manufacture requiring great labour in a
country in which the climate opposes much exertion
made rapid fortunes out of the soil and out of the
hardly driven slaves and then came home to England
to spend the proceeds. The planters never settled in
the country. They seldom married in it, or esta-
blished homes. Nothing is rarer in the West Indies
than a white family of any descent. Almost the
only descendants of white settlers are the illegitimate
descendants of white fathers by coloured mothers.
The first evil consequence of the absentee system Evil effects
was, that the estates gradually fell into the hands of absentee
agents, attorneys, and other subordinates, whose ex- 8 y stem -
penses absorbed the profits. These agents naturally
failed to feel the same interest with the proprietor in
the working of the property, or the management of
the labourers employed on it. Under them, therefore,
all the errors of a system inherently bad were largely
exaggerated. The productiveness of the properties
gradually declined, without any means being taken
to improve them. The working expenses annually
increased, without any resort being had to machinery
D D
402 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
as a substitute for labour. Neither was any attempt
made to improve the habits of those upon whose
labour the islands were dependent.
At no period have the planters sought the improve-
ment of the moral, social, or religious condition of the
population under their charge ; on the contrary, they
have set their faces against the religious teaching and
educational instruction of the coloured population,
and have even persecuted those who sought to afford
it to them. In their treatment of their labourers,
they have aimed solely and exclusively at obtaining
from them the largest amount of labour at the
smallest possible cost.
itsuiti- The consequence of this state of things has
sequence, been, that whilst the natural resources of the West
of e the dme India Islands have not been developed, their forced
islands, cultivation of sugar has decayed. This was to be
expected. It is to be borne in mind that these
islands have by no means always been sugar-
producing colonies. On the contrary, it was only
at a comparatively recent period that they became
so. Up to 1790, the greater proportion of the
supplies of sugar from the West Indies came from
St. Domingo, where the sugar cultivation under
the French had been exceedingly successful and
profitable. Prior to that time, the cultivation of
sugar had been by no means universal in our own
colonies ; and it was only when the revolution of the
blacks destroyed the sugar estates of St. Domingo,*
* The French portion of St. Domingo contained, in 1 790 :
Plantations of Sugar 793
Coffee 3,117
Cotton 789
Indigo 3,160
Cocoa 54
Grain and Vegetables . . 623
TOTAL 8,536
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 403
that the colonists of the British West India Islands
devoted themselves so largely to the planting of
the cane. The exports of Jamaica for the first cen-
tury after we settled it in 1655, were chiefly cocoa,
hides, and indigo. In 1772, Jamaica only exported
11,000 hogsheads of sugar. After the revolution in
St. Domingo, her exports rose to an average of 83,000
hogsheads ; and from that time the production was so
greatly extended, that in 1801 and 1802, Jamaica
produced no less than 143,000 hogsheads in each year.
Sugar, therefore, was a forced and not a natural pro-
duct of these colonies, and the cultivation of other
gifts of nature to these islands has been neglected in
order to produce sugar under the artificial stimulus
given to its manufacture by British legislation.
A consideration of these circumstances will abate Nbn-de-
the surprise which might otherwise be felt, that since of the" 61
other
resources
the abolition of slavery and the equalization of the
islands.
sugar duties, the commerce of these islands has
clined. The decline has, of course, been greatest in
those islands in which sugar has hitherto been most
largely cultivated. That which is most to be regretted,
however, in reference to these islands, is that little or
nothing has been done to stimulate their trade in
other directions besides that of sugar-making. The
black population of these islands, if they are less
industrious than other human beings, are not less
influenced by other passions common to our nature.
They are as anxious to make money, as emulous of
position amongst their neighbours, and as fond of
display and finery, as other people. In the quarter The new
of a century which has elapsed since the emancipation proprie-
tors of
The population was 30,831 whites (exclusive of troops and sailors), 434,429
negro slaves on the estates, 46,000 negro mechanics and servants in the towns,
and 24,000 free people of colour. The produce exported was valued, at an annual
average, at half a million sterling.
D D 2
404 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. |CHAP. vn.
the soil of the slaves, more than 100,000 coloured persons
arisen in 38 have become free holders of the soil in Jamaica, and
they are officially represented to be living with their
families on their respective properties, " working
" hard, living thriftily, and endeavouring to accumu-
" late real capital." A recent report of the Governor-
General represents that these people " work dili-
" gently when they cultivate the soil on their own
" account ; that they are rising into an independent,
" respectable, and trustworthy middle class ; and
" are even becoming employers of hired labour."
Now, it is quite clear, that it only requires enter-
prise to make these persons, and others of their
class, bring to market products which would be
highly acceptable to us, and receive in exchange
Their en- articles suited for their consumption. When we
no"? 11 complain of the apathy of the black population of
rtimdLrted tne West Indies, we really ought to ask ourselves,
by coin- What have we done since slavery was abolished to
mercial .
induce- stimulate them into energy and enterprise ? The
true answer will probably be found to be that trade
has done little or nothing to extend itself in the
"West Indies during the last quarter of a century
that it has remained very much in the old currents
(sometimes sufficiently sluggish), without seeking new
channels and that the consequence has been that
we have afforded to the free coloured population of the
West India Islands no opportunities for exchanging
with us the natural products of their soil. If this be
so, it would fully account for the decline of our West
India trade, even in the face of an increased black
population.
statistics Without going further into this question, which
of com- , iijii i i
merce may be commended to the attentive consideration of
persons of enterprise seeking to embark in a new
colonies, trade, we proceed to give the statistics of our
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES.
405
commerce with the West Indies. In 1860 our trade
with the fifteen islands which compose our West India
colonies,* was represented by the following figures :
Imports from the West Indies .... 4,399,917
Exports to the West Indies 2,020,768
TOTAL TRADE
6,420,685
This appears to have been about the average
amount of our West India trade for the past ten
years; neither the totals nor the items exhibiting
any material increase or decrease during that period.
The following are the items :
IMPORTS.
VALUED AT
Sugar and Molasses . . . 3,507,762
Rum 377,748
Coffee.
Cocoa .
Logwood
Pimento
Ginger
120,320
113,329
38,724
32,030
30,635
EXPORTS.
Imports
VALUED AT
Cotton Goods ..... 472,032 ex P lte -
Apparel, &c ...... 178,727
Iron ........ 101,471
Linens ........ 96,518
Soap and Candles .... 93,045
Beer and Ale .... 70,952
Leather ....... 69,043
The following is a list of our present possessions in the West Indies :
ISLAND.
^PRESENT
POPULATION.
WHEN
ACQUIRED
BY THE
BRITISH.
CIRCUMSTANCES
ATTENDING ACQUISITION.
1
Jamaica . ...
377,433
A.D.
1655
Conquest from Spain.
2
3
Barbadoes ....
Trinidad
135,939
68,600
1625
1797
Colonized.
Conquest from Spain.
4
Antigua
36,000
1632
Colonized.
5
Grenada
35,517
1763
Conquest from France.
6
St. Vincent ....
St Lucia ....
30,128
30,000
1763
1796
Ditto.
Ditto.
8
9
The Bahamas . . .
Dominica
27,619
25,023
1629
1763
Colonized.
Conquest from France.
10
St Kitts
20,741
1623
Colonized.
11
16,363
1763
Conquest from France.
12
9,571
1628
Colonized.
13
14
Montserrat ....
Tortola &c
7,053
6,053
1632
1680
Ditto.
Ditto.
15
Turks' Island . . .
3.300
'
Dependency of Jamaica.
406
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
The \Yest IMPORTS THOM.
India
islands.
[conti 1
VALUED AT
29,987
27,280
10,125
8,830
7,841
6,703
3,620
3,356
1.036
803
516
79,266
wed.'] EXPORTS TO.
Woollen Goods'
VALUED AT
67,692
59,296
49,797
46,932
41,586
37,781
33,676
32,579
26,875
23,652
22,725
21,252
20,835
19,211
19,054
19,012
17,925
17,219
16,987
16,499
13,594
10,872
9,268
5,010
Raw Cotton* ....
Hardwares and Cutlery . .
Machinery
Fustic
Casks, Staves, and Hoops .
Rice
Wine
Butter
Corn and Flour
Coals, &c
Earthenware
Glass
Other Articles, uuenume-
rated
Silk Manufactures . . .
Brandy
Sugar, refined^"
Copper
Saddlery
Hats
Stationery
Steam Engines
Guano
Cordage and Cables . . .
Painters' Colours .
Tea.
on sugars
and It will be seen that sugar and rum constitute three-
rum - fourths of our entire imports from these colonies, j
The sugar received from our West India colonies is
almost entirely classified as of second and third rate
our duties qualities. It will be borne in mind that since April,
1857, the duties upon sugar have been levied at 16s.,
13s. 1(M., and 12s. 8d. per cwt., according to their
* It is gratifying to find the importation of raw cotton from these islands on the
increase. The cotton plant is indigenous to Jamaica, Barbadoes, the Bahamas,
and other islands, and, before sugar-planting, formed a considerable item of
export.
t That these sugar-exporting islands should find themselves under the necessity
of importing annually 20.000Z. worth of refined sugar is very much owing to our
vicious legislation at home. The additional duties- imposed in this country on
refined sugar, with a view to " protect " our own sugar refiners, have had the
effect of preventing the sugar growers in our colonies from establishing refineries,
and have consequently compelled them to send home their sugars in the raw stale,
whereby they incurred additional charges for freight, &c.
J For a comparative view of the quantities of sugar imported from the British
West Indies and other parts of the world, vide ante pages 331, 332.
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES.
407
qualities respectively.' The West India sugars have
reached us in the following comparative propor-
tions :
QUALITIES.
TOTAL
IMPORTED.
FROM THE
BRITISH
WEST INDIES.
FROM
BRITISH
GUIANA.
FROM THE
MAURITIUS.
1. " White Clayed"
Cwt.
86,516
Cwt.
86
Cwt.
10,096
Cwt.
14,056
2. "Yellow Musca-
vado". . .
j 3,745,286
780,997
295,159
636,243
3. " Brown Musca-
vado" . . .
j 4,985,475
1,710,037
579,235
513,433
Molasses . . .
606,503
225,246
10,987
none
It is complained, and with apparent justice, that f^ of
this system of classification is uniust to the Mauritius d L uties on
the inanu-
and other first-class sugar producing localities, and facture of
is highly prejudicial to the manufacture of good sugar. S1
In the Mauritius, where new machinery and im-
proved modes of working have enabled the colonists
to produce a better article, it is said that the English
practice of levying the highest duty on the best
article, obliges the inhabitants to send all their best
sugars to Prance and Australia, and their worst
qualities only to the British markets. The object of
this classification is to benefit our sugar refiners at
home ; but it is obvious that the effect must also be
to prevent improvement in sugar manufacture in the
colonies. Both the consumer at home, and the sugar
grower abroad, have a right to complain of a system
which oifers a premium upon the importation of an
inferior article, merely to afford some small interest
an opportunity of " refining " it. Upon this point
the following extracts from a report of the Mauritius
Chamber of Agriculture, published 12th November,
1861, is well worthy attention :
408
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Report
of the
Mauritius
Chamber
of Agricul-
ture on the
Bugar
duties.
Other
items
we?t the
indies.
" ' What can be more arbitrary and more uncertain than the
principle of an ad valorem duty dependent on the colour of a
sugar ? How can the just limit be established between the
colour which is to pay one and the colour which is to pay the
other duty ? The Custom House officer is thus left the sole
arbiter to fix the duty. One officer in cloudy weather will
class the same sugar differently from his colleague, who will
examine it in sunshine. Two parcels of the same quality will
be taxed 16s. in London, and 13s. lOd. in Liverpool. This
happens frequently. What is remarkable is, that the better
the sugar, the greater the uncertainty, the doubt, the error, and
the contradiction of the classification.' ' The example of
France ought to inspire the Government with confidence, and
enlighten it in this respect. Need we mention that the re-
fineries of Paris, Havre, Nantes, Bordeaux, and Marseilles, are
in full prosperity under a legislature which divides sugar into
two classes only. The Committee go still further, and think
that the British refiner himself would gain by a change in
accordance with the system adopted in France ; at the present
time he cannot procure the raw material so cheap as the French
refiner, as the latter purchases in this colony the finest sugars,
which pay 16*. duty in England, at the same price as the
British refiner pays for inferior quality which pay 13s. Wd. in
England.' Besides being a premium on bad manipulation, the
duty is an obstacle to the improvements in machinery ; for what
is really the use of improvement when the improved article
becomes a disadvantage to the employer of the improvement ?
What Lord Mansfield long ago said of the Insurance laws,
applies equally well to the differential sugar duties. 'The
property and daily negotiations of merchants ought not to
depend upon subtleties and niceties, but upon rules easily
learned and easily retained.' "
As compared with 1852, the production of sugar
and rum in the West Indies appears stationary. All
the other articles imported from these islands have
diminished in the same period, except raw cotton,
f ust i c > logwood, ginger, cocoa-nuts, tamarinds, and
tortoiseshell : tamarinds and cocoa-nuts being the
articles upon which there has been the largest increase.
CHAP. VIL] TEADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 409
There is, however, some significancy and hope to
he derived even from these facts. There can he very
little doubt that many of the West India Islands
are admirably adapted for the growth of cotton, and Cotton.
that we may obtain from them (Jamaica more
especially) very abundant supplies, if a little pains
is taken with the cultivation. The sooner the Dye-
same island is cleared of its dye-woods the better, w
and, therefore, the increased exportation of fustic
and logwood may be regarded as satisfactory. But
what is a better feature than all, is the increased
exportation from the West Indies of their fruits. Fruits.
These islands may be considered "the gardens" of
the tropics. If a little attention were paid to their
growth, there is no amount of valuable plants and
fruits which they might not produce in the greatest
abundance, and to the greatest profit. The diffi-
culty attending the exportation of fruits, in time
past, has been the length of the voyage ; but this
is obviated by steam communication, and there is
no reason why the West Indies should not supply the
London market with pine-apples, custard apples, the
guava, limes, oranges, shaddocks, the forbidden fruit,
cocoa-nuts, melons, &c. to an extent which would
make pine-apples as cheap as pears to the English
fruit-eater. In the same way with turtle. The Turtle.
markets of Jamaica are supplied with turtle at the
price of beef (Sd. per Ib.) ; and as the tortoise, with
a little care, can be brought here alive, there is no
reason why we should not have turtle in London at a
cost not exceeding that of salmon.
The undeveloped resources of the West Indies do Unde-
not, however, rest here. There can be no question that
many of them contain the elements of great wealth.
Mining speculation has already been directed with
success to Jamaica, and also to the Virgin Islands,
410 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Minerals (dependencies of Antigua.) From the copper mines
viMn f Gorda, * n one f the latter islands, ore was raised
Clauds, some few years since, which yielded 18 per cent, of
marketahle metal, and realized at Swansea a price of
The pitch 16/. Is. Gd. per ton. Trinidad is well known to con-
tain a most remarkahle mineral phenomenon in its
Asphaltum, or Pitch Lake, about a mile and a half
in circumference, which is situated on a small penin-
sula jutting ahout two miles into the sea at the south-
west extremity of the island. The usual consistency
of the asphaltum at the sides of this lake is that of
pit coal ; but it melts like sealing-wax under a gentle
heat, and acquires fluidity when mixed with grease
or oil. Approaching the middle of the lake, however,
the ground becomes softer and softer, until at last the
pitch is seen boiling up in a liquid state, the flow
being immense, and the whole country round being
covered with it. Some use has been made of the
pitch in Trinidad in repairing roads, &c. but, strange
to say, this great natural development has never yet
been turned to commercial account.*
The comparatively small and unproductive island
Vincent*' f St. Vincent has been teaching a lesson to the other
West India Islands for some years past, by exporting
quantities of pozzolani, which, mixed with two-thirds
of lime, produces an excellent hydraulic mortar and
cement. It is shipped at the rate of SI. per ton.
The fruits The people of the Bahamas have applied themselves
Bahama to raising pine-apples, oranges, and other fruits for
islands. ^ e American markets. Unfortunately, however,
* It is stated that some years since an Admiral on the West Indian station
sent two ship-loads of this pitch to England, but that ' after a variety of experi-
ments it was found necessary, in order to render the pitch fit for use, to mix so
much oil with it, that the cost of the oil alone exceeded the price of pitch in
England." Obviously, however, this is a very insufficient ground on which to
determine the value of this commodity. We are not to look alone to " the price of
pitch in England," but to the new uses to which such a material as the asphaltum,
found in Trimdad, might be profitably turned.
CHAP, vii.] TKADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 411
these islands are demoralized by the profits which a Wrecking
on the
portion of their inhabitants derive from following the coast of
vocation of " wreckers." " Neither agriculture nor Bahama
" manufactures," it is said, " offer any profits com- lslands -
" pared with those obtained from this calling, which
" distributes prizes among all parts of the population
" alike, puts all on a level, and affords opportunities
" of every self-indulgence." " As I have frequently
" had to remark," writes the Governor of the Bahamas
in a recent report, " wrecking involves crime and
" connivance at crime. But I doubt whether the
" treacherous plots which are so successfully laid for
" the destruction of vessels are generally known to
" any but the commanders of the wrecking vessels
" and the masters of the wrecked ships. The crews, I
" imagine, have a general rather than a special know-
" ledge of the schemes which bring the merchant -
" vessels and the parasitic wrecker close together near
" a reef."
From the lists of imports, it would not appear that Tobacco.
anything has been done towards promoting the cul-
tivation of tobacco in our "West Indies. This is
somewhat curious, considering the position of the TLe
. ' . , . r not culti-
islands, and the increasing consumption ot the com- vated iu
\v
rnodity in Europe. The tobacco plant grows wild J ia es
in almost every garden in Jamaica, and there is no
reason why that colony should not produce tobacco
equal to that of the adjacent island of Cuba. As the
tobacco supply has not been previously mentioned,
it may be interesting here to give a list of the coun-
tries from which our supply is obtained. It will Our sup
ply of
be seen that, except a very small quantity from the Tobacco.
East Indies, our whole supply, in the year 1860, was
of foreign production.
412
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
From
whence
derived.
IMPORTS OF TOBACCO, 1860.
FROM WHENCE.
QUANTITY
IMPORTED.
RETAINED
FOR HOME
CONSUMP-
TION.
VALUE or
IMPORTS.
DUTY
RECEIVED
AT 3S. IJd.
PER LB.
United States
Lb.
40,484,405
3,236,824
1,197,834
793,695
615,172
479,838
480,438
398,378
359,538
239,805
650,544
Lb.
26,838,030
2,665,263
1,147,230
1,949,503
384,403
209,024
84,140
505,040
223,996
230,345
869,667
1,181,182
84,085
26,569
25,174
92,305
36,972
4,200
9,968
8,765
6,735
18,562
4,227,088
419,779
180,689
. 307,052
60,543
32,921
13,252
79,544
35,279
36,280
136,973
Holland
Buenos Avres
Cuba
New Granada
British East Indies
Bremen
France .
Channel Islands
Other Parts
TOTAL
48,936,471
35,106,641
1,494,517
5,529,400
Imports of
Manu-
factured
Tobacco.
IMPORTS OF CIGARS, 1860.
Great dif-
ference in
the com-
mercial
value of
Cigars of
different
countries.
FROM WHENCE.
QUANTITY
IMPORTED.
RETAINED
FOR HOME
CONSUMP-
TION.
VALUE OF
IMPORTS.
DUTY
RECEIVKD
AT 9s. 5^d.
PER LB.
Cuba
Lb.
344676
Lb.
219 789
199 093
103 846
United States
1,951,146
12658
62,687
5,981
241 987
495
9 120
234
Holland
50092
2283
1,672
1 079
Philippine Islands
29,096
26986
7,590
12,751
Other Parts
109 108
43 835
2953
20 713
TOTAL
2,726,105
306,046
283 115
144 604
The great difference in the value of the cigars and
tobacco of different countries will be seen and ob-
served. The cigars of Cuba are estimated at a value
of lls. 7d. per lb., and those of the Philippine Islands
at 5s. 2^d., whilst the manufactured tobacco of the
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH BRITISH GUIANA. 413
United States is only valued at 7Jd., and that of
Brazil at 9c?. per Ib. The duty upon manufactured,
as distinguished from unmanufactured tobacco, is also
observable. It is questionable whether our tobacco Our
duties are not altogether pitched too high. Tobacco
is now, it is believed, almost the only item in our
tariff which affords a temptation to the smuggler;
and so extensive is his trade in the article, that it is
supposed that one-half the cigars consumed in Great
Britain are made of tobacco which has been smuggled
into this country from Prance and the Channel
Islands. If the revenue could be collected, however,
it must be admitted that there is no article of com-
merce more fairly subject to duty than tobacco.
With regard to our exports to the West Indies, it Our ex-
will be seen that one-fourth the supply is in the form thfwest
of cotton-goods for the use of the coloured population. * n , dia ,
~ islands.
The Apparel which we export is chiefly for the use of Apparel
the whites, as are the linens, soap and candles, beer and
ale, and leather. The woollen goods are for the dresses woollens.
of the male negroes, who usually make up their own
clothing of rough Penistone cloths. The hardware Hard-
chiefly assumes the form of hoes, &c. for the culti- w
vation of the ground, and the casks, staves, and hoops,
are for the sugar manufacture. It is a satisfactory
indication to find machinery being exported in such Machinery
considerable quantities. That formerly in use in
these islands was of the most inferior description, and
great waste consequently ensued in the manufacture
of the sugar.
The British colonies on the main coast of America, Trade
which we took from the Dutch in 1803, and which are BRITISH
now comprehensively known as BRITISH GUIANA, GDIANA -
comprise the settlements on the rivers Essequibo,
Demerara, and Berbice. This territory has the
advantage of a rich alluvial soil, which requires
crease.
414 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
much less labour in working than that of our other
sugar colonies. The lands in cultivation are scarcely
above the sea level. They are protected, as in the
Netherlands, by a series of dykes. Unlike the West
India Islands, this country, since the emancipation of
the blacks, has increased its white population ; but
a very considerable proportion of its property has
fallen into the hands of the coloured people, who are
said to have acquired upwards of 500 estates, and to
its in- have built upon them 15,000 houses. Following the
example of the Mauritius, the colonists of British
Guiana have, however, imported, since the emanci-
pation of the slaves, a large number of coolies and
Chinese labourers, and by them and the use of im-
proved machinery they have been able to manufacture
sugar in greater quantities, and of superior qualities
to that produced in most of our West India islands.
That the colony is doing well is proved by the rise
which has occurred in its commerce during the last
five years :
TRADE WITH BRITISH GUIANA.
1856. I860.
Imports therefrom . . . 1,418,264 . . . 1,595,106
Exports thereto . . . 452,489. . . 617,626
1,870,753 2,212,732
The increase, it will be observed, is chiefly in our
exports to the colony ; and it is satisfactory to find
that the articles in which that rise is greatest, are
those which are used by the working population.
The lists of imports from and exports to British
Guiana, in 1860, was as follows :
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH HONDURAS.
415
BRITISH GUIANA.
IMPORTS FROM.
VALUED AT
Sugar and Molasses . . . 1,209,378
R um 301,031
EXPORTS TO.
Cotton Manufactures . . .
Apparel, &c
VALUED AT
100,271
60,467
Imports
and ex-
ports.
Wood, for Ship Building . 54,021
Raw Cotton 8 825
Casks, Hoops, and Staves .
33,280
32,264
Cocoa Nuts . . 3 000
Iron
31,283
g,i ce 7*
30,213
Butter
25,465
Leather and Saddlery . .
Hardwares and Cutlery . .
22,290
20,192
15,857
Steam Engines ....
15,240
Linens
14,426
Woollen Goods
12,890
Soap and Candles ....
Earthenware
12,321
12,129
Rice
10,663
Drugs
9,954
"Wine .
8,188
*
* Rice is grown in this colony to a
Glass Manufactures . . .
Copper
7,880
6,071
considerable extent, but is chiefly used
Brandy
5,723
for home consumption. In 1857, how-
ever, it was sent to England to the
Corn and Flour ....
Hats
4,987
4,962
extent of 18,186. It will be seen from
Stationery
4,792
the account upon the other side that,
Cordage
3,957
in 1860 we exported 10,000?. of the
Silks
3,787
article to this colony.
Painters' Colours . . . .
3,735
Prom the British settlement in the bay of Hon- Trade
duras, of which Belize* is the principal commercial HONDURAS
town, we obtain the largest quantities of mahogany
now procurable, together with woods of other sorts.
Mahogany, which was first introduced into England Mahogany.
so lately as 1724, is now so largely used in the manu-
facture of furniture that it becomes an important
article of commerce. The trade has hitherto been
engrossed upon the spot by four or five influential
* This town and the river on which it is situated are said to take their name
from one " Willis," a famous buccaneer, who settled on the banks of the river in
1638 : and whose name the Mosquito Indians corrupted.
416
THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
firms. Two of these failed in 1859, and the result
was considerable embarrassment in Belize. In 1860,
we imported mahogany as follows :
imports
of Maho-
gany.
PROM WHENCE.
TONS.
VALUE.
Honduras
20,165
216,389
Mexico
9,050
96,652
Hayti
5,829
84,473
Cuba
5,170
58,160
Central America
2,128
22,826
Other Parts
2,368
24,951
TOTALS
44,710
503,451
Duties
woods.
For a long period there was a differential duty in
favour of Honduras, and against foreign and other
colonial mahoganies ; which we are glad to say is
now repealed, and without, as the above table shows,
diminishing our Honduras trade. The fact is, that
the Honduras mahogany, whilst it is softer, coarser,
and less susceptible of polish than the woods of
Cuba, Hayti, and Jamaica, is easier to work, and
holds glue better, and is consequently better adapted
for veneers, whilst that from the islands is better
fitted for solid furniture.
imports The following were our imports from, and exports
ex^rtTto, to, this colony, in 1860, in which year the settle-
Honduras. men t wa s recovering from the effects of the failures
before adverted to, which had greatly depressed it
in 1859 :-
TKADE WITH HONDURAS, 1860.
Imports from 309,191
Exports to 153,666
Total Trade
. 462,857
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH HONDURAS.
417
HONDURAS.
IMPORTS FROM.
VALUED AT
Mahogany 216 389
EXPORTS TO.
Cotton Goods
Imports
VALUED AT aild
. 71,936 exports.
Cochineal 34 467
. 24,615
Logwood 31,969
Silks, Home and Foreign .
7,866
Silver Ore* 12 070
7,170
Cocoa Nuts 3 638
Linens
4,700
Indigo 3 336
Earthenware
3,194
Fustic . 3 262
Soap
2,831
Rosewood 1 249
Woollens
2,709
Sarsaparilla 1>227
Leather
2,135
Other Articles 1 584
2,079
Guns and Gunpowder . .
1,650
1,533
Cordage
1,213
Cotton Yarn . . . .
928
* Probably this was smuggled out of
Wine .......
896
Mexico to Belize for shipment.
Beer and Ale .
719
Belize was formerly a considerable entrep6t for
British trade with Mexico, and what was called the
Spanish Main. This trade, however, has given way
to a great extent to a more direct commerce. This
is not to be regretted, although it may have had
the immediate effect of depressing the colony. The
fact is, that in the mahogany trade alone, this settle-
ment might find ample field for development. The
articles made of this wood are in increasing demand
in England, both for home consumption and for
export ; and besides that there is no wood to be
obtained equal to mahogany for the purposes to
which it is applied, our furniture manufacture ad-
mits of the application of a larger quantity of solid
wood than upholsterers are now accustomed to use in
ordinary articles.
Our trade with the West Indies and Honduras
employed, in 1860, 814 vessels, of 250,486 tons
burden. Of these all but 55 were British, so that
the shipowners have no reason to complain that
foreigners have in any way interfered with our West
E E
character
commerce
of Behze>
shipping
418
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
India shipping trade. London does more than half
this trade : Liverpool and Greenock the bulk of the
other half. The figures as regards this shipping may
be interesting :
SHIPPING ENTERED INWARDS FROM THE WEST INDIES, 1860.
PORT.
VESSELS.
TONNAGE.
471
143,325
129
40,322
73
26,645
46
10,849
Dublin
23
5,885
Cork
8
1,680
3
1,138
Leith
3
938
Belfast
3
751
All other Ports
55
18953
TOTAL
814
250,486
Trade
The British colonies in NORTH AMERICA are second
on ty to those in Australia, in regard to the
AMERICAN amoun t of commerce transacted with the mother-
colonies.
country. In 1860, our commerce with Canada, New
Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, and
Newfoundland, amounted to a total of 10,496,769^. :
(say) ten millions and a half sterling. The following
table will show how this total was distributed :
PROVINCES.
IMPORTS
PROM.
EXPORTS TO.
4 422 556
2,266 918
1,536,447
425,934
54,797
82,578
Nova Scotia and Cape Breton
144,130
575,219
484,005
504,185
TOTALS
6 641 935
3,854,834
CHAP. VIT.] TRADE WITH CANADA. . 41y
Our trade with CANADA, in 1860, may be supposed CANADA
to have been in a transition state, in consequence of
our equalization in that year of the differential duties
which had previously prevailed in this country on
foreign and colonial timber. Since the year 1808, Our
when a duty was first laid upon Baltic timber in order
to encourage the timber trade of our colonies in
North America, the timber of Canada has had access
to the English market at rates of duty varying at
different periods, but at all times sufficient to give the
Canadian timber great advantage in respect to price.
There can be no doubt that this has been highly Their in-
detrimental to British commerce. By partially ex-
eluding the timbers of Sweden and Norway, Prussia,
Russia, and other countries near to us, we have,
during the greater part of the present century,
seriously damaged our trade with the Baltic, whilst
precluding ourselves from purchasing in what to
us was both the best and cheapest market for the
article.
Perhaps there was no article in the whole range of The coio-
those protected by differential duties, of which thementki U
repeal took so long and cost so much trouble as the
protective duty in favour of Canadian timber. It tial dutiefl -
was continually represented that this duty was abso-
lutely necessary to the colony, and to British ship-
ping : that large capital had been invested on the
strength of its continuance, and that its repeal would
throw thousands of hands engaged in the timber
trade in North America wholly out of employment,
It was difficult at any time to see how an ext en- its fallacy.
sion of trade of any sort could be detrimental to
British shipping ; and it was at all times very ques-
tionable whether the capital and labour of our
North American colonies might not be invested to
E E 2
420 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
more profit than in felling and squaring timber for
consumption in Europe. But our colonial and ship-
ping interests insisted on the maintenance of these
differential duties, and it was consequently only in
1860 that the free-trade interest found itself strong
Effects of enough to obtain their removal. The effect has yet
to be seen. Up to the present time, there has
been no falling-off in the importation of timber
from British North America. The only effect
has been a largely increased importation of timber
from all the wood-exporting countries, in which
increase British North America has shared in due
proportion.
import- That the timber trade of our North American
ance of the
colonial colonies is a highly important trade to Great Britain
trade]' nobody can doubt. Besides being of consequence as
regards amount, we derive a great advantage from
having in our own possessions the largest field for
timber in the world. Timber, though no longer
absolutely necessary to us, as it once was, for ship-
building, is of vast importance in the construction
of our machinery, warehouses, dwellings, &c.; and it
is most desirable, in order to keep its price at a fair
level, that we should have the advantage of that
large colonial supply which enables us to control the
apart from prices of the Baltic timber-growers.* But, for this
SJSren'tLi object, it was by no means needed, nor indeed was it
duties. desirable, that we should have differential rates of
duty; which not only enhanced the price of all classes
of timber to the British consumer, but actually
* In 1703, the Pitch and Tar Company of Sweden endeavoured to raise the
price of their commodities to England, by prohibiting their exportation, except in
their own ships, at their own price, and in such quantities as they thought proper.
To counteract this, England gave a bounty on the importation of naval stores
from America, which secured the revenue at home, encouraged the clearing of
land, and rendered England independent as to her supplies.
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH CANADA.
421
favoured the article which in every respect was the
most inferior in quality. For, whilst the timber of
the Baltic and of Canada are each best adapted for
their own special purposes, it is universally allowed
that the Canadian wood is more soft, less durable,
and more subject to dry-rot than that of the north
of Europe.
Besides timber, Canada has now, in corn, another The com
great source of export, varying of course with the
demand which may prevail for it in densely populated
countries, but being always of importance because
always affording a large supply at a cheap price. In
this article, as well as in timber, the abundant pro-
duce of the colony enables Canada to check European
rates.
Timber and corn form the bulk of our imports from o ther
Canada. She also sends us, as will be seen from the
following list, some considerable quantities of pearl
and pot ashes, obtained from the trees burned in
her forests, and a supply of butter, an article of
which her export has been rapidly increasing. The
other items derived from this colony are of small
amount:
TIU
IMPORTS FKOJ
Wood and Timber . . .
Corn, Meal, and Flour .
Ashes, Pearl and Pot . .
iUE WITH <
1.
VALUED AT
2,925,731
1,164,219
164,882
68,764
21,585
18,965
17,290
4,507
1,751 !
CANADA, 1ODU.
EXPORTS TO.
Cotton Goods
Items of
trade
with thia
colony.
VALUED AT
461,909
379,078
321,548
309,242
108,023
56,046
48,751
47,728
42,399
30,447
22.738
Woollen
Apparel and Hosiery . .
Hardwares and Cutlery .
Earthenware and Porcelain
Linen Goods
Beaver, Fox, Marten, and
Otter Skins ....
Manufactures of Caout-
Coals
Silk Manufactures . . .
Tin Plates
Oil Seed Cake . . . .
Cot)er Ore
Rice .
422
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Our ex-
ports to
Canada,
IMPORTS
Riltprl Rppf
FROM. [COW/3
VALUfcD AT
^Qfin
nuedJ] EXPORTS TO.
Wool
VALUED AT
22,420
21,293
20,359
17,606
13,247
12,635
12,379
12,089
10,784
10,650
10,565
10,197
9,975
9,812
9,304
8,734
8,480
7,160
7,115
6,868
4,606
4,561
4,300
3,235
1,182
Unenuraerated Artie
<r> co
iO i-t
o os_
<N~ CO~
<N >
*i <N
^cf
<*
O O
CO CO
co co
I 1 rH
oT oT
E -B
o o
p< A
g X
W
'S
<o
3 3
e3 S
I 8
O
B
Total Value of the Trade, 1860 . 6,689,474
ite
y
oo
to
GO
Painters' Colours . . .
Stationery
Tea
Linseed Oil
Glass Manufactures . . .
Soap .
Printed Books ....
Salt
Drugs
Sugar, Refined ....
Lead and Shot ....
Leather
Plate
Pickles and Sauces . . .
Spirits, Rum, Brandy, &c.
Copper, Wrought . . .
Currants and Raisins . .
Olive Oil
Cordage and Cables . . .
Beer and Ale
Nutmegs, Cloves, & Pepper
Canada is in a position to secure from the United
States large supplies of the articles which she re-
quires for her internal consumption; and there is
reason to suppose that, through the United States, she
derives very many articles of British manufacture.
Our lists of exports to Canada, therefore, is less con-
clusive as to the consumption of the province than as
to the class of articles in which, for the most part,
we can successfully compete with the Americans in
America. It will be seen that cotton and woollen
manufactures, together with apparel and hosiery,
stand at the head of the list, and that iron goods, and
hardware and cutlery, succeed. There is a wide
interval, however, between the value of any of these
articles and those which follow; and although the
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH CANADA. 423
amounts of some of our general articles of export
to Canada are not inconsiderable, yet others are of customs'
small value, and the total, which has not increased for
many years past, can scarcely be regarded as satisfac-
tory, especially considering the great development of
the territory by railroads, and the steam navigation
of its lakes and rivers. The internal tariff of the
colony is believed to be the great cause of this, and it
is undoubtedly to be lamented that Canada, which
has so greatly to rely upon what she can produce,
has not yet appreciated the great secret of commerce,
that in order to sell to advantage she must purchase
cheaply.
Probably, however, considering the immense terri- Deficiency
tory to be covered, the great deficiency of Canada at the population
present time is in population. The country has vast Ol
resources : her industry is insufficient to develop the
cultivation of her lands, and she has scarcely any
that is applicable to manufacturing or other industrial
pursuits. The commercial future of this and the other Her com-
British colonies of North America will depend upon Stur?.
contingencies which we cannot at present pretend
to foresee. If all that is predicted of British
Columbia should come to pass, Canada most pro-
bably has, in the next few years, to go through
a period of transition. A considerable proportion Probable
of her population will, in all probability, emigrate the gold
to the shores of the Pacific ; and her land, which
has latterly increased in value, will, consequently Columbia.
for some few years to come, deteriorate. The
ultimate effect, however, of the gold discoveries in
British Columbia must be to create a direct inter-
course between the provinces. Great as is the dis-
tance, a line of railway has been already talked of;
and in the end this would, no doubt, prove the
cheapest communication that could be made. If
424 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vir.
such a communication could be accomplished (and the
work is only a question of time), Canada would, in-
deed, become an important country. Equidistant
from Europe and the shores of the Pacific, she would
be a main source of the food-supply of both ; besides
having, throughout her breadth, the entire transit
trade, it may be said, of the whole world. Those
who consult the map will see that, longitudinally,
the route across Canada and British Columbia is,
absolutely, the most direct and shortest route from
England to Australia;* and England and Australia
are the points of the Northern and Southern hemi-
spheres with which the shortest and most direct
communication is the most desirable.
obstruc- One great impediment to the extension of com-
merce with Canada, is the closure of the St.
I^w? 61106 an( i its other navigable rivers by ice
Canada, during several months of the year. Up to a very
recent period, all communication through the country
was absolutely suspended from November until May.
import- The construction of the Grand Trunk Railway
railway has removed this difficulty, and there is now free
communication during the winter from Quebec
through the whole of Upper Canada. Unfortunately,
however, the railway does not extend in Canada
below Quebec, and consequently the traffic of the
country is diverted from British provinces and
* The distance from London to Vancouver's Island may be said to be precisely
the same as from Cape Town to Victoria (Port Philip). They each cover about
124 degrees of longitude, at a distance from the equator somewhat in favour of
the route through Canada. The difference, therefore, lies between the route from
England to the Cape of Good Hope, with Madeira and St. Helena as coaling
places ; or the route from Vancouver to Victoria, with Owhyhee and one of the
Friendly or of the Feejee Islands for coal depfits. The navigation of the Pacific
.is so preferable to that of the Atlantic for steam-vessels, that (if a coal supply is
equally available, which it is said to be) there can be no doubt as to the Pacific
route being the best ; especially considering the saving of time which will
be effected by the employment of railway communication across the broadest
portion of America. In a national point of view, also, this must clearly be the
best route for a British people.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NEW BRUNSWICK. 425
pbours to those of the United States, with which
railway does communicate. One of the greatest
advantages which British commerce could obtain in
Canada, would prohably, he the extension of the
Grand Trunk Railway through the lower part of that
province and New Brunswick to a British port
accessible at all periods of the year.
Unfortunately, between Canada and NEW BRTJNS- NEW
WICK there exist local jealousies, which have hitherto WICK.
contributed to prevent this desirable object from
being carried out. It might be supposed to be of
the utmost importance to the latter colony to form a
line of communication from its fine harbour of St.
John's to the river St. Lawrence, but, unhappily,
whilst it has made railroads in other directions, New
Brunswick has done nothing to form a communication
with the great river artery of North America. The
consequence is, that the port of St. John's is com-
paratively useless. Our total imports from New
Brunswick in 1860 amounted to 1,536,447/., of which
1,486,365^. was in the form of wood and timber,
chiefly procured from Miramichi. Our exports to the
colony amounted to 425,934., showing a decrease on
the trade of several preceding years.
IMPORTS FROM NEW BRUNSWICK, 1860.
Timber valued at 1,486,365
Fish, including Cod and Salmon . 6,382
Pig Iron 2,166
Fox and Marten Skins .... 978
Train Oil and Blubber .... ,, 376
Our imports of New Brunswick timber are chiefly Mi
from the ports in the Bay of Miramichi, which
is situated on the north-eastern shore of the colony,
in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Upon the rivers which
flow into this bay are several flourishing towns, the
populations of which are all engaged in supplying
426
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
timber to the vessels which come for it from Europe.
New Brunswick, it should be observed, abounds with
admirable bays and harbours. The following were
our exports to this colony :
EXPORTS TO NEW BRUNSWICK, 1860.
PRINCE
EDWARD'S
ISLAND.
VALUED AT
Iron 69,149
Apparel 66,268
Cotton Goods ....
Woollen ....
Cordage and Cables . .
Hardwares, &c. . . .
Linen Goods
Tea
Earthenware
Coals
Copper
Painters' Colours . . ,
66,268
64,008
Tin Plates
40,678
19,063
Leather
17,478
Silks
14,525
12,146
Brandy
11,896
Stationery
11,970
Machinery ,
8,562
7,264
Geneva
VALUED AT
5,411
4,682
4,234
4,131
3,564
2,870
2,570
2,397
2,237
2,109
2,028
1,198
PRINCE EDWARD'S ISLAND, a comparatively small
colony in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, sent us, in 1860,
54,OOOZ. worth of produce, of which 34,384. was
timber and 18,167 1. worth oats. It took the following
articles :
Apparel valued
Cottons ......
Iron
Tea
Woollens
Hardwares ....
Cordage
Linens
Earthenware ....
Leather
Painters' Colours
at
21,765
10,454
9,052
7,762
6,081
3,830
3,114
1,831
1,554
908
678
This island does not appear to be flourishing. It
is said, however, that its land is being rapidly cleared
and employed for agricultural purposes.*
* The history of Prince Edward's Island is peculiar. It was first settled by the
French. In 1745 it was taken from them by the English, restored on the con-
clusion of hostilities, but again seized in the Seven Years' War, 1756 63. At this
time the French settlers numbered about 4,000. They were condemned to leave
the island ; some emigrated to Quebec, whilst others returned to France. When
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH NOVA SCOTIA.
427
NOVA SCOTIA, with its splendid port of Halifax, NOVA
and Cape Breton, with its deep bays and inlets, are
supposed to be mainly important to us on account of
their fisheries. There is reason to believe, however, its fishery.
that the fishery trade of Nova Scotia is not so suc-
cessful as it might be, and that the Americans and
Newfoundlanders beat the people of Nova Scotia out
of the market. This colony sends no fish to the
mother country. Her chief market for dried and
pickled fish is in the West Indies, to which she also
sends timber, flour, oats, butter, and other com-
modities, receiving colonial produce in return.
Our imports from Nova Scotia, in 1860, amounted
in value to 144,130^. They consisted of
Timber (chiefly Sawn or Split) .... valued at 99,365
Molasses (brought from the West Indies) . 18,617
SealSkins ........... 10,939
Minx, Fox, and other Skins ..... 3,059
Train Oil ........... 1,954
The exports amounted to 575,000^., and consisted and
of
ports to.
EXPORTS TO NOVA SCOTIA AND CAPE BRETON.
VALUED AT
Apparel 135,100
Cotton Goods 75,540
Woollen 75,333
Iron ...... 40,155
Tea 24,575
Cordage and Cables . . . . 21,267
Hardwares 20,324
Leather 13,781
Silk Manufactures .... 12,197
Linens 10,303
Salt 10,184
Fishing Tackle 9,645
Earthenware 8,942
Cotton Yarn 8,056
VALUED AT
Painters' Colours .... 7,339
Linseed Oil 6,362
Wine 5,817
Glass Manufactures . . . 4,752
Hats 4,069
Brandy 3,827
Copper 3,223
Drugs 3,207
Hollands 2,655
Stationery 2,556
Indigo 2,290
Machinery 2,029
Soap 1,739
Rice 1,613
we got the island it would appear that we did not know what to do with it. At
length it was determined to divide it into townships, of about 20,000 acres
each, and to make these townships prizes in a grand lottery, to which only.
428 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vir.
Apparel. The noticeable articles in this list are, the large
quantity of wearing apparel (which everywhere in
America commands a very advanced price) ; the value
Tea. of the tea, which our North American colonists
appear to consume in considerable quantities ; and
Fishing the salt and fishing tackle, destined for use in catch-
ing and pickling the shad, as the small but delicate
herring of the North American coast is usually de-
nominated. But it is to be observed, with reference
to Nova Scotia, as well as with regard to all the
colonies of Great Britain in North America, that
their imports from the mother country, despite their
increase of population and wealth, are decreasing or
stationary, which is, it is believed, to be mainly at-
rates tributed to high rates of import duties, imposed, it
is said, for purposes of revenue by the different co-
lonial Legislatures. Certainly, rates of duty which
colonies, prevent the British settler from obtaining the com-
modities to which he has been accustomed in his own
country at prices equal to those he paid for them
at home, must be condemned as most unwise, and
as eminently calculated to retard what it is the first
object of the British North American colonists to pro-
mote the population of their territories. No people
will emigrate to, or remain in, a country in which
the necessities and comforts of life, to which they
have been accustomed at home, are made fictitiously
dear by customs' duties.
o f he It may be hoped, however, that there is a future
certain persons, principally officers in the Army and Navy, were permitted to
be subscribers. This lottery was drawn in 1767, and the land passed into the
hands of a few proprietors, of whom only a small proportion went into re-
sidence. This position of the colony greatly retarded its progress, and efforts
have been made during the present century to effect subdivisions of the lands,
which has been done with some success. The population of the island, according
to the last return, was 80,872. His late Royal Highness the Duke of Kent
(father of Queen Victoria), who was for some time resident in Nova Scotia, took
a great interest in this colony, and from him the island took its present name.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NEWFOUNDLAND. 429
of some importance for Nova Scotia. Recently, Nova
reports have been sent home of gold found in different Sc
parts of this colony ; but from all that can be col- Gold, and
lected on that subject, the metal, though it un-
doubtedly exists, is so much diffused, as to present
a prospect of comparatively small returns. The Coal.
great wealth of Nova Scotia will, probably, be found
to consist in the rich coal-fields of the peninsula and
of Cape Breton, which have been long knowTi to be
capable of affording a most valuable supply of the
mineral, and also in the position and capacity of the
harbour of Halifax, which is at once the best harbour The bar-
on the eastern coast of America, and the nearest to Halifax.
Great Britain. That which would be most valuable to
Nova Scotia at this time, would be a direct railway
communication from Halifax to Quebec a line which
must eventually be made, and the sooner the better
for the interests of Nova Scotia, Canada, and the
mother country.
Our imports from NEWFOUNDLAND necessarily vary NEW -
FOUND-
in amount, according to the success which attends LAND.
its fishery. 1860 was a comparatively unproductive
year. Our imports from this colony average nearly
600,OOOZ. a year, but in 1860 they amounted to only
484,OOOZ. The items were :
IMPORTS FROM NEWFOUNDLAND. imports.
Train Oil and Blubber ....... valued at 232,910
Cod Fish 115,204
Seal Skins
Herrings, Salmon, Caplin, Shad, &c. .
Molasses (from West Indies) . . . .
Fox, Marten, Otter, and Beaver Skins .
63,075
42,059
5,780
3,714
Our exports were nearly equal in amount to those
sent to Nova Scotia, though the population of that
province is 277,000, whilst the population of New-
430
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
Exports.
foundland is only 122,000. The total amounted to
504,185. thus distributed :
EXPORTS TO NEWFOUNDLAND, 1860.
VALUED AT
Apparel 105,362
Woollen Goods 67,383
Leather 57,047
Iron 34,033
Cotton ... . 33,207
Fishing Tackle 29,295
Tea 22,564
Linens 18,147
Cordage and Cables .... 16,467
Hardwares 15,205
Beer and Ale 8,186
Salt 7,609
Soap 6,188
VALUED AT
Earthenware 5,680
Coals 5,111
Stationery 3,284
Lead and Shot 3,039
Sugar, Refined 2,912
Brandy ....
Bread and Biscuit
Coffee ....
Candles ....
Silk Manufactures
Salted Pork . .
Rum and Gin . .
Wine
2,581
2,234
2,065
1,334
1,005
871
814
461
Trade with
Labrador.
Fishing
A proportion of these goods went to the coast
Q ^ i^brador, from which we derived a considerable
proportion of the train oil and blubher at the head of
the list of articles imported. During the fishing
season, from 280 to 300 small vessels proceed from
of Labra- Newfoundland to the different fishing stations on the
dor. . .
coast of Labrador, where nearly 20,000 British sub-
jects are employed for the season. About one-third
of the schooners make two voyages, laden with dry
fish, back to Newfoundland during the summer ; and
some merchant ships proceed from Labrador with
their cargoes direct to Europe. On the second voyages
of the schooners, they generally carry wet fish from
Labrador to Newfoundland, where it is dried, and
from thence exported chiefly to Spain, Portugal,
Italy, and other Roman Catholic countries, where it
enters more largely into the consumption of the
population than in our own. Eight-tenths of the
dried fish exported from Newfoundland is said to
go to those countries, the remainder being sent to
Great Britain and the West Indies.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NEWFOUNDLAND. 431
It is commonly supposed that we have a great
interest in what are called the fisheries on the banks Banks >: of
of Newfoundland, on which great quantities of cod la n d
used to be taken. Our interest in the bank fisheries
is, however, by no means so large as is imagined.
The Newfoundland fishermen have discovered that
the largest takes of marketable fish and oil are to be
obtained, not upon their banks, but upon their shores ;
where they have also the advantage of exclusive
fishing, as aliens are prohibited from fishing within
three miles of the coasts, or in the bays or rivers of
Newfoundland (except as provided by treaty with the
Americans and with the French).
The total number of ships entered inwards from shipping
our North American colonies, in 1860, was 2,178, of our trade
1,088,779 tons. Our shipping interests have long
apprehended great interference with our Canadian
trade on the part of the Americans. It does not,
however, appear that there was much to be afraid
of. The comparative number of British and foreign
vessels was
British .... 1,775 vessels of ... 887,874 tons.
Foreign. ... 403 ... 200,9.35
TOTAL ... 2,178 ... 1,088,779
As may be anticipated from the character of the General
traffic, this trade is very much distributed amongst Sn"^
the different ports of Great Britain; some even of trade -
the smaller ports employing shipping to share in the
timber trade. It is a common custom to send vessels
out in ballast to the St. Lawrence, and elsewhere, for
timber; and as the voyage out and home is a short
one, and the timber is purchased at a very low price,
this sort of commerce pays. In 1860, 597 vessels,
of 327,697 tons, left Great Britain for the North
American colonies in ballast.
432 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vir.
We now come to speak of a colony which, although
one of the largest in extent, has hitherto been one of
the poorest in production of any belonging to the
British empire ; but which promises henceforward to
contribute more to the wealth of the State than any
BRITISH o f which we have hitherto made mention. BRITISH
COLUMBIA is a territory heretofore included in what
were termed the " Settlements of the Hudson's Bay
Position Company." The territory over which that company,
ritor^. r from 1670 to 1858, had exclusive trading rights
extends over two or three million square miles. It is
bounded on the north by the Arctic Ocean, whilst its
southern limit, as settled in 1842 by the Ashburton
Treaty, is the 49th parallel of north latitude from
Lake Superior to the Gulf of Georgia. This vast
region possesses superb lakes and rivers ; but its land
has always been described as rugged and barren,
and its climate as severe. An island in the Pacific,
300 miles long by 75 broad, at the western ex-
Settiement tremity of this territory, called Vancouver's Island,
conveys was, however, colonized some years since by the
island. Hudson Bay Company, who erected on it a fort,
called Eort Victoria, and represented the island to be
of great importance in consequence of its containing
First dis- coal. Soon after the discovery of gold in California,
gold7 it was reported that gold also existed in Van-
couver's Island, but the superior attraction of Cali-
fornia, at that time, prevented much notice being
taken of the circumstance. In 1852, gold was dis-
in Queen covered on some small islands in Queen Charlotte's
sound, Sound, between Vancouver's Island and the mainland,
lo2 ' but only in small quantities. As matter of actual
Snb - discovery, Captain McClelland, in 1853, while sur-
sequent .
discoveries veymg the military road from Port Walla Walla, on
Columbia the Columbia River, to Eort Steillacoom, on Puget
Sound, through the Nachess Pass, found gold in con-
CHAP, vir.] TRA.DE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 433
siderable quantities, his men making two dollars
a day, sometimes, with a pan. These discoveries, official
however, do not appear to have been officially re- to ? *
ported to the Home Government ; but in 1856, Mr. r *
Douglas, Governor of Vancouver's Island, addressed Columbia,
a despatch to the Colonial Secretary, in which he
stated that a discovery of much importance had been
made known to him by Mr. Angus M'Donald, clerk
in charge of Port Colvile, who reported that gold
had been found in considerable quantities within the
British territory on the Upper Columbia, and that he
was moreover of opinion that valuable deposits of gold
would be found in many other parts of that country.
The Home Government thought it necessary, on TheCoiony
this information, to provide for the government of Columbia"
the colony, which was done by an Act of Parliament Jo.T^s.
of 1858, withdrawing the privileges of the Hudson's
Bay Company, and denning the limits of the territory
under the name of British Columbia. At this time Mining
the search for gold would appear to have been carried me nced.
on exclusively by the native Indians of the district ;
but in 1858 a number of persons emigrated to the
district from California, and commenced mining.
The first shipments of gold were made from Victoria shipments
o -n A J of gold to
to San Jb rancisco, and amounted San Fran-
cisco.
In 1858 .... to .... 67,553
1859 .... .... 242,262
1860. ... , 260,666
This, however, was only a foretaste of the wealth
to be discovered. In 1861 rumours reached Van- Aa - ,
auriferous
couver's Island, that the source of the gold found ridge
upon the banks of the Eraser and other rivers, had
been discovered in a range of rocky mountains, which
formed an auriferous ridge in which these rivers
had their source ! In the course of 1861 bodies
F F
434
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn.
The " CA-
RIBOO"
gold-field.
Governor
Douglas's
official re-
port to
H.M.
Secretary
of State
for the
Colonies,
A.D. 1861.
of gold-seekers penetrated to this district, which
received the name of CARIBOO, from a lake so-called
in the vicinity ; and the following is a despatch, from
Governor Douglas to the Duke of Newcastle, giving
the most recent accounts of their expedition.
"Victoria, Vancouver Island, September 16, 1861.
(Received November 2, 1861.)
" MY LORD DUKE,
" I HAVE much satisfaction in reporting to your Grace that
the Colony of British Columbia continues in a tranquil and
progressive state.
" The Gold Commissioners, in their last monthly reports,
represent the continued exodus of the mining population from
their respective districts towards the ' Cariboo ' country ; in
speaking of which I have adopted the popular and more con-
venient orthography of the word, though properly it should be
written 'Cariboeuf,' or rein-deer, the country having been so
named from its being a favourite haunt of that species of the
deer kind.
" The most extraordinary accounts of the wealth of that gold-
field are received by every succeeding steamer from British
Columbia ; and those accounts are confirmed by letters from
the merchants and traders of the district, and by fortunate
adventurers who have realized, by a few weeks' labour, their
thousands of dollars. It would in fact appear that Cariboo is
at least equal, in point of auriferous wealth, to the best parts of
California ; and I believe the gold deposits of British Columbia
will be found to be distributed over far more extensive space.
" Some idea may be formed of the large sums realized, from
the fact that 195 ounces of gold were taken in one day out of a
single mining claim ; while ordinary claims yield as much as
forty or fifty dollars a-day to the man : but perhaps the most
telling circumstance is the high price of labour, which has
attained to the extraordinary sum of ten dollars a-day ; and
any number of men may find employment at that rate of pay.
" The Cariboo gold district was discovered by a fine athletic
young man of the name of McDonnell, a native of the island of
Cape Breton, of mixed French and Scotch descent, combining
in his personal appearance and character the courage, activity.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 435
and remarkable powers of endurance of both races. His health The Cari
has suffered from three years* constant exposure and privation,
which induced him to repair, with his well-earned wealth, to
this colony for medical assistance.
" His verbal report to me is interesting, and conveys the idea to it.
of an almost exhaustless gold-field, extending through the
quartz and slate formations, in a northerly direction from
Cariboo Lake.
" The following well-attested instances of successful mining
at Cariboo may prove interesting, and will probably convey to
Her Majesty's Government a more precise idea of the value
and real character of this gold-field than any mere generaliza-
tions, and with that object iu view, I will lay the details, as
received from the persons themselves, before your Grace.
"John McArthur and Thomas Phillips arrived here from
Cariboo on the 17th of August last, with nine thousand ($9000)
dollars' worth of gold dust in their possession, being the fruits
of three months' residence at the mines. They arrived there
on the 1st day of May, and left again on the 1st day of August,
having previously sold their mining claim at a high price to
other persons. Their last earnings for one day amounted to
five hundred and twenty-five dollars ($525) ; and no single day's
work yielded less than twenty-five dollars ($25). Both those
persons have been mining in California, and are acquainted with
its resources, yet they give it as their opinion that Cariboo, as a
' generally paying' country, surpasses the best days of California.
" Mr. Patterson and brother arrived at New "Westminster* by
the steamer of the 14th instant, with ten thousand dollars'
worth of gold dust, the produce of five weeks' work at Cariboo.
I personally inspected their treasure, of which they are justly
proud, being the well-earned reward of their skill and enter-
prise. Mr. Patterson's mining claim was on the Lowhee, a
tributary of Swift Eiver, and about sixteen miles distant from
Antler Creek. The ground was composed of gravel and many
quartz boulders, and the depth to the bed-rock was from four
to six feet, beyond which he did not attempt to penetrate,
though the richest deposit of gold was immediately over the
* New Westminster is designed to be the principal town of the new colony of
British Columbia. It is situate on the north bank of the Fraser river, and is
rapidly rising into consequence. It is stated that the choice of the position for
this town is not happy.
F F 2
436 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vU.
The Can- bed-rock. The largest day's return from the claim was seventy-
fields. 00 three ounces of gold, worth about twelve hundred dollars
($1.200) ; on another occasion he received seventy ounces at
Despatches^ ' '' , , , mi ij u ' j
the close of a day s work. The gold is in rough jagged pieces,
the largest found by Mr. Patterson was over six ounces ; but
on the next claim to his, a piece of ten ounces was picked up
bv the lucky proprietor. Mr. Patterson sold his mining claim
before his departure from Cariboo, and is now returning to his
native country, the United States, with the wealth he has so
rapidly acquired in British Columbia, this being one of the
evils to which the colony is exposed through the want of a
fixed population.
"I will not multiply these details, having said enough to
show your Grace the opinion entertained by the public of the
newly-discovered gold fields, and of the probable influx of
population from California and other countries, which may be
attracted by those discoveries. I need not assure your Grace
that every precaution will, in that event, be taken to maintain
the peace, order, and good government of the country, and
to increase its permanent population : but it is impossible to
repress a feeling of profound regret that so few of Her
Majesty's British subjects have yet participated in the rich
harvests reaped in British Columbia, though there is certainly
no country in the world that offers greater inducements to
the labouring classes, or for the employment of capital. The
settler enjoys the peculiar advantage in British Columbia of
an unfettered choice of the public domain ; and may, without
expense or official delay, select any part of the colony he
pleases, as his future home ; the ultimate price of land being
in no case over four shillings and twopence an acre, payable
by instalments, spread over several years. In fact, the system
of no country can offer greater inducements to the settler and
miner than the land regulations and mining laws of British
Columbia.
"The miners at Cariboo have, I am glad to inform your
Grace, suffered no privation whatever from the want of food.
Besides the large importations of bread-stuff's and salt meat
packed in from Lillooet and Lytton,* large droves of cattle
* So called after the Right Hon. Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, M.P. Colonial Secretary
in 1858, when the Act was passed for settling this colony.
CHAP. VIL] TRADE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 437
have been sent to Antler Creek, where the native grasses The Cari-
are nutritious and abundant ; and fresh beef is now selling fi^f (
by retail at Is. 8d. a pound. A raining town of some note
has sprung into existence at Antler's Creek, and supplies of all espa
kinds can be readily purchased.
" The traveller who is prepared to encounter famine in its
gauntest forms on his arrival at Cariboo, is not a little as-
tonished to find himself in the midst of luxury, sitting down
every morning to fresh milk and eggs for breakfast, and to
as good a dinner as can be seen in Victoria.
"The great commercial thoroughfares, leading into the
interior of the country, from Hope, Yale, and Douglas, are
in rapid progress, and now exercise a most beneficial effect
on the internal commerce of the colony. I have many other
productive public works, indispensable for the development
of the colony, in view, but I cannot undertake their execution
until I am made acquainted with your Grace's decision about
the proposed loan of money for British Columbia.
" I have, &c.
"(Signed) JAMES DOUGLAS."
Again, under date of October 24, 1861, the
Governor wrote :
" Accounts from Cariboo are more than ever satisfactory ;
and the numbers of returning miners with their rapidly ac-
quired stores of gold, and the extraordinary fact, unusual, I
believe, in gold countries, that they have been all eminently
successful, offer the strongest confirmation of the almost
fabulous wealth of that gold-field. I have not, indeed, up
to the present time, met with a single unfortunate miner
from that quarter. Of those whom I had occasion to inter-
rogate during my recent visit to British Columbia, I ascertained
that none who held mining claims had less than $2,000, and
that others had cleared as much as 10,000 during their
summer's sojourn at the mines. It may therefore be fairly
assumed that their individual earnings range at some point
between those figures. I should, however, apprize your Grace
that the large strikes of the season, such as Jourdan and
Abbott claim on Lowhee Creek, and Ned Campbell's claim
on Lightning Creek, the latter said to have produced 900
ounces of gold in one clay, arc not included in this category,
438 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vii.
as I have had no opportunity of seeing the owners of these
claims, who are still in the upper country ; but I will inquire
into and report upon these special cases hereafter."
Probable Although not absolutely germane to the objects of
quentes of this book, I have thought it desirable to give in full
these dis- these interesting despatches, as conveying the best
covei ies. . A , . .
information we have hitherto received respecting a
colony likely to exercise so important an influence on
the future of all our North American possessions.
Whatever may be the ultimate result of this ex-
traordinary discovery, the immediate consequence
will, no doubt, be to induce a great resort of popu-
lation to this territory, and, probably, to lead to the
immediate development of a quarter of the globe,
which, in the ordinary progress of events, we could
scarcely hope to have seen colonized during the next
century. How grand a future for the northern por-
tion of America this discovery opens up, may be
judged of from a consideration of the following cir-
cumstances :
" The coal mines of Nova Scotia are the best, and, indeed,
the only places on the Atlantic coast of America for procuring
coal. The supplies there are inexhaustible. Vancouver Island
is the only spot where coal is to be found on the Pacific.
Thus facilities for steam-boat and railway travel are provided
at either end of a great trans-continental route. The Harbour
of Halifax on the one side and Victoria on the other are
the best in all America both always free from ice, well
protected, and capacious. The valley of the St. Lawrence
extends a thousand miles and more between these extreme
points. The valley of the Saskatchewan runs a thousand
miles further both of these being in British territory, in
the direction of travel between the oceans, and so level as
to be almost natural beds for railroads. Ere many years,
railway trains must run on British ground from one side of
this new world to the other, carrying not only the gold of
California and Columbia towards Great Britain, but also the
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 439
teas and silks of China and Japan and the rich productions
of our Indian empire, and returning with finer manufactures of
English anvils and looms for the supply of the populations
of two Southern continents."
It is almost too early to speculate as to the com- The future
merce of this portion of the globe. Hitherto it has Columbia.
drawn its main supplies from San Francisco, and has
sent there most of the gold it has produced. But of
course this will all be altered as soon as population
settles down. At the time this is written, there are
several thousand tons of shipping laid down in London
and Liverpool for the British Columbia trade. Great
efforts are being made by the Royal Mail Steam Com-
pany to provide for passengers by the route across the
Isthmus of Panama ; and companies are forming for
conveying passengers and parcels from Lake Superior
to British Columbia, across the Rocky Mountains.
Should a railway track be formed, the result must be,
not only to open up to civilization a portion of the
world which has hitherto been almost unexplored, but
to give to cultivators of the soil in British North
America a means of transit to all the markets of the
Pacific, and an open passage to China and to our
possessions in the East Indies and Australia. In
every respect politically, socially, and commercially
the establishment of such a communication would
give a progressive aspect to the affairs of the world,
which would eclipse anything which has been witnessed
even amid the extraordinary development of the
present century.
It may be interesting, with a view to the future, Commerce
to record the condition of the commerce of Great
Britain with the settlements of the Hudson's Bay
* e u-
Company in the year 1860. It should be observed son's Bay
that, as regards imports, that commerce had been
for some years declining, owing apparently to the
440 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vir.
increasing difficulty in obtaining skins. The exports
were stationary. Their amount, in 1860, was
Imports from the Hudson's Bay Company's Settlements . . 178,522
Exports to ditto 131,976
Total Trade 310,498
List of
articles
imported
and ex-
ported.
thus distributed :
IMPORTS FROM.
VALUED AT
Skins and Furs :
Marten 51,589
Fox 47,870
Beaver , 26,951
Otter 11,662
Fishes (Fitch or Pole Cat) . 7,647
Lynx 5,360
Musquash (or Musk-rat) . 4,727
Bear 4,722
Minx 4,279
Wolf 1,647
Train Oil and Blubber . . . 2,239
Castor 1,155
Feathers for Beds .... 677
Isinglass 626
Unemunerated Articles . . 7,371
EXPORTS TO.
VALUED AT
Woollen Goods 28,114
Apparel, &c 23,668
Leather Goods 5,368
Beer and Ale 4,s(JU
Tobacco, Manufactured . . 4,827
Cotton Goods 4,260
Hardwares 2,998
Tea 2,908
Rum 2,891
Wine 2,886
Brandy 2,842
Gunpowder 2,839
Guns 2,697
Iron ........ 2,041
Sugar, Refined 1,862
Soap ......... 758
Linens 399
Coffee 359
Unenumerated 35,399
The Fur
trade
It will be seen, from this account, that a very large
proportion of the British trade in furs has been done
through the Hudson's Bay Company. The value of
furs, it should be observed, depends on a variety of con-
siderations. The trade is influenced not alone bv the
T f 1 *
and by' 00 caprices of fashion, but by the state of the weather,
which, in one hemisphere, has its influence on the
quantity and quality obtainable, whilst in another it
influences the quantity consumed. Eurs may be
divided into three classes : 1. Lambskins, which are
mostly consumed by us in the glove manufacture,
but which in Russia, Poland, East Prussia, Hungary,
Bohemia, Saxony, and elsewhere, form an essential
weather.
Furs
classified.
Lamb-
skins.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 441
part of the dress of a large proportion of the lower
classes. 2. Hatting furs, such as those of the beaver, Hatting
musquash, nutria,* hare, and rabbit, which, owing to fur8-
the introduction of silk and straw hats, are much less
in demand now than they were formerly ; and, 3, the
furs of fashion, which comprise, at different times, Fursof
the skins of almost every description of animal fashion.
even " bearskin hats " and " monkey muffs " having
had their day, as well as the more valuable skins of
the ermine, the sable, the tiger, the leopard, and of
the black and silver fox. It is a remarkable and Peculiar
peculiar feature of the fur trade, that almost every
country which produces and exports furs imports trade -
and consumes the furs of some other place. There
are some countries, however, which -neither export
nor consume, as, for instance, Australia, where there
is no native t fur-producing except the kangaroo, the
skin of which is only used by leather-dressers and
tanners, and never for its fur. China is one of the
best markets in the world for fur. Its trade has
been hitherto in the- hands of the Russo- American
Pur Company of Moscow, who draw their supplies
from Kamschatka and Russian-America, and ex-
change them at Kachta for tea and other Chinese
products. Now that our trade is open with the
northern ports of China, where they experience ex-
tremely severe winters, this fact may be borne in
mind with advantage by our merchants.
Prior to 1859, the trade of British Columbia was Coin-
not distinguished in the official records from that of
the other settlements of the Hudson's Bay Company.
* Nutria furs, are those of the coypou, a species of water-rat, of the size and
colour of the otter, found in Buenos Ayres, Chili, and other parts of South
America. This fur has been largely used hi the hat manufacture, but the im-
portations vary very much in quantity.
+ Australia exports sheep skins ; but the sheep was imported into Australia,.
and is not native to the country.
British
442
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. VH.
In that year, however, the amounts were denned;
and it appears that we sent to British Columbia
In 1859, General Merchandize, valued at . . 62,011
In 1860, ditto . . 46,728
This is the commencement of our commerce with the
possession. At present we have received no imports
from the colony, except some wood, valued at about
6,000., from Vancouver's Island, which is clothed
with an abundance of fine oaks and cedars.
Trade with Our trade with our colonies in the Mediterranean
Colonies, has already been referred to.* Gibraltar and Malta
are entrep6ts for an illicit commerce with Spain, and
for trade with Morocco and other countries on the
coast of Africa. The Ionian Islands have also been
referred to.f From these islands some of our manu-
factures reach the coast of Albania, supplying Servia,
Bosnia, Montenegro, &c. The only other colonies
which remain to be noticed are those dismal settle-
ments on the west coast of Africa, which have been
the graves of so many of our fellow-countrymen.
Our trade with the settlements on this coast was re-
presented, in 1860, by the following figures :
COLONIES ON THE WEST COAST OF AFRICA.
SIERRA
LEONE, &c
COLONY.
IMPORTS
FROM
EXPORTS TO
Sierra Leone
63 261
238 793
Settlements on the Gold Coast
51,577
106,069
Ditto, in Gambia
26,300
41,944
TOTALS
141 138
386 856
The amount (something like half a million in the
whole) is comparatively trifling ; and contrasting the
* Vide ante, page 276.
t Ante, page 287.
CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH SIERRA LEONE. 443
trade done with these settlements with that done on
the coast of Africa generally,* it is clear that these our trade
settlements are not worth maintaining for commercial
purposes. It is foreign to the present object to
consider whether they are worth maintaining for any
other purpose. Great Britain has expended an im-
mense amount of blood and treasure in her efforts to
put down the slave trade ; but it may admit of ques-
tion, how far the colonial establishments on the coast
of Africa have assisted her in doing so. That which
would best effect the object would be a trade fully
opened out with the blacks themselves, which would
give them an interest in the export of other com-
modities than slaves taken in their wars.f The palm-
oil trade, properly conducted, presents itself as the
most efficient means of effecting this desirable object ;
but it will be seen, by the following table, that the
trade in palm oil and oil nuts, from the British
possessions in South Africa, is a mere trifle com-
pared with the trade carried on with other parts of
the coast, which amounts to nearly four millions per
annum (3,921,999/.), whilst that of our West African
settlements scarcely exceeds a tenth part of that
amount.
* Vide ante, page 336.
t Mr. Montgomery Martin, speaking of our West African settlements, ob-
serves : " The ample resources provided by Parliament in furtherance of philan-
' thropic objects have been applied to measures of a transitory nature, connected
' with the private pursuits of those who recommended them, in place of being
' spent in fcmnding a permanent system of moral and commercial improvement
' for the natives. The money has been frittered away in contracts and jobbing
' in the settlements, whilst the country, with its countless inhabitants, has been
' left with scarcely an effort for its improvement, and bears scarcely a trace of
' advantage arising from all the money that has been devoted to the colony. No
' encouragements has been offered to the native chiefs in the way of premiums
' for the productions of the soil, nor has any regular system been adopted for
' supplying them with seeds, tools, or agricultural instruction. Had this been
' done, and persons brought from the West Indies, capable of instructing the
' natives in planting, England might have had at this day something to show and
' bnast of for the money she has spent in Africa."
444
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vu.
Imports
from and
VALUE OF IMPORTS FBOM
SIERRA
LEOXE.
GOLD COAST.
GAMBIA.
Palm Oil
21,012
37,342
Teak
10,182
Ground Nuts* for expressing Oil .
Camwood .
8,635
6,775
3,984
12,539
3,801
3,448
760
Elephants' Teeth
3,500
1,391
421
Bees' Wax
434
12,950
3,548
Unenumerated Articles ....
5,405
4,552
390
racter.
exports to Our exports to these settlements exceed, in nominal
iIT e. &c. value, our imports from them ; and the character of
several of the leading items affords reason to appre-
hend that the trade carried on by their agency is
little calculated to promote the improvement of the
people whose civilization these settlements are os-
tensibly designed to promote. The remarks which
have already been made, with reference to our ex-
portations, to the west coast of Africa generally, apply
with equal force to our exports to our own settle-
ments. It is impossible to suppose that the rum,
the gunpowder, the arms, the cutlery, the guns, the
iron, the shot, the glass beads and cowries, are re-
quired for the purpose of legitimate traffic.
* Ground nuts, which yield large quantities of oil, have become rather an
important article of European commerce, under somewhat peculiar circumstances.
The French Government having, some years since, imposed high duties on most
descriptions of oil seeds, the oil crushers of the South of France applied them-
selves to discover seeds which would produce oil, and which were not included in
the tariff. Amongst others they discovered the " arachides," or ground nut,
which grows in Africa, India, Brazil, and different parts of America, and which
was found to answer the purpose required by the crushers. France, has, in con-
sequence, become a great market for these nuts ; of which the principal supply is
obtained from the rivers Senegal and Gambia. The oil is good for use in various
ways, either in food, in the woollen manufactures, in lubricating machinery, or in
the manufacture of soap. The blacks and the Americans use the nut in the first
form ; the English use it chiefly for the second purpose, the Belgians for the third,
and the French for the fourth. A London firm of African merchants have been
most instrumental in developing the use of these nuts in this count IT.
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH OUR COLONIES.
445
The following list shows the value of these and
other items of exportation :
VALUE OP EXPOKTS TO
Cotton Goods 138,416
Apparel, &c 16,571
Rum 7,074
Gunpowder 7,204
Arms 5,513
Hardwares and Cutlery .... 4,730
Iron 4,140
Guns 3,775
Prepared Fuel and Coals . . . 3,559
Earthenware 3,583
Beer and Ale 2,959
Woollen Goods 3,466
Wine 2,562
Sugar, refined 2,292
Glass Beads and Bugles . . . 1,573
Salt 1,555
Leather Goods 1,508
Glass Manufactures 1,299
Lead and Shot
Staves and Empty Casks . . . 505
Cowries
Indian Silk Goods
Rice
SIERRA
LEONE.
GOLD COAST.
59,075
1,969
1,861
9,365
2,229
1,052
2,311
835
1,420
1,307
1,934
1,094
601
1,525
13,419
2,196
441
3,077
938
1,848
3,297
583
125
319
4,042
List of
exports.
To summarize the foregoing information :
Exclusive of her empire in India, Great Britain, at
the present time, has 49 colonies ; which may be thus
classified
Eastern
Australian
African
Mediterranean, and Miscellaneous
North American
West Indian
TOTAL
NO. OP
COLONIES.
5
7
7
6
7
17
49
POPULATION.
2,675,536
1,223,985
629,013
400,865
3,210,779
986,035
9,126,213
The
Colonies
of Great
Britain.
Their
number
and popu-
lation.
446
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vir.
Of the nine millions of people in these colonies,
five millions are of European race.
Summary The imports and exports of these colonies are ex-
hibited in the following table :
of our
Colonies.
Our
Colonies
COLONIES.
IMPORTS.
EXPORTS.
FROM GREAT
BRITAIN.
FROM OTHER
COUNTRIES.
EASTERN (Jeylon, Mauritius,
f
and Seychelles, Straits Set-
tlements, Hong-Kong, and
1,524,640
4,421,392
12,498,758
Labuan
AUSTRALASIAN New So. Wales,
Queensland, Victoria, South
Australia, Western Australia,
15,256,354
11,311,337
21,982,286
Tasmania, and New Zealand .
AFRICAN SETTLEMENTS Sierra
Leone, Gambia, Gold Coast,
St.Helena, Cape Colony, British
2,260,745
999,085
2,629,439
Kaffraria, and Natal ....
MEDITERRANEAN AND MISCEL-
LANEOUS POSSESSIONS, &c.
Gibraltar, Malta, Ionian Isles,
404,&39
3,344,263
2,477,040
Heligoland, Aden, Falkland Isl.
NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES ^
Canada,NovaScotia,NewBruns- 1
wick, Prince Edward's Island, i-
Newfoundland, Vancouver,
British Columbia j
4,724,066
7,027,719
10,907,493
WEST INDIAN POSSESSIONS "
British Honduras, British
Guiana, Jamaica, Bahamas, j
Turk's Island. Trinidad, Bar- I
bados, Grenada, Tobago, St. "
2,408,951
2,702,873
5,788,803
Vincent, St. Lucia, Antigua,
Montserrat, St. Kitts, Nevis,
Virgin Islands, Dominica . .
26,579,595
29,806,699
o6,2&3,819
56,386,294
The commercial importance of each of our colonies
classified may be estimated from the following return, showin-
the declared value of the exports of British produce
and manufactures to our colonial possessions in each
of the last two years :
commerce.
CHAP. VII.]
TRADE WITH. OUR COLONIES.
447
COLONY.
1860.
1861.
Australia
9,707,261
10,701,752
British North America
3,727,350
3,696,646
Cape of Good Hope and Natal
2,065,523
1,986,629
British West Indies
1,845,254
1,850,001
Hong-Kong .
2,445,991
1,733,967
Singapore
1,671,092
1,026,018
Gibraltar
1,159,313
1,016,092
Channel Islands ... . . .
655,948
666,325
British Guiana
571,685
613,973
Malta and Gozo
704,073
564,161
Mauritius
538,303
551,797
Ceylon
671,219
485,659
British West Coast of Africa
340,366
381,163
Ionian Islands
345,055
296,603
British Honduras
142,554
201,135
St. Helena
46,405
45,466
Aden .. .
45,297
12,369
Falkland Islands
5,306
9,847
Ascension
8,688
7,644
Labuan . .
2583
1,217
Heligoland
287
386
TOTAL
26 699 543
25,848,880
The relative value of the foreign and colonial trade Relative
of Great Britain may be estimated by this account.
In 1860 it appears that our total colonial trade
trades of
Great
Britain.
Exports to the Colonies 26,699,543
Imports from the Colonies 56,283,819
appears
amounted to
TOTAL 82,983,362
The real value of our imports and exports of mer-
chandize amounted, in the same year, to a
Total of
Deduct for the Colonies
375,052,224
82,983,362
Balance for Foreign Trade 292,068,862
CHAPTER VIII.
OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES.
import- To an insular kingdom, such as ours, a coasting trade
coasting cannot but be otherwise than of great importance.
Permeated as the country is by navigable rivers,
affording access to many of our more important
towns, a means of communication by the coast, from
place to place, must afford facilities for communi-
cation of the utmost value, commercially and na-
Perfection tionallv. It may be said that the coasting trade of
to which *
this trade Great Britain, at the earlier part of the present
brought, century, had arrived at a state of perfection. Xot
only were our coasts completely navigated from point
to point, but every description of traffic was pro-
vided for. Our rivers, also, had been deepened and
rendered navigable wherever impediments existed to
their navigation; and, more than all, they had been
brought into conjunction by a series of canals, so
that the whole country may be said to have been
placed in communication with the sea-board, for
purposes of commerce.
Effect of At the moment that this system of communication
***** had attained perfection, another sprung into existence
which threatened practically to supersede it. Most
on the of our earlier railways followed the lines of the
canals; and it certainly appeared, at first sight,. that
they must compete with, and be antagonistic to, the
canal system; and in so far as they connected the
CHAP, vm.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 449
metropolis with the outports, must also compete with
and be antagonistic to the coasting trade. It was, and
indeed, argued, that inasmuch as railways were con-
structed at larger cost than canals, and worked at
heavier expense than coasting vessels, that they never
could afford to carry goods so cheap. Primd facie,
the argument seemed plausible ; hut experience and
practice have proved that all the arguments origi-
nating in theory on the probable results of a competi-
tion between railways and canals and coasting vessels
were erroneous. The railways have served so rapidly to divert
to develop the resources of the nation, that other supersede
systems of communication, though they may have thlstlaffic '
been diverted, have not, in any degree, been super-
seded.
The canal-boats carry as much, and even more, s y
than before railways were constructed ; our coast-
ing trade is larger than it ever was ; even the
have m-
number of coaches, vans, and horses, employed in creased
Great Britain, the use of which railways were de-
signed to supersede, is greater than it was before
those railways were made, in consequence of the
auxiliary means of communication and transit which
railways necessarily require.* It cannot be doubted
that the number of horses employed in connexion
with the railway traffic is much in excess of the
number employed in connexion with the coaching
traffic of the country even in its palmiest days ; one
proof of which is, that horses are dearer at the
present time than they ever were in England. And
in proportion to the number of horses employed,
we must estimate the number of vans and other
vehicles.
* It was stated, in the Second Report of the Postmaster-General (1856), that
the branch mail coaches communicating with railways conveyed the side mails
over no less than 31,667 miles per day a greater mileage, probably, than all the
mail coaches of England ran before the days of railway communication.
G G
450 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. viu.
why rail- AS regards the canal traffic, it is to be borne in
ways have . , .
not, in- mind, that the transit oi tramc on canals is neces-
traffico^ 6 sarily restricted by physical circumstances. Nature
canals. opposes a practical limit to that description of
transit. Every canal must have a summit level, more
or less abundantly supplied with water. The extent
of traffic by canal must, therefore, depend upon the
supply of water which can be commanded at the
summits to be traversed. Beyond this, canals are
subject to the vicissitudes of the seasons. They may
not only be deficient of water in dry seasons, when
the traffic is at its maximum, but they may be, and
often are, exposed to stoppage by frost in winter for
weeks together, when the supplies of fuel they would
otherwise convey into our towns are most needed for
consumption. In consequence of these causes, rail-
ways have interfered less than it was at first supposed
they would with canal traffic. They have chiefly
afforded facilities for carrying a class of traffic which
canals were ill adapted to convey. In the conveyance
of almost all classes of heavy goods, and in the
transport also of certain classes of light goods not
requiring expedition in their delivery, canals have
not only held their own against railways, but have
conveyed more than they ever did. Thus, iron,
bricks, and the like articles, almost invariably go by
canal in preference to railway; whilst earthenware
and pottery of every description find in canal transit
comparative freedom from breakage.
why the That the coasting trade should have held its own,
trije'has as it has done, against railway communication, is
been able (j ue to several causes which operate largely in its
to com- *
pete with favour. Our coasting vessels were always accustomed
to trade from point to point, and at each point so
traded with, appliances and conveniences for traffic
had come into existence which could not be diverted,
CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 451
and which railway companies were unable to supply.
The granaries in which corn is collected and stored,
whether in provincial towns or in the metropolis,
are almost invariably at the river side. Railways
could not at once be brought to the doors of these
granaries, in many cases they could not be brought
to them at all ; * but coasting vessels are able to load
and unload alongside almost any granary, thereby
avoiding all cost for cartage or lighterage. Thus it
happens, for example, that in the eastern counties of
England, which supply London to so large an extent
with corn, the bulk of the trade between the different
towns and the metropolis continues, despite the rail-
way, to be carried on by coasters. All the rivers of
Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk the Lea, the Stort, the
Blackwater, the Come, the Stour, the Orwell, the
Deben, the Aide, the Blythe, the Yar, the Wear,
the Bure, the Ouse, the Nene, and smaller channels
of navigation all send their corn to market by
various descriptions of sailing craft. The coast towns
of those counties Harwich, Ipswich, Lowestoft,
Yarmouth, Wells, Lynn, &c. send to market by
coasting vessels as much corn as is carried over the
O
whole extent of the Eastern Counties' system by
railway.
Railways, therefore, have not realized the fears Extension
of those who supposed they would annihilate the coasting
coasting trade. On the contrary, since the era of trade>
railways, the coasting trade has largely extended
itself. As contrasted with 1843 and 1844, at which
period railway communication began to be general
in England, the coasting trade of 1859 and 1860
presents the following increase :
* Some of the railway companies have found themselves compelled to construct
srranaries at their principal stations.
GG2
452
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. TIIL
COASTING TEADE OF GREAT BRITAIN.
ENTERED INWAKDS.
CLEARED OUTWARDS.
TEAKS.
SHIPS.
TONNAGE.
YEARS.
SHIPS.
TONNAGE.
1843
131,461
10,822,176
1843
141,697
11,321,138
1844
133,898
10,964,707
1844
145,242
11,694,861
1859
152,228
16,532,117
1859
155,238
16,509,471
1860
152,782
17,003,411
1860
157,419
17,014,399
Our coast-
ing trade
competi
tion.
The coasting trade, it will be thus seen, employed,
in 1860, upwards of THIRTY-FOUR MILLION tons of
shipping ; the foregoing figures representing the ship-
ping which cleared and entered with cargo only.
Most alarming were the predictions of ruin to the
shipping interest when this vast trade was uncon-
ditionally thrown open to the foreigner in 1854.
The slight effect, however, which that alteration of
our Navigation laws has had upon the coasting trade
is very sufficiently shown by the fact, that of the
34,000,000 tons of shipping engaged in this trade in
1860, only 200,000 tons were foreign. The fact is,
that every nation can best carry on its own coast-
ing trade; and that any fear of interference from
strangers, where language, custom, interest, and all
the varied ramifications of a local business, are in
favour of the natives, must be, obviously, without
foundation. It does not appear that since our coasting
trade has been thrown open, there has been any
reduction of rates whatever attributable to foreign
interference. Any occasional depression in the trade
has, on the contrary, rather been occasioned by the
resort to it by British shipowners, whose vessels
were disengaged from other less profitable employ-
ments. The fact is, that in any case where a nation
CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES.
453
cannot, and does not, carry on its own coasting
trade, there must be causes to which that circum-
stance is to be attributed, which render it desirable
that the trade should be unrestricted.
The coasting trade of London forms an important The coast -
proportion of the entire coasting trade of Great
Britain and Ireland, as will be demonstrated by the
following comparisons :
COASTING TRADE OF ENGLAND AND OF LONDON, 1860.
ENTERED.
SAILING VESSELS.
STEAM VESSELS.
TOTAL.
Ships.
Tons.
Ships.
Tons.
Ships.
Tons.'
United Kingdom . . .
124,114
15,533
9,707,710
2,153,252
29,6t>S
2,832
7,295,701
1,001,309
153,782
18,365
17,003,411
3,154,561
CLEARED.
United Kingdom . . .
127,971
6,920
5,847,859
473,995
29,448
1,893
7,166,540
603,009
157.419
8,818
7,014,399
1,077,004
The large extent of the coasting trade of London
is due, of course, to the very large population to be
supplied. The three principal articles brought to
the port by coasting-vessels are those for which there
are three special markets in the metropolis : namely,
EISH, CORN, and COAL. The great bulk of the
tonnage of the coasting vessels is employed in one
or other of these trades.
The fisheries around the coast of Great Britain The FISH
have been, and still are, great adjuncts of our coast- Billing*.'
ing trade ; and, as already observed, the fishing s ate -
trade centres itself at Billingsgate, and is, indeed, to
a great extent carried on with the capital supplied
454 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm.
by that great fish-market. Up to a comparatively
recent period, London was almost the only market
in England for fish. This arose less from the ab-
sence of demand, than from the difficulty of supply.
Fish being a commodity which requires to be
brought to table in the freshest possible condition,
it does not admit of carriage, except under the
most favourable circumstances. Before the intro-
duction of railways, therefore, fish could rarely reach
the consumer in the great inland towns of the
country in such a condition as to make it an ac-
ceptable article of food. But the Thames afforded
facilities for bringing fish to the London market
with great expedition and in perfection, and the
great population of the metropolis secured a ready
sale.
Abun- The coasts of Great Britain abound, at all seasons
of the year, with most descriptions of the finest fish.
This is supposed to result from the number of our
rivers, near the mouths of which the fish appear
to find their best feeding-grounds. Almost every
village on our coast has its fishermen ; but the two
great centres of fishing are the port of Yarmouth, on
the east coast, and Brixham, in Torbay, upon the
The south. In the North Sea, between Yarmouth and
North Sea
fishery, the coast of Holland, are numerous banks, which
afford the finest fishing-grounds hitherto explored
for turbot, cod, and other fish. The fishermen of
Yarmouth, and other places 011 the coast, resort
to these banks in their fishing vessels, which are
sometimes so numerous as to form a little fleet.
They generally remain, weather permitting, on the
fishing- station from six weeks to two months at a
time, at the lapse of which period they return
home to mend their nets, repair their vessels, and
refresh themselves after so considerable a period of
CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 455
fatiguing labour. A fast-sailing cutter, or some-
times a steam-vessel, visits the fishing-station every
day, carrying supplies of stores to the fishermen,
and collecting the fish which have heen caught from
the various boats. With these she proceeds, as the Supply
wind and weather and other circumstances will allow, market,
either to Yarmouth or, even more frequently, at
once to Billingsgate. Formerly the fish landed at
Yarmouth were sent to Billingsgate in light vans,
drawn by horses, which, in consequence of the nature
of the service, were exempted by Act of Parliament
from post-horse duty. The railway is, of course,
now substituted for the vans ; and the railway affords
facilities for the distribution of the fish which the
van could not provide. At the present time, the fish
from the eastern coast are brought up every night
by special "fish trains" devoted to the service. The
telegraph makes known to the salesmen in Billings-
gate the quantity and descriptions of fish en route,
and arrangements are made for its delivery either
at Billingsgate or to the several railway stations.
The distribution of fish is now managed with such and
facility, that the inhabitants of such towns as Bir-
niingham, Leicester, Nottingham, &c., are supplied
with fish almost as soon as the inhabitants of London.
London also supplies many of the towns upon the
coast with fish. Brighton, for example, draws its chief
fish supply from London, and Hastings and Dover are
also largely served by Billingsgate, although those
ports have many fishing-boats and fishermen of their
own. The fact is, that when the deep-sea fishermen
of such ports are on their fishing- stations, they often
find it more to their interest to consign their fish to
the great market, where its sale is sure, than to carry
it to some perhaps more distant port which affords a
less certain market. This is another illustration of
456 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vra.
what has so frequently been observed before, that
" there can be but one great market."
The The Torbay fishery is very prolific of red mullet,
fisher/. dory, and some other delicate descriptions of fish
which the North Sea fishery does not afford in
such abundance. Formerly there was much diffi-
culty in getting these fish to market in good con-
dition : indeed, epicures in the days of George the
Fourth were known to resort to Torbay for the
purpose of eating its fish in perfection.* In those
Red days red mullet rarely got farther east than Bath,
but since the Great Western Railway has reached
Torquay this delicate fish can be sent in perfect
condition to the London market, and is sold at the
most expensive fish shops at from Is. to 2*. Qd. a-
piece, according to the size. It should be mentioned
that red mullet are now caught in much greater
numbers and of much larger size than formerly.
Deep-sea This arises from the use of deep-sea fishing-nets. The
mullet is a fish which swims deep ; generally, it is
said, below a mackerel shoal. The nets formerly
used only took the smaller fish which swam, nearest
to the surface of the water; the deep-sea nets now
inclose the larger fish. It is probably owing to an
imperfect system of fishing, that at Venice, where
* " The late Duke of Portland was in the habit of going to Weymouth during
' the summer months for the sake of the red mullet which formerly abounded
' there. The largest used to be had for threepence or fourpence apiece, but he
' has been known to give two guineas for one weighing a pound and a half. His
' Grace's custom was to put all the livers into a butter boat, to avoid the chances
' of inequality, very properly considering that to be helped to a mullet in the
' condition of an East Indian nabob would be too severe a shock for the nerves
' or spirits of any man. The red mullet have now nearly deserted Weymouth
' for the coast of Cornwall, whither we recommend the connoisseur to repair in
' the dog days, taking care to pay his respect to the dories of Plymouth on the
' way, and he will have the pleasure of following the example of Quin." " The
Art of Dining," vide Quarterly Review, July, 1835. [It may be mentioned that
red mullet are rarely taken at Weymouth in the present day. The white, or grey
mullet, whicli are common there, are, however, very admirable fish. They are
chiefly taken in the aim of the sea which runs up behind the Chesil bank.]
CHAP, vin.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. . 457
red mullet are almost as common as herrings, the
fish are even smaller than with us.
Ahundant as are the fish upon our coasts, and large
as is the amount of money expended on this article of
human sustenance, fishermen are proverbially poor.
At various periods elaborate efforts have been made
to promote fishing and the consumption of fish.
The Reformation appears to have had a prejudicial Effects
effect upon the fish trade, fasts from flesh being Reforma
no longer observed by the population. To remedy JjJ**^
this an Act was passed in 1563, entitled " an Act trade.
for Eating Pish." By this statute it was enacted
that, " for the maintenance of shipping, the increase
" of fishermen and mariners, the repairing of ports,
" towns, and the increase of the fish victual of the
" realm, it should not be lawful for any to eat flesh
" on Wednesdays and Saturdays, under the forfeiture
" of 3. for each offence ; excepting cases of sickness
" and also those by special license to be obtained, for
" which licenses peers were to pay ~Ll. 6s. Sd. to the
" poor-box of the parish, knights and their wives
" 13*. 4d, and others 6s. Sd. each. But no license
" was to extend to eating BEEF on those days at any
" time of the year ; or to the eating of veal between
" Michaelmas and the 1st of May." Wednesday was
afterwards excepted from this political fasting, but
victuallers were forbidden "to utter flesh " in Lent,
or on " Fridays and Saturdays" (27 Eliz. c. 2).
In the reiffn of Charles I. (1633) an association The fish
4-1
was formed, under the auspices of the Earl of Pern- t der
broke, Sir William Courten and others, for the pur- charlesL
pose of " promoting the fishery." The object seems
to have been to obtain a monopoly of the fishing trade.
King Charles, "to encourage this laudable object,"
enjoined Lent to be more strictly observed, prohibited
fish caught by foreigners to be imported, and agreed
458 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm.
to purchase of the company his naval stores, and all
the fish required for his Royal Navy. All this, how-
and ever, came to nothing. In 1677, during the reign of
Charles ii. Charles II., an attempt was made to revive the
Association under another name " The Company of
the Royal Fishery of England." The Duke of York,
the Earl of Danby, Lord Treasurer, and many lords
and gentlemen of the court, were patrons. The king
gave the company great privileges, and promised
them a premium of 20/. on every dogger or huss they
should huild and fit out, "such premium to be paid out
of the customs of the Port of London." The capital
of this company, which did not exceed 12,000/.,
was expended in the purchase and equipment of
busses, which were chiefly captured by the French ;
and the company, having run into debt, was broken
up in 1680. In 1683, and again in 1695, attempts
were made to renew it, but they were unsuccessful.
The In the next century, the Society of Arts promoted
a company " for supplying London with Fish brought
fr m the Coast by Land Carriage." This company,
of London which was set on foot in 1761, was suggested by Mr.
with fish, J
Toll, and was put under the management of Capt.
Blake. Its prospectus stated that "the Dutch annually
" received from this country the enormous sum of
" 100,000/. for the single article of Turbot, and also
" large sums for other species of fish."* The company
was, therefore, started as " a patriotic undertaking;"
but it, nevertheless, met with the most determined
opposition from the fishmongers of Billingsgate. In
1763, it found itself in difficulties, " defeated," as it
represented, " by the acts of those who were interested
in keeping up the price of fish." The Society of
Arts, " fully satisfied of the integrity and propriety of
his conduct," made a further grant to Captain Blake,
For particulars of our present fish supply from Holland, vide ante, pp. 248,9.
CHAP, viii.] CUE COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 459
the manager of the company; and Parliament,
" considering that the undertaking, though attended
" with loss to the patriotic society and the manager,
" had been very advantageous to the public, in greatly
" reducing the price of fish," granted Captain Blake
2,500Z. " to enable him to persevere in his laudable
attempts." The Society of Arts at the same time and offers
offered a premium of 61. for every hundred turbots of fo? r t e ^- ul
sixteen inches in length from the eye to the fork of bots '
the tail, caught by British subjects, and offered for
sale in London or Westminster between the 1st May
and 31st August, 1764.
We are not apprised how much the Society of Arts
was called upon to pay in the shape of bounty upon
turbot. But the agitation arising out of this question sources
had the effect of directing the attention of the public supply. s
at the time to new sources of fish supply. Singularly
enough, the great attraction of 1764 seems to have
been the very spot to which public attention was
directed last year (nearly a century after), as a resort
of fish never yet sufficiently explored. It will be
remembered, that last year (1861), there appeared in
the London newspapers remarkable accounts of a
great cod fishery, said to exist near an island of the The
Atlantic, off the Hebrides. In 1764, it appears that fishing
the Greenland whale-fishery proved a failure ; but, as bank
some compensation for their disappointment in Green-
land, the ships fell in, near an island, about forty
miles north-north-east from the island of Lewis, with
a species of small whale; and, this matter being
discussed, reference was made back to the works of
Sir William Monson, who stated that " from Rona
" there runs a bank towards Tillhead, in Ireland,
" which affords a great quantity of the best cod and
" ling."* Sir William Monson complained that this
" Naval Tracts, book iv.
460 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vnr.
fishery had heen neglected for a century previous to
his time (temp. Queen Elizabeth) ; and it appears to
have been neglected for three centuries after. A
Committee of the House of Commons on the Fisheries,
in 1789, was informed by Captain Huddart, that
when employed on a maritime survey of the coast of
Ireland, in 1777, he fished upon the bank in question,
" where he found the cod as plentiful, and as good as
" at Newfoundland." It is not a little singular, that
despite the testimonies which have been borne for
three centuries to the value of the fishery upon this
bank, so immediately adjacent to the eastern coasts
of Great Britain and Ireland, no effectual measures
should ever yet have been taken to fish it.
In 1768, in consequence of the undue price of
butcher's meat, Sir Stephen Janssen, an eminent
London merchant, offered a bounty on fishing-boats
which would come up the Thames to market ; and it
Fine is recorded that, in consequence, fine mackerel were
sold in London at l^d. each, and the price of butcher's
inea ^ ^ s sa ^ to nave been thereby lowered ~Ld. per Ib.
piece, About 1780, it would appear that Harwich had
established a large fishing trade, and that it was
supplying the metropolis with not less than 2,000
tons per annum of cod, haddock, whiting, and skate.
A fishery The Harwich fishermen were the first, on our coast,
wich, who acquired the method of using long lines in the
A.D. 1780. w j n ^ er This they obtained from an Englishman
who had been employed in the Dutch fishery on the
Doggerbank. At this time, and for many years after,
the fishermen of our coasts very justly complained of
the disadvantages to which they were subjected by
reason of the exorbitant duties on salt, which pre-
vented them from curing their surplus fish; and
which, up to a very recent period, was no doubt one
great cause of the non-extension of our fisheries.
CHAP, vni.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 46 J
A library might be filled with the Acts of Par-
liament, Reports of Parliamentary Committees, plans,
proposals, pamphlets, and prospectuses which have,
at various times, been printed and published with
a view to promote the fishing trade. Amongst the Fishing
numerous proposals of that great year of speculation, JjJJjJ 1
1825, were a number of companies for promoting 1825 -
fishing enterprise. Amongst others were
" I. THE LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND DEVONSHIRE FISHING AND
STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY. Capital, 500,OOOZ.
" Chairman. William Williams, Esq., M.P. Directors.
Alderman Bridges, Sir Charles Flower, Mr. Thomas Read
Kemp, Alderman Sir Matthew Wood, &c.
" Objects. To supply fish from Torbay to the London and
Brighton markets by the aid of steam navigation. Steamers
were to bring fish from Torbay to Brighton; from thence they
were to be despatched to London by post vans. The Company
contemplated a return passenger traffic from London and
Brighton to the coast of Devonshire."
" II. THE METROPOLITAN FISH COMPANY. Capital, 300,000?.
" Chairman. Lord George Seymour. Bankers. Messrs.
Veres, Ward, and Co. Solicitors. Messrs. Dawes and Chalfield.
" Object. To extend the Consumption of Fish.
" A prospectus affords no room for the details of such an
undertaking/'
This second company, it may be observed, raised
the wrath of the fishermen (or rather, more pro-
bably, of the Billingsgate fish-salesmen). They
prepared and posted a handbill, in which they de-
clared that " the establishment of the projected fish
" companies would be a certain and effectual means
" of impoverishing a numerous and industrious
" class of the country." They observed that " a
" company with similar objects was formed in 1676,
" with a capital of 300,000^., but that it lasted a
" very few years. That another was formed in
"
462 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vrn.
" 1750 with a capital of 500,000/., which was aided
" by Acts of Parliament granting bounties on the
" number of vessels employed and the quantity of
fish brought to market, and also an annual bonus
of 3. 10s. per cent, to the shareholders, but that
Their " this failed in seven years." The fishermen seem
f *1
to have got the best of it, for the company came
to nothing; indeed, how they were to eifect their
object that of " promoting the consumption of
fish" (unless they intended greatly to reduce its
price) is difficult to comprehend. These, however,
were by no means the only projects of the period.
New fish A company was proposed to establish a fish market
projected, on the Regent's Canal, near Portland Place, bring-
ing fish from Billingsgate by the canal, and making
use of its waters for cleaning them. Another pro-
ject, of which the Duke of Somerset was patron,
proposed to form a Westminster Pish Company.
The details of the latter company were, however,
by no means specified. Of all the projects of the
period the Hungerford Pish Market was the only
one brought into operation; and at the moment
this is written that market is in course of demoli-
tion, to make way for a new station of the South-
Eastern Railway.
COAL The discovery of a flint-headed axe stuck into a
Engiand m bed of coal exposed to day in Monmouthshire, of
axes and picks of solid oak in some old excavations
through the Kilburn coal in Derbyshire, and of stone
hammer-heads, flint wedges, and wheels of solid wood
in some old coal- workings near Ashby-de-la-Zouch,
by the have been accepted as proof that the Ancient Britons,
the aborigines of our country, understood the use of
coal, and worked it in different parts of Britain.
Prom the position of many of their stations, close to
the outcrop of the coal-seams; from the number of
CHAP. VIIL] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 463
coal cinders and scoriae found amongst the remains
of their towns and villages, and from the discovery of
workings in polygonal chambers at the Ardley mine,
near TTigan, there seems to be no doubt that coal was
worked and used by the Romans during their sojourn Romans,
in our island. The Saxon Chronicle of the Abbey of and
Peterborough mentions, " sixty loads of wood, twelve
loads of coal, and six loads of peat," among the items
for which the Abbot Ceolred let the land of Sem-
pringham to "Wulfred, A.D. 852, and it is supposed
that the very word " Coal" is derived from the Saxon
" col" (Dutch and German, "kohle"). No mention NO men-
is made of coal or any other mineral in Doomsday S *L
book ; but in the " Boldon book," containing a census ^ oomsda y
liOOK.
of portions of the northern counties in the time of
Henry II., mention is twice made of coal as being
used by a carpenter and smith in villages near
Bishops-AVearmouth.
There is reason to believe that coals were sent to coal first
London by sea early in the thirteenth century, if London
not before. A lane immediately outside Newgate, b ? 8ea -
in what were then suburbs of London, was called
by the name of " Sea- coal Lane," as early as the"Sea-coai
year 1253. It retains the name to this day. Stow A a D ne i253.
says that lime used to be burned in this lane with
sea-coal. The first mention of coals in any docu-
ment of public authority is, however, in a charter
granted by King Henry III., A.D. 1259, to the
freemen of Newcastle-on-Tyne, by which he gave
them liberty " to dig for coals." Not long after- Coals used
T
wards sea-coals were certainly sent from the Tyne I
to London ; for, in 1306, the Lords and Commons
in Parliament assembled presented a petition to
King Edward I., against the use of coals, who The use of
thereupon issued a proclamation, forbidding the use
of that fuel, as contaminating the atmosphere, and
464 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vin.
injurious to public health. The proclamation,
however, appears to have been abortive, for the use
of coals became largely extended in the fifteenth
he trade, century, during which period there are abundant
records of the opening of mines in different parts
of Northumberland and Durham, and the ship-
ment of coals at Blyth, Sunderland, Newcastle, and
Tynemouth. The coal trade was considered very
nourishing in the times of Elizabeth and James I.
Coals first Charles I. burdened it with excessive taxation and
S en l grievous monopolies, under which coal rose in the
taxation, p O rt of London to the extraordinary price of 4/. per
ch. i. chaldron, a price which was maintained until New-
castle was taken by the Scottish army, when the
House of Commons took into their own hands the
regulation of the coal trade, and at once shipped
increase supplies to London for the use of the poor. In 1670
( tim e of Charles II.), about 200,000 chaldrons of
coals were annually consumed in England ; and in
1690 (time of William III.), upwards of 300,000
The chaldrons. Erom this time, the demand for coals
ihJiSi wen ^ on increasing; but the supply was necessarily
by natural limited, first by the difficulty of working mines of
obstacles.
any depth by horse-power,* and second, by the
danger attending the use of any lights in caverns
These liable to produce inflammable gases. The discovery
obstacles
_
mounted, sequent application of the safety lamp, first used
* In a letter to a friend, written by Sir John Clerk, in 1739, he gives'an inte-
resting account of the collieries at Whitehaven, belonging to Sir James Lowther.
He says, "the coals are drawn up by an engine turned by two horses, which go their
" circuits at full trot every eight hours, and then change, being employed every
" twenty-four hours." He gives particulars of the quantity raised and its cost,
and states that, after paying all expenses, the proprietor clears about 6007. a year
from these mines. The present Earl of Lonsdale would probably consider a profit
of 6001. a week nearer what he ought to receive as profit from his coal mines : yet
his ancestor was thought a rich man in his day. Such is the difference between
1740 and 1860, and between a steam engine and an engine turned by two horses
at full trot.
CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 465
about 1815, worked, however, a complete revolution
in coal mining, by giving safe access to the pits and
light to the miners working in them, and by enabling
their contents to be brought to the surface with fa-
cility from any depths at which they can be worked.
The quantity of coal raised in Great Britain has
been thus estimated :
YEAR. TONS. Increase
1800 10,000,000 ofthe .
Quantity
1819 13,000,000 ; aised *
1839 30,000,000
1859 71,979,765
The quantity of coal now raised in this country Yield
is one-third greater than the combined produce of all
the remaining coal-fields of the world ; and is shown
in the following synopsis, compiled by Mr. Hull for countries.
his work on " The Coal-fields of Great Britain."
ANNUAL PRODUCTION OF COAL IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES.
COUNTRIES. TONS.
Great Britain and Ireland (1859) 71,979,765
North America (1860) 21,000,000
Prussia, Saxony, and Hanover 12,000,000
Belgium (1860) 8,900,000
France (1860) 7,900,000
British Colonies in America 1,500,000
Austrian Empire (1858), viz. : TONS.
Austria 34,852
Bohemia . . 569,079
Moravia and Silesia 362,522
Hungary 110,666
Servia and Banat 83,905
Styria 1,876
1,162,900
Spain (1860) 300,000
Russian Empire (estimated) 1,500,000
Japan, China, Borneo, and Australia (estimated) . 2,000,000
Total produce of all countries 128,242,673
Vide " Hunt's Mineral Statistics of Great Britain."
H H
466 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. VIIL
Present " The uses to which coal is applicable/' says Mr. Hull, " and
^ai f the products which may be extracted from it, are almost limit-
less. In Britain alone it propels 5,200 locomotive engines with
their trains over 9,500 miles of railway. It heats 607 iron-
furnaces, besides those for smelting other ores. It sets in
motion the machinery of 3,000 factories, 2,500 steam vessels
and smaller craft, and lights I dare not say how many forges,
fires, stoves, and ovens. It unlocks, when heated, invisible
gases to illumine our streets, public buildings, and dwellings by
night, producing the cheapest, most manageable, and withal
most agreeable of lights. When gently distilled, it pours forth
streams of pitch and oil; with the paraffine we can light our
lamps, lubricate machinery, and, when solidified, produce
candles as fine as alabaster. From the tar, the most beau-
tiful violet and rose-coloured dyes may be elaborated; and
we can unlock the gums, essences, and scents, resembling
those of cloves, almonds, and spices, which have lain dormant
since the time when the coal-plants themselves were growing.
Lastly, the very smoke of our chimneys has its use, for it is a
great disinfecting agent in populous towns."
Sale of Prior to 1831, all coals sold in London were sold
London ^7 measurement. But this system gave rise to great
by ad- abuse. Dr. Hutton. the celebrated mathematician,
measure- '
ment, who was a native of JNewcastle-on-Tyne, and well
183?. acquainted with the coal trade, stated before a Par-
Abuses liamentary Committee, that " if a coal measuring
" exactly a cubic yard (nearly equal to five bushels)
" be broken into pieces of a moderate size, it will
" measure seven bushels and a half; if broken very
" small, it will measure nine bushels." The New-
castle shippers and London coal-dealers accordingly
insisted on being supplied by the coal-owners with
Fraud on large coals only. Before they reached the consumer,
however, these coals were broken into smaller por-
tions ; and as the shipper, the wholesale dealer, and
the retailer, each had their profit out of the breakage,
by the time the coals reached the cellar of the con-
sumer, he received about half or two-thirds onlv
CHAP, vni.j OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 467
of the quantity which, had been sold for a chaldron
at the place of shipment. It has been stated that
the profits of many of the London retailers, when the
coal was sold by measurement, arose chiefly from the
increase of measure consequent on breakage.
Nor was the fraud on the consumer the only evil Evil effects
arising from this system. Inasmuch as the buyer at oai- ie
the port of shipment would only receive large coal, the owner -
coal-owner was driven to the necessity of separating
the large from the small coal by a process called
" screening" (i.e. passing the coal over a grating).
The coal, as it underwent this operation, was neces-
sarily much broken, and all this small coal, as it was
not readily marketable, had to be consumed on the
spot, in order to get rid of it ; thus occasioning not
only great waste of admirable coal, but absolute
injury to growing crops, &c., from the smoke occa-
sioned by these large burnings. It was stated to the
House of Lords, that the coal-owner was often obliged
to charge a higher price upon the coal he sold in
order to indemnify himself for the loss sustained from
the quantity of coal thus wasted, and for the com-
pensation he was obliged to pay for the injury in-
flicted upon others.
Parliament at length put a termination to this coals
nuisance, by enacting that coals should be sold by besoid by
weight instead of measure. Unhappily, however, wei e ht -
Parliament could not put an end altogether to the
effects of a system which had been persisted in for
upwards of a century, and under which habits and
customs had grown up which had engrafted them-
selves into our social system. The unloading of
the coal-ships in the Pool, below London Bridge,
which is an impediment to the navigation of the
river ; the compulsory employment of licensed " coal- old system,
111 d W 1 i 1 ell
whippers " in the task of unloading ; the cost entailed stm con-
H H 2 tinue -
468 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vin.
for lighterage from the ship's side to some uptown coal-
wharf; the extra profit which the consumer is thereby
forced to pay to some second, and even, in many
cases, to a third retail dealer ; the very system under
which our London coal-cellars are constructed, with
holes in the pavement too small to admit good-sized
coals without breakage ;* all these are remnants of
the system which grew up under the admeasurement,
and which have remained to us despite all alterations
in the coal trade ever since.
Coals now It is probable that these inconveniences, if they
are ever entirely surmounted, will he overcome by
the diversion of the bulk of the coal supply.
Since 1850, the internal consumption of coal in
London has been gradually undergoing a great
change. The railways running through the coal-
fields of the midland counties, have brought the
metropolis nearer to a source of supply, cheaper,
and in some respects equal to the supply of the
coal-fields of the north. The effect has been to
afford the population of the metropolis a greatly
increased quantity of coals, at rates much lower than
those which prevailed twenty years ago. Whilst in
1850 we only received in London three and a half
million tons of coals, in 1860 we received five
millions, of which the extra one and a half million
tons came to London by the railways. The latter
supply is most rapidly increasing, whilst the former
is fully maintained, and would probably increase
also, were not the northern collieries so fully em-
* In other large towns of England, coals are delivered in bulk, and into aper-
tures of such ample size as to admit of receiving large coals. Nothing can be
worse than the existing system of round holes in the centre of our London pave-
ments. They are dangerous, unsightly, and inadequate. Admitting that a cellar
under the pavement is a good place of deposit for coals, the trap entrance
should at any rate be made in the curb or close to the house front. The present
position of this hole is unknown in any city but our own.
CHAP, vni.j OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES.
469
ployed in the large export trade which lias latterly
grown up.
The quantity of coals imported into London in Coal
the various years since 1832, when coals were first
required to he measured by tonnage, will be seen by j
the following table :
COAL, CULM, AND CINDERS IMPORTED INTO LONDON, AND
ENTERED AT THE COAL MARKET.
Period.
Seaborne.
Brought by Railway,
Canal, and Common
Road, within the Lon-
don District.
Total.
Tons.
Tons.
Tons.
1832
2,139,078
1833
2,010,409
1834
2,078,685
1835
2,298,812
1836
2,398,352
1837
2,626,997
1838
2,581,085
1839
2,625,323
1840
2,566,899
1841
2,909,144
1842
2,723,200
1843
2,628,520
1844
2,490,910
1845
3,403,320
1846
2,953,755
1847
3,280,420
1848
3,418,340
1849
3,339,146
1850
3,553,304
84,575
3,637,879
1851
3,236,542
272,114
3,508,656
1852
3,330,428
414,917
3,745,345
1853
3,373,256
653,729
4,026,985
1854
3,399,561
979,171
4,378,732
1855
3,016,868
1,162,487
4,179,355
1856
3,119,884
1,273,270
4,393,154
1857
3,133,459
1,235,249
4,368,708
1858
3,266,446
1,213,464
4,479,910
1859
3,299,170
1,210,776
4,509,946
1860
3,573,377
1,499,899
5,073,276
The average prices of the best household coals in
the London market will be shown by the following :
470
THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vin.
Average
TABLE
SHOWING THE AVERAGE PRICES OF BEST HOUSEHOLD
prices of
coal in
COALS IN THE LONDON MARKET.
London
during the
s. d.
s. d.
s. d.
present
1805(perchaldron*)44 9
1824 (per chaldron) 41 8
1843 (per ton)
20 2
century.
1806
44 5
1825
41
1844
22 10
1807
45 10
1826
37 4
1845
19 2
1808
49 3
1827
38 6
1846
17 11
1809
54 6
1828
38 2
1847
20 10
1810
51 8
1829
35 1
1848
18 2
1811
47 8
1830
36 4
1849
17 8
1812
44 10
1831
33 6
1850
17 1
1813
52 5
1832
(per ton) 21 11
1851
16 1
1814
59 1
1833
18 3
1852
16 6
1815
46 9
1834
, 20 6
1853
21 2
1816
41 8
1835
, 21 11
1854
23 9
1817
40 .4
1836
, 22 11
1855
21 11
1818
39 10
1837
, 24
1856
18 11
1819
41 10
1838
, 24 6
1857
18 8
1820
42 11
1839
, 23 8
1858
18 5
1821
43 8
1840
, 23 7
1859
18 4
1822
43
1841
, 22 4
1860 ,,
20 1
1823
46 3
1842
21 2
1861
19 6
Extent of The great repositories of coal in England are in
fields. the ten counties of Northumberland and Durham,
Cumberland, Lancashire, Yorkshire and Derbyshire,
Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, and
Somerset. There are also large fields of coal in
both North and South Wales. The area of the
various coal-fields is estimated as follows :
COAL-FIELDS.
SQ.
MILKS.
460
Northumberland and Durham
Cumberland (Whitehaven) ... 25
Lancashire 217
Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, and
Yorkshire 760
Staffordshire, North 75
South 93
Leicestershire 15
Warwickshire 30
Carried forward
1675
COAL-FIELDS.
8Q.
MILES.
Brought forward . . . 1675
Somersetshire 150
28
34
Shropshire (Coalbrookdale) . .
Gloucestershire (Dean Forest) .
Worcestershire (Forest of Wyre)t
North Wales (Denbighshire and
Flint)
South Wales (Glamorganshire) .
Total
82
906
2875
* The weight of a " chaldron " would be, properly, 254 cw *.
t Not fully explored. The coal seams are thin and of inferior qualitr.
CHAP, vni.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 471
The coals brought to London by sea come almost Sources of
exclusively from the great north-coast coal-fields of of ^oaiK
Northumberland and Durham. The south coast of London '
England has also been, for the most part, hitherto
supplied with these coals. The coals of Cumberland
are chiefly exported to Ireland ; those of Lancashire
are mostly used in the manufactories of the dis-
trict; except the canal-coals from the collieries
near Wigan, which have recently been sent to
London by railway. Coals from the Derbyshire, Midland
Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire coal-fields, espe- cc
cially those from Clay Cross in the first and Barns-
ley in the latter-mentioned county, have, during
the last ten or twelve years, come into very
large consumption in London, where they are re-
ceived by railway. The North Staffordshire coal, sta
which is by no means fully worked, is used in 8
the potteries, and the South Staffordshire in the
iron manufacture. The Leicestershire and Warwick-
shire coals are coming into use in London, and are
largely consumed in the counties to the north-west
of the metropolis. The Somersetshire coals, worked Somerset-
in the neighbourhood of Radstock, form a valuable 8
supply for the western and south-western counties,
and will be more largely used when the district is
more developed. The coals of Denbighshire, better Welsh
known as Ruabon coals, are brought in some 00
quantities to London by the Great Western Kail-
way, but are not so highly esteemed as those of
the coal-fields of the Midland Counties. The coals
of South Wales, which is the largest field of all,
are less generally known in the metropolis than
almost any other. They are largely used on the
spot in the iron manufacture carried on at Merthyr
Tydvil, Ebbw Vale, &c., and in the copper-smelting
works at Swansea. Some of the coals of this dis-
472
THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm.
Steam
coals from
the South
Wales
coal-field.
Quantities
of coals
composing
the
London
supply,
A.D. 1860.
trict, being semi-bituminous, have been pronounced
the best in England for the purposes of marine
steam-engines, and are therefore largely carried
from Cardiff to London, Liverpool, Southampton,
Portsmouth, and elsewhere, for the purposes of navi-
gation. The quantity of coal in the South Wales
coal-field is immense. It is calculated that there
are 16,000 millions of tons of coal lying within
reach. The quantity worked here in 1859 was nine
and a half millions of tons. Taking the production
of future years at ten millions, the above-estimated
supply would last for 1,600 years iio come.
The quantity of coals brought to London from
the various coal-fields, in 1860, will be shown by
the following table :
BY SEA.
BY RAILWAY, &c.
FBOM
TO^S. BY
TOXS.
1,347,574
977,519
703,836
210,418
130,009
61,183
45,230
40,986
13,002
25,047
16,671
1,902
London and North )
Western . . . . j
Great Northern ....
Eastern Counties . . .
Great Western ....
Midland
693,418
502,813
121. -J-2-)
63,944
58,496
17,589
14,585
4,417
958
104
22,353
Hartlepool
Wales
Middlesborough ....
Yorkshire, &c. ....
Blyth ..:....
South Western ....
South Eastern ....
Hertford, Luton, &c. . .
London, Tilbury, &a . .
London, Brighton, &c.
Canal and Road ....
Scotland
Small Coal
Cinders
Culm
TOTAL
3,573,377
TOTAL
1,499,899
Absence of Although the railways have been making rapid
convenient . *
railway progress in coal traffic, it will be observed that all
CHAP, vra.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 473
the Northumberland and Durham coals brought to co ^ muni
cation
London come by sea. This does not alone result between
from the proximity of the coal-field to the coast ; au d the
on the contrary, many of the pits are situated at
some distance from the point of shipment. What
really prevents the coal of Northumberland and
Durham reaching us by railway, is the want of any
direct and unbroken communication between London
and the coal-fields of those counties. The Great
Northern, which is the line of railway out of London
which has the nearest approach to those parts, extends
no further than the Askern Junction, a few miles past
Doncaster, in South Yorkshire; and two or three
lines of other companies have to be traversed before
reaching Darlington, which may be taken as the
railway centre of the coal-field. This complication
of interests prevents the possibility of the railway
companies entering London from fixing any certain
price for the conveyance of coals from the northern
coal-fields.
If there was any one railway company, with a Relative
line constructed at a moderate cost upon favourable freight by
gradients for its up-trafiic, which could bring coals railway.
to London from the northern coal-field, it is pro-
bable that the coals of that district might reach
the metropolis at a cost for transit not largely ex-
ceeding the cost of conveyance by sea. At present the
cost of freight by an ordinary collier varies very much
according to the supply of shipping. During the last
three years it has varied from 5s. to upwards of 9s. per
ton ; those being, however, extreme rates. Probably,
6s. 3tZ. to 6s. 6d. per ton, may be taken as an average
cost.* The present charge of the Great Northern
Railway from London to York per ton of twenty-
* To this is to be added the cost of lighterage, and of merchants' charges in
London, which, of course, enhances the amount paid by the consumer.
474 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm.
one cwt. is 9s. Id. Supposing the same proportionate
mileage to be charged from York to Darlington, the
charge for the railway conveyance of coals would be
13s. 9^d. per ton. But this charge will certainly
admit of considerable reduction. It has been esti-
mated that a railway company can carry coals at a
profit at %d. per ton per mile, supposing the traffic
capable of being worked economically and steadily.
A farthing per ton per mile upon the distance
between Darlington and London is unquestionably
less than the present average rates of freight to
London from the ports of shipment in the north;
and in regularity, certainty as to traffic, and ex-
pedition of delivery, a railway would unquestionably
offer many advantages over a sea route. The ques-
tion, however, as to such a traffic, must, of course,
mainly depend upon the quantities to be carried. A
million tons per annum would be the least that
such a railway must carry to make the traffic pay ;
but, large as this quantity may appear, it is a traffic
which, perhaps, it is not unreasonable to look for,
considering the rapidly increasing development of
coal traffic, not only in London, but in all the agri-
cultural counties of the South of England.
One great advantage of the railway coal traffic is
th e e con- undoubtedly to bring the supply much nearer to the
^ oor f ^ ne consumer, and thereby to avoid one
neavv ^ em ^ cos ^ i n ^ ne conveyance of coals from
the river-side to the consumer's cellar. London has
become so vast, its suburbs now extend so many
miles in every direction from the river-side, that if
we had not railway facilities round different parts
of London, the supply of such heavy articles as coals
from the river Thames, might be expected, at no
distant period, not to be unattended with difficulty ;
especially considering that the draught in every
CHAP, vin.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 475
direction from the river-side is on an inclination
unfavourable to the load. At the present time, no
less than 1*. a ton extra is charged even by the
railway companies for the supply of coals to the
outlying districts on the high levels such as High-
gate and Hampstead as well as at certain distances
beyond the railway station. There can be little
doubt that, had the river-side coal merchants not
been subjected to the competition of those concerned
in the supply of railway coals, a charge would, long
ere this, have been made on the consumer for the
transport of coals from the river-side to points of
London within, probably, even more ordinary limits.
Of late years the number of screw steam-vessels screw
of large tonnage employed in the coal trade has been f e e 8 a s 8
extensively increasing ; and there can be no doubt ^Je^
that in many respects their employment is attended trade.
with advantage. They perform the voyage to and
fro with a great saving of time, and they are worked
with no greater cost for labour, and at less expense
for wear and tear, than ordinary sailing vessels.
The great difficulty attending the regular supply of
London with coal some years ago, was the prevalence
of contrary winds, which kept fleets of colliers in
the rivers of the north, or in Yarmouth Roads, or
beating about the mouth of the Thames, sometimes
for weeks together. The duration of the voyage of Their ad-
the screw steamer is, on the other hand, subject to
little or no variation. Her owTier can depend on her
arrival with the utmost certainty; and there can,
therefore, be now no doubt as to the supply of coal
which is likely to reach the market.
Notwithstanding these advantages, it has been and draw-
found that there is a limit to the use of these vessels.
The capital invested in them being much larger than
the capital ordinarily represented by sailing colliers
476 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm.
of equal capacity, the steamer will not bear detention
either at the port of shipment or delivery. Under
the regulations of the Tyne and the Thames, there-
fore, which regulate the order in which colliers shall
receive and discharge their cargoes, the owner of the
screw collier would probably suffer heavily from the
length of time the steam-ship was detained, were he
driven to compete with the ordinary sailing-vessel.
In order to avoid this, he has, therefore, generally,
an arrangement or understanding with coal-owners
or shippers, by which he is afforded facilities for
loading; and as the coals shipped are usually for
steam purposes, Government contracts, gas-works,
&c. the screw vessels are able to land their cargoes at
points where any detention in discharging is avoided
also. Ordinary colliers are only able to unload at
the rate of about fifty tons per day. The screw
steamers rarely allow more than forty-eight hours
to be occupied in the operation.
^ e screw colliers have, obviously, a great ad-
to vantage over the sailing-vessels, in the great rapidity
the traffic of the voyages they are able to perform. This,
loJrates together with freedom from detention, enables a
of freight, steamer to do five times the work of sailing-vessels.
Being able to do a largely increased amount of work,
the owner of the vessel is enabled to conduct the
traffic at lower rates of freight. The rates of the
screw steamers vary with the rates of sailing-vessels ;
but are invariably under them. The general rule
appears to be that the screw collier's rate of freight
shall be kept 6d. under the rate of the sailing-vessel ;
so that when the one is 6s. 6d. per ton the other is
only 6s.
Duration Various have been the speculations, and conflicting
supply of the opinions, as to the duration of our coal supply.
Bri!L Some calculators give us enough coal in Great
CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 4J7
Britain to last for 1,000 years; others declare
that, at our present rate of consumption, it must
be exhausted within 300 or 400. The consumption
during the present century has risen from 10 to
72 millions of tons annually. There are various
causes which will accelerate this consumption.
The increase of population in an accelerated ratio ;
the increase of manufacturing industry probably
at a still greater accelerated rate; the rapid sub-
stitution of steam- vessels for sailing ships ; and the
increasing demand for coal in continental countries,
must all tend to accelerate the decrease in our
stores of coal in Great Britain. On the other
hand, the progress of science will, no doubt, enable
the world to economise its consumption; improved
modes of mining will enable coal to be brought to
market with less waste; and improved boilers and
ranges will enable manufacturers and housekeepers
to generate steam and heat with less fuel than has
hitherto been used. Should prices advance, new
mines will also be opened, new discoveries made,
and new modes employed for working at depths
hitherto unexplored.* We may, therefore, take a
tolerably sanguine view as to the future of our
* It is contended with great ability by Mr. Hull, in his recent work on the
coal-fields of Great Britain, that there is a physical limit to coal raining ; that
temperature and pressure must be unsurpassable obstacles to working at a greater
depth than 4,000 feet from the surface, so that all coal below that depth must
for ever remain oiit of our reach. Upon this point I need only offer one observa-
tion. It is, that before the discovery of the safety lamp, at the early part of
the present century, it was believed that more than one half the coal mines in
England could never be worked or even explored, in consequence of the gaseous
vapours and the want of light. It is as much within the bounds of probability to-
day that means will be found to work the coal deposits below 4,000 feet, as it was
within the bounds of probability, only fifty years ago, that British miners would be
able to work the great majority of the mines which now supply us with the
mineral. Taking the difficulty, indeed, to be one of temperature, the probabilities
are in favour of rather than against deep mining : for few things are more easily
susceptible of improvement than the ventilation of mines. It is admitted that
if mining can be carried on at any depth, our supply of coals is, practically, in-
exhaustible.
478 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vin.
coal supply. It is certain " to last our time ; "
quite as long as any now amongst us or any who
will immediately succeed us. We need not specu-
late with very great anxiety as to what may happen
at the expiration of five centuries to come. Our de-
scendants in those days may regard with as little
estimation fires made of coal, as we think of the
fires made of faggots consumed by our ancestors five
centuries gone by.
Export It was long considered politic to check the ex-
* portation of coal to other countries, both through
fear of exhausting the mines, and because it was
imagined that our superiority as manufacturers
might be endangered. Heavy export duties, varying
in amount, were accordingly levied prior to 1835,
when they were reduced to an ad valorem duty of
10 per cent. In 1842, Sir Robert Peel, " not in
" order to suppress foreign manufactures, but for the
"purpose of raising some revenue from the articles,"
imposed duties of 2s. per ton on the export of all
large coal, and Is. on small coal and culm. In
bringing forward his budget in 1845, however, the
same statesman announced his intention of abandon-
ing these duties. They had had, he said, " the effect
" of checking the foreign coal trade, which had been
" rapidly increasing for several years previous ; the
" revenue raised by them was comparatively in-
" significant ; they had led to increased and increasing
" activity in working mines for coal in foreign
" countries, and had reduced the profits of the British
" coal shipper." Since 1845, coals have consequently
been allowed to be exported at a merely nominal rate
of duty, and the quantity exported has rapidly risen
to seven millions of tons a year.
The following are the quantities of coal exported
to foreign countries in 1860 :
CHAP, vra.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES.
479
EXPORT OP COALS TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES, 1860.
COUNTRIES.
TONS.
VALUE.
France
1,347,905
561 427
United States
309 869
TOO 77Q
Hamburg
477,587
175 973
Spain and the Canaries
374 736
173 901
Denmark
409 196
160 464
384,563
145 229
British East India .
270 196
130 68 9
308,767
126 088
Russia Northern Ports
273 287
117 209
Turkey
195 748
91 161
Brazil
162 314
85 101
Sardinia
186 418
81 850
Sweden
199 859
80 442
British North America
149,551
68 252
Malta
126,542
61 159
Cuba
116 127
58 470
Norway .
136 218
53 431
Two Sicilies
116 679
53 299
Austrian Territories
1 12 942
51 163
Portugal, Azores, and Madeira
112 555
48 961
Egret
90 572
43009
British West India Islands and British Guiana.
78,122
78 904
42,131
39 697
Gibraltar
77 150
37 202
71 859
35 074
China (exclusive of Hong Kong)
67 203
33 498
Russia, Southern Ports
69 203
33 160
Channel Islands
65 060
30581
Hanover
68 675
28 553
Oldenburg
63 962
26 086
St. Thomas
50 630
24 992
Chili
45 729
20591
Belgium
47 974
20475
Ionian Islands
36 110
16 822
Australia
24 899
16 502
Greece
32 194
15240
British Possessions in South Africa ....
Mecklenburg
26,884
36 221
14,771
13,502
Uruguay (Monte Video)
26 578
12,869
Bremen
18 811
12 107
Algeria
25,707
11,724
Lubeck
27 008
11,304
Buenos Ayres
14 620
10,450
Other Countries
158,937
77,073
TOTAL
7,074,071
3,144,454
Table
showing
the coun-
tries to
which our
coals are
now ex-
ported.
480 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. YIII.
Argument rpj^ p r i nc ip a i quantity of the coal which we export
our export is used for the purposes of steam and railway navi-
gation, and for gas-lighting in the continental cities.
There can be no question that, if we refused to allow
the free export of our coal, it would lead to the
working of coal-fields to a much greater extent
abroad, and to our consequent disadvantage. It may
be here observed, that the same class of arguments
which applies to duties on the export of coals apply
to duties on the export of our machinery. As far
back as 1834, Sir Robert Peel well observed upon the
subject :
" As regards the export of machinery, the Legislature has no
discretion to exercise, as it cannot prevent the egress of the
artisans by whom machinery is made. Foreign countries
become acquainted with the power and value of our machinery,
and desire to purchase from us. We refuse to sell, except upon
such terms as, in point of fact, amount to a prohibition. What
follows? Temptations are held out to our artisans and me-
chanics to emigrate to those countries, for the purpose of
instructing the inhabitants in the art of constructing the
machinery of which we previously had the exclusive monopoly.
The danger is obvious. Our monopoly cannot be retained;
because, if we refuse to sell machinery to foreign countries,
foreign countries, through the medium of our own artisans,
will make it for themselves. We have therefore no discretion.
It is better that we should manage our domestic manufacture
of machinery by allowing a free export of it, than that we
should continue the prohibition, and thereby encourage the
emigration of the manufacturer."
It is remarkable that Sir Robert Peel, who gave
utterance to these wise observations in 1834, should
have failed to see, in 1842, that it is better we should
manage our own collieries by allowing a free export
of coal, than that we should prohibit such export,
and thereby encourage the working of foreign coal
mines.
CHAi>. viii. J OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 481
The passenger traffic, of which a large share of the
coasting trade of London was formerly composed,
has, since the construction of railways, largely left
the Thames for outports. Still, however, a consider-
able steamboat traffic continues on the river, and the
coasting trade of London has been largely developed
in what is called the " short voyage " trade a com-
merce which extends beyond the confines of our own
shores. This has been already referred to in another
portion of this work, so that little remains to be said
concerning the coasting trade of London. That it
will increase with the general commerce, the wealth,
and the population of this great city is inevitable.
It must always form a large proportion of her busi-
ness, and a fertile source of her profitable enterprise.
i I
APPENDIX.
TABLES.
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illustrate a
o
1 1 i
a
o
g
o"
t-
O O 00
g g g g
f " s" ^
g
oo"
g
I
t-
g g g g g
o o o o o
<}." | 1 06" to" of OO" 1
,-1 1 1 r-1 00 tO i-l I
*
Wished to
1 1 1
t~
1,033,000
o o o o
00 00
S Kf " -'
g
o^
oo
1,115,000
g g g g g
to" 1 1 e-f to" *" 06" 1
-Hi 1 rl 50 CX 1
rH CO
s
>o
cere first pi
1 ! 1
1
II II
1
1
I I I I I li
1
>
a
o o o
o o o
O
of i-T o"
CO CO t
o"
11,537,000
o o o o
g g g g
** IN" j-~ to"
* 0* 00
t~ r* O O
co" i-T
6,276,000
17,813,000
000 o o
g g g g
i-T 1 cT oT oo' t-T of |
CO ! <M CO O% O t 1
00 iH t- 01 I-l
1
rti, in whi(
"" rH 3?
I-
00
~tt ~*f TXK
CO O 9) GO
*
i-l 5" Ol S" O >O
to CO O5 <M
i-l OS
>0>
fc
o o
o o
O O^
c4" ^ *-T
*
b-T
20,674,000
o o o o
O O
o o o
of *jT t-T TjT
co_ te^ to T
O" r-T r-T
9,113,000
29,687,000
o o o o o o o
O O O
t-T *" *" i-T <sT *" <N" 1
00 * t~ to <o * I
* rH \O O O
of i-T cf
6,875,000
3
-^
"3-
1
3
^ Sf "" ^
-
rS
*
zn -ra > - ^ o" oo" 1
1-1 t- * 1-H 1
o
t-
g
i
o
o
O
1 s" g"
*
i-T
9,037,000
g g g g
o^ o_ o_ o_
** oi" " oo"
1- 00
O O i 1 O
I
of
11,874,000
o o o o o o o
o o o o o o o
O O O_ O O_ O
0" v> of oo" ^ oT
1-H CO Jt~ O> tO I
to i- 1- c?
o
ue to the Ji
o o o
o o
o o
|
o o o o
o o o
o o o
o
g
o
g
ooooo o oo
0000 o o o
O O O O O O
g
o
1- O O
1
o o" o"
o o o
o o o oo
o
00
o
o o" t-T o" o" o o" o"
r-otooo o oto
tO t- 03 t - IO I-II-H
g
o
3
-H O O
Ct rl Oi
o
01
^
*
oo
*
o
ca CM CM o 01 o to
r-(
o>
<o
1
O
o o o
S" | |
o
g
1
o o o
g g
g" g" g" a"
o o o w
cT
M
e
ooo<oo o oo
o" o" o" o" o" o" o" o"
o o c> o o o o
O <M O O CO ** 1^
g
o^
knowlec
11 r-l O
i
o cT c-i r-T
t- C^ O I-H
cc
*
to
C3> of Ol o" Of *" Co"
o
s
a
>,
,"- x
,-*-,
x^^ ^^
^--,
S+~-^ . ' . s ^ s
00
Persia, Afghanistan. Be
lOOOhUtU, Hcinilc
and Tnrkistan . .
Arabia (Aden) . . .
India and Ceylon .
TOTAL FOR TUKKF.Y it>
A.SIA, INDIA, &c.
:ij:|: :
Q x
^.s J
c=^3 -3
:ini: :
e 'fJs?
===54 g
5J5 4
TOTAL FOR CHINA, &c
TOTAL AMOUNT FOB
ASIA
DO 2 o*2 tK y:
"^TS -^ g . V^ =
i -1 i^i ;|f
s-i-?!: sl5^ |5
il^l "111 111?!
d^-? 1 illllllll
2 ij-iis^ > ss-ss | g.S3|
gtq ^^g^ S =
**
TOTAL FOR AFRICA
t N.B. For these Tabl
VALUE OF FOREIGN AND COLONIAL
PRODUCE IMPORTED.
Computed Real
Value.
8
00
o o o o
c> o o o
o o o o
ooooooooo
00000000
OOOOOOOO
O I O O O
o 1 o o o o
=;.
cf
i-
r-t CO t- Tf
* rH CO IO O rH if}
*" CO" r-T
s '
o"
<r. co co t-
CM O CO
cf i-T o"
i
000
ooo
o o o o
OOOOOOOOO
ooooooooo
o
O O O
O O O
55,912,000
jj CO CM to rH
rH t*- CM
-" g"
l-f**-
1
So t 2 *
o to o
Cf rH" Tf"
11
O O O
000
ooo
ooooooooo
o
888
ooo
o
o
1
i-T
.--
* s | 1
oc*o*t<oo f to
rH <N *ft 00 T-H O
t- 01 CO 1-
co ooo
CO j CO O_ O_
06" 1 ef rn" cf
VALUE OF FOREIGN AND
COLONIAL PRODUCE EXPORTED.
1
tf
rj 0)
O
O
1
8 8
ooo
ooooooooo
ooooooooo
1
O O O
o o o o
ooo'ycr.'r,
CiJ 1 O> O t
~ .1 in rH O
M M rH
fr ' O W ^< ^
3
i.- O CO rH
I
ooo
888
ooooooooo
00000000
OOOOOOOO
o
o o o o
8888
1,782,000
^ 1 O CM
t-T^cc o -^^cTc^c^ i-t
O r^ r-( r-l CO
r-l
8
c*
(M <M O <M
3oj
s|
o> s
O O
8 8
OOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOO
8
o
ooo
3,265,000
W irf Oi <cT o
OO ^O i I
kO <O C4
CO t* CO <O tO *
*
m
o c5 to I
DECLARED REAL VALUE OF BRITISH AND IRISH
PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURES EXPORTED.
OSB8J09Q
O
<* 1 1 1 1
o
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
s
1
o
1 1 1 1
1
8BB8JOUI
ooo
888
ooo ooooo
ooo ooooo
o
8
ooo
ooo
ooo
13,697,000
* ' 1 | 1
COCOrH lt-d5-l<<N
rH rH t- *J<
CM
s
p-T
00^ I- O
i-T |-T r-T
S
J9J
o 1 ii s
fiffci'tssfi'
CO
1-1
<* KtB Mt
rH t~ rH O
rt
O
o o
080000000
ooooooooo
8
o
<o o o
000
o o o o
42,671,000
(J I t- 00 1^
t- o o
CO" g" rn"
r4" Cf
ej
*
~* O CO
*" cf co"
O
1
j'aj
<M oo' ^n -^
fi JO 9 IB fH
CO i-l
COtOrHmcoOrHrHrH
Tt< C^ to
to
CO O OS C*
n
oc
o o o o
8888
8OOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOO
ooooooooo
o
o
o o o o
o o <o
ooo
28,974,000
^* rH CO O 1C
O 00 *
co" TjT
t CM iO -^ CO CO CO
5
I "^
ooo
ef cf
POPULATION.
g
CO
rH
o o o o
O O O
ooooooooo
ooooooooo
o
8
o o o o
8888
72,343,000
10 s e
CO" CO
o"o o"o">.o"o"o"o*to
i-T i-T cf of t-T
to
o.
o" o" o" cf
>n rH
t-H to rH
co" co" to"
O
S
rH
o o o o
000
o o o
ooooooooc>
ooooooooo
ooooooooo
o
o o o o
o o o o
o o o o
58,713,000
s g i"
moooooofr t-
OOOl-OCOC^KrH 00
ft
o"
0*00" o"
O CO Cs
s -
rH rH cf Cf rH"
COUNTRIES
AND GEOGRAPHICAL
DIVISIONS.
^*-> ^~.^~,
r -Ox* > <-*-
^~,
TOTAL FOR AMERICA .
AMERICA :
Greenland and Russiai
N. America . . .
British North America
United States, Atlantic
Ports
Mexico and U.S. Pacific
Ports
1 ' II 1
;d;|
. "o
1 |||-- - - | | H ?
g ._; 6go gl S ll
1 !> fjilj 1 I 1 1 l a
S W feQ r5 > W O O
'I'll
o *^
3 jf m S
i II rf 1
g ^ 3 -3
pq PH Dm
1
o
1
o o o o o
0000
O
8
o
o o
o o
O
I
*
to"
o"
Ej Ei 3 2
S" cT T cf <cT
CO rH 1
B
o
o"
c
O5
t-" CT"
o"
1
**
152,092,000
OOOO
o o o o
o o o o o
co* o* co" cf oT
O *O OS rH CN
o
o
S
CT"
8 8
=>_
O CT
*_ r-^
i-l CO
152,592,000
1,472,000
100,469,000
i i i 1 1
o - co o* **
100,469,000
O
o 8,
M5 CO
*jT co"
100,409,000
o
o
a
CO
28,630,000
I 1 1 i
O" TlT r-T 0" CO"
o to o o
CT "^
28,630,000
o o
CT" oo"
t- CO
to" CT"
28,630,000
i
co"
o
8
cf
i
O O O O O
0000
o o o o
CT" oo" of CT" 06"
rl *- O CO 1-
|
of
o o
o o
t-T CT"
* o
o
8
of
rf
co"
s -" rt "
co"
2" "
oo"
8
to"
21,874,000
1 1 1
CO i I CO O 1--
iA O O Ol 00
21,874,000
8 8
.-T co"
S S
cf cf
21,874,000
1
1
1 ! 1 I 1
1
1 1
1
o
O
O
S
o o o o o
M " CT CS CT
S3 S" " l S -"
64,475,000
1 i
i i
o" "
64,475,000
1
CT
rH CJ i- *
CT
:-. a t~f.
53 S
o
cf
135,842,000
1 1
Soo <y> t~ *&
o co_ o -
J
o o
8 8
o" CT"
I-H
CT" co"
o> ^
135,842,000
00
tb
i
i ^r ^
f
CT
p-l CO
sr
2,620,000
71,367,000
o o o o o
o o o o o
O O O O
CT" *" to" i<~ cT
71,367,000
o o
o o
o c^
?f cf
o -^
t-T cf
71,367,000
2,000,000
1,196,247,000
88888
o o o o o
:, S 1 i I
to S S " **
CT t-
1,196,247,000
1,032,147,000
164,100,000
1,196,247,000
1,000,000
to"
i
o o o o o
8. 8 8_ 8. 8
co o o" co" o~
I- CT O -<
00 O o" OO rn"
1,094,176,000
952,261,000
141,915,000
1,094,176,000
EH .
3
P
O
O
CD
a
5
* a
8 o
AUSTRALIAN*
SEA ISLANDS
TOTAL FOU TH
J
1 8 1
S S 1 S -E 2
K I .j | 1 1
1
Koriiigu Countri
British Possess
j
F;
H
TABLE No. IL
IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PRODUCE, &c.
VALUE OF FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURES, IMPORTED INTO AND
EXPORTED FROM GRBAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, IN THE YEARS 1850 AND 1860.
ARTICLES.
OFFICIAL VALUE. REAL VALUE.
1850.
1860.
I860,
Imports.
Exports.
Imports.
Exports.
Imports.
Exports.
RAW MATERIALS USED IN
ARTS & MANUFACTURES.
TEXTILK
Cotton
21,531,000
3,776,OQO
960,000
53,000
54,000
2,914,000
1,953,000
6,539,000
94,000
2,000
555,000
989,000
44,615,000
3.088,000
1,472,000
t
74,000
t
5,285,000
S, 969, 000
16,981,000
31,000
130,000
+
3,000*
t
3,161,000
2,116,000
35,757,000
3,837,000
1,204,000
425,000
119,100
601,000
10,578,000
11,031,000
5,3SS,000
35,000
93,000
8,000
4,000
29,000
4.107,000
2,288,000
Flax
Hair Goats ....
Horse* ....
Silk (including Thrown)
Wool ....
Total of Textile . .
31,241,000
8,199,000
58,503,000
21,125,000
63,612,000
11,952,000
MlNKRALOGIOAL
Boracic Acid ....
35,000
249,000
345,000
707,000
333,000 .
178,000
189,000
236,000
71,000
190,000
38,000
931,000
168,000
39,000
114,000
78,000
48,000
109,000
16,000
304,000
131,000
171,000
25,000
t
208,000
51'J,000
1,599,000
527,000
332,000
326,000*
181,000
593,000
400,000*
383,000
14,000
1,172,000
291,000
t
44,000*
7,000*
500,000
99,000
32,000*
4,000
709,000
319,000
8,000*
41,000
66,000
77,000
30,000
496,000
3,483,000
660,000
468,000
502.000
201,000
272,000
664,000
383,000
11,000
500,000
431,000
8,000
5,000
7,000
355,000
93,000
13,000
47,000
4,000
217,000
58,000
8,000
88,000
68,000
Copper
Iron
Nitre, cubic ....
Potash, i;c
Quicksilver
Saltpetre
Soda
Spelter or Zinc . . .
Tin Ore
Total of Miueralogical
3,670,000
1,035,000
6,01)5,000
1,990,000
8,178,000
971,000
DYEING AND COLOURINO
M v: rt;i.\i -
Aniiato
30,000
29,000
88,000
2,012,000
121,000
707,000
314,000
1,048,000
1,597,000
100,000
85,000
75,000
10,000
1,242,000
28,000
121,000
105,000
1,162,000
13,000
42,000
t
94,000
2,038,000
247,000
984,000
2S:i,000
1,223,000
2,599,000
80,000
91,000
116,000
25.000*
t
20,000*
2,114,000
44,000*
53,000
58,000
1,275,000
104,000*
45,000*
5,000*
12,000
120,000
164,000
410,000
220,000
560,000
348,000
2,529,000
938,000
82,000
168,000
272,000
7,000
21,000
35,000
304,000
40,000
41,000
77,000
1,942,000
33,000
45,000
10,000
1,000
Argol
Bark . . .
Cutch, &c
Dyewoods
Madder Root, &c. . .
Safflower
Shuinac
Total of Dyeing ami )
Colouring Materials/
6,206,000
2,681,000
T-,697,000
3,743,000
5,823,000
2,556,000
ANIMAL PRODUCE (not
enumerated)
Bones ........
129,000
43,000
1,833,000
20,000
24,000
354,000
1,329,000
58,000
51,000
76,000
401,000
84,000
49,000
24,000
32,000
296,000
48,000
t
2,691,000
f
31,000
460.000
t
1,532,000
63,000
55,000
33,000
3,000
t
897,000
t
2,000"
209,000
t
15,000
20,000*
33,000*
9,000*
307,000
351,000
17,000
3,314,000
131,000
85,000
1,412,000
286,000
4,014,000
332,000
100,000
82,000
25,000
1,000
954,000
4,000
5,000
526,000
48,000
26,000
105.000
61,000
22,000
Bristles
Grease
Hides ... . .
Horns
Isinglass .
Skins and r'liio . . .
Sponge
Tallow
Ti'Kll
Wax, Bes' ....
Whalelins
Total of Animal Produce
3,917,000
590,000
5,209,000
1,188,000
10,431,000
1.813,000
Estimate i.
t Not enumerated.
489
TABLE No. II. continued.
ARTICLES.
OFFICIAL VALVE.
REAL VALUE.
1850.
1860.
1860.
Imports.
Exports.
Imports.
Exports.
Imports.
Exports.
RAW MATERIALS cowW.
VARIOUS
21,000
74,000
17,000
2,336,000
126,000
48,000
119,000
218,000
1,265,000
432,000
3,000
372,000
5,000
17,000
149,000
110,000
t
3,113,000
141,000
99,000
259,000
93,000
1,924 000
396,000
36,000
15,000*
t
590,000
8,000*
16,000*
38,000*
16,000*
471,000
158,000
161,000
5,453,000
212,000
323,000
182,000
86,000
10,570,000
630,000
141,000
22,000
6,000
1,028,000
12,000
10,000
141,000
26,000
Cork
Gutta Perelia ....
Oil ....
Pitch and Tar ....
Rags (for Paper-making)
Rosin . ...
Turpentine
Timber
Do. Hardwoods only .
Total of Various . .
4,656,000
397,000
6,284,000
719,000
18,246,000
1,386,000
Total of Raw Materials
49,690,000
12,902,000
84,928,000
29,074,000
106,290,000
18,678,000
AGRICULTURAL PRO-
DUCE (not already
enumerated).
ANIMALS Live Stock -
Horses
MlOM
99,000
32,000
-
161,000
71,000
-
53,000
1,533,000
554,000
-
Oxen, Cows, &c. . . .
Sheep and Lambs . .
Total of Live Stock .
169,000
-
232,000
_
2,140,000
-
Provisions
Bacon and Hams . . .
Beef
791,000
125,000
481,000
530,000
33,000
75,000
334,000
200,000
7,000
7,000
734,000
241,000
1,233,000
858,000
t
486,000
299,000
164,000
t
2,000*
17,000*
1,000*
10,000*
14,000*
960,000
418,000
4,078,000
1,598,000
479,000
360,000
587,000
406,000
63,000
2,000
28,000
10,000
22,000
11,000
1,000
Butter
Cheese
Fish
Lard
Pork
Poultry, Game, .fee. . .
Total of Provisions .
2,569,000
14,000
4,015,000
44,000
8,949,000
74,000
FOOD Common
Wheat
6,307,000
4,083,000
1,895,000
4,000
668,000
9,000\
22,000 1
13,000 r
19,098,000
279,000
17,000
{16,554,000
10,754,000
4,321,000
43,000
137,000
14,000
5,000
7,000
Other kinds of Corn and \
Grain /
Wheat-meal and Flour .
Other kinds of Meal\
and Flour . . . . /
Potatoes
Total of Common .
12,957,000
44,000
19,377,000
17,000
31,809,000
26,000
Chiefly Tropical
(.'on >a
112,000
3,172,000
880,000
24,000
663,000
195,000
753.000
10,407,000
5,051,000
52,000
761.000
7-2,000
248,000
19,000
660,000
1,182,000
752,000
229,000
5,168,000
1,344,000
258,000
1,143,000
252,000
971,000
13,478,000
8,895,000
87,000
2,852,000
301,000
1.172,000
25,000*
1,095,000
803,000
1,258,000
287,000
2,543,000
2,361,000
569,000
1,027,000
150,000
473,000
12,819,000
6,912,000
73,000
1,440,000
281,000
16,000
787,000
14,000
313,000
459,000
655,000
Coffee .
Fruit
Rice ...
Sago
Tea
Total of Tropical . .
21,257,000
3,746,000
31,738,000
7,593,000
27,141,000
4,038,000
Total of Provisions,)
Food and Tropical 1
36,783,000
3,804.000
55,130,000
7,654,000
67,899,000
6,138,000
Estimated.
t Not enumerated.
490
TABLE No. II. continued.
ARTICLES.
OFFICIAL VALUE.
REAL VALUE.
1850.
1860.
I860.
Imports.
Exports.
Imports.
Exports.
Imports.
Exports.
AGRICULTURAL PRO-
DUCE} continued.
Chiefly Medicinal
Bark, Peruvian . . .
Cream of Tartar . . .
Liquorice Root, &c. . .
Rhubarb
148,000
114,000
50,000
100,000
331,000
82,000
50,000
136,000
128,000
78,000
148,000
144,000
t
528,000
204,000
53,000
133,000
t
90,000* 1
157,000
200,000
99,000
35,000
196,000
1,495,000
209,000
37,000
32,000
91,000
245,000
Opium
Total
743,000
268,000
1,026,000
480,000
2,182,000
614,000
VARIOUS
1,169,000
229,000
226,000
29,000
1,414,000
1,781,000
205,000
276,000
1,558,000
5,553,000
225,000
783,000
Seeds
Total of Agricultural \
PrWwx . . . .)
39,093,000
4,327,000
59,583,000
8,015,000
79,332,000
5,760,000
MANUFACTURES.
TEXTILE :
Cotton Goods ....
Yarn ....
499.000
34,000
136,000
160,000
81,000
57,000
2,430,000
682,000
79,000
227,0001
44, 000 /
61,000
136,000
15,000
1,253,000
127,000
784,000
144,000
491,000
10,000
98,000
t
3,119,000
1,384,000
468,000
191,000
6,000*
233,000
8,000
t
271,000
26,000
2,000*
( 769, 000
i.113,000
94,000
491,000
57,000
105,000
15,000
3,344,000
1,442,000
473,000
139,000
97,000
4,000
233,000
2,000
8,000
1,000
224,000
26,000
2,000
Hair and Goats' Wool .
Lace
Linen
Oil Cloth . . .
Silk
Woollen Goods . . .
Yarn ....
Total of Textile . .
4,158,000
1,863,000
6,493,000
737,000
6,893,000
736,000
VARIOUS :
Beads and Bugles of Glass
Books
43,000
32,000
174,000
50,000
223,000
1,000
100,000
82,000
55,000
295,000
18,000
810,000
24,000
1,038,000
86,000
795,000
29,000
349,000
+
53,000
208,000
565,000
136,000
t
831,000
t
123,000
133,000
170,000
601,000
t
t
991,000
t
1,410,000
t
3,000
24,000*
11,000*
4.000*
100,000
t
16,000*
7,000*
1,000*
t
t
1,361,000
t
417,000
187,000
91,000
75,000
566,000
155,000
116,000
243,000
100,000
148,000
576,000
ISO 000
911,000
77,000
194.000
2,066,000
283,000
4,201,000
184,000
85,000
5,000
8,000
11,000
4,000
1,000
29,000
93,000
19,000
25,000
2.000
2,000
3,000
654,000
154,000
761,000
Caoutchouc
Clocks and Watches . .
Coir Ropes, &c. . . .
Flowers, Artificial . .
Glass of all kinds . . .
Hats and Bonnets of Straw
Leather Boots and Shoes
Gloves . . .
Musical Instruments .
Oil Seed Cake ....
Pictures
Platting of all kinds .
Spirits
Tobacco, Manufactured.
Wine
Yeast
Total of Various . .
J, 945,000
1,220,000
5,221.000
1,944,000
10,353,000
1,856,000
Total of Manufactures
7,103,000
3,092,000
11,714,000
2,721,000
17,246,000
2,590,000
UNENUMERATED \
ARTICLES /
4,583,000
1,535,000
9,141,000
2,375,000
7,663,000
1,600,000
28,630,000
TOTAL OF ALL KINDS.
100,469,000
21,874,000
164,736,000
43,538,000
210,531,000
Estimated.
Not enumerated.
491
TABLE No. III.-EXPORTS OF DOMESTIC PRODUCE, &c.
THE DECLARED VALUE OF THE PRINCIPAL AND OTHER ARTICLES OF BRITISH AND IRISH
PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURES EXPORTED FROM THE UNITED KINGDOM DURING THE
YEARS 1850 AND 1660.
1850.
1860.
1850.
1860.
MANUFACTURES.
TEXTILE:
Cotton : Goods ....
Ditto, Hosiery, Lace, &c.
Yarn
&
20,530,000
1,343,000
6,384,000
40,346,000
1,742,000
9,871,000 i
MANUFACTURES.
VARIOUS continued.
Mathematical and Optical ">
Instruments . . . . J
Musical Instruments . .
35,000
86,000
443,000
248,000
51,000
286,000
102,000
138,000
46,000
201,000
380,000
59,000
408,000
345,000
28,000
83,000
66,000
145,000
1,131,000
475,000
86,000
429,000
44,000
240,000
99,000
250,000
965,000
286.000
759,000
236,000
232,000
47,000
128,000
Total of Cotton . .
28,257,000
51,959.000
Painters' and Colourers")
Materials J
Linen : Goods ....
Ditto, Tape, Thread, &c.
B,689,OM
358,000
881,000
4,435,000
370,000 I
1,801,000 1
Perfumery
Plate, Jewellery, andl
Watches J
Total of Linen . .
Platting for Hats of
(,8tt,(
6,606,000
Pickles and Sauces . . .
8altpetre(renned in United \
Silk : Goods \
1,256,000
/ 1.587,000 !
t 826,000
Yarn (including thrown) )
Soap
Woollen: Goods (entered >
liy the piece) . . . J
Ditto, by the yard . .
Ditto, Hosiery, &c. . .
Yarn
5,381,000
2,883,000
325,000
1,452,000
7,097,000
4,402,000
657,000
3,844,000
Soda
Telegraphic Apparatus .
Turnery and Turners' Wares
Umbrellas and Parasols .
Total of various)
Manufactures . ./
Total of Woollen . .
10,041,000
16,000,000
Various made up : Apparel \
and Slops J
910,000
1,470,000
2,156,000
4,005,000
6,838,000
14,715,000
Haberdashery, &c. . .
Tot.'.l of Textile J/onu-\
factv.res . . . .)
METALS, &c. UNWROUGHT :
Coal, Cinders, and Culm .
Copper
1,315,000
662,000
3,845,000
387,000
21,000
224,000
125,000
3,316,000
750,000
8,292,000
701,000
120,000
358,000
362,000
46,762,000
83,139,000
METALLIC :
Brass and Copper . . .
1,316,000
231,000
2,641,000
1,505,000
424,000
618,000
944,000
2,038.000
333,000
3,771,000
3,862,000
1,238,000
2,600,000
1,501,000
Iron and Steel ....
Salt
Hardware and Cutlery . .
Spelter or Zinc ....
Tin
Machinery : Steam-engines
Ditto, other kinds . .
Tin
Toted of Unurrought)
Metals, &c. . . . }
6,579,000
13,899,000
Total of Meted ATanu-\
factures . . . .)
7,679,000
15,343,000
ANIMALS AND ANIMAL
PRODUCE not already
mentioned :
88,000
38,000
29,000
211,000
31,000
182,000
624,000
338,000
205,000
288,000
93,000
638,000
120,000
403,000
877,000
554,000
VARIOUS :
Apothecaries' Wares . .
Agricultural Implements .
Beer and Ale
363,000
47,000
559,000
79,000
229,000
41,000
102,000
98,000
32,000
61,000
37,000
154,000
999,000
208,000
308,000
155,000
124,000
303,000
593,000
255,000
1,868,000
97,000
495,000
75,000
223,000
239,000
189,000
227,000
135,000
182,000
1,451,000
353,000
653,000
317,000
318,000
1,407,000
j
Horses
Bacon and Hams . . .
Beef and Pork ....
Butter
Bleaching Materials . .
Books
Cheese
Leather, Unwrought . .
Bricks
Cabinet and Upholstery 1
Wares .... 1
Fish, all sorts ....
Total of Animal Pro-\
duce, &e )
1,541,000
3,178,000
Caoutchouc and Gutta\
Percha /
Carriages of all sorts . .
FOOD :
Corn, Meal, and Flour . .
Provisions not otherwise"!
named J
38,000
45,000
211,000
248,000
Cordage and Cables . . .
Earthenware and Porcelain
Gunpowder
Glass and Glassware . .
Hats of all kinds . . .
Leather : Saddlery and"
UVENUMERATED ARTI-\
CLES J
1,885,000
5,109,000
TOTAL EXPORTS OF\
ALL KINDS . . . J
71,367,000
135,842,000
Do. other Manufactures
fVi
^H
t-H
S
OQ
3
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o
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03 O 0_ O_ O O
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7,026,000
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5,283,000
1 1 1
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i
British.
a 1 1 1 1 I
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4,74-2,000
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EH
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1 1 1
ENTERED.
I
o
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a> o o o o
1 1 " s 1
2,400,000
1 1 1
British.
o o o o o
O O O O
1 1 i i 1 *
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1 1 1
O
53
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EH
JC o
INDEX.
A.
ABSENTEEISM, evils of, in the West
Indies, 401.
Africa, trade of, thrown open, 121 ;
trade with the West Coast, 334 ; with
the interior, 836 ; Mr. Livingstone's
account, 337 ; colonies of the West
Coast, 442 ; Montgomery Martin's ob-
servations on, 443 11.
Alfred the Great, state of trade during
the reign of, 7, 8 ; foundation for
commerce laid by, 8.
Algeria, our trade with, 338.
Almonds from Spain, 274.
America, discovery of, 57 ; coloniza-
tion of, 79 ; our trade with, 300 et
seq. (See UNITED STATES, Central
America ; North and South America,
&c.)
American colonies, contests with the,
123 ; Stamp Act repealed, ib. ; tea
duties resisted, 124-6 ; refuse all
British goods, 126 : their independ-
ence declared by Congress, 126, 127 ;
their privateers, 127 ; assisted by
France, 127, 128.
America, South, our trade with, 316
et seq ; exports and imports, 317-
328 ; character of our export trade,
321 ; shipping employed by, 322 ;
trade with Paraguay and Patagonia,
322 ; with Chili, Peru, and Bolivia,
323-7. (See Brazil, &c.)
Anglo-Brazilian Steamboat Company,
322.
Anglo-Saxons, state of trade under the,
6-8 ; their vessels, 7.
Anne, Queen, condition of trade in the
reign of, 112.
Anson's voyage round the world, 119.
Antwerp, commercial importance of,
69 ; destroyed by the Spaniards, 70 ;
its manufacturing industry dispersed,
ib.
Apparel, exports of, to Australia, 392 ;
to the West Indies, 413 ; to North
America, 428.
Apples imported from Belgium, 254,
255.
Aquitaine, concessions made to the
merchants of, 24.
Argol, from Portugal, 268.
" Armed Neutrality," 130.
Arts and science, progress of, temp.
George II. 121 ; temp. George III. 134.
Athelstan, inducements to trade offered
by, 8.
Australia, settlement of, 135 et n.; our
trade with, 384; exports and im-
ports, ib. (See NEW SOUTH WALES,
VICTORIA, SOUTH AUSTRALIA, WEST
AUSTRALIA, &c.)
Austria, our trade with, 282 et seq.
Azores, our trade with the, 271.
B.
BACON, imported from Hamburg, 243 ;
sent to Australia, 393.
Baffin's Bay, discovery of, 80.
Bahama Islands, fruits of the, 410 ;
wrecking on the coast of the, 411.
Baltic, timber trade of the, 232, 233 ;
injurious effects of the duties ou
timber, 419.
Bank of England established, 106.
Bank of Scotland, 107.
Banking established in London, 93 ; its
great success, 94.
494
INDEX.
Barbary coast, our trade with the, 61,
338.
Barnaby, Thomas, hie proposal for the
promotion of trade, 62, 63.
Barons, title of, applied to burgesses,
19 et n.
Becket, Gilbert, notices of, 15 n.
Becket, Thomas a, biographical notices
of, 15 M.
Bede, his description of London and
its commerce, 4.
Belgium, our trade with, 251 et seq. ;
her illiberal policy the cause of her
inferiority, 251, 252 ; Lord Palmer-
ston's statement respecting our trade
with, 252 ; our imports from, in 1860,
254, 255 ; our exports to, 256 ; home
manufactures and foreign goods ex-
ported to, 256, 257.
Belize, trade of, 417.
Bencoolen, British settlement at, 346.
Bergen, fish trade of, 222.
Berwick, trade of, temp. Henry II. 16.
Billingsgate, duties imposed on vessels
arriving at, 10; again made the
Hythe of London, 50; an ancient
landing-place, 139; fish trade of,
453.
Bolivia, our trade with, 327; imports
from, ib.
Bonded warehouses, permitted in 1 803,
153 ; facilities afforded thereby, 154.
Boracic acid, from Tuscany, 278 ;
brought from the lagoons near Monte
Cerbole, ib.
Bordeaux, concessions made to the mer-
chants of, 24.
Boston, in America, deprived of its
privileges as a port, 126.
Boulle', Marq. de, recaptures St. Eus-
tatia, 132.
Bowyers, the, 52.
Brabant, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 38.
Brazil, first voyage to, 61 ; our trade
with, 317 et seq. ; her productions,
317-319.
Brazil wood, from Mexico, 313.
Bretagne, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 38.
Brewing monopoly established, 90.
Bristol, trade of, temp. Henry II. 15.
Britain, early trade of, 4 et seq. ; under
the Romans, 5 ; under the Saxons,
6. (See England.)
Britons, art of working gold and silver
ornaments understood by the, 7 n.
Buenos Ayres, our trade with, 319.
Butter, imported from Holland, 248 ;
from Belgium, 254, 255 ; sent to
Australia, 393.
Buttons, eagerly purchased by the
, Siamese, 342 n.
C.
CABOT, JOHN, his expedition to New-
foundland, 57.
Cabot, Sebastian, promoter of the Arctic
expedition, 64 et n.
Calais, loss of, 66 ; advantages to trade
thence arising, 66, 67.
California, our intercourse with, 307.
Canada, our trade with, 419 ; its timber
and corn trade, 419-421 ; her im-
ports and exports, 421, 422 ; her de-
ficiency of population, 423.
Canals, construction of, 122.
Canton, difficulties attending trade with,
199.
Canyngs, William, the eminent mer-
chant, 45.
Cape Breton, exports to, 427.
Cape of Good Hope, our trade with,
377 ; imports and exports, 378, 380 ;
wool, wines, hides, &c. from, 378-
380.
Cariboo, the gold-fields of, 434 et seq.
Carpets, from Turkey, 291, 292.
Carthaginians, their trade with Britain,
4.
Cattle, trade in, with Denmark, 221,
225 ; consumption of in London,
225 ; from Monte Video and Buenos
Ayres, 319.
Celebes, our trade with the, 343; the
Dutch in the, ib.
Central America, our trade with, 311 ;
her exports and imports, 311, 314, 315.
Ceylon, our trade with, 371 ; imports
and exports of, 373, 374; rapid in-
crease of trade with, 373, 375 ; the
ports of, 375.
Charlemagne, his letter to King Offa
concerning English merchants, 6.
Charles II., his arbitrary measures pre-
judicial to trade, 101 ; seizes the
charters and franchises of London,
104, 105.
Charter granted to the City of London
by William the Conqueror and hi<
successors, 11-13; granted to foreign
merchants, A.D. 1303, 24-27; its
necessity and value, 27.
Charters of the City seized, 104; re-
stored, 106.
Cheap-stow, mentioned by King Alfred,
4 n.
Cheese, imported from Holland, 248 ;
sent to Australia, 393.
Chester, trade of, temp. Henry II. 15.
Chili, our trade with, 323, 324 ; imports
and exports from, 324-326.
China, our trade with, 189 et seq. ;
Parliamentary report on, 192-8.
INDEX.
495
Cigars, imports of, 412; differences in
their estimated value, ib.
Cinnamon, monopoly of, from Ceylon,
371.
Cinders imported into London, and
entered at the coal market, 469.
Cinque Ports, early commerce of, 11.
Cistercian monks, loss of their trade in
sheep, 20, 21.
Citizenship, qualification of, established
by trade, 82.
City canal, failure of the, 150.
Civil war, trade of London during the,
92.
Clocks imported from Holland, 249.
Clocks and watches from France, 264.
Clothworkers' Company established,
30 n.
Coal, a duty laid on the export of, 90 ;
of Nova Scotia, 429, 438 ; worked in
England by the ancient Britons,
Romans, and Saxons, 462, 463 ; first
sent to London, but its use forbid-
den, 463 ; first burdened with taxa-
tion, temp. Charles I. 464 ; yield of
the coal-fields of England and other
countries, 465; present uses of, 466;
sale of by measurement, 466, 467;
by weight, 467 ; now supplied to the
metropolis, 468, 469; average prices
of, 470 ; extent of our coal-fields, ib. ;
sources of the supply of to London,
471, 472 ; relative cost of freight by
sea and railway, 473 ; advantages
to the consumer of the supplies by
railway, 474 ; quantity composing
the London supply, 472 ; probable
duration of the supply of Great
Britain, 478 ; a physical limit to,
ib. n. ; export duties on, 479 ; export
of to foreign countries, 480 ; argu-
ment against our export duty, 481.
Coal-mining, on the physical limits to,
478 n.
Coal-trade of England, 448; screw
steamers employed in the, 475.
Coasting trade of England and London,
453 et seq. ; number of ships em-
ployed in the 172, 174 ; its great
importance, 448 et seq. ; its compe-
tition with railways, 450 ; its exten-
sion, 451 ; not prejudiced by foreign
competition, 452.
Cochineal from Mexico, 313.
Cockayne's patent, disputes with Hol-
land respecting, 83.
Coffee, cultivation of at Ceylon, and
great supply from, 372, 373 ; con-
sumption of in England, 373, 373
note.
Coinage, debased, 13; charges against
the Jews for adulterating the, ib.
Colbert, the French minister, 99 ; en-
courages arts and manufactures, ib.
Collier docks projected, 168, 169.
Colliers called "cats," 110 n.; their
rates of profit, and the competition
to which they are exposed, 476,
477.
Cologne merchants established their
" Gild-hall," in London, 19.
Colonial produce exported to Holland,
250.
Colonial trade, number of ships em-
ployed in the, 172.
Colonies of Great Britain, general view
of the, 445 ; summary of their trade
and commerce, 446, 447.
Colonization, temp. Jas. I. 79, 80.
Columbia, British, our trade with, 308 ;
probable effect of the gold discoveries
in, 423 ; on its internal communica-
tions with Canada, 424 ; description
and prospects of, 432 ; the gold dis-
coveries in, 432-7; official reports
on the gold-fields of 433-438; pro-
bable consequences of the gold dis-
coveries, 438, 439 ; commencement
of our trade with, 441.
Columbia river, gold discoveries in,
432.
Columbus, his discovery of America,
57 et n.
Commerce of London, 1 et seq. ; advance
of, temp. Eliz. 75 ; treaties of, temp.
Jas. I. 82 ; progress of, temp. George
II. 121 ; rapid development of in
1792-93, 135, 136; the great dawn
of, 361. (See LONDON, FOREIGN TRADB,
and TRADE and COMMERCE.)
Commercial Dock Company, 155 n.
Commonwealth, period of the, 94, 95.
Companies of the City of London es-
tablished, 30 et n.
Conscript applied to the citizens of
London, 29, 30.
Cook, Captain, voyages of, 135.
Copper mines of South Australia, 394 ;
their progress checked by the gold
discoveries, 394.
Copper ore from Bolivia, 327.
Cork from Portugal, 268.
Corn, exportation of prohibited, temp.
Rich. I. 18 ; imported from Spain,
275; from Turkey, 291, 292; from
Egypt, 294, 295 ; from Canada, 421.
Corn granaries in the Port of London,
231
Corn trade of Prussia, 229-232; of
Galatz, 290.
Cotton from Egypt, 294, 295; from
America, 301, 302 ; increased growth
of in India, 360 ; objections to, 361 ;
prospects of the trade, ib. ; the West
496
INDEX.
India Islands adapted for the
growth of, 409.
Cotton manufactures, market for in
India, 358 ; great falling off, 365 n. ;
vast amount consumed in India, 366.
Cotton-spinning mills, numbers of
erected, 135, 136 n.
Cromwell, Oliver, feeling of the citizens
towards, 95.
Cuba, our trade with, 329 ; imports and
exports, ib. ; shipping of, 332.
Culm, imported into London, and
entered at the coal market, 469.
Customs' duties first charged on ex-
ports in 1266, 21; temp. Elizabeth,
76 n. ; effects of on trade, 152.
Drugs, from Brazil, 319.
Dunwich, trade of, tei/ip. Henry II. 15.
Dutch, their expeditions in 1595-
1598, 74 ; war with the, 99, 100; of
which the French take advantage,
99 ; commercial prosperity of the,
94 ; disputes with the, ib. ; war with
the, 95-102 ; their commerce in-
terrupted, in 1780, by the British,
129 ; their colonial possessions iu
Asia, 345 n. (See HOLLAND.)
Dutch West India possessions, trade
with the, 333.
Dyeing, art of, temp. Henry II. 17.
Dyers, foreign, encouragement to, 31.
Dye-woods of the West Indies, 409.
D.
DAIRY produce from France, 264.
Danish West India possessions, trade
with, 333.
Dantzic, our trade with, 228-230;
rapidly superseding Memel, 233 n.
Darien Company formed, 107 ; its diffi-
culties, ib. ; its disasters, 108.
Denmark, our trade with, 224; her
imports, ib. ; cattle trade of, 224,
225 ; exports to, 226.
Diamonds, from Brazil, 318.
Discovery, voyages of, 69 ; temp. Jas. I.
79, 80.
Dock Act, passed in 1799, 148.
Docks of London, 147 et seq. ; ultimate
result of the privileges granted to
the, 150 ; on the south side of the
Thames, 154; advantages of the
general system of, 160 ; railways and
telegraphs in connexion with the, 1 60,
161; hydraulic machinery used at the,
161, 162 ; accommodations provided
by the companies, 162 ; number and
tonnage of ships frequenting the,
163 ; capital and dividends of the
companies, ib. ; their sanitary con-
dition, and causes of sickness in the
St. Katherine's and London Docks,
164; official report as to the East and
West India and Victoria Docks, 165 ;
abortive projects for the construction
of, 168, 169.
Domestic produce, exports of, in 1850
and I860.. 491.
Douglas, Governor, his reports on the
gold discoveries in British Columbia,
434.
Dover, early trade of, 11.
Dowgate, the principal factory of the
Easterlings, 9.
Drapers' Company established, 30 n.
K.
EAST, imports from the, 81, 82 ; our
trade with the, 350 et seq.
East India Company, formation of the,
74, 75 (see INDIA) ; great increase of
its trade, 82 ; carry on a most ex-
tensive trade, 97 ; their tyrannical
treatment of Thos. Skinner, 97 ; posi-
tion of the, 109 ; opposed to an ex-
port trade to India, 351 ; their trade
with India, 352 et seq. ; their exports,
352-354; their trade to India thrown
open, 356.
East India Docks, construction of the,
152; official report respecting the,
165.
Easterlings, their first settlement as
merchants in London, 9 ; regulation*
relating to them, and their settle-
ment at the Steelyard, ib. ; foreign
trade which followed their settle-
ment, 9, 10 ; foreign trade in the
hands of the, 14.
Ecuador, our trade with, 327, 328.
Edward III., the reign of, the great
dawn of the fine arts and of com-
merce, 30.
Eels imported from Holland, 248.
Egypt, our trade with, 294 ; her im-
ports and exports, 294-296 ; her
shipping, 296.
Elizabeth, advance of commerce during
the reign of, 75 ; her useful measures,
76.
Emigration, restrictions on, 91.
England, her early commerce, 7, 8 (see
BRITAIN) ; exportations from, iu the
reign of Ethelred, 10; internal trade
of, ib. ; trade of different towns of,
temp. Henry II., 15, 16 ; exports of,
16, 17; balance of trade in favour of,
17 ; her prosperous career in trade
and manufactures, temp. Hen. VIII.
INDEX.
497
61, 62 ; general trade of, temp. Jas.
I. 84 ; shipping of, A.D. 1701, 109 ;
her exports and imports in 1784,
1 33 ; improvements in the arts and
sciences of, 134.
English merchants, Charlemagne's
letter respecting, 6 ; nature of their
trade, ib.
Europe, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 37.
" Evil May-day," account of, 58.
Exchequer, closed by Charles II. 101 ;
its credit irrecoverably lost, ib.
" Exclusive privileges," expiration of
the, 155.
Exports of England, temp. Henry II.
16 ; customs' duty first charged on,
21 ; our principal ones to Prussia,
234; of the East India Company,
352-4.
Exports and imports of London in
1728-30, 115 ; to and from the East,
81, 82; in 1763-4, 123; in 1784,
133; in 1800, 137; in 1860, 186-8;
China, 189-191; Kussia, 201, 202;
Sweden and Norway, 215, 216, 222 ;
Denmark, 224-6 ; Prussia, 228, 232,
234, 235 ; Hamburg, 241-4 ; Han-
over, 246 ; Holland, 247-250 ; Bel-
gium, 254-6 ; France, 262, 263 ;
Portugal, 267, 270, 271; Spain,
273, 274, 276; Italy, 277, 284,
285; Turkey, 290-3; Egypt, 294-6;
United States, 301-4; Central
America and Mexico, 311, 314, 315;
South America, 316-328; Haiti,
Porto Rico, and the West Indies,
328-333; Africa, 334, 336; Morocco,
338; Java, 344; Philippine Islands,
348 ; India and the colonies, 352,
360, 364, 366-375; the Cape of
Good Hope and our African colonies,
377; Australia, 384, 386, 387-399;
West Indies, 405 et seq. ; Guiana and
Honduras, 415, 417 ; Canada, 421,
422 ; New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia, 426, 427; Newfoundland,
429, 430; British Columbia, 440;
Sierra Leone and our African settle-
ments, 442, 445-447 ; general state-
of, from and into the United King-
dom, in 1850 and 1860, 484 ; of foreign
and colonial produce, 488 ; of domes-
tic produce, 491 ; of general shipping,
492.
F.
FAMINE in England, 29.
Figs from Turkey, 291, 292.
Fine arts, great dawn of our, 30.
Fire of London, 103.
Fish, imported from Holland, 249;
abundance of, on the British coasts
and in the North Sea, 454 ; the
Society of Arts promotes the supply
of London, 458 ; sources of our
supply, 459.
Fish markets, new ones projected, 462.
Fish-trade of Norway, 222 ; of Billings-
gate, 453 ; effects of the Reformation
on the trade, 457 ; under Charles I.
and Charles II. 457, 458.
Fisheries of Newfoundland, 431 ; of
Torbay, 456 ; of Harwich, 460.
Fishing speculations, 461 ; different
companies and their failure, 461, 462.
Fishing stations of Labrador, 430.
Fishing-tackle, of the North American
colonies, 428.
Fishmongers' Company established, 30 n.
Flanders, early trade of, injured by in-
ternational troubles, 20 ; concessions
made to the merchants of, 24 ; inter-
ruption of trade with, 54.
Flax and hemp, trade of, with Russia,
205.
Flax imported from Belgium, 254, 255.
Folkestone, an outport to the trade of
London, 167.
Foreign and colonial produce, imports
and exports of, in 1850 and 1860, 488.
Foreign merchants, encouragement of-
fered to, in the reign of John, 18,
19 ; great resort of to England,
temp. Henry III., 19 ; agree to pay
landing and wharfage dues in the
Thames, 20; their increasing jealousy,
22 ; restrictions on, 22 ; concessions
made to, 23, 24; charter of 1303,
24-27 ; struggle between them and
the English traders, 31 ; laws affect-
ing, 39 ; more restrictions on, 49 ;
their manufactures prohibited, ib. ;
renewed complaints against, 51 ;
legislative measures against, 52, 53 ;
encouragement to, temp. Edward II.
60.
Foreign trade, number of ships em-
ployed in, 173 ; of the Port of London,
189 et seq.; with China, 189 et seq.;
and Russia, 201 et seq. ; with Sweden,
Norway, and Denmark, 213, 224 ;
Prussia, Hamburg, and Hanover,
227, 240, 245 ; Holland, Belgium, and
France, 246, 251, 257 ; Portugal and
Spain, 266, 272; Italy and the
Austrian territories, 277, 282 et seq. ;
Greece and Egypt, 281, 294; with
the United States, 300 ; Central
America, 311; Mexico, 312; South
America, 316; Chili and Peru, 324;
Bolivia, 327 ; Haiti, 328 ; Porto Rico,
329 ; with foreign possessions in the
K K
498
INDEX.
West Indies, 332, 333 ; West Coast and
interior of Africa, 334, 336 ; Morocco,
337 ; Siam, 341 ; Malay peninsula
and Cochin China, 343 ; Java, 343 ;
Sumatra, 345 ; Philippine Islands,
346 ; India and the colonies, 350
et seq. ; with Singapore, Ceylon, the
Mauritius, and the Cape of Good
Hope, 370-380 ; with Natal, Aus-
tralia, and the West Indies, 381-413;
with British Guiana and Honduras,
414-418; with North America and
the colonies, 418 et seq.; Canada,
419; New Brunswick, Prince Ed-
ward's Island, Nova Scotia, and
Newfoundland, 425-531; British
Columbia, 432 ; Sierra Leone, 443 ;
with the forty-nine colonies of Great
Britain, 445 et seq.
Foreigners, increasing jealousy of, 34.
Fortresses constructed on the Thames,
58.
Foss Dyke, county Lincoln, cutting of
the, 16 et n.
Foss Dyke navigation, n. 16.
France, privileges granted to the mer-
chants of, 27, 28 ; flourishing state of,
under Colbert, 99 ; war with, in
1756, 121 ; republic of, declares war
against England, 136; difficulties
thence arising, ib. ; assists the
American colonies against England,
127, 128 ; damages inflicted on her
navy, 129 et n. ; our trade with, 257
et seq. ; the Cobdeu Treaty, 258 ; our
exports and imports, 262 et seq.
Free trade, advantages of, illustrated in
India, 357.
French West India possessions, trade
with the, 332.
Fruit, from Portugal, 268 ; trade of, with
Greece, 287; from Spain, 274; of the
West Indies, 409 ; of the Bahama
Islands, 410.
Fruits and plants, cultivation of, 59.
Fullers, foreign, encouragement to, 31.
Furs, extensive commerce in, 30 n.
Furs of the Hudson's Bay Company,
440 ; peculiar features of the trade,
441.
Fustic from Mexico, 314.
Genoese merchants murdered, 35.
Genoese merchants of London, arrest of,
47.
George I., trade speculations during the
reign of, 112, 113; distress thence
arising, 113.
George II., progress of commerce, arts,
and science, during his reign, 121.
Georgia colonized, 118.
German manufactures, importation of,
242.
Germany, concessions made to the mer-
chants of, 23.
Gibraltar, exports to, 276.
Gobelin tapestry, manufactory for es-
tablished, 99.
Godfrey, the portreve of the City of
London, 11, 12 n.
Gold, discovery of, in Victoria, 389 ;
Sir H. Barkley's statement respecting
it, 390 ; of Nova Scotia, 429 : dis-
coveries of, in British Columbia, &c.
432-7 ; shipments of, to San Fran-
cisco, 433; the Cariboo gold-field,
434 ; Governor Douglas's report on,
ib. ; probable consequences of the
discoveries, 438.
Goldsmiths' Company established, 30.
Grain trade of London in 1856-61,
232.
Grand Ship Canal, from London to
Southampton, projected, 168.
Grand Surrey Canal, 154.
Grapes from Portugal, 269.
Grasse, Count de, his fleet destroyed,
132.
Greece, our trade with, 286 et seq.
Grinisby, trade of, temp. Henry II. 16.
Grocers'Coinpany established, 30 n.
Ground-nuts, an important article of
European commerce, 444 n.
Guano, export of, 218 ; the trade of
Peru, 323; first discovery of on
Ichaboe, ib. n. ; of Bolivia, 327.
Guayaquil, port and trade of, 328.
Guiana, British, our trade with, 413 ;
imports and exports of, 415.
Guildhall of London established by
the Cologne merchants, 19.
Guilds, organization of, by Henry II. 13.
Guinea, trade with, 61.
G.
GALATZ, corn trade of, 290.
Gallipoli, oil trade of, 280.
Game imported from Belgium, 254,
255.
Garanciue, imported from Holland, 248.
Genoa, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 37.
Genoese drummond, seizure of the, 29.
H.
HABERDASHERS' COMPANY established,
30 n.
Haiti, our trade with, 328 ; imports
and exports of, 328, 329.
Halifax, harbour of, 429.
Hamburg, our trade with, 240 ; extent,
value, and character of the trade.
INDEX.
499
241 ; her principal exportations to
England, 242 ; her agricultural pro-
ducts, 243 ; her hams and bacon, ib. ;
our exports to, 243 ; docks at, 245 ;
her commercial system, 245.
Hams sent to Australia, 393.
Hanover, our trade with, 245 ; imports
and exports of, 245, 246.
Hanse-town merchants, their disputes
with the Londoners, 35 ; expelled by
Elizabeth, 71.
Hardwares exported to the West In-
dies, 413.
Hartlepool, trade of, temp. Henry II. 16.
Harwich fishery, 460.
Hatting furs, 441.
Henry I., charter granted by, to the
City of London, 12.
Henry II., charters granted by, to the
City of London, 13 ; creation of
gxiilds by, ib. ; trade of England
during his reign, 15 et seq.
Henry of Huntingdon, on the exports
of England, 16.
Herrings, trade in, 226 n.
Holland, disputes with, 83 ; war with,
in 1778, 130-2; our trade with, 246
et seq. ; causes of the decline of her
commerce, 246, 247; our imports
from, 247 ; her butter and cheese, her
wine, madder, fish, and other articles
of commerce, 248-252 ; our exports
to, 249, 250 ; the English the carriers
for, 250, 251 ; proportion of British
and foreign shipping in the trade of,
251. (See DUTCH.)
Home products, restrictive legislation
on, 60 ; exported to Hamburg, 243 ;
to Belgium, 250.
Honduras, our trade with, 415; ma-
hogany from, 415, 416 ; imports and
exports of, 417.
Hops imported from Belgium, 254, 255.
Horses, high prices paid for foreign
ones, 26 n. ; imported from Belgium,
254, 255.
Hudson's Bay Company chartered, 100 ;
complaints against, 120 ; parlia-
mentary report on, ib. ; commerce
with their settlements, 439-441 ;
imports and exports, 4 40 ; their furs,
440, 441.
Hudson's Straits, discovery of, 80.
Hungerford fish-uiarket, its demolition,
462.
Hydraulic machinery used at the
docks, 161.
I.
ICE-TRADE of Norway, 220 ; consump-
tion of ice in England, 220, 221.
Iceland, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 39.
Ichaboe, guano first discovered on,
323 n.
Imports. (See EXPORTS and IMPORTS.)
India, Bishop Sighelm's expedition to, 8;
first voyage from England to, 73 ;
formation of a company for trading
to, 74, 75 ; great increase of trade to,
81, 82; her exports and imports, 81,
82, 360, 364, 366; our trade with
India and the colonies of, 350 et seq. ;
trade to, thrown open, 356 ; its rapid
increase, 356, 357 ; different obstacles
to the trade of, 357 ; growing taste
in, for British fabrics, 358; market
for our cotton manufactures, 358 ;
progress of trade restricted by per-
nicious legislation, ib. ; increase of
cotton, 360 : culture and use of in-
digo, 361 ; sugar and rice, 362-4 ;
danger of interfering with the trade
of, 365 et n. ; cotton manufactures
of, 365, 366; railway materials ex-
ported to, 367. (See EAST INDIA
COMPANY.)
Indigo, culture of, La India, 361 ; largely
imported from Bengal, 362 ; varying
prices of, ib.
Ionian Islands, trade of the, 287;
British protection injurious to their
commerce, 288 ; taxes on, ib.
Ireland, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 38.
Iron and steel from Sweden, 216.
Iron manufactures of Great Britain,
216, 217.
Iron vessels, compared with wooden
ones, 180, 181, 185; their prime
cost, 184.
Ironmongers' Company established, 30 re.
Italy, our trade with, 277 et seq. ; im-
ports and exports, 277, 284, 285;
prospects of the trade of, 286 ;
shipping employed, ib.
J.
JACQUES CCEUR, of Bourges, the eminent
merchant, 46.
Jalap from Mexico, 313.
James I., his accession important to
English commerce, 78 ; his policy,
ib. ; his " counter Wastes " against
tobacco, 85 ; appoints a special com-
mission to inquire into the state of
the wool trade, 86.
Japan, our trade with, 340, 341.
Java, our trade with, 343 ; exports and
imports, 344.
Jews, foreign trade in the hands of the,
14 ; compelled to inter their dead in
K K 2
500
INDEX.
Redcross Street, 16. n. ; their expa-
triation, 23; unfounded allegations
against them, ib.; re-admission of
the, A.D. 1656, 95.
John, encouragements offered by, to
foreign merchants, 18, 19.
KEPPEL, Adam, his naval victories, 129.
Kurrachee, our trade with, 368.
LABRADOR, our trade with, 430; fishing-
stations of, ib.
Lace imported from Belgium, 254, 255.
Lagoons of Tuscany, boracic acid from
the, 278 et n.
Lambskin furs, 440.
Landing and wharfage dues paid by
the foreign merchants, 20.
IAW'S Mississippi Company, 112.
Legal quays. (See QUAYS.)
Leghorn bonnets from Italy, 278.
Lestage, a customs' duty levied on every
last of leather, 12 n.
Levant, trade with the, 47, 60 ; Com-
pany established, 71 ; trade of the,
freed from restrictions, 121.
Lincoln, trade of, temp. Henry II. 16 ;
its prosperity attributable to the
canal cut from the Trent to the
Wytham, ib. et n.
Linen, exports of, from Ireland, 115 n.
Liquorice juice from Southern Italy,
281.
Liquors, consumption of, in Norway,
223.
Lisbon, her trade with London, 36.
Little Edward seized by the French,
28.
Liverpool, American trade chiefly en-
grossed by, 300.
Livery companies of London, incor-
poration of the, 30.
Loans lent by the citizens of London,
34.
LONDON, historical view of the trade
and commerce of, from the earliest
period to the reign of Elizabeth,
1-77 ; her maritime supremacy,
2, 3 ; rules the shipping trade of
the world, 2 ; her monetary power,
3; her supremacy as a commercial
city of comparatively recent date,
3, 4; earliest mention of as a com-
mercial city, 4 ; general state of,
under the Romans and the Saxons,
5, 6 ; first settlement of the Easter-
Lags as merchants in, 9 ; charters
granted to, by -William the Con-
queror and his successors, 11-13;
Fitz- Stephen's account of the com-
merce of, temp. Henry II. 14; resort
of foreign merchants to, temp. Henry
III. 19 ; character of her trade in
1315 exemplified, 28, 29; incorpora-
tion of the livery companies of, in
1327, 30 ; her citizens loan money to
the king, 34 ; her trade with Lisbon,
36; Whittington's connexion with,
41-44; arrest of Genoese merchants
in, 47 ; trade of the Levant with, ib. ;
improvement of, temp. Henry VIII.
62 ; her retail trade during the reign
of the Tudors, 65, 66 ; her increasing
importance, temp. Elizabeth, 76 ; pro-
gress of her trade and commerce
from the accession of James I. 78 et
seq. ; great improvements of, in out-
ward aspect and in supply of water,
87 ; trade of, during the civil war,
92 ; banking established in, 93 ; great
fire of, 103 ; seizure of her charters
and franchises, temp. Charles II. 104,
105 ; condition of trade, temp. Queen
Anne and George I. 112 ; exports
and imports, 1728-30, 115, 116;
trade carried on by companies, and
her general prosperity, 117 ; state of
trade in 1800, 138; historical view of
the port of, 139 et seq. ; limits of
defined in the reign of Charles II.
140 ; the legal quays and sufferance
wharves, 141 ; the Thames con-
servancy, 142 ; the warehousing
system of, 143 ; parliamentary in-
quiries respecting, 145 ; Dock Act
passed, 1799, 148; construction of
the various docks, 150-9 ; outports
which are adjuncts to the trade of,
167; shipping of the port of, 170 et
seq. ; number of vessels employed,
171 - 174 ; ship-building in the
Thames, 182 ; imports and exports
of, in 1860, 186-8 ; foreign trade of
the port, 189 et seq. ; parliamentary
report on, as regards China, 192-8 ;
her trade with Russia, France, and
the different European states, 201-
294; with Egypt, 294-299; with
America, Asia, and Africa, 300 et seq.;
(see FOREIGN TRADE, and EXPORTS
and IMPORTS) ; her trade with the
French, Dutch, and Danish posses-
sions in the West Indies, 332 ; the
West Coast of Africa, Morocco,
Japan, &c. 332-348; the great
market for Eastern productions, 349 ;
INDEX.
501
her trade with India and the colonies,
350 et seq. ; imports from and ex-
ports to India, 360, 364, 366 ; trade
with Singapore, Ceylon, the Mauri-
tius, Cape of Good Hope, Natal,
Australia, West Indies, &c. 370-
447 ; coasting and coal trades of,
448 et scq.
London Docks, construction of the,
150, 151 ; their cost, 151 ; causes of
sickness in the, 164 ; the Company
oppose the construction of St.
Katherine's Docks, 156, 157.
Londoners, their disposition for com-
merce, 3 ; their free laws and mari-
time supremacy, ib. ; their disputes
with the Hanse-town merchants, 35.
Luxury, importation of articles of, 59.
Lynn, trade of, temp. Henry II. 15, 16.
M.
MACHINERY exported to the West In-
dies, 413.
Mackerel sold at three-halfpence apiece,
466.
Madder, imported from Holland, 248 ;
from Turkey, 291, 292.
Madeira, our trade with, 271.
Magua Charta, encouragements offered
by, to foreign merchants, 19.
Mahogany, imported from Mexico, 313 ;
from Honduras, 415 ; imports of, and
duties on, 416.
Malta, exports to, 276.
Manchester, manufactures at, 93.
Manganese imported from Holland,
249.
Manilla, trade of, 348.
Manufactures, importation of prohibited,
49, 50 ; prosperous career of, temp.
Hen. VIII. 61, 62; at Manchester,
93 ; promoted in England by the
French refugees, 102, 103 et n.; ex-
ported to Belgium, 256; growing
taste in India for British manu-
iactures, 358; Mr. Wilson's import
duties on, 359 ; large exports of, to
India, 368.
Manufacturers, foreign, encouragement
to, 31.
Manufacturing industry promoted by
foreign troubles, 20.
Mauritius, our trade with, 375 ; imports
and exports of, 376, 377.
Mauritius Chamber of Agriculture, their
report on the sugar duties, 408.
Medici, family of the, 46 ; eminent
merchant? of Italy, ib.
Memel, formerly the great port of tim-
ber exportation, 233.
Mercer, John, merchant of Perth, 33.
Mercers' Company established, 30 n.
Merchant citizens, advancing conse-
quence of, 36.
Merchant Tailors' Company established,
30 et n.
Merchants, of eminence, temp. Edward
III. 40-46 ; of England first recog-
nised by Parliament, 55, 56 ; of
France, privileges granted to the,
27, 28 ; of Germany, Flanders, Bor-
deaux, and Aquitaine, concessions
made to, 23, 24 ; and their charter
of 1303, 24-27 ; foreign encourage-
ment to, 30, 31.
Methuen Treaty, 110, 266 ; its injurious
effects on our relations with France,
110.
Mexico, our trade with, 312 ; her ex-
ports and imports, 313-15.
Middleton, Sir Hugh, supplies London
with water, 87.
Midland coals, supply of, 471.
Minerals from Spain, 275 ; of the Virgin
Islands, 410.
Miramichi timber from New Brunswick,
425.
Mississippi Company, 112.
Mogadore, port of, 337.
Monetary power of London, 3.
Monopolies of trade restored, 88, 89 ;
their effects, 90, 91.
Monopoly patents, granting of, 83;
revoked, ib.
Monte Video, our trade with, 319.
Morocco, our trade with, 337 ; treaty
of 1856, ib. ; exports and imports,
338.
Mulberry-trees, cultivation of, 81 et n.
Murage, explanation of, 25 n.
N.
NANTES, revocation of the edict of, and
resort of French artificers to England,
102 ; public feeling in favour of the
refugees, 103.
Naples, our trade with, 279.
Navigation Act passed, 94, 97.
Neutral ships, dispute respecting the
right of seizing when laden with the
cargo of a belligerent power, 29 et n.;
rights of, 130.
New Brunswick, our trade with, 425 ;
the Bay of Miramichi, ib. ; imports
and exports, 425, 426.
New Granada, our trade with, 312.
502
INDEX.
New South Wales, settlement of, 135
et n. ; our trade with, 385 ; its
pastoral character, ib. ; discovery of
gold, and the consequent increase of
trade, 385 ; imports and exports,
386 ; its wool trade, 387 ; wine of,
388. (See Australia.)
New Zealand, our trade with, 397 ;
imports and exports of, 397-99.
Newfoundland, John Cabot's expedition
to, 57 ; first settlement of, 61; our
trade with, 429 ; imports and exports
of, 429, 430 ; fisheries of, 431.
North American colonies, our trade
with the, 418 et seq. ; high rates of
import duties, 428 : shipping trade
of the, 431 ; the gold discoveries
in, and their probable consequences,
433-9. (See CANADA, COLUMBIA,
NEWFOUNDLAND, NOVA SCOTIA, &c.)
North Sea fisheries, 454.
Norway, our trade with, 212, 219 et seq. ;
ice trade of, 220 ; her timber trade,
221 ; fish trade of, 222 ; exports
to, ib. ; consumption of liquors in,
223.
Norwich, trade of, temp. Henry II. 15.
Nova Scotia colonized, 120 ; our trade
with, 427 ; its fisheries, ib. ; its im-
ports and exports, 427, 428 ; gold
and coal of, 429 ; coal mines of, 438.
Nutria furs, 441 n.
Nuts imported from Spain, 274 ; from
Brazil, 319.
0.
OATS from Sweden, 216.
Odessa, our trade with, 209.
Oil, consumption of, in England, 281.
Oil trade of Gallipoli, 280.
Onions from Portugal, 268.
Opium from Turkey, 291, 292.
Oranges from Portugal, 269, 270.
Orchil from Portugal, 268.
Ottoman bark, 289 n.
Outports which are adjuncts to the
trade of London, 167.
Oxen from Portugal, 268.
r.
PACIFIC, our trade with, 323 et seq. ; pre-
ferable to that of the Atlantic for
steam vessels, 424 et n.
Palm oil from Africa, 334, 335.
Panama, route of, to be more freely
opened, 307 ; pearl fishery of, 333.
Panama hats, importation of, 312.
Paper imported from Belgium, 254,
255.
Paraguay, our intercourse with, 322.
Parliament, disagreement of the two
Houses of, on Skinner's case, 98.
Parr, Captain, his first discovery of
guano, 323 n.
Passage, a charge for passing over
ferries, 12 n.
Patagonia, our intercourse with, 323.
Paterson, Mr., originator of the Darien
Company, 107.
Pavage, explanation of, 25 n.
Pearl fishery of Panama, 333.
Peru, our trade with, 323, 324 ; Guano,
the trade of, 323 ; imports and ex-
ports, 324-7.
Pevensey, early commerce of, 11.
Philippine Islands, our trade with the,
346; differential duties of, prejudicial,
347 ; imports and exports, 348.
Philpot, Sir John, defends English com-
merce from aggression, 33 ; notices
of, 34 n.
Pitch lake of Trinidad, 410.
Pole, Win. de la, the eminent merchant,
40.
Pontage, explanation of, 25 n.
Port of London, history of its trade and
commerce, 1 et seq. ; its ancient limits,
139 ; the legal port from London to
the North Foreland, 141 ; historical
review of, 140 et seq. ; its shipping,
170 et seq. ; imports and exports of,
in 1860, 186-8; its foreign trade,
189 et seq. (See LONDON.)
Port wine from Portugal, 267.
Porto Rico, our trade with, 329, 330.
Portugal, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 37 ;
impolicy of the Methuen treaty of
1773, 166; our present trade with,
266 et seq. ; exports and imports,
267-71 ; British shipping employed,
271.
Potatoes imported from Holland, 249.
Poultry imported from Belgium, 254,
255.
Poundage dues granted, 96.
Pozzolani from the island of St. Vin-
cent, 410.
Precious metals from Ecuador, 328.
Prince Edward's Island, our trade with,
426 ; its history, 426-8 n.
Prisage, ancient right of, 25 n.
Privateering in 1780, 129 n.
" Privilege trade " of the East India
Company, 356 n.
Prussia, trade of, tf mp. Henry VI. 37 ;
our present trade with, 227 et seq. ;
imports from, 228 ; her corn trade,
229-232 ; her timber trade. 232-4 ;
INDEX.
503
her spelter, 234 ; our exports to, ib. ;
at the head of the Zollverein, 235;
the Sound dues, 236, 237 ; the Stadt
dues, 237-240.
Q-
QUAYS of the Port of London, 141 et
seq. ; proposed extension of the, 144,
145 ; their insufficiency for the com-
merce of the port, 145 ; disadvan-
tages of the " legal" ones, 165, 166.
Queen Charlotte's Sound, gold dis-
covery in, 432.
Queenhithe appointed for disembarka-
tion of goods in the Thames in 1225,
20 ; the ancient port for foreign mer-
chants, 50 n. ; an ancient landing-
place, 139.
Queensland, in Australia, the rising
colony of, 388.
R.
RAILWAYS in connexion with the docks,
160 ; facilities they afford, 161 ;
causes of preference for railway
travelling, 181 ; effect of, on the
canals and coasting trade of England,
448, 449 ; why they have not injured
the traffic on canals, 450.
Raisins imported from Spain, 274 ; from
Turkey, 291, 292.
Red mullet, fishing for, 456; anecdote
of the Duke of Portland connected
with, ib. n.
Restoration, period of the, 96.
Retail trade of London during the
reigns of the Tudors, 65.
Revolution, "the great," temp. Chas. I.
92.
Rice of India, 362 ; its supply from
Burmah, 363 ; imports of, 364.
Richard I. trade of, during his reign, 17.
Richard II. his marriage with Anne of
Bohemia, 34 n.
" River pirates," 1 46.
Roads, repair of, 122.
Rockall fishing bank, 459.
Rodney, Adm. captures St. Eustatia,
131 ; his victorious career, 132.
Roman Catholics, public feeling against,
103.
Romans, their trade with Britain, 5.
Rosewood from Brazil, 319.
Rum from the West Indies, 406-8.
Russia, the first embassy from, to
England, 68 ; our trade with, 201
et seq. ; high rate of duties in, 202 ;
tallow trade of, 203, 204; flax and
hemp trade of, 205 ; exports to, 207 ;
our trade with the northern and
southern ports of, 208 ; balance of
trade with, against England, 210 ;
restrictions on commerce in, 211.
Russian Company, formation of the,
64 ; its successes, 67, 68 ; duties
levied by, and dissatisfaction thence
arising, 206, 207 ; the dispute respect-
ing duties adjusted, 207.
S.
SACKS, manufacture of, for the English
millers, 231.
St. Eustatia, capture of, 131, 132.
St. lago de Compostella, the chief town
of Gallicia, its sanctity, 48, 49 n.
St. Katherine's Docks, construction of,
155-9; opposed by the London
Dock Company, 156, 157 ; their site,
158 ; causes of sickness in the, 164.
St. Thomas, our trade with, 333.
St. Vincent, island of, pozzolani from,
410.
" Salt monopoly " of India, 368 et n.
Salters' Company established, 30 n.
Sandwich, early commerce of, 11.
Sarawak, our trade with, 349, 350.
Sarsaparilla from Mexico, 313.
Saxons. (See ANGLO-SAXONS.)
Scammony from Turkey, 291, 292.
Scotland, lands of merchants declared
exempt from seizure during their
absence abroad, 12 n. ; trade of, temp.
Henry VI 38.
Screw steam-vessels employed in the
coal trade, 475 ; their low rates of
freightage, 476.
" Sea-coal Lane," 463.
Sherry from Spain, 274.
Ship-building in the Thames, 182 ; iron
vessels, ib. comparative values of
iron and wood, 182, 183 ; their rela-
tive uses, 183, 185.
Ship-money, imposition of, 92 etn.
Shipping of England, A.D. 1701, 109;
belonging to London, Liverpool, and
Bristol, 122 ; number and tonnage of
London ships, 170 et seq. ; great pro-
portion of large steam-vessels be-
longing thereto, 170, 171 ; number
employed in the trade of London,
171 ; number of ships employed in
the coasting, colonial, and foreign
trades, 172, 173 ; proportion of
British to foreign shipping, 173 ; im-
502
INDEX.
New South Wales, settlement of, 135
et n. ; our trade with, 385 ; its
pastoral character, ib. ; discovery of
gold, and the consequent increase of
trade, 385 ; imports and exports,
386 ; its wool trade, 387 ; wine of,
388. (See Australia.)
New Zealand, our trade with, 397 ;
imports and exports of, 397-99.
Newfoundland, John Cabot's expedition
to, 57 ; first settlement of, 61; our
trade with, 429 ; imports and exports
of, 429, 430 ; fisheries of, 431.
North American colonies, our trade
with the, 418 et seq. ; high rates of
import duties, 428: shipping trade
of the, 431 ; the gold discoveries
in, and their probable consequences,
433-9. (See CANADA, COLUMBIA,
NEWFOCTNDLAND, NOVA SCOTIA, &c.)
North Sea fisheries, 454.
Norway, our trade with, 212, 219 et seq. ;
ice trade of, 220 ; her timber trade,
221 ; fish trade of, 222 ; exports
to, ib. ; consumption of liquors in,
223.
Norwich, trade of, temp. Henry II. 15.
Nova Scotia colonized, 120 ; our trade
with, 427 ; its fisheries, ib. ; its im-
ports and exports, 427, 428 ; gold
and coal of, 429 ; coal mines of, 438.
Nutria furs, 441 n.
Nuts imported from Spam, 274 ; from
Brazil, 319.
0.
OATS from Sweden, 216.
Odessa, our trade with, 209.
Oil, consumption of, in England, 281 .
Oil trade of Gallipoli, 280.
Onions from Portugal, 268.
Opium from Turkey, 291, 292.
Oranges from Portugal, 269, 270.
Orchil from Portugal, 268.
Ottoman bark, 289 n.
Outports which are adjuncts to the
trade of London, 167.
Oxen from Portugal, 268.
P.
PACIFIC, our trade with, 323 et seq. ; pre-
ferable to that of the Atlantic for
steam vessels, 424 et n.
Palm oil from Africa, 334, 335.
Panama, route of, to be more freely
opened, 307 ; pearl fishery of, 333.
Panama hats, importation of, 312.
Paper imported from Belgium, 254,
255.
Paraguay, our intercourse with, 322.
Parliament, disagreement of the two
Houses of, on Skinner's case, 98.
Parr, Captain, his first discovery of
guano, 323 n.
Passage, a charge for passing over
ferries, 12 n.
Patagonia, our intercourse with, 323.
Paterson, Mr., originator of the Darien
Company, 107.
Pavage, explanation of, 25 n.
Pearl fishery of Panama, 333.
Peru, our trade with, 323, 324 ; Guano,
the trade of, 323 ; imports and ex-
ports, 324-7.
Pevensey, early commerce of, 11.
Philippine Islands, our trade with the,
346; differential duties of, prejudicial,
347 ; imports and exports, 348.
Philpot, Sir John, defends English com-
merce from aggression, 33 ; notices
of, 34 n.
Pitch lake of Trinidad, 410.
Pole, Win. de la, the eminent merchant,
40.
Pontage, explanation of, 25 n.
Port of London, history of its trade and
commerce, 1 et seq. ; its ancient limits,
139 ; the legal port from London to
the North Foreland, 141 ; historical
review of, 1 40 et seq. ; its shipping,
170 et seq. ; imports and exports of,
in 1860, 186-8; its foreign trade,
189 et seq. (See LONDON.)
Port wine from Portugal, 267.
Porto Rico, our trade with, 329, 330.
Portugal, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 37 ;
impolicy of the Methuen treaty of
1773, 166 ; our present trade with,
266 el seq. ; exports and imports,
267-71; British shipping employed,
271.
Potatoes imported from Holland, 249.
Poultry imported from Belgium, 254,
255.
Poundage dues granted, 96.
Pozzolani from the island of St. Vin-
cent, 410.
Precious metals from Ecuador, 328.
Prince Edward's Island, our trade with,
426 ; its history, 426-8 n.
Prisage, ancient right of, 25 n.
Privateering in 1780, 129 .
" Privilege trade " of the East India
Company, 356 n.
Prussia, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 37 ;
our present trade with, 227 et seq. ;
imports from, 228 ; her corn trade,
229-232 ; her timber trade, 232-4 ;
INDEX.
503
her spelter, 234 ; our exports to, ib. ;
at the head of the Zollverein, 235;
the Sound dues, 236, 237 ; the Stadt
dues, 237-240.
Q.
QUAYS of the Port of London, 141 et
seq. ; proposed extension of the, 144,
145 ; their insufficiency for the com-
merce of the port, 145 ; disadvan-
tages of the " legal" ones, 165, 166.
Queen Charlotte's Sound, gold dis-
covery in, 432.
Queenhithe appointed for disembarka-
tion of goods in the Thames in 1225,
20 ; the ancient port for foreign mer-
chants, 50 n. ; an ancient landing-
place, 139.
Queensland, in Australia, the rising
colony of, 388.
R.
RAILWAYS in connexion with the docks,
160 ; facilities they afford, 161 ;
causes of preference for railway
travelling, 181 ; effect of, on the
canals and coasting trade of England,
448, 449 ; why they have not injured
the traffic on canals, 450.
Raisins imported from Spain, 274 ; from
Turkey, 291, 292.
Red mullet, fishing for, 456; anecdote
of the Duke of Portland connected
with, ib. n.
Restoration, period of the, 96.
Retail trade of London during the
reigns of the Tudors, 65.
Revolution, "the great," temp. Chas. I.
92.
Rice of India, 362 ; its supply from
Burmah, 363 ; imports of, 364.
Richard I. trade of, during his reign, 17.
Richard II. his marriage with Anne of
Bohemia, 34 n.
" River pirates," 1 46.
Roads, repair of, 122.
Rockall fishing bank, 459.
Rodney, Adm. captures St. Eustatia,
131 ; his victorious career, 132.
Roman Catholics, public feeling against,
103.
Romans, their trade with Britain, 5.
Rosewood from Brazil, 319.
Rum from the West Indies, 406-8.
Russia, the first embassy from, to
England, 68 ; our trade with, 201
et seq. ; high rate of duties in, 202 ;
tallow trade of, 203, 204; flax and
hemp trade of, 205 ; exports to, 207 ;
our trade with the northern and
southern ports of, 208 ; balance of
trade with, against England, 210 ;
restrictions on commerce in, 211.
Russian Company, formation of the,
64 ; its successes, 67, 68 ; duties
levied by, and dissatisfaction thence
arising, 206, 207 ; the dispute respect-
ing duties adjusted, 207.
S.
SACKS, manufacture of, for the English
millers, 231.
St. Eustatia, capture of, 131, 132.
St. lago de Compostella, the chief town
of Gallicia, its sanctity, 48, 49 n.
St. Katherine's Docks, construction of,
155-9; opposed by the London
Dock Company, 156, 157 ; their site,
158 ; causes of sickness in the, 164.
St. Thomas, our trade with, 333.
St. Vincent, island of, pozzolani from,
410.
" Salt monopoly " of India, 368 et n.
Salters' Company established, 30 n.
Sandwich, early commerce of, 11.
Sarawak, our trade with, 349, 350.
Sarsaparilla from Mexico, 313.
Saxons. (See ANGLO-SAXONS.)
Scammony from Turkey, 291, 292.
Scotland, lands of merchants declared
exempt from seizure during their
absence abroad, 12 n. ; trade of, temp.
Henry VI. 38.
Screw steam-vessels employed in the
coal trade, 475 ; their low rates of
freightage, 476.
" Sea-coal Lane," 463.
Sherry from Spain, 274.
Ship-building in the Thames, 182 ; iron
vessels, ib. ; comparative values of
iron and wood, 182, 183 ; their rela-
tive uses, 183, 185.
Ship-money, imposition of, 92 et n.
Shipping of England, A.D. 1701, 109;
belonging to London, Liverpool, and
Bristol, 122 ; number and tonnage of
London ships, 170 et seq. ; great pro-
portion of large steam-vessels be-
longing thereto, 170, 171 ; number
employed in the trade of London,
171 ; number of ships employed in
the coasting, colonial, and foreign
trades, 172, 173 ; proportion of
British to foreign shipping, 173 ; im-
504
INDEX.
ports and exports, 186-188; extent
of, employed in the West Indies,
417, 418. (See SHIPS, and STEAM-
SHIPPING.)
Shipping, tonnage of, entered and
cleared in 1850 and 1860, 492.
Shipping trade of the world ruled by
London, 2 ; of the American colonies,
431.
Ships of the Anglo-Saxons, 7 ; period
when large ones were first constructed,
57 ; those which still unload in the
Thames, 166. (See SHIPPING.)
Shireburn.see of, removed to Old Sarum,
8n.
Shumac imported from Southern Italy,
281.
Siam, our trade with, 341, 342; her
trade with Singapore and China,
342.
Siamese, anecdote of their eager pur-
chase of buttons, 342 n.
Sicily, our trade with, 279.
Sierra Leone, our trade with, 442 ; ex-
ports and imports, 442, 444, 445.
Sighelm, Bishop, his expedition to
India, 8 ; his see of Shireburn, ib. n.
Silk goods imported from Belgium. 254,
255.
Silk trade, 50 n.
Silks, &c. from France, 264.
Silkworm, attempted propagation of the,
80 ; its results, 81.
Silver from Bolivia, 327.
Singapore, our trade with, 369 ; its im-
portance, ib. ; imports and exports,
370.
Skinner, Thomas, 97 ; his contest with
the East India Company, and ill
usage, 98.
Skinners' Company established, 30.
Smith, Colonel Baird, his report on
the, cotton manufactures of India,
367 .
Somersetshire coals, supply of, 471.
Sound dues, 236 ; redeemed by a pecu-
niary payment, 237.
South America. (See America, South.)
South Australia, our trade with, 394 ;
its copper mines, ib. ; increase of the
clip of wool, 394 ; imports and ex-
ports of, 395.
South Sea Company chartered, 111 ; its
scheme to pay off the National Debt,
112 ; trade opened by the, 114.
Southampton an outpost to the trade of
London, 167.
Southwark, duty on ships coming to,
temp. William I. 11.
Spain a purchaser of wool from England
in 1254, 21; trade of, temp. Henry
VI. 37 ; length of pilgrimages to, 48 ;
war with in 1739, 118 ; its causes and
its popularity, 119 ; our trade with,
272 ; our exports and imports, 273,
274, 275.
Spanish Armada menaces England, 72 ;
its signal defeat, and important
effect, 73 ; a second one defeated by
the Dutch, ib. n.
Speculations, temp. George I. 112, 113.
Spelter of Prussia chiefly exported from
Stettin, 234.
Spirits imported from Holland, 249 ;
great quantity sent to Australia, 393.
Sponge from Turkey, 291, 292.
Stadt dues, 237 ; then- history, 238 ;
agitation against them, 239 ; the dues
redeemed, 240 ; their influence, 245.
Staffordshire coals, supply of, 471.
Stamp Act of America repealed, 123.
Stationery sent to Australia, 393.
Steam navigation, its importance in the
trade with America, 301.
Steam-shipping belonging to the Port of
London, 170, 171 ; almost exclusively
British, 175 ; its increase prejudicial
to the shipping trade, 175, 176 ; their
first cost and cost of working, 177 ;
in favour of British commerce, ib. ;
limits to the navigation of, ib. ; rail-
ways, successful competitors with,
178, 179 ; sea-communication by, 180;
along our coast, and to the Continent,
ib. ; regulated by railway facilities,
180, 181 ; superiority of, for convey-
ance of goods, 181.
Steelyard, settlement of the Easterlings
at the, 9 ; the exclusive privileges of
the merchants abolished, 63 ; shut up
by Elizabeth, 71.
Stephen, charter granted by, to the City
of London, 12.
Stettin, our trade with, 228.
Suez Canal project, 297 ; its practica-
bility, 297, 298 ; reasons against it,
298, 299.
Sugar imported from Cuba and Porto
Rico, 330 ; the countries which sup-
ply it, 332 ; of India, 362 ; imported
from the Mauritius, 376, 377 ; from
the West Indies, 406-8 ; duties on,
and their effect, 406, 407.
Sulphur, from Sicily, 279.
Sumatra, our trade with, 345.
Swan River Settlement, our trade with,
396.
Sweden, our trade with, 212 et seq. ;
imports from, 214, 215 ; her supply
of timber, 215; her oats, 216; her
iron aud steel, ib. ; exports to, 217,
218; internal communications of, 219.
Swein, the Earl of Orkney, 17.
Sydney, imports and exports of. 386.
INDEX.
505
Syra, the trade of, chiefly carried on by
Greek merchants, 289 ; shipping of,
290.
Syria, imports from, 291.
T.
TAGANROG, our trade with, 209.
Tallow, trade in, with Russia, 203, 204 ;
importation of, from New South
Wales, 388.
Tasmania, our trade with, 396, 397 ;
exports and imports of, 398, 399.
Taverner, John, the eminent merchant,
25.
Tea, duties on, resisted by the American
colonies, 124-6 ; trade with China
restricted by the duty on, 191 ; effect
of the reduction on, 198 ; our direct
trade with the tea districts, 200;
consumed by our North American
colonies, 428.
Telegraphs in connexion with the docks,
160.
Thames, the noble river, mentioned by
Bede, 4 ; construction of fortresses on
the, 58 ; its navigation improved, 88 ;
ships which still unload in it, 166.
Thames conservancy, 142; its jurisdic-
tion and privileges, ib. et n.
Timber from New Brunswick, 425.
Timber trade of Norway, 221 ; of the
Baltic, 232, 419, 420 ; effect of duties
on timber, 233, 419 ; importance of
the trade, 420.
Tobacco, King James's "counter Wastes"
against, 85, 86 ; restrictions on the
growth of it; its importation pro-
hibited, except from Virginia and
Bermuda, 86; made a royal mono-
poly, 90 ; non-culture of, in the West
Indies, 411 ; our whole supply of
foreign production, 411, 412 ; im-
ports of, 412 ; our duties on, 413.
Toll, a generic term for every species of
tribute, 12 .
Tonnage, dues granted, 96.
Torbay fishery, 456.
Trade of England in the tenth and
eleventh centuries, 10, 11 ; of dif-
ferent towns, temp. Henry II. 15 ;
balance of in favour of England, 17;
temp. Richard I. ib. ; of Europe, temp.
Henry VI. 37 ; inland trade, how
conducted, 53.
Trade and commerce of London, his-
torical review of, 1 et seq. (see LON-
DON) ; exceeds in amount that of every
previously existing state of commerce,
2 ; attributable to the numbers, wealth,
and productive power of the people,
ib. ; means of rapid communication
greatly contributive to, ib. ; disposi-
tion of the Londoners for, 3 ; earliest
mention of, by Bede, 4 ; at the time
of the Romans, 5 ; under the Saxons,
6-8 ; Charlemagne's letter respect-
ing, 6 ; under the Easterlings, 9 ; in
the hands of the Easterlings and the
Jews, 14 ; encouragements to foreign
merchants and manufacturers, 18, 19,
30, 31 ; struggle between the foreign
and English traders, 31 ; qualification
of citizenship established by, 32 ;
flourishing state of, as described by
a contemporary, 36; with Lisbon,
ib. ; retaliatory prohibitions, 50, 51 ;
new commercial treaties, 54 ; inter-
ruption of, with Flanders, 54, 55;
with the Levant, 60 ; with Guinea
and Barbary, 61 ; prosperous state
of, temp. Henry VIII. 61, 62; ad-
vantages to, from the loss of Calais,
66 ; great increase of, with the East,
81, 82 ; general state of, temp. James
I. 84 ; and Charles II. 97 ; flourish-
ing state of, in France, under Colbert,
99 ; condition of, temp. Queen Anne,
112; exports and imports, in 1728-30,
115; state of, in 1730, 116; earned
on by London companies,117; general
prosperity of, ib. ; their prosperous
career, temp. George II. 121 ; state
of, A.D. 1760, 123; exports and im-
ports in 1784 and 1780, 133, 137, 138 ;
effect of the customs' system on, 152 ;
amount of shipping employed in, 170
et seq. ; imports and exports in 1860,
186-8 ; with foreign nations, 189 et
aeq. (see FOREIGN TRADE) ; with
India and the colonies, 350 et seq. ;
with the Cape of Good Hope and
our African colonies, 377; with Aus-
tralia, 384 et seq. ; with the West
Indies, 400 et seq. ; with British
Guiana and the Honduras, 413, 415;
with North America, 418 ; Canada,
Newfoundland, &c. 419 ; with the
British colonies, 445 et seq. ; the
coasting and coal trades, 448 et seq.
Trading companies, freedom of, limited
to those who conformed to the Church
of England, 91, 92.
Trading monopolies restored, 88, 89 ;
their effects, 90, 91.
Trieste, our trade with, 282.
Trinidad, the pitch-lake of, 410.
Tripoli, our trade with, 339.
Tudors, retail trade during their reigns,
65.
Tunis, our trade with, 339.
506
INDEX.
Turbots, clearness of, 458, 459 ; pre-
miums offered for, 459.
Turkey, our trade with, 290 et seq. ;
exports and imports of, 290-3 ; her
shipping, 293.
Turtle of the West Indies, 409.
Tuscany, our trade with, 278.
U.
ULSTER, settlement of, 80.
Union of England and Scotland, effect
of the, 79.
United States, their independence de-
clared, 127 ; our trade with the, 300
et seq. ; exports and imports, 300-4 ;
present depression and future pros-
pects, 304, 305 et seq. ; their shipping,
309, 310.
V.
VAN TBOMP defeats the second Spanish
Armada, 73.
Vancouver's Island, distance from Lon-
don to, 424 n. ; settlement of, 432;
gold discovery in, 432.
Vanelloes, from Mexico, 313.
Veneti, their trade with Britain, 5 ;
annihilated by Julius Caesar, ib. n.
Venezuela, our trade with, 312.
Venice, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 38 ;
our present trade with, 282.
Verdigris, extensive uses of, 134 n.
Vere, Robert de, Earl of Oxford, his
marriage, 34 n.
Vessels (see SHIPS and SHIPPING).
Victoria, colony of. our trade with, 389 ;
discovery of gold in, ib. ; exports and
imports of, 391, 392 ; stands at the
head of all our colonies, 393, 394.
Victoria Docks, construction of the,
159 ; official report respecting, 165.
Vintners' Company established, 30 n.
Vintry, origin of the, 24.
Virgin Islands, minerals of the, 410.
Virginia Company, formation of the, 79.
Voyages of discovery, 69.
W.
WALPOLE, Sir Robert, 111.
Wantage, commercial law passed at,
9, 10.
Warehousing system of the docks,
quays, and wharves of London, 143,
153.
Water, supply of to Londen, 87 et n.
Weavers of London, charter granted to
the, by Henry II. 13 ; foreign en-
couragement to, 31.
Welsh coals, supply of, 471, 472.
West Australia, our trade with, 396.
West India colonies, our trade with the,
400-13 ; conflicting legislation regard-
ing them, 400 ; evil effects of the
absentee system. 401, 402; the new
class of proprietors, 403, 404 ; statis-
tics of commerce with, 404 ; im-
ports and exports, 405-7, 412, 413;
sugar and rum, 406 et seq.; minerals,
fruit, &c. 410-413.
West India Islands, foreign trade with,
328 et aeq.
West India Dock Company, 149; its
obligations and privileges, ib. ; its
successes, 150.
West India Docks, official report respect-
ing the, 165.
West Indies, their undeveloped re-
sources,409, 410 ; shipping employed
in the, 417, 418.
Wet docks in the Thames proposed, 147.
Wharves of the Port of London, 141.
Wharves, Sufferance, their disadvan-
tages, 165, 166.
Wmtby, trade of, temp. Henry II. 16.
Whittington, Richard, story of, 41 ; his
eminence as a merchant, 42, 43 ; his
residence, 44.
William the Conqueror, commercial state
of England at the time of, 10 ; charter
granted by, to the City of London, 11.
William the Bishop, of the City of
London, 11, 12 n.
William of Malmesbury, his account of
London, 15.
William Fitz-Stephen's account of Lon-
don and its commerce, 14; biogra-
phical notices of, 14, 15 n.
William and Mary, prosperity of the
country under, 106 ; speculations of
this period, 108.
Willis, the buccaneer, 415 n.
Willoughby, Sir Hugh, his unfortunate
voyage and death. 64.
Wine imported from Holland, 248 ;
from Sicily, 279 ; of Australia, 388.
Woad, quantity of, imported temp.
Henry II. 17 ; properties and use of,
ib. n.
Wool, a considerable item of expoit,
temp. Henry II. 16; Spain a pur-
chaser of, from England, in 1254, 21 ;
growing importance of the trade, ib. ;
imported from Belgium, 254, 255;
INDEX. 507
from Spain, 275 ; clip of, in South
Australia, 394 ; our imports of, 395 ; Y.
in New Zealand, 397.
Wool trade, commission appointed to YARMOUTH, early commerce of, 11.
inquire into the state of the, 86 ; of Yellow berries from Turkey, 291, 292.
Australia, 387.
Woollens, exported to the West Indies,
413. Z-
ZEALAND, trade of, temp. Henry VI. 38.
Zollverein, the German alliance tariff,
235.
THE END.
H. CLAY, SON, AND TAYLOR. PKISTEKb, LONDON.
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