s . V of California m Regional ry Facility - v * - /y , THE PORT AND TRADE LONDON, HISTORICAL, STATISTICAL, LOCAL, AND GENERAL. CHARLES CAPPER, MANAGER OF THE VICTORIA (LONDON) DOCKS. The time shall come, when, tree as sea or wind, Unbounded THAMES shall flow for all mankind ; Whole nations enter at each swelling tide, And seas bnt join the regions they divide." POPE. LONDON : SMITH, ELDER & CO. 65, CORNHILL. 1862. [The V.igJif of Tra/mlnHon is reserved.} LONDON : R/CLAY, BON, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS, BREAD STREET HILL. PREFACE. THE present work originated in a want of which I became conscious as Manager of an important commercial undertaking connected with the Port of London, In the daily course of commercial transactions, I found myself under the necessity of searching a great variety of books of reference, for the purpose of correctly ascertaining points, of history and practice, which I failed to find in any one volume to which I could refer. It occurred to me, under these circumstances, to bring together all the information I could respecting the Port of London its history, its trade, its manage- ment, its statistics, and its customs. The inquiries necessary for this purpose, as I believe always happens in such cases, gradually, and almost insensibly, ex- tended themselves far beyond the limit originally intended. I laid out for myself, in the first instance, certain salient matters of inquiry ; but soon found that the investigation of each topic involved con- siderations not originally anticipated, and that what PREFACE. was intended for a note-book was speedily swollen into a volume. The historical chapters of this work, which occupy so many pages, were originally designed to form a summary. The chapters upon Trade, which fill more than a moiety of the volume, were entered upon under the impression that they would -be embraced in a small proportion of the space they occupy. As my researches progressed, the subject amplified itself beyond anticipation, and extended itself into directions not previously contemplated. In the very outset, indeed, as the Reader will discover in some of the earliest of the following pages, I found that, in treating of the commerce of the Port of London, I was in reality dealing with the commerce of all England; and long before my task was developed, I found that in dealing with the trade of England, I was, practically, treating of the commerce of the world. I thought, at one time, that I should have to apologise to the reader of this book for its re- dundancy. As I approach its conclusion, I feel most sensibly that what I have really to regret is, its incompleteness. The multitude of " facts and figures " compressed in the following pages, is rivalled, probably, in very few works that are not designedly statistical. Nevertheless, had space per- mitted, I could have added to these to an extent which may almost be characterised as unlimited. If, instead of closely analysing and condensing the facts embodied in the many volumes I have found it necessary to consult, I had contented mvself with PREFACE. " cuttings " from their pages, this volume might have been extended to dimensions which would have ren- dered it practically of as small avail for purposes of reference to others, as I found still larger volumes at the commencement of my task. What I have endeavoured to do is, to bring to- gether all that is of interest and importance to the practical man of business. Differences of opinion will, of course, prevail as to what is of interest, and what is of importance. The historical student will naturally think I have omitted to develop many points which others will consider I have dwelt upon too largely. On the other hand, some may think that I have dwelt too much upon the past, without sufficiently regarding the state of trade at the time present, or, it may be, speculating enough upon the future. In view of these and other critical objections, I can only say that, as a practical man, I have striven to bring into association those his- torical features which appeared most forcibly to bear on our existing commerce, and to regard that existing commerce mainly with an eye to its growth and development in those channels which our present experience allows us to foresee. At the outset, also, I anticipated objections which assumed a different phase as the work progressed. I thought, at first, it would be said, " This book is merely a compilation;" and I prepared myself with the ready answer, " That all history was, of necessity, a compilation; and that it was a very bad history that did not resort to the most nume- rous authorities." But, long ere the work arrived vi PREFACE. at a conclusion, I found substantial grounds, less for fearing this objection, than for apprehending that my views might be condemned as running wide of history. Many there are, even in these days of com- mercial advancement, who will probably be startled by new, and what some may, perhaps, consider bold opinions, as to the influence and eifect of commerce on public events. To such, I must be permitted to recommend an attentive consideration of the influence of commercial and private interests on political occurrences. Por my own part, the more deeply I have dived into the history of commerce, the more I have become convinced that its teachings have been too often ignored or misinterpreted. Following the interpretations of historians whose records refer to periods antecedent to the growth of commerce, modern writers have been in the habit of attributing the outbreaks of war and the restoration of peace to the passions of monarchs, the intrigues of courts, the workings of ambition, religious animosities, or the jealousies of neighbouring and rival nations. The time has come when, looking more deeply into the causes of events, we may rather find that wars and revolutions, as well as treaties and pro- longed periods of peace, have to a great extent had their origin in the commercial necessities and in- terests of peoples. Going back to the great events of our own history to the Wars of the Eoses, or the Civil Wars of the Commonwealth we may find that the accession and deposition of monarchs was not un- frequently attributable to the influence exercised by the citizens of London, and we shall as frequently PREFACE. find that the citizens of London sought or derived some commercial advantages from the course they followed. This view, as well as many others developed in this volume, may be novel to many; and will be subject to criticism. I have written, however, in sincerity and in good faith ; and, whether my views are shared or otherwise, I trust that I may venture, without pretension or undue assumption, to offer this account of the Port and Trade of London to those who, like myself, are interested in its commerce, as a book embodying a vast amount of information not previously accessible in any one volume. The book may also be offered as a LANDMARK. The commerce of Great Britain has risen, during the last half century, in a degree, with a rapidity and to an extent, utterly unexampled in the history of the world. In 1860, the import and export trade of Great Britain amounted to no less than the gigantic and almost inappreciable sum of THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FIVE MILLIONS (375,000,000) STERLING ! The present volume, to some extent, develops how, when, and why, this enormous trade, unparalleled in the world's history, rose, in a comparatively brief space, to this amount. It shows, not alone the progress of commerce, but its vicissitudes; the dif- ficulties it has had (and still has in some quarters) to encounter ; and it deals, unreservedly and boldly, with our own past and present blindsightedness, shortcomings, and mismanagement. viii PREFACE. In recording the statistics of our commerce, it will be observed that I have taken the year 1860 as the basis of all computations of the value of our imports and exports. There are sound reasons why the sta- tistics of that year should be preferred to those of any other. 1860 was, in Great Britain, a year of compara- tively uninterrupted trade. There were no disturbing causes immediately operating upon commerce at any period of that year. This was not the case in 1859, when the Continent was suffering under the effects of the war in Italy; nor was it the case in 1861, when our trade was subject to great disturbance from the outbreak of the civil commotions in America. As the landmark of commerce, 1860 is decidedly the period from which we may therefore date with the greatest precision and advantage. The facts embodied in this volume have been obtained from the best sources. The figures, where- ever practicable, have been taken from parliamentary returns. This work, moreover, has had the great advantage of having had its proof-sheets, as it passed through the press, subjected to the examination and criticism of some of the most practical men in each of the branches of commerce to which those sheets referred. In many instances the details of our trade with foreign states have been examined and revised by the Consuls or Vice-Consuls representing those countries in the city of London ; to whom I have to tender my best thanks for the courtesy with which they have invariably responded to my inquiries, and afforded me information upon doubtful points. PREFACE. The information respecting our colonial and coasting trades has, in the same way, been derived from the best sources, and revised by the best authorities. I have to regret, in regard to these departments of the work, that the exigencies of the publication have necessarily contracted the limits of its information. The same cause has obliged me to omit some chapters which I originally designed to insert, upon other matters appertaining to the business of the Port : as, for example, the Trinity House, the peculiar laws and customs of the Port, the management of Lloyd's, the insurance system, shipwrecks, the con- dition of the seamen of the Port, &c. &c. These and other subjects I find, very reluctantly, that it is necessary to leave untouched, although they involve considerations of great importance, and which, no doubt, properly form a portion of my subject. In conclusion, I will only observe, that this work has been compiled and written amid a pressure of business most antagonistic to literary labour. On this account, as well as the first effort of an unpractised pen, I feel entitled to ask some consideration for errors and shortcomings. No one can be more sensible of the deficiencies of the book than I am. "With all the kind aid and assistance which has been afforded me, I know how incomplete is the perform- ance, and how much it falls short of the original design, in execution, whilst it exceeds it in mere bulk. I can claim for the work, however, the merit of good intention; and if, as a HANDBOOK to the PORT and TRADE of this great commercial Metro- PREFACE. polls, the volume should prove useful, I shall feel that I have not employed my time and industry in vain, but that I shall reap my reward in the certain development and prosperity of British commerce in the "Port and Trade of London." C. C. 9, MINCING LANE, MAY I, 1862. CONTENTS. I. HISTORICAL . 1 II. DITTO (continued) 78 III THE PORT OF LONDON 139 IV. THE SHIPPING OF LONDON 170 V. FOREIGN TRADE 189 VI. DITTO AMERICA, AFRICA, AND ASIA 300 VII. TRADE WITH INDIA AND THE COLONIES 350 VIII. COASTING AND COAL TRADES 448 APPENDIX 483 INDEX 493 THE POET AND TEADE OF LONDON. CHAPTER I. HISTORICAL. THE COMMERCE OF LONDON covers the ocean with its ships, and animates the most distant portions of the tory< globe by its operations. An account of that commerce must ever form an important feature in the history of England ; for London is not only the seat of Government and of the law, but she is the centre and focus of the great commerce of the nation. In the amount and magnificence of her trade, Amount in its variety and extent, London infinitely surpasses ficenTe 3 ?? all her predecessors. Tyre, Carthage, Alexandria, the com : ' merce of Byzantium, Venice, renowned for their commerce in London, former periods of the world, conducted a trade small indeed in proportion to the trade now carried on in London. These cities owed their commercial greatness mainly to their geographical position with reference to other trading nations. But the prosperity of London as a port of commerce is fortified, not only by this advantage, but by a combination of favourable circum- stances of a peculiar and distinctive character. The circumstances which govern and direct the commerce of a given place are B 2 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I. Its suitableness to all the purposes of maritime requirements. Its geographical position in reference to other trading nations. The extent of population to be supplied through its agency. Their wealth, and consequent power of consump- tion; and Their industry or means of producing what will pay for that which they consume. The trade In all these respects London stands without a exceeds n parallel and without a rival. The noble river Thames, S eve which forms the Port of London, possesses all the fonnerseat conditions desirable in a port, whilst its geographical merce position, particularly in reference to the continent of Europe, cannot be surpassed. No city ever had in conse- within herself the population of London, and as great of the 6 wealth is uniformly found to go with great numbers, wealth,' it may be taken as certain that no city ever had her power of consumption. The commerce of London and power rules the productive industry of England. It is in tionof the that power of production that consists our power of people ; consumption. "We pay for the products of the world by greater luxuries produced at lower rates than the luxuries we purchase. of the A secondary series of circumstances which corn- means of , . _ communi- bine to secure the supremacy of the commerce oi cation, ! OIlc i OI1 win k e found in the means of communi- cation, internal and external, of the Port. No city ever has been, and few can hope to be, more favourably situated in these respects. London rules external the shipping trade of the world, and thereby com- municates with every portion of the globe with so much facility that other nations come to her for means of transport. Her position in reference to Sternal, our own coast, and her internal railways, place her CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. within an easy distance of the sources of her export trade: thus enabling her to sell the commodities she supplies at the smallest possible charge above the prime cost of manufacture. The recognised sta- bility of our institutions has made London the great and of the centre of monetary operations; and it may be said ^^7 that she rules commerce with threefold power, as London - the merchant, the carrier, and the banker of the world. London enjoys a third series of advantages, essen- Also, the tial to the development of commerce. It is neces- SoTof'the sarv for commerce that the people of a commercial i* 50 ? 16 for * -*- commerce, nation should have, not only the aptitude, but a dis- position for trade. Happily Londoners are not only disposed to trade, but their commercial character stands unrivalled. It is also essential to com- mercial greatness that the people of a nation should their free be free to trade, and that the laws by which its trade laws ' is regulated should be favourable to commercial intercourse. In these respects England advances with the age. The supremacy of trade has also been said to be and materially dependent upon maritime power, though it may reasonably admit of consideration whether mac y- maritime power is not equally dependent upon supre- macy of trade : at any rate the two are certain to go hand in hand. London is the metropolis of the nation the seat of its government the representa- tive of its power and of its wealth. London is, in fact, to England what England is to the whole world ; and it may be safely predicated, so long as the great sources of her greatness her raw material, her iron, her coal remain unexhausted, so long must she maintain the supremacy that she has acquired as the greatest commercial nation of modern times. The supremacy of London as a commercial city B 2 4 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. is of comparatively recent date. At all periods of her history, London has been, indeed, a place of trade, but that trade has not at all times been in her own hands, nor has it until a compara- tively recent period borne any proportion to the trade of the world at large. It has been a fashion to say that until the reign of Elizabeth Eng- land possessed no trade. This is scarcely correct, although no doubt it was not until, or even after, the reign of Elizabeth that English commerce began to acquire importance. But as this subject is one of interest, and not irrelevant to the purpose of this work, it is proposed at the outset to trace the history of the commerce of the Port of London, so as to develop the various gradations through which it has passed, and the steps by which it has attained its present greatness. Trade of The earliest mention of London as a commercial jntain. Q ^. occurs i n the works of BEDE, who, in refer- ring to events of the year A.D. 604, describes London, though at that period the capital of one of the smallest kingdoms of England, as, " by its " happy situation on the banks of the noble " navigable river Thames, the emporium for many " nations repairing to it by land and sea." * It is not, indeed, to be supposed that at a much earlier period there was any trade with the Thames. Although the Carthaginians, doubtless, sent ships to Cornwall for tin and hides, and although there was a * Bede, His. Ecc. lib. ii. c. 3. It is observable that King Alfred, in translating the passage referred to, speaks of " Ceap-Stow " (merchandise place) ; an allusion \vhich will explain the name of one of the principal trading streets of London. CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. certain trade carried on with Britain by the Veneti,* of which we have no particulars, the trade appears to hare been entirely passive on the part of the original inhabitants of our island. Indeed trade on their part was impossible, for they had no ships. No early author mentions any kind of vessel belonging to the Britons other than boats, of which the keel and principal timbers were made of light wood, and the bottom and sides of a kind of basket-work of osiers, the whole being covered with hides. The Romans, no doubt, carried on a certain trade Under the with England, but it was a trade chiefly for the supply of articles of luxury, necessary for their own use and consumption, and which could not be pro- duced within the island. Brazen utensils, earthen- ware, and salt, appear to be the only articles of import that could have entered into general use. The exports under the Romans were prin- cipally of tin, lead, hides (under which description, perhaps, wool may be included), some corn,t cattle, iron, amber, ornaments for bridles, and other toys (made probably of bones), of slaves (who were captives taken in the wars carried on by the tribes against each other), of dogs, which were highly valued by the Romans in hunting, and bears, which were used in the sanguinary sports of the Roman circus. Oysters (which must have arrived at Rome in very indifferent condition) were sent through Gaul by Massilia (Mar- seilles) to Rome from the coast of Kent; and the Romans also delighted in a British wild-fowl, called by them cheneros, which was probably the goosander, * The Veneti are said by Strabo (lib. iv. p. 297) to have been a Belgic nation settled near the north-west extremity of Gaul ; on the coast opposite Devon and Cornwall. They were utterly annihilated by Caesar, who, after destroying their fleet and righting men. massacred all their senate, and sold the people for slaves (vide Ca?s. Bell. Gal. lib. iii. cc. 716). t The Romans described England as " stored with corn.'' The abundance of grain was stored in subterranean storehouses. 6 THE POBT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I. or the wild-duck. This appears to have been the extent of the trade of Britain in the days of the Romans, who, besides that they held commerce in contempt,* were probably too much occupied in the subjugation and safe military custody of the island to attend to the development of its resources. Under the Eor a considerable period after the Roman evacua- tion there appears to have been an entire absence of commercial intercourse between England and the Continent. But previous to the year 800 we find notice of a trade carried on in English productions charie- through Erance. This is to be found in a letter of Charlemagne to Offa, then in effect monarch of all England, which is given by Matthew Paris, f and of English which the translation is as follows : merchants, A.D. 796. CHARLES, by the grace of God, King of the Franks and Lombards and Patrician of the Romans, to our venerable and most dear brother, Offa, King of the Merkians, greeting ; " First, we give thanks to Almighty God for the sincere Catholic faith which we see so laudably expressed in your letters. " Concerning the strangers, who for the love of God and the salvation of their souls, wish to repair to the thresholds of the blessed Apostles, let them travel in peace, without any trouble. " Nevertheless, if any are found among them not in the ser- vice of religion, but in the pursuit of gain, let them pay the established duties at the proper places. " We also will that merchants shall have lawful protection in our kingdom according to our command ; and if they are in any place unjustly aggrieved, let them apply to us or our judges, and we shall take care that ample justice be done to them." Nature of It is evident from this that English traders re- e ' sorted to the Continent at this period, chiefly in the guise of pilgrims. The articles which they carried with them were evidently such as admitted of being carried about their persons, or as a traveller's baggage, * Vide Gibbon's Rome, vol. iii. p. 404. + Vit. Of&e, p. 20. CHAP. L] HISTORICAL. and were probably works of gold and silver, which the Anglo-Saxons were skilful in manufacturing.* Reliques, images of saints, precious stones, and dresses for priests, are supposed to have been the chief articles of their homeward cargo. Mr. Strutt, in his Chronicles of England (vol. i. The Saxon p. 437), describes the Saxon vessels : " The form of the Saxon ships," he says, " at the end of the eighth century or the beginning of the ninth, is happily preserved in some of the ancient manuscripts of that date. They were scarcely more than a very large boat, and seem to have been built of stout planks, laid one over the other, in the manner as is done in the present time.f Their heads and sterns were very erect, and rose high out of the water, ornamented at top with some uncouth head of an animal, rudely cut. They have but one mast, the top of which is also decorated with a bird, the head of a bird, or some such device. To this mast is made fast a large sail, which from its nature and construction could only be useful when the vessel went before the wind. The ship was steered by a large oar with a flat end, very broad, passing by the side of the stern ; and this was managed by the pilot, who sat in the stern, and thence issued his orders to the mariners." It is obvious from this that no trade could have been carried on in articles of bulk. By some writers it has been imagined that under Alfred England carried on a trade of some importance even with remote countries, and they have instanced, and occa- sionally much exaggerated, " an expedition " which that great monarch is said to have sent forth to India. The authority on which this expedition rests appears to be that of William of Malmesbury, who * The gold and silver ornaments which have been found in barrows in different parts of the kingdom, show that the art of working in those metals was under- stood even by the Ancient Britons. Undoubted proof of the skill of English jewellers in the reign of Alfred is afforded by a piece of ornamental work in gold, preserved in the Ashrnolean Museum, and which the ancient inscription on it declares to have been made by the command of Alfred himself. The goldsmith's work in this relique is of very considerable excellence, and is greatly admired by competent judges. t He probably means that they were what is technically termed " clinker-built," 8 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I. Bishop sig- mentions that Sighelm, Bishop of Shireburn,* was pedTtiolTto sent by the king with relief to the Christians of India, g^ Thomas in India, and that he accomplished his expedition prosperously, and penetrated to India, from which he returned with aromatic oils and splendid jewels. King Alfred himself has left no account of this expedition. It is well known that Sighelm A.D. 883. went to Rome A. D. 883, and it is probable that he may have passed by way of Alexandria to Bussora, or even to India itself. But if he purchased oriental commodities at Alexandria or Bussora, they were pretty certain to have been confounded by his country- men with purchases made in India. At any rate, it is obvious that this expedition had no commercial consequences. If Alfred did not establish England as a com- mercial nation, he went far to lay a sound foundation ^ b / f r commerce. There is no doubt that he obtained Alfred, geographical information respecting the Baltic and White Seas. He also made great improvements in ship building, and in the science of navigation ; and one of his laws shows that he had due respect for foreigners arriving in England, for he made regulations for their full protection. In a succeeding reign King Athel- and in- stan allured his subjects to engage in commerce, by a 'by 8 law which conferred the rank of Thane on every merchant who made three voyages over the sea with A.D. 938. a vessel and cargo of his own ; but the greatness of this reward would seem to indicate how few there were in the kingdom who were capable at that time of acquiring it ; for it has been well observed that " if " many English merchants had traded to foreign " countries, or if many of them had been capable of * The see of Shireburn was removed to Old Sarum, by Herman the Bishop, in the reign of William the Conqueror (vide Camp. Liv. Chan. vol. i. p. 42). Some of the jewels brought home by Sighelm, are said to have been deposited in Salisbury Cathedral. CHAP, i.] HISTOEICAL. " fitting out and loading vessels, this attempt of " Athelstan to induce his subjects to avail themselves " of the natural advantages of their insular situation, " Would have been neither necessary nor proper." It was probably the attraction of such rewards First set- and encouragements that induced, a very few years after wards, the first settlement of merchants in lin s s J* 8 7 merchants London. These were the so-called Easterlings, or in London. Merchants of the Steelyard, a branch of the famous commercial confederacy, first formed on the east shores of the Baltic, in the eighth century, for the protection of their trade from the piratical incursions of the Northmen. Pennant styles the Easterlings " our masters in the art of commerce.' They are known to have been settled here before the Reguia- year 978, for a regulation of King Etheldred, of that ^ n8 to relat ' date, declares that " the emperor's men, or East- " erlings, coming with their ships to Belingsgate, " shall be accounted worthy of good laws." Under the same ordinance they were not to forestall the markets of the burghers of London, and were " to " pay toll at Christmas, two grey cloths and one " brown one, with ten pounds of pepper, five pairs of " gloves, two vessels of vinegar, and as many at " Easter." A long account of the Easterling guild of London Their set- will be found in Stow's Survey* accompanied by a thTstee** chronological account of their charities and privi- yard< leges. Their principal factory in London was in Downgard (Dowgate) Ward, in Thames Street, the premises now occupied by the Victoria Dock Company of London. The settlement of the Foreign Easterling merchants in London appears to have been ^ c e h fol imrnediatelv followed bv trade resorting to the port low f dtheir " . settlement. from foreign ports. The law passed at Wantage in * Stow's Survey, vol. i. p. 292. 10 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I. Berkshire, in the reign of King Etheldred, which im- posed duties on vessels arriving at " Bilynggesgate," Articles made exemptions in favour of "the men of Rouen, imported : ^ Q brought wine and large fish, those of Flanders, " Ponthieu, Normandy, and France, who showed their " goods and cleared the duties, as did also those of " Hegge, Liege, and Nivele." Exported. The exportations from England at this period must have been almost exclusively wool and hides. There is no reason to suppose that under the Anglo- Saxon government corn was at any time shipped from England ; indeed, at the time of the Conquest, a very large proportion of the country appears to have been in the state of uncultivated forest, which was chiefly useful for feeding hogs and wild animals, and fur- nishing fuel and timber for building. internal The internal trade of the country during the same period must also have been on a diminutive scale, since under one of the laws of Edward the Confessor, the presence of two or more witnesses, and of the chief magistrate, the sheriff, the priest, or the lord of the manor, was necessary to give validity to a bargain of more than twenty pennies. Commer- The Norman Conquest does not appear to have of England had any immediate effect upon the trade of the quest, a " country. William the Conqueror did indeed "invite A.D.1066. f- ne yessels of foreign merchants by assurances of " security and protection," but the turbulent state of the country, in which " the law directed that " markets should nowhere be held but within burghs. " walled towns, castles, and safe places, where the " king's customs and laws would be secured from " violation," probably prevented their taking advan- tage of his assurances. London is exempt from,, register in Domesday Book, and what is to be col- lected from it concerning other places, gives no CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 11 reason to think that England had any considerable trade at other ports. " In Sudwerche (Southwark) " the king had a duty upon ships coming into a " dock, and a toll on the strand." The king's income was rated at 161. Dover, which was burnt soon after the arrival of King William in England, was rated at 54/. ; and it is recorded that " ships are " greatly incommoded by the agitation of the water " occasioned by a mill at the entry of the harbour, " which was not there in the time of King Edward." Sandwich paid 50/. and " 40,000 herrings for the use of the monks." Yarmouth, which paid VUl. 16s. 4 temp. special permission of the king, and who were per- HENRY in. mitted the privilege of attending fairs and markets ** throughout the kingdom. The trade of London at o o this time was no doubt on the increase ; and whilst expensive wars, and domestic profusion continued to load the sovereign with debt and difficulty, the citizens of London increased so rapidly in wealth, despite all the extortions of the age, that the king himself was driven to say, " On my word, if the " treasury of Augustus were brought to market, the " citizens are able to be purchasers. These clowns, " who call themselves barons, abound in everything, " whilst we are reduced to necessities." * * M. Paris, p. 501. The citizens were "barons" in their capacity of tenants of the king in capite in free burgage. All burgesses of that quality acquired the title e. g. the " barons " of the Cinque Ports. c 2 20 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. Queen- At an early period of this reign, regulations were pote3for made, by tli e authority of the Crown, for the dis- disembar- embarcation of goods in the river Thames. Queen- cation of t ^ goods in hithe was appointed as the place for the delivery of Thames, corn coming from the Cinque Ports. Eish brought in A.D. 1225. vesse i s no ^ belonging to the citizens of London, were, two years after, ordered to be delivered at the same place, and a fish-market was appointed to be held there. Queen-hithe appears at this time to have been a very important wharf. The corn, fish, salt, fuel, and other articles landed there, were sufficient to keep thirty-seven men and numerous horses employed as meters and carriers. Thefo- About the same period, the foreign merchants of London agreed with the citizens to pay to the mayor fi^ty marks annually, for the privilege of landing and ing and storing the woad imported by them, instead of being dues in the obliged to sell it on board their vessels. This arrange- ment shows that the sale of woad, and, consequently, the manufacture in which it was used, must have been on the increase. This is the first record we have of any landing or wharfage dues within the Port. In furtherance, no doubt, of this arrange- ment, the City in the year 1246 purchased Queen- hithe from Richard, Earl of Cornwall, and agreed to pay for it an annual rent of 50. to him and his heirs. Manufac- Probably the manufacturing industry of England dusSIJro- was a ^ this time promoted by the troubles which motedby prevailed in Elanders, where internal disturbances foreign * troubles, caused such a stagnation of business, that the English dealers in wool are said to have been greatly disappointed of their trade. The Cistercian monks, who were apparently the greatest breeders of sheep in the kingdom, and who claimed, as one of the privileges of their order, exemption from import CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 21 or export duties both in England and Flanders, are recorded, in 1254, to have lost all their market. * A. D . 1254. Spain, which afterwards supplied England with wool, was, at this period of our history, a purchaser of wool from England, for which she had nothing to export in return hut gold. It would appear, indeed, that even previous to this time Spanish wool was considered of very inferior quality to English, for in the charter given by Henry II. to the London weavers, it was provided, that if any weaver mixed Spanish wool with English in making cloth, the chief magistrate of London should burn it. A regular customs duty was first charged in this reign A customs upon the exportation of wool, the collection of which was regulated by Act of the Exchequer. Through- out this reign mainly, no doubt, in consequence of the demand for English wool the balance of trade remained in favour of England. The importance of the wool trade at this period is Growing forcibly illustrated by occurrences in the years 1271 and 1274. In the former year, disputes having arisen between King Henry III. and the Countess of Elanders, on account of money which she claimed as owing to her, and for which she had seized English vessels, King Henry issued orders prohibiting the exportation of wool to Elanders, and for the seizure of all Elemish cloth imported from abroad. These restrictions upon trade proved, however, too severe, and it was soon permitted to resume its natural channel. In the 1st Edw. I., difficulties between the two countries broke out again, and the exportation of wool was again prohibited. But as the English could not consume all their own wool, and as the * Ecclesiastics, in the reign of Edward III. A.D. 1344, were prohibited from engaging in trade, both in Flanders and in England. This, however, would not prevent them from breeding sheep and selling the wool. 22 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. Flemings could not manufacture without it, a treaty of peace was concluded in July, 1274, each party agreeing to make satisfaction for the damages done to the other side, and m- Throughout the reign of Henry III., as we may gather from the list of customs for foreign merchan- ^ se ' anc ^ ^ ^ ues ^ or ^ ne privilege of foreign merchant settlers, the foreign trade of London must have heen very considerable. That trade, indeed, was almost entirely carried on by foreigners, against whom, at this time, much jealousy began to be manifested. Their introduction to the freedom of the City was objected to ; they were compelled to sell and buy only with citizens under penalty of the forfeiture of all goods bought of and sold to other foreigners ; and the City records show that these forfeitures were very numerous.* Despite all these restrictions, how- ever, the commerce of the Port increased and nourished, as is shown by the exactions to which, in consequence of their wealth, the citizens of all classes were exposed. Temp. It would appear from the course of events in the f-iTmk 1 ' earlier period of the reign of Edward I., that the jealousies referred to increased in strength. The ordinances respecting foreign trade were, at the corn- changes of mencement of this reign, exceedingly conflicting. On the first accession of the king, the justices, who administered the kingdom during his absence in the Holy Land, appear to have given encouragement to foreign merchants ; but soon after his return, a mandate was issued by the king himself, obliging all foreign merchants to sell their goods within forty ?' days a ^ er their arrival in England ;t thereby putting them entirely at the mercy of the buyers, unless when the demand happened to be very great. Shortly * Vide Madox's Hist. Exch. vol. i. p. 77&-9. t Hakluyt, vol. L p. 133. CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 23 after, most rigorous measures were taken against the Jews, whose property was very generally con- fiscated ; and this persecution was carried to such and expa- an extent that a few years afterwards all Jews were the jews ordered to leave the kingdom and never to return on A ' D> l< " pain, of death. The number thus expelled amounted to 16,511. The great charge against the Jews Unfound- arose out of the depreciation of the coinage, the circulation of bad money, which caused great v ' conveniences to trade. The bad money, smuggled predating into England in bales of cloth and other packages, age. consisted partly of light pieces and partly of counter- feits coined at Avignon, and made of base metals coated with silver. It does not appear that the Jews were responsible for this depreciated coinage ; but as most of the money of the country was in, or passed through, their hands, it is scarcely surprising that the deterioration was attributed to them. The charge of depreciating the coinage extended itself to other foreigners, and it was ordered that on entering the kingdom they should submit all their money to the inspection of officers appointed by the Government. At a subsequent date other officers were appointed to superintend the payments of the merchants through- out the kingdom, and to examine their money, and in 1299, still stricter laws were made to prevent the circulation of any inferior or foreign coin.* As might have been anticipated from the first, it ultimately became necessary to issue a new coinage, which was done in 1301, and which act was the fullest exoneration of the Jews from the charges brought against them. But whilst these rigorous measures were directed conces- against the Jews, the reign of Edward was marked by merchants some concessions to other foreign traders. The king, at the outset of his reign, confirmed to the merchants Stat 27 Edw. I. 24 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. of Germany, occupying the Teutonic Hall in London, all the privileges and liberties granted to them by his father. In 1297, he entered into a treaty Flanders, with Guy, Earl of Elanders, whereby the subjects of Flanders were permitted to carry wool and other merchandize from the king's dominions in England, Ireland, Scotland, and "Wales, as freely as the Lom- bard or even as the English merchants. In 1300, Bordeaux, the merchants of Bordeaux complaining of difficulties in selling and stowing their wines in London,* the king directed a writ to the mayor and sheriffs, in consequence of which, very large houses with cellars were erected on the river's bank, on the place to this day caUed " the Vintry." In 1302, he gave to the and Aqui- merchants of his Duchy of Aquitaine, a charter, licens- ing them to import wines and other merchandize into all his dominions, and to sell them in wholesale, either The privi- to the foreigners or natives. The privileges granted grln^dex- to these merchants were considered so advantageous tended to that all the foreign merchants in England desired to all foreign merchants participate in them, and offered to pay additional jux 180*.' duties, in consideration of obtaining a charter where- by their privileges should be clearly defined. The king, accordingly, on the 1st February, 1303, granted a general charter to all foreign merchants, of which the following is the substance : The fo- " The King, &c. being desirous that the merchants of Ger- reign mer- ma ny } France, Spain, Portugal, Navarre, Lombardy, Tuscany, charter. Provence, Catalonia, Aquitaine, Thoulouse, Quercy, Flanders, A.D. 1303. Brabant, and all other foreign countries resorting to his dominions, may enjoy tranquillity and ample security, esta- blishes the following regulations, to be observed by himself and his heirs for ever : " All foreign merchants may come safely into England and our * Wine, up to this period, was sold on board ships lying in different parts of the river (vide Fitz-Stephen). CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 25 other dominions with all kinds of merchandize, free from any demands for murage, pontage, and pavage.* " They may sell, by wholesale only, to our subjects, and also to foreigners, in all the cities, burghs, and market-towns of our dominions ; and they may also retail spices and the wares called mercery, as formerly. " After paying the due customs, they may export to any country not at war with us, whatever they bring into our dominions or purchase in them, except wine, which must not be carried out of our dominions without our special licence. " They may reside, and keep their goods, in any of our cities, burghs, and towns, as they shall agree with the owners of houses. " Every contract for merchandize shall be firm and stable, after the earnest penny is given and accepted by the contracting parties ; but if any dispute shall arise, it shall be determined by the customs of the fair or town where the contract was made. " We promise that we will make no prise,t nor arrest or detention on account of prise, upon their merchandize or goods, upon any occasion, against their will, without first paying the price which they may get from others, and that no price or valuation shall be set upon their goods by us. " We order that all bailiffs and. officers of fairs, cities, burghs, and market-towns, on hearing the complaint of the merchants, shall do justice without delay according to the merchant law ; and in case of delay, even though the merchant recover his damage, we will punish the officer or bailiff; and this we grant that speedy justice may be done to strangers. " In all pleas between a merchant and any other person whatever, except in cases of capital crimes, one half of the jury shall consist of the men of the place, and the other half of foreign merchants, if as many can be found in the place.J * Murage, a duty for upholding the walls of a town ; Pontage, for making or repairing bridges ; Pavage, for paving streets or highways. t Prisage was an ancient right claimed by the Crown of England of taking two tuns of wine from every ship importing twenty tuns or upwards, one from before, and one from behind the mast. The 2s. duty in lieu of this prisage on wine was paid to the king's butler, and was, in consequence, termed " butlerage." The prisage duties were not legally abolished until 49 Geo. III. though the citizens of London were exempted from them by charter 1 Edw. III. The Lord Mayor of London has, from tune immemorial, claimed to serve as the king's principal butler at a coronation. In Ireland, the family of Boteler (or Butler) had an hereditary grant of the prisage. I This clause of King Edward's Charter appears to have been the foundation of what subsequently became a law of England applicable to all foreigners in all cases. 26 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. " We ordain that our weight shall be kept in every fair and town ; that the weigher shall show the buyer and seller that the beam and scales are fair, and that there shall be only one weight and measure in our dominions, and that they be stamped with our standard mark. " A faithful and prudent man, residing in London, shall be appointed justiciary for the foreign merchants, before whom they shall plead specially, and recover their debts speedily, according to the merchant law, if the mayor and sheriffs neglect or delay their causes. " In consideration of these liberties and the remission of our prisage, the merchants, conjointly and severally, for themselves and all others of their countries, have unanimously agreed to pay to us and our heirs, within forty days after landing their goods, for " Every ton of wine imported / , ._, .020 Every sack of wool exported J , , 1 1 (, .034 Every last of hides exported } . C . 13 4 Every 300 wool-fells exported ' a r . 3 4 Every scarlet cloth or cloth dyed in grain ..020 Every cloth dyed partly in grain .... 1 6 Every cloth without grain 010 Every hundredweight of wax 010 and for fine goods, such as stuffs of Tarsus, silk, cindal, seta (probably satin), and also horses,* and other animals, corn and other articles not enumerated, a duty on importation of three pennies in the pound of their value, according to their invoice, or their oaths, if they have 110 invoice ; also for every article, not enumerated, upon exportation, three pennies in the pound of their value, besides the former dues. " Foreign merchants may sell wool to other foreign merchants within our dominions without paying any duty ; and after they have paid custom in one port of our dominions for their goods, they shall not be liable to pay it in any other part. " Henceforth no exactive prise, loan, or burthen of any kind shall ever be imposed upon the merchants or their goods." f * High prices were paid for foreign horses by English knights. They were brought from Flanders, Lombardy, Spain, and Sicily. It is by the admixture of these breeds that English horses have been brought to their present state of perfection. t Rymer's Foedera, vol. iv. p. 361. The above is a summary, rather than an absolute translation, of the text of the Charter. CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 27 This charter the first charter of foreign trade Necessity ever granted in this country was probably more especially necessary in consequence of the persecutions this to which the Jews had been subjected at an earlier period of the reign, and the harsh treatment which foreign merchants had previously met with in conduct- ing their trade in London. The enumeration of coun- tries with which trade was carried on at this period is valuable, as showing the extent of the trade ; and the enumeration of articles, as showing its character. Wool, cloth, hides, and wax seem still to have been our principal articles of exportation, and wine, silks, and fine goods our principal articles of import. The value of this charter to the foreign merchant must have been immense, considering his previous un- settled position and the peculiar privileges which had been secured by the citizens of London in the various charters granted by previous kings. It may be, indeed, that one inducement to grant this charter was the feeling of King Edward I. towards the citizens of London, whose franchises he seized into his own hands in the twelfth year of his reign, appoint- ing a custos, who held the authority of mayor for a period of twelve or fourteen years, when the Charter was restored. As a necessary corollary to this charter, a table of weights and measures was made up by authority, and published with the statute 31 Edw. I., and " the " Mayor of London and other citizens, in obedience " to the king's order, caused a scale to be made for " the weighing of wool."* Edward II., having married a daughter of the Temp. king of Prance, commenced his reign by giving fj DW permission to the merchants of that kingdom to come to England with money and merchandize, and the * Madox's Hist. Exch. vol. i. p. 782. 28 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. chants of after transacting their business, to return with their A.D. labs, goods, and horses, and even money, notwithstanding the laws of the previous reign prohibiting the expor- tation of coin. The king of France solicited his son-in-law to remit in favour of the French merchants, other pri- and especially those of Amiens, the new duty of 3d. loujht and in the pound imposed on the value of foreign goods, refused. -g ut fa Q -j^g answered, "that the duty had been " granted in his father's time, in a full parliament, and " at the desire of the foreign merchants themselves, in "consideration of liberties and immunities from which " they had reaped great advantages, and that he could " not remit it without the advice of parliament." The king of Prance appears at this time to have been peculiarly anxious to encourage manufactures at Lisle, and other places in the northern part of France, and he begged King Edward to induce his subjects, and, if necessary, to compel them, to attend the fairs at Lisle and St. Omer's, and to hold their wool-staple there; but the king wrote in return from Berwick (16th July, 1314), that as the matter concerned all the merchants of his kingdom, and many other of his subjects, he could give no final answer, but would take advice upon it. Tn the year succeeding, the king called an assembly of prudent and experienced English merchants to deliberate with the parliament at Lincoln on this subject. character In the year 1315, an event occurred in connexion trade n ex n with the trade of London which is noticeable as amplified showing the character of its early commerce. A by the case of the vessel called the Little Edward, lying upon the ward, ' ground at low water, near Margate, was attacked AJ>. 1315 ; an( j se i z ed by the French (on the ground that she was Flemish property), who took her over to Calais. She is described " as a vessel belonging to the port of " London, owned and commanded by John Brand, CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 29 " citizen and merchant of London, loaded with a cargo " of wool from London for Antwerp, owned by three " merchants of the Hanse * of Germany, who had lived " in England in the enjoyment of the ancient privi- " leges granted by preceding kings." It would seem from this that the Londoners had now acquired some shipping, and were carrying on not only dealings for themselves as merchants, but a carrying trade for the great confederacy of German and other merchants resident in London. The Little Edward was valued at 40. sterling, and her cargo (consisting of 120 sarplars, or half-sacks of wool) at 1,200., or 10. per sarplar. She is the first trading vessel of the Port of which we appear to have an account by name. The large value of a ship's cargo at this time is by that fixed by another occurrence of the same period. The Genoese harvest of 1315 was a failure in England, and the dromund; nation was afflicted with a famine, which raised the price of provisions above the reach of persons even in middling circumstances. At this time a great dromund of Genoa, laden with corn, oil, honey, and other provisions for England, was attacked in the Downs by a fleet of vessels, which carried her into Calais. King Edward applied to the King of Prance and others to bring back this ship, the loss of so large a cargo of provisions being, in a time of famine, a national calamity. Compensation was claimed for ship and cargo to the extent of 5,716Z. 12s. sterling : a sum in those days of very large amount. The reign of Edward II., which was a reign of and by the internal commotion, warfare, and disturbance, can JJ^f'^ scarcely have been supposed to have been very ^ O n n sc t r ip the favourable to commerce ; yet trade undoubtedly pros- citizens. * This is said to have been the first occasion on which the Easterling and German merchants were so designated. This would appear to be the first occasion, also, of a national dispute respecting the right to seize a neutral vessel laden with a cargo belonging to a belligerent. 30 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. pered ; and judging from the circumstance of London having, on the occasion of a general conscription, been required to provide five times more men than any other city, we must conclude that its relative wealth and influence had risen to a very high ascendancy. Temp. ED- The reign of Edward III. has been described as WARD in. a ^ e g rea t d awn o f the fine arts and of commerce," in this country. One of the first acts of this incorpora- monarch was to- incorporate trading societies in live con> Condon, composed exclusively of English merchants. panics of In the first year of his reign he gave birth to three A.D. 1327. of those great trading fraternities, which from gene- rally assuming a distinctive dress or livery, came to be denominated LIVERY COMPANIES; and the three first incorporated the Goldsmiths, the Merchant Tailors, and the Skinners* define pretty tangibly what were at that period generally regarded as the most im- portant domestic trades of England, t At the com- mencement of this reign the foreign merchants, in merchants consequence probably of the wars in which England * The " Merchant Tailors " were not merely cutters of cloth, but importers of and dealers in that article. They also supplied everything relating to the lining of armour, and, perhaps, caparisons and horse-furniture. The business of a " Skinner " at this period was of equal importance. Furs of all descriptions were much more largely used than at later periods, when they became superseded by velvets and other more agreeable articles of apparel. Furred winter garments were commonly worn by all classes, from the time of the Saxons to that of Elizabeth, and the superior orders vied with each other in the choiceness and richness of the furs upon their robes, gowns, hoods, and tippets. Furs were also used for bed- coverlets, as is shown by a bequest of Thomas Mussenden, Esq., in 1402, who left to his wife " one bed covered with ermine." In remote days there were, of course, many more animals in England which afforded furs than at a period when the country became more populated. t Of the twelve great City companies, the Fishmongers was the only company which received a charter prior to 1 Edw. III. The Fishmongers received a charter 17 Edw. L, though their charter of incorporation does not date till 37 Edw. III. The dates at which the first charters were granted to the twelve companies are as follows Fishmongers Goldsmiths . . Skinners . . . Merchant Tailors Grocers . 17 Edw. I. Drapers . . 38 Edw. III. 1 Edw. III. Vintners . . 38 Edw. III. 1 Edw. III. Mercers . . 17 Rich. II. 1 Edw. Ill, Haberdashers 26 Hen. VI. 27 Edw. III. Ironmongers . 3 Edw. IV. Salters .... 37 Edw. III. Clothworkers . 20 Edw. IV. CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 31 was engaged with her neighbours, had withdrawn themselves almost altogether from the kingdom. In order to bring them back, the king, in April 1332, published a confirmation of the charter given by his grandfather to the foreign merchants in 1303 ; and in the following year he ordered the sheriffs to make proclamation that foreign merchants should not be abridged of any of their privileges on account of the renewal of the war with Scotland. At the same period the king, availing himself of discon- tents among the manufacturers of Flanders, held and maim- out invitations to them to transport themselves to England. The first person who thereupon removed especially to this country to carry on his business, was by name w< John Kempe, a weaver of woollen cloth, whom, to- gether with his apprentices and servants, the king took under his protection. The king also held out temptations and encouragement to dyers and fullers dyers, and willing to settle in the kingdom, and there is no doubt that very valuable results followed to the woollen trade of England, and especially in the manufacture of the finer description of cloths. Soon after their settlement in London, the foreign cloth weavers were maltreated and threatened by a mob, A.D. 1344. but the king ordered proclamation to be made by the sheriffs that no one should do any injury to the foreigners under pain of imprisonment. A struggle was now arising between the foreign struggle and the English trader, and the commercial policy of the reign was in consequence continually varying, jj| * sometimes leaning towards foreign merchants, some- dera - times discouraging them, and endeavouring to place the export trade of the kingdom in the hands of the natives. These fluctuations of policy were also influenced by the foreign wars in which Edward was perpetually engaged, and by his various treaties and 32 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. arrangements alternately with Prance and Flanders. Had the king settled himself down quietly to promote the best interests of his subjects, the English might have hecome, in the course of his reign, the greatest manufacturing and commercial people of the time, so greatly were they impressed with ' the value of trade, and so anxious were they to take the com- merce of the nation into their own hands.* By directing the attention of his own subjects to manufacturing industry, Edward laid the foundation f future advantages to the nation, although the immediate effect may have heen detrimental to foreign commerce, by reducing the export of the raw material and its re-import as a manufactured article. It was complained that the shipping in English ports was reduced during this reign ;f but this complaint appears to have been directed against the king on account of his impressment of trading vessels to transport his troops, and the real fact seems to have been that the London merchants of the Trade now period possessed more shipping than their ancestors. By the creation of the Livery Companies, trade also ti- Became "the established, as it was the natural quali- zenship. * A curious illustration of the growing preference for commerce even amongst the highest citizens is afforded by the City archives. Amongst other modes of raising soldiers and supplies for the French war, the king issued a writ to the sheriffs of London, commanding them to require every citizen possessed of a tene- ment of the value of 401. per annum to take upon himself the order of knight- hood. He evidently anticipated by this means either to get knights for his army, or money in the shape of fines for non-service. But the citizens, preferring trade to knighthood, resisted this order, on the ground that their tenure was not by knight-service but by free burgage ; a plea which was too well founded not to be acquiesced in. As showing the importance of the citizens of London in tin's reign, it may be mentioned that, although they had thus declared themselves burghers and not knights, Edward the Black Prince wrote a letter to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the City, informing them of his victory at Poictiers, and describing the battle. The letter is still extant amongst the City records. t Vide Hume's Hist. Eng. vol. iii. p. 512. Free burgage tenure limited those who held it to the defence of their walls. Knighthood engaged them to the king for foreign service. CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 33 fication of citizenship ; for it is obvious that, except where individuals unite for self-defence, the very essence of civic association is trade. An occurrence at the commencement of the reign Temp, of Richard II. tends to show very forcibly the IL H greatly increased consequence of the London mer- A-D ' 1377> chant. John Mercer, a merchant of Perth,* who traded with France, when returning home from that country in 1377, was driven by stress of weather on the coast of England, and was seized and confined in the Castle of Scarborough, until an order from court effected his discharge. His son, to avenge the injury, collected a fleet of Scotch, French, and Spanish vessels, with which he cruised before Scarborough and made many captures. At this time the navy of England would appear to have been very deficient ; and the Duke of Lancaster, who governed the kingdom in the minority of his nephew, appears to have been unable to attack Mercer's fleet. Therefore, John sir John Philpot, an opulent citizen and alderman of London, took upon himself to collect vessels in the Thames, to arm them with a thousand men, and send them to sea in search of Mercer, whom they took, together commerce with his prizes and fifteen Spanish vessels, his con- sorts, all richly loaded. By this enterprise, Philpot got much envy and ill-will amongst the nobles and military men of the kingdom; and he was called and questioned on the subject in the King's Council ; but he obtained much applause from his fellow citizens, who elected him lord mayor at the next election. The occurrence altogether affords a striking proof of the wealth and personal influence of an individual merchant, who could undertake and exe- cute an enterprise of so material a character, t * After the lossjof Berwick, Perth was for some time the principal port of Scotland, t Sir John Philpot was a Kentish man. He was a member of the Grocers' D 34 THE PORT AND TEADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. The citi Another illustration of the growing importance of the citizens is to be found in the demands now ma ^e upon them for loans to the sovereign. . Previous Kin s- to the reign of Edward III. the kings of England had borrowed money of their clergy, but they now found their best source of supply among the citizens of London, who to a single loan in the first year of this reign contributed 5,000. In the later years of his reign, Richard II. made applications for these loans so frequently, that at last the citizens refused compliance, which led him to seize their charter, and declare their privileges forfeited. It was this arbitrary conduct that lost Richard the affection of the Londoners, who invited Henry of Lancaster to the City immediately he landed, and supplied him with the major part of 20,000 men to suppress a formidable insurrection against Mm, and to maintain his authority. increasing The jealousy of foreigners among the people rose to a great height during this reign.* It is recorded by Walsingham, that in the year 1379, an opulent Genoese merchant came to England with a pro- posal to make Southampton a dep6t for all the Oriental goods which the Genoese were wont to carry to Flanders, Normandy, and Brittany. He applied Company. His residence was on the site of Philpot-lane, which is named after him. He was lord mayor in 1378. It is probable that he was a considerable shipowner, as at a subsequent date he undertook to convey the English army into Brittany. Fuller speaks of him as " the scourge of the Scots, the fright of the French, " the delight of the Commons, the darling of the merchants, and the hatred of " some envious lords, but who was at his death lamented and afterwards beloved " of ALL, when his memory was restored to its due esteem." He died in 1384, and was buried in Christ Church, Newgate-street. * It was greatly inflamed by Richard's marriage with Anne of Bohemia, which was exceedingly unpopular. One of the charges which led to the banishment of the king's favourite, Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford and Duke of Ireland, was that he had intermarried with a lady who came over in her train, and who was called " a Bohemian of low extraction." In reality she was neither, for she was a daughter of the Count of Luxemburg, and one of the most lovely and accom- plished women of her time. CHAP. i.j HISTORICAL. 35 to the king for the privilege of storing his goods in the Castle of Southampton ; and he held out very sound commercial inducements for the privilege, declaring that he could reduce the price of pepper to 4$. per pound, and other spiceries in proportion. But the English merchants are said to have regarded .this scheme with great jealousy, as likely to be prejudicial The to their own trade ; and the Genoese merchant was murdered in the streets of London by assassins who were said to have been hired for the purpose. Henry IV. being so deeply indebted to the citizens of Temp. London for his throne, could do no less than concede their demands. They commenced by complaining of Com- the treatment which London merchants received i foreign ports, especially in Lubeck, Rostock, Stral- Londoners 6 sand and Wismar. The king remonstrated with the and Hanse- grand master of Prussia, and even went so far as to chants. warn the merchants of the Hanse * that if they did not secure good treatment for English merchants abroad, he would annul their charters here. Despite these remonstrances and warnings, the feuds between Eng- lish merchants and seamen and those of Prussia and the Hanse towns continued throughout this reign, and complaints were loud on both sides. The merchants of the Hanse towns complained of the infringement of their chartered privileges by the communities of London ; the English merchants on the other hand complained that the Hanse merchants in their own towns abroad refused to hold any inter- course with English merchants, or to buy cloth from them. They accused them also of passing off as their own the goods of people not belonging to the Hanse, in order to evade payment of the proper * The Easterling merchants of the Steelyard had assumed, or had acquired, the name of the merchants of the Hanse towns, from the commencement of the fourteenth century (vide ante, p. 28). D 2 36 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, i duties. There were, no doubt, substantial grounds for these complaints on both sides. The national and foreign trades were in active competition, and bad feeling began to be the consequence. The facts show, however, that London merchants had, at this time, acquired the conduct of their own trade abroad, in ports with which a century previous the whole trade was conducted by an association of foreign merchants. A London merchant (Thomas Eaulconer, lord mayor in 1414), made a complaint at this time London o f fa e se i zure o f a vessel and cargo of 200 tons owned and LIB- ' bon. by him, by the King of Portugal, at Lisbon, on a false information. Her cargo was oil, wax, and other merchandize (wine not mentioned). Thomas Eaul- coner claimed damage to the extent of 6,000 crowns of gold, which King Henry demanded from the King of Portugal.* The trade In a cotemporary writing, London is described described" at this time to be " preferred to any city of the wes * f r population, opulence, and luxury. It is writer. seated on the river Thames, which," says the writer, " by the advantage of its tide, daily re- " ceives and despatches trading vessels from and " to various countries." Advancing Throughout this reign we may trace indications of of the prosperous and improving condition of London. ^0 valuable were the privileges of the citizens, and so much had the interests of trade advanced, that Henry IV. was compelled to place a restriction upon apprenticeship. The statute 7 Hen. IV. c. 17, recites that there is a want of husbandry labourers, by reason of the peasantry having been bound to learn trades, and that the nobility are impoverished thereby, and it enacts accordingly that none shall put out their children as apprentices who are not possessed * Rymer's Feeders, vol. viii. p. 727. CHAP. i.J HISTORICAL. 37 of land to the amount of 20s. per annum.* In this reign the citizens of London gave another proof of their advanced consequence by erecting their Guild- hall. The streets also, under the direction of the lord mayor, were lighted at night by public lanterns ; from which we may conclude that the internal police was under tolerably good regulation. The short reign of Henry V. was one of splendid Temp, conquest, but the interests of commerce were disre- A.^ HIS.' garded. When peace was restored trade began to revive; and a curious record has come down to us, in a politico-commercial poem, called, " The Libell of " English Policie," of the condition of commerce in Trade of Europe in the earlier years of the reign of Henry VI. Spain exported figs, raisins, bastard wine, dates, Spain. liquorice, Seville oil, grain, Castile soap, wax, iron, wool, wadmole, skins of goats and kids, saffron, and quicksilver. Of these wool was the chief article. The trade of Spain was chiefly with Bruges, the great Flemish emporium; and it would appear that the English bought the major part of the productions of Spain either at Bruges itself, or at other places in Flanders and Brabant. Portugal exported wine, wax, grain, figs, raisins, Portugal, honey, cordovan, dates, salt, hides, &c. England had considerable intercourse with Portugal direct. Prussia exported beer, bacon,osmunds, copper, steel, Prussia, bowstaves, peltry, pitch, tar, boards, flax, Cologne thread, fustian, canvass, cards, buckram, and also silver, obtained from Bohemia and Hungary. The Genoese, in great carracks, imported into Genoa. * " They did not foresee," says Hume, " bow much the increase of commerce " would increase the value of estates." " These absurd limitations," he adds, " proceeded from a desire of promoting husbandry, which, however, is never more " effectually encouraged than by the increase of manufactures " (Hume, vol. iii. pp. 318 and 425). 38 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. I. England cloth of gold, silk, black pepper, woad in great abundance, wool, oil, wood-ashes, cotton, alum, and gold for paying the balances. They took in return, wool, and woollen cloths of all colours. Venice. The Venetians and Florentines imported into England, in large gallies, all kinds of spiceries and groceries, sweet wines, apes, and other foreign animals, and many trifling articles of luxury. In return they received wool, cloth, and tin. The balance appears to have been in their favour, for the author is displeased that " Thei here the gold out of this lond, And sowketh the thrifte out of our bond, As the waspe sowketh hony of the be." The Venetians were also dealers in the exchanges, and lent money at interest. There appeared to be some jealousy of them on the part of British merchants. Brabant Brabant and Zealand exported madder, woad, gar- Zeaiand. lik onions, and salt fish. In the marts of Brabant were also sold the merchandise of Prance, Burgundy, Cologne, Cambray, and Hainault, brought in carts overland. The English at this time are said to have bought more in the marts of Brabant, Elanders, and Zealand than all other nations. Ireland. Ireland exported hides, wool, salmon, hake, her- rings, linen, and the skins of various animals, such as martens, otters, squirrels, hares, rabbits, sheep, kids, and foxes. The abundant fertility and excellent harbours of Ireland are noted. Scotland. Scotland exported wool and hides, chiefly to Elanders, from which she imported mercery, haber- dashery, cart-wheels, and barrows. Bretagne. Bretagne exported wines, salt, and canvas; but the trade between England and that country was in an unsatisfactory condition, in consequence of piracies said to have been committed by the people of St. Malo. Eor the better encouragement of commerce, a CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 39 treaty was entered into in 1440, between King Henry and the Duke of Bretagne, under which the com- manders of vessels fitted out in the ports of either country were obliged to find security not to commit depredations on the subjects of the other power. A trade was carried on between the port of Bristol Northern and Iceland stock-fish being the principal article imported, and corn, cloth, wine, ale, and salt, being the exportation.* This trade seems to have been princi- pally carried on by two Englishmen, who had obtained appointments from Rome to bishoprics in Iceland, but who, " being unable to go so far," employed the master of an English vessel to " inspect their bishop- ric as deputy bishop." f Both bishops were in some way connected with John Weston, a stock-fishmonger in London ; and there would seem to have been, at least, suspicion of schemes to carry on an illicit trade with Norway and Denmark, under cover of this trade with Iceland, and the authority of the bishops. In 1439, Parliament passed a strong law against Laws . " merchant strangers," J prohibiting them from buying foreign 8 and selling with each other in England, and enforcing merchants - a previous law, obliging them to live under the sur- vey of "hosts," appointed by the magistrates, and under whose inspection they were to do all their business. The same Act gave some facilities to native trade, allowing the exportation of butter and cheese, without licence. It would appear that a strong party were very anxious, at this time, to restrict the trade of foreigners to the merchandize of the country from which they came, but the king would not consent to this proposal. * Before the discovery of America, Iceland appears to have been resorted to for fish, as Newfoundland has been since. + It would seem from this that ecclesiastics still evaded the law of Edward III. which prohibited them from engaging in commerce (vide ante, p. 20, note). 18 Hen. VI. c. 3. 40 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. The king and his advisers, indeed, appear to have better understood the true interests of trade than the Commons. In 1433, the Parliament petitioned the king i. Italy. In an account preserved by the Grocers' Com- pany of the pageant on the occasion of the arrival of Henry VI. in England, on his return from being crowned King of Erance (A.D. 1432), there are the par- ticulars of a great conduit, erected between Grocers' and Mercers' Halls, representing " a grove of such " foreign fruits as were peculiar to a grocer, and in " the midst of it three WELLS (in allusion to the name " of the Lord Mayor, John Wells, alderman and " grocer), whose waters, at the king's presence, as if 48 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. " miraculously, changed to wine." Lydgate, who has commemorated the ceremony in a long poem, describes the fruits in the grove. There were " Oranges, almondys, and the pomegranade, Lymons, dates, there colours fresh and glade, Pepyns, quynces, chandrellys to disport And the pom cedre, corageous to recomfort : 'Eke othere fruits, which that more comown be, And other manye ful faire and fresh to se." English During this reign the English, who appear always agestT to have possessed the love of travel, acquired a fashion of making pilgrimages to the shrine of St. James of Compostella. The rage for this pilgrimage became greatest about 1428, when permits were granted by the king for carrying sixty-three cargoes of pilgrims, consisting of 3,000 persons, with the money necessary for their charges and devotional offerings. This pas- sage-trade to Spain appears to have centered chiefly at Southampton, from which, in 1434, we find a vessel called the Mary fitted to carry as many as 100 pilgrims. Only two vessels sailed in that year direct from London. They had cargoes of eighty and sixty persons each. Most of the vessels made two passages in the course of the season. In 1445 the shipowners, who found the trade profitable, fitted out vessels capable of carrying 200 passengers each. * * St. lago de Compostella, the chief town of Gallicia, is sufficiently near to the coast to be an agreeable, without being a very laborious, pilgrimage for those who resort to that province, being very little farther from its ports than Canterbury from Dover or Margate. " Its squares and churches," says an old writer, " are' very magnificent ; and it has a number of monasteries for both ' sexes. It is pretended that the body of the Apostle St. James is buried here, ' which draws large numbers of pilgrims to his shrine. They walk in pro- e cession to the church, and visit his wooden image, which stands on the great ' altar, and is illuminated with forty or fifty wax candles. They kiss it three ' times with a very respectful devotion, and then put their hats on its head. In ' the church are thirty silver lamps, always lighted, and six chandeliers of silver, ' five feet high. The poorer pilgrims are received into a hospital, built for the ' purpose, which stands near the church." Gibbon says, " Of all the holy romances, ' that of the Apostle St. James can alone, by its singular extravagance, deserve ' to be mentioned. From a peaceful fisherman of the lake of Gennesareth, he CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 49 That the commercial policy of Henry VI. did not satisfy the Londoners, would appear by the dis- satisfied political feeling which the citizens evidenced towards the close of the reign of that monarch, and by the extreme avidity with which they embraced and supported the family of York. Those, in fact, who had placed the house of Lancaster upon the throne were the principal supporters of the prince who sought to supersede that dynasty. In accordance with the desire of the citizens, Temp. EDW IV the reign of Edward IV. commenced with the A .D. nei. re-establishment of measures of restriction upon foreign commerce, and "protection" in favour of the home trade. Foreigners were prohibited from More re- -... -, , n ,-t ,-, strictions buying or shipping wool except irom the northern on foreign counties, where it was to be shipped at Newcastle merchants - only.* And no English merchant was allowed to ship any goods, outward or homeward, in foreign vessels, unless sufficient freight could not be found in English shipping. By the same Act the importa- tion of corn, except from Wales, Ireland, and the islands belonging to England, w r as prohibited, when- ever wheat did not exceed 6s. 8d., rye 4s., and barley 3s. per quarter. This measure is said to have been especially directed against the Hanse. The male and female artificers of London having importa- reported that they were grievously injured by t importation of foreign articles of quality inferior to those made by them, the parliament prohibited t importation or sale of all the following articles, the ' was transformed into a valorous knight, who charged at the head of the Spanish ' chivalry in their battles against the Moors. The gravest historians have cele- * brated his exploits, the miraculous shrine of Compostella displayed his power, ' and the sword of a military order (the knights of S. Jago), assisted by the terrors ' of the Inquisition, was sufficient to remove every objection of profane criticism." ' His stupendous metamorphosis was performed in the ninth century." Gibbon's Rome (Bohn's Ed. ), 77. * 3 Edw. IV. c. 1. E 50 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. list of which is interesting, as showing what goods were then in request, and what manufactures were then established in London : Woollen Caps. Dice... Sheaths. Cloths. Tennis Balls. Playing Cards. Laces. Points. Pins. Corses. Purses. Pattens. Ribands. Gloves. Pack Needles. Fringes of Silk or Thread. Girdles. Any Pakited Ware. Laces of Thread. Harness for Girdles. Saucers. Silk Twined.* Latten. Caskets. Embroidered. Steel. Rings of Copper or Gilt. Laces of Gold. Tin, or Alkinine. Chafing Dishes. Tires of Silk or Gold. Articles made of Tanned Hanging Candlesticks. Stirrups. Leather. Chafing Bells. Harness belonging to Tawed Furs. Sacring Bells. Saddles. Buskins. Rings for Curtains. Spurs. Shoes. Ladles. Bosses for Bridles. Galoches or Corks. Scummers. Andirons. Knives. Counterfeit Basins. Gridirons. Daggers. Ewers. Locks. Wood-Knives. Hats. Hammers. Bodkins. finishes. Pinions. Shears. Cards for Wool. Firetongs. Scissors. Iron Wire. Dripping Pans. Razors. Biiimgs- About the same period the trade, which had been mad e a fhe n taken from Billingsgate to Queen-hithe,t was partially London* res t re N i4S5. tions in a fairer spirit, though " native " influence was still predominant. Observing that in consequence of the Acts of Edward IV. a number of foreign merchants had obtained letters and acts of deniza- tion, whereby they were put on a footing with natives in regard to payment of customs, they en- acted that all foreigners should pay the same duties, whether denizens or not. They confirmed the pro- hibitory Act of Edward IV., and for the encourage- ment of the navy, and the unemployed seamen of the country, they passed a Navigation Act prohibiting the importation of any wine of Guienne or Gas- coigne, or woad of Thoulouse, except in vessels belonging to England, Ireland, or Wales, navi- gated principally by natives of England, Wales, Ireland, or Calais. They repealed the Act of Richard respecting Italian merchants ; and very soon after his accession, Henry issued orders to all his subjects to receive the merchants of Erance in a friendly manner. An Act of the third year of King Henry VII. gives inland a good picture of the position of the inland trade of England. The m'agistrates of London in order to oblige people to resort to the City for their purchases, had made an ordinance that no citizen should carry goods to any fair or market out of the City. The people interested in the fairs of Salisbury, Bristol, Oxford, Cambridge, Nottingham, Ely, Coventry, and other places, were alarmed, and represented to par- liament the great hardship of being obliged to travel to London to procure chalices, books, vestments, and other church ornaments, and also victuals for the time of Lent, linen cloth, woollen cloth, brass, pewter, bedding, osmund, iron, flax, wax, and other 54 THE POUT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. necessaries. Parliament accordingly annulled the London ordinance, and the citizens were permitted to take their goods for sale to the fairs and markets in every part of England. New Com- A very few years after the accession of Henry VII. England hegan to experience, for the first time for nearly a century, the full benefits of peace, internal tranquillity, and a stahle government. Commerce began in consequence to seek outlets. In 1490, a valuable treaty was concluded at Copenhagen between England and Denmark (England being represented by a doctor of laws, a herald, and two merchants of Lynn). By this treaty the trade of Iceland was thrown open, and the English were permitted to pur- chase fresh fish to salt in the Northern Seas. English vessels were also permitted freely to go " through the Belts," on payment of a toll, and English merchants were assured of their liberties and pro- perties wherever they might settle in the Danish dominion. As there were no reciprocity clauses, it has been concluded that the whole Danish trade at this time was in Ensrlish hands. In the same vear o / a very important treaty was concluded "by a doctor of laws and an alderman of London," with Lorenzo de Medici, for the regulation of the English trade with Florence ; whereby the English obtained advan- tages conceded to them in a spirit of liberality much beyond the feeling of the age. In 1494, Henry VII. appointed two Italians (Benedict and Laurence Bon- nice) to be English consuls at Pisa. Our trade with the Netherlands was, however, trade with interrupted in 1493, in consequence of the encourage- men ^ which the Duchess Dowager of Burgundy had given Perkin Warbeck. King Henry was so pro- voked as to banish the Elemings out of England, whereupon the Arch-Duke banished the English out CHAP. I.] HISTOEICAL. 55 of Elanders, which gave the Steelyard merchants a great advantage, by enabling them to import and its Flemish merchandize into England from their own q^Tces. Hanse towns. This was very prejudicial to the London merchant-adventurers whose trade was direct with the Netherlands, and their apprentices and journeymen rose, and by the aid of a mob, attacked and rifled the warehouses in the Steelyard. The riot, however, was soon suppressed, and the rioters punished. The suspension of trade between England and the Netherlands continued much longer than it ought to have done, but the trade being of importance to all parties, it was re-opened in 1496, when a new treaty of commerce and alliance was concluded between Henry and the Arch-Duke Philip. In the year following (1497) we have the first English parliamentary recognition of English merchants. It occurs in an Act of Parliament, 12 Hen. VII. c. 6, entitled, " Every Englishman shall have free recourse , J . . ,, , . , A. D. 1497. " to certain foreign marts, without exaction to be " taken by any English fraternity." This Act com- mences by reciting that the merchant-adventurers residing in different parts of England, out of London, trade to beyond sea, as well into Spain, Portugal, Bretagne, Ireland, Normandy, Erance, Seville, Venice, Dantzic, Eastland, Erizeland, and many other ports, there to buy, sell, and make their exchanges according to the laws and customs of those ports ; and that of late the fellowship of the Mercers and other mer- chants and adventurers, dwelling and being free within the City of London, by confederacy amongst themselves, for their own singular profit, contrary to every Englishman's liberty, to all law, reason, charity, right, and conscience, have made an ordinance amongst themselves, to the prejudice of all other Englishmen, that no Englishmen resorting to the 56 THE PORT AND TRADE OF -LONDON. [CHAP. i. coasts of Inlanders, Holland, Zealand, Brabant, and other places under the Duke of Burgundy, shairbuy or sell there without compounding and paying fine to the said fellowship of London merchants. This freedom fine, which they state had formerly been^an old noble sterling (6*. Sd.) they had increased to 40/. sterling. And parliament now interfered, and fixed the fine at ten marks, or 61. 13s. 4v vessels for the naval service of the country. The first of these large vessels was a ship of 1,000 tons, construc- called the Regent, built by order of the king, at "Woolwich. This ship was lost in 1573, in a battle before Brest, with a French ship called the Cordelier. The latter was set on fire, and both ships were con- sumed with the larger proportion of their crews, the * " It was by accident only that Henry VII. had not a considerable share in ' the great naval discoveries by which the age was distinguished. Columbus, after ' meeting many repulses from the Courts of Portugal and Spain, sent his brother ' Bartholomew into England, in order to explain his projects to Henry. The king ' invited Columbus to England, but his brother, in returning to Spain, being taken ' by pirates, was detained on his voyage, and Columbus, meanwhile, having ' obtained the countenance of Isabella, was supplied with a small fleet, and ' happily executed his enterprise." (Hume, vol. iii. p. 427). 58 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. Regent losing 700, and the Cordelier (it was esti- mated) 900 men. To repair this grievous loss, King Henry had another and a still larger vessel built, which was called the Henry Grace de Dieu. Fortresses In the year of the battle thus recorded, and pro- Thames, bably in anticipation of a French invasion, King Henry VIII. had a platform of cannon erected at Gravesend, and another on the Essex shore opposite, where Tilbury Port was afterwards built. The jealousy of the Londoners against foreigners rose at the commencement of Henry VIII. 's reign "Eva May to greater extent than ever. The "May Day" of Trf 1518. 1518 long afterwards remembered as " Evil May Day" witnessed a fearful riot committed by the London apprentices and others, and directed en- tirely against foreign residents. The complaints of the rioters were that "there were such numbers " of foreigners employed as artificers that the " English could get no work ; that the merchant " strangers brought in all silk, cloths of gold, wine, " iron, &c., and that no man, almost, buyeth of an " Englishman ; that they also export so much wool, " tin, and lead, that English adventurers can have " no living ; that they compass round the city, in " Southwark, Westminster, Temple Bar, Holborn, " St. Martins (le Grand), St. John's Street, Aldgate, " Tower Hill, and St. Catherine's ; that they forestall " the market, so that no good thing cometh to the " market, which are the causes that Englishmen " want and starve whilst foreigners live in abundance " and plenty ; that the Dutchmen bring over iron, " timber, and leather, ready manufactured, and nails, " locks, baskets, cupboards, stools, tables, chests, " girdles, saddles, and printed cloths." These com- plaints throw considerable light on the commercial condition of London at the time. The pretended CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 59 crimes of the foreigners, probably arose from their working cheaper than the people of the country. The trade of England began at this time to be directed to articles of luxury. An Act of 1512 refers to the importation of " cloth of gold and luxur y- " cloth of silver, vaudekin, velvet, damask, satin, " sarcenet, tariton, camlet, and other cloths of silk, " and of silk and gold and silver." But there were other articles of still more value to the nation now being introduced. At the commencement of the reign, it has been said that " Queen Katherine could " not have obtained a salad for her dinner in all Eng- " land ; " but the trade with Holland and Elanders now led to the supply of carrots, turnips, and other edible roots, and of gardeners to cultivate them in this country. In 1524, we learn from an old distich that " Turkeys, carp, hops, and beer, Came into England in one year." Carp were first imported by Leonard Mascal (the king's gardener), of Plumstead Place, near Hurst- pierpoiiit, Sussex (a moated house, now in the pos- session of the Earl of Chichester). He was greatly given to travel, and it is probable that he also brought over hops, which are said to have come first from Artois. The liquor made with hops appears to have been called " beer," as contradistinguished from the more ancient Saxon beverage, called " ale." Sundry Cuitiva- other fruits and plants were first cultivated in f ru its and England about this time, such as apricots, melons, plants> gooseberries, currants (brought from the island of Zante), and garden roots of different sorts. Cherries, of a species not previously known in England, were imported about 1540 from Elanders, and planted in Kent with such success, that an orchard of only thirty-two acres, produced in one year as much fruit 60 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. L as yielded 1,0001. Probably the novelty of the fruit made people at first give high prices for it. strictive The increase of the woollen manufacture was found during this reign to give rise to so great a demand f r wo l> as to lead to a practice of diverting lands from tillage to the support of sheep, which led to great enhancement of the price of corn, cattle, wool, pigs, geese, hens, chickens, eggs, &c. For remedy of this grievance, it was enacted that " none " should keep above 2,400 sheep (exclusive of lambs), " at any one time, except it be on his own land of " inheritance ; and that no man should hold above " two farms, in the parish of one of which he was "obliged to reside." (25 Hen. VIII. c. 13). The city of Worcester, and the towns of Evesham, Droit- wich, Kidderminster, and Bromsgrove, having repre- sented that they were injured by persons dwelling in the villages about those towns, who not only en- grossed farms, but carried on the business of cloth- makers, to the great depopulation of the city and town, it was also enacted " that no person within " Worcestershire shall make cloth but the proper " inhabitants of the said city and towns, excepting " persons who make cloths solely for their own and " family's wearing." (25 Hen. VIII. c. 18.) AUthis was of course most detrimental to the true interests of commerce, which is to facilitate and cheapen produc- tion and manufacture, so that the merchant may ex- port at a price which enables him to undersell foreign competitors. Trade According to Hakluyt (" Voyages," vol. ii. p. 96), from about the year 1511 to 1534, " divers tall ships of London, Southampton, and Bristol," had a large trade with Sicily, Candia, and Ohio, and sometimes to Cyprus, Tripoli, and Barutti, in Syria. The exports were woollen cloths and calf-skins (hides), and the CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 61 imports silks, camlets, rhubarb, malmsey, nrascadel and other wines, oil, cotton, wool, Turkey carpets, gall, and Indian spices. In 1530, Simon Harris, of London, merchant, was appointed by the king to be consul of the English merchants at Candia ; and in the year following, a foreigner was appointed to be consul at Ohio, and parts adjacent in the Archipelago. In the year 1535, a ship of 300 tons, from London, went on the Levant voyage, which usually occupied a year, and returned in eleven months. She took out 100 persons, who were settled by the English mer- chants as factors for them at the different places of trade. About the same period, the English began to trade Guinea to the Guinea coast, and some of their voyages a said to have been most successful. One ship brought home above lOOlb. weight of gold-dust, besides ele- phant's teeth, &c. In 1537, a trade was also esta- blished with the coast of Barbary, the English exporting linen and woollen cloths, coral, amber, and jet, and receiving back sugar, dates, almonds, and molasses. In 1536, King Henry encouraged certain merchants to send out two ships on discovery to the north coast fishery. of America. They visited Cape Breton and New- foundland, but being in distress for want of pro- visions, returned home. This voyage, however, gave rise to a settlement in Newfoundland by Mr. Hoar, a London merchant, with a view to the development of the fishery on the banks. Unfortunately for Mr. Hoar, his effort met with ill success. In 1540, we have the first record of a voyage from Voyage to London to Brazil. During; the reiffn of Henry VIII. there was, no Advance , . ,,, ,, of England doubt, a great accession to the wealth 01 the country, in this The woollen trade flourished, as is shown by its intro- reign ' 62 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. duction into Halifax in 1537, and other manufactures greatly developed themselves, as is shown hy statutes of 34 and 37 Hen. VIII., regulating pin manu- facturing. The first statute relating to bankrupts was passed 34 Hen. VIII., showing that there was a neces- sity for dealing with merchants' estates. The towns were subjected to great improvements, and various Acts of Parliament were passed regulating the repairs of buildings, &c., amongst which may be especially mentioned an Act (35 Hen. VIII. c. 9) for the embankment of the district now known as Wapping, which appears formerly to have been a marsh. The streets of London, especially the Strand to Charing Cross, and High Holborn, from the Elect to Holborn Bars, were ordered to be paved with stone; and by a statute (35 Hen. VIII. c. 12) the streets and lanes in Cripplegate, St. Clement Danes, Shoreditch, Westminster, and other then outlying parts of London were ordered to be paved by those who had lands or tenements adjoining, " in like manner and form as " the streets of the City of London be paved, with " causeys and channels in the midst of the same " streets." English commerce, however, appears still to have been quite in its childhood, though, if we may believe Voltaire, it was superior to that of the Erench, for writing of this period, he says :- " The French, though possessed of harbours both on the ocean and Mediterranean, were yet without a navy ; and though immersed in luxury, had only a few coarse manufactures. The Jews, Genoese, Venetians, Portuguese, Flemings, Dutch, and English traded successively for us, we being ignorant even of the first principles of commerce." Temp. At the commencement of the reign of Edward VI. the Londoners appear to have been very anxious to extend their trade. One Thomas Barnaby, a mer- chant, made a proposal to the Court that every city CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 63 company should provide and send out annually at least one ship, laden with commodities proper to their own trade or manufacture. This proposal was not adopted, hut steps were taken to release the foreign trade of London hy breaking the monopoly of the Abolition Steelyard merchants. Against this monopoly the exclusive English Society of Merchant -Adventurers made JJ 1 ^ 68 strong representations in 1552, to the king's Privy steelyard Council. They complained that the Steelyard merchants were exempt from Aliens' duties ; that they traded as a body, and therefore prevented competition for the produce of the country, and kept down the price of wool ; that, having the command of the foreign markets, they prevented other merchants from trading successfully in their towns in proof of which it was alleged, that in the previous year the Steelyard merchants had exported 44,000 woollen cloths to 1,100 exported by all the English merchants. It was also represented that their whole trade was carried on in foreign bottoms, to the great detriment of our marine. Upon mature consideration of these and like reasons the Privy Council annulled and made void all the charters of the Steelyard, and resumed their privileges and franchises, " saving, however, to the said merchants " all such liberty of coming into the realm and " trafficing, in as ample manner as any other mer- " chants have within the same." It is stated by Hapin that the regent of Flanders made strong representations on behalf of the exclusive privileges of the Steelyard merchants ; and King Edward the Sixth's Diary, published by Bishop Bur- net, shows that ambassadors were sent to him from Hamburg and Lubeck, " to speak on behalf of the Stilliard merchants," but the king told them he must abide by the decision of his council. In con- 64 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. sequence of the reversal, the trade with Elanders immediately went into the hands of English mer- chants in London, who, in the same year, shipped off 40,000 cloths for Manders, where they had only shipped 1,100 in the year preceding. Formation Another proceeding which marked this reign, Ru2i was * ne formation of the first English company of Company, shareholders for trading purposes of which we have A.D. 1553. ' L * any record. It was formed hy merchants of London, together with some nohlemen, who were emulous of the fame and desirous of sharing in the profits acquired by the Portuguese and Spanish discoverers of unknown lands. The immediate object of the Com- pany was a trade with China by the north-west ; the capital was 6,000/. in 240 shares of 25/. each ; and Sebastian Cabot,* who was a principal adviser of the undertaking, was appointed the first governor. Three vessels were fitted out at Deptford for the expedi- tion, and were placed under the command of Sir Hugh Willoughby. The result to two of the vessels was very disastrous. After being tossed about by tempestuous weather on the Coast of Spitzbergen, they were driven by the approach of winter into an obscure harbour in Russian Lapland, called Arcina- Keca, where the crews of the two vessels, being unprovided for the severity of the winter, were frozen to death ; and where some Laplanders, in the summer following, found Sir Hugh Willoughby sit- ting in his cabin, dead, with his diary and letters on the table before him. The result of the voyage to the third vessel, called the Bonaventure, was very different. She ran into the bay of St. Nicholas, in the White Sea, where no ship had ever been before, and * Sebastian Cabot was at this time in the employment of the Crown, Edward VI. having settled a pension upon him as " Grand Pilot of England." He was the authority of the time on all questions of navigation. He died 1577, aged 80. CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 65 finding that the people residing there, under the pro- tection of a small fort called the Castle of Archangel, were rich in furs, hemp, and other valuable commodi- ties, Richard Chancellor, the commander, with the assistance of the governor of the fort, travelled on sledges from the fort to Moscow, where he obtained from the Czar, on behalf of his company, the privi- lege of trading to the Coast. Thus was founded the llussia Company, which afterwards rose to great im- portance ; and which, although disappointed in the hope of arriving at China by a northern passage, made the useful and profitable discovery of a trade in the White Sea a discovery, moreover, which subse- quently led the way to the English whale-fishery at Spitzbergen.* During the reigns of the Tudor kings much Retail wealth was accumulated in -London by commerce ; but it was engrossed by comparatively a few individuals. The list of celebrated merchants which has de- scended to us from the time of Whittington to the time of Gresham, probably comprehends almost all of the great native traders of the City. There was no middle class of tradesmen, and, indeed, no middle class at all ; but in the reign of Edward VI. a new class of dealers sprang up in the form of the shop- keepers. Up to this reign, as Stow informs us, there was scarcely such a thing as a shop between West- minster and St. Paul's ; but now, all along the line of Ludgate, Elect Street, and the Strand, shops, pre- senting great temptation to the eye, began to be opened ; and he records, especially, that there were * In Hakluyt's Voyages (Lond. 1598, p. 413), is printed " The request of an " honest merchant, by letter to a friend of his, to be advised and directed in the " course of killing a whale." The subject at the time no doubt occupied atten- tion, as some of the Russia Company's vessels killed whales near Spitzbergen for the first time in 1597. The Norwegians in early times, and the Biscayans at a later period, were the only whale-fishers. P 66 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. numerous mercery shops most tempting to the fair sex. The retail business, in fact, which had been previously transacted in fairs and markets, on certain specified days of the month or week, now came to be conducted at all times at the dwelling-houses of the traders; a vast convenience for the public, and a strong evidence of the increasing wealth of the country, which afforded a demand for commodities even of luxury, which required to be met by a con- tinuous supply.* Temp. The loss of Calais, in the reign of Queen Mary, MAKY although considered a national disaster, was pro- pitious to the trade of London and the realm. Calais had been held by the English for upwards from of two hundred years; and, from a very early of period, had been made the "staple" port for the English wool trade. t So long as we held Calais, * Stow describes the haberdashers' shops to have made a gay show formerly, from the various foreign commodities they were famished with ; "and by pur- " chasing of them," he says, "the people of Condon, and of other parts of " England, began to expend extravagantly, whe'reof great complaints were made " amongst the graver sort." There were but few of these milliner's shops in the reign of Edward VI., not more than a dozen in all London ; but in 1580, every street from Westminster embraced the business of woollen-drapers, cutlers, up- holsterers, glass and earthenware men, perfumers, and various other dealing, eastwards, until the whole town became full of them. They sold, amongst other wares, French and Spanish gloves, and French cloth or frigarde (frieze), Flanders- dyed kersies, daggers, swords, knives, Spanish girdles, painted cruses, dials, tables, cards, balls, glasses, fine earthen pots, saltcellars, spoons, tin dishes, puppets, pennons, ink-horns, toothpicks, silk, and silver buttons. All which " made such a show in passenger's eyes, that they could not help gazing on and buying these knicknacks." This great offence a contemporary writer, quoted by Stow, bitterly apostrophises. He " marvels " that " no man taketh heed to it ' what number of trifles cometh hither from beyond the seas, that we might either ' clean spare, or else make them within our own realm ; for the which we either ' pay inestimable treasure every year, or else exchange substantial wares and 'necessaries for them, for the which we might receive great treasure." The Governments' taking up the same narrow idea was, no doubt, the cause of sump- tuary regulations, about which there were so many precepts anciently issued to the Companies and City of London. t I have forborne, in this historical outline, to enter into all the various details respecting the " Staple." The dissensions were continuous from 1313 downwards ; various parties striving to get the staple fixed at different towns in England, and others striving to get it fixed at various places on the Continent, as best suited their interests at different periods. At one time one party succeeded, and at CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. (57 and continued it as the " staple " port for English A.D. 1558. trade with the Continent, so long the trade in our principal exports, must have remained a cir- cumscribed monopoly. The result of the loss of Calais was to free the export trade of England from the restriction of that monopoly, and to enable our merchants to select and to open out for themselves new fields of commerce, which appears to have been very consistent with the feeling of the time. The immediate result of the loss of Calais was the nominal removal of the English staple to Bruges, in order to accommodate the manufacturing localities of Elanders ; but the ultimate result was the destruc- tion of the " staple " altogether, and the opening out of the trade of London itself, by the operation of an Act passed in the first year of Elizabeth (c. 13), repealing all the former laws, which prohibited the importation and exportation of merchandize in any but English ships. By allowing the exportation of our cloth and wool in foreign vessels from the port of London, London, under a free system of trade, was made, in effect, the " staple " mart of a direct export trade ; a trade precluded by the establishment of the staple at Calais, where the exports of England in English vessels had to be handled and re-shipped into foreign vessels for transport to the places at which the commodities were needed. Philip and Mary having, in the first year of their successes reign, granted a charter to the Russia Company, jfuSl that company, in each succeeding year, sent out new company, expeditions to Russia, all of which appear to have been attended with success. In 1558, their agent, Mr. Anthony Jenkinson, set on foot a new channel another time another. The subject, though not without interest, appeared to me not to be absolutely germane to the purpose of this work, and I have therefore avoided the very elaborate narrative which it would have necessarily involved. F 2 68 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. of trade, through. Russia into Persia, for raw silk; sailing down the Volga to Nishni-Novgorod, Casan, and Astracan, and thence across the Caspian Sea to Persia. This voyage he performed seven different The first times, and the Czar, in return, sent an Ambassador- Extraordinary to the Court of England to promote a f r i en diy correspondence between the Courts. On his voyage, this Ambassador and his retinue had the mis- fortune to be shipwrecked on the coast of Scotland. On hearing of this disaster the Russia Company despatched a deputation, with a supply of every necessary, to escort his Excellency to London. He was met, twelve miles from the City, by eighty mer- chants on horseback, who regaled him sumptuously at Highgate, where he rested the night. The next day he was met by Lord Viscount Montague, on the part of the queen, attended by 300 knights and esquires, besides 140 Russia merchants, attended by their servants. They conducted him to Islington, where he was presented with a stately courser, with velvet trappings. On, this he mounted, and entered the City at Smithneld Bars, where the Lord Mayor and Aldermen received him, and from thence he rode through the streets with great pomp between the Lord Mayor and Viscount Montague, to his apart- ments in Gracechurch Street, where many rich presents from the queen awaited him. The whole cost of his journey to London, and of his residence here, was borne by the Russia Company. Mr. Hume conjectures that this was the first intercourse which the Russian empire had with any of the western states of Europe.* Temp. The success of the Russia Company undoubtedly ELKA- na( l a considerable effect in promoting that spirit of BETH. At a later period Jenkinson was appointed by Queen Elizabeth to be Ambas- sador from England to the Czar of Muscovy. CHAP, i.j HISTORICAL. 69 enterprise and desire for foreign discovery, which distinguished the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The history of the various voyages and enterprises set on foot and conducted by Erobisher, Davis, Raleigh, Grenville, Sir Erancis Drake, and others, during this vpyages O f reign, scarcely belong to the present volume. It may be observed of them, as of most similar voyages of discovery, that their results were rather beneficial to after ages, than either to the promoters them- selves or their cotemporaries. The importance acquired by English commerce in the reign of Elizabeth resulted from other causes than the progress of discovery. The manufacturing industry of Elanders had raised the port of Antwerp to a very high state of commer- Commer- cial consequence. Antwerp had succeeded not only quence of in establishing an import and export trade, but in Antwer P- making herself an emporium ; for, to a large extent, the Antwerpians had superseded the Venetians and Genoese in the trade which they had so long carried on between the northern ports of Europe and the Levant. Antwerp now traded with Italy, Cyprus, and Tripoli, sending out English and German products, and importing the productions of those countries, which thev sent to England and Germanv in return. V * * An old writer says : " In London, at the commencement of the reign of Elizabeth, there were at least one hundred Netherland merchants, who bought all the commodities which the merchants of Italy, Ger- many, Spain, France, and Eastland (of which nations there were before that time divers famous and notable rich merchants and companies) used to bring into England out of their own country directly." But all the commerce and magnificence of Ant- Antwerp werp, which had not been of long continuance, was bJ 8 the yec destined, during this reign, to be scattered. The per- s P aniarda 70 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. secutions on account of religion, which had occurred . in the Spanish Netherlands, under the Duchess of Parma and the Duke of Alva, had driven many fugi- tives, especially Walloons, to England; hut the A.D. 1585. finishing blow to the commerce of the country was given hy the siege and plunder of Antwerp itself. The town was ruined ; 3,000 of the inhabitants fell hy the sword; 1,500 were burnt and trodden to death, and as many more drowned in the Scheldt. For three days the Spanish soldiery wallowed in the plunder of the city, from which they carried off at least two millions of pistoles ; besides which, an incalculable quantity of rich merchandize and furniture was destroyed by fire. The shipping trading to Antwerp was chiefly foreign, and after the bombardment, it never returned to its manu- the Scheldt. The manufacturing industry of Flanders an( i Brabant was thereby dispersed, and about a third part of the merchants and manufacturers who wrought and dealt in silks, damasks, taffeties, bareges, serges, &c., settled in England : England being at that time comparatively ignorant of those manufactures. As a very large proportion of the trade in which Antwerp was engaged concerned England, it is probable that nearly the whole com- merce of Antwerp would have settled here, but that foreigners were still subject to double customs, were excluded from the companies, and subjected to national jealousies and other disadvantages. The woollen merchants and manufacturers of Flanders consequently went to Leyden, and the linen trade to Haarlem and Amsterdam. Thus did England and Holland (Protestant nations) triumph by the vio- lence of Catholic Spain, and obtain the wealth and enterprise which that nation insanely expelled from the richest section of her dominions. Following up the policy initiated in the reign of CHAP. I.] HISTORICAL. Edward VI., Queen Elizabeth not only refused to Elizabeth restore any of the privileges of the merchants of t Hanse towns, but she put other restrictions upon them. J The Hanse merchants, in retaliation, put restrictions shuts U P on English trade in their towns ; nattering themselves yard. that the Queen would gladly restore their ancient privileges in England, in order to recover the like privileges for English merchants within the limits of their corporation. But English trade had now assumed too independent a footing to be thus dealt with ; and under the advice, it is said, of the ex- patriated Netheiiand merchants, Elizabeth deter- mined to order all the German merchants in her dominions to quit England on the day on which the English merchants had been ordered to quit Staden A.D. 1597. (a Hanse town), and she issued a commission to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London to shut up the Steelyard altogether. This was the close of the Hanseatic influence in England, and it was very shortly afterwards entirely extinguished. On the settlement of numerous Protestant merchants at Hamburgh, that city pushed a commerce in oppo- sition to the Hanseatic towns upon the Baltic ; and being better situated for trade, " the Hanse " rapidly declined, leaving only cities, such as Wismar, to attest their former opulence. Elizabeth made great efforts to promote an English The Le- trade with Turkey and the Levant; and granted letters patent for the establishment of the com- "J pany of Levant merchants.* Sir Edward Osborne ?a lord mayor and merchant of London, and the \ v ancestor of the Dukes of Leeds) was the first governor of the company. On the commence- * This charter expired in 1588, and was renewed in 1593. It expired again in 1605, and a new company being formed, a charter was granted to it, in per- petuity, by King James I., under the designation of the " Merchants of England trading to the Levant." 72 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. ment of this trade with Turkey, the company had great thanks and commendations from the queen and council for the ships they built of so great burden, with many encouragements to go forward. It is said, that the first returns of this trade were in the proportion of three to one. By opening up a direct trade with Turkey and the Levant, England procured all the productions of Greece, Syria, Egypt, Persia, and India, much cheaper than when the trade was wholly in the hands of the Venetians, as it was previously; and being able to supply cloths cheaper than the Vene- tians could do so at second hand, she soon drove them out of the cloth trade with Turkey. Venice, after this date, only sent one argosy to England, which, with a rich cargo and many passengers, was wrecked on the Isle of Wight in 1587.* It should be mentioned that Elizabeth sent out as English ambassador to Turkey a merchant of the name of "William Harkborn, or Harburn. He arranged ar- ticles of peace with Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli ; and, despite the opposition of the Venetians, established English factories in Turkey, under the authority of a treaty with the Sultan Amurath III. It is recorded that he performed the voyage out in the ship Susan, of London, mounting thirty -four guns. The The merchants of London afforded the greatest Armada, assistance to the sovereign in protecting the country A.D. 1588. against the Spanish Armada. The English fleet con- sisted altogether of 197 vessels. Of these seventy- * The reader may be reminded of the passage in " The Merchant of Venice" (Act II. Scene 8) : " I reasoned with a Frenchman yesterday, Who told me in the narrow seas, that part The French and English, there miscarried A vessel of our country, richly fraught." Shakespeare is believed to havejwritten " The Merchant of Venice " in 1594. CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 73 six were furnished by the Queen ; the City of London equipped thirty-eight, and the Society of Merchant- Adventurers of London ten. Various seaports con- tributed eighty- three smaller vessels. The Spanish vessels (134 in number) were generally much larger than the English ; but the latter had a great advan- tage in sailing, and were consequently able fre- quently to harass the enemy by the agility of their manoeuvres. Throughout this naval campaign the English did not lose one capital ship, nor in the whole above 100 men ; whilst the Spaniards lost eighty-one ships and 13,500 soldiers and mariners, besides much treasure.* The destruction of the Spanish Armada was not Effect of only valuable to England by depriving Spain of the l ^ or ^ s empire of the sea, but it was still more so by obliging the English to apply themselves to improvements in the art of building and equipping ships, and also to the maintenance of a regular navy, which, from this time, became a principal object with the sove- reign. Erom 1590 Queen Elizabeth assigned a regu- lar annual payment for the repairs of her fleet ; and in the same year, as is shown by an Act of Jac. I. c. 23, the manufacture of sail-cloth was first intro- duced into England a most important contribution to the establishment of maritime power. Amid the numerous maritime expeditions of this First period, an English ship was reported to have passed from 86 round the Cape of Good Hope in 1589. This voyage * The Spaniards made great efforts to restore their fleet ; and fifty years after they were able to send a great armada, consisting of sixty-seven large ships, from Conmna, against the Dutch, who were blockading Dunkirk, and who also overran the Netherlands. This expedition was encountered in the Channel, and afterwards in the Downs, by the Dutch fleet under Van Tromp, who gained an entire victory, and destroyed most of the Spanish ships. This terrible blow, followed by other defeats at sea by the French, entirely broke the naval power of Spain, so that she never recovered till our own time, when her fleet was again destroyed by the English, under Nelson. A.D. 1591. 74 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. has not been well established ; but, in 1591, a regular voyage to India round the Cape was undertaken in London. The expedition consisted of three ships ; but they lost so many men by sickness on the way out, that they were obliged to send one ship home, so that only two vessels proceeded from the Cape. Of these, Capt. Raymond's, which was the principal vessel, parted company in a gale off the Cape, and was never heard of more ; the third vessel, Capt. Lancaster's, arrived in India, but met with great misfortunes on her way home by the West Indies, where many of the men perished. This expedition, like most others of the period, partook rather of a privateering than of a commercial character, but it is noticeable as having led the way to the formation of a company to trade to the East Indies. The Dutch The Dutch, in 1595, determined to force their way tionsjsgs- to India by the same route, and nine merchants of Amsterdam subscribed a capital of 76,000 guilders to send out four ships. They returned in twenty-nine months, flushed with success and big with hope. In 1598, they sent out another expedition with eight ships. They returned home in 1600, laden with cinnamon, pepper, cloves, nutmegs, and mace. Prom this time the Dutch made regular yearly expeditions, making vast returns of profit; all Europe using spices to a much greater degree than at present. Formation The success of the second expedition from Holland f ' impelled the English to form a company for trading to * tlie East Indies - Accordingly, on the 31st December, A.D. 1600. 1000, the Queen granted a charter to George, Earl of Cumberland, and 215 knights, aldermen, and merchants, that, " at their own charges, they might " set forth one or more voyages to the East Indies ;" " to be one body politic and corporate, by the name of " the Governor and Company of Merchants of London CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 75 " trading into the East Indies." Sir Thomas Smith, alderman of London, was to be the first governor. Their capital appears to have been 72,000. by sub- scription shares of 50/. each. In the following year, 1601, the company de- A.D. ieoi. spatched their first fleet, commanded in chief by Capt. James Lancaster, and consisting of one ship of GOO tons, one of 300, two of 200 each, and one of 130, carrying 480 men, and 27,000. in Spanish money and goods, the rest of the 72,000^. having been absorbed in the furniture of the ships, artillery, ammunition, provisions, &c. The expedition reached Sumatra, where they loaded some of the ships with pepper ; from thence they sailed for the Straits of Malacca, where they captured a Portuguese ship of 900 tons, loaded with calicoes, &c. with which they completed their cargoes. They then sailed to Bantam, where they settled factors, and then, sailing homewards, arrived in the Downs in September, 1603, having made their first voyage prosperously in two years and seven months. It would appear that the East India Company was a good deal opposed in the outset by the Levant Com- pany, with which it was thought it would interfere. But the opposition, which appears to have been grounded on the usual reasons for the maintenance of a monopoly, entirely failed. Throughout the reign of Elizabeth, the encourage- ment of trade was one of the main objects of her government ; and, despite the ill-judged patents and monopolies which she granted to favourites, many of which she recalled as injurious to trade, such im- portant advances were made in commerce, that her reign may be considered an era in the commercial history of the nation. The general measures of this sovereign were marked, from the outset, by great 76 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. i. wisdom and by a sound knowledge of the interests of her people. The extinguishment of the monopoly of the Hanseatic league, the declaration of free trade in shipping, the encouragement afforded to those who were willing to embark in commerce to distant regions, the treaty with Turkey, and the charter to the East India Company, were measures calculated to arouse commercial activity, and excite the enterprise of the nation. The state of affairs in other parts of Europe largely contributed to the success of her measures ; and Elizabeth increased her own glory, and the prosperity of her subjects, by the encourage- ment she afforded to the Netherlander driven to seek shelter and hospitality within her dominions, and by following their counsel and advice in regard to matters of trade and manufacture, increasing The increased importance of the trade of London during this reign is well attested by the necessity for the erection of the Royal Exchange for which London was indebted to the munificence of one of her greatest merchants. Statistical proof of her import- ance may, moreover, be found in the annals of the Ex- chequer, which show that London exported at this time three times as much as all the rest of England put together.* This increase of trade had its corresponding effect in the increase of buildings, especially in the * In the " Circle of Commerce," a treatise published by Edward Missenden, Esq. an eminent merchant, in 1623, we have the following account of the Customs of England for the year beginning Christmas, 1612, and ending Christmas, 1613 : LONDON. OUTPORTS. TOTAL. s. d. s. d. s. d. Outwards .... 61,322 16 9 25,471 19 7 86,794 16 2 Inwards. . .'. . 48,250 1 9 13,030 9 9 61,28011 6 109,572 18 6 38,502 9 4 148,075 7 8 The EXPORTS of all England for that year, are stated at . . 2,090,645 The IMPORTS (Silks, Venice Goods, Spanish Linen, Wines, and other Merchandise) 2,141,151 CHAP, i.] HISTORICAL. 77 suburbs, which the Queen by two proclamations,* and Parliament by an Act (35 Eliz. c. 6), vainly endeavoured to prevent. The reasons assigned for restricting the size of the City appear at the present day extremely puerile ; but in the time of Elizabeth, the principles of political economy were very imper- fectly understood, and it is probable that increase of the prices of provisions, consequent on a population rapidly increasing in both number and wealth, may have led to clamours which induced imperfect reasoners to deem these measures of restriction needful. Ten years afterwards, i. e. in 1623 (said to have been an unfavourable year for trade), The Exports were 2,320,436 The Imports 2,619,315 The Total Customs' Duties . . 168,222 Showing an increase in the ten years, despite all unfavourable circumstances. * A.D. 1580 and 1602. CHAPTER II. HISTORICAL. FROM THE ACCESSION OF KING JAMES 1. Effect of THE accession of James of Scotland to the crown of of e the" on England was a measure valuable to English commerce, En* knd f as bringing the whole island under one system and and Scot- closing the most dangerous back-door of the country land, L -n e i A.D. 1603. against ranee or any loreign enemy. As regards trade, however, the immediate effect was not beneficial to the Scotch. The removal of the court carried away from Scotland the principal nobility and gentry, as well as foreign ministers and strangers, and thereby decreased the demand for both foreign and home products. For a time, the commerce of Scotland, which had never been large, in consequence of her having little to export, was diminished to almost nothing ; and this diminution created discontent. For all this, however, ample compensation was afforded by England in other ways, and, ultimately, there has been nothing by which Scotland has profited more largely than by the share she has acquired in English trade. Policy of King James at his accession declared himself at James i. (t p eace w ^h all the world," and called in all the ships of war and privateers which during Elizabeth's reign had been so largely employed against the Spaniards, CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 79 and had done them so much damage in various quarters of the globe. This measure proved of great advantage to commerce, as it led to the immediate employment of the shipping in a business of the highest consequence to the country. The adventurers who, in the previous reign, had sailed in expeditions of warfare and dis- covery, now directed their attention to planting and colonizing the countries they visited; and numbers of settlers were taken out to Virginia (by which, at America. that period, was meant the larger portion of the coast of North America), New England, the Bermudas, and Newfoundland. Companies began to be formed for the purpose of Formation promoting these settlements. The first was established Virginia by charter, A.D. 1606, and was called the " South Virginia Company, or the London Adventurers." It had a patent granted to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Edward Wingfield, Esq., Mr. Hak- luyt,* and others, for all lands in America between the 34th and 41st degrees of north latitude, compre- hending what are now called Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina. This company sent out two ships, carrying Mr. Percy (brother to the Earl of Northum- berland), and four of the council of the company, a clergyman, artificers, tools, and ammunition. They landed in Chesapeake Bay, and fortified three miles from the north of the Powhattan, giving their first settle- ment the name of "James Town," after the king.f Here one hundred men were settled, and this was the first English colony which took root on American soil. The company subsequently (A.D. 1610) obtained an extension of their powers, and were incorporated * Mr. Hakluyt, of the Middle Temple, was the industrious compiler of " Hakluyt's Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation," published in 1598. He was therefore at the time an authority on trade and navigation. t The "United States Gazetteer" states that "nothing now remains of this town but a few ruins." 80 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. as the Virginia Company. Although the first ad- venturers were far from being gainers, yet the nation subsequently reaped a rich harvest from their enter- prize. A second company, called " the Plymouth Adventurers," were empowered to plant what are now called Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and Massachusetts ; but they did not plant till some time after. Discovery The spirit of discovery was prosecuted at the same son's time, being principally directed, as before, to the straits, o j)j ec t of obtaining a direct passage to India. Cap- tain Hudson made several attempts prior to 1G10, ending in little besides his giving his name to Hud- son's Straits. William Baffin, at the charge of several directors of the Russia Company, penetrated still further in 1616, and gave his name to Baffin's fin's Bay. -~ ..-,- , , A.D. 1616. Bay. He reported, that " Having for three years coasted all the circumference of Davis's Straits, he had found no other than a great bay, and no hope of a passage. But some advantage may be made of the voyage, since there are here plenty of great whales. The same may be pursued, and good store of oil may be made between the middle of July and the last day of August." Settlement In 1609 the King proposed to the City of London of ulster. ^ e establishment of an English settlement in Ulster, then much depopulated. The city accepted the pro- posal and sent three hundred persons there of all sorts of handicrafts and occupations. The Irish inhabi- tants were transplanted to Connaught. Coleraine and Londonderry were repeopled, and the lands and fisheries greatly improved. The City of London raised 20,000/. for the formation of this new plan- tation. Attempted About the same period the King, in imitation of propaga- ' tion of the Henry IV. of Prance, of whom he had a laudably Silkworm. * ' CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 81 high esteem, endeavoured to promote the propagation of the silkworm in England, and sent circular letters into the counties to promote the planting of mul- herry trees, which he procured from the Continent in 1606, with instructions for the breeding and feeding of silkworms.* Experience has proved that silk- worms cannot he propagated north of the river Loire ; but the royal experiment, although unsuccessful in itself, was not without valuable results in causing its results. a resort to England of silk-throwsters, weavers, and dyers, who were brought over by a Mr. Brulamach by the King's order, and who immediately caused a considerable silk trade to rise up in London, f In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the first pair of silk stock- ings known in this country was imported from Spain, and presented by Sir Thomas Gresham to her Ma- jesty. A century afterwards (1681) the English silk trade was said, by Sir Josiah Child, to employ 40,000 people. This manufacture was more rapid in its growth, imports and greater in its value, on account of the exceed- EM ingly increasing trade of the East India Company, \vlio now began to bring large quantities of raw silk from India and China. Mr. Munn, who wrote in 1621, gives the following curious table, showing the * The king had a mulberry garden planted at Pimlico, in 1609, on what is now the site of Buckingham Palace. Sedley sang its praises, and Dr. King says : " A princely palace on that space doth rise, Where Sedley's noble muse found mulberries." It is interesting to know that the celebrated mulberry tree with which Shake- speare enriched his garden at New Place, and which the Rev. Mr. Gastrell caused to be cut down in 1752, was one of these exotic and, at the period, very rare plants. Probably most of the fine old mulberry trees, of which there are, or were, very many in the gardens around London, have the same origin as Shake- speare's tree. It is well established that Shakespeare's tree was planted with his own hand. + 1623. " I saw at Mr. Gale's a sample of the satin lately made at Chelsea of " English silkworms, for the Princess of Wales, which was very rich and beau- " tiful." (Thoresby's Diary, vol. ii. p. 372.) THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. Great Treaties of Com- merce. imports of the Company in the year preceding, with the prices in India and England : COST IMPOBTS, 1620. ON BOARD SHIP SELLING PRICES IN INDIA. IX LONDON. s. d. ,. cL *. d. s. d. 250,000 Ib. Pepper . . . o 24 26,041 13 4 1 8 208,333 6 8 150,000 Ib. Cloves . . . 1 9 5,626 6 45,000 150,000 Ib. Nutmegs . . . ! 4 2,500 2 6 18,750 50,000 Ib. Mace . . . . S 1,666 13 4 6 15,000 200,000 Ib. Indigo . . . 1 1 2 11,666 13 4 5 50,000 107,140 Ib. China Raw Silk 7 37,499 20 107,140 50,000 pieces Calico . . . 7 15,000 20 50,000 100,000 494,223 6 8 The East India Company at this time had so greatly increased, that, according to the same autho- rity, they employed 10,000 tons of shipping,* 2,500 mariners, 500 ship carpenters, and about 120 factors. England now, instead of importing from Venice, was absolutely exporting Indian goods to Genoa, Leghorn, Marseilles, and even Turkey. It should be mentioned, that it was in this year (1620) that the company established their settlement at Madras, where they had a trade in diamonds, muslins, and chintzes, in return for stockings, haberdashery, gold and silver lace, looking-glasses, drinking-glasses, lead, wines, cider, cheese, hats, stuffs, and ribands. James I., during his reign, entered into many treaties and arrangements for the advancement of British trade ; particularly with the Kings of Spain, France, and Denmark, with the Czar of Muscovy, * In 1610 this company built the largest merchant ship then known in England. She was of 1,100 tons burden, and was called The Trades' Increase. At the same time the King built a ship of war superior in size to any seen in England before : being of 1,400 tons, and carrying 64 cannon. The ships of the East India Company were, in 1615, of the several tonnages of 1,293, 1,100, 1,060 900, 801), and the rest from 600 down to 150 tons. CHAP, ir.] HISTORICAL. 83 and with the Hollanders. Our trade with Holland, however, was a good deal prejudiced by a circum- stance which occurred in 1608. It appears that the Disputes art of dyeing and dressing woollen cloths had greatly Holland, improved in Holland; and that it had become custom to send white cloth from England to Holland Patent to he dyed and dressed, and sent hack to England for sale. Reflecting on the great profit thereby made by the Hollanders, Alderman Cockayne, and some other London merchants, proposed to the King to undertake the dyeing and dressing of cloths at home, and obtained a patent. The King also issued a proclamation prohibiting the exportation of white cloth from England, and seized the charter of the Merchant Adventurers of London, which empowered them to export it. The Hollanders retaliated by prohibiting the importation of English dyed cloths. Thus was commerce thrown into confusion. Cock- ayne was disabled from selling his cloths anywhere but at home ; and it proved that his cloths were worse dyed, and yet were dearer, than those done in Holland. A great clamour was consequently raised by the weavers and merchants, and, after much controversy, the King, in 1615, found himself obliged to annul Cockayne's patent, and to restore the charter of the Merchant Adventurers. The granting of monopoly patents by the Kin^ gave rise to loud complaints. These monopolies were granted, on a large scale, to favourites, for the sole vending or making of certain articles of merchandize or manufacture. In 1610, King James was obliged to revoke these patents by proclamation ; but he suffered himself to be drawn into new ones revoked, afterwards; and, in 1624, the Parliament was com- and pelled to interfere, and to declare all monopolies of void! this sort void. G 2 84 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. Trade of An anonymous writer, in the interest of the during this Levant Company, gives a picture of the trade of England at this period : " We trade to Naples, Genoa, Leghorn, Marseilles, Malaga, &c. with only twenty ships, chiefly herrings, and thirty sail more laden with pipe-staves from Ireland. " To Portugal and Andalusia we send twenty ships for wines, sugar, fruit, and West Indian drugs. " To Bordeaux we send sixty ships and barks for wines. " To Hamburgh and Middleburgh, thirty-five ships are sent by our Merchant Adventurers' Company. " To Dautzic, Koningsburg, &c. we send yearly about thirty ships, viz. six from London, six from Ipswich, and the rest from Hull, Lynn, and Newcastle, but the Dutch many more. " To Norway we send not above five ships, and the Dutch above forty, and great ships too. " Our Newcastle coal trade employs 400 sail of ships ; viz. 200 for supplying of London, and 200 for the rest of England. " And besides our own ships, hither, even to the mine's mouth, come all our neighbouring nations with their ships continually, employing their own shipping and mariners. I doubt not whether, if they had such a treasure, they would employ not their own shipping solely therein. The French sail thither in whole fleets of fifty sail together, serving all their ports of Picardie, Normandie, Bretagne, &c. even as far as Rochel and Bordeaux. And the ships of Bremen, Emden, Holland, and Zealand supply those of Flanders, &c., whose shipping is not great, with our coals. " Our Iceland fishery employs 120 ships and barks of our own. " And the Newfoundland fishery 150 small ships. " And our Greenland whale fishery fourteen ships. " As for the Bermudas, we know not yet what they will do ; and for Virginia, we know not what to do with it ; the present profit of these two colonies not employing any store of shipping." The value of this cotemporary record must be CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 85 apparent. That the Bermudas and Virginia were The King's not in a very satisfactory state, may be accounted biStes"'" for bv the " count erblastes " continually issued by Against * A tobacco. the king, which much affected those plantations. As early in his reign as 1604, the king laid a tax of six shillings and eightpence a pound on tobacco : * de- claring that " Whereas tobacco being of late years found out and brought from foreign parts in small quantities, was taken and used by the better sort, both then and now, only as physic, to preserve health, but is now, at this day, through evil custom and the toleration thereof, excessively taken by a number of riotous and disorderly persons of mean and base condition, who do spend most of their time in that idle vanity, to the evil example and corrupting of others; and also do consume the wages which many of them get by their labour, not caring at what price they buy that drug : by which immoderate taking of tobacco the health of a great number of our people is impaired and their bodies weakened and made unfit for labour ; besides that also a great part of the treasure of our land is spent and exhausted by this only drug, so licentiously abused of the meaner sort ; all which enormous inconvenience we do perceive to proceed prin- cipally from the great quantity of tobacco brought into this our realm, which excess might in great part be restricted by some good imposition to be laid on it. Wherefore, &c."* But this was not the only check upon the trade of the new colonies. At a later period, in 1619, the king issued a proclamation in Virginia, to restrain the people from growing tobacco. He commanded that ^- 1019. no planter should make above one hundred weight of tobacco per annum, " for the market was so low, he could not give above three shillings per pound for it," and advised the colonists to turn their spare time towards producing corn and stock, and towards the * Nevertheless the consumption must have largely increased ; especially if, as is asserted, there were " 7,000 tobacco shops in London in 1614." t Fcedera, c. xvi. p. 601. 86 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. making of potash, or other manufactures.* This pro- clamation, which is given in the history of Virginia, is sufficiently strangely worded to induce the belief that it was issued hy some local authority, but it was 1620. enforced in the early part of the following year, by a proclamation which commenced " Whereas we, out of the dislike we had of the use of tobacco, tending to a general and new corruption both of our bodies and manners, and yet, nevertheless, holding it, of the two, more tolerable that the same should be imported, amongst other vanities and superfluities which come from beyond seas, than be permitted to be planted here within this realm, thereby to abuse and misemploy the soil of this fruitful kingdom, &c. ; We therefore strictly charge and command that our proclamation of December last, restraining the planting of tobacco, be observed." The king appears hardly to have imagined that the time would come when tobacco would be so impor- tant an article of commerce, and so fruitful a source of revenue in his dominions. The effect of his pro- clamations was most injurious to the rising colonies, its impor- and, in 1624, he was obliged to issue a proclamation prohibiting the importation of any tobacco except fr m Virginia and the Somers Islands, thereby giving them a monopoly of the trade. One of the latest acts of King James's reign was ^ i ssue a special commission to inquire into the state intestate o f trade, and especially of the wool trade, which Avas said to be depressed. This was the first com- mission of the sort ever instituted, and it is thought to have been instigated partly by causeless complaints as to the state of trade, and partly by some real grounds of grievance arising out of the competition of the * At "a subsequent period, the King, with more judgment, recommended the propagation of the silkworm in Virginia. It is rather strange that it should not have been tried in " a climate so well calculated for the propagation of the worm. CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 87 Hollanders, and the disputes between private traders and the Mer chant Adventurers of London, and also between the Levant and the East India Companies. A good understanding generally prevailed through- out this reign between King James and the citizens. London began to exhibit a greatly improved outward improve- aspect. An Act of Parliament was passed for paving Londo^f, the outlying hamlets of St.-Giles-in-the-Eields, and Drury Lane.* The City undertook the paving of their market at Smithfield, and the king (A.D. 1618), issued a commission " for the removal of nuisances " in the grounds called Lincoln' s-Inn-Fields, and for " laying out those fields into regular walks, &c., in " such form as Inigo Jones, our survey or- general " of our works, and one of the commissioners, shall " draw by way of map." The " substantial inha- bitants " of the adjacent parishes were called on to defray the expense by contributions, and the king directed that " a list of all such as will not contri- bute shall be laid before us." This mode of pro- viding for the expense was probably the reason why the work was imperfectly executed. In 1619, a proclamation was made for the builders of London to make their walls of brick ; and it must not be omitted to be noticed that it was in the same year that London was first effectually supplied and of its with water from the Lea through the enterprise supply. and energy of Mr. (afterwards Sir Hugh) Mid- diet on. f The canal constructed for the purpose of * 3 Jac. I. c. -22. t The first extraneous water supply of London was from the Ty-burn, from whence water was brought in pipes for the supply of the Great Conduit erected in West Cheap in the year 1285. Three hundred years after (in 1582), Thames water was first conveyed into houses by pipes, from an engine erected near London Bridge, by Peter Norris, a Dutchman. Middleton first laid his scheme for supplying the City with water from the River Lea before the Common Council in 1609 ; and the New River was completed, and water brought into London houses by it, in 1620. 88 THE POET AND TKADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. affording this supply, is to this day a monument of en- gineering skill. Perhaps, however, the most valuable improvement for London effected in this reign, was Navigation the improvement of the navigation of the upper Thames section of the river Thames, so as to make the improved. wno le course of that river navigable for barges and lighters, from Oxford to London. This was done by Act of Parliament (21 Jac. I. c. 32), " for the " conveyance of Oxford freestone by water to London, " and for coals and other necessaries from London to " Oxford, now coming at a dear rate, only by land " carriage, whereby the roads are become exceeding " bad." The Act shows that the Thames was already navigable from London to Burcot, and that it was also navigable for many miles above Oxford, so that a deepening of the navigation for about seven miles, placed London in direct water-communication with several inland counties. Temp. It would have been well indeed both for himself AJX 1625. and for his people, had King Charles I. carried out the policy of Queen Elizabeth, and of his father, with regard to trade. But from his first accession to the crown, Charles pursued a course most repug- nant to the feelings and detrimental to the interests of his people. He ascended the throne in 1625, and one of his earliest acts was to create one of those Trading trading monopolies which had been so much com- HeTre? plained of in the time of his father, and against stored. which the Parliament had legislated only in the pre- vious year. Trading patents and monopolies had been granted by Elizabeth and James as acts of favour at the instance of their favourites. Charles thought that they could be made a means of enriching himself. He accordingly granted monopolies and patents in all directions, and to whomsoever would pay him CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 89 most for them. The freedom of trade, which had so rapidly enriched the nation since the first year of Elizabeth, was interfered with in almost every direction. The importation of alum was prohibited, in order to create a monopoly in favour of certain alum works in Yorkshire.* The manufacture of bricks was interfered with. The King took into his own hands the manufacture of saltpetre, which was to be made from urinary deposits. Monopolies were granted for manufacturing tapestries; for opening mines in Cardiganshire ; for dressing ships with a cement which would prevent them from burning in fights at sea, and would also preserve them from barnacles. Patents were issued "for the manufacture of copper farthings ;" for the " sole making of steel;" for "rendering sea coal and pit coal as useful as charcoal, without offence by smell or smoke;" "for the sole making of stone pots, jugs, and bottles;" " for the draining out of mines ;" " for making guns, great and small;" "for melting iron ore;" "for plowing land without horses or oxen;" "for making " mills to grind without the help of horses, wind, or " water ; " the patentees of all these projects paying a yearly sum to the Royal Exchequer. Many of the projects were absurd, but none of them were harm- less. The people were led to embark their money in projects thus launched with the royal sanction and support ; and, as the projects either proved unwork- able and came to nothing, or were interfered with by new plans for which patents were also granted, all the blame of failure came to be attributed to the king, who conducted the affairs of the State without either Cabinet or Parliament, and his personal un- popularity became excessive. Nor was this the worst. Eor the purpose of * Probably those now possessed by the Marquis of Normanby, near Whitby. 90 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. raising revenue, Charles interfered with privileges which had been granted by his predecessors on the throne to influential trading communities. His father had done enough to injure the plantation in Virginia ; Charles annulled the charter of the London merchants for the settlement of that dependency, made a royal Tobacco monopoly of the sale of tobacco within the realm, a and gave the finishing stroke to the prosperity of the Monopoly. co } on y by prohibiting the exportation of tobacco from Virginia to any foreign state, and by taking the sole pre-emption into his own hands at his own price. A duty Of his own authority, King Charles also levied a duty export of e of 4n Act. jf avigation Act, prohibiting importation of mer- chandize from Asia, Africa, or America, except in English-built ships. This law grievously affected the Dutch, who complained loudly, but were unable War cou- to obtain any satisfaction. Thereupon disputes arose between the two States, and the Dutch prepared for De Witt's Interest of Holland, part i. c. 13. CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 95 war, which broke out in the following year (1652), and continued until 1654. The English had the advantage, not only in the naval engagements, but by being able almost to annihilate the Dutch commerce, which necessarily passed through the English Channel. In the two years of this war, the English captured or destroyed 700 Dutch merchant vessels a loss so severe, that the States were obliged to sue for peace, and to accept such terms as the Protector thought fit to grant. By this result of the war English trade was soon restored. The policy of England being liberal, the Jews at this time petitioned Cromwell to readmit them to settle in England, from which they had been excluded AlD> 1656< V since their expulsion by King Edward I. (365 years). Their admission was opposed by Prynne and other Roundheads, but the Protector was persuaded of the benefit to commerce which would result from their readmission, and admitted them accordingly.* Although commercial advantages were secured to Feeling f t-\\ England under the Commonwealth, Cromwell was citizens never able to obtain the entire good-will or confi- dence of the mercantile community of London. Probably, they regarded him merely as a military leader, and considered the future position of the country too unsettled, under his government, to induce them to place in it implicit confidence. As always happens after lengthened wars and intestine commotion, an obvious anxiety was evidenced, during the later years of the Commonwealth for a permanent and stable government; and Cromwell's last breath was scarcely drawn, before the Citizens of London deserted the party of which they had been the main * The Jews on their return to London settled in Duke's Place, AJdgate ; a locality which they still inhabit in large numbers, and close to which they have their principal synagogue. 96 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. support, complaining that "the good old cause had been too long neglected." With almost universal acclamation they accepted General Monk's proposal to restore the royal family of Stuart ; and King Charles II. was received in London with such universal acclamations, that he wondered " where *' his enemies were concealed, and how he could " have so long delayed repairing to his friends." The One of the very first acts of the Parliament, on the Restoration, was to grant to the king, " their supreme f( }i e g e ;L or cl and Sovereign," " one subsidy called " tonnage, and another called poundage." This act established differential duties, which show with much significance the state of public opinion as to trade at this time. The tonnage granted was as follows : Tonnage " For every ton of Wine, the growth of France, that shall dutie come into the PORT OF LONDON by way of merchandize, " By your natural born subjects, 41. 10s, " By strangers and aliens, 6^. " And into the OUTPORTS. " By natural born subjects, 3Z. ; and by aliens, 41. 10s. " For every butt or pipe of Mucadels, Malagays, Gites, Tents, Alicants, Bastards, Sacks, Canaries, Malagas, Madeiras, and other wines whatsoever, commonly called sweet wines, of the growth of the Levant, Spain, and Portugal, or any of them, or of the islands belonging to them, or elsewhere, " That shall come into the Port of London, " Brought by English subjects, 2Z. 5s. ; and by aliens, 3?. " And into the Outports, " By English subjects, \l. 10s. ; and by aliens, 2?. 5*. " And also for Rhenish wines, " By natural born subjects, 17. per aura ; and by aliens, 1?. 5s." Poundage. POUNDAGE was granted, " For all manner of goods or merchandize exported or im- ported, either by denizens or aliens, 12rf. for every 20.--. as in the CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 97 book of rates valued, or ad valorem; and for English products or manufactures exported by aliens, Vid, more for every 20s. over and above the first 20s. ; excepting, however, all manner of woollen cloths, commonly called old draperies, and all other goods mentioned to be customs free in the said book of rates."* At the same time an Act was passed, on the prin- A Navi ga - ciple of that of 1651, " for the general encouragement p^ e d. ct and increase of shipping and navigation," but it was questioned whether exclusive trade was now necessary; for under the operation of the previous act, and in consequence of the injury inflicted on Dutch commerce, " ships in England had become one-third dearer, and seamen's wages so excessive," that the cost of our freight had become very much enhanced. The trade of England at the commencement of this Trade at reign would appear to have been very flourishing.' The East India Company, especially, were carrying on a most extensive business. They imported such vast quantities of muslins and other choice goods, as even to interfere (as the silk weavers complained) with The East the internal manufactures of the country. They im- company's ported so much raw silk as to interfere (as the Turkey Trade ' Company complained) with the trade of the Levant. The consequence was, great controversies respecting this Company ; one party desiring to preclude it from importing raw material, and the other party wishing to preclude it from importing manufactured goods. The cause of the Company was stoutly pleaded by Sir Josiah Child, who proved that its trade was of the greatest value to the nation ; but the Company was placed in great jeopardy principally in consequence of a rupture which occurred in Parlia- ment concerning it. Thomas Skinner, a merchant, had fitted out a ship skinner's case. * 12 Chas. II. c. 4. 98 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. A.D. 1657. for India in 1657. On her arrival out, in 1658, the agents of the East India Company not only seized the ship and her merchandize, hut seized the house and Island of Barella, which Skinner had bought of the King of Jamby. Skinner came home overland (being denied a passage by sea in the East India Com- pany's ships), and made lamentable complaints to the King, who first referred him to a Committee of his Council, and next to the House of Peers. The Peers directed the Company to answer, but they de- murred to the Lords' jurisdiction, as not coming properly before them from an inferior court. The Lords overruled this plea, and the Company there- upon petitioned the House of Commons against the proceedings of the Lords, which they alleged to be contrary to law. The Lords were greatly inflamed, and gave Skinner 5,OOOZ. damages against the Com- pany. This inflamed the Commons, who sent Skin- ner to the Tower. The Lords voted the Company's petition to the Commons to be false and scandalous. The Commons resolved that whoever should execute the sentence of the Lords in favour of Skinner, should be deemed " a betrayer of the rights and liberties " of the Commons of England, and an infringer of " the privileges of their House." These violent pro- ceedings obliged the King to adjourn Parliament seven times ; and the quarrel reviving in 1670, the King called both Houses to Whitehall, and prevailed on them to erase all the votes of both Houses on the subject. Thus ended the great case of Skinner, after many elaborate disquisitions on the jurisdiction of either House of Parliament : amid which it does not clearly appear that Skinner ever obtained any redress at all ! Some years afterwards the King t/ O granted a new charter to the Company, by which their monopoly was confirmed, and they were em- CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 99 powered " to seize the ships and merchandize of interlopers " with the forfeiture of one-half to the King. The prosperity of trade which marked the earlier Another . period of this reign was not of long continuance. The Dutch having reconstructed their fleet, the war for maritime supremacy hetween that people and the English again broke out, and terrible conflicts at sea occurred between the fleets of the two nations. This war was most expensive and injurious to England ; not so much by reason of non-success, as because the affairs of Erance, being well and wisely administered, that nation took every possible opportunity of profiting take ad- by the conflict which weakened her two greatest vantage< rivals. The intelligent minister, Colbert, who was called to the administration of the Einance of Erance, soon perceived that these vain contests for maritime supremacy afforded his country the opportunity of developing her manufacturing industry. He imme- diately established the famous Gobelin manufactory for tapestry, procuring the most eminent artists from all parts to support it. He established, also, manu- factories of cloth, silk, and glass. He procured from England the secret of the stocking-frame ; and gave encouragement to manufacturers of iron, steel, fine earthenware, and leather. " Every year of his " ministry," says Voltaire, " from 1663 to 1672, " was distinguished by the establishment of some " new manufacture." * By his means, Erance soon became the great rival and supplanter of both Eng- land and Holland in foreign markets, more especially in woollen goods ; and even in England itself it began to be complained that " every maid-servant " had become a standing revenue to the Erench " King of the half of her wages." * Age of Louis XIV, H 2 100 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. IL English trade stagnant. Peace restored. A.D. 1667. The Hud- sou's Bay Company chartered. The consequence was, that the balance of trade, very early in this reign, became against England. OUR IMPORTS WERE OUR EXPORTS WERE In 1602 . . 4,016,019 2,022,812 In 1668 . . 4,196,140 2,063,275 showing that we scarcely advanced in the interval, and that the balance was largely against us. This state of things could not continue, and, therefore, late in 1667, a treaty was concluded at Breda between England and Holland. Before it was actually signed, the Dutch entered the Medway with seventy ships of war, and took the fort of Sheerness, which they blew up, with a great quantity of stores; and after burning four or five of our largest ships at Chatham, returned in triumph to their own coast. This had nearly caused a con- tinuation of the war, but ultimately peace was signed. The importance of this peace to English trade was established by the eagerness with which the people immediately applied themselves to commercial con- cerns. Trade, however, required encouragement, and certain persons about the Court endeavoured to obtain it from the Sovereign. In the year 1669, Prince Rupert, and seventeen other persons of quality, sent out an adventure to Hudson's Bay, and in 1670 they obtained a Charter for a Company, since called the Hudson's Bay Company, giving them " The sole trade and commerce of all the seas, bays, straits, creeks, lakes, rivers, and sounds, that lie within the entrance of the strait, commonly called Hudson's Straits," together with the fishery therein, and " all mines royal of gold, silver, gems, and pretious stones;" "yielding and paying yearly to us, our heirs and successors, for the same, two elks and two black beavers, whensoever and as often as we, our heirs and suc- cessors, shall happen to enter into the said seas, straits, bays," &c. CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 101 The Charter was a very ample one, but the " mines royal of gold, silver, gems, andpretious stones" proved illusory. The sort of commerce carried on by the company was exhibited half a century afterwards. It was a commerce with the Indians wholly by barter the articles given for skins being powder, shot, hatchets, beads, tobacco, knives, guns, old clothes, kettles, look- ing-glasses, combs, &c. Eor these things, in 1740, the Company received and imported about 45,000 beaver skins, 100,000 other skins, 4,800 Ib. of bed feathers, 1,200 whale fins, and 240 gallons of whale oil. Probably this and other concessions to commerce The king'* would have given stimulus to the English trade, but c iosed e , qu unhappily, in the following year (A.D. 1671-2), King A - D - 1671 - 2 - Charles II., pressed by pecuniary difficulties, and in anticipation of another war with the Dutch, was so ill-advised as to shut up his Exchequer, most cruelly and unjustly seizing the monies of the merchants and bankers deposited therein to the amount of 1,328,526^. The result was not only a very just clamour, but an entire cessation of all confidence in the government. Sir "Win. Temple, in his Miscellanies, remarks that, by this act " The credit of the Exchequer was irrecoverably lost, for credit is gained by custom, and seldom recovers a strain. I have heard," he says, " a great example given of this that happened upon the late King Charles I. seizing 200,OOOZ. in the Mintj but after that invasion of it, although the king paid back the money in a few months, the Mint never recovered its credit amongst foreign merchants." In the case of King Charles II. the same result happened. Trade was paralyzed. The Crown never recovered its credit in the time of the Stuarts, and this breach of honour and good faith was probably one of the latent circumstances which contributed to the ruin of that family. 102 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. Another To make things worse, at a later period of the year AA wr? " 1672, war was again declared against the Dutch, and continued, with numerous and terrible battles at sea, until 1674. In these battles both nations claimed the victory, and both may be said to have suffered the defeat the losses on each side were so vast. In Peace. ^ 1674 peace was restored, and such was the immediate effect on trade, that after a great frost in that year, " there sailed out of the harbour of Rotterdam no " less than 300 sail of English, Scotch, and Irish " ships all at once, with an easterly wind." * Revocation The event, however, which tended most to the pros- Edict e f perity of England at this time was less the restoration of peace with Holland than the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, under which the Protestants in Erance had previously enjoyed the free and public exercise of their religion. This event proved very lamentable to hundreds of thousands of Erench people, amongst whom were many of the best merchants, manufac- turers, and artificers of that kingdom. All that Colbert had so perseveringly and successfully en- deavoured to establish was shattered by this religious Resort of blow. Numbers of artificers came to England; artificers among them a large body of skilled silk manufac- turers, who settled themselves in London, in the dis- tricts of Spitalfields and Bethnal Green; and many gold and silver-smiths, watch-makers, and carvers, who settled in St. Giles, and the neighbourhood of Soho Square. The number who came over has been variously estimated at from 50 to 70,000, and they are supposed to have brought with them more than three millions of money. Assisted by these refugees, the English people set on foot a number of Erench manufactures and fabrics, and began to make for themselves articles which had previously been im- * Ker of Kersland's Memoirs, vol. ii. CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 103 ported from France, and which had contributed to make the balance of trade so large against the country.* The effect of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Public and of the immigration of the Protestant refugees, Jvouf o? was not, however, confined to English trade. Occur- the refu - ring as it did immediately previous to the death of King Charles II., it excited throughout the country a strong Protestant feeling, which set itself deter- and minedly against a successor to the throne who openly avowed the principles of the Roman Catholic religion. ^ Nothing was wanting to a revolution but the policy which James II. madly adopted, which caused so determined and unmeasured a feeling against him as within two years to lead to his expulsion from the throne for ever. Two great events specially affecting London occurred The Great in the time of Charles II. The first was the Eire of London. 1666, by which a very large portion of London was entirely destroyed, and which caused a vast amount of distress amongst the citizens of all ranks. 13,200 houses were burnt, together with the Cathedral of St. Paul's, and most of the churches and corporation halls ; besides which, the loss of merchandize, treasure, plate, and household furniture, was immense; the damage done exceeding, as has been computed, ten millions sterling. It shows the greatness of London and the elasticity of her trade, that, although England was in the midst of a vindictive war, within four * Among the articles of manufacture which the English were taught to make, or in which they were improved, by the French refugees, were light woollens, silk, linen, writing paper, glass, hats, lutestring silks, brocades, satins, ducapes, velvets, watches, cutlery, clocks, jacks, locks, surgeons' instruments, hardware, toys, &c. The greatest encouragement and assistance were given to the refugees, for whom collections were made even in James the Second's reign, as was indeed the case in every Protestant country of Europe. At the commencement of the reign of William III. 15,OOOZ. a year was settled by Parliament on such of them as were persons of quality, or were, through age or infirmity, unable to support themselves. 104 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. years after this event, the city was mostly re-con- structed in a more beautiful and substantial manner than before.* The streets, under Act of Parliament (19 Chas. II. c. 2, 3), were ordered to be built much wider than before, and new ways constructed in the districts previously most crowded. The houses, more- over, were now all constructed of stone and brick instead of wood, and many nuisances, obstructions, and " middle rows," were entirely cleared away. The mercantile community made the greatest efforts to restore the city, and did so, very much to its com- mercial advantage. It has been alleged against the citizens, that their " interested opposition " prevented the very superior plans of Wren or of Evelyn being adopted, by which the beauty of the city would have been much enhanced. But it has been remarked, that, had either of those plans been adopted, the city, by the removal of its trade beyond its boundaries, would have lost in trade, in wealth, and population, as much as it would have gained in beauty. The char- The Eire of London was made the pretext for a poli- Sinchises tical act of Charles II. equally unjust and impolitic. sekeL don After the shutting up of the Exchequer, in 1671-2, a very ill feeling grew up between the court and the city, which continued throughout the reign. The citizens, resolute to maintain their liberties, were constantly thwarting the despotic measures of the court, and the court consequently made great efforts, of a very corrupt character, to acquire an ascendancy in the city. In 1683, an attempt was made, under circumstances which belong to history, to obtain the election of sheriffs who would empannel juries in the interest of the crown ; and this attempt being thwarted by the citizens, who, under the charter * Within seven years the whole work of restoration was accomplished, except St. Paul's. CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 105 of Henry I., had a clear right to choose their own sheriffs, the king determined to seize the City charters, liberties, and franchises. He accordingly ordered a writ of quo warranto to be prosecuted, of which the first allegation was, "that the city had forfeited " their charters, in consequence of an act of Common " Council, passed nine years previously, by virtue " of which new rates of tolls had been levied on " persons using the city markets, to pay for their " rebuilding after the great fire." The object of the king appears to have been to seize the whole of the corporate charters of England into his own hands, and to re-issue them with such limitations as he might see fit, in favour of the prerogative of the Crown. The citizens resisted this act of despotism and usurpation, and their case was argued at great length, and with peculiar ability. But the judges, some of whom are said* to have been raised to the bench for the express purpose, gave judgment against the City.f The City charter was seized : the aldermen, recorder, and other officers of the corpora- tion, obnoxious to the Court, were displaced, and other officers appointed to act " during pleasure." This violent act of power was followed by quo warrantos against most of the other corporations of England, including the trading (or livery) companies of London. Seeing the inutility of opposition in the then state of the courts of law, they most of * Tide Burnet's History of His Own Time. t Judgment was delivered in Trin. Term, 35 Chas. II. (June, 1684). Chief Justice Sanders, -who is probably pointed to by Bishop Burnet, died the same day, or the day after judgment was given ; and the court was therefore only composed of the puisne judges Jones, Raymond, and Withers. Justice Jones pronounced the judgment, and the others assented, and affirmed that Chief Justice Sanders was of the same opinion. Their decisions were" 1. That a corporation aggregate " might be seized. 2. That exacting and taking money by the pretended by-law " was extortion, and a forfeiture of the franchise of being a corporation," &c. (Vide the Charter of the City, and Abstract of the Arguings of the Case of Quo Warranto, by J. E. London, 1738.) 106 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. them surrendered their charters into the king's hands at once. King The citizens continued to be deprived of their charter until the last year of King James II. ; but theno SOOIier did that monarch hear of the landing A.D. less, of the Prince of Orange, than he sent for the Lord Mayor and aldermen, and informed them of his intention to restore all their privileges. His chan- cellor, Jeffreys, accordingly came down to the Guild- hall in great state, and delivered to the citizens a charter, together with two grants of restoration to the Court of Aldermen ; but the king had hardly left London to encounter his opponents, when the Court of Common Council agreed to address the Prince of Orange, imploring his protection, and promising him a welcome reception in the City. "When the prince arrived in London, the Corpora- tion waited upon him with an ardent address of congratulation, delivered by their own Recorder ; and one of the first acts of "William and Mary was " An Act for reversing the judgment in a quo " warranto against the City of London, and for " restoring the same to its ancient rights and pri- " vileges." (2 Wm. and Mary, Session 1.) Temp. The prosperity of the country was evidenced in the and MART, reign of "William and Mary by the establishment of the Bank of England, which, despite a great deal of opposition from the Court and the monied men, ob- The Bank tained a charter on 27th July, 1694.* The establish- iand esta- nient of the Bank of England gave life and energy ^ business, and made trade easy. Great eagerness was exhibited to embark in commercial enterprise; and this even extended itself to Scotland, where, in 1795, * The capital was 1,200,OOOZ. sterling. Sir John Houblon was the first Gover- nor, Michael Godfrey, Esq., who had written strongly in favour of the formation of the Bank, was the first Deputy-Governor. CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 107 the Bank of Scotland was established, which soon The Bank rose to very high credit. The projector of both banks jJn was Mr. William Paterson. The capital of the Scotch Bank was 1,200,0002. Scotch, or 100,0002. sterling. The Scotch, in the same year, embarked in another company, originated by Mr. Paterson, which ob- tained great notoriety, and became the subject of much dispute. This was a company called " The Company of Scotland, trading to Africa and the Indies;" a trade, which they proposed to conduct as far as India, was commenced, across the Isthmus of Panama, at a settlement called "Darien." But this Company met with great jealousy from the Eng- lish merchants. Parliament was induced to address the king against it, and they even went so far as to impeach two persons who had been instrumental in getting subscriptions for it in London. Despite these and other obstacles the Company was formed, and, in 1698, it sent out an expedition of five ships to Darien, where a fort was erected, called St. Andrew, and a new town founded, called New Edinburgh. This caused great rejoicings in Scotland, where the people, with an amount of enthusiasm rather unusual among the Scotch, at once concluded that they were about to establish a trade with Peru and Mexico, and China and Japan, besides India, the Spice Islands, and all the coast of America, north and south. The promoters of this Company did not, however, its diffi- calculate sufficiently on the difficulties of their culties position. Not only was the project itself full of difficulty, involving as it did an unlading and reship- ment of goods upon the voyage, and their portage through a very mountainous and difficult country, but almost all Europe eyed this project with jealousy and disfavour. The King of Spain represented to the King of England that this settlement of his subjects 108 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. u. in the heart of the Spanish dominion in America was "an insult." The Dutch regarded it as injuriously affecting their East India Company and their new settlement at Curayoa. The French were apprehen- sive it would injure their West India commerce, which was beginning to be considerable; and the East India Company of London brought all their powerful influence to bear against the project both in Parliament and at the Throne. Thus pressed on all sides, by subjects and by allies, the king was com- pelled to disavow the Company, which he did by a proclamation, issued in the spring of 1699, pro- hibiting supplies being sent to the Scottish colony at Darien, either from Great Britain or any of her And disas- dependencies. The colony, by this proclamation, was ruined, and the settlers were obliged to abandon it on the 20th June, 1699, after having bravely defended it from a Spanish force which had been sent against it. This disaster greatly inflamed the Scotch people against King William and their English neigh- bours. They demanded redress ; and even so late as 1706, when the Articles of Union were under considera- tion, with characteristic pertinacity, they refused to sign them until measures had been taken for in- demnifying all who had suffered by the Company, and repaying the shareholders the full capital and interest. Specula- Restrained by continental wars from engaging Jj-j* largely in foreign trade, the English during this reign period. embarked their money in numerous projects, chiefly for the development of the internal resources of the country. Banks, linen companies, drainage com- panies, salt and paper manufactories, water com- panies, and mining and fishing companies were started without number in 1695 and 1696; and with them many projects of a less useful and beneficial character. CHAP. II.] HISTORICAL. 109 The spirit thus invoked led to a great deal of gambling in shares ; and lottery speculations without number were established, which multiplied exceedingly and promised "mountains of gold." The Foreign Trade, however, was not in good con- Position of dition, and in the later years of King William III. even the East India Company, in consequence of their losses during the war, was unable to pay a dividend. Against this Company the fury of the London silk weavers was directed, and so tumultuous did they become, that, in 1697, they attempted to seize the trea- sure at the East India House, and almost succeeded. Their complaints led to proceedings in Parliament in the spring of 1698, in the course of which " a new company " was formed under very powerful auspices, which obtained parliamentary powers, and raised 2,000,000/. of capital. Without recounting all the difficulties which ensued, it may suffice to mention that ultimately the two companies were incorporated in one, in 1702. At the close of this reign we have the first record of the number and measurement of vessels belonging to the different ports of England. It is derived from a return issued by the Commissioners of Customs for 1701-2, and shows that there belonged to all the English ports 3,281 Vessels, estimated at 261,222 Tons, and carrying 27,196 Men. The principal ports were as follows : Shipping hind" 8 A - D - 1701 - Ships. Tons. Men. Ships. Tons. Men. London . . 560 84,882 10,065 Hull . . . 115 7,564 187 Bristol . . 165 17,338 2,359 Whitby. . 110 8,292 571 Yarmouth . 143 9,914 668 Liverpool . 102 8,619 1,101 Exeter . . 121 7,107 978 Scarborough 100 6,860 606 No other port had 100 vessels ; but Newcastle had 63 vessels, measuring 11,000 tons ; and Ipswich had 1 10 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. 39, measuring 11,170 tons.* Of the Hull vessels, 80 were laid up, which accounts for the small number of men in that port. Temp. Queen Anne commenced her reign by declaring ANNE? war against Prance. She immediately afterwards The entered into a treaty with the King of Portugal, Methuen -. -. . -. / /> .... ,, -,-, Treaty, whereby, in exchange lor a iree admission 01 woollens into Portugal, England bound herself " for ever to " admit the wines of the growth of Portugal into " Britain," " so that at no time, whether in peace " or war, there should be a higher duty upon those " wines than on the wines of France." t This was a most improvident arrangement, inasmuch as it was cal- culated to exclude us from a large market for our goods in France, and limit us to a very small market for them in Portugal; excluding us also from the greatest, cheapest, and most varied wine-producing country of the world. For upwards of a century and a half, however, high-priced port wine was forced into consumption in England under the provisions of this treaty ; from which we were only relieved, in 1860, by the effect of the recent commercial treaty with France. its inju- A trade, however, sprung up with Portugal. " The on our ' Methuen Treaty," in the course of the years of wfth 1013 war which succeeded, became the charter of a vested France. * This figure has been questioned, but there is reason to think it correct. In Clarke's " History of Ipswich," he speaks of " the huge colliers, called Cats," which used to be employed here. He says, " These cats were of large tonnage, ' standing very high above the water. They were wider in proportion than other ' vessels of similar burden ; their hulls were painted black, and, with their dingy ' crew and gigantic bulk, they had a gloomy and terrific appearance. It is still a ' common expression among the old seamen, in reference to the face of a vessel, ' to say that she is cat-built." (Clarke's Ipswich : Ips. 1830, p. 417.) "Ships ' of any burden can come up the Orwell as far as Downham Reach." The ship- ping of Ipswich in 1S30 numbered 147 vessels, of 8,538 tons. The number of craft had largely increased, though the tonnage had diminished. t Mr. Gladstone's device of an "alcoholic test," i.e. a differential duty on wines, according to their strength, no doubt had for its object to release England from the meshes of this treaty. CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. Ill interest ; and a great clamour was raised in 1713, when, under the articles of the Treaty of Utrecht, it was proposed to place Prance in the same com- mercial position, as regarded her trade with Eng- land, as she had heen in 1664. Newspapers were started to assail the articles, and " the weavers," as usual, predicted all sorts of ruin to the "black and coloured silk manufacture" from an introduc- tion of silks, ribbons, and embroideries from France. The Parliament, by a majority of nine, refused to ratify, by Act of the Legislature, so much of the treaty as re-established French trade, and the com- merce of the two greatest commercial countries of the world remained, in consequence, in a state of semi-prohibition on both sides, to the great encourage- ment of the smuggler. It was in the ninth year of Queen Anne that The South Sir Robert Walpole, Earl of Oxford, then Prime P auy Minister and Lord Treasurer of Great Britain, pro- cured an Act of Parliament to be passed for " making " good deficiencies and satisfying the public debts, " and for erecting a corporation to carry on a trade to " the South Seas, and for the encouragement of the " fishery," &c. The Royal Charter incorporating the Company was dated the 8th September following. Its stock rose to a high price. The Queen, who was said to take a personal interest in its success, ob- tained the Company the privilege to trade on the Spanish Main from the King of Spain. The Com- pany, however, did not commence trade, but kept adding to its capital stock until Midsummer, 1715, when it amounted to ten millions. In the same year it launched its first ship, called the Hoyal Prince, after the Prince of Wales (George II.), who was mag- nificently entertained on board. This vessel did not make her first voyage until 1717. 112 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. Condition The balance of trade throughout this reign was in in this e favour of England, and the net customs duties rose "^ from 1,389,000/. in 1700, to 1,714,00(M. in 1714. The East India Company, in a representation to the House of Commons in 1712, alleged that "they annually exported to the East Indies about 150,OOOZ. value in woollen goods and other English products." Upon the whole, however, it cannot be considered that trade was flourishing, or that improvements were at all proportioned to the advancement of the age, whilst the long wars with France created a national debt, amounting at the death of Anne to 50,000,000/. sterling. Temp. To meet this heavy burden the Ministers of ' George I., as soon as his government was established, were compelled to take measures for the reduction of the legal rate of interest. This was a salutary mea- sure for commerce, and it began to extend itself in consequence. Unhappily, however, the attention impulse of all classes was speedily diverted from legitimate splcuia enterprise by the scheme brought out by Law in Paris, for the settlement of Louisiana by a company designated the " Mississippi Company." This scheme gave an impulse to speculation, which extended itself to every quarter of Europe, and especially to London, The South where the South Sea Company, which had hitherto pany'8 m done nothing but raise capital and build ships, pro- p^Tff the P ose( l to * ne king a scheme to pay off the National National Debt by incorporating it into their stock. This pro- posal was accepted in Parliament, and a Bill brought in " for enabling the Company to increase their present " capital stock and fund, by redeeming such public " debts and incumbrances as are therein mentioned." The rumour of this scheme sent the public into a frenzy of speculation, and the stock of the Company, which was not much above par before Christmas, CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. U3 1719, rose by the 1st June, 1720, to 890 per cent., the stocks of other Companies rising in proportion. At the same time, numerous new projects were brought out, some of which were sound,* whilst others were of a very speculative character. The rage for speculation in these various Companies at length reached a point at which the managers of the South Sea Company thought, very foolishly, that they obstructed the operations of the South Sea Company; and accord- ingly, in August, 1720, they caused legal proceed- ings to be taken by writ of scire facias against certain of these " pretended companies " " promulgated con- trary to law." The immediate effect of these pro- ceedings was, of course, the collapse of the companies Collapse directly proceeded against and of many others of specula- lesser note ; and as the public did not know to what extent such proceedings might go, they began to with- draw their money, as well as they could, from all the speculations, the various shares of which underwent in consequence most rapid diminution. The South Sea Company itself participated in this decline, for, al- though by the promise of dividends of from 30 to 50 per cent, the price of their stock was maintained at about 800 until the 1st September, it had sunk by the 29th to 175, and the bonds of the Company were at 25 discount. The result of all this was great uneasiness and National clamour, and a run upon the Bank. Before the close of the year, the country began to experience severe distress. Various expedients were started for re- lieving the sufferers. The South Sea Company peti- tioned the King for a grant of that part of the island of St. Christopher's, which had been ceded by France to England under the Treaty of Utrecht, or for the * The Royal Exchange and the London Assurance Corporations, two of the greatest fire and life insurance offices in London, were originated at this time. I 1 14 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. territory of Nova Scotia, which they offered to settle and make advantageous to trade. They did not succeed in this application, but they induced the Legislature to remit the entire sum they were bound to pay for taking up the National Debt ; so that the public were deprived of all the benefit anticipated from that scheme. In the following year, Parliament appointed a Select Committee of Inquiry into the affairs of the South Sea Company, which ended in restrains upon the directors and officers, who were prohibited from leaving the kingdom, in proceedings against other in- fluential authorities, and in "an Act for restoring public credit." But this, an Act of Parliament must always be comparatively ineffectual to accomplish; and much more was done to restore public credit by the peace which was shortly afterwards concluded with Spain, than by all the measures which Parlia- ment could enact upon the subject. Trade Peace being established in 1721, the South Sea thTsouth Company sent out a rich ship to trade with the Sea com- Spanish settlements at Porto Bello and Carthagena,* and in 1723 they sent another ship, with a rich freight, to trade at Vera Cruz. In 1725, stimulated by the success of the Dutch in the Greenland whale fishery, the same Company commenced sending ships to fish for whales. This trade they carried on for eight years (until 1732), when, finding that there had been considerable losses, they were obliged to lay it aside. Their total disbursements on account of the fishery amounted, during the eight years, to 262.172/. The amount obtained by the sale of oil and whale fins, as well as by the sale of their ships and stores, was 84,390^.: leaving a dead loss of principal, without interest, of 177,7822. The Company claimed great merit for * The Company were obliged to obtain licences from the Spanish government to carry on this traffic, and great difficulties were sometimes thrown in the way of their trade. CHAP. II.] HISTOEICAL. 115 having carried on the trade so long under such dis- advantages. O As showing the state of trade of the port at this Trade of period, some statistics may be interesting : this period NUMBER OF VESSELS entered Inwards in the Port of London, 1728 : British 1,839 Foreign 213 Coasters 6,837 Total 8,889 EXPORTS from London for the month of May, 1730 : Pewter (wrought) . . 499 J cwt. Lead 184 fodder. Ditto in Shot . . . 847 cwt. Alum 1,275 Copperas 4,033 Tobacco 866,163 Ibs. Calicoes 76,847 pieces. Gold Watches ... 47 Silver ... 113 Wrought Plate . . . 972 ounces. Woollen Cloths . . . 5,357 pieces. Bays, Colchester, &c. . 6,990 Stuffs, Druggets, &c. . 24,484 Perpets and Serges . 4,108 Hats 2,028 dozens. Hose 9,368 doz. prs. Flannel and Cotton . 53,053 yards. Frieze 7,858 Gartering 774 gross. Leather 2,290 cwt. Block Tin 1,036 Besides 339,353 oz. of Silver, and 36,294 oz. of Gold. IMPORTS into London, May, 1730 : Thrown Silk from Italy 31,218 Ibs. Raw Silk 3,441 Coffee from Turkey only 1,781 cwt. Oil from Gallipoli . . . 390 tons. Holland Cloth, or Fine Linen 66,286 ells. Ditto from Hamburgh and Bremen . . . 1,232,209 Irish Linen* . . . 179,114 yards. Linen Yarn from Ham- burgh 73,450 Ibs. Coffee from Mocha . . 5,000 bales. The East India Company in the spring of this year * In 1688 Ireland did not export annually above 6,OOOZ. worth of linen. In 1741, her exports of linen were valued at 600,000/. This rapid increase was foretold by Sir William Temple, in his " Miscellanies." '* No women," he says, " are apter to spin linen thread well than the Irish ; and this trade may certainly be advanced and improved into a great manufacture, so as to bear down the trade of France and Holland ; for besides what has been said of the flax and spinning, the soil and climate of Ireland are proper for whitening, both by the frequent brooks, and also the winds of the country." I 2 Wines . 4,299 casks. Ditto from Leghorn . . 459 chests. Ditto Rhenish .... 1,019 auras. Brandy from Dunkirk . 24,687 galls. Rum from Brit. Colonies 6,327 Sugar 1,421 hhds. Rice from Carolina . . 3,025 Spanish Wool .... 1,144 bags. Indigo from Spain and our Colonies .... 57,784 Ibs. Hemp from the East Country . 1,160 cwt 1 16 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, n- Trade, sailed seventeen ships from India to the Thames, but 3 ' they did not arrive until late in the year. The South Sea Company's great ship Prince Frederick returned to the Thames from Vera Cruz this year, with a lading of 400,000 dollars, or Spanish pieces of eight, in specie, 190,000 Ibs. of cochineal, 47,000 Ibs. of indigo, and 170 tons of logwood. The cargo was valued altogether at 350,000. sterling. Our colonial trade with America and the West Indies had also begun about this time to be large. The total value of the imports of England this year was 7,780,019/., the exports, 8,548,982Z. Temp. The earlier years of the reign of George II. were SORGE IT. verv propitious to commerce. The times were tran- quil; the policy of the Government had warded off foreign war, suppressed the Jacobites, and for a season paralysed faction. The nation, having re- covered from the effects of the year of speculation, Commerce was now pursuing commerce steadily and surely. expands. ]y one y was plentiful, and the rate of interest low. The West India Islands were largely developing the sugar manufacture, and were also sending us coffee, cotton, ginger, pimento, mahogany, logwood, and indigo. Jamaica alone employed at this time 300 sail of ships and 6,000 seamen. Carolina, having become a royal dependency, had begun, after reducing the Indians, to extend its plantations. Virginia and Maryland were sending home 60,000 hhds. of tobacco annually, and the northern ports of the American coast were supplying us very largely with timber, tar, and other articles which had previously been obtained from foreign nations in the Baltic. The American colonies also exported to the West Indies cask-staves, timber, pork, peas, flour, and biscuits, in exchange for rum, of which they consumed great quantities, sugar, and Spanish mahogany. The slave trade between the CHAP, n.] HISTORICAL. 1'7 coast of Africa and the West Indies and America, also employed at this time a large number of vessels, and there was a considerable export of articles of English manufacture needed on the coast for the purchase of the slaves. The greater proportion of the commerce of the The trade port of London was at this time carried on by the carried " great companies, such as the East India Company, the Russia Company, the Levant Company, the South Sea Company, the Hudson's Bay Company, the African Company, &c. It was probably this circumstance, as well as considerations of convenience relating to the O position of the ports, and the character of the com- merce, which led the West India, the African, and a large portion of the American trade, to establish itself at ports on the western coast of England, where it was carried on by individual traders. The seaports The Out- of Bristol, Liverpool, and Glasgow, began at this time EngJanA to develop themselves very rapidly, as did also the cotton manufactories of Manchester, and the small ware and hardware trades of Birmingham. Liverpool had so much increased as to have become the third commercial town in England, and, together with it, Manchester had sprung into a large town, contain- ing, in 1727, at least 50,000 people. London, also profiting by the general prosperity, had so much General extended her boundaries, that new parishes were P ros P ent y- obliged to be created in Bloomsbury, Limehouse, Bethnal Green, Stepney, Westminster, and Deptford, in order to supply the spiritual wants of the new, populous, and wealthy districts which were everywhere arising. It may be observed, in proof of the growing richness of London, that it had become at this time the great European mart for diamonds, and other precious stones, the importation whereof was facili- tated by an Act passed 2 Geo. II. (c. 7.) 118 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. Georgia In 1732 a most charitable design was set on foot coiomsed. ^ n ;L OIlc ion by a number of benevolent gentlemen. Being moved with compassion towards the numerous poor prisoners who, under the then state of the in- solvent law, were confined in the gaols for debt, they raised a subscription for sending such of them as were inclined to emigrate to a district of America, for which they procured a grant from the Crown, and which was denominated Georgia. The first settlement was made at Savannah, in 1733. This new Colony was established solely for the benefit of the emigrants, and not for purposes of gain to any company. The promoters procured and sent out vine-dressers, with different sorts of European vines, silkworms, and some Piedmontese skilled in tending them and in winding silk. They also sent all the plants and seeds likely to thrive in the climate. In 1757 (five years after), 1,052 Ib. of cocoons was produced in Georgia. In 1758 the production rose to 7,000 Ib., and in 1759, to 10,000 Ib., though the season was not favourable. At a subsequent period the production declined, owing probably to the cultivation of other articles of commerce.* war with The increase of our trade in America and the West Indies was the cause of a serious war which broke out in 1739, between Spain and England. Our colonists were naturally desirous of trading along the shores of the rich countries settled in America by Spaniards, and the position of the British West India Islands, and especially of Jamaica, gave them great facilities for doing so. But the Spaniards, who were always * In 1764, the production exceeded 15,000lb, though the season was said to be unfavourable. The silk of Georgia, however, was complained of in the London market as " too round and spungy," owing to its being badly wound. The silk cultivation in Georgia appears to have given way to the cotton cultivation. The U.S. Gazeteer of the present day, makes no mention of silk in its list of Georgian productions. CHAP. IL] HISTORICAL. 119 great monopolists in trade, laid severe restrictions on British commerce with their South American pos- sessions. They declared it, for the most part, con- traband, and guarded their coast with revenue vessels, called "guarda cos fas." In 1737, the merchants of Jamaica petitioned the Causes of king for protection against these guarda costas, which * were said not only to stop and search vessels on the high seas, hut forcibly and arbitrarily to seize them, and to treat the commanders and sailors with inhumanity. The king promised them redress if they could make good their allegations, which they proceeded to do. The House of Lords passed a resolution " that the " Spaniards searching British ships on the open seas, " under pretence of their carrying contraband and " prohibited goods, is a violation of the treaties " between the two crowns." And Spain, not making what was deemed satisfactory reparation, England, in 1739, declared war, "to maintain the honour of " the crown, and to obtain redress for the much " injured merchants and traders, who, from all parts " of the kingdom, made earnest petitions for relief." This war was exceedingly popular amongst the mer- its cantile community, who anticipated great advantages mkjt from forcing Spain to open her trade. Commodore Anson's expedition was fitted out to harass the Spaniards on the coast of South America. In the course of the voyage which he made round the world, that commander captured many rich Spanish galleons, and other prizes ; but it is very much to be doubted whether the injury done to British trade in the Levant, which, during this war, was largely inter- fered with by the French, did not more than counter- balance any successes obtained in South America. n s The war lasted until 1748, when peace Avas restored slon by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, without Spain mak- 120 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. ing any concessions in respect of trade. Indeed, the English themselves began at that period to doubt whether a trade direct with the Spanish settlements in South America was so profitable to them as a trade with Cadiz, from which the Spaniards themselves could supply South America with British manufac- tures. The consequence was, that under a supple- mental treaty, the South Sea Company, on receiving a certain compensation, were deprived of the privilege which Queen Anne had obtained for them, of sending an armed ship to trade on the coast of South America, and each nation agreed to treat the other on the general principle of " the most favoured nation." Nova On the conclusion of the war the English again colonised, began to apply themselves to colonization. Nova A.D. 1749. S C otia was at this time the scene of settlement, where, under the name of Halifax, an important town was established. At the same time the " private traders," whose influence and weight had for some time been increasing, began to make complaints against the great companies by which English trade Com- had been hitherto principally conducted. The Hud- against the son's Bay Company was first attacked. It was corn- Bay cm- plained that, though possessed of exclusive privileges, they did not open out their trade ; that their settle- ments were limited, their exports of small value, the soil of their territory uncultivated, though very rich and fruitful, their fisheries undeveloped, and their country rich in copper and lead mines which they afforded no encouragement to work. Bristol and Liverpool petitioned for the opening of the trade ; and Parliament a Committee of the House of Commons was appointed and l reorts to consider the allegations against the Company. thereon. They reported that, " considering the Companv's " capital, &c., it did not appear that they had not, in " the main, done as well as could be expected for CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 121 " promoting their commerce, and that it seemed very " doubtful whether, if the trade were laid quite open, " it might not be gradually lost from us to the French " of Canada." The private traders were more successful in an The * application to Parliament in the following year to open the trade with Africa, which was done with so much success that this branch of British com- A D - !7 merce assumed quite a new aspect. Two years after, in 1752, the old Royal African Company, on receiv- ing a compensation, surrendered their Charter, lands, forts, slaves, stores, and all other effects, and gave up their trade. This assault being successful, in 1753 the private The Le- traders assailed the Levant Company. They ob- Sed from tained an Act of Parliament throwing open all the liberties and privileges enjoyed by the Company to all persons paying 20/. to the use of the Company. This was virtually withdrawing the Charter of the Company, and throwing open the trade to private merchants. In the last days of George II. 's reign commerce War with was unfortunately interrupted by a war which broke lo^ out with France in 1756, and continued until 1763. The British arms, however, were crowned with suc- cess by sea and land ; and the acquisition of Canada may, perhaps, be regarded as some compensation for the check which our growing trade must have sus- tained. Apart from the checks inflicted by war, it Progress must be acknowledged that during the reign George II. the commerce of England made more pro- g c gress than at any period up to our own time. Vast wealth was acquired by the country ; and to the con- tentment thereby ensured, the House of Hanover, no doubt, owes its settlement upon the English throne. It should be added that the arts and sciences pro- 122 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. II. gressed greatly in England during this reign. In 1751 an Act was passed " for correcting the Calendar and establishing the new style;" and, in 1754, the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce was established, which immediately issued proposals for the encouragement of our Ame- rican colonies. That which was of even greater im- portance to commerce, was the discovery of the mode of settling the longitude at sea, by which the science of navigation at once reached its highest point. Maitland, in his Survey of London, has given a list to Loi, of the vessels belonging to the port in 1732. They iid e 3?' numbered 1,487, of 178,557 tons, navigated by 21,797 toL men. 130 of these ships were from 300 to 500 tons, and 83 from 200 to 300 tons, excepting the South Sea Company's great ship of 750 tons. In 1739 we find, from a local act of Parliament, that Liverpool had 211 ships, of which 1 was of 400, 1 of 350, 1 of 300, 1 of 250, 2 of 240, 2 of 200, 2 of 190, 4 of 180, 7 of 160, 15 of 150, 10 of 140, 5 of 130, 13 of 120, 6 of 110, and 16 of 100 tons. In 1754, Bristol had 300 ships engaged in foreign trade, besides coasters. It is probable that, by 1760, London possessed nearly 2,000 vessels, whilst the other ports had risen in proportion. Temp. Whilst war prevailed in the latter years of George II . ni B and the earlier days of George III., the English appear to have applied themselves to the improve- Roads re- ment of their internal communications. New roads were constructed and old roads repaired, and the advantages of inland water carriage beginning to be Canals con- appreciated, attention was turned to the construction strutted of canals. The first great work of this sort, the superb canal constructed by Brindley, for the Duke of Bridgwater, for the conveyance of coal from his estate at "VVorsley into Manchester, was opened in CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 123 July, 1761. At a somewhat later date, this canal was extended to Liverpool, and made applicable to pas- senger traffic between Liverpool and Manchester. The trade of England at the commencement of the state of reign of George III. had reached a very high point. A. 1760. Our imports in the year 1760 amounted to 10,683,595^. and our exports to 15,781,175/. Our principal im- ports, moreover, were from our own possessions in the East and West Indies and America, whilst our largest exports were to Germany, Holland, Portugal, Spain, and India. Peace with Prance being concluded at Paris early in 1763, business immediately increased; the imports of that and the succeeding year being as follows : IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 1763 . . 12,568,927 . . 15,578,943 1764 . . 11,250,660 . . 17,446,306 At this time occurred the first differences between Differences England and her colonies, in consequence of England endeavouring to apply the operation of a Stamp Act to America. The colonists destroyed the whole of the A.D. 1754. stamped paper, and entered into an agreement to im- port no more goods from Great Britain. In order to carry out this resolution, a society was established at New York for the protection of arts, commerce and manufactures, and the colonists began to apply themselves to manufacturing industry. The export trade of England to the American colonies conse- quently experienced a very large decline in 1765 ; and trade became greatly deranged. Petitions were pre- Parliament sented to Parliament from all the commercial and gJJJJJjf jJJtJ manufacturing communities complaining of distress, A - D - 1765 - and in 1766 the Legislature found itself obliged to repeal the Stamp Act, a measure which was hailed in London with great demonstrations of public rejoicing. Our imports and exports, which had sunk consider- ably, speedily exhibited an increase. 124 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 1765 . . 11,812,144 . . 15,763,867 1766 . . 12,456,764 . . 15,188,668 1767 . - 13,097,153 . . 15,090,000 1768 . . 13,116,280 . . 16,620,132 Although the Parliament removed the Stamp Act, they still insisted on maintaining certain duties on colonial imports. This caused great dissatisfaction in America, where a large party continued to dis- courage the use of British goods. The increase of trade was consequently not progressive, and, in 1770, "the merchants trading to America" presented a petition to Parliament, setting forth " the great losses they sustained by the interrup- " tion of their trade in consequence of the late " laws." Parliament reconsidered and repealed some But insists of the duties ; * but the duty on tea they still per- duty, e Ba mitted to remain in force. It is curious that the A.D. 1770. ^ c ^. re p ea ii n g the duties was brought into Parlia- ment on the 5th March, the very evening on which a riot broke out at Boston, in which the first blood was shed in the quarrel between Great Britain and her colonies. irritation - Great irritation resulted from the perpetuation colonists. f this claim to tax the colonists, and the British admiral in America found it necessary to place armed vessels at certain places in order to suppress smug- gling and protect trade. At Providence, Rhode Island, the activity of the officer who commanded one of these vessels so provoked the people, that a party of them boarded the schooner on the night of the 10th June, 1772, took the crew out of her, and set her on fire. This affront was highly resented at home, whilst in America it served to widen the breach be- tw T een the colony and the mother- country. The East The year 1771 had been a year of large speculation. India Com- 10 Geo. III. c. 17. ' CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 125 The imports had risen on the year preceding from pny per- 16,000,000^. to upwards of 19,000,000*. The conse- quence was a reaction, and 1772 was a year of bad ^c trade. The East India Company participated in the A -- 1773 - general distress, in consequence principally of their wars and heavy expenditure in India; and being unable to maintain their high dividends (which had reached 12g per cent.), they petitioned Parliament in 1773 for some assistance. They obtained an Act which, together with pecuniary aid, permitted them to export their teas to all parts of the world free of duty. In August, 1773, having then 17,000,000 Ib. of tea on hand, a majority of the Company decided at a meeting to ship consignments of tea to America, although very many arguments were used against it; and several vessels were chartered in London to carry out these teas to different colonial ports. Now, for some years, the colonists had taken The Coio- scarcely any of the Company's tea, but had pro- S*^^* cured their tea from foreign markets. It had been ifc > said by some that this conspiracy against the Com- pany's trade was the cause of the Company's dis- tress ; and this idea was, of course, very pleasing to the vanity of the colonists. When, therefore, they heard that the Company and the mother-country were about to relieve themselves from their difficulties by sending tea to America on which an import duty was to be paid by the colonists, their wrath broke forth into a flame, and they determined to prevent the tea from, beinsr sold or even landed. o Accordingly, on the arrival of three tea ships at and dis- O v J -L t it Boston, the people of that town assembled. Following the example set at Providence, a number of men, dis- guised as Mohawk Indians, boarded the ships in the night-time, and without offering any violence to the vessels or seamen, discharged the whole of the cargoes 126 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. overboard, and then went qaietly on shore. This occurred on the 18th December, 1773. Such tea ships as arrived at Boston afterwards returned directly to England with their cargoes. At New York a parcel of tea was landed under the guns of a ship-of-war ; but the colonists insisted on its being locked up from being sold. At Philadelphia orders were issued to the pilots to conduct no tea ship up the river ; and at Charlestown the example of Boston was followed by discharging the tea into the sea. Parliament In consequence of these outrages the Imperial Par- liament passed an Act (June 1, 1774) depriving Boston f ^ s P r i y il e g es as a port.* On the oth of September pt. following, a " congress of delegates of the British " colonies in America" was held at Philadelphia. Their first act was to issue an address to the people of Great Britain, " their friends and fellow- subjects." Their next was to revive the non-importation regula- The Colo- tions of 1764. They resolved to import no goods solve to whatever from Great Britain to desist from the Brltilh no slave-trade to increase the breed of sheep, and to goods. uphold to public odium any one who, in consequence of the scarcity of goods, should demand extravagant prices. The Congress ordered an estimate of the popu- lation of the Associated Provinces, which showed them to amount to 3,026,000 people. Soon after, they opened a commerce with .France and Holland. Parliament On this being known in England, Parliament passed them 6 the Acts restraining the American provinces from trading trade * w ^h any foreign country ; f but before the passing A.D. 1775. of these Acts was known in America, the impending cloud had burst in deeds of open hostility. The war broke out by the seizure of some ammunition and A Congress stores near Boston, in April, 1775. In the July the mTe- following the Congress of the " United States of " 14 Geo. III. c. 9. t 15 Geo. III. cc. 10, 18. CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 127 America" declared their independence, which was pe ndence confirmed by a formal proclamation, issued on the united 4th July, 1776. states. The immediate effect of this war upon British com- Effect of merce was novel and peculiar. It had been predicted the war- that the refusal of the Americans to consume British articles would be followed by serious results to British exports. But this did not prove to be the case. It was speedily discovered that the manufactures of England were now the best and the cheapest in the world ; and accordingly the exports of Great Britain were not immediately affected, but were only directed into other channels.* But upon the shipping of Eng- land the result was unexpected. Our shipping had greatly increased, and we were now carrying on a large transit trade. The Americans, not being American blockaded in their ports, fitted out numbers of small p rivateer - . . 1D S- privateers, with which they infested every sea ; and finding shelter and even encouragement in the ports of France and Holland, they were even able to make captures on the coast of England itself. The conse- quence of this was especially serious to our West India trade. So many ships from the islands fell into the hands of the Americans, that the insurance on home- ward-bound "\Yest India vessels rose, in 1777, to the high rate of 23 per cent. The result altogether was so serious, that in that year the river Thames was * France granted a sum of money to Congress for clothing the American troops. Mr. Laurence, jun. was entrusted with the duty of providing the cioth, and instead of laying out the money in France, he bought English cloth in Holland, from whence he exported it to America. The French Minister] was instructed to complain of this transaction to Congress, as ungrateful and injurious to France ; but Mr. Laurence justified himself, by saying that it was his duty to do the best he could with the money, and that the English cloths were much better than the French at the same price. It was not until the year before the close of the war that Congress was able effectually to prevent the introduction of British goods into America, which they did at last by a law which rendered them liable to seizure and forfeiture, wherever found (vide Lord Sheffield's Observations on the Commerce of the American States, p. 10). 128 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. crowded with foreign vessels loading for various parts of the world with British cargoes, the shippers of which were afraid to trust their property in British vessels. France i n 1778 France joined America, and laid an em- S* e hargo on all English shipping in her ports. The A.D. 1778. jjouse o f Lords at this time appointed a Committee on the state of the nation, hefore which the merchants complained of the severe losses they had sustained by the war. It was estimated that 733 vessels had been captured, of the value of 2,600,000/. The African trade had been almost destroyed. Sugar and other West India commodities had doubled in price, as well as all kinds of naval stores. The number of American privateers was stated to be 173, carrying 2,556 guns, and nearly 14,000 men. On the other hand it was stated that we had captured 900 American vessels, and had destroyed their fishery; but it is obvious that this could give very little consolation to the British merchants who had suffered. Parliament The consequence of all this was that Parliament empowers . * . . . . empowered the King to appoint commissioners to go to America, and there to treat "with any persons " whatsoever for the redress of grievances supposed " to exist in the government of the colony." * Five commissioners were appointed, and went out. But, as in all these cases, the concession was "TOO LATE." Congress, flushed with its successes, determined not to enter into any negotiations, except as an independent State, and the commissioners soon returned home. Commer- The Channel being covered with a French fleet, in 1778, the most serious apprehensions were entertained for the safety of two fleets of East India, and two fleets of West India ships on their way home, these fleets constituting the great bulk of British trade, * 18 Geo. III. c. 13. CHAP. XL] HISTORICAL. 129 and being of large value. Happily, on the 27th July, Admiral Admiral Keppel was able to bring the French fleet J^jJSf " to an action off Brest, and to force them to retreat into that port. The British ships from all quarters of the world consequently arrived in the Thames and other ports in safety, and Admiral Keppel, having refitted his fleet at Plymouth, rode triumphant in the British Channel, and made captures of a large number of French vessels, entirely reversing the con- ditions of the parties, and inflicting damage to French commerce to the extent of 80 or 100 millions of livres.* The Dutch at this time insisted on their right, as Dutch a neutral nation, to carry supplies to France. To fS^ 6 this Great Britain objected, and made seizure of *^' D 1780 Dutch vessels wherever they- were found. On July 1, 1780, a Dutch fleet of merchantmen, protected by five ships of war, was met off Portland by a fleet under Commodore Fielding, who requested permission to examine the merchant ships. This being refused, he sent his boats, which were fired upon by the Dutch ; whereupon Commodore Fielding fired a shot at .the Dutch admiral, who immediately fired a broadside. The compliment was returned, and the Dutch admiral struck his flag. The merchant vessels * This is the estimate of the Abbe Raynal (ride Hist. Phil, et Polit. vol. ix. p. 216). The value of one of the captures, the Modeste, from China, laden with tea, and taken by H.M.S. Porcupine, was estimated at 300,000. The Gaston, another Indiaman, taken by two privateers from Liverpool, was worth 500,OOOZ. Forty sail of French West India ships were captured worth 15,OOOJ. each. Liverpool at this time did a flourishing trade in privateering. Between August, 1778, and April, 1779, she fitted out no less than 120 privateers, measuring 30,787 tons, carrying 1,986 guns, and 8,754 men. When a carrying trade is destroyed, a few guns and ammunition in a fast ship, convert her instantly into a privateer. The East India Company at this time fitted out three ships with seventy-four guns each, and presented them to the Government as an addition to the navy. They were called, in honour of the three presidencies, the Ganges, the Carnatic, and the Bombay Castle. The Company offered a bounty for 6,000 seamen to man these and other vessels. Their patriotic example was followed by several other com- munities, both in building ships and raising men. Indeed, great exertions were everywhere made to protect British commerce on the seas. K 130 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. were detained as prizes, but the Commodore refused to make prizes of the Dutch men-of-war. They therefore hoisted their flags again, but accompanied their vessels to Spithead, whither they were carried. This affair incensed the Dutch exceedingly, and they vehemently demanded satisfaction, which the British refused to give them. But this state of things led to declarations on the part of B/ussia, Sweden, and Denmark " I. That neutral ships shall enjoy a free navigation, even from port to port, and on the coasts of the belligerent powers. " II. That all effects belonging to the subjects of belligerent powers shall be looked upon as free on board such neutral ships, except only such goods as are stipulated as contraband." The The declaration, of which these are the principal NeilSSi- points, was called the " Armed Neutrality." The ty> " Dutch assented to it in November, 1780, but the effect of their declaration of assent was neutralized by an incident which occurred about the same time. Mr. Laurens, previously President of Congress, had been sent from America to Holland, in an American vessel, as ambassador to the States-General. The ship in which he embarked was captured by an English vessel off Newfoundland, and amongst Mr. Laurens' papers was found a recent treaty of com- merce, signed in September, 1778, between the United war with States and Holland. England immediately demanded satisfaction of the Dutch, but they being in no hurry to comply with the demand, on December 20th England declared war, and seized all the Dutch vessels in her ports. England was now at war with four nations with Erance, Spain, Holland, and America. Great as was her power at sea, it could scarcely be expected, nor was it for the interest of nations, or of the world, CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 131 that this state of things should long continue. The commerce and manufactures of the country were dis- tressed ; the exports had sunk from 17,288,000/. in 177^ to 11,332,000/. in 1781. Yet, strange to say, the reaction which began at this time to set in, and which ultimately brought about a peace, arose less from the distresses than from the successes of England. In the West Indies, close to St. Christopher's, there Capture of is a small island, scarcely known to us in the present &, day, called the island of St. Eustatia. It is only five A> - 178L or six miles long, destitute of springs, and little else than a huge volcanic mountain. From the year 1600 St. Eustatia was successively in the possession of the Dutch, the French, and the English; and at the treaty of Ryswick it came into the possession of the Dutch again, and remained theirs until this war. Having determined to make war with the Dutch, the English Government sent out instructions to Admiral Rodney, who commanded the British fleet in the West Indies, to seize this island ; and in February, 1781, he invested St. Eustatia with his fleet, and seized the possession, which, although strong, was defenceless against his forces. As a neutral port, St. Eustatia had become, during the progress of the war, a great depot for merchandise, and Rodney found not only its warehouses crammed with goods, but 250 mer- chantmen ready for sea. He seized all the merchan- dise and shipping, and the value of his capture was supposed to amount to 6,000,0002. sterling. In the result, however, it proved that a very large proportion of this property belonged to British merchants, either its effect in England or the West Indies. They applied to commerce. Rodney to give it up, but he answered them very cavalierly, expressing his surprise that any British merchants should have placed their property in a position in which it could be made the means of afford- K2 132 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. ing succour to the enemy. The merchants commenced actions against him, and petitioned Parliament for re- dress; and their complaints were advocated by Mr. Burke, who strongly inveighed against the seizure. The matter would, no doubt, have gone much further than it did, but for subsequent events. In November, 1781, the Marquis de Bouille, at the head of 2,000 men, embarked from Guadaloupe, surprised St. Eustatia, and took it for the Trench; and, shortly after, the Comte de Grasse, who commanded the French fleet in the West Indies, having prepared an expedition to seize Jamaica, Admiral Rodney met him, and destroyed his fleet, thereby preserving that important island to the British. This double event set aside all parliamentary consideration of the claims of the British merchants, and Lord Rodney, instead of being considered a robber, came to be regarded as a hero. The commercial loss, how- ever, was very great, and the nation complained of it the more bitterly because Rodney sold the property he seized by auction for less than one-fourth of its value, on the island of St. Eustatia, so that it passed, on the recapture of that island, into the hands of the French and Americans, who were consequently supplied with British stores at one-quarter of their value. General England was not the only country which suffered by forpeaee. the proceedings in the West Indies. The loss which the commerce of the Dutch sustained was so severely felt by them, that Russia and Sweden interposed to bring about an accommodation between that country and England. The King declined their intervention ; but the nation was now very clamorous for peace, and the other belligerent powers were believed to be equally tired of the war. The French had captured several West India islands, but their commerce had suffered CHAP. II.] HISTORICAL. 133 severely, many of their merchants were ruined, and even their national credit hegan to be affected by their own expenses and their supplies to America. Except in the taking of Minorca, the Spaniards had only obtained barren advantages. The Dutch, in two years, had lost many of their best trading settle- ments and nearly all their trade, and had sunk their country into the condition of a province of France. The Americans had objects to gain irrespective of their European allies ; but the industry and commerce of America could not be developed whilst war lasted, and, provided her independence was obtained, she could not do better than secure peace. England had, perhaps, suffered as little as any of the parties to the war; but she had accumulated an enormous debt. Thus the belligerent nations were all anxious to bring Peace re- about a peace ; the preliminary articles of which jjj[jj[ were signed at Paris on the 20th January, 1783, England consenting to recognize the independence of the United States. The balance of trade, which had gone against England for several years, immediately readjusted itself, and the imports, which had sunk to 10 millions in 1782, sprung up to 15^ millions in 1784 ; and the exports from 13 millions to 15 millions. The follow- Trade of ing table gives a view of the trade of the nation from the commencement to the close of this great war : YEAR. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 1774 14,477,876 17,288,486 1775 14,815,855 16,326,363 1776 12,443,434 14,755,703 1777 12,643,831 13,491,006 1778 11,033,898 12,253,890 1779 11,435,264 13,530,702 1780 11,714,966 13,698,177 1781 12,722,862 11,332,295 1782 10,341,624 13,009,458 1783 13,122,235 14,681,494 1784 15,272,877 15,101,491 134 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. improve The period during which England was oppressed thefts 11 by this war will always be memorable in its history, not only on account of the war itself, but on account iSClCUCQS. v of the improvements in the practical arts and sciences which now began to dawn. It was in 1775 that Watt obtained from Parliament the extension of his privilege for the invention of the steam-engine, for which he had taken out a patent fourteen years pre- viously, but without being able to make his project practically beneficial. The working of iron was now also brought to a great state of perfection, and became an object of national importance. The great guns, bored for the first time with a drill by the Carron Company, were exported to Russia and other coun- tries in quantities so considerable that precautions were taken by Government to prevent their fall- ing into the hands of the enemy. Caslon, in 1778, greatly improved the founding of types, which we had previously obtained from France, but which we now began to export as a manufacture of our own. Verdigris, which we had previously im- ported from the South of Prance, became a manu- facture of England about 1781.* In 1784 Mr. Palmer introduced improvements into the system of the post-office, which rendered the English mail- coach the most rapid postal conveyance of Europe : and 1785 set in general motion the machinery for spinning cotton, which Arkwright had invented some years previously, by which the price of every description of cotton goods was immediately reduced, and the British manufacture greatly extended, t * Verdigris is extensively used by painters, and in dyeing ; also to some extent in medicine. It is formed by the corrosion of copper with fermented vegetables. At Montpellier they use to form this substance, the refuse of Languedoc wine : in England, the refuse of cider. t In less than two years after the expiry of Arkwright's patent, no less than 143 cotton spinning mills were erected in Great Britain, affording employment to CHAP, ii.] HISTORICAL. 135 These are only a few of the improvements applied at this period to our manufactures, machinery, and motive power. It is curious to consider how they aided and assisted each other. Immediately at the close of the war, capital being released and com- merce re-opened, so great a disposition was evinced by the people to avail themselves of these improve- ments, that from 1785 we may fairly date the com- mencement of the manufacturing era of the nation. It was during the same period of war that Captain Captain Cook's Cook prosecuted his voyages round the Avorld, and V0 ya g es. made the useful discoveries which are associated with his name. England took advantage of those discoveries soon after the restoration of peace, by sending out Captain Arthur Phillip of the Royal Navy, with a fleet of transports, a body of convicts, and a stock of horses, cows, sheep, goats, rabbits, and poultrv, to form the settlement of New South Wales, settlement f "V 7 " He arrived at Botany Bay in January, 1788, but not soutiT liking that harbour removed to Port Jackson, the WiUes - next harbour to the northward, where he established his colony.* From the restoration of peace until 1793, commerce Rapid de- rose to a great height. The imports, which were 16J of ' millions in 1785, exceeded 19| in 1792; and the 1 1792. at least 350,000 people. The value of our cotton manufactures exported in 1780, was 355,000. In 1787, it exceeded a million ; and in 1860, the declared value exceeded FORTY MILLIONS ! * In the present day, when our ships are returning from New South Wales laden with gold, and wool, and other precious goods, we can appreciate the importance of this settlement ; though for many years it was of no value to commerce. An account of the commerce of Great Britain, in the year 1800, thus refers to the trade of our great Australian colonies : " NEW HOLLAND. " EXPORTS. A little wood (wool '?) ; some birds. " IMPORTS. Wrought iron ; woollen, silk, cotton, and linen goods ; hardware ; " vtme provisions, spirits and wine, all in small quantities." In ] 860, the declared value of our exports to Australia was nearly 10,000,000 : whilst the official value of our imports (fa-chisire of gold) exceeded five millions and a half. 136 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, n exports during the same period rose from 16 millions to nearly 25. Our internal means of communication by canals were most largely increased. London, during this interval, was united with the Severn and with the Mersey by a splendid system of inland navigation. Inland water communication was, in fact, The developed throughout the nation. But in January, public de- 1793, King Louis XVI. was beheaded in France, and A-rTma' on the 1st July following, the National Convention of Prance declared war against England. The funds immediately felt the shock, and the effect on com- Commer- merce was a violent collapse. There immediately a panic. occurre( j fag fij. s i o f those panics, of which there have ever since been periodical recurrences. Many mercantile houses in London of the most extensive dealings failed, and their fall involved numbers of their correspondents and connexions in all parts of the country. Large sums of money had been invested during the peace in machinery and canal shares, but the value of such property appeared to be annihilated in the general apprehensions. Mr. Pitt, the then Minister, was appealed to, and by his advice a meet- ing was held at the Mansion House, on the 23d April, 1793, when resolutions were adopted for the revival of commercial credit and the restoration of Govern- confidence. In consequence of this, Government pos^ 1 "' agreed to issue 5,000,000/. in Exchequer Bills to merchants, traders, and bankers, on approved secu- rity, or the deposit of goods to the value of double and re- the amount advanced a measure which immediately fide r nce. con restored confidence, and prevented further immediate mercantile disaster. Monetary Despite the war, which had but little effect on English commerce, trade revived and steadily ad- vanced until 1797, when its course was again inter- rupted by the want of coinage, which had made itself CHAP. II.] HISTORICAL. 137 felt throughout the country. The Bank of England had lent several millions of money to the Govern- ment for the purposes of the war; and they now found themselves unable to supply the wants of mer- chants. Representations were made to the Govern- ment, the result of which was a measure restricting the Bank from making any further payments in cash until the sense of Parliament could be taken. The currency of the country accordingly became a paper currency, based on national credit. The immediate effect of this panic was disastrous to trade ; but it naturally revived when the circulating medium of the country was extended to meet its wants. The exports, which were 30^ millions in 1796, sunk to less than 29 millions in 1797, but reached 33^ mil- lions in 1798. Such, indeed, was the elasticity of commerce in the latter year that the merchants, traders, and others of London, voluntarily subscribed the sum of 2,000,000. to assist the Government in the war, which all classes in England were extremely anxious to bring to an end. Erom this time till the year 1800 trade continued Exports wonderfully to expand, as the following table will imports, show : YEAR. IMPORTS. EXPORTS 1785 16,279,419 16,117,168 1786 15,786,072 16,300,730 1787 17,804,024 16,869,789 1788 18,027,170 17,472,238 1789 17,821,103 19,340,549 1790 19,130,886 20,120,121 1791 19,669,782 22,731,995 right to observe that the rates of valuation employed officially for com- puting the value of articles imported and exported, were fixed in 1694, and re- mained unaltered down to a recent period, so that the sums here given must not be supposed accurately to exhibit the selling value of goods exported and imported. The "official values," however, show the relative values of the imports and exports better, perhaps, than if the actual selling price of each article was taken as the basis of the computation, inasmuch as the selling value must necessarily be governed by supply and demand as well as by fluctuations in the value of money. 138 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. n. YEAR. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 1792 19,659,358 24,905,200 1793 19,255,116 20,388,828 1794 22,276,915 26,748,083 1795 22,736,889 27,123,338 1796 23,187,319 30,518,913 1797 21,013,956 28,917,010 1798 27,857,889 33,591,777 1799 26 837,432 35,991,329 1800 30,570,605 . 43,152,019 Trade of At the commencement of the present century the A.D. 1800. trade of the Port of London is reported to have been more extensive than at any previous period in the history of England. London carried on one-third of the trade of the empire ; and the value of the floating property upon the Thames, forming its commerce, was estimated at no less than 70,000,000^. annually. It was found that the conveniences of the Port were utterly insufficient for its trade ; that the landing wharves and quays and sufferance wharves together, were inadequate for the wharfage and warehousing of the goods landed and embarked : and that the depredations on property, consequent on the vast increase of shipping and the want of accommodation on the legal quays, rendered adjuncts to the Port absolutely necessary. In 1799, the West India mer- chants accordingly obtained an Act of Parliament to make docks, with legal quays, and wharves and warehouses, for the reception and discharge of the vessels in their trade ; and from this period we may date another era in the commerce of the Port of London. CHAPTER III. THE PORT. THE limits of the Port of London were first defined The Port in the reign of Charles II. Some uncertainty appears to have existed respecting those limits at. previous periods.* Billingsgate and Queenhithe were, from very early periods, recognised landing places at which the King's Customs were collected ; hut as trade increased, it was found necessary to provide additional accommodation for landing goods in the Port, and other wharves and landing places were used, with the consent, apparently, of the authorities. This, however, gave rise to attempts to evade the payment of customs by shipping and landing at unrecognised places ; to remedy which, a statute was passed t in the reign of Elizabeth, to compel all goods to he landed and shipped between sunrise and sunset in such open places as should be appointed by Eoyal Commission. J * Sir Matthew Hale appears to have shared in this uncertainty. " A port of " the sea," he says, "includes more than the bare place where the ships unlade, " and sometimes extends many miles, as the Port of London anciently extended " to Greenwich, in the time of Edward I. ; and Gravesend is also a member of it." He mentions Blackwall and Lea as other members of the port, and speaks of London as the caput porttit (De Port. Maris, c. ii.). t 1 Elizabeth, c. 11. + A Royal Commission was accordingly issued, which, under date 28 August, 1559, appointed the following to be general lading and discharging places for all kinds of goods : 140 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in. In consequence of the Fire of London, it was ne- cessary to make new arrangements respecting the wharves and landing places. An Act was passed* empowering Commissioners to define the limits of ports, and to appoint open places for lading and dis- charging goods therein; and prohibiting the lading and discharging of ships elsewhere without the special sufferance and leave of the Commissioners of Customs. The Commissioners appointed under this Act, made as settled their certificate respecting London, on the 24th May, s! ii. 1665, by which they not only assigned the boundaries of legal quays, but settled for the first time the precise limits of the Port, which they did as follows : " To prevent all future differences and disputes touching the extent and limits of the Port of London, and the many frauds . and abuses which have been acted and committed as well upon and within the river of Thames, as without the mouth thereof, upon the sea, the said Port is declared to extend and to be accounted from the promontory or point called the NORTH FORELAND, in the Isle of Thanet, and from thence northward in a supposed right line to the opposite promontory or point called THE NASE, beyond the Gun-fleet, upon the coast of Essex, and continued westward, through the river Thames and the several channels, streams, and rivers falling into it, to LONDON BRIDGE ; saving the usual and known rights, liberties, and privileges to the ports of Sandwich and Ipswich, and either Old Wool Quay, New ditto, Galley Quay, Andro. Morris' Quay, Amb. Thurston's Quay, RauflTs Quay, Cocks' s Quay, Dyce Quay, Bear Quay, Somers' Quay, Botolph's Wharf, Sab's Quay, Young's Quay, ; Crown Quay, Smart's Quay, Fresh Wharf, Gaunt's Quay. Billingsgate was appointed only for fish, corn, salt, stones, victuals, and fruit (groceries excepted). The Three Cranes for wine and oil, and together with Johnston's Quay and Busher's Wharf, for pitch, tar, flax, &c. The Bridge House for corn and other provisions ; and The Steelyard for Merchant Strangers free of that Guild. Wood, coals, and beer might be landed or shipped in any place in presence of the searcher. * 13 & 14 Chas. II. c. 11. CHAP, m.] THE PORT. 141 of them, and the known members thereof, and of the customs, comptrollers, members, and other deputies within the said ports of Sandwich and Ipswich, and the several creeks, harbours, and havens to them or either of them respectively belonging, within the counties of Kent or Essex." The legal Port of London is therefore from LONDON BRIDGE to the NORTH EORELAND. The wharves set out by these Commissioners were The Legal now assigned as Legal Quays,* and exact metes and Quays> hounds for each were set forth. The Commissioners also proposed plans for carrying into effect a clause of the Rebuilding Act, which provided that there should be a quay forty feet broad, on the north side of the Thames, from London Bridge to the Temple, to be used as a public and open wharf. It did not, how- ever, suit the views of parties interested, that this open space and public wharf should be provided; and this part of the Commissioners' certificate was, there- fore, never carried into effect. f Up to the commencement of the present century, sufienmce the arrangements made by this Commission of King wharves - Charles II. were the only statutory arrangements respecting the Port of London. From time to time, however, in order to meet the exigencies of com- merce, the Commissioners of Customs, under the provisions of the Act of Charles II., permitted other wharves and landing places to be used under certain conditions; and having, as the Act provided, "the * They were by name Brewer's Quay, Chester's Quay, Galley Quay, Woof Dock, Custom House Quay, Porteus Quay, Bear Quay, Sab's Quay, Wiggan's Quay, Young's Quay, Ralph's Quay, Dice Quay, Smart's Quay, Somers' Quay, Lyon's Quay, Botolph Wharf, Hammond's Quay, Gaunt's Quay, Cock's Quay, Fresh Wharf, and Billingsgate. Several of these Quays were purchased for the site of the present Custom House, t The provision made by Parliament for the vacant space for this open wharf was repealed by 1 & 2 Geo. IV. c. 89. 142 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. m. special sufferance and leave of the Commissioners," these landing places came to be classified as " Suf- ferance JFTiarves." Under this designation they are to this day distinguished from the " LEGAL QUAYS ;" though for the most part both classes of landing and shipping places have now common privileges. The It may be desirable to observe that the legal Port Consr- 8 of London, thus constituted and established under the Act of Charles II., is to be distinguished from the Port of London as defined for the Conservancy of the Thames, which, under very ancient Charters and Acts of Parliament, was vested in the Corpora- tion of the City of London. The jurisdiction of the Thames Conservancy extends from Staines to Yantlett, or Yauntlet Creek, in the river Medway ; and operates upon all that relates to the course of the stream of the Thames itself, and all its " issues, branches, and " ground overflown so far as the water ebbeth and " floweth." The privileges of the Corporation as con- servators of the Thames, Parliament has thought it necessary, very recently, to take away from them, and to vest in an official commission, of which the Lord Mayor is chairman.* The powers which were exer- cised by the Corporation from time immemorial, are vested in this Commission. They are empowered to * The Thames Conservancy Act, passed in 1857. This Act appears to have been a great and most unnecessary stretch of the power of the Government, and a most unwarrantable interference with ancient privileges and powers. The policy of the Government of the period was inimical to the Corporation of London, with which it had striven to interfere in various matters, in which the citizens had proved too strong for the state. Amongst other things, a great suit had been pending between the Crown and the City for many years, respecting the right to the bed and soil of the Thames and the foreshore of seas, estuaries, and rivers. The cost of this suit was very heavy ; and the City found itself involved in a litigation, from which it could derive no profit for itself, on behalf of all the owners of soil on the coasts of England and Wales. Both parties were anxious to settle this suit ; and one of the stipulations of the settlement was the cession of the Conservancy of the Thames by the City of London to a mixed Com- mission. But it may be a question whether the time will not arrive when Mh parties the Crown and the City of London will find cause to regret having come to this arrangement. CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 143 regulate the fishing in the Thames, to remove its obstructions, cleanse the river, repair its banks and breaches, license wharves, piers, stairs and other pro- jections, and remove such as are unlicensed, grant licences for the erection of mills and waterworks, and punish all offenders. The Port of London, for legal purposes, may also The Port be distinguished from the Port as it is constituted for purpose of revenue, port- dues, and accommodation. Thus, as regards the arrangements of the Port for purposes.* colliers, the Port is taken to commence at Gravesend Reach, above which no vessel laden with coal is allowed to pass without a Harbour Master's certifi- cate. Eor the purposes of ballasting, &c., under the regulations of the Trinity House, the limits of the Port are differently defined. But these are points which will be subject of subsequent consideration. The warehousing system, which is now an impor- The Ware- tant part of the business of the docks, quays, and wharves, commenced, as an official document* informs us, about the year 1714. " The article of tobacco was then allowed to be warehoused on payment of a small portion of the import duty which was repaid on exportation, and the tobacco was permitted to be shipped without further charge. This regulation continued until 1789, when the duties on tobacco again became the subject of Parliamentary consideration, and many new regulations were then established, principally affecting its internal re- moval ; but tobacco and snuff were in that year, for the first time, allowed to be exported from the warehouses without the payment of any part of the duty. " In 1742, rum, the produce of the British sugar plantations, was allowed to be warehoused for months without the payment of the excise duty. In 1760, an Act was passed expressly to encourage the exportation of such rum, and the shipment was * Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the Customs and Excise, dated 3d October, 144 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in. permitted without payment of any duty of excise ; the customs duty, which was small, continued payable in the first instance, but was allowed to be drawn back on exportation. "In 1765, rice was allowed to be warehoused, and in 1767 cocoa-nuts and coffee on payment of a small duty, which duty, on such cocoa-nuts and coffee as were the produce of the British plantations was, on the exportation of the goods, wholly drawn back." These regulations were intended only to relieve our merchants from the inconvenience of paying duties on goods which were ultimately to be sent to a foreign market. The plan of rendering Great Britain a place of depot for merchandize in general, was not then in contemplation. Proposed In 1762, the principal merchants of London repre- sented to the Crown that the Port of London was overcrowded, and the legal quays and sufferance wharves very insufficient for the purposes of trade. The Crown accordingly issued a Commission, in pursuance of the statute of Charles II., directing certain persons therein named to assign and set out other fit and convenient places as legal quays. The Commissioners made a return of a large extent of ground, including the Tower ditch, as " a frustrated fit and convenient place : " but the vested interest vested (i.e. the "Wharfingers) having obtained a quo war- ix 1762. runto from the Court of King's Bench, succeeded in quashing this return on the ground of uncertainty the Court, however, expressing its opinion "that the " expedience of an extension was wholly in the breast " of the Crown." Further This affair caused great dissatisfaction, and, after sundry proceedings before the Lords of the Treasury, and much dispute with the Commissioners of Customs, the Crown was prevailed on, in 1765, to issue another Commission ; and the Commissioners made a return, CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 145 assigning a certain spot in the parish of St. Kathe- rine's, between Irongate Stairs and the King's brew- house, for the purpose of a legal wharf; " such ex- tension being necessary and expedient." But in the ensuing term, application was made to the Court of Queen's Bench to stop the filing of this return, and the case having been argued by counsel on behalf of the wharfingers and the inhabitants of St. Kathe- rine's on the one side, and by counsel for the mer- chants and the commissioners on the other, the Court proposed decided against filing the return, on the ground " that defeated, the places assigned for the new wharves were not open A D- 1/65 ' places" (as required by the Act of Queen Elizabeth). Thus were the good intentions of the Crown, to pro- vide adequately for the business of the Port, frus- trated by the proceedings of interested parties. Between 1765 and 1798, various committees were Pariia- appointed by Parliament to inquire and propose plans for the relief of the commerce of the Port. The inconvenience to navigation and trade, consequent the Port, upon the crowded state of the Port ; the insufficient accommodation afforded by the quays and wharves ; the inconveniences, and loss of property arising from the necessity of loading from and into lighters, were all fully established. The grievance was felt to be intolerable ; yet so powerful were the vested interests that for many years nothing was attempted. The " legal quays," at this time, extended only 1,419 feet on the north side of the river, between London Bridge and the Tower. The " sufferance g^ &c - wharves" occupied about twice that quantity ofj erce lineal space. But it was calculated, in 1795, that Port, if all the wharves on the river, with their ware- houses, were appropriated to the article of sugar alone, they would be insufficient. The legal quays could only store 32,000 hogsheads, the sufferance L 146 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in. wharves only 60,200 ; whilst it sometimes happened that 120,000 hogsheads arrived in the course of three months. The sugars, at this time, were piled to the height of six or eight tiers of hogsheads, exposed to he wetted by the rain, and plundered by numbers of eager, watchful, and experienced thieves. r>epre an application was made to Parliament for power to construct the Victoria Docks. These docks were pro- jected on a very much more extensive scale than any previously constructed in London. Their cost of construction, however, was relatively very small. Being situated lower down the river, the land taken for these docks was valued at little more than agri- cultural prices ; and the position being below high- water mark, instead of having to take down houses, and make deep excavations for dock purposes, as had been necessary in constructing the London and St. Katherine's, the Victoria Docks were formed by * 3 & 4 will. iv. c. .->:. 160 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. m. making little more than embankments and entrances. The Company's Act authorized it to raise 1,200,000. by shares, and to borrow, if necessary, 400,000/. ad- ditional. The entire expenditure of the Company has, however, only amounted to about 1,000,000/. The advantages which have accrued to the Port tSTr>ock f London from the Dock system are obvious. That s y s ^ em nas n t on ty greatly extended the area of the Port, but it has provided despatch in landing and loading cargoes, security against plunder, facility of access to goods, classification of commodities, and, above all, that bonding system which is the keystone of our foreign trade. Without the docks, the busi- ness of the Port of London could not now be carried on ; and the wonder is that, without that system, it ever reached the point it did. Railways Railways and telegraphs have of late years very greatly facilitated the business of the docks. It was ^ e want of facility of ready access and facile commu- nication that gave the London Dock Company so much advantage over the West India, when the two Companies came into competition on the expiration of their exclusive privileges. No doubt, also, these considerations weighed with the promoters of the St. Katherine's Docks when they proposed to con- struct a very limited dock, at a vast cost, in the immediate proximity of London Bridge, instead of an extensive dock at a small cost, on a less expensive site. Even in those days it was endeavoured to be shown that the West India Docks were practically not more distant than the London from the centre of commerce. " I can go," said one of the witnesses before a Committee of the House of Commons, " from the Royal Exchange to Limehouse for a " shilling, and it costs me as much to go to the " London Docks." But ho admitted that he occu- CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 161 pied more time in the journey. But telegraphs and railways have now brought the different docks to a par as regards accessibility, if, indeed, they have not even given an advantage for many purposes to the docks most distant from the City. The railways which encircle the Victoria Docks, Facilities enable them to bring produce to their uptown ware- houses, or to deliver it to the railway companies or to the London consumer, with greater facility and less loss of time and in some cases even with less expense than the same goods could be carted to the railway stations or elsewhere, from the London and St. Katherine's Docks, which are connected with no railway. The electric telegraph, of course, places all the companies on an equal footing with regard to messages; and in most other respects, the various docks of London stand on an equality. Their arrangements for docking, wharfing, warehousing, &c. are all first- class. The companies highest up the Thames have the smallest water space ; but they possess the largest warehouse room. The companies lowest down the river possess the largest water space, and the smallest warehouse accommodation in their docks, but they supply this deficiency by providing large warehouse accommodation in the heart of London.* The use of hydraulic machinery was first introduced by the Victoria Dock Company, and was found so valuable, ery. both in expediting the delivery of cargo and in saving expense, that it was immediately adopted by the other companies, to a greater or less extent. The St. Katherine's Dock Company certainly labours under a great disadvantage, in regard both to its * That supplied by the East and West India Dock Company is in Fenchurch Street, and its neighbourhood, where the Company have warehouses of great extent. The uptown warehouses of the Victoria Dock Company are in the Minories, on the line of the Blackwall Railway, which runs into them. The St. Katherine's Dock Company have an uptown warehouse iii Cutler Street. M 162 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in. water space and warehousing accommodation. The ships in this dock are crowded into the narrowest compass ; and, unfortunately, the Company, hemmed in as they are by the Tower of London on one side and the London Docks upon the other, with the Thames before them and the Royal Mint behind, have no prospect of ever being able to extend their bounds. The warehouse accommodation at this dock is too confined in its area to allow of any distinct and separate classification of goods ; and, indeed, it is to be objected to the warehousing system of London al- together, that goods are not properly classified. This remark applies with increased force to the sufferance wharfs and legal quays, where goods are massed together without regard to any other consideration than getting the largest quantity into the smallest space. To this cause may be attributed the frequent occurrence of fires in the river- side warehouses. No precautions can prevent these fires so long as the warehouses contain inflammable materials. The following tables will show the extent of the v?decTb P y ro accommodation provided by the Dock Companies in c h ompa- ck tne Port of Condon, the number and tonnage of the nies - ships frequenting the docks, and the capital stock and dividends of the companies : Accommo- NAME. WATER AREA. WAREHOUSE, VAULT, AND SHED ACCOMMODATION. London Docks St Katherine's Docks . . West India Docks . . . East India Docks .... Victoria Docks .... 34 acres. 11 98 29| 100 31,553,654 cubic feet. 17,823,229 31,531,725 5,402,200 19,728,550 Total .... 272f acres. 106,039,358 cubic feet.* Exclusive of Tip-town warehouses. CHAP. III.] THE PORT. 163 NUMBER of SHIPS, with their Tonnage, frequenting the principal Docks of London for Five Years. Number NAME or DOCK. YEARS. 1856. 1857. 1858. 1859. I860. Ships Tonnage Ships Tonnage Ships Tonnage Ships Tonnage Ships Tonnage East and \ West India / ' London . . . ,1,069* 1,066 468,971 414,466 1,128 979 466,451 390,759 1,099 912 451,865 372,702 1,169 1,019 483,128 436,400 1,200 1,032 498,366 424,338 St. Katharine's 902 213,797 944 201,941 904 202,740 891 217,719 905 223,397 Victoria . . 1,541 410,463 1 722 594,773 2,420 849,360 2,52.. 716,131 2,682 850,337 ships docked. Exclusive of colliers and grain vessels. CAPITAL of the principal Dock Companies of London, 1861. DOCKS. CAPITAL STOCK. LOANS AND DEBENTURES. London St. Katherine 3,816,897 5/10 1 939 800 1,121,413 619592 East and West India . . Victoria 2,065,668 856,502 215,851 Commercial 514,410 100,000 Surrey Canal 351,100 300,000 Capital of the Dock Compa- nies. DIVIDENDS paid by the principal Dock Companies. Their divi- dends. NAME or DOCK. EAST AND WEST INDIA. LONDON, t ST. KATHERINE' s. f VICTORIA, 1856 6 per cent 5 per cent. With Income tax. 44 per cent Without Inc. tax. 5 per cent. Without Inc. tax 1857 6 5 per cent. Without Inc. tax. 44 per cent. 5 per cent. 1858 6 4 per cent. 44 5 ,, 1859 6 3 4i 51 1860 6 2 3! 5* 1861 6 2* 3* 5* t The marked reduction of dividends in the case of these companies has no doubt arisen from a competition which has been followed by a reduction of rates. M 2 164 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. m. Sanitary The sanitary condition of the different docks has oTtiie lot been more than once reported upon by the medical officers of health attached to the Customs department of the Port of London. From their reports it would appear that the permanent labourers in the St. Katherine's Docks are by far the most exposed to sickness and mortality. In 1857-8, when the strength of the permanent staff of officers, clerks, petty officers, and labourers was 667, the number of absentees from these docks, through illness, averaged nearly 100 a month, and the deaths exceeded one a month. At the London Docks, where 1,579, or more than double the number of persons, were employed, the average number of absentees was 63 per month, and the num- ber of deaths was less. At the East and West India Docks, the strength being 574, the number of ab- sences was only about 30 a month, and the number of deaths in the year only 3. At the Victoria Docks the Report states that " there was little or no sickness amongst the people employed in them." causes of The causes of sickness amongst the officers and the st 38 m labourers in the docks appear to be attributed to the over-crowded state of the St. Katherine's, and the i m P ur ity f the water and the immense mud deposit in both that dock and the London. The Report,* speaking of the St. Katherine's Docks, says : " The average depth is twenty-two feet, but not more than four feet can be let off at a time, consistently with the safety of the shipping and the dock buildings. By the steam engine, the dock water can be raised six inches per hour. Some idea of the immense mud deposition may be formed when it is said that 8,000 tons have been dredged in these docks in the course of a single year. The average number of shipping constantly in these docks is from seventy to eighty. * Vide Third Report of the Commissioners of Her Majesty's Customs, p. 80. CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 165 " In July, 1857,* the water in the St. Katherine's, and also in the London Docks, smelt offensively, and when looked upon from the quay, in both docks, it appeared as black as ink ; but when taken up without disturbing the stratum of mud beneath, it presented little impurity. Dr. Odling examined the waters of the London and St. Katherine's Docks in July. In both docks the water smelt offensively, but they contained respectively only six and nine grains of dissolved organic matter in a gallon. " In June, July, August, and September, 1858, more espe- cially during the first of those months, the effluvia from the water of these docks was again very offensive, and to a degree far exceeding that of the previous year." Speaking of the East and West India and Victoria Official re- Docks, the Report says " These docks are not like the London and St. Katherine's, India ami surrounded by a dense population. On the water side they Victoria command a fine view of the open country, and. there is a free circulation of air. The river water, and consequently the dock water, is here comparatively clean, and at spring tides, by opening the gates of the Blackwall entrance, and discharging the water at the Limehouse entrance, the Dock is scoured and the water is thus frequently renewed. There is seldom much foul smell, even in the hottest weather." ..." The East India, like the West India Docks, were in much better condition than those higher up the river during the hot weather." " Victoria Docks. These splendid docks, situated below Black- wall, comprise a water area of 100 acres each. These docks command a free exposure on all sides. . . . The water of these docks was in good condition during the summer, and there is little or no sickness among the people employed. The average number of ships always in these docks is 156." The existing legal quays and sufferance wharves The legal labour, commercially, under many disadvantages. As sufferance the Docks, Custom House, &c., occupy the space most wharves - proximate to London Bridge, there is no opportunity for the extension of wharfage towards the west ; and * At this time, and in the months of August and September following, the sickness in the docks was at the highest. 166 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. in. the wharves, therefore, can only seek additional space at points lower down the river, less convenient for the general purposes of trade. Being in the hands of private individuals, the wharves are also limited as to the business they transact, and the warrants and other documents issued on the wharfingers' authority do not secure the same commercial confidence as the warrants and documents of a dock company. Although many of the wharves and landing-places possess very fine warehouses, experience has also shown that they do not afford the same security as the dock premises, either in protection from fire or plunder. As regards the de- predations to which the goods landed at the wharves are subject, it is, indeed, obvious, that they cannot be subject to the same protection as goods landed from the ship's side into the dock warehouses. Goods have to be conveyed to most of the wharves from the ship's side in barges or lighters, involving a double handling, and a consequent delay and loss, which must fall on somebody. Nevertheless, subject as they are to all sorts of disadvantages, the wharves, in consequence, possibly, of being more economically managed, are enabled to compete to a large extent for the business of the Port ; and by regulating their rates in accordance with those of the dock companies, and keeping them conveniently lower, they continue to command a considerable trade in almost all sorts of imports. Thames Besides the accommodation offered by the water- audthe' space and warehouse-room in the clocks and at the still wharves, the river itself, for one of the largest items o f fae trade of London, continues to be used, as in days of old, as the scene of transhipment. Nearly all the sailing vessels which come to London laden with coals, instead of entering docks to unload their cargoes, lie in the stream of the river, and transfer their coals CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 167 to lighters, which convey them to the yards of coal merchants, situate either on the banks of the river itself or of the canals which run into it. The delay and inconvenience arising from this system is very great, hut the subject is sufficiently important to demand separate consideration. The facilities aiforded by the railways have operated Outports which are to make some of our outports adjuncts of the Port of adjuncts to London. A very large proportion of the silk manu- *f London, factures of the Continent, especially ribbons and other light products of the looms of Lyons, are now imported at Folkestone, and transmitted from there to London. Southampton, owing to the s facilities afforded by the South- Western Railway in connexion with its docks, has also become a port of very considerable trade, in connexion with the London market. Great quantities of raw silk are brought to this port from the East by the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Company's packets ; the Hoyal Mail Steam Company's ships bring considerable quantities of cocoa, coffee, and tobacco from the West Indies and South America ; and from France the port enters a very large supply of eggs, and other light articles. Southampton, which was a decaying town and f n athamp " port, prior to the construction of its docks and railway, owes much to the enterprise and zeal of those who, in the course of the last twenty-five years, have so largely developed the advantages of its position. The docks of Southampton and the f P rt f ? r J- . London in railway from that town to London, form, in fact, a the British direct communication between the British Channel and the Thames, and render Southampton almost an outport of the Port of London. That the im- portance of such a direct communication between the Thames and the Channel was felt at a remote period may be gathered from the fact that the 168 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, in- Venetians sent their large annual ships to Southampton in the very early days of English trade. In 1825, an attempt was made to connect London and the British The Grand Channel. A "Grand Ship Canal" was projected " from London to Portsmouth." The capital was to he 4,000,0002. with an additional 1,000,000/. to cover contingencies. The prospectus, which will he found in the British Museum, stated that " a line "had heen ascertained by which the river Thames "might be connected with Portsmouth harbour "by means of a tidal canal from Deptford, with- "out locks, and navigable for ships of the largest " class fully equipped and laden, which may be ex- " peditiously passed through it by mechanical means." The proposal, which was described as a " stupendous national object," does not appear to have got into Parliament; but some ten years after, the South- ampton Railway provided, in a better form, the means of transit for goods, which the promoters projected. Numerous projects have at various times been placed before the public for the construction of other docks in London. So far back as 1825, " Collier Docks " were projected at Bermondsey, " to contain " 160 ships, with additional space for barges, and " covered sheds for 200,000 chaldrons of coals." The capital was 750,0007. and the Hon. Douglas Kinnaird was the chairman, but the scheme proved abortive. Doc k U s" r at A P^lic "Collier Dock" in the Isle of Dogs was the Me of about the same time projected and strongly advocated by one of the then harbour-masters of the Port of London, Mr. Charles Rowland. A very strong direction was formed for the promotion of this dock. Mr. George Byng, the member for Middlesex, was chairman ; Mr. "Wm. Mellish, deputy-chairman ; Mr. Astell, the East Indian director, Sir Edward Banks, Mr. Barnard, banker, Sir James Cockburn, CHAP, in.] THE PORT. 169 Sir Edward Codrington, Sir John Scott Lillie, Sir John Lubbock, Mr. J. Lewis Minet, Mr. J. P. Mus- pratt, Sir J. D. Paul, Mr. Pitcher, Mr. Prescott, Mr. Tooke, Sir J. Rae Reid, and Mr. A. W. Robarts, were among the directors and auditors. Supported by such influence it might have been assumed that this project could not fail of success; but the company fell to the ground. At a later period, Collier Docks, in connexion with railway projects, have been pro- jected at points much lower down the Thames, as at Thames Haven, Tilbury, Purfleet, and other places. Thames Docks have been also proposed on the Essex side of the Thames at Dagenham, and on the Kent shore at Northfleet. Under the auspices of Mr. Anger stein, one of the members for Greenwich, docks have also been wich proposed to be formed in the marshes between Green- wich and Woolwich. These various projects, how- ever, have all proved abortive; and at the present time the dock accommodation which is afforded to shipping in the Port of London is so ample, and the facilities for extension possessed by the East and West India, and by the Victoria Dock Company are so great, that it is scarcely possible any other docks can be projected with prospect of success. Except at an enormous cost, no docks can be made higher up the river on the north side than the East and West India, and Victoria; and at any point lower down the river they must obviously labour under a dis- advantage in competing with docks nearer to the London markets. Considering also the increased and increasing value of land, it is scarcely possible to imagine that docks could now be made any where on the Thames at less cost than the Victoria ; and the cost of original construction alwavs must be the O fr main element in regulating the price at which dock managers can transact the business of a port. CHAPTER IV. SHIPPING OF THE PORT. Number THE shipping of the Port of London consisted in 1860 of 2,943 vessels of 919,591 tons burden ; or, in round figures, 3,000 vessels, carrying a million tons. The proportion of the tonnage to that of all England is above one-fourth ; the total number of ships of all denominations belonging to English ports being 21,007, of a registered tonnage of 3,709,615. The shipping of the Port is thus classified : NO. TONNAGE. Sailing vessels of and under 50 Tons . . 679 ... 23,174 above . . 1,737 . . . 657,218 Steam vessels of and under . . 159 . . . 4,745 above . . 368 . . . 184,454 Total . . 2,943 . . . 919,591 It will thus be seen that the greater proportion of London ships are of the larger rates of tonnage; indeed, whilst the average of all the shipping of England gives only 176 tons to each vessel, the London vessels average upwards of 330 tons each. Great pro- But the superior character of London shipping is large'ste^m more remarkably exemplified by the fact that London tongSgto wns the larger proportion of all the larger steam the Port, vessels of England. Of late years the employment CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 1J1 of large steam ships in first-class trades has been greatly on the increase, and the number and tonnage of these vessels has been very rapidly increasing.* The steam vessels of and above 50 tons belonging to English ports number altogether 822, of 323,500 tons register, of which London owns 368 of 184,454 tons, or more than one-half the tonnage. The number of vessels belonging to the Port does Vessels not, however, in any degree represent the trade of the Port of London. This is represented by a much larger number of ships, as will be seen by the fol- lowing return : NUMBER AND TONNAGE OF VESSELS ENTERED AND CLEARED AT THE PORT OF LONDON IN 1860, DISTINGUISHING BRITISH FROM FOREIGN SHIPS. ENTERED INWARDS. NO. TOKNAGE. British Sailing Vessels . . . 19,990 . . . . 3,371,681 Steam Vessels . . , , 4,676 . . . . 1,610,083 Foreign Sailing Vessels . . . 4,414 . . . . 1,011,319 Steam Vessels . . 462 . . . . 142,888 Total .... . 29,542 6 135,971 * The following table will show the progressive increase: STEAM VESSELS BELONGING TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. Increase of steam VESSELS. TONS. Dipping. 1814 .... 1 .... 59 1829 .... 34 .... 3,018 1830 .... 295 .... 30,009 1840 .... 768 .... 87,539 1849 .... 1,142 .... 158,729 1860 .... 2,200 .... 454,327 The single vessel in 1814 was, no doubt, the Comet, a boat of fourteen horse-power, which was placed on the river Clyde and worked for hire there about that year. There was not a single steamer engaged in the foreign trade earlier than 1822. The preference for steam ships in certain trades is now very great, and it is probable that in the course of the next ten years the proportion of steam shipping belonging to the Port of London will show even a still larger increase. 172 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv. ENTERED OUTWARDS. NO. TONNAGE. British Sailing Vessels . . Steam Vessels . . Foreign Sailing Vessels . . Steam Vessels . . Total .... . 9,394 .... . 3,475 .... . 3,852 .... 438 .... 1,302,355 1,086,133 848,589 134,560 . 17,159 .... 3,371,637 Ships The mode in which this shipping was employed p ye will be seen from the following accounts of the entries inwards and outwards in different trades : in the Coasting, IN THE COASTING TRADE. INWARDS. OUTWARDS. NO. TONS. NO. TONS. British Sailing Vessels . Foreign . British Steam Vessels . Foreign . 15,514 19 2,832 2,151,544 1,708 1,001,309 6,915 10 1,893 471,133 2,862 603,009 Total . . 18,365 3,169,861 8,818 1,077,004 the Colo- nial, IN THE COLONIAL TRADE. INWARDS. OUTWARDS. NO. TONS. NO. TONS. British Sailing Vessels . Foreign . British Steam Vessels . Foreign . 1,889 273 66 731,677 132,821 28,368 1,183 135 63 600,427 78,690 26,51 1 Total . . 2,628 892,886 1,381 705,628 CHAP. IV.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 173 IN THE FOREIGN TRADE. and the Foreign trades. INWARDS. OUTWARDS. NO. TONS. NO. TONS. British Sailing Vessels . 2,587 488,460 1,296 230,795 Foreign 4,122 876,790 3,707 767,037 British Steam Vessels . 1,778 580,406 1,519 456,613 Foreign 462 142,888 438 134,560 Total . . 8,949 2,088,544 6,960 1,589,005 It will be seen from the foregoing, that the total Total ships ships and tonnage entered inwards with cargo in the nage en- Port in 1860 exceeded six MILLION TONS. tered in- wards in 1860. In the Coasting Trade Colonial Foreign Total , SHIPS. 18,365 2,028 8,949 29,344 TONNAGE. 3,169,861 892,886 2,088,544 6,151,291 Of this tonnage, the proportion of British shipping Propor- was as six to one the total foreign ships and tonnage British to being 4,876 ships of 1,154,207 tons. Of this total, it is also observable, that nearly the whole, or 4,584 ships of 1,019,678 tons, were foreign ships employed in the foreign trade, which they have a clear right to, and which it is even our interest that they should carry on in their own vessels ; for it cannot be de- sirable that a nation which has so large a trade as ours, should not find in its ports the ships of other nations bringing hither the merchandise of those nations with a view to trade with us for our manu- factures and commodities. As it is, the enterprise of British shipowners and merchants is sufficiently shown by the fact, that even in the foreign trade, the 174 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv. British tonnage entered in the Port of London exceeds that of all other nations put together, amounting to 1,365,250 tons, whilst the total foreign tonnage is only 1,154,207. It may, therefore, be concluded, that any measures, either of taxation or otherwise, which ex- cluded foreign shipping, or prevented them from resort- ing to our ports on favourable terms, would operate most injuriously upon British shipping; for it is to be observed, that the foreign trade carried on in British vessels is larger than the entire colonial trade carried on in the vessels of all nations ; so that were any restrictive measures on foreign shipping to be applied, for example, to colonial trade, the retaliatory measures of other nations would operate much more injuriously on British shipping engaged in their com- merce, than British measures would operate on foreign ships engaged in British commerce. The coast- Perhaps, however, the most striking fact in the forc- ing trade. * ' . . going table, is the enormous proportion 01 shipping engaged in our coasting trade. A few years ago, when this trade was thrown open, a great outcry was raised that our vessels would be driven out of the trade by the Americans, the Swedes, and the Norwegians, and that " the nursery for British seamen," as it is called, would be annihilated. The facts show that this idea The large wag on \j imaginary. In spite of the competition of engaged in railroads, the coasting trade of the country shows a large and steady increase, and has reached an enormous tonnage. This tonnage may be said to be exclusively British; only 19 foreign vessels of 1,708 tons being employed in it out of 18,365 vessels of upwards of 3,000,000 tons entering the Port of London. The fact is, that every nation must, of necessity, be able to con- duct its own coasting trade to the greatest advantage. The language, the habits of the people, the knowledge of the best and cheapest markets, the connexions CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 175 subsisting between the merchant and the shipowner, the acquaintance with the coast and its navigation, the facilities attending the loading and unloading of the vessels all these are elements in a coasting trade in which a native must have the advantage of a foreigner. And the condition of our coasting trade, O O ' six years after it has been absolutely thrown open to foreign competition, shows that there is not the slightest ground for apprehension as to the effects of that competition on the shipping of this country. Another remarkable fact in favour of British The steam shipping developed in the foregoing tables, is our almost exclusive monopoly of the steam shipping trade. No foreign nation has a single steam vessel employed in the coasting or colonial trades of London ; and their proportion engaged in the foreign trade is little more than one-fifth. Of the whole steam shipping entering the Port of London with cargoes amounting to a STEAM SHIPS. TONNAGE. Total of 5,138 .... 1,752,971 The British Vessels number . 4,676 .... 1,610,083 The Foreign Vessels only . . 462 .... 142,888 or not one-tenth of the whole. There can be no doubt that the great increase in the The in- number and tonnage of our steam shipping between ^Sm ol 1850 and 1860, (during which period it increased jj e p ^f from 160,000 to 450,000 tons,) was the main cause of cause of the depression complained of in our shipping trade, depression At the commencement of the Russian war, a great demand arose for large steam vessels for the transport of troops and stores to the Crimea; and vessels of this class were chartered by the Government at such high rates, as to give an immediate and undue impetus to the building of large-sized steam ships. When the Russian war terminated, the value of these vessels 176 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAR iv. sunk as disproportionately as it had previously risen ; and the Australian trade becoming weak about the same period, a serious depression occurred in every branch of the merchant-shipping business. A com- mittee of the House of Commons was appointed to consider and report upon the circumstances attending the depression. This committee made a valuable report in 1860, showing the real cause of the depression in the trade; and recommending the removal of many burdens and restrictions imposed Extent of on our mercantile marine. Between 1850 and 1860, creLT the number of steam vessels in the United Kingdom increased from 1,100 to 2,200, and their tonnage increased from 158,000 to no less than 454,000 tons. The effect of this large increase of steam tonnage seems scarcely to be sufficiently appreciated even at the present time. If special employment cannot be afforded it, it must not alone displace nearly 300,000 tons of other tonnage ; but, inasmuch as one steamer in the coasting and short trades can accomplish as much work as five sailing vessels, it must displace five times 300,000 tons. The depression in the shipping trade, therefore, must, to a great extent, be considered to have arisen from the effect of the transition from sailing to steam shipping, stimulated (no doubt, excessively) by the outbreak of the war. The depression, in fact, was one of the inevitable results of the progress of science. However pro- ductive of transient injury to individuals, the results of such improvements are beneficial to the general interests of mankind, and are beyond the reach of legislation. itsuiti- The development of navigation by steam shipping on our must be of special advantage to Great Britain. trade " Possessing within herself all the resources necessary for iron-ship building and steam propulsion, she HAP. iv.j SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 177 must be able successfully to compete with every other nation in the art and business of steam navi- gation. When every point of comparison is duly First cost considered, there can be no doubt that steam ships can s l^ 1 be built in this country at less expense than in any other ; and this, indeed, is proved by the fact that a very large proportion of the steam shipping now navigating the waters of the globe under the flags of other nations, owe their construction to England, whilst a still larger number are indebted to this country for their machinery and boilers. The progress made by Great Britain in the con- and cost struction of steam vessels for herself, has been more them, r than equal to everything hitherto accomplished by, or for, all the other countries of the world in the aggre- gate. Nor is this wonderful : inasmuch as England possesses the motive power in the greater abundance, she must be able to work her steam vessels at less cost than any nation which has to purchase or import it from England; or which raises coal under less advantages either as to quality or cost. And if this all in reasoning be correct, it becomes obvious that the British*^ more steam vessels are employed in the commerce of commerce - the world, the larger must be the proportionate share of England in that commerce. At the same time it must not be forgotten that steam navigation has its limits. The great bulk of Ti fuel requiring to be carried on very long voyages, g t a e t J n naT1 ~ operates practically as a prohibition to steam navi- gation for such distances, except in cases where there may be intermediate coaling stations, or where the freights to be conveyed are of a light character. In On very cases where bulky goods are to be conveyed for long distances in steam vessels, and where no intermediate opportunitv for coaling is practicable, the application an f. , .,. ary power oi steam power only as mi AUXILIARY to the sailing N 1J8 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv. power, appears to be most desirable. In such cases, the steam power is used only in calms and against light adverse winds; the ship using her sails alone when the wind is sufficiently fair to enable her to dispense with the application of steam. By this means not only is that space afforded for the freightage of the ship, which is otherwise occupied by the coals to be consumed on the voyage, but a large saving is also effected in the cost of the voyage by the di- minished quantity of coals consumed. Of recent years this principle of applying steam as an auxiliary to sailing power has become recognized in the Port of London, and very large steam vessels on long voyages have been fitted expressly to carry out the object. The results have been highly satis- factory in comparison with those obtained by vessels worked under steam power alone. The difference has amounted to the whole difference of either profit or loss upon the voyage. Railways Another case in which the success of steam vessels Successful /j T , T ., ,-, n -t finds its limit, is the case ot passenger vessels, exposed to competition with railways. In the early ships for days o f steam vessels they were thought to be passenger -n i traffic. specially and peculiarly applicable to the navigation of inland waters, and to short passages across the seas. They came consequently to be employed very extensively, and for a time with remarkable success, upon the rivers of England, and in such short voyages as from London to Antwerp, Rotterdam, and Ham- burg. Mr. Porter, in his " Progress of the Nation," tells us that " The facility of moving from place to place, joined to the great economy both in time and money that has accompanied the adoption of this mode of propelling vessels, has excited the locomotive propensities of the English people in a most remark- able degree. The countless thousands who now annually pass CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 1/9 in these packets up and down tl*e river Thames, seem almost wholly to have been led to travel by the cheap and commodious means that have been thus presented to them, since the amount of journeying by land has by no means lessened. The number of passengers conveyed between London and Gravesend by steam-packets in 1835 was ascertained by the collector of the pier-dues at the latter town to have been 670,452. It was stated in evidence before a Committee of the House of Commons in 1836, that at least 1,057,000 passengers, including those to and from Gravesend, pass Blackwall in steamers every year. The number of passengers conveyed by the Hull and Selby steam- packets, in the twelve months which preceded the opening of the Leeds and Selby Railway, was 33,882, whereas, in the twelve months that followed that event, the number conveyed was 62,105." This was published only ten years ago (1851). AVliat has occurred in that short interval ? Two rail- ways have been constructed on the banks of the Thames, communicating with Gravesend, one on the north shore (the London, Tilbury, and Southeiid), and the other on the south (the North Kent line). The number of persons resorting to Gravesend has The been trebled ; but the steamers have been obliged utterly to succumb to the railways, and of the two or ed to three fleets of admirable vessels which in 1851 per- succumb formed the water passage between London Bridge ways. and Gravesend with the greatest speed and regu- larity, carrying nearly a million of passengers per annum, scarcely one remains! Above bridge, the steamboat communication between London and Rich- mond has in the same way been utterly abandoned ; the railways carrying all the traffic. So in the case of the communication between Hull and Selby. In the interval since Mr. Porter's book was published, the Leeds and Selby Railway has been extended to Hull, and the thousands of passengers who used to be carried by boat upon the Humber from Selby to x 2 180 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv. Hull and Hull to Selby, are now all carried by the railway. It may be doubted whether, iipon any river in England, there now remains a steamboat service of any moment where the river's bank is traversed by a railway. Sea -com- The result is equally remarkable in the case of tioTty sea-communication. Mr. Porter in 1851 wrote : steam ves- aels - " Scarcely any two ports of consequence in the United Kingdom can be pointed out between which steaui communi- cation is not maintained, as well for the conveyance of pas- sengers, as for the transmission of goods. Besides this, the communication is regularly maintained with all the principal neighbouring ports on the Continent of Europe. From London vessels proceed to the French coast almost every day; to Hol- land three times a week; to Belgium as frequently; to Hamburg twice a week ; and to Lisbon and Cadiz every week." Along our The steamers along our coast at that time carried passengers to Portsmouth, Southampton, Dartmouth, Plymouth, Falmouth, Ipswich, Yarmouth, Hull, Newcastle, Edinburgh, Dundee, Aberdeen, and even round to Bristol, Cardiff, Liverpool, and Glasgow. But the much more direct, rapid, and (considering time as an element) more economical transit secured by railway, has put a stop to all this trade, and except to Scotland and the east coast, in the summer season, scarcely a passenger vessel now leaves the and to Thames for any port in Great Britain. In the same Sent, l way, railways have effected a complete alteration in the passenger trade to the Continent. It may be said that all the passenger trade with France now goes by railway through either Folkestone, Dover, Newhaven, or Southampton. Scarcely anything re- mains of the large passenger traffic formerly carried on by steamers from London to the ports of Ostend, regtiktni Antwerp, and Rotterdam. Although the resort of facilities, English subjects to Belgium, Germany, and Holland CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 181 has been unequalled during the last ten years, travellers are now almost altogether conveyed by the boats from Dover to Calais, or Dover to Ostend, from whence they find their way to the places in Belgium or Ger- many which they wish to visit. Even the Hamburg steamboat traffic, which at one time was the greatest source of profit to the General Steam Navigation Company, is now only maintained by a reduction of from 50 to 75 per cent, upon the passage money. The fact is, that in all the elements desirable for Causes of journeys of limited extent, the railway presents su- perior advantages. In speed, certainty, facility, enjoyment, time, and, consequently, cost, the steamer is necessarily an inferior means of transit to the railroad ; and, as may be illustrated by innumerable examples, no steamer can compete with it for passenger traffic. That this is becoming to be thoroughly understood is shown by the various proposals which have been made to form a direct communication between the coasts of France and England by tunnels under the Channel. Visionary as such projects seem to be in the face of the difficulties nature opposes to such a work, they illustrate, in a very forcible manner, the preference which is given to the railroad, even in a case where the passage of the steamer has been brought within the limits of little more than one hour, and where the facilities for the voyage, and for shipping and unshipping, are almost the best that human in^enuitv can devise. C? 9/ What has been observed upon this subject, how- ever, does not apply in any way to the conveyance of steam goods. In respect to articles of bulk, the steamer will probably always be able to command the trade. ve y anc e f 9 ET>0<1R- She does not stand at the same cost of construction, has less to pay for in wear and tear, and is worked relatively at a cheaper rate. These elements will 182 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv. enable a steam vessel to carry at a less cost per ton for an equal distance than the railway; and when we con- sider that commerce is always carried on in great cities at the water's side, and that the steamers have access to the quays, the wharves, the warehouses, and the ap- pliances which railways, in many cases, cannot reach, an additional advantage appears to be secured to steam vessels, of which it will never be easy to divest them. Besides, the trade of a railroad is from a certain point to a certain point; that of a steam vessel may be diverted from one port to another, according to the exigencies of commerce and the requirements of the merchant. of ship-building scarcely falls within the the compass of this work. There are a considerable Thames number of building yards upon the Thames, at which first-class vessels are built; and the trade of ship- building has been increasing of late years in conse- iron nuence of iron vessels having come more and more vessels 1 . into use, and the skilled labour always to be obtained in London making the Thames very available for the construction of these vessels. At the present time there are more iron than wooden vessels constructed on the river, and the .number of persons taking up iron ship-building as a trade is on the increase. Compare- The question of the comparative values of iron and of iron and wood in ship-building - lias long been very much ^ip-" debated; although, of late years, the opinion of building. p rac tical men appears gradually to .have tended in favour of iron. It is claimed in favour of iron with considerable force, that in the principal elements desired by the ship-builder and the merchant, the ship constructed of iron has the advantage. She Advan- nagj it is said, greater strength combined with light- ness, greater capacity for stowage, greater safety under the ordinary, circumstances of accident, much CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT._ greater speed, more durability, and (which is of great consequence to the shipowner) less occasion for repair, and it is also said that she draws less water, and that, in England, she can be constructed at less cost. Against this, it is admitted that there, are certain freights for which iron vessels are unsuited; as forSSi, 88 instance, sugar, the drainage from which produces very rapid corrosion of the iron. It is ali> admitted that derangement of the compass (at least until " compensating compasses " were invented), was a serious drawback ; and that, in the warmer climates especially, iron vessels foul with greater, rapidity than timber ships properly sheathed .with copper. If all the advantages urged on behalf -of iron vessels can be supported, they would seem greatly to overbalance these disadvantages, and the more so, as there is nothing in them 'which the progress of science may not surmount by expedients of; a simple character. The superior, strength of an iron vessel is ad- as regards mitted by most persons. The stowage of a ship stooge,' depends upon her build, and the principal advantage ^J) and of an iron ship over a timber vessel . in stowage is durabilit y- derived from her shell being thinner, and there being less interruption from beams. Safety is dependent on the circumstances attending the accident, and the chances of risk are, probably, about as great on the one side as the other.* As respects speed, the iron vessel, no doubt, ordinarily has the advantage, from the finer * It has been contended by some persons that iron vessels are the safer, because they can be fitted with bulkheads which divide them into water-tight compart- ments. But Captain Sullivan, R.N., who, as an officer of the Board of Trade, gave evidence before the Committee on Merchant Shipping, suggested whether these bulkheads were not productive of weakness rather than strength. " It ' becomes a question," he says, " whether vessels are oftener broken up by the ' rivet-holes necessary for these bulkheads, than they are saved from loss by the ' partitions preventing their sinking." " I cannot recollect one case myself in ' which a ship Jias been saved by a water-tight compartment, except when it was ' a bow compartment." He says that it is a question whether a ship is not more liable to part in consequence of the weak points made by these bulkheads, which are " something like the holes in a return-ticket on a railway." 184 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv. form which the builder is able to adopt when he has to deal with a material of construction more capable of easy moulding than heavy logs of timber. As regards durability, the question lies between the corrosion of the iron and that dry rot which is the scourge of timber vessels; and it would seem that one may be prevented, whilst the progress of decay from the other can only be retarded. The wear and tear of a timber ship doubtless exceeds that of an iron vessel, but the reparations, when they have to be made, are, perhaps, more costly in the case of an iron than of a timber ship, especially if such reparations have to be effected in a foreign country. Prime cost. As the advantages, in these matters, to a great extent counterbalance each other, the prime cost becomes, and will, probably, for a long time remain, the chief governing element in the construction of ships. The prime cost will be governed by the price of materials and the cost of labour. Primd facie, it would seem that, as wood is cheaper than iron, and as carpenter's labour is, ordinarily, less expensive than smith's, the cost of a timber vessel must be less than that of an iron ship. But it has to be con- sidered, that a timber vessel is not constructed of that material alone. Her timbers have to be bolted and rivetted with iron, and she has, at a heavy cost, to be sheathed with zinc or copper. This combination of materials and of the labour required in their appli- cation, bring up the cost of a wooden vessel to an amount which, under ordinary circumstances, is not inferior to that of an iron ship ; and which, if dura- bility is considered, probably in the end makes the iron vessel the cheaper of the two.* Mr. C. Wigram, who gave admirable evidence before the Select Committee on Merchant Shipping, on the subject of Iron ship-building, said, " I think that " taking equally, faithfully built vessels, and of equal strength, there is very little " difference in cost ; I am speaking of vessels built in London." Q. 301. CHAP, iv.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 185 These considerations seem to lead to the conclusion that the construction of iron and timber vessels will or wooden prevail according, very much, to the circumstances under which the vessel is intended to be used. A ferr . ed ac ; cordmg to steam vessel required for a first-class service will the service probably, henceforward, be ordinarily constructed of they are the material which affords greater strength, dura- re( i uired - bility, and speed; a ship that is merely required to carry heavy general cargo, will probably continue to be constructed of the material which is least imme- diately costly. As the trade of London with foreign ports is now carried on chiefly by vessels of the best class, it is, therefore, probable, that for purposes of foreign trade, iron ships will rapidly increase in use; whilst the bulk of those trades in which speed is less necessary will, probably, for a long time, be carried 011 in vessels constructed of the cheapest material. At present, the preference of London merchants for first-class ships, leads to an increasing use of iron for the shipping constructed in and for the Port ; and, probably, during the next twenty years, it will be found that iron vessels increase in use in London in far greater proportion than they have done hitherto great as has been the recent increase in the number of our iron vessels. The tables on the pages following will show the quantities of the principal articles imported into the Port of London in 1860, and will enable the reader to compare the imports and exports of the Port with those of the United Kingdom generally : 186 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv. IMPORTS. PRINCIPAL ARTICLES IMPORTED, 1860. INTO THE UNITED KINGDOM. INTO PORT OF LONDON. Animals, Living : Oxen, Bulls, and Cows Number Sheep and Lambs Bones (except Whalefins) Tons Cocoa Lbs. Coffee Corn : Wheat Qrs. Bailey Oats Peas Beans . Indian Com or Maize Wheat Meal and Flour Cwts. Cotton, Raw Cotton Manufactures, not made up .... Value Dyes and Dyeing Stuffs : Cochineal , . Cwts. Indigo Madder and Madder Root ... , . . Flax: Dressed or Undressed ,, Tow or Codilla of Flax ' . Fruits : Currants . , Lemons and Oranges Bushels Raisins Cwts. Guano Tons Hemp Cwts. Jute and other Vegetable Substances . . Hides, Untanned : Dry Wet Tanned or Dressed Lbs. Mahogany Tons Metals : Copper Ore and Regulus Copper, Unwrought and part Wrought . . Iron in Bars, Unwrought Spelter, Unwrought and Rolled .... Tin, Unwrought , Cwts. Oil: Train, Blubber, and Spermaceti .... Tuns Palm Cwts. Cocoa Nut Olive Tuns Seed Oil, of all Kinds , Oilseed Cake Tons 77,010 320,219 62,321 9,009,860 82,767,746 5,880,958 2,112,861 2,290,951 314,201 439,834 1,851,762 5,086,220 12,419,096 604,547 22,486 77,321 283,295 1,298,276 166,534 .755,41 5 1,154,410 242,770 141,435 787,283 821,892 236,923 611,405 4,707,272 44,710 97,317 11,753 54,061 23,481 58,220 17,029 804,326 194,309 20,859 12,995 108,26 54,079 287,203 6,983 6,672,631 | 72,784,354 1,180,903 486,460 1,645,901 56,289 86,503 43,188 1,079,394 316,861 185,253 6,504 67,981 3,068 14,288 1,431 474,949 511,111 149,788- 22.945. 205^98 477,547r 176,050 232,931 1,960,411 22,590 5,802 3,778 8,215 12,518 50,110 6,314 153,094 187,574 5,068 9,022 38,0*3 CHAP. IV.] SHIPPING OF THE PORT. 187 PRINCIPAL ARTICLES IMPORTED, I860. INTO THE INTO UNITED PORT OF KINGDOM, j LONDON. Provisions : Bacon and Hams . Cwts. 326,106 261,259 173,009 840,112 583,283 838,477 198,030 16,123 1,534,640 1,074,765 264,902 1,330,623 269,403 9,178,647 224,335 539,947 530,796 233,910 12,810,040 21,127 7,319,673 2,342,543 635,410 8,817,276 345,010 606,503 1,430,108 88,946,532 23,709,874 25,226,597 2,727,255 149,236 113,790 128,045 427,942 202,506 245,135 28,452 5,513 789,392 342,864 119,826 391,163 148,037 2,405,580 139,871 254,744 381,908 217,235 10,552,319 20,235 5,171,824 1,547,624 206,160 4,846,132 98,281 95,372 899,101 83,711,086 9,023,843 14,459,188 1,469,224 Beef, Salted Pork " Butter Cheese Eggs Cubic Feet Lard . Cwts. Rags, and other Materials, for making Paper Rice not in the Husk . Tons Cwts. Saltpetre and Cubic Nitre Seeds : Clover Flaxseed and Linseed Qrs. Rape Seed Silk, Raw . Lbs. Thrown Silk Manufactures of Europe : . Broad Stufl's Ribbons ... Silk -Manufactures of India : Bandannas, Corahs, &c . Pieces Spices : Pepper . . Lbs. Pimento . Cwts. Spirits : Rum . Gallons Brandy . Geneva Sugar, Unrefined . Cwts. Refined, and Sugar Candy .... ,, Molasses Tallow Tea Lbs. Tobacco : Stemmed Unstemmed Cigars and Snuff * Wine : Imported from British Possessions . Gallons 679,941 11,795,060 549,347 8,629,382 Foreign Countries . Total Wine . 12,475,001 9,178,729 Wood and Timber : Not Sawn or Split . Loads 1,275,109 1,452,806 76,378 145,501,651 2,894,926 918,927 212,381 411,654 27,090 79,700,315 31,662 172,105 Battens, Boards, &c. Sawn or Split . . Staves Wool Sheep and Lambs' . Lbs. Alpaca and Llama Woollen Manufactures, not made up ... . Value 188 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. iv. EXPORTS. PRINCIPAL ARTICLES EXPORTED, 1860. TOTAL FROM THE UNITED K IX GDOM. FROM PORT OF LONDON. Apparel and Slops 2,156,478 1,385,138 1,868,144 1,308,248 Butter 637,925 64,573 Candles Stearine 238,622 199,235 120,068 49,536 Coals, Cinders, and Culm 3,316,281 57,061 Cotton Manufactures : Calicoes, Cambrics, and Muslins, ) Fustians, and Mixed Stuffs . | All other Kinds 40,346,342 1 795 163 6,101,460 252,327 Cotton Yarn 9,870 875 966,708 Earthenware and Porcelain 1,450,644 182,799 Fish Herrings 474 805 7,046 Glass of all Kinds 653 198 328,990 Haberdashery and Millinery 4,004,431 996,981 Hardwares and Cutlery 3,770,609 807,149 Leather, Tanned, Unwrought 403 286 248,280 ., Wrought 1,406 984 868,304 Saddlery and Harness 318 094 195,123 Linen Manufactures : Cloths of all Kinds, and Cambrics .... All other Kinds 4,434,858 369 945 435,043 10,569 Linen Yarn 1 801 272 283,864 Machinery : Steam Engines ] 238 333 476 212 Other Sorts 2 599 488 571,825 Metals : Iron Pig, Bar, Wire, and Cast .... Railroad, of all Sorts 4,442,661 3 408 759 687,109 934 926 Wrought, of all Kinds 3 317 349 966 419 Steel Unwrought ..... . 986 228 48 020 Copper, Unwrought 749 879 180 006 Part Wrought, and Wrought . . Lead Ore, Pig, Rolled, Sheet, aud Shot . Tin, Unwrought 2,037,837 545,727 361 592 1,290,882 274,452 237,420 Plates 1 500 812 187 718 Oil, Seed 1 131 357 328 155 Painters' Colours 475 143 240 891 Salt 358 162 13 141 Silk Manufactures 1 587 303 265 401 Thrown, Twist, and Yarn 826 107 431 335 Soap 249 538 85 323 Soda 96,5 348 129 885 Spirits 286 818 98 074 Stationery 759 391 435,323 Sugar, Refined 235 798 203 644 Wool, Sheep and Lambs' 877 082 416 692 Woollen and Worsted Manufactures : Woollens 7 098 009 1,056 943 Worsted and Mixed Stuffs 4 401 936 455 629 All other Kinds 657 053 122 130 Woollen and Worsted Yam, including Yarn ) mixed with other Materials J 3,843,4.50 30,679 All other Articles 11 512 043 5 9 -> l 717 Total Declared Real Value ... 135,891,227 :!<>,s:S7,688 CHAPTER V. FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. THE trade greatest in importance, and which is re- o.ir trade garded most hopefully, in the Port of London is CHINA. undoubtedly, at the present time, the trade with the East Indies and China. Of the trade with the East Indies we shall speak under another head, and at present confine ourselves to the China trade. The trade of China with the United Kingdom is almost almost exclusively conducted in London. Of the^ j^ ted 85,000,000 Ihs. of tea sent from China to Great Britain in London in 1860, no less than 80,000,000 Ibs. came direct to London, and the silk received was even in still larger proportion. Tea and silk are almost the sole exports of China to these realms. The value of the tea and imports silk imported in 1860 was Tea 6,601,894 Silk 2,387,867 The other imports were Oils, of all sorts valued in 1860 at 53,500 Sugar 47,388 Rhubarb Cassia Lignea Mats and Matting Ginger, Preserved Wax China or Porcelain Ware . . . Camphor Japanned and Lacquered Ware Wool 22,216 20,399 18,227 11,340 9,389 8,476 5,454 4,574 2,265 The total value of our imports from China in 1860 190 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. was 9,323,764/. This was more than two millions less than in 1857, when we made war upon that country. Exports to Our principal exports to China in return for tea and silk are cotton and woollen manufactures, of which we sent them, in 1860, to the value of nearly 4,500,000. The chief articles of export were as follows : Cotton Goods valued in 1860 at 3,160,165 Woollen Goods 870,671 Cotton Yarn ............ , 410,416 Iron and Steel Lead and Shot Beer and Ale Coals, &c Copper Apparel, Slops, and Haberdashery Linens Glass Manufactures . . . ; . Hardware and Cutlery .... Stationery Earthenware Tin Plates. 145,313 114,035 99,-493 ' 8,655 58,984 32,814 30,855 29,864 25,735 11,066 6,903 4,167 Of articles not our own produce, we also sent them Wine valued in 1860 at 45,030 Quicksilver 26,013 Brandy 12,986 Spelter 8,806 Cochineal . 4,396 Steel 2,854 Glass 2,764 The trade The total exportations to Chinese ports in 1860 amounted in value to about five millions and a half. A very large proportion of this total appears in the form of articles exported for the supply of our own troops, and of the British settlers in China, who now number more than 10,000. Earthen- It is curious to observe that, although we derived from China the art of making porcelain, we now ex- port to that country nearly as much earthenware as we receive from it, whilst we sond them a considerable ware. CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 191 quantity of glass manufactures in addition. The quantity of beer sent to British residents and others, in China, is also noticeable. The export of beer to Beer. China, which, in 1856, only amounted to 3,118 barrels, rose in 1860 to 27,749 barrels, of the value J r ^; f of nearly 100,000^., all of which must be consumed our trade by our own people, as the Chinese, it is said, refuse cha, to drink beer, which is indeed a liquor of a very different character from the ordinary drinks of the Chinese, in the form of tea, and a sort of wine, drunk hot. That our trade with China will largely increase, may be concluded from the fact that since the treaty concluded in 1858 it has already more than doubled itself, as the following will show : AGGREGATE VALUE OF BRITISH EXPORTS TO CHINA. 1831 547,701 1841 862,570 1851 2,161,268 1856 2,216,123 I8o7 2,449,982 1858 2,876,447 1859 4,457,573 1860 5,318,036 It must be confessed, however, that this trade, restricted considerable as it is in some articles, is extremely price. Nothing can be more unwise than the policy, Russia in endeavourin to force a business which is not natural to her climate, her condition, or ture. habits of her population. By the use of better ap- pliances it is probable that the Russians in a few years will so largely develop their agriculture, which has hitherto been carried on with the rudest imple- ments, as to be able to export produce more largely and to more profit than any other people in Europe. In this they will be greatly aided by their improved means of internal communication. But as a manu- facturing nation, everything is against this compara- tively thinly populated country, and even in its own markets, it never by any possibility can compete with the productions of Germany and Great Britain admitted at low duties. Russia supplies England with three -fourths inThetaiiow value of all the tallow we import. This trade, 204 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. during the last few years, has been interfered with under circumstances which may possibly lead The "great hereafter to remarkable results. Several years since specula- a Company or Society at Moscow commenced a " speculation," as they termed it, to raise the price of tallow in Russia. They soon discovered, in conse- quence of the large stocks held in London, that it was necessary to operate in the market here for the pur- pose of maintaining their operations. Their large purchases in London caused tallow to reach a fictitious price in the market so very considerably above its real value as seriously to prejudice its sale. Oils of different descriptions, consequently, began to super- sede the use of tallow, and lamps were invented for burning cocoa-nut, Colza, and various other descrip- tions of oils, which were found to be cheaper than tallow at the price to which that article had reached. At the same time the English merchants sought to develop the tallow trade of South America, Australia, and other countries, from which considerable supplies were obtained. Nevertheless, the Moscow speculators, being ex- tremely well supported, were able for some time to maintain their position. The price of tallow was kept up notwithstanding the largely increased stocks on hand both in London and St. Petersburg. But such a state of things naturally could not last in the face of the exertions made by English merchants to secure tallow from other countries. In the month of June, 1861, much to the relief of the tallow market, the its failure, great Moscow speculators were compelled to succumb, having lost, it is said, a sum of money by their speculations variously estimated at from 300,0007. to 500,000/. The price of tallow in England, which was 60s. per cwt. in January, 1860, fell to 43s. 6d. in the month of August, 1861, with the prospect of a still CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 205 further decline. The fall, however, was checked by a large fire at the riverside wharves, which destroyed nearly 10,000 casks of tallow, and hy a demand which sprang up for a supply for the Continent of Europe, where the stocks had fallen to a minimum during the progress of the speculation. The large trade which we carry on with Russia for The flax flax and hemp chiefly centres itself at Riga, though trade. emp large quantities of hemp come from St. Petersburg. In our market, however, Riga qualities of both articles Ri s a - have the preference in price. Russian flax and hemps are generally preferred to those of any other countries, in consequence probably of the care taken in their shipment, the classification of qualities, and the assort- ment, inspection and branding by official authorities, who are said to perform, their duties with laudable exactness and impartiality. The flax shipped at Riga is grown chiefly in White Russia, and the trade is principally carried on by our own merchants, who do more than half the business of that city. The hemp trade, however, has decreased of late years in conse- quence of the general substitution of iron for hemp in the manufacture of cables, cordage, &c., and also in consequence of the use of jute, an article of lower price, which we derive from the East Indies, and which is a good substitute for hemp and flax where the article of manufacture is not liable to be exposed to the action of water. "We have seen in previous pages of this volume The Rus - . . . sinn Com- that the original establishment of English trade with Russia was due to the Russian Company, first incorporated by Philip and Mary for the discovery of a north-western passage to India. This Company had at first an absolute monopoly of all trade with the dominions of the Czar. The monopoly was limited in Russia at various periods, as other nations, 206 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. especially the Dutch, sought opportunities for com- merce ; and ultimately, by statute of William III.,* the Company was virtually thrown open in England, any merchant heing allowed admission to it on pay- ment of 5/., and being permitted to conduct his business as a private adventurer entirely as if the Duties ie- Company was abolished. The Russian Company, bow- tie Com- ever, continued, up to last year, to levy a number of small duties on all goods imported from llussian ports, under the authority of its original patent, which granted them those duties at a time when the trade was exclusively in their own hands. In the aggregate the duties amounted to about 11,000/. per annum, of which the London trade of course paid the largest proportion. Agitation ;p or some years there prevailed, amonsr a power- againstthe . * duties. ml party in this country, a strong desire to get rid of the duties payable to the Russia Company, which were said to be vexatious to the merchant, whilst no sufficient services are performed for them. These dues were raised under the several names of " Lastage," " Address Money," " Church Money," " Company's Agent," " Cronstadt Agency," and "Passes;" but, except for the "Church Money," it did not appear that any real services of value were performed for any of those various items of taxation. The "Church Money," which amounted to about 2,000/. a- year, was paid to the Committee of the Chapel of the British Eactory at St. Petersburg, and for the assist- ance of any British poor who may be found in that city or in Cronstadt ; and it was contended strongly by the Company that these were payments which could not be abandoned without disadvantage. On o this head the contest between the Company and the merchants opposed to it was extremely keen. Two * 10 & 1 1 Wni. Ill, c. 6. CHAP, v ] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 207 different Committees of the House of Commons re- Reports of ported upon the matter ; one, on the Local Charges on Shipping in 1853, reported : these dues. " That if it provides a Church establishment in Russia, in favour and support of which British residents of all religious persuasions agree to waive their doctrinal differences if, under its operation, the poor of the increasing communities of British subjects are supported, and the education of their young pro- vided for ; and if it afford the means of union and common action in all cases where the interests of trade may be affected by political events, then it would be peculiarly undesirable to break up this association, which it would be impossible to revive under another form." Whilst a later Committee, the Select Committee on Merchant Shipping, 1860, reported : " With regard to certain dues still levied by the Russia Company on ships and on goods carried in ships, we deem the continuance of any such tax quite unjustifiable. In the present state of our political and commercial relations with the Emperor of Russia, no exceptional legislation is required to secure pro- tection for English residents in the dominions of Russia. The charter granted to the Russia Company in bygone ages has survived its original design, and the religious and charitable objects, however pious or benevolent their character, to which the dues on goods carried in ships are applied, having but little reference to maritime trade, ought not to be compulsorily cast upon merchants and shipowners who do not receive any direct benefit from them." The dispute was virtually settled in 1861, by the Adjust- Russia Company themselves, who informed the the ques- Govermnent and the Legislature that "they would tltm ' " no longer levy dues on the import of goods into " the United Kingdom." Our exports to the ports of Russia (both Xorth Exports to and South) in 1860, amounted to 5,446,279/. The R principal items of our own produce and manufactures exported to the northern ports were as follows : 208 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Northern Iron valued at 630,044 ports- Machinery , 630,947 Woollen Yarn Cotton Yarn Coals, &c Lead and Shot Hardware and Cutlery . . Cotton Goods . ... "Woollen Goods Soda Tin (unwrought) .... Agricultural Implements Linen Manufactures . . . Salt Silk Manufactures .... Tin Plates Earthenware and Porcelain . 362,842 183,039 126,783 108,056 102,474 84,454 77,154 71,880 57,044 48,423 40,496 40,061 17,318 15,688 13,427 In addition we sent to these ports, foreign and colonial produce to the following amounts : Raw Cotton valued at 1,413,264 Indigo 236,449 Coffee 89,260 Cochineal 55,234 Wine 29,353 Rice , 17,034 Southern The exports to the southern ports, which amounted in all to 47 7, 042 1. were in much the same articles and proportions. The Board of Trade 'returns, how- ever, cannot be entirely relied upon in regard to these articles, as many of the ships which trade to the Black Sea and the sea of Azov, clear out for Constantinople, so that exports intended for Russia are assigned in the tables to Turkey. Our trade The trade of the Black Sea has, only at a conipara- ism^hern tively recent period, been opened freely to foreign Russia, nations ; and it is only since the repeal of our own Corn Laws, that we could have had much intercourse with a country whose principal production is corn. Odessa has hitherto been the principal port frequented by the English ; but of late years a considerable pro- portion of the corn trade has been carried on with Taganrog, at the head of the sea of Azov, and with CHAP v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 209 Kaffa (or Theodosia) in the Crimea. The fact is, that Odessa is most unfortunately situated for trade. The Russian Government, at the end of the last century, sought to establish this port as a commercial entrepot, by giving it considerable privileges. But they have discovered that they sought to establish what has been well described as " a shop in a desert." Odessa, Odessa, situated on an arid plain, between the rivers Dniester, Bug, and Dnieper, is, in fact, at a considerable distance from the estuary of either; and the con- sequsnce is, that the principal portion of the corn brought down those rivers is obliged to be conveyed from different points to Odessa in carts, drawn by oxen, over roads, wretched at all times, and absolutely impassable at some seasons of the year. These im- pediments to internal communication might, 110 doubt, be obviated by a railway system ; but, in the southern parts of Russia, the towns are so few and far between, and the country appears to be so thinly peopled, that it is doubtful whether railways could be constructed with profit. Taganrog, on the sea of Azov, is at the estuary of Taganrog. the Don, by which river immense quantities of corn are brought down. Up to a recent period these were sent down to Kertch, where a large trade is carried on, and coastwise also, to Kaffa and Odessa; but vessels are now finding their way up the Sea of Azov to Taganrog itself, despite difficulties of navigation arising from the shallowness of the sea, and from its being at times completely shut by frost. By a canal from the Don to the river Wolga, the sea of Azov is connected with the Caspian Sea ; and thus Taganrog becomes a port of vast importance to trade, as opening up a rich interior country of. immense extent, which can be most readily supplied with foreign commodities. The trade of the Caspian is, at the present time, almost 210 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. exclusively in the hands of the Russians. That they are not without enterprise, is established by the fact, that the Caspian and Wolga are both navigated by steam vessels. Balance of It would appear from the official account that the Russia* 11 balance of our trade with Russia is against England in against * ^ e proportion of sixteen millions to five and a half. Some abatement from this there would probably be in consequence of the circumstances under which the trade is conducted, and the enhanced prices at which our products are sold to the Russians ; * but, with whatever abatement, the position of the case is too striking not to receive notice. Russia is a compara- tively rich country, and England carries on with it the largest trade carried on with any European nation. We receive direct from Russia 16,000,000/. of goods per annum, and only send to her direct 5,446,000/., of which little more than 3,000,000. are articles of the produce and manufacture of the United Kingdom ! inquiry Something is, of course, due to the tariff to which causes^ reference has already been made. Still more is due this - to the comparative want of facilities for internal communication, which are so great that they prac- tically limit the consumption of imported articles to St. Petersburg and other ports of importation and the country immediately adjacent to such ports. Although by means of rivers and canals, the Neva at St. Peters- burg is actually connected with the Caspian Sea, yet the great distance to be traversed and the very short period of the year during which the rivers and canals Absence of are navigable, render the conveyance of goods both - difficult and costly. This applies even more to im- - P or t e( l than to exported commodities ; for the pro- tenor. * Some allowance should also be made for British goods purchased by Russian merchants at Hamburg, and carried to St. Petersburg by the steamers, via Kiel, or Lubeck. CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 211 ducts of the country sent down the rivers for exporta- tion are loaded, in the winter months, into boats which take advantage of the high water and float down with the current as soon as the snow and ice begin to melt. The cargoes up the rivers are obliged to be carried up slowly when the stream is low in the autumn ; and if they should be blocked by ice before they reach their destinations they have to be con- veyed, during the winter, by sledges. The barks on which goods are floated down are also mostly broken up and sold for firewood on their arrival at their port of destination, so that comparatively few return. Thus the cost of conveyance into very much exceeds that out of the country, an evil which the establishment of railroads through the empire alone can remedy. But perhaps the greatest drawback to trade with Russia is to be found in the way in which commerce in that country has hitherto been conducted. Up to in Russia - June, 1860, none but native Russians were permitted to engage in the internal trade of the country. This restriction, although it was evaded, operated preju- dicially upon the foreigner who imported goods, by compelling him to sell to a native at the port of arrival. Again, the Russian trader was required by law to be registered, and to be possessed of a certain amount of capital, according to which he was classed as a merchant, an inland trader, or a shopkeeper. These restrictions prevented many persons from trading at all, and limited that competition which is the life and soul of business. They were swept away by an Imperial Ukase of the 19th June, 1860, a period too recent to enable any idea to be formed of the result of the proceeding. The modification of such restric- tions cannot fail, however, to be beneficial to commerce generally, and to exercise an important influence on the trade of the country. It may be hoped, also, that p 2 212 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. it will alter the trading system of Russia. At present the practice is for the foreign merchant to make payments in advance for the produce which he purchases, and to sell goods for the supply of the in- terior on credit. The Russian, in fact, makes his pur- chases in the summer, when he comes to St. Petersburg to trade, on the strength of his produce to be sent down in the following spring. Hence it results that the English merchant in Russia must be possessed of considerable capital, and must have some personal acquaintance with the persons he trusts : two con- ditions which necessarily limit the number of tho English merchants settled in Russia. The system oi trade, also, appears to be one of large profits and slow returns, as opposed to small profits and quick returns : a system which abates the surprise we might otherwise feel at finding the balance of trade appear so largely against us. The trade with Russia, in fact, requires both in- ternal and external enterprise for its development. With the vast population and resources of that empire it is absurd to suppose that under an enterprising system of trade 5,400,OOOZ. could represent anything like the value of British exports to that country. Had the wealthy society of Moscow speculators who lost their 300,0002. in endeavouring to raise the price of tallow in Russia, embarked their capital in that or any other of the Russian products, with a view to make a profit by a genuine trade, it is probable that, instead of being obliged to succumb, they would have by this time doubled their principal, whilst by opening up the internal trade of their country to British manufactures, they would have added to the comfort, Trade 'th na PP mess J an( l wealth of their own people. SWEDEN Whilst our trade with Russia may be said to be WAY. carried on almost exclusively by English merchants, CHAP. V.] FOREIGN TKADE OF THE PORT. 213 that with SWEDEN and NORWAY is conducted in almost as great a degree under the flags of those countries, and for the account of their own dealers. The traders of Norway, and to some extent of Sweden also, are usually the owners of ships, who freight them on their own account with the produce of their country, which they bring to England for sale, obtaining freight here for any foreign port, if they can, or, if not, returning to their own port with such cargo as they may purchase, or still more frequently in ballast. A very common practice with a Swedish or Norwegian vessel is to bring a cargo of timber, corn, iron, or ice, to London, and having found a market for it, to clear out in ballast for Newcastle or Sunderland, and there take in a cargo of coals with which to proceed home. This will account for the discrepancy between the clearances number of Swedish and Norwegian vessels which .hipim, enter and leave the Port of London from and for their ballast - own countries, and also for the very large number of Swedish and Norwegian vessels which clear out of the Port of London in ballast, as shown in the following return of the entries and clearances for 1860 : PORT OF LONDON. From Sweden FromNonvay For Sweden For Norway SHIPS ENTERED, 1860. BRITISH. FOREIGN. TOTAL. With Cargo. In Ballast. With Cargo. In Ballast. No. 108 5 Tons. 19,750 664 No. Tons. No. 812 313 Tons. 170,154 96,285 No. Tons. No. 920 318 Tons. 189,904 96,949 SHIPS CLEARED, 1860. 13 4,327 6 1 1,533 206 68 34 11,095 7,391 344 427 83,535 136,169 431 462 100,490 143,766 214 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Thus we see that nearly the whole of the outward trade to these countries is conducted by the Swedes and Norwegians themselves, the English only em- ploying in it 13 ships out of 893. Of these 893, we also see that no less than 771 left London in ballast, only 102 carrying back cargo, whilst, on the other hand, every vessel that entered the port from Sweden and Norway, without a single exception, brought cargo to the port. Accounted If> however, we turn to the records of shipping at Newcastle, we shall find this state of things reversed. PORT OF NEWCASTLE. for. FromSweden FromNorway For Sweden For Norway SHIPS ENTERED, 1860. BRITISH. FOREIGN. TOTAL. With Cargo. In Ballast. With Cargo. In Ballast. No. 6 Tons. 781 No. Tons. No. 58 144 Tons. 7,939 17,050 No. 3 170 Tons. 445 45,033 No. 66 314 Tons. ;9,165 62,083 SHIPS CLEARED, 1860. 85 7 14,435 1,275 - - 499 237 74,683 28,483 1 121 584 245 89,118 29,879 Thus, whilst only 380 vessels entered this port from Sweden and Norway, one half of which were in ballast, no less than 829 vessels sailed for those countries, of which number only one solitary small vessel did not carry cargo. This shipping, as before observed, was probably almost altogether composed of the Swedish and Norwegian vessels which had entered the Thames with cargo, and gone out of it in ballast. imports The produce sent to England by the Swedes consists from swe- cn i e fl v o f WOO( j an( j timber (principally sawn into CHAP. V.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 215 deals and boards), corn (chiefly oats and barley), and iron (unwrought and in bars). The values of the quantities imported in 1860 were as follows : Wood and Timber valued at 1,388,613 Corn 1,005,862 Iron 645,621 Steel (unwrought) 64,012 The total value of our imports from Sweden in 1860 amounted to 3,193,3082. The supply of timber sent by Sweden to England Timber, is, at the present time, larger than that of any other country. In 1861, London received the following quantities : TIMBER IMPORTED INTO LONDON, 1861. CARGOES From Sweden 368 Prussia 271 Norway 230 Russia 227 Finland 50 Canada 134 New Brunswick, &c. . . 92 Africa and India, &c. . . 68 TONS. 115,472 80,312 75,230 60,839 16,974 105,648 54,356 36,204 Total 1,440 545,035 The quality of the Swedish timber is said to excel that of the timbers received from Russia and Prussia ; and being sold at a cheaper rate it commands our market. The Swedish timbers chiefly come from ports in the Gulf of Bothnia. They are sawn in the form of deals, battens, lathwood, masts, balks, and railway sleepers. This trade is carried on principally under the flags of Prussia and Mecklenburgh, for account of English merchants who have recently embarked considerable capital in the acquisition of large forests, which they cut down and saw upon the shore. Several of these English companies are established on the principle of " limited liability." 216 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. o a t 8 . The corn sent from Sweden is principally oats. The exportation of oats from Sweden to England is only second in quantity to that of Russia, and is double that of Prussia and the Hanse Towns. It has progressed during the last five years in the following ratio : EXPORTATION OF OATS FROM SWEDEN TO ENGLAND. Q.ABTEKS. 1856 ..... 200,141 ..... 240,169 1857 ..... 258,110 ..... 297,733 1858 ..... 427,885 ..... 470,585 1859 ..... 443,087 ..... 485,248 1860 ..... 554,369 ..... 655,504 iron and It appears, at first sight, singular that England, which produces more iron than all the other countries of the world together, should import iron and steel from Sweden to the extent of nearly three-quarters of a million annually. The fact is accounted for hy the very superior quality of Swedish iron, which is found to be especially well fitted for conversion into steel, and for use in the manufacture of high-priced articles. It would appear, indeed, that in consequence of the great consumption of British iron of late years, less attention has been paid by our own manufacturers to quality than to quantity. The object here has been to produce iron to the largest amount, and at the smallest price; whilst in Sweden the production being limited, and the smelting process by means of charcoal dimcult, the stimulus to trade has been less, and greater opportunity has been aiforded to attend to the manufacture. In a recent address to the Mr. Hawk- Institute of Civil Engineers by its present president, Mr. Hawkshaw, that able engineer said manufac f Great " ^ e are > -^ b e ^ eve > i n the infancy only of discoveries in the Britain. improvement of the manufacture of steel and iron. Until CHAP. v.J FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 217 lately, the nature of tlie demand for iron rather retarded than encouraged improvements in its manufacture. Railways con- sumed iron in vast quantities, and railway companies cared nothing about quality. They were driven to seek a tolerably good material for engine and carriage tyres, but as it respected the vast consumption in the shape of rails, they -were implicitly guided by the lowest prices. As long as this system continued, it suited the iron-masters to manufacture a cheap article in large quantities, and they therefore gave themselves no concern to establish a better state of things. But heavy engines, high speeds, and an enlarged traffic, are gradually working a change. We are beginning to find that iron of the very best quality has hardly durance enough for rails or locomotive tyres ; that there is no economy in putting down rails which require taking up again in a year or two ; and, in short, that the increased strains arising from the accelerated motion of railways, steamboats, and machinery in general, are necessitating a better material. " In marine steam-engines, which have received much atten- tion, and -where great attempts have been made at perfection, paddle-shafts, crank-axles, screws, and other portions, have, as before intimated, already attained an unwieldy size, and the ris inertia and weight of such masses of metal are of them- selves no slight impediment to the improvement of steam- navigation, and would be greatly obviated by the use of a stronger material. " Fortunately for this country, just at the time that the use of iron is extending, and improvements in its manufacture are developing, fresh discoveries are made of the raw material, and men seem to stumble, as it were, by accident on new fields of iron ore, in places where those mineral riches have laid dormant for centuries,, to await a new era and another age, when ships, like knights of old, are to go forth to battle in complete armour, and when the civil engineer has assumed the duties which de- volved on the smith and armourer of former times." Our exports to Sweden in 1860 amounted to less Exports to than a million; namely, 940,613?. The principal Sweden ' items exported were, 218 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. HOME PRODUCTS. Coals valued at 90,583 Iron , 62,030 Machinery >, 57,077 Cotton Yarn , 51,634 Woollen Goods Cotton Goods Woollen Yarn Hardwares Linseed Oil . Apparels, Slops, and Haberdashery Soda 47,070 28,539 28,843 27,108 21,174 14,533 11,847 COLONIAL AND FOREIGN PRODUCTS. Cotton, raw valued at 142,701 Sugar, unrefined 70,493 Wool 35,307 Hides 33,396 Indigo ,. 25,185 Coffee 13,350 Palm Oil 12,143 Wine 7,228 Guano 5,847 Tea 3,176 Their The character of these exports appears to show that the Swedes are relying largely upon their own manu- facturing industry. They take raw products, such as iron and coals, to a much greater extent than articles of manufacture ; woollen manufactures being those of which they require the largest supply, and of those only to the extent of 47,000. This absence of demand for English products is not caused by any unnaturally high tariff in Sweden, but rather from the character of the people, whose habits are simple, and whose wants are comparatively few. Export of One item in the account of exports to Sweden deserves observation. Although guano was exported to that country to a comparatively small amount in 1860, there was, in previous years, a very large supply sent to Sweden; amounting, in 1856, to as much as 53,OOOZ. The fact is that the Swedes, CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 219 as their country has been rapidly cleared of timber, have applied themselves with great industry to agri- cultural pursuits ; and, notwithstanding the character of the climate and the general inferiority of the soil, have made great progress in the production of corn, as we have seen in the account of her exports. The internal communications of Sweden are very internal favourable to her exports. The port of Gothenburg, SSJ^f which stands next to Stockholm in the trade of the Sweden - country, is peculiarly well situated in this respect. By means of the river Gotha, the Wettern Lake, and the Trollhatten Canal, Gothenburg is open to the whole interior, and possesses the advantage of a direct water communication with Stockholm and the Baltic without the necessity of a sea passage round the Sound. The construction of the canal which enables vessels to avoid the falls of Trollhatten was long an object of the sovereigns of Sweden, and its accomplishment has proved of the highest value to their country. It may be hoped that as the resources of Sweden become developed, and as her people increase in wealth, her demand for foreign productions will increase, in which case London, which is her largest customer, will probably also be the source from which she will draw the largest proportion of her supplies. Comparatively small as is the whole value of our exports to Sweden at the present time, their amount demonstrates the beneficial results of the adoption of free-trade principles in England, for, in 1846, our exports to that country amounted to only 146,654., little more than the trade of Great Britain with the Canary Islands ! From Xorwav our imports, in 1860, were valued at Trade with *" *- " 1,160,992^. ; and of this amount the wood and timber was valued at 933,918/. In the list of smaller items THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. imported from Norway, the following, however, are worthy of mention : Fish (principally Lobsters) .... valued at 71,492 Seal skins, undressed 36,792 Copper ore 23,658 Ice 13,718 The ice The ice trade of Norway is a husiness opened by the Norwegians themselves some few years since, shortly after the Americans began to send Wenham Lake ice from Boston to Great Britain. The trade in ice is naturally in some degree dependent on the character of the season in England. In the very hot summer of 1859 we imported from Norway 31,470 tons of ice, of the computed value of 11. per ton. In the cool summer of 1860 the importation fell to 13,718 tons. The Norwegian ice is principally sent to us from the town of Drobak, on the Christiania Eiord. The arrangements for receiving, storing, and shipping it there are very ingenious and simple. Drobak is situated on the side of the fiord, which has a great depth of water on each of its shores. On the hills, which rise precipitously above the little town, are large ponds, from which the ice is cut out in the winter, by very simple means, in blocks of about three feet square. These are passed by a series of inclined planes down the hills to the ice-houses at Drobak, where they are stored in sawdust till the following summer. By another series of inclined planes, formed in the simplest manner of fir planks, the blocks of ice are then passed out of the ice-houses into the holds of the ships lying in the fiord, the process occupying scarcely any time, and being almost costless. Consump- Unfortunately, the bulk of the English, even of ii Eng. lce the upper classes, have yet to learn the advantage landt and luxury of using ice. In the United States it is CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 221 found on every table, and enters into the composition of almost every summer beverage, besides being largely used for the preservation of food. Probably the Norwegians owe it to the circumstance of their trade being so largely in their own hands, that efficient means have not yet been discovered for selling ice in London. The carts of wholesale traders deliver daily supplies of the article to clubs and other establishments which take large quantities, but there are no efficient means of providing it to smaller householders, who, if they obtain it at all, can only do so from the fishmonger (!),* at a price highly disproportionate to its real value, and not always in the best condition. If its retail supply could be arranged on moderate terms, it is probable that the demand for ice in London would soon be greater than in New York, and the Norwegians would find employment for a large amount of shipping in supplying the article, t Firewood forms a very important branch of the trade of Norway with London. The quantity im- ported in 1861, must, it is said, have occupied more than 55,000 tons of shipping. Christiania is the prin- cipal seat of this trade. The fir timber is floated from the interior down the various rivers which empty them- selves into the fiord, until they reach the saw-mills to which they are consigned, and at which they are sawn The ice trade probably got into the hands of the fishmongers, from their being brought into connexion with the Norwegians as dealers in fish and lobsters, and from their personally frequenting the markets at the east end of London, to which the Norwegians most resort. In no other way can such an anomaly be accounted for. It might have been supposed that the " butterman" would have been a better purveyor of such an article, useful as ice must be in the pre- servation of butter and cream in summer weather. But who has yet seen ice in a biitter shop ? The buttermen of London deal with English producers only, and do not come into contact with the Norwegian traders. t The home consumption of ice in the United States is estimated at little less than 300,000 tons a year. In 1854 the quantity exported was 156,540 tons from Boston, and 20,000 tons from New York. A large proportion of this finds its way to the East and West Indies. 222 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. into deals, boards, or battens, cut up for firewood, or hewn for making herring-barrels. The vast water- power of the country enables these several processes to be carried on without difficulty and at very small expense. Christiania deals formerly obtained a higher relative value than any other wood in our market ; but they have recently been in less demand, American spruce being preferred for cheapness ; and the white The fish deals of Sweden and Finland for quality. Bergen, on Bwgen/ 1 ^ e wes ^ coas ^ f Norway, is the source of the fish trade. This town is celebrated for its salted cod, or stock-fish, of which from twenty-five to thirty million pounds is annually exported, but very little, if any, of it comes to England, our supply of that article being derived from Newfoundland. We receive from Bergen, how- ever, immense numbers of lobsters, which are brought to the Thames in vessels constructed for the purpose. It should be observed, however, that the average amount of our trade with Norway for fish is very much lower than the sum given above as the com- puted value of the import of that article in 1860. Export* to Our exports to Norway amounted, in 1860, to Norway. 630,773^ heing in better proportion to the imports than in our trade with Sweden. The principal articles exported were : Iron valued at 87,124 Woollen goods 67,628 Coals Machinery .... Cotton goods . . . Hardware and Cutlery Apparel, Slops, &c. . Linen goods . . . Earthenware . . . Oil, Linseed . . . 56,793 51,350 49,058 32,361 20,678 18,770 14,784 8,865 Leather 7,633 Cotton, raw valued at 69,890 Sugar, unrefined 20,192 Coffee 5,585 CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 223 Hides, untanned valued at 4,494 Tea 4,017 Wine 3,899 Indigo 3,761 Tobacco 2,119 It is curious that ale and beer does not appear amongst the above items. Up to a comparatively recent period the Norwegian drink most commonly in Norway. use was a nauseating spirituous liquor, called finckle, very speedily productive of intoxication. Of late years great efforts have been made in Norway to establish sober and temperate habits among the population; and happily those efforts have been attended with great success. In order to this object, liquors of a different description from finckle were required to be supplied for general consumption, and a large brewery was established in Christiania, which arranged an excellent system of supplying the interior with beer in bottles at very reasonable rates. Besides this, the light wines of Bordeaux were imported into Norway, and distributed through the country with great suc- cess. The trade in these wines is carried on by means of the ships which convey stock-fish from Bergen to Bordeaux ; and so successful has been the attempt to extend their use that there is scarcely a village in Norway where a bottle of Bordeaux wine may not be obtained at a price very little above prime cost, and at less than, under the reduced duty, we can obtain wine of similar quality in England. It is probable that had the trade with Norway been prin- cipally in the hands of English merchants more might have been done to induce the consumption of English articles. Our commodities are well appreciated by the Norwegian people, and the supply of them to the flourishing little towns of the interior is now greatly facilitated by the railway which has been made by English engineers and contractors from Christiania to 224 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Eidsvol, and by the navigation of the lakes and fiords by steamers, which have been supplied from this country for the purpose, and which are almost in- variably in the charge of English engineers. Trade with To no country, except to our own, has the Repeal IMARK. Q ^ e om j, aws an( j the establishment of a system of Eree Trade in England been more advantageous than to DENMARK. The agricultural and pastoral character of that country, and its proximity to our own shores, eminently fitted it for supplying England with articles of food. Accordingly, since our trade has been opened, an immense and annually increasing supply of corn and cattle has been imported from imports. Denmark, raising our importations from that country to 2,575,000/. per annum. In 1860, we imported from Denmark : Corn, of all sorts to the value of 1,678692 Cattle, Oxen, Horses, and Sheep. , 503,508 Wool, Sheep and Lanihs Oil Seed-Cake .... Butter Bacon and Pork .... Bones of Animals . . . Seal Skins Hides Fish . 101,039 78,315 49,351 41,657 17,073 15,412 12,102 12,078 The larger proportion of these articles could not have been imported here at all under the former pro- tective system of this country. The cattle The cattle trade with Denmark, which has grown into so much importance, is at present carried on between Sleswig and the river Thames. On the fine pasturages of the former country herds of cattle are now fattened for the English market, under circum- stances most favourable to their speedy development, and the Sleswiger is rapidly learning the art of fattening cattle in the most expeditious, and con- sequently in the most profitable manner. The beasts CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 225 are brought to Tonning, on the German ocean, either by road or by the railway which crosses the peninsula from Elensburg and Rendsburg to that port. At Tonning, they are shipped in steam- vessels, principally belonging to the port of London, by which they are brought to the Thames with tolerable expedition : and, after a short refreshment in the marshes below Blackwall, are carried at once to the Metropolitan Cattle Market. This trade has increased during the last five years in its i the following ratio : ANIMALS IMPORTED FROM DENMARK.* 1856 ..... 27,196 ..... 336,099 1857 ..... 32,841 ..... 406,530 1858 ..... 22,608 ..... 251,897 1859 ..... 37,759 ..... 428,164 1860 ..... 48,863 ..... 503,508 , It is only to be regretted that the supply is not greater. In proportion to the supply required for the consumption of London, the importation is small London - indeed. The returns of the market show that, in 1860, the cattle exposed in the metropolitan market numbered : Oxen .......... 295,018 Sheep .......... 1,570,080 Calves . . . . ...... 27,309 Pigs ........... 27,030 TOTAL 1,919,437 The total number of foreign oxen in the market in the year was 54,079, or not one-sixth of the whole. * It should be observed that there is an addition to this supply, which comes through Hamburg. The growth of the trade is shown by the fact that, in' 1845, Denmark only exported to England 57 head of oxen, and 44,694 Ibs. of meat. Q 226 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Exports to Our chief exports to Denmark are Denmark. Coal valued in 1860 at 166,681 Iron 146,981 Cotton Yarn .... , 98,737 Cotton Manufactures . , 58,323 Woollen Manufactures . , 40,156 Herrings* , 31,689 Linens , 29,807 Linen Yarn , 21,764 Hardwares and Cutlery . , 19,862 Soda 15,743 Salt 9,320 Machinery 8,575 Tin Plates 4,217 Tea . valued in 1860 at 45,688 Indigo 27,671 Sugar 21,455 Linseed , 11,89 Rice , 11,195 Coffee , 6,183 Guano , 5,711 Rum , 5,532 Cotton, Raw .... 5,092 Wine 3,659 Our total exports in 1860 to Denmark direct were valued at 915,912^.; but it should he observed that Denmark derives a supply of British goods through Hamburg, both by legitimate and illegitimate com- merce. The Danish customs' duties on certain manu- factured articles are sufficiently high to render a * It seems remarkable that England should export herrings to a country so bountifully furnished with bays and wide inlets, and whose seas were said by Saxo Gramaticus (a chronicler of the twelfth century) to be " so full of fish that " ships could scarcely get through them, and fishing apparatus was not required, " as the fish could be caught by hand." It is not easy to ascertain the cause of the great decrease in the resort of fish to the Danish coast and fjords. The herring fishery has given no profit since 1828, when so many herrings were caught that 100,000 barrels were exported. Since then the returns have been very small, and, except in Jutland, the Danes have gradually abandoned their fisheries for the more profitable occupation of agriculture. In addition to the import from England, there is a very large annual importation of fish of various sorts from Iceland and the Faroe Islands. The desertion of the coast of Denmark by the herring is one of those piscatorial phenomena for which science has not yet accounted. It has occurred at previous periods in the history of the country, out the shoal at some period or other has always returned to the coast. CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 227 contraband trade across her frontier profitable ; and in a country so geographically situated as Denmark, the trade of smuggling is easy. Considering that Denmark is by no means a densely populated country, and that, until recently, the people, by the high tariffs both of their own and of other nations, as well as by internal restrictions of other sorts, have been denied the opportunity of developing their trade, it cannot be considered that our commerce with Denmark is unsatisfactory. It is gratifying to find that the consumption of what may be regarded as the luxuries of life is gradually increasing in that country in proportion to the increase of its wealth, and the more favourable opportunities which are now offered for obtaining the commodities. The tonnage of the shipping which entered the Thames from Denmark in 1860 was 78,873, of which 32,000 was foreign, and 46,000 British. Nearly all the London trade with Denmark is carried on in steamers, so far as our own shipping is concerned ; indeed, the cattle-trade could not be otherwise conducted, so that here again we have an illustration of the advantages of steam propulsion. The trade with the ports of PRUSSIA, carried on Trade with with London, employed, in 1860, 934 vessels, of 177,442 tons burden, or about the same number and tonnage as the trade of Sweden. The imports and exports were, however, very much larger than from that country. Our imports from Prussian ports in 1860 amounted to upwards of 7,500,000/., and our exports to nearly 3,000,OOOZ., exclusive of the quantity of goods which find their way into Prussia from England, through Hamburg and the Hanse towns. The principal imports were Q 2 228 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Imports Com valued at 4,361,141 from Wood and Timber , 1,588,020 Prussia. geeds (Clover) Linseed, Rape, and Tares). 490,309 268,138 97,786 96,540 91,383 Wool 65,804 Spelter Oil, Rape Oil Seed-Cake Pork, Salted Spruce Beer . Spirits . . . Bones . . . Hides . . . Bristles . . 34,359 23,716 22,584 13,882 8,544 3,338 Trade of Stettin, situated on the Oder, which is the natural stettin. p Or ^. o Berlin, and which communicates with it by rail- way, is the principal port of importation in Prussia ; and since the aholition of the Sound-dues, in 1857, the trade of this port has more than doubled. This extraordinary increase of trade in so short a period is due also to the position of Stettin, which, by means of the railways, now communicates, through Berlin, with all the western parts of Germany on the one hand, and with Posen, Silesia, Poland, Galicia, Bohe- mia and Austria upon the other. The Oder, on which Stettin is situated, flows through the centre of the Prussian dominions, and is united by means of canals with the Elbe, the Vistula, and other rivers, by means of which Stettin is able to send her imports into the very heart of Germany. Another main cause of the great increase of the trade of Stettin is to be found in the improvement of the entrance to the Oder at Swinemunde, where there was formerly a bar, over which no vessels could pass drawing more than seven feet water ; but by dredging and the construction of breakwaters, this has been so much improved that vessels drawing eighteen feet can now be admitted. Whilst Stettin is the largest port of importation in Prussia, Dantzic rivals it in respect of exports. This city, situated on one of the mouths of the Vistula, CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 229 has the. command of a great internal navigation, and communicates also by railway with the whole of "VYest Prussia and the Russian frontier. The wheat Com of Poland comes down to Dantzic in flat-bottomed boats, suited to the navigation of the Vistula, the Bug, and the other shallow rivers of the country. These barges are rudely made of fir. They are about seventy-five feet long and twenty feet broad, and hold from 150 to 200 quarters of corn. Long fir-trees are placed at the bottom of the barges, on which they lay hurdles. These are covered with mats made of rye- straw, which serve the purpose of dunnage. The wheat is thrown on the mats, piled as high as the gunwale, and left uncovered. It consequently suffers on the transit, not only from the pilfering of the crew and others, but from the weather. The rain, which is sure to fall sooner or later, during a voyage that extends over many weeks and sometimes months, penetrates the wheat to the extent of an inch or an inch and a half, and causes the grain to germinate. The surface of these boats consequently becomes covered with a spring crop, and they assume the ap- pearance of floating corn-fields. But the fibres soon form a thick covering, which prevents the rain from penetrating or doing further damage ; and the main bulk, being thus protected, arrives at Dantzic in fair condition. There it is spread abroad, exposed to the sun, and dried, and subsequently stored in the huge granaries of the place, in which it is again turned over two or three times a week, and kept subject to good ventilation. The men who navigate the boats down the Vistula have very generally to return to Poland on foot. The warehouses of Dantzic are very large. It is estimated that 500,000 quarters of wheat can be stored in the Dantzic granaries, which is almost 230 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. double the amount of the average stock in hand. The loading of ships from the granaries is executed with much despatch. cost of The corn trade of Poland is in the hands prin- cipally of Polish Jews, who purchase the corn from the growers and resell it to the merchants, deliverable at the port at which it is intended to be shipped. In some instances of great estates the proprietors communicate directly with the Dantzic merchants, and send down the corn by their own serfs. It has been estimated that the prime cost of the wheat in Poland may average 20s. a quarter, and that the cost of conveyance to Dantzic, including carriage to the river, loading, waste, cost of the barges, and the expenses of the peasants who navigate them, is from 10s. to 12s. more. The wheat, therefore, is assumed to cost 35s. when it reaches the Dantzic merchant. The ordinary price of wheat at Dantzic is 40s. per quarter,* on shipboard, which leaves the merchant there 5s. per quarter, for his expenses in turning, drying, screening, warehousing, and loading, together with his profit or commission. It is obvious from this that Dantzic wheat cannot be sold in London at a profit much under 47s. or 50s. During the ten years last past, the average price of Dantzic wheat in London has been nearer to 60s. than to 50s. Dantzic being the largest port of exportation of wheat in the North of Europe, the price of corn of ^rTin ^ th at P ort mav De assumed as the governing price the Baltic. a t the other shipping ports. The price at Dantzic, * The average for fifty years, from 1770 to 1820, was 45s. 4d., but this included the years of war, during which there were many obstructions to agriculture and the conveyance of corn. From 1831 to 1841, the average price was 37s. Ud., making, with an addition of lOrf. for shipping charges, &c., 38s. 9rf. free on board. This comes very near the average of 40s. generally taken by the best authorities as the price of Dantzic wheat. The advance of price in England in recent years is attributable to our increased demand, as well as to the superiority of Dantzic corn. It is now much used for seed. CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 231 it is true, is usually above the price at Hamburg, but the difference is owing to the superior quality of the wheat exported from the former port ; the wheats of Holstein and Hanover, which are generally met with in Hamburg, having much less reputation in the British market. The grain from the Baltic ports comes to London com gran- in bulk, and unless sold to the miller direct, ex-ship, p"rt i? is received into the very large granaries on the banks London - of the Thames, where it continues stored until it changes hands at the Corn Exchange. The dues con- nected with this trade in the Port of London are complained of by importers ; but there is reason to think that if sold ex-ship, the corn trade of the Thames is conducted at as little cost as that of any other port in England. The warehousing charges are certainly higher than those of either Liverpool or Hull ; but the London rates are stationary, or nearly so, prices being rarely raised, even in cases of extreme scarcity of space, whilst in most of the outports the rates occasionally vary very much. In connexion with the corn trade there is a business carried on in London which ought not to be passed over without mention, as it is the means of affording employment to a very large number of our poorer millers. population. As the corn of the Baltic comes to us in bulk, and as it has to be delivered to the smaller dealers in sacks, it is necessary that sacks should be provided for the purpose. These sacks are principally made up of a strong canvass woven at Dundee, by women residing in the neighbourhood of the granaries, who receive the canvass for the purpose. Latterly, sewing-machines, which are well fitted for this rough sort of work, have been applied to the manufacture. The sacks are not charged for to the purchaser of the corn or meal, but are returnable to the owner when 232 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. empty ; but large numbers never find their way back, and a metropolitan miller calculates on losing at least a fourth of his sacks in every four or five years. Grain London being so large a purchaser in the grain London, market, it may be interesting to give in this place the " 61< total quantities of foreign and colonial grain imported into London during the last six years : YEAES. WHEAT. OATS. BARLEY. FLOUR. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Sacks and Barrels. 1856 893,911 996,696 212,853 515,802 1857 629,876 1,453,189 586,271 246,272 1858 657,737 1,788,758 602,819 192,323 1859 688,566 1,509,821 518,419 159,005 1860 1,184,241 1,664,683 478,929 560,956 1861 1,438,837 1,529,278 366,996 1,007,577 The quantity of wheat received from the Prussian ports in 1861 was considerably under that of 1860, which is attributable to the circumstance of the United States having in 1861 sent to London the enormous quantity of 563,000 qrs. of wheat more than a third of the whole quantity imported, and nearly jive times as much as she sent in the year previous. She also sent no less than 864,000 barrels of flour, more than twice as much as we received from her in 1860. The large quantities of oats received in 1861 came mostly from Sweden, and after Sweden, from the ports of Russia in the Baltic and White Sea, and from Denmark. The barley was derived mainly from Russian ports in the Black Sea, and from Egypt, Denmark, and the Prussian ports. A considerable quantity also came from the Turkish dominions. The Baltic The wood and timber which form so large an item in trade. our imports from the Prussian ports, is almost wholly CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 233 the produce of Russian Poland. Prussian timber is becoming scarce, and even in Poland the quantity of timber that lies near the Niemen and other rivers, by which it can be floated down to the sea, is becoming comparatively scarce ; still, however, a fourth of our whole supply of undressed timber is derived from Dantzic, Memel, and other Prussian ports.* Naturally, the trade in wood and timber is very much distributed through all the ports of the United Kingdom, this article being required in every district. London, how- ever, has the largest proportion of the trade, especially from the Baltic ports. In consequence of a change in the timber duties, which was made by Parliament in 1860, when the duties on foreign and colonial timber were equalized, the trade at the present time is in a tran- sition state, and it is difficult to draw inferences from the accounts of quantities, &c., imported. The first First effect of the new arrangement has been to overstock ourequaii- the market. Immediately the timber duties were equalised, large quantities of timber were imported Duties. and taken out of bond. At the beginning of 1861, very large stocks were, consequently, collected at all the principal ports of the kingdom. This, however, did not restrict the shipments of wood to England in 1861 ; on the contrary, increased supplies were sent to us from the countries of production, and the importation of the year exceeded former years by nearly half a million of loads. The trade of the year naturally suffered from the depressing influence of stocks largely in excess of former times, and, as * Memel was formerly the great port of timber exportation ; but Dantzic, in consequence of the more abundant supply there, is said to be rapidly super- seding it. Stettin only exports staves. A very large quantity of the fir timber, received in England from Prussian ports, is for use as railway sleepers. Forests of timber support our iron roads ; and, as the process of decay is such that the sleepers require to be renewed every twelve or thirteen years, we may judge of the progress of the trade which must inevitably follow the increase of railways. 234 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. timber is an article the demand for which must, to some extent, be regulated by other circumstances than its own price, we must wait the disposal of the stocks on hand, before we can expect to derive any benefit from the opening of the trade in this com- modity. Spelter. The spelter (or zinc) which forms so considerable an item in the list of Prussian exports, is sent to us chiefly from Stettin. It is the product of Upper Silesia, whence it is conveyed to the port of shipment by internal navigation. Being less brittle than the zinc which is worked in Flintshire and the Isle of Man, it is better fitted for rolling than our own ; and being now free from any but a nominal duty, it is brought here to a large extent, as ballast, and is exported by our merchants to India and other countries. It is chiefly used for roofing and piping, and for admixture with other metals in the manufacture of yellow metal and brass. OUT ex- The principal exports of England to Prussia were : ports to Prussian Cotton Yarn valued at 630,742 P orts - Iron . . . -. ... . . . . 227,190 Home Herrings ........ 223,866 products. Coal 155,177 Machinery 73,116 Cotton manufactures .... 60,545 Oils , 51,561 Linen Yam .... Soda Linens, manufactured . Cement Hardware and Cutlery . Woollen Goods . . . Copper Woollen Yarn .... Salt Tin Plates Painter's Colours . . . Beer and Ale .... Lead and Shot . . . Rosin Drugs 50,983 42,865 42,096 38,787 33,460 27,660 23,367 21,150 20,846 19,740 11,152 8,716 7,228 7,019 5,947 CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 235 Cotton, raw valued at 314,343 137,990 124,764 107,187 41,418 , 33,302 31,886 31,624 29,453 23,779 21,462 18,622 18,541 3.844 Colonial and foreign produce. Coffee Tea Palm Oil Pepper . . Rice ... Copper . Guano Cocoa-Nut Oil Indigo Caoutchouc Hides Raisins , Rum . Our total exports to Prussian ports amounted to 2,879,4467. which shows an increase on preceding years ; but this total is far from showing the real condition of our export trade with Prussia, which obtains a very large portion of her imports through Hamburg, Rotterdam, and other ports. The efforts of Prussia during the last half century have been exerted in favour of a free commercial T< system. As far back as 1808, those principles were made the governing commercial principles of Prussia, by the celebrated minister, Von Stein. The Zoll-verein, or tariff alliance, of which Prussia is at the head, extends now over almost every State of Germany, except Austria; and although Austria has not joined the league, she has been in- duced to enter into a commercial treaty with Prussia, whereby a complete freedom of trade is established between the two countries in all articles of raw pro- duce, and fair and moderate duties are imposed on articles of manufacture. The tariff of the Zoll-verein is moderate, except upon the coarser descriptions of cottons, woollens, and linens, on which high duties are levied, for the purpose, apparently, of protecting the manufactures of Saxony. At the present time negotiations are pending between the Governments of England and Prussia for a reduction of the duties 236 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. imposed by the Zoll-verein on these and other articles, and there is reason to hope that no long period will elapse before such modifications are made as will materially extend the consumption of British goods throughout the States of Germany. The For many years, trade with the Prussian, and, in- due d deed, with all the Baltic ports, was seriously affected by the dues levied by Denmark on the passage of vessels through the Sound. These dues were of two kinds, namely, the dues levied on merchandise, and those levied on shipping. These dues were levied primarily for the maintenance of lighthouses and buoys in the Sound and Belts ; but there were other dues for defraying the expenses of the collection, and for the purposes of the general revenue of Denmark. These Sound-dues were long a subject of complaint by merchants. In 1855, the Govern- ment of the United States gave notice to the Govern- ment of Denmark of their intention to resist their payment, after the termination of a commercial treaty between those countries, then about to expire. In consequence of this proceeding, the Danish Government invited the other European Powers to a conference at Copenhagen for the purpose of considering whether it might not be possible to abolish the Sound-dues entirely, on the principle of a pecuniary contribution to be granted to Denmark by all maritime States. The first conference was held in January, 1856, and was attended by representatives of the Governments of Great Britain, Austria, Belgium, France, Holland, Oldenburg, Prussia, Russia, Spain, and Sweden and Norway; the Governments of Hanover, Mecklen- burgh, and the Hanse Towns, intimating their in- tention to attend also. The Danish Commissioner laid before the conference accounts showing the CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 237 annual amount of dues levied on the shipping of each maritime State in the years 1851, 1852, and 1853, and he announced the readiness of the Danish Government Redeemed to accept a sum of 35,000,000 rigs dollars, or ahout three millions and a half sterling, as a compensa- tion for the total abolition of the dues. After some haggling as to the amount, Russia, Sweden, and Oldenburg agreed to accept the offer of Denmark, and an arrangement was arrived at which was made the basis of a general treaty. By this treaty the navigation of the Sound was declared FREE ; Denmark ceding her right to detain or levy duty on any ships on any pretext whatsoever. Denmark also engaged to maintain all the lighthouses, buoys, and land- marks on the coast intended to facilitate the passage of the Sound and Belts ; and in consideration of these cessions and agreements, the other Governments agreed to pay Denmark a sum of 30,476,325 rigs dollars, in certain proportions equivalent to the trade of each nation, the amount to be paid in forty half- yearly instalments, covering a period of twenty years from the date of the treaty. The share of Great Britain was agreed to be 10,126,853 rigs dollars, or one-third of the whole amount, which the British Parliament agreed to pay. The free navigation of the Sound cannot fail to be of the greatest importance to British commerce, and it is the more so as the arrangement made with Denmark will no doubt prove a precedent for similar arrangements with other states which levy taxes on merchandise and shipping in the form of passing tolls. Already the most monstrous of these exactions has been put an end to by a similar arrangement. The exaction referred to was that persisted in by the Government of Hanover under the name of " Stade-dues : " dues which afflicted all the shipping ^ e e g stade ' 238 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Their navigating the river Elbe. The story of the Stade- tory ' dues affects ourselves. In 1715, the King of Denmark, having wrested the City of Stade from Sweden, ceded it to the Elector of Hanover as part of the Duchy of Bremen. The consideration was 750,0002., which the British Government undertook to pay, in furtherance of the war then being carried on against Sweden. Now the City of Stade had for a number of years, and under various Governments, levied certain tolls on all vessels navigating the Elbe. Denmark, having ceded Stade to Hanover, under pecuniary stipulations with England, the Elector of Hanover considered the tolls taken on shipping at Stade, not the property of the country or of his state, but his own private perquisite ! A short time after, this Elector came to the crown of England under the title of George I. ; and, as the re- venues of England and Hanover were always distinct, there was, of course, no inquiry here as to the applica- tion of the money. In 1740, George II., in consideration of his obligations to the British people, renounced these tolls altogether as far as they related to British and Irish commerce, " for which bounty his said " majesty received an humble address of thanks from " the British Company of merchant adventurers " trading to Hamburg." George III., however, re- imposed the Stade-dues. Whilst Hanover was occu- pied by the French, from 1804 to 1814, the Elbe was opened, and the dues were suspended altogether. But, in 1814, when Hanover was restored to George III., the Stade-dues were revived with many aggra- vations. This state of things continued until the assembling of the Congress of Vienna. That con- vention declared that " all the German rivers should be free;" but, when the commissioners appointed to re-organize the regulations for the navigation of the Elbe came to consider the question of the CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 239 Stade-dues, the Hanoverian representative astonished them by arguing that this was a "sea" and not a "river" question, and objecting to any inter- ference. Against Hanover, supported by England, the other states were powerless, and they therefore agreed " to waive and renounce all further discus- sion." This exaction consequently continued until Agitation the separation of the crowns of England and Han- over on the accession of her present majesty Queen Victoria. The dues taken by the Hanoverian guard- England ship at the mouth of the Elbe were most extor- Hanover, tionate, and the impediments imposed on trade were most grievous. There appears to have been no published tariff ; everything was taken on the ground of " usage." In 1839, Mr. Hume and other members of the British Parliament urged that these dues ought to be abolished. An agitation ensued, and the Government of the King of Hanover was'obliged to publish a tariff. The tariff was a very heavy one, and Denmark and other states strongly objected to it. In 1844, a treaty was agreed upon between England and Hanover, which effected a modification of this tariff; but this treaty appears to have been unfortunate, inasmuch as it amounted to a quasi admission on the part of England of the legality of these tolls, which certainly otherwise had no legal basis. The fact, no doubt, was, that the influence of the King of Hanover in England was suffi- cient at that time to obtain this sort of guarantee of his revenue, even at the expense of British com- merce. In 1859, a very strong pressure being put upon the British Government, they were forced to refer it to the Law Officers of the Crown, to consider " the legality " of these dues ; and in 1861, on the precedent of the arrangement with Denmark, it was agreed that Hanover should renounce the Stade-dues 240 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. The altogether, receiving a compensation of about 465,000/., d^med!" one-third to be paid by England, one-third by the A.D. i86i. c -^.y O f Hamburg, and the other third by maritime nations, in proportion to the amount of the toll levied on them. On the 15th July, 1861, Parliament ac- cordingly voted 155,000. for the redemption of these dues, and thus got rid of one of the most offensive obstructions that ever existed in the way of com- merce. It must be admitted, that England, which had to pay a third of the whole redemption-money, was properly punished for her conduct in this matter. Had it not been for the position of her royal family in Hanover, these Stade-dues would have been long ago abolished. Nothing could be more monstrous than such an obstruction of the commerce of such a river as the Elbe a river navigable into the very heart of Germany, and the scene of the export and import of the great bulk of the commerce of the German people. The merchants of Hamburg, who have of course been most injuriously affected by this tax, for years protested and agitated against it, but without avail. The time, however, has now arrived when the Elbe will be as free as the Sound ; and flow, it may be hoped, " for all mankind." our trade The Stade-dues principally affected HAMBURG. g c -^ ^ great entrep6t of the commerce of the North of Germany, has a trade with London un- equalled in extent by any other town in Europe. It was computed, some years since, that the mercantile transactions conducted at Hamburg amounted to not less than 50,000,000/. annually. Of this vast trade one-half is conducted with England; and the shipping returns show, that by far the largest pro- portion of the tonnage employed in the Hamburg trade is entered in the Port of London. with H *- CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 241 In I860, the trade with Hamburg was represented its large by the following very large figures : and Imports therefrom 6,582,102 Exports thereto 12,415,371 Bremen and Lubeck, the other cities associated with Hamburg in the Hanse Town Confederation, sent us about half a million exports, and received somewhat more than a million imports, making the total of the trade Imports 7,027,406 Exports 13,779,428 Total Trade with the Hanse Towns . . 20,806,834 Of which, it will be seen, that the trade of Hamburg amounted to nearly eighteen-twentieths. We have seen, in regard to all the Baltic trade, character that the balance has been largely against this country, our imports from Russia, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Prussia, exceeding 25,000,000/., whilst our ex- ports to those countries little exceeded 10,000,0002. But the Hanse Towns take from England double the amount they send to us, thus, to a great extent re- storing the balance. The business carried on with those towns is, in fact, to a great extent a commission business for the northern nations. To Russia and Sweden, Hamburg sends considerable quantities of English goods, by steamers from Lubeck and Kiel. By the Elbe, which is navigable for lighters, through the kingdoms of Hanover and Saxony, into the midst of Bohemia, Hamburg obtains access to the heart of Germany ; and the lines of railway which now con- nect Hamburg with all the important towns in the interior of Germany must greatly extend her connexion. R 242 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Our im- ports via Hamburg. Hamburg trades in all the items that the various nations of the world produce or require. The fojlo\v- ing were her principal exportations to England in 1860. Corn valued at 1,065,351 Wool 869,120 Butter ' 652,471 Bacon 397,481 Oxen, Cows and Sheep 307,508 Clover Seeds 264,773 Woollen Manufactures 195,581 Pork (Salted) 192,575 Woollen Yarn 191,651 Spelter , 105,271 Hops , 97,670 Oil-seed Cake , 91,220 Cotton Manufactures ...... , 89,202 Lard 76,104 Rags .... ... 68 879 Seed Oil . 68,716 Musical Instruments(Concertinas,&c.) , 60,470 Toys , 56,696 Spirits , 52,516 Hair (of Animals) 47,217 China and Earthenware , 45,558 Worsted Yarn, for Embroidery . . , 40,611 Glass, Flint, Cut 39,824 Bristles , 39,614 Hides , 35,498 Prints and Drawings , 31,285 Beads and Glass Bugles , 25,806 Books 24,844 Horns , 21,333 Seal Skins , 20,956 Bones , 20,888 Beef, Salted , 17,806 Their varied Our im- manufac- tures. This list will show how diversified is the trade of Hamburg. It consists of every sort of production of agriculture and manufacture, from bones and seal skins up to prints and drawings and instruments of music. As the exporter of German manufactures, Hamburg, it will be observed, sends us goods to a large amount, of which we are ourselves principal producers. She sends us cotton manufactures to the extent of 89,000?. ; china and earthenware at 45,500. ; CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 243 cut glass to the extent of nearly 40,000&, besides articles specially the product of Germany, such as toys (valued at 56,000/.), and beads and bugles (va- lued at 25,800Z.).* The great bulk of the export consists, however, of agricultural produce. The butter, of which presents so large an item in the list, is made chiefly in the district of the Elbe, adjacent to Ham- burg; but is generally considered inferior to the butter of Holland, of which, as we shall see here- after, the supply is even still larger. Bacon, salted Bacon pork, and hams, which we also received last year to so large an amount from Hamburg, were subject up to 1846 to a prohibitory duty, and from 1847 to 1852, to a duty that very much restricted the impor- tation. Since 1853, the demand for foreign bacon has increased remarkably, without the smallest re- duction of price to the consumer. The quantity imported last year was very largely in excess of any previous year's importation, which is the more re- markable, as the importation of bacon from the United States was also last year extremely large, and it is from the United States that we draw our principal supply of this article. The quantity of books and of prints and drawings imported, shows the taste which has sprung up in England for German literature and art. Our exports to Hamburg comprised quantities of Our almost every article which England produces ar- S ticles of clothing standing at the head of the list. Woollen Yam valued at 1,864,517 Home Cotton ......... , 1,784,736 products. Woollen Manufactures ; 1,306,648 * Beads and bugles are chiefly imported for the African trade. Of 241 ,000 Ib. imported for transhipment in 1860, 222,000 went to Liverpool. The larger proportion of these, however, did not come from Hamburg, but from Venice, where small wares of glass are largely manufactured. The beads brought here through Hamburg are made in Bohemia. B 2 244 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Cotton Manufactures valued at 1,276,768 Linen Yarn 528,568 Manufactures 354,895 Silk 397,992 Iron 238,769 Hardwares and Cutlery 188,990 Coals 186,203 Machinery 157,204 Wool 150,592 Skins 98,365 Linseed Oil 84,716 Apparel, Slops, and Haberdashery . 81,058 Copper 78,766 Leather 62,103 Horses 55,233 Painters' Colours ....... 48,291 Drugs 39,673 Earthenware and Porcelain ... 35,256 Soda 34,846 Cement 29,828 Tin Plates 19,574 Stationery 19,166 Herrings 15,572 Brass Manufactures 12,013 Foreign Besides these we sent the following large quantities and Colo- / j i i j niai pro- of foreign and colonial produce. duce. Raw Cotton valued at 843,540 Skins, Beaver, Fox, Marten, &c. . . 276,101 Indigo 268,601 Hides. . 213,284 Tea 139,394 Raw and Thrown Silk 106,264 Wool 82,528 Sugar 75,426 Coffee 54,799 Oils, Palm and Cocoa Nut 54,410 Tobacco 45,808 Gum Shellac 44,103 Cochineal 35,840 Raisins 32,837 Caoutchouc 30,296 Guano 28,847 Rice ... 25,108 Elephants' Teeth 22,150 Wine 22,016 Pepper 17,500 Spirits 18,658 Straw Hats 18,678 Cocoa 9,372 Currants 8,29.1 CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 245 The value of our colonial and transhipment trade Total is very effectively shown by this account. The total vt value of the foreign and colonial produce ex- ported from England to Hamburg was close upon 13,000,0002. Vessels frequenting Hamburg were formerly Docks at obliged to load and unload in the Elbe; but this in- Hambur *- convenience has recently been obviated by the con- struction of docks, in which the ships are brought alongside quays and warehouses. Dependent upon commerce, great efforts are made at Hamburg to con- duct it efficiently. The commercial system of the Her com- city is liberal : the duties levied on goods few and ^stem. very low. Hamburg conducts a large trade with Hull ; but the tonnage which entered Hull from the Hanseatic ports in 1860 was only 94,341 tons against nearly 150,000 tons for London. More than one- third of the tonnage was that of steamers ; showing how extensively such vessels are being employed in our shorter trades. Our trade with HAXOVER, on the other side of the Our trade Elbe, has been considerably influenced of late years ER. H by the Stade dues. Some years since, the King of Hanover, in order to encourage the trade of his own dominions, remitted the Stade dues on all vessels influence going up the Elbe to Harburg, a town in Hanover, ^^ which set itself up as the opponent of Hamburg. dues - Harburg is not ill-situated for commerce, though, of course, it wants altogether the advantages of the central market presented to the merchant and trader at Hamburg. Our imports from Hanover in 1860 amounted to 357,0002. ; our exports to 1,892,7222. Corn, butter, oil-seed cake, and wool were the principal imports; whilst the chief exports were 246 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Exports to a w Cotton ......... valued at 226 > 291 Hanover. Woollen Yarn ......... 189,655 Coffee ............ ,, 171,581 Cotton Yam ......... 157,538 Herrings ........... 106,594 Woollen Goods ........ 100,473 Machinery .......... 94,326 Cotton Goods ......... 84,781 Linseed Oil ....... .... 81,409 Iron ......... ... 47,844 Linen Yarn ......... , 42,098 Cocoa Nut Oil . . Indigo . . . . Cochineal . . . Coals Wool, Foreign. . Silk Manufactures Linen Caoutchouc . . . 39,455 37,760 33,668 30,274 23,828 23,232 22,642 19,417 Hardwares 13,301 Agricultural Implements 11,336 Molasses 12,482 This is a fair record of trade, and now that the Stade question is settled, it may be expected that the trade of Hanover will increase if a liberal policy is pursued with regard to the navigation of the Elbe above Hamburg; for the railway route through Hanover on the west side of the Elbe is, to many parts of the interior of Germany, shorter and more convenient than that of the right bank or east side of the river, by which Hamburg communicates with the interior. our trade In treating of our trade with HOLLAND, it is not riND. HoL unnatural to be tempted to a consideration of the Causes of causes of the decline of that once great commercial of the com- country. This subject has been the theme of many dissertations, but the real solution of the question appears to lie in a comparatively narrow compass. Holland attained her great commercial consequence at a period of European history when other countries were engaged in external or internal warfare. Her geographical position then rendered her towns the CHAP. v.J FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 247 entrepots of commerce, whilst her shipping and the commercial aptitude of her people made her the carrier of Europe. But the time came when the Dutch themselves were forced to engage in warfare. Their long and frequently disastrous wars crippled their maritime power, both naval and commercial, and this, together with the other expenses of their wars, led to heavy taxation. Holland, having no manufactures or extraordinary natural productions, was compelled to lay the burden of such taxation on The b "r- that which was the sole source of her wealth taxation namely, on her commerce. Eor a time the other commerce nations of Europe had no resource but to bear the taxation thus imposed on the articles which they procured from Holland. But, as other countries, causing it which were not subject to such burdens, began to places at develop commerce, trade naturally passed away from the dearest to the cheapest markets. Holland, which was unable sufficiently to reduce her taxation to meet the competition, rapidly succumbed. Her own mer- chants (as, for instance, the Hopes of Amsterdam) carried their capitals to develop trade in other countries, where it could be carried on to greater advantage ; and Holland was left, what she remains, a depot only for the trade of the Rhine, and other rivers which reach the sea in her dominions. Our own imports from Holland amount to about Our im- -IT Tir ports from eight millions a year. We import Holland. Butter valued, in 1860, at 1,633,489 Cheese 996,910 Animals 935,120 Flax 458,796 Sugar Wool Wine Garancine . . . . Yeast, Dried . . . Hides Cotton Manufactures 414,257 376,056 256,871 183,739 174,399 133,535 122,865 248 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Seeds valued, in 1860, at 119,855 Fish 100,603 Tobacco 84,085 Geneva Spirits 75,425 Oil-seed ,, 73,292 Ultramarine 72,685 Tin 68,632 Woollen Manufactures .... 63,328 Cotton Yarn 51,705 Hops ,, 50,735 Silk Manufactures 47,476 Manganese 43,808 Madder 37,410 Spelter 35,776 Wood Hoops 35,685 Potatoes. 21,443 Bark (for Tanners' use) .... 20,533 Clocks 16,298 Bones 14,100 It will be seen that the principal items of this im- Butter and portation are Dutch productions. Holland sends us cheese. f rom two-thirds to three-fourths of all the butter we import. The Dutch butter is the best produced, perhaps, by any country; but the cheese is very inferior, according to the rule which prevails in almost all butter-producing districts. The Dutch cheeses, however, keep well, and are consequently good commodities for exportation, and being cheap, they are much used amongst the poorer class, wine. The wine we obtain through Holland is the growth of the Rhine and the Moselle. The quantity im- ported last year in consequence of the reduction of the wine duties was double that of years preceding. The madder and garancine (which is madder in a powdered state) is the production of Zealand. This commodity is used to obtain a red dye, which is cheaper, though not so bright as cochineal. The Zealand madder is largely used by our woollen dyers ; but Holland sends us less of this commodity than Turkey, France, or the Two Sicilies. Of the fish Eels. imported, one-fourth (or 26,820/. in value) \vere eels, CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 249 which are extremely abundant in the canals through- out Holland, and especially in Jutland. They are brought here in cargoes averaging from 15,000 to 20,000 Ib. weight, the trade being carried on entirely by the Dutch, who employ in it many small vessels. London is almost exclusively supplied with Dutch eels. The other fish brought to us from Holland are Fish, chiefly turbot, which excel upon their coast, salmon, of great size, but by some considered coarse, and smelts, which are, however, inferior to those of the Medway. The large sum of money which the Dutch receive in the London market for turbot, salmon, and eels, illustrates the importance of their fishery. The spirits introduced from Holland under the Spirits, name of "Hollands" or Geneva (Genievre, the Erench term for juniper) are chiefly the manufacture of the distilleries of Schiedam. Of the quantity imported, the larger proportion is reshipped, chiefly to the East Indies. The manganese we receive through Manganese. Holland is brought down the Rhine from the Grand Duchy of Nassau, and is largely used by the glass and earthenware manufacturers of this country for glazing their goods. The " Dutch clocks," as they used to be called, clocks. were at one time great favourites in small households, but the Americans have recently sent a better article at low prices, and the Erench a very superior article at a somewhat higher value, so that the Dutch clocks are competed with and comparatively driven out of the market here. It is interesting to notice that we are importers of potatoes from Holland. They are Potatoes, chiefly new potatoes, brought here in the early season. Our principal exports to Holland (1860) were Exports to Holland. Cotton Yarn valued at 2,023,034 Woollen 705,036 Cotton Manufactures 704,347 Woollen , 417,306 250 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Iron ............ valued at 399,763 Silk, Thrown and Yarn ..... 195,798 Copper ........... 171,660 Linen Yarn .......... 167,744 Oil, Linseed ......... 160,869 Coals ........... 130,575 Leather .......... 110,967 Machinery ......... 110,956 Hardwares and Cutlery ..... 79,278 Silk Manufactures ....... 74,531 Linen ....... 61,163 Apparel, Slops and Haberdashery . 59,970 Soda ........... 59,006 Hemp ........... 33,881 Drugs, &c. ......... 25,194 Painters' Colours ....... 21,371 Earthenware and Porcelain .... 20,986 Tin Plates ......... 15,871 Wool ........... 11,287 Salt ........... . . 10,286 Mill Grease ......... 7,461 Foreign Besides these we sent of colonial and foreign niai pro- produce the following amounts : duce. Raw Cotton ......... valued at 1,023,787 Coffee ........... 395,429 Silk, Raw and Thrown ..... 388,509 Indigo ........... 320,803 Palm Oil .......... 202,664 Hides .......... '. 150,951 Seeds ........... 148,700 Rice ............ 110,941 Cocoa Nut Oil ........ , 106,493 Peruvian Bark ........ . 72,967 Wool ........... , 67,825 Currants .......... , 37,550 Tobacco .......... , 27,906 Tea ............ , 25,803 Raisins .......... , 23,232 Pepper ........... , 15,836 Cochineal .......... , 14,763 Guano ........... , 12,724 And other articles to the value of nearly half a million. Our total exports to Holland in 1860 fell little short of TEN MILLIONS. The The foregoing tables show to how large an extent we are no t only manufacturers, but carriers for the carriers for the Dutch. Dutch. We not only supply them, as it will he CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 251 observed, with almost all the articles we produce ourselves, but we bring them from almost every quarter of the globe the produce of other countries, cotton, indigo, silk, palm oil, rice, Peruvian bark, currants and raisins, tea, coffee and tobacco, pepper, cochineal, and even guano. Our intercourse with Holland is carried on prin- Proportion cipally in our own vessels ; the total tonnage trading aL^oreign with Holland in 1860 being 814,000, of which 529,000 Dipping P in this was British, and 285,000 foreign. The Dutch, it trade. should be mentioned, are carrying on their intercourse with us largely by ste.am ships, which are said to be built at Rotterdam and Amsterdam, as successfully as on the Thames or the Clyde. Of 867 vessels entered inwards in the Port of London in 1860 from Holland, 586 were steamers. The largest number of course belonged to our own country, but the Dutch steamers are very numerous. It is somewhat curious that whilst the trade of our trade England with Holland has been for many years past UM BEL a largely increasing trade, that with BELGIUM, which England did so much to render an independent state, has been a stagnant, if not an absolutely declining traffic. This is attributable to two causes ; first, the Causes of Scheldt dues, whereby the commerce of Antwerp, er the chief port of Belgium, has been much prejudiced ; second, the proximity of Belgium to Prance, and the general sympathy of the two people, who, to a great extent, speak the same language, are of the same religion, and cultivate the like fashions and domestic habits. To all this it must be added that the Belgian Chambers have evinced in commercial matters a very narrow spirit, as, indeed, they have exhibited in many other matters of public policy. Their feeling has been in favour of a protectionist policy, and they have at various times imposed differential duties of various 252 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. sorts, the tendency of which has been to favour French in preference to British goods. Thus it has occurred that a kingdom governed, it may he said, by an English sovereign (for King Leopold is a naturalized Englishman), bound to this country by the strongest ties of gratitude and interest, and drawing from it vast sums of money annually, both from commerce and intercourse, stands in less immediate mercantile correspondence with England than any country of northern Europe. Lord Pal- It may be hoped, however, that this state of things will speedily be changed.* In the early part of the montl1 of February, 1862, Lord Palmerston, in . answer to questions propounded to him in the House of Commons, made the following important state- ment, which throws much light on our past and present relations with Belgium : "Negotiations are now going on between her Majesty's government and Belgium, which are being conducted in the most amicable spirit, and which I trust will terminate in a treaty that will give to Great Britain a footing of the most favoured nation with regard to commerce with Belgium, unac- companied by any conditions with regard to the other questions, such as that of the capitalization of the dues of the Scheldt. "England bore a very prominent part in the negotiations which resulted in the independence of the Belgian nation ; and therefore if the Belgian government were to form an exception to all national character, and to be inspired actively by a sense of gratitude which I am afraid is not to be expected from col- lective bodies they ought to have been anxious to give to England every advantage that it was possible for them to afford, equal to or even superior to those possessed by any other country. Our great object was to give to Belgium a national representa- tion a free constitution. Now, if you give to a country a free constitution, by which the passions and the prejudices of the * It is stated that the Protectionist party in Belgium is declining in influence, and that Verviers, Liege, and other great seats oi industry, are in favour of free trade, Ghent alone remaining protectionist. CHAP, v.] FOEEIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 253 country are actively represented, you must make up your mind to endure the inconvenience which national and local prejudices and passions are sure to entail. That has been the case, not in Belgium alone, but in Portugal and Spain, where, greatly through the influence of the British government, representative institutions have been established. Now, we, in this country, were a long time before we were brought to understand that freedom of trade was to the advantage of all parties concerned. Luckily we are now undeceived on that point ; but Belgium has not, as yet, got so far in political education. The Belgian government has to overcome great local prejudices, and the Belgians do us the compliment for compliment it is of being much more afraid of the competition of English industry than of French industry. Therefore they were more easily led to agree to extend to France indulgences which they were not dis- posed equally to extend to England. I trust, however, that that is over, and by the treaty which is to be concluded that we shall be put in all respects upon the footing of the French nation. " Then there is the question of the Scheldt dues. When the treaty was negotiated by which the independence of Belgium was acknowledged by the five Powers, it was known that Austria, Russia, and Prussia most reluctantly agreed to the con- clusion, and that they clung, step by step, and point by point, throughout the long and arduous negotiation, to everything that might be advantageous to Holland rather than to Belgium ; and they made a point that there should be levied a toll on vessels passing through the Dutch waters to Antwerp. There was a double object in that first, to assert the territorial rights of Holland, and next to put a check upon the commercial prospects of Belgium. That toll was to be levied by the Dutch authori- ties stopping all vessels at Carlhuis. It was afterwards agreed between the Belgian and Dutch governments that the toll should not be levied at Carlhuis, that the vessels should not be stopped, but that there should be a commissioner appointed at Antwerp to levy tolls on vessels coming up the Scheldt. The Belgian government afterwards, sensible that those tolls would operate as a discouragement to vessels coming to Antwerp, the com- merce of which they were desirous of encouraging, passed a law by which the Belgian government took upon itself the payment of the toll to the Dutch. That was an engagement liable, of course, to be revoked at any time by the Belgian Chamber, and 254 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. in that event tolls would be levied in the old way. The Belgian government in 1851, I think, made a treaty by which they agreed for ten years to pay the toll upon British vessels ; and it will be matter of negotiation after the treaty of commerce is concluded, to deal with the question as between Belgium and Great Britain. "The Belgian government have acted throughout with the greatest desire to do all that fairness, gratitude, and justice would require. As they have, however, to deal with a popular assembly, which represents, as all popular assemblies do, the passions and prejudices of the nation represented, they have had difficulties to encounter which would not have been felt in countries of a more despotic constitution." The imports of Great Britain from Belgium amounted in 1860 to 4,070,8G6/., and included the following items : Silk, Stuffs, and Ribbons valued at 655,010 Wool, Sheep and Lambs' 472,362 Flax 437,938 Butter 407,686 Worsted Yarn 202,108 Sugar, Refined 178,816 Glass, Window, Plate, and Flint . . 139,124 Hops 99,060 Spelter 86,440 Oil-seed Cake 71,896 Paper 71,175 Woollen Manufactures 70,033 Corn 62,571 Apples 60,328 Cotton Tarn 55,723 Bark 50,900 Seed Oil 43,994 Cotton Manufactures 42,705 Poultry and Game 40,270 Clover Seed 36,714 Eggs 34,144 Lace 28,049 Chicory 26,693 Horses 21,690 Potatoes 14,442 Calves 12,518 Hides 12,004 Embroidery and Needlework .... 10,239 In this list the balance is tolerably equal between CHAP, v.] FOEEIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 255 agricultural produce and manufactured articles. The silk manufactured goods which stand at the head of silk goods, the list, are principally the production of Antwerp, which city is remarkable for its manufacture of rich black silks and ribbons. It is curious to observe that we are large importers of wool, and large Wool, exporters of woollen goods to Flanders ; how great a change from a few centuries ago, when almost the sole export of England was wool to supply the manu- factories of Ghent and Bruges. The flax which wenax. receive from Belgium is chiefly grown in the province of West Flanders, and is of the finest quality. Our importation of this article has lately been largely in- creasing, whilst that of lace from Brussels, Mechlin, Lace. &c., has been almost stationary, which says more for our progress in manufacturing industry than for the wisdom of the Belgian tariff. The trade in what is termed Ostend butter is also largely increasing. Butter. It comes to us well packed in oaken cases, and is consumed in considerable quantities in London. Concerning articles of inferior amount, attention may be pointed to hops, which are now being largely im- Hops, ported from Belgium for use in our porter breweries, especially in bad hop years at home ; to paper, which Paper, came in largely from Belgium on the repeal of the customs duty on foreign paper in 1860 ; to apples, Apples. for which we paid 60,000/. to Belgium in the year 1860 (a bad apple year in our own orchards) ; to poultry and game, of which the larger proportion Poultry consists of rabbits, bred on the Dunes about Ostend, " and of which nearly a million a year are said to be consumed in London they are skinned in Belgium, and sold here at reasonable prices ; and to horses, of HOI-SOS. which it is to be regretted that we do not import a larger number, the breed of this animal in Flanders being still of great superiority. 256 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Our ex- Our exports to Belgium consist less of our own Belgium, manufactures than of colonial and foreign produce. We sent them in 1860 Produce and Manufactures of the United Kingdom . .1,610,144 Foreign and Colonial Produce 2,354,526 Total Exports 3,964,670 Home The principal articles of home manufacture were manufac- tures. Woollen Goods valued at 219,458 Yarn 175,111 Cotton Goods 128,009 Machinery 116,427 Copper 98,431 Iron 98,154 Linen Yarn 74,812 Hardwares and Cutlery 55,169 Wool 56,486 Silk, Thrown and Yarn 64,272 Leather 45,780 Cotton Yarn 40,552 Silk Manufactures 38,953 Apparel, Slops, &c 24,300 Linens 23,493 Coals, &c 20,475 Soda 18,218 Oysters 18,104 Linseed Oil 17,315 Caoutchouc Manufactures ] 0,032 Drugs 9,427 Painters' Colours 9,119 Stationery 4,818 It must he admitted that this is a very poor list of exports to so rich and populous a country, and such a highway of nations. It is the more so when it is considered that a proportion of these goods are received in Belgium for transport, and not for con- Foreign sumption. The quantities of colonial and foreign produce taken are more respectable : Wool valued at 600,597 Cotton (Raw) 390,959 Indigo 205,507 Hides 160,599 Seeds (Flax, Rape, &c.) 150,356 Coffee 131,109 CHAP. V.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 257 Rice valued at 120,443 Silk Manufactures of Goats' Hair . Guano Tobacco Sugar Cochineal Copper Cocoa Indigo Wheat Tallow Tea 90,938 82,131 43,146 20,136 15,818 11,579 9,997 8,452 6,777 5,489 4,159 3,466 Passing from Belgium, we come to consider the OUT trade state of our trade with FRANCE, a country with which, FRANCE. under our new commercial arrangements, there appears a prospect of our speedily doing an immense trade. Our trade with France has been rising in the its pro- following progression since 1856 : gress. TRADE WITH FRANCE. YEAR. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 1855 .... 9,146,418 . 10,421,881 1856 .... 10,386,522 . 10,471,077 1857 .... 11,965,407 . 11,326,823 1858 .... 13,271,890 . 9,242,201 1859 .... 16,870,859 . 9,561,956 1860 .... 17,774,031 . 12,701,372 1861 .... (not yet ascertained.) Whilst our imports from France show a steady increase, our exports to that country were, as the above table shows, stationary and even languishing, up to the period of the commercial treaty negotiated by Mr. Cobden at the end of 1859. Yet of all Recent ^de- countries next to England, France has, perhaps, during of French the last twenty years developed commerce the most largely. The decimal average shows that the total aggregate value of her imports and exports were commerce. In the ten years ending 1836 . 1846 . 1856 . 1,366 million francs a year. 2,112 3,136 258 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. The last decimal average showing an annual trade, amounting in 1856 tol25,000,OOOZ. that of England, at the same period, amounting to 311,000,000?. Commer- In the historic section of this work, the difficulties S a t lcy which we have from time to time set up against trade SnSdered with our nearest neighbour have been touched on. It is right, however, to observe that these difficulties were not greater than the difficulties interposed by the French to trade with other nations. The policy of France up to the present time has been essentially Protectionist, and she has suffered from it. To no country, indeed, could such a policy have been more injurious. France stands unrivalled in a single pro- duct, which she must export ; but of which she has limited the amount of her export by laying duties on the productions of other nations for the protection or cultivation of manufactures in which she does not herself excel. France employs 3,000.000 of people in her wine culture ; yet she has prevented the free ex- portation of their produce, in order to protect the limited number of hands which she can employ in the manufacture of iron or of cotton goods. The per- petuation of this system has no doubt led to many of those periodically recurring depressions in France which have resulted in outbreaks ending, frequently, in revolution. The Cob- Happily, for both France and England, this Htf ' unnatural state of things has been terminated by the Cobden Treaty, which, since October, 1861, has opened the trade of each country to the other. Of this treaty, of which England is just beginning to reap the benefit, Mr. Glad- the Eight Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Chancellor of the statements Exchequer, spoke at Leith, in January last, in the respecting f u ow i n g emphatic language : " I think it very peculiarly desirable, on many grounds, that this improvement in our commercial relations should take place CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TEADE OF THE PORT. 259 between England and France. It is true the old state of things in the commercial law between this country and France savoured of the period when it was almost thought a matter of duty to regard Frenchmen as traditional enemies. That opinion does not, I am happy to say, prevail now. The truth is, that the union of England and France in the bonds of special amity and harmony is, of all other things that can be named, the greatest benefit both to these countries themselves and to the other nations of the world. It is a benefit which we cannot always enjoy, because it is impossible that the view r s and the policy of Governments and of nations should always coincide ; but it is a benefit with respect to which I presume to say, that when we can have it we should have it, for there is none other comparable to it in magnitude there is none other which so completely offers us, humanly speaking, a guarantee for the general peace and happiness of the world. The policy of Governments as opposed to nations may sometimes interfere to mar that harmony. Therefore it was well that we should not look simply to the policy of Governments, but that we should endeavour to unite the two nations in harmonious feelings. When was there any means or instrument so powerful and so valuable for that purpose at our command as the means and instrument employed in the treaty of commerce with France, which increases and multiplies tenfold the quiet, peaceful, unnoticed, and beneficial intercourse between the two countries ? " The new commercial treaty having only come into operation in England in I860, and in France towards the close of 1861, it is impossible, at the time this is written, to do more than anticipate many of the ad- vantages which must ultimately result from it. The experience we have already had of the operation of the treaty is certainly most favourable. The first re- duction in the duty on wine came into operation in 1860, and the importation immediately more than doubled itself. FRENCH WINE IMPORTED. GALLONS. VALUE. 185S .... 623,041 .... 383,100 1859 .... 1,010,888 .... 559,304 1860 .... 2,445,151 .... 1,036,620 9 S - 260 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. The returns for 1861 are not yet complete, but sufficient of them, is known to show that the increase was maintained. Large as it is, this increase, as Mr. Gladstone said at Leith, does not anything like repre- sent the quantity of French wine which we shall when in import when the new tariff conies fully into operation Miopera- . n ^ rance< rp^g French Government, in order to meet the views of the strong Protectionist influence which still prevails in France, wisely allowed a certain period to elapse before bringing the free-trade treaty into full operation. It was only on the 1st of October, 1861, that the most important changes were made, and even the reductions which then came into operation were not final. But such was the immediate effect upon commerce, that, although the reductions under the Treaty were only partially in operation for three months of 1861, our exports to France of the produc- tions and manufactures of the United Kingdom sprung up in 1861 from 5,249,9SOZ. to 8,896,282Z. ; indeed, in the last three months of the year, the increase exceeded cent, per cent. But, as before remarked, this is probably only an indication of what will be the ultimate effects of the Cobden Treaty. Mr. Gladstone truly observed, that "neither the laws, the necessities, nor the palates, of men change in a moment." It cannot be doubted that the taste for French wines is a rapidly growing taste in this country amongst almost all classes of the population; and that now we are able to purchase those wines in England almost as cheaply as in Paris, their consumption will soon exhibit a large and rapid increase. The admission of our products at low rates of duty into France will, of course, stimulate the growth of French wines, and their exportation at rates which will allow also of their more universal consump- tion; and thus the opening of commerce, so long CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 261 virtually closed between the two countries, may be expected in a very few years to result largely in the benefit of both nations. It has been objected to the French Treaty that, so Objections far as England was concerned, it only reduced duties French levied on articles of luxury, which were fairly subject to taxation. But this is a very narrow and unphilo- sophical view of the case, for there can be no object in maintaining taxation on articles of luxury but to raise revenue, and all taxation that obstructs trade must be prejudicial to revenue as well as prejudicial to trade. We shall no doubt find, when the full effects of the Erench Treaty come to be developed, that the reduction of the duties on foreign wines will involve no loss whatever to the revenue. At present, The loss the loss has been much less than might have been custom's anticipated. The amount received by the Customs for duty upon foreign wines was In 1859 1,982,327 1860 1,174,105 1861 1,219,533 So that the entire loss in 1861 was only about 750,000/., as compared with 1859, when the high rates of duty prevailed. In that year the whole amount of the duties received on Erench articles amounted to only 3,327,OOOZ. Our gross Customs duties amounted In 1859 to 25,065,066 1861 to 23,657,513 Decrease .... 1,407,553 of which a considerable proportion is due to the interruption of our commerce with America. But supposing the entire million and a half to have been sacrificed by the Treaty with Erance, have there been 262 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. more than counter- balanced by the ex tension of trade. Our im- ports from, and ex- ports to, FRANCE. no advantages which have counterbalanced this loss ? As already shown, the export trade of England in 1861 was absolutely maintained by our increased and increasing exports to France, and that at the time of all others when we most needed it, because of the great decline of our export trade to the United States. Whilst our total exports to France in 1859 were represented by 9,561,000/., the total in 1861 amounted to little less than 17,000,000/., an additional export of seven millions and a half to counterbalance a loss of revenue of one million and a half. "When we consider the employment which this additional trade must have given to British manufactures and produce, as well as to the British merchant and shipowner, who can doubt that the policy of the commercial treaty was right, even though it did reduce the duties chiefly upon articles of luxury ? The list of our French imports and exports in 1860 is a long but not an uninteresting one : IMPORTS. VALUED AT Corn of all sorts . . . .3,899,298 Silk, Stuffs, and Ribbons . 1,907,930 Spirits 1,058,379 Wine 1,036,620 Raw Silk* 833,268 Sugar 786,927 Gloves 566,069 Butter 441,641 Eggs 399,648 Cotton Manufactures . . . 384,251 Watches* 334,825 Seeds . . 308,200 Silks, unenumerated . . . 277,826 Straw Plaiting and Chip . 182,530 Oil-Seed Cake 165,667 Rape Seed 140,933 Boots and Boot Fronts . . 139,013 EXPORTS. VAJ.TTED AT Wool 573,091 Coals 564,243 Copper 548,072 Iron 370,381 Silk, Thrown and Yarn . . 353,578 Linseed Oil 342,021 Woollen Manufactures . . 293,639 Cotton . . 248,261 Woollen Yarn 233,828 Machinery 171,020 Hardwares and Cutlery . . 118,265 Tin, unwrought .... 115,123 Horses 94,740 Telegraphic Wires . . . 75,461 Linen Yarn 70,620 Linen Manufactures . . . 63,582 Silk ... 60,124 * These are chiefly the' productions of Italy and Switzerland, sent through France to the British merchant. CHAP. V.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 263 IMPORTS. Hides VALUED AT 136,121 EXPORTS. Cotton Yam .... VALUED AT 50 459 Oxen, Cows, and Horses 136,111 Spirits 49,610 Clocks 136,387 Apparel Slops &c. 44418 Artificial Flowers .... 113,388 Tin Plates 36 076 Cream of Tartar .... Madder and Madder Root . 105,202 92,210 Painters' Colours .... Cement 34,082 32979 Silk Plush for making Hats 90,674 Lead and Shot 24,197 Wool 89,734 Caoutchouc Manufactures 18,472 Flax 87,405 Saltpetre . . . . 17 761 74,527 Drufirs . 16 263 Embroidery and Needlework 63,770 Raw Cotton 62,562 Tallow 60,642 Raw and Thrown Silk . . 3 328 476 54,768 Wool 1,176,370 China and Porcelain . . . 49,805 Seeds 399,107 Harmoniums and Seraphiues 48,624 Flax 306,610 Straw Bonnets and Hats . 46,917 223,463 Kid Skins, dressed .... 44,087 211,054 Books 31 392 Hair Manufactures of 137 974 Asphaltum and Bitumen 28,150 Coffee 130,360 Prints and Drawings . . . 27,393 Bice 126,331 24,487 Oils Cocoa Nut Palm Seed 121 909 Cambrics and French Lawns 20,928 Hides . 115,661 Apples". 20,339 Wine 101 396 Salted Pork 14 663 Elephants' Teeth 52 768 Paper Hangings .... 13,797 Peruvian Bark 50,922 Manufactures of Caoutchouc 4,956 Caoutchouc 47,287 Worsted Yarn, not dyed 4,779 Sponge 41,337 Machinery, Tools, & Cutlery 2,962 Tin 36,452 Fancy Ornaments of Iron . 1,094 Rum and other Spirits . . Quicksilver 27,308 23,936 20,217 Silks of India 16,227 Raisins 15 603 Cochineal . 13.154 This list will show the very general character of our Character imports from France, with which country our trade, port now that restrictions on hoth sides are removed, will, France - no douht, hereafter partake largely of the character of an exchange of commodities according to the varia- tions of fashion and the requirements of the period in either country. For example, in 1860 we were large importers of corn from France, our own harvest being deficient ; but in 1861 we were exporters of corn to 264 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. our neighbours, their harvest having been greatly Rapid in- below the average. In the superior articles of dress, tL impor- which the French know so well how to manufacture Sks, u f such as silk stuffs and ribbons, gloves, boots, artificial boot8 8 '&c nowers it is curious to see how largely our receipts from France have increased under the new tariff. The imports in successive years have been 1858. 1859. 1860. Silk Stuffs and Ribbons ... 1,151,871 . . 1,372,065 . . 1,909,930 Kid Gloves 359,174 . . 487,775 . . 566,069 Silk Manufactures, unenumerated 204,993 . . 240,770 . . 277,826 Boots, &c 111,215 . . 111,002 . . 139,013 Plaiting of Straw, Chip, &c. . . 105,785 . . 125,192 . . 182,530 Artificial Flowers 103,677 . . 97,273 . . 113,388 Dairy pro- The importation of certain descriptions of dairy produce has increased in the same way : as, for example, 1858. 1859. 1860. Butter 97,997 . . 152,480 . . 441,641 268,942 . . 293,588 . . 399,648 clocks and And we have a like increase in clocks and watches, though the last -mentioned of these are less the manu- facture of France than of Switzerland. 1858. 1859. 1860. Clocks . 76,549 . . 90,226 . . 136,387 Watches 208,125 . . 210,738 . . 334,825 But enough has been said to show the effect of the new tariff on our imports from France, from whence we have now the opportunity of acquiring many articles of which the supply is extremely valuable to us, at rates which were quite unknown to our fore- fathers. Of the results of the new state of things on the other side, it is to be regretted that it is impos- sible to speak with the same particularity, the tariff having only come into operation in France late in CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 265 1861, and the tables of exports for that year not being yet published. Of the general result we are apprised, and the very large increase in the exportation of our home productions and manufactures has been already observed upon ; but the details of that increase are, unfortunately, not before us. Our exports to France of foreign and colonial produce and manufactures amounted in 1860 to nearly seven millions and a half, which shows the extent to which England is doing the carrying trade of the neighbouring country. The fact is, that the TheFrench i'i ' j* ~r\ i? i j. i i mercantile mercantile marine 01 Jb ranee ol late years has scarcely marine, increased at all; and that at the present time the greater part of the commerce of the French is done in English and American bottoms. On the 1st January, 1858, the whole French mercantile marine only consisted of 14,845 Sailing Ships, of the burden of 980,465 Tons. 3,330 Steamers 72,870 Total . . 18,175 Vessels of ...... 1,053,335 Whilst England has 36,164 Sailing Ships, of the burden of 5,210,824 Tons. 2,337 Steamers 500,144 Total . . 38,501 Vessels of 5,710,968 The trade of England with France nearly all con- Trade with centrates itself in London. But, as has been already S^gh stated, a very considerable proportion of the imports Southamp- and exports takes place at Southampton and Folke- Folke- stone, to which ports goods are sent from London and s received by railway. Nearly all the eggs imported from France come through the former port, and nearly all the silk goods through the latter. The trade with France is chiefly conducted in our own vessels. Of the total tonnage entered inwards 266 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. in 1860, amounting to 737,000 tons, 529,000 was British and 208,000 foreign. This proportion is much greater in the London trade, only 22,000 heing French foreign, whilst 154,000 was British tonnage. Nearly the whole of the latter tonnage was in steam ship- ping, in which form nearly all the intercourse between the Channel ports is also conducted, only bulky articles, such as coal, iron, copper, &c., being now sent to Erance in sailing vessels. It should be ob- served, however, that before the repeal of the duties, the wine trade between London and Bordeaux was conducted in small vessels, brigantines and schooners, belonging to a few owners, and permanently engaged in this trade, of which they may be said to have had a sort of monopoly. This state of things will, of course, be altogether changed with the opening of the wine trade, and the importation of large quan- tities of wines from shippers not previously engaged in the English trade. Our trade The Mcthuen Treaty, which for a century and a half has been so prejudicial to English commerce with Prance, was intended to open up to us immense advantages in connexion with " our ancient ally," PORTUGAL. To suppose that a trade, with a country containing only 4,000,000 inhabitants, could compen- sate us for the loss of our trade with a country containing nearly 40,000,000, was against all the principles of common sense. The Me- The object of the Methuen Treaty was to introduce Treaty of o ur woollens into the limited market of Portugal, A.D. 1733. f rom w hich they happened at the time to be ex- its object eluded. The extent to which the object was accom- 3 ' plished is shown by the fact that our export of woollens to Portugal in 1860 was to the value of less than 125,000/. Our wholo export to Portugal amounted in 1860 to little more than two millions, CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. '267 and this was nearly an eighth above the average. To secure a trade with a poor country, which, in a century and a half, has only developed itself to the extent of two millions, we may be said to have sacrificed not merely our commerce with France, but all that large proportion of our national debt which has arisen from our wars with that great country. The only article of great account which the Portu- "Port" guese had to send us in return for our woollens was their wine, shipped at Porto or Oporto, and conse- quently known to us by the name of " Port." It has been of no small advantage to Portugal to find a customer for this wine in so rich a nation as ours the more so as no other people have shown them- selves inclined to be drinkers of it. Of an average of 35,000 pipes of port wine shipped at Oporto, from 1851 to 1858, 27,000 pipes came to the United King- dom, whilst only 2,000 went to any other European country, and only 6,000 elsewhere.* England, there- fore, may be said to be almost the sole customer of Portugal. Our imports from Portugal in 1860 amounted, inOurim- the whole, to 1,882,293^. This includes not only the imports from Portugarproper, but from Madeira, the Azores, the Canary and the Cape de Verd Islands. The principal articles imported were Wine valued at 898,336 Wool 230,124 Cork 129,696 Oranges and Lemons . . . Oils Olive, Palm, and Seed . Oxen Elephants' Teeth Orchil Corn (chiefly Indian Corn) . . Onions Figs Potatoes . . 113,886 113,166 82,674 33,847 29,938 20,891 20,616 13,627 12,551 Chiefly to Brazil. 268 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Copper Ore valued at 15,2S5 Argol 8,756 Cream of Tartar Lead Hides Spirits Salt Corks, ready-made . Grapes Chesnuts Argoi. "Argol" and " Cream of Tartar" are the same articles, the latter being argol purified. Argol is produced in wine countries by the deposit of a crust on the sides of the vessels in which wine has been kept. It is much used by dyers to dispose the stuffs Orchil to reseivc their colours. The orchil, of which we obtain a large quantity from Madeira, the Canary and the Cape de Verd Islands, is a sea-lichen yielding a beautiful purple tincture, also used by dyers. It is found on our own coasts, especially on the Isle of Portland; but the Madeira and Canary Islands' orchils are the most esteemed, and fetch occasionally an exceedingly high price. At periods of scarcity, orchil has been known to be sold as high as 1,0001. a ton ; but it is probable that the progress of chemical science will find a substitute for this colour, as it has Cork. for others. The condition of our trade affords us facilities for the admission of cork from Portugal ; but although we obtain it in large quantities, it is not so much esteemed as Spanish cork. The num- Oxen. her of animals we import from Portugal has been increasing for several years. They principally come to Southampton in steam vessels, and are sent to the London market ; but although very fine beasts, they are frequently much deteriorated by the voyage. Frmt Our imports of garden produce and fruit from Portugal are increasing, and this trade might, with Onions, advantage, be further developed. The Portugal onion CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 269 is a cheap and delicate vegetable, and is getting to be much, esteemed. Portugal grapes also reach us in Grapes, good condition, and are sold at prices which admit of their general consumption. Our chief fruit trade Oranges, with Portugal is, however, in oranges. We are in- debted to the Portuguese for this most delicious of tropical fruits, they having originally transferred the plant from China to their own country. The orange trade in England is now one of considerable value and importance, oranges being even cheaper than most of our domestic fruits, whilst they are perhaps the most refreshing and wholesome of all the fruits we gather or import. Oranges are imported in boxes containing from 250 and upwards, and in chests holding 500 to 1,000. The quantity imported has been steadily increasing for some years past. In the three years ending with 1842 the average imports were 334,070 boxes ; in the five years ending with 1850 they had increased to 380,000 boxes. Since then the quantity has been computed in bushels. The average annual imports in the five years ending with 1860 were 977,440 bushels. The quantity taken for consumption has now reached upwards of 1,000,000 bushels, and, assuming each bushel to . contain 650, this would give 650 millions of oranges, or about 22 annually for each individual in the kingdom. The quantity of oranges imported in 1860 were as Oranges follows :- BUSHELS. - VALUE. From the Azores .... 627,709 .... 330,627 From Portugal 218,480 .... 113,886 From Spain 158,674 .... 77,079 From Sicily 140,983 .... 64,547 From other Quarters . . . 8,564 .... 4,200 Total . . . 1,154,410 . . . '.590,339 270 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. The The group of nine islands known as the "Azores," r st D8 Mi- from which the largest portion of this supply comes, produces the finest oranges. Those from the Island of San Miguel (or St. Michael) are the most esteemed by us. The imports of oranges from the Azores have doubled during the last five years, and the produc- tion of oranges has consequently become the occupa- tion of the population of the islands. The orange- gardens in St. Michael are now walled, and the bloom carefully protected. They gather the oranges for the London market as early as November. Up to 1853 there was a duty of 2s. Qd. a bushel on oranges and lemons, which was reduced to 8d. a bushel in that year. This greatly stimulated the trade, not so much by making oranges and lemons cheaper or inferior to the consumer, as by relieving the importer from a restriction. In 1860 the Sd. duty was repealed, and these delicious fruits can now be imported free. We think that we already see the advantage of this relief to the trade in the large quantities and superior qualities of the oranges sold in the streets of London in the early part of 1862. Our exports to Portugal in 1860 consisted of Our ex- ports to Portugal. Cotton Manufactures valued at 775,317 Iron Woollen Manufactures . . Butter Spirits Coals Silk Manufactures . . . Hardwares and Cutlery Linen Copper Machinery Cotton Yarn Brimstone, Refined . . . Apparel and Slops . . . Tin Plates Drugs Earthenware and Porcelain Painters' Colours . 161,125 124,739 110,058 47,438 44,792 41,656 36,020 31,889 24,161 21,427 20,247 18,442 16,663 16,597 8,192 7,415 7,145 CHAP, v.j FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 2/1 Glass Manufactures valued at 6,571 White Lead 5,842 Tin, Unwrcmght Lead and Shot . Stationery . . Soap .... Sugar and Molasses Raw Cottoii . . Indigo .... Tea Rice Silk Flax and Hemp 5,827 4,436 4,379 1,147 89,009 44,014 35,881 35,202 34,429 18,457 16,691 In return for the oranges we received from the Azores, Trade with we sent to those islands Cotton Goods valued at 57,608 Woollen 11,814 Sugar, Refined 6,330 Apparel 2,680 Some small quantities of earthenware, cutlery, iron, linen, silk, and colonial produce, the total amounting to less than 100,000*. With Madeira our trade has declined in con- Trade with sequence of the destruction of the grape in that island. Our importation of Madeira wine in 1860 was to the extent of nearly 60,000 gallons, whilst thirty years ago it exceeded 300,000 gallons. The number of English ships also visiting the island has fallen off. Formerly both East and West Indiamen touched at Madeira on their outward voyage to take in wines or provisions ; but the island is now ordi- narily only sighted. We sent to Madeira last year about 69,000/. worth of goods, of which cotton and woollens formed the major part. Our trade with Portugal is almost exclusively British carried on with Oporto and Lisbon. The Portuguese are almost wholly indebted to us for shipping. Of 972 1 > vessels which arrived from Portugal, Madeira, and the Azores in 1860, 815 were British, 83 only Portuguese, 272 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LOXDOX. [CHAP. v. and 74 the vessels of other nations. Liverpool shares with London in the trade to Portugal. Southampton also does some portion of it. Our trade Whilst England has done everything during the SPAIN last century and a half to cultivate an intimate commercial exchange with the little territory of Portugal, her rulers up to a very recent period have done scarcely anything to bring about more intimate relations with her far richer, more populous, and restricted more productive neighbour, SPAIN. The Spanish Government has been, no doubt, as much answerable for this as was our own. Up to 1848 nothing could be worse than the commercial system of Spain. It was a system of prohibitions, under which the impor- tation of articles of foreign manufacture or production into that country was almost absolutely prohibited. Yet Spain had an article of great importance to ex- port, of which England took a large supply. Despite prohibition, therefore, trade went on. England annually received more and more Sherry from Cadiz, and Spain, although she prohibited them, was supplied with more and more British manufactures from which England. It was, of course, the smuggler who reaped the advantage. The trade of the contraban- ciigta became an established business in Spain. It was computed that from 100,000 to 150,000 persons were directly engaged in the occupation of smug- gling. The number indirectly engaged was legion; for the Spanish custom-house was so notoriously corrupt, that almost any goods could be got through Extent it for a consideration. A few vears ai?o it was A T- ^ computed that 3,000 actions were annually insti- tuted in s P ain against illicit traders. " The courts of law were filled with perjury and the country with bloody conflicts." Yet, nevertheless, French and English goods might be purchased in all the shops at CHAP, v.l FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 273 Madrid, and, indeed, throughout Spain, at very little more than their price at Bayonne or Gibraltar, from whence they were principally smuggled. Three- fourths, in fact, of the trade of Spain was in the hands of the contrabandistas, and the Government revenue was proportionately small. In 1849 the Spanish Government adopted a some- A Spanish what more rational system, and introduced a tariff, adopted which removed prohibitions and levied ad valorem A - D - 1849> duties upon articles of different classes. These duties are in many cases too high, and there is a discrimi- nating duty of 20 per cent, on importations in foreign vessels, which, considering the present condition of the Spanish mercantile marine, must operate as an additional tax on the consumer, without in any way protecting or encouraging Spanish shipping. But the effect of this tariff has been favourable. The trade of Spain since 1849 has decidedly been in- creasing. The exports of Spain in 1850 were only 4,000,000/. per annum ; in 1856 they had risen to 10,636,000/. per annum ; and the imports had risen from 6,000,000?. to 13,000,000/. Total increase of trade in six years nearly 14,000,000/. The statistics of our own trade with Spain are not Our ex- easily given, inasmuch as so large a proportion of Spain* our goods were for a long period imported clan- destinely through Gibraltar, Malta, and Portugal; and a considerable proportion, though not to the same extent as formerly, continues to be introduced into that country through the same channels. But our direct exports to Spain have been increasing. They amounted In 1850 to 864,997 1854 to 1,436,106 1856 to 2,112,303 1858 to' 2,366,562 1860 to 2,623,291 T 274 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Our im- Our imports have gone up during the same period Sp2n. rom from three millions and a half to four millions. These consist of Wine valued in 1860 at 1,734,613 Fruit, viz. Raisins . . 264,833 Nuts . . . 112,865 Oranges . . 77,079 Almonds . 15,769 Figs . . . 11,874 Grapes . . 4,730 487,150 Wheat and Flour ...... 405,093 Lead , 374,497 Quicksilver , 271,209 Ores, unenumerated , 178,168 Wool, Sheep and Lambs' ... , 97,743 . Copper Ore and Copper .... , 91,498 Oxen 66,177 Manganese Ore 44,059 Eggs 34,019 Cork 29,813 Olive Oil 16,480 Madder 9,692 Liquorice Juice and Paste . . . 3,755 sherry. The sherry wines, which are exclusively shipped at Cadiz, are little likely to be superseded in this country as dinner wines ; unless, indeed, their price should be maintained at rates beyond their intrinsic value. The quantity of this wine entered for home consumption in England in 1861 was greatly in excess of preceding years; and it is to be hoped that the reduction of duty in this country will develop the trade and permit us to have purer and, at the same time, cheaper specimens of the article. The fruit trade with Spain is chiefly in what are Dry fruits, known as "dry fruits." Our duties on raisins and almonds were, up to 1853, very exorbitant. They were then reduced, and the consequence has been largely increased importation. "We derive the best Raisins raisins (muscatels) and the best almonds (Jordan) almonds, from Malaga; Valencia also supplies us with these CHAP, v.j FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 2/5 fruits. The nuts, for which we pay so large a sum Barcelona as 112,000/. a year, come from Tarragona (these m are known as Barcelona nuts). Our corn trade Com. with Spain would rise into increased importance were there more facilities of inland carriage. At present, so large a proportion of the produce has to be brought down to the port of shipment on mules, that great waste is the consequence, as w^ell as an undue expense for conveyance. The export of minerals Minerals, from Spain has been increasing in importance, and the quantity of lead, quicksilver, copper, and other ores, manganese, &c., which we derive from Spanish mines is now considerable. Many of them are in the hands of English capitalists and are worked by English companies. Malaga is the chief port for the export of ores : all the lead ores which are worked on the coast near Adra are sent to Malaga for ship- ment. The produce of some other mines near Seville are shipped at Cadiz, to which they are brought by railway. It is curious to observe how the relations of Spain and England have altered with regard to wool, of which we at one time derived Wool, our largest import from Spain. At present the quantity of wool we receive from that country is comparatively unimportant ; and, indeed, is largely exceeded by the quantity of woollens which we send to her. Spain is so productive a country her riches are so Direct and vast, and her labour is so cheap that there can be trade 6 with no doubt that we might do a much larger trade with Spain - her were her internal customs' system placed upon a footing of more liberality. Spain has fallen from her high estate amongst commercial nations by her own fault, though it is not entirely by her own fault that she has not a better trade with England ; for certainly the English Government have done little to cultivate T 2 276 THE PORT AND TKADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, v commercial relations with this important, prolific, and adjacent country. Exports to It nas been already observed, that it is difficult to Spain. estimate the amount of the exportations from England to Spain. In 1860 those direct to Spain amounted to 2,623,291. ; hut those to Gibraltar, which were no douht largely intended for Spain, amounted to 1,244, 233 1. more ; and if we add the exportations to Malta and Gozo, of which a part would go to Spain, we have an additional sum to add to the amount. It is possible that in the whole we do not send much less than 4,000,000 1. a year of our produce to Spain, The following table will show the items : EXPORTS TO SPAIN, GIBRALTAR, AND MALTA, 1860. ARTICLES. SPAIN. GIBRALTAR. MALTA. Iron 616,017 37,024 23 856 Linen Yarn 448,118 102 932* Coals 222,535 37221 61 224 Machinery 308 087 Woollen Manufactures .... . . 123,706 74 659 44 871 Cotton 99 986 623 166* Q*4 QOfl Hardwares and Cutlery 91,795 33848 8 ^04 Tin Plates and Unwrought 52,396 8,021 1 62^ Bacon and Hams 48 495 Telegraphic Wires . . 39 757 Carriages of all sorts .... 35 607 Provisions 35,940 2,537 Silk Manufactures 21,156 14,668* 2,580 Soda 17 985 Cotton Yarn 15,744 4,660 40,032 Fish (Cod and Ling) .... 14 344 Copper, Wrought 12 745 4,620 10829 Drugs 7,617 Linseed Oil 7 605 2 199 Woollen Yarn 7,137 3,967 Apparel 5,535 38,684* 23,856 Glass 3,505 2,969 * These are the principal articles for smuggling. Some portion of the exports to Gibraltar are for trade with Morocco, and those to Malta for trade with Tripoli and Tunis. HAP. V.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 277 It will be seen that whilst the heavier articles, iron, coals, machinery, hardwares, tin-plates, tele- tra.te. graphic wires, carriages, provisions, fish, copper, drugs, and oil, go to Spain direct, the contrabandista still does the principal trade in the lighter articles, such as cotton prints and wearing apparel, as well as a very large proportion of the business in linen yarn, woollens, silk manufactures, and the better sorts of cutlery. Gibraltar formerly did an enor- mous contraband trade with Spain in the article of tobacco, but this has declined. Tea, however, is still carried into Spain from Gibraltar in defiance of the customs. Our trade with ITALY is represented by the follow- Trade with , , ITALY. mg table : STATES. IMPORTS FROM. EXPORTS TO. Sardinia (Genoa) 265,714 2 297 132 Tuscany (Leghorn) 575,064 1,198,257 Papal States (Civita Vecchia, Ancona) . . . Two Sicilies (Naples, Palermo, Marsala, &c.) . Austrian Territories (Venice and Trieste) . . 39,843 1,867,904 986,349 302,371 1,479,960 1,488,098 ToTUi 3,734,874 6,765,818 This table appears to show a very large balance in favour of Great Britain. The discrepancy is to some extent to be accounted for by a proportion of the produce of Northern Italy, especially silk, coming to us through Prance and by the Rhine. The iron and coal exported to Sardinia for railway purposes also swells the amount of exports. During the last ten years our trade with Italy i has been gradually increasing, especially with Sar- em Italy dinia, our exports to which country have almost doubled in amount. This result is attributable to improved means of internal communication, which 278 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. attribute- promises rapidly to place the city of Genoa at the proved head of the Italian cities of commerce, if not to inte'maf restore her to something like her former greatness. transit. Bound in by an amphitheatre of mountains, the difficulty attending the conveyance of heavy goods from Genoa to the interior greatly circumscribed her trade ; but now that the mountains have been pene- trated by a railway, which brings Genoa into direct communication, not only with Piedmont, but with the Milanese, Lombardy, Parma, Modena, Venice, and even with the Tyrol, her trade must acquire greatly increased importance immediately peace is restored to the country she supplies. Tuscany. "With Tuscany our trade has also increased largely of late, probably in consequence of the completion of the railway between Leghorn and Florence, and the opening out of Lucca, Sienna, and other productive districts. We obtain, via Leghorn, large quantities of Boracic the Carrara and Sienna marbles and of Boracic acid, the latter used as a flux for metals, and brought to us from the famous lagoons near Monte Cerbole,* where an ingenious manufacturer, M. Larder el (Count de la Pomarance), has constructed pans in which water, im- pregnated with the acid, is evaporated by the heat of the lagoons, and the acid deposited in crystals. We also derive through Leghorn considerable quantities of Lucca and Florence oil, anchovies, lard, lambskins, copper ore, rags, and some wheat and flour. The Leghorn " Leghorn bonnets " and " Tuscan hats," once so fashionable, are now to a great extent supplanted, although the heavy duty which formerly existed on them has been removed. The fact appears to be, * These lagoons are spread over a surface of thirty square miles. They consist of a number of low volcanoes and springs in a furious state of ebullition. The ground upon the banks shakes and burns beneath the feet. The vapours, which are impregnated with the boracic acid, send out dense and unsavoury odours. The peasants of the country long deemed the district an entrance to the infernal regions, and regarded it with great superstition (ride Dr. Bo wring's Report on the Statistics of Tuscany). CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 279 that our own manufacture of straw bonnets has so considerably improved as to supersede the Tuscans, which always were extremely high in price. With the Papal States we can scarcely be said The Papal to have any trade ; some cream of tartar, lambskins, Sl rags, walnut wood, and brimstone, constituting the whole of our imports, the value of which is very trifling. With Southern Italy (Naples and Sicily) we have, however, been doing a largely Naples, increasing trade; and it is to be hoped, now that a more rational government is likely to be established in this kingdom, that it will greatly and speedily improve. Sicily was once the granary of Europe, Sicily, and both its soil and climate afford it the means of producing almost any amount of grain. But the itscorn > labours of the husbandman and of the merchant were both, for a long time, restricted by a series of the most odious and oppressive restraints; having apparently for their sole object to create a monopoly in the export trade of grain in favour of persons of high distinction, and even, it has been said, in favour of members of the family of the Sovereign himself. In the same way the late Neapolitan Government dealt with the sulphur trade. Some few years since sulphur, they adopted measures which virtually placed that trade in the hands of a French company; and had not the British Government remonstrated and secured an alteration of the system, England would have been compelled to purchase all her sulphur through the intervention of the French. Our trade with Sicily for this article has been rising rapidly and largely. In 1833 we only took 19,122 tons of sul- phur from Sicily : in 1838, 38,654 tons : but our pre- sent import exceeds an average of 50,000 tons ; and the value of the quantity imported in 1860 was computed at nearly 500,000 /. The wine which we and wine. obtain from Sicily is the produce of the district 280 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. around Marsala, and was first introduced into con- sumption in England in consequence of a report from Lord Nelson, recommending it for the use of the fleet instead of rum. In general this wine is very indifferently made from grapes which are grown on or close to the ground, from which they derive an earthy flavour. The wine sent to England is principally grown and shipped by English capitalists who have embarked in the trade, and who have their business at Marsala. More care is bestowed on the vintage where their influence prevails; but still the wine of Marsala, although it has many good qualities, cannot be regarded as likely to com- pete with the vintage of Spain; and latterly the importation has not been increasing. Theoa The best olive oil brought from Southern Italy GampoU. comes from Gallipoli, and since the reduction of duty on this article the trade has been largely increased. The whole country between Gioja and Gaeta is covered with olive trees; and, in fact, Apulia and Calabria may be said to produce little else. The olives are permitted to hang on the trees till they drop ; they are then picked up by women and children and carried to the mill, at which they are expressed. The oil is then brought, in sheep or goat-skin sacks, on the backs of mules, to the magazine, or cistern, of the merchant, in Gallipoli, in which it is clarified to the highest possible degree. "When the oil is to be shipped, it is drawn off from the cistern into skins, and carried on men's shoulders to a house on the sea- shore, where it is measured in a large open basin, and then racked off into casks admir- ably made of well-seasoned staves, which, before being put together, are well soaked in sea-water. These casks, when filled, are rolled to the brink of the sea by porters, and from thence are towed by boats to the ship waiting to be laden. There is CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 281 no reason why Oil, now it can be obtained at a low price, should not enter more largely into iiEng- l domestic use in this country. In many culinary laud ' preparations it is a superior article to butter ; and it is probable that, had it not been for the enormous customs duty which for some years we levied upon this article, it would have been much more largely used by us than it has been. It is objected that most English palates dislike the taste of oil; but the fact is that good olive oil has no taste what- ever; and that where there is a taste to it, it has been either badly manipulated or has suffered from long keeping. The prejudice against oil in England more probably arises from the use which has been made in this country of various descriptions of nauseous oils for medicinal purposes. There can be no doubt that olive oil itself is one of the most nutritious and wholesome of all articles of food. Shumac is another article which we derive in shumac. considerable quantities from Southern Italy. The Italian shumac is used for producing a full yellow dye, approaching to the orange; but the colour is said to be fugitive. Commoner sorts of shumac produce dove colours in calico-printing, and are also capable of dyeing black. Liquorice we cultivate at Liquorice home, especially at Mitcham in Surrey, and Ponte- jm fract in Yorkshire, where the strong, rich, black, loamy soils are peculiarly suited to the growth of the plant. But we derive nearly all our " Liquorice juice and paste " from Southern Italy, where the roots of liquorice are crushed in mills, then slowly boiled until they become of a proper consistency, and after- wards refined and purified. The article is largely used in medicine by our chemists, and our importation of liquorice juice has been increasing considerably. The comparatively small amount of our imports from the Austrian possessions in Italy, affords a more 282 THE POUT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Trade with interesting and suggestive record than is at first triluterri- sight apparent. The two largest items on the list, tory> 245,0002. of corn, and 154,0002. worth of beads and bugles, present very different subjects for re- flection. Beads and bugles are now almost the sole export of the once great and flourishing com- merce of Venice. They are the produce of her own glass manufactories, for which the Venetians were once so famous, and of which the remains are still carried on on the island of Murano. The corn imported was, on the other hand, the produce of the plains of Styria and Sclavonia, brought by Trieste, railway to the flourishing port of Trieste, with which our trade with the dominions of Austria will pro- bably henceforward be most largely conducted. Venice, commercially considered, represents only the past; whilst Trieste, opening out hitherto unpene- trated districts to British trade, represents, it may be hoped, a prosperous future. Commer- Trieste, almost the sole port of the great territory auce of p rt ' of Austria, has, hitherto, been traded with by England Trieste, ^o a very limited extent. Hemmed in, like Genoa, by high ranges of mountains, this commercial city has, up to a very recent period, been unable to develop her trade, in consequence of the distances to be traversed and the difficulties attending trans- port. But the railway system now perfected brings Trieste not only in direct communication with the interior of Austria Proper, but opens out to her all the commerce of Hungary. Situated as this city is, embracing as she does within her port the largest proportion of the commercial marine of the empire, having within herself a sound and suc- cessful mercantile system of undoubted solidity, and having behind her all the riches of an absolutely undeveloped territory of unusual extent and popu- lation, there must be a great fault and failure CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 283 somewhere if Trieste, in a very few years, does not rise to immense commercial importance. It will have "been seen that at the present time Large ex - our whole trade with Austria, through Venice and w hi c hour Trieste, amounts to no more than a million a year^J r lth of imports, and a million and a half of exports might be - 1 - . . developed. values absolutely trivial, considering the extent of the empire, and the rich and varied productions of almost every section of her territory. Hungary can afford any quantity of corn and wine, both of the highest qualities and at the lowest prices. All the corn-growing plains, watered by the Danube, can now find means of exporting their produce through Trieste. The wines of Hungary, equal in every respect to those of Burgundy, are drank in Vienna at from sixpence to a shilling a bottle, and can be had in England (where they are almost utterly unknown) at a very trifling advance upon that price, the difference being nothing more than the cost of shipment and transit from Trieste. It will be the fault of our own merchants if these wines, of which the supply is unlimited, do not come into large consumption in this country. Trieste can also furnish us with admirable woods, the produce of the forests of Carniola; also staves, which we already import to the extent of nearly 100,000/. a year; and minerals of almost every description. The rich trade of the Austrian Empire, in fact, has been almost wholly undeveloped by our merchants. Of 2,276 vessels which entered Trieste in 1857, only ninety-five were British; and our direct trade with Austria is, in proportion to the population of that empire, absolutely, at the present time, the smallest of any in Europe.* * Some allowance has of course to be made for trade with the Northern States of Austria, via the Elbe and Hamburg ; but the above remark holds good even with this allowance. 284 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Italian The following tables will be interesting, as showing, at one view, the varied character of the trades which we carry on with the different states of Italy : imports. IMPORTS FROM ITALY, 1860. ARTICLES. SARDINIA TUSCANY PAPAL STATES Two SICILIES. AUSTRIAN TERRITORIES Olive Oil 58,036 148,751 683,942 12,083 Essential Oils 3,748 41,266 Gun Stocks 45,551 Walnut Wood 24,976 13,680 8,449 Bark 28,912 Sugar Unrefined 20,178 Cream of Tartar 2,764 9,243 40,032 22,981 Marble 4,309 62,070 Boracic Acid 77 336 Lard 36,828 75,577 31,769 3,933 5,217 Sponge . 15,489 1,871 20,375 Raars 18,942 8,241 Corn, Wheat, and Flour . . . Straw Platting 2,154 20,454 7,914 1,680 6,096 245,743 Anchovies 7,129 Madder Root ...... 71 469 16,969 35,298 11,231 Silk 17,460 Straw Hats 3,596 153,066 15,44^ Tallow 3,033 8 885 Wine 58 278 Vermicelli and Macaroni . . Liquorice Juice and Paste . . Brimstone 8,587 1 559 1,179 52,587 475 023 Oranges and Lemons .... Barilla 64,547 10 574 8 056 7 088 Juice of Lemons and Oranges . Bugles and Glass Beads . . . Wooden Staves Currants E 12,093 154,534 98,977 20 060 Seeds, Clover and Grass . . . 16,156 3 246 Our principal exports to these states will be seen by the following table : CHAP. V.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 285 EXPORTS TO ITALY, 1860. Exports. ARTICLES. SARDINIA. TUSCANY. PAPAL STATES. Two SICILIES. AUSTRIAN TERRITORIES Apparel, Slops, &c. .... Coals 14,546 89,518 10,319 6,416 1,579 7,093 11,139 56,980 5,670 52,882 71,358 15,541 571 30,531 13,203 Cotton Goods 400,408 407,396 125,517 373,833 327,153 Yarn 185,646 197,030 81,634 354,873 189,764 2,821 3,461 4,194 2,619 Earthenware ...... 7,268 4,846 218 6,653 4,117 Fish : Herrings and Pilchards 35,279 16,475 14,718 4,331 1,113 9,524 19,289 15,984 8,840 211,066 69,358 28,670 136,476 131,956 Linen Goods 46,109 30,735 4239 38,558 19 356 ,. Yarn 139,254 25,638 3 379 23,999 5,508 Machinery 66,773 13,734 42,443 27,582 Oil ' Linseed 44,372 36,396 Saltpetre 15,792 4,886 4085 Silk Manufactures .... Soda 15,590 7,729 1,890 4,977 7,897 15,504 Tin Plates 35,657 8,621 80S 14,015 13,976 Woollen Goods 301,872 139,116 27 029 118,533 68,447 Yarn 22 763 Colonial Produce .... 432,794 163,822 8,196 158,621 494,429 Our exports to Italy have largely increased in the last ten years, as the following comparative table will show : EXPORTS OF BRITISH PRODUCE TO ITALY.* STATES. 1850. 1860. Sardinia 774 512 1 864 338 Tuscany 769 409 1 034 435 Papal States 222,559 294,175 Two Sicilies 1,026,456 1,321,339 Austrian Territories .......".. 607 755 993,669 TOTAL 2,800,891 5,507 956 * Exclusive of Colonial and Foreign Produce. 286 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Prospects There is still, however, great room for improve- itaiian ment, especially with Southern Italy and the terri- tories occupied by Austria ; and there is every reason to hope that this improvement will soon be made apparent. Under a liberal Government, the riches of Southern Italy cannot fail to be speedily opened up to commerce, and the Austrians are already showing a desire, amounting to anxiety, to extend the trade between Trieste and England. Shipping The total number of vessels employed in our trade employed ^.^ j^ ^ ^^ ^^ ^ Qf -^g^gg t(ms ^fo^ of which about 125,000 tons was British. Liverpool did the largest share of this trade, employing 194 ships of 71,000 tons. London employed 241 ships of 50,000 tons. The trade is principally carried on in sailing vessels, although from Liverpool there are lines of steam packets several times a month to various Italian ports, which accounts for the superior tonnage that port employs in this trade. Proposals have been recently published for opening a new line of direct steam communication to Trieste, under the sanction and with the assistance of the Austrian authorities. The line is much wanted, and if judiciously commenced and worked would probably be successful. London and Southampton have been mentioned as the probable ports of departure. Our trade "We now come to consider the trade of Great GREECE. Britain with GREECE, which, from the number and wealth of the Greek merchants settled in London and Manchester, might be supposed to be extensive. The fact is, however, that the trade of the Greek merchants is with all the Levant; and that the trade of England with Greece Proper is very limited, and is by no means increasing in amount. Our imports consist almost exclusively of currants from Patras, which were imported, in 1860, to the extent CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 287 of 630,0007. ; the computed value of the entire im- ports being only 677,0007.; and our exports to Greece being only of about the same value, and consisting principally of cottons, woollens, and iron. The currants which we import from Patras have not the same reputation in our market as those supplied to us from the Ionian Islands, but the fruit is The fruit better gathered and is procurable in larger quantities and at less prices, for reasons which will be presently explained. Hence our largest supply is obtained from Greece. This fruit trade is almost entirely conducted in London. Some years since it was carried on in swift sailing vessels (schooners), and as the cargo of fruit which first arrived always secured the best price, great was the excitement amongst the dealers under the shadow of the Monument when the vessels were expected in the Thames. The adoption of steamers, however, for this traffic has put an end to the speculation which formerly prevailed, the days of arrival being now a matter of certainty, within the knowledge of all the merchants. In connexion with the Greek trade we should men- Trade tion that of the Ionian Islands, which, although they are under "British protection," are treated, as re- lslands - gards commerce and duties, as well as in other matters, as if they were a foreign nation instead of a dependency. It has been already noticed that we derive a large supply of currants from the island of Zante. Our imports from the Ionian Islands generally, amounted in 1860 to 267,7307., of which 182,0007. came to us in the shape of currants, and 68,0007. in olive oil. Our principal exports to these islands were cotton goods and yarn, woollen goods, apparel and haberdashery, and coals ; the last probably for the supply of our own men-of-war and 288 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. merchant steamers. The trade of these islands has increased considerably since 1850, and is capable of large development. In 1850 we exported to the Ionian Islands domestic produce to the value of 135,9122., whilst in 1860 our exports amounted to 345,0552., an increase of 156 per cent, in ten years. The Now, there is no doubt that the Ionian trade might "Protec- be still further improved, under a system which gave any encouragement to the population of these injurious islands. But, on the contrary, our rule, which has commerce been a merely military occupation, has in reality island** been oppressive to the cultivation and commerce of these productive islands. In order to support the large and expensive esta- blishments which are maintained in these islands- including a "Lord High Commissioner's Civil List" of 14,5002. a year, a " Civil Establishment " of 40,0002. a year, a " Judicial Establishment " exceeding 15,000/., and a "Contingent Government Expenditure" of Taxes on 20,0002. a year a revenue is levied in the Ionian Islands upon " exports." The burden of this tax falls, of course, upon the staple products of the islands, oil and currants, in which commodities the lonians have to compete with Italy and Greece. The export duty on these articles amounts to 18 per cent, ad valorem ; and, hence, for the support of extravagant establish- ments, utterly unfitted to the people "protected," the commerce of these islands is placed under disadvantages, for which nothing but the extreme fertility and productiveness of the soil could possibly compensate. Great complaints have been made of late years of the " bad spirit " prevailing amongst the population of the Ionian Islands, who have been condemned as wanting in industry, in attention to their patrimony, and as cultivating arts of state corruption and intrigue in preference to cultivating CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 289 their own soil. But who are to blame for this so much as those who display before the eyes of the population the wealth and power consequent upon possession of office, at the same time that, for its maintenance, they levy taxes which greatly discourage the cultivation of the islands and the trade of the population ? It is probable that if we induced a better system in these dependencies, and gave due encouragement to their commerce, we might make the Ionian Islands an important acquisition of the British Crown, not merely for the military and naval, but also for the commercial objects of the realm. Before leaving the commerce of Greece, mention The trade must be made of Syra, an island of the Greek y " Archipelago, which, during the last quarter of a century, has become a considerable commercial entrepot. The commerce at this port is chiefly earned on carried on by Greek merchants, who have attained ^ y e ^ reek the distinction of being the carriers, factors, and chants. traders of the Levant. This is due mainly to the great advantage they possess over other foreigners in their knowledge of the languages, customs, habits, and requirements of the various Eastern populations with whom they have to trade. The Greeks are able to avoid the profits necessarily given by other mer- chants to middlemen for collecting the goods they require and for selling their commodities to the in- land traders. The habits of the Greek merchants also enable them to deal in any class of goods, whether in large or small quantities ; and their extensive banking and exchange operations afford them fa- cilities for commerce, which, until a comparatively recent period, were not possessed by other merchants in the Levant.* * The establishment of the Ottoman Bank and the Bank of Egypt, sister insti- tutions, which have their head-quarters in London, now enables British traders in TJ 290 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. situation Syra is admirably situated as a depot for trade, ptng^ and the number of vessels resorting to it are Syra> annually on the increase. 6,600 vessels of 570,000 tons burden entered its waters in 1858, of which number 163 of 79,000 tons were vessels which brought goods from England. The largest portion of the trade of the island is, however, conducted in vessels under the flags of Greece, Turkey, and Austria, which carry on the trade between Syra and those countries. Our trade Our trade with European and Asiatic Turkey has greatly increased during the last ten years; but it is not to be exactly measured either by the amount of the importation or exportation, as the importation varies according to the condition of the corn trade, and as a large quantity of the goods exported (nomi- nally) to Constantinople are destined for Russian ports in the Black Sea, whilst goods consigned to ports in the Levant are, in the same way, intended for trade with Persia. In 1860 our imports and exports were as follows : IMPORTS PROM. EXPORTS TO. Turkey Proper 3,178,109 . . . 4,588,108 Wallachia and Moldavia . . . 2,252,246 . . . 201,273 Syria and Palestine .... 75,137 . . . 668,458 5,505,492 5,457,839 The corn Erom "Wallachia and Moldavia, corn (principally maize and barley) and seeds (rapeseed and millet) were almost the sole articles composing the large total of imports. The products of these territories were received direct from the respective ports of Ibrail and Galatz, the latter of which is rapidly becoming a first-rate emporium for the produce of Turkey, Syria, and Egypt, to avail themselves of these advantages. These Banks were immensely opposed, in the first instance, by interested parties, and had, in consequence, great diffiailties to surmount. CHAP. V.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 291 the vast and fertile countries traversed by the Danube. Galatz is a free port, and vessels of 300 tons can lie at its quays; but the navigation of the river up to it is not always easy. The trade of the district has been chiefly carried on by Greek merchants ; but there are now English houses which have establishments and representatives at Galatz, and the Ottoman Bank has a branch there. Our imports from Syria and Palestine consist imports of galls, madder root, olive oil, saffron, wool, and Syria. scammony, the article first mentioned constituting nearly a half of the whole. The gall nuts of the Syrian oak have, from a very remote period, been regarded as superior to those procurable in any other country. Gall is largely used in the manufacture of ink, in the art of dyeing, and in medicine. Our imports from Turkey are represented by the List of im- f olio wing table :- ports from Turkey. Corn Madder Root ". Goats' Wool Valonia Sponge Opium Silk (Raw and Waste) . . . . Raisins Figs Boxwood Wool (Sheep and Lambs') . . . Scammony Stone Tobacco Olive Oil Lamb Skins Carpets and Rugs Otto of Roses Tallow Gum Galls Yellow Berries Nuts Chromate of Iron u 2 valued, in 1860, at 825,092 421,256 378,071 261,501 238,383 187,643 148,511 126,508 90,922 45,647 39,929 30,268 2S,957 26,569 17,075 17,037 15,869 15,828 8,436 7,406 5,585 5,262 4,530 2,160 292 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. Com. The corn consisted chiefly of maize. The madder Madder, root, of which we obtain so large a quantity from Smyrna, is grown at Kurdar, near that place, and affords a brighter colour than the Zealand madder sent us by the Dutch. Smyrna is also the chief Sponge, market for sponge, which is speared or dived for, where it is found adhering to the rocks about the Opium, islands of the Archipelago. The opium produced in Turkey yields a much larger quantity of morphia than that produced in India ; and as opium is chiefly used in this country as a drug, it consequently Baisins. produces a higher price. The black Smyrna raisin is a common variety inferior to the raisins produced Figs. in Spain ; but Turkey produces the best sort of figs Scam- which come to our market. The scammony, of which we receive so large an amount, is a gum resin peculiar to Syria, and is only used in medicine. It is imported from Smyrna in cakes, like wax, Carpets, packed in chests. The Turkey carpets and rugs imported are about an average quantity, and repre- sent our own annual consumption of this superior Yellow article of manufacture. The Turkey yellow berries are an unripe fruit, and are used as a dye drug in calico-printing. The other articles in our list of imports from Turkey do not require observation. Export Our export trade to Turkey, although increasing, is by no means so considerable as it should be, con- sidering the position of Constantinople for trade, the resources and population of the empire, and the countenance which the Turks have always given to commerce. This is owing to the disorganized con- dition of the country, to the absence of internal development, and the want of facilities for transport. Commerce can only be expected to improve with the internal improvement of the nation. The following is the list of exports : CHAP. V.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 293 EXPORTS, 1860. Exports to Turkey. ARTICLES. TURKEY. SYRIA. MOLDAVIA. Cotton Goods ....... 2,810,426 496,188 39,900 Yarn 738,984 96,683 43,114 Iron 131,857 35,875 Woollen Goods ....... 113,732 4,881 792 Coals 91,623 8,220 5,210 Machinery . 61,640 457 Copper . 58,406 19,162 Sugar, Refined 49,561 460 1,615 Hardwares and Cutlery .... Tin 34,550 36,488 3,099 4,239 2,443 3,984 29 862 25 804 3 171 Tin Plates 20 328 1,518 16,347 Linen Goods 24217 Earthenware 19 322 2046 3,190 Silk Goods 14 482 Glass Manufactures 11 458 Plate and Jewellery Telegraphic Wire 10,718 7 325 Beer and Ale 4 559 Furniture . . 3 261 Painters' Colours 3,558 Gunpowder 1,930 Butter 1,265 Coffee 53,787 857 7,611 Tea 25,637 6,591 Indigo . 21,947 589 Cochineal 20,498 416 832 Rice 17,157 8,005 6,015 Pepper . 7,652 773 2,128 Spirits 2,489 1,162 It is probable that some portion of the goods sent to Moldavia and "VVallachia were intended for the Upper Danube. The shipping engaged in our trade with Turkey Shipping. and her provinces is about one-half foreign and one-half British. The trade of Liverpool with the Levant is carried on by regular steam-vessels belong- 294 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. ing to that port. A very large proportion of the trade with Galatz is, however, carried on in vessels under the Austrian and other flags, which bring corn here and clear out in ballast. A very large share of this business is done with Cork, which now imports, for Irish consumption, considerable quantities of Turkish maize. w!th trade ^ ur trade with EGYPT represents a very large EGYPT, and a most rapidly increasing total; but it is to be observed, that a very large proportion of this trade, and especially of our imports from Egypt, consists merely of articles in transit from India. The following have been our imports and exports for the last five years: YEAR. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 1856 5,753,518 1,630,833 1857 7,853,876 1,955,446 1858 6,026,191 2,141,075 1859 8,572,312 2,341,693 1860 10,352,574 2,598,912 Transit Our importation, via Egypt, of raw and manufac- tured silks, elephants' teeth, &c. from India amounted, in 1860, to nearly 7,000,0002., which has to be de- ducted from the 10,300,0002. of imports. Exclusive of these items, we received from Egypt in 1860 : Imports from Egypt. Raw Cotton valued at 1,480,895 Com (chiefly Wheat and Beans) . . . 907,947 Manufactures of Goat's Hair and Wool . 464,576 Seeds for expressing Oil therefrom . . . 96,129 Wool (Sheep and Lambs') 83,925 Gum Arabic 69,901 Pearls (probably from Ceylon) .... 49,840 Rags 31,737 Coffee 18,927 Flax (dressed and undressed) 18,445 Lentils 18,426 Jewels (unset) 11,600 Linseed and Flax-seed 10,863 Musk 7,864 Opium 6,384 Tortoise Shell 1,909 Senna 1,598 CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 295 Cotton, which stands at the head of our list Cotton. of importations from Egypt, has been grown in that country from a very remote antiquity. The native cotton, however, was of very inferior quality, and it was not until the seeds of the best Sea Island cotton were imported from America that Egyptian-grown cotton acquired any reputation in our markets. For some years what was called Egyptian Sea Island cotton, i.e. the produce of the best American seed grown on Egyptian soil, secured a price only second to the price of American Sea Island cotton. But its culture was never very ex- tensive; and whether from the character of the climate, or from want of care, or both causes, it has very much degenerated. The total amount of cotton brought to us from Egypt is comparatively unimportant in proportion to the supply we require for the purposes of our manufactures. In 1860, out of 12.500,000 cwts. of cotton, Egypt only sent us 392,000 cwts. or little more than one-thirtieth. And not only is her production limited, but she appears to have no power of expanding that pro- duction. In 1861, when distress was anticipated in consequence of the civil Avar in America inter- rupting the supply, Egypt sent us less cotton than in the preceding year. It is not, therefore, to Egypt that we must look com. for cotton. "We might look to her for a large supply of corn, particularly wheat and beans, in periods of scarcity; but the truth is, that Egypt is not our best market for corn, which we can ordinarily obtain with greater facilities from Eussia, Poland, and America, where we also find better markets for our goods. In Egypt, too, we have a competitor in the corn market, for the Egyptians are the corn-growers for the grape-growing popu- 296 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. v. lations of the Mediterranean and the Levant, whose demand for corn maintains the price of this article in ordinary years in Egypt. Exports to The articles exported to Egypt are shown in the Egypt. .n . -, following abstract : Cotton Manufactures valued at 1,049,545 *Apparel and Haberdashery . ... 223,116 *Plate and Jewellery 170,907 Silk Manufactures 123,852 Iron 84,617 Cotton Yarn 83,070 'Books 70,987 Copper 75,780 Machinery 69,457 Indigo 62,832 Coals 54,313 Hardwares and Cutlery 41,215 Steam Engines 38,070 "Stationery 34,353 Woollen Goods 24,706 *Arms and Ammunition , 17,071 "Linen , 15,715 Carriages , 15,063 'Mathematical Instruments .... , 14,494 'Provisions , 13,497 'Drugs , 11,720 "Earthenware , 8,090 *Wine , 6,689 Silk Manufactures , 6,261 Brandy , 5,802 Tobacco , 4,812 *0pium , 4,447 Cochineal , 3,274 Prohably the largest proportion of the articles marked thus (*) were intended for India. Shipping Our trade with Egypt employed, in 1860, 320 employed. Vej8gds of I 63j8 o0 tons burden, of which 133,500 tons was British and only 30,000 foreign. The bulk of this trade is carried on in large steam- vessels from Southampton and Liverpool. Two- thirds of the raw silk we receive from India comes to the London market, via Southampton, by the Peninsular and Oriental Company's splendid ships CHAP, v.] FOREIGN TRADE OF THE PORT. 297 ' trading between Alexandria and Southampton.* The facility which the railway affords between Alexandria and Suez greatly assists this transit trade. The Suez Canal project, still in some quarters The Suez a matter of speculation, has at no time received * pro any encouragement or pecuniary support in London. The French, with whom a canal through the desert has been a favourite scheme, have endeavoured to account for this by, what they style, our "vested interest" in the long sea voyage. But in truth England is more interested than any nation in ob- taining the shortest and most facile " route " to India, whether by the Isthmus of Suez or by any other channel ; and even were our " vested in- terests " in the long sea passage much greater than they are, there is sufficient enterprise and capital in London, amongst parties interested in the trade through Egypt in opposition to the route round the Cape, to give an impulse to the Suez Canal project, did it appear likely at any time to prove remunerative. The fact is, that the parties in this country best its im- qualified to form an opinion of the feasibility of this project have come to the conclusion that it is not practicable. The very fact that a canal did once exist on the route of that proposed to be con- structed appears to them the best evidence, not in favour of, but in opposition to the scheme. Eor if a canal for small vessels once existed, which choked < advantageous to British commerce. The trade of those great cotton marts has hitherto been practi- toopena cally limited to the exportation of that article; but tiSwitu there seems no reason why the supplies of the South the and of the rapidly increasing states of the West CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 307 should not go direct to these ports, instead of being southern increased in price to the consumer by a long and em&tatet costly transport from New York.* Another advantage which England will probably to open , , . ,, ,. 6 .,. . L \ . J thePana- obtain, when the disputes now prevailing in America ma route are adjusted, will be increased trade with the States in the Pacific. At the present time our trade with California is unduly prejudiced by the policy of the United States Government, which has practically shut us out from the trade of her western States by denying British vessels running between New York and Aspinwall, and Panama and San Erancisco, the privileges enjoyed by the American flag. That this is not only an injury to British commerce, but an injury to the States on the seaboard of the Pacific, no one can doubt. The Panama route ought to be free to all the world under all circumstances; and it is monstrous to exclude any nation from it under the pretext that the trade of the seaboard of the ocean is a " coasting trade." New York, at present, practically reserves to herself the trade with California by the adoption of this measure ; but it may be confidently anticipated that no long time will elapse before a concession is made of this commerce to the principle of free trade. Eree intercourse with California is the more im- portant to us as our commerce with it has been increasing. We have sent to that State the following quantities of produce and manufactures, of which the largest proportion was cotton goods : * In 1858 the value of the exports of native produce from New Orleans nearly equalled that of New York ; but the value of the imports was in very small proportion. The figures were : EXPORTS. IMPOETS. NEW YORK .... $89,031,741 . . . $178,475,736 NEW ORLEANS . . . 88,270,224 . . . 19,586,033 x 2 308 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. EXPORTS TO CALIFORNIA. YEAR. AMOUNT. 1855 336,699 1856 460,111 1857 451,500 1858 521,366 1859 459,622 1860 624,997 an d All this was paid for in gold; the only other importation, in 1860, being 3,600^. worth of silver ore. Our own recent discoveries of gold in Van- couver's Island and British Columbia increases the importance of a perfectly free system of trade across the Isthmus.* It is probable that another good effect of the war m America will be to render British industry less dustry less dependent dependent than it has been for many years past supply of upon the supply of cotton from the United States. from 11 Practically, as already shown, our whole supply has America. n itherto been drawn from this quarter; but the outbreak of the war, and the stoppage of the supplies of cotton in consequence of the blockade of the Southern ports, in the latter part of 1861, has caused our merchants to pay increased attention to the ne- cessity of developing new fields of supply. There is every reason to hope that the result will be to develop very rapidly the cultivation of the cotton plant in India ; thereby relieving us from the necessity of relying exclusively upon one country, and that a foreign power, for our supply of the article; intro- ducing a competition, which will have the good effect * A direct intercourse with these districts is, at the present time, regarded as of so much consequence, that all sorts of projects are on foot to secure it. A railway is talked of, but the distance to be traversed (nearly 3,000 miles) seems to render this impracticable. The British Columbia Overland Transit Com- pany advertise that they will organize a perfect land transport train of horses and spring-carts, from Lake Superior to British Columbia, ana hope to make the journey in twelve days. They propose to commence their operations this summer (1862). CHAP. VI.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 309 of checking any undue rise in its price, and opening out new fields for our manufactures amongst the vast populations of Hindostan and adjacent countries. The commerce between Great Britain and the United States employed, in 1860, nearly 4,000 vessels of more than 3,500,000 tons. The precise figures were as follow : shipping Entered Cleared SHIPS. 1,932 2,000 TONS. 1,724,048 1,804,046 Britain and the United States. TOTAL . . 3,932 . . . 3,528,094 Of these the largest proportion were American ships: Propor- tions of COUNTRY. ENTERED. CLEARED. TOTAL. American and British shipping. SHIPS. TONNAGE. SHIPS. TONNAGE. SHIPS. TONNAGE. British .... 613 488,181 629 522,678 1,242 1,010,859 United States . . 1,174 1,174,991 1,178 1,164,110 2,352 2,339,101 Other Countries . 145 60,876 193 117,258 339 178,134 TOTAL . . . 1,932 1,724,048 2,000 1,804,046 3,932 3,528,094 Although it appears from this that British com- Thi merce with the United States is in the hands of foreigners to the extent of more than two to one, yet, viewed practically, there is nothing in this cir- cumstance which ought to occasion us any regret. The people .of the United States are exporters of cotton, tobacco, corn, and other bulky articles which we consume. Under any condition of com- merce it is natural that the vendor should send his goods to market in his own way. The Americans send their cotton, corn, &c. to our markets in their own ships, just as we send our manufactures to India, Australia, and China in our own ships. A farmer takes his cartload of hay to market in his 310 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. own cart; and the American sends his cotton and corn to us in his own ship. It would be unnatural to suppose that it should be otherwise; and instead of regretting that American ships resort to our ports in such large numbers as they do, we ought to rejoice that they come here to trade with us, bringing articles that we require, and purchasing goods from us with which they may themselves trade with other markets to which they have access. For it is to be observed that the American vessels which bring American produce to this country rarely leave our ports without cargo. There are some countries with which our trade is, unfortunately, quite one-sided. Our own North American pro- vinces, for example, sent us, in 1860, 2,178 ship- loads of their produce ; but they only cleared out 1,522 ships from our ports, and of those no less than 600 ships, comprehending -half the tonnage, were in ballast. On the other hand, the very small proportion of American vessels that clear out in ballast is remarkable. Of those which cleared in 1860, the proportion in ballast was not one-tenth. SHIPS. TONNAGE. Total United States' Ships Cleared . . 1,178 . . . 1,164,110 Of which Cleared in Ballast 105 ... 93,867 character This is to be largely accounted for by the system American which prevails in the American shipping trade, shipping A n American shipowner knows the value of keep- ing his vessel constantly employed. He will, there- fore, take cargo at any place for any place. If, when he has brought freight from New Orleans to England, he does not find a return freight from England to New Orleans, he is prepared to go in any other direction in which freight may be required. It is altogether wrong to speak of this as injurious to the interests of British shipping. It JHAP. VI.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 31 1 is of the very life and soul of commerce; the very essence of a sound system of international trade; and instead of looking with any jealousy upon this commerce, or regarding it as a rivalry, we ought to rejoice, as a manufacturing and exporting nation, that the Americans are in a position to come into our markets as purchasers and carriers of our manufac- tures and products to other regions where they are needed for consumption. Our commerce with the countries which may be our trade considered to form Central America, may be thus CENTRAL classified I AMERICA. COMMERCE WITH CENTRAL AMERICA, 1860. STATES. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Mexico 490,221 .... 538,949 Central America . . 224,909 .... 196,091 New Granada . . . 555,177 .... 854,500 Venezuela .... 24,940 .... 327,357 Central America (or the Mosquito Country, as it is Central sometimes called) is the central portion of the long Amenca - isthmus which unites North and South America ; its boundaries being our own settlement of Belize, and the Mexican states upon the north, and the republic of New Granada on the south. This territory comprises Guatemala, Honduras, San Salvador, Nicaragua and Costa Rica, each being a " separate independent re- public " under its own government. We trade on the Atlantic seaboard with Truxillo, and a number of small shipping-ports in the Gulf of Honduras. The settle- ment of Bluefields, claimed by the " King of the Mosquito territory," to whom we some years since made a present of a flag, is situated in Nicaragua, and it is at this part of the Panama Isthmus that the English have sought to establish a line of communi- cation across it, either by a canal or railroad. A proportion of our trade with the States of Central America is carried on from our West India 312 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. \i. dependencies and from our settlement at Belize (Honduras). New With New Granada our principal trade is over the Granada. Isthmus of Panama, by railway of about thirty- five miles long, which a New York Company has provided from Chagres to Panama. We have also a trade with this country at the ports of Cartagena, Venezuela. Santa Marta, &c. With the state of Venezuela, of which we acknowledged the independence in 1834, we have been doing a gradually increasing trade. The country is rich in vegetable products, and it Panama has some minerals. The straw hats, best known as Panama hats, come principally from this country. They have been long known to Europeans in the West Indies for their extreme lightness, cleanliness, and durability, and also for their efficiency in pro- tecting the head from the heat of the sun. They formerly fetched immoderate prices in Jamaica and other British colonies : in some of which, first-rate Panama hats were sold retail at as much as a Spanish doubloon, or 5Z. 6s. 8d. each. These hats have of late years become an article of commerce in England. Here they fetch about a guinea each in the shops ; but these are fictitious prices, of course far above their intrinsic value. A number of Panama hats are sent from London to Germany, where the fashions are less opposed to their use than in London or in Paris. Mexico. In Mexico, the chief ports traded with are Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Campeachy. Up to a recent period illicit trade a very large portion of the trade of Mexico was illicit ; lco ' and nearly the whole of the goods so introduced were paid for in the gold and silver of the country. Mexico, however, has of recent years adopted a somewhat better system in relation to trade ; and, if the country was settled under a responsible government, it is pos- sible that her commerce would greatly increase. CHAP. VL] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 313 Cochineal and various sorts of woods form the imports principal proportion of the imports from Mexico. Mexico. The Brazil wood, which is the largest article of Brazil Import, is much used to impart a red dye. This w wood, it should be mentioned, does not derive its name from Brazil ; on the contrary, that empire is supposed to have been so denominated from the quantities of the " Madera del Brasil" (as the Spaniards call it), which was observed by early navi- gators to abound upon its coasts. The mahogany we Mahogany, get from Vera Cruz and Tampico is not of first-rate quality ; but the trade in this article at home is of such a character that quantity is more desired than quality in dealing with it. The cochineal insect is cultivated Cochineal. with more success on the plains of Mexico than any- where else ; and this article, from its hitherto high value and small compass, has been an important article of commerce. Whether it will continue so may be doubtful, seeing the advance made by chemists in the production of dyes. Jalap, which we derive Jalap, almost exclusively from Mexico, takes its name from Xalappa (or Jalap a), a town in the interior of that country, and is brought to us in irregular round or pear-shaped masses. Its taste is extremely nauseous. It is a well-known and powerful medicine, but is not used in the arts. Vera Cruz is the best market for sarsa- sarsaparilla, which is also grown in Honduras, Brazil, pariUa ' and Jamaica : the produce of each country having its own price. It is imported in bales. Vanelloes (or Vanilla) is the fruit of a species of vine which grows extensively in Mexico. It is principally used in preparing and mixing with chocolate, and is, on that account, largely exported from Mexico to Spain. In England, latterly, it has been used to flavour ices, tarts, &c. There are four sorts of vanelloes, differing in price and quality. The best comes from the village 314 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Fustic. of Zentilla. Fustic is the wood of a species of mul- berry. It produces a yellow dye. The fustic of Cuba is more esteemed than that of the Spanish Main or Jamaica. VALUE OF IMPOSTS FROM THE STATES OF CENTRAL AMERICA, 1860. Exports to Mexico, &c. ARTICLES. MEXICO. CENTRAL AMERICA. .NEW GRANADA. VENE- ZUELA. Brazil Wood 172,060 Mahogany 96,652 22,826 67,384 19,220 142,825 Nicaragua Wood 65,121 263 2,192 17,261 406 15,475 15,077 S3 4,371 Vanelloes 8,383 8,205 10 180 9,239 7,786 17,912 3,979 35,251 140,228 Balsam of Peru 6 433 Coffee 104 767 Hides 13 691 100 184 25 475 J COl 4694 c 9 such large quantities of the hides, bones, tallow, horns, hair, wool, grease, and skins from Buenos Ayres and Monte Video. These republics, torn to pieces for a long period by their internal discords, are now beginning to develop their great wealth. Cattle of Cattle, course constitute the chief property of the country. Some of them are consumed by the people, but the larger part are sent to slaughter-houses, where the flesh is dried in the sun, converted into jerked beef,* and exported to various parts of America, the hides, horns, and tallow coming mostly to us. Mules, * "Jerked," from the Peruvian " Charqui," or "dried." "Charqiii" is the principal animal food of the lower classes in Peru. ( Vide Prescott's Peru, vol. i. p. 141.) 320 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Exports to South America. sheep, and horses are also largely bred in the coun- try. The mules are chiefly exported to Cuba, where that animal is in much request as a beast of burden. Monte Video lying on the north and Buenos Ay res on the south side of the broad estuary of the river Plate, their internal trade is with different localities. Monte Video has gained on Buenos Ayres, in con- sequence chiefly of the superior character of its har- bour ; the shallowness of the water at the latter port obliging the vessels to lie far off the shore, and even their boats being obliged to load and unload into ox- carts in the water. Our exports to these countries were as follows in EXPORTATIONS TO BRAZIL. URUGUAY. BUENOS AYRES. Home Productions 4,446,776 922,733 1 782 447 Colonial and Foreign Productions 124,532 21,269 38,488 TOTAL 4 571 308 944 002 1,820,935 The various articles exported may be thus clas- sified : EXPORTS TO SOUTH AMERICA, I860. ARTICLES. BRAZIL. URUGUAY. BUENOS AYRES. Cotton Manufactures .... Woollen .... 2,360,437 258,044 300,950 453,482 194,827 28,092 873,977 373,012 69,175 Linen Manufactures 215,453 25,718 50,382 Hardwares and Cutlery .... Butter 124,251 132,410 44,394 79,051 Copper 91,412 3,990 89,922 12,884 11,577 Machinery 94,315 12,487 Beer and Al6 70,389 15,659 25,331 Apparel 68,676 46,174 111,865 CHAP. VI.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 321 EXPORTS TO SOUTH AMERICA, 1860 (continued}. ARTICLES. BRAZIL. URUGUAY. BUENOS AYRES. Leather Manufactures .... Earthenware 49,289 59,662 34,541 33,477 29,301 29,403 30,104 30,760 24,141 19,241 17,901 4,782 3,206 10,864 11,665 7,318 3,688 8,927 14,839 13,904 3,710 6,374 21,295 12,930 7,234 3,033 5,946 6,742 Lead and Shot . . . . Plate Silk Manufactures Soda Tin Plates Painters' Colours Linseed Oil .... ... Musical Instruments .... Stationery . Drusrs On more accounts than one this is an exceedingly character interesting record. Not only does it show a very large increase in the demand for British goods, but more, perhaps, than in the case of any other country with which we trade, it shows a demand for articles of luxury, proving the advantages which our commerce confers upon the nations with which it is established, as well as on ourselves. Brazil is, indeed, in a con- dition of very remarkable prosperity ; and as she has prospered, so has our trade with her increased. Next to the United States she is now our best cus- tomer on the American continent, and it is gratifying to find that her imports from Great Britain exhibit a large per-centage of excess over her imports from all the other countries of the world. It may be hoped that the other States of South America as they become tranquillised under settled governments will increase in that prosperity which enables them, even now, to deal so largely in our highest-class productions. 322 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Looking at their wants and at our means of supply- ing them, there can be little question that in a few years, if the people will apply themselves to the development of their means, our trade with South America may afford as rich a harvest as any branch of British commerce thus realizing the anticipations of Mr. Canning, when, nearly forty years ago, he " opened a new world to British industry," in re- cognising the independence of the States of South America.* In 1860 > 582 shi P s > witl1 a tonna g e of 171,323 tons, were employed in our trade with Central and South America. Of these nearly one-half were employed in the trade of the Brazils. The share of London in this trade was to the extent of 176 vessels of 62,181 tons ; whilst that of Liverpool was 497 vessels of 178,915 tons. These countries having few vessels of their own, their trade is almost entirely carried on by British shipping. Some very large steamers, owned ^7 an English company, were a short time since steam laid on as packet vessels from Liverpool to Lisbon, Madeira, St. Vincent, Pernambuco, Bahia, and Bio de Janeiro. They were understood to be subsidized by the Portuguese and Brazilian Governments ; and they certainly afforded a very admirable agency for communication between all the ports most in- terested in the trade between Europe and South America. Prom whatsoever cause, the line, however, does not appear to have succeeded, and it has been discontinued. The ordinary trade is conducted in large sailing vessels. ^ * s ^necessary to make more than passing mention of PARAGUAY and PATAGONIA, with which * A submarine telegraph between Buenos Ayres and Monte Video is about to be laid, and railroads have been contracted for in both territories, and are in process of construction in that of Buenos Ayres. CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 323 we have scarcely any commercial relations; as could, indeed, hardly be expected, the former being an inland and the latter a scarcely civilized terri- tory. We have no direct exports to these countries, and we have only derived from the former some tobacco, and from the latter a supply of guano, vary- ing in amount in different years. Upon the settle- ment of Paraguay, some years since, notifications were issued by the President, with a view to stimu- late British commerce up the river ; and since 1855 English steamers have navigated the Parana and south Uruguay ; Rosario, Salto, and Arijaba being the principal places traded with. Passing round Cape Horn, we come, next, to the countries of the Pacific, CHILI and PERU, with PACIFIC. which our commerce is more satisfactory. Prom Chili we receive large quantities of the precious metals, and of copper, in bars and ore. The exporta- tion of the latter mineral has recently most largely increased, and in 1860 exceeded 2,000,000/. Chili Chili - also sends us some corn, and a fair supply of wools of different descriptions. Prom Peru, our principal import is guano (the excrement of wild sea-birds), Peru which is found in vast quantities on the coast, and on some small unoccupied islands, amongst which may be named Lobos de Afuera, about fifty miles from the mainland.* In 1858 we imported guano from Peru to * Our first discovery of guano was made in 1843, on Ichaboe, an island of about a mile in circumference, two and a half or three miles from the mainland of Africa, lat. 26 13' S., long. 14 15' E., a rainless district, in which fresh water is very difficult to find. The first shipment was brought home by a Captain Parr, of the Anne, of Bristol, who is said to have been the first human being who set foot on the island, which was very difficult of approach, there being no harbour and a heavy surf. Captain Parr stated that " he could scarcely tread without setting his foot on birds, who took no notice of him whatever, except pecking at his feet, he being at the time barefooted. On a gun being fired, they merely fluttered about, making much noise." Ichaboe was immediately most largely resorted to, and as early as 1844 the whole of the guano on the island had been 'carried away, although the deposit was from thirty-five to thirty-eight feet deep. The Peruvian Y 2 324 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Imports from Chili and Peru. the value of nearly 4,000,000/. In 1860 the impor- tation was to the extent of something less than 1,500,000/., still an immense amount to be paid for a manure. No guano that has ever been im- ported is at all equal to that from Peru, which arises from the circumstance that the coast on which it is found is rarely if ever subject to rainfall, which would destroy the usefulness of the manure by washing away the ammoniacal salts which constitute its value.* The trade in guano is a monopoly of the Peruvian Government, for whom Messrs. Anthony Gibbs and Sons, of London, have for many years acted as the agents. The following were the IMPORTS FROM CHILI AND PERU IN 1860. ARTICLES. CHILI. PEKU. Copper Ore and Wrought Copper 2 015 683 85 704 Silver Ore 319 261 30 914 Nitre Cubic 40 476 446 030 Alpaca and Llama. Wool 58443 263 635 Wool, Sheep and Lambs' 21 925 145 555 Wheat and Flour 21 705 Orchal IS 521 Peruvian Bark 14 685 24226 Mother of Pearl, Shells 9 815 Cocoa 6 398 Raw Cotton 4 030 9 518 Coffee 3 fi74 Guano ^ . 1 469 508 Borax 16 565 Hides 14 401 Tin, and Tin Ore 42 e95- guano supply is said to be almost inexhaustible. The manure is described as covering all the small islands and cliffs of the coast. Guano was used as a manure in Peru before the country was visited by the Spaniards. * It may be observed, in passing, that in this one fact consists the whole ques- tion, so long debated, of the value or inutility of what are called "Sewage CHAP. VI.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 325 Our exports to these countries show a somewhat Amount of . , T mi exports to increasing trade. 1 hey were in chiiiana Peru. YEAR. CHILI. PERU. TOTAL. 1840 1,334,873 799,991 2,134,864 1845 1,077,615 878,708 1,956,323 1850 1,156,266 845,639 2,001,905 1855 1,387,073 1,345,438 2,732,511 1860 1,737,929 1,428,172 3,166,101 The analytical table of exports will show that the Articles of population of the two countries require, to a very great extent, the same articles. Chili is the richer, Peru the more populous nation ; but the real difference in the condition of the two nations is probably occasioned by the guano, which is now the largest export of Peru, being a commodity exported not by the people, but by the Government of the country ; and the advantage derived from it as an article of commerce, going, accordingly, into the State revenue instead of being distributed amongst the population. Manures." The excreta of the population of London, and our other large towns, is sent from the houses into sewers, mingled with large quantities of water from cisterns, &c. In the sewers it becomes still further mixed with many times its own quantity of water, from rain-fall and street drainage. In its passage to the outfall the sewage becomes churned and washed by this water, until it is deprived of almost every particle of the ammonia which constitutes its fertilizing property. All attempts which have hitherto been made to re-collect the excreta, and form a solid manure from it, have proved failures ; and, in a liquid state, the sewage water itself appears to have little greater fertilizing power, when applied to land, than a corresponding amount of rain-fall or clean water applied by hose or jet- The only modes of making the sewage of towns available for the purposes of manure would be either to collect the excreta from the houses, or to convey it into some sort of tank or receptacle, independently of rain water, from whence it could be conveyed away in closed carts, as is done in Paris. But it is improbable that the inhabitants of London and other large towns in England, who have spent so much to obtain a perfect system of drainage from their houses to the great natural outfalls, will ever consent to resort to a system which restores the era of cesspools, and the pollution of the soil and of its waters, which were formerly so much complained of. 326 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. EXPORTS TO CHILI AND PERU, 1860. ARTICLES. CHILI. PERU. 1,022,640 801,430 173,333 220,633 Iron Goods . 122,599 31,023 53,095 70,418 Hardware and Cutlery 51,689 38,173 Coals . . ....... 23,090 10,787 22,198 26,300 20,539 Machinery 16,281 15,370 Beer and Ale 16,698 13,969 Cotton Yarn 16,411 Leather and Harness 13,701 10,562 EmDtv Baers 12,367 6,835 Glass Manufactures 12,509 7,131 11,690 9,908 Silk Manufactures 9,184 9 562 8,885 8 149 Earthenware 8,853 24 829 Painters' Colours 8,077 Bricks 4,690 3,732 8,542 Stationery 3,468 2 154 Furniture 2822 goda 2 750 Plate and Jewellery 2 713 862 Tin Plates 2441 3 166 1 848 2 652 Bees' Wax 11 895 Ports. The commerce of Chili is principally carried on at Valparaiso, which is the most central depot for the productions of the country. Caldera and Coquimbo are also considerable places of export. A trade of some amount is carried on by muleteers, across the Cordilleras, and supplies of European goods are thus indirectly obtained by the Chilians from Buenos Ayres ; but, in 1858, this trade did not amount to more than one-twentieth of that carried on by sea. The import trade of Peru is chiefly conducted at Callao, CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 32J which is the port of Lima, the capital. Lima, in the days of the Spanish occupation, was the grand entrepot for the trade of all the west coast of South America ; but this is now ended. The guano, which is now the chief article of export from Peru,* is obtained direct from the Chincha islands, and there- fore the export trade of Callao only amounts to about one-fourth of its import. Our trade with the small States of BOLIVIA and Our trade ECUADOR, although limited, demands a passing BOLIVIA. notice. The former republic has, of late years, sent us, directly, a considerable supply of copper ore and regulus. The supply has increased as follows : COPPER IMPORTED FROM BOLIVIA. Copper ore. YEAR. TONS. VALUE. 1856 1,129 18,086 1857 1,569 32,344 1858 1,898 34,931 1859 3,531 ..... 110,515 I860 5,239 175,797 Bolivia also exports a quantity of silver, and some Sil ver. gold, chiefly obtained from the mines of Potosi, and estimated to amount in value to about 2,000,000 Spanish dollars per annum. She is possessed of some Guano, guano beds ; but the quality of the Bolivian guano is very inferior to that of the Peruvian. In regard to exports, we send nothing direct to Bolivia, except a little quicksilver for use in her mines; but the people derive supplies of European commodities from Valparaiso, Callao, and Panama. With Ecuador we did a trade in 1860 amounting * The whole commercial exports of Peru in 1859 were valued at 16,700,000 Spanish dollars, of which the guano was estimated at 8,500,000. Llama and Alpaca wool is rapidly becoming a considerable item of Peruvian export. We are indebted for the use made of this article to Mr. Salt, of Saltaire, near Bradford, who first applied it in manufactures. " Alpacas " now form a very important class of woollen goods. 328 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. to nearly 200,000/., our chief imports and exports being Trade TRADE WITH ECUADOR, 1860. with Ecuador. . I MPO RTS. VALUED AT Cocoa 73,744 Orchal 23,610 Caoutchouc 3,241 Bark and Sarsaparilla . . 611 Other Articles 5,797 EXPORTS. VALUED AT Cottons 48,218 Hardware and Iron . . . 7,696 Linens and Woollens . . . 5,406 Earthenware 1,777 Silks, Wine, Pepper, &c. . 2,122 Precious This republic also exports precious metals from the al8 ' mines near Quito, but their development has been small of late in consequence of the distracted state of the country. Guayaquil is the port with which trade is carried on, for which its situation, depth of water, and other circumstances well adapt it. Trade Having spoken of the trade of the continent, it is nex * necessary to speak of our trade with the islands of America. The foreign islands with which we trade o islands, consist of the republic of Haiti, Cuba and Porto Rico, St. Thomas and the other Danish "West India islands, &c. Our trade with Haiti is larger than might be anticipated from the circumstances of that republic It will be recollected that there was a revolution in December, 1858, when the Emperor Eaustin Soulouque fled, and General Eabre Geffrard proclaimed a re- public, became president, and, as his first act of authority, re-named the capital, " Port au Prince," " Port re*publicain." The largest proportion of the Haitian trade is done with the United States ; but England has about a third of the whole. In 1860 our trade with Haiti was : Imports .... 123,147 | Exports .... 417,072 of which the items were as follow : CHAP. VI.] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. IMPORTS. Mahogany VALUED AT 84 473 EXPORTS. Cotton Goods .... VALUED AT . 274,345 Logwood . . 17 964 Linens 76,223 Lignum Vitse 6,260 Woollens 8,722 Satin Wood 3,593 Hardware and Iron . . 13,011 Fustic 2,896 Earthenware 10,215 Coffee 2,930 Apparel 5,464 Cotton 626 Soap 3,529 Other Articles . 21.424 Foreim Produce. &c. . 4.133 The Haitians, it will be observed, send us scarcely anything but their woods. Of a very different character was our trade with the CUBA and PORTO Spanish islands of CUBA and PORTO Rico. In 1860 our RI CO . imports from those islands amounted to 3,288,106/., and our exports to 1,609,696^. : total, 4,897,802/. This trade is of much more considerable value than might have been expected, and, as we shall hereafter see, does not fall very far short of our trade with all our own British possessions in the "West Indies put The different articles of import and export together, were : IMPORTS. VALUED AT Sugar and Molasses . . . 2,622,361 Cigars and Tobacco . . . 291,417 Copper Ore 243,893 Mahogany, &c. Cedar Wood . Rum .... Fustic . . . Coffee. . . . Other Articles . EXPORTS. VALUED AT Cotton Goods 462,909 Linen 353,855 Iron 171,904 65,174 Machinery 98,231 20,742 Apparel and Slops . . . . 74,296 11,513 Hardwares 73,877 3,969 Rice 70,533 322 Coals 60,276 28,725 Earthenware 38,263 Beer and Ale 33,459 Copper 30,400 Glass Manufactures . . . 15,398 The imports show the great development of these rich and fertile islands ; and the exports illustrate the advance which Cuba is making in the construction of railways, for which such considerable quantities of iron, machinery, and coals are required. The great wealth of Cuba gives reason to hope that our trade Imports and ex- ports. 330 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Prospects with her may undergo a large increase. Hitherto, the trade! 8 United States have done the largest share of the busi- ness of Cuba, not only in consequence of their proxi- mity, but in consequence of their being able to take the sugars of the island, and to supply in return the flour, salt fish, timber, &c. required for the island use. There seems some reason to hope that this trade may in a large measure be diverted. The increasing demand for sugar in Europe, and the excellent quality of that received from Cuba, must stimulate the exports of the island. The tobacco of Cuba we are always prepared to take, and the blockade of the southern ports of the United States ought greatly to stimulate this branch of commerce. The mines in Cuba are chiefly in the hands of British capitalists, who are understood to be working them successfully, which must give England an increased interest in the trade of the island; whilst the difficulties existing in America, the blockade of the Southern ports, with which Cuba carried on such extensive intercourse, and the political spirit which the Americans have evinced, as regards Cuba herself (a spirit which the Spanish population of the island have deeply re- sented), must be calculated to bring England and Cuba more and more into commercial contact. The sugar Our own equalization of the sugar duties will do much, no doubt, to stimulate commerce with posses- sions which for a long period we were practically debarred from trading with. The immense increase of importation which that equalization has occasioned is shown by the following account of our general IMPORTS FROM CUBA AND PORTO Rico. YEAR. AMOUNT. 1840 514,782 1845 695,379 1850 849,278 1855 2,332,753 1860 3,288,116 CHAP. VI.] CCtttMERCE WITH AMERICA. 331 It may be, however, objected that in deriving so large a proportion of our sugar from Cuba and Porto ti Rico, we are doing injustice and injury to our own colonies, and making no distinction between slave labour and free. On this head the following table will be interesting. It shows the quantity of sugar imported into this country in different years, and proves that the equalization of the sugar duties has not diminished the import from our own possessions, but has simply enabled us to obtain that additional quantity from foreign countries, which our own colonies and possessions cannot supply, but which the wants of our population and of our commerce render it necessary that we should acquire. SUGAR IMPORTED. YEAR. FROM BRITISH POSSESSIONS. FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES. TOTAL. 1840 CWTS. 3,592,092 CTVTS. 2,315 CWTS. 3,594,407 1844 4,129,345 98 4,129,443 1846 4,617,509 602,739 5,220,248 1850 5,183,097 908,395 6,091,492 1854 5,589,467 2,439,291 8,028,758 1860 5,431,912 3,385,365 8,817,277 It therefore appears that instead of 3,500,000 cwts. received from all countries in 1840, we now are able to obtain a supply of nearly 9,000,000 cwts. of sugar ; of which 5,500,000 cwts. is obtained from our own possessions. The result, in fact, of the equalization has been to benefit the consumer, the merchant, and the shipowner, whilst stimulating the sugar cultiva- tion in our own possessions, and increasing by many millions both our colonial and foreign trade. Our supply of sugar in 1860 was drawn from the following countries : 332 THE PORT AND TKADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Countries which supply our sugar. Shipping employed in the trade. Trade with the FRENCH, COUNTRY. IMPORTED. VALUE. British West India/ Islands CWTS. 2,491,120 3,364,730 Cuba 1,382,398 1,998,051 1,163,732 1,537,218 British Guiana 884,490 1,202,403 British East Indies 760,875 978,347 547,669 688,561 432,943 517,412 Philippine Islands 381,809 471,194 262,713 381,355 157,742 229,728 Holland . 112,984 147,785 Dutch Guiana 60,304 82,047 giam 46,803 64,773 Other Parts 131,695 174,257 TOTAL 8,817,277 11 837 861 Our largest foreign supply, therefore, comes now from Cuba. The rapid development of her trade with us in this article is shown by the fact that, in 1856, Cuba only sent us 736,165 cwts., so that she has nearly doubled her supply in the short space of four years. The largest proportion of the trade with Cuba and the foreign West India Islands is done in London. London employed in it in 1860, 205 ships of 52,984 tons, Liverpool only employing 117 ships of 27,940 tons. The larger proportion of the ships engaged in this trade are foreign, probably American vessels, which take a cargo from the United States to Cuba, and obtain freight of sugar and tobacco from thence to England. In the trade with Porto Rico (which has not the same amount of intercourse with the United States), it should be observed that the greater propor- tion of the tonnage employed is British. Owing to differential duties on shipping, our direct trade with the French possessions in the West Indies (Guadaloupe, Martinique, &c.), amounts to NIL. We CHAP. VL] COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. 333 send them some small supplies of coals, but receive nothing from them worthy record. With the Dutch DUTCH, possessions (St. Martin, St. Eustatius, and Cura9oa) our trade is larger. We receive their produce (chiefly divi-divi and fustic) to the extent of about 9,000. a year; and we sent them cottons, linens, woollens, earthenware, and hardware to the extent, in 1860, of 43,000. With Dutch Guiana we have a sugar trade amounting to between 80,000. and 90,000/. annually, and we supply them in return with British manufac- tures amounting to about 25,OOOZ. a year. But our chief trade with the smaller islands is with the Danish possession of St. Thomas, which is the coaling and DANISH station of the Royal Mail Steam Packets, and which islands. has consequently become an entrepot for British goods intended for consumption in the other islands. In 1860, our export trade to St. Thomas amounted to st. 678,138^. ; cottons, linens, woollens, hardwares, ap- Thomas - parel, iron, and coals being the principal articles embraced in the total. St. Thomas is a small island, and it has, of course, very little of its own to send us in return ; but as imports from it the Board of Trade record the following articles, all of which, no doubt, came to St. Thomas from the Spanish Main and Panama, and were re-transhipped there for England by some commission agent : Pearls 34,770 Platina 5,279 Straw Hats 4,398 Jewels, Unset 2,060 It should be observed that the pearl fishery is importa- carried on to a large extent in the neighbourhood of pe ari. the Isthmus of Panama. In 1851 a vessel arrived in London with a cargo of no less than 2,104,000 pearl shells, to be used, no doubt, as mother-of-pearl. This is said to have been the largest importation of the sort 334 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. then known. These shells are extensively used in the manufacture of buttons, knife-handles, inlaid boxes, toys, &c. Trade The association which there is between the trade of westCoLt ^ ne continent of America and the West Indies, and of Africa, the trade of the western coast of Africa, may excuse a reference to the latter trade in this place. The trade of England with the west coast of Africa is, we rejoice to believe, an altered trade. We have been able of late years to find on the western coast of Africa a commodity of great value, for which we can deal with the chiefs and people on the coast without having any direct concern in that abominable traffic in mankind which is still carried on in that region by some other nations. Palm oil. Although palm oil was known to us half a century ago, the trade in it received no impulse until about ten years since, when some large candle and soap manufacturers were wise enough to see in this article an admirable substitute for more expensive ingre- dients. The consequence was that a demand for palm oil arose so rapidly as far to exceed the means of supply. Gradually, however, the trade has been developed wherever the palm-tree grows along the coast of Guinea, and we now receive this commodity annually to the value of upwards of a million and a half. in ,. The trade with the western coast of Africa has trade always had its chief seat at Liverpool. The merchants ducted, of that port at the present time freight steam-vessels with goods for the African coast, and send them out to trade. Up to a very recent period the whole trade was conducted, by barter, on the ships' decks. The CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AFRICA. 335 native chiefs came off and bargained for the goods dis- played under their eyes, promising so many casks of oil for a few cowries,* brass buttons, beads, or calicoes. The goods which the chiefs received for their oil were usually taken away from the ship at once ; but as the time at which the oil could be shipped depended upon a variety of circumstances, the vessels in the trade were sometimes compelled to lie off the coast for very con- siderable periods before their cargoes were completed. Upon the duration of this detention mainly depended the success of the speculation the material cost of the oil consisting in the cost of freight. Recently, however, all this has undergone considerable altera- tion, the principal houses having appointed agents on the coast, who purchase the oil in anticipation of the arrival of the vessel by which it is to be shipped. In England palm oil has fluctuated exceedingly in Uses of price, according to supply and demand. The purposes pa ! for which it is being used are, however, becoming more numerous, and, consequently, the demand for it is likely to prove more steady, and the supply more regular and more abundant. Combined with other materials it is largely used for lubricating the axles of railway carriages, and most of our best soaps now contain a greater or less proportion of this oil. From the character of this trade it is very difficult character of the to give any real account of the value of the exports trade. and imports. The intrinsic value of the cowries and beads, with which we trade with the chiefs, amounts to very little, whilst the oil imported generally ac- quires a value in the market far beyond its intrinsic worth at the place of shipment. The following is the official account of the trade : * We import cowrie-shells from the Maldives expressly for this trade. It should be observed that cowries are used as a small coin in many parts of Southern Asia, as well as on the coast of Guinea. From 3,000 to 4,000 cowries go to a rupee in Bengal. 336 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Africa. TRADE WITH IMPORTS. TALUED AT Palm Oil f i fis4 sa9! AFRICA, 1860. EXPORTS. Cotton Goods VALUED AT 464,661 161,782 74,192 68,351 50,314 56,538 25,147 24,158 23,227 20,820 15,695 14,421 12,900 14,585 7,636 4,079 8.129 Elephants' Teeth . . . . 35,672 8,939 Guns and Gunpowder . . Tobacco 7 370 Rum Raw Cotton . . . . . 6,094 Hardwares and Cutlery . . Wood Staves and Casks Iron Ebony ... . . . 3,797 2 590 Bees' Wax 2 134 Apparel, &c Cotton Yarn Brass Manufactures . . . British Spirits Silk Manufactures . . . Beads, Home and Foreign . Cowries * Camwood a dyeing, is brought Leone. red wood, used in chiefly from Sierra Salt Soap Cot>r>er The character of the trade upon this coast is signi- ficantly attested by the lists of exports. The guns and gunpowder, tobacco, rum, spirits, beads, cowries, &c. bespeak a traffic carried on in anything but the spirit in which we must all desire to see a large commerce conducted. Let us hope that the time may come when the trade with Western Africa may assume all the characteristics of a legitimate commerce. It has made great advances : there is still room for im- provement. And if Europeans once get over the stigma which the slave trade has brought upon them, there is ample room for commerce in hitherto unex- plored regions of the African continent. That con- tinent is variously estimated to contain from seventy to one hundred millions of human beings. It is impos- sible not to be struck with the following account given by Mr. Livingstone of one of the numerous attempts made by the natives to trade with his exploring party in a district removed from the demoralized region of the coast : CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH AFRICA. 337 " Throughout this region the women are almost entirely naked, their gowns being a patch of cloth frightfully narrow with no flounces. Nothing could exceed the eagerness with which they offered to purchase strips of calico of an inferior description. They were delighted at getting pieces about two feet long in ex- change for a fowl and a basket of upwards of twenty pounds of meal. Many of the women, with true maternal feeling, held up their little naked babies, entreating us to sell only a little rag for them. The fire, they say, is their only clothing by night, and the little ones derive heat by clinging closely to their parents. Instead of a skin or cloth to carry their babies in, the women plait a belt, about four inches broad, of the inner bark of a tree, and this, hung like a soldier's belt, enables them to support the child by placing it on their side in a sitting position." With MOROCCO a direct trade is now transacted to Our trade the extent of 280,000/. imports, and 214,000. exports ; MOROCCO. total, say half a million annually. Some English goods, however, intended for this country go to Gibraltar, which keeps up a constant communication with Tangiers, Tetuan, and El Araish, receiving from those places large supplies of fruit, vegetables, cattle, and other articles of provision for the garrison and population. Mogadore is the port with which our Port of direct trade is conducted, it being the most convenient for trade with the capital and the interior. The staples of Mogadore are gums and almonds ; but we have lately been deriving from this country considerable supplies of beans and other commodities. Up to 1856 our trade with Morocco was crippled by a series of monopolies, and by excessive duties laid upon the principal articles of commerce, both exported and imported. In December, 1856, a treaty, for which The treaty we are indebted to our consul-general, Mr. Drummond Hay, was concluded at Tangiers between her Britannic Majesty and the Sultan of Morocco, by which most of the monopolies were abolished and moderate rates z 338 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, vi Imports and ex- ports, Morocco. Trade with the Barbary coast. Algeria. of duty established ; British merchants were at the same time relieved from many oppressive and annoy- ing restrictions, and important concessions were made to commerce. Our export trade has consequently been increasing in amount. TRADE WITH MOROCCO. IMPORTS FROM. EXPORTS TO. . 14,222 . 31,799 YEAR. 1840 .. . 1850 . . 1854 231,593 92,556 1857 344,301 190,097 1860 280,424 214,510 And it may be hoped that the recent financial opera- tions which have led to closer relations between this country and Morocco, may further extend the com- mercial intercourse between the two countries. The following . list shows the principal articles of our trade with Morocco in 1860 : EXPORTS. IMPORTS. VALUED AT Corn (Beans and Maize) . . 119,487 Almonds 34,828 Wool, Sheep's . 32 161 Bees' Wax 20,219 Olive Oil 19,831 Gum 18,520 Ostrich Feathers . . . 17,551 VALT7ED AT Cotton Goods 134,324 Sugar 16,642 Copper 3,650 Iron 2,785 Linen Goods 1,399 Woollen 1,179 Colonial and other Produce. 43,086 With the other States on the African shore of the Mediterranean, formerly known as the Barbary States, but now described separately as Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, we have, comparatively, very little trade. The business of Algiers is carried on with Marseilles; and, except coals, iron, and tele- graphic wire, we have sent little or nothing to Algiers for many years, and have only received from it some supplies of copper ore, which have grown small by degrees, until, in 1860, they only amounted XJHAP. vi.] COMMERCE WITH AFRICA, 339 to 131 tons, valued at 1,572. It remains to be seen what the Treaty of Commerce with France may do for us in regard to trade with Algeria. By the eighteenth clause, "the arrangements of the Treaty " are applicable to Algeria, both for the exportation " of her produce, and the importation of British " goods." But the great difficulty in regard to trade with Algeria is a diiferential duty imposed in the form of port- dues on vessels entering Algiers and Oran. The duty on foreign vessels amounts to as much as four francs per ton, whilst French vessels scarcely pay anything ; and practically this excludes our trading with Algeria, except in French vessels. Our exports are, therefore, limited to the supply of such articles as the Government requires for railway, telegraphic, and like purposes ; and our imports to the receipt of such copper ore as they choose to send us to smelt. TUNIS, on whose territory is the site of Carthage, Tunis, that great emporium of the ancient world, and former mistress of the seas, still carries on some com- merce. Caravans start from Tunis for Tunbuctoo and the interior of Africa, carrying cottons, linens, hard- ware, spices, &c., and bringing back gold dust, ivory, ostrich feathers, and drugs. The principal trade of Tunis with Europe is directed to Marseilles ; but some business is also carried on between Malta and Gibraltar and the ports of Tunis. Our direct trade is very small. We send out some coals, iron, indigo, and other articles ; for which we receive olive oil. With TRIPOLI it is still smaller ; indeed, but for the in- Tripoli. direct trade through our Mediterranean possessions, British commerce with this territory might be de- scribed as nil. One cause of this may be the state of the harbours on the coast, which have, in the course of time, so silted up, that any other than z 2 340 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. small vessels find it difficult to enter them. There is reason to think, however, that commerce with Tunis and Tripoli might be cultivated with ad- vantage. Both countries are rich in articles which we require, and both have commercial relations with populations able to consume many of our leading manufactures more largely than they do. A trade in the ports along this coast, skilfully conducted, would probably prove as productive as the trade which has been established along the western coast of Africa. The mulberry is largely cultivated in Tripoli, and a large quantity of silk is sent from thence to Marseilles for the looms of Lyons. In order to complete the account of our foreign trade, it is necessary to say a few words as to trade with some portions of the globe with which commerce is only, at this moment, beginning to develop itself. With the JAPANESE EMPIRE we only commenced to JAPAN. trade ^^ ^ 3^59^ when we gent Qut a ^ out 3 } ()00/. worth of goods, chiefly perfumery, soap, and candles, and received back about 100,0002. worth, in the form of raw silk, galls, soy, and Japan-ware, t In 1860 and 1861 our trade was extended. We received in 1860 goods to the amount of 167,500Z. from Japan, and in 1861 we sent them our own manufactures to the extent of 43,100Z. It is probable that with some experience of the character of the articles most in demand in Japan, we shall be able to establish an increased traffic with that country; and the visit of * The Treaty of Jeddo was signed 26th August, 1858. t The Japan-ware, which appears to be universal in the country from which we have given it its name, is obtained by the use of the milky-juice of the Rhus Vernix, or varnish-tree. Our own lacquered ware is for ordinary purposes of superior utility, and it is of course cheaper. CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH ASIA. 341 the native ambassadors, who attended the opening of our Exhibition in the current year, may extend in Japan the knowledge of the means in our possession of contributing to the comfort and happiness of their population. At the same time, we must not be too saneruine as Question as to the to the development of trade with the people of these suitability islands. Industrious, ingenious, and wealthy, as they no doubt are, it is questionable how far they are able Eur P ean consump- to send us commodities in any abundance, that are calculated for general European consumption. Japan, so far as we are acquainted with it, is a dear country. It raises, at present, little more than it consumes : and the prices of its products are governed by that cir- cumstance. The tea which we imported from Japan in 1860, was not considered well calculated for our market, and did not realize a price sufficient to induce speculation in the article. It is probable, indeed, that our acquired taste for Chinese teas of particular descriptions will prevent our speedily adopting other sorts. Besides this, it is to be borne in mind that the Japanese are a people hitherto unacquainted with commerce, and, indeed, sup- posed to be absolutely antagonistic to it. Time, therefore, and opportunity will probably be required to enable us to introduce our manufactures into general use among the Japanese. SIAM is regarded by many commercial men as a fruitful scene of future commerce. Although a country of limited extent, the people are exceedingly enterprising, and they exhibit considerable skill in Mechanical the arts, especially in ship building, navigation, and people. the use of various descriptions of machinery. For some years we have been receiving produce of various descriptions from Siam; the chief article its pro- being sugar, which is largely manufactured in that 342 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Sugar. country, not only for use, but for exportation, and of which we obtained, in 1860, about 50,000 cwts. Exports to Our direct export trade to Siam can scarcely be siam - said to have commenced before 1860, when we sent out about 13,500Z. worth of cotton goods, ma- chinery, iron, cotton yarn, and other articles. But Siam has for some years had a considerable indirect Trade of trade with England through our settlement at Singa- pore, with which its dealings in 1856 amounted to nearly 300,OOOZ. Bankok is the principal port traded with ; and besides sugar, pepper, rice, indigo, hides, sapan wood, &c., the junks which trade between Siam and Singapore often bring gold dust, elephants' teeth, bees' wax, tin, &c., showing the character of Inter - the trade which it might be possible to extend. It course between should be noticed that between Siam and China China!"" there has long existed the largest commerce yet established between any two Eastern nations. The Siamese employ a very large number of Chinese labourers, whom they induce to emigrate to their country a remarkable proof of the advanced con- dition of a nation which, whilst it is regarded in Europe as almost barbarous, knows how to employ the industry of the people of the Celestial Empire itself.* * A story current in City circles, which was taken to show the ignorance of the Siamese, might, with more reasonableness, have been employed to de- monstrate our own want of mercantile judgment and enterprise. In passing through Gracechurch-street, it was said that the Siamese envoys, who came to this country in 1860, entered a button-shop, in which they astonished the shopkeeper by purchasing of him all his old stock of brass buttons, of whatsoever description, at almost any price he chose to ask for them. It may seem at first sight ridiculous enough that choice should be made of brass buttons as an article of commerce, especially considering the very little respect we ourselves pay to the article, the very name of which, amongst ourselves, is a measure of contempt. But when we come to consider the character of the commodity its utility, its dura- bility, its appearance, and its cheapness we can scarcely fail to be struck with the ready judgment displayed by these Siamese, in making a large purchase of the article on the very first occasion on which it was brought under their notice. It is evident, in this case, that it was not novelty these people looked to, but utility ; and it really is doubtful which ought to occasion us the most surprise, that the un- civilized people were struck with the advantages of a brass button, or that we, the CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH ASIA. 343 With the MALAY peninsula and COCHIN CHINA, our whole trade is conducted from Singapore, and so is the larger proportion of our commerce with the CELEBES. The inhabitants of the latter islands are the The carriers of the Indian Archipelago. They own at least 1,000 prahus, which are all employed in commerce, Carrying the people ahhorring piracy, and defending themselves tr against the Malays with desperate valour whenever attacked by the piratical vessels of that race. The people of tlie Celebes leave their islands at the begin- ning of the Eastern monsoon, and proceed westward as far as Singapore. Their outward cargoes consist Cargoes. of gold dust, tortoiseshell, coifee, scented woods, rice, and edible birds' nests and sea slugs for Chinese epicures. They purchase considerable quantities of our cotton goods, and contrive to diffuse British manu- factures through the islands of the Eastern seas. The Dutch have been for many years endeavouring The Dutch to establish their supremacy over the population of J^STes. Celebes, but they are only able to establish themselves upon the island; and the population has occasion- ally risen against them and placed them in consider- able peril. The Dutch have recently made Macassar a free port, in the hope of diverting some part of the trade of Singapore, but the experiment has not yet met with any remarkable success. We sent to Celebes, in 1860, about 8,000/. worth of goods, but received no direct imports in return. With the settlements of the Dutch in JAVA, where JAVA. they have established the centre of their commerce with the Indian Archipelago, our direct ' trade has been very rapidly increasing, as the following return will show : civilized people the manufacturers and merchants of the world had never thought of introducing such an article into countries where it must obviously be of so much utility. 344 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. Its sugar produc- tion. Imports and exports. Increased trade between Java and Holland. EXPORTS TO JAVA. 1840 349,521 1844 378,918 1850 507,499 1854 641,912 1858 836,062 1860 . . . 1,425,724 This increase of our trade with Java indicates that our manufactures are permeating the numerous Dutch possessions in the Archipelago. To some extent, also, it results, as in the case of Cuha, from our being ahle to receive the sugars produced in large quantities in Java. The details of our commerce with Java are : IMPORTS. VALUED AT Sugar 229,728 Rice 63,666 Caoutchouc 20,380 Rattan Canes 3,446 Hides 3,116 Coffee 2,562 Pepper 1,886 Nutmegs 510 FROM SUMATRA. 13,674 Rice 1,102 Canes 131 Cassia Lignea HO EXPORTS. VALUED AT Cotton Goods 1,071,025 Machinery 77,369 Cotton Yarn 71,069 Iron 37,715 Woollen Goods 26,219 Earthenware 22,900 Copper 20,668 Hardware 16,963 Linens 8,194 Beer and Ale 7,634 Wine 5,502 Glass Manufactures . . . 5,443 Coals 4,642 Apparel 2,563 Tin Plates 1,982 General Merchandize . . . 25,402 It may he observed, that the trade of Java with Holland herself, always important, has now become of very great consequence. The private trade between Holland and her dependency is now unrestricted ; the Netherlands' Trading Company being only employed as the agent of the Government in carrying the produce of the Crown lands to Europe. Holland received from Java,in 1859, produce to the value of nearly 8,000,000/., chiefly consisting of sugar, which she refined and sent CHAP. VI.] COMMERCE WITH ASIA. 345 for consumption into the interior of Germany. The export trade of Holland to Java is not, however, more than 3,000,000., or about double the export trade of England to Java : a fact which demonstrates the great advantage we have over the Dutch as shippers of articles in general consumption. The principal trade of Java is carried on at Batavia, from whence an intercourse is maintained with most of the islands of the Eastern seas.* The trade of Java with Singapore is considerable ; but the largest proportion of the British trade is now transacted direct by British merchants settled at Batavia. The large and populous island of SUMATRA, on SUMATRA. which the Dutch have several coast settlements, is traded with through Java and Singapore. But Sumatra can scarcely yet be said to have felt the influence of European commerce. The Dutch have failed to pene- trate this important and interesting island; the in- terior of which is almost unknown, although it is said to contain fifteen different nations, of which six have made considerable progress in civilization. It will * The Dutch colonial possessions in Asia, with their geographical areas, are as follows : commerce. SQUARE MILES. Java 50,000 Madura 2,700 Sumatra 160,000 Billeton 2,250 Borneo 200,000 Celebes 70,000 Amboyna .... 1,320 Ternate . 32 SQUARE MILES. Timor 13,500 Bali 3,000 Lombock 2,500 Sumbawa 8,800 Mangeray .... 500 Junduna 3,500 Semao 200 Billeta Island . . . 2,250 Several of these islands have no commercial importance. Timor is remark- able for its picturesque and romantic scenery. On Borneo the Dutch only have some settlements along the coast ; although they claim the whole country. Cloves are the production of Amboyna, to which island the Dutch have practically restricted the cultivation by rooting up the clove and nutmeg trees from other islands on which they naturally grew. The exportation, however, does not increase, the passion for spices in Europe having abated, or rather, spices having been superseded by coffee and by the general use of tobacco. 346 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. not be forgotten, that in 1811, Java and Sumatra were taken possession of and became British depen- Tke. dencies. "When Java was restored to the Dutch by the treaty of London in 1814, a British settlement, under Sir Stamford Raffles, was established at Ben- coolen, in Sumatra, by the East India Company, chiefly with a view to the cultivation of the pepper- plant. The settlement was abandoned ; but the inter- course thus opened with the people of Sumatra is said to have been more beneficial to them than any they have had either before or since with Europeans ; and when England restored Sumatra to the Dutch in 1824, under the treaty by which Holland recognised our settlement at Singapore, the restoration of Dutch rule was considered a serious grievance by the native its effect chiefs. Sumatra supplies Singapore with many articles with 1 of produce, and the natives take our cotton manu- Sumatra. futures in return. It is to be wished that our inter- course with this island could be extended. Next to Holland, Spain has the largest possessions in the Eastern Archipelago ; and it is said by Malte Brun, in his account of the PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, that their inhabitants are the only people in the Eastern seas who have improved in civilization from European The PHI- intercourse. Whilst, in the Western Ocean, Spain ISLANDS, always strove for an exclusive commercial monopoly for the Crown, it is remarkable, that in the Philippine Islands she has left commerce free to the colonists. Their go- During the 300 years Spain has possessed these islands, they have been fairly governed ; no check has been imposed on their colonization; liberal grants have been made of unappropriated lands ; slavery has never been introduced or sanctioned; native usages have been respected, and a moderate taxation has always left industry untrammelled. The consequences have been no less marked than the CHAP, vi.] COMMERCE WITH ASIA. 347 contrast. Whilst a cruel and illiberal policy justly lost Spain all her territories in America, the wise and prudent administration of her Eastern possession has produced a contented and prosperous dependency. The error of Spain in the government of the Philip- 4-' 1 pine Islands has been the same into which England fell in dealing with her colonies ; namely, attempting pm s- to make their trade subservient to domestic purposes, by levying differential rates or duties in favour of ships belonging to the mother country. This system of legislation is, at the present time, fettering the commerce of the Philippines. Productive as the islands are, and well situated as they are for the supply of the increasing populations of Eastern countries, the Philippines might do a great trade in tropical produce, if their commerce was unrestricted. Sir John Bowring, in a report upon these islands, speaks of them as the natural sources of the supply of sugar, tobacco, coffee, &c. for Australia. The absurdity of the differential duties levied on Their in shipping in the Philippines, is illustrated by the fact that the European commodities supplied to these islands are almost exclusively of English manufacture, islands. The differential duties accordingly fall upon the inhabitants of the islands themselves, either in the form of additional cost for articles imported in British ships, or of the extra charge of freight and transhipment upon such as are received in Spanish bottoms from Singapore. The quantity of British goods imported into the Philippines from the latter entrepot is said to be in excess of our direct exporta- tion ; but the latter amounts to a considerable item. In 1860, our trade with the Philippines was Imports . . . 603,329 | Exports . . 679,320 The principal articles were as follows : 348 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vi. The Philip- pines, imports and exports. IMPORTS. VALUED AT . 471,194 EXPORTS. Cotton Goods VALUED AT 523,370 18,940 18,131 15,144 14,462 12,760 11,397 9,021 7,652 3,254 3,161 2,798 1,585 1,304 5,085 88,801 Iron Mother-of-Pearl . . . Sapan Wood .... 12,916 7,788 Woollen Goods Linen Cigars 7,590 Hides 2,444 Tortoiseshell .... 2,018 Copper 1,841 Hardwares Apparel Coals Earthenware Colonial Produce, &c. . . The Manilla trade SARAWAK. Manilla, or more properly its suburb, Eidondo, with which it communicates by a bridge, is the port with which our trade is principally conducted. The hemp we get from this port is highly appreciated. The cheroots made of the island tobacco have been for some time in large demand ; though in 1859 and 1860 the supply of tobacco to England from Manilla was very much below the average. Manilla com- municates with the rest of this large group of islands (of which there are said to be nearly 1,200) by small craft. Many of the islands are capable of greater development. There is no doubt of their mineral wealth. Gold is found amongst the mountains, and, with proper machinery, copper of very superior qua- lity might be raised in abundance. The islands also afford excellent timber ; and horned cattle, introduced by the Spaniards, have thriven admirably. It may be of interest to mention, that Manilla was a British possession from 1762 to 1764. It was taken from Spain in the former year, and ransomed in the latter for a payment of a million sterling. A company has been established in London, under the title of the Borneo Company, for promoting a CHAP, vi.] COMMEECE WITH ASIA. 349 trade with Sarawak, the territory ceded by the Sultan of Brunei to Sir James Brooke, and now governed by him as " Rajah." The imports of this company in 1860 were to the extent of 12,500Z., the principal articles imported being sago, ore of antimony, and pepper. We send no direct exports to Borneo; but Sir James Brooke has established a steam communi- cation between Sarawak and Singapore, by which the Dyaks, and the Chinese imported into that territory, are supplied with what they require. London presents the great market for Eastern London, products, and it is to the enterprise of London that we must look for the opening out of that great trade with the Eastern Archipelago, which, at no distant period, will probably become no inconsiderable portion of the commerce of the world. At the present time British trade to the eastward of the Straits of Malacca is quite in an infant state; but if we consider the extent of the countries to be traded with, their vast popula- tions, the variety of their productions, the suitability of our manufactures to their climate and their wants, the large interest we have in developing their resources, the extent of our shipping, and the growth of our own Australian and other colonies, little doubt can exist that the next quarter of a century will witness fields of commerce opened up in the Eastern world far greater than we have ever known before. CHAPTEll VII. TRADE WITH INDIA AND THE COLONIES. Trade of THE trade of England with our Indian Empire and " possessions in the East is almost as exclusively a trade East tbe f ^ ue Port f London as the trade of America is a trade of Liverpool. Of 702 vessels, of 530,378 tons, entered inwards in 1860 from the East Indies and Singapore, 634, of 437,034 tons, came to London, leaving only sixty-eight vessels for the trade of all the other ports of the United Kingdom. why it The monopoly of the trade with the East, formerly iTndon in veg ted in the East India Company, is of course the primary cause of that trade now centring itself in our Port. It would scarcely, however, have remained with us to the extent it has, if London did not aiford the best market in the world for Eastern commodities. Eor silks, spices, indigo, and other productions of India, London affords the largest number, not only of British, but of foreign purchasers, and therefore she continues to enjoy the largest share of Eastern trade. Great The value of our trade with the East Indies is shown thliTtrade. DV the fact that in 1860 our exports thereto amounted to nearly EIGHTEEN millions, of which seventeen millions consisted of produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom. Extraordinary as it may appear, almost the whole of this enormous trade has been the Its recent growth, growth of the last twenty-five years. AVe are in the CHAP, vii.] TEADE WITH INDIA. 351 habit of thinking of the old East India Company as a gigantic combination of merchants ; but the fact is that the amount of their annual exportations to India was always inconsiderable. The Company, in fact, The East throughout the period of their monopoly absolutely company set themselves asrainst an export trade from Great opposed to x an export Britain to India! So lately as 13th January, 1809, they trade to declared, in a letter addressed by their Chairman and Deputy Chairman to the Board of Control, that Their de- there was practically no market for English goods in < this Tnrlia subject, A.D. 1809. " The small demand," they wrote, " for foreign commodities in India results from the nature of the Indian people, their climate and their usages. The articles of first necessity their own country furnishes more abundantly and more cheaply than it is possible for Europe to supply them. The labour of the great body of the common people only enables them to subsist on rice, and to wear a slight covering of cotton cloth ; they, therefore, can purchase none of the superfluities we offer them. The comparatively few in better circumstances, restricted, like the rest, by numerous religious and civil customs, of which all are remarkably tenacious, find few of our commodities to their taste; and their climate, so dissimilar to ours, renders many of them unsuitable to their use ; so that a commerce between them and us cannot proceed far upon the principle of supplying mutual wants. Hence, except woollens, in a very limited degree, for mantles in the cold season, and metals, on a scale also very limited, to be worked up by their own artisans for the few utensils they need, hardly any of our staple commodities find a vent among the Indians ; the other exports which Europe sends to India being chiefly consumed by the European population there, and some of the descendants of the early Portuguese settlers; all of whom, taken collectively, form but a small body, in view to any question of national commerce." * They repeated this expression of their opinion in A.D. isis. 1813, when they declared, by a resolution passed at * Papers published by authority of the East India Company, 1813, p. 21. 352 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. a general Court of the Company, " that no large or " sudden addition can be made to the amount of " British exports to India." They declared that the Company had suffered hy attempting to extend this branch of their trade ; and in order to show that it could not be carried on prosperously, they added that their warehouses at home were glutted with Indian goods, for which there was no demand. The During the whole period of the Company's mono- theCom f Pty our ex P or ts to India were consequently very pany. limited. They amounted to as follows : EAST INDIA COMPANY'S EXPORTS TO INDIA. 1724 (average of 10 years ending) 92,410 1741 ditto 8 years 157,9-44 1748 ditto 7 years 188,176 1773 ditto 3 years 489,803 1780 386,152 Chiefly These totals included all the military stores, am- Sores r and munition, &c. sent to India for the purposes of the ammuni- Company's troops. The value of these amounted, no doubt, to a very large proportion of the whole, so that it can scarce be said that up to 1780 we had any real export trade to India at all. Company's About 1790 the exports of the Company showed an mcrease '> but this was owing to two causes. First, there was a largely increased demand in England for tea, the consumption of which was widely extending itself, and for which the Chinese were willing to receive British commodities. Second, the Company, anticipating that their charter, which expired in 1793, might not be renewed, were engaged during the preceding years in glutting the Indian markets with such commodities as they thought they could export with any advantage ; so that, if the trade was opened, they might, as far as possible, prevent successful trading by other merchants. The amount of the CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 353 Company's exports in 1792 was stated at 1,031,2621. Their total Of this 553,U6/. was stated to be the cost of Euro- t e g- pean goods sent to Canton, the merchandize sent to A - D - India being To Bengal 96,277 To Bombay 65,740 To Madras 60,015 Total 222,032 This total may be taken as about the value of the Company's exports of merchandise to India at that period; and may be contrasted with the items at p. 364. "When the East India Company's charter came The under the consideration of Parliament in 1793, the Company presented accounts to show that their sales of European goods in India were all conducted at a A.D. 1793 loss! By this account, woollens, copper, lead, iron, steel, and japanned goods appear to have been all the articles of export. They had never attempted a trade in any other European articles whatever. Parlia- Provision ment, in renewing the charter, now made a species of JJJJJ^ provision for the trade of private individuals with m< r nt A for A private India. It was enacted that all his Majesty's subjects trade in should be permitted to export any article of British produce to India, in the Company's ships; and the shlps- Company were obliged annually to appropriate 3,000 tons of shipping for the use of private traders, at a freight of 5/. outwards in time of peace, and 15/. homewards.* The privilege thus extended to private traders was not satisfactory to our own merchants. Few British traders were inclined to carry on a com- petition with the East India Company in their own * At the present time (1862) the freight outwards to India for dead weight is 17s. 6d. per ton : admeasurement about 40s. : homewards it varies from 21. 10s. to 51., according to the article. A A 354 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Advantage vessels. But British residents in India (many of tS s en ri- f them officers of the Company) largely availed them- viiege. selves of the privilege ; and soon began to complain that the freight afforded them was not large enough ; and that the Company frequently disappointed them, made inconvenient distributions of their goods in different vessels, and otherwise deranged their plans of commerce. incidents One of the first efforts of these merchants in India toaiarge was to endeavour to induce Parliament to allow them mTntTf t employ vessels built in India, of teak wood, for the the export export of goods from India to England. The Com- pany would not consent to any such infringement of their privileges ; but an accident in 1795 occasioned a large trade to arise in vessels of this class. The great price of corn in England having caused vast distress at home, it was resolved by the East India Company to import a very large quantity of rice from India. Having no sufficient tonnage in which to carry on the importation, they ordered it to be shipped in vessels freighted on the spot ; and in order that they might get this freight at the lowest price they added a permission to carry to India a return cargo of goods for account of the owners. In conse- quence, a number of teak vessels, built in India, for the first time sailed into the Thames. The result of the speculation was very remarkable, and almost a retribution on the Company. Before their rice ships arrived the price of corn in England had moderated, and the Company's rice, imported at heavy freights, turned out a bad speculation. On the other hand, the owners of the Indian ships returned to India, carrying cargoes of " French wines, cutlery, " looking glasses, window glass, wine glasses, and " other ornamental articles of glass, Manchester goods, " printed linens, silks, and cotton hosiery, gold and CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 355 " silver thread, iron in bars, lead in pigs, tin in " blocks, copper in sheets, copper pans, broad cloths, " long and broad ells, camlets," and other articles, scarcely any one of which the Honourable Company had ever previously thought it worth while to export. Whilst the Company suffered, vast profits were made by the Indian merchants. From this period to 1813, when the Company's TheCom- exclusive privilege of trade was put an end to, the East India Company's trade with India (both export and import) suffered, though in a most unex- officers. pected manner, from the effects of the system of which Parliament had permitted the introduction in 1793. Although general merchants would not take advantage of the facilities which were afforded by the private trade tonnage, the officers and servants of the Com- pany saw a great opportunity of making profits by using the 3,000 tons of shipping which the Company were annually compelled to allot to private traders. The captains of the East India Company's vessels, and other officers in their employ, began therefore to trade upon their own account. They were not exposed to the difficulties and discouragements which a private trader would find in competing with the Company ; on the contrary, in many cases, as is obvious, the Company's own officers were able to trade in the Company's own vessels at superior advantage to the Company themselves ! Thus, whilst the Company complained that they were annually trading with India at a loss, many of their own servants were trading in their own ships at enormous profits ; indeed, at this moment, there are large estates and splendid mansions in the most fertile districts of England, owned by the descendants of shrewd and farsighted men, who, as captains of the East India Company's vessels, made their fortunes by competing A A 2 356 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vii. with the Company for their own trade in their own ships.* The East The trade to India was thrown open by Act of Jhwn rade Parliament on the 10th April, 1814. In that year P en the value of the exports of Great Britain to countries east of the Cape of Good Hope (excepting China) was By the East India Company 826,558 By private traders 1,048,132 Total .... 1,874,690 Rapid in- i n 1317 the account was crease of the trade. By the East India Company 638,382 By private traders 2,750,333 Total .... 3,388,715 In 1828 By the East India Company 488,601 By private traders 3,979,072 Total .... 4,467,673 The private traders thus rapidly developed our export trade to the East, whilst the East India Company's trade almost as rapidly declined. In more recent years the trade has progressed as follows : * In addition to the public tonnage, the commanders and officers of the Company's ships were also allowed to ship goods, under certain restrictions, to an amount of tonnage prescribed according to their rank. This was called the " Privilege Trade." Each commander was allowed thirty-eight tons, the chief officer eight, the second officer six, the surgeon six, and so on down to the carpenter, boatswain, and gunner, who were allowed one ton each. Besides this, it was customary to allow the commander and officers an additional quantity of thirty tons as " extra indulgence," to be stowed in parts of the ship where the Company's cargo was not stowed. These privileges extended to the China trade ; and the Company's charges on " privilege tea " being much less than on private trade tea, at a period when the duties and charges on tea were excessively high, immense profits were made by officers in the Company's service who brought home tea from China. It is not long since a descendant of one of these gentlemen, holding an estate in the West of England, was so powerful as to be able to return three members for one county. I is scarcely necessary to add that they all sat on the Protectionist side of the House of Commons. CHAP. VIL] TRADE WITH INDIA. 357 TRADE WITH THE BRITISH EAST INDIES. YEAK. IMPORTS FROM 1840 1845 1850 1855 1860 12,668,732 15,106,595 EXPORTS TO. 6,023,192 6,703,778 8,022,665 10,353,475 17,683,669 This is, indeed, a wonderful increase ; and, certainly, if any argument were needed to show the value of a free crease the effect of a system of trade over a monopoly, it could not be free trade. better illustrated than by our trade with India. The great Company which had the whole trade of India exclusively in its own hands for nearly two centuries, failed to extend our exports to that nation ; whilst under a free system that trade has risen, in a quarter of a century, in the wonderful ratio of progress thus recorded. It is to be observed, moreover, that this trade has internal increased in spite of every internal obstacle. Up to a to traded very recent period there have been no means of lndiat internal transit for merchandise in India; for even the navigation of its splendid rivers can scarcely have Want of been said to be open to commerce. Besides this, the I^mai government of India has been conducted on principles trans P rt - most antagonistic to the development of trade. The people have been oppressed by a system of taxation Land-tax. calculated to prevent their cultivation of the soil. Internal duties have been levied on the transport of Transport goods. Almost every article of export from India has been subjected to a tax ; and, more than all, up to a Export comparatively recent period, we ourselves practically prevented the development of our own commerce with our own greatest possession, by insisting on a scale of differential duties on susrar and other articles of East J?'f * re ?.- tial duties. Indian produce, in order to favour the sugar growers in the West Indian Islands. The increase of our trade with India is no doubt very 358 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. much due to the removal of some of these restrictions ; especially the duty with which sugar was burdened ; a duty which had the practical effect of preventing the planter from making any attempt to improve the cultivation of the cane or the manufacture of the crop. Growing Another cause of the increase has, no doubt, also India for been the growing taste in India for productions fabrics, of British manufacture. The East India Company would have had us believe that the cotton fabrics of India never could be rivalled by those of England. They failed entirely to take into account the character of our home manufacture, the advantage afforded by our machinery both in the form and cost of production, and the love of novelty, which influences every people in whatever condition of life. Develop- No sooner did private traders commence sending cotton goods to India than they found an admirable cotton manu 1 market for them; and the result has proved to be that, without superseding native manufactures, India has become one of the best and most extensive markets in the world for the cotton goods of England ; whilst England promises to become the best market in the world for the raw cotton grown in India. In the whole history of commerce probably nothing can be shown so remarkable as the development of such an exchange of products in so short a period as only a quarter of a century. We received from India in 1860 all the raw cotton they could send us, amounting in value to 3,339,000. ; and we sent them cotton manufactured goods in return to the extent of no less than 9,164,000/. The pro- Considering the vast population of India, the im- SITr^rade provements now making in the means of internal restricted 1 communication the general tranquillity and settle- by per- nient of the country and our own interest in deve- nicious legislation, loping its resources, it might be anticipated that the CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 359 growing trade between Great Britain and her Indian Empire would extend itself in the next ten years almost without limit. No doubt it will do so, if mis- government, which has so long been the bane of India, does not check the progress which commerce seeks to make. It has, however, to be noticed that, in 1859, Mr. James Wilson, who went out from England to India as Financial Secretary, on the abolition of the East India Company, sought to provide for the deficient revenue of India (a revenue exhausted by wars and by the high salaries paid to officials) by an imposition of duties, amounting to 20 per cent. Mr. ad valorem, on articles of British manufacture. The argument which Mr. Wilson used to reconcile the people of British India to such import duties was the ... . tures. desirability of promoting their native manufactures. The fallacy of such an argument is proved by the facts. Eor a number of years past the population of British India have been showing a gradual preference for British goods have been taking them in increas- ing quantities, and have been sending us their raw materials, in improved and improving shape, in order to enable us to manufacture articles suited for their markets. At the moment that the trade, thus com- menced, reaches a vast amount, a legislator steps in and tells the people that they shall prefer that which they do not prefer, and shall be driven to manufacture for themselves at higher rates than they can purchase the same class of goods made for them by others. This most pernicious attempt to interfere with trade, were it persisted in, would, no doubt, be equally in- jurious to both countries. It would prevent the people of India from receiving our cotton goods, which they prefer, and it would prevent our receiving their raw cotton, which they would require for their own manufacture, although they might more profit- 360 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Our im- ports from India. Cotton. ably send it to us. It is to be hoped, however, that such monstrous legislation will not be persisted in. The following list contains the items of our import trade from the East Indies (exclusive of Singapore and Ceylon) in 1860 : IMPORTS FROM INDIA, 1860. VALUED AT Raw Cotton 3,339,076 Indigo 2,220,119 Linseed and Flax Seed . . 1,493,039 Sugar 939,026 Rice 801,938 Wool 699,861 Jute 652,677 Saltpetre . 649,505 Hides 631,642 Rape Seed 461,013 Teak 303,600 Tea 230,064 Coffee 224,959 Tin 193,186 Cocoa-NutOil 173,995 Shellac 163,347 Silk Manufactures .... 146,052 Coir Rope and Twine . . 112,576 Goat Skins 109,991 Oils, unenumerated Elephants' Teeth . Raw and Waste Silk Castor Oil . . . Safflower .... Pepper Cotton Piece Goods Sheepskins . . . Caoutchouc . 94,860 87,118 84,441 81,735 79,015 76,044 59,402 51,872 49,541 VALUED AT Seed Oil 47,591 Horns 44,974 Cutch 43,681 Lac Dye 38,026 Train Oil 36,368 Turmeric 34,807 Nutmegs 34,339 Tallow 31,731 Rum 27,927 Cardamons 27,015 Bees'-Wax 26,451 Ginger ....... 24,058 Madder and Madder Root . 23,133 Poppy Seeds 17,538 Hemp, undressed . . . Borax Clover Mace Mustard Seed .... Olibanum Oil Nuts Senna Gum Arabic Cassia Lignea .... Goats' Hair Manufactures Cinnamon Wheat 16,550 13,061 11,633 9,626 8,824 6,744 6,413 5,944 3,082 1,447 700 695 488 Its increased growth in India. Haw cotton, of which in the days of the East India Company we received next to none from British India, now stands at the head of the list of articles imported.* rapid, as the following table shows : The growth of this trade has been most * The manufacture of cotton has been carried on in India from the most remote antiquity. It is mentioned by Herodotus that "in India there are wild trees which produce a sort of wool, superior to that of sheep, and that the natives dress themselves in cloth made of it." Similar statements are made by other ancient writers. CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 361 QUANTITIES OF RAW COTTON IMPORTED FROM THE EAST INDIES. 1835 41,429,011 lb. 1840 77,011,839 1845 58,437,426 1850 118,872,742 1855 143,486,672 1860 202,041,026 An objection is made to East India cotton by our objections manufacturers on the score of quality. They cannot, ind^ it is said, spin it into the finer descriptions of thread. cc There is reason, however, to hope for improvement in the cultivation of the plant in India, now that our cotton market is likely to be so largely dependent on the supply from that empire; for there can be no doubt that, if the war between the Federal and Confederate States is long continued, our principal supply of cotton must be drawn from our Indian Prospects territories. Great Britain may be expected to reap a trad* double advantage from that circumstance. She will afford profitable employment to the countless popu- lation of her Indian empire, and will, therefore, contribute to the contentment and prosperity of the natives; and she will no longer be dependent, as she has been for so many years, upon one source of supply of the article most essential to her own industry. Besides this, it may be anticipated that the colonization of the interior of India will be pro- moted by the settlement of Europeans, taking there their capital and skill with a view to promote the cotton cultivation. The cultivation of Indigo has for some years been indigo, extending itself in Bengal. The culture and use of its cuitiva- the plant was known to the ancients, and indigo was brought from India to Europe prior to the discovery of the route to India by the Cape of Good Hope. It was formerly used to give a more brilliant tone to the and use. dye produced by woad, but gradually it has entirely 362 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. superseded the latter. It was not, however, until late in the last century that Bengal sent any very considerable quantities of indigo to England. A Quantities number of Europeans then began to engage in the qualities manufacture (which requires but little capital) ; and imported f rom fa^ period Bengal has been the chief source of Bengal, the supply of indigo to every nation of the world. Of 77,000* cwts. imported in 1860, 66,000 came from British India. The Bengal indigo, especially that classed by importers as " Bengal blue," is most highly appreciated in the European market. Then follow Bengal " violet " and " copper " indigoes. After these rank " Oudes " and " Madras." It should be observed that the culture of the indigo plant is very precarious, and that, although the consumption varies very little, the prices of the article in the varying London market sometimes vary very much. At the ?ndi g o. commencement of the present year, 1862, in con- sequence of the failure of the crop in Bengal in 1861 (when the smallest quantity was produced for forty years), prices are reported by the indigo brokers to have reached " extremely high rates." East India Up to 1836 differential duties prevailed on sugars cultivated in the East and West Indies. In 1835, whilst we imported 3,500,000 cwts. from the West, we only imported 100,000 cwts. from the East Indies. Upon the equalization of the duties the cultivation in the East Indies rapidly improved ; and in the year after (1846), we received from the East Indies nearly 1,500,000 cwts. This supply has not been maintained since the reduction of the duties on foreign sugars in 1854 ; the quality of East Indian sugars being inferior to those of Cuba and Porto Rico, which have come so largely into consumption. Rice. Rice, which is the principal article of food amongst the Eastern nations, forms, with us, only a substitute CHAP. VIL] TRADE WITH INDIA. 363 for other grains, and is consequently imported in greater or smaller quantities, according to the excess or deficiency of our own cereals. In consequence, how- ever, of the reduction of duties, which were formerly most excessive, on this article, rice has come into more general consumption than was at one time the case in England ; and in consequence new sources of supply have of late years been found in connexion with our Eastern trade. Those sources are the districts now included in British India on the east side of the Bay of Bengal, the principal shipping ports being Akyab, Rangoon, Bassein, and Moulmein.* its supply It was only in 1854 that we began to receive supplies of rice from this district ; but it has since proved itself capable of sending us any quantity that may be required. In 1858 the importation amounted to no less than 3,500,000 cwts. It is probable that the civil war in America Avill be of advantage to this, as well as to other trades. Hitherto, the rice of Carolina has obtained a very much higher price in our market than any description of Indian rice ; but that trade being cut off, it appears, from the trade circulars of 1861, that " the cleaning trade has received a great " impetus, and the East India cleaned rice has in con- " sequence been required to fill up the hiatus." Large quantities of cleaned Patna and other East Indian rices were actually shipped during 1861 from London and Liverpool to the Northern States of America. It will obviously be for the interest of the shippers in India to send us improved qualities of rice to supply the place of the Carolina ; and if they can do so in the next few years, it is not improbable that the East Indian will supersede the United States' rice in the European market, especially seeing the unlimited supply of the former in comparison with the latter. * The teak wood received from India is also from Moulmein. 364 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. pur Our imports of rice in 1860 were imports of rice. COUNTRIES. From the British East Indies . Java the United States . ,, China ,, other parts .... TOTAL , CWTS. 1,314,811 97,744 69,932 23,520 18,856 1,524,863 VALUE. 852,929 63,666 81,602 13,376 11,535 1,023,108 Our exports to India. So that India now sends us by far the largest pro- portion of all the rice imported into England. Turning to our exports to India, we find them in- creasing in every successive year from 1852 to 1859, when they reached a total of nearly 21,000,000/. The annual progress is worth noting. 1852 6,483,627 1853 7,324,147 1854 9,620,710 1855 10,353,475 1856 11,024,518 1857 12,191,960 1858 17,394,400 1859 20,782,853 Their From this great total, chiefly, no doubt, in conse- recent de- quence of Mr. James "Wilson's contemplated measures the cause, of taxation, the exports fell I860 17,683,669 1861 16,412,090* a decline which shows the dangerous and even per- nicious effects of interfering in any way with the * In 1861, the exports to the respective presidencies were, for the first time, distinguished in the government tables. They were To Bengal 9,111,867 To Bombay 6,182,082 To Madras 1,118,141 16,412,090 CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 365 ordinary current of trade.* If our commerce with Prospects India, however, is allowed to he unfettered, there is the best reason for believing that, in the next decennial period, the increase will he far greater than during the last. The natives evidence the strongest desire to use European goods. Computed upon the popu- lation of India, our exports only amount to Is. *l\d. per head. South America, in proportion to its population, took from us, in 1860, more than seven times the value of British productions exported to India in the same year; and the United States, notwithstanding protective duties, took over eight times that amount. The increase of import between 1850 and 1860 was 136 per cent. If the import in India is only 100 per cent, during the next ten years, the amount taken in 1870, although it will equal forty millions, will still be very inadequate to the per capita consumption of British productions by other nations. It may be anticipated, however, from the rate at which India, is progressing, that the increase of consumption (if unchecked by legislation) will be very much greater than is here indicated. * The heavy decline of 1861 upon 1859, which was chiefly in the demand for manufactured cottons, so greatly alarmed the Bombay Government, that they thought it necessary to institute an inquiry into its causes. Colonel Baird Smith was accordingly appointed to proceed to the North-West districts, and to report upon their commercial condition. As this officer had previously been appointed to inquire into the causes of the famine hi those provinces, it was, no doubt, hoped and expected by many persons in authority in Bengal, that he would solely attri- bute to the famine the falling off in the consumption of British articles. Colonel Baird Smith, however, very honestly concluded his report by attributing the causes of the decline to the high prices caused by high customs duties. Although very guarded in expression, in order evidently to avoid giving offence to high authorities, he makes his views tolerably apparent in the following passage : ' Every reduction in the price brings a new stratum of society into the class of 'consumers, and the benefit of high prices, such as have occasionally ruled of late ' years, is temporary and accidental I doubt if permanent expansion be com- 'patible with prices materially above the present rates, and having this doubt, ' I sincerely rejoice in the financial policy which will in tune relieve the Manchester ' goods tradt 'from the pressure of Customs duties greater than are required for ' revenue only, as such relief icill assuredly be followed by a permanent addition to ' the present consumers, ichich, while benefiting the trade, unit amply compensate ' the public revenue for the sacrifice made." 366 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. List of articles Probably 1870 will see the exports of England to India amounting to not less than seventy millions of money annually. The following is the list of the principal items of articles j exported, export : EXPORTS TO INDIA, 1860. Cotton Goods 9,164,196 Iron and Steel 2,010,599 Cotton Yarn 1,609,062 Copper 949,783 Beer and Ale 566,646 Machinery 366,435 Steam Engines 259,221 Woollen Fabrics .... 264,818 Hardwares and Cutlery . . 181,741 Apparel and Haberdashery . 155,436 Stationery 122,893 Glass Manufactures . . . 111,466 Coals 88,402 Salt 72,228 Linen Goods 62,308 Spelter 56,755 Earthenware and Porcelain . 52,256 Preserved Provisions . . . 49,217 Printed Books 49,157 Umbrellas and Parasols . . 48,685 Drugs 34,707 Saddlery and Harness . . 33,027 Telegraphic Wire .... 31,567 Painters' Colours .... 30,679 VALUED AT Leather 26,774 Pickles and Sauces . . . 26,679 Lead and Shot 23,190 Tin Plates 14,703 FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PRODUCTS. Wood, Sawn 103,378 Wine 75,939 Cotton Yarn 75,222 Spelter 61,136 Glass Beads and Bugles . 53,413 Cochineal 49,354 Copper 46,846 Cotton Goods 41,100 Plated Wire 30,242 Steel 28,361 Iron 27,170 Quicksilver 17,926 Brandy . . . Paper . . . Copper Wire Woollen Goods Fancy Glass . 10,181 9,010 6,511 5,786 2,328 Vast amount of our fabrics consumed in India. The vast amount to which our cotton manufactures cotton are taken by the native population will not fail to strike the reader. Upwards of NINE MILLIONS of manufactured cottons, and upwards of a MILLION and a HALF of yarn. Our imports of cottons from India amount to less than 60,000/. Yet this is the country of which the East India Company told us that they did not require any articles of this description, being able to make everything for themselves ! So much for monopoly in trade. The Honourable Company tried to force upon the people of India British CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH INDIA. 367 woollen goods, too hot for their climate, and lost a very large sum in the attempt. Private adventurers sent out cotton goods, which were suited for the clothing of the country, and the result is a trade amounting to upwards of ten millions annually in that article alone ; whilst the consumption of woollens only reaches the comparatively small item of 264,000/. * Very remarkable, moreover, is the proof afforded by these figures of the value of our machinery. In the table of imports we find an import of raw cotton from India to the extent of 3,300,000/., of which, from the table of exports, we see that no less than 1,600,000/. returns to India in the shape of cotton yarn. The natives, therefore, actually find it to their advantage to send their raw material to England to be spun for their own use, or to receive yarn in exchange for cotton. The large quantity of iron sent to India is, no Railway doubt, for the construction of the railways, which ^j will account also for the sawn wood which appears at to India - the head of our exports of foreign products : the sawn wood being, probably, creosoted sleepers of Norway pine. The large items under the heads " machinery and steam engines, coals, telegraph wires, &c." are to be accounted for in the same way. This expor- The rapid progress made in the export of our cotton manufactures to India is indeed wonderful. In 1814, the first year of the free trade to India, the export of cotton amounted to 817,000 yards, of which only about 170,000 yards, valued at 17,778?., were exported by the Company ! In 1859, the quantity exported was equal to 1,000,000,000 yards, valued at 1 1,000,000?. ! Yet, enormous as this total is, it is scarcely too much to say that English cotton manufactures have not yet entered into the bulk of native consumption in India at all ! Colonel Baird Smith in his recent report to the Government of India, on the commercial condition of the North-West provinces of India, says : " The chief consumers of English cloths here ' are all classes near to open and easy lines of commvnicatio n, be they by land or ' icater ; a comparatively small section of agriculturists, being the upper grades ' of the class at a distance from such communications ; a very large proportion of ' the inhabitants of towns and cities everywhere, and, of course, the whole of the ' European community. The mass of the agricultural and the poorer non- 1 agricultural classes have scarcely yet become the customers of Manchester at all, ' though it is merely a question of time and internal improvements of roads and ' rivers when they shall become so." 368 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. tation is not only advantageous to our export trade at present, but will tell far more wonderfully in its favour when the railroads come to be constructed, opening up facilities of transport for goods which hitherto have been utterly unknown in India. Export of The large exports of " beer and ale," " preserved provisions," " umbrellas and parasols," " printed books," "stationery," "earthenware and porcelain," " saddlery and harness," " drugs," " pickles and sauces," "lead and shot," and amongst foreign articles, " wine and brandy," speak of the social life of our own countrymen in India. Apart, in fact, from the cotton goods, which form so large a part of the whole, few of our articles of exportation appear to be in- tended for the consumption of the natives, except, Export of indeed, salt an item of very large amount, which tive r con- tells another tale of fiscal misgovernment.* This sumption, observation may be laid to heart by British merchants and manufacturers, who, when the completion of the Indian railways enables them to reach the great internal districts of the country with their goods, may probably find profitable markets for articles which even yet have scarcely entered into our list of ex- portations. Notice has already been taken of the trade recently opened with the territories ceded to us by the Burmese on the east side of the Bay of Bengal. Reference must also be made to the very considerable trade which Kurrachee. has been opened at Kurrachee, at the north-west ex- tremity of the coast of Scinde. For some time this port has been regarded in London and elsewhere as * The "Salt monopoly," maintained by our Government in India, has been one of the most cruel items of taxation upon the people of that country, at the same time that it has been most injurious to trade. See frequent debates in Parliament on this subject. The Salt which cost the Government, in 1860, 323,800Z. was sold to the natives for no less than 3,056,2007. ; this enormous taxation being levied, it is to be remembered, on an article of the first necessity. cn\v. vii.] TRADE WITH SINGAPORE. 369 the probable future emporium of the vast territories traversed by the river Indus. A railway already connects Kurrachee with Hyderabad, so as to make Kurrachee the port for all the territory dependent on that great city. By this port and the Indus, Cashmere, and other districts, previously almost beyond the reach of direct commerce, will hereafter be penetrated with facility. In close connexion with our East Indian com- SINGAPORE merce, is our trade with SINGAPORE, a British settlement of moderfl date, but of the utmost value to the commerce of the world. The settlement of its settle- Singapore was originally undertaken by Sir Stamford sir's. y Raffles so recently as 1818. Sir Stamford, who was J a man far in advance of his time, got small thanks from the British Government for his enterprize ; indeed they did not even recognise the settlement, now so valuable to them, until seven years after, just one year before his death. When Sir Stamford Raffles first settled Singapore, its beautiful harbour was the retreat of a body of Malay pirates. It was settled, at first, by about 150 persons ; but five years after, in 1824, its population had increased to 10,680 per- its rapid manent settlers, and it has now more than 60,000 inhabitants. In 1825 the British Government entered into a convention with the Dutch, and with the native princes, by which Great Britain was confirmed in its possession of this territory. The importance of the settlement results from its import- position. Equidistant from Calcutta and Canton, it is a central point for the commerce of the Indian Ocean and the North and South Pacific. Its situa- tion also is most convenient for trade with all the islands of the Oceania. The flags of all the nations of Europe and America are intermingled in the waters of Singapore harbour, with the streamers of B B 370 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Trade of Siugapore. the junks of China, and of the prahus of Slam, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Celebes, and all the larger islands of the southern seas. Singapore, being a free port, is resorted to by all the independent traders of the Archipelago. Much of the trade even of the Dutch dependencies is carried on here in preference to the highly-taxed ports of Java. In fact, in Singa- pore, the British have an emporium for their trade with eastern nations, rivalling, and even in many respects surpassing that of the Dutch at Batavia. The trade of Singapore in a few years after its first settlement exceeded two millions. It is now computed to exceed ten millions annually. With Great Britain in the year 1860, the import and ex- port trade approached 3,000,000. : our imports being 1,054,000, and our exports 1,718,0002. The following were the principal items : TRADE WITH SINGAPORE, 1860. Imports ana ex- ports IMPORTS FROM. Terra Japonica . . VALUED AT 158,435 EXPORTS TO. Cotton Goods .... VALUED AT .1,086 582 Gutta Percha . 154 627 Yarn .... 175 246 Pepper 151,658 Woollen Goods .... 84,700 SonrA 129,794 Iron ,, .... 49 718 Tin 110,732 Copper 47,132 Hides . . . 48,592 Coals, &c 31 599 44,217 Linens 29 105 Sugar . . .... 40,355 Beer and Ale .... 19,879 Coffee 39,694 Gunpowder 14,959 31,897 Hardwares and Cutlery . 10,534 Caoutchouc ...... 31,291 Glass 8,384 21 520 Earthenware 8 255 Canes 19,779 Machinery 7 425 Cutch 8,779 Apparel 6 787 Nutmegs 5,206 Steam Engines .... 3 380 4821 Guns 1 331 3 963 Camphor 2,703 Foreign Cotton Yarn &c 24 9'i9 Cassia and other Oils . . . 2,469 Wine 6469 Mace 1,002 Steel and Iron . 5 592 Gamboge 828 Spelter . . . 2 171 Vegetable Tallow .... 742 Brandy 813 Paper . 200 CHAP. VIL] TRADE WITH CEYLON. 371 Singapore exports no products of her own. The Singapore settlement is on an island little larger than the Isle P 6tfb of AYight, which does not produce sufficient for the consumption of its own inhabitants, who are supplied ? by junks from the neighbouring coasts and islands with grain, vegetables, fruit, pork, turtle, fish, and other articles. The exports of Singapore to England are, therefore, products drawn from the various ports of the Archipelago with which she trades. Her imports, in the same way, are principally intended for distri- bution amongst the countries with which Singapore carries on her commerce. The principal merchants and agents at this interesting settlement are British, but there are a number of very respectable Chinese and native dealers. CEYLOX, which was only separated from the govern- CEYLON. ment of the East India Company and brought under that of the State, at the commencement of the present century, is still considered as an annex of British India as regards commerce. Widely different, indeed, is the history of our The ciu- trade with this island from the history of that monopoly. of the dependency last adverted to. "When Ceylon was wrested from the Dutch towards the close of the last century, the principal product of the island was Cinnamon. Of the trade in that spice the East India Company made a close monopoly; and on the transference of the island to the Govern- ment of Great Britain, the Company agreed to pay 60,000/. a year for 400,000 Ib. or 4,342^ bales of cinnamon; it being stipulated that if the quantity collected exceeded that amount, the surplus should be burned. This agreement was subsequently broken off; but, down to 1833, the Government continued the monopoly, sent the cinnamon to England, and sold it on their own account at quarterly sales. Xow, it B B 2 372 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. its in- is obvious, that this monopoly could not be main- tained without limiting the culture of the plant. This led to the most harassing and grievous inter- ferences with the rights of individuals, and to oppres- sions of such a character as seriously to affect the prosperity of the island. The evils engendered at length became so great, that it was found necessary to abandon the monopoly, and, in 1833, the Cingalese were allowed to cultivate cinnamon where and how they pleased. But, unfortunately, the Government accompanied the abolition of the monopoly with the Export imposition of an exorbitant duty upon exportation^ fevSiou amounting to from 200 to 300 per cent, upon the cinnamon. va i ue O f the article. In the face of such duties the Their exports of cinnamon declined, and the cultivation of the island languished. Successful attempts were also made to cultivate the plant in Java and other places, where it was not subjected to the duties levied in Ceylon ; and besides this, a substitute for the article was found in the bark of the cassia lignea, a tree extensively grown in Sumatra, the Philippine Islands, and other places in the southern seas. It appeared probable, therefore, that the cinnamon of Ceylon would be driven out of use, in which case the island would have been left without any article of export. Happily, at this juncture, the people turned their attention to another production, for which Ceylon was found to be particularly well adapted both by soil and climate. Substitu- The rapid increase in the consumption of coffee in coffee cui- e England consequent upon a reduction of customs' tivation. Duties in 1825, led to an attempt to extend the growth of the berry in the interior of Ceylon, and that attempt proved so successful, that the island has now become the great source from whence we derive coffee, not only for our own consumption but for exportation to the other countries of the world. C HAP. VII.] TRADE WITH CEYLON. 373 The following were the quantities of coffee imported Our and entered for home consumption in 1860, from different sources of supply : COFFEE IMPORTED, 1860. f FROM WHENCE. IMPORTED. RETAINED FOR HOME CONSUMPTION. VALUE. Ceylon lb. 59,322,797 7,562,947 6,236,395 3,831,010 3,459,668 502,495 468,359 366,031 241,237 111,452 92,323 89,271 483,761 lb. 25,734,575 4,021,758 208,185 2,075,960 2,690,146 330,739 42,237 115,627 10,285 6,057 11,550 59,121 368,141 1,813,215 264,653 162,877 120,320 104,767 13,764 18,927 15,685 6,053 2,930 2,562 2,453 15,101 British East Indies Brazil British West India Islands . . Central America New Granada Eervut United States Hamburg Hayti Java Philippine Islands Other Parts TOTAL 82,767j746 35,674,381 2,543,307 It will be seen from this table that Ceylon has Great entirely superseded our British West India Islands and Hayti in the supply of coffee, and that she sends IT , T i Ceylon. us nearly double as much as we require for our own consumption, enabling us to export her produce to other countries to the extent of nearly 35,000,000 lb. of coffee a year. The most extraordinary and rapid its rapid increase in the growth of coffee in Ceylon is illus- trated by the following table : EXPORTATION OF COFFEE FROM CEYLON. increase. YEAR. 1837 . 1840 . CWTS. .... 34,164 . . .... 68,206 VALUE. , . . .106,999 214 529 1845 . .... 178,603 . . . . 363 259 1851 .... 349,957 . . . . . 688,156 1855 .... 506,540 . . . . . 1,025,282 1860 .... 895,000 . . . . . 1,813,215* It is remarkable that the consumption of coffee has not increased in England 374 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. toI 7- Such is the history of our trade with Ceylon. It this S his m affords another practical illustration of the different effects produced on commerce hy monopoly and free trade. Under the former system the trade of this productive island was nearly ruined ; under the latter it has risen to such prosperity that the balance of trade is in favour of the island to the Extent of extent of a million and a half per annum our trade, in 1860, being represented by the following Ceylon. Imports from Ceylon . Exports to 2,274,647 . 711,582 Of which the principal items were as follows : Imports aud exports. IMPORTS FROM CEYLON. VALUED AT Coffee 1,813,215 Cocoa-NutOil 229,184 Cinnamon Coir Rope, &c. Black Lead . Cotton . . . Essential Oils Ebony . . . Cowries . . Hides . 51,641 39,860 36,359 34,538 20,909 9,091 3,328 1,339 EXPORTS TO CEYLON. VALUED AT Cotton Goods i'364,646 Iron 38,755 Coal, &c 27,075 Cotton Yarn 26,004 Beer and Ale 25,593 Apparel 21,843 Hardwares and Cutlery. . . 21,783 Woollen Goods 13,691 Wines 11,790 Earthenware 11,734 Stationery 8,231 Copper 7,134 Glass 7,026 Machinery 6,478 Drugs 3,693 for several years past. In 1846, 1847, and 1848, we absolutely consumed more coffee than in 1856, 1857, and 1858, though in the latter years the prices were lower, and our population had greatly increased. In 1860 we retained for home consumption no greater quantity than in 1845. The cause of this may perhaps be partly found in the admixture of chicory with coffee. It is also probable that the retail price of coffee, which is surely beyond its intrinsic value, together with the quantity of sugar required to make coffee palatable to English tastes, renders it a beverage scarcely less costly to the poor than tea. In the United States, where the article is cheap, the consumption of coffee has increased with #reat rapidity. New York obtains its chief supply of coffee from Brazil. CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH THE MAURITIUS. 375 The trade with Ceylon has hitherto been principally The ports conducted with Colombo ; but as the harbour there is of very inferior, being, in fact, an open roadstead, and as the coffee plantations may be reached from other ports with equal facility, it is probable that they will soon acquire a share of the commercial importance of what is now the principal port of the island. This will be advantageous to our trade with Ceylon, which can scarcely yet be said to be developed. As their exports have increased, and as they have consequently increased in wealth, the inhabitants have been taking somewhat larger supplies of our commodities ; but it is obvious that the island has capacity for a very much larger consumption. The following shows the increase of the Ceylon increase of its trade during the last five years : trade. TRADE WITH CEYLON. YEAR. IMPORTS FROM. EXPORTS TO. 1856 .... 1,304,174 .... 411,095 1857 1,503,897 549,054 1858 1,679,852 570,404 1859 1,654,391 697,825 I860 2,274,647 711,582 RITIUS. The MAURITIUS and its dependencies are extremely The thriving. Originally a Trench dependency, the Mauritius, was taken possession of by our forces in 1810, and was only definitively ceded to Great Britain in 1811. Up to 1825 the island was treated, commer- cially, almost in the same way as a foreign country ; but in that year, sugar, and other articles imported from the Mauritius were put upon the same footing as the like goods imported from the British West Indies. This measure proved to be a great boon to the Mauritius, inasmuch as only eight years after, in 1833, the island was included in the Slave Eman- cipation Act, under which the proprietors in the Mauritius obtained upwards of 2,000,000/. of the 376 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Its past inercial history. Great in- crease of its sugar produc- tion. twenty millions voted by Parliament as " compensa- tion " for their abandonment of slave labour. This large payment was of the utmost importance to the colony. Unlike the West Indies, the estates in the Mauritius were not deeply embarrassed by mortgages, and the compensation money was capable of being applied to the improvement of the country. The proprietors, with great judgment, expended a very large proportion of the money they received, in fertilizing their land, improving their machinery,* and importing labour from the East Indies, Mada- gascar, and other parts. They thus brought a large and entirely new labouring population into their country; and by good management of them, they have rendered the Mauritius one of the most nourish- ing of the British colonial possessions. In 1840, the imports of sugar into the United King- dom from the Mauritius amounted to 516,076 cwt. In 1856 they amounted to 2,372,313 cwt. Besides this, the Mauritius sends a very large quantity of sugar to France, Australia, and the Cape of Good Hope. It has given itself up to sugar cultivation. Since 1854, its other exports, such as coffee, tortoiseshell, &c. have ceased, and the whole island has become a sugar-factory. A curious contrast, indeed, with the condition of our West India Islands, in many of which proprietors have been abandoning the sugar cultivation in despair, without, it is to be feared, applying themselves to the production of any other articles. * In the three years 1857, 1858, and 1859, the planters of Mauritius expended the following sums in mill machinery, guano, and mules : Machinery 249,582 Guano 233,022 Mules 108,053 TOTAL to90,657 CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. 377 Our trade with the Mauritius in 1860 was repre- sented by Imports therefrom, amounting to . . 1,684,264 Exports thereto .... 564,787 Sugar represents 1,537,0002. of the imports ; the statistics only other articles brought from the Mauritius were with the rum, and some small quantities of raw cotton, and M wool. Our exports to the island were EXPORTS TO THE MAURITIUS, 1860. VALUED AT Cotton Goods 132,415 Machinery 75,422 Iron 62,227 Copper 29,331 Beer and Ale 25,065 Apparel 24,159 Hardware and Cutlery . . . 21,118 Steam Engines 17,817 Tin Plates 11,097 Carriages 9,872 Linens 7,615 Painters' Colours 6,756 Woollens 6,132 VALUED AT Prepared Fuel . 5,767 Glass Manufactures .... 5,938 Lead and Shot 5,473 Coals 2,798 Earthenware 2,767 Manure 1,972 Guano 9,313 Wine 5,872 Cigars 3,146 Wood, Sawn 2,160 Cheese 1,464 It is gratifying to find that the CAPE OF GOOD Trade HOPE, which we took possession of purely for military purposes so lately as 1806, now stands next to Australia and Canada in the list of our colonies considered in reference to commerce. For a lonsr time the com- Cy mercial development of this territory was very much retarded by the frontier war between the Boers and Kaffirs which, originating with the Dutch, continued to be carried on down to a very recent period of our rule. In 1853, however, a guerilla warfare, which had lasted for a number of years, was brought to a conclusion by the voluntary submission of Sandilli, with whom the Governor (Sir George Cathcart) concluded a treaty, one of the provisions of which assigned the Kaffir tribes new lands for their residence. Since tranquillity was thus established, the roads of 378 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Its large increase since the cessation of the Kaffir Wars. Imports and exports. Wool. the colony have undergone repairs, new lines of com- munication have been opened out, and the resources of the Cape have been greatly developed. The fol- lowing table will show the commercial progress of the colony since 1854. To the exports and imports since 1856 there have to be added those of Natal, which previously to that year were included in the Cape list : TRADE WITH THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. TEAR. 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860 IMPORTS FROM 691,352 949,640 1,502,828 1,793,717 1,723,445 1,685,258 1,713,502 EXPORTS TO. 1,064,283 1,212,630 1,417,465 1,949,224 1,812,881 2,045,425 2,162,731 The principal articles in which the people of the Cape have increased their export trade to England since 1852 have been wool, wine, hides and skins; all indicating their progress as an agricultural popu- lation. The increase in their export of wool has been something quite surprising : EXPORT OF WOOL FROM THE CAPE TO ENGLAND. 1833 113,077 lb. 1843 1,754,757 1853 7,221,448 1856 14,305,188 1860 16,574,345 * "Wool is now by far the most important item of export from the colony. The increase of the quantity exported is the more remarkable, as the native breed of sheep at the Cape is very inferior, the fleece being worth little, and the animal itself being principally of account in consequence of the size of its tail, which sometimes weighs as much as 18 lb. or 20 lb. The * The exportation in the last year being exclusive of 530,060 lb. sent us from Natal. CHAP. vn.J TRADE WITH THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. 379 wool grown at the Cape, therefore, has been produced from imported sheep of the Spanish merino and other breeds, which have thriven well in the colony. Next to Australia and India, the Cape of Good Hope now sends us the largest supply of wool we receive from any quarter of the world. The production of wine at the Cape of Good Hope was a good deal stimulated by the differential duties until recently levied in this country. Those duties, by permitting the introduction of Cape wines at lower rates than foreign wines, gave an opportunity to the wine merchant of mixing the wines of the Cape with those of Spain, and thereby obtaining increased profits. This adulteration was, at one time, carried to a great extent. Then, Cape wines were brought into consumption in their natural state, show- ing the demand which existed amongst the public for wine at a low price. Except Constantia, however, of which the growth is very small, the Cape wines are all of inferior quality, and they cannot be expected to compete in the English market with the vintages of Spain and other vine-growing countries nearer home. The export of Cape wine which reached 789,000 gallons in 1859, previous to the reduction of the wine duties, fell to 690,000 in 1860, and a further decline must be anticipated.* Hides, skins, and horns, form a very important Hides, &c. item of import from the Cape. They principally come from Algoa Bay, which communicates with the plains on the eastern side of the colony. The exportations of ostrich feathers and elephants' teeth Ostrich feathers. * Since this was written, the Board of Trade returns show that the wine imported from South Africa, in 1861, only amounted to 126,950 gallons. Some parties in the wine trade appear to think that " the reaction will prove but of short duration." The writer, however, differs from this view. The wines of the Cape may find a market in South America, the Mauritius, &c. ; but they must undergo very considerable improvement to enable them to compete with European wines in the English market. 380 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. have also recently much extended, showing increased communication with the interior, and more unre- stricted trade with the natives. Copper ore has only become an article of export from this colony within the last ten years; the quantity exported in 1852 having been only 26 tons, whilst, in 1860, it had risen to 3,512. The following is the list of principal articles under both heads : Imports and ex- ports. Our ex- ports to the Cape. IMPORTS. VALUED AT Wool, Sheep and Lambs' . 1,187,748 Copper Ore 95,861 EXPORTS. Apparel and Hosiery . . . Cotton Goods VALUED AT 382,193 359,332 153,222 150,035 128,549 98,539 70,892 49,810 48,189 38,613 37,912 32,383 31 ,132 28,156 23,761 21,691 19,096 18,723 17,510 16,114 16,515 15,370 15,854 14,791 86,354 sses of ilation Wine 92,893 Woollen Skins, Sheep and Goat . . 89,730 Hides 48,477 Iron Hardware and Cutlery . . Leather Goods . Ostrich Feathers .... 43,025 Elephants' Teeth* . . . 37,590 Sugar 18,867 Soap and Candles .... Beer and Ale .... Seeds, Flax and Linseed . 15,960 Guano 7,860 Machinery Saddlery Seal Skins . . 7 681 Hats Cotton 3 336 Linen Goods Aloes ... .2 914 Stationery Horns 2 752 Guns Furniture Glass Earthenware Empty Bags Printed Books * The ivory of the African elephant is less liable to become discoloured than any other, and is therefore more es- teemed. The price of good ivory (" bil- liards") in London varies from 301. to 601. per cwt. according to the size of the tooth, the heaviest fetching most. Our exports to the CE goods first, for the supp] Gunpowder Silk Manufactures . . . Drugs Wine Other Foreign and Colonial Goods ipe are of two cla y of the native popi and for trade with the interior of Southern Africa; and, second, for the supply of the British inhabitants of the colony, who, judging from the character of the articles they require, arc rapidly increasing in wealth CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NATAL. 381 and luxury. The quantities of wearing apparel and hosiery, soap and candles, beer and ale, saddlery, furniture, glass, earthenware, hooks, stationery, silks, &c. exported to the colony denote a very nourishing population. The trade with the interior admits, Trade however, of extension ; and prohahly, in the course natives of a short time, that extension will be obtained. Africa. 111 Hitherto the Americans have done, in a contraband way, a very considerable share of the business with the native populations of the Cape. In consequence of our frontier wars, the sale of gunpowder and firearms to the natives was, for some time, prohibited in this colony. The Americans took up the business of supplying them, surreptitiously, with those articles at ports on the eastern coast, and along with guns and gunpowder sold them many other articles of first necessity. Now that the frontier war has been abated, and order established in the colony, it may be hoped that a better system of trade will be promoted. Algoa Bay, on the eastern side of the Cape Colony, Aigoa Ba has recently become a larger seat of export trade than Capetown. The principal port, called Port Elizabeth, has an excellent harbour. Farther on along the coast, we established a new settlement in 1841, which is now recognised as Natal. To this colony, which NATAL is said to have a delightful climate, large emigra- tion has taken place of late years. Since 1856 its imports and exports have been distinguished in official returns from those of the Cape of Good Hope. The trade with Natal is at present limited, but it is obviously growing, as the following figures show : IMPORTS FROM. EXPORTS TO. TOTAL TRADE. 1857 . . . 86,174 .... 140,546 .... 228,720 1860 . . . 103,721 .... 236,864 .... 340,585 The list of imports and exports is not large, but 382 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. {CHAP. vir. Trade with Natal. ASCKN- SION. ST. HELENA. the items indicate agricultural progress and some development of native trade : TRADE WITH NATAL. IMPORTS FROM. VALUED AT Wool 37,851 Hides 21,640 Elephants' Teeth .... 18,092 Sugar 12,506 Arrowroot 10,073 Ostrich Feathers . . 317 EXPORTS TO. TALCED AT Cotton Goods 43,004 Apparel 30,551 Machinery 26,541 Woollen Goods 23,427 Iron 15,141 Hardwares 15,005 Leather and Saddlery . . . 15,611 Colonial Produce, &c. . . . 16,24s The trade carried on with the lone Atlantic islands of ASCENSION and ST. HELENA would scarcely be worth mentioning but for some peculiarities. Ascension, which is a mere volcanic rock, pro- duces nothing. We use it as a coal depot for steamers navigating the Southern Ocean, and they do not appear largely to resort to it, as our export of coal and prepared fuel scarcely amounts to 2,0002. a year. ST. HELENA sent us in 1860 about 12,0002. worth of orchal, gathered on her rocks ; some guano, which, considering the moisture of her climate, must have been an unprofitable import ; a few hides, and a small quantity of wool. In return we sent to St. Helena, in small quantities of course, nearly every article that enters into the daily consumption of a European population: bread and butter, cheese and biscuits, beef and pork, beer and ale, soap and candles, slops and haberdashery, boots and shoes, brandy, tea, tobacco, and wine. The value of the goods sent there was 56,1572. The sum paid out of the national exchequer for the cost of supporting this dependency was 63,0002. It would appear, therefore, that we are keeping up this distant island, with its population of 5,500, at a greater cost than CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH THE FALKLAND ISLANDS. 383 the whole value of its trade. For what object we maintain a government and military establishment on this rock it is difficult to say. It no longer affords any protection to our commerce, for the trade to and from the East Indies is very much diverted to other routes, and comparatively few vessels now touch at St. Helena. In the FALKLAND ISLANDS we have another instance of a dependency maintained, as it would seem, without LANDS. any other object than that of patronage.* Upon this Main- isolated group, with a population of less than SOO souls, we are expending, in salaries paid out of the Imperial Treasury, an amount which, on the average of the last five years, exceeds the total exportation of the islands ! A Company was formed some years since, under the title of " the Falkland Islands Com- pany," whose principal object it was to trade in the herds of wild cattle which have been multiplying in these islands since Commodore Byron landed on them in 1764. One would not suppose, however, that the not for enterprise was very successful, judging from the commerce, following meagre list of imports and exports for 1860, which do not exceed those of many a provincial village : IMPORTS FROM. Hides VALUED AT . 3,631 EXPORTS TO. Slops VALUED AT . 1 148 Wool 2,338 Leather and Saddlery 770 Seal Skins 659 Com and Flour . . 309 Train Oil 207 Beer and Ale - 213 Rum 184 Tea 172 Tobacco 145 Wine 135 * The Under Secretary of the Colonies, Mr. J. F. Elliott, could give no better reason to a Parliamentary Committee for the occupancy of the Falkland islands than that " they were held to prevent bad uses." Every attempt made to colonize these islands has failed. They are only fit for a convict settlement ; and it would entail great cost to adapt them even to that purpose. 384 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [OHAP. vn. b atrona e ^ ne g^^er part of the population of these un- ' productive islands are stated to be office-holders, receiving salaries from the British Government. It is lamentable to think of our keeping up govern- ment establishments in dependencies so obscure and worthless; especially knowing as we do, that we may be forced at some future date into enormous expenditure for maintaining or defending them. Our very right to the Falkland Islands has been with other already, on more than one occasion, disputed by the Governments of Spain and Buenos Ayres ; and it is doubted, if not questioned, by other more important powers. Trade Passing from these islands which afford nothing, with Aus- THALIA, we proceed to consider the trade of the colonies of AUSTRALIA, which, whilst Downing Street has been engaged in settling the Falkland Islands, have pro- moted themselves to so high a position in the ranks of commerce. It will be seen, from the following table, that our gross trade with these countries ex- ceeded 21,000,OOOZ. in 1860, of which 15,000,000*. was represented by merchandise, and 6,000,000/. by coin and bullion. TRADE OF GREAT BRITAIN WITH AUSTRALIA, 1860. IMPORTS FROM. EXPORTS TO. New South Wales .... 1,830,371 .... 2,709,973 Victoria 2,867,445 .... 5,802,513 South Australia 736,480 .... 880,894 West Australia 93,699 .... 116,838 .3,527,995 9,510,218 Gold and Silver 6,719,857 29,720 12,247,852 9,539,938 In order correctly to measure the progress of our trade with these colonies, it is necessary to take them seriatim. CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NEW SOUTH WALES. 385 Down to the 1st of August, 1848, NEW SOUTH . WALES was a penal colony. From that date thewaies, transportation of convicts to Australia ceased. In 1850, Port Philip was separated from it, and made a separate colony under the name of Victoria, and constitutions were granted to both. At that time the population of New South "Wales amounted to 250,000. It was entirely dependent upon its pastoral its pastoral * *mr character. resources, and its sheep and other stock. "Wool and tallow were by far the most important exports of the colony. The value of the Australian trade generally was about 2,500,0002. annually ; the wool and tallow exported amounting to about 1,000,0002., and the im- ports from Great Britain averaging about 1,300,0002. In 1852 the discovery of gold changed the whole Discovery aspect of New South Wales. In order to pay the expenses of our convict and other establishments, England, up to that time, had annually been obliged to export gold to Australia. All this was now changed. The people grew suddenly rich, and were able to pur- chase supplies of commodities greatly in excess of their previous consumption. Our export trade to Conse- New South Wales accordingly rose at once from crease of 1,632,1372. in 1852 to 4,527,7752. in 1853. Our exportation in the latter year was, no doubt, in excess of the wants of the community, and many failures both in England and in the colony resulted from the disappointments consequent upon this over- trading. These embarrassments, however, were only temporary. A large increase of trade was justified by the ability of the colonists to purchase ; and since the trade has settled down, free from the excitement of the first discovery of the precious metals, our ex- portations to New South Wales have averaged fully 3,000,0002. per annum. The list of articles chiefly imported and exported is as follows : c c 386 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Imports from and exports to Sydney. TRADE WITH NEW 5 IMPORTS FROM. VALUED AT Wool . . . 1,527,648 OUTH WALES, 1860. EXPORTS TO. Apparel VALUED AT 495,265 287,496 181,600 176,337 154,094 142,360 121,764 81,223 54,470 49,135 46,275 46,415 39,475 37,895 33,298 33,088 31,673 29,735 26,967 26,281 25,162 23,099 21,192 15,965 15,877 15,600 15,556 15,270 14,788 12,708 12,546 11,147 10,961 10,618 10,257 7,135 4.665 Hides . - . 97,308 Leather Cocoa Nut Oil 45,548 Cotton Goods Copper Ore 32,949 Iron Spermaceti . 31,940 Woollen Tallow . 23 274 Beer and Ale Gums 6,521 Hardwares and Cutlery . . Stationery Woods . . . . . . 5,456 Whale Fins 5,109 Saddlery and Harness . . Brandy Bones 3 322 Sheep Skins 3 284 Wine Tortoiseshell ... . 2 944 Hats Australian Wine .... 58 Linens Bum Silk Manufactures .... Glass Soap and Candles .... Drugs Furniture N.B. There are no reliable accounts of our imports of gold from New South Wales since its discovery, nor of the gold yield of the colony. The quantity of gold which has been coined at Sydney amounts to a very large item ; in 1860 it was estimated at 1,621,354Z. The export of uncoined gold that year was estimated at 93,036 ounces. It is anti- cipated that the colonial gold coined at the Sydney Mint will presently be made a legal tender throughout all the British dominions ; so that we may soon have Sydney sovereigns current in Cornhill. Large shipments of gold are made from Australia to India. New South Wales gold is generally of a lower quality than that from Victoria. Pickles and Sauces . . . Books Steam Engines Earthenware Raisins and Currants . . . Musical Instruments . . . Corn and Flour Confectionery Butter and Cheese .... Copper Machinery Empty Bags Straw Hats, &c Tobacco Qin Plate and Jewellery . . . Carriages Gloves . Australia now stands at the head of the list of countries which supply England with wool. The following is an account showing the quantities of wool imported in 1860 from all the countries of the world : CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH NEW SOUTH WALES. 38" WOOL IMPORTED, I860. COUNTRY. QUANTITY. VALUE. Ib. 59,165,939 16,574,345 8,733,484 20,214,173 . 4,723,628 5,387,078 1,187,748 869,120 i 699,861 472,362 376,056 358,532 230,124 145,555 104,394 101,039 97,743 92,211 89,734 83,925 82,921 65,804 56,903 39,929 32,161 30,551 25,232 21,925 54,014 British Possessions in South Africa .... British East Indies BeJoium . Holland 3,760,546 8,730,107 4,424,260 2,743,193 1,614,538 2,368,882 1,000,227 1,091,390 931,128 2,066,650 1,260,370 661,372 1,402,492 939,609 849,325 306,549 252,909 418,389 1,268,146 Peru (Alpaca and Vicuna Wool) Buenos Ayres Denmark and Iceland . . Spain United States Eflvnft Uruguay Prussia Gibraltar Turkey Proper Morocco Bremen . Hanover Chili (Alpaca and Vicuna) TOTAL 145,501,651 10,704,922 Quantities of wool received from dif- ferent countries, A.D. 1860. In 1810 Australia sent home its "first clip" of Vast and wool. In 1860 the Australian colonies furnsihed nearly 60,000,000 Ib. The progressive supply for each ten years was as follows : wocl - EXPORT OF WOOL FROM AUSTRALIA. YEAR. lh. 1810 167 1820 99,415 1830 1,967,309 1840 9,721,243 1850 39,018,221 1860 59,165,939 c c 2 388 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. The alpaca and vicuna have recently been intro- duced with success into New South Wales, and in the next ten years we may expect supplies of the wool of those animals. importa- It should be noticed, that the importation of tallow from this colony has materially decreased. In consequence of the increase of population, the Wales, sheep are not now boiled down as they were some years ago, but are used as food. The flocks, however, are so rapidly increasing, that it may be expected, at no distant period, that there will again be an excess of the supply required for consumption, in which case, the exportation of tallow will, no doubt, again increase. It is curious to note the progressive fall in the quantity exported Decrease TALLOW EXPORTED FROM NEW SOUTH WALES. of the export TEAR. cwt. of tallow. 1852 ......... 118,649 1853 ......... 115,933 1854 ......... 64,378 1855 ......... 42,029 1856 ......... 73,281 1857 ......... 48,257 1858 ......... 29,601 1859 ......... 11,924 1860 ......... 8,110 Australian In the same way the importation of wine grown and manufactured in Australia sunk from 3,356 gallons in 1852 to 586 in 1860 ; but this, considering the quality, can scarcely be considered any loss. The hides exported are about stationary, and the copper ore has considerably increased. QUEENS- In 1860, the accounts of the rising colony of QUEENSLAND, which has recently become a distinct settlement from New South Wales, were first pub- lished separately from those of the larger colony. The statistics are not yet in a condition to enable us to CHAP. VIL] TKADE WITH VICTORIA. 389 do more than draw from them a favourable augury as to the future of this productive pastoral settle- ment. Our exports to Queensland direct in 1860, amounted to 53, 297 J. and in 1861 to 75,000/. ; but this does not by any means show the extent of the consumption of this very rising colony. The colony of VICTORIA is, if possible, even a still more remarkable instance of rapid progress than that of New South "Wales. This colony was absolutely unsettled until thirty years ago. In 1824 it was visited by two English travellers, who published an account which drew attention to it, and in 1826 Western Point was formally taken possession of, and a small fort erected on an island in Port Philip Harbour. Up to 1836, however, the Government its settle- appeared anxious to check emigration to this colony, despite and would sanction no territorial arrangements cal- stet Sff- culated to promote its effectual settlement. In that ficulties - year they appointed a governor and some other officials, and the colonists themselves imported 30,000 sheep from Van Diemen's Land. The colony, thereafter, made rapid progress, and at the time it was separated from New South Wales, contained a population of upwards of 80,000, and exported as much wool as the parent colony. In 1851, only fifteen years after what may be con- Discovery sidered its settlement, the first discovery was made of the extraordinarily productive gold-fields for which Victoria has since become famous. Such was the rush to the colony, that its population imme- diately rose from 95,000 to 200,000; a rise in onef n en t f e dlise year said to be absolutely without any precedent in prosperity the world's history. The immediate increase in the colony. prosperity of the colony will be illustrated by the following table : 390 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. STATISTICS OF VICTORIA. 1851. 1852. Imports from the Colony 1,056,000 4,044,000 Exports to ,, 1,424,000 7,452,000 Colonial Revenue 380,000 1,577,000 Tonnage Entered Inwards 126,000 380,000 Population of Melbourne 23,000 80,000 of Geelong 8,000 20,000 ,, of the Colon v . ' 95,000 200,000 Decline of The population of Victoria in 1860 was upwards of produce 500,000, of whom 300,000 were males. The produce accounted o f g^ ^as dedine^ ^^ this is well accounted for in the following despatch of the Governor, Sir Henry Barkley, presented to Parliament in April, 1862 : " I reckoned in 1857 on a large and continuous accession to the mining population, to compensate for the comparative falling off in the richness of the earliest worked alluvial deposits; whereas immigration at the public expense was soon afterwards discontinued, and one class of miners suddenly reduced in numbers by the threatened exaction of residence tax from the Chinese. Much labour was also withdrawn to the construction of railways, as well as to agriculture by the opening up of the lands. But above all has been the drain annually caused by the reports of gold discoveries of surpassing richness in other colonies. In 1858 the Port Curtis rush drew ten or twelve thousand diggers to what is now the territory of Queensland; in 1859-60, at least an equal number were tempted by the glowing, though fallacious, accounts of the Snowy River diggings to cross the frontier into New South Wales ; in the present year as many more have embarked for the gold-fields in the Otago Province, New Zealand ; and while it is still uncertain whether these will support a quarter of their present population, the note of preparation for a rush to the * The actual quantity of gold found in Victoria, between 1851 and 1861, was about 800 tons, or 103,000,000/. sterling. It is to be regretted that no reliable materials exist for giving the annual import of gold from our colonies; m> account of the gold and bullion imported having been taken by the customs ]>ri<>r to 185". CHAP, vii.] TEADE WITH VICTORIA. 391 Lachlan, in New South Wales, is again being sounded by the Sydney press. " The wonder is, indeed, that the effects of all this have not been more strongly exhibited at the Victoria gold-fields, but it must be borne in mind that there always was a large unsettled population in this colony prospecting for new gold-fields at home, and it is from this source mainly, though by no means exclusively, that these foreign rushes are fed, many diggers going to and returning disappointed from each in succession. " No accurate data exist for determining the numbers actually engaged in mining at the two periods, but some idea may be formed from the fact, that so late as 1859, when the Mining Surveyor's Reports were first published, it was computed at 125,764, whilst, in the Report for September last, the aggre- gate stands at but 103,384. Added to this, more than 1 0,000 Chinese had left the colony between 1857 and 1859; their number now, allowing for a subsequent reduction of 3,000, being estimated at 23,000 as against 36,000. " A reduction to so great an extent in the labour applied, goes a long way in accounting for the diminution in the product. It not merely explains why no great rush has taken place within the colony since 1858. and why so little new alluvial ground has been opened, but accounts, in some degree, for the deserted aspect of the old alluvial diggings around the towns I visited, which I anticipated, when there before, would give profitable employment in reworking for a far longer period." The following were the exports of Victoria to Great Exports of Britain in 1860, in addition to the gold : victoria - Wool 2,357,545 Hides 200,219 Copper Ore 105,962 Copper, partly wrought, &c. . . 61,135 Sheep Skins 24,775 Tallow 9,501 Tin Ore 7,800 Other Articles 100,313 It is observable, that whilst the annual exports of Their pro- New South Wales have rather decreased than other- wise since the discovery of gold, the exports of Victoria have steadily increased. They were in 392 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, vn 1854 1,651,649 1855 1,798,790 1856 ........ 2,033,654 1857 2,472,479 1858 2,110,277 1859 2,427,820 I860 2,867,445 This is a very favourable symptom for the colony; showing that the mania for gold-finding has not superseded other efforts to develop its resources. Our exportations to Victoria consisted in 1860 of the following long list of articles, the total value of which amounted to no less than 5,800,000. Articles exported to Vic- toria. Exi Apparel . ORTS TO VICTORIA, 1860. . 912,765 Linfins ... 34,492 31,898 28,723 25,120 24,856 23,080 20,487 18,362 16,961 16,520 15,809 12,771 8,095 7,659 6,132 6,088 5,147 5,022 4,480 3,417 3,318 3,284 2,106 1,794 1,226 636,264 Iron ....... 576,382 Furniture ...... Leather Goods .... 525,297 Empty Bags . Butter and Cheese . . Woollen Goods .... . 318,792 315,745 Straw Hats and Bonnets . Gin Cotton .... 299,732 Currants . Beer and Ale .... 285 195 Musical Instruments . . . Plate and Jewellery . . . Wood, ready sawn . . . . Lead and Shot Hardwares and Cutlery . Stationery . 204,901 156 616 Bacon and Hams . . . Soap and Candles . . . Corn and Flour . . . Steam Engines .... 145,020 111,305 88,286 86,830 Rum Quicksilver ....... Cigars . Glass Manufactures . . Silk Goods 85,942 85,309 Raisins Olive On Brandy 80,598 Gloves Hats 73 973 Tobacco Machinery 73,146 'Wooden Wares Printed Books .... 61,019 Corks .... Wine 60 434 Succades Foreign Ribbons . . . . Chicory, roasted . . . . Coffee Drugs 60 358 Saddlery and Harness . Pickles and Sauces . . Stearine Candles . . . Earthenware 53,542 48,692 46,402 41,938 Tea Rice Confectionery .... 39,665 Unenumerated Articles . . Apparel. The large proportion of ready-made wearing ap- parel in the lists of exports to Australia is very remarkable, and shows the large extent to which CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH VICTORIA. . 393 the export tailors of the East-end of London are employed for colonial purposes. These wholesale and export houses, it will be recollected, are the employers of those sempstresses and tailoresses whom we have been anxious, for many years past, to emigrate to these very colonies, in consequence of the unreniuneratlve character of their labour at home, and the extent to which they overstock the London labour market. It is curious also to notice the great quantity of "butter and cheese" sent to Butter and this colony : which is said to arise from the tem- perature being ordinarily too hot for good dairy operations. Even more observable is the quantity of bacon and hams exported. These, it is to be pre- Bacon aQ d sumed, are mostly for the diggings, where " a rasher" would probably be the ne plus ultra of cookery. Victoria is one of the very few portions of the globe with which we trade in which the quantity ofwooiiena. woollen goods consumed is in excess of the quantity of cottons. This is the more singular, considering the climate. The stationery and printed books, which station- form two heavy items, speak well for the intelligence ery ' &c ' of the colony. On the other hand, the very great quantity of brandy and other spirituous liquors sent Spirits. out (despite a heavy colonial duty of 10s. per gallon on importation) is to be deplored. Taking the popu- lation of the colony in 1856 at 500,000, the importa- tion of spirituous liquors from England in that year was at the rate of nearly four gallons per head per annum for every man, woman, and child, in the colony,: and although the quantity imported was not so great in 1860, that does not appear to have pro- ceeded from diminished consumption. Victoria, at present, stands at the head of all our The colonies in regard to commerce : her total imports pre and exports from and to all portions of the world 394 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. and future of Vic- toria. SOUTH AUS- TRALIA. Its copper mines. Their progress checked by the gold dis- coveries. Increase in the clip of wool. amounting to very nearly 30,000,000^. annually. It is somewhat hazardous to make predictions of the future trade of a colony so largely dependent as Victoria is upon its gold-fields. The industry of its settled population, the increase of its raw productions, and the large sums which have been and are still being expended upon public works,* are, however, indications of a prosperous future, whatever may be the mineral development of the country. SOUTH AUSTRALIA, which was settled under the auspices of an English Land Company, in 1836, mainly owes its prosperity to the discovery of copper and lead mines in 1842 and 1843, by two gentlemen who had gone out as settlers (Mr. Dutton and Mr. Bagot). These gentlemen combined to buy the land which contained these great mineral riches, and which comprehended what are now known as the copper mines of Kapunda. This land, to the extent of eighty acres, they purchased at the Government price, I/, an acre, and some time after refused to sell for 27,0007. In 1852, the exports of copper ore, regulus, &c., from Port Adelaide, amounted to 9,984 tons ; but the discovery of the gold-fields in the other colonies of Australia, by attracting many of the labourers from the copper mines, gave a serious check to their progress, and the quantity of copper since exported has been decreasing almost every year. On the other hand, it is gratifying to notice that the annual clip of wool in South Australia has largely increased. * It is computed that, in the last ten years, there has been expended in the Australian Colonies, on Railways 8,000,000 Telegraphs 163,476 Roads and Bridges 5,272,620 Other Public Works 3,500,000 16,936,096 CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH SOUTH AUSTRALIA. 395 WOOL IMPORTED FROM SOUTH AUSTRALIA. TEAR. lb. 1852 3,922,318 1853 3,339,743 1854 4,395,957 1855 5,589,657 1856 5,976,796 1857 ...".' 7,138,009 1858 7,464,351 1859 8,339,079 1860 9,769,474 Besides wool, our general imports from South imports Australia, in 1860, were of small account. The fr)m ' following is the complete list : IMPORTS FROM SOUTH AUSTRALIA, 1860. Wool valued at 594,306 Copper 121,838 Bark, for Tanning 7,708 Hides 4,986 Lead Ore 200 Other Articles 8,042 The principal exports were and ex- ports to, EXPORTS TO SOUTH AUSTRALIA, 1860. the colony. Apparel 154,053 j Hats of other sorts . . . 13,863 Cotton Goods 72,550 Agricultural Implements . 12,518 Woollen 69,906 Tobacco and Cigars . . . 12,290 Iron and Steel 67,644 Machinery 11,984 Leather 49,685 Wine ........ 11,876 Hardwares and Cutlery . . 38,564 Linens 11,782 Empty Bags 25,119 Glass Manufactures . . . 8,701 Soap and Candles .... 24,442 Drugs 8,116 Beer and Ale 23,174 Pickles and Sauces . . . 7,440 Stationery 22,539 Butter and Cheese . . . 6,817 Saddlery . 15,387 j Printed Books 6,383 Silk Manufactures . . . 14,573 Furniture 5,204 . Straw Hats 14,439 Earthenware 3,506 The whole amount of our trade with this colony grew Present from about 500,0007. in 1852 to 1,616,000/. in 1860. The trade with South Australia at the present time is steady, and there is every probability of its being maintained. The land of the colony is rich, nearly 396 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. 300,000 acres are under cultivation, and the popula- tion has risen to nearly 120,000. Considering that in 1840 the settlement may be said to have been utterly bankrupt, this state of things may be con- sidered highly satisfactory. WEST WEST AUSTRALIA (better known as the Swan LIA. River settlement) for many years suffered from very serious errors which were made in its original coloniza- tion, and is only just beginning to exhibit symptoms of commercial vitality. Compared with the sister colonies of this portion of the globe, West Australia made but slow progress, until 1859 and 1860, when its export of wool and copper ore was doubled the former rising from 464,5101b. to 970,2981k, and the latter from a value of 9,350. to 18,628^.: the total value of our imports from the colony being increased from 47,94U in 1858 to 93,261Z. in 1859, and 93,6992. in 1860. For a long period the produce of this colony was not sufficient to pay for the articles which we annually exported to it ; but the tide now appears to be turning. TASMANIA. it is to be regretted that the same cannot be said of TASMANIA, or Van Diemen's Land,* which has suffered of late years from the taint and bad effect of having been a penal settlement, as well as from the emigration of its population to the gold-fields. Since 1856, Tasmania has certainly been retrograding as colony. regards commerce. The trade of the colony in that year, as compared with 1860, was TRADE OF TASMANIA. YEAR. IMPORTS THEREFROM. EXPORTS THERETO. TOTAL. 1856 .... 576,296 .... 741,512 . . . 1,317,808 1860 .... 497,006 .... 425,151 . . . 922,157 * The name was changed, at the desire of the colonists, when Van Diemeif s Land ceased to l>e a penal settlement. CHAP, vii.] TEADE WITH NEW ZEALAND. 397 All the principal articles we import from this colony have declined. IMPORTATIONS FROM TASMANIA. 1856. I860. Wool .... 5,267,828 Ib. . . . 4,415,516 Ib. Hides . . . 217,399 Ib. . . . 140,683 Ib. Spermaceti Oil . 834 tons. . . 451 tons. Since the gold discoveries in Australia, a trade in its local articles of food, which is proving lucrative to the Sew 3 * population of Tasmania, has sprung up between that ^J and island and Sydney and Port Philip. In 1856, victoria. Tasmania sent to Australia flour, oats, potatoes, and fruits, to the value of nearly 324,OOOZ. She also sent to Australia upwards of 600 horses, and a considerable quantity of timber. It is probable that this is a trade which will increase; though it may be questioned how far it will compensate the Tasmanian colonist for the decline in the production of wool, which is the most valuable staple of the colony.* Whilst Tasmania has declined, NEW ZEALAND has NEW been exhibiting, during the last few years, an illustra- z tion of extraordinary colonial progress. The imports its rapid from this colony in the six years 1855 1860 inclu- sive, have increased upwards of twelve-fold ! The statistics are VALUE OF IMPORTS FROM NEW ZEALAND. 1855 33,190 1856 100,644 1857 157,220 1858 261,538 1859 341,634 I860 445,244 This wonderful increase has been chiefly in wool, of which the quantities and values exported during ^. these years have been as follows : * Large as is the value of the gold imported from our Australian colonies, it is worthy observation that the value of their wool is scarcely inferior. In 1860 they sent us GOLD to the value of 6,719,857?., WOOL to the value of 5,387,078?. And the latter is a steadily increasing trade. 398 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP, vn. WOOL IMPORTED FROM NEW ZEALAND. YEAR. QUANTITY. VALUE. 1854 . . . 299,383 lb 22,454 1855 . . . 358,493 .... 27,821 1856 . . . 1,065,794 .... 93,257 1857 ... 1,608,564 .... 140,146 1858 . . . 2,699,364 .... 216,025 1859 . . . 4,060,556 .... 309,097 1860 . . . 5,067,963 .... 408,083 increase in ^11 the other items imported from New Zealand other im- * ports from have also risen during the same period, though not Zealand, in the like proportion. In 1860, our imports were: Wool valued at 408,083 Gunis 14,173 Hewn Wood . Spermaceti Oil Copper Ore . . Hides . . . Flax . 7,395 3,177 1,493 1,242 889 Exports Of all the articles enumerated besides wool, the colony, exportation from New Zealand, in 1855, only amounted in value to 3,64*6. This increase in the prosperity of the colony is the more satisfactory, as up to 1860 the settlers were disturbed by their differences with the Maori tribes. Compare- The population of New Zealand and Tasmania of the w being very nearly equal, it may be interesting to exports to contrast the list and values of exports to the two Zealand colonies. It should be first observed, however, that and Tas- mania, our total exports to New Zealand have been increasing as rapidly as those of Tasmania have been declining. The following is the comparison : TOTAL EXPORTS TO NEW ZEALAND AND TASMANIA. YEAR. NEW ZEALAND. TASMANIA. 1855 276,376 685,144 1856 400,489 741,512 1857 408,204 594,979 1858 542,186 646,239 1859 719,185 557,355 1860 663,848 425,151 CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH NEW ZEALAND. 399 New Zealand has thus been rising in almost pre- cisely the proportion in which Tasmania has been declining. VALUE OP EXPORTS TO NEW ZEALAND AND TASMANIA, 1860. Compara- tive List. ARTICLES. NEW ZEALAND. TASKAN I A. Apparel, &c j 117,241 Iron I 50,280 Leather 35,527 Woollen Goods 33,573 Hardwares and Cutlery 30,451 Beer and Ale 29,641 Cotton Manufactures 27,583 Tobacco 23,438 Tea 20,910 Wine 18,405 Stationery 16,269 Soap and Candles 15,959 Saddlery 14,756 Furniture 11,969 Printed Books 11,028 Agricultural Implements 10,114 Brandy 9,726 Machinery 9,196 Glass Manufactures . 8,522 Empty Bags 6,137 Rum 5,942 Steam Engines 5,867 Coals 5,757 Sugar, refined 5,679 Pickles and Sauces 5,444 Musical Instruments 5,041 Linens 4,630 Silks I 4,809 Earthenware 4,499 3,888 Coffee 1,187 Currants 1,375 Raisins 975 Drugs Hats Corn and Flour Lead and Shot Copper Plate and Jewellery Butter and Cheese . 90,736 20,501 17,738 23,145 15,450 19,533 25,888 16,484 10,284 5,951 9,698 9,181 4,878 3,102 7,177 3,418 2,933 6,370 4,263 5,158 530 6,635 4,408 2,992 5,546 5,613 5,265 4,406 1,303 1,092 6,144 4,557 5,354 3,465 2,277 1,894 1,352 400 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Our WEST The commerce of our WEST INDIA colonies lias COLONIES, been subjected to various vicissitudes, owing princi- pally, it must be admitted, to changes of public feeling at home, and alterations in the character of Conflicting our legislation. At one time the British Parliament !?regrd n nas fostered a particular manufacture in these colonies, to them. an( j k as afforded the settlers the most undue advan- tages with a view to its encouragement. At another period Parliament has deprived them of their exclusive privileges, and forced them into an unequal compe- tition with countries possessed of the advantages which they have lost. For a number of years they were encouraged to supply themselves with slaves from Africa. Then, with no little inconsistency, they were compelled toforego that supply, whilst competing countries continued it ; and whilst the West Indian colonists themselves were permitted to retain in slavery those they had already imported and their descendants, whom we recognised as British subjects ! Then, after the lapse of a quarter of a century, Great Britain insisted on the emancipation of slave labour in her own colonies, and, at the same time, threw open her ports to the produce of that labour from every other quarter of the world. That this legislation was proper and desirable, no wise man can doubt. But right and desirable as it was, it was highly inconsistent; and, so far as the British colonists were concerned, eminently unjust. It was the more so, because, whilst on the one hand the Imperial Parliament discouraged the trade it had created, it did nothing to develop the other resources of the West India Islands, or to direct the inhabitants into other fields of enterprise. En-ore Whilst our own changes of policy have been colonists, detrimental to the prosperity of the West Indies, it must be admitted, however, that the conduct of the CHAP, viz.] TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 401 colonists themselves has been infinitely more so. The The whole history of these islands hears testimony colonized to the fact that they have been regarded not as ew to countries to be settled and cultivated with a view P 8 " 1811 * residence. to permanent occupation, but simply as convenient localities for forcing labour and forcing a soil out of which the largest profit was to be made in the shortest possible period to be borne away to the mother-country and there expended in profusion. In the proper sense of the term, there have never been British " settlers " in the West Indies. Young men went out to the islands, a few with capital, the majority without. They took lands, procured slaves, planted the sugar-cane, en- forced a manufacture requiring great labour in a country in which the climate opposes much exertion made rapid fortunes out of the soil and out of the hardly driven slaves and then came home to England to spend the proceeds. The planters never settled in the country. They seldom married in it, or esta- blished homes. Nothing is rarer in the West Indies than a white family of any descent. Almost the only descendants of white settlers are the illegitimate descendants of white fathers by coloured mothers. The first evil consequence of the absentee system Evil effects was, that the estates gradually fell into the hands of absentee agents, attorneys, and other subordinates, whose ex- 8 y stem - penses absorbed the profits. These agents naturally failed to feel the same interest with the proprietor in the working of the property, or the management of the labourers employed on it. Under them, therefore, all the errors of a system inherently bad were largely exaggerated. The productiveness of the properties gradually declined, without any means being taken to improve them. The working expenses annually increased, without any resort being had to machinery D D 402 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. as a substitute for labour. Neither was any attempt made to improve the habits of those upon whose labour the islands were dependent. At no period have the planters sought the improve- ment of the moral, social, or religious condition of the population under their charge ; on the contrary, they have set their faces against the religious teaching and educational instruction of the coloured population, and have even persecuted those who sought to afford it to them. In their treatment of their labourers, they have aimed solely and exclusively at obtaining from them the largest amount of labour at the smallest possible cost. itsuiti- The consequence of this state of things has sequence, been, that whilst the natural resources of the West of e the dme India Islands have not been developed, their forced islands, cultivation of sugar has decayed. This was to be expected. It is to be borne in mind that these islands have by no means always been sugar- producing colonies. On the contrary, it was only at a comparatively recent period that they became so. Up to 1790, the greater proportion of the supplies of sugar from the West Indies came from St. Domingo, where the sugar cultivation under the French had been exceedingly successful and profitable. Prior to that time, the cultivation of sugar had been by no means universal in our own colonies ; and it was only when the revolution of the blacks destroyed the sugar estates of St. Domingo,* * The French portion of St. Domingo contained, in 1 790 : Plantations of Sugar 793 Coffee 3,117 Cotton 789 Indigo 3,160 Cocoa 54 Grain and Vegetables . . 623 TOTAL 8,536 CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 403 that the colonists of the British West India Islands devoted themselves so largely to the planting of the cane. The exports of Jamaica for the first cen- tury after we settled it in 1655, were chiefly cocoa, hides, and indigo. In 1772, Jamaica only exported 11,000 hogsheads of sugar. After the revolution in St. Domingo, her exports rose to an average of 83,000 hogsheads ; and from that time the production was so greatly extended, that in 1801 and 1802, Jamaica produced no less than 143,000 hogsheads in each year. Sugar, therefore, was a forced and not a natural pro- duct of these colonies, and the cultivation of other gifts of nature to these islands has been neglected in order to produce sugar under the artificial stimulus given to its manufacture by British legislation. A consideration of these circumstances will abate Nbn-de- the surprise which might otherwise be felt, that since of the" 61 other resources the abolition of slavery and the equalization of the islands. sugar duties, the commerce of these islands has clined. The decline has, of course, been greatest in those islands in which sugar has hitherto been most largely cultivated. That which is most to be regretted, however, in reference to these islands, is that little or nothing has been done to stimulate their trade in other directions besides that of sugar-making. The black population of these islands, if they are less industrious than other human beings, are not less influenced by other passions common to our nature. They are as anxious to make money, as emulous of position amongst their neighbours, and as fond of display and finery, as other people. In the quarter The new of a century which has elapsed since the emancipation proprie- tors of The population was 30,831 whites (exclusive of troops and sailors), 434,429 negro slaves on the estates, 46,000 negro mechanics and servants in the towns, and 24,000 free people of colour. The produce exported was valued, at an annual average, at half a million sterling. D D 2 404 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. |CHAP. vn. the soil of the slaves, more than 100,000 coloured persons arisen in 38 have become free holders of the soil in Jamaica, and they are officially represented to be living with their families on their respective properties, " working " hard, living thriftily, and endeavouring to accumu- " late real capital." A recent report of the Governor- General represents that these people " work dili- " gently when they cultivate the soil on their own " account ; that they are rising into an independent, " respectable, and trustworthy middle class ; and " are even becoming employers of hired labour." Now, it is quite clear, that it only requires enter- prise to make these persons, and others of their class, bring to market products which would be highly acceptable to us, and receive in exchange Their en- articles suited for their consumption. When we no"? 11 complain of the apathy of the black population of rtimdLrted tne West Indies, we really ought to ask ourselves, by coin- What have we done since slavery was abolished to mercial . induce- stimulate them into energy and enterprise ? The true answer will probably be found to be that trade has done little or nothing to extend itself in the "West Indies during the last quarter of a century that it has remained very much in the old currents (sometimes sufficiently sluggish), without seeking new channels and that the consequence has been that we have afforded to the free coloured population of the West India Islands no opportunities for exchanging with us the natural products of their soil. If this be so, it would fully account for the decline of our West India trade, even in the face of an increased black population. statistics Without going further into this question, which of com- , iijii i i merce may be commended to the attentive consideration of persons of enterprise seeking to embark in a new colonies, trade, we proceed to give the statistics of our CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 405 commerce with the West Indies. In 1860 our trade with the fifteen islands which compose our West India colonies,* was represented by the following figures : Imports from the West Indies .... 4,399,917 Exports to the West Indies 2,020,768 TOTAL TRADE 6,420,685 This appears to have been about the average amount of our West India trade for the past ten years; neither the totals nor the items exhibiting any material increase or decrease during that period. The following are the items : IMPORTS. VALUED AT Sugar and Molasses . . . 3,507,762 Rum 377,748 Coffee. Cocoa . Logwood Pimento Ginger 120,320 113,329 38,724 32,030 30,635 EXPORTS. Imports VALUED AT Cotton Goods ..... 472,032 ex P lte - Apparel, &c ...... 178,727 Iron ........ 101,471 Linens ........ 96,518 Soap and Candles .... 93,045 Beer and Ale .... 70,952 Leather ....... 69,043 The following is a list of our present possessions in the West Indies : ISLAND. ^PRESENT POPULATION. WHEN ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH. CIRCUMSTANCES ATTENDING ACQUISITION. 1 Jamaica . ... 377,433 A.D. 1655 Conquest from Spain. 2 3 Barbadoes .... Trinidad 135,939 68,600 1625 1797 Colonized. Conquest from Spain. 4 Antigua 36,000 1632 Colonized. 5 Grenada 35,517 1763 Conquest from France. 6 St. Vincent .... St Lucia .... 30,128 30,000 1763 1796 Ditto. Ditto. 8 9 The Bahamas . . . Dominica 27,619 25,023 1629 1763 Colonized. Conquest from France. 10 St Kitts 20,741 1623 Colonized. 11 16,363 1763 Conquest from France. 12 9,571 1628 Colonized. 13 14 Montserrat .... Tortola &c 7,053 6,053 1632 1680 Ditto. Ditto. 15 Turks' Island . . . 3.300 ' Dependency of Jamaica. 406 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. The \Yest IMPORTS THOM. India islands. [conti 1 VALUED AT 29,987 27,280 10,125 8,830 7,841 6,703 3,620 3,356 1.036 803 516 79,266 wed.'] EXPORTS TO. Woollen Goods' VALUED AT 67,692 59,296 49,797 46,932 41,586 37,781 33,676 32,579 26,875 23,652 22,725 21,252 20,835 19,211 19,054 19,012 17,925 17,219 16,987 16,499 13,594 10,872 9,268 5,010 Raw Cotton* .... Hardwares and Cutlery . . Machinery Fustic Casks, Staves, and Hoops . Rice Wine Butter Corn and Flour Coals, &c Earthenware Glass Other Articles, uuenume- rated Silk Manufactures . . . Brandy Sugar, refined^" Copper Saddlery Hats Stationery Steam Engines Guano Cordage and Cables . . . Painters' Colours . Tea. on sugars and It will be seen that sugar and rum constitute three- rum - fourths of our entire imports from these colonies, j The sugar received from our West India colonies is almost entirely classified as of second and third rate our duties qualities. It will be borne in mind that since April, 1857, the duties upon sugar have been levied at 16s., 13s. 1(M., and 12s. 8d. per cwt., according to their * It is gratifying to find the importation of raw cotton from these islands on the increase. The cotton plant is indigenous to Jamaica, Barbadoes, the Bahamas, and other islands, and, before sugar-planting, formed a considerable item of export. t That these sugar-exporting islands should find themselves under the necessity of importing annually 20.000Z. worth of refined sugar is very much owing to our vicious legislation at home. The additional duties- imposed in this country on refined sugar, with a view to " protect " our own sugar refiners, have had the effect of preventing the sugar growers in our colonies from establishing refineries, and have consequently compelled them to send home their sugars in the raw stale, whereby they incurred additional charges for freight, &c. J For a comparative view of the quantities of sugar imported from the British West Indies and other parts of the world, vide ante pages 331, 332. CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 407 qualities respectively.' The West India sugars have reached us in the following comparative propor- tions : QUALITIES. TOTAL IMPORTED. FROM THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. FROM BRITISH GUIANA. FROM THE MAURITIUS. 1. " White Clayed" Cwt. 86,516 Cwt. 86 Cwt. 10,096 Cwt. 14,056 2. "Yellow Musca- vado". . . j 3,745,286 780,997 295,159 636,243 3. " Brown Musca- vado" . . . j 4,985,475 1,710,037 579,235 513,433 Molasses . . . 606,503 225,246 10,987 none It is complained, and with apparent justice, that f^ of this system of classification is uniust to the Mauritius d L uties on the inanu- and other first-class sugar producing localities, and facture of is highly prejudicial to the manufacture of good sugar. S1 In the Mauritius, where new machinery and im- proved modes of working have enabled the colonists to produce a better article, it is said that the English practice of levying the highest duty on the best article, obliges the inhabitants to send all their best sugars to Prance and Australia, and their worst qualities only to the British markets. The object of this classification is to benefit our sugar refiners at home ; but it is obvious that the effect must also be to prevent improvement in sugar manufacture in the colonies. Both the consumer at home, and the sugar grower abroad, have a right to complain of a system which oifers a premium upon the importation of an inferior article, merely to afford some small interest an opportunity of " refining " it. Upon this point the following extracts from a report of the Mauritius Chamber of Agriculture, published 12th November, 1861, is well worthy attention : 408 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Report of the Mauritius Chamber of Agricul- ture on the Bugar duties. Other items we?t the indies. " ' What can be more arbitrary and more uncertain than the principle of an ad valorem duty dependent on the colour of a sugar ? How can the just limit be established between the colour which is to pay one and the colour which is to pay the other duty ? The Custom House officer is thus left the sole arbiter to fix the duty. One officer in cloudy weather will class the same sugar differently from his colleague, who will examine it in sunshine. Two parcels of the same quality will be taxed 16s. in London, and 13s. lOd. in Liverpool. This happens frequently. What is remarkable is, that the better the sugar, the greater the uncertainty, the doubt, the error, and the contradiction of the classification.' ' The example of France ought to inspire the Government with confidence, and enlighten it in this respect. Need we mention that the re- fineries of Paris, Havre, Nantes, Bordeaux, and Marseilles, are in full prosperity under a legislature which divides sugar into two classes only. The Committee go still further, and think that the British refiner himself would gain by a change in accordance with the system adopted in France ; at the present time he cannot procure the raw material so cheap as the French refiner, as the latter purchases in this colony the finest sugars, which pay 16*. duty in England, at the same price as the British refiner pays for inferior quality which pay 13s. Wd. in England.' Besides being a premium on bad manipulation, the duty is an obstacle to the improvements in machinery ; for what is really the use of improvement when the improved article becomes a disadvantage to the employer of the improvement ? What Lord Mansfield long ago said of the Insurance laws, applies equally well to the differential sugar duties. 'The property and daily negotiations of merchants ought not to depend upon subtleties and niceties, but upon rules easily learned and easily retained.' " As compared with 1852, the production of sugar and rum in the West Indies appears stationary. All the other articles imported from these islands have diminished in the same period, except raw cotton, f ust i c > logwood, ginger, cocoa-nuts, tamarinds, and tortoiseshell : tamarinds and cocoa-nuts being the articles upon which there has been the largest increase. CHAP. VIL] TEADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 409 There is, however, some significancy and hope to he derived even from these facts. There can he very little doubt that many of the West India Islands are admirably adapted for the growth of cotton, and Cotton. that we may obtain from them (Jamaica more especially) very abundant supplies, if a little pains is taken with the cultivation. The sooner the Dye- same island is cleared of its dye-woods the better, w and, therefore, the increased exportation of fustic and logwood may be regarded as satisfactory. But what is a better feature than all, is the increased exportation from the West Indies of their fruits. Fruits. These islands may be considered "the gardens" of the tropics. If a little attention were paid to their growth, there is no amount of valuable plants and fruits which they might not produce in the greatest abundance, and to the greatest profit. The diffi- culty attending the exportation of fruits, in time past, has been the length of the voyage ; but this is obviated by steam communication, and there is no reason why the West Indies should not supply the London market with pine-apples, custard apples, the guava, limes, oranges, shaddocks, the forbidden fruit, cocoa-nuts, melons, &c. to an extent which would make pine-apples as cheap as pears to the English fruit-eater. In the same way with turtle. The Turtle. markets of Jamaica are supplied with turtle at the price of beef (Sd. per Ib.) ; and as the tortoise, with a little care, can be brought here alive, there is no reason why we should not have turtle in London at a cost not exceeding that of salmon. The undeveloped resources of the West Indies do Unde- not, however, rest here. There can be no question that many of them contain the elements of great wealth. Mining speculation has already been directed with success to Jamaica, and also to the Virgin Islands, 410 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Minerals (dependencies of Antigua.) From the copper mines viMn f Gorda, * n one f the latter islands, ore was raised Clauds, some few years since, which yielded 18 per cent, of marketahle metal, and realized at Swansea a price of The pitch 16/. Is. Gd. per ton. Trinidad is well known to con- tain a most remarkahle mineral phenomenon in its Asphaltum, or Pitch Lake, about a mile and a half in circumference, which is situated on a small penin- sula jutting ahout two miles into the sea at the south- west extremity of the island. The usual consistency of the asphaltum at the sides of this lake is that of pit coal ; but it melts like sealing-wax under a gentle heat, and acquires fluidity when mixed with grease or oil. Approaching the middle of the lake, however, the ground becomes softer and softer, until at last the pitch is seen boiling up in a liquid state, the flow being immense, and the whole country round being covered with it. Some use has been made of the pitch in Trinidad in repairing roads, &c. but, strange to say, this great natural development has never yet been turned to commercial account.* The comparatively small and unproductive island Vincent*' f St. Vincent has been teaching a lesson to the other West India Islands for some years past, by exporting quantities of pozzolani, which, mixed with two-thirds of lime, produces an excellent hydraulic mortar and cement. It is shipped at the rate of SI. per ton. The fruits The people of the Bahamas have applied themselves Bahama to raising pine-apples, oranges, and other fruits for islands. ^ e American markets. Unfortunately, however, * It is stated that some years since an Admiral on the West Indian station sent two ship-loads of this pitch to England, but that ' after a variety of experi- ments it was found necessary, in order to render the pitch fit for use, to mix so much oil with it, that the cost of the oil alone exceeded the price of pitch in England." Obviously, however, this is a very insufficient ground on which to determine the value of this commodity. We are not to look alone to " the price of pitch in England," but to the new uses to which such a material as the asphaltum, found in Trimdad, might be profitably turned. CHAP, vii.] TKADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 411 these islands are demoralized by the profits which a Wrecking on the portion of their inhabitants derive from following the coast of vocation of " wreckers." " Neither agriculture nor Bahama " manufactures," it is said, " offer any profits com- lslands - " pared with those obtained from this calling, which " distributes prizes among all parts of the population " alike, puts all on a level, and affords opportunities " of every self-indulgence." " As I have frequently " had to remark," writes the Governor of the Bahamas in a recent report, " wrecking involves crime and " connivance at crime. But I doubt whether the " treacherous plots which are so successfully laid for " the destruction of vessels are generally known to " any but the commanders of the wrecking vessels " and the masters of the wrecked ships. The crews, I " imagine, have a general rather than a special know- " ledge of the schemes which bring the merchant - " vessels and the parasitic wrecker close together near " a reef." From the lists of imports, it would not appear that Tobacco. anything has been done towards promoting the cul- tivation of tobacco in our "West Indies. This is somewhat curious, considering the position of the TLe . ' . , . r not culti- islands, and the increasing consumption ot the com- vated iu \v rnodity in Europe. The tobacco plant grows wild J ia es in almost every garden in Jamaica, and there is no reason why that colony should not produce tobacco equal to that of the adjacent island of Cuba. As the tobacco supply has not been previously mentioned, it may be interesting here to give a list of the coun- tries from which our supply is obtained. It will Our sup ply of be seen that, except a very small quantity from the Tobacco. East Indies, our whole supply, in the year 1860, was of foreign production. 412 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. From whence derived. IMPORTS OF TOBACCO, 1860. FROM WHENCE. QUANTITY IMPORTED. RETAINED FOR HOME CONSUMP- TION. VALUE or IMPORTS. DUTY RECEIVED AT 3S. IJd. PER LB. United States Lb. 40,484,405 3,236,824 1,197,834 793,695 615,172 479,838 480,438 398,378 359,538 239,805 650,544 Lb. 26,838,030 2,665,263 1,147,230 1,949,503 384,403 209,024 84,140 505,040 223,996 230,345 869,667 1,181,182 84,085 26,569 25,174 92,305 36,972 4,200 9,968 8,765 6,735 18,562 4,227,088 419,779 180,689 . 307,052 60,543 32,921 13,252 79,544 35,279 36,280 136,973 Holland Buenos Avres Cuba New Granada British East Indies Bremen France . Channel Islands Other Parts TOTAL 48,936,471 35,106,641 1,494,517 5,529,400 Imports of Manu- factured Tobacco. IMPORTS OF CIGARS, 1860. Great dif- ference in the com- mercial value of Cigars of different countries. FROM WHENCE. QUANTITY IMPORTED. RETAINED FOR HOME CONSUMP- TION. VALUE OF IMPORTS. DUTY RECEIVKD AT 9s. 5^d. PER LB. Cuba Lb. 344676 Lb. 219 789 199 093 103 846 United States 1,951,146 12658 62,687 5,981 241 987 495 9 120 234 Holland 50092 2283 1,672 1 079 Philippine Islands 29,096 26986 7,590 12,751 Other Parts 109 108 43 835 2953 20 713 TOTAL 2,726,105 306,046 283 115 144 604 The great difference in the value of the cigars and tobacco of different countries will be seen and ob- served. The cigars of Cuba are estimated at a value of lls. 7d. per lb., and those of the Philippine Islands at 5s. 2^d., whilst the manufactured tobacco of the CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH BRITISH GUIANA. 413 United States is only valued at 7Jd., and that of Brazil at 9c?. per Ib. The duty upon manufactured, as distinguished from unmanufactured tobacco, is also observable. It is questionable whether our tobacco Our duties are not altogether pitched too high. Tobacco is now, it is believed, almost the only item in our tariff which affords a temptation to the smuggler; and so extensive is his trade in the article, that it is supposed that one-half the cigars consumed in Great Britain are made of tobacco which has been smuggled into this country from Prance and the Channel Islands. If the revenue could be collected, however, it must be admitted that there is no article of com- merce more fairly subject to duty than tobacco. With regard to our exports to the West Indies, it Our ex- will be seen that one-fourth the supply is in the form thfwest of cotton-goods for the use of the coloured population. * n , dia , ~ islands. The Apparel which we export is chiefly for the use of Apparel the whites, as are the linens, soap and candles, beer and ale, and leather. The woollen goods are for the dresses woollens. of the male negroes, who usually make up their own clothing of rough Penistone cloths. The hardware Hard- chiefly assumes the form of hoes, &c. for the culti- w vation of the ground, and the casks, staves, and hoops, are for the sugar manufacture. It is a satisfactory indication to find machinery being exported in such Machinery considerable quantities. That formerly in use in these islands was of the most inferior description, and great waste consequently ensued in the manufacture of the sugar. The British colonies on the main coast of America, Trade which we took from the Dutch in 1803, and which are BRITISH now comprehensively known as BRITISH GUIANA, GDIANA - comprise the settlements on the rivers Essequibo, Demerara, and Berbice. This territory has the advantage of a rich alluvial soil, which requires crease. 414 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. much less labour in working than that of our other sugar colonies. The lands in cultivation are scarcely above the sea level. They are protected, as in the Netherlands, by a series of dykes. Unlike the West India Islands, this country, since the emancipation of the blacks, has increased its white population ; but a very considerable proportion of its property has fallen into the hands of the coloured people, who are said to have acquired upwards of 500 estates, and to its in- have built upon them 15,000 houses. Following the example of the Mauritius, the colonists of British Guiana have, however, imported, since the emanci- pation of the slaves, a large number of coolies and Chinese labourers, and by them and the use of im- proved machinery they have been able to manufacture sugar in greater quantities, and of superior qualities to that produced in most of our West India islands. That the colony is doing well is proved by the rise which has occurred in its commerce during the last five years : TRADE WITH BRITISH GUIANA. 1856. I860. Imports therefrom . . . 1,418,264 . . . 1,595,106 Exports thereto . . . 452,489. . . 617,626 1,870,753 2,212,732 The increase, it will be observed, is chiefly in our exports to the colony ; and it is satisfactory to find that the articles in which that rise is greatest, are those which are used by the working population. The lists of imports from and exports to British Guiana, in 1860, was as follows : CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH HONDURAS. 415 BRITISH GUIANA. IMPORTS FROM. VALUED AT Sugar and Molasses . . . 1,209,378 R um 301,031 EXPORTS TO. Cotton Manufactures . . . Apparel, &c VALUED AT 100,271 60,467 Imports and ex- ports. Wood, for Ship Building . 54,021 Raw Cotton 8 825 Casks, Hoops, and Staves . 33,280 32,264 Cocoa Nuts . . 3 000 Iron 31,283 g,i ce 7* 30,213 Butter 25,465 Leather and Saddlery . . Hardwares and Cutlery . . 22,290 20,192 15,857 Steam Engines .... 15,240 Linens 14,426 Woollen Goods 12,890 Soap and Candles .... Earthenware 12,321 12,129 Rice 10,663 Drugs 9,954 "Wine . 8,188 * * Rice is grown in this colony to a Glass Manufactures . . . Copper 7,880 6,071 considerable extent, but is chiefly used Brandy 5,723 for home consumption. In 1857, how- ever, it was sent to England to the Corn and Flour .... Hats 4,987 4,962 extent of 18,186. It will be seen from Stationery 4,792 the account upon the other side that, Cordage 3,957 in 1860 we exported 10,000?. of the Silks 3,787 article to this colony. Painters' Colours . . . . 3,735 Prom the British settlement in the bay of Hon- Trade duras, of which Belize* is the principal commercial HONDURAS town, we obtain the largest quantities of mahogany now procurable, together with woods of other sorts. Mahogany, which was first introduced into England Mahogany. so lately as 1724, is now so largely used in the manu- facture of furniture that it becomes an important article of commerce. The trade has hitherto been engrossed upon the spot by four or five influential * This town and the river on which it is situated are said to take their name from one " Willis," a famous buccaneer, who settled on the banks of the river in 1638 : and whose name the Mosquito Indians corrupted. 416 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. firms. Two of these failed in 1859, and the result was considerable embarrassment in Belize. In 1860, we imported mahogany as follows : imports of Maho- gany. PROM WHENCE. TONS. VALUE. Honduras 20,165 216,389 Mexico 9,050 96,652 Hayti 5,829 84,473 Cuba 5,170 58,160 Central America 2,128 22,826 Other Parts 2,368 24,951 TOTALS 44,710 503,451 Duties woods. For a long period there was a differential duty in favour of Honduras, and against foreign and other colonial mahoganies ; which we are glad to say is now repealed, and without, as the above table shows, diminishing our Honduras trade. The fact is, that the Honduras mahogany, whilst it is softer, coarser, and less susceptible of polish than the woods of Cuba, Hayti, and Jamaica, is easier to work, and holds glue better, and is consequently better adapted for veneers, whilst that from the islands is better fitted for solid furniture. imports The following were our imports from, and exports ex^rtTto, to, this colony, in 1860, in which year the settle- Honduras. men t wa s recovering from the effects of the failures before adverted to, which had greatly depressed it in 1859 :- TKADE WITH HONDURAS, 1860. Imports from 309,191 Exports to 153,666 Total Trade . 462,857 CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH HONDURAS. 417 HONDURAS. IMPORTS FROM. VALUED AT Mahogany 216 389 EXPORTS TO. Cotton Goods Imports VALUED AT aild . 71,936 exports. Cochineal 34 467 . 24,615 Logwood 31,969 Silks, Home and Foreign . 7,866 Silver Ore* 12 070 7,170 Cocoa Nuts 3 638 Linens 4,700 Indigo 3 336 Earthenware 3,194 Fustic . 3 262 Soap 2,831 Rosewood 1 249 Woollens 2,709 Sarsaparilla 1>227 Leather 2,135 Other Articles 1 584 2,079 Guns and Gunpowder . . 1,650 1,533 Cordage 1,213 Cotton Yarn . . . . 928 * Probably this was smuggled out of Wine ....... 896 Mexico to Belize for shipment. Beer and Ale . 719 Belize was formerly a considerable entrep6t for British trade with Mexico, and what was called the Spanish Main. This trade, however, has given way to a great extent to a more direct commerce. This is not to be regretted, although it may have had the immediate effect of depressing the colony. The fact is, that in the mahogany trade alone, this settle- ment might find ample field for development. The articles made of this wood are in increasing demand in England, both for home consumption and for export ; and besides that there is no wood to be obtained equal to mahogany for the purposes to which it is applied, our furniture manufacture ad- mits of the application of a larger quantity of solid wood than upholsterers are now accustomed to use in ordinary articles. Our trade with the West Indies and Honduras employed, in 1860, 814 vessels, of 250,486 tons burden. Of these all but 55 were British, so that the shipowners have no reason to complain that foreigners have in any way interfered with our West E E character commerce of Behze> shipping 418 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. India shipping trade. London does more than half this trade : Liverpool and Greenock the bulk of the other half. The figures as regards this shipping may be interesting : SHIPPING ENTERED INWARDS FROM THE WEST INDIES, 1860. PORT. VESSELS. TONNAGE. 471 143,325 129 40,322 73 26,645 46 10,849 Dublin 23 5,885 Cork 8 1,680 3 1,138 Leith 3 938 Belfast 3 751 All other Ports 55 18953 TOTAL 814 250,486 Trade The British colonies in NORTH AMERICA are second on ty to those in Australia, in regard to the AMERICAN amoun t of commerce transacted with the mother- colonies. country. In 1860, our commerce with Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, and Newfoundland, amounted to a total of 10,496,769^. : (say) ten millions and a half sterling. The following table will show how this total was distributed : PROVINCES. IMPORTS PROM. EXPORTS TO. 4 422 556 2,266 918 1,536,447 425,934 54,797 82,578 Nova Scotia and Cape Breton 144,130 575,219 484,005 504,185 TOTALS 6 641 935 3,854,834 CHAP. VIT.] TRADE WITH CANADA. . 41y Our trade with CANADA, in 1860, may be supposed CANADA to have been in a transition state, in consequence of our equalization in that year of the differential duties which had previously prevailed in this country on foreign and colonial timber. Since the year 1808, Our when a duty was first laid upon Baltic timber in order to encourage the timber trade of our colonies in North America, the timber of Canada has had access to the English market at rates of duty varying at different periods, but at all times sufficient to give the Canadian timber great advantage in respect to price. There can be no doubt that this has been highly Their in- detrimental to British commerce. By partially ex- eluding the timbers of Sweden and Norway, Prussia, Russia, and other countries near to us, we have, during the greater part of the present century, seriously damaged our trade with the Baltic, whilst precluding ourselves from purchasing in what to us was both the best and cheapest market for the article. Perhaps there was no article in the whole range of The coio- those protected by differential duties, of which thementki U repeal took so long and cost so much trouble as the protective duty in favour of Canadian timber. It tial dutiefl - was continually represented that this duty was abso- lutely necessary to the colony, and to British ship- ping : that large capital had been invested on the strength of its continuance, and that its repeal would throw thousands of hands engaged in the timber trade in North America wholly out of employment, It was difficult at any time to see how an ext en- its fallacy. sion of trade of any sort could be detrimental to British shipping ; and it was at all times very ques- tionable whether the capital and labour of our North American colonies might not be invested to E E 2 420 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. more profit than in felling and squaring timber for consumption in Europe. But our colonial and ship- ping interests insisted on the maintenance of these differential duties, and it was consequently only in 1860 that the free-trade interest found itself strong Effects of enough to obtain their removal. The effect has yet to be seen. Up to the present time, there has been no falling-off in the importation of timber from British North America. The only effect has been a largely increased importation of timber from all the wood-exporting countries, in which increase British North America has shared in due proportion. import- That the timber trade of our North American ance of the colonial colonies is a highly important trade to Great Britain trade]' nobody can doubt. Besides being of consequence as regards amount, we derive a great advantage from having in our own possessions the largest field for timber in the world. Timber, though no longer absolutely necessary to us, as it once was, for ship- building, is of vast importance in the construction of our machinery, warehouses, dwellings, &c.; and it is most desirable, in order to keep its price at a fair level, that we should have the advantage of that large colonial supply which enables us to control the apart from prices of the Baltic timber-growers.* But, for this SJSren'tLi object, it was by no means needed, nor indeed was it duties. desirable, that we should have differential rates of duty; which not only enhanced the price of all classes of timber to the British consumer, but actually * In 1703, the Pitch and Tar Company of Sweden endeavoured to raise the price of their commodities to England, by prohibiting their exportation, except in their own ships, at their own price, and in such quantities as they thought proper. To counteract this, England gave a bounty on the importation of naval stores from America, which secured the revenue at home, encouraged the clearing of land, and rendered England independent as to her supplies. CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH CANADA. 421 favoured the article which in every respect was the most inferior in quality. For, whilst the timber of the Baltic and of Canada are each best adapted for their own special purposes, it is universally allowed that the Canadian wood is more soft, less durable, and more subject to dry-rot than that of the north of Europe. Besides timber, Canada has now, in corn, another The com great source of export, varying of course with the demand which may prevail for it in densely populated countries, but being always of importance because always affording a large supply at a cheap price. In this article, as well as in timber, the abundant pro- duce of the colony enables Canada to check European rates. Timber and corn form the bulk of our imports from o ther Canada. She also sends us, as will be seen from the following list, some considerable quantities of pearl and pot ashes, obtained from the trees burned in her forests, and a supply of butter, an article of which her export has been rapidly increasing. The other items derived from this colony are of small amount: TIU IMPORTS FKOJ Wood and Timber . . . Corn, Meal, and Flour . Ashes, Pearl and Pot . . iUE WITH < 1. VALUED AT 2,925,731 1,164,219 164,882 68,764 21,585 18,965 17,290 4,507 1,751 ! CANADA, 1ODU. EXPORTS TO. Cotton Goods Items of trade with thia colony. VALUED AT 461,909 379,078 321,548 309,242 108,023 56,046 48,751 47,728 42,399 30,447 22.738 Woollen Apparel and Hosiery . . Hardwares and Cutlery . Earthenware and Porcelain Linen Goods Beaver, Fox, Marten, and Otter Skins .... Manufactures of Caout- Coals Silk Manufactures . . . Tin Plates Oil Seed Cake . . . . Cot)er Ore Rice . 422 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. Our ex- ports to Canada, IMPORTS Riltprl Rppf FROM. [COW/3 VALUfcD AT ^Qfin nuedJ] EXPORTS TO. Wool VALUED AT 22,420 21,293 20,359 17,606 13,247 12,635 12,379 12,089 10,784 10,650 10,565 10,197 9,975 9,812 9,304 8,734 8,480 7,160 7,115 6,868 4,606 4,561 4,300 3,235 1,182 Unenuraerated Artie co iO i-t o os_ *i : of of Newfoundland, on which great quantities of cod la n d used to be taken. Our interest in the bank fisheries is, however, by no means so large as is imagined. The Newfoundland fishermen have discovered that the largest takes of marketable fish and oil are to be obtained, not upon their banks, but upon their shores ; where they have also the advantage of exclusive fishing, as aliens are prohibited from fishing within three miles of the coasts, or in the bays or rivers of Newfoundland (except as provided by treaty with the Americans and with the French). The total number of ships entered inwards from shipping our North American colonies, in 1860, was 2,178, of our trade 1,088,779 tons. Our shipping interests have long apprehended great interference with our Canadian trade on the part of the Americans. It does not, however, appear that there was much to be afraid of. The comparative number of British and foreign vessels was British .... 1,775 vessels of ... 887,874 tons. Foreign. ... 403 ... 200,9.35 TOTAL ... 2,178 ... 1,088,779 As may be anticipated from the character of the General traffic, this trade is very much distributed amongst Sn"^ the different ports of Great Britain; some even of trade - the smaller ports employing shipping to share in the timber trade. It is a common custom to send vessels out in ballast to the St. Lawrence, and elsewhere, for timber; and as the voyage out and home is a short one, and the timber is purchased at a very low price, this sort of commerce pays. In 1860, 597 vessels, of 327,697 tons, left Great Britain for the North American colonies in ballast. 432 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vir. We now come to speak of a colony which, although one of the largest in extent, has hitherto been one of the poorest in production of any belonging to the British empire ; but which promises henceforward to contribute more to the wealth of the State than any BRITISH o f which we have hitherto made mention. BRITISH COLUMBIA is a territory heretofore included in what were termed the " Settlements of the Hudson's Bay Position Company." The territory over which that company, ritor^. r from 1670 to 1858, had exclusive trading rights extends over two or three million square miles. It is bounded on the north by the Arctic Ocean, whilst its southern limit, as settled in 1842 by the Ashburton Treaty, is the 49th parallel of north latitude from Lake Superior to the Gulf of Georgia. This vast region possesses superb lakes and rivers ; but its land has always been described as rugged and barren, and its climate as severe. An island in the Pacific, 300 miles long by 75 broad, at the western ex- Settiement tremity of this territory, called Vancouver's Island, conveys was, however, colonized some years since by the island. Hudson Bay Company, who erected on it a fort, called Eort Victoria, and represented the island to be of great importance in consequence of its containing First dis- coal. Soon after the discovery of gold in California, gold7 it was reported that gold also existed in Van- couver's Island, but the superior attraction of Cali- fornia, at that time, prevented much notice being taken of the circumstance. In 1852, gold was dis- in Queen covered on some small islands in Queen Charlotte's sound, Sound, between Vancouver's Island and the mainland, lo2 ' but only in small quantities. As matter of actual Snb - discovery, Captain McClelland, in 1853, while sur- sequent . discoveries veymg the military road from Port Walla Walla, on Columbia the Columbia River, to Eort Steillacoom, on Puget Sound, through the Nachess Pass, found gold in con- CHAP, vir.] TRA.DE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 433 siderable quantities, his men making two dollars a day, sometimes, with a pan. These discoveries, official however, do not appear to have been officially re- to ? * ported to the Home Government ; but in 1856, Mr. r * Douglas, Governor of Vancouver's Island, addressed Columbia, a despatch to the Colonial Secretary, in which he stated that a discovery of much importance had been made known to him by Mr. Angus M'Donald, clerk in charge of Port Colvile, who reported that gold had been found in considerable quantities within the British territory on the Upper Columbia, and that he was moreover of opinion that valuable deposits of gold would be found in many other parts of that country. The Home Government thought it necessary, on TheCoiony this information, to provide for the government of Columbia" the colony, which was done by an Act of Parliament Jo.T^s. of 1858, withdrawing the privileges of the Hudson's Bay Company, and denning the limits of the territory under the name of British Columbia. At this time Mining the search for gold would appear to have been carried me nced. on exclusively by the native Indians of the district ; but in 1858 a number of persons emigrated to the district from California, and commenced mining. The first shipments of gold were made from Victoria shipments o -n A J of gold to to San Jb rancisco, and amounted San Fran- cisco. In 1858 .... to .... 67,553 1859 .... .... 242,262 1860. ... , 260,666 This, however, was only a foretaste of the wealth to be discovered. In 1861 rumours reached Van- Aa - , auriferous couver's Island, that the source of the gold found ridge upon the banks of the Eraser and other rivers, had been discovered in a range of rocky mountains, which formed an auriferous ridge in which these rivers had their source ! In the course of 1861 bodies F F 434 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vn. The " CA- RIBOO" gold-field. Governor Douglas's official re- port to H.M. Secretary of State for the Colonies, A.D. 1861. of gold-seekers penetrated to this district, which received the name of CARIBOO, from a lake so-called in the vicinity ; and the following is a despatch, from Governor Douglas to the Duke of Newcastle, giving the most recent accounts of their expedition. "Victoria, Vancouver Island, September 16, 1861. (Received November 2, 1861.) " MY LORD DUKE, " I HAVE much satisfaction in reporting to your Grace that the Colony of British Columbia continues in a tranquil and progressive state. " The Gold Commissioners, in their last monthly reports, represent the continued exodus of the mining population from their respective districts towards the ' Cariboo ' country ; in speaking of which I have adopted the popular and more con- venient orthography of the word, though properly it should be written 'Cariboeuf,' or rein-deer, the country having been so named from its being a favourite haunt of that species of the deer kind. " The most extraordinary accounts of the wealth of that gold- field are received by every succeeding steamer from British Columbia ; and those accounts are confirmed by letters from the merchants and traders of the district, and by fortunate adventurers who have realized, by a few weeks' labour, their thousands of dollars. It would in fact appear that Cariboo is at least equal, in point of auriferous wealth, to the best parts of California ; and I believe the gold deposits of British Columbia will be found to be distributed over far more extensive space. " Some idea may be formed of the large sums realized, from the fact that 195 ounces of gold were taken in one day out of a single mining claim ; while ordinary claims yield as much as forty or fifty dollars a-day to the man : but perhaps the most telling circumstance is the high price of labour, which has attained to the extraordinary sum of ten dollars a-day ; and any number of men may find employment at that rate of pay. " The Cariboo gold district was discovered by a fine athletic young man of the name of McDonnell, a native of the island of Cape Breton, of mixed French and Scotch descent, combining in his personal appearance and character the courage, activity. CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 435 and remarkable powers of endurance of both races. His health The Cari has suffered from three years* constant exposure and privation, which induced him to repair, with his well-earned wealth, to this colony for medical assistance. " His verbal report to me is interesting, and conveys the idea to it. of an almost exhaustless gold-field, extending through the quartz and slate formations, in a northerly direction from Cariboo Lake. " The following well-attested instances of successful mining at Cariboo may prove interesting, and will probably convey to Her Majesty's Government a more precise idea of the value and real character of this gold-field than any mere generaliza- tions, and with that object iu view, I will lay the details, as received from the persons themselves, before your Grace. "John McArthur and Thomas Phillips arrived here from Cariboo on the 17th of August last, with nine thousand ($9000) dollars' worth of gold dust in their possession, being the fruits of three months' residence at the mines. They arrived there on the 1st day of May, and left again on the 1st day of August, having previously sold their mining claim at a high price to other persons. Their last earnings for one day amounted to five hundred and twenty-five dollars ($525) ; and no single day's work yielded less than twenty-five dollars ($25). Both those persons have been mining in California, and are acquainted with its resources, yet they give it as their opinion that Cariboo, as a ' generally paying' country, surpasses the best days of California. " Mr. Patterson and brother arrived at New "Westminster* by the steamer of the 14th instant, with ten thousand dollars' worth of gold dust, the produce of five weeks' work at Cariboo. I personally inspected their treasure, of which they are justly proud, being the well-earned reward of their skill and enter- prise. Mr. Patterson's mining claim was on the Lowhee, a tributary of Swift Eiver, and about sixteen miles distant from Antler Creek. The ground was composed of gravel and many quartz boulders, and the depth to the bed-rock was from four to six feet, beyond which he did not attempt to penetrate, though the richest deposit of gold was immediately over the * New Westminster is designed to be the principal town of the new colony of British Columbia. It is situate on the north bank of the Fraser river, and is rapidly rising into consequence. It is stated that the choice of the position for this town is not happy. F F 2 436 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vU. The Can- bed-rock. The largest day's return from the claim was seventy- fields. 00 three ounces of gold, worth about twelve hundred dollars ($1.200) ; on another occasion he received seventy ounces at Despatches^ ' '' , , , mi ij u ' j the close of a day s work. The gold is in rough jagged pieces, the largest found by Mr. Patterson was over six ounces ; but on the next claim to his, a piece of ten ounces was picked up bv the lucky proprietor. Mr. Patterson sold his mining claim before his departure from Cariboo, and is now returning to his native country, the United States, with the wealth he has so rapidly acquired in British Columbia, this being one of the evils to which the colony is exposed through the want of a fixed population. "I will not multiply these details, having said enough to show your Grace the opinion entertained by the public of the newly-discovered gold fields, and of the probable influx of population from California and other countries, which may be attracted by those discoveries. I need not assure your Grace that every precaution will, in that event, be taken to maintain the peace, order, and good government of the country, and to increase its permanent population : but it is impossible to repress a feeling of profound regret that so few of Her Majesty's British subjects have yet participated in the rich harvests reaped in British Columbia, though there is certainly no country in the world that offers greater inducements to the labouring classes, or for the employment of capital. The settler enjoys the peculiar advantage in British Columbia of an unfettered choice of the public domain ; and may, without expense or official delay, select any part of the colony he pleases, as his future home ; the ultimate price of land being in no case over four shillings and twopence an acre, payable by instalments, spread over several years. In fact, the system of no country can offer greater inducements to the settler and miner than the land regulations and mining laws of British Columbia. "The miners at Cariboo have, I am glad to inform your Grace, suffered no privation whatever from the want of food. Besides the large importations of bread-stuff's and salt meat packed in from Lillooet and Lytton,* large droves of cattle * So called after the Right Hon. Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, M.P. Colonial Secretary in 1858, when the Act was passed for settling this colony. CHAP. VIL] TRADE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 437 have been sent to Antler Creek, where the native grasses The Cari- are nutritious and abundant ; and fresh beef is now selling fi^f ( by retail at Is. 8d. a pound. A raining town of some note has sprung into existence at Antler's Creek, and supplies of all espa kinds can be readily purchased. " The traveller who is prepared to encounter famine in its gauntest forms on his arrival at Cariboo, is not a little as- tonished to find himself in the midst of luxury, sitting down every morning to fresh milk and eggs for breakfast, and to as good a dinner as can be seen in Victoria. "The great commercial thoroughfares, leading into the interior of the country, from Hope, Yale, and Douglas, are in rapid progress, and now exercise a most beneficial effect on the internal commerce of the colony. I have many other productive public works, indispensable for the development of the colony, in view, but I cannot undertake their execution until I am made acquainted with your Grace's decision about the proposed loan of money for British Columbia. " I have, &c. "(Signed) JAMES DOUGLAS." Again, under date of October 24, 1861, the Governor wrote : " Accounts from Cariboo are more than ever satisfactory ; and the numbers of returning miners with their rapidly ac- quired stores of gold, and the extraordinary fact, unusual, I believe, in gold countries, that they have been all eminently successful, offer the strongest confirmation of the almost fabulous wealth of that gold-field. I have not, indeed, up to the present time, met with a single unfortunate miner from that quarter. Of those whom I had occasion to inter- rogate during my recent visit to British Columbia, I ascertained that none who held mining claims had less than $2,000, and that others had cleared as much as 10,000 during their summer's sojourn at the mines. It may therefore be fairly assumed that their individual earnings range at some point between those figures. I should, however, apprize your Grace that the large strikes of the season, such as Jourdan and Abbott claim on Lowhee Creek, and Ned Campbell's claim on Lightning Creek, the latter said to have produced 900 ounces of gold in one clay, arc not included in this category, 438 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vii. as I have had no opportunity of seeing the owners of these claims, who are still in the upper country ; but I will inquire into and report upon these special cases hereafter." Probable Although not absolutely germane to the objects of quentes of this book, I have thought it desirable to give in full these dis- these interesting despatches, as conveying the best covei ies. . A , . . information we have hitherto received respecting a colony likely to exercise so important an influence on the future of all our North American possessions. Whatever may be the ultimate result of this ex- traordinary discovery, the immediate consequence will, no doubt, be to induce a great resort of popu- lation to this territory, and, probably, to lead to the immediate development of a quarter of the globe, which, in the ordinary progress of events, we could scarcely hope to have seen colonized during the next century. How grand a future for the northern por- tion of America this discovery opens up, may be judged of from a consideration of the following cir- cumstances : " The coal mines of Nova Scotia are the best, and, indeed, the only places on the Atlantic coast of America for procuring coal. The supplies there are inexhaustible. Vancouver Island is the only spot where coal is to be found on the Pacific. Thus facilities for steam-boat and railway travel are provided at either end of a great trans-continental route. The Harbour of Halifax on the one side and Victoria on the other are the best in all America both always free from ice, well protected, and capacious. The valley of the St. Lawrence extends a thousand miles and more between these extreme points. The valley of the Saskatchewan runs a thousand miles further both of these being in British territory, in the direction of travel between the oceans, and so level as to be almost natural beds for railroads. Ere many years, railway trains must run on British ground from one side of this new world to the other, carrying not only the gold of California and Columbia towards Great Britain, but also the CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 439 teas and silks of China and Japan and the rich productions of our Indian empire, and returning with finer manufactures of English anvils and looms for the supply of the populations of two Southern continents." It is almost too early to speculate as to the com- The future merce of this portion of the globe. Hitherto it has Columbia. drawn its main supplies from San Francisco, and has sent there most of the gold it has produced. But of course this will all be altered as soon as population settles down. At the time this is written, there are several thousand tons of shipping laid down in London and Liverpool for the British Columbia trade. Great efforts are being made by the Royal Mail Steam Com- pany to provide for passengers by the route across the Isthmus of Panama ; and companies are forming for conveying passengers and parcels from Lake Superior to British Columbia, across the Rocky Mountains. Should a railway track be formed, the result must be, not only to open up to civilization a portion of the world which has hitherto been almost unexplored, but to give to cultivators of the soil in British North America a means of transit to all the markets of the Pacific, and an open passage to China and to our possessions in the East Indies and Australia. In every respect politically, socially, and commercially the establishment of such a communication would give a progressive aspect to the affairs of the world, which would eclipse anything which has been witnessed even amid the extraordinary development of the present century. It may be interesting, with a view to the future, Commerce to record the condition of the commerce of Great Britain with the settlements of the Hudson's Bay * e u- Company in the year 1860. It should be observed son's Bay that, as regards imports, that commerce had been for some years declining, owing apparently to the 440 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vir. increasing difficulty in obtaining skins. The exports were stationary. Their amount, in 1860, was Imports from the Hudson's Bay Company's Settlements . . 178,522 Exports to ditto 131,976 Total Trade 310,498 List of articles imported and ex- ported. thus distributed : IMPORTS FROM. VALUED AT Skins and Furs : Marten 51,589 Fox 47,870 Beaver , 26,951 Otter 11,662 Fishes (Fitch or Pole Cat) . 7,647 Lynx 5,360 Musquash (or Musk-rat) . 4,727 Bear 4,722 Minx 4,279 Wolf 1,647 Train Oil and Blubber . . . 2,239 Castor 1,155 Feathers for Beds .... 677 Isinglass 626 Unemunerated Articles . . 7,371 EXPORTS TO. VALUED AT Woollen Goods 28,114 Apparel, &c 23,668 Leather Goods 5,368 Beer and Ale 4,s(JU Tobacco, Manufactured . . 4,827 Cotton Goods 4,260 Hardwares 2,998 Tea 2,908 Rum 2,891 Wine 2,886 Brandy 2,842 Gunpowder 2,839 Guns 2,697 Iron ........ 2,041 Sugar, Refined 1,862 Soap ......... 758 Linens 399 Coffee 359 Unenumerated 35,399 The Fur trade It will be seen, from this account, that a very large proportion of the British trade in furs has been done through the Hudson's Bay Company. The value of furs, it should be observed, depends on a variety of con- siderations. The trade is influenced not alone bv the T f 1 * and by' 00 caprices of fashion, but by the state of the weather, which, in one hemisphere, has its influence on the quantity and quality obtainable, whilst in another it influences the quantity consumed. Eurs may be divided into three classes : 1. Lambskins, which are mostly consumed by us in the glove manufacture, but which in Russia, Poland, East Prussia, Hungary, Bohemia, Saxony, and elsewhere, form an essential weather. Furs classified. Lamb- skins. CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH BRITISH COLUMBIA. 441 part of the dress of a large proportion of the lower classes. 2. Hatting furs, such as those of the beaver, Hatting musquash, nutria,* hare, and rabbit, which, owing to fur8- the introduction of silk and straw hats, are much less in demand now than they were formerly ; and, 3, the furs of fashion, which comprise, at different times, Fursof the skins of almost every description of animal fashion. even " bearskin hats " and " monkey muffs " having had their day, as well as the more valuable skins of the ermine, the sable, the tiger, the leopard, and of the black and silver fox. It is a remarkable and Peculiar peculiar feature of the fur trade, that almost every country which produces and exports furs imports trade - and consumes the furs of some other place. There are some countries, however, which -neither export nor consume, as, for instance, Australia, where there is no native t fur-producing except the kangaroo, the skin of which is only used by leather-dressers and tanners, and never for its fur. China is one of the best markets in the world for fur. Its trade has been hitherto in the- hands of the Russo- American Pur Company of Moscow, who draw their supplies from Kamschatka and Russian-America, and ex- change them at Kachta for tea and other Chinese products. Now that our trade is open with the northern ports of China, where they experience ex- tremely severe winters, this fact may be borne in mind with advantage by our merchants. Prior to 1859, the trade of British Columbia was Coin- not distinguished in the official records from that of the other settlements of the Hudson's Bay Company. * Nutria furs, are those of the coypou, a species of water-rat, of the size and colour of the otter, found in Buenos Ayres, Chili, and other parts of South America. This fur has been largely used hi the hat manufacture, but the im- portations vary very much in quantity. + Australia exports sheep skins ; but the sheep was imported into Australia,. and is not native to the country. British 442 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. VH. In that year, however, the amounts were denned; and it appears that we sent to British Columbia In 1859, General Merchandize, valued at . . 62,011 In 1860, ditto . . 46,728 This is the commencement of our commerce with the possession. At present we have received no imports from the colony, except some wood, valued at about 6,000., from Vancouver's Island, which is clothed with an abundance of fine oaks and cedars. Trade with Our trade with our colonies in the Mediterranean Colonies, has already been referred to.* Gibraltar and Malta are entrep6ts for an illicit commerce with Spain, and for trade with Morocco and other countries on the coast of Africa. The Ionian Islands have also been referred to.f From these islands some of our manu- factures reach the coast of Albania, supplying Servia, Bosnia, Montenegro, &c. The only other colonies which remain to be noticed are those dismal settle- ments on the west coast of Africa, which have been the graves of so many of our fellow-countrymen. Our trade with the settlements on this coast was re- presented, in 1860, by the following figures : COLONIES ON THE WEST COAST OF AFRICA. SIERRA LEONE, &c COLONY. IMPORTS FROM EXPORTS TO Sierra Leone 63 261 238 793 Settlements on the Gold Coast 51,577 106,069 Ditto, in Gambia 26,300 41,944 TOTALS 141 138 386 856 The amount (something like half a million in the whole) is comparatively trifling ; and contrasting the * Vide ante, page 276. t Ante, page 287. CHAP, vii.] TRADE WITH SIERRA LEONE. 443 trade done with these settlements with that done on the coast of Africa generally,* it is clear that these our trade settlements are not worth maintaining for commercial purposes. It is foreign to the present object to consider whether they are worth maintaining for any other purpose. Great Britain has expended an im- mense amount of blood and treasure in her efforts to put down the slave trade ; but it may admit of ques- tion, how far the colonial establishments on the coast of Africa have assisted her in doing so. That which would best effect the object would be a trade fully opened out with the blacks themselves, which would give them an interest in the export of other com- modities than slaves taken in their wars.f The palm- oil trade, properly conducted, presents itself as the most efficient means of effecting this desirable object ; but it will be seen, by the following table, that the trade in palm oil and oil nuts, from the British possessions in South Africa, is a mere trifle com- pared with the trade carried on with other parts of the coast, which amounts to nearly four millions per annum (3,921,999/.), whilst that of our West African settlements scarcely exceeds a tenth part of that amount. * Vide ante, page 336. t Mr. Montgomery Martin, speaking of our West African settlements, ob- serves : " The ample resources provided by Parliament in furtherance of philan- ' thropic objects have been applied to measures of a transitory nature, connected ' with the private pursuits of those who recommended them, in place of being ' spent in fcmnding a permanent system of moral and commercial improvement ' for the natives. The money has been frittered away in contracts and jobbing ' in the settlements, whilst the country, with its countless inhabitants, has been ' left with scarcely an effort for its improvement, and bears scarcely a trace of ' advantage arising from all the money that has been devoted to the colony. No ' encouragements has been offered to the native chiefs in the way of premiums ' for the productions of the soil, nor has any regular system been adopted for ' supplying them with seeds, tools, or agricultural instruction. Had this been ' done, and persons brought from the West Indies, capable of instructing the ' natives in planting, England might have had at this day something to show and ' bnast of for the money she has spent in Africa." 444 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vu. Imports from and VALUE OF IMPORTS FBOM SIERRA LEOXE. GOLD COAST. GAMBIA. Palm Oil 21,012 37,342 Teak 10,182 Ground Nuts* for expressing Oil . Camwood . 8,635 6,775 3,984 12,539 3,801 3,448 760 Elephants' Teeth 3,500 1,391 421 Bees' Wax 434 12,950 3,548 Unenumerated Articles .... 5,405 4,552 390 racter. exports to Our exports to these settlements exceed, in nominal iIT e. &c. value, our imports from them ; and the character of several of the leading items affords reason to appre- hend that the trade carried on by their agency is little calculated to promote the improvement of the people whose civilization these settlements are os- tensibly designed to promote. The remarks which have already been made, with reference to our ex- portations, to the west coast of Africa generally, apply with equal force to our exports to our own settle- ments. It is impossible to suppose that the rum, the gunpowder, the arms, the cutlery, the guns, the iron, the shot, the glass beads and cowries, are re- quired for the purpose of legitimate traffic. * Ground nuts, which yield large quantities of oil, have become rather an important article of European commerce, under somewhat peculiar circumstances. The French Government having, some years since, imposed high duties on most descriptions of oil seeds, the oil crushers of the South of France applied them- selves to discover seeds which would produce oil, and which were not included in the tariff. Amongst others they discovered the " arachides," or ground nut, which grows in Africa, India, Brazil, and different parts of America, and which was found to answer the purpose required by the crushers. France, has, in con- sequence, become a great market for these nuts ; of which the principal supply is obtained from the rivers Senegal and Gambia. The oil is good for use in various ways, either in food, in the woollen manufactures, in lubricating machinery, or in the manufacture of soap. The blacks and the Americans use the nut in the first form ; the English use it chiefly for the second purpose, the Belgians for the third, and the French for the fourth. A London firm of African merchants have been most instrumental in developing the use of these nuts in this count IT. CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH OUR COLONIES. 445 The following list shows the value of these and other items of exportation : VALUE OP EXPOKTS TO Cotton Goods 138,416 Apparel, &c 16,571 Rum 7,074 Gunpowder 7,204 Arms 5,513 Hardwares and Cutlery .... 4,730 Iron 4,140 Guns 3,775 Prepared Fuel and Coals . . . 3,559 Earthenware 3,583 Beer and Ale 2,959 Woollen Goods 3,466 Wine 2,562 Sugar, refined 2,292 Glass Beads and Bugles . . . 1,573 Salt 1,555 Leather Goods 1,508 Glass Manufactures 1,299 Lead and Shot Staves and Empty Casks . . . 505 Cowries Indian Silk Goods Rice SIERRA LEONE. GOLD COAST. 59,075 1,969 1,861 9,365 2,229 1,052 2,311 835 1,420 1,307 1,934 1,094 601 1,525 13,419 2,196 441 3,077 938 1,848 3,297 583 125 319 4,042 List of exports. To summarize the foregoing information : Exclusive of her empire in India, Great Britain, at the present time, has 49 colonies ; which may be thus classified Eastern Australian African Mediterranean, and Miscellaneous North American West Indian TOTAL NO. OP COLONIES. 5 7 7 6 7 17 49 POPULATION. 2,675,536 1,223,985 629,013 400,865 3,210,779 986,035 9,126,213 The Colonies of Great Britain. Their number and popu- lation. 446 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vir. Of the nine millions of people in these colonies, five millions are of European race. Summary The imports and exports of these colonies are ex- hibited in the following table : of our Colonies. Our Colonies COLONIES. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. FROM GREAT BRITAIN. FROM OTHER COUNTRIES. EASTERN (Jeylon, Mauritius, f and Seychelles, Straits Set- tlements, Hong-Kong, and 1,524,640 4,421,392 12,498,758 Labuan AUSTRALASIAN New So. Wales, Queensland, Victoria, South Australia, Western Australia, 15,256,354 11,311,337 21,982,286 Tasmania, and New Zealand . AFRICAN SETTLEMENTS Sierra Leone, Gambia, Gold Coast, St.Helena, Cape Colony, British 2,260,745 999,085 2,629,439 Kaffraria, and Natal .... MEDITERRANEAN AND MISCEL- LANEOUS POSSESSIONS, &c. Gibraltar, Malta, Ionian Isles, 404,&39 3,344,263 2,477,040 Heligoland, Aden, Falkland Isl. NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES ^ Canada,NovaScotia,NewBruns- 1 wick, Prince Edward's Island, i- Newfoundland, Vancouver, British Columbia j 4,724,066 7,027,719 10,907,493 WEST INDIAN POSSESSIONS " British Honduras, British Guiana, Jamaica, Bahamas, j Turk's Island. Trinidad, Bar- I bados, Grenada, Tobago, St. " 2,408,951 2,702,873 5,788,803 Vincent, St. Lucia, Antigua, Montserrat, St. Kitts, Nevis, Virgin Islands, Dominica . . 26,579,595 29,806,699 o6,2&3,819 56,386,294 The commercial importance of each of our colonies classified may be estimated from the following return, showin- the declared value of the exports of British produce and manufactures to our colonial possessions in each of the last two years : commerce. CHAP. VII.] TRADE WITH. OUR COLONIES. 447 COLONY. 1860. 1861. Australia 9,707,261 10,701,752 British North America 3,727,350 3,696,646 Cape of Good Hope and Natal 2,065,523 1,986,629 British West Indies 1,845,254 1,850,001 Hong-Kong . 2,445,991 1,733,967 Singapore 1,671,092 1,026,018 Gibraltar 1,159,313 1,016,092 Channel Islands ... . . . 655,948 666,325 British Guiana 571,685 613,973 Malta and Gozo 704,073 564,161 Mauritius 538,303 551,797 Ceylon 671,219 485,659 British West Coast of Africa 340,366 381,163 Ionian Islands 345,055 296,603 British Honduras 142,554 201,135 St. Helena 46,405 45,466 Aden .. . 45,297 12,369 Falkland Islands 5,306 9,847 Ascension 8,688 7,644 Labuan . . 2583 1,217 Heligoland 287 386 TOTAL 26 699 543 25,848,880 The relative value of the foreign and colonial trade Relative of Great Britain may be estimated by this account. In 1860 it appears that our total colonial trade trades of Great Britain. Exports to the Colonies 26,699,543 Imports from the Colonies 56,283,819 appears amounted to TOTAL 82,983,362 The real value of our imports and exports of mer- chandize amounted, in the same year, to a Total of Deduct for the Colonies 375,052,224 82,983,362 Balance for Foreign Trade 292,068,862 CHAPTER VIII. OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. import- To an insular kingdom, such as ours, a coasting trade coasting cannot but be otherwise than of great importance. Permeated as the country is by navigable rivers, affording access to many of our more important towns, a means of communication by the coast, from place to place, must afford facilities for communi- cation of the utmost value, commercially and na- Perfection tionallv. It may be said that the coasting trade of to which * this trade Great Britain, at the earlier part of the present brought, century, had arrived at a state of perfection. Xot only were our coasts completely navigated from point to point, but every description of traffic was pro- vided for. Our rivers, also, had been deepened and rendered navigable wherever impediments existed to their navigation; and, more than all, they had been brought into conjunction by a series of canals, so that the whole country may be said to have been placed in communication with the sea-board, for purposes of commerce. Effect of At the moment that this system of communication ***** had attained perfection, another sprung into existence which threatened practically to supersede it. Most on the of our earlier railways followed the lines of the canals; and it certainly appeared, at first sight,. that they must compete with, and be antagonistic to, the canal system; and in so far as they connected the CHAP, vm.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 449 metropolis with the outports, must also compete with and be antagonistic to the coasting trade. It was, and indeed, argued, that inasmuch as railways were con- structed at larger cost than canals, and worked at heavier expense than coasting vessels, that they never could afford to carry goods so cheap. Primd facie, the argument seemed plausible ; hut experience and practice have proved that all the arguments origi- nating in theory on the probable results of a competi- tion between railways and canals and coasting vessels were erroneous. The railways have served so rapidly to divert to develop the resources of the nation, that other supersede systems of communication, though they may have thlstlaffic ' been diverted, have not, in any degree, been super- seded. The canal-boats carry as much, and even more, s y than before railways were constructed ; our coast- ing trade is larger than it ever was ; even the have m- number of coaches, vans, and horses, employed in creased Great Britain, the use of which railways were de- signed to supersede, is greater than it was before those railways were made, in consequence of the auxiliary means of communication and transit which railways necessarily require.* It cannot be doubted that the number of horses employed in connexion with the railway traffic is much in excess of the number employed in connexion with the coaching traffic of the country even in its palmiest days ; one proof of which is, that horses are dearer at the present time than they ever were in England. And in proportion to the number of horses employed, we must estimate the number of vans and other vehicles. * It was stated, in the Second Report of the Postmaster-General (1856), that the branch mail coaches communicating with railways conveyed the side mails over no less than 31,667 miles per day a greater mileage, probably, than all the mail coaches of England ran before the days of railway communication. G G 450 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. viu. why rail- AS regards the canal traffic, it is to be borne in ways have . , . not, in- mind, that the transit oi tramc on canals is neces- traffico^ 6 sarily restricted by physical circumstances. Nature canals. opposes a practical limit to that description of transit. Every canal must have a summit level, more or less abundantly supplied with water. The extent of traffic by canal must, therefore, depend upon the supply of water which can be commanded at the summits to be traversed. Beyond this, canals are subject to the vicissitudes of the seasons. They may not only be deficient of water in dry seasons, when the traffic is at its maximum, but they may be, and often are, exposed to stoppage by frost in winter for weeks together, when the supplies of fuel they would otherwise convey into our towns are most needed for consumption. In consequence of these causes, rail- ways have interfered less than it was at first supposed they would with canal traffic. They have chiefly afforded facilities for carrying a class of traffic which canals were ill adapted to convey. In the conveyance of almost all classes of heavy goods, and in the transport also of certain classes of light goods not requiring expedition in their delivery, canals have not only held their own against railways, but have conveyed more than they ever did. Thus, iron, bricks, and the like articles, almost invariably go by canal in preference to railway; whilst earthenware and pottery of every description find in canal transit comparative freedom from breakage. why the That the coasting trade should have held its own, trije'has as it has done, against railway communication, is been able (j ue to several causes which operate largely in its to com- * pete with favour. Our coasting vessels were always accustomed to trade from point to point, and at each point so traded with, appliances and conveniences for traffic had come into existence which could not be diverted, CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 451 and which railway companies were unable to supply. The granaries in which corn is collected and stored, whether in provincial towns or in the metropolis, are almost invariably at the river side. Railways could not at once be brought to the doors of these granaries, in many cases they could not be brought to them at all ; * but coasting vessels are able to load and unload alongside almost any granary, thereby avoiding all cost for cartage or lighterage. Thus it happens, for example, that in the eastern counties of England, which supply London to so large an extent with corn, the bulk of the trade between the different towns and the metropolis continues, despite the rail- way, to be carried on by coasters. All the rivers of Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk the Lea, the Stort, the Blackwater, the Come, the Stour, the Orwell, the Deben, the Aide, the Blythe, the Yar, the Wear, the Bure, the Ouse, the Nene, and smaller channels of navigation all send their corn to market by various descriptions of sailing craft. The coast towns of those counties Harwich, Ipswich, Lowestoft, Yarmouth, Wells, Lynn, &c. send to market by coasting vessels as much corn as is carried over the O whole extent of the Eastern Counties' system by railway. Railways, therefore, have not realized the fears Extension of those who supposed they would annihilate the coasting coasting trade. On the contrary, since the era of trade> railways, the coasting trade has largely extended itself. As contrasted with 1843 and 1844, at which period railway communication began to be general in England, the coasting trade of 1859 and 1860 presents the following increase : * Some of the railway companies have found themselves compelled to construct srranaries at their principal stations. GG2 452 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. TIIL COASTING TEADE OF GREAT BRITAIN. ENTERED INWAKDS. CLEARED OUTWARDS. TEAKS. SHIPS. TONNAGE. YEARS. SHIPS. TONNAGE. 1843 131,461 10,822,176 1843 141,697 11,321,138 1844 133,898 10,964,707 1844 145,242 11,694,861 1859 152,228 16,532,117 1859 155,238 16,509,471 1860 152,782 17,003,411 1860 157,419 17,014,399 Our coast- ing trade competi tion. The coasting trade, it will be thus seen, employed, in 1860, upwards of THIRTY-FOUR MILLION tons of shipping ; the foregoing figures representing the ship- ping which cleared and entered with cargo only. Most alarming were the predictions of ruin to the shipping interest when this vast trade was uncon- ditionally thrown open to the foreigner in 1854. The slight effect, however, which that alteration of our Navigation laws has had upon the coasting trade is very sufficiently shown by the fact, that of the 34,000,000 tons of shipping engaged in this trade in 1860, only 200,000 tons were foreign. The fact is, that every nation can best carry on its own coast- ing trade; and that any fear of interference from strangers, where language, custom, interest, and all the varied ramifications of a local business, are in favour of the natives, must be, obviously, without foundation. It does not appear that since our coasting trade has been thrown open, there has been any reduction of rates whatever attributable to foreign interference. Any occasional depression in the trade has, on the contrary, rather been occasioned by the resort to it by British shipowners, whose vessels were disengaged from other less profitable employ- ments. The fact is, that in any case where a nation CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 453 cannot, and does not, carry on its own coasting trade, there must be causes to which that circum- stance is to be attributed, which render it desirable that the trade should be unrestricted. The coasting trade of London forms an important The coast - proportion of the entire coasting trade of Great Britain and Ireland, as will be demonstrated by the following comparisons : COASTING TRADE OF ENGLAND AND OF LONDON, 1860. ENTERED. SAILING VESSELS. STEAM VESSELS. TOTAL. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons.' United Kingdom . . . 124,114 15,533 9,707,710 2,153,252 29,6t>S 2,832 7,295,701 1,001,309 153,782 18,365 17,003,411 3,154,561 CLEARED. United Kingdom . . . 127,971 6,920 5,847,859 473,995 29,448 1,893 7,166,540 603,009 157.419 8,818 7,014,399 1,077,004 The large extent of the coasting trade of London is due, of course, to the very large population to be supplied. The three principal articles brought to the port by coasting-vessels are those for which there are three special markets in the metropolis : namely, EISH, CORN, and COAL. The great bulk of the tonnage of the coasting vessels is employed in one or other of these trades. The fisheries around the coast of Great Britain The FISH have been, and still are, great adjuncts of our coast- Billing*.' ing trade ; and, as already observed, the fishing s ate - trade centres itself at Billingsgate, and is, indeed, to a great extent carried on with the capital supplied 454 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm. by that great fish-market. Up to a comparatively recent period, London was almost the only market in England for fish. This arose less from the ab- sence of demand, than from the difficulty of supply. Fish being a commodity which requires to be brought to table in the freshest possible condition, it does not admit of carriage, except under the most favourable circumstances. Before the intro- duction of railways, therefore, fish could rarely reach the consumer in the great inland towns of the country in such a condition as to make it an ac- ceptable article of food. But the Thames afforded facilities for bringing fish to the London market with great expedition and in perfection, and the great population of the metropolis secured a ready sale. Abun- The coasts of Great Britain abound, at all seasons of the year, with most descriptions of the finest fish. This is supposed to result from the number of our rivers, near the mouths of which the fish appear to find their best feeding-grounds. Almost every village on our coast has its fishermen ; but the two great centres of fishing are the port of Yarmouth, on the east coast, and Brixham, in Torbay, upon the The south. In the North Sea, between Yarmouth and North Sea fishery, the coast of Holland, are numerous banks, which afford the finest fishing-grounds hitherto explored for turbot, cod, and other fish. The fishermen of Yarmouth, and other places 011 the coast, resort to these banks in their fishing vessels, which are sometimes so numerous as to form a little fleet. They generally remain, weather permitting, on the fishing- station from six weeks to two months at a time, at the lapse of which period they return home to mend their nets, repair their vessels, and refresh themselves after so considerable a period of CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 455 fatiguing labour. A fast-sailing cutter, or some- times a steam-vessel, visits the fishing-station every day, carrying supplies of stores to the fishermen, and collecting the fish which have heen caught from the various boats. With these she proceeds, as the Supply wind and weather and other circumstances will allow, market, either to Yarmouth or, even more frequently, at once to Billingsgate. Formerly the fish landed at Yarmouth were sent to Billingsgate in light vans, drawn by horses, which, in consequence of the nature of the service, were exempted by Act of Parliament from post-horse duty. The railway is, of course, now substituted for the vans ; and the railway affords facilities for the distribution of the fish which the van could not provide. At the present time, the fish from the eastern coast are brought up every night by special "fish trains" devoted to the service. The telegraph makes known to the salesmen in Billings- gate the quantity and descriptions of fish en route, and arrangements are made for its delivery either at Billingsgate or to the several railway stations. The distribution of fish is now managed with such and facility, that the inhabitants of such towns as Bir- niingham, Leicester, Nottingham, &c., are supplied with fish almost as soon as the inhabitants of London. London also supplies many of the towns upon the coast with fish. Brighton, for example, draws its chief fish supply from London, and Hastings and Dover are also largely served by Billingsgate, although those ports have many fishing-boats and fishermen of their own. The fact is, that when the deep-sea fishermen of such ports are on their fishing- stations, they often find it more to their interest to consign their fish to the great market, where its sale is sure, than to carry it to some perhaps more distant port which affords a less certain market. This is another illustration of 456 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vra. what has so frequently been observed before, that " there can be but one great market." The The Torbay fishery is very prolific of red mullet, fisher/. dory, and some other delicate descriptions of fish which the North Sea fishery does not afford in such abundance. Formerly there was much diffi- culty in getting these fish to market in good con- dition : indeed, epicures in the days of George the Fourth were known to resort to Torbay for the purpose of eating its fish in perfection.* In those Red days red mullet rarely got farther east than Bath, but since the Great Western Railway has reached Torquay this delicate fish can be sent in perfect condition to the London market, and is sold at the most expensive fish shops at from Is. to 2*. Qd. a- piece, according to the size. It should be mentioned that red mullet are now caught in much greater numbers and of much larger size than formerly. Deep-sea This arises from the use of deep-sea fishing-nets. The mullet is a fish which swims deep ; generally, it is said, below a mackerel shoal. The nets formerly used only took the smaller fish which swam, nearest to the surface of the water; the deep-sea nets now inclose the larger fish. It is probably owing to an imperfect system of fishing, that at Venice, where * " The late Duke of Portland was in the habit of going to Weymouth during ' the summer months for the sake of the red mullet which formerly abounded ' there. The largest used to be had for threepence or fourpence apiece, but he ' has been known to give two guineas for one weighing a pound and a half. His ' Grace's custom was to put all the livers into a butter boat, to avoid the chances ' of inequality, very properly considering that to be helped to a mullet in the ' condition of an East Indian nabob would be too severe a shock for the nerves ' or spirits of any man. The red mullet have now nearly deserted Weymouth ' for the coast of Cornwall, whither we recommend the connoisseur to repair in ' the dog days, taking care to pay his respect to the dories of Plymouth on the ' way, and he will have the pleasure of following the example of Quin." " The Art of Dining," vide Quarterly Review, July, 1835. [It may be mentioned that red mullet are rarely taken at Weymouth in the present day. The white, or grey mullet, whicli are common there, are, however, very admirable fish. They are chiefly taken in the aim of the sea which runs up behind the Chesil bank.] CHAP, vin.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. . 457 red mullet are almost as common as herrings, the fish are even smaller than with us. Ahundant as are the fish upon our coasts, and large as is the amount of money expended on this article of human sustenance, fishermen are proverbially poor. At various periods elaborate efforts have been made to promote fishing and the consumption of fish. The Reformation appears to have had a prejudicial Effects effect upon the fish trade, fasts from flesh being Reforma no longer observed by the population. To remedy JjJ**^ this an Act was passed in 1563, entitled " an Act trade. for Eating Pish." By this statute it was enacted that, " for the maintenance of shipping, the increase " of fishermen and mariners, the repairing of ports, " towns, and the increase of the fish victual of the " realm, it should not be lawful for any to eat flesh " on Wednesdays and Saturdays, under the forfeiture " of 3. for each offence ; excepting cases of sickness " and also those by special license to be obtained, for " which licenses peers were to pay ~Ll. 6s. Sd. to the " poor-box of the parish, knights and their wives " 13*. 4d, and others 6s. Sd. each. But no license " was to extend to eating BEEF on those days at any " time of the year ; or to the eating of veal between " Michaelmas and the 1st of May." Wednesday was afterwards excepted from this political fasting, but victuallers were forbidden "to utter flesh " in Lent, or on " Fridays and Saturdays" (27 Eliz. c. 2). In the reiffn of Charles I. (1633) an association The fish 4-1 was formed, under the auspices of the Earl of Pern- t der broke, Sir William Courten and others, for the pur- charlesL pose of " promoting the fishery." The object seems to have been to obtain a monopoly of the fishing trade. King Charles, "to encourage this laudable object," enjoined Lent to be more strictly observed, prohibited fish caught by foreigners to be imported, and agreed 458 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm. to purchase of the company his naval stores, and all the fish required for his Royal Navy. All this, how- and ever, came to nothing. In 1677, during the reign of Charles ii. Charles II., an attempt was made to revive the Association under another name " The Company of the Royal Fishery of England." The Duke of York, the Earl of Danby, Lord Treasurer, and many lords and gentlemen of the court, were patrons. The king gave the company great privileges, and promised them a premium of 20/. on every dogger or huss they should huild and fit out, "such premium to be paid out of the customs of the Port of London." The capital of this company, which did not exceed 12,000/., was expended in the purchase and equipment of busses, which were chiefly captured by the French ; and the company, having run into debt, was broken up in 1680. In 1683, and again in 1695, attempts were made to renew it, but they were unsuccessful. The In the next century, the Society of Arts promoted a company " for supplying London with Fish brought fr m the Coast by Land Carriage." This company, of London which was set on foot in 1761, was suggested by Mr. with fish, J Toll, and was put under the management of Capt. Blake. Its prospectus stated that "the Dutch annually " received from this country the enormous sum of " 100,000/. for the single article of Turbot, and also " large sums for other species of fish."* The company was, therefore, started as " a patriotic undertaking;" but it, nevertheless, met with the most determined opposition from the fishmongers of Billingsgate. In 1763, it found itself in difficulties, " defeated," as it represented, " by the acts of those who were interested in keeping up the price of fish." The Society of Arts, " fully satisfied of the integrity and propriety of his conduct," made a further grant to Captain Blake, For particulars of our present fish supply from Holland, vide ante, pp. 248,9. CHAP, viii.] CUE COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 459 the manager of the company; and Parliament, " considering that the undertaking, though attended " with loss to the patriotic society and the manager, " had been very advantageous to the public, in greatly " reducing the price of fish," granted Captain Blake 2,500Z. " to enable him to persevere in his laudable attempts." The Society of Arts at the same time and offers offered a premium of 61. for every hundred turbots of fo? r t e ^- ul sixteen inches in length from the eye to the fork of bots ' the tail, caught by British subjects, and offered for sale in London or Westminster between the 1st May and 31st August, 1764. We are not apprised how much the Society of Arts was called upon to pay in the shape of bounty upon turbot. But the agitation arising out of this question sources had the effect of directing the attention of the public supply. s at the time to new sources of fish supply. Singularly enough, the great attraction of 1764 seems to have been the very spot to which public attention was directed last year (nearly a century after), as a resort of fish never yet sufficiently explored. It will be remembered, that last year (1861), there appeared in the London newspapers remarkable accounts of a great cod fishery, said to exist near an island of the The Atlantic, off the Hebrides. In 1764, it appears that fishing the Greenland whale-fishery proved a failure ; but, as bank some compensation for their disappointment in Green- land, the ships fell in, near an island, about forty miles north-north-east from the island of Lewis, with a species of small whale; and, this matter being discussed, reference was made back to the works of Sir William Monson, who stated that " from Rona " there runs a bank towards Tillhead, in Ireland, " which affords a great quantity of the best cod and " ling."* Sir William Monson complained that this " Naval Tracts, book iv. 460 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vnr. fishery had heen neglected for a century previous to his time (temp. Queen Elizabeth) ; and it appears to have been neglected for three centuries after. A Committee of the House of Commons on the Fisheries, in 1789, was informed by Captain Huddart, that when employed on a maritime survey of the coast of Ireland, in 1777, he fished upon the bank in question, " where he found the cod as plentiful, and as good as " at Newfoundland." It is not a little singular, that despite the testimonies which have been borne for three centuries to the value of the fishery upon this bank, so immediately adjacent to the eastern coasts of Great Britain and Ireland, no effectual measures should ever yet have been taken to fish it. In 1768, in consequence of the undue price of butcher's meat, Sir Stephen Janssen, an eminent London merchant, offered a bounty on fishing-boats which would come up the Thames to market ; and it Fine is recorded that, in consequence, fine mackerel were sold in London at l^d. each, and the price of butcher's inea ^ ^ s sa ^ to nave been thereby lowered ~Ld. per Ib. piece, About 1780, it would appear that Harwich had established a large fishing trade, and that it was supplying the metropolis with not less than 2,000 tons per annum of cod, haddock, whiting, and skate. A fishery The Harwich fishermen were the first, on our coast, wich, who acquired the method of using long lines in the A.D. 1780. w j n ^ er This they obtained from an Englishman who had been employed in the Dutch fishery on the Doggerbank. At this time, and for many years after, the fishermen of our coasts very justly complained of the disadvantages to which they were subjected by reason of the exorbitant duties on salt, which pre- vented them from curing their surplus fish; and which, up to a very recent period, was no doubt one great cause of the non-extension of our fisheries. CHAP, vni.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 46 J A library might be filled with the Acts of Par- liament, Reports of Parliamentary Committees, plans, proposals, pamphlets, and prospectuses which have, at various times, been printed and published with a view to promote the fishing trade. Amongst the Fishing numerous proposals of that great year of speculation, JjJJjJ 1 1825, were a number of companies for promoting 1825 - fishing enterprise. Amongst others were " I. THE LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND DEVONSHIRE FISHING AND STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY. Capital, 500,OOOZ. " Chairman. William Williams, Esq., M.P. Directors. Alderman Bridges, Sir Charles Flower, Mr. Thomas Read Kemp, Alderman Sir Matthew Wood, &c. " Objects. To supply fish from Torbay to the London and Brighton markets by the aid of steam navigation. Steamers were to bring fish from Torbay to Brighton; from thence they were to be despatched to London by post vans. The Company contemplated a return passenger traffic from London and Brighton to the coast of Devonshire." " II. THE METROPOLITAN FISH COMPANY. Capital, 300,000?. " Chairman. Lord George Seymour. Bankers. Messrs. Veres, Ward, and Co. Solicitors. Messrs. Dawes and Chalfield. " Object. To extend the Consumption of Fish. " A prospectus affords no room for the details of such an undertaking/' This second company, it may be observed, raised the wrath of the fishermen (or rather, more pro- bably, of the Billingsgate fish-salesmen). They prepared and posted a handbill, in which they de- clared that " the establishment of the projected fish " companies would be a certain and effectual means " of impoverishing a numerous and industrious " class of the country." They observed that " a " company with similar objects was formed in 1676, " with a capital of 300,000^., but that it lasted a " very few years. That another was formed in " 462 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vrn. " 1750 with a capital of 500,000/., which was aided " by Acts of Parliament granting bounties on the " number of vessels employed and the quantity of fish brought to market, and also an annual bonus of 3. 10s. per cent, to the shareholders, but that Their " this failed in seven years." The fishermen seem f *1 to have got the best of it, for the company came to nothing; indeed, how they were to eifect their object that of " promoting the consumption of fish" (unless they intended greatly to reduce its price) is difficult to comprehend. These, however, were by no means the only projects of the period. New fish A company was proposed to establish a fish market projected, on the Regent's Canal, near Portland Place, bring- ing fish from Billingsgate by the canal, and making use of its waters for cleaning them. Another pro- ject, of which the Duke of Somerset was patron, proposed to form a Westminster Pish Company. The details of the latter company were, however, by no means specified. Of all the projects of the period the Hungerford Pish Market was the only one brought into operation; and at the moment this is written that market is in course of demoli- tion, to make way for a new station of the South- Eastern Railway. COAL The discovery of a flint-headed axe stuck into a Engiand m bed of coal exposed to day in Monmouthshire, of axes and picks of solid oak in some old excavations through the Kilburn coal in Derbyshire, and of stone hammer-heads, flint wedges, and wheels of solid wood in some old coal- workings near Ashby-de-la-Zouch, by the have been accepted as proof that the Ancient Britons, the aborigines of our country, understood the use of coal, and worked it in different parts of Britain. Prom the position of many of their stations, close to the outcrop of the coal-seams; from the number of CHAP. VIIL] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 463 coal cinders and scoriae found amongst the remains of their towns and villages, and from the discovery of workings in polygonal chambers at the Ardley mine, near TTigan, there seems to be no doubt that coal was worked and used by the Romans during their sojourn Romans, in our island. The Saxon Chronicle of the Abbey of and Peterborough mentions, " sixty loads of wood, twelve loads of coal, and six loads of peat," among the items for which the Abbot Ceolred let the land of Sem- pringham to "Wulfred, A.D. 852, and it is supposed that the very word " Coal" is derived from the Saxon " col" (Dutch and German, "kohle"). No mention NO men- is made of coal or any other mineral in Doomsday S *L book ; but in the " Boldon book," containing a census ^ oomsda y liOOK. of portions of the northern counties in the time of Henry II., mention is twice made of coal as being used by a carpenter and smith in villages near Bishops-AVearmouth. There is reason to believe that coals were sent to coal first London by sea early in the thirteenth century, if London not before. A lane immediately outside Newgate, b ? 8ea - in what were then suburbs of London, was called by the name of " Sea- coal Lane," as early as the"Sea-coai year 1253. It retains the name to this day. Stow A a D ne i253. says that lime used to be burned in this lane with sea-coal. The first mention of coals in any docu- ment of public authority is, however, in a charter granted by King Henry III., A.D. 1259, to the freemen of Newcastle-on-Tyne, by which he gave them liberty " to dig for coals." Not long after- Coals used T wards sea-coals were certainly sent from the Tyne I to London ; for, in 1306, the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled presented a petition to King Edward I., against the use of coals, who The use of thereupon issued a proclamation, forbidding the use of that fuel, as contaminating the atmosphere, and 464 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vin. injurious to public health. The proclamation, however, appears to have been abortive, for the use of coals became largely extended in the fifteenth he trade, century, during which period there are abundant records of the opening of mines in different parts of Northumberland and Durham, and the ship- ment of coals at Blyth, Sunderland, Newcastle, and Tynemouth. The coal trade was considered very nourishing in the times of Elizabeth and James I. Coals first Charles I. burdened it with excessive taxation and S en l grievous monopolies, under which coal rose in the taxation, p O rt of London to the extraordinary price of 4/. per ch. i. chaldron, a price which was maintained until New- castle was taken by the Scottish army, when the House of Commons took into their own hands the regulation of the coal trade, and at once shipped increase supplies to London for the use of the poor. In 1670 ( tim e of Charles II.), about 200,000 chaldrons of coals were annually consumed in England ; and in 1690 (time of William III.), upwards of 300,000 The chaldrons. Erom this time, the demand for coals ihJiSi wen ^ on increasing; but the supply was necessarily by natural limited, first by the difficulty of working mines of obstacles. any depth by horse-power,* and second, by the danger attending the use of any lights in caverns These liable to produce inflammable gases. The discovery obstacles _ mounted, sequent application of the safety lamp, first used * In a letter to a friend, written by Sir John Clerk, in 1739, he gives'an inte- resting account of the collieries at Whitehaven, belonging to Sir James Lowther. He says, "the coals are drawn up by an engine turned by two horses, which go their " circuits at full trot every eight hours, and then change, being employed every " twenty-four hours." He gives particulars of the quantity raised and its cost, and states that, after paying all expenses, the proprietor clears about 6007. a year from these mines. The present Earl of Lonsdale would probably consider a profit of 6001. a week nearer what he ought to receive as profit from his coal mines : yet his ancestor was thought a rich man in his day. Such is the difference between 1740 and 1860, and between a steam engine and an engine turned by two horses at full trot. CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 465 about 1815, worked, however, a complete revolution in coal mining, by giving safe access to the pits and light to the miners working in them, and by enabling their contents to be brought to the surface with fa- cility from any depths at which they can be worked. The quantity of coal raised in Great Britain has been thus estimated : YEAR. TONS. Increase 1800 10,000,000 ofthe . Quantity 1819 13,000,000 ; aised * 1839 30,000,000 1859 71,979,765 The quantity of coal now raised in this country Yield is one-third greater than the combined produce of all the remaining coal-fields of the world ; and is shown in the following synopsis, compiled by Mr. Hull for countries. his work on " The Coal-fields of Great Britain." ANNUAL PRODUCTION OF COAL IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. COUNTRIES. TONS. Great Britain and Ireland (1859) 71,979,765 North America (1860) 21,000,000 Prussia, Saxony, and Hanover 12,000,000 Belgium (1860) 8,900,000 France (1860) 7,900,000 British Colonies in America 1,500,000 Austrian Empire (1858), viz. : TONS. Austria 34,852 Bohemia . . 569,079 Moravia and Silesia 362,522 Hungary 110,666 Servia and Banat 83,905 Styria 1,876 1,162,900 Spain (1860) 300,000 Russian Empire (estimated) 1,500,000 Japan, China, Borneo, and Australia (estimated) . 2,000,000 Total produce of all countries 128,242,673 Vide " Hunt's Mineral Statistics of Great Britain." H H 466 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. VIIL Present " The uses to which coal is applicable/' says Mr. Hull, " and ^ai f the products which may be extracted from it, are almost limit- less. In Britain alone it propels 5,200 locomotive engines with their trains over 9,500 miles of railway. It heats 607 iron- furnaces, besides those for smelting other ores. It sets in motion the machinery of 3,000 factories, 2,500 steam vessels and smaller craft, and lights I dare not say how many forges, fires, stoves, and ovens. It unlocks, when heated, invisible gases to illumine our streets, public buildings, and dwellings by night, producing the cheapest, most manageable, and withal most agreeable of lights. When gently distilled, it pours forth streams of pitch and oil; with the paraffine we can light our lamps, lubricate machinery, and, when solidified, produce candles as fine as alabaster. From the tar, the most beau- tiful violet and rose-coloured dyes may be elaborated; and we can unlock the gums, essences, and scents, resembling those of cloves, almonds, and spices, which have lain dormant since the time when the coal-plants themselves were growing. Lastly, the very smoke of our chimneys has its use, for it is a great disinfecting agent in populous towns." Sale of Prior to 1831, all coals sold in London were sold London ^7 measurement. But this system gave rise to great by ad- abuse. Dr. Hutton. the celebrated mathematician, measure- ' ment, who was a native of JNewcastle-on-Tyne, and well 183?. acquainted with the coal trade, stated before a Par- Abuses liamentary Committee, that " if a coal measuring " exactly a cubic yard (nearly equal to five bushels) " be broken into pieces of a moderate size, it will " measure seven bushels and a half; if broken very " small, it will measure nine bushels." The New- castle shippers and London coal-dealers accordingly insisted on being supplied by the coal-owners with Fraud on large coals only. Before they reached the consumer, however, these coals were broken into smaller por- tions ; and as the shipper, the wholesale dealer, and the retailer, each had their profit out of the breakage, by the time the coals reached the cellar of the con- sumer, he received about half or two-thirds onlv CHAP, vni.j OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 467 of the quantity which, had been sold for a chaldron at the place of shipment. It has been stated that the profits of many of the London retailers, when the coal was sold by measurement, arose chiefly from the increase of measure consequent on breakage. Nor was the fraud on the consumer the only evil Evil effects arising from this system. Inasmuch as the buyer at oai- ie the port of shipment would only receive large coal, the owner - coal-owner was driven to the necessity of separating the large from the small coal by a process called " screening" (i.e. passing the coal over a grating). The coal, as it underwent this operation, was neces- sarily much broken, and all this small coal, as it was not readily marketable, had to be consumed on the spot, in order to get rid of it ; thus occasioning not only great waste of admirable coal, but absolute injury to growing crops, &c., from the smoke occa- sioned by these large burnings. It was stated to the House of Lords, that the coal-owner was often obliged to charge a higher price upon the coal he sold in order to indemnify himself for the loss sustained from the quantity of coal thus wasted, and for the com- pensation he was obliged to pay for the injury in- flicted upon others. Parliament at length put a termination to this coals nuisance, by enacting that coals should be sold by besoid by weight instead of measure. Unhappily, however, wei e ht - Parliament could not put an end altogether to the effects of a system which had been persisted in for upwards of a century, and under which habits and customs had grown up which had engrafted them- selves into our social system. The unloading of the coal-ships in the Pool, below London Bridge, which is an impediment to the navigation of the river ; the compulsory employment of licensed " coal- old system, 111 d W 1 i 1 ell whippers " in the task of unloading ; the cost entailed stm con- H H 2 tinue - 468 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vin. for lighterage from the ship's side to some uptown coal- wharf; the extra profit which the consumer is thereby forced to pay to some second, and even, in many cases, to a third retail dealer ; the very system under which our London coal-cellars are constructed, with holes in the pavement too small to admit good-sized coals without breakage ;* all these are remnants of the system which grew up under the admeasurement, and which have remained to us despite all alterations in the coal trade ever since. Coals now It is probable that these inconveniences, if they are ever entirely surmounted, will he overcome by the diversion of the bulk of the coal supply. Since 1850, the internal consumption of coal in London has been gradually undergoing a great change. The railways running through the coal- fields of the midland counties, have brought the metropolis nearer to a source of supply, cheaper, and in some respects equal to the supply of the coal-fields of the north. The effect has been to afford the population of the metropolis a greatly increased quantity of coals, at rates much lower than those which prevailed twenty years ago. Whilst in 1850 we only received in London three and a half million tons of coals, in 1860 we received five millions, of which the extra one and a half million tons came to London by the railways. The latter supply is most rapidly increasing, whilst the former is fully maintained, and would probably increase also, were not the northern collieries so fully em- * In other large towns of England, coals are delivered in bulk, and into aper- tures of such ample size as to admit of receiving large coals. Nothing can be worse than the existing system of round holes in the centre of our London pave- ments. They are dangerous, unsightly, and inadequate. Admitting that a cellar under the pavement is a good place of deposit for coals, the trap entrance should at any rate be made in the curb or close to the house front. The present position of this hole is unknown in any city but our own. CHAP, vni.j OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 469 ployed in the large export trade which lias latterly grown up. The quantity of coals imported into London in Coal the various years since 1832, when coals were first required to he measured by tonnage, will be seen by j the following table : COAL, CULM, AND CINDERS IMPORTED INTO LONDON, AND ENTERED AT THE COAL MARKET. Period. Seaborne. Brought by Railway, Canal, and Common Road, within the Lon- don District. Total. Tons. Tons. Tons. 1832 2,139,078 1833 2,010,409 1834 2,078,685 1835 2,298,812 1836 2,398,352 1837 2,626,997 1838 2,581,085 1839 2,625,323 1840 2,566,899 1841 2,909,144 1842 2,723,200 1843 2,628,520 1844 2,490,910 1845 3,403,320 1846 2,953,755 1847 3,280,420 1848 3,418,340 1849 3,339,146 1850 3,553,304 84,575 3,637,879 1851 3,236,542 272,114 3,508,656 1852 3,330,428 414,917 3,745,345 1853 3,373,256 653,729 4,026,985 1854 3,399,561 979,171 4,378,732 1855 3,016,868 1,162,487 4,179,355 1856 3,119,884 1,273,270 4,393,154 1857 3,133,459 1,235,249 4,368,708 1858 3,266,446 1,213,464 4,479,910 1859 3,299,170 1,210,776 4,509,946 1860 3,573,377 1,499,899 5,073,276 The average prices of the best household coals in the London market will be shown by the following : 470 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vin. Average TABLE SHOWING THE AVERAGE PRICES OF BEST HOUSEHOLD prices of coal in COALS IN THE LONDON MARKET. London during the s. d. s. d. s. d. present 1805(perchaldron*)44 9 1824 (per chaldron) 41 8 1843 (per ton) 20 2 century. 1806 44 5 1825 41 1844 22 10 1807 45 10 1826 37 4 1845 19 2 1808 49 3 1827 38 6 1846 17 11 1809 54 6 1828 38 2 1847 20 10 1810 51 8 1829 35 1 1848 18 2 1811 47 8 1830 36 4 1849 17 8 1812 44 10 1831 33 6 1850 17 1 1813 52 5 1832 (per ton) 21 11 1851 16 1 1814 59 1 1833 18 3 1852 16 6 1815 46 9 1834 , 20 6 1853 21 2 1816 41 8 1835 , 21 11 1854 23 9 1817 40 .4 1836 , 22 11 1855 21 11 1818 39 10 1837 , 24 1856 18 11 1819 41 10 1838 , 24 6 1857 18 8 1820 42 11 1839 , 23 8 1858 18 5 1821 43 8 1840 , 23 7 1859 18 4 1822 43 1841 , 22 4 1860 ,, 20 1 1823 46 3 1842 21 2 1861 19 6 Extent of The great repositories of coal in England are in fields. the ten counties of Northumberland and Durham, Cumberland, Lancashire, Yorkshire and Derbyshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, and Somerset. There are also large fields of coal in both North and South Wales. The area of the various coal-fields is estimated as follows : COAL-FIELDS. SQ. MILKS. 460 Northumberland and Durham Cumberland (Whitehaven) ... 25 Lancashire 217 Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire 760 Staffordshire, North 75 South 93 Leicestershire 15 Warwickshire 30 Carried forward 1675 COAL-FIELDS. 8Q. MILES. Brought forward . . . 1675 Somersetshire 150 28 34 Shropshire (Coalbrookdale) . . Gloucestershire (Dean Forest) . Worcestershire (Forest of Wyre)t North Wales (Denbighshire and Flint) South Wales (Glamorganshire) . Total 82 906 2875 * The weight of a " chaldron " would be, properly, 254 cw *. t Not fully explored. The coal seams are thin and of inferior qualitr. CHAP, vni.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 471 The coals brought to London by sea come almost Sources of exclusively from the great north-coast coal-fields of of ^oaiK Northumberland and Durham. The south coast of London ' England has also been, for the most part, hitherto supplied with these coals. The coals of Cumberland are chiefly exported to Ireland ; those of Lancashire are mostly used in the manufactories of the dis- trict; except the canal-coals from the collieries near Wigan, which have recently been sent to London by railway. Coals from the Derbyshire, Midland Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire coal-fields, espe- cc cially those from Clay Cross in the first and Barns- ley in the latter-mentioned county, have, during the last ten or twelve years, come into very large consumption in London, where they are re- ceived by railway. The North Staffordshire coal, sta which is by no means fully worked, is used in 8 the potteries, and the South Staffordshire in the iron manufacture. The Leicestershire and Warwick- shire coals are coming into use in London, and are largely consumed in the counties to the north-west of the metropolis. The Somersetshire coals, worked Somerset- in the neighbourhood of Radstock, form a valuable 8 supply for the western and south-western counties, and will be more largely used when the district is more developed. The coals of Denbighshire, better Welsh known as Ruabon coals, are brought in some 00 quantities to London by the Great Western Kail- way, but are not so highly esteemed as those of the coal-fields of the Midland Counties. The coals of South Wales, which is the largest field of all, are less generally known in the metropolis than almost any other. They are largely used on the spot in the iron manufacture carried on at Merthyr Tydvil, Ebbw Vale, &c., and in the copper-smelting works at Swansea. Some of the coals of this dis- 472 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm. Steam coals from the South Wales coal-field. Quantities of coals composing the London supply, A.D. 1860. trict, being semi-bituminous, have been pronounced the best in England for the purposes of marine steam-engines, and are therefore largely carried from Cardiff to London, Liverpool, Southampton, Portsmouth, and elsewhere, for the purposes of navi- gation. The quantity of coal in the South Wales coal-field is immense. It is calculated that there are 16,000 millions of tons of coal lying within reach. The quantity worked here in 1859 was nine and a half millions of tons. Taking the production of future years at ten millions, the above-estimated supply would last for 1,600 years iio come. The quantity of coals brought to London from the various coal-fields, in 1860, will be shown by the following table : BY SEA. BY RAILWAY, &c. FBOM TO^S. BY TOXS. 1,347,574 977,519 703,836 210,418 130,009 61,183 45,230 40,986 13,002 25,047 16,671 1,902 London and North ) Western . . . . j Great Northern .... Eastern Counties . . . Great Western .... Midland 693,418 502,813 121. -J-2-) 63,944 58,496 17,589 14,585 4,417 958 104 22,353 Hartlepool Wales Middlesborough .... Yorkshire, &c. .... Blyth ..:.... South Western .... South Eastern .... Hertford, Luton, &c. . . London, Tilbury, &a . . London, Brighton, &c. Canal and Road .... Scotland Small Coal Cinders Culm TOTAL 3,573,377 TOTAL 1,499,899 Absence of Although the railways have been making rapid convenient . * railway progress in coal traffic, it will be observed that all CHAP, vra.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 473 the Northumberland and Durham coals brought to co ^ muni cation London come by sea. This does not alone result between from the proximity of the coal-field to the coast ; au d the on the contrary, many of the pits are situated at some distance from the point of shipment. What really prevents the coal of Northumberland and Durham reaching us by railway, is the want of any direct and unbroken communication between London and the coal-fields of those counties. The Great Northern, which is the line of railway out of London which has the nearest approach to those parts, extends no further than the Askern Junction, a few miles past Doncaster, in South Yorkshire; and two or three lines of other companies have to be traversed before reaching Darlington, which may be taken as the railway centre of the coal-field. This complication of interests prevents the possibility of the railway companies entering London from fixing any certain price for the conveyance of coals from the northern coal-fields. If there was any one railway company, with a Relative line constructed at a moderate cost upon favourable freight by gradients for its up-trafiic, which could bring coals railway. to London from the northern coal-field, it is pro- bable that the coals of that district might reach the metropolis at a cost for transit not largely ex- ceeding the cost of conveyance by sea. At present the cost of freight by an ordinary collier varies very much according to the supply of shipping. During the last three years it has varied from 5s. to upwards of 9s. per ton ; those being, however, extreme rates. Probably, 6s. 3tZ. to 6s. 6d. per ton, may be taken as an average cost.* The present charge of the Great Northern Railway from London to York per ton of twenty- * To this is to be added the cost of lighterage, and of merchants' charges in London, which, of course, enhances the amount paid by the consumer. 474 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm. one cwt. is 9s. Id. Supposing the same proportionate mileage to be charged from York to Darlington, the charge for the railway conveyance of coals would be 13s. 9^d. per ton. But this charge will certainly admit of considerable reduction. It has been esti- mated that a railway company can carry coals at a profit at %d. per ton per mile, supposing the traffic capable of being worked economically and steadily. A farthing per ton per mile upon the distance between Darlington and London is unquestionably less than the present average rates of freight to London from the ports of shipment in the north; and in regularity, certainty as to traffic, and ex- pedition of delivery, a railway would unquestionably offer many advantages over a sea route. The ques- tion, however, as to such a traffic, must, of course, mainly depend upon the quantities to be carried. A million tons per annum would be the least that such a railway must carry to make the traffic pay ; but, large as this quantity may appear, it is a traffic which, perhaps, it is not unreasonable to look for, considering the rapidly increasing development of coal traffic, not only in London, but in all the agri- cultural counties of the South of England. One great advantage of the railway coal traffic is th e e con- undoubtedly to bring the supply much nearer to the ^ oor f ^ ne consumer, and thereby to avoid one neavv ^ em ^ cos ^ i n ^ ne conveyance of coals from the river-side to the consumer's cellar. London has become so vast, its suburbs now extend so many miles in every direction from the river-side, that if we had not railway facilities round different parts of London, the supply of such heavy articles as coals from the river Thames, might be expected, at no distant period, not to be unattended with difficulty ; especially considering that the draught in every CHAP, vin.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 475 direction from the river-side is on an inclination unfavourable to the load. At the present time, no less than 1*. a ton extra is charged even by the railway companies for the supply of coals to the outlying districts on the high levels such as High- gate and Hampstead as well as at certain distances beyond the railway station. There can be little doubt that, had the river-side coal merchants not been subjected to the competition of those concerned in the supply of railway coals, a charge would, long ere this, have been made on the consumer for the transport of coals from the river-side to points of London within, probably, even more ordinary limits. Of late years the number of screw steam-vessels screw of large tonnage employed in the coal trade has been f e e 8 a s 8 extensively increasing ; and there can be no doubt ^Je^ that in many respects their employment is attended trade. with advantage. They perform the voyage to and fro with a great saving of time, and they are worked with no greater cost for labour, and at less expense for wear and tear, than ordinary sailing vessels. The great difficulty attending the regular supply of London with coal some years ago, was the prevalence of contrary winds, which kept fleets of colliers in the rivers of the north, or in Yarmouth Roads, or beating about the mouth of the Thames, sometimes for weeks together. The duration of the voyage of Their ad- the screw steamer is, on the other hand, subject to little or no variation. Her owTier can depend on her arrival with the utmost certainty; and there can, therefore, be now no doubt as to the supply of coal which is likely to reach the market. Notwithstanding these advantages, it has been and draw- found that there is a limit to the use of these vessels. The capital invested in them being much larger than the capital ordinarily represented by sailing colliers 476 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vm. of equal capacity, the steamer will not bear detention either at the port of shipment or delivery. Under the regulations of the Tyne and the Thames, there- fore, which regulate the order in which colliers shall receive and discharge their cargoes, the owner of the screw collier would probably suffer heavily from the length of time the steam-ship was detained, were he driven to compete with the ordinary sailing-vessel. In order to avoid this, he has, therefore, generally, an arrangement or understanding with coal-owners or shippers, by which he is afforded facilities for loading; and as the coals shipped are usually for steam purposes, Government contracts, gas-works, &c. the screw vessels are able to land their cargoes at points where any detention in discharging is avoided also. Ordinary colliers are only able to unload at the rate of about fifty tons per day. The screw steamers rarely allow more than forty-eight hours to be occupied in the operation. ^ e screw colliers have, obviously, a great ad- to vantage over the sailing-vessels, in the great rapidity the traffic of the voyages they are able to perform. This, loJrates together with freedom from detention, enables a of freight, steamer to do five times the work of sailing-vessels. Being able to do a largely increased amount of work, the owner of the vessel is enabled to conduct the traffic at lower rates of freight. The rates of the screw steamers vary with the rates of sailing-vessels ; but are invariably under them. The general rule appears to be that the screw collier's rate of freight shall be kept 6d. under the rate of the sailing-vessel ; so that when the one is 6s. 6d. per ton the other is only 6s. Duration Various have been the speculations, and conflicting supply of the opinions, as to the duration of our coal supply. Bri!L Some calculators give us enough coal in Great CHAP, viii.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 4J7 Britain to last for 1,000 years; others declare that, at our present rate of consumption, it must be exhausted within 300 or 400. The consumption during the present century has risen from 10 to 72 millions of tons annually. There are various causes which will accelerate this consumption. The increase of population in an accelerated ratio ; the increase of manufacturing industry probably at a still greater accelerated rate; the rapid sub- stitution of steam- vessels for sailing ships ; and the increasing demand for coal in continental countries, must all tend to accelerate the decrease in our stores of coal in Great Britain. On the other hand, the progress of science will, no doubt, enable the world to economise its consumption; improved modes of mining will enable coal to be brought to market with less waste; and improved boilers and ranges will enable manufacturers and housekeepers to generate steam and heat with less fuel than has hitherto been used. Should prices advance, new mines will also be opened, new discoveries made, and new modes employed for working at depths hitherto unexplored.* We may, therefore, take a tolerably sanguine view as to the future of our * It is contended with great ability by Mr. Hull, in his recent work on the coal-fields of Great Britain, that there is a physical limit to coal raining ; that temperature and pressure must be unsurpassable obstacles to working at a greater depth than 4,000 feet from the surface, so that all coal below that depth must for ever remain oiit of our reach. Upon this point I need only offer one observa- tion. It is, that before the discovery of the safety lamp, at the early part of the present century, it was believed that more than one half the coal mines in England could never be worked or even explored, in consequence of the gaseous vapours and the want of light. It is as much within the bounds of probability to- day that means will be found to work the coal deposits below 4,000 feet, as it was within the bounds of probability, only fifty years ago, that British miners would be able to work the great majority of the mines which now supply us with the mineral. Taking the difficulty, indeed, to be one of temperature, the probabilities are in favour of rather than against deep mining : for few things are more easily susceptible of improvement than the ventilation of mines. It is admitted that if mining can be carried on at any depth, our supply of coals is, practically, in- exhaustible. 478 THE POET AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. vin. coal supply. It is certain " to last our time ; " quite as long as any now amongst us or any who will immediately succeed us. We need not specu- late with very great anxiety as to what may happen at the expiration of five centuries to come. Our de- scendants in those days may regard with as little estimation fires made of coal, as we think of the fires made of faggots consumed by our ancestors five centuries gone by. Export It was long considered politic to check the ex- * portation of coal to other countries, both through fear of exhausting the mines, and because it was imagined that our superiority as manufacturers might be endangered. Heavy export duties, varying in amount, were accordingly levied prior to 1835, when they were reduced to an ad valorem duty of 10 per cent. In 1842, Sir Robert Peel, " not in " order to suppress foreign manufactures, but for the "purpose of raising some revenue from the articles," imposed duties of 2s. per ton on the export of all large coal, and Is. on small coal and culm. In bringing forward his budget in 1845, however, the same statesman announced his intention of abandon- ing these duties. They had had, he said, " the effect " of checking the foreign coal trade, which had been " rapidly increasing for several years previous ; the " revenue raised by them was comparatively in- " significant ; they had led to increased and increasing " activity in working mines for coal in foreign " countries, and had reduced the profits of the British " coal shipper." Since 1845, coals have consequently been allowed to be exported at a merely nominal rate of duty, and the quantity exported has rapidly risen to seven millions of tons a year. The following are the quantities of coal exported to foreign countries in 1860 : CHAP, vra.] OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 479 EXPORT OP COALS TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES, 1860. COUNTRIES. TONS. VALUE. France 1,347,905 561 427 United States 309 869 TOO 77Q Hamburg 477,587 175 973 Spain and the Canaries 374 736 173 901 Denmark 409 196 160 464 384,563 145 229 British East India . 270 196 130 68 9 308,767 126 088 Russia Northern Ports 273 287 117 209 Turkey 195 748 91 161 Brazil 162 314 85 101 Sardinia 186 418 81 850 Sweden 199 859 80 442 British North America 149,551 68 252 Malta 126,542 61 159 Cuba 116 127 58 470 Norway . 136 218 53 431 Two Sicilies 116 679 53 299 Austrian Territories 1 12 942 51 163 Portugal, Azores, and Madeira 112 555 48 961 Egret 90 572 43009 British West India Islands and British Guiana. 78,122 78 904 42,131 39 697 Gibraltar 77 150 37 202 71 859 35 074 China (exclusive of Hong Kong) 67 203 33 498 Russia, Southern Ports 69 203 33 160 Channel Islands 65 060 30581 Hanover 68 675 28 553 Oldenburg 63 962 26 086 St. Thomas 50 630 24 992 Chili 45 729 20591 Belgium 47 974 20475 Ionian Islands 36 110 16 822 Australia 24 899 16 502 Greece 32 194 15240 British Possessions in South Africa .... Mecklenburg 26,884 36 221 14,771 13,502 Uruguay (Monte Video) 26 578 12,869 Bremen 18 811 12 107 Algeria 25,707 11,724 Lubeck 27 008 11,304 Buenos Ayres 14 620 10,450 Other Countries 158,937 77,073 TOTAL 7,074,071 3,144,454 Table showing the coun- tries to which our coals are now ex- ported. 480 THE PORT AND TRADE OF LONDON. [CHAP. YIII. Argument rpj^ p r i nc ip a i quantity of the coal which we export our export is used for the purposes of steam and railway navi- gation, and for gas-lighting in the continental cities. There can be no question that, if we refused to allow the free export of our coal, it would lead to the working of coal-fields to a much greater extent abroad, and to our consequent disadvantage. It may be here observed, that the same class of arguments which applies to duties on the export of coals apply to duties on the export of our machinery. As far back as 1834, Sir Robert Peel well observed upon the subject : " As regards the export of machinery, the Legislature has no discretion to exercise, as it cannot prevent the egress of the artisans by whom machinery is made. Foreign countries become acquainted with the power and value of our machinery, and desire to purchase from us. We refuse to sell, except upon such terms as, in point of fact, amount to a prohibition. What follows? Temptations are held out to our artisans and me- chanics to emigrate to those countries, for the purpose of instructing the inhabitants in the art of constructing the machinery of which we previously had the exclusive monopoly. The danger is obvious. Our monopoly cannot be retained; because, if we refuse to sell machinery to foreign countries, foreign countries, through the medium of our own artisans, will make it for themselves. We have therefore no discretion. It is better that we should manage our domestic manufacture of machinery by allowing a free export of it, than that we should continue the prohibition, and thereby encourage the emigration of the manufacturer." It is remarkable that Sir Robert Peel, who gave utterance to these wise observations in 1834, should have failed to see, in 1842, that it is better we should manage our own collieries by allowing a free export of coal, than that we should prohibit such export, and thereby encourage the working of foreign coal mines. CHAi>. viii. J OUR COASTING AND COAL TRADES. 481 The passenger traffic, of which a large share of the coasting trade of London was formerly composed, has, since the construction of railways, largely left the Thames for outports. Still, however, a consider- able steamboat traffic continues on the river, and the coasting trade of London has been largely developed in what is called the " short voyage " trade a com- merce which extends beyond the confines of our own shores. This has been already referred to in another portion of this work, so that little remains to be said concerning the coasting trade of London. That it will increase with the general commerce, the wealth, and the population of this great city is inevitable. It must always form a large proportion of her busi- ness, and a fertile source of her profitable enterprise. i I APPENDIX. TABLES. ii 2 O Q O 525 P> W H GO EH O PH O o S >O PH QO OQ P3 o >. QO | H OQ O ? a s tj 5 s 5 0000000000000 oo ooooooooooooo oo oooooooooooooo oo S 1 i ,r,wcoi-i!0"*o<-i'ji-*i 1 to^oa c-ic-i ^nooioi-^^ot^t-CiMico-^oo^ cco C-l r-1 i-l * C-l O 1~ 5 1-1 IM d O> O CJ ^ O" CO i-l (N O" 06" *" t^ Tf CT *> 1-1 :] E .* OOOOOOOOOOOOOO 00 oooooooooooooo oo ei-i 3 w (J 00 t o o cT o" (M co" co >o r-i 1-1 a> co" r 1-1 II " fc(j CiOCOCiOiOOTti"*! tOOCOt^ ^OCO ^HOiOCOOrHCOC-lOOOOi-lOl-CO H^ ^ ^ r-t r-l C^l O O Tji C^ C-1 00 C1 Ci"3 O I-H -^ r-T r-To'*'i-J'od' r-T c OOOOOOOOOOOOOO d *S 0(S o o o 2 SH co o T o~ *" r-T o-- w otT ClCOOJOIi-IINrHThl?) rt *" of i-T co" S >J 32 3 oooooooooooooo oo oooooooooooooo oo OOOOOOOOOOOOOO 00 O O t> rH &3c-aaii oT-j*'cir-rcoo"cr-ICli-tcO l^--fo""eoiOrH co rHOJOOt-COl t^-^tOOOrHrHCOO -f CO^COC^C^O^iO-^OOrHCOt-rHOCO Ci i-T co* IM" cq" cT of s n S o < J8 ~ 09 rH CO C* 1-4 rH CD CO ^IX QrHCOt-^OOOrHOOCOOSOOO G^ -^ "* rH rH H O 0 CO r-1 ; R* % B X^O5O*Q^*d< 1 uT5 Oi O> OO Cl -^i t OC P r-*CO-^OCO2 3 sS 3 gcj ^^QPL, Mpq^OKlSS <0 H P a O O O O 1 jf 1 o g 00" oT g g g g o_ o_ o^ o_ -** cT cT ** :M 51 ca co CO i-l t CO of .-< g o o* CO o 30,776,000 f-T ^ C-f I-T r-T CO* t-T 1 O r-( OO **< r-i O l. * 'T. *^. *T. O O* i t r- 16,210,000 >, '3 i o o 8 g !i-T i o~ ' a 13,400,000 O O CO o o o o o__ o__ o_ o_ o" cT ci* ** ^ 00 ON oT o o" 1 24,260,000 0000 o o g g g g g >" 0o cere first pi 1 ! 1 1 II II 1 1 I I I I I li 1 > a o o o o o o O of i-T o" CO CO t o" 11,537,000 o o o o g g g g ** IN" j-~ to" * 0* 00 t~ r* O O co" i-T 6,276,000 17,813,000 000 o o g g g g i-T 1 cT oT oo' t-T of | CO ! O to CO O5 0> fc o o o o O O^ c4" ^ *-T * b-T 20,674,000 o o o o O O o o o of *jT t-T TjT co_ te^ to T O" r-T r-T 9,113,000 29,687,000 o o o o o o o O O O t-T *" *" i-T - ^ o" oo" 1 1-1 t- * 1-H 1 o t- g i o o O 1 s" g" * i-T 9,037,000 g g g g o^ o_ o_ o_ ** oi" " oo" 1- 00 O O i 1 O I of 11,874,000 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o O O O_ O O_ O 0" v> of oo" ^ oT 1-H CO Jt~ O> tO I to i- 1- c? o ue to the Ji o o o o o o o | o o o o o o o o o o o g o g ooooo o oo 0000 o o o O O O O O O g o 1- O O 1 o o" o" o o o o o o oo o 00 o o o" t-T o" o" o o" o" r-otooo o oto tO t- 03 t - IO I-II-H g o 3 -H O O Ct rl Oi o 01 ^ * oo * o ca CM CM o 01 o to r-( o> o o o o O of Ol o" Of *" Co" o s a >, ,"- x ,-*-, x^^ ^^ ^--, S+~-^ . ' . s ^ s 00 Persia, Afghanistan. Be lOOOhUtU, Hcinilc and Tnrkistan . . Arabia (Aden) . . . India and Ceylon . TOTAL FOR TUKKF.Y it> A.SIA, INDIA, &c. :ij:|: : Q x ^.s J c=^3 -3 :ini: : e 'fJs? ===54 g 5J5 4 TOTAL FOR CHINA, &c TOTAL AMOUNT FOB ASIA DO 2 o*2 tK y: "^TS -^ g . V^ = i -1 i^i ;|f s-i-?!: sl5^ |5 il^l "111 111?! d^-? 1 illllllll 2 ij-iis^ > ss-ss | g.S3| gtq ^^g^ S = ** TOTAL FOR AFRICA t N.B. For these Tabl VALUE OF FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PRODUCE IMPORTED. Computed Real Value. 8 00 o o o o c> o o o o o o o ooooooooo 00000000 OOOOOOOO O I O O O o 1 o o o o =;. cf i- r-t CO t- Tf * rH CO IO O rH if} *" CO" r-T s ' o" O t ~ .1 in rH O M M rH fr ' O W ^< ^ 3 i.- O CO rH I ooo 888 ooooooooo 00000000 OOOOOOOO o o o o o 8888 1,782,000 ^ 1 O CM t-T^cc o -^^cTc^c^ i-t O r^ r-( r-l CO r-l 8 c* (M s O O 8 8 OOOOOOOO OOOOOOOO 8 o ooo 3,265,000 W irf Oi .o"o"o"o*to i-T i-T cf of t-T to o. o" o" o" cf >n rH t-H to rH co" co" to" O S rH o o o o 000 o o o ooooooooc> ooooooooo ooooooooo o o o o o o o o o o o o o 58,713,000 s g i" moooooofr t- OOOl-OCOC^KrH 00 ft o" 0*00" o" O CO Cs s - rH rH cf Cf rH" COUNTRIES AND GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS. ^*-> ^~.^~, r -Ox* > <-*- ^~, TOTAL FOR AMERICA . AMERICA : Greenland and Russiai N. America . . . British North America United States, Atlantic Ports Mexico and U.S. Pacific Ports 1 ' II 1 ;d;| . "o 1 |||-- - - | | H ? g ._; 6go gl S ll 1 !> fjilj 1 I 1 1 l a S W feQ r5 > W O O 'I'll o *^ 3 jf m S i II rf 1 g ^ 3 -3 pq PH Dm 1 o 1 o o o o o 0000 O 8 o o o o o O I * to" o" Ej Ei 3 2 S" cT T cf _ O CT *_ r-^ i-l CO 152,592,000 1,472,000 100,469,000 i i i 1 1 o - co o* ** 100,469,000 O o 8, M5 CO *jT co" 100,409,000 o o a CO 28,630,000 I 1 1 i O" TlT r-T 0" CO" o to o o CT "^ 28,630,000 o o CT" oo" t- CO to" CT" 28,630,000 i co" o 8 cf i O O O O O 0000 o o o o CT" oo" of CT" 06" rl *- O CO 1- | of o o o o t-T CT" * o o 8 of rf co" s -" rt " co" 2" " oo" 8 to" 21,874,000 1 1 1 CO i I CO O 1-- iA O O Ol 00 21,874,000 8 8 .-T co" S S cf cf 21,874,000 1 1 1 ! 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 o O O S o o o o o M " CT CS CT S3 S" " l S -" 64,475,000 1 i i i o" " 64,475,000 1 CT rH CJ i- * CT :-. a t~f. 53 S o cf 135,842,000 1 1 Soo t~ *& o co_ o - J o o 8 8 o" CT" I-H CT" co" o> ^ 135,842,000 00 tb i i ^r ^ f CT p-l CO sr 2,620,000 71,367,000 o o o o o o o o o o O O O O CT" *" to" i<~ cT 71,367,000 o o o o o c^ ?f cf o -^ t-T cf 71,367,000 2,000,000 1,196,247,000 88888 o o o o o :, S 1 i I to S S " ** CT t- 1,196,247,000 1,032,147,000 164,100,000 1,196,247,000 1,000,000 to" i o o o o o 8. 8 8_ 8. 8 co o o" co" o~ I- CT O -< 00 O o" OO rn" 1,094,176,000 952,261,000 141,915,000 1,094,176,000 EH . 3 P O O CD a 5 * a 8 o AUSTRALIAN* SEA ISLANDS TOTAL FOU TH J 1 8 1 S S 1 S -E 2 K I .j | 1 1 1 Koriiigu Countri British Possess j F; H TABLE No. IL IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PRODUCE, &c. VALUE OF FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURES, IMPORTED INTO AND EXPORTED FROM GRBAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, IN THE YEARS 1850 AND 1860. ARTICLES. OFFICIAL VALUE. REAL VALUE. 1850. 1860. I860, Imports. Exports. Imports. Exports. Imports. Exports. RAW MATERIALS USED IN ARTS & MANUFACTURES. TEXTILK Cotton 21,531,000 3,776,OQO 960,000 53,000 54,000 2,914,000 1,953,000 6,539,000 94,000 2,000 555,000 989,000 44,615,000 3.088,000 1,472,000 t 74,000 t 5,285,000 S, 969, 000 16,981,000 31,000 130,000 + 3,000* t 3,161,000 2,116,000 35,757,000 3,837,000 1,204,000 425,000 119,100 601,000 10,578,000 11,031,000 5,3SS,000 35,000 93,000 8,000 4,000 29,000 4.107,000 2,288,000 Flax Hair Goats .... Horse* .... Silk (including Thrown) Wool .... Total of Textile . . 31,241,000 8,199,000 58,503,000 21,125,000 63,612,000 11,952,000 MlNKRALOGIOAL Boracic Acid .... 35,000 249,000 345,000 707,000 333,000 . 178,000 189,000 236,000 71,000 190,000 38,000 931,000 168,000 39,000 114,000 78,000 48,000 109,000 16,000 304,000 131,000 171,000 25,000 t 208,000 51'J,000 1,599,000 527,000 332,000 326,000* 181,000 593,000 400,000* 383,000 14,000 1,172,000 291,000 t 44,000* 7,000* 500,000 99,000 32,000* 4,000 709,000 319,000 8,000* 41,000 66,000 77,000 30,000 496,000 3,483,000 660,000 468,000 502.000 201,000 272,000 664,000 383,000 11,000 500,000 431,000 8,000 5,000 7,000 355,000 93,000 13,000 47,000 4,000 217,000 58,000 8,000 88,000 68,000 Copper Iron Nitre, cubic .... Potash, i;c Quicksilver Saltpetre Soda Spelter or Zinc . . . Tin Ore Total of Miueralogical 3,670,000 1,035,000 6,01)5,000 1,990,000 8,178,000 971,000 DYEING AND COLOURINO M v: rt;i.\i - Aniiato 30,000 29,000 88,000 2,012,000 121,000 707,000 314,000 1,048,000 1,597,000 100,000 85,000 75,000 10,000 1,242,000 28,000 121,000 105,000 1,162,000 13,000 42,000 t 94,000 2,038,000 247,000 984,000 2S:i,000 1,223,000 2,599,000 80,000 91,000 116,000 25.000* t 20,000* 2,114,000 44,000* 53,000 58,000 1,275,000 104,000* 45,000* 5,000* 12,000 120,000 164,000 410,000 220,000 560,000 348,000 2,529,000 938,000 82,000 168,000 272,000 7,000 21,000 35,000 304,000 40,000 41,000 77,000 1,942,000 33,000 45,000 10,000 1,000 Argol Bark . . . Cutch, &c Dyewoods Madder Root, &c. . . Safflower Shuinac Total of Dyeing ami ) Colouring Materials/ 6,206,000 2,681,000 T-,697,000 3,743,000 5,823,000 2,556,000 ANIMAL PRODUCE (not enumerated) Bones ........ 129,000 43,000 1,833,000 20,000 24,000 354,000 1,329,000 58,000 51,000 76,000 401,000 84,000 49,000 24,000 32,000 296,000 48,000 t 2,691,000 f 31,000 460.000 t 1,532,000 63,000 55,000 33,000 3,000 t 897,000 t 2,000" 209,000 t 15,000 20,000* 33,000* 9,000* 307,000 351,000 17,000 3,314,000 131,000 85,000 1,412,000 286,000 4,014,000 332,000 100,000 82,000 25,000 1,000 954,000 4,000 5,000 526,000 48,000 26,000 105.000 61,000 22,000 Bristles Grease Hides ... . . Horns Isinglass . Skins and r'liio . . . Sponge Tallow Ti'Kll Wax, Bes' .... Whalelins Total of Animal Produce 3,917,000 590,000 5,209,000 1,188,000 10,431,000 1.813,000 Estimate i. t Not enumerated. 489 TABLE No. II. continued. ARTICLES. OFFICIAL VALVE. REAL VALUE. 1850. 1860. 1860. Imports. Exports. Imports. Exports. Imports. Exports. RAW MATERIALS cowW. VARIOUS 21,000 74,000 17,000 2,336,000 126,000 48,000 119,000 218,000 1,265,000 432,000 3,000 372,000 5,000 17,000 149,000 110,000 t 3,113,000 141,000 99,000 259,000 93,000 1,924 000 396,000 36,000 15,000* t 590,000 8,000* 16,000* 38,000* 16,000* 471,000 158,000 161,000 5,453,000 212,000 323,000 182,000 86,000 10,570,000 630,000 141,000 22,000 6,000 1,028,000 12,000 10,000 141,000 26,000 Cork Gutta Perelia .... Oil .... Pitch and Tar .... Rags (for Paper-making) Rosin . ... Turpentine Timber Do. Hardwoods only . Total of Various . . 4,656,000 397,000 6,284,000 719,000 18,246,000 1,386,000 Total of Raw Materials 49,690,000 12,902,000 84,928,000 29,074,000 106,290,000 18,678,000 AGRICULTURAL PRO- DUCE (not already enumerated). ANIMALS Live Stock - Horses MlOM 99,000 32,000 - 161,000 71,000 - 53,000 1,533,000 554,000 - Oxen, Cows, &c. . . . Sheep and Lambs . . Total of Live Stock . 169,000 - 232,000 _ 2,140,000 - Provisions Bacon and Hams . . . Beef 791,000 125,000 481,000 530,000 33,000 75,000 334,000 200,000 7,000 7,000 734,000 241,000 1,233,000 858,000 t 486,000 299,000 164,000 t 2,000* 17,000* 1,000* 10,000* 14,000* 960,000 418,000 4,078,000 1,598,000 479,000 360,000 587,000 406,000 63,000 2,000 28,000 10,000 22,000 11,000 1,000 Butter Cheese Fish Lard Pork Poultry, Game, .fee. . . Total of Provisions . 2,569,000 14,000 4,015,000 44,000 8,949,000 74,000 FOOD Common Wheat 6,307,000 4,083,000 1,895,000 4,000 668,000 9,000\ 22,000 1 13,000 r 19,098,000 279,000 17,000 {16,554,000 10,754,000 4,321,000 43,000 137,000 14,000 5,000 7,000 Other kinds of Corn and \ Grain / Wheat-meal and Flour . Other kinds of Meal\ and Flour . . . . / Potatoes Total of Common . 12,957,000 44,000 19,377,000 17,000 31,809,000 26,000 Chiefly Tropical (.'on >a 112,000 3,172,000 880,000 24,000 663,000 195,000 753.000 10,407,000 5,051,000 52,000 761.000 7-2,000 248,000 19,000 660,000 1,182,000 752,000 229,000 5,168,000 1,344,000 258,000 1,143,000 252,000 971,000 13,478,000 8,895,000 87,000 2,852,000 301,000 1.172,000 25,000* 1,095,000 803,000 1,258,000 287,000 2,543,000 2,361,000 569,000 1,027,000 150,000 473,000 12,819,000 6,912,000 73,000 1,440,000 281,000 16,000 787,000 14,000 313,000 459,000 655,000 Coffee . Fruit Rice ... Sago Tea Total of Tropical . . 21,257,000 3,746,000 31,738,000 7,593,000 27,141,000 4,038,000 Total of Provisions,) Food and Tropical 1 36,783,000 3,804.000 55,130,000 7,654,000 67,899,000 6,138,000 Estimated. t Not enumerated. 490 TABLE No. II. continued. ARTICLES. OFFICIAL VALUE. REAL VALUE. 1850. 1860. I860. Imports. Exports. Imports. Exports. Imports. Exports. AGRICULTURAL PRO- DUCE} continued. Chiefly Medicinal Bark, Peruvian . . . Cream of Tartar . . . Liquorice Root, &c. . . Rhubarb 148,000 114,000 50,000 100,000 331,000 82,000 50,000 136,000 128,000 78,000 148,000 144,000 t 528,000 204,000 53,000 133,000 t 90,000* 1 157,000 200,000 99,000 35,000 196,000 1,495,000 209,000 37,000 32,000 91,000 245,000 Opium Total 743,000 268,000 1,026,000 480,000 2,182,000 614,000 VARIOUS 1,169,000 229,000 226,000 29,000 1,414,000 1,781,000 205,000 276,000 1,558,000 5,553,000 225,000 783,000 Seeds Total of Agricultural \ PrWwx . . . .) 39,093,000 4,327,000 59,583,000 8,015,000 79,332,000 5,760,000 MANUFACTURES. TEXTILE : Cotton Goods .... Yarn .... 499.000 34,000 136,000 160,000 81,000 57,000 2,430,000 682,000 79,000 227,0001 44, 000 / 61,000 136,000 15,000 1,253,000 127,000 784,000 144,000 491,000 10,000 98,000 t 3,119,000 1,384,000 468,000 191,000 6,000* 233,000 8,000 t 271,000 26,000 2,000* ( 769, 000 i.113,000 94,000 491,000 57,000 105,000 15,000 3,344,000 1,442,000 473,000 139,000 97,000 4,000 233,000 2,000 8,000 1,000 224,000 26,000 2,000 Hair and Goats' Wool . Lace Linen Oil Cloth . . . Silk Woollen Goods . . . Yarn .... Total of Textile . . 4,158,000 1,863,000 6,493,000 737,000 6,893,000 736,000 VARIOUS : Beads and Bugles of Glass Books 43,000 32,000 174,000 50,000 223,000 1,000 100,000 82,000 55,000 295,000 18,000 810,000 24,000 1,038,000 86,000 795,000 29,000 349,000 + 53,000 208,000 565,000 136,000 t 831,000 t 123,000 133,000 170,000 601,000 t t 991,000 t 1,410,000 t 3,000 24,000* 11,000* 4.000* 100,000 t 16,000* 7,000* 1,000* t t 1,361,000 t 417,000 187,000 91,000 75,000 566,000 155,000 116,000 243,000 100,000 148,000 576,000 ISO 000 911,000 77,000 194.000 2,066,000 283,000 4,201,000 184,000 85,000 5,000 8,000 11,000 4,000 1,000 29,000 93,000 19,000 25,000 2.000 2,000 3,000 654,000 154,000 761,000 Caoutchouc Clocks and Watches . . Coir Ropes, &c. . . . Flowers, Artificial . . Glass of all kinds . . . Hats and Bonnets of Straw Leather Boots and Shoes Gloves . . . Musical Instruments . Oil Seed Cake .... Pictures Platting of all kinds . Spirits Tobacco, Manufactured. Wine Yeast Total of Various . . J, 945,000 1,220,000 5,221.000 1,944,000 10,353,000 1,856,000 Total of Manufactures 7,103,000 3,092,000 11,714,000 2,721,000 17,246,000 2,590,000 UNENUMERATED \ ARTICLES / 4,583,000 1,535,000 9,141,000 2,375,000 7,663,000 1,600,000 28,630,000 TOTAL OF ALL KINDS. 100,469,000 21,874,000 164,736,000 43,538,000 210,531,000 Estimated. Not enumerated. 491 TABLE No. III.-EXPORTS OF DOMESTIC PRODUCE, &c. THE DECLARED VALUE OF THE PRINCIPAL AND OTHER ARTICLES OF BRITISH AND IRISH PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURES EXPORTED FROM THE UNITED KINGDOM DURING THE YEARS 1850 AND 1660. 1850. 1860. 1850. 1860. MANUFACTURES. TEXTILE: Cotton : Goods .... Ditto, Hosiery, Lace, &c. Yarn & 20,530,000 1,343,000 6,384,000 40,346,000 1,742,000 9,871,000 i MANUFACTURES. VARIOUS continued. Mathematical and Optical "> Instruments . . . . J Musical Instruments . . 35,000 86,000 443,000 248,000 51,000 286,000 102,000 138,000 46,000 201,000 380,000 59,000 408,000 345,000 28,000 83,000 66,000 145,000 1,131,000 475,000 86,000 429,000 44,000 240,000 99,000 250,000 965,000 286.000 759,000 236,000 232,000 47,000 128,000 Total of Cotton . . 28,257,000 51,959.000 Painters' and Colourers") Materials J Linen : Goods .... Ditto, Tape, Thread, &c. B,689,OM 358,000 881,000 4,435,000 370,000 I 1,801,000 1 Perfumery Plate, Jewellery, andl Watches J Total of Linen . . Platting for Hats of (,8tt,( 6,606,000 Pickles and Sauces . . . 8altpetre(renned in United \ Silk : Goods \ 1,256,000 / 1.587,000 ! t 826,000 Yarn (including thrown) ) Soap Woollen: Goods (entered > liy the piece) . . . J Ditto, by the yard . . Ditto, Hosiery, &c. . . Yarn 5,381,000 2,883,000 325,000 1,452,000 7,097,000 4,402,000 657,000 3,844,000 Soda Telegraphic Apparatus . Turnery and Turners' Wares Umbrellas and Parasols . Total of various) Manufactures . ./ Total of Woollen . . 10,041,000 16,000,000 Various made up : Apparel \ and Slops J 910,000 1,470,000 2,156,000 4,005,000 6,838,000 14,715,000 Haberdashery, &c. . . Tot.'.l of Textile J/onu-\ factv.res . . . .) METALS, &c. UNWROUGHT : Coal, Cinders, and Culm . Copper 1,315,000 662,000 3,845,000 387,000 21,000 224,000 125,000 3,316,000 750,000 8,292,000 701,000 120,000 358,000 362,000 46,762,000 83,139,000 METALLIC : Brass and Copper . . . 1,316,000 231,000 2,641,000 1,505,000 424,000 618,000 944,000 2,038.000 333,000 3,771,000 3,862,000 1,238,000 2,600,000 1,501,000 Iron and Steel .... Salt Hardware and Cutlery . . Spelter or Zinc .... Tin Machinery : Steam-engines Ditto, other kinds . . Tin Toted of Unurrought) Metals, &c. . . . } 6,579,000 13,899,000 Total of Meted ATanu-\ factures . . . .) 7,679,000 15,343,000 ANIMALS AND ANIMAL PRODUCE not already mentioned : 88,000 38,000 29,000 211,000 31,000 182,000 624,000 338,000 205,000 288,000 93,000 638,000 120,000 403,000 877,000 554,000 VARIOUS : Apothecaries' Wares . . Agricultural Implements . Beer and Ale 363,000 47,000 559,000 79,000 229,000 41,000 102,000 98,000 32,000 61,000 37,000 154,000 999,000 208,000 308,000 155,000 124,000 303,000 593,000 255,000 1,868,000 97,000 495,000 75,000 223,000 239,000 189,000 227,000 135,000 182,000 1,451,000 353,000 653,000 317,000 318,000 1,407,000 j Horses Bacon and Hams . . . Beef and Pork .... Butter Bleaching Materials . . Books Cheese Leather, Unwrought . . Bricks Cabinet and Upholstery 1 Wares .... 1 Fish, all sorts .... Total of Animal Pro-\ duce, &e ) 1,541,000 3,178,000 Caoutchouc and Gutta\ Percha / Carriages of all sorts . . FOOD : Corn, Meal, and Flour . . Provisions not otherwise"! named J 38,000 45,000 211,000 248,000 Cordage and Cables . . . Earthenware and Porcelain Gunpowder Glass and Glassware . . Hats of all kinds . . . Leather : Saddlery and" UVENUMERATED ARTI-\ CLES J 1,885,000 5,109,000 TOTAL EXPORTS OF\ ALL KINDS . . . J 71,367,000 135,842,000 Do. other Manufactures fVi ^H t-H S OQ 3 S * T h-l O O "3 o H O o O O 03 O 0_ O_ O O d O> CO *O OC rH O ^ CO CO ^f CN EH -^ o CQ co co b- rH CO o 8 o rH 2 " if 1 O O O O O aj o o o o o S o o \ O i O CO O > O - -< O ?! iO * o" t British. E-i o>_ t- o) t-^ ON 7,026,000 g 2" o EH o o o o o ri C oo" oT of to" i-T o 01 to co I-H CM EH o_ co ra^ r-c I 1 1 1 ENTERED. i s O o o ^ to EH to 8 CO i t 5,283,000 1 1 1 1 o o o o o S o *" 06" >o e^ ^ CM O OO 10 Ol co" -." 6,890,000 1 1 1 1 o o o o o o co oa oo eo ^* EH co_ co 1-1 co^ 1-1 o f 1 , <4 CLEARED. o fa o o o o o o o o o o o S?" S" of o" "" i o_ i British. a 1 1 1 1 I ^ Oi O O OO * CH Tt< CO i < O rH Of r-T 4,74-2,000 o *" O O O O O .00000 o -2 o EH S to" i-T t-T V of g C) IO rH 00 tO s 1 1 1 ENTERED. I o O O O a> o o o o 1 1 " s 1 2,400,000 1 1 1 British. o o o o o O O O O 1 1 i i 1 * of r-T O 1 *" 1 1 1 O 53 1 "3 3 "3 T3 .2 o "S GEOGRAPHIC ^ i .1 1 1 1 3 'S d S 3 H <:< ' ' ' * / ,. . x , ^