THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES Early Western Travels 1748-1846 Volume VIII I. Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of Tilly Buttrick, Jr. (1812-1819) II. A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles, through the Western States and Territories, during the Winter and Spring of 1818. By Estwick Evans Edited with Notes, Introduftions, Index, etc., by Reuben Gold Thwaites Editor of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," "Wisconsin Historical Collections," "Chronicles of Border Warfare," " Hennepin's New Discovery," etc. (Separate publication from "Early Western Travels: 1748-1846," in which series this appeared as Volume VIII) Cleveland, Ohio The Arthur H. Clark Company 1904 Early Western Travels 1748-1846 A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, de- scriptive of the Aborigines and Social and Economic Conditions in the Middle and Far West, during the Period of Early American Settlement Edited with Notes, Introdu&ions, Index, etc., by Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D. Editor of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," "Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition," "Hennepin's New Discovery," etc. Volume VIII Buttrick's Voyages, 1812-1819 Evans's Pedestrious Tour, 1818 Cleveland, Ohio The Arthur H. Clark Company 1904 COPYRIGHT 1904, BY THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY ALL RIGHTS RESERVED fflx lafcrgftt 9ttM R. K. DONNBLLHY * SONS COMPANY CHICAGO f?L CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII PREFACE. The Editor VOYAGES, TRAVELS, AND DISCOVERIES. Tilly BuUrick, Jr. Author's Prefatory Remarks . . . . 19 Text . . 21 n A PEDESTRIOUS TOUR, OF FOUR THOUSAND MILES, THROUGH THE WESTERN STATES AND TERRITORIES, during the Winter and Spring of 1818. Interspersed with Brief Reflections upon a great variety of Topics: Religious, Moral, Political, Sentimental, &c., &c. Estwick Evans Copyright Notice, 1818 96 Copyright Notice, 1819 98 Author's Preface 99 Text 101 1195583 ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME VIII Facsimile of title-page to Buttrick's Voyages . . 17 Portrait of Estwick Evans (frontispiece to his book) . . 94 Facsimile of title-page to Evans's Tour .... 95 PREFACE TO VOLUME VIII The journals of the two American travellers whose works have been selected for volume viii of our series, form an interesting contrast and complement to one another. Tilly Buttrick, Jr., was by nature a wanderer. The early pages of his quaint little book give the princi- pal facts of his biography, particularly his adventures at sea. It is the narrative of one to whom strange lands and distant vistas irresistibly appeal. He tells his story with a straightforward simplicity that transports the reader through the scenes that the author has beheld. The wandering disposition that had first carried him far abroad, induced Buttrick to spend several years roaming through the Great West, and the same quality of pictur- esque clarity of narration makes his journal useful to stu- dents of that section. Reverting from the Far West of the trans-Mississippi and Oregon country whither the journals of the Astori- ans have led us in the three preceding volumes of our series we find the Middle West of the Michauxs, Har- ris, and Cuming passing into a new stage of progress. The tide of emigration flowing from the older states down the Ohio River, and spreading out into Ohio and Kentucky on either hand, was checked by the second war with Eng- land, and the ruthless inroads of the savages whom the British encouraged. In this war the new West bore its full share; having successfully defended its long frontier, it emerged triumphant in spirit, but financially and in- dustrially exhausted. Not until the second great wave of immigration began (1815-18), at the close of this strug- i o Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 gle, was the region again blessed with prosperity, and able to renew its checked development. Into this changing West the wanderer Buttrick came. Arrived at Buffalo before the declaration of war, he was upon the Canadian side of the Niagara frontier when the fateful news arrived, and for a brief time was detained as a hostage by the British General Brock. When released, he returned to Massachusetts; but two years later started for Kentucky passing west through New York State, and floating down the Allegheny and Ohio to Cincinnati. On this journey he gives us an interesting picture of river life, and its exigencies; while with graphic pen he portrays the bad roads, fever and ague, and deserted condition of the country through which he returned to his Eastern home. In 1815 began his longest journey through the West. He encountered at Olean, on the Allegheny, a large body of Eastern emigrants who were awaiting the opening of navigation and the rise of the Western rivers. Swept rap- idly down on the freshet, Buttrick landed in Kentucky; but having been attacked by his old enemy, fever and ague, he embarked for New Orleans, thus enabling him to draw for us a brief but vivid picture of Mississippi navigation. From the Southern metropolis Buttrick started on foot for the North, over the route known as the Natchez trail a wild and lonely journey of a thousand miles, through the land of semi-hostile Indians and backwoodsmen nearly as savage. Upon this hazardous journey he was "generally alone, always sick, often hungry, sometimes nearly starved," and beset by drunken Indians; but he struggled on, arriving in Cincinnati after forty-seven days en route. While the chief interest of Buttrick's journal lies in his own adventures, yet these are in a way typical of Western conditions, and throw much light on the hardships of pioneers, and the devastations of the War of 1812-15. 1812-1819] Preface \ i The book we here reprint is very rare. Published as an eleemosynary appeal to readers on behalf of its unfortu- nate author, who had become blind through his hard- ships, a small edition was put forth, and no copies are now known to be upon the market. Its reprint will, there- fore, be a welcome addition to the journals of Western travellers. Estwick Evans, whose Pedestrians Tour of Four Thou- sand Miles, through the Western States and Territories^ comprises the second part of this volume, was, in his way, a philosopher a man imbued with early nineteenth-cen- tury views of the return to nature and the charm of savage life. Slipping the leash of the restraints of civilization, and influenced by a strange mixture of Quixotism and stoicism, our author set forth from his New Hampshire home in the dead of an extreme winter, and crossed the frozen, almost trackless waste to the frontier post of Detroit. His copyright notice contains the following epit- ome of the journey: "The blast of the north is on the plain: the traveller shrinks in the midst of his journey." Evans was born (1787) of good New England ancestry, at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Largely self-educated, he was admitted to the bar in 1811, and won popularity by espousing the cause of the oppressed, taking up cases for sailors, people hi poor circumstances those fleeced by self-seeking lawyers. A prominent colleague said of him: "Evans had about as much influence as any one, because he was a clever fellow, honest, poor, and not well treated, and the people sympathized with him." He volunteered for the War of 1812-15, but was rejected on account of a physical disability. After his adventurous Western journey, he married and settled in New Hamp- shire, at one time (1822-24) serving in the state legislature. His vein of Quixotism never left him; he desired to fight 1 2 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 for South American independence, and actually left for Greece in order to join her armies, but arrived after the battle of Navarino and saw no bloodshed. In 1829 he removed to Washington, and throughout the remainder of his life practiced law, and served in the government offices, frequently contributing to the National Intelli- gencer, He died in New York, November 20, I866. 1 Despite the eccentricity of Evans's purpose, and the grotesque dress of buffalo skins in which he attired him- self for his Western journey; despite, also, his constant tendency to moralize and involve himself and the reader in a maze of speculation, his comments upon the men and conditions which he saw in the course of his long tour are shrewd, eminently sane, and practical. The Western New York of 1818 is vividly portrayed; the solitude of Northern Ohio, and the difficulties of the Sandusky swamps are made known; glimpses of the Indians of the vicinity are afforded. However, the chief value of the narrative commences when the author reaches Detroit. From that place through the remainder of the journey, to Presqu' Isle, and down the Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi to New Orleans, Evans was keenly alert for all manner of information that bore upon the war, the state of agricul- ture, the topography and settlement of the country, and the general industrial conditions. Much of his material was obtained from first-hand participants and explorers, and bears the stamp of accuracy. He gives us one of the best pictures we possess of early Michigan Territory, the French habitants contrasted with American settlers, the influence of the fur-trade, and the scattered posts hi this far-away region. His description, also, of early Indiana and Illinois presents interesting phases. At New Orleans 1 These biographical details are from Bell, Bench and Bar of New Hamp- shire (Boston, 1894), p. 343. 1812-1819] Preface 1 3 he encountered the remnants of French civilization, whose picturesque mingling with American backwoods life presented startling contrasts. "Here may be seen in the same crowd Creoles, Quadroons, mulattoes, Samboes, Mustizos, Indians, and Negroes; and there are other com- binations not yet classified. ' ' Evans viewed the dissipa- tions, pleasures, and excitements of the Southern metrop- olis with the eye of a New England Puritan, broadened, however, by his contact with French philosophy and liber- alism. "The wonderful wealth and physical force of the United States" makes a strong impression on his mind; and looking forward with the eye of a prophet, he fore- sees the development which a hundred years will bring, and the power that will make all Europe tremble. From New Orleans, Evans returned to New Hamp- shire by sea, having had, perchance, his fill of travels in the wilderness, and having found ' ' amidst the solitude and grandeur of the Western wilds more correct views of human nature and of the true interests of man." His book is both diverting and informing, and fills its place in the chronicles of the early West. Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph.D., Edith Kathryn Lyle, Ph.D., and Mr. Archer Butler Hulbert have assisted the Editor in the annotation of this volume. R.G.T. MADISON, Wis., September, 1904. BUTTRICK'S VOYAGES, TRAVELS, AND DISCOVERIES 1812-1819 Reprint of the original edition: Boston, 1831 VOYAGES, TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES OF TILLY BUTTRICK, JR. Boston: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOB. John Putaam, Printer. 1831. PREFATORY REMARKS IN preparing this little work for the press, the Editor had not only in view the interest with which an enlight- ened people seize upon facts not previously in their pos- session; but sympathy for this unfortunate traveller, who by misfortune has now not only become bereft of his prop- erty, but, by providential circumstances, of his sight, con- tributed to induce' him to copy it for the press. And he confidentially trusts, if the information contained in the following work is not sufficient to induce every individual to become a purchaser, that sympathy for the past and present sufferings of a fellow creature will forbid them to withhold the small sum solicited for the pamphlet. TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES I WAS born in Westford, County of Middlesex, and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the sixth day of July, 1 783. I lived with my father, Tilly Buttrick, until I was ten years old ; when he removed to Princeton, in the County of Worcester, where was the summer seat and residence of his Honor Lieutenant Governor Moses Gill. I was put to Mr. Gill, where I lived in his service five years, after which I went and lived with my father, who now lived in Groton, near where I was born, two years. At the ex- piration of that time, being in my seventeenth year, I was placed by my father in a mercantile house, in Boston. My master, D. Hastings Esq., was a respectable mer- chant, and one of the best of men. With him I resided until I was twenty one years of age. Being desirous of seeing more of the world than my present situation allowed, I resolved to go to sea. Accordingly I shipped on board the fine ship Alnomak, of Boston, bound for the Isle of France. Our crew consisted of seventeen in number, mounting eight guns. On the tenth of September, 1804, we weighed anchor, and left the harbor of Boston, with a fair wind, which continued until the twelfth, in the after- noon; at which time we were clear of the land; the wind then gradually decreased, until we were becalmed, which was about six o'clock the same evening. We remained in this situation about one hour, and night coming on, it was noticed that the sea was greatly agitated; which is very uncommon in a calm. [6] The night was extremely dark, and the surfs that broke about us appeared like huge banks of snow. At 22 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 this time many observations were made by the crew, the oldest sailors observing that we should soon find out the meaning of this phenomenon. The wind soon began to breeze up ahead, all hands were called to put the vessel under close sail, and before nine o'clock it blew a tremen- dous gale; which obliged us to lay to, as she was heavily laden. The wind continued to blow for thirty six hours, and the ship labored with great difficulty. The storm then began to abate, and coming about fair, we laid our course and proceeded on our voyage. On our way we often fell in with large schools of fish of different kinds, such as Porpoise, Dolphin, Boneator, &c., and were very successful in taking them, which supplied us with some- thing fresh to eat. We passed in sight of the island of Teneriffe and many other islands, and the coast of Bar- bary. In crossing the equator, we were several days be- calmed. On the twenty-second of December, we arrived at the cape of Good Hope, a Dutch settlement in the southern extremity of Africa, and came to anchor in Table Bay. We found the people here very industrious, working their cattle, which are of the Buffaloe kind, by means of a square piece of wood lashed to their horns, across the front of their heads. Often six or eight yoke of oxen were thus harnessed in one team. They were very handsome cattle, except- ing the hump on their shoulders, so much resembling the Buffaloe. The meat of these cattle is plenty, but not equally good with our American oxen, being tough, of a yellowish cast, and rather unsavory. Sheep are com- mon here, and to appearance much larger than the sheep in our own country. This may be owing partly to their having longer legs than our sheep, and consequently taller. Their meat is excellent, and perhaps equals in flavor any found in North America, or any other nation. But their 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 23 wool is of little value, being as coarse as dogs' hair. The tails of these creatures are sold separate from their bodies, and have the appearance of a large lump of tallow weigh- ing from fourteen to twenty pounds. In the suburbs of the town, I observed two of the feath- ered tribe, which I afterward learned were ostriches; [7] who, upon discovering me, raised their heads much higher than my own, and appeared no less frightened than my- self, and were no less willing to make good their retreat. The 25th, being Christmas, our sailors undertook to imitate the landsmen in cheerfulness and hilarity; the night was spent in high glee. Next morning all hands were called, but not coming on deck so soon as was ex- pected, the mates came forward with handspikes to hurry them. They were met by the sailors with the same kind of weapons; and although nothing very serious took place, yet it caused considerable difficulty between the officers and crew. The captain being on shore was soon notified, when a guard of soldiers were sent on board; one man was taken and committed to prison on shore, where he remained a few days, and was then put on board and sent to America. No punishment was inflicted upon the remainder, but they were strictly watched. Here we remained until the first day of January, 1805, when not being able to dispose of our cargo as we ex- pected, we weighed anchor and put to sea. But soon a twenty four pound ball, fired from the guard ship lying one hundred yards distant, besprinkling me with water, as I stood on the bowsprit, occasioned us to drop anchor and send our pass on board the guard ship, which our captain omitted to do, though required by the law of the place. This being done, we immediately weighed anchor and stood out to sea. 24 Early Western Trawls [Vol.8 The next morning we had lost sight of land, and in the course of the day, the wind blew a terrible gale; the sea ran mountains high, the ship was hove to, and we rode out the storm, which continued about twelve hours. After which we continued our course with the trade winds about forty days. In the mean time our supercargo fell sick and in about six weeks died. The usual ceremonies at sea were performed, and his remains committed to a watery grave. Thinking ourselves far enough to windward of the Island, to bear away, we accordingly did so, and run- ning twenty-four hours we discovered land. Supposing it to be our intended port, we were greatly rejoiced. But when coming within four miles of land, to our great morti- fication we found it to be the island of [8] Madagascar, four hundred and eighty miles to the leeward of the isle of France. This was a sorrowful tale for us to hear, as we must have a head wind and oftentimes a current in our return. We had become short of water, and for sev- eral days had been on allowance. The grass on the sides of the ship had become one foot in length, which greatly impeded our progress and ren- dered our situation truly distressing. The ship was put about and stood to the south, as near as we could lay to the wind. The island of Madagascar, is inhabited by negroes, with whom little or no trade is carried on by the whites. We dared not venture ourselves on shore here, to obtain water, for two reasons. First, we were afraid of the rocks and shoals, as there were no pilots to be had ; and secondly, should we arrive safe on shore, we might be massacred by those uncivilized people. While ruminating on these unfortunate circumstances, our ship was struck by a white squall, very common in that eastern world, which carried away our foretop mast 1812-1819] ButtricKs Voyages 25 and maintop gallant mast and did much damage to the sails and rigging. This was probably fortunate for us, as the masts must have gone, or the ship upset. The squall being over, it soon began to rain very heavily. Stopping the scuppers, all who were able employed themselves hi dipping water from the deck. We filled six casks of a hundred gallons each, which proved a very seasonable and ample supply. Every exertion was now made, both by the officers and crew, and continued until the 2oth of March, when we considered ourselves far enough to wind- ward to bear away, and next morning discovered land, and found it to be our long wished for island; the isle of France. The harbor being on the leeward side, we ran around, and not finding it so soon as we expected, we saw several sail boats lying about, near the shore, and hoped to find a pilot among them. But none appearing we fired a gun as a signal. Unfortunately the gun was loaded with a ball, which went close to several of them. This fright- ened the poor Frenchmen, and they made for the shore with all possible speed, supposing us to be Englishmen. [9] Within thirty minutes we discovered a large sail bear- ing towards us from the harbor. On its approaching us to our 'Surprise we found it to be a French man of war, ready for action; and coming close too, and hailing us, they or- dered our captain on board of the ship, and took us un- der their protection, and stood for the harbor. We were not insensible of the reason of this, from the circumstance of the above mentioned shot, which was fired from the en- trance of this harbor. The head of the harbor, on which the town stands, is about three miles from the entrance. The channel being narrow, the only way of getting up is by warping, to assist in which buoys are set at a suitable distance; a rope is made fast, the ship is hauled to one and then to another, and so on through the whole. 26 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 A gang of negroes were placed on board the vessel, and assisted in performing this labor, until we arrived safe on our mooring ground. Our captain was then conducted on shore, by a guard, and after due examination, was found innocent of any ill design. We found this harbor a very pleasant and delightful one; and from seventy to eighty American vessels lying there. In a few days we commenced discharging our cargo and sending it on shore; we also stripped the ship to the lower mast; this being done, we were about to repair the rigging and sails, when the monsoons made their appearance. These monsoons, so called, are the changing of the wind, which blows in one direction from March to September; then, shifting and whiffling about, blowing high gales, and sometimes a hurricane, commences a contrary direction, and so continues the remainder of the year, it being the time when the sun crosses the equator. Vessels generally, are afraid of being found at sea in this country, at this season. The wind at this time was very variable, blow- ing from different points and constituting a terrible gale, which lasted about forty-eight hours. Every precaution was taken for the safety of the vessels lying in the harbor; by mooring them by two anchors ahead, and two astern, according to the requirements of the law; nevertheless, the shipping in the harbor, consisting of one hundred and fifty sail, French, Dutch, Danes, etc., but mostly Ameri- cans, presented a most unpleasant [10] spectacle. Fifteen or twenty vessels of different sizes, were driven on shore, and some of them, when the water fell, were nearly high and dry. But few lives were lost; although there was a great destruction of property. The inhabitants of this island are very friendly to the American people, and an immense trade is carried on between the two countries. About fifty yards from the shore, stood a spacious build- 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 27 ing, occupied as a hospital, in which was a great number of patients. Directly on the bank is a small building, which is called a death house. When any one died in the hospital, they were removed and deposited in this small house, when they were placed in a coffin or box, large enough to contain two. If another was expected to die immediately, it remained until the second was placed in it ; then being put into a boat manned by three negroes, expressly for that purpose, it was rowed down about two miles and a half, being that distance from any dwelling house, when the bodies were taken out of the coffin, hauled up on shore, and thrown into a lime pit, seemingly formed by nature. The boat then returns with the coffin, and here ends the funeral ceremonies. The dissolvent power of this earth, assisted by the rays of the sun, soon decomposes and destroys these bodies, and the remote distance from any dwelling houses, prevents any evil consequences, which might otherwise follow such a mode of burial. This boat is well known by the black flag, which it carries hoisted, and often passes three or four times in twenty four hours. The labor in this place is done by slaves, who are kept under close subjection. They are separated into gangs, over each of which is placed an overseer or driver. During the labor of the day, should any of them commit an offence, even of the smallest nature, it is marked down by this driver, and communicated to the principal overseer at evening. Early next morning, when called out to their usual labor, they are punished according to the aggrava- tion of the offence. If small, they are punished with a rattan, on their naked backs. If guilty of an aggravated offence, they are lashed to a post, and so horribly whipped and mangled as at times to leave the bones denuded of their flesh, and in open view. 28 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 [ll] HORRID EXECUTION Several times hearing the noise of cannon, and seeing a red flag hoisted, on inquiry I found that one or more negroes were to be executed. One day as this occurred, I went on shore and finding a number of people passing to a plain, back of the town, I followed on, and arriving at the place of execution, saw a rope drawn round a circle of about three hundred feet ; inside of which stood a platform about ten feet square, standing on posts five feet from the ground. On the top of this platform lay a com- mon plank, one end of which was raised about two feet, and extended even with the end of the platform. Here I waited for the space of half an hour, when, hearing the sound of music, and looking around, I saw a company of soldiers advancing. In the rear of them was a cart, with two young negroes in it, and a Roman Catholic priest following after. They coming within the circle, the com- pany formed, and the negroes were taken from the cart and conducted to the scaffold. The priest followed and conversed with them a short time, when a negro man mounted the scaffold, with a broad axe in one hand and a rope in the other. Looking very fierce, he ordered one to lay down on the plank, with his chin extended over the end. After lashing him tight to the plank with his rope, he raised his axe and with one stroke, severed his head from his body. Then unfastening the body he threw it down where the head had fallen. The other poor fellow, terrified and trembling at this aw- ful sight, and scarcely able to stand, was soon ordered to lie down in the same manner of the former, which he very reluctantly did, the plank being already covered with the blood of his fellow victim. The rope was then thrown around him, as before mentioned; the axe was again raised by this infernal butcher, with an apparent gratifica- 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 29 tion and hardihood, shocking to human nature, and seem- ing to glut his revenge for the reluctance with which the criminal laid himself down on the plank. After several blows he at last succeeded in severing his head from his body. To paint this horrible scene in its true colors, the wild despair of the criminals, before their execution, and agony [12] afterwards, indicated by the thousand chan- ging motions of the face, andthe^shootingoutof the tongue, is beyond the power of language to describe; their only crime was taking four dollars from a slave, sent by his master to some other person. In about three weeks after our arrival in this place, there appeared off this island, five English men of war, which had left here about six 'weeks before, for fear of the former gale. This squadron was for the purpose of blockading the island, and remained during our stay at this place. They were very diligent on their stations, but effected but little; they would often appear close in to the mouth of the harbor, but I never knew them fall in with an enemy. The war still existed between France and Great Britain, and several vessels and privateers were fitted out of this port, and would often send in valuable prizes; large ships laden with India and China goods, would be sent in unmolested, which was surprising to all who saw it. At one time an English sloop of war appeared in the mouth of the harbor; spying a twenty four pound gun about three fourths of a mile on shore, manned by five soldiers, they tried their skill by firing an eighteen pound shot at them, which hit the carriage, upset the gun and killed two of the men. The other three men fearing a second compliment, took to flight and made all possible speed for the town, where they arrived in great confusion. We now began to think it time for a cargo to come on 30 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 board the Almonak. But soon found it to consist only of stone to ballast the ship. Being soon in readiness, on the first of August we put to sea, leaving this port for the island of Sumatra. On our passage we were several times boarded by English men of war ships, and after a strict examination were permitted to pass. We passed close to the island of Ceylon, an English island, and saw colors hoisted, but made no stop. On the first of September, we arrived on the western coast of Sumatra. As there were no regular maps or charts of this coast, we could only traverse it by information derived from masters of vessels, which had traded there, and our own judgment. There are many reefs and rocks, which extend into the sea a considerable distance. Many of which lay but just below the surface [13] of the water. It was therefore found necessary to keep a good look out, one man at mast head and others closely watching below. We at last discovered a small bay, and run into it ; the place was called Moco. This is one of the trading places. There are several others, such as Soosoo, Mecca, Bencooban, and Pecung. At the latter place, there was formerly a company of Dutch, who set- tled there for the purpose of trading with the natives. But in consequence of the English cruisers on the one side, and fear of the natives on the other, they had evacuated the place and returned to Batavia, from whence they came hither. We came to anchor in our first mentioned port, and prepared against any attack which might be made by these savages, by tricing up a boarding-netting round the ship, about fifteen feet above the deck. This netting was made of line, about the size of a cod line, and wove to- gether like a seine for taking fish; our guns were loaded and primed, with matches burning by the side, boarding pikes, muskets and cutlasses at hand, and a centinel walk- 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 31 ing the deck. A gun was fired at sunrise and the colors hoisted; another at sunset when the colors were taken down. We had not been long at this place, before we were visited by several boats from the shore. They were ordered to haul close alongside of the ship; a gun was pointed into their boats, and a man to each gun with a lighted match in his hand. Should they attempt to rise we were in readiness to receive them, and soon put a stop to their proceedings. They then asked permission to come on board ; this was granted to three or four of them. A gun was then hauled back, and they allowed to crawl in at the port hole, while the rest remained as they were. Some of them spoke good English, and began to inquire if we wanted pepper. We answered, yes. The captain agreed with them about the price, and in a few days we were furnished with about fifteen tons. The natives brought the pepper in their own boats, and it was weighed on board of the ship, with our weights and scales, which we brought for that pur- pose. They were very particular in examining them, and fearful of being defrauded. One man, whom we supposed was their clerk, took the weight of each draft, and at the close footed it up, and [14] cast the amount in dollars, as quick and as well as though he had been a regular bred merchant. They write fast, but from right to left. While here the captain was invited on shore, and went in a boat with four men ; each armed with a cutlass. Three were left to guard the boat. Tak- ing me with him we proceeded towards the village, which is about half a mile from shore, escorted by some of the chiefs through a narrow path, and thick wood of Bamboo and Cocoa nut. On our way, we could often see the heads of the inhabitants peeping from behind the trees, or through the bushes, but would often start and run 32 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 when we approached them. On coming to the village we found a cluster of small houses, situated but a little distance from each other, standing on six or eight posts, and about three feet from the ground, being built similar to log houses in America. The tops of these houses were covered with bark and leaves, and were sufficiently tight to prevent the water from penetrating through them. I learned that there were about four hundred inhabitants in this village. There were many men and boys to be seen about among these huts; but not one female. They show few marks of industry, a few only being employed in making sails for boats, from a kind of bark, which they work together very ingeniously. I saw no implement of husbandry, nor any household furniture, excepting a few kettles, standing about the doors of their log huts. These people are of a copper color, small in size, seldom weighing more than one hundred pounds; their food consists principally of fruit, rice and fish. They are indolent, but subtle and full of intrigue; they speak a Malay dialect, and are by persuasion Mahometans. They consider it their duty to take the life of a Christian; they are very avaricious, and seek every opportunity of obtaining money; Spanish dol- lars is the only coin they will receive, and which they ob- tain in large sums for their pepper, which grows in great abundance on this island. It is difficult to know what they do with their silver, as their expenditures must be small, their clothing generally consisting of a small cloth round their waist, extending down to their knees. Some of the higher order wear a mantle over their shoulders extending nearly [15] to their feet, with a small piece of cloth neatly worked, covering the top part of the head; a belt around their waist with a long knife or creese in it, the blade of which is very ordinary, but sharp; the handle 1812-1819] Buttrictfs Voyages 33 is generally made of silver, but sometimes of gold and worked in a curious manner; these except the handles are purchased of foreigners. Opium, although prohibited, is obtained and used to excess by the natives in this island. They chew and smoke it frequently to intoxication, and substitute it for ardent spirit, which they make no use of. Instead of tobacco they have a kind of reddish weed, which they mix up with something resembling white paint, stirring it with their thumb and finger, and crowding it into their mouths in the most disgusting manner. They have no fire arms, not knowing the use of powder; but are very expert with their knives. When meeting each other, instead of shaking hands in the American way, they salute each other by striking their knives together. They are in separate tribes; each is governed by a rajah or king, whose commands are implicitly obeyed. At the sale or purchase of any goods, he must first be consulted, and permission granted, and a certain part of all monies re- ceived are paid to him. Polygamy is allowed; the num- ber of wives a man has, depends on his ability to main- tain them. They are considered as personal property, and are bought and sold at pleasure. 1 After purchasing all the pepper that could be procured in this place, we weighed anchor and stood along the coast, about thirty miles. When about one mile off land, we espied a number of natives on shore, and let go anchor. They coming out in boats, we treated them in the same manner as we had done those before mentioned. The reason of our using so much precaution, was, information that several vessels had been taken by the natives and their crews massacred. Finding no pepper at this place, 1 This description of the natives is given as they were found in 1805. How far they have since become conformed to civilized life, the author is unable to say. BUTTRICK. 34 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 and being told that by going about twenty-five miles further up we could procure a plentiful supply, we weighed anchor and proceeded j;o the place pointed out by the natives. When we arrived we found that information [16] had been given, and preparations made for procur- ing all the pepper that could be obtained. Loaded boats came out, which we received for several days; the pepper was weighed off and paid for to the owners and all things appeared to go on well. This looked encouraging, and we expected soon to have a full cargo, they repeatedly say- ing we should have greater quantities by waiting a short time longer. We knew not their object at the time, but afterwards had reason to suspect their intentions. How- ever, after waiting several days and receiving no more supplies, we passed up thirty or forty miles further. Here it appearing like a favorable place, we dropped anchor about five o'clock in the evening, two miles from the shore. It was calm, and the evening was pleasant. About eleven o'clock at night, we heard the oars of several boats coming. By the light of the moon we soon discovered them to be three in number, one with about twenty-five men and the others with about fifteen men each. I be- ing on deck, notified the captain below, who immediately came up and hailed them; they answered and asked if we wanted pepper; our answer was yes. Coming along side, they were placed as before mentioned. All appeared very desirous of coming on board, but only three were permitted. As they came in at the port hole, we took from each his creese or knife. This appeared not to please them. At this time they were uncommonly merry, looking earnestly about on every thing on deck, which could be plainly discerned from the light of the moon. The captain says to them, how much pepper have you ? 1812-1819] ButtricKs Voyages 35 they answered, we have none here but will bring you some bye and bye. One of them walking down into the cabin, the captain ordered me to follow him. The second mate lay in his berth asleep ; he looked at him very earnestly and laughed ; there were two lamps burning on the table, he took one and blew it out, then looking at the mate again he laughed ; lit the lamp, sat it down. He soon blew it out the second time ; mistrusting his objects, I seized him by the shoulder and soon had him on deck, and notified the captain, when all hands were immediately called. The natives in the boat appeared very uneasy, some standing upright, others were puking over the side; this [17] was enough to tell us that they were intoxicated from the too free use of opium. As they had no pepper, and coming in such a number, their intention undoubtedly was to take the ship, and after massacreing the crew to plunder her. But seeing us so well guarded, they thought it not best to make an attack, although they were three times our number. The captain then ordered these three to go immediately into their boats, with orders to steer straight from the ship's side and not to vary either to the right or left, for should they disobey, they would receive the contents of our guns among their boats. They obeyed, although with great reluctance, which to us was a certain proof of their ill intentions. Although these men are small in stature, and possess but little muscular strength, yet when intoxicated they are savage, cruel and fearless as mad dogs. The next morn- ing we stood along the shore for several miles, and were met by some Indian canoes. We then came to anchor, went on shore and purchased a large quantity of pepper, which was brought on board, weighed and paid for. We 36 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 remained here several days, during which time some of our crew saw and recognized some of the same persons who made us the evening visit which I have already men- tioned. They discovered no hostile intentions at this time. We continued along the coast, stopping at different places, until we had about completed our cargo, without any damage except the loss of two anchors, and narrowly escaping the rocks, which came nearly to the top of the water. We were fortunate enough to procure another anchor of a ship, which had just arrived on the coast. A few days before we left the island, we fell in with an English brig, which came there for the purpose of trading with the natives, but unarmed. He came to anchor near us, and observed that he wished to lie under the cover of our guns, while we remained here, observing that the day before, he saw a sail standing in, having the appearance of a French privateer, and should that be the case, he should probably fall into their hands, and lose his all, as this vessel and cargo was all the property which he pos- sessed. [18] He also told the captain of the Almonak, that he had a number of curiosities on board, which he would present to him for his acceptance; among which was a creature called the ourang-outang; he was taken at the island of Borneo, and is a great curiosity, even in India. When walking upright, this creature was about four feet high, his head resembling that of a young negro child. This creature moved with ease, was good natured to white people, would often put his arm around the sailors' necks and walk fore and aft the deck with them; but towards negroes he appeared to have an inveterate hatred. Our cook was a large black fellow, and when employed in any particular business, especially that of stooping, this crea- ture would come behind him and clinch and bite him 1812-1819] ButtricKs Voyages 37 most severely; and in a very few minutes would be at the top-mast head, looking down and seemingly laughing, as though he had gained some important victory; while the poor cook was left to rub his wounds without being able to obtain any further satisfaction. The English brig be- ing manned by Lascar sailors, which are black, the cap- tain said that in a gale of wind he always felt himself un- safe to send them aloft in the night, as the ourang-outang would often follow them, and take every advantage to bite and harass them. We kept this creature till we had been at sea about fifteen days on our home-bound passage, and were in hopes of presenting one of the greatest curi- osities ever seen in America. But to our grief one morn- ing he came from aloft on deck, made some signs of sick- ness, laid down and died instantly. An unfortunate Dutch sailor, who twenty-five years before had been im- pressed into the English service, had lately made his escape and got on board the brig I have mentioned. Wishing to return to Holland, his native country, we took him on board our ship, and, although many times boarded by English men of war and strictly searched, he secreted himself so closely that he remained undiscovered until we conveyed him safely on board one of his own country ships. The poor fellow often said, ' ' I am afraid I shall find none of my relations or friends left, after so long an absence. ' ' We now took leave of our English friends, and com- pleting our cargo, on the last of October, after a stay of [19] two months on this coast, we weighed anchor and stood out to sea, bound to the Isle of France, where we arrived on the first of December. Remaining there three weeks, we again put to sea, and in fifteen days came in sight of the Cape of Good Hope. Falling about ten miles to the leeward, we bore up with a fair and brisk wind, just 38 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 passing round the point of the Cape, when it became an entire calm. This was worse than a gale; the sea running very high, the ship rolled from side to side, and oftentimes would almost roll her yards into the water. Oftentimes we thought she would upset or her mast go overboard. After remaining in this situation about two hours, a breeze sprung up which enabled us to pursue our course, and which continued until we arrived near the coast of the United States of America. One afternoon, about four o'clock, saw a schooner ahead; coming near to her, she lowered all sail. We hailed her, and asked if any thing was wanted; and were answered, as we thought, no. We hailed the second time, and received the same answer; understanding that they wanted nothing. One of the crew thought she said differently, when, on a third in- quiry, found they were an American vessel, had neither bread, meat, or lights, and were in a state of complete starvation. Several of them had become so weak as to lash themselves to the rigging for safety. We supplied them with all the necessaries we could possibly spare, be- ing short ourselves, but sufficient as we supposed to take them to New London, Connecticut, their intended port. They had been out sixty-seven days from the Spanish main, in South America, and for the five last days had nothing to eat except a few crumbs of biscuit which they had collected together. On the morning of the day on which we expected to see land, the weather being cloudy, about eight o'clock, breakers were discovered a-head, and the water striking high into the air. Put the ship about, and running but a short time the same was seen still a-head ; the water seeming muddy, hove the lead, and found ten fathom water. We ran this course but a little distance before we found ourselves surrounded with breakers on all sides. The wind being fresh and a heavy sea, we were 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 39 constantly throwing the lead, and found sometimes [20] twenty fathom water, sometimes ten; about one o'clock, finding but five fathom, which is thirty feet, expect- ing every minute the ship would strike to the bottom, the captain ordered axes to be brought, and every man to take care of himself. Our boats being much worm-eaten could be of no use to us should the ship strike; therefore the only way would be to cut away the masts. The fog continuing there could be no observation taken, and no one knowing where we were, nothing could be done but to direct our course as well as we could to avoid these difficulties. At eight o'clock in the evening we found a sufficient depth of water, and on examination found it to be Nantucket South shoals; the wind then being fair, in the middle of April, eighteen hundred and six, we arrived in the port of Boston. I remained in Boston until the middle of June follow- ing, when I agreed with a gentleman to go to Liverpool on board a new ship then lying in Kennebeck river. On my arrival at that place, finding neither owner nor captain, and the ship being but partly laden, I waited for several days, and then shipped on board the schooner Decatur, an old vessel of one hundred tons burthen. She lay alongside of the wharf, and so heavily laden with lumber as to cause her decks to be under water. Our crew consisted of only six in number; no more could be obtained. The captain offering us the extra pay of one deficient hand to be divided among us, we accepted, and on the third day of July put to sea. We immediately found we had sufficient employment ; only three hands before the mast, one hand at the helm, one at the pump, and the other not wanting for employment. We soon began to repent of our bargain, but there was no help for it. We were bound for Montego Bay, north side of the island of Jamaica; which passage 40 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 we performed in forty days. We made the islands of St. Domingo and Cuba, and were boarded by an English fifty gun ship, Arethusa, who sent their boat and ordered the captain and all hands on board, which was done, while they manned the schooner. After arriving on board many questions were asked us separately; where we were from, what our cargo consisted of, if we were not Englishmen, and if we should not like to enlist on board his [21] majesty's ship. Our answer being in the nega- tive, wine was brought forward and we were invited to drink. This not answering their wishes, we were ordered below, where we remained until eight o'clock next morn- ing; during which time we had neither wine nor food to eat. We were then called up and returned on board our schooner, their men returning and leaving us at our liberty. On examining our effects, found my chest and trunk pillaged of most of their contents. These articles were not contraband, and could not be taken by any officer, but were pillaged by the crew. We soon made the best of our way on the passage, and arrived at Montego Bay after a passage of forty days. We lay here three weeks, in which time we discharged our cargo and took in another. I had many generous offers in this place to take charge of a store, and tried every possible means to get discharged from the schooner, but to no effect ; the captain observing that he could discharge no man. We then weighed anchor, and laid our course once more for the United States of America. We ran close by the port of Havana, made Turks Island, and after being out but a few days, found our meat and bread in a bad condition; sometimes so bad it could not be considered safe to eat it. This evil could not be remedied through the whole passage; this, together with bad weather, squalls and head winds, seemed sometimes as though we should never reach our 1812-1819] Euttrick's Voyages 4; native homes: however, in about forty days we arrived in Boston bay. Within one mile of Cape Cod, about eight o'clock in the evening, I was standing on deck, with a fine southerly breeze, anticipating the pleasure we should en- joy on being in Boston the next evening, when in an in- stant a squall struck us a-head, which carried away our foretopmast and main boom, and left our sails in rags. Fortunately no man was hurt, although our captain was saved from being knocked overboard by catching hold of the main rigging. This squall continued only for a minute, when all was calm again. The only business now was to repair, which we so effectually did before day- light as to be able to make sail, and soon arrived in Boston harbour, greatly rejoiced at being able once more to leave old Neptune, bad beef and wormy bread, and visit my friends [22] on terra firma. I then went to Concord, Massachusetts, and made up my mind to leave the seas for the present. Wishing to see the Western country, I made an arrange- ment with a gentleman to go to Detroit, Michigan Terri- tory, and to take out his family, consisting of his wife, three children and a man-servant ; which he was desirous of removing to that country. Himself having business, went on horseback several days before we started. I pur- chased two horses and a pleasure wagon, and proceeded to Albany 2 in New York, and passing through many hand- 1 For a description of Albany written a few years later, see Evans's Tow, post. Buttrick followed the Genesee Road, the well-established route to Lake Erie. In 1794 the legislature had appropriated money for the construction of a road six rods wide from old Fort Schuyler (Utica) to the Genesee River at Canawagus (Avon, twenty-seven miles south of Lake Ontario), passing the outlets of Cayuga, Seneca, and Canandaigua lakes. Being but little better than an Indian path in 1797, lotteries were authorized for its improvement. In 1799 a stage began to run over the road, and the following year it was made into a turnpike. A highway was opened the same year from the Genesee River to Buffalo, thus completing the connection between Albany and Lake Erie. ED. 42 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 some villages, such as Utica, Bloomfield, Canandaigua,* Batavia, &c., came to Buffalo, 4 at the foot of Lake Erie, where we met the gentleman waiting to receive his family, which he was going to put on board of a vessel and go up the lake. But preferring myself to go by land, I crossed the Niagara river into Canada; it being but three hundred miles to Detroit on that shore, while it is four hundred on the United States shore, and a much worse road. I went to a friend's house, formerly from Concord, who lived about nine miles from this place. This friend wishing to go on the journey with me, we began to make prepara- tions; however, as I was a stranger in that country, he 5 Old Fort Schuyler was erected upon the present site of Utica during the French and Indian War (1758), for the defense of the frontier, but was not maintained after the Treaty of Paris. The village was first settled in 1787-88, its importance dating from the construction of the Genesee or State Road. It obtained a city charter in 1832. The site of Canandaigua, at the foot of Canandaigua Lake, was selected by Oliver Phelps and Nathaniel Gorham for the principal town of their pur- chase; they and a company of associates having bought from Massachusetts (1788) her pre-emption rights to land in New York namely, to all territory west of a line drawn through Seneca Lake. The village was surveyed and opened for settlement in 1789, and the following year contained eighteen fam- ilies and a hundred other persons. Bloomfield, the location of an old Seneca village, is nine miles northwest of Canandaigua, and was surveyed and settled at the same time, chiefly by emigrants from Sheffield, Mass. ED. 4 Batavia bore the same relation to the Holland Purchase that Canandaigua bore to that of Phelps and Gorham. These proprietors extinguished the Indian title to their land only as far, approximately, as the Genesee River. Being unable to pay for the remainder, they returned it to Massachusetts (March, 1791), which, two days later, resold it to Robert Morris. He, in turn, sold to a company of associates in Amsterdam (1793), and the tract became known as the Holland Purchase. The Holland Company marked off a village and opened a land office (October, 1800) at Batavia, in an unsettled wilderness fifty miles west of Canandaigua. Two years later they surveyed and placed upon the market a second village, called by them New Amsterdam, and located at the mouth of Buffalo Creek. This stream being well known on the frontier, the name was transferred to the settlement, and "New Amsterdam" never came into general use. Buffalo received a charter in 1813. See Turner, History 0} the Holland Purchase (Buffalo, 1850). ED. 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 43 wished me to visit the Falls of Niagara, thirty-eight miles below. After notifying the before mentioned gentleman, we proceeded on and saw the stupendous work of nature, which has so often and so accurately been described by other travelers as to need no description from me. After spending three days in this neighbourhood, we re- turned to my friend's house. The vessel which was to carry the gentleman's family was expecting to sail in a few days, and I intended to start as soon. But a day or two before we were ready to proceed, standing at my friend's door, we saw a gentleman riding up in great haste, who informed us that war had taken place between the United States and Great Britian. This was sorrowful news indeed to me; and my only remedy was, if possible, to make my way back into the United States. Accord- ingly I harnessed my horses to the waggon, and drove with all possible speed down to the ferry and called for the boat ; but judge of my surprise and sorrow, when, instead of the ferryman handling their oars, I was accosted [23] by sentinels walking with their guns, who said they had strict orders to forbid any one crossing over. I stood some time looking to the opposite shore, which was about one mile, and could see the same business going on. I then returned in haste; was advised to take my horses into the woods and secrete them, which I did. Finding our- selves destitute of many articles which we wanted, such as tea, sugar, tobacco, &c., and not being able to procure them on this side, as there were no stores on the Canada side where they were kept, we resolved to make an ad- venture upon the other side. Accordingly when night came on, we fitted out a boat with four men with oars, and sent them to accomplish our object. They had eighteen miles to cross the lake, which was performed before day- light. The next morning, unperceived by any one ex- 44 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 cept the storekeeper, who was always ready to supply the wants of any one when he was sure of cash in return, the boat was hauled into the bushes, and the men secreted during the day. In the meantime the articles wanted were put up and at night put on board, when the boat was shoved off, and they steered their course directly back again. Owing to the darkness of the night they steered too much up the lake, and at daylight found they were about six miles from shore. They pulled very hard, but did not arrive until after sunrise. Fearing they might be discovered from Fort Erie, 5 they carried their goods up into the bushes and hauled the boat after them, when they came up to a house a little distance from their landing, and went about their daily employment. About two hours afterwards a non-commissioned officer, whom we found to be a serjeant, and four men belonging to the cavalry, rode up to the door, armed and in British uni- form, and demanded if there had been a boat across the lake to this place. The answer was no. They then dis- mounted, and walking in, began to search in and about the house, but found nothing. Observing their disap- pointment, we took pity on them, invited them in, and gave them some spirits to drink. The morning was warm, and after drinking several times, they concluded that all was as it should be, and returned to their station. I remained here several days, and began to grow quite dis- contented with my [24] present prospects; I therefore con- 5 Old Fort Erie, at the head of Niagara River, on its western bank, was built by the English in 1764. The location proving unsatisfactory, a new fort farther back from the river was begun in 1805, and completed at the outbreak of the War of 1812-15. Tllis was captured by the Americans, July 3, 1814. Although successfully resisting the siege of the British during August follow- ing, the fort was blown up in September and the troops retired to Buffalo. It was never rebuilt. ED. 1812-1819] ButtricKs Voyages 45 eluded to call on General Brock, 9 the Commander-in- chief of the Province of Upper Canada, and solicit his aid. His head -quarters were at Fort George, 7 forty-seven miles below, near the head of Lake Ontario. The second day of July I started with a horse and gig, went to Chippewa and stayed over night. Next morning, wishing to know my fate, I proceeded on till within about one mile of the Fort, when ascending a hill, I fell in the rear of five hun- dred Indians, who were marching in Indian file, painted, and in their war dress. Not wishing to interrupt them at this critical time, I moved slowly after them until I had an opportunity of passing them without molestation to either party. They walked with their faces down, and paid no attention to any one. On coming on to the plain near the Fort, I discovered warlike preparations; flying artillery, cavalry and foot, not in great numbers, but ex- ercising and preparing for an attack. The American Fort Niagara, 8 and the English Fort George, lie nearly opposite, one mile distant from each other, and on the 6 General Isaac Brock, born in Guernsey in 1760, entered the English army, and after serving in Jamaica and Barbados, came to Canada in 1802. He was placed in command at Fort Niagara, and in 1811 was appointed lieuten- ant-governor of Upper Canada. Immediately upon the outbreak of the War of 1812-15, h e ordered an attack upon Mackinac, and marched with the main body of his troops to Detroit, receiving Hull's surrender in August, 1812. Brock planned a most efficient defense of Upper Canada, but was killed in the American attack on Queenstown (October, 1812). Perhaps no English officer has been more beloved by the people of Upper Canada; several towns have been named in his honor, and a monument was erected to him on Queenstown Heights. ED. 7 When the English withdrew from Fort Niagara, in accordance with the provisions of Jay's Treaty, they constructed this fort directly across the river. It was captured by the Americans (May 27, 1813), but abandoned at the end of the year. After the War of 1812-15 i* was dismantled and allowed to fall into decay. ED. 8 For the early history of Fort Niagara, see Long's Voyages, volume ii of our series, note 19. ED. 46 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 opposite sides of the Niagara river; they were each under fearful apprehensions. I rode up to the General's house and inquired for him, and was conducted to the garden. I walked up to him and made known my business, and my anxious desire of crossing the river with my property. He politely replied, he had no objection to granting my request, provided the officers of the United States would grant the same indulgence to his Majesty's subjects; but until then he could give me no permit. After many ques- tions, to which he received my answers, he said I should see him at Fort Erie the next forenoon, which I did, about ten o'clock. While conversing with him this morning, a cannon was discharged at Black Rock, 9 two miles below, which at this time had become fortified by the United States; he started, and said, "I must consider you as a prisoner of war, and unless you can procure bonds of fifty thousand dollars to remain within this Province, you must immediately be committed to prison." My friend accidentally standing by at this time, passed his word for me, which was sufficient, and I was set at liberty. The cause of this discharge from the cannon, and many others which followed, was the celebration of the fourth of July, it being that day of the month. [25] I remained under this bond seventeen days, but was allowed to go where I chose without molestation. Waggons were daily coming in from the back woods loaded with men, women and children, many of whom were in a very distressed situation; they begged for permission to * The Black Rock ferry across the Niagara River was in existence as early as 1796, and was much used for transporting merchandise, especially salt. It owed its name to the low black rock about a hundred feet broad, from which teams entered the ferry. Passing into the control of the state in 1802, the ferry continued to run until 1824, when the harbor was destroyed and the black rock blown up in the construction of the Erie Canal. The village of Black Rock was laid out in 1804, but grew very slowly, and in 1853 was incorporated in the city of Buffalo. ED. 1812-1819] Buttrictts Voyages 47 cross to the United States, many of whom were formerly from there; but instead of this request being granted, many of the men were made soldiers, and their horses taken and employed in the service of government. Bad as this may seem, yet it was far preferable to remaining in the woods among the savages, who assumed the right of plun- dering whatever came in their way. These people were truly in a bad situation, for they were neither safe at home, nor on the frontiers, as the soldiers were few and provis- ions scarce. As for my part, I was allowed to go where I pleased ; and oftentimes fell in company with the officers, who treated me very politely. On the seventeenth day of my bondage, while at my lodgings, I received a line from an officer, ordering me to appear at Fort Erie; which I did. I was then conducted two miles below, to the ferry, where a boat was prepared, and I was ordered to go on board, and soon arrived on the United States' shore. When I first received this order, suspecting what would take place, took my friend aside, told him I knew that a gentleman in Buffalo had petitioned General Brock for my release, and thought it possible this would take place, and should I not return that day, he might be assured that I was at liberty; and that I wished him at night to build a large fire on the lake shore, and have my horses and carriage ready if I should call. My object now was to get a boat sufficiently large to carry two horses and a waggon. I was told that I could obtain one by going eighteen miles up the lake. I im- mediately hired a horse, and went to the place, but found the boat was gone twelve miles further up. I passed on, and when I arrived there, found the boat had gone still further up, and was obliged to give over the pursuit. This being the only suitable boat in the vicinity, and not being able to obtain that, I began almost to despair of 48 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 ever getting my horses across to the United States' shore. When night came on, I could plainly discern the light [26] which my friend had kindled on the opposite shore; which was for a mark for me to steer by, had I found a boat; and although I was determined to run every risk, and venture all hazards, to cross, and get my property on board ; yet I was obliged to relinquish all hope, and had the mor- tification to see all my attempts frustrated. I therefore returned back to Buffalo, purchased a horse and gig, and returned home to Massachusetts. I remained at home till the third of July, eighteen hun- dred and fourteen, when a gentleman, who was going to Kentucky, wished me to accompany him. I took a horse and waggon, and we set out on our journey; pursuing the same route which I formerly took, to Batavia, in the western part of New York. Our intention was to go by land to Cincinnati, at the south-western part of Ohio, where we should meet the Ohio river. But falling in with a gentle- man who observed that he was well acquainted with all that part of the country, and who advised us to steer southerly to the head of Alleghany river, the distance being but about forty-five miles, where we should find a pleasant water carriage the remaining part of our journey; we agreed with him, and sold him my waggon and harness, as there was no road for wheels a part of this route, pur- chased provision, and packed all our effects on to the horse, and set out on foot, driving our horse before us. We travelled on two days, seldom seeing any house, having very bad roads, such as by many people would be con- sidered no road at all. We stopped at night at a log hut, found the people more friendly than intelligent; inquired how far we had come, and were informed we had trav- elled forty miles, and had forty miles further to go. We were greatly disappointed and mortified at our informer's 1812-1819] Euttrick's Voyages 49 account of this route, especially as provision was very scarce both for man and beast. However, the next morn- ing we continued on our journey till about twelve o'clock, when we stopped at a log hut. There had been several acres of land cleared, and we noticed a very tall hemlock- tree at the farther end of this clearing, and a man chop- ping it down. It being of an extraordinary size, we thought we would go to the root and see it fall. The man who was chopping observed, it would be some time before it [2 7] would fall; and my friend walked away to some little distance. I remained a few minutes, and then followed him. When I had proceeded about half of the length of the tree I heard a cracking noise, and looking back, I saw the tree coming directly upon me. There was no chance of escaping; I therefore clung my arms to me and partly sat down; the tree fell, the body touching my left shoulder, and a large limb my right. I was com- pletely covered with the limbs and leaves, but without the slightest injury. I soon cleared myself of this uncouth situation, and looked on my narrow escape with surprise; the other two men stood motionless with fear. We soon pursued our journey; and the next day, about four o'clock in the afternoon, were overtaken by a boy, who observed he was travelling our way about one mile and a half, when he said we should come to a tavern. This was joyful news to us, as our provision was almost ex- hausted, and we had but few chances of renewing it. The clouds had been gathering fast, and there was an appear- ance of rain; in a few minutes the wind began to blow violently, the limbs of trees were falling on all sides, and large trees were blown up by the roots; we could scarcely escape the danger of one, before another presented itself. The cracking and falling of the trees was terrible, not only to the hearing, but the sight also. I jumped from 50 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 tree to tree, not knowing which way or direction was most safe. Heavy thunder, sharp lightning, and the rain falling in torrents, made the scene doubly terrible, and seemingly, nothing but death awaited us every mo- ment. This gale continued about twenty minutes, when the wind ceased, and all was still. My first object was to find my companions and horse, if still alive. I had not seen them since the commencement of the gale. I called aloud, sometimes by name, at other times halloo, but no answer being made, this gave me reason to believe that all was lost. After renewing my calls for some time, I heard a voice and followed it; found it to [be] my com- panion, and soon after the little boy came up. Our next search was for the horse, which we found about one hun- dred yards from where we stood, standing still among the fallen trees, stripped of every thing except the bridle on his head. We made him fast, then [28] went in search of the baggage, which we found, at considerable distance from him, almost buried in the mud. Placing it on the horse's back once more, we related our danger to each other, and proceeded on our way, when we soon arrived at the tavern which the boy had mentioned. This tavern was an old log building of about twenty feet square, and contained the landlord, his wife, and six chil- dren. Here we found some pork, a small quantity of bread, and some whiskey, but no food for our horse. This was the greatest accommodation we had found since leaving Batavia. Finding a man who was going on to the end of our land voyage, about seven miles, we left the boy, and about one hour before sunset, we pursued our course. The mud and fallen trees very much retarded our progress; but notwithstanding our wading hi water, blun- dering over trees and stumps, &c., at ten o'clock we arrived at the Alleghany river. 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 51 The next morning we met with three soldiers who had purchased a canoe, and were bound down the river; we made an arrangement with them, paid one-half for the boat, sold my horse, and began to prepare for a trip down the river. We endeavoured to purchase provision, but could not obtain it for money. Having a blanket, I traded with a good lady for a few pounds of bread and pork. The truth is, the land about this place is so poor, the few inhabitants who are settled here have no resources only from the country, back a considerable distance; and hence they may be called real speculators on travellers, who happen to take this course for the Ohio river. Our company, now consisting of five in number, embarked on board this about three o'clock in the afternoon, and at sunset we came to a sandy beach, hauled our boat ashore, and concluded to remain here during the night. We built us a fire, cooked some provision, and encamped for the night. The weather being warm, we made but little provision against the cold ; about one o'clock I awoke, and found myself very chilly. The rest being all asleep, I got up, and found I had been lying hi water about two inches deep. Mustering all hands we went further up on to the shore, drawing our boat after us, built a fire, got warm and partly dried [29] when daylight appeared. Each one now taking a piece of bread in one hand and a piece of pork in the other, made a hearty breakfast; after which we took to our oars and continued on our course. The river being very low at this season of the year, made the navigation of our boat, although small, very difficult. Sometimes, for a long distance, we would row in almost still water, then coming to rapids, we were urged on with great velocity among rocks and trees, which had lodged among them. One of the soldiers being acquainted with this river, rendered our situation much safer, as he served 52 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 as our conductor; otherwise we should hardly have dared to run the venture. The log houses on this river were few in number, and from the poorness of the land, and the then existing war, the inhabitants were left destitute almost of the necessaries of life for themselves, much more so for travellers. Deer, bears, and other small game being plenty, their principal dependence was on these for sustenance. The fourth day of our voyage, in the after- noon, we discovered a house on the bank of the river. We pulled ashore, went up and requested to stay over night. Our request was granted, and we had plenty of venison, and fed to our full satisfaction. The man observed he had just killed a fine buck, and was glad to entertain all strangers. We remained here during the night, leaving what little provision we had in a knapsack on board the boat, which we hauled on the bank, thinking all would be secure. Next morning went down, and found all safe ex- cept the provision, which had been carried off in the night by some dogs, their footsteps being plainly to be seen. We mentioned this to the man of the house, who observed he was very sorry for our misfortune, especially as it must be his own dogs, he keeping a pack of hounds. There was no remedy however for this accident; we therefore made ourselves contented, he saying that he would fur- nish us with every thing in his power, which was but little ; and for this little he was careful to charge us an exorbi- tant price. He however entertained us with many amus- ing stories of his great feats in hunting, particularly his great success in killing catamounts, which are numerous about the Alleghany mountains. He led a horse up to the door, sounded a horn, [30] and immediately the beast was surrounded by twenty or thirty dogs, barking, howl- ing, and jumping almost into the poor animal's mouth, which stood with great patience, and seemed not to notice 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages $3 them. This, said the man, is my pleasure and support, and what I would not exchange for all the luxury of an eastern city. Pleased with this history, we took to our oars, pushed on, working hard during the day, camping on the shore during the night, with short provision till the eighth day, when we came within thirty miles of Pittsburg. Being tired of these waters, we sold our boat, and proceeded on by land. Here we came to a plentiful part of the country, and the next day we arrived at Pitts- burg, 10 at the head of Ohio river, three hundred miles from where we first took water. We staid here one day, then parted with the three soldiers, and took passage in a keel boat bound down the river. On board of this boat we had every accommodation we could wish. Forty of the passengers, besides twelve of the boat's crew, stopped at Wheeling, a pleasant town in Virginia, and then pro- ceeded on to Marietta, at the mouth of the Muskingum river, and so on to Cincinnati, Ohio. Here we went on board a flat-bottomed boat, and proceeded to Louisville, Kentucky, at the falls of the Ohio river, seven hundred miles below Pittsburg. I tarried at this place several days, then purchased me a horse, saddle and bridle, parted with my old friend, who had found his brother and wished to remain, started for the eastern States, passed through Frankfort, the seat of government in Kentucky, and came on to Cincinnati in Ohio. Here I met three gentlemen who were travelling on to the head of the Alleghany river; their company was very acceptable to me, as I was a stranger through that wilder- ness country. The day after we commenced our journey 10 For notes on the places mentioned in this paragraph, see A. Michaux's Trav- els, volume iii of our series: Pittsburg, note u; Wheeling, note 15; Marietta, note 1 6; Cuming's Tour, volume iv of our series: Cincinnati, note 166; Croghan's Journals, volume i of our series: Louisville, note 106; F. A. Michaux's Trav- els, volume iii of our series: Frankfort, note 39. ED. 54 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 together, it began to rain, and continued raining most of the time for ten days, which made the roads extremely bad, and hard travelling. The soil being of a clayey nature, in many hollows, which, in a dry season, are per- fectly dry, we now found the water quite deep, in strong currents, almost impassable for horses, and quite so with carriages. Our feet were constantly wet during the day, and our horses frequently mid-rib deep in water. [31] There being but few bridges in this quarter, and these mostly log ones, we were frequently compelled to encoun- ter these vallies or guzzles, without bridges, full of water, and extremely difficult to pass. In some places, in low grounds, there would be log-causeways for a considerable distance, which, at this wet season, were very slippery, and rendered travelling doubly difficult and dangerous; although in a less wet time they might assist in keeping travellers out of the mud. The accommodations on the road for ourselves and horses were very good until we came to the north part of Pennsylvania. Here I was at- tacked with fever and ague, and was obliged to stop several days. All the company, except one man, left me, they being very anxious to arrive at their places of destination. I waited here until I was a little recruited, and then pro- ceeded on, although very weak and feeble, both from the disorder and the medicine I had taken. The third night after our departure, we stopped at a hut, where we found provision for ourselves and food for our horses. During the night it rained very hard ; the next morning we inquired of our landlord the distance to the next house, and were told it was twenty miles and a very rough road, which proved strictly true. We climbed over rocky mountains, often meeting with fallen trees, and no way of getting round them. My fellow-traveller would get off his horse and assist me in getting off mine, as I was unable to dis- 1812-1819] Buttrictts Voyages 55 mount alone; he would then leap the horses over the trees, and then help me on again. Thus we continued ascend- ing and descending these high hills; and, although we started very early in the morning, and were diligent dur- ing the whole day, we did not arrive at the above men- tioned house until sunset, and were completely drenched in rain. We stopped, went into an old cabin, found a woman and a half a dozen children, asked permission to stay, and it was granted. There was nothing for our horses but a bunch of old straw lying out of the doors; the saddles were taken off, and the horses tied to it, where they remained all night. We then took off our coats and sat down to dry ourselves; but there was but very little difference between our present situation and out of doors. This place we named Hobson's choice, (that or none.) We then inquired of [32] the woman whether she could furnish us with a supper. She pleasantly replied she could, with such a rarity as she had not seen hi the house, till that day, for three months and a half; it was some Indian meal, which she would make into pot-cakes, and which with a little butter, some pickles, and a kind of tea, which grew around her cabin, she said was good enough for any gentleman. These delicacies being ready, we sat down, and I ate extremely hearty, not having eaten or drank anything since sunrise; it was a delicious meal. The next morning we partook of the same fare, paid two dollars each, put our saddles on to our trembling, half starved horses, and bidding our hostess good bye, pro- ceeded on our journey. On our way we stopped at a house in an Indian village belonging to the Seneca tribe, 11 which was improved as an inn. Here we found plenty of 11 This village was probably on the Allegheny reservation one of the ten reservations retained by the Seneca Indians when the Holland Company in 1797 extinguished their title. It lay along the Allegheny River, extending from the Pennsylvania line northeastward about twenty-five miles. ED. 56 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 good provisions, and food for our horses. It was a small log house, very neat inside, and the accommodations supe- rior to any we had found on the road. They had all kinds of spirits, and, from all appearance, made but little use of them themselves; a circumstance not characteristic of these wild men of the woods. One man introduced himself as Major Obee; his manners did not appear like the rest of the Indians, and we understood the reason was, he was educated at Philadelphia. After several days more of hard travelling, we came out on the great western turnpike in New York. 12 This was a pleasant sight to us, and probably would have been to our poor animals could they have expressed their feelings; for in travelling among mud, rocks and stumps, they had scarcely any hair left on their legs. I now considered myself almost at home, although three hundred miles from it. After this nothing material happened to me; I soon travelled these three hundred miles, and safely arrived in Massa- chusetts the beginning of October. In my absence, I had agreed to return again; accord- ingly on the third day of February, 1815, I set out, and travelled nearly the same road as before, to the head of the Alleghany river; what they call the head of naviga- tion. This place is called Olean Point, 13 and was much u The Great Western Turnpike was the second road leading into western New York. Unlike the Genesee Road, it was built by private companies and ir> several sections. The First Great Western Turnpike was built from Albany to Cherry Valley in 1802. At the time of Buttrick's voyage it had been ex- tended by the fourth Great Western Turnpike Company as far as Homer, a hundred and fifty miles from Albany. It was later continued past the head of Cayuga and Seneca lakes, and under the Lake Erie and Oil Spring Turnpike Company was completed to Lake Erie, terminating just north of the Pennsyl- vania boundary line. ED. u A small settlement was begun at Olean Point in 1804. For some time its projectors expected it to become an important place on the route of Western immigration; on one occasion two thousand people are said to have collected there, while waiting for navigation to open. But with the construction of the 1812-1819] ButtricKs Voyages 57 altered in appearance since my former visit here; instead of a few log huts as before, there were forty or [33] fifty shanties, or temporary log houses-, built up, and com- pletely filled with men, women and children, household furniture thrown up in piles; and a great number of horses, waggons, sleighs, &c., &c. These people were emigrants from the eastern States, principally from the State of Maine, 14 and bound to different States down the Ohio river. Two gentlemen undertook to take a number of these people, and found it to be about twelve hundred, of all ages and sexes. They had a large number of flat- bottomed boats built for their conveyance; these were boarded up at the sides, and roofs over them, with chim- neys suitable for cooking, and were secure from the weather. There were also many rafts of boards and shingles, timber and saw logs, which would find a ready market at different places on the Ohio river. There are many saw-mills on the streams above this place, where these articles are manufactured from the fine timber which grows in vast quantities in this vicinity. The river at this time had risen full bank, and I should suppose was navigable for vessels of fifty tons burden; but was frozen over to the depth of ten or twelve inches; this was the cause of so many people being assembled here at this time, as many of them had been here two months wait- ing an opportunity to descend the river. I waited about ten days, which brought it nearly to the close of March. On Saturday night sat up late, heard some cracking of Erie Canal, the Allegheny route to the West was abandoned and Clean lay dormant, until the development of the oil interests in southwestern New York gave it new life. ED. 14 The hard times following the War of 1812-15 caused a great increase in immigration from New England, especially Maine. The "Ohio fever" be- came a well-known expression for this desire to move West, and in the years- 1815-16 it deprived Maine of fifteen thousand of her inhabitants. See Cham- berlain, Maine: Her Place in History (Augusta, 1877). ED. 58 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 the ice, several of us observing that we should soon be on our way; went to bed. Next morning at daylight found the river nearly clear, and at eight o'clock it was com- pletely so. The place now presented a curious sight ; the men conveying their goods on board the boats and rafts, the women scolding, and children crying, some clothed, and some half clothed, all in haste, rilled with anxiety, as if a few minutes were lost their passage would be lost also. By ten o'clock the whole river for one mile appeared to be one solid body of boats and rafts. What, but just be- fore, appeared a considerable village, now remained but a few solitary huts with their occupants. Myself with the adventurers now drifted on rapidly with the current, and in six days we were in the Ohio river, and should have been much sooner had it been safe to have run in [34] the night. We found this river had risen in the same pro- portion as the Alleghany; and several houses at which I had stopped the July before, and which then stood thirty or forty feet above the surface of the water, were now so completely surrounded with water that we could float up to the doors; and on my arrival at Cincinnati I was told that the water had risen sixty feet above low water mark. Small boats would run just below the city, and come up in back water into the streets. Much damage was done in many places by this extraordinary freshet. In this part of the country I remained for a consider- able time, part of which I spent in this state, and part in Kentucky; but was soon attacked with fever and ague again. This complaint seemed to be quite attached to me, and no effort which I could make was sufficient to remove it while I remained on the banks of this river. I imputed the severity of this complaint to the heavy fogs which were experienced at this place; and determined to leave it, and go either to the North or South. 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 59 Having concluded on the latter, I took passage on board a boat to Shipping's Port, 15 just below the Falls of the Ohio. Here I went on board a barge of eighty tons burthen, bound to New Orleans. There were but a few steam boats traversing these waters at this time, for which reason these large boats of burden were built principally for conveying merchandize up the river; although they commonly went with full freight of country produce down. They are built with two masts, and sails, which are of little service, the stream being so crooked that many times the sails are hoisted with a fair wind, and in running a few miles the bend will be so great as to bring the wind ahead. In going down we stopped at many places on the Illinois and Tennessee side. Getting into the Mississippi river, our first stop at any town was at New Madrid." We made the boat fast to the shore, and about twelve o'clock at night was awaked by a noise which appeared like a cable drawing over the boat's side. I started and went on deck; found all quiet. My fear was that the boat had struck adrift, and was running over a log; but on inquiry found it was an earthquake. Next morning got under way, and the water having become [35] low, the sawyers made their appearance plentifully, some several feet out of the water. These sawyers are large trees, washed from the shore, which drift down till the roots or branches, reaching the bottom, fasten into the mud and become as firm as when standing in the forest. Should a boat be so unfortunate as to strike one of these, it would in all probability prove fatal; therefore every precaution is neces- 18 For the early history of Shippingsport, see Cuming's Tour, volume iv of our series, note 171. ED. 16 A brief account of New Madrid may be found in Cuming's Tour, vol. iv of our series, note 185. For a description of an earthquake on the Mississippi River, see Brad- bury's Travels, vol. v of our series, pp. 204-210. ED. 60 Early Western Travels [Vol. & sary to avoid them. We had run but a few days when our boat rubbed on one of these logs, which lay so far under water as to escape our notice. Coming to the rudder, it lifted it from its hinges, and took it overboard. We immediately pulled for the shore, made fast, and sent the boat in search of it; luckily about one mile below we found it and returned. We then proceeded on, and in two days after the same accident occurred again. Dili- gent search was made, but without effect. We then went on shore, cut down a small tree, and made a steering oar r about sixty feet long. The stern of the boat was so high, it was with difficulty this could be managed. In turning round points of land, we had many narrow escapes. Our usual custom was to get to the shore and make fast before night. At one time we concluded to drop anchor in the river, which we did; and next morning attempting to raise it, found it fast below. After working till ten o'clock, found there was no possibility of raising it, and cut away. This was unfortunate for us, as we had formerly occasion for it, and more so afterwards. Several nights on this trip, we made fast to the shore near the cane brakes. These grow here very thick, and many miles in extent ; at this season of the year they are dry; when setting fire to them they will crack, making a noise like soldiers' mus- ketry; which caused great amusement for the passengers and crew. We arrived at Natchez, 17 Mississippi, and stopped there a part of two days. Immediately on leaving the place, found we had left one man on shore. We hailed a man standing there, and requested him to bring this man on board, who had just come in sight. They jumped into a boat, and when come within two hundred yards of us the man fell overboard, which was the last we saw of him. " For the early history of Natchez, consult F. A. Michaux's Travels, vol- iii of our series, note 53. ED. 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 61 [36] The river now becoming much straiter than we had found it before for three hundred miles, made the trip easier and safer, and on the eighth day of January, 1817, we arrived at New Orleans. During my stay I remained the principal part of the time on board this barge. The weather some part of the time was cool, and three nights the ground froze quite hard. Oranges and other fruits froze on the trees. By accounts from Natchez we learned that the snow had fallen six inches deep; a circumstance never known before by the oldest person resident there. The poor negroes, I was informed, suffered much, and many of them died. Having tarried till my business was closed, I determined to return by land; and finding a number of persons, who were going on the same route, I provided myself with a knapsack, a blanket, a tin quart pot and necessary provisions, and on the 23d day of Feb- ruary shouldered my knapsack and set out on my journey. I travelled three miles to the northward to Lake Ponti- chetrain; 18 there found a vessel in the afternoon ready to cross the lake, being about thirty miles. The wind being light, the next day at twelve o'clock we met the opposite shore; went to a tavern, took dinner, and found eight men travelling the same way, mostly strangers to each other, and but one who had travelled the road before. After collecting our forces, we went on, and travelled about fifteen miles that afternoon. The country being flat, we had to wade in water and mud a considerable part of the way, and in many places knee deep. This we found to be attended with bad consequences, as many of us took cold thereby. At night we stopped at a small house, the occupants of which gave us leave to sleep on 18 Lake Pontchartrain was discovered by Iberville on his exploring expedi- tion in 1699, and named in honor of Count Pontchartrain, chancellor of France under Louis XIV. ED. 62 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 the floor. We wrapped our blankets around us, with our wet clothes on, placed our feet to the fire, and so remained through the night. The next morning our joints were so stiff we were hardly able to walk; yet we travelled on about two hours, when we stopped by the way-side, struck up a fire, cooked some victuals, refreshed ourselves, and marched on; the same we did several times during the day; and at night found we had gained forty miles. We again refreshed ourselves with food, and went to our repose [37] for the night, it being the custom among these travellers to start very early, as much as two hours before day. Not being accustomed to this way of travelling, myself as well as several more wished to alter this course, and wait till a later hour for starting; but the major part refused our pro- posal, saying they wanted to get home as quick as possible. No one wishing to be left alone, in the morning we all followed our leader; and went fifteen miles without re- freshment of any kind. My feet had now become very sore in consequence of travelling through mud and water, and I was much exhausted with fatigue. We stopped, I ate and drank with the rest of my comrades, but felt quite unwell. After sitting half an hour, felt unable to travel; they endeavored to encourage me, but I found it impossible to keep pace with them. I was sorry to be left alone, nevertheless observed to them, I did not wish to detain any one, and requested them to pursue their jour- ney. I got from them all the information possible for the journey, bid them farewell, and we parted. At this time I was only one hundred miles from New Orleans, and nine hundred miles to complete my journey to the Ohio river, and to add to my misfortune, five hundred of this lay through an Indian country, with but few white men on the road, and their friendship not to be relied on so much as the natives. 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 63 When my companions left me, I was at a very friendly man's house, who condoled my misfortune. Here I tarried about three hours, when, having determined to pursue my journey, I took leave of these friendly people, and com- menced my lonely journey, moving but slowly along; and soon found I had entered the boundaries of the Choctaw nation. 19 I had no difficulty in finding the way, as a few years before this, a road had been cut through the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations to the Tennessee river; 20 and as young trees and brush had grown up in this road, the trees were marked to assist the traveller. By strictly observing these marked trees I felt secure, and proceeded slowly along, sometimes ten, and sometimes fifteen miles in a day. At night I generally found an Indian hut, where they [38] would receive me very friendly hi their way, and throw down skins for me to sleep on. Seven days had now elapsed, and my health not in the least recruited, when, as I was walking on very deliber- ately, thinking of the decrease of my provision, and the distance I had yet to travel, I was overtaken by a white man, who asked me from whence I came, and where bound, at the same time observing that I looked sick, which probably must be the cause of my being alone; I answered it was. He then said, "I live but one mile from this, go with me." I did so, and found his wife and sev- eral children in a small log hut, by whom I was received very kindly. This favor could not have come more opportunely, as I was both fatigued and sick. This man was from North 19 For the Choctaw Indians, see (Turning's Tour, volume iv of our series, note 187. ED. 10 This road extended from Columbia, Tennessee, forty-five miles south- west of Nashville to Madisonville, Louisiana, two miles north of Lake Pont- chartrain. It was begun under the direction of the war department (March, 1816), and was one of three roads constructed about that time by United States troops. ED. 64 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 Carolina; and his motive for thus exiling himself and family to this part of the country was not my business to inquire; I have only to say, that they look suspicious. With this family I remained two days, and no brother, who had been long absent, could have been treated with more kindness and affection. I gave him a narrative of my life, which he and the family listened to with great attention; he also narrated his great adventures in hunting. The principal food which this cabin afforded, was dried venison and bread; the venison, for want of salt to pre- serve it, is cut in slices, dried and smoked, which makes what they call jerk. I now felt myself able to travel, and concluded to pro- ceed on. He furnished me with as much of this meat as I could carry, and after ascertaining that it was twenty- five miles to the next house, I took an affectionate farewell of this friendly man and family, and with my renewed strength, and supply of provisions, hastily travelled on until about twelve o'clock, hardly remembering I was weak; but becoming somewhat faint for want of food, I sat down, took some refreshment, and then travelled on again, till I arrived at an Indian village, where I found two squaws, all the rest having left; for what purpose I know not; probably for a frolic. I here obtained a pint of sour milk, which proved an excellent [39] cordial to me at this time. I inquired for a place of entertainment, and found, by their holding up four fingers, that it was four miles. This I quickly travelled, and found a neat Indian hut, where I found the privilege of staying by myself, without inter- ruption from the family, who resided in an adjoining one. Salt provision and bread was what I now wanted, but neither of them could be procured; if I except some corn pounded up, mixed with water, and baked on a stone 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 65 by the fire. In travelling on several days, I came to the line between the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations, 21 where I saw a large hewn log house and went in. The room was neat, and, as is usual, contained no furniture, except a table, nor any person, except a squaw and a few children. I walked into another apartment, and after staying some time, two white men came in and sat down, but appeared to have no wish for conversation with me. I endeavored to make some inquiries of them, but found they declined any answer. A dish of victuals was brought in and set on the table, which apparently consisted of minced meat and vegetables. I was very hungry, and the sight of this food was delightful. They sat down; I asked permission to partake with them; the answer was no. I stated my hungry situation, and observed that no reasonable com- pensation should be wanted; the answer was again no. I then got up and walked away, wondering within myself what could be the cause of these unfeeling creatures being here; probably for no good. I faintly travelled on until about three o'clock in the afternoon, when I came to an Indian hut, went round to the back part, there being no door in front, saw two Indians sitting on a platform of hewn logs, and endeavored to make some inquiries, but could not be understood. Thinking of the contents of my knapsack, which contained a little jerk and fat pork, with- out bread or salt, my stomach too weak to receive these, and I knew of nothing else I could obtain. At this mo- ment a boy came out of a small hut a few paces distant, bringing a large wooden bowl full of boiled corn, and setting it down, they three placed themselves around it. I, knowing the Indian custom to distribute a part of what 11 Beginning with the Mississippi River at 34 30', this boundary was an artificial line drawn southeast to Noosacheahn Creek, thence following that creek to the Tombigbee River. ED. 66 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 they had to strangers, ventured up and formed one of the circle. A large horn [40] spoon, perhaps three times the size of a common table spoon, was placed on the corn, which the oldest Indian filled and put into his mouth; the second one did the same, then I followed, and so it went round. When we had continued so a few minutes, a tall well dressed Indian came out of the door, looked upon us all, but viewed me very attentively; he then went back and closed the door, but immediately returned bringing with him a cake made of pounded corn and baked, about the size of a large cracker, but much thicker; this he put into my hand, and then stepped back with his eyes fixed on me. I divided it into four parts, and gave each of my messmates a part. He smiled and went again into the house, and left us to finish our repast. Never had I more reason for gratitude than at this time, and I think I did feel thankful that their hearts were open to my necessi- ties. After we had done eating, one of the Indians took the bowl and carried it back, the others followed, leaving me alone. From the appearance of these Indians, I sup- posed they might be servants or laborers for the Indian who brought me the cake, who I soon found was a chief; for when they were gone, this chief came out again to me, dressed in great style, with silver bands around his arms, a large silver plate on his breast, moccassins and leggings elegantly worked in Indian fashion, a handsome hat filled with plumes, with rows of beads around it, and other ornaments; a horse was led up to a stake, a genteel saddle and bridle was put on him, and in every respect the horse appeared fit for any gentleman to ride upon. The chief looked on himself, then on the horse, then on me; and I, wishing to gratify him, expressed my surprise and gratifi- cation as well as I could both in my looks and actions. This pleased him well; he soon spoke a few words of 1812-1819] Buff rick's Voyages 67 English, and handed me a bundle of papers. On exam- ining them, I found them to be bills of goods to a consider- able amount purchased at New Orleans. On looking over these bills, I found they contained a number of articles which he then had on ; pointing to the charges and then to the articles, I expressed great surprise at the riches which he wore. All this exalted me much in his esteem, and we continued thus a considerable time. He then led me into the room where [41] his wife and children were, gave me a glass of good old whiskey, conducted me into another neat apartment, spread a handsome grass carpet on the floor, and, by signs, bid me welcome to stay all night. In the same manner, by signs, he informed me that he was going off, and bowing, left the room. I saw him no more; probably he was going to attend an Indian coun- cil. Being refreshed with food, and it drawing towards night, I laid down on the carpet, covered myself with my blanket, and quietly reposed until two o'clock in the morning, when I awoke, carefully got up, shouldered my pack and left this hospitable mansion. Being finely re- freshed and feeling new vigor, I travelled on easily till the sun was up a short distance ; when coming to a house, found a white woman and her daughter. I called for breakfast, and was well supplied with bread, meat, tea, &c., and some to carry with me on my journey. From the hos- pitable treatment I had received at the two last houses, I began to think that the worst of my journey was over, and at eight o'clock I proceeded on about two miles, when I met three squaws with large packs, who appeared to be in great haste, and took no notice of me; which gave me reason to suspect some trouble a-head. One or two miles further on heard a whooping and yelling, and presently saw an Indian running to meet me. He walked very fast, bare foot and barelegged, without any clothes but his 68 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 shirt, and that very bloody, looking as though he had been engaged in some severe conflict. When he came up he seized me by the shoulder and held me fast, and kept his continual whooping and yelling, which almost ' stunned me. He was very drunk, and kept reeling backward and forward, which occasioned me to do the same, as his ner- vous arm made such a grip on my shoulder it was im- possible for me to extricate myself. Sometimes he would bear me to the ground, and most of his weight would be upon me. Trying to give signs that I was sick, he laughed ; I then called him bobashela, which is their word for brother; this pleased him, and having a bottle of whiskey in his other hand, he put it to my mouth saying good. I opened my mouth, and he thrust the neck of the bottle seemingly down my throat, the whiskey ran out, and strangled me badly, and [42] when I sat to coughing and choking, he burst out into a loud laugh and let go of my shoulders. He was a stout, tall man, had a long knife by his side, and put his hand several times on it, but exhibited no appearance of injuring me; yet, from his drunken sit- uation, I thought I had considerable to fear. I repeated the word brother several times, when he looked sharp at me a few moments, and uttering a loud scream, left me to pursue my way, happy that the word bobashela had been my protection. About half an hour after this, coming round a large bend in the road, I saw twenty or thirty In- dians, men, squaws and papooses, all formed in a circle. On coming up with them, I endeavored to pass, but one caught me by my pack and pulled me partly into the ring; another pulled, and another, seemingly half a dozen pulling different ways, talking, laughing, whooping, and hallooing, and I in the midst, without means of defence or chance of escape. I endeavored to make signs of sickness, but to no effect ; soon a tall, old Indian stepped up and spoke 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 69 to them ; they all let go of me. I turned to this Indian and made signs of sickness, by putting my hand on my breast, &c., which he noticed, and seemingly with pity; he was the only sober one among them. They now began a second attack upon me; he spoke again and they left me. He now made a motion for me to go on, which I did, and having proceeded a few yards, I turned my head partly round and perceived a young Indian with a glass bottle in his hand just in the act of striking me on the head. I looked him full in the face; he lowered his bottle, and sitting partly down, laughed ; he then returned to his comrades. I travelled on as fast as possible till I lost sight of them, when getting about half a mile, I came to a stream of water which crossed the road. It was narrow, and the current swift; a tree was fallen across, on the body of which I passed over. Stopping for a moment, I heard the yell of an Indian, and the footsteps of a horse in full speed ; fearing it might be some of the gang I had just left, I stepped into the bushes and secreted myself behind a tree. In this situation I could see a person who passed without being discovered myself. Scarcely had I placed myself behind the tree when an Indian rode up to the stream on full speed with a [43] rifle on his shoulder; coming to the stream of water, his horse stopped and refused to proceed ; he made several attempts to cross, but the horse refused, wheeling about and endeavoring to return. The Indian finding that he could not make the horse cross, sat still, looking up and down in every direction for a considerable time, when, perceiving no person, and not descrying the object of his pursuit, he wheeled about and returned. This was the same young Indian who pursued me with the bottle, and who, had he been fortunate enough to have discovered me, would immediately have ended my life with his rifle. 70 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 After some time, I ventured out from behind the tree, and in great haste pursued my journey, often looking back, fearing that this or some other Indian might be in pursuit of me. I passed a number of cabins without stopping and without refreshment till after sunset, when I saw a squaw standing at a cabin door. I asked permission to stay. She made signs by holding up two fingers, that in two miles I should find a place to stop at. I went on it soon became dark I saw a bright light shining between the logs of a cabin. On going up to the door I saw a number of squaws sitting round the room silent, as though something serious had taken place. I made motions for staying all night, when one, who appeared to be head of the number, shook her head and pointed to another room, there being two rooms under this roof. I immediately heard surly noises and clashing of knives, the squaw ap- peared very anxious, and shaking her head, made signs for me to be off. I hesitated for a moment, but soon found that the room was filled with drunken Indians, which occasioned me to wait for no further invitation to depart. The squaws all looking earnestly at each other convinced me of my danger, and I stepped nimbly to the door and proceeded on. Walking about half a mile, I came to a low swampy piece of ground, and it being ex- tremely dark, I could not tell what direction to take; and being much fatigued with travelling, and faint for want of food, having taken nothing through the day, I sat down on an old stump in mud almost knee deep, and should have fallen asleep had it not been for the fear of chilling to death, or being massacred by the Indians, which I cer- tainly should if they had happened to have come that way. After ruminating for some time [44] on my perilous situa- tion, I faintly rose up, travelled on perhaps for a mile, when fortunately I saw another light, and following it 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 71 came up to another cabin. I knocked, and an old Indian opened the door. I stepped in made signs to stay all night he shook his head, pointed to the cabin I had just left, and said, Indian, whiskey, making motions that the Indians that belonged there would soon be at home, and I should be in danger should they return and find me at their cabin. This signified nothing to me, as I was totally unable to proceed any further. I therefore threw down my bundle, and this poor old Indian expressed great friendship and fear for my safety. He threw down some deerskins which they used for beds, and I laid down with my bundle under my head, without removing any of my clothing. I had a wish to keep awake, but it was impos- sible, and I soon fell asleep; so much was I overcome with fatigue and fasting. I awoke in about two hours; found this old friend sitting up as if to guard me; we looked at each other wistfully, and in a few minutes I fell asleep again. About two hours before daylight, the Indian pull- ing me by the arm, awoke me, when at a little distance from the cabin I heard Indians whooping, bells rattling, and horses in considerable numbers coming with the ut- most rapidity and haste. This was a horrid sound at this dead hour of the night, when all before had been silent. I jumped up as quick as possible, and the old Indian hand- ing me my bundle, stepped to the door and was just open- ing it, when they approached so near I stepped back, and both stood trembling with fear. Fortunately for us they passed by, nor was it long from our hearing them on one side before they had passed out of hearing on the other. On opening the door, it was so extremely dark, I could perceive no object; I went back and sat down before the fire on a block, not wishing to sleep any more; while the poor Indian walked back and forth in the cabin. Within one hour the same noise of whooping, yelling, horses run- 72 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 ning, &c., was heard. I caught my bundle, slipped out at the door, walked hastily about fifty yards, stepped into the bushes and sat down. In a few moments four or five Indians rode up to the door and dismounted. When I had seen the last of them go in and close the door, I ven- tured on my old track again; not without listening [45] attentively at the least noise, fearing they might be in pur- suit of me. Travelling on as fast as my trembling limbs would permit, until nearly sunrise, I saw a large log house on the right-hand side of the way, and hoped to find some friendly aid at this place; but on arriving near the place, I observed on the left-hand side, a number of large trees fallen and burnt, except the bodies and large limbs; among these were ten or twelve Indians, some sitting but most of them lying down, being intoxicated. These wretched creatures had been using their knives upon each other till their heads and arms were completely mangled, and were covered with blood from head to foot. This, with the addition of crock from the burnt trees, caused them to ex- hibit a scene of horror which I cannot describe. I passed them without even turning my head, leaving them to sup- pose I did not notice them. It now began to rain^very hard ; I travelled on till about nine o'clock, when I saw a hut a-head, and coming within about three hundred yards, three white men came out to meet me. When we met they appeared very glad to see me, as they had heard of me several times before. I learned that they were from Nat- chez, and bound to the state of Indiana, on the same road I was travelling, and would keep me company through the remaining part of this wilderness. It is probable these two men passed me two days before, while I was at my friend's the Indian chief. The landlord here was a white man who had married a squaw, which enabled him to reside in peace among them. 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 73 I conversed with him respecting his happy situation; of the plenty of every comfort of life that appeared around him, free from the noise and bustle of cities and other pop- ulous places, money constantly coming in, with little or no expenditure, &c., &c. He made some reply; the tears started in his eyes, and the discourse dropped. We tar- ried here until the next forenoon, in which time I washed and dried my clothes, procured provisions of our landlord, and made preparations for our departure. We left this abode of plenty, after a stay of twenty-four hours, being finely refreshed with the abundance of everything which is necessary for the support of man. Nothing extraordi- nary happened to us on the way; the Indians appeared [46] friendly, and provisions generally procured with ease, and thus we passed on till we arrived on the banks of the Tennessee river, at a house kept by an Indian by the name of Tallbot. This man was said to be very rich, in land, cattle and negro slaves, and also to have large sums of money in the bank. He had but one daughter, and I was told that many white men had attempted to gain this prize. But the old man suspecting their affections to be placed on the money rather than the daughter, advised her to remain single a little longer. It has often been remarked, and I believe truly, of the Chickasaw and Choctaw Indians, 23 that they are very hos- pitable to the white people who traverse their country; and I have never heard of a life being taken or an insult given, when they were free from ardent spirits; but like all other Indians, when intoxicated they are savage, cruel and fear- less. But even then, they oftenest take revenge on their own countrymen, relatives and friends, who happen to a For further information on the customs of the Chickasaw and Choctaw Indians, consult Adair, American Indians (London, 1775); Pickett, History of Alabama (Charleston, 1851). ED. 74 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 offend them. Before they enter on any business of im- portance, such as agriculture, or a hunting or fishing ex- pedition, they despatch several of their men to a consid- erable distance, to procure a quantity of ardent spirits. This is brought on horses, in kegs of their own manu- facturing, and carried to such places as they appoint, where it is deposited until the ti e appointed for their meeting arrives. And it is remarkable that although their thirst for rum is so great, yet this deposite is entirely safe, right in the sight of every one, and no fears are entertained of its being meddled with until the time appointed. When this time arrives they assemble and commence their oper- ations ; singing, dancing, drinking, &c. They always select one or more to keep sober, who sit quietly by themselves, watching the rest, and who taste not a drop them- selves till the frolic is over, even if it should continue three or four days and nights, as it sometimes does, but which time it seldom or never exceeds. This being over, the Indian or Indians who have performed this duty take their turn, and in the same way take their fill, without interruption. Crimes committed in a state of intoxication are gener- ally forgiven, not even excepting murder; but if otherwise committed they are punished with the greatest severity. [47] Their barbarous customs, however, are fast wearing away, since our missionaries, schoolmasters, &c., are sent among them. They seem to have some sense of religious worship, as at several times, when passing their cabins, I have seen them sitting or kneeling in different postures, at which tune they will remain fixed in their position without even turning their heads, let what will come. This ceremony they perform after losing a near relative, but how long they continue hi this posture I know not. Once or twice 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 75 I saw four poles stuck in the ground, with forked ends up, and sticks laid across at little distances, on which was a large roll of bark. On inquiry I was told that in this bark was the remains of a deceased person, who, after remain- ing there the accustomed time, would be taken down and buried. They are very affectionate to each other, especially to their children, whom they treat with great kindness and attention. We arrived at Mr. Tallbot's late in the even- ing, and tarried there till next morning, when we crossed the river, about one mile, and landed in the state of Ten- nessee. This gave us fresh hopes of finishing our journey among civilized people. We travelled about nine miles, and came to a house where we changed our clothes and re freshed ourselves. I disposed of my blanket, cooking utensils, &c., which I had prepared for my journey through the wilderness, and moved on with a small bun- dle in my hand, which enabled me to travel very easily, being freed from my former load. I kept company with my companions two days, when they were to leave my road. We bade each other farewell, and I was once more left alone. I pursued on, and came to a village where was a large three story brick tavern; they appeared like New England people. Thinking I should here find what I had long been wishing for, salt provision, I waited till dinner was ready, and to my joy I saw a large dish of salt beef and vegetables placed on the table. In company with a num- ber of gentlemen, I sat down and feasted my appetite till the last man rose from the table. Although I had eaten twice or three times the quantity of food I had been accus- tomed to, yet I was not satisfied ; and at supper I renewed my hold on the salt [48] beef, to the neglect of pies, cakes, &c. I went to bed fully satisfied, but awoke about mid- night in most distressing pain, and almost famishing with j6 Early Western Travels (jVol. 8 thirst. I got up, went down stairs in search of some per- son, but could find none. I then opened the outside door, and the rain was pouring down in torrents. I saw an old tub standing under the eaves, full of water. I ventured out, put my mouth to the tub and drank several times; I then waited a few minutes, drank again, and went in. All this did not satisfy my thirst; but as I was very wet, being but partly dressed, I went to my bed, shivering with cold, and after getting a little warm, fell asleep. I awoke in about two hours, in much the same situation as at first, went to the old tub again, and drank with the same eager- ness. I then went back to my bed scarcely able to crawl, and passed the remainder of the night in a sleepless and distressed condition. Early in the morning, hearing some of the family up, I went down, sat by the fire, and seemed to myself but little more than alive. Breakfast being called, I had no appetite, and waiting till eleven o'clock I sat out on my way, and pursued on as well as I could till about sunset, when I had gained eight miles, and came to a planter's house, who invited me to stay with him all night, which invitation I accepted. But nothing could I eat till the next day, and continued travelling in this situation four or five days, when my appetite began to return, and I recovered my strength fast, so that in a few days I was able to travel my usual distance. Passing through a num- ber of fine villages and towns, the largest of which was Nashville, I arrived at Lexington, 23 Kentucky, where I found people very friendly, and willing to assist the weary traveller on all occasions. From thence I pursued on my course till I arrived at the Ohio river, and crossed over into Cincinnati, in the afternoon of the forty-seventh day from my leaving New Orleans; having performed a jour- n A brief account of Nashville and Lexington may be found in A. Michaux's Travels, vol. iii of our series, notes 28, 103. ED. 1812-1819] ButtricKs Voyages 77 ney of one thousand miles only. The next morning I walked out in the streets, and met one of my first com- panions with whom I started from New Orleans. He lived a few miles above, on the Kentucky side of the river. He informed me he had been at home twenty-two days, and told me that the third day after we parted another man stopped, and the fifth day [49] two more, and before he was three fourths of the way through his journey, there was only himself and one other left. Some from being lame, and others sick, and what has become of them, said he, I know not; you are the only one I have seen or heard from. I remained at this place a few days, and then went out about ten miles to a town called Madison. 34 It being now the month of April, and fearing my old complaint, the fever and ague, I resolved to quit the Ohio river, and go out to Detroit in the Michigan territory. A gentleman from that place was soon expected here for his family, who at this time resided in this neighborhood. The lady hear- ing of my determination, called on me, and wished me to stay there till her husband's return, and then accom- pany them to Detroit. This was a pleasant thing to me as I was wholly unacquainted with the road through that country. The gentleman did not return until the first of August, when he arrived with a waggon and horses, and after suitable preparations were made, he took his wife and children with some light baggage, and we commenced our journey. We found the roads very rough for about eighty miles, when we came on to the prairie grounds. We had laid in a good stock of provisions, knowing that in consequence of M Madison, on the Ohio River fifty miles above Louisville and the county- seat of Jefferson County, Indiana, was settled in 1808. A description of its appearance in 1816 states that it contained three or four brick houses, twenty frame houses, and about a hundred cabins. ED. 78 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 the late war the country was nearly drained. We now came to where the water was very bad, the country being flat and the water stagnant. After straining it would still exhibit live insects, which they call wiggles. The inhabi- tants were few and scattering, but the soil remarkably good, the grass growing five or six feet high, interspersed with flowers of all colors, which gave it a delightful appear- ance. It is thought by many that this part of the country was once overflown with water, and what adds to the prob- ability is the number of little hills or rises of land, cov- ered with trees, standing in these prairie grounds, like so many islands, as probably they once were. Great num- bers of cattle are drove from Kentucky and elsewhere to feed on these grounds, and soon become very fat. We camped out two nights, and by forming tents with blank- ets made ourselves very comfortable, and slept without any apprehension, except from the prairie rattlesnake, a small but very poisonous reptile, [50] frequently to be seen in those parts. After a slow but safe journey, we arrived at Lower Sandusky," two hundred miles on our way. Here we sent our horses on by the mail carrier, went on board of a vessel at the foot of the Sandusky Rapids, so called, and went down the Sandusky river to the Lower Sandusky bay, to a small town called Ven- ice. 2 ' At this place but two years before, not a tree had been fallen; now, between twenty and thirty log houses 25 Lower Sandusky, at the head of navigation of the Sandusky River, was until Wayne's victory at Fallen Timbers, an important Wyandot village. A fort was built there during the War of 1812-15, for the history of which see Evans's Tour, post, note 52. From the close of the war the growth of settle- ment was continuous. About 1850 the name of the town was changed to Fre- mont, in honor of the Rocky Mountain explorer. ED. 28 This village was laid out in 1816 at the mouth of Cold Creek, three miles west of Sandusky City. It developed but slowly, owing to the unhealthfulness of the climate; see Flint's Letters, vol. ix of our series. Flour mills were con- structed in 1833, and it became a centre for the industry in Ohio. ED. 1812-1819] ButtricKs Voyages 79 are built, two large framed store houses, and two wharves for the accommodation of the back country traders. Vessels of considerable size come up lake Erie and deposite their loading here, being but six miles from the lake. The next day after our arrival, president Monroe, with a number of distinguished officers, stopped here, on his tour through the Western country." We stayed here two days, when we hired a man to carry us across the lake in a boat. We laid in but a small quantity of provision as the dis- tance was but seventy miles, and with a fair wind could run it in less than a day. We set sail at noon with a fair breeze, and ran up the lake about twenty miles, keeping near the shore. About an hour before sunset it became calm, and not wishing to be exposed on the open lake hi the night, we ran into a creek a short distance and made our boat fast to a stake, which had been set there by some one before us. We found there another boat with two men encamped on a pleasant beach. The gentleman with his family and pilot went on shore and encamped also. I chose to remain on board. They formed now a considerable company, four men, one woman and three children. They built up a large fire, got supper, prepared camps for the night, and laid down in quietude, expect- ing a quiet night's rest. But the clouds gathered up fast, and between eight and nine o'clock the wind blew violently, and they gathered up their blankets and clothing and tried to get on board the boat, but she lay so far from shore that with all my assistance they could not accomplish their object. The fire had all blown away and not a spark left. 17 President Monroe made two tours. On the first, lasting from May to the middle of September, 1817, he visited the New England States, journeyed thence through New York to Niagara, west to Detroit, and returned to Wash- ington via Zanesville and Pittsburg. On the second, undertaken in 1819, he went as far south as Augusta, Georgia, passed through the Cherokee region to Nashville, and thence to Louisville and Lexington. ED. 8o Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 The night was dark, and the rain poured down in torrents; there was no shelter, not even a tree to defend them from the tempest. The three men took each of them a child, wrapped it in a blanket, [51] and sat down upon such clothing or bedding as came nearest to hand. The other man and the woman were obliged to sit without anything but their clothing. I often called to them from the boat, but the howling of the tempest prevented me from being heard. In this situation they all remained about eight hours till daylight, when it ceased to rain, but the wind con- tinued to blow very hard. I then moved the stern of the boat round and got on shore; but the sight of these weather- beaten objects presented a spectacle I cannot describe. The children, however, had been kept considerably com- fortable through the night. The woman acknowledged she was alive, and that was all that could be said of her; the men appeared much better than I should have sup- posed. As for myself, I was comfortably situated, and should have slept well had it not been for the anxiety I felt for my unhappy fellow-travellers on shore. The lake now appeared more like the Atlantic than like an inland navigation, the waves running so high that it was impos- sible for us to venture out; and the high grass and a few bushes at a little distance promising some assistance in sheltering us from the storm, we evacuated the old post and retired to them for shelter, where with the help of our blankets and other things we contrived so to break the wind as to enable us to kindle up a fire sufficient to warm and dry ourselves. We then prepared the remainder of our scanty food, which was sufficient for a meal after re- serving a part of it for the woman and her children. We remained here through the day and night, the wind still blowing a gale. The next morning very early, three men went in search of provisions, and did not return till three 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 81 o'clock in the afternoon. They had travelled all that time and found but one house, where they obtained three small loaves of bread, which were enough for the woman and children only. The wind had now ceased to blow, and the lake was nearly smooth; and after feeding the chil- dren we put our things on board, and made up the lake shore. At sunset judging ourselves about thirty miles from Detroit, we ventured out on the open lake with our oars only to move us a-head ; we rowed all night, and at daylight discovered the town of Maiden 28 about six miles directly a-head, on the [52] Canada shore; and a little breeze spring- ing up, we hoisted sail, and a little after sunrise landed half a mile below the town. We went up, found a market, purchased fresh beef, bread, &c., and had a fine break- fast; it having been forty-eight hours since we had eaten any thing before. We now had eighteen miles to stem a strong current with our oars only, before reaching Detroit. At ten o'clock we moved on, and after having labored hard till two o'clock in the morning, we made up to the city of Detroit, 28 and went to a tavern, the landlord of which had .formerly been an acquaintance of ours. He, by some means or other, had heard of our being on the lake in the blow I have mentioned; himself and several others manned a vessel and went in pursuit of us; but after making every possible search in vain, he returned, supposing we must have been lost; but was most agree- ably surprised when he saw us under his own roof. I remained here a few days, and then embarked on M Fort Maiden, or Amherstburg, on the Canadian shore sixteen miles south of Detroit, was established by the British in 1798, soon after they had evacuated Detroit in accordance with the terms of Jay's Treaty. During the War of 1812- 15, it was occupied by General Proctor until Perry's naval victory (September, 1813) compelled him to retreat. Before leaving, he set fire to the fort and it was not rebuilt until 1839. ED. M For the early history of Detroit, see Croghan's Journals, vol. i of our series, note 18. ED. 82 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 board a vessel, and went down the lake in search of the property I had left in the neighborhood of Fort Erie, Upper Canada, at the commencement of the late war, as I have before mentioned. I arrived at Buffalo, and in- quired for the two gentlemen with whom I had left my business, and found they were both dead. I then crossed over the river, and went to my old friend's house, and to my surprise found he was dead also. His unhappy widow informed me that soon after my departure he was arrested by order of the British government, and committed to prison, which was the last account she had of him; but supposed that he made his escape, and either fell into the hands of the Indians, or that in attempting to cross the lake was drowned. The person who last had charge of my property was an American born, but had become a British subject ; he took an active part in the late war against his own countrymen, and still persisted in so doing; and totally refused to pay my demand. The persons with whom I conversed on the subject, advised me to let it remain as it was; observing that although the two govern- ments were now at peace, yet a personal envy still existed between individuals of the two nations, if not between the governments; and as [53] the Court of King's Bench was now closing its session, and would not sit again until a year from that time, there could be no action tried for a long time. This discouraged me and I gave it up, pur- chased a horse, saddle and bridle, and returned by land through this Upper Province to Detroit. On my journey back to Detroit, I was most sensibly struck with the devas- tations which had been made by the late war: beautiful farms, formerly in high cultivation, now laid waste; houses entirely evacuated and forsaken; provision of all kinds very scarce; and where once peace and plenty abounded, poverty and destruction now stalked over the land. I 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 83 returned to Detroit, where I remained the most of my time till the fall of eighteen hundred and eighteen; when not yet satisfied with roving about, I started, in November, in company with another man, for the central part of Ohio. The roads at this season of the year were very bad through the Michigan Territory, which we were now travelling. We passed over the battle ground of French- town and river Raison; 80 to the river forty miles; thence to Maumee rapids, forty miles; our nearest way now to go to Sandusky river was thirty-five miles. On this last route we had no road; the only guide for the traveller was marked trees." The first morning missed our way, got lost hi the wilderness, and wandered about till three o'clock in the afternoon, when we came to the old marked trees; we walked on until sunset, when we were obliged to halt; struck up a fire, broiled some pork, on the end of a stick, and with some bread refreshed ourselves; but with- out drink, as there was no water fit for use. We laid ourselves down by the body of an old tree, and partly got to sleep, but were aroused from our slumbers by the horrid howling of a wolf, who had walked up close to our backs. My companion was in great fear, and would have run had I not stated to him the danger of leaving the fire. He stopped, jumped up and down, hallooing with all his might. Not being much acquainted with these animals, he considered his situation very dangerous. After some time I persuaded him to lie down again, but it was not long before the sound redoubled on our ears; his fears became greater than before, as he found there was no retreat. I laid down myself, [54] but could not possibly persuade him and he remained in motion, and sometimes * An account of these battles is given in Evans's Tour, post, note 63. ED. S1 Buttrick was now in the Black Swamp; for a description of which, see Evans's Tour, post. ED. 84 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 with yells which almost equalled the wolves, through the night. Early in the morning we collected our things and moved on; about nine o'clock came to a running stream of water; this was a delicious treat to us, although I drank heartily several times before I could taste in the least, my mouth had become so exceedingly dry. We now began to think we had lost our way, but pursued on the same course till we came to a log house, where we found a very friendly man who kept a house of entertainment. We got some refreshment, and gave him an account of our travel. He said it was a common thing for travellers to get lost on that way, and informed us that we had gained but fifteen miles. Just as he was saying this, a large wolf came up close to the door, but seeing us, ran furiously into the woods; this, probably, was our visitor the last night. On inquiry we found the distance to the next house seventeen miles. At eleven o'clock we started, determined to see the end of the woods that day; and after blundering over stumps and rocks, and through mud till ten o'clock at night, we arrived at the village of Lower Sandusky. Here I left my fellow-traveller, and travelled on to the town of Grenville. 32 I tarried there till Spring, and from thence went to a village called Port- land, on Lower Sandusky bay, where I arrived in April, 1819, fully satisfied with roving. 88 Here I found a pleasant village containing about twenty- five houses, besides two taverns, three large stores and store-houses, and three wharves of a considerable length; 31 General Wayne built a fort at Greenville, seventy miles north of Cincin- nati, in December, 1793, and marched thence against the Indians. He made it his headquarters after the victory at Fallen Timbers, and there (August, 1795), the treaty of peace was signed. The village was laid out in 1808. ED. 83 Portland, falling within the Connecticut "firelands," was laid out by Zal- mon Wildman of Danbury, Connecticut, in 1816, in the centre of his tract. A few years later the plat was enlarged and the name changed to Sandusky City. ED. 1812-1819] ButtricVs Voyages 85 the water being of a sufficient depth for vessels to come up and discharge their cargoes. The steamboat stops here on her passage, and leaves many passengers, taking in others, &c. The land in and about this village is owned by two men from Connecticut, who calculated, probably, on a large town or city, but it has not answered their expecta- tions, people finding the place very unhealthy, owing to the badness of the water. The unhealthiness of the place, however, continues only from about the middle of July through the fall months; the remaining part of the year is considered healthy. In the month of March, wishing to go on to Cunningham's [55] Island 84 with an- other man, we took a canoe, and getting three others to assist us, we made a rope fast to the bow of the canoe, and drew it across the bay two miles, which was frozen over, to the lake which was not frozen. When we were about half way across, one man on one side of the canoe and myself on the other, both fell in, the ice breaking under us; but being one on each side, we balanced the canoe and kept our heads out of water until the other men broke the thin ice and drew the canoe partly up on to that which was solid, and we crawled up, and thus escaped a watery grave. We then went on, and reached the other shore. It being late in the afternoon, our friends left us and re- turned. The beach here was clear of snow and ice. We turned our boat up on one side so that it might make a partial shelter for us during the night, and built a fire in front. We then walked across the neck of land to the other side, saw the lake clear of ice except a few floating pieces. Our object in crossing the bay that afternoon ** This island, twelve miles northwest of Sandusky City, owed its first name to a French Indian trader called Cunningham, who lived there from 1808 to 1812. It contained few inhabitants only six acres having been cleared when in 1833 t* 16 greater part of it was purchased by Datus and Irad Kelley. In 1840 the name was by legislative enactment changed to Kelley's Island. ED. 86 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 was, that we might be ready to start on the lake early in the morning, when there is generally but little wind, it being then easier and safer, the water being smooth. We then returned back to our boat, rekindled our fire, took our supper, dried my clothes as well as I could, and camped for the night. But soon the wind began to blow, and the snow fell very fast; within two hours it blew a heavy gale; our fire was blown away, the boat fell over, and our only course was to run back and forth upon the beach to prevent our perishing in the storm, which some- times appeared impossible for me to do. At length, to our great joy, the morning came, the wind ceased, and the snow abated. The ice, which we crossed in the after- noon, was broken up and driven into heaps, with the addi- tion of what had driven from the lake, and all up and down the lake shore presented the same dreary appear- ance. We were now hemmed in on all sides, and it was impossible to cross either with a boat or on foot, and our only resource was, to prepare a camp in the woods, which we did by cutting down trees and bushes, sticking the ends into the ground which was not frozen, and forming the tops together over our heads. We thus made us a comfortable cabin, built a large fire, ate our [56] break- fast, and dried our clothes. We here remained seven days, when all our provision had become exhausted, ex- cept some dry beans; these boiled in water were made to supply the place of every other necessary; and although we were compelled to acknowledge the flavor was not quite so good, yet we were thankful that we had this means of preserving ourselves from complete starvation. We were now in sight of the village, and kept a large fire burning in the night to satisfy the people that we were alive. During the day we were constantly watching for the separation of the ice, so that we might pass; and on 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 87 the seventh day, in the afternoon, we thought we might accomplish our retreat. Accordingly we put our boat into the water, and our things on board, and with a pole pushing the ice from the boat, we made our way along for some distance, when we saw a boat coming in the same manner to meet us. Coming up with her, found it to be the same men who crossed the bay with us on the ice, and who had come to relieve us. They turned their boat about, and we all arrived safely home the same even- ing without accomplishing our visit to Cunningham's Island. The inhabitants of the village remained very healthy until July, when a new complaint of the eyes became epi- demic among them. It attacked all ages and sexes with- out distinction, and, with some, would, in a few days, cause total blindness. This complaint is, I believe, what physicians call the Egyptian Opthalmia." Some, who were very prompt in their applications, were fortunate enough to recover their sight after a considerable time; and others, not made wholly blind, never saw so well as before. Many of the inhabitants were attacked with fever and ague, and these generally escaped the more formidable disease of the eyes. As for myself, I remained perfectly well until Novem- ber, when, one morning, my right eye was attacked with inflammation and swelling; and the next morning my left eye was attacked in the same manner. The inflammation gradually increased, so that hi about three weeks I was totally blind. My surgeon, a very skilful man, made every exertion for my recovery, and about the middle [57] of December I could discern light; and in ten or twelve days after, could distinguish colors. My surgeon now n It is an inflammation of the conjunctiva, with a'purulent discharge. ED. 88 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 being called into another section of the country, was absent about three weeks, when, from the want of proper assistance, I grew worse, and was again in total darkness. On his return, using every means in his power, I was so far restored in a few weeks as to be able to discern light ; and continuing very slowly to gain until the first of April. I could then see to distinguish capital letters. A neighboring physician then calling in, advised my old surgeon to make a new application, which he did, and to the expense of the total loss of my sight. I now almost gave up all hopes of recovery; but not willing wholly to despair, attempts were once more made; and by the middle of August I could once more discern colors. Hear- ing much said of the eye infirmary in the city of New York, I resolved to visit that place; and on the thirteenth of August, 1821, went on board a steamboat, proceeded down the lake two hundred and fifty miles to Buffalo ; thence in a waggon one hundred and six miles to Geneva; 8 ' then went on board a boat down the Seneca Lake, crossed the Cayuga Lake into the Erie canal, 87 thence to Utica, where I took the stage for Albany. After travel- ling about forty-five miles, was attacked with fever and w Geneva was originally the site of a populous Seneca village. Lying within the Phelps and Gorham Purchase, it was surveyed by them in 1789; settlement began immediately, the village containing fifteen houses in 1791. In 1797 a newspaper, Ontario Gazette and Genesee Advertiser, was established. Geneva was incorporated, June, 1812. ED. 87 The Erie Canal was constructed in three sections; the middle section, extending from Seneca River to Utica, being completed by 1820. The history of the construction of this canal is most interesting. As early as 1808 the legis- lature ordered a survey of a feasible route. Two 'years later a board of canal commissioners was established. Unsuccessful in appealing to the national government for aid, DeWitt Clinton presented an elaborate memorial to the legislature (1816), signed also by the other commissioners. The bill authoriz- ing its construction was passed in April, 1817, and work was begun at Rome on July 4 following. It was completed in 1825 and opened with much cere- mony. ED. 1812-1819] Buttrick's Voyages 89 ague, and was obliged to stop three days; then went on board a boat down the Mohawk river to Schenectady," then in a waggon to Albany, where I tarried three weeks, and then went on board a packet to New York, where I arrived the first day of October. I stayed here five days, called at the infirmary several times, and conversed with different patients who had been there for a considerable time; they discouraged me by saying they had found little or no relief, and thought there were no hopes for me; at the same time adding, that if I would go to Boston, I might do much better. I considered the thing well, took their advice, was assisted out on the turnpike, where on foot and alone I proceeded on through New Haven, Hartford and Worcester, and without difficulty found the way to Concord, Massachusetts, where I arrived on the twentieth of October, after an absence of six years. Some time after [58] this I applied to several of the most emi- nent physicians and surgeons in Boston, and finally went into the General Hospital in that place, where I underwent various medical and surgical treatment to no effect; and giving up all hope of ever enjoying that light which the benevolent Creator has ordained for the happiness and comfort of man, I have hitherto spent my time comfort- ably, destitute of property, in the company and society of my friends. "Here was at one time an important Mohawk village, the capital of the Five Nations. In 1662 Van Curler and certain other Dutchmen inTAlbany and Renselaerswyck bought the land from the Mohawk and founded the present city of Schenectady. Being a frontier town, it suffered severely in the early Indian wars, and in February, 1690, a general massacre of the inhabitants occurred. ED. EVANS'S PEDESTRIOUS TOUR OP FOUR THOUSAND MILES 1818 Reprint of the original edition: Concord, New Hampshire, 1819 A PEDESTRIOUS TOUR, 01 FOUR THOUSAND MILES, THROUGH THE WESTERN STATES AND TERRITORIES, THE WINTER AND SPRING OP 1813, tMERSPERStD WITH BRIEF REFLECTIONS UPON A GREAT VA- RIETY OF TOPICS : JtELIQIOUS, MORAL, POLITICAL, SEJV- TIMEJYTAL, $c. $o. BY ESTWICIC EVANS, 'The blast of (he north is on the pjain .; 4he (ravellet chriiiks iu the midst of liis journey." CONCORD : tf. II. PRINTED BY JOSEPH C. SPEAR. 1319. DISTRICT OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, TO WIT: BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the loth day of December, 1818, and in the forty-third year of the Inde- pendence of the United States of America, ESTWICK EVANS, of the said District, has deposited in this Office the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Author, in the words following, TO WIT: "A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand miles, through the western States and Territories, during the winter and spring of 1818; interspersed with brief reflections upon a great variety of topics: religious, moral, political, senti- mental, &c. &c. By ESTWICK EVANS. "The blast of the north is on the plain; the traveller shrinks in the midst of his journey." In conformity to an act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An Act for the encouragement of learn- ing, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, during the tunes therein mentioned: and also to an act entitled "An Act supplementary to An Act, entitled an act for the en- couragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned ; and extending the benefits thereof to the Arts of Designing, Engraving, and Etching Historical and other Prints. PEYTON R. FREEMAN, Clerk, of the District of New-Hampshire. DISTRICT OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, TO WIT: BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the i8th day of January, 1819, and in the forty-third year of the Inde- pendence of the United States of America, ESTWICK EVANS, of the said District, hath deposited in this Office the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Author, in the words following, TO WIT: 11 A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand miles, through the western States and Territories, during the whiter and spring of 1818; interspersed with brief reflections upon a great variety of topics: religious, moral, political, sentimental, &c. &c. By ESTWICK EVANS. "The blast of the north is on the plain; the traveller shrinks in the midst of his journey." In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An Act for the encouragement of learn- ing, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned. PEYTON R. FREEMAN, Clerk, of the District of New-Hampshire. A true copy of Record, Attest, PEYTON R. FREEMAN, Clerk. The author is sensible that there are some typographical and other errors in the following work; but as they will be found few and inconsiderable, it is not deemed worth while to notice them. PREFACE AN author, however inconsiderable he may be, always feels that he has something to say to the public concern- ing his work; he must, therefore, have a preface. I think, however, that such a course is seldom necessary; the world, after all which the writer can express, will judge impartially of his motives, and of the execution of his plan. My introduction will be very brief. In justice to myself I ought to observe, that until after finishing my tour, I did not entertain the least idea of publishing an account of it; and that I have been induced to take this step by the request of many of my fellow-cit- izens. It will be readily perceived, that a work of this kind does not admit of the display of much reasoning or erudition; and I shall speak as little of myself as will be consistent with the nature of the publication. This little volume cannot possibly merit much praise; and I trust that it will escape unqualified censure. PORTSMOUTH, N. H. 1818. TOUR THE supposed singularity of the tour, an account of which I am about to write, suggests a few preliminary observations. Customs and manners often produce more influence than principle. Whilst the former are strictly adhered to, the latter is often violated. Here we see the comparative influence of self-reproach and the reproach of the world: a deviation from custom, in relation to modes of living and acting, may excite animadversion. We shrink from the unfriendly gaze of the multitude ; and tremble even at the undeserved censure of the superficial and ill-natured: at the same time we disregard the condemnation of our own hearts, and endeavour to cancel the obligations of morality by the good, yet false, opinion of the world. But it is readily acknowledged, that unless excentricity ought always to be avoided; it invariably proceeds from error in taste, from uncontrouled feeling, or from mental imbecility. The dispositions and powers of men, however, are various; and the beaten track is not always the field for improvement. Civil society is not without its disadvantages. Whilst it adds to the information, and polishes the manners of man, it lessens the vigour of his mind and the generosity of his heart. He no longer experiences the sublime inspir- ations of Nature. A creature of habit and the slave of form, she will not [6] deign to visit him. From the fac- titious grandeur of cities, she wings her eagle flight, to communicate to the uncontaminated children of her forests her instruction and blessing. 102 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 In the savage state there is, no doubt, much individual depravity; as great a degree of it, however, may be found in the most civilized communities. But in the latter are never witnessed that nobleness of spirit, that eloquence of thought, that force of expression, and that wonderful aspect which the former affords. It is true, that the aggregate advantages of civil society are much greater than those of a state of nature; and how happy should we be if we could ingraft the instruction, and impress the polish of civilization upon the lofty virtues of untutored life. But, with us, courage gives place to cow- ardice; and the native disinterestedness of man, the source of his greatest virtues and highest happiness, yields to the calculations of meanness and fraud. Even in public life we please ourselves with the tinsel of narrow views, whilst we disregard those great principles of national policy which alone can render us truly great. I have often been questioned as to the objects of my tour; and I am willing to gratify a reasonable and friendly curiosity. My views were various. Besides the ordinary advantages of travel, and of becoming acquainted with a country comparatively but little known, I wished to ac- quire the simplicity, native feelings, and virtues of savage life; to divest myself of the factitious habits, prejudices and imperfections of civilization; to become a citizen of the world; and to find, amidst the solitude and grandeur of the western wilds, more correct views of human nature and of the true interests of man. The season of snows was preferred, that I might experience the pleasure of suffering, and the novelty of danger. [7] On the second of February, 1818, 1 left the residence of my friends, in Hop- kinton, New-Hampshire, prepared, according to the fron- tispiece, to meet the inclemency of the season, the hostili- ties either of man or beast, and also to provide myself, in the way of game, with provisions. i8i8] Evans's Pedestrians Tour 103 It may gratify some to know the particulars of my habiliament : Mine was a close dress consisting of buffalo skins. On my shoulders were epaulettes made of the long hair of the animal; and they were for the purpose of shielding the shoulder from rain. Around my neck and under one arm was strapped a double leather case, with brass chargers, for shot and ball; and under the other arm a case for powder strapped in the same way, and also having a brass charger. Around the waist was a belt, with a brace of pistols, a dirk, two side cases for pistol balls, and a case for moulds and screw. Also around the waist was buckled an Indian apron, which fell behind: it was about eighteen inches square, covered with fine bear skin, trimmed with fur, and having over the lower part of it a net for game. This apron contained a pocket-compass, maps, journal, shaving materials, a small hatchet, patent fire works, &c. My cap and gloves were made of fur, my moccasons were of deer-skin, and on my shoulder I carried a six-feet rifle. The partners of my toils and dangers were two faithful dogs. In this situation I arrived at Detroit on the aoth of March. My dogs, however, were destroyed by wolves, on the night of the tenth of that month, hi the vicinity of the Miami Swamp. I had, in my juvenile days, voluntarily accustomed my- self to fatigues, hardships, and privations of every kind; but not having recently exercised much, the snow being deep, and my dress and baggage heavy, my fatigue, in the early stages of my tour, [8] was excessive: My first day's travel was only eight miles. In a short time, however, my daily progress was from fifteen to twenty miles, through trackless snows and over tremendous mountains. The universal curiosity which my appearance excited was op- pressive; but I had fortified my mind by reflection, and endeavoured to present to all an aspect at once grave and 104 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 mild. In the course of my tour, I met, as might have been expected, a great variety of character; from the sav- age of the wood to the savage of civil life; and I some- times found it necessary to appeal to my arms, for the defence of the privileges of the traveller and the rights of the man. My title page promises reflections upon various sub- jects. I hope they will neither be too frequent nor too lengthy. The study of man, both as it respects the ab- stract principles of his nature and the almost infinite variety of modes hi which these principles, through the influences of education and customs, develope themselves, should be one great object of the traveller. In order to become well acquainted with these principles, he must frequently and maturely examine his own heart. Here alone can he ascertain the secret springs of action; here alone can he define and classify the passions; and lastly, here alone can he find the means of their controul, or of giving to them a proper direction. Much information, in relation to this subject, may be collected from books, and much by travel; but he who is ignorant of his own heart must be ignorant of human nature. In my way to the interior I passed through Amherst; 1 and reached this place towards evening, during a heavy fall of snow. I had been anticipating the pleasure of visiting the family of Judge C. who reside there; but the ladies of the family, supposing me to be an indian, barred the doors against me. I [9] soon, however, obtained a herald, and then the castle gates were elegantly thrown open. On account of this little adventure, which arose 1 Amherst, on the Souhegan River, twenty-eight miles south of Concord, is situated on the tract of land granted by the general court of Massachusetts (1733), to the families of soldiers who had served in King Philip's War (1674- 76). It was incorporated in 1760, and named in honor of Lord Jeffrey Amherst, at that time commander general in America. ED. i8i8] Evans's Pedestrians Tour 105 principally from the lateness of the afternoon and from my being covered with snow, some captious scribblers took the liberty, in the papers of the day, to be impudent. Could I condescend to be offended with them, I should here tender my forgiveness. For the above anecdote I am indebted, principally, to the interesting Miss L*******, whose vivid imagination, aided by the story of the giants, magically converted her habitation into an embattled tower, and gave to a harm- less knight a consequence which he did not deserve. Amherst is a considerable inland town. The plain upon which the village is situated is very spacious; and some of its buildings are large and elegant. From this place I proceeded to Milford, 3 the residence of my friend P. whose love of principle, independence of character, and talents, entitle him to much consideration. With him I passed some pleasant hours. The appear- ance of this town is pleasant. The contrast between its extensive intervales, and the rise of ground upon which its bridge, manufactories, and village are situated, renders its aspect quite interesting. The distance between Amherst and Milford is only a few miles; but in travelling from the former to the latter I found the snow deep and stiffened by rain, and the road trackless. The next day I began to ascend the mountains of New-Hampshire: my native hills! Oh, may they be the everlasting abode of Liberty! The weather here was variable, the snow in some drifts ten feet deep, my fatigue extreme, and my health impaired. The towns 1 Milford is on the Souhegan, five miles southwest of Amherst. It is located partly on the Amherst Grant, partly on the Duxbury School Farm (land granted to Duxbury by the general court of Massachusetts to aid in establishing schools). Settlement was begun about 1750, and the town was incorporated in January, 1794. ED. io6 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 of Milton and Temple, 8 [10] situated in this part of the country, are pleasant ; and the scenery about them highly picturesque. Several branches of the Sowhegan in the former, and the streams which pass into this river from the westerly part of the latter, add much to the variety and beauty of the prospect. The next evening I found myself in Marlborough. The weather had become severe, and my ability to travel without fatigue was increasing. The mountainous aspect of the country, the front of my cap, &c. whitened by frost, and the creaking of the snow beneath my step, reminded me of Wallace and Tell; those champions of freedom, whose physical nature was as rugged as the rocks which they inhabited, and whose hearts, at the same time, could glow with generosity, or soften with compassion. The Grand Monadnock here attracted particular attention. It is more than two thousand feet in height, and is remarkable for its cave and its fossils. Peterborough and Dublin, the towns between Temple and Marlborough, are interest- ingly situated. The former is very mountainous, and its numerous brooks render it a fine grazing township. A principal branch of the Contoocook passes near the centre of the town, and here unites with Goose river flowing from Dublin. The latter place is exceedingly well watered, and its two villages, together with some scattered houses, make a pleasant appearance. The coldness of the weather continued to increase. I passed on through Keene 4 and Chesterfield. The ap- 3 Milton is a misprint for Wilton, a town on the Souhegan, nine miles west of Amherst. Temple is three miles west of Wilton. ED. 4 Keene, fifty-five miles southwest of Concord, has become one of the most important manufacturing cities in New Hampshire. It was first settled in 1734; but Indian attacks becoming frequent, was abandoned from 1747 to 1753. Marlborough, five miles southeast of Keene, is part of a grant made by Massachusetts (1751), to Timothy Dwight and sixty-one associates. ED. i8i8] Evans's Pedestrians Tour 107 pearance of the former excited much interest. It is almost an inland city; and promises to make a very con- spicuous figure. It is also, evidently, a place of much business; and from the appearance of some of its build- ings, together with what little knowledge I possess of its society, I should suppose [i i] it a place of considerable polish and refinement. Chesterfield too is a very pretty town. The undulatory aspect of its hills, the quiet of its vales, and the neatness of its village made a very pleas- ant impression upon my mind. Soon after leaving Keene I passed over high and steep hills. Some of them were, apparently, several miles in length. In one of the vallies of these mountains an amus- ing incident occurred. It is a trifle, and may be thought not worth mentioning; I feel a pleasure, however, in doing justice to good nature: I met three six feet fellows in a single sleigh. They were, probably, going to Keene in their best. There had fallen, the night before, a light snow of a few inches; and their horse, not fancying my appearance, took it into his head, notwithstanding I gave him the whole road, to sheer against the wall, and to turn all these well-looking grenadiers into the snow. I was pre- paring to make an apology; but it was unnecessary: the good nature of these liberal men furnished for them and myself a hearty laugh. During the following day I passed Connecticut river; and entering Brattleborough, Vermont, proceeded to the further part of the adjoining town. 5 The appearance of the country just before my crossing the Connecticut, was truly interesting. My course was around a mountain about half way between its summit and the river below. 1 Fort Dummer was erected on the present site of Brattleborough as early as 1724. The land in that region was granted by George II (1753) to certain men of Massachusetts, among them William Brattle, after whom the town was named. ED. io8 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 It was the sabbath day; and the mildness of the Christian religion seemed to breathe around. The rays of the sun, with a kind of vivid obscurity, darted through the wood; and the solemn, yet cheerful, gospel bell of a neighbouring villa spake of the pure and peaceful communion of saints. Even the game seemed to know it was the sabbath, and did not shun my path. Perhaps it was wrong in me thus to travel. I had [12] never done so before. My situation, however, was peculiar, and I endeavored to confine my thoughts to the appropriate views of this holy season. I am now upon the borders of my own peculiar country. A single step carries me from New Hampshire; and when I shall again behold her pleasant hills is uncertain Perhaps never ! The term banishment is, in this part of the world, sel- dom employed ; and its introduction here may appear un- meaning. But those who have been exiled by their coun- try, by misfortune, or by themselves, will hear the word with a glow of interest, and find, in their own hearts, its true and ready definition. Is there no exile beyond the limits of our land ? no spirit which sighs for the scenes of childhood? where the light of Heaven was first beheld, and the impression of thought first created ? where friendship first warmed, and love etherialized, and patriotism fired ? Oh ! if prayer is heard on High, it must be the exile's prayer. The tears of patriotism need no apology. The name of New-Hampshire is identified with that of freedom. Her mountains were never intended for slavery; and tyrants, I know, could not exist in the presence of her people. Were she just to herself, she would always excite fear in her enemies and admiration in her friends. Her institu- tions are dictated by the spirit of self-government, and her will is the supreme law of the land. Her citizens are i8i8] -Evans's Pedestrians Tour 109 hardy, intelligent and virtuous; her climate is salubrious and her soil fertile; her hills are covered with cattle, and her vallies wave with grain. Industry, economy, and mechanical genius are conspicuous characteristics of her people; and a thousand streams, intersecting the whole country, tender to the manufacturing interest their pow- erful agencies. In point of hospitality too she [13] is second to none; and the virtue, benevolence, and beauty of her daughters are, at once, the inspiration and the reward of valour. Within a few years I have visited nearly all the states and territories of United America. I have noticed their respective moral and physical character, and have viewed them in relation to the ordinary causes of the rise and fall of nations. Should the freedom of this country ever perish, one of her last intrenchments will be in the moun- tains of New-Hampshire. Her citizens, however, must, by adhering to her constitution, and by proper systems of education, preserve in their minds a knowledge of the first principles of civil liberty, a due sense of the impor- tance of morality, and a lively interest in the transactions of the Revolution. The whole history of that great event should, with us, constitute an indispensable part of educa- tion. But in speaking much of its battles, we must think more of its principles. The latter were so perfectly cor- rect ; and the manner of acting upon them was so candid, so humane, so firm, so steady, and so persevering, that no political event, since the creation of man, merits half so much admiration as the achievement of our independence. Before leaving New-Hampshire I may say a word re- specting Connecticut river. It is one of the most pleasant and useful rivers in the world. It generally preserves a distance of from eighty to one hundred miles from the ocean, and meanders through a very fertile country to the 1 1 o Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 distance of more than three hundred miles. It waters New-Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, and Connec- ticut, and at length passes into Long-Island Sound. I am now in Vermont. 6 This is a noble state, and may well be termed the peculiar sister of New-Hampshire. The same mountainous and fertile [14] country; the same moral and physical energies characterize them both. Should their liberties ever be assailed, they will sympathet- ically unite their efforts, and triumph or fall together. In both of these states I met with Revolutionary men, and they were still the champions of liberty. The tranquil charms of rural avocations had preserved the purity and peace of their bosoms; whilst the grandeur of their moun- tains, and the rudeness of their storms had continually reminded them of the blasts of tyranny, and of the uncon- querable spirit of freedom. In both of these states I experienced unlimited hospi- tality and kindness. Money could not have purchased so rich a boon. Amidst their lofty hills, covered with deep snows and assailed by piercing winds, I found the humble cottager; and in the benevolence of his aspect, and the hospitality of his board, I seemed to hear the chorus in Gustavus Vasa : 7 "Stranger, cease through storms to roam; Welcome to the cotter's home; Though no courtly pomp be here, Yet, my welcome is sincere." From Brattleborough to Albany, Evans followed a much travelled route. As early as 1774, a road had been made from Albany to Bennington, thence directly east for forty miles to Brattleborough. A line of stages was estab- lished in 1814, which made the trip between the two places in one day. It was considered the easiest and safest route to Boston. ED. 7 A play written by Henry Brooke (1706-83), containing reflections on the Prime Minister (Robert Walpole). It was not allowed to be put on the stage in 1739, but later was printed by the author, the Prince of Wales subscribing for four hundred copies. Dr. Johnson vindicated it and scored the govern- ment for attempting its suppression. ED. ^ i8i8] Evans's Pedestrious Tour i \ i In some parts of these states one may travel many miles without meeting a habitation ; and during deep snows and severe weather there is no little danger of perishing. In passing the Green Mountains, I experienced a very narrow escape. The weather was remarkably severe, and scarcely any one thought travelling practicable. The wind being high the snow was whirled in every direction, and the road was trackless. About 4 o'clock in the after- noon I passed a house, and, imprudently, omitted to inquire as to the distance to the next dwelling. Fortu- nately, [15] however, I met, after travelling three miles, an express from a neighbouring village ; and he informed me that the next habitation was at the distance of two miles. To this circumstance I owe, probably, the preser- vation of my life. About dark I arose a steep hill, and found myself in an open and uncovered situation. The weather was in- tensely cold, and the wind very high. I realized that owing to the depth of the snow, the consequent difficulty of obtaining fuel, and the probable chill which I should experience after ceasing to travel, that the wood, from which I had just emerged, could not afford me sufficient shelter. I should, however, have resorted to its partial protection in preference to exposing myself to an unshel- tered opening, had I not fully presumed, from the informa- tion above noticed, that a habitation was near. There was not a moment for indecision. I marked a central course, redoubled my efforts, and in a half hour reached a comfortable hut. Here, upon taking off my cap, I found my ears frozen to an almost incredible degree. It is high time for me to acknowledge some obligations, which have a particular claim to my gratitude, not only as it respects these stages of my tour, but throughout the whole of that part of it which was enlivened by civilization. 1 1 2 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 Benevolence and kindness are peculiar characteristics of the female heart. The mildness of her nature com- ports with the delicacy of her appearance; and well may Charity always be represented in feminine apparel. Dur- ing my tour, the hospitality of the husband was always more than seconded by that of the wife and daughter. Such are my respect for, and admiration of the female character; so high an opinion do I entertain both of her understanding and heart; and so narrow [16] are the views of many, even in this enlightened age, in relation to these particulars, that I may be permitted, in this little work, to become her advocate. A thousand arguments in her behalf challenge my attention; but I must not transgress the proper limits of incidental remark. The influence of woman, in civilized life, has not yet reached its acme. The effects of her ancient condition are not entirely removed. Hereditary ignorance and op- pression still partially obstruct her intellectual progress. She has, in times past, not only had to contend with an almost entire seclusion from the world, where alone theo- retical and practical knowledge are blended for the im- provement of the human mind, but the other sex, uncon- scious of moral force and influenced only by a sense of physical strength, have, in various parts of the globe, treated her as an inferior. Oh, wretched pride ! oh, dis- graceful ignorance ! oh, vulgar barbarity ! the Dove of Paphos is oppressed by the Egyptian Vulture. Even in Greece and Rome the state of woman, to speak generally, was degrading. She was suffered to share but little in the general intercourse of life; and Metellus Nu- midicus, in an oration to the people of Rome, speaks of her with contempt. Yet some exultingly inquire, where are your female philosophers and poets of antiquity ? Greece and Rome were the principal theatres of ancient i8i8] Evans's Pedestrians Tour 1 1 3 literature. Had the men of those times and countries been treated as the females were, we should have looked in vain for those galaxys of genius and erudition, which are the constant theme of the modern world. Had this been the case the Peripatetic Philosopher would not have written, the Mantuan Bard would not have sung. Yet, even here, Corinna was the instructress of Pindar, and in competition [17] with him obtained the prize. Mamaea too was so distinguished for wisdom, that the worthy and renowned Ulpian thought it an honor to be appointed one of her counsellors. Other cases might be introduced ; but this topic is leading me too far from my main subject. One example more, however, shall be mentioned. The mighty genius of Zenobia rose above the indolence inci- dent to the climate and manners of Asia. Her adminis- tration was guided by the most judicious maxims. She was too a linguist and historian, and expatiated upon the beauties of Homer and Plato, with the learned and elo- quent Longinus. Perhaps I may venture a little further. The peculiar sphere of the understanding is mathematics; and because there have not been great mathematicians among the fe- male sex, she, to be sure, is to be deprived of her proper station in the department of intelligence. Would men have been mathematicians if then- education had been like that of woman ? Surely not. Why then should woman, whose sphere is foreign to this pursuit, be represented as incapable of successfully engaging in it? Besides, many men of the first genius, and of the most vig- orous intellect, have entertained an aversion to mathemat- ics amounting to an incapacity to attend to them with success. The learned Gibbon declares that he entirely lost those seasons in which he was obliged to prosecute this branch of study; and Gray, in his time the first scholar in 1 1 4 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 Europe, asserts that if mathematics would insure him wealth and fame, he would relinquish its advantages for the charms of general literature. There is a diversity of taste among mankind ; and the same privilege of enjoying it without censure should be granted to both sexes. The great mathematician Archi- medes had but little inclination [18] for any other branch of learning than geometry; and Gray could not endure metaphysics. There is also a diversity of talents among both sexes. The logical, learned, and eloquent Cicero failed in his at- tempts in poetry. How unreasonable would it be to consider him inferior to our great female poets on this ac- count ! and, of course, how unfair to deny strength of in- tellect to woman, because she is not conspicuous for her knowledge of mathematics ! A sense of propriety, relative to this digression, con- strains me to conclude. In what respect, I ask, is woman inferior to the other sex ? Heroism is a test of intellectual vigour; and woman has evinced superlative bravery, by a sudden transition from the gentle avocations of domes- tic life to the battle's rage. An enlightened fortitude also argues strength of intellect. Here let men admire what they can never imitate : how much physical suffering, and how much anguish of spirit are peculiar to the female character ! yet, resignation and hope are the cherub com- panions of her tribulation. Modern times are throwing wonderful light upon this subject; and are developing those astonishing combina- tions of female sentiment and genius, which in past ages scintilated through the gloom of barbarism. A splendid list of names illustrative of this position might be here in- troduced ; but the whole list would be too long, and a selec- tion would be difficult. Sentiment is emphatically the i8i8] Evans's Pedestrious Tour 1 1 5 highest sphere of genius; and it is the sphere where the heart becomes the great magician of intellectual life. Men are indebted to woman for what they possess of this prin- ciple; and until she made them acquainted with it they were barbarians. Wherever I stopped, in my course through the settled parts of the country, I was much pleased [19] with the inter- est which my appearance excited in little children. There was a conflict exhibited in their countenances between the fears implanted by domestic education, and the native fondness of man for the hunter state. By my assuming, however, the aspect and the smile of civilization, they would come to my arms of fur, and listen attentively to the simple stories of the chase. Afterwards, they would re- ward my kindness to them by more solid attentions to my dogs. In travelling from Connecticut River to Bennington, I passed through a part of Marlborough, Wilmington, Reeds- bury, Stanford, and Woodford. Whilst in the latter place the weather was severe beyond a parallel. When, how- ever, in Brattleborough, which lies immediately upon the river, the weather was much more moderate. Whilst upon the Green Mountains my thoughts were particularly directed to the days of the Revolution, when, in the language of a British Chief, the sons of New-Hamp- shire and Vermont hung like a cloud upon his left. Here too I remembered that thunderbolt of war, the veteran Stark, in whose heart dwelt the very genius of his country, and who discomfited her enemies by the strength of his native hills. On these mountains my attention was attracted by the appearance of a thick fall of snow during a clear sunshine. This appearance is not common here ; and proceeds, I pre- sume, from the little influence which the sun produces n6 Early Western Travels [Vol.8 upon the state of the atmosphere in this situation. On the west side of these mountains the snow was not so deep as on the east side; and I apprehend that this is usually the case. Within about two miles beyond this lofty ridge, Ben- nington is situated. 8 This town presents an ancient [20] aspect, and appears unflourishing; it is situated, however, upon a fertile tract of country, and contains several hand- some buildings. The number of its houses is perhaps two hundred. Mount Anthony, in the south part of the town, makes a pleasant appearance ; and the town itself is ren- dered interesting by the two famous battles, fought a little west of it, on the i6th of August, 1777. In these battles the celebrated General Stark acquired imperishable fame. Owing to the severity of the weather I did not visit the noted cave of Mount Anthony. From Bennington I proceeded through Hoosuck, Pitts- town, Troy, and Albany. From the former to the latter place, the distance is about thirty-five miles. In passing through Pittstown the weather was still severe; and night having overtaken me before I could reach a public house, I was under the necessity of lodging in a log hut. The family were very poor; but the wealth of Kings could not purchase their virtues. As is the case with many other honest people, they had experienced a series of misfortunes which ultimately reduced them to penury. Two years before the period of my seeing them, their mills, the principal part of their property, had been carried away by a freshet ; and a year after this event, their dwelling was consumed, with all its contents. Yet these good people were cheerful, and their poverty sat gracefully 1 Bennington was the first township granted within the present state of Ver- mont, being chartered by Benning Wentworth, governor of New Hampshire, in 1749. Settlement was not begun, however, until the fall of 1761. ED. i8i8] Evans's Pedestrians Tour 1 1 j upon them. They were unable to furnish me with a bed, a comfort with which I had learned to dispense, but very readily shared with me their last loaf. For their services they charged nothing; and it was with difficulty that I persuaded them to take compensation. The blessings of poverty are neither few nor small. It attaches an extraordinary interest to the most common acquisitions; and, when there is little [21] or no apprehen- sion of want, it furnishes a constant source of pleasing anticipation. Under such circumstances, parents and chil- dren experience their happiest moments. Mutual love, and mutual gratulation, here heighten and sanctify every ex- pression of the care and bounty of Providence. There is something in virtuous poverty, which speaks of treasures laid up in Heaven. In entering Troy I left Lansingburgh on my right. The former place is exceedingly compact and flourishing, and extends between one and two miles on the east bank of the Hudson. On the other side of the river, at the distance of six miles, Albany is situated. This city, in relation to the state, ranks next to that of New- York; but its appearance is far from being elegant. The streets are generally narrow and crooked; and its numerous buildings in the Gothic style give to it an ancient and unpolished aspect. It is, evidently, however, a place of great trade; and must, in the nature of things, rapidly increase in wealth and population. The back country is extensive and fertile; and the public spirit of the state of New- York is affording every facility to the inland trans- portation of its produce. The variety of people in Albany is great. The Dutch here still make a considerable figure; but the Americans are more numerous. This place has received many names. Its scite was originally called Aurania; and the town itself 1 1 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. 8 was afterwards named Beverwych, Fort Orange, William- stadt, and, upon its capitulation to the English in 1664, it received its present appellation. This city, next to Jamestown, in Virginia, is the oldest in the United States. This place contains many large public buildings, among which is the city-hall, hospital, armoury, [22] &c. There are here also some elegant dwelling houses; but I should not suppose the city, from its appearance, the residence of much taste or erudition. It contains, however, what some may consider an equivalent : many families of wealth and fashion. The population of the place is about twelve thousand. After leaving Albany I shaped my course for Niagara Falls by the way of Cherry Valley. From the city there are two roads; the left hand one leading to the last men- tioned place, and the right hand one to Schenectady. The great Western Turnpike extends from Schenectady, lying on the south bank of the Mohawk, and sixteen miles from Albany, to Buffalo, a distance of about three hundred miles. The two roads above mentioned intersect about one hundred and twenty miles from Albany. 9 Upon both of them are many flourishing villages; and the produce which is conveyed from the interior to Albany, Troy, and other places in the state, is immense. The state of New- York is very conspicuous for her pub- lic spirit. She is affording every facility, within the grasp of her mighty genius and resources, to her inland com- merce. In arts, and arms, and internal improvement, she The Great Western Turnpike did not pass through Schenectady, but was the one that led to Cherry Valley, while the Schenectady road connected with the state road, which extended to Buffalo. Strictly speaking, the two roads did not meet but ran nearly parallel to Lake Erie; however, a turnpike leading from Cherry Valley to Saline (Syracuse), intersected the state road at about the distance stated. Evans took this path. For the Great Western and State roads, see Buttrick's Voyages, ante, notes 2 and 12. ED. i8i8] Evans's Pedestrians Tour 1 1 ^u-r