I • 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 
 NEW POLITICUS
 
 kJV^ 
 
 
 THE NEW POLITICUS 
 
 A DIALOGUE CONCER, 
 OF A NAT 10 
 
 THE DEVELOPMEk;T IN A PLAT 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION 
 ON TUESDAY, MARCH 8, l88l 
 
 FRANK R. Y.-iRADCLIFFE 
 
 Of the Inner Temple, Rarrister-at-Law 
 Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford 
 
 LONDON 
 
 C. KEGAN PAUL cV CO., i PATERNOSTER SQUARE 
 
 i88i
 
 ( 77/r rights of translation nnd of reproductivn are reserved )
 
 
 THE 
 
 NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 U3 
 
 ^ ' Intellectus humanus luminis sicci non est, seel recipit 
 
 ^ infiisionem a voluntate et affectibus.' — Bacon, Nov. Org. i. 49. 
 cc 
 
 We have probably all of us heard or read 
 at different times many defences of an Es- 
 tablished Church and of Religious Education. 
 
 3 Such defences are common, but they are, 
 ccfor the most part, of one character. They 
 
 o are addressed to a sympathetic audience. 
 
 ^ They speak to those who believe in the 
 verities of the Christian Religion and in the 
 necessity of the Establishment, and endeavour 
 
 ^ to strengthen them in their belief by re- 
 
 ^ minding them of the many blessings and 
 benefits which flow to them from these sources. 
 
 .'58804:7
 
 THE NEW POLITICO'S. 
 
 They postulate the truth which they ought to 
 demonstrate, and argue that, as Christianity 
 is the one thing needful, neither State nor 
 Education can be complete without It. Such 
 arguments no doubt have their advantage in 
 the confirming of those who believe. But what 
 of those who disbelieve — who either regard 
 Christianity generally as the relic of a decay- 
 ing superstition, or do not believe in the 
 efficacy of the particular form of it established 
 in this country ? Can such arguments carry 
 conviction to their minds ? May not the un- 
 believer say: 'All these blessings and ad- 
 vantages that you speak of depend for their 
 certainty upon promises contained in a book, 
 of which we disbelieve the authenticity ; written 
 by an author whom we believe to be an im- 
 postor. If you are going to argue from state- 
 ments contained in that book, you must first 
 establish its authority.' Having thus de- 
 molished the 'petitio principii ' of the faithful.
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 they then proceed by the usual argument 
 from expediency, toleration, and equality, to 
 demolish their conclusions and the Establish- 
 ment. 
 
 Perhaps we are all of us too timid about 
 the grounds of our political and religious be- 
 lief We assume that in such matters ' the 
 children of this world are in their generation 
 wiser than the children of light.' We fancy 
 that those truths which we most reverence 
 and upon which we acknowledge that our 
 everlasting happiness must depend, inhabit 
 the world of thought, and depend for their 
 reality solely upon the authorit}' of Almighty 
 God Himself Or, again, we are sometimes 
 apt to resent any attempt to support an in- 
 stitution which we believe to have a divine 
 origin, by arguments drawn from expediency 
 or necessity. We think it beneath the dignity 
 of the cause to seek for such allies. But if 
 we really believe that our religion and Church
 
 THE NEIV POLITIC US. 
 
 are of divine origin and sanction, how can we 
 doubt that by this time so goodly a tree 
 should be known by its fruits ? If we 
 really wish to persuade others of the necessity 
 of that which we belie\'e— to convert the un- 
 believing — must we not be content to use argu- 
 ments which may carry with them a conviction 
 of the expediency of our faith, even to those 
 who cannot believe in its reality ? 
 
 j\Iy endeavour, then, in these pages, will be 
 to suggest a line of argument to be addressed 
 to those who do not believe in the divine 
 origin of Christianity. I believe that it can be 
 demonstrated, so far as anything political is 
 capable of demonstration, from the results of 
 the past political experience of mankind as 
 recorded in history; — from the present political 
 experience of each one of us, gathered from 
 our observation of what is every day going on 
 around us ; — from the acknowledged psycho 
 logical influences by which men, and especially
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 masses of men, are excited or controlled ;- -that, 
 whether Christianity itself be true or false, an 
 endowed Christian Church, by law established 
 in any country, is based upon an expediency 
 amounting to necessity. That if such an in- 
 stitution did not already exist, it should be 
 created. 
 
 I have said that I shall endeavour to sug- 
 gest a line of argument, because to develop 
 fully such a position would be impossible 
 within reasonable limits ; and a few salient 
 examples are sufficient for my purpose ; — to 
 indicate the direction of the attack, leaving 
 the details to be followed out by the indi- 
 vidual commanders. 
 
 As regards the form of my argument, I 
 have ventured upon a great experiment, b}' 
 adopting that of a Platonic Dialogue. 
 
 I have done so for this reason. Any 
 argument in support of an Established Church 
 must of necessity rest to some extent upon a
 
 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 review of the efifects of religion upon men's 
 lives and conduct — a subject which is now-a- 
 days regarded as the peculiar province of the 
 preacher. In the time of Plato it was thought 
 to be within the sphere of the philosopher 
 and the politician. I have some hope that 
 the familiar Platonic form may avoid what is 
 one of the chief difficulties in the treatment 
 of this subject — namely, that flavour of the 
 pulpit which is uncongenial to political dis- 
 cussion. 
 
 It was about two hours after sunset, on a 
 fine summer evening last year, when our friend 
 the Politician entered our house and sat down 
 amongst us. You know, I believe, the man I 
 mean, though I dare not mention his name, 
 lest some informer should make mischief Pie 
 is, as you know, a true Politician. Not one so 
 called, holding some office in the State, who 
 out of a shallow empiricism provides hurried
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 remedies for temporary grievances. Our 
 Politician is a philosopher. He is not wholly- 
 absorbed in the petty facts of his everyday 
 experience, but has ascended the mountain of 
 knowledge, and seen the whole world spread 
 out before him in the light of the sun. He 
 stands and views, as it were, the country from 
 afar off, and surveys the entire political horizon 
 both of the past and present. He is not 
 frightened by old-world tales about religion 
 and the gods, nor does he believe in any 
 particular form of religion, for he is a philo- 
 sopher. He is swayed by no sectarian or 
 factional bias, but only by an absolute desire to 
 rule the State for the common weal. Being, 
 however, experienced in the events of history, 
 and the causes of the growth and decay of 
 nations ; knowing that the onl}'- way to make 
 citizens happy and prosperous is to attract 
 them towards that which is good and true, and 
 to repel them from that which is evil and false ;
 
 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 he is cui'iousl}' absorbed sometimes in the 
 study of the baits and impulses by which men 
 may be led or driven, and every condition or 
 circumstance of life which may tend to their 
 general happiness or misery. These he endea- 
 vours to group, and arrange, and to reduce to 
 general principles. And thus he acquires a 
 power of political foresight which enables him to 
 suggest laws for the government of the citizens 
 in the way that is best for themselves and the 
 whole State. He is generally merry and talka- 
 tive ; but on this night he was so reserved and 
 silent that we all cried out upon him, and asked 
 him if he had seen a ghost. ' I have,' said he, 
 ' and have been taught many things that I never 
 before realised.' Whereupon we all asked what 
 manner of apparition this might be, thinking 
 at first that he was laughing at us. l^ut when we 
 saw that he was serious, we begged him to tell 
 us all that he had seen and heard. 'Well,' 
 said he, ' I will tell you ; for of all things
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 that have ever happened to me this was 
 the most strange. But be sure you do not 
 whisper it in the city, or men will say that I 
 am mad.' 
 
 So we all sat still, and promised that, like 
 the Homeric chieftains, we would ' hold great 
 silence.' 
 
 I was walking, said he, upon the edge of 
 the cliff which overhangs the city on its 
 southern side, when I was accosted by a 
 stranger, dressed after the fashion of the reign 
 of Elizabeth. He was of noble mien. His 
 lofty brow was furrowed with care and study, 
 and he looked like one who contemplates 
 things present and to come. In his hand he 
 bore some old-fashioned scientific instruments, 
 with which he appeared to have been con- 
 ducting an experiment. And while I won- 
 dered to see such a man walking upon the 
 surface of the earth, he approached me, as 
 though he had expected to see me there, and
 
 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 he said: 'What is your meditation?' 'I am 
 a politician,' said I, ' and I am meditating 
 upon the art of governing men. I have long 
 been trj-nng to discover what influences can 
 be brought to bear upon their hearts, to make 
 them choose the good and refuse the evil — 
 how you can persuade men to sacrifice their 
 own wishes and control their passions, in order 
 to be virtuous themselves, and to help to 
 make their fellow-citizens virtuous and happy. 
 Such I see is the great end of life, and yet I 
 know of no political power which can be 
 brought to bear upon men's lives, continuously, 
 day by day, so that they may form such 
 habits of virtue and self-sacrifice that the 
 fascinations of the world of sense cannot entice 
 them to evil. What power can order the un- 
 ruly wills and affections of sinful men } ' 
 
 ' I, too,' said he, ' have been a politician ; 
 and I guided my country througli perilous 
 times. I have read many laws both good and
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 bad ; and have heard many precepts of philo- 
 sophers. I will open you the book and loose 
 the seals thereof. 
 
 ' Know you, then,' said he, * O Politician, a 
 great truth, one which was for a long time 
 overlaid by the fantastic arguments of the 
 schoolmen, but which I unearthed after much 
 patient toil. This truth I taught to men while 
 I lived, and though I am no longer upon the 
 earth, the scientific study of nature is still 
 conducted according to my method. And yet, 
 strange to say, although in the investigation 
 of things inanimate men proceed in this man- 
 ner ; when dealing with the souls of men, a 
 far nobler material, they neglect the true 
 method, and argue either from general prin- 
 ciples which they have not established, or 
 from dogmas of their own faction, which they 
 have learned by rote, and have not examined. 
 Nevertheless, this truth is far more important 
 in the science of politics than in any other
 
 THE NFAV PO uncus. 
 
 field of knowledge, in proportion as man is a 
 more noble subject than the beasts or the 
 elements. Learn then this truth, O Politician, 
 and have it written in every school in letters 
 of gold, that the youth of your country may 
 early imbibe the spirit of true philosophy, 
 first hear this : 
 
 ' " Man is but the servant and interpreter 
 of nature. He can do and understand so much 
 only as he may have discovered by experiment 
 or observation in the order of nature ; nor can 
 he know or do anything further." ' 
 
 ' And again : - 
 
 ' " There is no other means of entering the 
 kingdom of men, which is founded in philo- 
 sophy, than there is of entering the kingdom 
 of Heaven, into which, save as a little child, 
 it is not permitted to enter." '^ 
 
 * If you, O Politician, are willing humbly 
 to enquire of nature, I will be her interpreter.' 
 ' Bacon, Nin.'. Org. i. I. - Il'iJ. i. 68.
 
 DIALOGUE. 13 
 
 ' Most willingly,' I replied, ' for the true 
 philosopher is ever willing to learn.' 
 
 Then he took me up into an exceeding 
 high mountain, from the edge of which we 
 could see across a deep valley to a dark cliff 
 which towered above us upon the farther side. 
 And as I gazed stedfastly across the valley, 
 wondering what might come to pass, a mist 
 hid the face of the cliff, and when it rolled 
 away I saw the forms of men moving on the 
 surface thereof, as it had been colossal pictures 
 upon the living rock. They seemed to be 
 grouped in scenes, which changed continually, 
 like dissolving views upon a canvas screen. 
 
 And as I wondered at this strange appear- 
 ance, and stood like one who dreams waking, 
 the stranger said to me : ' This, O Politician, 
 is the panorama of the history of the world, 
 and I will be the showman of it. It is in 
 this way that Nature records her experiments 
 upon man, just as your printed books and
 
 14 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 diagrams record the experiments of men upon 
 the physical phenomena of the earth.' 
 
 ' Truly,' I replied, ' it is a wonderful show, 
 and one that all our citizens should be 
 brought to see when children.' 
 
 'We will let the scenes change,' said the 
 stranger, ' until one appears which is of great 
 interest. For I have always taught that the 
 minds of men are more easily convinced by 
 a few conspicuous instances than by many of 
 less moment.' 
 
 Then I looked, and lo ! the images passed 
 in continual procession before me, and the 
 stranger expounded their meaning in order. 
 
 First I saw a small Arab tribe crossing 
 the river Jordan, and penetrating into Pales- 
 tine. They were beset by dangers on ever}' 
 side ; surrounded and attacked by man)- 
 tribes more numerous and more powerful 
 than themselves. Yet they drove all before 
 them, and established themselves as con-
 
 DIALOGUE. 15 
 
 querors where their forefathers had been but 
 sojourners. I saw them through many cen- 
 turies still maintain their country and inde- 
 pendence, though with varying limits of 
 success, until, under the mighty Solomon, 
 they became the most powerful of all Eastern 
 races. I saw them from that time dwindle 
 and decay, until at length they were carried 
 away captive by another people, and were 
 scattered amongst the nations. And again, 
 many, many years afterwards, I saw them 
 reappear in all their pristine vigour and 
 ferocity, to found anew their ancient capital, 
 and to maintain their independence for a time 
 even against the might of Rome. I saw 
 them fall finally only after a struggle which 
 taxed all the energies of their conquerors. 
 This same tribe I further saw, in after years, 
 scattered throughout all nations, and j-et 
 united ; persecuted, and yet prosperous ; per- 
 vading all countries, and reaping all fruits ;
 
 1 6 THE NEW POLIIICUS. 
 
 supplying the world with energy in every de- 
 partment of art and commerce — great painters, 
 great musicians, great merchants. In every- 
 thing showing a vigour, a self-denial, a patience 
 under adversity, surpassing that of all other 
 nations. 
 
 ' And yet,' said I to myself in my musing, 
 ' they were few when they began this conflict ; 
 they were few when they were scattered 
 abroad again in after years ; they have been 
 Ishmaelites throughout their history, hated of 
 all — whence, then, their extraordinary success .'' ' 
 
 ' Their religion was their strength,' re- 
 plied the stranger (for he seemed to hear 
 what I said). 
 
 ' From the earh- days when Abraham was 
 called of God, and conmiandcd to leave his 
 home and go, he knew not whither, but went 
 nevertheless, iiotliing doubting, to the I'Zxodus 
 from Egypt ; throughout their life as a 
 nation in Palestine, from the days of Joshua
 
 DIALOGUE. 17 
 
 the son of Nun to the Maccabees, they were 
 ever convinced that " tlie eternal God was 
 with them, and underneath were the everlast- 
 ing arms." In the midst of the fray they 
 ever saw in fancy the pillar of cloud leading 
 them on to certain victory. They saw His 
 mighty hand and stretched-out arm in the 
 van of the battle, and, confident of success, 
 they conquered. The staying up of the arms of 
 Moses by Aaron and Hur was typical of their 
 entire history. So long as they were fired 
 with the belief that the God of Israel was 
 with them, they were successful ; but as their 
 arms grew tired, and their religion faint, the 
 enemy prevailed against them. And what was 
 it in modern days that inspired the despised 
 nation — the dogs of Hebrews — the accursed 
 inhabitants of the Ghetto — to fight their way 
 on through life in spite of every form of per- 
 secution, but their religion, their belief in 
 their destiny ; that, although a cloud was 
 c
 
 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 now hanging over them, the day would come 
 when the Son of God, the Messiah, should 
 rise upon their darkness, and they should rule 
 the world ; that it had been promised, and 
 would surely come to pass ? ' 
 
 ' A strange infatuation,' said I ; ' but yet 
 it commanded success.' 
 
 Then again I looked, and saw a solitary 
 chieftain of another Arab tribe, armed with a 
 new religion, overthrow the prevailing creeds 
 and superstitions of his own nation, and draw 
 after him from the deserts thousands of fierce 
 warriors, bold in the belief of Islam and its 
 promises of Paradise. I saw him spread a 
 religious and dynastic revolution over nearly 
 the whole of the Eastern world. 
 
 The scene changed to Europe, and I saw 
 a single monk, with no reward in his hand 
 but the promises of glory after death, summon 
 round the simple standard of the Red Cross 
 the rapacious, selfish, and turbulent knights of
 
 DIALOGUE. 19 
 
 the middle ages. As soldiers of that Cross, 
 they ventured over unknown lands and seas, 
 braving countless dangers, to rescue a Holy- 
 Land from an infidel invader. 
 
 I saw the simple Swiss peasants kneeling 
 in a body to ask help from God before en- 
 countering the overwhelming Burgundian array 
 at the battle of Granson. 
 
 I saw the scanty band of Dutch republi- 
 cans, by endurance and courage such as men 
 had never before witnessed, defeat the great 
 Spanish power, and rescue their freedom, their 
 religion, and their country from the waters in 
 which their heroism had drowned them. 
 
 I saw the few but faithful Huguenots fol- 
 lowing the white plume of Henry of Navarre 
 on the field of Ivry. 
 
 I saw Cromwell's 'godly men' praying to 
 
 God, whilst keeping their powder dry, to smite 
 
 hip and thigh the riotous crew of Cavaliers. 
 
 I saw the Covenanting preachers leading their 
 
 c 2
 
 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 congregations to battle against overwhelming 
 odds. I saw the Pilgrim Fathers forsaking 
 all in their native country for their religion, 
 and going forth, confident in their future, to 
 found a mighty nation. 
 
 But I need not weary you by telling of 
 all the scenes that the stranger showed me. 
 These are only a few amongst many. 
 
 After a time I turned to the stranger, 
 and I said to him : ' O Stranger, I have 
 learned a lesson of enthusiasm. I see its 
 power to stir men's souls to valiant deeds. 
 But whence is it .'' How can so few brave 
 the appearance of so great odds .'' ' 
 
 ' It is on account of their belief in God,' 
 said he. ' Their might is inspired by a con- 
 fidence that a power superior to all earthly 
 strength will give them the victory, and de- 
 liver them from the peril of the sword.' 
 
 ' It is a strange power, this belief in God,' 
 said I ; ' but yet I know not if it be really a
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 good thing. It seems to lead men to self- 
 assertion, bloodshed, and slaughter. But my 
 citizens, O Stranger, must be gentle, obedient, 
 and self-sacrificing.' 
 
 ' Wait a little,' said he, ' until you hav^e seen 
 further. The vision is not ended. There is 
 yet another lesson. You have learned as yet 
 only one thing ; that there is no power under 
 Heaven that can so impel multitudes of men 
 to brave danger, pain, and death, as this same 
 religious enthusiasm. Is it so, O Politician, or 
 do you yet require instruction .'' ' 
 
 ' Not so, O Stranger,' said I, ' for I am con- 
 vinced already of this first lesson.' 
 
 'An apt pupil,' said he ; ' you must surely be 
 a philosopher. Now let us learn our second 
 lesson ; and before we look any more at my 
 show, let us sit down awhile, for your eyes 
 must be weary with watching, and I will dis- 
 course to you a preface.' 
 
 Then he sat down, and leaned his brow
 
 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 upon his hand, and looking blankly into the 
 distance, as one that sees a vision afar off, he 
 continued : 
 
 * From among the ranks of that same Arab 
 tribe which we saw in our first picture, which 
 fought so good a fight in the might of the Jeho- 
 vah in whom they trusted, came forth a new reli- 
 gion — a religion which appealed to no selfish wish 
 or passion of man ; to no love of riches, power, 
 or grandeur ; which from its infancy was the 
 butt of persecution ; which had no comeliness 
 that could be desired of men : no learning in 
 which to clothe itself ; a religion of peasants, 
 artisans and slaves ; whose Author had suffered 
 the death of a common felon. And yet the 
 followers of this religion, in the face of bitter 
 persecution, contempt, stripes, imprisonment, 
 and death, achieved a moral and religious 
 victory over the whole world, and revolutionised 
 society. I will show you some scenes from the 
 history of this religion shortly, O Politician,
 
 DIALOGUE. 23 
 
 and do you mark them well. You, being a 
 philosopher, I cannot expect to believe the 
 truth of the facts upon which it is said to be 
 founded ; but being a student of the minds of 
 men, it may interest you to observe its effects 
 thereupon, unreasonable and curious as they 
 may appear. The history past and present of 
 the Hebrews, and the rise of this new religion 
 of which I am now speaking, are perhaps the 
 two most remarkable events in the annals of 
 the world, even apart from their religious as- 
 pect, and are well worthy of your consideration. 
 
 ' Have you not observed,' he continued, 'that 
 the great difficulty of the ruler in dealing 
 with men is to try and induce them to give 
 up what their natural impulses prompt them 
 to seize, for the sake of other people ? ' 
 
 ' No doubt,' said I, ' that is the great 
 problem — in cases, that is to say, when you 
 cannot offer any reward in the future, such 
 as riches or honour, in return for the present
 
 24 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 sacrifice. And it is in the even'day life 
 of the citizen and in small matters that 
 such habits of self-sacrifice are formed ; and 
 these no political reward or punishment can 
 reach.' 
 
 'Most true,' said he; 'you have well ob- 
 served. Now, here is the extraordinary power 
 of this religion of which I am now speaking. 
 From the first it has inspired men, contrary 
 to all the strongest appetites and passions of 
 their nature, to deny themselves that which 
 the natural man most desires, and to sacrifice 
 their own dearest wishes for the benefit of 
 others ; to dare that at which their nature 
 trembles, for the benefit of others ; to bear 
 cold, hunger, pain, even death, for the benefit 
 of others ; to live upon earth a life which 
 seems to be bereft of all that could make it 
 pleasant— and all for what ? For the sake of 
 something which their religion promises them 
 in what you would call a vague and doubtful
 
 DIALOGUE. 25 
 
 existence after death. And this not in soli- 
 tary instances, but by hundreds at a time.' 
 
 ' Ah, I have seen something of this seh"- 
 sacrifice,' said I, ' for I have some friends, 
 old-fashioned folk, who still believe in what is 
 called the Christian religion, one form of 
 which is established in this country ; and 
 they have often explained to me the peculiar 
 views of their faith. And now I think of it, 
 that must be the new religion of which you 
 speak, although I could not at first guess your 
 riddle. 
 
 ' I must confess it,' said he, ' since I see it 
 is no good dissembling wath you.' 
 
 ' Well,' said I, ' I have been shown by these 
 friends of mine curious instances of self-sacri- 
 fice, which they constantly affirm were pro- 
 duced by the working of this religion ; only I 
 thought it was their fancy.' 
 
 ' Well,' said he, ' we \\\\\ look at some 
 more pictures, and you will see that, whether
 
 2G THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 a fancy or whether a fact, this religion has 
 in times past produced, and still does produce, 
 the strangest effects upon the lives and con- 
 duct of men.' 
 
 ' I am ready to be convinced,' said I. 
 
 And hereupon we returned to our study of 
 the pictures. 
 
 And first I saw the great armies of Friars 
 who went forth in the early middle ages at the 
 call of their religion, to fight with sin and 
 death. Their triple vow alone seemed to be a 
 renunciation for themselves of all that is 
 generally considered to be pleasant in this 
 life. I saw them planting their homes amidst 
 the filthy, fever-stricken quarters of mediaeval 
 towns, clothing the naked, healing the sick, 
 feeding the hungry, instructing the ignorant ; 
 refusing for themselves all reward or comfort 
 in this life. I then saw thousands of their 
 followers in after years — men and women, 
 without name or number, with no ostentation
 
 DIALOGUE. 27 
 
 or pomp of charity — some of them professed, 
 some secular, but all animated with a common 
 purpose — quietly and steadfastly to sacrifice 
 their own lives and comfort for the moral and 
 physical improvement of their fellow-creatures. 
 I saw them working in convents, hospitals, 
 lazar-houses, penitentiaries, prisons, univer- 
 sities, churches and chapels. Wherever were 
 the ignorant, wicked, sick, and poor, there I 
 saw the charitable forms of these Christians. 
 
 Indeed, the stranger told me that the 
 founder of this sect had often pointed out 
 this very self-sacrifice as the badge of his true 
 disciples. And when I said to him, ' Surely 
 the origin of philanthropy, as we call it now, 
 is earlier than the introduction of this religion.' 
 
 ' Not so,' said he. ' Doubtless in the history 
 of the Jews and Moslems up to the present 
 day, and even amongst the heathen of old 
 time, there are to be found many isolated in- 
 stances of self-devotion for the sake of others
 
 28 TFIE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 of the same family, tribe, or commonwealth. 
 But Christian philanthropy is not content 
 with this. In the first place, it has so far en- 
 larged the sphere of human sympathies as to 
 hold up as objects of the compassion and 
 help of the faithful all suffering humanity 
 of whatever nation or creed under heaven. 
 The good Samaritan knows of no such dis- 
 tinctions. The mere presence of need, whether 
 bodily or mental, suffices : he will not pass it 
 by on the other side. And besides this, 
 Christianity alone can impel to action whole 
 classes of people without discrimination as to 
 age, sex, or station. Bearing in mind these 
 two characteristics of Christian self-sacrifice, it 
 is true to say, (3 Politician, that philanthropy 
 is of purely Christian origin. The self-sacri- 
 fice of heathens, Jews, and Moslems does not 
 amount to philanthropy, as it is limited both 
 in its area of operations and in its instruments. 
 Or, again, if we pass from the origin of philan-
 
 DIALOGUE. 29 
 
 thropy to its development, we can doubtless 
 find solitary instances of marvellous self-de- 
 votion amongst other non-Christian men of 
 our own day which are apparently the result 
 of purely humanitarian motives. But of these 
 it may be truly said that, in the first place, 
 such a motive can evidently onl)^ appeal to 
 a particular class of mind, from the limited 
 number of such instances. It has no effect 
 whatever upon the mass of mankind. And, 
 secondly, the whole of the humanitarian creed 
 is itself in its origin purely Christian. 
 
 ' If you wish, O Politician, for examples of 
 what I am saying, you have only to look at 
 our modern philanthropical institutions — our 
 hospitals, dispensaries, asylums, almshouses, 
 universities, and schools. All of these owe 
 their origin entirely to Christianity, and are 
 for the most part conducted even to this day 
 by Christians. Shall we not say, then, O 
 Politician, that true philanthropy without limit
 
 30 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 either as to its objects, or as to the class of 
 persons whom it impels to action, is purely 
 Christian, at all events in its origin ? ' 
 
 'I must confess it,' said I. 
 
 After this we looked on at the scenes for 
 a while in silence, and then he said : 
 
 'We have seen now many examples of 
 this form of self-sacrifice ; let us turn and see 
 the devotion of those who, being convinced of 
 the necessity and truth of this religion, have 
 devoted their whole energies and even their 
 lives to teach others what they themselves 
 believe, or to stand forth as living witnesses 
 of its truth.' 
 
 Then I looked and saw hundreds of men, 
 women, and even children, pass across the 
 scene, who had devoted their whole lives to 
 preaching, teaching, and bearing witness to 
 the Gospel of their Christianity, in their own 
 lands, or in foreign countries. And this in 
 spite of every form of torture and death, foul
 
 DIALOGUE. 31 
 
 climates, savage enemies, hunger, thirst, and 
 nakedness. Many of them I had heard of 
 before, but the significance of their hves had 
 escaped my notice : Paul, Peter, Augustine, 
 the nameless monks who converted the heathen 
 in Europe, Savonarola, Wickliffe, Huss, Jerome 
 of Prague, Thomas More, Las Casas, the two 
 St. Francis, Dominic, Ignatius, and their many 
 devoted followers in Europe and among the 
 heathen in the East and West ; and even in 
 quite recent times, Wesley, Whitfield, Gardiner, 
 and Patteson. And many hundreds of men 
 and women I saw engaged in works of love 
 and charity, whose names I could not dis- 
 cover, for the stranger told me that with their 
 vow of self-sacrifice they had put off all con- 
 nection with the pleasant world of sense, 
 and even their names, and were known only 
 as Brother or Sister. 
 
 Here we interrupted the Politician, for up
 
 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 to this time we had been entranced by his 
 stor}', and had sat drinking in his words with 
 eyes and ears ; and one of us said, being urged 
 on by the others : 
 
 ' O Pohtician, we think that there is no need 
 of further instances, for we all know many of 
 these Christians, and have seen with our own eyes 
 many marvellous examples of this self-sacrifice.' 
 
 'Very well,' said the Politician, 'I am not 
 loth to be interrupted, and, like a pedlar, to 
 be able to pack up my wares, now that you 
 have taken your samples. But one thing fur- 
 ther struck me as most remarkable in these 
 men when first I observed them ; and that 
 was that the reason for which they underwent 
 this self-sacrifice seemed to be so inadequate. 
 For all that they hoped for ^^'as that after 
 their death they would be happ)'. And when 
 they were asked upon what ground they based 
 their belief, they smiled, and said that it had 
 been promised by the founder of their faith,
 
 DIALOGUE. 33 
 
 and that they were convinced of it, though 
 they gave no reason for their conviction. 
 
 'And yet another thing I noticed through- 
 out the whole series of scenes that I saw, 
 which was that the citizens of the States where 
 this Christian religion prevailed were also more 
 vigorous and enterprising in every way than 
 other nations ; and that the periods in the 
 world's history which have been most con- 
 spicuous for religious enthusiasm have also 
 been most remarkable for enterprise and dis- 
 covery in literature, art, science, and commerce. 
 
 'And, moreover, I noticed that those who 
 were most deeply imbued with this faith were 
 also contented and happy, obedient to com- 
 mand, and loving to others, notwithstanding 
 persecution, adversity, and death. And why 
 again 1 Why for this same promise. Because 
 they say that in another world, hereafter, the 
 inequalities that exist here, and which are in- 
 curable now, will be redressed ; and therefore 
 D
 
 34 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 it matters not what they suffer here, ' for 
 that the sufferings of this present time are 
 not worthy to be compared with the glory 
 that shall be revealed in them.' 
 
 After I had seen all these pictures, and 
 had heard the interpretation thereof, a great 
 light appeared to fall upon me from heaven, 
 and I seemed to have found the very political 
 power that I was seeking when the stranger 
 first accosted me. 
 
 And I said to him, ' O Stranger, it has 
 happened with me, as it often happens with 
 us in this life, that I have been seeking afar 
 off for a remedy which was l}'ing close under 
 my eyes the whole time. I wanted to dis- 
 cover a power which could either excite men 
 to action or control them ; which could reach 
 their daily lives, and provide a continual mo- 
 tive for virtue and self-sacrifice, without earthly 
 reward or punishment. And here have T found 
 what I wanted. I sec that almost all the ercat
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 national commotions which have sprung from 
 small beginnings, and have revolutionised so- 
 ciety, have been inspired by this religious 
 enthusiasm in some form. Men under its in- 
 fluence will triumph over the most alarming 
 odds, and court the most fearful perils. One 
 might almost say that the result of our show 
 has been to prove that a nation which is fired 
 by this enthusiasm will invariably outstrip one 
 which is not, in every sphere of life. Is it not 
 so, O Stranger .'* ' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said he, ' when the enthusiasm is 
 disciplined and orderly.' 
 
 ' And moreover,' I said, ' and this is the 
 magician's rod that I was seeking, this Chris- 
 tian religion is the only power which has 
 ever urged men and women, in any consider- 
 able number, to sacrifice themselves for the sake 
 of others in works of love, peace, and goodwill. 
 
 'Yes,' said he, 'there will always be 
 many impostors, who think to get praise for
 
 36 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 themselves by pretending to be followers of 
 this sect, when their heart is far from it. 
 But, speaking of the real Christians, I think 
 you may say that wc can prove from history 
 that they alone have, in any considerable 
 number, realised this peaceful habit of self- 
 sacrifice.' 
 
 'What manner of power is this,' said I, 
 ' that even those passions of man obey it which 
 no earthly reward or punishment can affect.'" 
 
 When I said this, the Stranger smiled and 
 said, ' O Politician, you have not yet truly 
 analysed the causes which impel men to action 
 or restrain them. Does it even now seem 
 strange to you that men who thoroughly be- 
 lieve that an Omnipotent Being, who holds 
 all the destinies of the world in His hand, 
 vouchsafes them His protection, should be 
 more courageous than those who think that 
 they have no defence but in their own arm ? 
 Is it strange that men who prostrate them-
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 selves before that Being who they beheve will 
 some day judge them for their deeds com- 
 mitted upon this earth, and mete out fearful 
 punishments or ineffable rewards, should hesi- 
 tate before asking His sanction and help for 
 a cause which they feel to be unjust or 
 ignoble ? Is it strange that men who thus by 
 prayer are continually referring their actions 
 and thoughts to the highest of all imaginable 
 standards, should act more nobly, uprightly, 
 and kindly than those who apply no test to 
 them but that of their own wishes ? Or, when 
 men believe that they and the whole world 
 were in danger of everlasting punishment, and 
 that that same Being, of no necessity, but out 
 of sheer kindness, gave up the position of 
 God in Heaven to come down upon earth 
 and undergo ignominious persecution and 
 death simply to save them from that fate ; 
 that He has said that the only return which 
 men can make to Him for all this kindness 
 
 a8H047
 
 38 THE NEIV POLiriCUS. 
 
 is to try and imitate Him — is it strange that, 
 penetrated with a behef in this debt, and this 
 only price that can be oftered in repayment, 
 they should be willing to sacrifice what, to 
 them, must appear of little worth in compa- 
 rison ? Is it strange that one writhing in 
 mortal pain should be comforted by the 
 thought of endless rest and peace after death ? 
 Or can the undoubted ills of this world be 
 alleviated by any other antidote ? Is it 
 strange that men who read in a book (which 
 they believe to be immediately dictated by 
 God Himself) that they must submit them- 
 selves to the rulers that be, and love their 
 neighbours as themselves, should be better 
 citizens than those who have no guide but 
 the natural appetite of man ? Is it strange 
 that a religion which promises to those who 
 obey it everlasting happiness, such as the 
 imagination of man cannot picture, should 
 offer to us in this chequered existence a mo-
 
 DIALOGUE. 39 
 
 live for good stronger than any mundane or 
 utilitarian ideal ? Is it not manifest that it 
 must be so from the constitution of the human 
 mind ? Is it not manifest that it is so from 
 the facts of experience ? And yet would some 
 banish this same religion from the State, O 
 Politician, saying that it is an effete institu- 
 tion, and one which no longer has power over 
 men.' 
 
 'And yet I do not understand,' said I, 
 ' the origin or nature of this power, though I 
 cannot fail to appreciate its results. Perhaps 
 it is a mere phantasy, that will wear out as 
 the world rolls on, and as pure reason gains 
 greater sway. Perhaps it has done its work 
 in the world, and it is no longer necessary 
 either to keep it established as a general ex- 
 ample to the nation, or to teach it to the 
 young in our schools. It is so unreasonable 
 and seemingly so capricious.' 
 
 ' Not so, O Politician,' said the stranger.
 
 40 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 'As long as the nature of man remains the 
 same as it now is, so long will enthusiasm, 
 and not the logical faculty, be the chief mo- 
 tive to action, and the power by which great 
 bodies of men arc swayed. So long will any 
 idea which can engage the enthusiasm of 
 men on its side be triumphant over the cold 
 unsympathetic dictates of pure reason. This, 
 as we have seen, is the lesson of history, but 
 it has been also the conclusion of philosophy, 
 
 ' Let me repeat to you an old-world stor}-, 
 drawn from some oracle of ancient Greece, I 
 know not whence, but one which is still fresh, 
 though it was long buried beneath the earth. 
 
 ' It is said that when man was first brought 
 into the world, the Creator was at a loss to 
 know how to compound his soul, and even- 
 tually He compounded it of triple materials, 
 in equal proportions.' He made it one- third 
 of the soul of God, one-third of the soul of 
 
 > Plato, Kep. ix. 5SS, 5S9. ;
 
 DIALOGUE. 4r 
 
 a lion, and one-third of the soul of a serpent. 
 Now, it has been said by a great philosopher 
 of old time that all this is an allegory which 
 aptly describes the existing nature of man's 
 soul. That it is made up of three parts : 
 the intelligence, which is the God -like element ; 
 the enthusiasm, which is the lion-like element ; 
 and the passions, which are the snake-like 
 element. Of these, two, the God-like and the 
 snake-like, are deadly enemies, and are always 
 trying the one to vanquish the other, so as 
 to make the man whose soul they inhabit 
 their servant. But without the assistance of 
 the lion-like element all their efforts are of 
 no avail, because, being equally matched, the 
 one influence exactly counterbalances the 
 other, and consequently produces no action. 
 Hence the constant struggle of each is to en- 
 list the third or lion-like element on its side. 
 This element is originally neutral, but can be 
 persuaded, by much importunity, to ally itself
 
 42 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 with one or the other, and the side which 
 receives its support invariably prevails, and 
 impels the man whom they inhabit either to 
 noble and self-sacrificing or to base and selfish 
 actions accordingly. 
 
 ' Consequently, that philosopher affirmed 
 that the one great end of both legislation 
 and education is to try and work upon the 
 enthusiastic side of man's nature, so as to en- 
 list it on the side of the good instincts rather 
 than the bad. That by this means alone 
 could the generality of men be brought to 
 seek that which is good, and avoid that which 
 is evil, even at the expense of their own 
 pleasure and comfort. Now, O Politician, 
 though we may laugh nowadays at the idea 
 of man's soul being tripartite in origin ; though 
 we may imagine it to be composed originally 
 of precisely the same material throughout ; 
 still this ancient fable is no bad description 
 of the modes under which the minds of men
 
 DIALOGUE. 43 
 
 present themselves for our observation. Whe- 
 ther orighially homogeneous or no, it is 
 certain that now (whether from long trans- 
 mitted habits or not, we know not) the minds 
 of men do present for our observation three 
 distinct characters : the intelligence, the en- 
 thusiasm, and the passions. Whether these 
 are mere bundles of motives, differing only 
 in order or arrangement, or actual distinctions 
 in kind in man's mind, again it m.atters not, 
 for the duty of the politician is not to inquire 
 into the origin of his material, but to deal 
 with it as he finds it. Now, the intelligence 
 of man points out to him that such or such 
 an action is for the good of his fellow- 
 creatures, and that their general good is ulti- 
 mately his good ; but the passions say, " Never 
 mind the ultimate good, never mind the good 
 of others : it is disagreeable ; choose rather 
 present enjoyment, and let the future and the 
 good of others take care of themselves. Let
 
 44 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 US eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." Now, 
 here is the task of the morahst and pohtician : 
 to endeavour to find some power which can 
 work upon the enthusiasm of men, so as to 
 enhst it on the side of the intelHgence and 
 against the passions. And have we not 
 found, O Poh'tician, that very power, whether 
 we consider it to be merely " a noble lie " ' or 
 a stupendous truth 1 ' 
 
 ' Certainly we have found it,' said I, ' and 
 I agree with you that the Politician must be 
 content to use his material as he finds it. 
 He has to deal with the results, and not with 
 the causes.' 
 
 ' There is a wonderful agreement between 
 us,' said the stranger, * in all this inquiry. 
 Now hear this saying of another great philo- 
 sopher of old time : — " Pure intelligence by 
 itself can move nothing." ' - 
 
 ' reuva7oi' ^pevSus : Plato, A't'/>. i. 414. 
 
 ^ Ar. Ef/i. Nic. vi. 2, 5 : Zi.6.voia. aiiri] ov9ev kivu.
 
 DIALOGUE. <i5 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I, ' I cannot resist argu- 
 ments of such authority.' 
 
 ' No,' said he, ' you cannot ; because they 
 are not mere speculations, but results of the 
 observation of men's minds which are borne 
 out both by our own experience, and that 
 of all time.' 
 
 ' It is most strange,' said I, ' but it is 
 doubtless true.' 
 
 'Ah! my friend,' said the stranger, 'have 
 you never been accosted by a beggar in the 
 street, whose wretched appearance and tale of 
 misery have cajoled alms from you, although 
 your reason told you all the time that he 
 was an impostor .'' ' 
 
 'I must confess,' said I, 'that some such 
 thing has happened to me ere now.' 
 
 ' That is only a small instance,' said he, 
 ' of this law, which is the first principle to be 
 learned by one who wishes to govern men — 
 namely, that the emotions of man, his pity.
 
 46 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 his love, his admiration, his natural sympathy 
 with distress, the lust of the eyes, the mag- 
 nificence of appearances, the porno of tradi- 
 tion — these are the things which kindle man's 
 enthusiasm, not his intelligence or dialectical 
 faculty, O Politician, and urge him to action 
 regardless of consequences, and often in the 
 very teeth of his reason.' 
 
 * Certainly,' said I, ' that has been abun- 
 dantly proved.' 
 
 ' And we have also seen,' said the stranger, 
 ' that beyond all comparison, the greatest power 
 that the world has ever seen to excite men 
 to love and good works is this Christian 
 religion.' 
 
 ' Yes,' said I. 
 
 ' Again,' said the stranger, ' are we not 
 taught by the experience of the world that 
 all legislation which attempts to interfere 
 directly with the daily lives and conduct of 
 citizens, and to regulate their actions in detail,
 
 DIALOGUE. 47 
 
 has failed, because it is impossible to enforce 
 it ? ' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I. 
 
 ' Must we not, then, at once conclude a 
 truce with this noble ally — this Christianity,' 
 said he, ' instead of quarrelling with it and 
 driving it out of our camp ? ' 
 
 * I am certain of it,' said I ; ' for thus shall 
 we obtain a friend who can pass unharmed 
 through the enemy's lines, and persuade his 
 men voluntarily to come over to our side. 
 The world will wonder then at the virtue and 
 sobriety of our citizens, and go into raptures 
 over the wisdom of our legislators. And all 
 the time we shall have shown no invention 
 whatever, but have merely made use of a 
 famous political engine, which we found ready 
 forged to our hands.' 
 
 'Just so,' said he, 'we shall obtain credit 
 under false pretences ; for we have seen — have 
 we not .''- — that this Christianity is, above all, an
 
 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 influence which pervades the whole Hfe of the 
 man who beheves in it, and causes him to 
 form habits of virtue and self-sacrifice, which 
 ultimately become secondary instincts, and 
 make him act from the same motives in the 
 small affairs of daily life as on important 
 occasions.' 
 
 'Yes,' said I. 
 
 ' And, as we have seen,' said he, ' this same 
 Christian motive seems to appeal equally to 
 all classes of minds, gentle and simple, igno- 
 rant and refined. In all it produces the same 
 results.' 
 
 ' Undoubtedly,' said I. 
 
 ' And this is the influence that we most 
 particularly wanted to discover,' said he. 
 ' It was,' said I. 
 
 'And further,' said he, 'being enforced by 
 no external earthly sanction, but only by a 
 man's own conscience, it is a political possi- 
 bility.'
 
 DIALOGUE. 49 
 
 ' Most assuredly so,' said I, 
 
 'And yet again,' said the stranger, 'even 
 the bitterest enemies of Christianity admit 
 that our citizens need some influence equiva- 
 lent to a religion. For those very men who 
 would abolish a religion, so called, which de- 
 pends for its reality upon the existence of a 
 God, when they come themselves to construct 
 a science of morals or legislation, re-introduce 
 into their own system a very similar prin- 
 ciple under the name of philanthropy, humani- 
 tarianism, love of nature, love of your fellow- 
 men, or such like appellations,' 
 
 ' I have often noticed that,' said I. 
 
 ' But in doing so,' said he, ' the}^ are 
 throwing away a weapon of approved tem.per 
 for an unreal verbal phantom.' 
 
 ' So we should say,' I replied ; ' but that is 
 
 not at all their opinion. On the contrary, 
 
 they are very proud of their systems, and say 
 
 that they are superior to Christianity, in that 
 
 E
 
 50 THE iVE IV POLITIC US. 
 
 they provide a motive for good which is un- 
 selfish, while that provided by Christianity is 
 purely selfish. For, say they, the reason why 
 we affirm that men should be moral and 
 righteous is because by so doing they pro- 
 mote the greatest happiness of the greatest 
 number of their fellow-men. You, on the 
 contrary, dangle before the eyes of your fol- 
 lowers a purely selfish prospect of eternal 
 happiness in return for a temporary self- 
 control. And thus, they say, virtue pro- 
 ceeding from humanitarian motives is meri- 
 torious, while Christian virtue is merely mer- 
 cenary.' 
 
 ' I admit,' said the stranger, ' that their 
 statements appear at first sight to be plaus- 
 ible : but they are in reality fallacious. They 
 proceed from a false analysis of the real nature 
 of the motives which produce human action. 
 I think wc nn'ght truly assert, in answer to 
 them, that all motives which produce action in
 
 DIALOGUE. 51 
 
 man are, in their ultimate analysis, at least 
 self-regarding if not selfish ; that no system 
 of morality can be complete which does not 
 supply such motives ; that they can only be 
 supplied by the inducement of a pleasure or 
 the deterrence of a pain, in some form or 
 another, either here or hereafter ; and that 
 Christianity, in its highest development, sup- 
 plies a motive which is not more, but, if any- 
 thing, less selfish than that supplied by any 
 mere system of morality.' 
 
 ' You are prepared to open fire from a 
 formidable battery,' said I. 
 
 ' I am,' said he ; ' but yet I think that one 
 or two broadsides will suffice ; for, after all, 
 this is but a feint on the part of our adversary. 
 The real position that we have to hold is one 
 of fact. Does Christianity, as a matter of 
 fact, produce certain results } How they are 
 produced is another question. It is only 
 worth our while just to indicate the manner
 
 52 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 in which this objection of the humanitarians 
 is to be combated — for this reason. Some 
 men might say that the means by which 
 these results are produced are evil, and that 
 the harm done to the human race by the 
 means is greater than the good produced by 
 the result.' 
 
 ' That is possible,' I replied. 
 
 'Well, then,' said he, 'we will just sketch 
 in outline the answer to these objections — for, 
 indeed, to exhaust the discussion of the subject 
 would be to institute a complete science of 
 morals.' 
 
 ' It would,' I said. 
 
 ' Let us, then, take my four assertions and 
 develop them briefly,' said the stranger. 'The 
 first scarcely needs an}- support in these days, 
 since it is now a commonplace of psychology. 
 So long as man is absolutely content, he is 
 quiescent. In order to impel him to action 
 he must be uneasy ; and this uneasiness is
 
 DIALOGUE. 53 
 
 produced either by the desire of a pleasure 
 which he has not, or the wish to escape from a 
 pain or discomfort which he has.' 
 
 ' Certainly,' I said ; ' that is as old as Aris- 
 totle.' 
 
 ' And the second is like unto it,' said he. 
 'As all human action arises from self-regarding 
 or selfish motives — namely, the desire to obtain 
 a pleasure or to avoid a pain — so it is by 
 means only of a judicious application of such 
 motives that a scientific system of morals 
 becomes possible. Just consider for a moment. 
 The science of morals is that which inquires 
 into and establishes a suinniitm boniun, or 
 ideal end of human action and standard of 
 human conduct. But it does not rest there. 
 A mere ideal of conduct would be useless, if 
 men could not be induced to pursue it. Con- 
 sequently it is essential for a system of morality 
 — if it would provide a practical impetus and 
 guide to moral action — that either its ideal
 
 54 THE NI:W POLITIC VS. 
 
 should be in itself one which incites men to 
 action, or else that some external sanction 
 should be applied to enforce the rules of con- 
 duct which it dictates. This sanction is sup- 
 plied, so far as the fundamental laws of society- 
 are concerned, by the penal law of the com- 
 munity, the mere existence of which argues 
 its need. But what of the minor rules which 
 should govern the everyday life of the citizen ? 
 If he does not outrage the cardinal laws of 
 the St:ate or society by flagrant sin, how is he 
 to be persuaded to sacrifice his own natural 
 inclinations in the small affairs of daily life, 
 for the benefit of others .^ For that is the 
 object of our search, O Politician!' 
 
 ' It is,' said I ; ' but it is also the philo- 
 sopher's stone for which these very humani- 
 tarians are seeking.' 
 
 ' Shall we, then, ask them how they sur- 
 mount the difficulty .-^ ' said the stranger. 
 
 ' I know what their answer will be,' I
 
 DIALOGUE. 55 
 
 replied. ' They will say that a man should be 
 virtuous in even the smallest matters, because 
 by so doing- he will promote the greatest 
 happiness of the greatest number of mankind.' 
 
 ' That, I know, is their hackneyed ideal,' 
 said the stranger, ' but how is it to be at- 
 tained .'' Is it in itself so attractive as to 
 draw men towards it as a magnet draws iron ? 
 And even if it could do so, would it be by 
 means of a wholly unselfish motive ? Is our 
 psychological axiom as to the origin of human 
 action at fault .'' ' 
 
 ' Certainly not,' I replied ; ' for even if it is 
 the inherent nobility and beauty of such an 
 ideal that attracts man towards the path of 
 virtue, it is by reason only of the very law 
 which we have seen to underlie all moral 
 action. It may be that, in some few cases, the 
 pleasure to be derived from doing good to 
 others is so keen that it overbalances the lesser , 
 pleasure of immediate personal gratification.'
 
 56 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 ' Then even in such a case the motive to 
 action is a self-regarding motive,' said the 
 stranger ; ' although the mere fact that such a 
 motive should have so powerful an effect upon 
 a man's mind aigues the nobility of his nature.' 
 
 ' It does,' said I. 
 
 ' Even then in the case of virtuous action 
 proceeding from a purely humanitarian motive,' 
 said he. ' We must amend the usual formula 
 and say : " Such or such a course of conduct 
 tends to the greatest happiness of the greatest 
 number of mankind ; anci //lai is really your 
 own greatest happiness^ ' 
 
 ' Yes,' I replied, ' we might remind them 
 of the old myth of the choice of Hercules, 
 which is an excellent illustration of this con- 
 flict of rival pleasures, the noble and ignoble, 
 which is ever going on in man's mind.' 
 
 ' We will admit, then,' said the stranger, 
 ' as, indeed, we have admitted before, that in 
 some rare instances virtuous action may pro-
 
 DIALOGUE. 57 
 
 ceed from a purely humanitarian motive, and 
 that that is as near an approach to an abso- 
 lutely unselfish motive as is possible to man ; 
 but it is not a wholly unselfish motive.' 
 
 * We will make that admission,' I said. 
 
 ' But,' said the stranger, ' a science of 
 morals must not content itself with providing 
 a motive to action which is suitable only to 
 a few conspicuous men under particular con- 
 ditions of nature and education. It must, if 
 it is to be of any real value, provide a motive 
 for virtuous action which appeals to all men 
 alike, whether good or bad, gentle or simple, 
 learned or ignorant. 
 
 'And thus we are brought to the very 
 point at which mere systems of morality fail 
 and Christianity triumphs. The utilitarian 
 ideal is too vague and faint to overcome by 
 its distant aroma of heavenly pleasure the 
 coarser scent of present personal enjoyment. 
 And thus, whatever may be its worth as a
 
 58 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 test of the value of moral action, it is useless 
 as a practical guide or incentive to human 
 conduct. It really holds out no inducement 
 for its pursuit. It is only attractive in itself 
 to a very limited class of mind ; and it can 
 suggest no external sanction whereby to 
 coerce the moral activity of the less refined 
 and sensitiv^e. 
 
 'Now Christianity, on the other hand, ap- 
 peals to all grades of intelligence and refine- 
 ment, by providing what we might call 
 progressive motives, which in their highest 
 development are at least as unselfish as that 
 supplied by the humanitarian s}'stem. 
 
 ' In the first place, it holds up an ideal, 
 the same ideal as that of the humanitarian ; 
 and then it provides inducements for the 
 pursuit of the ideal graduated according to 
 the class of person to be impelled to action. 
 When dealing with the lowest classes of man- 
 kind, who are incapable of action, as a rule,
 
 DIALOGUE. 59 
 
 from a chivalrous motive, it doubtless applies 
 a bald system of rewards and punishments. 
 It says to them as a parent says to a young 
 child: " If you do such or such an action, you 
 will be rewarded : if another, you will be 
 punished." Is it not so .'' ' 
 
 ' It is,' said I, ' and rightl)', for such men 
 do not understand the reason of things, and 
 are, morally speaking, children, and can only 
 be impelled to virtue and deterred from vice 
 by some tangible reward and punishment.' 
 
 ' That is so,' said he ; ' but as we mount 
 the moral scale and deal with the higher 
 order of intelligence, Christianity supplies 
 quite a different motive. It impresses its 
 votary with an overwhelming sense of the 
 debt which he owes to God for his redemp- 
 tion, and thus causes him to pour out all 
 the richest treasures of self-sacrifice without 
 counting either the punishment or the reward, 
 simply out of a chivalrous feeling of generosity
 
 6o THE NEW FOLITICUS. 
 
 and gratitude. Has not a saint of the Church 
 well expressed this when he says — 
 
 My God, I love Thee — not because 
 
 I hope for Heaven thereby, 
 Nor yet because who love Thee not 
 
 Must burn eternally ? ' 
 
 ' I have often admired those lines,' said I, 
 ' but their true meaning had escaped my 
 notice.' 
 
 * Well then,' said he, ' not to waste time — 
 for it is getting late — let us dogmatise the 
 result of this digression. And let us say 
 that moral action can only be produced by 
 self-regarding motives, and consequently that 
 no system of morals can be of any service to 
 mankind in general which does not ultimately 
 rest upon some system of rewards and punish- 
 ments ; that although such rewards and 
 punishments must be brought prominently 
 before the notice of the more degraded of 
 mankind, who cannot be attracted into the
 
 DIALOGUE. 6 1 
 
 path of virtue by the mere beauty of an 
 ideal, they gradually fade into the background 
 when we come to deal with a higher order of 
 intelligence and a more sensitiv-e and refined 
 nature ; that Christianity in its highest 
 development is as unselfish as humanita- 
 rianism, while it acts as a practical moral 
 guide and stimulus to multitudes of human 
 beings, upon whom humanitarianism cannot 
 possibly produce the smallest eft'ect.' 
 
 ' Those may be regarded as axioms,' said 
 I, ' and indeed, if we had only thought of it, 
 we might almost have spared ourselves the 
 trouble of discussing this point. For, if you 
 remember, the very Philosopher whom you are 
 so fond of quoting undertook in his greatest 
 work to establish a system of morals which 
 should be entirely independent of rewards 
 and punishments. And he promised to show 
 that even if the truly good man received 
 nothing but evil and contumely in this
 
 62 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 world and in the next, in return for his virtue, 
 still it would be better for him to be good. But 
 he failed egregiously to maintain this position, 
 and was even driven himself, at the end of 
 this very work to which I refer, to draw 
 a picture of judgment after death, in which 
 those who had been virtuous upon earth were 
 rewarded, and the evil punished.' 
 
 ' True,' said the stranger, ' I had forgotten 
 that' 
 
 'And he was dealing with the highest order 
 of intelligence only,' said I, ' so that we can 
 well imagine that he would have agreed cor- 
 dially with us if he had been constructing a 
 .system to be applied to all mankind.' 
 
 ' So far, then, so good,' said the stranger. ' We 
 have surmounted the greatest of our difficulties ; 
 for we have showm that unless a politician 
 ignores some of the most obvious charac- 
 teristics of human nature, he cannot afford 
 not to recognise Christianity as an all-impor-
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 tant factor in the well-ordering of his citizens. 
 This is really the corner-stone of our building. 
 If this is once established, the minor diffi- 
 culties connected with the subject are easily 
 disposed of. 
 
 ' You may have heard many discussions, O 
 Politician, as to the form of Christian religion 
 which is now established in this country.' 
 
 ' I have,' said I, ' for many men wish to 
 deprive the existing Church of its pre-emi- 
 nence as the National Church, and to take 
 away its funded endowments. And I must 
 confess to you, O Stranger, that hitherto I 
 have been rather of their opinion. For it 
 seems to me that to give one form of belief 
 a preference over the others may make some 
 of our citizens jealous and mutinous. And 
 we wish them all to have the same likes and 
 dislikes.' 
 
 ' Come and let us reason with such men,' 
 said he, ' and show them that it is in the in-
 
 64 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 terest of the community that the existing 
 form of Christianity should remain cstabHshed. 
 And let us beg of them, for that reason, to 
 put aside their jealousies as unworth}- of so 
 great a cause.' 
 
 ' Let us do so,' said I ; ' if reason leads the 
 way, they will all follow.' 
 
 ' Then first,' said he, ' let us speak to those 
 who say that the Church is too rich, and 
 that her endowments w^ould do more good if 
 they were otherw^ise applied. And let us say 
 to them : My good sirs, is this nation so poor 
 that it cannot afford such endowments } For 
 if it can afford them, is it possible that monc}' 
 can be better applied than in endowing an 
 institution the sole object of which is to make 
 our citizens virtuous and happy .'' If\'Ouwant 
 to take away her endowments, you must show 
 that the nation cannot afford them ; that the 
 ostensible object to which they are applied is 
 a bad one ; or that the Church fails to attain
 
 DIALOGUE. 6 s 
 
 to it. Is not this a sufficient answer for these 
 parsimonious gentlemen, O PoHtician ? ' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I. ' It would be a sufficient 
 answer to them even if the nation were taxed 
 in order to provide these endowments ; and it 
 is overwhelming when we reflect that as a 
 matter of fact no one is taxed one farthing 
 in order to provide the Church's revenues, 
 but they are entirely the result of the volun- 
 tary offerings of pious men given for the glory 
 of God at various ages from the earliest 
 days of the Church more than a thousand 
 years ago down to the present time.' 
 
 ' And now let us turn to those others,' said 
 the stranger, * who think that, although such 
 money is well spent in the interest of the 
 State, it ought to be provided by the volun- 
 tary offerings of the congregations for the time 
 being, and not by the accumulation of past 
 endowments. These are generous men. Let 
 us deal gently with them, and only shoot at 
 F
 
 66 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 them two light shafts, and say : " Do not men 
 complain in all other communions that the 
 ministers are not independent of their congre- 
 gations ? That having to look to them for 
 their very bread, they often speak and teach 
 what they know will please, and secure large 
 audiences, rather than that which they believe 
 to be true ? " * 
 
 ' Certainly ; I have often heard that com- 
 plaint,' said I. 
 
 ' Then cannot we loose another little arrow, 
 and say : " Do not all men, and not only Chris- 
 tians, nowadays complain that all the educated 
 men in the community are attracted by the 
 hope of wealth and advancement into the 
 large towns, so that the countr}^ districts have 
 no high-class resident influence ? Do you not 
 often hear it said that this over-centralisation 
 is destroying the old country-gentleman and 
 yeoman class of the country which used to be 
 its backbone ? " '
 
 DIALOGUE. 67 
 
 ' Certainly I do,' said I. 
 
 ' Then let us turn to our friends and say : 
 " Are not the ministers of the State religion 
 the only antidote now to this evil influence 
 by providing a body of well-born, highly- 
 educated men, to disseminate good influences 
 throughout the country ? And, moreover, is 
 it not notorious that the districts where there 
 is no resident minister of this Church are 
 inferior in morality, education, and order, to 
 the others ? " ' 
 
 ' I have often heard this,' said T. 
 ' Then,' added the stranger, ' by taking 
 away the existing endowments of the Church, 
 you would at once put an end to this body of 
 men ; for few of the country districts are rich 
 enough to support a minister of this class by 
 voluntary offerings.' 
 
 ' Well,' said I, ' I think you may consider 
 that you have disposed of this point, and have 
 shown that it is better that the ministers
 
 68 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 should not be dependent upon their congre- 
 gations for their maintenance. But you have 
 yet to show that it is a good thing that a 
 Church should be established as part of the 
 visible constitution of the country, or that it 
 should be in any way under the control of 
 the State. For one party in our country 
 quarrel with the first of these conditions in 
 the existing Church ; and another and oppo- 
 site party, with the second.' 
 
 * I have not forgotten these two sets of 
 quarrelsome people,' said he. ' Let us first 
 deal with those wno object to the State Es- 
 tablishment of Christianity altogether. And 
 let us speak familiarly to them, and recall to 
 their minds some lessons of their schooldays, 
 which they seem to have forgotten, and let 
 us say, " Have you never observed that if you 
 place a shell in a vessel which is used to boil 
 water, all the calcareous and limy particles 
 contained in the water, and which were pre-
 
 DIALOGUE. 69 
 
 viously invisible, are precipitated, and settle 
 on the shell, gradually forming a thick coat- 
 ing all over it, for no apparent reason, unless 
 it were from the mere presence of some defi- 
 nite substance in the water to which the sedi- 
 ment could cling ? " ' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I, ' I have observed it.' 
 ' Well,' said he, ' it is the same with the 
 emotional and sentimental side of man's nature. 
 It floats unobserved on the flood of life until 
 it finds some definite nucleus upon which to 
 settle. And this is one reason why it is so 
 often ignored. It is, to use the hard words 
 of our modern philosophers, a power only 
 energised in reference to some concrete object. 
 Man's love and veneration must have some 
 definite object, embodied in some visible form, 
 round which to cling, or they remain mere 
 abstract feelings, colourless and impalpable. 
 This may be unreasonable, but man is not 
 always a truly reasonable creature ; and his
 
 70 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 unreason is very often more impressionable 
 and more powerful than his reason. Never- 
 theless, the politician (dealing as he must with 
 the average of mankind and not with the 
 few philosophers) cannot refuse to take into 
 account the power of reverence and enthu- 
 siasm, even if associated with mere outward 
 appearances or words.' 
 
 ' That will be a good argument,' said I ; 
 ' but I do not yet see whither you are tending.' 
 
 ' Why,' said the stranger, ' this truth is 
 quite as important in religion as in any other 
 sphere. Let me again explain my meaning 
 by an example. In a celebrated picture- 
 gallery on the Continent are three pictures 
 which all endeavour to represent Almighty 
 God. One is by a German artist, and that 
 portrays Mini as an Emperor ; one is by a 
 French artist, and that makes Him a King ; 
 and the third is by an Italian artist, and there 
 He is represented as a Pope. Each of these
 
 DIALOGUE. 71 
 
 artists, in thus realising in a concrete form his 
 abstract idea of God, dresses his skeleton 
 thought in those attributes which to his mind, 
 limited by personal and national barriers, are 
 the outward and visible sign of the greatest 
 magnificence and power. Does not this, O 
 Politician, well illustrate how the constitution 
 of the human mind necessitates the casting of 
 all our abstractions in a concrete mould, the 
 configuration of which is determined by the 
 idiosyncrasies of each individual ? ' 
 
 ' Certainly,' I said, ' that is a well-known 
 truth.' 
 
 ' Well,' said he, ' almost all religious ideas 
 are abstractions ; and as such abstractions 
 they cannot be realised by a finite human 
 intelligence. They must have some concrete 
 embodiment. And this is the first function 
 of a National Church and creed, that it pro- 
 vides for the nation such a nucleus. It is by 
 means of such a Church enthroned with some
 
 72 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 pomp of outward display, that religion is 
 represented in a concrete and intelligible form 
 to the m'nds of the nation. Just as to the 
 individual man the idea of Christianity in the 
 abstract is vague and unimpassioned, whereas 
 the idea of Protestantism or Roman Catho- 
 licism is definite, sensible, and enthusiastic ; 
 just as the idea of charity is naturally asso- 
 ciated in our minds with some object of pity, 
 of prayer with some place of worship— so, 
 too, the national Christian thought finds a 
 definite expression in our National Church. 
 For the national Christianity is something 
 different from the mere sum of the thoughts 
 and opinions of the individuals composing the 
 nation. It is the residuum of common Chris- 
 tian sentiment existing in men of all denomi- 
 nations, too much diluted to produce by itself 
 any perceptible action in the individual apart 
 from sectarian influences ; but when combined 
 with like fragments of sentiment in many
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 Others it forms in the aggregate a power in 
 the State, which has its outward expression in 
 the National Church. For should a Roman 
 Catholic or a Nonconformist be asked at this 
 day whether our nation was a Christian nation, 
 would he not naturally point to the existing Na- 
 tional Church as the best answer to the question ?' 
 
 * Certainly he would,' said I. 
 
 ' Our National Church, then, is to all 
 Christians of whatever denomination a per- 
 petual emblem of national faith, and is thus 
 the rallying-point for all the common Christian 
 sentiment of the nation, and the best evidence 
 of its reality.' 
 
 ' It is,' said I. 
 
 * And not only of its reality, but also of 
 its importance,' he continued. 'It is a con- 
 tinual visible example to men, and especially 
 to the less educated amongst them, who are 
 most easily affected by appearances, and are 
 also those who most need the moral influence
 
 74 THE NEIV PO uncus. 
 
 of religion, that that religion is a real practical 
 thing which ought to enter into and sanctify 
 every act of life. Cannot you imagine that 
 the average citizen would at once conclude, if 
 the nation, as such, no longer professed any 
 ostensible belief in Christianity, that Chris- 
 tianity was not so valuable a thing as he had 
 imagined ? If the dignitaries of the Church no 
 longer had the high civil position that they 
 now occupy ; if the legislators, the judges, and 
 the magistrates of the land conducted their 
 deliberations without, ostensibly at all events, 
 asking for strength and guidance from God in 
 their labours ; if the Christian religion were no 
 longer put forward as the figure-head, so to 
 speak, of the constitution, guiding and sanctify- 
 ing our rulers, do you imagine that the average 
 citizen would regard it with so much reverence? 
 And you must always remember,' he said, 
 ' that I am now considering, not its truth or 
 falsehood, but its effect upon men.'
 
 DIALOGUE. 75 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I ; ' that I perfectly under- 
 stand.' 
 
 ' And then, again,' said he, ' it is by means 
 of an Established Church alone that in these 
 days national worship is possible, and such 
 worship is of the utmost importance. It is in 
 times of great national contrition or rejoicing, 
 when the whole people join together in com- 
 mon humiliation before God, or in common 
 adoration and thanksgiving : when thousands 
 unite in uttering the same litany of penitence or 
 hymn of praise, then it is that religion obtains 
 the most general hold upon the minds of the citi- 
 zens. They are impressed with the grandeur of 
 the ceremonial, with the responses, like the sound 
 of many waters ; with the sympathetic influence 
 of fellow-worship ; and they go home and con 
 over the scene afterwards in their own minds. 
 The catholicity of the service and the univer- 
 sality of the belief in God amongst their fellow- 
 citizens deepens their personal religious con-
 
 76 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 victions for all time. Even reading a descrip- 
 tion of such ceremonies produces a similar effect 
 upon men who were not themselves present. 
 Men are much like sheep in these matters. 
 The mere herding together of thousands for a 
 common object produces a depth of conviction 
 unattainable in a solitary chamber. And how 
 could this result be obtained in these days, 
 if there were not one Church and one form of 
 worship singled out by the State as the repre- 
 sentative Church and the representative ritual 
 of the nation .' Amongst the many sects of 
 Christianity, who would all clamour for the 
 first place, no common national worship would 
 be possible.' 
 
 ' But,' said I, ' surely, O Stranger, in the 
 days before our Church assumed its present 
 form, under the supremacy of a secular sove- 
 reign, such national worship was even more 
 common tlian it now is. How do you account 
 for that.?'
 
 DIALOGUE. 77 
 
 'Very simply,' said he. 'In those days 
 there was practically only one form of religious 
 belief or ritual tolerated throughout Europe, 
 Consequently, on any public occasion, there 
 was no possibility of dispute as to the form 
 the proceedings should take. Now that the 
 Christian sects are so many, matters are quite 
 different.' 
 
 'I agree,' said I; 'that had escaped my 
 notice.' 
 
 ' Well, then,' said he, ' are not these very 
 obvious advantages of an Established Church 1 
 It is to a nation what the colours are to a regi- 
 ment. It serves as a rally! ng-point and centre 
 for the religious enthusiasm of the entire com- 
 munity. It keeps continually before their eyes 
 a standard, as it were, of possible uniformity — 
 a model of public devotion. Believe me, O 
 Politician, the Christianity of individuals is 
 much more fervent from the mere fact of the 
 example produced by occasional national wor-
 
 7S THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 ship. And the ideas which underh'e the Chris- 
 tian rch'gion — charity, peace, and self-sacrifice — 
 are far more easily kept in mind by ordinary 
 men, from the fact that there is always a visible 
 embodiment of that religion before their eyes. 
 And then,' continued he, ' all these reasons 
 apply with double force to our own National 
 Church, from the very fact that it has been long 
 established.' 
 
 ' That I do not quite follow,' said I. 
 ' It is easy of explanation,' said he. ' Let 
 us go back once more to our schoolroom tale. 
 Do you not remember noticing, O Politician, 
 that the deposit upon the shell could not be 
 produced by any artificial means ; but was the 
 result only of long and gradual natural infil- 
 tration ? ' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I. 
 
 ' Well, then,' said he, ' let us translate this 
 observation into the world of politics, and say 
 to our opponents : " Have you never observed
 
 DIALOGUE. 79 
 
 that it is only by the long lapse of years and by 
 the natural association of kindred ideas that par- 
 ticular institutions and offices of the State, 
 particular robes of office, particular melodies, 
 and even particular words, gather round them 
 this deposit, as it were, of reverence, love, and 
 admiration ? So that men will sacrifice their 
 fortunes, and even their lives, for the sake of 
 something which, if you resolve it into its 
 elements, is little more valuable, at first sight, 
 than an oyster-shell ? Have you never been 
 surprised to hear of men dying by hundreds in 
 defence of the ideas represented by the words 
 'chivalry,' 'loyalty,' 'honour,' 'liberty,' or 
 ' patriotism ; ' and that often in causes which 
 in their sober moments they would unhesi- 
 tatingly condemn ? Have you ever considered 
 whence these phantoms obtained their dignity ? 
 Have you never tried to analyse the ' divinity 
 that doth hedge a king ; ' the awe which pro- 
 tects a judge ; the emotion produced by a
 
 8o THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 National Anthem ? Have you ever considered 
 how much of all these ideas which have pla}-ed 
 so great a part in the world's history are like 
 a brilliant scene upon the stage, a glamour 
 cast over very ordinary mortals by the rosy 
 medium of distant ages through which we are 
 compelled to view them ? " ' 
 
 ' They probably have never analysed these 
 ideas,' said I. 
 
 ' Well,' said he, ' it is the same with all 
 ancient institutions. By dint of long years it 
 is that they have gradually collected a crust of 
 ideas and associations which, like the tabard of 
 a herald, are handed down to each successive 
 representative, giving him a character quite 
 distinct from, and independent of, his own 
 personality. The wisdom or unwisdom of 
 many generations of citizens has slowly woven 
 a garment, without seam from top to bottom ; 
 and in this they clothe the temporary repre- 
 sentative of their institutions, and then do him
 
 DIALOGUE. Si 
 
 reverence. The objects of human veneration 
 are not Hke Nebuchadnezzar's golden image, 
 O PoHtician. No man can suddenly create a 
 political or social idol, of whatever costly sub- 
 stance, and then bid the peoples, nations, and 
 languages fall down and worship it. " No," 
 say they, " it is only an idol, the work of 
 men's hands." But allow the slow current of 
 national feeling to bring down with it graduall}-, 
 generation after generation, deposits of senti- 
 ment and veneration ; and, after a while, an 
 island emerges from the flood, and they say 
 it is a sacred land, the gift of God ; and who- 
 soever inhabits it, is holy and entitled to our 
 worship. So do we nowadays take a man ; 
 he may be a good man or a bad man, or a 
 very ordinary person. By himself he is like 
 an unwedded queen ant. His working ants 
 pay no attention to him. But we clothe him 
 with a royal robe and crown : we put upon 
 him our seamless coat, a coat of many colours ;
 
 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 and instantly, like the ants when their queen 
 is wedded, the multitude unites to do him reve- 
 rence, and would even die in his defence. But 
 let a man seize perforce such a position, and 
 they say, " Down with him ! He is a usurper ! " 
 In short, O Politician, we might say that in 
 all ages and in all countries the people them- 
 selves have unwittingly, and perhaps unreason- 
 ably, created their own most cherished idols. 
 And it is notorious, O Politician, to anyone 
 who has studied our show, that these idols 
 are of natural growth, and of slow growth, and 
 that it is impossible to create them artificially, 
 or to recreate them if once entirely destroyed.' 
 
 ' There,' said I, 'I entirely agree with you. 
 Indeed, this fact should be a commonplace of 
 politics, only one is apt in the heat of dis- 
 cussion, and under the influence of party bias, 
 to overlook elementary principles.' 
 
 ' Now, then,' said the stranger, ' let us ap- 
 ply the results of our lesson to our National
 
 DIALOGUE. 83 
 
 Church. It is an ancient institution, more 
 than a thousand years old. It has undeniably- 
 become encrusted with the sentiment and 
 veneration of many generations, and now, 
 by the association of ideas, commands the 
 entire veneration and devotion of many thou- 
 sands of our most orderly and well-conducted 
 citizens. It is now the recognised, enthroned 
 embodiment of our national religion ; and as 
 such is also the living standard and witness 
 of the religion and morality of each individual 
 who believes in Christianity, and in a degree, 
 though perhaps unconsciously, to those who 
 have discarded that belief 
 
 * Should anyone doubt its living power, 
 let the munificent gifts of recent benefactors 
 bear witness to the contrary. 
 
 ' Shall we, then, cast down from its niche 
 an object of veneration of multitudes of 
 people, in all probability shattering it into a 
 thousand fragments > Shall we destroy irre-
 
 84 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 parably the living witness of the greatest 
 moral and political influence that exists 
 amongst us, without overwhelming reasons ? 
 For remember, O Politician, that when once 
 destroyed it can never be replaced. 
 
 And after all, my friend,' he continued, 
 ' what are the reasons which are offered for 
 this act of Vandalism by its promoters ? ' 
 
 'So far as I have heard,' said I, 'their 
 chief arguments are these : that the existing 
 Church cannot propedy be called a National 
 Church, because it is not the Church of the 
 entire nation, or even of a substantial majority 
 of the nation ; and that it is unfair to the 
 ministers of other denominations that those 
 belonging to the State Church should mono- 
 polise all social and political pre-emin- 
 ence.' 
 
 ' We can reply to such arguments, or 
 rather assertions,' said the stranger, ' first by 
 an argument, and secondly by a rebuke. And
 
 DIALOGUE. 85 
 
 first let us ask such antagonists what proof 
 they offer of their assertions. 
 
 * Can there be a surer sign, we may ask, 
 that the Church does represent the nation 
 than the fact that it exists ? Coukl not the 
 nation at any time destroy it if it were so 
 willed ? Would it not die of inanition ? 
 Surely, it is for our opponents, in the face 
 of the fact of its establishment, to show that 
 nevertheless it is not national and representa- 
 tive.' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I. 
 
 * But yet we need not insist upon our 
 strict rights in such a cause,' said he, ' and 
 we will undertake, if they will explain what 
 they mean by representative or national, to 
 show that our existing Church is both.' 
 
 ' It is best to be scrupulous in an affair 
 of such dignity,' said I. 
 
 'Well then,' said he, 'what do they mean 
 by a Church being national or representative }
 
 86 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 Surely they cannot mean that it must be an 
 institution which everyone in the country 
 approves of. There never has been or will 
 be such a thing in this world. No one would 
 dream of saying that the Government from 
 time to time in office in this country was not 
 both national and representative, although it 
 is only approved of by a majority, and that 
 perhaps a small majority of the people. Must 
 they not mean by national — that which is ap- 
 proved of by the majority of the nation .^ ' 
 
 'Certainly they must,' said I. 'But how 
 are you to discover what proportion of the 
 nation are adherents of any particular form 
 of religious belief.'' For the opponents of the 
 State Church have always stoutly refused to 
 permit a religious census to be taken, and 
 that would be the only reliable test.' 
 
 ' I know,' said the stranger, ' that they 
 show a little nervousness in this matter ; and 
 the absence of such a census does make the
 
 DIALOGUE. 87 
 
 inquiry difficult. But so far as tliere are any 
 statistics to be obtained upon this question at 
 all, they all go to support what we should have 
 imagined a priori from the mere fact of the 
 existence of the Church — namely, that the 
 majority of the nation, and a large majorit)^ 
 are the adherents of this form of Christianity. 
 If we look at the returns ^ from the schools, 
 the cemeteries, the registers of marriages, the 
 army and navy, and the workhouses in this 
 country, where alone we have at the present 
 time an opportunity of obtaining statistics 
 upon this point, it is found that more than 
 72 per cent, of the total number of individuals 
 are members of the Established Church. And 
 when we consider that these statistics are 
 compiled for the most part from the lowest 
 stratum of society only, and the one in which 
 
 ' See Report of Education Dcpt. 1871, c. 406; Burials, 
 Session i860, Pari. Paper, 560; Reg.-GcneraPs Report, 1873; 
 Army, Pari. Paper, No. 170, Session 1871 ; Nazy, do. No. 
 132, 1876; Union Workhouses, Paper No. 157, Session 1876.
 
 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 the National Church has undeniably the fewest 
 adherents, we must be convinced, from this 
 calculation alone, that a large majority of the 
 nation approve of the Established Church. 
 
 ' Thus, so far as we have any facts to 
 guide us, they disprove the assertions of our 
 antagonists. But may we not further say to 
 them this } If it is once admitted that it 
 is a good thing that some Christian Church 
 should be established in the country, it is 
 obvious that we must select one of the forms 
 of Christianity already existing for the pur- 
 pose. In these days of multiplicity of sects, 
 it is impossible to find a Church which shall 
 represent all shades of religious belief. A 
 really Catholic religion is impossible, and so 
 we must be content with that which most 
 nearly approaches to it. Now, it could not be 
 pretended for a moment that any other sect 
 or form of Christianity now existing in this 
 country could by itself command a tithe of
 
 DIALOGUE. 89 
 
 the adherents which are numbered by our ex- 
 isting Church.' 
 
 ' Certainly not,' said I. 
 
 'And, moreover,' said he, 'there is no 
 other form of Christian worship which is so 
 representative in the sense of containing within 
 its walls so great a variety of religious opinion. 
 The extreme members of our Church differ 
 very little in their opinions from Presbyterians 
 at the one end, and from Roman Catholics at 
 the other.' 
 
 ' There is no other existing Church or sect 
 which is nearly so Catholic,' said I, ' in this sense.' 
 
 * Then our existing Church is both national 
 and representative,' said he, ' in that it is ap- 
 proved by the nation at large, and that it 
 represents the greatest variety of Christian 
 belief' 
 
 ' It is,' said I. 
 
 'And, indeed,' said he, 'we might even 
 carry the argument further and say that our
 
 90 THE NEW POLHICUS. 
 
 existing Church is national in another sense, 
 as being the direct lineal representative— the 
 self-successor, as the Latins would call it — of 
 the original Church first established in this 
 country.' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I. 
 
 ' And, as such, is the natural heir and repre- 
 sentative of the Christianity of the nation.' 
 
 ' Most assuredly,' I replied. ' There has 
 been no breach in the continuity of its succes- 
 sion from the Saxon days.' 
 
 ' So much, then, for our argument, O Poli- 
 tician,' said he. ' Now for our rebuke. May 
 we not say to those who complain that it is 
 unfair upon ministers of other denominations 
 that any particular form of Christianity should 
 be established as the State Church, " What is 
 your grievance .'' Do the ministers of the State 
 religion command a monopoly of doing good .'' 
 Do they prevent you from preaching and 
 teaching, or making others virtuous and happy.''
 
 DIALOGUE. 91 
 
 And if not, what do you complain of? Must 
 they not answer that their real grievance is a 
 jealousy of the social advantages of their 
 brethren of the English Church ? ' 
 
 'They must,' said I. 
 
 ' Then should we not reason sharply with 
 such men,' said he, * and say to them : Is 
 not your aim professedly one with that of the 
 National Church — to promote the general good 
 of the citizens ? And have we not shown that 
 that good is best promoted by the mainten- 
 ance of the existing Church ? Put aw^ay from 
 you, then^ a contemptible jealousy of the 
 worldly advantages of others. Are you not 
 all casting out devils in the same name ? Be 
 assured that, if you succeed in destroying this 
 Church, you will never be able to establish 
 another. And so the nation will be losers and 
 you no gainers. Will not this be a fitting 
 reprimand to men who profess to be anxious 
 for the welfare of the State, and yet postpone
 
 92 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 its interests to their own love of dignity and 
 reward ? ' 
 
 ' Certainly, O Stranger,' I said. 
 
 ' Shall we say, then,' said he, ' that we have 
 established this : that it is essential for the per- 
 manent development of religion in the State 
 that some representative Church should be 
 recognised and established by law as the em- 
 bodiment of national religious feeling, and as 
 the means by which that feeling obtains utter- 
 ance ? ' 
 
 ' That we have proved,' said I. 
 
 ' And this would be a good thing even if it 
 had to be created ? ' 
 
 ' Yes, O Stranger,' said I. 
 
 'And that still more is it true in a case 
 where an ancient, national and representative 
 Church already exists, carrying with it, by 
 force of long association, the reverence and 
 affection of many thousands of the citizens ? ' 
 
 ' It would be madness to destroy it,' said I.
 
 DIALOGUE. 93 
 
 When I had said this the stranger paused 
 awhile, as if to recover his breath, like an 
 athlete after a course — for, indeed, he had 
 become quite excited as his argument pro- 
 ceeded. So I chimed in, to give him a little 
 breathing time, and said : 
 
 ' O Stranger, I find it very difficult myself 
 to suggest any answer to this part of your 
 argument, and so I must call in some enthu- 
 siastic allies to help me. You know that we 
 have some near neighbours and fellow-subjects 
 called the Irish, very warm-hearted people. I 
 believe that they gave the Government of this 
 country no little trouble in your day — if I 
 might guess at your date by your appearance.' 
 
 ' I know them only too well,' said he. 
 
 'Well,' said I, ' I will summon them to my 
 aid, and they will come in a compact body, I 
 promise you, and will assert, as with one voice, 
 that there was once a State Church established 
 in Ireland, a fairly old institution, which never-
 
 94 THE NEW POT.ITTCUS. 
 
 theless did not command the reverence and 
 affection of the Irish people ; but was hated by- 
 all but a small minority of them with a deadly 
 hatred ; and that eventually this Church was 
 disestablished, and deprived of its pre-eminence. 
 And they will say, further, that since this has 
 taken place, not only the mass of the people 
 are more contented, owing to the removal of 
 a grievance, but that the adherents of the 
 Church that was formerly established are far 
 more active and enthusiastic in the cause of 
 religion than they were before. What answer 
 can you find to give to this formidable crew, 
 
 Stranger } ' 
 
 'I am glad,' said he, smiling, 'that you 
 allowed me a little rest before encountering 
 these fresh enemies. For, from what I hear, 
 
 1 shall require all my powers of " staying," 
 as I believe you now say on the race-course, 
 if I am to avert defeat at their hands. How- 
 ever, I am not unprepared for them, for I
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 have — though, as you might say, " at a dis- 
 tance " — followed this controversy as to the 
 Irish Church with great interest. So far, O 
 Politician, from the history of the Irish Protes- 
 tant Church being an argument against the 
 position that I have maintained, it is in reality 
 a strong illustration of the truth of it. Have 
 we not, above all things, laid stress upon the 
 necessity of such an institution as a Church 
 being the natural outgrowth of national feel- 
 ing, because it is impossible to create national 
 sentiment artificially 1 ' 
 
 ' We have,' said I. 
 
 'And we adduced it as a strong argument 
 in favour of our existing English Church that 
 it was a truly national Church in this sense : 
 that the reverence which attached to it was the 
 result of the spontaneous sentiment of gene- 
 rations of the citizens.' 
 
 'We did,' said I. 
 
 'Well,' said he, 'in the case of the Irish
 
 96 1HE NEW POLITICO'S. 
 
 Church, matters were quite different. It was 
 never a National Church in any sense of the 
 term, but was an exotic introduced with a 
 complete hierarcliical organisation against the 
 will of the people, w^ho were almost entirely- 
 devoted to another and hostile form of Chris- 
 tianity, and it was regarded by them as a 
 badge of conquest, a yoke of servitude. Or 
 we might go back to an illustration that we 
 have used before, and say that the English 
 Church is the natural heir of the Church 
 originally established in the country when it 
 first became Christian ; that, although it dif- 
 fers now to a considerable extent in doctrine 
 and practice from its original form, neverthe- 
 less the change has been a natural one, prepared 
 for, long before it actually took place, by a 
 quiet revolution in the religious opinions of 
 the people. But the Irish Church, on the other 
 hand, was an intruder and usurper, artificially 
 thrust into a scat of honour from which the
 
 DIALOGUE. 97 
 
 rightful owner had been dispossessed. The 
 natural result of this is much the same as 
 when a man, instead of leaving his property 
 to his son, leaves it all to a stranger. When 
 the latter comes to take possession he finds 
 that his neighbours look very coldly upon him.' 
 
 ' I quite understand your meaning,' I re- 
 plied, 
 
 'Well, then,' said he, 'is it not true that 
 the Irish Church, so far from being an instance 
 against our position, is a strong illustration of 
 its truth } Does it not exhibit unmistakeably 
 the fact that national sentiment cannot be 
 artificially created ; and that, therefore, when 
 you find an institution which is regarded by 
 many with sentimental reverence, it is much 
 too precious to be destroyed } ' 
 
 ' It does,' said I, ' most clearly.' 
 
 'And as for their second point,' said he, 
 ' that the adherents of the Irish Protestant 
 Church have been much more active and en- 
 il
 
 98 THE NEW POLniCUS. 
 
 thusiastic since it was disestablished, may we 
 not say that that also does not in any way 
 affect our argument ? In the old days the 
 ministers of the State Church in Ireland were 
 scattered throughout the country, without any 
 regard to the religious opinions of the popu- 
 lation to which they were sent ; and, conse- 
 quently, in the majority of instances, they 
 were like small garrisons in a hostile country, 
 surrounded by deadly enemies, without either 
 means of attack or prospect of relief. No 
 wonder that when they were so scattered 
 and outnumbered they were disheartened. 
 But now that the Protestants have called in 
 all their outlying garrisons and have limited 
 the sphere of their operations to a district 
 which it is possible for them to defend pro- 
 perly with their existing resources, they natu- 
 rally have taken heart from mere sympathy 
 and companionship, and are prepared to begin 
 a new campaign with fresh vigour.'
 
 DIALOGUE. 99 
 
 ' That is so,' I replied. 
 
 ' In fact/ said he, ' in Ireland Protestants 
 are only a sect, who were at one time arti- 
 ficially thrust into the position of a State 
 Church, contrary to the will of the people, and 
 have now returned to their natural position.' 
 
 ' Undoubtedly,' said I. 
 
 * But their failure does not affect our 
 Protestant Church in England,' said he, ' which 
 is natural and not artificial, supported by the 
 nation and not detested, and is by far the 
 most numerous and powerful of all the Chris- 
 tian communions in the country.' 
 
 ' Now let us turn to our other opponents, 
 O Politician,' said the stranger, ' those, I 
 mean, who think that religion is a good thing, 
 and that in some way an Established Church 
 is a good thing, but who object to having, as 
 they say, to submit their consciences and 
 faith to secular control. And first let us say 
 to them : Are 3'ou not mistaken, most worthy
 
 THE NEW rOLITICUS. 
 
 gentlemen, in saying this ? Surely the State 
 does not either prescribe or control the 
 doctrines and practices of individuals. It de- 
 fines and explains the doctrines and practices 
 of the national Church, and it controls the 
 persons who administer them. Let me il- 
 lustrate my meaning familiarly, and do not 
 laugh at me if I show a surprising ignorance 
 . of business wa3^s, for in my day philosophers 
 did not venture much into the city. But I 
 fancy I was once told by some plump and 
 substantial shades, who had lately left that 
 great centre of commerce to join us in the 
 other world, that in these days there are 
 numerous associations for the sake of trade 
 called Joint-stock Companies. That they are 
 compelled by law to draw up and publish 
 statutes which they call Articles of Association, 
 by which the rights and liabilities of their 
 members and officers are defined and con- 
 trolled ; so that, for instance, anyone by study-
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 ing the articles of a company can inform him- 
 self at once of the exact limits of the directors' 
 authority. 
 
 ' Is that so, or were those business-like 
 shades making fun of me ? ' 
 
 ' You are correct,' said I. 
 
 ' And further,' said he, ' that if any director 
 exceeds the limits of his authority, he is liable 
 for it to the uttermost farthing, and may be 
 ejected from his office, and even impri- 
 soned.' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I. 
 
 * And yet it is no hardship upon him,' 
 continued the stranger, ' because he knew when 
 he took upon himself the office of director 
 exactly what his rights and liabilities would 
 be, and he need not have accepted the post 
 if he did not like the terms upon which it 
 was held. But on the other hand it is 
 essential to the security of the public that 
 they should know the precise power and
 
 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 authority of ain-onc holding himself out as a 
 director of a company.' 
 
 'You are quite an authority upon company 
 law,' said I. 
 
 'Well then,' said he, smiling, 'if it is not 
 impious to argue from the affairs of 
 Mammon to those of God, may we not say 
 that it is just the same with reference to the 
 control that the State exercises over our 
 national Church ? It has certain formulae 
 drawn up b)' the Church and sanctioned by 
 the State, which prescribe the doctrines and 
 the practices which are to be obsei"ved and 
 performed by those who hold themselves out 
 to the public as the ministers of the State 
 religion. They need not enter the orders of 
 that Church unless they please, but if they 
 do, and by so doing make themselves directors, 
 so to speak, of the national Church, they 
 must not exceed their power, or they will 
 have to be ejected from the Church or other-
 
 DIALOGUE. 103 
 
 M'ise punished. And there is no hardship in 
 this, for they knew at the time when they 
 took orders, both what doctrines and practices 
 they would have to conform to, and what 
 would be the consequence of nonconformity.' 
 
 'They did it with their eyes open,' said I. 
 
 ' And, moreover,' said the stranger, ' it is 
 very important that the public should be able 
 to rely upon the ostensible ministers of the 
 national Church remaining within the bounds 
 to which they have agreed to conform.' 
 
 * They have a right to expect it/ said I. 
 
 'The State then only steps in,' 'said he, 
 ' in the interests of the public, to prevent the 
 agents of the Church from exceeding their 
 authority ; but it compels no person either to 
 profess the doctrines of the Church or to 
 remain within its walls against his will.' 
 
 ' You have explained this very clearly,' 
 said I ; 'it is almost a pity that you are not 
 a lawyer.'
 
 I04 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 ' Oh,' said the stranger, laughing, ' I have 
 had some little practice in that direction. 
 But for these men who object to the State 
 control of the Church: having hinted to them 
 that their legal and lr)gical ideas are not 
 exact, let us apologise to them if we have 
 wounded their feelings by such commonplace 
 illustrations as we have used, and make a 
 very humble petition to them and say, as we 
 said to our other opponents : The interests of 
 the State demand such a control. Will you not, 
 then, either sacrifice your scruples to that interest 
 or else leave our national Church altogether .'' 
 
 ' We must refer them back again to our 
 show, and they will see there many scenes 
 in which the absence of a State control over 
 the Church has endangered the existence 
 of the State. We will show them a time 
 when the ministers of the Church professed 
 obedience only to an authority resident in a 
 foreign land. When that authority, having
 
 DIALOGUE. 105 
 
 absolute dominion over the convictions and 
 consciences of men, tauf:^ht the citizens of this 
 land that their first duty was, not to the 
 country in which they lived, or to its Govern- 
 ment and laws, but to the irresponsible com- 
 mands of a foreign ecclesiastic. Nay, that 
 authority even ventured, on more than one 
 occasion, to proclaim to the citizens of this 
 country that their sovereign was a usurper ; 
 that it was lawful for subjects to depose and 
 even kill their rulers for religious reasons — 
 and that even in the case of one of our 
 most wise and virtuous sovereigns. Can we 
 permit an irresponsible power independent of 
 the State Government, to wield so tremendous 
 an influence over our citizens, and that osten- 
 sibly in the guise of ministers or bishops of 
 our national Church } ' 
 
 ' Certainly not,' said I. ' If this Church is 
 to be a national Church we cannot allow her 
 to turn traitor.'
 
 io6 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 'And we might also sa}', might we not?' 
 said he, ' that this is a reason, why, if possible, 
 a national Church should be a Protestant 
 Church. Because a Roman Catholic Church 
 can never be independent of foreign control, 
 and consequently its interests must often con- 
 flict with those of our country. In short, it 
 can never be truly national.' 
 
 'It cannot,' said I. 'We have only to 
 look at the history of Europe to see that.' 
 
 ' And as for those,' said he, ' v/ho because 
 of this State control or for other conscientious 
 reasons cannot bring themselves to believe 
 the doctrines of our Church as declared by the 
 State authority : we would not have them 
 voluntarily to act a lie, b}^ pretending to con- 
 form to that which they do not believe, but 
 we will only implore them, even if they can- 
 not believe themselves, at all events not to 
 prevent others from believing. I think the)' 
 cannot fail to be convinced that both Chris-
 
 DIALOGUE. . 107 
 
 tianity and the establishment of a national 
 Christian Church is a good thing for the nation 
 at large. And as they are for the most part 
 philanthropical people, we will beg them not 
 to destroy an institution which, whatever may 
 be the theoretical premises upon which it de- 
 pends, is of obvious practical benefit to man- 
 kind. For, indeed, even our bitterest opponents 
 cannot say that its doctrines may not possibly 
 be true, or that it is impossible their own 
 theories may be false.' 
 
 ' Certainly not,' said I. 
 
 ' Then,' he continued, ' with such men the 
 certainty of practical result should outweigh 
 the doubtful issue of theoretical problems.' 
 
 I assented. 
 
 * And, indeed,' said the stranger, ' we might 
 further remind those who cannot bring their 
 consciences to believe in the doctrines of our 
 national Church, that at least the establishment 
 of such a Church is a great bulwark against
 
 io8 IHE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 intolerance and bigotry, both within and with- 
 out its walls. 
 
 ' For, O Politician, if a man can regard a 
 great number of others, whose religious views 
 differ very much from his own, as, nevertheless, 
 members of the same Church as himself, and 
 brethren with him in faith, must not that fact 
 alone tend to make him more tolerant and 
 larger hearted than if he were merely a 
 member of a small isolated sect ? Besides, 
 the fact that men differing widely in their 
 interpretation of ceremonies and articles of 
 faith can yet administer the same sacraments 
 and use the same services, is in itself a 
 Catholic element in our existing Church, 
 which must produce greater tolerance amongst 
 its members than can be found in an\' re- 
 ligious body whose doctrines and practices 
 are rigid and uniform. 
 
 ' Do you not think that if our existing 
 national Church were disestablished and, thus
 
 DIALOGUE. 109 
 
 losing its bond of cohesion, were broken up, as 
 it infallibly would be, into a number of petty 
 sects, religious strife, bigotry and intolerance 
 would be far more general and bitter than 
 they now are ? And that to the incalculable 
 harm and loss of the nation ; for while the 
 sheep-dogs are quarrelling the flock perish.' 
 
 ' I am afraid that such would be the case,' 
 said I. 
 
 ' Most men,' continued the stranger, ' are 
 naturally intolerant, and that very often in pro- 
 portion to the strength of their convictions. 
 But yet words have a great power over them, 
 and they will tolerate the views of others who 
 professedly belong to their own communion, 
 although they would reprobate them in 
 strangers. 
 
 'And, again, there are some kind and 
 loving souls who long for peace, and who de- 
 light in the idea that in our Church men of 
 ve'-y different opinions can with one voice give
 
 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 glory to God. Are we, then, to give a spur 
 to intolerance while we check the curb of 
 love ? ' 
 
 ' Not if we are skilful drivers,' said I. 
 
 ' And, remember,' he continued, * that the 
 same bigotry which will be exhibited between 
 the rival sects of Christianity will also be rife 
 between those who are Christians and those 
 who are not. 
 
 * The garment of our Church may be made 
 of various threads, but it is without seam — let 
 us not rend it.' 
 
 ' It will be useless in pieces,' said I ; ' and 
 we have no similar material wherewith to 
 patch the rent.' 
 
 'Well, then,' added the stranger, 'what 
 more remains .? What further objections can 
 anyone offer to our national Church } Have 
 we not disposed of all our adversaries } ' 
 
 'Not ciuite,' said I, 'for there yet remain 
 some persons, very precise gentlemen, who will
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 say that you are, upon your own confession, 
 instructing the whole nation in a he ; and 
 that you must not do evil that good may 
 come.' 
 
 ' Oh,' said he, laughingly, ' I will put these 
 puritanical gentlemen in a dilemma. Either 
 Christianity is true, and therefore manifestly 
 good : or it is false, and yet it is good. 
 
 ' But let us first admit candidly,' said he, 
 * that if the rulers of the State were to under- 
 take themselves to teach the citizens, as a 
 vital and essential truth, a religious creed which 
 they did not believe, they would in all proba- 
 bility fail. Because it is notorious that a man 
 to be a successful teacher must himself believe 
 in the principles which he teaches ; for other- 
 wise he is half-hearted, and his disciples readily 
 perceive it. But we do not suggest that the 
 rulers should themselves inculcate these truths, 
 but that they should merely give free scope 
 to the exertions of those who believe them.
 
 THE NEW I'OLITICUS. 
 
 There are plenty of willing labourers for the 
 harvest, and all that they ask is that they may 
 not be impeded in their work. Leave us only 
 our existing appliances, say they, and we w^ll 
 ask no more. Surely these are earnest men 
 who believe in what the}' teach, and will con- 
 vert the ignorant. Do not they deserve en- 
 couragement .'' ' 
 
 ' I think they do,' said I. ' In fact, they 
 merely put in a plea for toleration.' 
 
 'Just so,' said he. 'And then, again, we 
 must remind these opponents that, although 
 we have been treating of this Christianity as 
 though it were a " noble lie," still neither they 
 nor anyone else has ever proved that it is so. 
 Those philosophers who have most kcenl}- 
 criticised this religion can say no more 
 than this : " It is not proved ; therefore, we 
 believe it to be false ; but it may possibly be 
 true." 
 
 'And, indeed, were it necessary for us to do
 
 DIALOGUE. 
 
 "3 
 
 so, I would remind those who say that the 
 Divine origin of Christianity is not proved of 
 a very old story : 
 
 ' Once, in the first beginnings of this faith, 
 there was a solemn council held by its enemies 
 to deliberate as to how they might put an 
 end to it. And one of the council, a doctor 
 learned in the law, rose up, and advised the 
 council not to interfere with it. " For," said 
 he, " all such devices, if they do not come from 
 God, will come to nought of themselves ; and 
 if this one does not come to nought of itself, 
 mayhap you may fight against God in trying to 
 suppress it." 
 
 ' Nay, even one of their own modern philo- 
 sophers ' has said, not once, but many times 
 (for he is fond of repetition), that the only 
 way of knowing what is the will of God is 
 by considering what conduces to the greatest 
 happiness of the greatest number of mankind. 
 
 ' Austin, yiirisprndcnce, 
 I
 
 114 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 ' Now, if we accept either of these tests, 
 should we not have to admit that the strong 
 probability seems to be that this religion comes 
 of God ? ' 
 
 ' It would seem so,' said I. 
 
 ' But even if it is not true,' he continued, 
 ' it is nevertheless good, in that it makes our 
 citizens good. 
 
 ' Do you ever remember to have heard the 
 account of the death of a celebrated philoso- 
 pher amongst the Greeks, who was condemned 
 to death by his countrymen for teaching 
 blasphemy about the gods ? ' 
 
 ' I think I know the man you mean,' said 
 I. ' It was .Socrates the son of Sophroniscus.' 
 
 'Just so,' said he. 'Perhaps you may 
 remember that when he addressed his fellow- 
 citizens for the last time after they had con- 
 demned him to death,' he said that he forgave 
 them their share in his death ; for, indeed, it 
 
 ' Plato, ^/. Soc. 40, 41.
 
 DIALOGUE. 115 
 
 would be more grievous to them than to him ; 
 that he had endeavoured all his life to be a 
 good man, and that it mattered not to a good 
 man what kind of existence he happened upon 
 after death. For that, in any case, his journey 
 to the next world would be no ill-faring. 
 Whether he should go to join the ghosts of 
 the departed in Hades, as their religion 
 taught, or whether death was but " a sleep 
 and a forgetting," a man who had lived a life 
 of self-denial and virtue upon earth would fare 
 well all the same. For if the account given by 
 their religion were true, the spirit of the good 
 man would fly off to join the ranks of the 
 heroes of old time, there to share in their 
 ineffable converse. Whereas, if death was but 
 a sleep, should we " dream perchance," the 
 dreams of the good man would be sweet and 
 his rest sound. So that, in any case, whatever 
 might be true of the life after death, it must 
 be all the better with a man hereafter for his
 
 Ii6 THE NEW POLITICUS. 
 
 having been good and self-sacrificing in this 
 life. That no real evil can happen to a good 
 man in this life or in the next. 
 
 ' Now let us apply this tale to our own 
 case, O Politician ; and say to our opponents 
 that our citizens will not know whether our 
 Christianity is true or false, until after their death. 
 So that, at all events, they will not be acting a 
 conscious lie while they live. If Christianity 
 turns out to be true after all, then their 
 everlasting happiness will be secured if they 
 have obeyed its precepts in this life ; but even 
 if it turns out to be false, and life after death 
 is something else from that which Christianity 
 teaches, still, having been true followers of it 
 during this life, and having been good and 
 self-sacrificing, they will be a blessing to the 
 State while they live, and when they die, 
 whatever may be the condition in which they 
 may find themselves, they may be confident 
 that in no case can it be otherwise than well
 
 DIALOGUE. 117 
 
 with them. And, after all, the great object of 
 the politician is to find some power which 
 will make the citizens virtuous and self-sacri- 
 ficing in this life.' 
 
 ' Certainly,' said I. 
 
 ' May we, then, conclude,' said he, ' that the 
 object of our vision is accomplished } That 
 you have found the power for which you have 
 sought so long } And that the arguments of its 
 adversaries have not prevailed against it 1 ' 
 
 ' We have,' said I ; ' and I am entirel)- 
 satisfied with our conclusions.' 
 
 When I said this, the stranger smiled cheer- 
 full}', and stretched out his hand as if to bid 
 me farewell. But when his hand touched 
 mine, a sudden darkness and heaviness over- 
 came me, and I sank upon the ground in a 
 deep sleep. And when I awoke I found ni}'- 
 self in the place where I was when the stranger 
 first accosted me ; and he and all his show 
 had vanished away.
 
 Ii8 rilE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 At first I could scarcely remember what 
 had happened to me ; but as my faculties 
 returned all that I had seen and heard rushed 
 vividly upon my recollection. Though, even 
 now, I seem to doubt whether I saw and 
 heard in truth, or did but dream. But whether 
 it was a waking or a sleeping vision, its les- 
 sons remain the same. 
 
 'And now,' said the politician to us all, 
 ' I have detained you too long already ; and I, 
 for one, shall be scolded if I remain away 
 from home any longer.' 
 
 So saying, he bade us good-night, and de- 
 parted ; and we shortly dispersed to our several 
 homes, pondering deeply upon all these things. 
 
 Thus ends my talc. Let me briefly re- 
 capitulate the argument that I have outlined : — 
 
 (A.) That it is manifest from historical ex- 
 perience —
 
 RESUME. 119 
 
 1. That disciplined religious enthusiasm is 
 the great motive power which makes a nation 
 successful ; 
 
 2. That the Christian religion is the great 
 motive power that causes men to sacrifice 
 themselves for the good of others, and thus 
 makes a nation virtuous and happy. 
 
 (B.) That if this was not manifest from 
 history, we should have expected it to be the 
 case, ct priori, from the known constitution of 
 the human mind. 
 
 (C.) That, therefore, religion and, more 
 especially, Christianity, is an important factor 
 in politics, and at any rate cannot be ignored. 
 
 (D.) That the influence of Christianity is 
 uniformly good, and that in the most impor- 
 tant national and individual interests. 
 
 (E.) That it produces an effect for good 
 which no legislation can produce, and that 
 nothing but itself has ever been known to 
 produce.
 
 THE NEW PO uncus. 
 
 (F.) That, whether true or false, Christianity 
 must do good and cannot do harm to anyone 
 either in this world or the next. 
 
 (G.) That, therefore, the politician's duty, 
 ivlictJier Jic believes it to be true or false, is to 
 develop and utilise it. 
 
 (H.) That, assuming Christianity to be good 
 for a nation, it is essential that it should be 
 embodied in some definite national Church — 
 
 1. As a visible rallying-point and example 
 for the national faith ; 
 
 2. As a means of national devotion ; 
 
 3. As a means of national control over a 
 very formidable political power ; 
 
 4. As a bulwark against intolerance and 
 bigotry. 
 
 (I.) That, this being so, if we did not find 
 a Church established, it would be wise and 
 statesmanlike, if possible, to create one. 
 
 (J.) That, a fortiori, it would be madness to 
 destroy a Church already created, and which
 
 RESUME. 121 
 
 has been invested by the veneration of ages 
 with a sentimental power over men's minds, 
 which can never be replaced if once destroyed. 
 
 I have also endeavoured to suggest an 
 answer to the various objections that are 
 urged against the existing endowment and 
 establishment of the Church. 
 
 They most of them stand or fall with the 
 original position — namely, that the object at 
 which the Church aims is one which is all- im- 
 portant for the welfare of the citizens. 
 
 If this is established, the argument drawn 
 from the jealousies of other denominations is 
 hardly deserving of a serious answer. 
 
 I have purposely avoided suggesting (ex- 
 cept in one place, which does not affect the 
 general argument) the truth of the doctrines 
 upon which Christianity is based. But I hope 
 I have, at all events, sufficiently indicated the 
 effects of Christianity upon men's lives and 
 conduct, as historical and psychological, and
 
 THE NEW POLITIC US. 
 
 not as theological, phenomena, to convince any- 
 reasonable person that, whether it be true or 
 whether it be false, our national Church can 
 be shown to be based, as I said at the out- 
 set, upon a political expediency amounting to 
 a necessity. 
 
 The showman of my dialogue has pro- 
 bably been recognised by his well-known 
 aphorisms as Francis Bacon. 
 
 I chose him for the character because I 
 belie v^e that the bitterness of the controversy 
 between religion and secularism is chiefly 
 owing to two causes : — 
 
 1. Want of definition of the object of the 
 inquiry ; 
 
 2. The neglect of historical investigation. 
 To call men's attention to these two 
 
 preliminaries of philosophical discussion was 
 Bacon's greatest achievement. 
 
 To anyone who looks back over the field 
 of time, and sees that almost all the most
 
 RESUME 123 
 
 vivid and dramatic incidents in the world's 
 history, even in classical times, from the 
 days of Polycrates of Samos, or Decius Mus 
 and Curtius, down to our own, have been 
 in some way connected with religious emo- 
 tions, it may seem strange that in these 
 days it should be the habit of a large class 
 of controversialists to ignore religion as a 
 political power altogether. Francis Bacon 
 would have taught them better. He would 
 have led them to look at the world's history, 
 and from that record learn for themselves 
 the lesson which he deduced, and which I 
 have taken for my motto. 
 
 * The human intellect is not all of pure 
 intelligence, but receives an infusion from 
 the will and the emotions.'
 
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 22 
 
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 23 
 
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