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BANCROFT 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 > 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN 
 CITIZEN 
 
 BY 
 
 MARY AUSTIN 
 
 AUTHOB OF "THE LAND or LITTLE BAM," vto. 
 
 THE WOMANS PRESS 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 1913 
 
COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY 
 
 THE NATIONAL BOARD, YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATIONS 
 
 OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
DEDICATED 
 
 TO THE 
 
 YOUNG WOMEN OF AMERICA 
 
 WHO FIRST ASSUMED AT THE CRISIS OF THEIR COUNTRY'S HISTORY 
 
 THEIR SHARE OF POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITY, 
 
 IN THE HOPE THAT IT MAY AID THEM IN CARRYING THEIR CITIZENSHIP 
 SUCCESSFULLY, WITH AS HIGH A SENSE OF PRIVILEGE AND OBLIGATION 
 AS SUPPORTED THE WOMEN OF AN EARLIER GENERATION 
 WHOSE LABORS WON THEM THEIR OPPORTUNITY 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 rpHE significance of this book is its insistence 
 upon conscious preparation for citizenship as 
 wide as the world itself. The writer does not dic- 
 tate what the young woman citizen must do to build 
 into the world democracy to which America is so 
 surely committed; she has chosen rather to set up 
 certain guide-posts for a working philosophy of 
 citizenship. Although the book is addressed to 
 young women it will appeal to all world citizens, 
 for the fundamental conviction on which the book 
 is built is that the new day in world politics will 
 come only through the combined efforts of men 
 and women who have faith in each other and who 
 are willing to pay the costs of social awareness. 
 It is hoped by the publishers that this book can 
 give direction to the thinking of those who are to 
 bear the heavy burdens of readjustment which 
 face young people of to-day. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter I 
 
 The significance of the enfranchised woman's position the relation 
 of woman's citizen resources to group activity women as well as 
 men are committed to solving the problem of world democracy the 
 importance of Americanization relating young people and nationalized 
 citizens to political trends. 
 
 Chapter II 
 
 Correct estimate of women by women essential to full citizenship 
 civilization the result of manitarian not humanitarian methods women's 
 instinct for social direction introduction and application of new civic 
 consciousness to methods of administration women use privileges of 
 democracy to escape its experience language an indication of American 
 democracy. 
 
 Chapter III 
 
 Social philosophies result of experience politics the technique of 
 togetherness practice the basis of political theory history and the 
 press vital contributors in moulding political system importance of 
 understanding women as well as men leaders. 
 
 Chapter IV 
 
 Art may contribute to citizenship another aspect of free speech 
 about censorship freedom of impression. 
 
 Chapter V 
 
 Social awareness political common denominator the young citizen 
 draft its substitutes the novel as an epitome of social awareness 
 guides to political affiliations significance of social movements good 
 and bad spiritual perceptions. 
 
Chapter VI 
 
 Admission of women to party politics involves changes in political 
 life bosses and bossism American women's organizational experience 
 an asset what the public has a right to ask of a political leader 
 influence on political parties government expressive of social consent 
 artificial State boundaries. 
 
 Chapter VH 
 
 Nationalism trends of internationalism individuality a causus 
 belli communism as a new element in nationality in Mexico and 
 Russia Mexican problem expansion of Germany and Japan in Europe 
 and Asia United States, Japan, and Africa demands of small nations. 
 
 Chapter Yin 
 
 Evolution vs. revolution social revolution the yeast of the world 
 its totemic pattern the new social democracy and the new internation- 
 alism labor's role women workers still unrelated to mass decisions. 
 
 Chapter IX 
 
 Business and politics interrelated change from industrialism to 
 commercialism advertising women as simplifiers of financial methods 
 the Social Stream waste of woman power the war government's 
 job. 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN 
 CITIZEN 
 
 r I ^HE art of living together is the first of all the 
 A arts. It came to consciousness out of a group 
 life in which the group alone was thought of as 
 an entity. All the interests of its members were 
 so identified that no word for the individual had 
 been invented, nothing discriminated between I 
 and we, mine and ours. 
 
 Between that and the time in which we 
 name as citizen any inhabitant of a country who 
 determines for himself what contribution he will 
 make to group activities, there has been a wide 
 range of experimentation. We have tried living 
 together as chief and tribesman, as master and 
 slave, as lord and serf. We have experimented 
 in class and caste, aristocrats and commoners, 
 the senate, the citizens and the Roman people. 
 Last of all to yield to the instinctive struggle of 
 
 3 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 the individual to regain his self-determined place 
 within the social whole, is the system of discrim- 
 ination based on sex. It is now finally established 
 in the practice of the American commonwealth 
 that women may become citizens. 
 
 The whole progress of the race is up a spiral 
 stair. Always society is seen re-naming the points 
 of the social compass, but always with a wider 
 prospect at each return of the spiral, a little nearer 
 to the stars. And when we look for a single item 
 to measure the up-sw.eep of the curve, we find it 
 in the degree of voluntary participation by the 
 members of the group, in group affairs. 
 
 Before our prospect widened to take in the 
 citizenship of women, we had to reorganize our 
 whole way of looking at political organization. 
 We had to recover from a concept of government 
 as something applied, something buckled about 
 the unprivileged classes to keep the world from 
 falling apart. 
 
 Out of the very constitution of man as a social 
 animal comes this strange fear of dissolution, the 
 source and excuse of centuries of social tyranny. 
 People must be held down or they will not hold 
 together: women, if uncompelled, will somehow 
 cease to be women. How many times the field of 
 social consent had to be enlarged by war and revo- 
 lution before we discovered that men can no more 
 
 4 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 fall out of relation to one another than they can 
 fall off the earth! 
 
 All the cruel history of taboo, ostracism, excom- 
 munication and penal codes are but slow steps 
 to understanding that the outlander, the heretic 
 and the criminal are still members of society, and 
 cannot be excised out of our social reckoning. 
 Even the generation not yet born is part of us, 
 and compels us somehow to take its consent into 
 account. The extraordinary thing is that we wish 
 to take it into account, that we have in the exercise 
 of voluntary social participation, something of the 
 fine youthful plunge into clear water, the buoying 
 power of it, the satisfying fatigue of our own stroke. 
 We are disposed to deny that the stream is dirty, 
 as is commonly reported; we have that large con- 
 fidence in our ability to make way in it which all 
 creatures have for their native element. 
 
 If group activity is not the natural element of 
 women we shall make poor work of it, for we come 
 to it without any well thought out preparation. 
 Up to a certain day in our lives politics is no more 
 to us than the sea on which the pleasant craft 
 of school and home is floated. Suddenly we are 
 tossed overboard. And we are not tossed alone. 
 Weltering around us are the wrecks of all our 
 pleasant certainties, and the voices of our captains 
 calling on God out of the storm. Before we have 
 
 5 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 tried out the relation of the woman-nature to 
 democracy, we are called upon to establish newer 
 and higher forms of it than we haVe ever known. 
 
 America is committed to a World Democracy. 
 We are committed to an entente of nations in 
 which neither size nor form of government nor 
 geographical location shall establish a privilege. 
 We are committed to it as unequivocally as to 
 war, and we are even more unprepared. 
 
 We have bound ourselves to produce a world 
 politics and we have not even the habit of world 
 thinking out of which to conceive it. If an ade- 
 quate answer to the world question comes from 
 America, it must come out of the soul of the people 
 rather than out of their politics. It must come 
 as evidence of the enormous creative force there 
 is in even our limited experience of Democracy. 
 And it must come, as much as from any other 
 source, from the American woman. Quite literally 
 and explicitly, the new instrument must be shaped 
 and smoothed by woman-thought. 
 
 There is a sense in which every man who takes 
 arms in this war is taking arms for women against 
 man-thought running amuck, against all the worst 
 features of the man-mind: ferocity, egotism, com- 
 bativeness, as expressed in the conduct of war. 
 That is why there is so much less of the romantic in 
 the attitude of women everywhere toward this 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 war, so much more of the maternal. Women have 
 come down out of the balcony. But they might 
 just as well have stayed there, waving their hand- 
 kerchiefs, unless they have prepared themselves 
 to render first aid to world politics. 
 
 The idea of World Democracy is so completely ac- 
 cepted in America that we forget how new it is among 
 the nations and how shallowly it is still conceived. 
 Latent in the world's thought for the past hundred 
 years, it waked first in England with the thunder 
 of German guns against the forts of Belgium. 
 And even then we were able to think of what fol- 
 lowed in the next two years as none of our business ! 
 Without this war we might have spent another 
 hundred years moving comfortably from vague 
 good will toward creative conviction. We must think 
 of that as offsetting the waste of battle. All the 
 lives that go out violently are perhaps not so many 
 as would have passed uncounted in the slow ac- 
 complishments of peace. Among the Conservatives 
 of the neutral nations, where nothing has been 
 paid down on the counters of the world for this 
 new promise of World Democracy, the idea is scarcely 
 current, or, if at all, only as a beautiful ideal. Even 
 here at home there are people refusing to accept 
 the ideal for us, because, as they carefully point 
 out, there were times in the past when neither 
 we nor our Allies entertained these ideals. 
 
 7 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 This is the sort of argument which makes war in- 
 evitable by making consistency a matter of being 
 faithful to the past. But the only consistency which 
 is worth bothering about, keeps us faithful to the 
 future. Whatever we did in the Philippines, in Haiti 
 and Santo Domingo, whatever England did in South 
 Africa, and Belgium in the Congo, we are still com- 
 mitted irretrievably to the new order. We have 
 caught fire from the spark kindled by the clashing 
 of forest boughs in a high wind, the wind of the 
 world's desire to live together as members of a whole. 
 This is the wish that is trying to get itself stated in 
 this war; and the finish of the fighting will come to 
 take its place in history as no more than the first 
 period to that statement. 
 
 
 
 If you go to Washington you will find few 
 men able to take their minds off the im- 
 mediate business of winning the war to discuss 
 the politics of reconstruction. And whenever 
 peace comes at the front, it will come without 
 giving our men time to rearrange their experience 
 and shape it to definite measures. Something must 
 be thought out, brought together from all political 
 sources, for the men to work with when they come 
 home with their new convictions fresh upon them. 
 We must be very sure of our facts, very clear as to 
 their import, and able to state them in world terms. 
 
 8 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 We saw how ready the response of American men 
 can be to world stimuli in the success of woman suf- 
 frage in the State of New York. Their attention 
 being fixed on the larger struggle of the nations, 
 their whole political outlook took on a larger sweep, 
 and men found themselves voting for suffrage who 
 had never before thought of themselves as doing 
 anything of the kind. But the measure lay ready to 
 their hands, beaten out of the thoughts and convic- 
 tions of American women. 
 
 Many an American woman is today holding her 
 husband's place in the shop or factory. What we 
 women must also hold is the pace America has set 
 in the first line of democratic thinking. 
 
 First of all, we have to make American Democracy 
 something more than the rule of the majority. 
 Enough people think about alike in America to give 
 a definite color to our idealism. Certain sorts of 
 ideas are easily recognized l.y t_:e rest of the world 
 as "made in America." But we ourselves are only 
 beginning to realize that not all the people called 
 Americans have had a part in making them; nor are 
 they the only kinds of ideas made here. 
 
 Millions of people have come to the United States 
 with a fixed idea that any obligation that may be in 
 the situation is owed from America to them. They 
 bring us nothing but their necessities, old grudges 
 against society and vague dreams; they offer us not 
 
 9 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 even the gift of understanding, nor the courtesy of 
 learning to speak our language. For millions of 
 these people the first American ideal which hi ^ 
 pierced their isolation has been the opportunity to 
 fight for World Democracy . They understand what 
 is being fought over there better than they have 
 ever understood the fight the rest of us had to make 
 for the republicanism that could produce an ideal 
 of World Democracy. This state of things has grown 
 up very largely out of our handling of Americaniza- 
 tion as a matter of sentiment, an emotional reaction, 
 which follows naturally as measles on the exposure 
 of the foreign-born to American influences. We 
 have not yet thought of Americanization as some- 
 thing to be demonstrated by social practice. 
 
 The first question we have to ask ourselves is, 
 whether an immigrant can be said to be exposed to 
 American influences who never is required to speak 
 the American tongue, or read American ideas as they 
 are circulated in the press. Attempts were recently 
 made in New York City to interest the foreign-born 
 women in their new privilege of the ballot, on the 
 ground of what the United States had done for them. 
 But they did not know, very many of them, what 
 the United States had done. Swathed hundreds of 
 years deep in ignorance and prejudice, they had 
 never heard of the Workmen's Compensation Act, 
 of mothers' allowances, and other civil and industrial 
 
 10 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 advantages which American-born citizens have won 
 *or them at great pains. We are shocked and indig- 
 nant sometimes at the unwillingness of these women 
 to give their men to fight, or to enter with us into 
 the local struggle against political corruption and 
 industrial oppression. But the neglect of these citi- 
 zen obligations would not be so widespread if there 
 had not been an earlier, more general neglect on 
 their part, of the obligation of being citizenly in- 
 formed. 
 
 Nothing is so certain as that all the world democ- 
 racy we are ever going to have will be only so much 
 as we can use. We cannot hope to establish it on a 
 very high plane until we have taken the measure, by 
 use, of what we have on hand. Before we are able 
 to put our ideas into world form, we must ex- 
 plore the American ideal as it has already expressed 
 itself in our laws and industries; we must test 
 every political privilege for its power of increasing 
 human welfare; we must use every political ad- 
 vantage as fast as it is secured. And we must lay 
 this obligation, so far as is consistent with our insti- 
 tutions, equally on every citizen. 
 
 Politics is the progressive practice of social rela- 
 tions. It ought to present a progressive distribution 
 of responsibilities, beginning with the earliest rela- 
 
 11 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 tions that an individual establishes. It should be- 
 gin, as it did in the ancient tribe, at fifteen years or 
 thereabout, at the point when youth begins to 
 choose its own relationships. Wise parents give 
 their children some little duties in the home as soon 
 as the children are old enough to realize the home. 
 The moment the child is admitted to the world out- 
 side the home, the world of the school and the 
 street, a sense of responsibility toward that new 
 world should be developed. 
 
 Youths old enough to spend a part of their time 
 unattended in the parks and playgrounds are old 
 enough to take their share of the upkeep of all places 
 of public recreation. As a matter of fact, youth is 
 enormously interested in what goes on in the streets. 
 It would make a hero of the Policeman if permitted, 
 and finds that the Garbage Man is a figure of ro- 
 mance. And as for a fire ! We shall never know 
 just how much the practice of clubbing boys away 
 from the really important happenings of the street 
 has to do with their easy surrender of the police de- 
 partment and the departments of street-cleaning 
 and fire protection to the political ring. But it 
 has its share in educating our youth in general 
 to think of himself as an uninterested by- 
 stander in the business of his town. Principles of 
 traffic management can best be taught at the age 
 when the street is still an exciting pageant. Markets 
 
 12 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 are as fascinating as foreign travel if you come to 
 them in the same spirit. 
 
 A similar progression of citizen obligations should 
 be laid on every adult woman becoming American 
 through naturalization. There is no good reason 
 why these women, who are often wise in their own 
 way of life, should be allowed to retire into an iso- 
 lation of speech and domestic habit. To have thou- 
 sands of them living in the ideas and prejudices of 
 the European proletariat pulls down the whole Amer- 
 ican average. It makes social slackers of them, 
 whereas they might contribute much. For every one 
 of these women has her own experience to draw 
 from, if it is only an experience of the lack of democ- 
 racy, an experience of oppression and unbearable 
 poverty. She owes it to the country of her adoption 
 to add her experience and her point of view to the 
 general sum. It should be paid as conscientiously as 
 taxes. 
 
 Not having any such practical apprenticeship to 
 citizen experience to fall back upon, the young wom- 
 an citizen of today must begin at that point in the 
 feminist procession which reinstates her in group 
 activities on an equal footing with men. The pre- 
 cise point I have in inind is that discovery which 
 she had to make for herself, that the world does not 
 necessarily fall apart because of a change in the 
 fashion of our living together. Before woman could 
 
 is 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 bring her demand for the franchise to the crisis, she 
 had to feel out for herself the pasteboard and calico 
 composition of that Mumbo Jumbo of social dissolu- 
 tion which is shaken in the face of every advancing 
 movement. Beyond everything else, she had to feel 
 out the heavens, in case, as everybody predicted, 
 they should really fall in the breaking of that most 
 ancient political taboo. 
 
 And yet the heavens have not fallen! Once for all 
 in the launching of a democratizing movement of 
 the magnitude of half the population, without sen- 
 sible inconvenience to the other half, political deci- 
 sions are established as something that can be taken 
 back. This, for another hundred years, is of more 
 significance than that women have achieved the use 
 of the ballot. 
 
 Government is the frame and form by which we 
 function citizenly, the furniture of our social house, 
 which we can arrange at our convenience; nor should 
 we expect anything world-shaking to happen should 
 a piece by accident be overturned. We have only 
 to consider whether any furniture which shows a 
 disposition to top-heaviness should be retained in a 
 well-lived house. 
 
 Men have had time to forget their struggle for the 
 vote and what it cost them. But we who are mid- 
 way in it still have it fresh in our minds that the 
 worst obstacle to political progress is not anything 
 
 14 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 material. It is not anything actually upsetting and 
 incommoding. It is, nine times out of ten, a paste- 
 board and calico bogey, and its name is prejudice. 
 Coming at a time when war is compelling us to 
 things that we never before thought of doing, this is 
 reassuring. If we can vote without bringing the 
 skies down upon us, we can no doubt open other 
 doors upon unknown prospects. We shall probably 
 find that there are no bogies at all on the other 
 side, but more sun and fresher air. 
 
 15 
 
n 
 
 IF the young woman citizen is to begin where 
 she is, at the turn of the spiral that admits 
 her to be statistically equally important with 
 men, she must also begin precisely with what she 
 is. The long necessity for proving our fitness for 
 citizenship in men's terms has given to women 
 a certain distrust of the woman's way of doing 
 things. For so many centuries man's intelligence 
 was the only kind of intelligence that was heard 
 from that we are still inclined to judge any intelli- 
 gence that shows itself , by the masculine standard. 
 So absolutely has humanitarian meant mamtarian 
 that it is not so very long ago that the first case 
 for the protection of children from cruelty was 
 tried in the United States courts under the law for 
 the prevention of cruelty to animals, for the child 
 had no standing in court except as an animal. 
 Unconsciously this age-long habit so colors all 
 our thinking, that the first thing that the woman 
 citizen must ask herself is whether she is coming 
 to her new obligation as another, less experienced 
 man, or whether she has anything to contribute 
 as a woman. 
 
 16 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 The potency of the ballot was never so great 
 as now, a potency derived not from numbers, 
 but from its increasing intimacy with the will 
 and the desires of human kind. The political de- 
 cision which gives to women the vote is rather 
 in the nature of an affirmation than an achieve- 
 ment. It is a way of saying that the art of social 
 living cannot be acquired by the one hah* of society, 
 to be by them imposed upon the other. It says a 
 great deal besides; of the substitution of growth 
 for combat as the major occupation of nations; 
 of the establishment in social theory, whether it 
 is in the practice or not, of the creative element. 
 But reinforcement of the franchise by the woman 
 vote can only be in the degree that women bring 
 new lights out of their especial experience to il- 
 luminate the problem of the whole. 
 
 Civilization as we have it now is one-eyed and 
 one-handed. It is kept going by man's way of 
 seeing things, and man's way of dealing with the 
 things that he sees. It is true that the most civilized 
 men have thrown off the old imperialistic man- 
 thought, and are dying unafraid for their new 
 vision. But it is also true that the greatest obstacle 
 to disarmament at this moment is the necessity 
 we are still under of approaching the problems 
 involved by a man-method. 
 
 Man's method in approaching a new issue is 
 
 17 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 to throw out an hypothesis, a general supposition 
 of what seems likely or desirable to prove true. 
 Then he sets about proving the hypothesis, or 
 as it may turn out, disproving it. Democracy was 
 such an hypothesis; Socialism is another, and so 
 is the League of Nations. 
 
 But whatever men think, they have to go on 
 living. By the time a particular hypothesis is 
 shown to be mistaken, society finds itself involved 
 in habits of living not easily broken. Having com- 
 mitted itself to a theory of the future, there is 
 always a certain flavor of disloyalty and back- 
 sliding about even an improving change. Before 
 we are able to get out of a given social predicament, 
 a new theory of the case must be formulated. 
 Thus the human concern goes zigzagging on its 
 course instead of proceeding to its goal with the 
 instinct of a homing pigeon. The demand for a 
 statement of peace terms in advance is part of man's 
 habit of hypothesis. The reluctance to state those 
 terms is a recognition of the likelihood of such 
 a statement not proving satisfactory. Thus the 
 fighting goes on until an hypothesis appears which 
 has the stripe of authority, or until a military 
 decision is reached which renders an hypothesis 
 unnecessary. 
 
 During the past fifty years, what is called the 
 scientific method has done much to rid the world 
 
 18 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 of the burden of the hypothesis. This has been 
 done by combining it with the method of intuitive 
 approach. Now if there is any such thing as an 
 instinct for social direction, it must, since it has 
 not appeared anywhere else, be vested in women. 
 It must be in a very rudimentary state, because 
 it has never been called upon or exercised. At 
 any rate, it is the woman habit to think the next 
 thing which enables women to keep their opinions 
 in a continuous state of mobilization without any 
 suspicion of inconsistency. They are faithful to 
 the ideal rather than to the method. Women 
 trust life more than men do. They are much 
 less troubled with the fear of the world falling 
 apart if they do not keep their eye upon it. 
 
 This capacity for intuitive judgment is the 
 best thing women have to bring to their new under- 
 taking, this and the things that grow out of it. 
 This is what women have to stand on squarely; 
 not their ability to see the world in the way men 
 see it, but the importance and validity of their 
 seeing it some other way. 
 
 
 
 Trying to produce civilization as we have 
 been doing it, is like attempting to put together 
 a picture puzzle with the most important piece 
 lost. The piece that is lost is the one that would 
 enable us to see the connection between what is 
 
 19 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 called practical and what is called spiritual. We 
 think of these two as divided by a great gap. We 
 think of one of them as being base, but necessary, 
 and the other as lovely, but unattainable. We 
 think of passing from one to the other in some far 
 future when we shall all have undergone a great 
 change, an emotional regeneration. Always we 
 think that it is we who will have to change, because 
 we think of spirituality as something that we 
 must feel. 
 
 The piece that is lost is the one upon which it 
 is written that spirituality is something to do. 
 It is lost somewhere in the experience of the average 
 woman, hidden under the rubbish of domesticity 
 and overlaid with false idealism, so that she herself 
 scarcely knows that it is there. But as soon as 
 it is uncovered, the least educated immigrant woman 
 can recognize it as the most familiar item of her 
 experience. 
 
 Things that are called practical become spiritual, 
 not through a process of emotion, but through a 
 process of administration. Every day of their lives 
 women are taking such common and material 
 things as bread and meat and sex, wounds and 
 old clothes, and rendering them spiritual by admin- 
 istering them in the interests of religion, family 
 affection, humanity. 
 
 That is the secret of this precious, unexplored 
 
 20 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 treasure of woman's experience. The whole dif- 
 ference between the practical and the ideal is a 
 matter of administration, of the way the thing is 
 done. The difference between a trained nurse 
 and a pitying female is a difference of training; 
 mastery over the conditions of sickness takes the 
 place of an emotion about it. It would be just 
 as simple to administer a meat market or a city 
 milk supply in the interests of common health and 
 common comfort. It would not require any change 
 of emotions or any different sort of people. But 
 it would 'require a different method. That is the 
 whole secret of ideal politics, of the ideal 
 State. 
 
 Milk in our large cities is managed on what is 
 called a "practical" basis. That does not mean 
 that it is so managed that every child in the city 
 gets all the milk he needs. What it does mean is 
 that every man who handles milk gets something 
 out of it for himself, and the children get as 
 much as is left. That every man should get 
 something for himself, and that every child should 
 at the same time get what he needs, is looked upon 
 as millennial, a beautiful, "impractical" dream. 
 It is only impractical in so far as the city has no 
 mastery over milk. We have no intelligent sure 
 way of producing milk and distributing it. We 
 are as much at the mercy of milk as though it fell 
 
 21 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 from heaven like manna, or spouted out of the 
 earth in infrequent geysers. 
 
 The effort that is being made in cities to have 
 milk administered in the interests of the children 
 is not a fight for "humanitarianism"; it is not 
 even a fight against milk dealers. Milk dealers are 
 not in any sense monstrous and inhuman. The 
 worst that you can say about them is that they 
 are men, and are thinking about milk, man-fashion, 
 as a commodity. 
 
 The difference between man-thinking and woman- 
 thinking on these points is the difference between the 
 ideal and the "practical." It is a difference in 
 the appreciation of values from which the thinking 
 starts. Woman-thinking begins with the nearest 
 thing at hand, with the child. Her values are 
 life values. Left to herself, woman would not think 
 of milk as a means of making a living; she would 
 think of it as a means of giving a living. This 
 is her second great gift to politics, her habit of 
 centering the administration of her affairs around 
 the production and nourishment of life. It is just 
 as easy, just as "practical" as any other way if 
 you start with it. No great change of emotion 
 is necessary, any more than emotion is necessary 
 in going from Boston to New York, and in turning 
 around and going back again from New York to 
 Boston. 
 
 22 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 
 
 Woman must not relinquish these two great 
 advantages in an effort to match her political 
 achievement with man's. She must not even make 
 them an excuse for the one great lack which women 
 have as a class, in not having yet experienced de- 
 mocracy as an impersonal instinct. 
 
 Men invented democracy. Just because it is a 
 communal experience, there is something in it not 
 easily communicable, something that may easily 
 evade the understanding of woman. There is no 
 more subtle danger confronting the woman citizen 
 than this, that she may make use of the privilege of 
 democracy to escape its experience, and so create 
 a profounder isolation than man ever made for her. 
 
 Every good woman is at heart a matriarch. Natu- 
 rally the organizing center of the family group, she 
 has not so much experienced democracy, as seized 
 upon it as a means of making everybody more com- 
 fortable. It is for this chiefly that men fear her, not 
 for the things she may by the ballot do with society, 
 but for her ancient maternal instinct to do something 
 to it. It is a danger we all stand in unless woman 
 will consent to learn for her first lesson in citizenship 
 a little of the man's quality of togetherness. 
 
 It is in the nature of men that every now and 
 then they should run together shouting the same 
 word. All that is necessary to remove the perform- 
 
 23 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 ance from ridicule is that they should run toward 
 something and that the word should be a word of 
 power. The root of democracy is a joyous, objec- 
 tiveless sense of allness. There is no reason whatever 
 to suppose that men got together in the beginning 
 for advantage, but rather because they liked to- 
 getherness. It is written in history that before in- 
 dustry was suffused with the consciousness of mass 
 interest, men turned from its isolating routine and 
 marched out to fight for the sheer joy of the com- 
 mon impulse, shoulder touching shoulder. "Com- 
 rade" was the soldier word they learned, and the whole 
 face of world politics was changed when they first 
 ran, not to fight, but to work together, shouting 
 it aloud. 
 
 To be able to enter into the crowd and the shout 
 without any undercurrent of a wish to turn it in 
 your particular direction is the true preface to poli- 
 tics. For women to snatch at the franchise to make 
 a soft place in the world for women is never to have 
 had it. Politics can be taken back, but democracy 
 cannot and still be enjoyed as democracy. 
 
 
 
 But sure of the need of woman-thought in politics 
 as women have a right to be, and possessed of the 
 instinct of the crowd, there is still a lack peculiar to 
 American Democracy which, if not remedied, will 
 make a teapot adventure of our world policies. It 
 
 24 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 is the lack of a popular language as a medium in 
 which those policies may be clarified for our own use. 
 I do not mean that we lack a universal language like 
 Esperanto or Volapiik, to supersede French and 
 German and English as an international medium. I 
 mean that we have no American vocabulary which 
 can carry all the meanings that we shall have to 
 exchange with other nations. 
 
 We shall have no success in establishing World 
 Democracy unless the impulse toward it gushes out 
 of the very center of our spiritual and intellectual 
 life. We cannot sell it to the world as we sell cotton 
 and tractors. Or if we manage to dispose of it by 
 our superior sales efficiency, it will be a terrible 
 thing for us all if it turns out simply to be some- 
 thing made to sell, fine flimsy sentiment about in- 
 ternationalism. 
 
 World Democracy is not a thing that we can test 
 in advance with free samples. We must commit 
 ourselves to it as to a faith, made evident by spirit- 
 ual perception, and made possible by fine, discrim- 
 inating words. Ideas cannot live and grow without 
 words any more than trees without leaves. 
 
 Language, to express the soul of a nation, has to 
 come out of the heart. But with millions of our 
 population it comes only from the lips. Millions of 
 them are still thinking in German or Yiddish or 
 Italian. We have made the matter worse by yield- 
 
 25 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 ing precious hours of their school time to learning to 
 speak very inadequately, it is true other lan- 
 guages than ours. 
 
 If some woman should rise among us with a pro- 
 phetic gift, some woman with power to see the pres- 
 ent and divine the future of world politics, we should 
 probably not be able to understand her. She would 
 be a woman very widely acquainted with conditions 
 in every part of the world. She would have a knowl- 
 edge of human history obtained from books on so- 
 ciology, biology, anthropology and psychology. She 
 would be able to state world politics in terms of his- 
 tory and science. She would have new and different 
 words to express new ideas, and subtle distinctions 
 of old ones. And the majority of people would not 
 know these words. Editors would object to their 
 being used in magazine articles; they would insist 
 on narrower, more commonplace words which would 
 squeeze most of the meaning out of what she had to 
 say. They would do that because we have been 
 willing that they should. We have been too lazy to 
 enrich ourselves with new words, and, lest we should 
 feel inferior by the loss, we have cultivated a sort of 
 contempt for the skill and precision which make dis- 
 tinction in language. So when our great men and 
 women rise, they are not able to speak to us as 
 mouth-pieces of American thought, with the clear 
 call of the American spirit. They speak as lonely 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 "intellectuals," and Europe is never quite sure that 
 they belong to us. 
 
 Europe has the advantage of us in this. Lan- 
 guage in England is not all spoken alike, but it is all 
 thought alike. The French take care of their lan- 
 guage; they prize its beauty and explicitness. Even 
 now, in the midst of war, they have agents over here 
 to inquire into the teaching of French in our univer- 
 sities and to make sure that we have only the 
 best. Germany has held on to her language as the 
 body and bones of her propaganda. She manipu- 
 lated our local politics to get her language taught in 
 our schools, because Germany knows that the lan- 
 guage in which the secret thoughts of the heart are 
 shaped is the language that prevails. But we, we 
 have gone out to fight for a unified ideal of democ- 
 racy with troops that cannot so much as under- 
 stand the commands of their officers ! We are full of 
 the experience of a hundred years of the mistakes 
 and triumphs of democracy, and we have no way of 
 saying it finely and penetratingly even to one an- 
 other. 
 
 The work of producing a precise, flexible language 
 in America will have to be done very largely by the 
 young women of America. It must be a young, 
 fresh language, and our young men just now have 
 other things to do. The whole world of young wom- 
 en takes its leadership from America. Young wom- 
 
 27 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 en in India, looking out from latticed windows, 
 young women in China where there are still bound 
 feet, where it is a very daring and radical thing 
 to belong to the Young Women's Christian Associa- 
 tion, have not as yet much to contribute to the 
 cause of human liberty. But you will find that the 
 few of them that get out into the world have a bet- 
 ter speech, express themselves more clearly and for- 
 cibly than the average young American woman. 
 You will find, too, that girls out of shirt-waist shops 
 and factories, who lead the front ranks of labor, 
 girls without any educational advantages over their 
 fellow-workers, have no lack of correct, easy lan- 
 guage. Clear, high thinking runs to keen precise 
 words just as good steel takes a fine edge. You 
 yourself do not respect your thought very much, nor 
 can you expect the world to respect it, if you send it 
 out clothed in the scraps and rags of slang and slov- 
 enly phrases. It is not too much to say that the ex- 
 tent to which woman-thought will enter into the 
 negotiations of the world's peace will depend all 
 together on the English-speaking woman's ability to 
 get that thought adequately expressed. 
 
Ill 
 
 E America great things are attempted by way 
 >f educating the public on particular issues. 
 But for citizenship in general there is no absolute 
 preparation because there is no absolute criterion 
 of social welfare. 
 
 From Plato to the Fabians, men have looked 
 for a social philosophy which could be clamped 
 down on humanity to save us, forever after, the 
 trouble of thinking about it. Almost overnight 
 we have discovered that the chief of man's interests 
 is to think about this social philosophy, and that 
 social experiment is the most worth while of his 
 adventures. There can be no system that will 
 fit all the facts of a social situation, since at no 
 given instant can it be said that the facts are all 
 there. At the very moment that we may be spacing 
 the items of national industry in an acceptable 
 pattern, there may be ticking in the brain of some 
 fellow-citizen the device that pushes them all off 
 the board. A spinning jenny, new motor power, 
 require new fashions of being lived with. 
 
 This is comparatively simple when the new 
 element lies within the field in which we have 
 
 29 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 already accepted the principle of expert authority. 
 It is easy to think citizenly of garbage. Any 
 one who will read a few reports of the Board of 
 Health or attend a lecture or two on the theory and 
 practice of sanitation, will find his private activity 
 falling conveniently upon the side of public health. 
 Observances of public safety, such as not stand- 
 ing between the cars or dropping lighted matches 
 about, soon become automatic. Some of our pro- 
 foundest instincts are being slowly brought under 
 the direction of authority by the spread of knowl- 
 edge about inheritable disease. If life were all 
 lived within this field of knowledgeability, complete 
 socialization would become as easy for us as for 
 the bees. The element which differentiates the 
 human group from all. others is the necessity for 
 living with, for taking into account, the unknowable. 
 
 The world is comparatively a new place. Who 
 can say what principle of nationality may arise out 
 of the mixed Latin and aboriginal peoples of South 
 America, or what confronts us at the next turn of 
 the stair in the awakening to racial consciousness 
 of our incorporated African strain! 
 
 Politics is the technique of living together. The 
 search of today is not for a fixed frame of living, 
 but for the principle of elasticity. To attain this, 
 some attention to private character is indispensable. 
 Kather, an end must be made to the idea that 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 there is such a thing as private character, as dis- 
 tinguished from the sort of character we are expected 
 to exhibit in public affairs. There is only character 
 functioning in a private capacity. 
 
 And yet our whole political life is based on 
 the assumption that a man can fill his private 
 life with practices opposed to everything that 
 would be demanded of him in a public career, 
 and still be eligible for public office. This does 
 not necessarily mean that his private character is 
 "bad," in the sense of being, opposed to a set of 
 behaviors called "good." The difference is rather 
 in the point of view from which behavior arises. 
 
 Democracy is charged with the weakness of 
 calling men to office who have not learned the 
 trade: merchants and artisans, unfamiliar with 
 the methods of public administration. But modern 
 business demonstrates that the element of incom- 
 petence is not in the kind of material men have 
 handled. It lies rather in the kind of thinking 
 to which they are accustomed. We have a phrase, 
 "public-spirited," which we apply to occasional acts, 
 such as the endowment of a hospital, or the bestowal 
 on a museum of an art collection for which the owner 
 himself has only a limited use. But we permit the 
 wealth which makes this possible to be acquired 
 by a private spirit of taking every advantage that 
 the law does not expressly forbid. 
 
 31 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 True public-spiritedness is a state of continuous 
 awareness of the extent to which other people are 
 involved in everything we do, and of their right 
 to be considered. It cannot be arrived at through 
 an occasional indulgence in the vanity of giving, or 
 an occasional perception of the property interest 
 of the people in every beautiful and useful thing. 
 The impulse of even habitually self-interested men 
 toward public service is unquestioned in times like 
 these. It rests on a very profound human instinct, 
 but it cannot rise to any considerable heights out 
 of a daily practice of charging all the traffic will 
 bear, or taking up more seats in the car than 
 are necessary. Great public crises occasionally 
 call men out of profiteering careers, and enable 
 them to conduct themselves successfully on the 
 social plane without previous practice. All the 
 lesser activities of the individual will arrange 
 themselves around the spirit which has become 
 electrified by a great humanitarian idea. 
 
 One cannot imagine Walt Whitman, once he had 
 given his soul to democracy, gulping back prejudices 
 of class or race in his intercourse with men, or 
 stiffening his knees if he happened to meet a king. 
 Privileged as a girl to know something of that 
 morning star of American feminism, Frances Willard, 
 I find that the most lasting impression of her is 
 the star-like course she took. She was not troubled, 
 
 32 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 ever, by the niceties of social adjustment that dis- 
 tract women in general, by what she should think 
 or determine. All her personality fell into sim- 
 plicity and order behind her single flaming pur- 
 pose. But between the great souls and the great 
 occasions there are long plain places that have 
 to be filled by the average ability of people to 
 behave citizenly, on no compulsion but appre- 
 ciation of its worth- whileness. A nation that has 
 to pull its officials into an unfamiliar frame of 
 mind every time it requires a public service is 
 not likely to be very well served. 
 
 When we try to assume that a man's stake in 
 the nation, the world and the future, is any dif- 
 ferent in kind, or can be handled in any other 
 manner than his stake in his street, his town, or 
 in the industry by which he makes his living, then 
 we open the way to make politics a posture. The 
 public stage becomes crowded with pasteboard 
 figures, precepts that are not practiced, and social 
 aims that resolve into vague, altruistic flourishes. 
 
 To youth with its passion for sincerity, an un- 
 practiced political profession is as empty as a last 
 year's nest. A bomb is likely to seem a more effec- 
 tive thing because a more genuine thing. But a 
 bomb may just as quickly become the gesture of 
 social impotence, unless it proceeds out of a prac- 
 tical capacity for social living. The whole quest 
 
 33 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 for new political faiths is for faiths that shall be 
 livable. 
 
 It is one of the necessities of political in- 
 sight that it must lead on to political practice, 
 otherwise the fine edge of discrimination is dulled. 
 The prophet of the people who cannot from time 
 to time put his vision to the test of fulfillment 
 begins presently to follow wandering lights. If 
 nations could surround themselves with a Chinese 
 Wall of natural or acquired limitation, so that no 
 other social state could be thought of, they would 
 probably, like the bees and the Chinese, be able to 
 exist indefinitely in a fairly stable condition. But 
 the moment that we begin to think of society 
 as a state of becoming, we are involved in the con- 
 tinuous mobilization of social behavior. Not to 
 be able to live on good terms with discoverable 
 political tendencies is to become the victim of 
 them. * That was how Manuel of Portugal lost 
 his kingdom, and Nicholas of Russia his throne. 
 
 
 
 One of the best aids to political elasticity is the 
 proper reading of history. There is, however, a 
 very practical difficulty in getting proper history 
 to read. Until the last quarter of the nineteenth 
 century, history was little more than a record 
 of the sequence of events in time. All the research 
 of the historian was for validity of date and episode. 
 
 34 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 The chief inducement offered to the young person 
 to read history is the story interest, the flavor of 
 personality, both of which confuse the real use of 
 history, which is to inform and advise. The im- 
 mediate concern of youth is not to know what 
 emperors died or made die, but whether there is 
 a soul in life. 
 
 In the story of human development is there 
 any evidence of a suprahuman goal? Is there any 
 best way of relating people to the land? Has the 
 community been better served by communal or by 
 private holdings? Are the evils of industrialism 
 due to intrinsic defects in the system, or a bad 
 way of handling a sound method? How did polyg- 
 amy begin? What happened to the nations that 
 institutionalized it? Is monogamy a modern in- 
 vention, or is it instinctive in human nature? Is 
 the choice between an elective chief and a hereditary 
 monarch a matter of racial temperament, or of 
 political expedience? 
 
 These are the sort of questions that youth im- 
 peratively asks of history, questions that cannot be 
 answered by a chronological arrangement of dynas- 
 ties. The answers to many of them are not in his- 
 tory at all, but in the sciences of biology and anthro- 
 pology, which are rendered nearly useless by the 
 patter of professional scholarship. It is possible to 
 find a dozen books dealing with the wives of Henry 
 
 35 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 the Eighth, or the favorites of the Grand Monarch, 
 and two or three that treat of sex degeneracy, where 
 you will find but one sound, readable history of hu- 
 man marriage. Immense pains have been taken to 
 preserve for us the pageantry and ritual of feudal- 
 ism, but I know of no simple unbiased book about 
 the problem of land ownership, studied with a view 
 to getting society housed and fed. 
 
 Nevertheless, the material for valid political con- 
 clusions does lie within the scope of past experience, 
 enough of it, if rightly understood, to put up defi- 
 nite, invincible bars against the " things no nation 
 will do." The science of history is too new to have 
 yielded all the aid to politics that may yet be ex- 
 pected of it. But in the parallel development of 
 modern psychology and the history of ideas, we 
 are beginning to find a key to the social expression 
 of private character. 
 
 For when we come to such expression, it is im- 
 possible to take ourselves, as women, exactly as the 
 granting of the franchise finds us. The private 
 mind as well as the political organization is crowded 
 with old fears, old repressions and still more ancient 
 repulsions. Every propagandist knows how long a 
 new idea may drift footless after its acceptance in 
 reason and intelligence, in this backwater of the 
 public mind. 
 
 Men and women both are disposed to give to the 
 
 36 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 age-long continuance of custom the finality of natu- 
 ral law, and to warm up their political left-overs 
 under fine names of consistency and loyalty. But 
 woman, because of the freshness of her experience 
 in sluicing out the accumulated sex prejudice of cen- 
 turies, is under a special obligation to impose on po- 
 litical progress no drag out of her own past. First 
 and freely, she must give herself to acquiring the 
 power to express herself in social affairs. For this 
 there is no better help than history, not only the his- 
 tory of woman and her place in the great procession, 
 but history suffused with the meaning and the pur- 
 pose of the hour. 
 
 Some kind of community of thinking is necessary 
 to valid social consent. Probably in the original hu- 
 man group, ideas flashed directly from mind to mind. 
 One was scared; they all ran. One scented food; the 
 rest followed. But now we have to find one another 
 through the loose inadequacies of speech. Classes, 
 debates, public forums, are all important, not only 
 for the classification of ideas, but for the discrimina- 
 tion of political definitions. Social ideals take 
 their vitality in the warmth of the passage from 
 mind to mind. 
 
 
 
 But to say that politics must be discussed in the 
 common speech is only another way of saying that 
 it must be discussed in terms of the concrete in- 
 
 37 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 stance. If it is a policy of public ownership, it must 
 take its start from known lands, mines and waters; 
 if a question of revenue, for what use and how ap- 
 plied. Democracy could never be much more than 
 a theory until society had furnished itself with a re- 
 liable medium for the free circulation of facts. 
 
 If this seems to you equivalent to saying that 
 democracy is impracticable without the newspaper, 
 it is quite possibly the case. One might go even fur- 
 ther and trace some of the most regrettable failures 
 of democracy to obvious weakness in our system of 
 disseminating news. But one would still have to 
 say that, bad as it is, the Press is indispensable to 
 any social order which attempts to match the tech- 
 nique of living with the facts of living as they arise. 
 The ability to use the newspaper as an aid to the 
 making of political decisions is as necessary as the 
 knowledge of how to use the railroad guide is indis- 
 pensable to travel. 
 
 One thinks of the ideal news sheet as an imper- 
 sonal medium by which information of world events 
 is delivered at the door. But as a matter of fact, 
 newspapers never are impersonal. The right to estab- 
 lish a point of view is /the toll taken by the proprie- 
 tors as part of their profit on the business of collect- 
 ing and transmitting news. This makes it indispen- 
 sable, in order to read a paper intelligently, to know 
 what its viewpoint is, and to read more than one 
 
 38 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 paper. But it is a mistake to assume that the per- 
 sonalization of news is invariably a violation of the 
 reader's right to formulate his own opinion. Point 
 of view is inseparable from individualism, just as 
 community of view is the natural basis of group as- 
 sociation. So, if you read an honest Socialist paper, 
 or a Republican paper, you can reasonably say that 
 you have come into touch with the way the Social- 
 ists or the Republicans look at the matter in hand. 
 Thus group bias in a newspaper becomes an aid to 
 social understanding. The truth is somewhere at 
 the intersection of all the lines of vision drawn from 
 the known centers of political conviction. 
 
 The two greatest evils of the American news sys- 
 tem divide equally between the press and the read- 
 er. One of them is the liability of prejudice in the 
 citizen who reads only one paper, and the other is 
 the coloring of the news in the interest of private 
 profit. 
 
 The remedy for the first lies in the broadening of 
 the individual intention. Newspapers are not to be 
 read solely for diversion, nor for the confirmation 
 of the personal view. Their chief claim upon our 
 attention is in the diversity of views that they 
 represent, and the assault they are able to make 
 on our prejudices. For the second, the remedy may 
 possibly be in taking the newspapers as seriously as 
 we take, for example, the milk system, making the 
 
 39 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 adulteration of news for profit a punishable offense. 
 But the clamor for an uncontaminated stream of 
 information must extend itself equally to the propa- 
 ganda of the soap-box and the rostrum. The whole 
 problem of propaganda is bound up with considera- 
 tion of private initiative in the philosophy of living, 
 and the particular problem of free speech, to which 
 we shall presently come. Propaganda as a prepara- 
 tion for citizenship is, like the transmission of news, 
 not to be disassociated from the use we are able to 
 make of great men. 
 
 It is important that we use great men rather than 
 be used by them. Use, not capacity, is the measure 
 of the difference between such historic figures as 
 Jesus and Napoleon; for that which makes of Napo- 
 leon at once the most absorbing and pathetic figure 
 in history is his enormous capability, and the fact 
 that the only use that we can now make of him is as 
 an historic warning. Jesus we have not fully known 
 nor understood, but he is still the Tree up which we 
 run the colors of our ever changing, ever fresh ideal- 
 ism. Great men are the catalyzers of social experi- 
 ence. By them potentiality is released from the raw 
 and lumpy actualities of the day. Political insight, 
 the art of relating facts to social exigencies as they 
 occur, is rare. For most of us, before they can be 
 handled at all, facts must be fused in the glow of a 
 great personality. Socialism is associated with Karl 
 
 40 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 Marx, and World Democracy glows in our minds 
 with the fires struck out of it by Woodrow Wilson. 
 The demand of people in all parts of the country to 
 have their great men visit them is an expression of 
 our continuous need to have the issues of society re- 
 vitalized, valued afresh. 
 
 If you have been thinking of Democracy as a state 
 in which acute accents of individualism do not oc- 
 cur, then you do not yet know the dynamics of hu- 
 man society. Democracy is no place for the timid 
 soul who cannot bear the high discriminations of 
 genius. The whole theory of a democratized society is 
 that it gives increasing room for the multiplication 
 of these natural energizing centers. 
 
 Some knowledge of the nature and use of great- 
 ness is indispensable to efficient citizenship. It 
 should make also for what we have never yet had, a 
 proper use and understanding of great women. 
 Even among women there has been a disposition to 
 regard our great ones as a mere peacock tail to the 
 movement of emancipation, valued for their credit- 
 ability to their sex and the consequent advancement 
 of its interests. We do not even speak of them as 
 we speak of great men, as epitomizing the time in 
 which they lived, but as though they themselves 
 were the performance, fire-works rather than true 
 centers of illumination. 
 
 The first gift of woman to society was order, some 
 
 41 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 kind of regularity of eating and coming home to 
 sleep. A genius for organization is so likely a thing 
 to come from woman that it should need no miracle 
 to have it accepted. Yet who remembers that Joan 
 of Arc invented three notable modern features of 
 military organization and attack? Our whole atten- 
 tion is taken up with the circumstance that she 
 heard Voices and was burnt. Perhaps she invented 
 the Voices, too, but if she did, she was justified. How 
 else would she have forced her military genius upon 
 France? 
 
 Great women must be more than wondered at, 
 more than admired. But first of all they must be 
 understood as women, higher-powered, deeper- 
 breathing, neither mimics nor angels. The Amazons 
 were not born breastless. 
 
 Is not the detachment from the social back- 
 ground which notable women seem to exhibit chief- 
 ly our failure to see them as part of the social fab- 
 ric? Is it not we who are out of touch, and is not all 
 this rather pitiful show of reputations, in an effort to 
 match with the notability of men, evidence that we 
 lack the criterion for any but male kinds of great- 
 ness? What we want of woman is the beam from 
 her own orb of spiritual perception, the definite light 
 thrown on our general problem from her high spe- 
 cialization. 
 
IV 
 
 THIS demand, that the young citizen, before she 
 begins to exercise her right to political decision, 
 shall at least have been exposed to possibilities 
 of illumination from every quarter of our many- 
 sided social life, will hardly be denied. Yet it is 
 singular that to very few has it occurred that there 
 is a fine quality of illumination to be had for the 
 asking in contemporary art. 
 
 The old idea of political science as a process of 
 denaturing government, by removing it as far 
 as possible from the business of making a living, 
 had no use for art, since art is, of all man's modes 
 of expression, closest to the heart of life. The modern 
 intimacy between the ballot and the bread and 
 meat you can buy, and the rent you have to pay, 
 introduces politics to strange company. It obliges 
 us not only to know what laws are being enacted 
 at the capitol, but what dreams are being dreamed 
 in the garret. 
 
 But when we speak of contemporary art as an 
 aid to citizenship, we mean something quite dif- 
 ferent fromr/the cataloguing acquaintance with it 
 which is learned at schools; something much 
 
 43 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 more than the common phrase of "knowing what 
 you like" is implied. Merely to be pleased with 
 an arrangement of tones and colors is to be no 
 nearer to art than a waltzing mouse might go, 
 or a bower-bird. Something in a picture or a song 
 must move and stir you to a realization of what 
 it was that moved and stirred the maker. This 
 is all there is to an understanding of art; the rest 
 is concerned with appreciations of artistry. 
 
 There is no doubt a cultural value in liking the 
 best art without being able to read it, but the 
 social value of art is in our being able to make it 
 a medium of communication. This means that one 
 must be sufficiently detached from the sensuous 
 pleasure of seeing and hearing, to appreciate paint- 
 ing and poetry and music as a method of com- 
 munication. It is a language out of the inner life 
 of man, of which everyone may stammer a word 
 or two in a verse to your lady's eyebrow, a whittled 
 fancy or an embroidered doily. It is spoken by 
 the paper on the wall, by the lines of a public build- 
 ing, by the tunes of the street organ, for every 
 tune or design or architectural style that persists 
 and keeps itself in modern use is a part of modern 
 art expression. It will be dropped like an obsolete 
 word when it ceases to mean anything to the modern 
 mind. 
 
 The recent success of American youth in creating 
 
 44 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 a Little Theater for itself is a modern episode in the 
 search of youth for social participation. Art is a surer 
 test than logic for ideas of life and society. No 
 good drama can be made with insincere thinking, 
 and without truth no drama achieves greatness. 
 The uniformly steady improvement in the product 
 of the young theater is an indication of more than 
 a practiced technique; it marks the steady approach 
 of the young playwright to that high veracity 
 about life which is the basis of sound citizenship. 
 
 Of the use of art which is communal in its method, 
 chorus, dance and pageant, much can be said. 
 Modern armies have song masters and if armies, 
 how much more the civilian forces to promote 
 by a social method the unity of aim which music 
 always invokes. But hardly anybody remembers 
 now that poetry was originally a communal art, 
 and that in the beginning there was but one word 
 for poet and prophet. Out of such roots grows 
 the use of contemporary art as an aid to social 
 prophecy. It is the index of progress and change, 
 the foaming, rainbow-bright crest of the incoming 
 tide. 
 
 In the summer of 1914 millions of plain people 
 found themselves astounded at the sudden crash 
 of nations along the coasts of civilization. But all 
 of ten years earlier, riffles of this tide began to break 
 on the moving tip of the world's art. There was 
 
 45 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 a renaissance of community drama, and a whole 
 new method for its presentation. Painting broke 
 down like the husk of the living seed from which a 
 new shoot begins to sprout. Poetry sought and 
 found another rhythm. In Russian literature there 
 was the heaving of crude strength about to wake. 
 Nothing with the power to affect the political 
 constitution of a country ever arises suddenly; it 
 only appears suddenly within the average field 
 of vision. Half of the statesman's genius consists 
 in being able to discern clearly what appears to 
 the majority as a pale blur on the horizon. But 
 in America, when any man may be called to State 
 service, it is important to cultivate rather widely 
 the prophetic quality. The education of this faculty 
 is only possible where a great number of citizens 
 are able to enter into the history, the news and 
 the art of that country as a part of the experience 
 of democracy. 
 
 
 
 But we cannot escape in citizenship, any more 
 than in personal life, the question, what is the 
 limit of profitable experience. There probably 
 would be no question of this sort in a society that 
 distributed citizen duty along the line of natural 
 development. If we began at twelve years of age 
 to have obligations to our neighborhood, and 
 extended those obligations every three years or so, 
 
 46 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 as our actual contact with the street, the town, 
 and the State is extended, then we could easily say 
 that there are some obligations that would better 
 be deferred until our moral experience is fully ma- 
 tured. But our habit of taking our citizenship all 
 in a lump at the age of twenty-one raises the question 
 of what to do about the problems of which, in the 
 nature of things, at twenty-one we can know very 
 little. 
 
 At twenty-one, no one can know much about 
 vice and crime. Even a criminal life does not teach, 
 to the one who leads it, the perspective of vice and 
 crime in society. 
 
 I think that we must make a distinction here 
 between the personal and the political judgment. 
 At twenty-one and before it, one may easily be 
 subjected to hazards of vice and crime and as 
 much knowledge of these things as is necessary for 
 personal safety is indispensable. How far, then, 
 is the young citizen justified in recording a political 
 opinion on these subjects? How far shall she give 
 herself to books, lectures and propaganda dealing 
 with what is vicious and criminal? 
 
 The right to have the world in which you move 
 made safe for the normal human life is one that 
 should be insisted on. After arriving at the age of 
 citizenship, no one should accept safety as a gift 
 at the hands of others. If you happen to be so 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 situated that your parents can keep you safe with- 
 out your thinking about it, it is still obligatory on 
 you to think with and for those who must make 
 their own safety. If it is advantageous for you 
 to have a chaperone, an older woman with whom 
 to consult and advise, it is equally advantageous 
 to the girl in the factory. This is a service which 
 every adult woman who is able to offer it, owes 
 to every young woman who needs it, just as physical 
 protection is owed by every man to every woman. 
 Young working women make a mistake when they 
 do not demand this social service for themselves, 
 as freely and officially as city people demand police 
 protection. 
 
 We have come recently to have quite a new 
 idea of policemen. We do not think of them as the 
 "arm of the law," but as guides to the intricacies of 
 city life. So we have developed the "big brother" 
 and "big sister" ideas as guides to the intricacies of 
 personal life. And we have the same right and 
 necessity to go to literature and art for this kind 
 of guidance. 
 
 But when we come to those phases of vice and 
 crime which are not personal but social, we have 
 to approach them in a different spirit. The only 
 object in our approaching them at all would be 
 to cure them. For vice and crime, in our modern 
 social science, are treated as sickness. They are 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 departures from the healthy and normal. As such, 
 they require the attention of specialists. As they 
 affect the whole of society they must be dealt with 
 by specialists not only in that particular type of 
 abnormality, but by specialists in the constitution 
 of society. Expertness in these things takes years 
 to acquire. The contribution of the young citizen 
 can hardly be of much value and should be offered 
 with modesty. Citizen service in this field, as in the 
 field of public health and sanitation, is rather in 
 the way of selecting specialists, than in arriving 
 at decisions. 
 
 
 
 But the question of what we shall read and hear 
 along these lines opens up the other question of 
 free speech. The difficulty about most free speech 
 arguments is that they begin by assuming that 
 freedom of expression is the only sort of freedom 
 that can be violated by an unrestricted platform 
 and press. They leave out of account the equally 
 important item of freedom of impression . Most 
 of the "free speech" cases which came into court 
 in the United States before the war were not for 
 the freedom to say what the speaker thought, but 
 for freedom to say it anywhere and to anybody. 
 They took no account of the fact that an envenomed 
 point of view, an indecent picture, can live on in 
 the mind and fester there, as poisonous and fatal 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 as a bullet in the body. No society in which the 
 impressionability of the young is at the mercy of 
 the ignorant or vicious can in any sense be said 
 to be "free." The right to arrive at reasonable 
 years with an unviolated mind is as fundamental 
 as any human right can ever be. 
 
 Nor is there anything undemocratic in the idea 
 of censorship. Any stranger to democracy, visiting 
 our planet, might easily conclude that a democracy 
 is a form of government in which the individual 
 suffers the greatest amount of restriction for the 
 good of the whole. In cities of the United States 
 he would not be permitted to cross the street without 
 being censored by the traffic officer; he could not 
 spit, nor smoke, nor dispose of his garbage as he 
 pleased. He could not beat his children or abuse 
 his wife much less his horse or manage his 
 own illness if it happened to be from a contagious 
 disease. And he would find the people of the United 
 States not only submitting themselves to this 
 kind of censorship, but priding themselves upon it. 
 
 In the last two or three years we have begun to 
 censor the almost sacred right of "business* 'to sell 
 anything it pleased for whatever it could get. We 
 no longer permit patent medicines to be advertised 
 for what they are not, and we require foods to be 
 truthfully labeled. Doctors are obliged to have 
 diplomas and teachers must be certificated. But 
 
 50 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 we are still very reluctant to require any certifica- 
 tion of ideas. We have not yet accepted the idea 
 of the expert in human behavior. 
 
 The growth of censorship in sanitation and food 
 stuffs is the measure of our confidence in experts in 
 these fields. Every man cannot be a food expert, but 
 he clearly recognizes that there is such a thing as 
 expert analysis of tinned beef or alleged apple jelly. 
 He recognizes it as one of the things he has a right 
 to expect of his government, that it should protect 
 his interest in foods and drugs. But he protests 
 against the extension of this kind of supervision 
 over the material from which l\e makes up his 
 opinions. 
 
 There are two good reasons for this: first, the 
 danger that censorship of thought-stuff may not be 
 disinterested; and second, the probability of its 
 not being expert. Many people and in particular 
 the free speech advocates are quite honest in 
 believing that there is no absolute criterion of human 
 conduct. This is very unlikely to be the case. It 
 is impossible to think of a hole in the universe, and 
 if human conduct does not proceed by law as the 
 rest of the universe does, then there is a flaw in 
 the structure of things which will one day bring 
 it all crashing about us. 
 
 The probabilities are that morality and success 
 are as solid and realizable as anything else; the 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 difficulty lies in our not understanding just what 
 morality and success really are. Because we have 
 not agreed as to what they are, we must leave open 
 every avenue, miss no possible Tightness even at 
 the expense of including things that turn out finally 
 to be wrong. Free speech is not a right; it is a 
 precaution. You have really no more right to turn 
 loose a bad idea in the world than you have to leave 
 an open cess-pool; but until expertness in ideas 
 is established, you have the privilege of speech, 
 subject to other people's freedom of impression. 
 
 The question of war censorship has two aspects, 
 neither one of which has anything to do with ren- 
 dering aid and comfort to the enemy. Suppressing 
 military information is not a political policy at all; 
 it is an act of self-preservation. 
 
 The decision to enter this war was arrived at after 
 long hesitation. It represents our highest moment 
 of world thinking and national feeling. But people 
 do not always live at their high moments. In a sit- 
 uation like this we are always more in danger of 
 being defeated by our own drops and lapses than 
 by the enemy. To have our worst moments always 
 before our eyes, our mistakes emphasized, to chew 
 always on the bitter end of war, would be to invite 
 defeat. We must exercise over our public conduct 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 something like the same control that is necessary to 
 secure personal poise. .We expected some jolts in 
 this war; what we must look out for is that we shall 
 not be jolted silly. 
 
 We were also due to make mistakes which we 
 cannot correct without discussion. These things 
 are perfectly simple if we would consent to be 
 simple. If we stopped talking about free speech 
 as an abstract right, and looked upon it as a way of 
 getting along decently with ourselves, we should 
 have much less difficulty. 
 
 It is astonishing to find how many things that we 
 have raised to the dignity of political theory are real- 
 ly only questions of good breeding. Good breeding 
 is the sum of human experience as to the best way 
 of handling human situations. It is the practice of 
 the art of conducting every situation so that 
 everybody concerned in it will get the best out of 
 that situation. 
 
 If our political practices had not been made for 
 us exclusively by men, we should have found this out 
 long ago. Men think of good breeding as manners; 
 women know it for a manner of attaining spiritual 
 democracy. If we practiced good breeding in our 
 speaking and writing, then no criticism of the Gov- 
 ernment would be made except by people who were 
 expert in the matter under discussion, and every 
 criticism would be made constructive. We should 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 not only be told that the thing had been done 
 wrong, but we should have some notion of how to 
 do it right. And if it came to a difference be- 
 tween experts, that at least would not be a new situ- 
 ation ! 
 
 I believe that the American people could, in the 
 long run, have been trusted to do just that thing, ex- 
 cept for the presence among us, not only of un- 
 American elements, but of enemies. This un-Amer- 
 ican and enemy propaganda is so subtle that the 
 average citizen is not always able to recognize it. 
 Just as we need a food expert to find the adultera- 
 tion in the tomato catsup, so we need expert censor- 
 ship to detect the poison in our publicity. So much 
 we might thankfully submit to. 
 
 But the moment censorship departs ever so slight- 
 ly from its business of informing the people, and be- 
 gins to present facts and situations only in lights 
 which are favorable to the party in power, then no 
 matter how competent that government is, and how 
 much it has the confidence of the people, it begins 
 to infringe on democracy. Because democracy does 
 not mean that any man's opinion is just as good as 
 another's. It means that it is just as good for one 
 man as for another to express his opinion. Better 
 for a man to express an honestly mistaken opinion 
 than to have a ready-made good opinion forced upon 
 him. Democracy may be wrong about this, but it is 
 
 54 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 founded on the faith that a better kind of man is 
 produced by free thinking. 
 
 That is why it seems unfortunate that so much of 
 war publicity should take the form of advertising. 
 The necessary handling of public thinking has been 
 approached as a business proposition. I do not 
 mean with an idea of making money by it, but in 
 the spirit and in the very terms of the commercial 
 advertisers. War aims are set forth in the manner 
 of breakfast foods; war needs are driven along the 
 familiar track worn deep into the American mind by 
 the spring tonic and the talking-machine. "Drives" 
 are substituted for spontaneous movements, and the 
 minds of the public are shepherded rather than in- 
 spired. The object of commercial advertising is 
 to "sell the goods" without thinking very much 
 about what happens to the buyer in the process. If 
 commercial forms of propaganda are necessary to 
 swing the country into war, then it is because as a 
 people we respond more quickly to advertising than 
 to any other stimulus. 
 
 This is a very damaging confession. It is the 
 same as saying that the incentive to high and noble 
 and world-embracing activities is not inside of us, 
 but outside. But it is only fair to state this as some- 
 thing that met practically no opposition from the 
 American people. The suppression of opinion 
 thought to be unfriendly to our and Allied interests, 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 has been practically voluntary. Writers have ceased 
 to write what was in their souls, and write what is 
 asked for by Washington. For the time, at least, 
 the soul of the American people lies limp in the 
 hands of its Government. 
 
 The danger for us in this situation is not imme- 
 diate. The high purpose and disinterestedness of 
 the present Administration and its general agree- 
 ment with the purposes and desires of the people, 
 are notable in a world of disagreements. The dan- 
 ger is that in submitting ourselves too long to shep- 
 herding, we shall lose our power of spiritual initia- 
 tive. That is the horrible thing that has happened 
 to the Germans, the worst atrocity of the war. 
 They have no freedom of impression. Their minds 
 are blown hot or cold by the breath of their govern- 
 ment. 
 
 That we have not reached anything like this stage 
 in America is evident from the fact that important 
 groups of citizens did not, until nearly a year after 
 the declaration of war, vote to support it. These 
 groups kept their liberty of impression, kept it all 
 the clearer, perhaps, for not being permitted to vex 
 the Government with a loud noise of expression. 
 
 Free speech has its own dangers, one of them 
 being the disposition of mankind to follow its own 
 voice instead of its instinct. Nations have before 
 now been carried over precipices on the torrent of 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 their own oratory. We shall do well enough in 
 America by leaving off the habit of unlimited speech- 
 making so long as too much is not done to affect our 
 capacity for free thinking. So long as our official 
 Head is the voice of the public spirit, he will be 
 heard further by keeping smaller voices silent. The 
 disastrous thing would be for us to become simply 
 the bell to our official clapper. 
 
PUBLIC spirit, the extension of social awareness 
 to include all the members of a political group, is 
 the purchase of time and pains. We have still among 
 us a few of the old type of public characters who 
 imagine public spirit to consist in a diffused senti- 
 ment of benevolence carried abroad on the wings 
 of oratory. And on the other hand, we have young 
 people devoting themselves to public-spiritedness 
 as a profession, by years of social service and attend- 
 ance on classes where its theory is discussed. 
 
 The practical foundation of social awareness 
 would seem to be established by wide social con- 
 tacts. But there must also be a quality of mind 
 involved, since nowhere have we a civilized state 
 or nation equally conscious of all its elements. 
 When, for example, the fabric of awareness is 
 stretched to take in on the one side the congenitally 
 defective, it falls short on the other, of full considera- 
 tion for the exceptionally gifted. We have schools 
 for backward children and cripples but none for 
 geniuses. In an American Indian tribe, in times 
 of food shortage, the very old are first dropped out 
 of the count, then the infirm and the unproductive. 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 These are the classes for which the American State 
 provides well-kept institutions and asylums. But 
 in all our great cities sound and well-born children 
 are stunted of their growth, and even die for lack of 
 food. The Indian, however, has the advantage 
 of having all the members of his group within his 
 ken. He discriminates on the basis of personal 
 knowledge. In the civilized state of today the 
 complication of group within group, and the multi- 
 plication of modes of living is such that the average 
 mind cannot take it in. The effective classes, those 
 who are removed a little from the bone of hunger, 
 provide for the contingencies within their experience. 
 They are as likely as anybody to have infirm and 
 defective members, and themselves to need pro- 
 tection from the criminal and the insane. 
 
 But strikes, fines, forced unemployment, in- 
 jurious trades, continuous food shortage, are prac- 
 tically outside their experience. Even when in 
 times of war or great natural disaster the two 
 extremes of society through their mutual dependence 
 tend to cohere, the movement is exclusive rather 
 than inclusive, labor and capital combining against 
 the middle classes. As if the ability to be fully 
 aware of fashions of living different from our own 
 were naturally limited like the mathematical faculty, 
 and the search for a political common denominator 
 as complicated a performance as trying to extract 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 the cube root of three thousand and eighty-seven 
 in your head. Just as there are tribes who can 
 count only ten fingers and ten toes and possible 
 tens of these, so there are social groups that can 
 take in nothing not related to the body of their 
 experience. 
 
 The limitation of the social outlook by a four- 
 thousand-year-old food prejudice, or the things a 
 gentleman will not say in the presence of a lady, 
 is one of the curiosities of human psychology. But 
 the whole modern technique of social welfare has 
 grown up out of the realization that people are 
 more divided by these things than by any hostile 
 intention. In this new science of welfare it is assumed 
 that there is a rectifying principle in the human 
 spirit. The disposition to save ourselves from 
 political disaster is as natural as the instinct of 
 self-preservation, and the cure of social evil is often 
 effected simply by bringing the evil condition into 
 the field of social awareness. If one really wishes 
 to stop the wearing of breasts and wings on ladies' 
 hats, it is only necessary to contrive that a few 
 birds shall be publicly slaughtered, preferably by 
 the ladies ! To insure the best conditions for factory 
 workers, we have to materialize for the factory 
 owner the direct structural relation between light 
 and air and the factory output. 
 
 It is quite possible that the entire problem of 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 society's never having food enough, or clothes 
 enough, or adequate housing, is owing more to 
 our failure to realize that this is the case, than to 
 any inadequacy of production. The moment we 
 begin to have enough of these things for ourselves, 
 we move, sympathetically as well as bodily, out 
 of the neighborhood of perpetual lack. Any reliable 
 diagnosis of poverty depends on our being able 
 to move, sympathetically, back. The social expert 
 is now a feature of our political life. But even to 
 appreciate the conclusions of experts and to dis- 
 criminate between their recommendations, it is 
 important for the private citizen to have a wide 
 acquaintance with living conditions. 
 
 At the very least, this involves the personal 
 exploration of some other manner of life than your 
 own. This is not easy for women who, through the 
 long inheritance of ladyhood, conditioned largely 
 by the number of things they might not do, are 
 predisposed to selected experience. Though we 
 officially repudiate it by giving women the vote, the 
 idea that a woman's value to society is increased 
 by limiting her social experience to soft and pleasant 
 phases is unconsciously a factor in the training of 
 young women. 
 
 An ideal state would no doubt recognize the need 
 of social experience as a part of legitimate prepara- 
 tion for citizenship. One can imagine such a thing 
 
 61 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 as a young citizen draft, working out its traditional 
 three years in public service chosen to give the 
 greatest possible range of awareness. As a sub- 
 stitute for citizen training, the opportunities offered 
 by the settlement house, the Young Women's Chris- 
 tian Association, the Women's Trade Union League, 
 reinforced by all manner of neighborhood associations 
 and local welfare clubs, seems meager enough. 
 Yet all of them are important in so far as they 
 provide openings for entering without affectation 
 into view-points other than our own. They have 
 come to be recognized centers of awareness from 
 which are drawn inescapable conclusions as to 
 what it really means to the rest of us to have any 
 considerable class of citizens with never quite 
 enough to eat, and sleeping four in a bed. To be 
 acquainted at first hand with poverty, to measure 
 the industrial out-look with our own breast and 
 arm, is inseparable from any well thought out 
 preparation for citizenship. 
 
 
 
 It is unfortunate that in America we have gener- 
 ally cut ourselves off from the use of the novel as 
 an aid to social extension, by declining to like any 
 sort of fiction that does not take its color from our 
 own point of view. Within a generation of Uncle 
 Tom's Cabin, which went so far to prove that fiction 
 is the only form of statement which carries con- 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 viction widely and long, we have abandoned the 
 idea of literature as a source and expression of 
 social vitality. It is all part of our American use 
 of art as an anodyne rather than a tonic, a camou- 
 flage of reality. A good novel that can be entered 
 into as an experience is worth a year of such social 
 experiment as is open to the average private citizen. 
 But good novels will be rare so long as what we 
 definitely require of the novelist is to come between 
 us and experience, a soundless, deadening drift. 
 It is one of our literary conventions that the novel 
 of today be occupied with the rosy gospel of cheer; 
 but there is always the suspicion attached to de- 
 liberate cheeriness, that it is a sort of whistling to 
 keep your courage up. One suspects, indeed, that 
 the prevalence of the "glad" school of fiction in 
 America is owing to an uneasy sense that if we 
 once looked straight into the reality of contempo- 
 raneous life, we might have to do something about 
 it. This is so likely to be the case, that the degree 
 to which you find the rose-red glow indispensable 
 to your enjoyment of fiction may well serve as a 
 criterion of your social state. Whether or not you 
 have the opportunity and the keenness of sight 
 to look through the inadequacies of political organ- 
 ization into the plain human situation, it is im- 
 portant that you should, at least, not fear to look. 
 If you find yourself flinching from any logical 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 conclusion of the policies you profess, depend upon 
 it, either you or your conclusion is unsound. 
 
 
 
 Feeling out your private reaction to living condi- 
 tions, by whatever method, is an indispensable 
 preface to the choice of political affiliations. All 
 along the front of civilization innumerable tiny 
 wavelets run up the coast of the future and are 
 drawn back into the advancing tide. "Parties," 
 "movements," "causes," are all rooted in the social 
 nature of man. It is said that no astronomer is 
 sure that he has seen a new star until it has been 
 located by some other observer of the heavens. 
 There is probably more in this than just the need 
 of professional confirmation. The concentrated, 
 electrified attention of very many minds is neces- 
 sary to bring a new political ideal into the field of 
 political action. For new ideals are like the tree 
 of the old story, so tall that it takes two men to 
 see to the top. No movement worthy of the unified 
 effort of society can ever lie wholly within the range 
 even of a single generation. 
 
 It is important to all-round citizenship that 
 you lend yourself to other causes than those that 
 take light from your daily life. To work only for and 
 within the group closest to your private interests 
 is to foster class interests and class point of view. 
 One of the best ways of enlarging your social horizon 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 is to give yourself heartily to some movement 
 which is only related to you through your interest 
 in the good of the whole. The best criterion of 
 your choice of a cause would be the contribution 
 you have to make to that cause rather than the 
 personal benefit to be derived. Only the Unusual 
 individual can afford to give the whole of his life 
 and thought to one political purpose, or to one 
 expression of it. There is, of course, the alternative 
 of making no choice at all, waiting to be dragged 
 up the shore by some deep ploughing billow of 
 revolution, along with an uncomfortable amount 
 of weed and sand. Except that the will of youth is 
 naturally toward self-determining activity, there 
 would always be this danger in democracies. 
 
 The test of the validity of any political move- 
 ment is in its conformity to life, to the principle 
 of growth, and change. It must have roots. At 
 the very first bid for our franchise, it must show a 
 fruit-bearing stem and a growing tip which pushes 
 aside the clod and turns every way for warmth and 
 light. At the next, it must be able to present itself 
 as an extension of something already in the social 
 consciousness. It may call for an absolutely untried 
 experiment, it may even involve the overthrow of 
 long established modes of expression, but its fibers 
 must be discoverable centuries deep in our psychol- 
 ogy. With whatever change of political perspective, 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 the new movement must carry us, in an ascending 
 order, to a given arc of the social spiral. 
 
 The movement of wage labor toward profit- 
 sharing, for instance, has all the marks of a genu- 
 ine political progression. It is rooted in the primitive 
 communism of the hunt; it is a re-statement of 
 the ancient land and sea-faring foray with its 
 equitable division of the spoil; it incorporates the 
 best elements of the trade guilds, the dignity of 
 trade and the pride of workmanship which our 
 modern industrial system has so nearly lost. Finally, 
 it represents, in all its circuitous phases, a general 
 improvement in the rating and environment of 
 labor. It may not be the best way of solving the 
 problem of modern industry, it may even bring 
 in its train other problems not less acute and dis- 
 turbing, but it is at least a valid political adventure, 
 to which the sincere soul may commit its enthu- 
 siasm without fear that time and the future will 
 prove him foolish. 
 
 Even more could be said for the movement to 
 endow maternity, which develops in mothers' al- 
 lowances and dependent children acts, as a practical 
 renewal of the ancient tribal rule of "women and 
 children first," a re-statement of the preciousness of 
 women in terms of social service. Far less charged 
 with possibility of absurdity, it is the modern fruit 
 of all the fine, vague things that prompted men to 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 chivalry and mother-worship, the cult of Demeter 
 and the Madonna. 
 
 On the other hand, the movement toward polyg- 
 amy discernible in Central Europe, condemns itself 
 on the same sort of showing. Even accepting the 
 theory of the development of society from the 
 formless herd, and making the family unit the second 
 rather than the first phase of social life, the ascend- 
 ing progression has invariably been away from 
 polygamy. Where it has re-entered the social scene, 
 it has been at periods of the greatest national 
 depletion. After war, polygamy has been accepted 
 as an expedient by the dominant races, but never 
 as a solution. All the forward nations have experi- 
 enced it at some time in their history, only to discard 
 it upon recovery of the equilibrium of population. 
 Always its reappearance has been followed by the 
 depression of human values, the lessening of the 
 dignity of womanhood and the retention in the 
 national organization of slavery or slave-making 
 caste. The nations that have institutionalized 
 polygamy are the nations that have lost step. 
 
 
 
 This is what we mean by the use of history as 
 an aid to political decision. It is in the nature of 
 any living issue that, like life, it should possess 
 great flexibility. Any movement which has for its 
 objective a shape of social fixity, may be regarded 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 with liberal distrust. Any movement which assumes 
 that it is the "be all and end all" of social unrest 
 advertises itself as a point beyond which no growth 
 takes place. Though it may, in spite of all its 
 followers say of it, be a live issue, the blind leading 
 the blind are not more likely to fall into the ditch 
 than the advocates of an absolute social solution. 
 This dream of a stabilized society is the ghost of 
 man's ancient fear, when he woke first out of com- 
 fortable animal security, and found the future, 
 terrible with the threat of unknowability, beside 
 him. To get the place tidied up, everything named 
 and rendered solid and stationary, has been, ever 
 since, his urgent and unsuccessful business. Like 
 the sheep, man has taken on from his first venture 
 in life, associations of stability. To this day, lost 
 sheep in the mountains will travel until they find 
 a cliff or a boulder which quickens the old complex 
 bred in them in the stone caves where man first 
 domesticated them some two hundred and fifty 
 thousand years ago, and there they will linger in 
 the false association of security until hunger or 
 the wolf finds them. So, to this day, little flocks 
 of men are always splitting off from the main 
 group into rock-hard enclosures of the absolute. 
 All the coast of progress is lined with back-waters 
 of political invention, sometimes under the name 
 of religion and sometimes of social polity, mantling 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 with the scum of oblivion at best, and at the 
 worst, breeding noxious insects and pestilence. 
 
 But in avoiding movements that seek an im- 
 possible permanence of form, one must not fall 
 into the error of attaching importance to mere 
 formlessness. The tendency of natural growth 
 is always toward form, but form without fixity, 
 the flowing shape of a fountain, of an elm tree, 
 infinitely variable and airy and recognizable. The 
 beauty of the flower or the frost on the pane is the 
 beauty of order and organization; losing that, they 
 become mist and dust again. 
 
 The natural method of outworn social habits 
 is to wither and drop away like last year's leaves. 
 But in complicated civilizations like ours, custom 
 may be so woven into the texture of law and prop- 
 erty that skillful pruning is necessary to develop- 
 ment. The difference between upward evolution 
 and social disintegration is that the latter produces 
 no form or order. The social impulse is creative, 
 like the impulse of architecture and music; it moves 
 always to build and rebuild. The whole art of 
 statesmanship is in the choice of forms in advance 
 of the national need. 
 
 
 
 If all or any of these things are too hard for you, 
 there is the final resort of selecting your cause by 
 the quality of its adherents. Not that you will not 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 always find undesirable kinds, the fragmentary and 
 footless, carried like weed upon the tide; but it 
 is important that there should be some doers among 
 them. 
 
 Political policies of national magnitude cannot 
 be illustrated by one or two or even a hundred of 
 their followers, and yet their practicability needs 
 continually to be attested. Talk disassociated from 
 accomplishment limpens the fiber of the mind. 
 That is why professional agitators, pushed into 
 executive positions, are so invariably disappointing, 
 and in their private capacities not always reliable. 
 Their very trumpet quality, sounding high and 
 enduring things at times, lays them open to be 
 played upon by other aims than the betterment 
 of society. Like a public drinking-cup, it is possible 
 for the professional agitator to carry at the same 
 time, fresh water and contamination. Distrust any 
 cause that does not attract doers, people with 
 acknowledged mastery in the technique of realizing 
 a political theory in terms of daily life. No 
 matter who bark for or against it, there is probably 
 some meat in any subject in which a man like 
 Theodore Roosevelt sets the teeth of his mind. 
 
 Few things are more important than this busi- 
 ness of finding and keeping a sense of social direction. 
 Something a little finer than intelligence goes to 
 its attainment, but intelligence must do its best. 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 Rare souls like Abraham Lincoln are born to it, 
 fully oriented. But for the most of people it comes 
 stealing insensibly, out of the use of history and 
 great men and the touch-and-go of current events. 
 When we say of national crises that they are"steady- 
 ing," we mean no more than that under the pressure 
 of disaster the needle swings instinctive to its 
 pole. We cease to argue, for the moment, whether 
 there is a soul of life; we feel and know. 
 
 What we know has been expressed for us with 
 a singular unanimity of terms by many whose 
 distinction it has been to possess this poise and 
 sureness. They call it co-operation with God. 
 That was how Lincoln knew it. Carlyle drew the 
 certainty of Power and Personality, active and 
 interested in the affairs of men, out of history, and 
 he was a very prophet among historians. H. G. 
 Wells, who more than any other writer has handled 
 the furniture of modern politics, and handled it 
 more freely, discovers an Invisible King, much as 
 one realizes the master of the house from living 
 in his rooms. 
 
 But it is unimportant what the thing is called; 
 unimportant whether you like it or find it friendly 
 to the survival of your type. The significant item 
 is that great men and great times have always 
 come to this sense of God standing within the 
 shadow of the future and directing the course of 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 events. This is not a figure of speech, but an ex- 
 pression of reality in human experience. The worst 
 politics the world has ever known came at a time 
 when we thought of God not as present in the 
 affairs of men, but afar off in some barely attain- 
 able Heaven. It is a question if politics are ever 
 so much concerned with things of the intelligence 
 and what we call material considerations, as with 
 that other most subtle class of experiences known 
 as spiritual perceptions, the conviction of things 
 not seen. At any rate, men have not found any 
 finer cause to die for than politics, for the right 
 of the people to arrange their own methods of 
 living together. 
 
 Rereading the arguments which preceded our 
 great civil conflict, one is astonished to see that by 
 far the most "practical" appear to be on the side 
 of slavery. But if the Abolitionists had fewer 
 arguments, it is because they needed fewer, abound- 
 ing as they did in conviction. The instinct of a 
 new social order burned in them, as one of his 
 countrymen said that the instinct of a new continent 
 burned in Columbus. Arguments are for the people 
 who do not see. That is why even the arguments 
 which win a cause are often found afterward to 
 be mistaken. What people are seeking with all 
 their talk, is a medium of communication by which 
 high spiritual perceptions may be transmitted to 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 the majority. Joan's Voices got her believed in 
 France, because in those days Voices were an 
 argument. It was still possible, to the general mind, 
 for saints and angels to walk the earth and talk 
 with men. 
 
 All these things are important because they 
 have to do with instincts, and they tend to show 
 that man has a very profound instinct to find pur- 
 pose and tendency in the social drift. The higher 
 the point from which the procession of human 
 history is viewed, the more the discoverable trend 
 is affirmed. This, if true, is at once the explanation 
 and the consolation of our failure to find a fixed 
 order of politics. It gives us, rather, a larger security 
 than we dreamed, in place of the little certainty 
 of the ant and the bee, the sureness of a planet 
 in its course. 
 
 73 
 
VI 
 
 THOUGH we speak of politics as the technique 
 of the social art, we are conscious of a narrower 
 use of the word. In the language of the street, as 
 the last stage of causes and movements on the 
 way to becoming law, politics is the technique of 
 political power. In this sense, as the mechanism 
 by which party supremacy is arrived at and main- 
 tained, it is frequently spoken of as a thing unfit 
 for women, which is probably true. 
 
 Party politics is an expression, in groups of organ- 
 ization, of the masculine temperament. Quite apart 
 from any consideration of goodness or badness, it is 
 characterized by so many exclusively masculine fea- 
 tures that it must either continue to be exercised by 
 men alone, or undergo a change of complexion on 
 the admission of women to the Party. 
 
 Although it is possible to take too seriously any 
 one or all of the existing parties as you find them, 
 Party is as fundamental a social unit and practically 
 as inescapable, as the family. It is the spirit of the 
 gang, the natural cohesion of youth in formless 
 bands, taking shape around a dominant personality. 
 It can be traced in the totemic group through the 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 secret society with its rituals, grips and signs, dram- 
 atizing the relations of the group to some common 
 concept of life and destiny. As a group expression 
 of man's sense of Allness in an idea, it can never be 
 clearly grasped without understanding that democ- 
 racy has always meant something to men which it 
 has yet to mean to women. 
 
 The primitive gang is the earliest attempt of man 
 to transcend his own limitations toward the dimen- 
 sions of the race. The soul of the race struggles to 
 realize itself by means of party organization. The 
 member of the boy gang rehearses his relation to the 
 tribe; the tribe rehearses for the nation. After long 
 experience of living together in nations, the world- 
 soul is conceived. Party, therefore, is implicit in 
 any aggregation of humans. It is naturally evoked 
 around any live seed of social idealism, impregnating 
 the whole body politic with its fire. Individuals be- 
 come fused with the strength, the courage, the ex- 
 altation, and on occasion the fear of the whole. 
 The super-personality so brought to life is objectified 
 in the person of the party chief. 
 
 Party history has been the history of successive 
 discoveries of the availability of the party group for 
 political success. For a long time the party con- 
 cerned itself only with establishing its leaders and 
 platforms as a category of group ideals. Men died 
 for a Montague or a Capulet for no reason except 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 that they found themselves making the Montague 
 or the Capulet gesture. The Will to Power was satis- 
 fied by the postures of power, and nothing was dis- 
 tinguished between what really happened and what 
 was felt about it. 
 
 Even after the rise of democracy, party intelli- 
 gence was chiefly occupied with theories and ab- 
 stractions of government. The party organization 
 depended for its vitality on party psychoses the 
 loud shout, the affirmation of party loyalty as a 
 virtue, the reinforcement of conviction by vilifying 
 the opposition. The constitution of the Party was 
 totemic; it represented a common source for the 
 point of view. You were a member of the Conser- 
 vative or the Radical party as your temperament 
 was conservative or radical. In early American 
 politics, the advantage of filling public offices with 
 party members did not at first appear. "To the 
 party belong the spoils" was a late develop- 
 ment. 
 
 The enormous preoccupation of those times with 
 such matters as Toryism and the tariff would 
 have to be counted as social waste, except for its 
 being very little concerned with either Tories or 
 tariff. It was really a self-preserving effort to keep 
 alive the instinct of togetherness, to stamp it awake 
 out of its long sleep under autocracy. In the history 
 of political invention, man's desire to make himself 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 felt precedes the desire to make himself felt in a par- 
 ticular direction. What the gang primarily demanded 
 of a leader was that* he should possess the ability 
 to make them all seem less fragmentary. United 
 to him by admiration, by interest and even by 
 fear, they became effectual. It is probable that the 
 first great men had no advantage at all, except 
 that of being able to make the detached contribu- 
 tions of the group members cohere and to shine at 
 any moment with its collective brilliancy. 
 
 The process may still be seen going on, one man 
 absorbing the ideas, the insight and aptitudes of 
 his following, giving them back charged with per- 
 sonality which warms them with its ray. The pride 
 of participation in the leader is the soul of party 
 loyalty, and profit becomes a secondary considera- 
 tion. 
 
 We cannot get at this quality by calling it names. 
 We cannot get at it at all, I think, except by writing 
 it down among the primary impulses, along with 
 the Will to Live and the Will to Make Live, as the 
 Will to Power, the desire to make something happen. 
 It is often possible to get the illusion of power by 
 opposition. This is the resort of social impotence. 
 True political ascendency is attained by out-stating 
 the earlier platform, by consolidating around the 
 larger affirmation. The torchlight procession and 
 the "plsmtmg" of candidatorial scandals began to 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 go out of American politics as labor unions and 
 social welfare began to come in. 
 
 Though in the early stages of society no objection 
 was made to the organization of ideistic groups 
 among women, the pull of party instinct was never 
 strong enough to counter the individualizing in- 
 fluence of the home. And if party spirit, the intro- 
 active, exclusive and inclusive impulse of the gang, 
 was never so marked a feature of woman's psychol- 
 ogy in the beginning, how much less now, when men 
 have made of politics a field in which to exercise the 
 whole range of masculine instincts. 
 
 In America, party politics has been emotional, 
 not to say orgiastic in proportion as our culture 
 has been provincial, and our industry drab and 
 flat. Where there is no art by which a communal 
 idealism may be made objective, there is nothing 
 but oratory and much running to and fro. As the 
 business of making a living has become more strait- 
 ened and monotonous, man has made of the strategies 
 and surprises of party politics a substitute for 
 adventure, a mimicry of the chase, a temporary 
 recurrent release from social isolation. 
 
 None of these things are native to the genius 
 of woman. The fear that her admission to what 
 is called practical politics will leave it poorer for 
 men by the elimination of their special kind of 
 togetherness is not without foundation. One sees the 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 sudden rise of woman suffrage in warring countries 
 as largely accounted for by the instinctive abandon- 
 ment by men of a field made to seem narrow by the 
 more dramatic and immediate activities of battle. 
 The extent to which women can retain in their 
 own hands the local machinery for regulating the 
 small business of living, is going to be directly in 
 proportion as the returning soldiery can be released 
 into the larger fields of creative engineering and 
 world politics. 
 
 
 
 It would be a mistake for women to discard party 
 simply because it is not instinctive in the feminine 
 temperament. All that is necessary is to discrim- 
 inate between what is democratizing in party politics, 
 and what is merely the mode of masculine expression. 
 We failed to do that when we imagined that politics 
 could be made sound by putting only "good" men 
 into office, failing to understand that the real con- 
 nective tissue of Party is not ethics but psychics. 
 Not any kind of badness or goodness, but the 
 organization of the Will to Power around a personal- 
 ity, is the magnetic center of party politics, not 
 the less magnetic and forceful when it produces 
 those offences which go by the general name of 
 political corruption. 
 
 This term, political corruption, is undescriptive. 
 The politics of a country can only be base when 
 
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 the mass of the people live together basely, basely 
 engrossed with personal interests, basely devoted 
 to the rosy, the obviously complacent, basely afraid 
 of movement and change. Plain badness, such as 
 bribery, theft and "graft" occur in all human activ- 
 ities. Their excessive appearance in the field of 
 public affairs is a symptom of deadened areas of 
 social awareness. Cease to know how the water and 
 lighting of your community are handled, how your 
 milk comes in and your garbage goes out, and you 
 very shortly hear the blue flies of political profiteer- 
 ing buzzing in the obscurity. 
 
 But it is not the moral lapses of individual pol- 
 iticians that prevent the party from its business 
 of expressing the will and the desires of society. 
 Nor is the cure of party evils to be effected by 
 bringing to bear on them a superior moral character. 
 What is wanted is a superior quality of social 
 thinking. Otherwise the women voters will find 
 themselves in the situation of the "muck-raked" 
 politician of ten years ago, pathetically offering the 
 unimpeachable conduct of their private business 
 and their domestic virtues to offset the charge of 
 political corruption. 
 
 The final revelation of our muck-raking episode 
 was not ethical but methodical. It all went to 
 show that the pattern of government is overlaid 
 by another pattern of personality. A "boss" was 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 discovered to be a member of any group who pos- 
 sessed in an unusual degree the faculty of potentializ- 
 ing his following. His power is directly related to 
 this faculty, and has nothing to do with his moral 
 or immoral use of it. 
 
 Having thus provided us with the greatest possible 
 number of defamatory phrases for politicians, and 
 taken them away again, the movement to penetrate 
 to the sources of political dissatisfaction dropped. 
 And there it stands, this curiously inconclusive 
 muck-raking episode, like one of those ancient 
 Roman Hermes, faces looking both ways, above 
 an unfinished pillar of wood or stone. Legless and 
 armless, it neither points nor leads. 
 
 But to women, suddenly called upon to demon- 
 strate their capacity for political responsibility 
 through the party machine, the failure to finish 
 out the figure appears as the failure of the mas- 
 culine instinct. The muck-rakers, peering about 
 the dark corners of party politics, were looking 
 for something extra-human, something that could 
 be described and destroyed. And all they found 
 was man. 
 
 They found men becoming bosses by their power 
 of consolidating the wills and the desires of their 
 "ring," but they found no other mark by which a 
 boss could be known. There were honest bosses 
 and corrupt bosses, and there were bosses. Some 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 attention was given to establishing a criterion of 
 what was and was not desirable in a boss, an under- 
 taking from which the leaders of the movement 
 early and frankly retired. Bossism was accepted 
 as intrinsic in human nature and inseparable from 
 human affairs. 
 
 If you read the literature of that time, you will 
 find indications that the students of political cor- 
 ruption were not altogether satisfied with this con- 
 clusion. They took pains to assure the public that 
 they did not feel themselves morally superior to 
 the men they criticized. This was a way of stating 
 what they felt without clearly seeing that the evils 
 of bossism were much more in man-nature than 
 human nature; they had not sufficient acquaintance 
 with the political methods of women to make the 
 distinction. 
 
 American women, though they have scarcely 
 been officially admitted to politics, are not al- 
 together without political experience. There are 
 in this country nearly ten million women, fede- 
 rated and affiliated in various organizations for 
 social welfare, and some of these organizations 
 have histories of half a century of accomplish- 
 ment. The principle of political leadership is 
 well understood and successfully practiced by 
 them. There are leaders of women, highly 
 energized centers of uplift, and leaders who are 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 highly energized without being at all times wise and 
 advantageous to the Cause. But there is no woman 
 in high place who is neither one thing nor the other. 
 
 I suppose that I have met practically all the women 
 who have been elected by women to positions of 
 importance in national welfare. I do not know one 
 who is not herself a figure of achievement, fertile 
 and polarizing to other minds. And I know many 
 men who have been elected by other men to positions 
 of national importance, who are wordy, vain and 
 sterile. This is one of the commonplaces of our 
 political life. We have these men in Congress, 
 in Cabinets, we have come dangerously near to 
 having them in the Presidential chair. There is 
 no community so small that it does not have its 
 prototype of the professional politician, handed about 
 from office to office, with no discoverable qualifica- 
 tions except his politic relations to other men. 
 The situation is all in that word politic, which 
 does not mean, as it should by derivation, skilled 
 in social craft, but skilled in the art of making on 
 other men an impression favorable to its interest. 
 All the lanes and highways of political administra- 
 tion are clogged with such figures, sustained there 
 not by anything that they have done, but by some- 
 thing that they have been able to make voters 
 feel about them. 
 
 Out of man's untutored instinct and his past, 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 there is this mist of party emotion going up forever 
 between his political intelligence and his political 
 intention. For the majority of men, consciously 
 or not, a political campaign is an indulgence, a 
 rehearsal of suppressed gang instincts, peculiar to 
 the male experience. Successful party campaigners 
 are those who can best play upon the latent mob 
 psychoses which come offering themselves gladly 
 to his hand. 
 
 I have said that this flotation of a public character 
 by means of his personal reaction does not occur 
 among women. Certainly not in respect to other 
 women. If one looked for a sweeping generalization 
 of the difference of approach by men and women to 
 social experiences, it could be found in the superior 
 detachability of women, in their steadier discrimina- 
 tion between the social objective and the incidents 
 of achievement. Women are rounder than men, 
 spiritually more affirmed, never so at the mercy of 
 the mob-mind. Oratory, which is a powerful instru- 
 ment in the hands of the political entrepreneur, is 
 not a woman gift. Women speak movingly and to the 
 point, but among themselves "spell-binding," that 
 swathing of the intelligence in sooth-sounding sen- 
 tences, does not often occur. 
 
 Against the tendency of Party to slake itself with 
 political postures and the spoils of power, women 
 can with success oppose their native detachment. 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 In local measures they have only to be true to their 
 genius for the immediate and the specific, and they 
 can point the index of the political dial. But it still 
 remains to be seen whether, having emancipated 
 themselves from sex traditionalism, they can stand 
 out against the pooh-bah traditionalism of party 
 politics. 
 
 It cannot be done by attributing to any one party 
 Che enf eeblement of nation?! political action by "pol- 
 itic" officials . Nor can we by any reconstruction of 
 the frame of Government prevent the drift of the po- 
 litically inept toward public office. Doubtless the 
 mechanism of the Government has to be reshaped 
 from time to time. Ours, having been organized by 
 men exclusively for the use of men, will require some 
 adjustment to its extended use by women. But 
 party politics is a product not so much of men, as of 
 man-mindedness. We can get at it at its highest 
 point by understanding that the early phases of the 
 gang were religious, and their ritual was the expres- 
 sion of the things in man's social experience which 
 transcended his power of speech. Much of the Gov- 
 ernmental red tape of which we complain without 
 being able to rid ourselves is desiccated tribal ritual. 
 It can no more be got rid of by men alone than an 
 ear of corn can strip itself of its own husks. Here 
 the best service of women to politics is in the main- 
 tenance of a certain aloofness. 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 There are several questions that one has a right 
 to ask of a political leader, besides the question of 
 his being seriously committed to the question in 
 hand. We may ask what vision there is in him, 
 whether it is solid, realizable, the veritable land- 
 scape of the future, or one of those strange mirages 
 which float on the mind's eye, the refraction of some 
 obscure trait of personality. We have to ask of his 
 greatness, whether it is of that second order, which 
 consists in seeing greatly the thing to be done, with- 
 out the ability to draw around him great men to do 
 it. But of his private character the only thing that 
 may be justly asked is whether there is anything in 
 it which would defeat the purpose for which he may 
 be elected. To attempt to measure public men by 
 the criterion of woman virtue is to repeat the enor- 
 mity of man's waste of woman, his refusal to take 
 into social consideration any of her capacities which 
 do not appeal to his private interest in her. 
 
 Woman suffrage is woman's denial of the idea that 
 her place and function in society is in any way or 
 particular established by what men feel about her. 
 It affirms, so far as it concerns her sex, that woman- 
 hood and motherhood have definite, geometric val- 
 ues which are obscured rather than enhanced by all 
 this confused and cloudy sentiment. The ballot has 
 been sought as a repudiation of the whole method 
 of social progress by merely producing an effect. But 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 women have been mistaken in thinking that the 
 demand which men make to have an effect pro- 
 duced on themselves is made only on women. What 
 they have now to face is the stultification of pol- 
 itics through the personal influence of men on other 
 men. Thinking to escape into politics out of the 
 stuffy atmosphere of bed-room and kitchen, as into 
 a cool and ordered place, women will be astonished 
 at the rather general masculine inability to discrim- 
 inate between the candidate's personality and his 
 capacity for specific social gains. 
 
 And yet, just this situation must be met and over- 
 come if we are to establish any criterion between the 
 best and the not best, or, hi the common phrase, be- 
 tween honest politics and corrupt politics. I think 
 that the leaders of the muck-raking episode which 
 we have to go back to as the last one which definite- 
 ly enlarged our political outlook realized that the 
 "invisible government" was not deliberately malign. 
 What they did not see was that it was mannish. 
 
 Given a man-made institution, working exclusive- 
 ly in the stuff of the masculine temperament, I do 
 not see what other pattern could be produced. 
 Spinning between his tendency toward high indi- 
 vidual variation and his gang instinct voluntary 
 surrender to a dominant personality, alternating 
 with periods of violent recovery this is the orbit 
 which man repeats in every history key. On the 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 other hand, we have the experimental family type of 
 organization which is woman's contribution. She 
 made it out of her physical limitations and the ne- 
 cessities of her young. The state, the nation, is an 
 attempt to stabilize society by combining the best 
 features of both types. The party is man's personal 
 instrument, and the worst thing about it is its ex- 
 cess of mannishness. 
 
 ' 
 
 Much of the general unsatisf actoriness of our poli- 
 tics is traceable to our Government's being founded 
 on two general ideas, neither of which is now true. 
 The first one was that the energizing centers of po- 
 litical life coincide with party and political offices. 
 When we found by experience that they did not, we 
 spent a great deal of time trying to put the men who 
 represented the real centers of social energy into 
 office. Most of our political reforms in the past 
 were of just this character. But the effort has now 
 so broken down that it is a question whether our 
 chief political error is not in thinking that political 
 leaders ought to be party men. 
 
 Political ideas and movements seldom do develop 
 within a party. They originate in experience, are 
 mobilized by a free press, and frequently come to 
 issue without ever being adopted by any recognized 
 party. The woman suffrage movement lived and 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 grew for nearly forty years, and was only taken on 
 by existing parties after its success was assured. 
 
 The introduction of a new temperamental bias into 
 politics in the woman vote, the direct application of 
 public opinion to public affairs by means of the ini- 
 tiative, referendum and recall, all indicate the decay 
 of the party as an institution. At this hour, it is not 
 even necessary, to be helpful, to describe the plat- 
 forms of existing parties. Not that aggregations of 
 voters may not survive the present stress, under ban- 
 ners nominally Democratic, or Socialist or Republi- 
 can. It is written on the walls of the world's capitols, 
 however, that they can only survive by becoming 
 something other and more adaptive than that which 
 any one of those names at present implies. 
 
 The other early political assumption which is be- 
 ing more rapidly altered by the war than any other, 
 was the idea which, in 1776, had the force of experi- 
 ence, that government was something that was set 
 over the people. It had to be watched constantly to 
 see that it did not impose. One of the objects of 
 the framers of the Constitution was to invent a sys- 
 tem of checks and restrictions by which the differ- 
 ent departments of the Government could watch one 
 another. 
 
 The result was that they succeeded only in mak- 
 ing it very inconvenient to get anything done. The 
 need developed by the war for getting things done 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 quickly has made it necessary to revise the mech- 
 anism of the Government, to make it more har- 
 monious with the new idea about it, the idea of 
 government as an expression of social consent. Why 
 should the President be restricted in doing those 
 things that we expressly elect him to do? This is 
 the meaning of the shifts of authority and power go- 
 ing on at Washington. It is all part of the growing 
 understanding of society as something that moves 
 and grows. 
 
 Many other of our early inventions are quite as 
 much in need of remodelling. One of them is the 
 separate State. The idea of federated political 
 groups is sound. It grows out of the differences in 
 living conditions dependent on geography, soil and 
 climate and the procession of harvests. The diffi- 
 culty about our States is that their divisions are ar- 
 tificial. We have too many, and with no good reason 
 for their being in that particular place. Depend 
 upon it, anything political which does not grow from 
 some sound root in the earth is out of place. 
 
 All these lesser artificially divided groups are ex- 
 pensive to maintain and clumsy to handle. That is 
 why the Federal Banking System ignores the State 
 boundaries, and divides into twelve districts, each 
 district representing what might be called a distinct 
 culture. That is, it represents a distinct group of 
 natural factors which call for different ways of being 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 lived with, the New England culture, the Ohio Val- 
 ley culture, the Pacific Coast culture, and all the 
 rest. 
 
 It would be a great saving if all our secondary 
 politics could follow some such natural grouping. 
 The state organizations are very much tied up with 
 history and property interests, so that it will require 
 all the fluency we have gained through war to re- 
 group them. Method, however, is unimportant, it is 
 the principle of distribution to which I wish to call 
 attention. 
 
 Just as the center of political energy is in the per- 
 son who is able to make them cohere, so the natural 
 center of political organization can always be found 
 in the conditions that enable people to live. States 
 or governments of whatever kind should be ar- 
 ranged around the four great social causatives, food, 
 housing, clothing and transportation. These are the 
 things that make one society differ from another. 
 They are the criterions of suitability in the making 
 of constitutions for states and nations. 
 
 91 
 
VII 
 
 NATIONALITY is the expression in political 
 form, of the temperament of a people made 
 homogeneous by living in one place. The principle 
 of national cohesion is very subtle. It is not the 
 principle of race; one might say that race is the prod- 
 uct of nationality, or that race becomes nationality 
 by the process of living long enough in one environ- 
 ment. Every thousand years or so new nations are 
 made out of combinations of races, and out of the 
 nationality so formed a new race arises. 
 
 But a mere aggregation of people, even of the 
 same race, is not a nation. There must be form and 
 political consistency. It might be any of the forms 
 we have discussed, but for a nation to have potency, 
 that form must be the self-determined expression of. 
 the genius of the people. Nations cannot be made 
 by conquest. Sometimes by long, forced coalitions 
 peoples not too unlike may become so welded that it 
 is inexpedient to divide their political interests. 
 Still, the Roman Empire, for all its yoking of king- 
 doms, never made a nation, and the power of Spain 
 in Mexico produced nothing more unified than a 
 loose confederation of tribal states. Even by con- 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 quest, it is difficult to make a nation against its will. 
 All through Europe, in the midst of other states, lie 
 fragments of dismembered nations like Poland and 
 Bohemia, that need only a few drops of life-giving 
 liberty to make them rise again whole and sound. 
 
 If self-determination is the factor that gives polit- 
 ical life to nations, it is the inter-action of land and 
 race that gives them character. If this were not so, 
 there would be no such thing as nationality in art. 
 But this is the most indisputable thing about art, 
 that it very definitely reflects not only the land from 
 which it came, but the racial strains through which 
 it reaches us. Negro music in Africa is one thing, 
 and music made by negroes in America is another, 
 just as Anglo-Saxon politics in Australia is different 
 from Anglo-Saxon politics in England. 
 
 Where two or three races have successively occu- 
 pied the same land, they will plainly show in their 
 art and policies the influence of the land, its color 
 and contours, winds, mountains, climates. It is 
 even possible to guess from the songs of an unknown 
 country whether it is open desert, or tree-covered, 
 with sharp, heaven-climbing hills. Nationality is 
 not a mere matter of boundaries or color on a map. 
 It is an inescapable condition of men living on a 
 varied and unequal earth. 
 
 No doubt the world would be a safer place to live 
 in if it were all flat like a table, and if its waters 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 instead of having to be bridged and sailed upon, 
 were all gathered to one side. But it is apparently 
 not in the nature of worlds to be flat. Neither is it 
 in the nature of minerals, or trees, or man to be all 
 of one quality or one kind. Differences in point of 
 view with corresponding distinctions of political ex- 
 pression are the elements of which nations are built, 
 and cannot be omitted from any sound internation- 
 alism. 
 
 So when we begin to deal with the question of 
 nations, we have to begin not only with the fact of 
 differences in points of view, leading to distinctions 
 of political method, but with the possibility of change 
 growing out of national experience. We must deal 
 with nations as natural, and therefore likely to in- 
 crease both in numbers and vitality, demanding more 
 room in which to come to their full growth. Finally, 
 we have to deal with that hidden urge of life which 
 throws up from time to time new principles of 
 nationality. 
 
 Every one of these considerations is a factor 
 in the international situation. Every one of them 
 must be accommodated in any satisfactory rear- 
 rangement. But the very nature of nations dis- 
 poses at once of the suggestion now being made in 
 many quarters, that international conflicts may be 
 prevented by the simple device of consolidating all 
 of them under one flag. 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 It is a common weakness of human nature to 
 think of itself as idealistic when it is merely un- 
 imaginative. True political imagination consists 
 in the power to select those elements of a situation 
 which have constructive force, and project them 
 into the future. Lacking this power, the future 
 becomes a fog on which men throw the color of 
 their dreams, as magic lantern pictures used to be 
 thrown on a curtain of smoke. 
 
 That is why any vision that is thrown up out of 
 American life, of a unified human race working 
 in harmony for its own improvement, must be 
 examined very closely for structural features. For 
 the great structural forces of society are spiritual, 
 invisible; and America is the most unimaginative 
 of nations. Or, if imaginative at all, only in terms 
 of material, steel and concrete, crops and engines. 
 That is why there is such a perpetual after-dinner 
 flavor to our world thinking. All that we have con- 
 tributed thus far has been the projection on the 
 screen of the future of the well-fed "business" mind. 
 And this is quite as true when the vision comes 
 from the type of mind that repudiates "business" 
 as the core of political life, true in the sense 
 that the world vision which goes by the name of 
 pacifism or internationalism lacks structure. 
 
 The average man sees a League of Nations, a sort 
 of standing committee of nations which will meet 
 
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 and perhaps pass unanimous resolutions, but he 
 does not in the least see what is to be accomplished. 
 The Internationalist sees all the boundaries of 
 nations dissolved in a tepid bath of brotherhood, 
 but he does not in the least see how. Both these 
 visions are reflections of an attitude, an approach. 
 Of the two, the average man's is more formulated 
 because it proceeds out of a daily habit of getting 
 things done, while all the professional pacific- 
 Internationalist has to offer is an emotion about 
 internationalism . 
 
 We have already seen that the first structural fact 
 on which we have to build a practice of international 
 relations is the fact of nationality, the continuous 
 and subtle readjustment between a people and their 
 environment, which differentiates the people of 
 one environment from the people of another. The 
 second inescapable item is the generation of national 
 power from within, through the sub-conscious 
 urge of type to perpetuate itself. You can see 
 this tendency working in our own country; streams 
 of population are pouring in from the old world, each 
 struggling to reproduce the environment to which 
 it owes its vitality. You can see it in the German 
 overflow, attempting in every country to create 
 Germanism as the natural expression of itself. 
 And wherever you see this, you can see the weakness 
 of the pacifist notion that unification is a simple 
 
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 matter of doing away with boundaries. It is that 
 weakness which assumes that unification is the 
 same thing as uniformity. 
 
 
 
 Practically everybody in the world is convinced 
 that war is a very wasteful and unsatisfactory way 
 of settling international difficulties. But we make 
 no headway toward getting it dropped as a political 
 method, so long as we go against nature by assuming 
 that the indispensable condition of peace is alikeness. 
 
 The whole tendency of nature is toward variety. 
 But variety is no more a cause of war than sameness 
 is a guarantee of peace. Resemblances of fortune 
 and feature do not prevent family quarrels; and 
 civil wars and class cruelties, which have nothing 
 to do with flags or boundaries, are not only frequent 
 but of exceeding bitterness. The atrocities of 
 international war are not more terrible, only more 
 concentrated than the atrocities of political and 
 religious persecution, which used to be inspired 
 with the idea of producing that very sameness of 
 view which looks so hopeful to the pacifist. 
 
 As a matter of history, civilization seems to have 
 advanced, not by the elimination of differences, 
 but by increasing freedom for being different. 
 War will have to be lost out of our political con- 
 sciousness as slavery and cannibalism were lost, 
 not by our growing more alike but by growing more 
 
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 intelligent. Any attempt to prevent differences 
 from becoming acute by abolishing flags of dif- 
 ference is a denial of the whole idea of social evolu- 
 tion. Resemblances between nations must grow 
 from their generally developing mentality, since 
 all mind appears to be of one piece, and from their 
 common rate of progress toward truth, which is 
 probably an expression of unity. It cannot come 
 naturally and profitably from a conventional agree- 
 ment to resemble one another, as school-girls all 
 agree to wear the same style of graduating gown. 
 
 Looked at simply as an historic episode, this 
 war resolves into an attempt by Germany to impose 
 the pattern of her particular sameness on the world. 
 Her occupation of Russia is an effort to prevent the 
 variation of politics so recently sprung up there, 
 from reacting on her own people to produce a 
 departure from sameness at home. The objection 
 to any war of conquest is not altogether an objection 
 to the use of the war method; it is not even a 
 question of a better or worse political pattern. 
 The whole offense, whether it is an offense of mili- 
 tarism or of pacifism, is an offense against the 
 natural and intrinsic right of peoples to be unlike. 
 
 We have to clear our minds on this point, because 
 our personal adventure in this war is a measure of 
 our power to assert the right to be distinct and 
 unlike, and to do it without infringing on the right of 
 
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 other people to the same fundamental distinction 
 and unlikeness. And the most outstanding problem 
 of reconstruction after the war will be our adjust- 
 ment to the new 'principle of nationality which is 
 now developing in Mexico and Russia. 
 
 It is as different from ours as ours was from 
 anything in Europe two hundred years ago, and 
 probably as much entitled to room in which to 
 come to its full growth. No one can yet say just 
 what it is, but its hungry demand for land, its 
 apparent inability to exist without a very personal 
 relation to land, indicates that its prevailing pattern 
 will be rural rather than industrial or commercial. 
 It is not a coincidence that this land hunger should 
 show itself in the revolutions of both Mexico and 
 Russia. You will find the same general attitude 
 toward land among the Bolsheviki on the East Side 
 of New York, and among the intellectuals who sym- 
 pathize with them. It goes with the temperament. 
 Land-lovers are always peace-lovers, not because 
 they have a higher, more spiritual point of view 
 than the rest of us, but because, loving land, they 
 dislike the disturbance and adventures of war. 
 
 There is also a strong leaning toward communism, 
 both as to land and industry, in this new order. 
 Their communism is not the same thing as co-opera- 
 tion among us, not voluntary team work for the 
 sake of a particular goal. It is something as neces- 
 
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 sary to the type as the swarm is to the bee, some- 
 thing he is unhappy to be without, that makes 
 him a buzzing, stinging nuisance in our kind of 
 social organization. And there is a kind of mysticism 
 which belongs to this sort of communism which 
 our Western civilization fails to understand. 
 
 What we mean by the mystical element in a 
 political movement is the manner in which the 
 movement is connected with the Universal Forces 
 that are always felt to be at work in human society. 
 There is very little difference between political 
 and religious movements, except in the names 
 by which they are called. A religion begins with 
 an idea of how men are related to God, and develops 
 a set of rules for living in harmony with that idea. 
 Politics, in its largest sense, begins with an idea of 
 the way society is related to universal, everlasting 
 things, and develops a system of social living around 
 that relationship. 
 
 The mystical element of the political movement 
 which goes by the name of Bolshevikism is Oriental, 
 pagan as opposed to our Christian mysticism. 
 It consists in thinking that peace, internationalism 
 and universal brotherhood are to be reached by 
 some rearrangement of the mind and emotions. 
 Whether or not some of the Bolshevik leaders are 
 German agents or German dupes is unimportant. 
 There are always some weak and vicious men in 
 
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 every movement. The distinguishing factor of this 
 movement is that it thinks World Democracy is to 
 come as the result of a soul-storm. That is where 
 it differs from our Occidental mysticism which 
 believes that all the worth-while things come at 
 the price of sacrifice. 
 
 It is probable that both these ideas need modi- 
 fying. Brotherhood is not wholly won by thinking 
 about it, nor democracy by dying for it. The mind 
 of man must come forward and permanently 
 occupy the territory for which life has been laid 
 down. But at least we know that we cannot get 
 very far with either idea by calling the other bad 
 names. 
 
 It is too early to say just what political form this 
 new element will take. One thing is absolutely 
 certain; neither Mexico nor Russia want our 
 capitalistic, commercial form. It is the dread of 
 having that system imposed upon them that makes 
 them distrust even the help they need so much from 
 us. Do not let your pride in American institutions 
 blind you to this. There is nothing that Mexico 
 or Bolshevik Russia and their prototypes in other 
 lands hate so much as our particular pattern of 
 living together. There is probably a natural sim- 
 plicity about this new type which makes it afraid 
 of our highly complicated system, much as a person 
 who has no mechanical gift fears machinery. 
 
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 And since we are having so much trouble to get 
 rid of the evils of our wage and capital system at 
 home, there does not appear to be any good rea- 
 son why we should impose it on anybody else. 
 If this new principle has vitality enough to get 
 itself nationally accepted in Mexico and Russia, 
 even for a short time, it is too vital for us to im- 
 agine that we can stamp it back into the earth, 
 or that it would be a good thing for the world if 
 we could. 
 
 
 
 Mexico is the particular problem of the United 
 States, though we are by no means going to be 
 permitted to settle it without reference to other 
 great nations. England and Germany both have 
 claims against Mexico, arising out of damages done 
 in the late Carranzista revolution, which they 
 only wait until a little less occupied to press. But 
 the danger from European nations that threatens 
 the development of national character in Mexico, 
 is not nearly so great as that which she fears from 
 our friendly attempt to develop her resources. She 
 fears that we will insist on repeating the very 
 pattern of capital and wage labor against which 
 our own labor class protests. 
 
 We have to go back to Mexico before Spain 
 found her, to understand this fear and its justi- 
 fication. At that time Mexico was a group of 
 
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 loosely federated tribal states, unequally advanced, 
 and alike only in being of the same race. They 
 did not speak the same language, and their laws 
 and religions differed. They had slavery and mili- 
 tary caste, and a highly developed craftsmanship. 
 Wage labor they did not have at all. The pattern of 
 their social life was communal; they built huge 
 temples, and had a symbolic communal drama 
 connected with their religion, not unlike the religious 
 communism of ancient Greece. But the item which, 
 more than any other, differentiated their civiliza- 
 tion from ours was that every man was a crafts- 
 man; every man made some useful and beautiful 
 thing, and craft was their medium of communication. 
 
 I mean that the pattern of blankets and pots 
 and feathered robes and chiseled stone was the 
 Mexican's way of expressing his inner thought of 
 things. This was the case in a much more practical 
 and explicit sense than we are accustomed to think, 
 and it was his only method. In the more developed 
 tribes there was the beginning of an attempt to make 
 patterns and pictures into a written language, but it 
 was no more than a beginning. Four-fifths of ancient 
 Mexico had no method of communicating the things 
 that are deeper than ordinary speech, except in 
 symbolic drama and the beautiful patterns with 
 which they decorated everything they made. 
 
 Then came Spain and took away their crafts and 
 
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 their drama, without giving them any better mode 
 of communication. Four-fifths of modern Mexico 
 cannot read. Spain broke up their natural 
 communism and tried without success to make 
 them over on a feudal wage system. There Mexico 
 is today, with her original pattern of social life 
 completely shattered, and temperamentally unable 
 to adjust herself to the wage pattern; her original 
 method of communication lost, and intellectually 
 unable to adopt a better one. Under such cir- 
 cumstances, no country develops rapidly. Left 
 to themselves for a hundred years or so, the Mexican 
 people would strike root again. But the very plain 
 difficulty is that they cannot be so left to them- 
 selves. It is the unavoidable condition of World 
 Democracy that no people can ever be left to them- 
 selves again. 
 
 
 
 The problem of Mexico and the United States 
 is very much the problem of Europe and Russia. 
 In both countries we have a native people, more or 
 less dislocated by oppression, struggling to take 
 root. In both countries there is a numerically 
 small class of advanced, ultra-modern leaders, and 
 a great mass of people without any reliable method 
 of communication. In both countries there are 
 vast stores of natural wealth which the world 
 needs, and contiguous to both countries are highly 
 
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 developed modern nations, able and anxious to 
 handle that wealth in their own interests. And in 
 both we have new principles of nationality strug- 
 gling for expression, with which we are neither 
 temperamentally nor politically in sympathy. 
 
 The real problem in Mexico will come after the 
 war, when England and Germany begin to collect 
 their claims. For the moment, good will and a 
 strict adherence to our own avowed principles of 
 World Democracy will afford Mexico the much 
 needed opportunity to regain her national equi- 
 librium. But between our American gesture of 
 good will and drowning Russia lie the needs and 
 aims of both Germany and Japan. 
 
 
 
 The problem of Germany and Japan is the problem 
 of the countries whose population and vitality 
 have outgrown their national bounds. This excess 
 population has to be accommodated somewhere on 
 the earth. The question is, shall it continue to 
 be accommodated as parts of Japan and Germany? 
 And where shall room for such national extension 
 be found? 
 
 We have an example in China of a nation that 
 produced its population up to the limit, of the land, 
 without expanding. The result was three thousand 
 years of arrested development. In England we have 
 an illustration of racial expansion with only moder- 
 
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 ate control from the racial center. Curiously, it was 
 the United States that set the key for Anglo-Saxon 
 expansion, by teaching England the limit of what 
 could be enforced on her colonies. And today it is 
 practically the United States who can, if she will, 
 determine the world's final policy of racial expan- 
 sion. 
 
 We shall make the mistake of our history if we try 
 to decide this question without reference to that 
 principle of nationality which was explained at the 
 beginning of this chapter. There can be no true 
 and progressive nationality in which the land does 
 not speak equally with the race. In the great Eng- 
 lish-speaking nations, Australia, Canada, the United 
 States, the land speaks. It makes strongly differen- 
 tiated and profoundly similar peoples. It makes 
 nations well-balanced between the father and moth- 
 er principles of their origin, the male element of 
 race and the mothering element of land, cradling 
 and nourishing. 
 
 It is not without significance that Germans every- 
 where refer to the original home of their race as the 
 Fatherland. The whole principle of nationalization 
 among Germans is a denial of the mother-right of 
 the land. It is an attempt to found states on the 
 male principle only, to oppose the natural modifica- 
 tions of lands and peoples they happen to live 
 among, and remain determinedly German Germans. 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 Where the Germans enter any nation, they are 
 taught to behave toward that country's social ideal 
 as their soldiers do to women of conquered countries; 
 they assault or seduce it. 
 
 I believe that we must look even more closely at 
 this principle of nationality than we have yet done, 
 if we are to find any ground of decision in regard to 
 the expansion of populous nations, for I do not think 
 that we can find it in democracy. Germany might 
 become a democracy; but if her people continued to 
 resist the modifications of environment in favor of a 
 Teutonic ideal of life, she would be quite as much 
 a menace to the world. The unregenerate masculin- 
 ity of the German people makes it possible for them 
 to discard the spiritual elements of motherhood, and 
 produce population for the sole purpose of German- 
 izing the world. It is probable that we make too 
 much of the imperialistic form of government in 
 Germany. Without a Kaiser, and with this primi- 
 tive maleness of mind unaltered, we could not see 
 Germans going into Russia without knowing that it 
 would mean death to whatever contribution to civ- 
 ilization we have a right to expect from the Russian 
 soil. 
 
 The Russian Empire, as it existed before the war, 
 was a patchwork of nationalities and national rem- 
 nants. We can never think of it coming back under 
 one rule again. By any just, natural solution, it 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 would come together as a group of federated states, 
 similar to, if not so united as the United States of 
 America. When German imperialism is defeated, 
 that is what will happen in European Russia. It 
 toil! happen as soon as the American people learn to 
 communicate with the Russian people. We tried to 
 communicate with them through envoys and minis- 
 ters, with tragic, irrecoverable results. 
 
 There is not a hopeless spiritual gap between the 
 mass of Americans and the Russian masses. But be- 
 fore we can reach the Russian people, the whole of 
 our thinking about them has to take a right-about 
 turn. We have always been thinking of Russia as 
 a place to be approached through Europe. We have 
 to face it now across Asia. We not only have to ap- 
 proach Russia through what is Oriental in her 
 thought, but through what is Asiatic in her geog- 
 raphy and politics. And Asia is the thinnest ice in 
 the political world. 
 
 Germany is much less of a problem. We can take 
 the measure of Germany and eventually, if not now, 
 overmatch it. We can safely trust what our minis- 
 ters and departmental heads tell us about Germany. 
 We cannot place any such dependence on what 
 they tell us about Russia, not because they are not 
 dependable, but because, being at the very top of 
 our politics, they are furthest from the vital ele- 
 ment, which in Russia is very close to the ground. 
 
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 The best thing the heads of our Government could 
 do would be to make it possible for our people to 
 get together with the Russians and exchange ex- 
 periences. 
 
 The greatest bar to such exchanges is that the 
 American people understand almost nothing of 
 the country across which we have to get together. 
 Between us there is India, China, Japan. In India 
 and China we have old civilizations in a state of 
 disintegration. And no one knows, at least no 
 one has said with such authority and clearness 
 that a self-respecting mind is obliged to accept it, 
 whether these old peoples are crumbling into dust, 
 or whether what is going on there is the rotting 
 of a husk around a young new sprout. If Germany 
 should move on, over prostrate Russia, nobody 
 knows whether Asia would stop her, or whether 
 Asiatic peoples would crumble and enrich the 
 soil for Germany to take root. 
 
 About Japan we know more, enough to be sure 
 of her vitality and her power to oppose Germany 
 if she chose. But we do not know what she will 
 choose. We fear an alliance between Germany 
 and Japan. We fear an attack by Japan and Ger- 
 many upon our coasts. Politically speaking, this 
 possibility is one of the most urgent reasons for 
 pushing the war against Germany in France. 
 
 The political reasons for fearing an alliance 
 
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 between Germany and Japan are first, the similarity 
 of their forms of government, both being imperial- 
 istic. Secondly, they are alike in being populous 
 countries that have outgrown their territories and 
 are looking for opportunities of expansion. If 
 Germany and Japan should agree to expand in 
 Asia until they meet across Russia and China, 
 it would be a very difficult matter to stop them. 
 If they chose to unite and cross the Pacific to the 
 unprotected American coast it would be still more 
 serious. Politically speaking, the most important 
 thing for America in this war is to prevent any- 
 thing of the kind happening. 
 
 
 
 But the United States is not trying to speak 
 and act politically at the present time. We are 
 trying to speak and act world-democratically. That 
 is what is behind President Wilson's Russian 
 policy. He is trying to get away from the old, 
 politically centered point of view and find new 
 terms for a new way of looking at things. There 
 is Japan, the dominant nation on the other side 
 of the Pacific, as we are on this. If we do not 
 wish to drive her to Germany, we must not decide 
 against her on account of the form of her govern- 
 ment. There are some very significant differences 
 between imperialism in Germany and in Japan. 
 
 The German Emperor is the over-lord of his 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 people, their personal leader. He is thought of, and 
 thinks of himself, as a super-German who does 
 everything a German would do, govern, fight and 
 philosophize, better than any other German. He 
 thinks Divine Power has descended on him from 
 Heaven, and says so. That is the German idea 
 of imperial government, a super-man attracting 
 Divine Power as a lightning rod attracts lightning. 
 
 The Emperor of Japan is not a super-Japanese, 
 but a symbol of the secret flame that lights the 
 soul of Japan. He is more like what the Ark of 
 the Covenant was to the Hebrews. He is the sign 
 of sovereignty, very much as the King of England 
 is, but in a more intimate and mystic way. England, 
 with a King who is also the Emperor of India, suc- 
 ceeds in being intensely democratic, and Japan 
 with an Emperor who is sacred, has something 
 in her national make-up that is far more akin to 
 America and England than it is to Germany. 
 
 This something is in the group consciousness 
 of the Japanese people. Every Japanese is much 
 more Japanese than any German is Teutonic, 
 because the group consciousness is so much more a 
 matter of racial spirit than of political allegiance. 
 The allegiance of the German is toward German 
 Kultur; he is carefully educated into it from his 
 youth up. If you succeed in detaching a German 
 from his Kultur ', he can become a thoroughly sound 
 
 in 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 American. Germanism is much more in his mind 
 than in his soul. 
 
 But there is always part of the soul of every 
 Japanese which never quite emerges from the soul 
 of his nation. That is why you can never be quite 
 intimate with him, never completely take his 
 soul with yours. That is why it is possible for the 
 Japanese to adopt the manners and customs of any 
 country, and be at home in any form of govern- 
 ment. It is because nationality in Japan is an 
 expression of spiritual unity that is much more 
 absolute and democratic than anything we have 
 achieved under a democratic form. The Japanese 
 is easily a citizen of the world, but the German to 
 be happy has to set up a little imitation Germany. 
 Japan is so democratic that it can accept differences 
 in rank and class as simply as the army accepts 
 differences in rank and uniform, as a part of the 
 business of becoming more completely an army. 
 The Government of Japan is thought of as sacred 
 because the soul of a people is sacred, which is 
 very different from the childish Teutonic notion 
 of a King so big and important that God confers 
 divinity on him like a medal. 
 
 We have to get hold of simple deep-seated things 
 like this, for it is quite impossible for the average 
 citizen to understand the situation in the far East 
 with ordinary political intelligence. The East, as 
 
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 Mr. Kipling has told us, is too old and there is 
 too much of her. What it all comes to is this, that 
 there is more spiritual affinity and more democracy 
 between us and England and the Japanese, than 
 there is between the Japanese and Germany. If, 
 through political jealousy or lack of understanding, 
 we drive Japan into coalition with Germany, we 
 have only ourselves to thank for it. It is for us to 
 say whether we shall have an ally on the other side 
 of the Pacific, or an enemy. 
 
 As the matter stands there is but one possibility 
 of serious disagreement between the United States 
 and Japan, and that is the question of her ex- 
 pansion in either China or Siberia. That there 
 will be expansion of Japanese influence is inevitable. 
 Whether it shall be territorial and political, or 
 merely cultural and commercial, depends on whether 
 there is a valid new political life in China or in 
 Siberia to oppose annexation successfully. 
 
 Officially, the right of any people to claim ex- 
 emption from conquest is grounded on their 
 capacity of development. Such capacity must not 
 lie at the mercy of the greed or vanity of another 
 nation, but must be attested in the court of the 
 world. There are such things as sick nations, na- 
 tions whose racial principle has rotted out and 
 whose countenance is a menace to healthier peoples. 
 The only chance such peoples have to make their 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 contribution is that they be grafted into sounder 
 stock. 
 
 Whether China shall come to be recognized as 
 "the sick man" of Asia as Turkey is of Europe, it 
 is not possible yet to say. Her old civilization is 
 dropping in the dust, but whether there lives in 
 its ashes any spark is for China to prove. The 
 development of Democracy in China will auto- 
 matically determine whether we are to be in the 
 future confronted with a Japanese empire or an 
 Asiatic Federation of nations. 
 
 
 
 That is the problem in regard to the expansion of 
 Germany and Japan in Europe and Asia. But 
 when we begin to think of their possible expansion 
 in some other part of the world, we are involved 
 in the huge and costly problem of Africa. 
 
 Few Americans have thought much of Africa; 
 even less have they thought of it as something 
 that the United States will have to take an interest 
 in. But Africa is interesting for two reasons. It 
 offers the only large tracts of unsettled country 
 not actually preempted by civilized powers. It 
 offers also the only supply of a cheap cannon fodder. 
 Africa has a vast native population of a very low 
 order of mentality, but a high order of physique. 
 Africans make good soldiers. If any militaristic 
 nation got a footing there, a most terrible engine 
 
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 of warfare could be shaped out of the negro popula- 
 tion, and it could go on almost unobserved. White 
 civilization does not penetrate very far inland from 
 the coast. ~^ 
 
 Africa is the item the pacifists leave out of calcu- 
 lation. Everybody, with the possible exception 
 of Germany, is hoping for disarmament by inter- 
 national agreement. But even with Germany agree- 
 ing, and with ostensible disarmament at Berlin, 
 how could the world be sure of what might be going 
 on in this huge back room of African colonies? 
 It might go on under pretense of trade or of mis- 
 sionary effort, under the cover of Kultur, the gar- 
 ment that hides so many offenses against civili- 
 zation. To put Africa in ward to a league of nations 
 will be an expensive business, for we do not only 
 fight German arms, but German thinking. Our 
 one hope is to establish the claim of the land as 
 basic and superior to political affiliations, and to 
 insist that Germans in Africa shall become Africans 
 as Englishmen in Australia became Australians, 
 and in Canada, Canadians. Otherwise, those spaces 
 that used to be black on the map of Africa are still 
 black with menace to the peace of the world. 
 
 What we are going to do about the problems of 
 the great nations, as well as the demand of small 
 nations for self-determination, depends on two issues. 
 
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 It depends, first, on the degree to which Allied 
 armies establish a military advantage in Europe. 
 Secondly, it depends on our being able to forge a 
 suitable instrument of internationalism to take the 
 place of war. We have tried international banking, 
 international trade and international religion. But 
 war is the only instrument with which we have 
 yet been able to force an international conclusion. 
 Disarmament is important to a world democracy 
 only as a release from strain and from liability to 
 sudden disturbance. It would be quite possible 
 to have a democracy of armed nations, but it would 
 be unnecessarily expensive. The presence in a 
 league of pacific nations of any one nation always 
 thinking of war and rehearsing for war, would be 
 a source of uneasiness. Universal disarmament is 
 a measure of precaution, but not a necessity of world 
 politics. Try to see this as a simple fact, rid of 
 militaristic or anti-militaristic emotion. 
 
 Because, after the fighting is over, that is proba- 
 bly what we are going to have for a long time, 
 an armed democracy. Even with Germany reduced 
 to reasonableness, we must not hope for a swift 
 return to the short-sighted certainties of 1914. 
 Immediately on the cessation of hostilities there 
 will begin to sit in some neutral city a conference 
 of nations, in which every one now at war will be 
 directly, and every other one indirectly, represented. 
 
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 Meantime, there will be long waits of armies on 
 inactive fronts while the nations test the quality 
 of one another's sincerity. There will be councils 
 begun and broken off with threatening gestures, 
 kings recalled from peace conferences to be deposed, 
 and delegates suddenly finding themselves repre- 
 sentatives of divided nations. Outside there will 
 be a ring of neutrals, most of whom have not been 
 touched at all with the fire of the world-spirit, 
 each grabbing at some private advantage. And 
 as the world disturbance dies down the coasts of 
 all the continents, who can say in what far called 
 places our men will be called to fight for the principle 
 for which they first went to war? 
 
 Pacifists and sentimental internationalists can do 
 us an immense amount of harm by insisting that 
 we are fighting to stop the fight. We are fighting 
 to finish it. The infinitely complicated problem 
 of the small nations is only secondarily a problem 
 of how difficulties shall be settled when they occur. 
 It is first of all a problem of how they shall live to- 
 gether in the future so that the fewest possible 
 difficulties shall arise. 
 
 117 
 
VIII 
 
 HUMAN life comes up like a great vine, the 
 secret of whose growth is underground. It 
 produces races like leaves, and civilization like a 
 flower that drops off and leaves the fruit of its 
 experience in history. It produced forgotten Baby- 
 lon and Egypt, Greece, so mellow and golden, 
 and Rome whose fruit turned acid at the last. 
 It produces America from a broken shoot of Europe, 
 rooted in the soil of a new continent. This is not a 
 mere poetic fancy. It is a statement so vital to 
 our understanding of life that it can only be made 
 in terms of other life. 
 
 The new growth of the race is always from the 
 ground, from hidden and incalculable forces. When 
 it comes up on a new land as ours did, it incommodes 
 nobody; its evolution is watched by the world as 
 interesting and marvelous. When it comes up in 
 a long and thickly settled country, crushed and 
 stamped upon, its final appearance as a true vine 
 is called revolution. You must get a firm hold on 
 this distinction if you are to understand the social 
 forces at work in the world today. 
 
 We had a revolution in the United States by 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 which we threw off the smother of European in- 
 fluences. After that we made no trouble for anybody 
 but ourselves. Neither did Australia make any 
 trouble. But the Australians were originally English, 
 and if they had undertaken in England to set up 
 their special conditions of democracy, votes for 
 women, government ownership and the rest, it 
 would have been a bloody and bitter business. 
 Or if the signers of the Declaration of Independence 
 had gone on living in London and insisting on a 
 President, and representative government in place 
 of a King, would they not all have "hanged separate- 
 ly," as one of them said? 
 
 We do not know a great deal about human Me, 
 but these two things seem certain: the principle 
 of life is inexhaustible, and it continues to produce 
 from the earth upward. We do not yet know whether 
 it is inevitable that all high types of civilization 
 must drop off the vine, after reaching a certain 
 stage of development. That they have so dropped 
 and died in the past may be due to the stoppage 
 of their own growth at the top. But wherever they 
 have opposed the growth from beneath, they have 
 died violently. That is what happened recently 
 in Mexico. There, three hundred years ago, Spanish 
 rule was laid across the strong young tribes like 
 a stone over a sprouting tree, which, coming up 
 slanting and awry, lifts the stone. That there have 
 
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 been venomous biting and stinging things exposed 
 by the lift is to have been expected. That is the 
 sort of thing that always hatches under a govern- 
 ment pressed down on the people from above. 
 There were basilisks under the stone of feudal 
 France that bit off heads by baskets-full. 
 
 Pressure of gro'wth from below and pressure of 
 fixity from above are always going on somewhere 
 in the world. When the upper classes of any coun- 
 try and by upper classes I mean the classes that 
 have had the greatest success in overcoming the 
 difficulties of existence, hunger, cold and houseless- 
 ness when those classes have an elasticity about 
 equal to the natural upthrust, then that country 
 is in a state of prosperous evolution. But when 
 life bubbles up against an inelastic crust, the process 
 of adjustment is called revolution. 
 
 AH the world just now is in a state of revolution; 
 in America, as elsewhere, except that in the United 
 States it is not yet bloody or embittered. What is 
 taking place now in the interest of war organization, 
 delivering mines, food and transportation to govern- 
 ment control, is revolutionary in character. To 
 attain this much discussed political change by 
 ordinary peaceful evolution would have required 
 years. Even as a war measure, it could hardly have 
 been accomplished with so little protest, unless it 
 had been in line with the general drift of American 
 
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 politics. But to know how either the war or Wash- 
 ington are coming out, we must watch the new 
 growth pushing up from the ground. It is the line 
 of contact of these two pressures that is the danger 
 line. 
 
 Every one is more or less familiar with a move- 
 ment up from the very bottom of our social life. 
 We hear it referred to in various keys of hope and 
 anxiety as the Social Revolution. Most Americans 
 are vaguely sympathetic, and indirectly troubled 
 by the friction of it against their immediate interests. 
 
 If this were not so this slow and not very intel- 
 ligent spread of sympathy labor would be much 
 more of a problem than it is; and if it were not also 
 recognized as a world problem, it would be, for 
 America, the sooner settled. But being a world 
 problem, subject to the pull of other national 
 tides, we cannot understand even that part of. it 
 which is going on within our own national life, 
 without penetrating a little deeper into world 
 structure. 
 
 
 
 Very early in life we find human society taking 
 a pattern which seems to lie so close to the heart 
 of life that we have never got wholly rid of it. 
 This is the pattern called totemic, which I shall 
 have to define rather explicitly. 
 
 The totem pattern is a system of group organiza- 
 
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 tion, in which every individual in the group, as 
 well as the group itself, is known by its symbol, 
 usually an animal: the great turtle, the eagle, the 
 wolf. People who have the same totem have a 
 relation to one another which is closer than any 
 other known relation. It is closer than the tribe 
 or the family. Two men of different tribes and 
 the same totem are nearer akin than two men of 
 the same tribe with different totems. A man and 
 his son, having always different totems, do not 
 tell one another totem secrets. There were other 
 regulations and distinctions in primitive totemism, 
 but these are of political significance. 
 
 Anthropologists agree that the totem of a group 
 represented the life principle of that group. Eagle 
 men were supposed to take their life from the 
 eagle, wolf men from the wolf, and this derivation 
 of life from the totem established kinship. This 
 relation went even further back through the life 
 of the individual to the totem, and through the 
 totem to the All-life, God, the Great Spirit. By 
 the use of his totem a man reached up to the All- 
 life and reinforced his own. 
 
 This totem pattern seems to have prevailed 
 pretty much all over the earth. But it is not to be 
 thought of as referring only to savage life. It is 
 a pattern that keeps recurring in human history, 
 a pattern of men united by a common relationship 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 to the All-life, a grouping more fundamental than 
 either the family or the nation. 
 
 This is the pattern of most religions. It is the 
 pattern of early Christianity. A man accepted 
 Jesus as the expression of the All-life, and a source 
 of life more abundant in himself. Immediately he 
 was related to all other men who confessed Jesus. 
 A Jew and a Gentile who were both Christians 
 came closer together than two Jews or two Gentiles 
 who were not. And this totemic pattern of kinship 
 through an idea of Allness, which repeats itself in 
 history this is the pattern of the Social Revolution, 
 the pattern of the new, swift change which is coming 
 over all our politics. <->'! -* '*,, 
 
 Not everybody sees it so, perhaps because the 
 idea which is back of the revolution is nowhere 
 clearly expressed. It is in its best phase called 
 Democracy, but many things are called Democracy. 
 In calling it so, probably something very different 
 is meant from your idea of Democracy or mine. 
 Anarchism, Socialism and Internationalism are names 
 descriptive of the way in which some people think 
 the thing will work, rather than descriptive of the 
 idea itself. Pacifism is simply one little sprig of 
 the idea, and Bolshevikism is a name for one of 
 its manifestations. Perhaps I. W. W. is another, 
 or perhaps this is one of the fanged things that 
 have hatched under the stone. Social Democracy 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 Is the most inclusive term that has yet been invented, 
 though when I use it for the new order, you must 
 not confound it with any party or propaganda 
 now in the field. Whatever its name, the things 
 to remember about the new movement are that it 
 comes from close to the ground and is totemic in 
 character. It professes a more fundamental kinship 
 than nationality or political constitutions. 
 
 Because of its, totemic and sub-national char- 
 acter, the new movement appears as the growing 
 tip of an entirely new concept of political life, as 
 different from ours as ours in 1776 was different 
 from the political life of the old world. I see it as 
 having the same right to exist and grow, and danger- 
 ous to our society only as it is trodden upon and 
 oppressed. Therefore I see it as better for us to 
 encourage it to come to its normal growth in some 
 country where it is native to the genius of the 
 people, as in Russia or Mexico, where it will deeply 
 root and attract its own out of all the nations, 
 just as the United States of America drew its own 
 from the outermost rim of the world. Its own 
 will probably not be wholly proletariat. It will 
 draw labor and science and art, all the components 
 of a normal national life, and will proceed to arrange 
 these things around its native principle of national- 
 ity in its own order. And so doing, it will draw 
 off from our special political order elements that 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 tend to prevent our coming to the flower and fruit 
 of our social genius. 
 
 To think of the new movement, as many do, as 
 Internationalism, a movement to abolish national 
 boundaries, is to interpret its appearance in all 
 countries very superficially. There is a certain 
 amount of coincidence in the prevalence of revolu- 
 tionary movements throughout the nations of the 
 world, coincidence that is helped by the wide 
 dissemination of news and sympathetic contagion. 
 Not every outbreak is a valid one; it could only be 
 imagined to be such by people who habitually mis- 
 take noise for power, and think every exhibition of 
 activity a manifestation of life. As a matter of 
 fact, death and degeneracy both register as activity. 
 But whether by the decay of old political forms or 
 the inventions of new, it is important to discover 
 to what extent the American nation is involved 
 in this struggle of a new point of view to get itself 
 naturally expressed. 
 
 In America the force of this new movement 
 has been generally recognized as the unrest of 
 labor. But though the movement is expressed in 
 the laboring classes everywhere, I think it can be 
 shown that this is because the laboring classes are 
 closer to the ground, and not because it is exclusively 
 a labor movement. I am aware that this is not the 
 usual view, but if we can even divide the movement 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 toward Social Democracy into the elements that 
 are expressed in labor, and those that are expressed 
 some other way, it will be helpful. 
 
 We speak of the Unrest of Labor. What we 
 really mean is the unrest of wage- working men 
 and women. There is more than the difference 
 of words in this distinction. There is in it the 
 story of our late discovery that labor cannot be 
 separated from men. With the rapid development 
 of industry and commerce, we have gone on 
 thinking of labor as something that can be bought 
 and sold, like salt or silk. We talk of the "labor 
 market"; we buy cheap, and force down the 
 market by artificial devices. When the price of 
 labor is low, we try to buy a great deal of it, 
 binding the sale by contract against the rise of 
 prices. We send abroad for "cheap" labor. 
 
 If there were any such thing as an historical 
 study of wage-working as a social invention, it 
 would show us that most of our ways of thinking 
 of labor, and all of our ways of speaking of it, are 
 derived. They go back to the time when labor was 
 the service of conquered people, people not we, 
 but they, a class apart, living among us, but never 
 us. We got into the way of speaking of the labor 
 market naturally, because there was such a market. 
 We bought and sold labor then by selling men and 
 women. It is only in the last fifty or sixty years, 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 since we stopped selling men, that we have dis- 
 covered that labor is not a commodity. It cannot 
 be disassociated from men and their welfare. Hand- 
 labor is the contribution made by a certain group 
 of men to the advancement of civilization. Wage- 
 payment is our way of recompensing this contri- 
 bution. These are the things you must start with 
 before considering whether or not it is the best 
 way. 
 
 Another way of speaking of labor, which dates 
 back to the beginning of industrialism in Europe, 
 is to estimate the cost of particular labor to a given 
 producer, as its cost to society. We thought of 
 labor on the Po or the Danube as being cheaper 
 than ours because a given item of it could be bought 
 for a smaller wage. But when we brought that 
 labor to America, we discovered that it was only 
 "cheap" over there, because in Italy or Poland 
 it cost less to produce. That is, it cost less to pro- 
 duce and sustain a man. 
 
 Perhaps the type of laborer we thought it neces- 
 sary to produce in America had something to do 
 with his expensiveness, for we had not only to 
 make a laboring man of him; we had to make a 
 citizen. To find what this man cost society, we 
 have to add to the items of his bringing-up, his 
 schooling, and his up-keep, not only during his 
 labor-producing period, but past it. And we have 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 to add to all these the mother-energy that goes to 
 the making of a man, not only the upbringing and 
 educating of the mother, but the cost of all the 
 life that cannot be brought to adulthood. It is 
 our slowly widening appreciation of the necessity 
 of including the cost of all these things in the wage 
 of labor that has brought up the price to the indi- 
 vidual employer. 
 
 But even as we give expression to our sense of 
 this necessity, we betray another of our traditional 
 ways of thinking of wage-working people. We 
 think of them as possessing a class stability, which 
 establishes them as inferior in their capacity for 
 dealing with the problems of existence. We think 
 of them as though they were wards of society and 
 we their guardians. 
 
 This attitude is not without some foundation 
 in history, and the rather recent development of 
 self-determination among the labor classes. It 
 has some excuse in the perpetual fact that all 
 parts of society do not move forward at the same 
 rate. There is always an obligation on the part of 
 the more swiftly moving not to create a gap in 
 the procession. But the mistake is in our taking 
 for granted that it is the wage-worker who tails 
 the procession. We keep his welfare on the basis 
 of patronage, by leaving it in the hands of the 
 employer to determine the condition of light, air 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 and general well-being under which labor is per- 
 formed. It is even possible to find people pro- 
 testing against paying more than a bare living 
 wage, on the ground that the wage-worker does 
 not know how to spend money wisely. 
 
 All these various ways of thinking about labor 
 are expressly denied by the Constitution of the 
 United States, and some of them are contradicted 
 by the laws and by general practice. Once a man 
 gets out of the wage-working class, we do not 
 hold it against him. The fact that so many do 
 get out, to become artists, scientists, manufacturers, 
 is evidence enough that we do not actually handle 
 wage-working as an inherent handicap. 
 
 What we do is to establish by our system of 
 wage payment an economic handicap. If a man 
 struggles out of wage-working into something else, 
 there is a chance for him to go on even to being 
 a millionaire or President, but he cannot be a wage- 
 worker and be anything else at the same time. I have 
 emphasized this point because I believe it to 
 be the core of the difficulty. It is the item on which 
 we, as well as the wage- workers, "lose out." 
 
 If you will examine the great personal contri- 
 butions to civilization chloroform, for example, 
 which was the greatest single contribution to the 
 mastery of pain you will be surprised to find how 
 many of them are made in hours spared from very 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 commonplace occupations. Almost every man 
 has some spark in him, but the conditions of wage- 
 working in the United States are such that, if a 
 working-man is to nourish the spark, he must find 
 another occupation. We have no door leading out 
 of the labor class by which the genius may walk 
 to his predestined task; we compel him to scramble 
 over the wall. 
 
 Politically, the most objectionable feature of our 
 system of paying for hand-work with a daily or 
 weekly wage is that it tends to establish this un- 
 desirable fixity of class. All that is necessary to 
 create inherent class distinction is to compel each 
 young generation, as it comes along, to walk in 
 the steps of its parents. When this has continued 
 for a few hundred years, we have the very thing 
 that the Fathers of the Republic labored to avoid. 
 To just the extent that the working-man's wages 
 make it impossible for him to train his children for 
 any calling for which they may be better suited, is 
 he obliged to make wage-workers of them. Since 
 the more intelligent of the wage-workers see this 
 as clearly as any sociologist could set it forth, 
 what we have finally is an un-American class 
 consolidation and class antagonism. 
 
 On the one hand, we have the people who are 
 born with positions which enable them to take 
 their compensation as ' 'profits"; and on the other, 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 held there by the obscure pull of centuries of 
 slaveholding, Lord-of-the-Manor thinking, those who 
 take their pay in wages. Between them we have a 
 common social necessity for finding some method 
 of handling labor which will save to society the 
 utmost worth of every individual citizen. 
 
 The labor classes, in attempting a solution, show 
 themselves more or less conditioned in their think- 
 ing by the time clock and the whistle. They pro- 
 pose a universal compulsory labor day of six or 
 four hours with an increasing demand for more 
 wages, more wages, and then more wages; or they 
 rest the solution on some sort of mechanical dis- 
 tribution of the wealth created by labor, socialism 
 or profit-sharing. 
 
 
 
 Among the socalled intellectuals, there is a 
 growing disposition to treat the labor problem as 
 a problem in the minimizing of labor, almost to 
 the point of its disappearance. By applying engineer- 
 ing intelligence to necessary processes, and by 
 increasing the rewards of dangerous or disagreeable 
 work, it is expected that physical labor shall come 
 to take a secondary place in the constitution of 
 society, just as the business of getting himself 
 transported from his house in Brooklyn or West- 
 chester to his office in Manhattan takes a second- 
 ary place in the life of the individual. This is in 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 line with the American genius for overcoming 
 natural difficulties with machines, and in line 
 too with our superior use of mass psychology. 
 
 It was the great American psychologist, William 
 James, who made the most fruitful suggestion 
 that has yet appeared, the suggestion of a citizen 
 conscription for labor, by which the world's work 
 should be raised to a "moral equivalent for war," 
 with banners and music and shoulder touching 
 shoulder. Who would not wish to be in the com- 
 pany of such conscripts who would build a Panama 
 Canal or harvest a bumper crop in Iowa? And 
 for the dangerous and difficult trades there would 
 be super-rewards, as for the special risks of war. 
 Such a treatment of the labor problem is not only 
 soundly based on the nature and spirit of man, but 
 it is already indicated in the visible trend of American 
 labor. 
 
 The labor union, misused as it often is, and much 
 misunderstood, is moving toward the elimination 
 of a labor class by the identification of wage-workers 
 with that portion of American society which is 
 already above the line of mastery over conditions 
 of living. The union, with its growing pride of 
 craft and increasing sense of power, represents a 
 movement parallel to the merging of industrial and 
 financial combinations. It is an effort to escape 
 from the confusions of individual competition. 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 There is, structurally and politically, no difference 
 between a well organized union of skilled workmen 
 and a commercial trust company, except that the 
 trust company is nearer to the sources of money- 
 power and has a longer range of experience in 
 manipulating it. 
 
 It was not so long ago that a highly organized 
 and successful working-men's union agreed to wear 
 the customary evening dress for men at its official 
 gatherings a small item, this, but significant of the 
 most American disposition of wage- workers to insist 
 on their own place in the national game, on their 
 own basis, as engineers, shipbuilders, steel riveters, 
 without the necessity of becoming any other sort 
 of men. If it turns out that they cannot keep that 
 place without some different method of distributing 
 the wealth of the nation, such a method must be 
 found. 
 
 Nothing has been so constantly misread as the 
 struggle of wage-workers in America to dress like 
 all other workers. It is the symbol of the most 
 spiritual of their aspirations, the expression of the 
 value and dignity of labor in the same terms that 
 value and dignity are affirmed of all other occupa- 
 tions. When we talk of Americanization we must 
 not forget that unification of our thinking implies 
 a unity of expression. The demand that wage 
 compensation should include the possibility of such 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 expression is one that women, closer always to 
 the spiritual significance of dress, should unite 
 in supporting. In proportion as you find it offensive 
 or amusing except as all modern dress is a little 
 amusing it is evidence of undemocratic thinking. 
 
 
 
 It is not the purpose of this book to point out 
 the particular solution of the wage problem to 
 which the young woman citizen may commit 
 herself. All that is attempted is to define those 
 elements of the situation which give shape and 
 structure to the future, and to define them in terms 
 familiar to women. For the place which it expects 
 to occupy in the reconstructed social order after 
 the war, labor will make its own demands. In 
 the report of the Inter-Allied Labor Conference, 
 at London early in 1918, there is a statement of 
 what organized labor thinks about the war and 
 what ought to come out of it. Whatever is thought 
 about this statement of world aims, it is important 
 to come to it with minds swept clean of prejudice 
 and false impressions. There is no advantage 
 in being a young citizen if you do not also bring 
 freshness of view. 
 
 The relation of women to the world aspects of 
 wage-labor is too recent for them to have developed 
 any tradition about it. For working-women it is es- 
 sentially a problem in compensation; they are only 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 indirectly touched by the struggle between men 
 and men for an expression of maleness, for au- 
 thority and personal equity. 
 
 The relation between the woman worker and 
 the woman employer has not yet taken on the 
 character of a struggle; and between women workers 
 and men employers of women, it is emphatically 
 a struggle for compensation, unbiased by sex. At 
 the same time, it is a struggle for working conditions 
 which take account of the reaction of labor on the 
 mother-energy of the workers. 
 
 During the past hundred years something has 
 happened to women which never happened to them 
 in the history of the world before. The freshness 
 and vivacity of young girls has been valued as an 
 industrial asset. The bubbling vitality of youth is 
 set to turn machines. Natural coquetry, the love 
 of beauty and soft enhancing fabrics, which is all 
 part of the nest-making, mothering instinct, has 
 been suppressed because it interfered with labor 
 values. Engaged as the woman worker has been 
 in a desperate struggle to get her work recognized 
 on the same wage and time basis as men, she could 
 make no struggle at all for her potential mother- 
 value. This is a battle which the non-working 
 woman must fight for her, since mother-energy is 
 even more a social than a personal asset. This is 
 not a problem between workers and employers, 
 
 135 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 not properly a labor problem at all, but a problem 
 of social conservation. It belongs with child labor, 
 vocational training and the development of citizen- 
 ship by careful gradations of personal responsibility, 
 and has very little to do with the struggle going on 
 between men as employers and men as workers. 
 
 - 
 
 Though they can never be treated as entirely dis- 
 tinct, it is impossible to come to grips with the 
 unrest of labor without constantly keeping in mind 
 these three separate strands. First, we have the 
 rise of a new, totemic social order, very widely 
 diffused throughout the world, with its most acute 
 manifestation in Russia. Then we have the general 
 movement toward social betterment and enlight- 
 enment, which affects the laboring classes, as being 
 most in need of it. Finally, we have the sharp 
 struggle of the American wage-worker for the 
 Americanization of his relations to society. 
 
 It is probable that social unrest all over the 
 world is three-plied like ours. Certainly it is in 
 all English-speaking countries. In England the 
 struggle is rather to get all castes and classes back 
 among the workers. After the war in England 
 every honest man will do something, as in America 
 every honest man will have something. And in 
 England, as in France, there is less of the totemic 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 movement because the French people are already 
 more unified. 
 
 If you look closely at labor in America you will 
 see that it is full of splits and factions caused by 
 labor's half-conscious effort to separate itself into 
 the two groups, one which struggles to find its 
 proper place in the existing order, and the other 
 which looks for a new and totally different political 
 expression. 
 
 If we are wise, we will give to these movements 
 every opportunity to clarify. But if we press Ameri- 
 can labor back upon the fire which smolders at the 
 bottom of the heap, the whole mass will gradually 
 be fused with the warmth of the new order. That 
 glow will spread upward; it will grow white hot. 
 And in due time America also will have a revolution. 
 
 137 
 
IX 
 
 T DO not know why it should have amazed us to 
 * discover, as we have during the past decade, 
 that the centers of control over living conditions were 
 not identical with the centers of politics. It was 
 part of our Republican tradition that politics had 
 nothing to do with making a living. To be sure 
 that it had not, we had been careful to make official 
 salaries a little less than a living for the men in 
 office. Public service was conceived as something 
 given in return for general social welfare, with 
 only an indirect relation to private affairs. Private 
 business was thought of by the Fathers of the 
 Republic as an assault against Nature, proceeding 
 best when least interrupted by the State, which 
 meanwhile warmed us from above, the sun of our 
 prosperity. There was a certain naive faith that 
 that sun was kept shining, in much the same fashion 
 that the tribal dance makes the rain fall and the 
 crops ripen, by the four-yearly frenzy of party 
 politics. 
 
 After a hundred years or so, it was discovered 
 that the national orb was pulled across the sky 
 by men who refused to make the political gesture. 
 
 138 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 They were neither politicians nor men officially 
 connected with the Government. Back of the 
 ward-heeler, the speculator in perquisites and "pick- 
 ings," back of the party boss, was a hand from 
 Wall Street that pushed them all about the board. 
 They had no "principles," these men, and no 
 policy; but they proved to us by establishing control 
 over money, that true power resides in money. 
 Bread and housing are much more imperative as in- 
 fluencing the conditions under which men live to- 
 gether than either policies or principles. 
 
 It was part of our two-mindedness about public 
 and private life, that we thought of this at first as 
 base, whereas it is merely true. There is no such 
 separation between living and the means of living 
 as our political philosophies implied. Bread and 
 land, work and the tools of work are the body and 
 sinew of liberty, without which it and justice are 
 but poor houseless ghosts. The discovery that the 
 money boss was stronger than politics was the most 
 informing episode in our political development, 
 because it taught us the direct connection between 
 politics and living conditions. But it went much 
 further than that. 
 
 The last, most definitive statement of the relation 
 of politics and big business occurs in a series of 
 articles by Lincoln Steffens in 1910. After which 
 nothing whatever appeared to happen. What 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 really was happening, however, was the slow inter- 
 penetration of the American consciousness by the 
 certainty that the money boss had made his way 
 to the centers of power under the protective coloring 
 of his alikeness to the rest of us. His technique 
 was the technique of our sacred competitive initia- 
 tive. He was the man who had asked of every 
 situation the test question of a competitive era: 
 What is there in it for me? and received the super- 
 lative answer. It was the extent to which the 
 small private citizen found his own welfare involved 
 in that answer, that made the new point of departure 
 for political thinking in America. And having begun 
 there, it is unimportant whether ten years or twenty 
 are necessary to bring it to the issue which leaps 
 out of America to join itself to the live inquiry 
 of all the world: Is there any business in the world 
 which is not more or less the business of all of us? 
 
 
 
 It is always much easier to change a social prac- 
 tice than to change a way of thinking. That is why 
 in the midst of Government ownership and control 
 of industry, we are still, many of us, thinking back 
 in the early days of the republic, when men were 
 chiefly occupied with the progressive mastery of 
 soil, minerals, waters, and with the tools and pro- 
 cesses of such mastery. 
 
 We have not clearly stated to ourselves what it] 
 
 140 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 means to have passed from that industrial phase to 
 commercialism. We think of the charge that we 
 Americans are commercial, as meaning that as a 
 people we care more for money than for anything 
 else, when, as a matter of fact, there is nothing we 
 part from so easily. We care tremendously for 
 sentiment in America, and for what Mr. Wells has 
 called the normal social life-home and the family, 
 our town against all other towns, peace and a good 
 table. And we might even care for money without 
 being a commercial nation; we might care as the 
 French peasants care, hiding it in the soil they 
 live upon; or we could care for it as a sign of social 
 caste, as the early eighteenth century cared, and 
 be, as we were at that time, an industrial common- 
 wealth. The change to commercialism is made 
 when the major social energy is applied to the 
 manipulation and the control of commodities. 
 
 These things are always easier to understand 
 than they are to deal with. When the peasant 
 raises his grain, grinds and bakes it, we have a one- 
 process industrialism. When the peasant passes 
 the grain to the miller, who transfers it to the baker, 
 who sells it to the consumer, it is still industrialism. 
 Even when the number of processes is widened to 
 include the carter and the delivery man, the char- 
 acter of the transaction is not changed. When a 
 commodity, between its necessary and improving 
 
 141 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 contacts with labor, is subject to processes which 
 add to its cost without increasing its value, and 
 when a better living can be made out of manipulating 
 a commodity than producing it, then the change 
 from industrialism to commercialism is accomplished. 
 Speculators who hold wheat in elevators, railroads 
 that juggle the freight, millers who hold back the 
 flour to increase the price, and bakers who adulterate 
 the bread are all engaged in commercial enter- 
 prises; and all but the last one are held to be legiti- 
 mate. 
 
 Something like this has been going on all over 
 the world, and, without being able to fix a precise 
 moment for it, in America it has been indexed by 
 the transfer of the spell-binder from the political 
 platform to the market-place. 
 
 Social progress is made possible by producing the 
 special kind of intelligence demanded by the various 
 stages of a progressive environment. An agri- 
 cultural society produces the farmer mind, as 
 the age of machinery, produces mechanics. Wher- 
 ever there is a failure of intelligence, there are 
 dislocations and monstrosities of social practice. 
 
 As the rapid development of trade and industry 
 in America dragged the producer and consumer 
 apart, there were whole areas of activity not 
 covered by any sort of awareness. The increase 
 of markets has not been met by a corresponding 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 development of market intelligence. Between the 
 farmer who produces your food and the grocer who 
 sells it to you, there is a No-Man's-Land which is 
 as unknown to the former as it is to you. 
 
 One absolute condition for successful economic 
 organization is that in every phase of activity 
 both its origin in human necessity and its end 
 in human betterment must be kept simultaneously 
 in mind. Either of these being lost to sight, 
 there is a disposition to treat whatever is found 
 as a natural resource, subject to the same assault 
 of competition as mines and forests and fields. 
 Like those fabled giants who devoured their own 
 children, overgrown American industry began to 
 exploit its own markets, filch from its own plate. 
 It increased the price of bread by speculating in 
 wheat, and then urged the high price of bread as 
 an excuse for speculating. 
 
 But the sense of parenthood of its own economic 
 institutions was never so far from American intel- 
 ligence that all this could have come about without 
 some obscuration of the public mind. Man's appetite 
 for excitation is always stronger than his impulse 
 to reasonableness. Exploitation of the industrial 
 output would never have been possible without 
 some manipulation of man's thinking, without, 
 in other words, the invention of modern advertising. 
 
 Like poppies in a field of wheat, there has sprung 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 up lately in the field of business, a guild of men 
 whose trade is Appeal. All the modern science of 
 psychology, all the old tricks of the medicine man 
 and the spell-binder are brought to bear, not in 
 the creation of social values, but on the mere ex- 
 change of commodity for coin, as little commodity 
 as possible for as much coin. The result is that we 
 have no market thinking, any more than in the 
 days of the torch-light procession we had political 
 thinking; we have only market transactions. Neither 
 have we among the masses any expression of per- 
 sonality in things purchased. What we have is a 
 succession of surrenders to salesmanship. Just 
 as surely as it was said contemptuously of the 
 English that they had become a nation of shop- 
 keepers, so may it be said of the Americans that 
 they have become, absurdly, a nation of shoppers. 
 A vast bulk of our business is neither creative 
 nor bettering. It is all of a piece with the idle habit 
 of women, handling the wealth of the shops for 
 the delight of its color and sheen, the pleasant 
 stimulus of newness, the unprofitable supposition 
 of ownership carried on under the pretense of 
 legitimate buying. The only difference is that 
 women know that they are "shopping. "Men, turning 
 over stocks, wheat, city lots, or other goods of 
 that character, without adding a cent to their 
 value, think that they are engaging in a serious 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 masculine business. And just as the price of all 
 the goods in the shop is made to carry the cost 
 of women's shopping, so the cost of all our common 
 necessities is put up by the men, who, without 
 ever producing any good or beautiful thing, spend 
 all their lives quite happily, and for the most part 
 innocently, repeating in the market-place the 
 ancient complexes of war and the chase. 
 
 Much the same sort of thing has taken place in 
 the world of finance. Money, or any commodity 
 which is, in the common phrase,* 'as good as money," 
 is thought of as floating about in our midst, as 
 detached from any source in human work or any 
 end in human welfare, as fish in the sea. Anybody 
 may catch money who puts in his hook with the 
 proper bait, or he may catch it with a drag-net or 
 a stick of dynamite. 
 
 Do not allow yourself to be put out of touch by 
 the simplicity of this statement. Women in particu- 
 lar, who have no natural aptitude for the mechanism 
 by which high finance is carried on, are likely to 
 be disconcerted by it. They expect any statement 
 of finance to resemble one of those cubist pictures 
 which looks as if it might mean something if only 
 anybody understood it. But unless women can 
 bring some sort of primary clarification to the modern 
 problem, the sort of clarification which women 
 derive from their primary necessity to produce 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 life on the one hand and to nourish it on the other, 
 there is not much else that they can bring. 
 
 I am obliged to confess that if understanding 
 the details of bank management were one of the 
 conditions of using banks, I should have to keep 
 my money in a stocking. But I am very clear in 
 my mind that the care of accumulated wealth and 
 credit is too important to the community for the 
 institution of finance to be left like an abandoned 
 orchard where anybody may fill his pockets. 
 
 Money in banks, or bonds, or any stable equiva- 
 lent, is stored human energy. The ability of man 
 to separate himself from his own powers and lay up 
 the surplus in some concrete form for a more necessi- 
 tous moment is one of the things that makes 
 civilization possible. A more or less orderly recur- 
 rence of periods of high energizing, accumulation 
 and discharge, is the fundamental rhythm of society, 
 as it is of nature. In any normally thought out 
 society, banks, financial ganglia of whatever sort, 
 should be the energizing centers of social welfare, 
 the mechanism for the continuous release of social 
 energy. 
 
 There are a great many people ready to aver 
 that this is quite the case; they were even heard to 
 assert just previous to the outbreak of the European 
 war, that the international machinery of finance 
 had been so perfected that human energy could 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 never again escape into the wild disorder of inter- 
 national conflict. They point to systems of rural 
 credits and agricultural loans as an evidence that 
 banks are seeking to complete the circle in pro- 
 duction. Excellent as these things are, they are as 
 inadequate as the hope of international peace 
 through international banking was mistaken. 
 
 For financial institutions are not really run in 
 the interests of social creativeness. That is to 
 say, they are not run in the interest of any of the 
 things which finally determine the course of human 
 society. They are run in the interest of property, 
 in the interest of the concreteness of wealth, rather 
 than its potentiality. They are as far from pro- 
 ducing a sound social unity as our habit of taking 
 our baseball from the news score and the sporting 
 extra is from producing a healthy national recrea- 
 tion. Everybody is at some time dependent upon 
 the banking system, but actually we are further 
 from banking than from baseball. Some one at 
 least sees the game and tells us about it, but the 
 great operations of finance, with power to affect the 
 condition upon which vast numbers of people live 
 together, are not seen even by a representative of 
 the people. They go on in private offices, in stock 
 exchanges, in the whims, combinations and enmities 
 of a minority of men. 
 
 We have got into this state of detachment from 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 our markets and our banks, by coming to them 
 from a habit of thinking of the family as the social 
 unit, and the making of a living as the private 
 business of the family. We have thought of that 
 vast area of human activity which extends beyond 
 individual control as a sort of commons, free for all, 
 and most of all free from any personal responsibility. 
 
 In the beginning of our commercial life, it was 
 no more thought reprehensible to make money by 
 manipulating the market and the banks, than 
 it was thought political. Politics was an un- 
 certain theory of the State, and a small practice 
 of public administration. Banking was business. 
 Probably no one was more surprised than the 
 money boss to find himself in a position of political 
 power, which on the whole he seems to have used 
 rather clumsily and without any particular malice. 
 He has even at times used it with rudimentary 
 ideas of patriotism and public service. But at any 
 rate, he has used it, and by the widening circles 
 of private disaster we have been taught that just 
 here, in this area of irresponsibility, at the inter- 
 section of all the invisible lines of trade and finance, 
 is the true center of political power. 
 
 Modern politics is not something made up by a 
 great many individuals to regulate the accident 
 of their living together. It is an influence proceeding 
 toward the people, out of the unavoidable unifica- 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 tion of social life, a crackling, dynamic energy 
 generated at the crossing of their wires. And out 
 of this new conception of politics as proceeding 
 toward the individual instead of from him, has 
 sprung the question of the hour: To what extent 
 and on what occasions is any business to be thought 
 of as private and subject to individual control? 
 
 
 
 Should the nation own and work its mines? 
 May a public carrier be operated in the interest 
 of private profits? Are children a sole responsibility 
 of the parent, or an asset of the State? Do the tools 
 and processes of trade belong to workers or to an 
 individual? When a woman is bringing up children, 
 has she a right to demand an allowance from the 
 State in order to bring them up properly? 
 
 These are some of the questions existing before 
 the war that war has brought to a focus. All of 
 them relate to the problem of stored energy ex- 
 pressed in terms of money. These and secondary 
 problems springing from them will have to be 
 taken up by one or another existing political party, 
 or by new parties with new programs of solu- 
 tions. At this moment it is impossible to say 
 that even the Socialist party, which has always 
 answered these questions in the affirmative for the 
 State, will not take another note from the experi- 
 ence of war 
 
 149 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 For the war has offered us unexpectedly an 
 opportunity to observe the experiment of national 
 control in operation. Under the stimulus of a fine 
 feeling of national unity, all the centers of power 
 have shifted to Washington. For the duration of 
 the war at least, a man's business is not his own 
 business, but ours. 
 
 Even when we make allowance for the haste with 
 which this centralized control has been accomplished, 
 there are several things that distinguish it from 
 any system which might have been worked out by 
 the American people as an expression of the national 
 genius. The types of men demanded to meet the 
 character of the emergency, the large industrial 
 manager and the business engineer, have given 
 to the war organization a "business" color. 
 
 This means that our war-time business is being 
 handled chiefly by men who are accustomed to 
 high individualism in the management of affairs, 
 unaccustomed to confer, or to give reasons for 
 what they do. They know how to direct other 
 men but are unable to lead them. Their notion 
 of co-operation is for everybody to get together 
 and do just as they are told. They have no experience 
 with, and very little aptitude for the more demo- 
 cratic idea of co-operation as it is established by equal 
 contributive effort 
 
 The closer one gets to Washington, the more one 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 feels that what is going on there is a sincere attempt 
 to apply to the national problem what is so often 
 appealed to as the "business sense of the com- 
 munity." 
 
 For women, business has meant the home and 
 the children, the right sort of home and the right 
 thing done in it to bring up children happily and 
 well. And for women as a class, business private, 
 competition and exploitation has not fulfilled its 
 promise. It may as well be faced, the whole woman 
 movement is in some sort an admission that Ameri- 
 can "business" has not "worked." All the men have 
 not kept all the women and children well fed and 
 housed. To the clear, immediate sense of women, 
 business, as men conduct it, is a series of sallies 
 against the difficulties of existence, sometimes 
 sordid, often brilliant and romantic, full of high 
 courage and invention, but impractical never really 
 practical enough to keep the world fed and housed 
 and at peace. 
 
 This is what women want most. They want 
 much more for themselves and the race, but first 
 of all they understand that womanhood is not 
 wholly valued, or the dignity of motherhood 
 affirmed so long as great numbers of children are 
 born and brought up in misery and poverty. 
 
 The early theory of business in America has been 
 that it gave every man an opportunity which, if 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 taken, would make it possible for him to care com- 
 petently for his own. And the practice has been that 
 only men with certain characteristics of initiative 
 and competitiveness succeed in doing so. Either we 
 must get another scheme of living together in 
 America, or we must make this special capacity, 
 which is so extraordinarily developed in some men, 
 serve the whole community. 
 
 Although we did not recognize it as such, there 
 has been a drift in the last direction going on for 
 some years. As business has grown more and more 
 constructive, big men have shown a disposition 
 to escape from the handicap of perpetual small 
 competition. They invented both the trust and 
 the merger. 
 
 Partly because it worked an immediate hardship 
 on small business, and partly because it contradicted 
 the tradition of individualism, this tendency was 
 discouraged. We called it all manner of names, 
 not realizing it as an unconscious attempt of big 
 business to socialize itself. The trouble with the 
 trust and the merger is that in them, interested 
 men combine only with their own kind, for the 
 interest of that kind. If they did not combine 
 against the rest of us so deliberately as many imag- 
 ined, they at least did not combine with the people. 
 Nor has that yet been done. They have combined 
 for the masses and the integrity of the country 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 as a whole. What we have at Washington is an 
 incomplete merger of business intelligence, in favor 
 of the national interest. Making allowance for 
 the haste with which it has been assembled, what 
 we have at Washington is a Government of co- 
 ordinated industries, conducted by experts in busi- 
 ness engineering. If the American system of indus- 
 trial and economic organization is sound, this 
 arrangement will work perfectly. Wherever that 
 system is weak, the weakness will come to the surface. 
 
 There are three things this war government has 
 to handle. It has to handle material: coal, wheat, 
 iron, lumber, transportation, machines. This it 
 will probably do very well. We have always been 
 wasteful in our handling of material because we 
 have so much of it, but we are not unskillful. 
 
 The war government will have to handle labor. 
 This it will do not so well. It will be hindered on 
 the one hand by the long antagonism of labor 
 and "big business," and helped on the other by the 
 patriotic good will of labor. Big business is by no 
 means so powerful as it was, and labor by no means 
 so helpless. Under a common necessity they will 
 probably find out a workable compromise. 
 
 Finally, the war government will have to handle 
 something for which there is no name. It has names 
 which differ according to the department of living 
 in which it shows itself, and since it shows itself 
 
 153 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 in so many places at once, let us begin by calling 
 it Social. That much is certain ; it is in us and among 
 all our Allies; it is even in Germany. Because this 
 thing is alive and stirring, we might call it the 
 Social Movement, but immediately you begin to 
 think of specific movements. Social Unrest is the 
 term appropriated to labor, Feminism to women. 
 We could call it Social Energy but it is something 
 more shaped than that, more conscious of direc- 
 tion, and I know of no better term for it than the 
 Social Stream, and no better figure than that of a 
 great river upon which our war industry is afloat. 
 Think of these separate industries, food, manu- 
 facture, soldiering, and the rest, as so many ships on 
 the river. They must produce a certain amount 
 and yet all keep about their relative positions in 
 the stream. For suppose they lock prows and 
 attempt to stem the current until their work is 
 done. They may do very excellent work that way, 
 but meantime the waters will back up and sweep 
 them all under. 
 
 
 
 This Social Stream takes its rise in one of those 
 unmapped areas of business, close to the Bank. It 
 takes its rise in something that also for want of 
 a better word, we have to call Social Capital. 
 
 Ordinary capital represents savings. Social capital 
 
 154 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 is the measure of group potentiality. It grows out 
 of the capacity of men to combine. Ten men socially 
 combined can do more than ten men working 
 separately. This extra potentiality is the Social 
 Capital of that group. But its value depends on 
 the vitality of the spiritual organization of the 
 group. Men are said to be spiritually organized 
 when they are held together by some alikeness of 
 aim of spirit. They are industrially organized when 
 they are combined for work by some condition 
 or person outside themselves. 
 
 Both of these kinds of combination can exist in 
 the same group. Both of them have to be, when 
 the object is, like the winning of this war, a com- 
 bination of industries for world democratization. 
 
 The difficulty in America is that our great indus- 
 trial managers have never learned the art of gen- 
 erating and using Social Capital. They think of it, 
 on the whole, as something apart from "business," 
 disturbing to it. They have never thought of the 
 social potentiality of the spiritually organized 
 group as part of our national resources. All these 
 group potentialities flowing together make up what 
 I have called the Social Stream, on which all 
 our industries and institutions float. 
 
 In the past, when any industry felt itself shaken, 
 it undertook to stop out the particular rill which 
 fed the stream labor union, votes for women, 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 eight hour laws, whatever disturbed industrial craft. 
 When an invention is made which upsets some 
 money interest, it is very often bought up and 
 suppressed. Business does not attempt to keep 
 up with invention and science. It tries to keep 
 invention and science in its pocket, to be used as 
 required. It has tried to do the same thing with Art. 
 In just the same way that business will buy up and 
 suppress a new motor which interferes with one 
 that is already in the market, it will buy up and 
 suppress a good play that might interfere with 
 one not so good which is making money. 
 
 The net result of this policy is that, in general, 
 business has no experience in generating and re- 
 leasing Social Capital. We have plenty of social 
 idealism in the United States, but we have few 
 men who are expert in the art of turning it into 
 ships and munitions. We have inventors of the 
 first rank, but we have so little practice in turning 
 inventive genius quickly into war weapons, that 
 we are actually being fought by inventions that 
 originated in America. To our amazement and 
 mortification, both our Allies and our enemies 
 prove to be far more able than we to keep pace 
 with their own inventive genius. We are conscious 
 of a tremendous fountain of inventiveness, both 
 social and mechanical, springing up within us, and 
 suddenly we begin to realize the comparative 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 insignificance of the jet which escapes from the 
 nozzle. 
 
 Nothing could be more unjust than to attempt 
 to visit this condition solely on the men who happen 
 to be the nucleus of the present crisis. Millions of 
 Americans have comfortably believed that when 
 such a crisis came we could simply say to our invent- 
 ors: Go and invent something to win the war. 
 Millions have imagined that our social idealism 
 could be organized by a wave of the flag. 
 
 We have never developed men with the skill 
 for spending our Social Capital, or for reinvesting 
 it in world power, simply because we have never 
 realized that such men would be needed. Or 
 if they exist, we have not taught ourselves how to 
 recognize them. We have never, as a people, taken 
 the measure of our Social Capital. Least of all 
 has this measure been taken or has this skill been 
 developed by what is known as the business 
 interests of the country. 
 
 
 
 The most remarkable evidence of the lack of what 
 we may call a national technique, a method of 
 handling our national resources, both social and 
 material, among the men who are conducting our 
 war business, is their waste of woman-power. For 
 among American women there exists the most 
 successful social technique, the most remarkable 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 organization for releasing Social Capital that the 
 world has ever known. It consists of the federated 
 and affiliated groups of women's organizations, 
 embracing about half the woman population of 
 the United States, engaged wholly in social enter- 
 prises. It releases energy from women writers, 
 women lawyers, nurses, doctors, teachers, from 
 church-women Protestant, Catholic, Hebrew 
 from trades union leagues, from Browning societies 
 and from such widely separated groups as the 
 Women's Institute for Laboratory Research and the 
 society that works among the sweepings of our 
 social gutters. Some of these organizations have a 
 working history of fifty years and more, antedating 
 the Civil War. 
 
 Practically the best of the work of social betterment 
 that has been effected in the United States in that 
 time has been done by these women, a work unique 
 in the history of the world. But to no one at Wash- 
 ington has it occurred to make use of this instru- 
 ment in accelerating the business of implementing 
 the American ideal of World Democracy. They use 
 women, yes. But they do not use the experience 
 of women; they do not see that this energy-releasing 
 experience of women is a great national asset, the 
 bulk of our Social Capital. 
 
 Do not make the mistake of thinking of this 
 neglect as a slight directed against women. The 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 woman-power of the United States is not used 
 because the type of man who has logically come to 
 undertake the management of the war, the type 
 of man we have developed and prided ourselves 
 upon, knows almost nothing of the nature of So- 
 cial Capital, its organization and use. 
 
 But this war is, more than any war that was 
 ever fought, a war of social expansion, a war for 
 extending the frontiers of democracy. It is a war 
 for the reinvestment of the Social Capital of the 
 world. It will not be fought successfully on our 
 side until it is so understood. We cannot come out 
 of it as a whole and harmonious nation unless we can 
 learn to invest our local American Social Capital 
 in the processes of the war as we go along. Only 
 so can we remain a "going concern" among the 
 other national corporations. Unless we rapidly 
 conquer the art of releasing this sort of capital, 
 one of two things will happen; we shall inexcusably 
 and ignominiously fail or we will blow up with the 
 accumulation of undistributed social energy. 
 
 159 
 
THIS has been kept until the last, because it is 
 at once the most immediate of our national inter- 
 ests, and the point of departure for the new politics, 
 the politics which is sprung from the woman-thought 
 of the world. Up to the beginning of the war, all 
 our political tension gathered about the contact of 
 capital and labor. It took the form of a struggle 
 between labor and what were known as the business 
 interests, for the distribution of profits. In the 
 early phases of the struggle, conditions of labor 
 played a conspicuous part. But as soon as it was 
 discovered, and to the degree that it was made 
 convincing that certain conditions of hours and 
 sanitation tended to increase profits, such conditions 
 were more easily conceded, and attention was 
 concentrated on the division of the spoils. 
 
 All the words and phrases that developed out of 
 that struggle, co-operation, profit sharing, syndi- 
 calism, even terms of larger import like Govern- 
 ment ownership and Socialism, all show that we 
 were thinking of a proper division of the spoils as 
 the solution. We were convinced that if some plan 
 could be hit upon which would insure an equitable 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 division, the millennium would immediately set in. 
 Some thinkers went so far as to believe that the 
 only absolute solution lay in abolishing the capital- 
 ist, making the acquirement of wealth as impossible 
 as it seemed undesirable. 
 
 We are in the habit of saying that the advantage 
 of war is that it brings us keener appreciation of 
 the fundamental, eternal things. We are thinking 
 about things in relation to life and conduct when 
 we say this, but if politics is nothing after all but 
 group conduct, does it not seem that war might 
 reveal some of the fundamental, eternal things 
 of politics? 
 
 One of the first things revealed was that our most 
 discussed solutions turned out not to be solutions 
 at all, but expedients. There is government control 
 of the railroads, to which many people looked 
 forward, as a point beyond which we could sit 
 back more comfortably in our chairs with the 
 feeling that something was settled. But when the 
 railroads are picked up over night, we find that 
 it is merely a handy method of increasing our 
 speed. This turns out to be the case with many 
 political changes which we looked forward to as 
 achievements, only to find them so many turns in 
 an open road. 
 
 Another of our war surprises has been to find 
 that we are poor among the nations, poor in ships, 
 
 161 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 in guns, in aeroplanes. And we are poor in these 
 things because we are short in the very commodity 
 we thought we had most of, we are short in pro- 
 ductivity. That is to say, we are poor in business 
 ability. We have developed a class of men clever 
 at accumulation, expert in the administration of 
 money capital and credit capital, but inexperienced, 
 on the whole, in the investment of Social Capital. 
 They are trained in methods of making themselves 
 rich by the production of ships and guns and things, 
 but they are not trained in methods of producing 
 these things so as to make the nations rich. 
 
 It would be stupid to think of this state of things 
 as the fault of any particular class. If the men who 
 have been chiefly occupied with handling the wealth 
 of the country are not adequate to the present need, 
 it must be because there has been something wrong 
 in our way of thinking of wealth. We have been 
 thinking too much of the heap. We have not been 
 sufficiently clear in our minds that wealth piled up, 
 grasped, arrested, is not properly wealth. The heap 
 is not much more than a heap. Wealth is not all 
 material; it is in large part fluidity. The richest 
 nation is the nation whose combined capital 
 social and material can most easily flow into any 
 form that the welfare of that nation demands. 
 
 If you will attend any Liberty Loan campaign in 
 almost any American city you will see that we do 
 
 162 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 not flow easily. We have to drum-beat and sing 
 and shout ourselves into the necessary mobility. 
 Something of the same stiffness is in all our processes, 
 whether of ships or men. 
 
 Much of this immobility comes from our having 
 concentrated too long on the problem of profits and 
 profit sharing. We have rather the habit of thinking 
 in America that the important, and possibly the 
 only political problem is this one of the distribution 
 of wealth, as expressed in the struggle between 
 capital and labor. We have ignored the part which 
 is played in our political life by the class for which 
 in America we have no specific name. It is numer- 
 ically the second largest group, and corresponds 
 loosely to what is known in Europe as the bour- 
 geoisie. We should say the middle class, except that 
 it is in no sense an intermediary class between capital 
 and labor, but stands somewhat apart from both 
 of them. It has no distinct social rating, as the bour- 
 geoisie has in Europe, but involves the widest possible 
 range of talent and intelligence, with rather middling 
 incomes. 
 
 In every country it is the weakness of the bour- 
 geoisie to regard its escape from both wage labor 
 and great wealth as an evidence of moral superiority, 
 and to look a little condescending on one and 
 censoriously on the other. This attitude of separate- 
 ness makes it slow moving, and of the greatest 
 
 163 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 political significance. In Russia, it has been the 
 conservatism of the bourgeoisie which kept them 
 from joining the Bolsheviki against the Germans, 
 and it is on the moral reaction of the bourgeoisie 
 that we must count for the future of the new 
 republic. On the other hand, -it is the spread of 
 ideas of organization and social co-operation, made 
 possible through the rise of a middle class in 
 Mexico, which supported the revolution. 
 
 In America, out of the greater freedom from 
 social tradition there has developed a new element 
 to which we must look for the reorganization of our 
 social life. It is the new art of the administration 
 of social forces. Women are its chief exponents, 
 women doctors, women lawyers, women social 
 workers. There are several reasons why this should 
 have come from the middle classes, the best of all 
 reasons why it should come from women. For 
 women have an age-long experience in the admin- 
 istration of social energy, the administration of 
 the family for the family's sake. 
 
 We do not remember often enough that while 
 men have been struggling to produce democracy 
 in the State, women have seen the family through a 
 similar process of democratization. They have 
 separated it from the horde and established it as 
 a center of social energy. They rescued it from the 
 autocracy of the patriarchal system, with life and 
 
 164 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 death powers over them and their children. They 
 have rid the family of feudal allegiance to the 
 male parent and re-located it in the "good of the 
 whole." Long, long before men recognized the 
 existence of social forces as elements of politics, 
 women had learned that the administration of 
 social forces is the chief, the most indispensable 
 activity of the home. And it is in the bourgeoisie 
 home, with its comparative freedom from drudgery, 
 that the most intelligent methods of administration 
 have developed. 
 
 In the United States, where the middle class 
 woman had enjoyed great freedom of education 
 and release from social tradition, this faculty for 
 social administration, developed in family life, has 
 been very generally turned to the account of the 
 community. You can see this in operation every- 
 where in the work of the Church, in the Red Cross, 
 in the selling of Liberty Bonds, in the hundred 
 new activities set in motion by the war, requiring 
 the administration of social energy. That it is not 
 active in food conservation, in the commissary of 
 the army and navy, and all the socially involved 
 departments of war work is due to our not yet 
 having understood these social problems. Ask 
 in any American town who has been most active 
 in securing livable conditions, and you will find 
 that it is the women. You will find the men of that 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 town willing to concede this, but you will seldom 
 find them realizing that this has anything to do with 
 the successful conduct of the war. 
 
 Millions of middle class American men of middle 
 years are aching to get into the war, to feel them- 
 selves a part of it. They are much less a part of 
 it than either labor or the great industrial managers. 
 They are out of it largely because they have no 
 experience in administering their own social con- 
 tribution. They are accustomed to surrendering 
 the management of that contribution to their 
 women. And in this war in the United States 
 women have been left out as is the case in no other 
 of the warring countries. 
 
 Here is the immediate work of the woman voter. 
 She must somehow plan and bring to pass the 
 recognition of her gift for social administration 
 as part of the work of winning the war. She must 
 have it recognized as part of the work of the war, 
 in order that it may be taken seriously as part of 
 the business of building a new world order in which 
 war shall have no place. It is not important in the 
 United States for women to prove that the work 
 of a woman in a munitions factory is as good as 
 the work of a man. Women in France and England 
 have already proved that. It is to us that they 
 must look to demonstrate the power of woman- 
 thought for world betterment. 
 
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THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 For if politics is something strange and unrelated 
 to the common life, if it is something for which 
 rules cannot be drawn out of the common occasions 
 by which we live together, then democracy is a 
 delusion. We can think of it as helped by knowledge. 
 But if the kind of knowledge necessary for successful 
 politics is any different in kind from the knowledge 
 that women draw out of the experience of producing 
 and perfecting life, then the introduction of women 
 into politics is the most disastrous thing that 
 ever happened to democracy. 
 
 And if the experience of being a woman does not 
 itself establish some kind of fitness for social living, 
 then the achievement of women in France and 
 England is the greatest miracle that ever happened. 
 How otherwise could so many millions of women 
 march forward into men's places and the structure 
 of the State not even tremble! 
 
 Now you see why I have devoted so much of 
 this book to the process of democratizing yourself. 
 For it does not appear from anything that has 
 happened, or is happening in the world, that the 
 foundations of society rest anywhere but where 
 they have always rested, in the very center of our 
 common life. There is no complication of national 
 or international relations which will not yield on 
 analysis some primary simplification such as any 
 woman can draw out of her own lawful occasions. 
 
 167 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 The whole process of political education is a search 
 for these simplifications. We are to find them in 
 art and in science and in history. But if by any 
 chance art and science and history are not open 
 to us, or if they tend to increase our confusions, 
 the search is still to be carried into the heart of 
 experience. 
 
 If you find yourself unable to deal with the patter 
 of labor unionism and the nice distinctions between 
 Marxian and Fabian Socialism, you can at least 
 determine that the woman who washes your clothes 
 in a laundry shall not do so under any worse 
 conditions than prevail in your own kitchen; or 
 the seamstress who sews for you in a shop be any 
 the less under your eye and protection. However 
 political leaders may prophesy, these are things 
 of which you can be sure. 
 
 Social systems do not fall apart because good 
 sense is affirmed in terms of law and regulation, 
 any more than your home comes tumbling about 
 your ears because you insist on being wise and 
 humane in it. You will find it a more tedious business 
 to banish indecent pictures from the bill-boards 
 of your town than from your home, but you will 
 not find that you need any better or different set 
 of reasons for doing it. Once you have accustomed 
 yourself to the larger scale, you will find that keeping 
 an unregenerate nation from "shooting up" the 
 
 168 
 
THE YOUNG WOMAN CITIZEN 
 
 streets of the world presents no problems of any 
 different human import than those of keeping 
 peace in the streets of your town, or preserving 
 democracy in the family. 
 
 This faith in the common experience is the best 
 thing that woman can bring to politics. The 
 most hopeful thing that she can offer at this hour 
 of terrific change and uncertainty is the age-long 
 practice of family life with its hourly need of adapta- 
 tion to growth and change of outlook. This is the 
 woman's gift which she must put across into the 
 world's thinking by every known political expedient. 
 She must state it in terms of present fact and 
 historic incident, in language suitable and con- 
 vincing. She must embody it in laws and learn 
 to recognize it under every national or international 
 statement. If these are not enough she must devise 
 new methods, but the meaning of her method is 
 the meaning of life to women, the power of social 
 life to sustain itself out of the common processes 
 of living and the creative character of change. 
 
 THE END 
 
 169 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Workmen's Compensation Act 
 
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 Eastman, Crystal. Work Accidents and the Law. New York, Russell 
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 Price, George M. The Modern Factory. New York, Wiley and Sons, 
 1914. 
 
 Rubinow, I. M. Social Insurance. New York, Holt, 1913. 
 
 Mothers' Allowances 
 
 Anthony, Katharine. Mothers Who Must Earn. New York, Survey 
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 Laws Relating to Mothers' Pensions in the United States, Denmark, 
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 Maternity Insurance. New Republic, May 6, 1916. 
 
 Meigs, Grace L., M.D. Maternal Mortality. Washington, U. S. Chil- 
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 Citizen Obligations 
 
 Beard, Chas. A. and Mary R. American Citizenship. New York, 
 
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 Franc, Alissa. Use Your Government: What Your Government Does 
 
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 Howe, Frederic C., Ph.D. The City the Hope of Democracy. New 
 
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 CHAPTER II 
 
 League of Nations 
 
 American League to Enforce Peace. Handbook of Programs and 
 
 Policies. New York, 1916. 
 Angell, Norman. America and the New World State. New York, 
 
 Putnam, 1915. 
 
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 1918. 
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 6, 1918. 
 
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 Veblen, Thorstein. An Inquiry into the Nature of Peace and the 
 
 Terms of Its Perpetuation. New York, Macmillan, 1917. 
 Wells, H. G. A League of Nations: The Plain Necessity. New 
 
 Republic, April 6, 1918. 
 Wilson, Woodrow. In Our First Year of War. New York, Harper, 
 
 1918. 
 Woolf, L. S. The Framework of a Lasting Peace. London, Allen 
 
 and Unwin, 1917. 
 
 Milk Distribution 
 
 Dodd, F. Lawson. Municipal Milk and Public Health. London, The 
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 MacNutt, Joseph S. The Modern Milk Problem in Sanitation, Eco- 
 nomics, and Agriculture. New York, Macmillan, 1917. 
 
 Magruder, George L. The Sanitary Betterment of Milk Production 
 and Distribution. Washington, International Congress on Hygiene 
 and Demography, 1913. 
 
 New York Milk Committee. Infant Mortality and Milk Stations. 
 Special Report Dealing with Problem of Reducing Infant Mortality. 
 New York, The Committee, 1912. 
 
 Rockwell, A. H. What Constitutes a Model Milk Ordinance. Lan- 
 sing, Michigan, Health Board, 1913. 
 
 Labor Unions 
 
 Henry, Alice. The Trade Union Woman. New York, Appleton, 1915. 
 Marot, Helen. American Labor Unions. New York, Holt, 1914. 
 
 Internationalism 
 
 Angell, Norman. Internationalism as a Condition of Allied Success. 
 
 The Dial, May 9, 1918. 
 Balch, Emily G. Approaches to the Great Settlement. New York, 
 
 Huebsch, 1918. 
 Buxton, Chas. Roden, and others. Towards a Lasting Settlement. 
 
 London, Allen and Unwin, 1915. 
 Dickinson, G. Lowes. The Choice Before Us. London, Allen and 
 
 Unwin, 1917. 
 Eliot, Chas. W. The Road Toward Peace. Boston, Houghton 
 
 Mifflin, 1915. 
 Hobhouse, L. T. Questions of War and Peace. London, Fisher 
 
 Unwin, 1916. 
 
 172 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Hobson, John A. Towards International Government. London, 
 Allen and Unwin, 1915. 
 
 Howe, Frederic C., Ph.D., LL.D. Why War. New York, Scribner, 
 1916. 
 
 Jordan, David Starr. Ways to Lasting Peace. Indianapolis, Bobbs 
 Merrill, 1916. 
 
 Muir, Ramsay. Nationalism and Internationalism. London, Con- 
 stable, 1917. 
 
 Nasmyth, George. Social Progress and the Darwinian Theory. New 
 York, Putnam, 1916. 
 
 Russell, Bertrand. Why Men Fight. New York, Century, 1917. 
 
 Veblen, Thorstein. The Passing of National Frontiers. The Did, 
 April 25, 1918. 
 
 Women's Organizations 
 
 Beard, Mary R. Women's Work in Municipalities. New York, Apple- 
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 Blatch, Harriot S. Mobilizing Woman Power. New York, The 
 Woman's Press, 1918. 
 
 Stanton, E. C., Anthony, S. B., and others. History of Woman Suf- 
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 Wilson, Elizabeth. Fifty Years of Association Work Among Young 
 Women. New York, National Board Young Women's Christian 
 Associations, 1916. 
 
 W T ood, Mary I. History of the General Federation of Women's Clubs 
 for the first twenty-two years of its organization. New York, Gen- 
 eral Federation of Women's Clubs, 1912. 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 South America 
 
 Bryce, James. South America: Observations and Impressions. New 
 
 York, Macmillan, 1912. 
 Clemenceau, Georges. South America Today. New York, Putnam, 
 
 1911. 
 Johnston, Sir Harry. Pioneers in Tropical America. London, 
 
 Blackie, 1914. 
 Missionary Education Movement. Report of the Panama Congress, 
 
 Vol. II, 1916. 
 
 Peck, Annie. The South American Tour. New York, Doran, 1913. 
 Ross, Edward A. South of Panama. New York, Century, 1915. 
 Speer, Robert E. South American Problems. New York, Student 
 
 Volunteer Movement, 1912. 
 
 The Negro Problem 
 
 Brawley, Benjamin Griffith. A Short History of the American Negro. 
 New York, Macmillan, 1913. 
 
 173 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Brawley, Benjamin Griffith. Your Negro Neighbor. New York, 
 Macmillan, 1918. 
 
 Crisis The. Monthly, New York. 
 
 Du Bois, W. E. Burgherdt. The Souls of Black Folk. Chicago. 
 McClurg, 1904. 
 
 Hammond, Lily Hardy. In Black and White. New York, Revell, 
 1914. 
 
 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Pub- 
 lications, New York. 
 
 Negro Education, Report on. Department of Education, U. S. De- 
 partment of the Interior. 
 
 Ovington, Mary W. Half a Man. New York, Longmans, Green, 1911. 
 
 Phillips, Ulrich B. American Negro Slavery. New York, Appleton, 
 1918. 
 
 Washington, Booker T. The Negro in the South. Philadelphia, 
 Jacobs, 1907. 
 
 Weatherford, Willis Duke. Negro Life in the South. New York, 
 Association Press, 1910. 
 
 Frances Willard 
 
 Strachey, Rachel. Frances Willard, Her Life and Work. New York, 
 Fleming Revell, 1913. 
 
 Willard, Frances. Addresses. Chicago Woman's Temperance Pub- 
 lication Association. 
 
 Willard, Frances. Woman in the Pulpit. Chicago Woman's Tem- 
 perance Publication Association, 1889. 
 
 Marriage, Monogamy, and Polygamy 
 
 Gallichan, W. M. Women under Polygamy. London, Halden and 
 
 Hardingham, 1914. 
 Hartley, C. Gascoigne. The Age of Mother-Power; The Position of 
 
 Women in Primitive Society. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1914. 
 Key, Ellen. Love and Marriage. New York, Putnam, 1911. 
 Meissel-Hess, Grete. The Sexual Crisis. New York, Mount Morris 
 
 Publishing Company, 1917. 
 
 Parsons, Elsie Clews. The Family. New York, Putnam, 1906. 
 Royden, A. Maude. Women and the Sovereign State. London, 
 
 Headley Brothers, 1917. 
 Westermarck, Edward. The History of Human Marriage. New York, 
 
 Macmillan, 1894. 
 
 Anthropology 
 
 Boas, Franz; Dixon, Roland, and others. Anthropology in North 
 America. New York, Stechert, 1915. 
 
 Grant, Madison. The Passing of the Great Race; or the Racial 
 Basis of European History. New York. Scribner, 1916. 
 
 Jennings, H. S., and others. Suggestions of Modern Science Concern- 
 ing Education. New York, Macmillan, 1917. 
 174 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Marett, R. R. Anthropology. London, Williams and Norgate, 1911. 
 Montessori, Maria. Pedagogical Anthropology. New York, Stokes, 
 
 1913. 
 Osborn, Henry F. The Origin and Evolution of Life. New York, 
 
 Scribner, 1917. 
 
 Tylor, Edward B. Anthropology. New York, Appleton, 1893. 
 Windle, Bertram C. A. A Century of Scientific Thought and Other 
 
 Essays. London, Burns and Oates, 1915. 
 
 Joan of Arc 
 
 France, Anatole. The Life of Joan of Arc. New York, Lane, 1909. 
 
 Public Forums 
 
 Coleman, George William. Democracy in the Making. Boston, 
 
 Little Brown, 1915. 
 Forum, The. Monthly, New York. 
 Grant, Percy S.; De Jarnette, A. Syle. The International Forum 
 
 Department of Current Opinion, beginning March, 1918. 
 Literature of the International Forum Association, Inc. 10 W. llth 
 
 St., New York. 
 
 Karl Marx 
 
 Capital; a critique of political economy. Chicago, Kerr, 1907-09. 
 Revolution and Counter-Revolution. London, Sonnenschein, 1896. 
 Value, Price and Profit. Chicago, Kerr, 1908. 
 
 Social Thinking 
 
 Bergson, Henri. Introduction to a New Philosophy. Boston, Luce 
 
 1912. 
 
 Coit, Stanton. Soul of America. New York, Macmillan, 1914. 
 McDougall, William. Social Psychology. London, Methuen, 1908. 
 Ross, Edward A. Social Control. New York, Macmillan, 1901. 
 Sumner, Wm. G. Folkways. Boston, Ginn, 1907. 
 
 Fabians 
 
 Fabian New, Monthly. London. 
 
 Pease, Edward R. History of the Fabian Society. London, Fifield, 
 1916. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Communal Art 
 
 Archer, Wm., and Barker, Granville. A National Theatre: Schemes 
 and Estimates. London, Duckworth, 1907. 
 
 Beegle, Mary P., and Crawford, J. R. Community Drama and Pag- 
 eantry. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1916. 
 175 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Burleigh, Louise. The Community Theatre in Theory and Practice. 
 Boston, Little Brown, 1917. 
 
 Langdon, Wm. C., and Farwell, H. The Celebration of the Fourth of 
 July by Means of Pageantry. New York, Russell Sage Founda- 
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 MacKaye, Percy. The Civic Theatre in Relation to the Redemption 
 of Leisure. New York, Kennerly, 1912. 
 
 Shaw, Bernard. The Cinema as a Moral Leveller, Supplement to the 
 New Statesman, June 27, 1914. 
 
 Torrence, Ridgley. Granny Maumee. Plays for a Negro Theatre. 
 New York, Macmillan, 1917. 
 
 Public Health 
 
 Beers, Clifford W. Purposes, Plans, and Work of State Societies for 
 Mental Hygiene. New York, National Committee for Mental 
 Hygiene, 1915. 
 
 Biggs, H. M., and Bolduan, C. F. The Tuberculosis Campaign: Its 
 Influence on the Methods of Public Health Work. New York, 
 City Health Department, 1913. 
 
 Brend, Wm. A. Health and the State. London, Constable, 1917. 
 
 Devine Edward T. Misery and Its Causes. New York, Macmillan, 1909. 
 
 Hill, Hibbert Winslow. The New Public Health. New York, Mac- 
 millan, 1916. 
 
 Hunt Caroline L. Life of Ellen Richards. Boston, Whitcomb & 
 Barrows, 1912. 
 
 Hutchinson, Woods. Community Hygiene. Boston, Houghton 
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 International Council of Women. The Health of Nations. London, 
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 Knopf, S. Adolphus. The Modern Warfare Against Tuberculosis as 
 a Disease of the Masses. New York, Elliott, 1914. 
 
 Morrow, Prince A. Social Diseases and Marriage; Social Prophylaxis. 
 New York, Lea Brothers, 1904. 
 
 National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis. 
 Publications, New York, 105 E. 22nd Street. 
 
 Newman, George. The Health of the State. London, Headley 
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 New York Social Hygiene Society. Publications. New York. 
 
 Nightingale, Florence. Notes on Nursing. New York, Appleton, 1908. 
 
 Nutting, M. Adelaide, and Dock, L. L. History of Nursing. New 
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 Social Morality Committee, National Board Young Women's Chris- 
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 Wald, Lillian D. The House on Henry Street. New York, Holt, 1915. 
 
 Waters, Ysabella. Visiting Nursing in the United States. New York, 
 Russell Sage Foundation, 1909. 
 
 Sanitation 
 
 Bacon, Albion Fellows. Beauty for Ashes. New York, Dodd, Mead, 
 1914. 
 
 176 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Gorgas, Wm. C. Sanitation in Panama. New York, Appleton, 1915. 
 Price, George M. Handbook on Sanitation. New York, Wiley, 1915. 
 Richards, Ellen. Conservation by Sanitation; Air and Water Supply, 
 
 Disposal of Waste. New York, Wiley, 1911. 
 Richards, Ellen. Cost of Cleanliness. New York, Wiley, 1908. 
 Richards, Ellen. Sanitation in Daily Life. Boston, Whitcomb and 
 
 Barrows, 1907. 
 Wood, Harold B. Sanitation Practically Applied. New York, Wiley, 
 
 1917. 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Education of Defective and Crippled Children 
 
 Binet, A., and Simon, Th. Mentally Defective Children. New York, 
 
 Longmans, Green, 1914. 
 Irwin, Elisabeth A. Truancy, A Study of the Mental, Physical and 
 
 Social Factors of the Problem of Non-attendance at School. New 
 
 York, Public Education Association, 1915. 
 Reeves, Edith G. Care and Education of Crippled Children in the 
 
 U. S. New York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1914. 
 Shuttleworth, G. E., and Potts, W. A. Mentally Deficient Children: 
 
 Their Treatment and Training. London, Lewis, 1916. 
 Terman, Lewis M. Measurement of Intelligence. Boston, Houghton 
 
 Mifflin, 1916. 
 
 Tredgold, Alfred F. Mental Deficiency. New York, Wood, 1914. 
 Young, Meredith. The Mentally Defective Child. New York, 
 
 Hoeber, 1916. 
 
 Unemployment 
 
 Andrews, Irene Osgood. Relation of Irregular Employment to the 
 Living Wage for Women (in New York State Factory Investigating 
 Commission Fourth Report, 1915), Albany, 1915. 
 
 Andrews, John B. American Cities and the Prevention of Unem- 
 ployment. New York, Civic Press, 1916. 
 
 Barnes, Charles B. The Longshoreman. New York, Russell Sage 
 Foundation, 1915. 
 
 British Association for the Advancement of Science: Replacement of 
 Men by Women in Industry. (Part I in Credit, Industry, and the 
 War. London, Pitman, 1915. Part II hi Labour, Finance, and the 
 War. London, Pitman, 1916.) 
 
 Fabian Women's Group. The War, Women, and Unemployment. 
 London, Fabian Society, 1915. 
 
 Solenberger, Alice W. One Thousand Homeless Men. New York, 
 Russell Sage Foundation, 1911. 
 
 Van Kleeck, Mary. A Seasonal Industry; A Study of the Millinery 
 Trade in New York City. New York, Russell Sage Foundation, 
 1917. 
 
 177 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Injurious Trades 
 
 Goldmark, Josephine. Fatigue and Efficiency. New York, Survey 
 
 Associates, Inc., 1913. 
 Kelley, Florence. Modern Industry in Relation to the Family, Health, 
 
 Education, Morality. New York, Longmans, Green, 1914. 
 Kober, George M. Diseases of Occupation and Vocational Hygiene. 
 
 Philadelphia, P. Blackiston, 1916. 
 New York State Factory Investigating Commission. Reports (1912- 
 
 1915), Albany. 
 Oliver, Sir Thomas. Occupations from the Social, Hygienic, and 
 
 Medical Points of View. Cambridge, University Press, 1916. 
 Tolman, Wm. H., and Kendall, L. B. Safety; Methods for Preventing 
 
 Occupational and Other Accidents and Diseases. New York, Harper, 
 
 1913. 
 Webb, Beatrice. Health of Working Girls. London, Blackie, 1917. 
 
 Communism 
 
 Ameringer, Oscar. Communism, Socialism, and the Church. Mil- 
 waukee, Milwaukee Social Democratic Publishing Co., 1913. 
 
 Kropotkin, Peter. The Conquest of Bread. London, Chapman and 
 Hall, 1906. 
 
 Marx, Karl, and Engels, Friedrich. Manifesto of the Communist 
 Party. Chicago, Kerr, 1912. 
 
 Morris, William. Communism: A Lecture. London, Fabian Society, 
 1903. 
 
 Tolstoy, Leo. The Great Iniquity. London, The Free Age Press, 
 1906. 
 
 Trade Guilds 
 
 Cole, C. D. H. Self-Government in Industry. London, G. Bell, 1917. 
 Hobson, S. G. Guild Principles in War and Peace. London, G. Bell, 
 
 1917. 
 
 New Age, The. Weekly, London. 
 
 Orage, A. R. National Guilds. London, G. Bell, 1914. 
 Penty, A. J. Old Worlds for New. New York, Sunwise Turn, 1917. 
 
 Dependent Children 
 
 Breckenridge, S. P., and Abbott, E. The Delinquent Child and the 
 Home. New York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1912. 
 
 Dependent Children in the State of New York. State Charities Aid 
 Association. Publication No. 126, New York. 
 
 Folks, Homer. Care of Destitute, Neglected, and Delinquent Chil- 
 dren. New York, Macmillan, 1902. 
 
 Gorst, Sir John E. The Children of the Nation. New York, Dutton, 
 1907. 
 
 Heath, H. Llewellyn. The Infant, the Parent, and the State. Lon- 
 don, P. S. King, 1907. 
 
 Missouri Children's Code Commission. Report. St. Louis, 1917. 
 
 178 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Norwegian Laws Concerning Illegitimate Children. No. 31. 
 
 Payne, Geo. H. The Child in Human Progress. New York, Putnam, 
 1916. 
 
 Sellers, Edith. The State Children of Hungary. Contemporary Re- 
 view, March, 1907. 
 
 Slingerland, Wm. H. Child Welfare in California. New York, Russell 
 Sage Foundation, 1915. 
 
 Slingerland, Wm. H. Child Welfare W r ork hi Pennsylvania. New 
 York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1915. 
 
 Spargo, John. The Bitter Cry of the Children. New York, Mac- 
 millan, 1906. 
 
 Summary of Child Welfare Laws Passed in 1916. No. 21. 
 
 United States Children's Bureau Publications: Care of Dependents 
 
 of Enlisted Men in Canada. No. 25. Government Provisions in 
 
 U. S. and Foreign Countries for Members of Military Forces and 
 
 . Their Dependents. No. 28. Laws Relating to Mothers' Pensions 
 
 in U. S., Denmark, and New Zealand. No. 7. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 Lincoln, Abraham: Speeches, Letters, State Papers, and Miscellaneous 
 
 Writings. New York, Century Co., 1894. 
 Tarbell, Ida M. Life of Abraham Lincoln. New York, Macmillan, 
 
 1917. 
 
 Thomas Carlyle 
 
 Critical and Miscellaneous Essays. New York, Collier, 1897. 
 Heroes and Hero Worship. New York, Collier, 1897. 
 Sartor Resartus. New York, Collier, 1897. 
 The French Revolution. New York, Collier, 1897. 
 
 H. G. Wells 
 
 Discovery of the Future, The. New York, Huebsch, 1914. 
 
 End of the Armament Rings, The. Boston, W T orld Peace Foundation, 
 
 1914. 
 
 First and Last Things. New York, Putnam, 1908. 
 Future in America, The. New York, Harper, 1906. 
 Mankind in the Making. New York, Scribner, 1904. 
 New Worlds for Old. London, Constable, 1908. 
 Social Forces in England and America. New York, Harper, 1914. 
 This Misery of Boots. Boston, Ball, 1908. 
 WTiat Is Coming: A European Forecast. New York, Macmillan, 1916. 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Political Parties 
 
 Croly, Herbert. The Promise of American Life. New York, Mac- 
 millan, 1907. 
 
 Hillquit, Morris. History of Socialism in the United States. New 
 York, Funk and Wagnalls, 1910. 
 179 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Orth, Samuel P. Five American Politicians : A Study in the Evolution 
 
 of American Politics. Cleveland, Burrows Bros., 1906. 
 Rogers, Henry Wade. The Democratic Party. New Haven, Yale 
 
 Review, New Series, vol. 2, 1912. 
 Sloane, William M. Party Government in the United States of 
 
 America. New York, Harper, 1914. 
 Tweedy, John. A History of the Republican National Conventions 
 
 from 1856 to 1908. Danbury, Conn., Tweedy, 1910. 
 Watkins, A. S. Why I Am a Prohibitionist. Chicago, 1912. 
 
 Totem Pattern 
 
 Durkheim, Emile. The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, a 
 Study in Religious Sociology. New York, Macmillan, 1915. 
 
 Frazer, James G. Totemism and Exogamy. London, Macmillan, 
 1910. 
 
 Freud, Sigmund. Totem and Taboo. New York, Moffat, Yard, 1918. 
 
 Woman Suffrage Movement 
 
 Blease, W. Lyon. The Emancipation of English Women. London, 
 
 Nutt, 1913. 
 
 Metcalfe, A. E. Women's Effort. Oxford, Blackwell, 1917. 
 Stanton, E. C., Anthony, S. B., Gage, M. J., Harper, I. H. History 
 
 of Woman Suffrage. New York, National American Woman 
 
 Suffrage Association, 1881-1910. 
 
 Initiative, Referendum and Recall 
 
 Barnett, James D. The Operation of the Initiative, Referendum and 
 
 Recall in Oregon. New York, Macmillan, 1915. 
 Beard, Chas. A., and Schultz, B. E. Documents on the State-wide 
 
 Initiative, Referendum, and Recall. New York, Macmillan, 1912. 
 Munro, William Bennett. The Initiative, Referendum, and Recall. 
 
 New York, Appleton, 1912. 
 Wilcox, Delos F. Government by All the People, or, the Initiative, 
 
 Referendum, and Recall as Instruments of Democracy. New York, 
 
 Macmillan, 1912. 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 Mexico 
 
 Atl. The Mexican Revolution and the Nationalization of the Land. 
 New York, Mexican Bureau of Information, 1915. 
 
 Hagar, George J. Plain Facts about Mexico. New York, Harper, 
 1916. 
 
 Jordan, David Starr. What of Mexico? New York, Mexican- Ameri- 
 can League, 1916. 
 
 Lawrence, David. The Truth about Mexico. New York, Evening 
 Post Co., 1917. 
 
 180 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 MacHugh, R. J. Modern Mexico. London, Methuen, 1914. 
 O'Shaughnessy, Edith. Diplomat's Wife in Mexico. New York, 
 
 Harper, 1916. 
 
 Starr, Frederick. In Indian Mexico. Chicago, Forbes, 1908. 
 Starr, Frederick. Readings from Modern Mexican Authors. Chicago, 
 
 Open Court Pub. Co., 1904. 
 
 Australia 
 
 Australian Commonwealth, The. Its Resources and Production. 
 
 Melbourne, McCarron Bird, 1915. 
 Reeves, Win. Pember. State Experiments in Australia and New 
 
 Zealand. London, Richards, 1907. 
 
 Japan 
 
 Bacon, Alice Mabel. Japanese Girls and Women. Boston, Houghton 
 
 Mifflin Co., 1902. 
 Gulick, Sydney L. The American Japanese Problem. New York, 
 
 Scribner, 1914. 
 lyenaga, Toyokichi. Japan's Real Attitude Toward America. New 
 
 York and London, Putnam, 1916. 
 Niotobe, Inazo Ota. The Japanese Nation. New York and London, 
 
 Putnam, 1912. 
 Porter, Robert Percival. The Full Recognition of Japan. London, 
 
 Oxford University Press, 1911. 
 
 China 
 
 Blakeslee, George Hubbard. China and the Far East. New York, 
 
 Crowell, 1910. 
 Blakeslee, George Hubbard. Recent Developments in China. New 
 
 York, Stechert, 1913. 
 Bland, John, Otway, Percy, and Blackhouse, E. China under the 
 
 Empress Dowager. London, W. Heinemann, 1910. 
 Groot, J. J. Maria de. The Religion of the Chinese. New York, Mac- 
 
 millan, 1910. 
 Reinsch, Paul Samuel. Intellectual and Political Currents in the 
 
 Far East. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1911. 
 Ross, Edward A. The Changing Chinese. New York, Century, 1911. 
 
 India 
 
 Collier, Price. The West in the East from an American Point of View. 
 
 New York, Scribner, 1911. 
 Cooper, Elizabeth. The Harim and the Purdah. London, Unwin, 
 
 1915. 
 Cowan, Minna J. The Education of the Women of India. Edinburgh, 
 
 Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier, 1912. 
 Eddy, Sherwood. India Awakening. New York, 1911. 
 Chimnabai, Maharani of Baroda, and Nutra, S. M. The Position of 
 
 Women in Indian Life. London, Longmans, Green, 1911. 
 181 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Africa 
 
 Alston, Madeline. From the Heart of the Veld. New York, John 
 
 Lane, 1916. 
 Burton, Sir Richard F. First Footsteps in East Africa. London, 
 
 Tylston and Edwards, 1894. 
 Johnston, Sir Harry. A History of the Colonization of Africa by 
 
 Alien Races. Cambridge, University Press, 1905. 
 Morel, Edmund D. Nigeria, Its People and Its Problems. London, 
 
 Smith Elder, 1912. 
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 and Hall, 1900. 
 Schreiner, Olive. Story of an African Farm. London, Hutchinson, 
 
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 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Socialism 
 
 Dickinson, G. Lowes. Justice and Liberty. New York, McClure, 
 
 1908. 
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 Fabian Society. Essays and Tracts. London. 
 Hillquit, Morris. Socialism in Theory and Practice. New York, 
 
 Macmillan, 1909. 
 Popp, Adelheid. Autobiography of a Workingman. Chicago, Browne, 
 
 1913. 
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 Chicago, Kerr, 1906. 
 Vandervelde, Emile, and others. Together at Last: The International 
 
 Reconciliation of Labor and Religion. London, Johnson, 1915. 
 Wells, H. G. New Worlds for Old. London, Constable, 1908. 
 
 Labor Problem 
 
 Addams, Jane. Newer Ideals of Peace. New York, Macmillan, 1907, 
 
 Brooks, John Graham. The Social Unrest. New York, Macmillan, 
 1911. 
 
 Hobson, John A. Work and Wealth: A Human Valuation. New 
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 Hollander, Jacob H. The Abolition of Poverty. Boston, Houghton 
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 New Statesman, The. Weekly, London. 
 
 Patton, Simon N. The New Basis of Civilization. New York, Mac- 
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 182 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 William James 
 
 James, William. The Moral Equivalent of War (in Memories and 
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 Wage Problem 
 
 Bosworth, Louise M. The Living Wage of Women Workers. New 
 
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 Wage Cases, U. S. Supreme Court, October Term, 1916. New 
 
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 Inter-Denominational Summer School at Swanwick. London, 
 
 King, 1913. 
 
 Inter-Allied Labor Conference 
 
 Inter- Allied War Aims. Supplement to the New Republic, March 
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 Labor Conditions 
 
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 Brandeis, Louis D., and Goldmark, Josephine. Brief on Night Work 
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 Brooklyn Consumers' League. Handbook of Labor Laws of New 
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 Commons, J. R., and Andrews, J. B. Principles of Labor Legislation. 
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 New York State, Factory Investigating Commission Reports (1912- 
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 Survey, The. Weekly. New York. 
 
 Women Workers 
 
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 Burton, Margaret E. Women Workers of the Orient. New York, 
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 Cadbury, Edward, Matheson, M. Cecile, and Shann, George. Wom- 
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 Gulick, Sidney L. Working Women of Japan. New York, Missionary 
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 Life and Labor. Monthly, Chicago. 
 
 Woman's Industrial News. Monthly, London. 
 
 Child Labor 
 
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 Freeman, Arnold. Boy Life and Labour: the Manufacture of Ineffi- 
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 Greenwood, Arthur. Juvenile Labour Exchanges and After Care. 
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 Keeling, Frederic. The Labour Exchange in Relation to Boy and Girl 
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 National Child Labor Committee. Publications. New York, 105 E. 
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 Spargo, John. The Bitter Cry of the Children. New York, Mac- 
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 Vocational Training 
 
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 Boughten, A. C. Household Arts and School Lunches. 
 
 Bryner, E., Dressmaking and Millinery. The Garment Trades. 
 
 O'Leary, I. P. Department Store Occupations. 
 
 Shaw, F. L. The Building Trades. The Printing Trades. 
 
 Stevens, B. M. Boys and Girls in Commercial Work. 
 
 Lutz, R. R. 'The Metal Trades. 
 Kerschensteiner, George. The Schools and the Nation. London, 
 
 Macmillan, 1914. 
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 Workers' Educational Association, 1916. 
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 1918. 
 
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 CHAPTER IX 
 
 Lincoln Steffens 
 
 Steffens, Lincoln. The Shame of the Cities. New York, McClure 
 
 Phillips, 1904. 
 Steffens, Lincoln. The Struggle for Self-Government. New York, 
 
 McClure Phillips, 1906. 
 
 184 
 
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 Government Control 
 
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 1917. 
 Davies, Emil. The Nationalization of Railways. London, A. & C. 
 
 Black, 1911. 
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 Haines, Henry S. Problems in Railway Regulation. New York, 
 
 Macmillan, 1911. 
 Holcombe, A. N. Public Ownership of Telephones on the Continent 
 
 of Europe. Boston, Hough ton Mifflin, 1911. 
 Holmes, Frederick L. Regulation of Railroads and Public Utilities in 
 
 Wisconsin. New York, Appleton, 1915. 
 
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 Woman Movement 
 
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 CHAPTER X 
 
 Profit-Sharing 
 
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 186