^p jFreUcric p, SSEineg 
 
 AND 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM IN ITS LEGISLA- 
 TIVE ASPECTS. An Investigation made un- 
 der the Direction of Charles W. Eliot, Seth 
 Low, and James C. Carter, Sub-Committee 
 of the Committee of Fifty to Investigate the 
 Liquor Problem. With Maps, 'iztno, $1.25. 
 
 HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & COMPANY, 
 Boston and New York.
 
 ECONOMIC ASPECTS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM 
 
 JOHN KOREN 
 h 
 
 AN INVESTIGATION MADE FOR 
 
 THE COMMITTEE OF FIFTY 
 
 UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
 
 HENRY W. EARN AM 
 
 SECRETARY OF THE ECONOMIC SUB-COMMITTEE 
 
 iRi^fraidfPre^ 
 
 BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
 
 HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 
 
 ®bc mitacrsibc ^xtii^ CamfariCige
 
 Copyright, 1899, 
 By henry W. FARNAM. 
 
 All. rights reserved. 
 
 The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. 
 Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company.
 
 :n 
 
 SUB-COMMITTEE 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM 
 
 CARROLL D. WRIGHT, Chairman. 
 
 Z. R. BROCKWAY. 
 
 JOHN GRAHAM BROOKS. 
 
 E. R. L. GOULD. 
 
 J. F. JONES. 
 
 HENRY W. FARNAM, Secretary. 
 
 431717
 
 PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF THE 
 COMMITTEE OF FIFTY. 
 
 (April, 1899.) 
 
 President. 
 Hon. Seth Low, LL. D . . . Columbia College, New York. 
 
 Vice-President. 
 Charles Dudley Warner, Esq Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Secretary. 
 Prof. Francis G. Peabody, D. D. . . . Cambridge, Mass. 
 
 Treasurer. 
 William E. Dodge, Esq. . 11 Cliff Street, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Executive Board. 
 the above named officers and : 
 
 Dr. J. S. Billings, Astor Library, Lafayette Place, New York, 
 N. Y. 
 
 President Charles W. Eliot, LL. D., Harvard University, Cam- 
 bridge, Mass. 
 
 Col. Jacob L. Greene, Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Hon. Carroll D. Wright, A. M., LL. D., Department of Labor, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Members. 
 Prof. Felix Adler. 
 Bishop Edw. G. Andrews, D. D. 
 Prof. W. O. Atwater. 
 Dr. J. S. Billings. 
 Charles J. Bonaparte, Esq. 
 Prof. H. P. Bowditch. 
 Rev. Prof. Charles A. Briggs, D. D. 
 Dr. Z. R. Brockway. 
 Dr. John Graham Brooks. 
 Hon. James C. Carter.
 
 vi ORGANIZATION OF COMMITTEE OF FIFTY 
 
 Prof. R. H. Chittenden. 
 
 Rev. Father Thomas Conaty, D. D. 
 
 John H. Converse, Esq. 
 
 Wm. Bayard Cutting, Esq. 
 
 Rev. S. W. Dike, LL. D. 
 
 William E. Dodge, Esq. 
 
 Rev. Father A. P. Doyle. 
 
 President Charles W. Eliot, LL. D. 
 
 Rev. Father Walter Elliot. 
 
 Prof. Richard T. Ely. 
 
 Prof. Henry W. Farnam. 
 
 Rt. Rev. T. F. Gailor, D. D. 
 
 Richard W. Gilder, Esq. 
 
 President Daniel C. Gilman, LL. D. 
 
 Rev. Washington Gladden, D. D. 
 
 Dr. E. R. L. Gould. 
 
 Col. Jacob L. Greene. 
 
 Dr. Edward M. Hart well. 
 
 Hon. Henry Hitchcock. 
 
 Rev. W. R. Huntington, D. D. 
 
 President Wm. Preston Johnston, LL. D. 
 
 Prof. J. F. Jones. 
 
 President Seth Low, LL. D. 
 
 President James MacAlister, LL. D. 
 
 Rev. Alexander Mackay-Smith, D. D. 
 
 Prof. J. J. McCook. 
 
 Rev. T. T. Hunger, D. D. 
 
 Robert C. Ogden, Esq. 
 
 Rev. Prof. F. G. Peabody, D. D. 
 
 Rt. Rev. H. C. Potter, D. D. 
 
 Rev. W. I. Rainsford, D. D. 
 
 Jacob H. SchifF, Esq. 
 
 Rev. Prof. C. W. Shields, D. D. 
 
 Prof. W. M. Sloane. 
 
 Charles Dudley Warner, Esq. 
 
 Prof. Wm. H. Welch. 
 
 Rev. Frederic H. Wines, LL. D. 
 
 Hon. Carroll D. Wright, A. M., LL. D. 
 
 Dr. P. M. Wise.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The genesis of the Committee of Fifty and the earlier 
 history of its work were sketched in the preface to the 
 report published in 1897 by the Legislative Sub-Com- 
 mittee. Since that time but few changes have taken 
 place in the membership of the Committee, and its 
 work has been steadily prosecuted along the lines then 
 indicated. A new sub-committee has been appointed 
 to study the substitutes for saloons in large cities. 
 The Physiological Sub-Committee has made steady 
 progress with its investigations, several of which have 
 been printed in scientific journals, and it is hoped that 
 before long a general summary of the results obtained 
 may be presented to the public in book form. The 
 present volume contains the investigations of the Eco- 
 nomic Sub-Committee, and is the second in the series 
 of official publications of the Committee of Fifty. 
 
 The object for which the Committee of Fifty was 
 constituted was to study the liquor problem " in the 
 hope of securing a body of facts relating to the medi- 
 cal, legislative, ethical, and economic aspects of the 
 question which will serve as a basis for intelligent 
 public and private action. It is the design of this 
 Committee to discuss with absolute impartiality all 
 the facts which it is able to collect, and thus to secure
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 for the evidence which it shall present a measure of 
 confidence on the part of the community which is not 
 accorded to partisan statements." 
 
 A vote of the Committee of Fifty, passed January 
 10, 1896, required that " the Committee of Fifty itself 
 pass upon the question of jjublication of all documents, 
 indicating any restrictions which may seem desirable," 
 and " that in the publication of all papers contributed 
 to the Committee of Fifty there be prefixed a state- 
 ment, to be prepared by the Executive Board, indicat- 
 ing the preliminai'y relation of such papers to the 
 final conclusions of the Committee of Fifty." 
 
 The reader should therefore distinctly understand 
 that, in authorizing the publication of this volume, the 
 Committee of Fifty merely indicates its belief that the 
 facts presented have .been impartially and conscien- 
 tiously gathered. It does not make itself responsible 
 for any conclusions that may be drawn from them. 
 
 The Sub-Committee on the Economic Aspects of 
 the Liquor Problem, as appointed October 20, 1893, 
 consisted of President Francis A. Walker, Chairman ; 
 President E. Benjamin Andrews, Dr. Z. R. Brockway, 
 Hon. Carroll D. Wright, and Henry W. Farnam, 
 Secretary. Later in the year the names of Professor 
 J. Francis Jones and Dr. E. R. L. Gould were added, 
 and after his election as a member of the General Com- 
 mittee, November 9, 1896, Dr. John Graham Brooks 
 was assigned to this Sub-Committee. General Walker 
 died January 5, 1897, and Colonel Wright was elected
 
 PREFACE. ix 
 
 chairman of the committee. President Andrews with- 
 drew from the Committee of Fifty and therefore from 
 the Sub-Committee in 1896. Mr. Koren was selected 
 in February, 1896, as the special agent of the Sub- 
 Committee, and has conducted its work under the di- 
 rection of the secretary almost continuously for nearly 
 three years. His report constitutes the greater part of 
 the present volume. The report of the Economic Sub- 
 Committee to the Committee of Fifty is, however, 
 printed as an introduction to the general subject, 
 while a few especially important tables from the 12th 
 Annual Report of the Department of Labor are added 
 in the Appendix. 
 
 The Committee desires to make its grateful acknow- 
 ledgments to all throughout the country who have as- 
 sisted in its investigation. We refer in particular to 
 the officials and agents of the thirty -three charity 
 organization societies, the superintendents of the sixty 
 almshouses, the officials and agents of the eleven chil- 
 dren's societies, and the wardens and officers of the 
 seventeen prisons and reformatories which contributed 
 material for our report ; to the State Boards of Chari- 
 ties and Correction of Illinois, Minnesota, Indiana, 
 Ohio, New York, Connecticut, and North Carolina; 
 ^d to numerous unofficial friends and correspondents. 
 
 To mention all by name would expand unduly this 
 preface, but we desire to extend our special thanks to 
 Hon. Horace G. Wadlin, chief of the Massachusetts 
 Bureau of Labor Statistics, Mrs. E. E. Williamson,
 
 X PREFACE. 
 
 General Secretary of the State Charities Aid Associa- 
 tion of New Jersey ; Miss Julia C. Lathrop, Commis- 
 sioner of the Illinois Board of State Commissioners of 
 Public Charities ; Hon. Homer Folks, Secretary of the 
 State Charities Aid Association of New York ; Mr. 
 Hastings H. Hart, Secretary of the National Confer- 
 ence of Charities and Correction; Dr. W. E. Burg- 
 hardt Du Bois of Atlanta University ; Mr. Booker T. 
 Washington, Principal of the Tuskegee School ; Rev. 
 Pitt Dillingham, Principal of the Calhoun Colored 
 School, Ala. ; H. B. Freeman, Colonel U. S. A. ; 
 W. H. Beck, Captain U. S. A. ; Major George Steell, 
 former United States Indian Agent in Montana ; Mr. 
 Francis E. Leupp, ex-member of the Board of Indian 
 Commissioners ; Mr. Ernest Carroll Moore, of Hull 
 House, Chicago; Professor Walter A. Wyckoff, of 
 Princeton University; Miss Ethel R. Evans, of Kings- 
 ley House, Pittsburgh ; and Mr. Kendric Charles 
 Babcock, of the South Park Settlement, San Fran- 
 cisco, Cal. 
 
 H. W. F. 
 
 Yale University, April, 1899.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Report op the Economic Sub-Committee to the Commit- 
 tee OF Fifty 1 
 
 I. History of the Investigation .... 40 
 II. The Liquor Problem in its Relations to Poverty 64 
 
 III. The Liquor Problem in its Relations to Pauperism 100 
 
 IV. The Liquor Problem in its Relations to the Des- 
 
 titution AND Neglect of Children .... 126 
 V. The Liquor Problem in its Relations to Crime . 133 
 VI. Relations of the Negroes to the Liquor Problem 160 
 VII. Relations of the North American Indians to the 
 
 - Liquor Problem 186 
 
 VIII. SocLA^L Aspects of the Saloon in Large Cities . 210 
 
 Appendix 241 
 
 Bibliography 313 
 
 Index 323
 
 THE ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE 
 LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 EEPORT OF THE ECONOMIC SUB-COMMITTEE 
 TO THE COMMITTEE OF FIFTY. 
 
 I. SCOPE AND OBJECT OE THE INVESTIGATION. 
 
 The Committee of Fifty has undertaken to obtain a 
 body of facts bearing upon the liquor problem in its 
 various aspects. One sub-committee has been studying 
 some of the numerous physiological questions which 
 liquor has raised ; another has investigated and re- 
 ported upon liquor legislation in the United States ; a 
 third is studying some of the ethical aspects of the 
 problem ; the present investigation attempts to deal 
 with some of the economic aspects of this protean 
 question. 
 
 It should be clearly understood at the outset that 
 this report does not attempt to cover all of the phases 
 of the liquor problem which may have an economic 
 bearing. The important subjects treated in the 12th 
 Annual Report of the Federal Department of Labor, 
 and relating principally to the production and con- 
 sumption of liquor and the amount contributed by the 
 traffic towards taxation, were, from the beginning, 
 excluded from our investigation, because they were 
 already provided for. Nor did we attempt to duplicate
 
 2 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 any. pf. the worjscjone by the Massachusetts Bureau of 
 Labor .&,nd publiJ^hed in its 26th Annual Report. 
 ,', Of tbe-.qtiestxQns that remain, our investigation con- 
 'sidfei's :'-^' ' '' ' 
 
 1. The relations of the liquor problem to poverty 
 and destitution as evidenced in the work of charity 
 organization societies, almshouses, and societies for the 
 care of poor children ; 
 
 2. Its relations to crime as shown in some of the 
 leading reformatories and state prisons of the country ; 
 
 3. Its relations to the Negroes and to the North 
 American Indians ; 
 
 4. The economics of the saloon as the chief distrib- 
 uting agency of liquor in large cities. 
 
 By limiting our field we have made it possible, as 
 we believe, to cover it more thoroughly than has 
 been done hitherto. Several valuable investigations, 
 it is true, have already been undertaken into these 
 subjects in the United States. The Massachusetts 
 Bureau of Labor has, we believe, the honor of having 
 been the pioneer, and in its 12th Annual Report, pub- 
 lished in 1881, gave the results of an investigation into 
 the statistics of drunkenness and liquor selling, from 
 1870 to 1879, and the influence of intemperance upon 
 crime. The 11th Census also published a report made 
 under the direction of Dr. F. H. Wines, which dealt 
 with pauperism and crime in general, and gave many 
 facts with regard to the relations of intemperance to 
 these evils. More complete in many respects than 
 either of these is the 26th Report of the Massachusetts 
 Bureau of Labor, already referred to. The 12th 
 Report of that Bureau, valuable as it was, covered
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 3 
 
 but the single county of Suffolk ; and dealt with the 
 convictions for one year. It related only to crime, 
 and not to pauperism. The 11th Census, while cover- 
 ing the whole country and including both pauperism 
 and crime, necessarily confined itself to pauperism in 
 almshouses, and took no account of cases of poverty 
 relieved by private persons. Moreover, it did not 
 undertake to investigate the extent to which intem- 
 perance is directly a cause of poverty. Its statistics 
 confine themselves to the liquor habits of the inmates 
 of almshouses. These two things are, of course, quite 
 distinct. The 26th Report of the Massachusetts Bu- 
 reau covered not only crime and pauperism, but also 
 insanity, and studied liquor as a cause in all three 
 cases ; but it did not relate to any poverty excepting in 
 almshouses ; and it did not extend beyond the boun- 
 daries of a single State. Most of the other statistics 
 hitherto collected upon these subjects have been ob- 
 tained incidentally in connection with other investiga- 
 tions. Among the more important studies with which 
 our work may be brought into comparison are the 
 investigation of the German Imperial Statistical Bu- 
 reau into public poor relief, made in 1885 ; a similar 
 investigation undertaken by Dr. Boehmert into pau- 
 perism in 77 German cities in 1887 ; the investigations 
 of Mr. Charles Booth in England, published in his 
 " Life and Labour of the People " and " Pauperism 
 and the Endowment of Old Age ; " and the figures 
 collected from the charity organization societies by 
 Professor A. G. Warner, for his " American Charities." 
 As compared with these investigations, we may fairly 
 claim for our work
 
 4 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 1. That, with the exception of the German reports 
 of 1885 and 1887, it covers a larger number of cases 
 numerically than any of those mentioned ; 
 
 2. That it covers a greater variety of cases than 
 any of them, since we have studied not only paupers 
 in almshouses, but also cases of destitution treated by 
 various classes of private societies, and cases of crime ; 
 
 3. That it covers a much wider area territorially ; 
 
 4. That it gives us valuable facts with regard to a 
 greater number of nationalities. 
 
 Such a thorough investigation has necessarily in- 
 volved the expenditure of considerable labor and time. 
 Since February, 1896, when the Committee formally 
 began its labors, Mr. Koren has been employed almost 
 continually upon the subject. For a year he has had 
 the assistance of a statistical expert, and during five 
 months, of four tabulators. This, however, is but a 
 small part of the work performed, for we have had the 
 gratuitous services of the agents of 33 charity organi- 
 zation societies and 11 children's aid societies and 
 schools, while the superintendents and chaplains, or 
 other officials, of 60 almshouses and 17 prisons and 
 reformatories have rendered most valuable service 
 either gratuitously or for a merely nominal consid- 
 eration. 
 
 II. IMPORTANCE OF THE INVESTIGATION. 
 The reader may perhaps question the economy of 
 our work. Are the results worth all of the labor 
 spent in obtaining them ? Many persons whose judg- 
 ment is worthy of respect have raised this question, 
 and some have answered it in the negative. This is
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 5 
 
 especially true of those who are engaged in the active 
 work of poor relief. Seeing about them the evil effects 
 of drink, and the mass of poverty and degradation 
 due to other causes as well, they naturally say, " What 
 is the use of trying to get more facts to present in a 
 statistical form? We know enough about liquor to 
 know that its effects are bad ; whether a greater or 
 smaller percentage of cases can be attributed to this 
 one cause has little to do with the practical problems 
 which press upon us. We cannot afford to waste our 
 strength and our money in a search for statistics when 
 all of the facts that we need to know are before our 
 eyes." 
 
 This objection is a very natural one. A generation 
 ago it would probably have been insuperable, and the 
 investigation just made would have been quite im- 
 possible. A very large number of the cases considered 
 have been supplied by the charity organization soci- 
 eties, and the oldest of these societies in our country 
 is but thirty years old. Even twenty years ago there 
 were very few of them, and it is doubtful whether, 
 at that time, they would have had the means or the 
 interest necessary to collect the elaborate facts which 
 they have so kindly and generously put into our hands. 
 We have ourselves often been surprised at the willing- 
 ness of hard-working agents to undertake additional 
 labors, simply for the sake of adding to the fund of 
 human knowledge. The fact, however, that almost all 
 of the societies which were approached upon the subject 
 entered readily, and in some cases eagerly, into our 
 plan, and that but two refused to cooperate on any 
 other ground than that of expense, is in itself the best
 
 6 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 proof that practical workers feel the need of just such 
 facts as we have collected. The same objection may 
 be raised against scientific work in any department of 
 human activity which aims to mitigate the ills of 
 humanity. The hard-working country doctor is loath 
 to spend his time over the microscope, when so many 
 people require his skill in the healing art. Still less 
 willing is he to make experiments on living animals 
 in order to satisfy his mind regarding some theory of 
 disease. Yet the progress of modern medicine has 
 been due to the fact that a few men have been enabled 
 to work in their laboratories instead of at the bedside, 
 and have thus gathered the facts and formulated the 
 theories without which the bedside practitioner of the 
 day would be helpless indeed. 
 
 It is in this spirit of scientific research that the pre- 
 sent investigation into the liquor problem has been 
 undertaken. Of course we all know that drunkenness 
 is bad. We all know of families ruined by the dissi- 
 pation of their breadwinner. Such general facts are 
 not to be sought for in such a study. Nevertheless, 
 in spite of the vigorous efforts of nearly a century, 
 the liquor problem is still with us. We know that, in 
 spite of very drastic laws, the liquor law which will 
 really seriously check intemperance is still to be sought 
 for. This, at least, may be taken as the result of the 
 investigation of the Legislative Sub-Committee, which, 
 after a most thorough study, culminated in a negative 
 conclusion. We know that the efforts made by moral 
 and religious agencies, great as have been their suc- 
 cesses in individual cases, have not solved the problem. 
 But we also know that difficult problems in other
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 7 
 
 departments of life have been solved by means of a 
 careful and scientific investigation, and by tlie use of 
 many hypotheses and many scientific laws, no one of 
 which, taken by itself, may seem to have had a very 
 far-reaching value. We therefore believe that, in the 
 ever-present liquor problem, which touches upon so 
 many different phases of life, a careful investigation of 
 the facts such as we present will be one contribution 
 which, taken in connection with others, may perhaps 
 succeed, in the course of time, in making the condi- 
 tions under which we live better. The progress in 
 sanitary conditions and in the treatment of disease, 
 made through scientific investigation, ought certainly 
 to encourage us in attempting to further a moral 
 reform by similar means. 
 
 It will thus appear that our averages and percent- 
 ages are not merely the playthings of over-subtle minds, 
 but that they have a very practical use for practical 
 workers. For those who are dealing with the poor, it 
 must be of value to know the relative importance of 
 different causes of poverty, because in this way only 
 can they economize their energies and make them tell 
 to the best advantage. It is equally important to know 
 how different nationalities are affected by the liquor 
 habit, for this knowledge should influence not only phil- 
 anthropic effort, but often legislation. A comjjarison 
 of the results of our study with the data obtained by 
 the Physiological Committee cannot fail likewise to be 
 of immense practical importance. If it should be found, 
 for instance, that the economic effects of alcohol are 
 more marked and striking than its physiological effects, 
 or again, if the opposite should be found true, either
 
 8 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 will serve as a guide to those advocating temperance. 
 They will know on which side of the question to lay the 
 most emphasis. Such a comparison cannot be made 
 for the present, but the more careful and systematic 
 the work of this committee, the more significant and 
 trustworthy will such a comparison be when the time 
 comes for making it. Finally, our investigation need 
 not confine itself to a study of causes, but should also 
 take into account the efficacy of economic ways and 
 means, without belittling the results of moral suasion, 
 religious effort, and medical practice. In short, the 
 more complete and thorough our knowledge of all of 
 the effects of liquor, the better shall we be able to adapt 
 our means to our ends. We may perhaps find that 
 there is no panacea for this disease. It shows itself in 
 too many different ways and under too greatly varied 
 conditions. We may also find that, by adopting dif- 
 ferent methods for different conditions, we shall be 
 able to attack it with something of that scientific accu- 
 racy with which such diseases as smallpox have been 
 handled in the past, and with which typhoid fever and 
 consumption are but beginning to be handled now. It 
 may be found that economic pressure alone, if properly 
 directed, may be a potent means of promoting temper- 
 ance and diminishing the evils of the alcohol habit. 
 
 An investigation of this kind, however, has much 
 broader bearings than the liquor problem alone. It 
 was, for instance, on account of the result of a statisti- 
 cal inquiry that Mr. Charles Booth, although strongly 
 impressed with the importance of liquor as a cause of 
 poverty, became the advocate of universal old-age pen- 
 sions in England. The almshouses which he investi-
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 9 
 
 gated, as well as the study which he made of the condi- 
 tion of the population of the east end of London, led 
 him to the belief that a large percentage of pauperism 
 was due to old age and sickness, and a small percentage 
 to vice or bad habits. Intemperance figured as a cause 
 of pauperism to a very small amount in his statistics. 
 
 Such figures as we have collected cannot fail to throw 
 light on such proposals as his. If the figures from the 
 United States should confirm the English figures, there 
 might be the same reason for advocating universal pen- 
 sions. Yet when we find that on an average the pov- 
 erty which comes under the notice of the charity organ- 
 ization societies can be traced to liquor in some 25 per 
 cent, of all the cases, and that in almshouses the per- 
 centage is 37, we are inevitably led to the belief that 
 while much poverty may be due to the faults of society, 
 more than a quarter of it in our country is due very 
 directly and obviously to a very prominent fault of the 
 individual. 
 
 III. RELIABILITY OF OUR RESULTS. 
 
 We shall naturally be met with the inquiry how far 
 our figures can be relied uj)on, and this involves our 
 method as well as our success in carrying it out. That 
 there is an element of error in all statistical figures will 
 be readily conceded. We believe, however, that we 
 have reduced this element to as small dimensions as 
 possible. There are two ways of getting statistics. 
 One is to cover the entii-e area in question and to en- 
 deavor to count every case that may arise. Another 
 consists in selecting certain sample districts, areas, or 
 institutions, and studying these. The former method
 
 10 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 is usually the best where the facts to be gathered are 
 comparatively simple and do not involve the element 
 of judgment. But such an inquiry can seldom be un- 
 dertaken excepting by a government bureau, on account 
 of the expense. And as an investigation by the Gov- 
 ernment usually involves the employment of paid agents 
 all sent out from one centre, if there are any deviations 
 from the exact facts, they are more apt to vitiate all 
 figures in the same direction. Moreover, it is often 
 difficult to employ a large staff of enumerators of suffi- 
 cient intelligence to make an inquiry involving moral 
 elements. 
 
 We believe, therefore, that the method pursued by 
 us, though it does not pretend to cover more than a 
 fraction of all cases, is, on the whole, more reliable. 
 The institutions and societies have been selected, not 
 with reference to any known peculiarity in their clients, 
 but solely on account of the interest and ability shown 
 by their agents, superintendents, or other officials. We 
 have thus been able to command at a trifling expense 
 a high grade of labor. 
 
 The personal equation will, of course, enter more or 
 less into their returns. One enumerator will be inclined 
 to attribute a doubtful case to liquor when another will 
 not. But we can rely here on the well-known statisti- 
 cal law, according to which the error in the totals is 
 much less than the errors in the individual investiga- 
 tions which go to form the totals. This may seem para- 
 doxical to persons unfamiliar with statistics, and yet it 
 rests upon a simple observation. Where the chances 
 are equally good that an observation may differ either 
 on one side or the other from the exact truth, it is
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 11 
 
 probable that in the mass the errors on opposite sides 
 will balance each other. The individual bricks turned 
 out from a kiln might differ considerably among them- 
 selves, yet one wall of one hundred courses of bricks 
 will differ from another wall with the same number of 
 courses but very little. A careless writer will some- 
 times put five words in a line, sometimes ten, yet the 
 number of words in a hundred lines will vary little. On 
 the same principle we feel that, as there was no bias 
 common to all of the enumerators, whatever personal 
 elements may have entered into the returns made by 
 one are pretty apt to be balanced by errors of the 
 opposite kind made in some other. We therefore 
 believe that our method is a good one. 
 
 As regards the material accuracy of our returns, we 
 may anticipate that they will be challenged from two 
 opposite sides, for it so happens that they do not lean 
 to either extreme, but fall, as it were, midway between 
 the figures hitherto published. It was claimed, e. </., 
 a generation ago by De Gerando, who wrote in 1839, 
 that 75 per cent, of the pauper cases in the United 
 States were caused by drink,^ while Charles Loring 
 Brace says that two thirds of the crime of every city is 
 due to drink.2 A somewhat similar estimate is made by 
 Mr. Boies, who says that alcohol is the direct or indirect 
 cause of 75 per cent, of all crimes, and 50 per cent, of 
 all the sufferings endured on account of poverty.^ 
 
 ^ De Gerando, Bienfaisance Publique, vol. i. p. 318. The author 
 refers to The Christian Almanack for 1824, and to the New York 
 Observer, vol. vi., as authorities, but in neither of these publications 
 could any justification for his percentage be found. 
 
 2 Dangerous Classes of New York, pp. 65, 66, 1872. 
 
 * Prisoners and Paupers, p. 137, 1893.
 
 12 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 On the other hand, more recent investigations place 
 the percentage, as a rule, very much lower. Mr. 
 Charles Booth, in his monumental investigation into 
 the population of East London, concludes that about 
 14 per cent, of the poverty in the classes A and B of 
 his investigation, and 13 per cent, in classes C and D, 
 may be attributed to liquor. This investigation was 
 made, not into the "professional" pauper class, so to 
 speak, but into the poor of London, and classes A and 
 B included the lowest classes of the community, classes 
 C and D those slightly above them. Li his study of 
 pauper cases in the workhouse of Stepney, he attrib- 
 utes 15 per cent, to drink and immorality. 
 
 Most of the figures hitherto published for our 
 country fall short even of this. The figures quoted by 
 Professor Warner from various charity organization 
 societies range from 21.9 per cent, to 4.9 per cent., but 
 in only two cases out of twelve go above 14 per cent.^ 
 The cases collected by the New York Charity Organi- 
 zation Society in 1897 show 13 per cent, of liquor 
 cases, while similar societies in Baltimore and six other 
 cities yielded about 6 per cent. Still smaller are the 
 figures in Germany. The great investigation made in 
 1885 into the causes of pauperism by the Luperial 
 Statistical Bureau claimed that in only 2 per cent, of 
 the cases could the pauperism be attributed to the 
 abuse of liquor, while Dr. Boehmert's study of 77 Ger- 
 man cities gave as the result 1.3 per cent. As between 
 these extremes of 1.3 per cent, on the one hand and 75 
 per cent, on the other, where does the truth lie ? We 
 must, of course, understand first of all that the per- 
 ^ A. G. Warner, American Charities, p. 34, 1894.
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 13 
 
 centage cannot be expected to be the same for differ- 
 ent countries, or different parts of the same country, 
 or different j)eriods. The Germans show a compara- 
 tively small number of cases in our investigation, and 
 it may be that in Germany those who come under 
 official poor relief on account of drink may be less 
 numerous proportionately than the same class in our 
 own country. It should also be noted that the German 
 figures are based, not upon an official investigation, 
 but only upon the official record of causes as stated, 
 in most cases, by the applicants themselves. That 
 such record should give the whole truth regarding the 
 influence of liquor upon pauperism can hardly be 
 expected. 
 
 The general statements made by De Gerando and 
 Brace are not to be taken as giving serious statisti- 
 cal facts. Even if they were approximately true at 
 the time at which they were made, it is to be hoped 
 that the world has made progress in half a century, 
 and that were De Gerando or Brace to make a similar 
 investigation now, they might reach a less discouraging 
 conclusion. We must not, therefore, expect absolute 
 agreement between the figures of different times, dif- 
 ferent conditions, and different countries. 
 
 We should, however, expect to find agreement be- 
 tween the contemporaneous figures in the same country 
 with a homogeneous population, or at least to be able 
 to explain discrepancies, and there is an iindoubted 
 discrepancy between the results of our investigation 
 and the results hitherto gleaned from the record of 
 cases kept by the charity organization societies. Our 
 own figures, based upon the investigation of such socie-
 
 14 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 ties, show 25 per cent, of the cases investigated to be 
 due to the use of liquor, either on the part of the appli- 
 cants themselves, or of other persons. To take indi- 
 vidual societies, the New York society returned in our 
 investigation 23 per cent, in the aggregate and Balti- 
 more 21 per cent. The discrepancy between these 
 figures and those previously published is partly due to 
 the fact that our figures include liquor as an indirect 
 cause, while the others only consider it as a direct 
 cause. Thus, while New York returned an aggregate 
 of 23 per cent, of liquor cases, in only 19.5 per cent, 
 was liquor a direct cause, while Baltimore returned an 
 aggregate of 21 per cent., of which liquor was a direct 
 cause in only 11 per cent. This fact explains the dis- 
 crepancy in part. The rest must be attributed to the 
 greater care exercised by the agents in studying up 
 individual cases for us. It is often difficult to decide 
 whether or not a case of poverty is due to liquor, and 
 in making the general statistics published in annual 
 reports, there is a natural tendency to understate this 
 cause on account of the very difficulty of getting the 
 facts. In addition to this, there is a very proper desire 
 to give doubtful cases the benefit of the doubt in mak- 
 ing a record which may in the future determine the 
 treatment of individuals, lest the statement that the 
 applicant has become poor through liquor should pre- 
 judice his case when he applies for relief. 
 
 Our own investigation was stated to be, at the out- 
 set, purely impersonal. It was to have no effect upon 
 the treatment of individuals. This would in itself 
 prevent the lowering of the percentage in doubtful 
 cases. Moreover, the attention of the agents being
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 15 
 
 especially directed to one point, tliey naturally made 
 a more careful study, and detected liquor cases which 
 might otherwise have escaped their attention. We are 
 confident that there was no desire on the part of the 
 agents to make out large averages. Their instructions 
 were carefully given in advance, and they were told 
 that we wanted nothing but the truth. They were 
 likewise instructed that, in the doubtful cases which 
 often arise, they were not to attribute a person's pov- 
 erty to liquor simply because he might, at some time 
 in the past, have used up for drink a part of his in- 
 come which, if prudently saved, would have carried 
 him over a period of hard times. In other words, we 
 did not think it fair to assume that all that was spent 
 upon liquor would otherwise have been saved. That 
 would have implied an amount of forethought on the 
 part of the poor which does not exist. Poverty was 
 not to be attributed to drink unless the connection 
 was direct and immediate, as, e. </., unless drink led to 
 loss of employment, or prevented the person from get- 
 ting a situation, or unless he was known to drink to 
 excess. 
 
 For these reasons we feel considerable confidence in 
 the fairness of our figures, a confidence which is con- 
 firmed by the results themselves. The figures from 
 different parts of the country generally show a small 
 divergence from the mean, and in all cases in which 
 this divergence is at all considerable, it can be easily 
 explained by special local conditions. The very fact 
 that the figures do not go to one extreme or the 
 other is, to the minds of many, an indication of their 
 fairness. In short, while we do not claim absolute
 
 16 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 mathematical accuracy for statistics based upon rather 
 uncertain moral phenomena, we do believe that the 
 results are as reliable as circumstances will permit. 
 Finally, they are confirmed in the only case in which 
 we have the means of making a direct comparison 
 with figures obtained under similar conditions. An 
 investigation into the relations of liquor to pauperism 
 and crime was undertaken three years ago by the Mas- 
 sachusetts Bureau of Labor Statistics, an office which 
 enjoys a well-earned reputation for accuracy and skill. 
 The results of this investigation were published in the 
 26th Annual Report of the Bureau, and show that in 
 Massachusetts about 39 per cent, of the paupers in alms- 
 houses had been brought to their condition by the per- 
 sonal use of liquor, and that about 10 per cent, had 
 come there through the intemperate habits of parents, 
 guardians, or others. Our figures, based upon alms- 
 houses throughout the country, give an aggregate of a 
 little less than 33 per cent, of cases due to the personal 
 use of liquor, and about 8.7 per cent, due to the intem- 
 perate habits of others. While our figures are slightly 
 below those for Massachusetts, they are much nearer 
 to them than to any other sets of figures quoted, and 
 this fact is an important evidence of their general 
 accuracy. 
 
 IV. SUMMARY OF RESULTS. 
 
 The special investigation of the Economic Sub- 
 Committee relates, as has been stated, only to certain 
 of the economic phases of the liquor problem. The 
 report of the Department of Labor relates to certain 
 other phases. Inasmuch as both investigations were
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 17 
 
 planned so as to supplement each other, a survey of 
 the economic aspects of the liquor problem should give 
 the results of both investigations and show their bear- 
 ing upon each other. These two reports taken together 
 disclose the positive and negative aspects of the case. 
 The report of the Department of Labor gives us a 
 view of the wealth represented in the production and 
 sale of intoxicating di-inks. It states how much of the 
 product of the farm goes into the production of liquor ; 
 how great is the value of the annual product ; how 
 much capital is invested in making and retailing intoxi- 
 cants ; how many persons derive their livelihood from 
 the traffic ; and how large an amount is contributed 
 by it towards paying the expenses of national, state, 
 and local governments. 
 
 The report of the Economic Sub-Committee shows 
 us the reverse of the medal. We see here a large part 
 of the destruction of wealth and of human capital 
 caused by this same agency. We learn what fraction 
 of pauperism, destitution, and crime may be fairly 
 attributed to liquor, and how this loss is distributed 
 among different classes and races. 
 
 From the facts thus ascertained we shall also draw 
 conclusions which may be of practical use in dealing 
 with the problem. For while the wealth represented 
 by and the number of persons interested in the liquor 
 traffic indicate the economic forces which resist efforts 
 to restrict the consumption of intoxicants, other facts, 
 which will be referred to in their proper place, will 
 show us some of the economic forces which work 
 against the traffic, and which powerfully promote tem- 
 perance.
 
 18 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 Magnitude of the Liquor Interest. 
 
 Looking first at the report of the Department of 
 Labor, we learn that the farm produce consumed in 
 the production of various kinds of liquors in 1896 was 
 about 58,000,000 bushels, if we add together the dif- 
 ferent grains alone. This included about 0.93 per 
 cent, of the consumption of corn, 11.27 per cent, of 
 the consumption of rye, and 40.44 per cent, of the 
 consumption of barley (p. 31). The total product 
 of aU kinds of liquors in 1890 was $289,775,639, of 
 which 1182,731,622 was represented by malt liquors, 
 8104,197,869 by distilled liquors, and $2,846,148 by 
 vinous liquors (p. 27). The cajaital invested in the 
 liquor traffic of all kinds was estimated in 1896 at 
 over $957,000,000 (p. 50), of which 59 per cent, was 
 found in the retail trade exclusively, and 15 per cent, 
 in the retail trade combined with some other business. 
 The total revenue collected in 1896 by the Federal 
 Government, states, counties, and cities, was about 
 $183,213,124 (p. 65). It is estimated that no less 
 than 191,519 proprietors of establishments are inter- 
 ested in different forms of the liquor traffic, and that 
 they employ 241,755 persons. A great many of these 
 people devote only a part of their time to the liquor 
 traffic. It is estimated that it would have required 
 172,931 employees to carry on the business, if they had 
 devoted their entire time to it (p. 51). Adding to- 
 gether the employees and the proprietors, we thus learn 
 that the liquor traffic suffices to give employment to 
 over 364,000 persons, and if we assume that each of 
 these breadwinners maintains on the average a family
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 19 
 
 of four persons besides himself, we have a sum total of 
 over 1,800,000 persons deriving their support directly 
 fi'om the manufacture of and traffic in intoxicants, 
 entirely apart from the farmers who produce the raw 
 material, and the transportation agencies which trans- 
 port it. This would represent a population as great 
 as the combined population of New Hampshire, Ver- 
 mont, Rhode Island, and Connecticut in 1890, and 
 would be about three quarters of the population of 
 the colonies at the time of the revolt against Great 
 Britain. These figures give us some idea of the mag- 
 nitude of the economic interests represented by the 
 traffic. 
 
 The economist naturally asks, however, whether all 
 of this wealth and all of this activity constitute a 
 real addition to the economic power of the country. 
 Whether alcohol is a poison or a food is a question 
 for physiologists, not for statisticians, and we do not 
 propose to enter into it here. Whatever its possible 
 effects may be upon the human system in small doses, 
 all agree that, when taken in excess, it may diminish 
 the power to labor, and lead to poverty and crime. By 
 measuring the effects of liquor which involve a direct 
 charge upon the public, we may thus ascertain a part 
 of the loss of wealth occasioned by intoxicants. We 
 do not, of course, pretend to estimate the total loss to 
 the country. We cannot, for example, tell how heavy 
 is the burden borne in silence by families and individ- 
 uals on account of the drinking habits of relatives, nor 
 can we ascertain to what extent disease, or loss of vital- 
 ity, or of productive power is occasioned by liquor in 
 those who may still be self-sui^porting, but are not
 
 20 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 as efficient wealth producers as they otherwise would 
 be. Looking, then, simply at the burden entailed upon 
 the public, it naturally divides itself into two general 
 classes, that occasioned by poverty, and that occasioned 
 by crime. In the former, again, we must distinguish 
 between the poverty treated in almshouses, the poverty 
 treated by private charities, and the destitution of 
 children treated by special institutions established for 
 them. Inasmuch as the percentages for various classes 
 in the figures derived from private charities run closely 
 parallel to those derived from almshouses, differing 
 somewhat in their aggregate, but differing compara- 
 tively little in their relations to each other, we may 
 very properly treat all the various forms of destitution 
 together. 
 
 Poverty Due to Liquor. 
 
 In studying the causes of poverty, we are confronted 
 with a very obvious difficulty in that individual cases 
 may often be attributed to more than one cause. Thus 
 a person may be at once intemperate and lazy ; an- 
 other may have met with special misfortune, but at the 
 same time be shiftless ; a third may be sick from a 
 disease which might have been avoided by more regu- 
 lar habits. The ideal method of investigation would 
 be to combine the causes in such a way as to show their 
 relative importance. This point of view was empha- 
 sized by Professor Warner and Dr. Dike before the 
 American Statistical Society,^ and more recently some 
 special arithmetical methods of showing these complex 
 
 * See Publications of the American Statistical Society, vol. i. pp. 
 184 and 201.
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 21 
 
 relations have been proposed.^ In investigating a 
 single cause, however, it was obviously impossible to 
 adopt any such method ; and it seemed better, espe- 
 cially as no statistical method for accomplishing this 
 difficult task had been generally accepted among econ- 
 omists, to simply ask the question whether or not the 
 use of liquor had been a cause of poverty in the cases 
 investigated. In many of the cases which make up our 
 totals, it is to be assumed that other causes contributed 
 to the impecunious condition of the subject. It is also 
 to be understood that in no case was intemperance 
 given as the cause of poverty, unless it was so impor- 
 tant that without it the poverty would probably not 
 have existed, and unless it was obviously the principal 
 and determining cause. 
 
 As a general residt of our investigation, we may 
 state that, of the poverty which comes under the view 
 of the charity organization societies, about 25 per cent. 
 can be traced directly or indirectly to liquor, 18 per 
 cent, of the persons studied having brought on their 
 poverty through the personal use of liquor, and 9 per 
 cent, attributing it to the intemperance of parents or 
 others. The general percentage is less than the sum 
 of the partial percentages, because in some cases liquor 
 acted both as a direct and as an indirect cause. Of 
 the poverty found in almshouses, 37 per cent, can be 
 traced to liquor, and of this again 32 per cent, is due 
 to the personal habits of the inmates, and 8 per cent, to 
 
 ^ On this subject see " A Statistical Study," by A. M. Simons, 
 America?! Journal of Sociology, March, 1898, pp. 614-622 ; and 
 " A New ' Xational Blank,' " by Philip W. Ayres, Charities Re- 
 vieW) December, 1898, p. 469.
 
 22 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 the intemperance of others. In the case of the desti- 
 tution of children, not less than 45 per cent, was found 
 to be due to the liquor habits, either of parents, guar- 
 dians, or others. While we cannot state in the aggre- 
 gate how large a burden this represents for the United 
 States, our percentages enable any one to estimate with 
 a fair degree of accuracy how great the burden in any 
 fairly representative State or subdivision of a State 
 may be, of which the total can be ascertained. 
 
 It is not enough, however, to get general figures, 
 since they include many heterogeneous elements ; per- 
 haps more important and more valuable are the figures 
 which show the different percentages for different 
 classes of the community. Our tables and the report 
 of Mr. Koren give the figures in detail. In this place 
 it will suffice to bring out the more salient results, show- 
 ing the difference (1) between the sexes ; (2) between 
 those of different political condition ; (3) between 
 different occupations; and finally between different 
 races and nationalities in the United States. 
 
 Looking first of all at sex, we find, as we should 
 expect, a great preponderance of cases of the male sex. 
 Of the male paupers in almshouses oyer^42 per cent., 
 of the women only 16| per cent., came to their poverty 
 through the use of liquor. If, however, we look at 
 liquor as an indirect cause, we find the figures re- 
 versed. While only 6 per cent, of the men owed their 
 poverty to the intemperate habits of others, 12.7 per 
 cent, of the women were in this unfortunate condition. 
 A still greater contrast is found in the case of the 
 applicants for private charity. Of such male appli- 
 cants 22.7 j)er cent, became poor on account of liquor,
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 23 
 
 and of females only 12.4 per cent. ; but again, if we 
 look at liquor as an indirect cause, we find that only 
 3.8 per cent, of tlie men could charge their poverty 
 upon the intemperance of others, while 17 per cent, 
 of the women could do so. The picture which these 
 figures call up of the lives of women ruined by the 
 intemperance of their husbands or fathers is too sig- 
 nificant to need any comment. 
 
 If we compare the political condition of the poor, 
 the contrast between classes is not as striking, but still 
 important. Looking first at the paupers in almshouses, 
 we find that while 32 per cent, in the aggregate owed 
 their condition to the personal use of liquor, these 
 were distributed very unequally among the different 
 classes. The aliens make the most favorable showing, 
 and give only 23 per cent, of liquor cases ; the citizens 
 born come next with an average of 29 per cent., while 
 the naturalized citizens figure to the extent of 43 per 
 cent. The cases due to the intemperate habits of 
 others show less difference in the percentages. The 
 returns from the charity organization societies tell the 
 same story. While among aliens only 14 per cent, 
 have become destitute through the personal use of liquor, 
 the citizens born return 17 per cent, of such cases, 
 and the naturalized citizens 25 per cent. The figures 
 regarding the personal use of liquor seem to indicate 
 one or both of two things : either that those nationali- 
 ties which are most addicted to liquor are those which 
 are most apt to become naturalized, or that the effect 
 of naturalization is to encourage drinking. The for- 
 mer explanation is in all probability the true one. 
 
 The tables with regard to parentage bring out a.
 
 24 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 good many facts whicli will well repay study in detail. 
 A single one will here be referred to. In the tables 
 regarding pauperism it appears that while those who 
 have two foreign parents show more cases of pauperism 
 due to liquor than those whose parents are native, 
 those who have a foreign father and a native mother 
 give a higher percentage than either. The percentage 
 of pauperism due to the personal use of liquor when 
 both parents are native is 26 ; when both parents are 
 foreign, it is 35 ; and when the father is foreign and 
 the mother native, it is 41. When the conditions 
 are reversed, the father being native and the mother 
 foreign, the percentage is only 31. 
 
 In the tables based upon the returns of the charity 
 organization societies, we do not find quite the same 
 contrast, the percentage of cases due to intemperance 
 being about the same for those who have a foreign 
 father and a native mother as for those whose two 
 parents are foreign. In both cases it is a little over 
 21 per cent., but we still find that the combination of 
 a foreign father with a native mother is worse than the 
 combination of a native father with a foreign mother. 
 It may be that this fact is explained by the considera- 
 tion that native women who marry foreigners do not, 
 as a rule, belong to the most steady and conservative 
 classes. But whatever the true explanation may be, 
 the fact is in itself worthy of consideration. 
 
 Particularly interesting are the returns which dis- 
 tinguish nationalities and races. In a country which 
 has so many race problems to solve, this part of the 
 investigation must have a very practical bearing upon 
 positive methods. The comparison of races is some-
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 25 
 
 what vitiated by the fact that many of them are but 
 feebly represented in the tables, and that, therefore, 
 the percentages must be more accidental than in the 
 case in which we have very large numbers. Thus, if 
 we look at the charity organization figures first, we find 
 that those nationalities which show the smallest per- 
 centages of liquor cases are Italy, Russia, Austria, and 
 Poland, but in all of these the totals are small. If 
 we take the rest, which are more largely represented, 
 we find that the Germans lead, only 14 per cent, of 
 their applicants being chargeable to the liquor habit. 
 Norway and Sweden follow with 16 per cent., the 
 United States with 17 per cent., England with 18 per 
 cent., while Canada and Scotland show 21 per cent., 
 and Ireland 29 per cent. 
 
 The relative rank of the different nationalities, as 
 given in these figures, is strikingly confirmed by the 
 returns from the almshouses. The percentages them- 
 selves are naturally all higher, but the different nations 
 come in almost exactly the same order. Here we find 
 that the Italians, Poles, and Austrians lead, with per- 
 centages running from 9 to 14 ; next come the Germans 
 with 25 per cent., the Scandinavians with 27 per 
 cent., the native-born with 29 per cent., the Canadians 
 with 32 per cent., the English and Scotch with 39 per 
 cent., and the Irish with 40 per cent. 
 
 If we compare the Caucasian race with the Negroes 
 on the one hand and the native Indians on the other, 
 we find that the liquor habit is apparently not very 
 jsrevalent among the Negroes. They show an aggre- 
 gate of but 9 per cent, in the charity organization 
 societies, and of 17 per cent, in the almshouses, as com-
 
 26 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 pared with 19 per cent, and 33 per cent, for white 
 people in the same schedules, and these figures are 
 strikingly confirmed by the careful, detailed reports 
 made by a large number of correspondents in the 
 South, as well as by the personal investigations of Mr. 
 Koren. Indeed, the Negroes being, with few excep- 
 tions, native born, lower the average for the native- 
 born Americans, which would be about 19 per cent, 
 in the charity organization societies, were it not for 
 the Negro element. The Indians, on the other hand, 
 though they do not appear in any of our statistics, 
 obviously represent the other extreme, and from the 
 reports of Indian agents and other correspondents, it 
 appears that they drink more for the sake of intoxi- 
 cation and less for social pleasure than any other race 
 in our country, and that the effects of liquor upon 
 them are worse. While the Negro recovers rapidly 
 from the effects of drink, the drunken Indian is a 
 person whom it is well to avoid. 
 
 We cannot draw conclusions from a study of occu- 
 pations with the confidence which we feel in studying 
 the different races, partly because it was not feasible 
 to collect occupation statistics from the private societies, 
 and partly because the occupations considered are so 
 numerous that, in many cases, the totals for each 
 occupation are very small, and the percentages are 
 liable to be accidental. Such figures as we have show, 
 however, that the saloon-keepers lead : 84 per cent, of 
 those enumerated in almshouses are found to owe their 
 condition to the use of liquor. Next come the sailors 
 with 58 per cent., the butchers with 57 per cent., the 
 printers and iron and steel workers with 55 per cent.
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 27 
 
 each. In general, the more skillful occupations do not\ 
 make a favorable showing as compared with the un-/ 
 skilled. Thus the iron and steel workers and printersl 
 the cooks and waiters, the machinists, all give a per-( 
 centage of 50 or over, while laborers show but 44 per\ 
 cent., mill operatives 43 per cent., and farmers 33 per \ 
 cent. The intemperance of sailors is a familiar pheno- / 
 menon, due partly to the fact that their life precludes 
 the formation of a high standard of living or a settled 
 domestic existence, and that, therefore, when turned 
 adrift on land, they are very apt to spend their earnings- 
 in sensual enjoyment. In the case of the printers, 1 
 machinists, and iron and steel workers, it is probable ( 
 that their intemperance is due to the strain of working / 
 under high pressure, and to the exhaustion produced \ 
 by unsanitary conditions. It should be said, however, ', 
 that these figures do not necessarily measure the in- 
 temperance of the various occupations. We have 
 counted, not the whole of the trade, but only those 
 members of the trade who are in almshouses. In 
 general, the higher the earnings of any person, the less 
 likely is he to become a pauper except through some 
 fault of his own. We should, therefore, naturally 
 look for a large percentage of liquor cases in the 
 better paid occupations. This same consideration 
 should be borne in mind in interpreting the figures 
 relating to other classes of paupers. 
 
 The charity organization societies deal in the main 
 with adults, as do also the almshouses. As shown by 
 our statistics, 45 per cent, of the inmates of almshouses 
 enter between the ages of 50 and 69. In order to get 
 a fair view, therefore, of the poverty occasioned by
 
 28 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 drink, it is necessary to make a special investigation 
 of destitute children. While the number of children 
 studied by us is only 5136 as against some 37,000 
 adults, we believe that we have covered sufficient ground 
 to indicate fairly how large a part of the destitution of 
 children is due to the abuse of liquor. This part 
 of the study was made through three different agen- 
 cies : through societies for the prevention of cruelty 
 to children and humane societies, dealing chiefly with 
 children of the lowest class; through state organiza- 
 tions of the National Children's Home Society, dealing 
 with many illegitimate infants ; and through two state 
 public schools, which are, in fact, state orphan asylums. 
 The general average derived from these cases shows 
 that nearly 45 per cent, of the children harbored owed 
 their destitution to the intemperance of parents, while 
 nearly 46 per cent, owed their destitution to the in- 
 temperance of parents and others together. The worst 
 phase of the poverty occasioned by drink is thus seen 
 to be in the fact, not that the drinker himself suffers, 
 but that innocent persons suffer still more. 
 
 When we distinguish between the white and the col- 
 ored children, we find the same contrast, though not 
 so marked, as was found in the case of pauperism and 
 poor relief, for of colored children, only 39 per cent, 
 owed their condition to the drinking habits of parents 
 or guardians, while nearly 46 per cent, of the white 
 children were in this condition. Comparing children 
 of native-born parents with those of foreign extraction, 
 we find, as we found in the other studies, that the 
 native Americans appear to advantage as compared 
 with foreigners ; 43^ per cent, represented the propor-
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 29 
 
 tion of children of native parents, and 49|^ per cent, 
 the proportion of children of foreign parents whose 
 poverty was brought on by liquor. If we still further 
 analyze the parental condition of these children, we 
 find, as might naturally be expected, that those whose 
 father was foreign and mother unknown furnished the 
 largest percentage of liquor cases, nearly 60| per cent, 
 in all, even more than were found where both parents 
 were unknown. We also find that those who had a 
 foreign father and a native mother supplied a larger 
 percentage of liquor cases than those who had a native 
 father and foreign mother. These figures confirm the 
 results obtained from the study of pauperism and 
 poverty, and indicate that, for some reason, the com- 
 bination of a foreign father with a native mother, or a 
 mother of unknown nationality, is particularly unfav- 
 orable to temperance. 
 
 Crime due to Liquor. 
 
 The study of crime offers peculiar difficulties. Crime 
 being an intentional act, the causes must be facts which 
 influence the motives of men. And as the motives of 
 men are often mixed, it is evident that several motives 
 may combine to cause a crime. Crime cannot, there- j 
 fore, be attributed to a single cause as easily as poverty.'^ 
 This fact has necessitated a somewhat complicated 
 method of classification, under which we have not only 
 endeavored to ascertain how far intemperance was a 
 cause of crime, but also how far it was a first, second, 
 or third cause, and also how far it was found combined 
 with other leading causes, notably unfavorable environ- 
 ment and lack of industrial training, in bringing about
 
 30 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 crime. We have" also been obliged to make a further 
 distinction, and to separate crimes against the person 
 from those against property. Our tables are thus 
 much more intricate than those relating to pauperism 
 and poor relief, but they also contain many facts which 
 go beyond the immediate scope of our investigation, 
 and which cannot fail to be of value to the criminolo- 
 gist. The danger of making sweeping statements with 
 regard to intemperance as a cause of crime is nowhere 
 better illustrated than in this section of our investiga- 
 tion, and the reader cannot be too strongly urged to 
 study carefully for himself the tables and the explana- 
 tion of them given by Mr. Koren before trying to reach 
 general conclusions. A few only of the leading results 
 need be referred to here. 
 
 The investigation covered 13,402 convicts, in seven- 
 teen prisons and reformatories scattered throughout 
 twelve States. It was conducted with great care, in 
 many instances by the chaplains, in others by the su- 
 perintendents of the institutions in question. Of the 
 total number of cases thus investigated, it appeared 
 that intemperance figured as one of the causes of crime 
 in nearly 50 per cent. It was, however, a first cause 
 in only 31 per cent. While, therefore, intemperance 
 appears to contribute to crime in nearly half the 
 cases investigated by us, a result which is strikingly 
 confirmed by the investigation of the Massachusetts 
 Bureau of Labor Statistics for that State, it was al- 
 most always only one of several causes, and appeared 
 as a leading cause in less than a third, and as the sole 
 cause in but 16 per cent. The difference between the 
 importance of liquor as a cause of crimes against pro-
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 31 
 
 perty and of crimes against the person is surprisingly 
 small. It is, as would be expected, somewhat more 
 prominent in crimes against the person, 51^ per cent, 
 of such crimes being attributed to liquor, either on the 
 part of the criminal or of others ; but even in the case 
 of crimes against property, the percentage is 49 J. 
 
 As in pauperism, however, we find considerable dif- 
 ferences between the showing made by diJffiereut nation- 
 alities ; and the order in which the races are ranked 
 when we consider intemperance as a cause in general of 
 crime is similar to the order in which they are ranked 
 when we consider it as a cause of pauperism, though 
 the two are not identical. Thus the smallest percent- 
 age of crime due to intemperance, 25 per cent., is fur- 
 nished by the Russians. Next come the Austrians 
 with 34.62 per cent., the Germans with 44.87 per cent., 
 the Italians with 50 per cent., the Americans with 
 50.23 per cent., the English with 52.92 per cent., the 
 Poles with 53.41 per cent., the Scandinavians with 
 56.25 per cent., the Irish with 56.70 per cent., the 
 Canadians with 56.74 per cent., the Scotch with 58.33 
 per cent. This table takes no account of the Negro 
 race, who constitute but 2000 of the total jail popula- 
 tion studied. If we compare them with the whites, we 
 find a singular contrast to the results of the tables on 
 pauperism and poverty ; for while intemperance was 
 a cause of poverty in but very few cases among the 
 Negroes, it appears as a cause of crime in a larger pro- 
 portion of cases than among the whites. This appar- 
 ent contradiction finds its explanation in the fact 
 already mentioned, that while the effects of liquor 
 upon the Negro are apt to be temporary, they are, at
 
 32 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 the same time, more acute. Thus a Negro under the 
 influence of liquor is much more apt to commit some 
 impulsive crime than a white man. He is, however, 
 less apt to become permanently a slave of the habit 
 and thus to sink into pauperism. 
 
 The Saloon. 
 
 Having considered the extent to which pauperism 
 and crime are due to liquor, in our country, our investi- 
 gation would be incomplete did we not give some at- 
 tention to the means by which a large part of the 
 liquor is conveyed to drinkers. The evils of excessive 
 drinking are well recognized, and yet the saloon seems 
 to flourish in spite of these evils. We must therefore 
 analyze the saloon, as we have analyzed the statistics 
 of pauperism and crime, and endeavor to learn its true 
 nature. The reports which have been made for us in 
 several large cities, especially Chicago, New York, 
 Boston, and San Francisco, concur in showing that the 
 saloon, though supplying the means of intemperance, 
 is not exclusively devoted to this purpose. Its charac- 
 ter differs naturally with the locality in which it is sit- 
 uated, and with the nationality and occupation of its 
 patrons, but it generally attracts custom by minister- 
 ing to the social wants of the poor nian.^ Here he 
 finds companionship, recreation, literature, even kind- 
 ness, and help in trouble. What should be more 
 natural than that he should become its patron, even 
 though the desire for drink may not be very strong? 
 
 ^ This feature of the saloon was graphically described more 
 than a quarter of a century ago, by Charles Loring Brace, in 
 Dangerous Classes of Neio York, p. G4.
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 33 
 
 This is seen in the fact that saloons flourish among 
 nationalities like the Jews in New York, which are 
 noted for their moderation. 
 
 The observation that the saloon is much more than 
 a device for producing intoxication is confirmed by 
 experiences which are not detailed in our report, but 
 which have come to the writer from other sources. It 
 has been found, e. </., that in New Haven a coffee bar, 
 established from benevolent motives next to a saloon 
 and offering the same opportunities for sociability and 
 recreation without intoxicating liquors, was able to 
 drive the saloon out of business. A special sub-com- 
 mittee of the Committee of Fifty is making an investi- 
 gation into substitutes for the saloon in large cities, 
 and this subject will doubtless be treated much more 
 fully in their report than it can be here. 
 
 The main fact, however, that the saloon is more 
 than a mere drinking place, and that it supplies many 
 legitimate wants besides the craving for intoxication, 
 should be frankly recognized, and ought to be of help to 
 those who are engaged in practical efforts to counteract 
 the evils of intemperance. This part of our investiga- 
 tion has been carried on mainly through the agency of 
 social and university settlements, and these institutions 
 are already taking advantage of the knowledge gained 
 in their daily experience with the poor to offer at least 
 some of those counteracting attractions and positive 
 forces without which the driving out of the spirit of 
 drink will be of no avail.
 
 34 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 V. ECONOMIC FORCES WORKING FOR AND AGAINST THE 
 CONSUMPTION OF LIQUOR. 
 
 The large interests represented by the capital in- 
 vested in the production and sale of liquors and the 
 large number of persons who gain their livelihood in 
 connection with it do not necessarily represent a force 
 working for intemperance. They certainly indicate, 
 however, some measure of the resistance which must 
 be encountered in any effort to abolish or restrict the 
 use of liquor, and they explain the success with which 
 radical reformatory measures are often thwarted. Yet 
 these figures, formidable as they are, are not altogether 
 discouraging. The largest interests are represented by 
 the least alcoholic beverages. While in 1890 the man- 
 ufacture of malt liquors gave emjiloyment to 34,800 
 persons and yielded a product of $182,700,000, the 
 manufacture of distilled liquors employed but 5343 
 persons and yielded a product of but $104,000,000.^ 
 And if we look at the consumption of liquors for a 
 series of years, we find a marked decline in the more 
 alcoholic varieties. Since 1840 there has been a steady 
 substitution of malt liquors for distilled liquors in the 
 consumption of the people.^ The consumption of the 
 latter has fallen from 2.52 gallons per capita to 1, 
 while the consumption of the former has risen from 
 1.36 to 15.16. While therg has been an increase in 
 the total quantity consumed, the substitution of light 
 drinks for strong drinks has brought about a diminu- 
 tion in the amount of alcohol consumed per capita. 
 
 1 12th Annual Report of the Department of Labor, p. 27. 
 
 2 12th Annual Report of the Department of Labor, p. 35.
 
 . REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 35 
 
 Moreover, though the per capita consumption of malt 
 liquors has been nearly stationary since 1890, the con- 
 sumption of distilled liquors has fallen by nearly one 
 third in that time. How far modern methods of pro- 
 duction have influenced this change, how far it is due 
 to German immigration or other causes, cannot be 
 stated with certainty. The fact remains that our pro- 
 gress has been in the direction of moderation. 
 
 Nor does this seem to be fortuitous. There are 
 very powerful economic forces which almost compel 
 moderation in modern industry. It does not seem too 
 optimistic to say that a complete change has taken 
 place in the habits of the wage-earning class since the 
 days, in the early part of this century, when men went 
 on strike for the sake of getting their rations of rum. 
 It was considered a remarkable achievement in 1817 
 for a ship to be completed, in spite of such resistance, 
 without the use of liquor in any form,^ and James 
 Brewster had to overcome a long-established custom 
 when he put a stop to drinking in his carriage factory 
 in New Haven, early in the century. 
 
 This change has been furthered by two agencies : 
 the self-interest of the employed on the one hand, and 
 the self-interest of the employers on the other. Not 
 only were rations of grog common among mechanics 
 in the early days of the century, but the early labor 
 organizations were almost always more or less asso- 
 ciated with drink. It was common in England for the 
 unions to meet in public houses, and a certain allow- 
 ance, known as " liquor allowance," was made for 
 drinks. Even as late as 1837, according to Mr. and 
 1 Wright, Industrial Evolution, p. 276.
 
 36 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 Mrs. Webb,^ the rules of the Steam Engine Makers' 
 Society directed that one third of the weekly contri- 
 bution should be spent in the refreshment of the 
 members. The executive committees of the larger 
 societies, however, began to oppose this custom, and 
 in the revision of 1846 the provision just quoted was 
 left out of the rules of the society. 
 
 As the unions have become larger and wealthier, 
 they have been able to emancipate themselves from 
 the public houses by having their own places of meet- 
 ing, while the importance of keeping sober during 
 strikes has impressed itself more and more upon them. 
 The very magnitude of their financial operations neces- 
 sitates the election of temperate men to the higher 
 offices, and the development of an elaborate system of 
 insurance benefits gives each member a direct interest 
 in the sobriety of his fellows. No member of a union 
 wants to feel that his contributions, laboriously saved 
 from small earnings, are to be used up for the support 
 of a drunken fellow member. 
 
 What is true of English unions is true to a large 
 extent of our own, and as far as their public utter- 
 ances are concerned, our unions stand strictly for mod- 
 eration, in spite of occasional lapses on the part of 
 walking delegates and others. Injunctions in favor of 
 moderation are found in many passages of their rules. 
 Thus, in some cases, the rules provide that, if a man 
 is discharged on account of drunkenness, no steps shall 
 be taken to reinstate him, as in the case of the Iron, 
 Steel, and Tin Workers. In many cases the liquor 
 ^ The History of Trade Unionism, p. 185.
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMIT'TEE. 37 
 
 traffic, as such, is tabooed, and a man who goes into 
 it is excluded from the union. This is done by the 
 Metal Polishers, the Core Makers, the Iron Moulders, 
 the Retail Clerks, and the Knights of Labor. In still 
 other cases the person is excluded from the benefits 
 to which he would be entitled in case of sickness, 
 accident, or unemployment. This is true of the Iron 
 Moulders, the Blacksmiths, the Amalgamated Society 
 of Carpenters and Joiners, the Wood Workers, the 
 Painters and Decorators, the Leather Workers on 
 Horse Goods, the Tobacco Workers, the Cigar Mak- 
 ers, and the Retail Clerks. Many unions fine or 
 otherwise punish those who attend meetings in an in- 
 toxicated condition, and the Trades and Labor Council 
 of Fort Wayne, Ind., goes so far as to provide that 
 "the Council shall never, on any occasion, where it 
 is giving a demonstration, celebration, excursion, pic- 
 nic, ball, or entertainment of any description, sell in- 
 toxicating liquors itself, or grant the privilege to sell 
 intoxicating liquors to any person or persons, firm, 
 society, or company." 
 
 The employers, on the other hand, equally feel the 
 importance of sobriety as a means of preventing acci- 
 dents, of insuring good work, and of securing responsi- 
 bility. The report made by the Department of Labor 
 on this subject reveals an agency which has hitherto 
 been little noticed. The schedule of inquiries issued 
 by the Department brought returns from over 7000 
 establishments, employing 1,700,000 persons. These 
 establishments are no small fraction of the industry 
 of the country. In transportation lines, 713 replied, 
 representing 458,000 employees. Of the 6976 who 
 
 431^1^
 
 38 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 answered the specific inquiry regarding liquor, 5363 
 reported that means were taken to ascertain the hab- 
 its of employees, and 1794 prohibited, more or less 
 strictly, drinking. In most of these cases, the philan- 
 thropic motive seems to have counted for little. Of 
 the 1794 who restrict their employees in the use of 
 intoxicating liquors, 28 give as their reason, " to make 
 good example for other employees ; " two, " to guard 
 against temptation ; " and two, " for the good of em- 
 ployees." Generally, the object is either to prevent 
 accidents, or to secure better work, better economy, or 
 greater responsibility in positions of trust. 
 
 As more things are done by machinery, as trolley- 
 cars supplant horse -cars, as implements of greater 
 precision and refinement take the place of cruder ones, 
 as the speed at which machinery is run is increased, 
 fts the intensity with which people work becomes 
 greater, the necessity of having a clear head during 
 the hours of labor becomes imperative, and the very 
 conditions of modern business life necessitate sobriety 
 on the part of the workers. Those who would find 
 profitable employment realize more and more the im- 
 portance of moderation in drink. 
 
 Our sub-committee, having been appointed to inves- 
 tigate the economic aspects of the liquor problem, has 
 intentionally restricted itself to that field. This does 
 not mean that the moral or other aspects of the pro- 
 blem are in its eyes unimportant ; but inasmuch as these 
 aspects are more commonly brought into prominence, 
 it seems proper that this committee should emphasize 
 the very great significance of the purely economic 
 aspects, not only as indicating one phase of the evil,
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 39 
 
 but also an important and hitherto neglected agency for 
 its cure. Moral agencies are often powerful means of 
 reform. They are still more powerful if reinforced by 
 economic considerations. Our investigation shows, as 
 we believe, that economic forces are already working 
 in the direction of moderation which need but be 
 stimulated and directed to become effective allies of 
 the moral agencies which are attacking the evils of the 
 liquor habit. 
 
 Respectfully submitted for the Economic Sub-Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 HENRY W. FARNAM, 
 January, 1899. Secretary.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 
 
 This volume is the result of investigations into the 
 relations of the liquor problem, (1) to poverty, (2) to 
 pauperism, (3) to the destitution and neglect of chil- 
 dren, (4) to crime, (5) to the Negroes of the United 
 States, (6) to the Indians of the United States, and 
 (7) the result of studies of social aspects of the saloon 
 in large cities. 
 
 So broad a field of research had been mapped out 
 that the impossibility of covering it adequately without 
 generous and extensive cooperation on the part of com- 
 petent investigators was at once apparent ; for it was 
 not so much the purpose to collect and compare already 
 existing data, as to secure statistics and information at 
 first hand. In a work of this nature the scope of the 
 investigations and the methods and mediums of inquiry 
 employed become of paramount interest to the reader. 
 
 Drink as a poverty-begetting cause has been studied 
 among two groups of unfortunates sufficiently distinct 
 to render misleading a comparison of statistics relating 
 to them. The first group embraces mainly destitutes 
 who are in need only of temporary relief, or who can 
 be made at least partly self-supporting, with a sprin- 
 kling of the permanently poor not yet institutionalized ; 
 in other words, the group still struggles against pau- 
 perism and continues to mingle with the ordinary pop-
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 41 
 
 ulation of the cities. The second group consists of 
 those whose poverty has become fixed and therefore 
 hopeless, the true paupers, who liave been consigned to 
 that last haven of refuge, the almshouse. 
 
 Although the dividing line between poor and pau- 
 pers, as maintained in this report, may seem somewhat 
 artificial, since locally the two groups merge into each 
 other at several points, and one is largely recruited 
 from the other, their separation in an investigation of 
 the present order appears, nevertheless, to be both nat- 
 ural and fair. While pauperism is but the final stage 
 in the evolution of the needy, it does not necessarily 
 spring from the same causes that marked the first stages 
 in the process ; and what applies to those who need 
 but a helping hand in order to help themselves does 
 not perforce apply to those for whom all hope has been 
 abandoned. 
 
 For both groups the inquiry has, broadly speaking, 
 been limited to the question. How far is intemperance 
 the direct or indirect cause of want ? Its correlative. 
 How far is intemperance the result of want ? has not 
 been considered. One may well believe that many 
 seek forgetfulness of poverty's spectre in drink, and 
 that intemperance in general, prior to its becoming the 
 cause of misery, is the effect of wretched social condi- 
 tions among certain classes. But whether intemper- 
 ance had its origin in despondency over impending 
 want, or in despair bred by actual destitution, it soon 
 ceases to operate as a result and becomes a cause of 
 acuter distress. While it is true that cause and result 
 may in numerous instances be so closely interwoven 
 that one is easily mistaken for the other, it is only as a
 
 42 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 cause of want that intemperance can be inquired into 
 with some assurance of reaching definite conclusions. 
 
 POVEETT. 
 
 How far, then, is intemperance directly or indirectly 
 the cause of poverty among the multitude of recipients 
 of aid outside public institutions ? Replies based upon 
 special and exhaustive investigations have been sought 
 through the medium of those who, in ministering to 
 want, also seek to discover the causes of want, — prin- 
 cipally workers in charity organization societies (asso- 
 ciated charities) and kindred bodies. Although per- 
 haps a majority of these societies tabulate annually the 
 chief causes of distress, of which intemjDcrance is one, 
 among the cases coming under their care, it seemed 
 probable that a searching fresh inquiry with regard to 
 drink as a cause of poverty would yield more compre- 
 hensive and perhaps truer results. Communications 
 were accordingly addressed to societies and individuals 
 requesting their co(3peration. The schedule plan of 
 investigation was proposed, that is, an investigation 
 by means of blanks calling for specific information, 
 which were to be filled out, one blank for each case of 
 distress investigated in the course of future twelve 
 months, the person applying for assistance being con- 
 sidered as the " case," whether representing only himself 
 or a family. 
 
 In addition to particulars concerning age, sex, resi- 
 dence, place of birth, citizenship, etc., it was endeav- 
 ored to ascertain, relative to drink as the cause of pre- 
 sent poverty, whether it was due, (1) to personal use 
 or abuse of intoxicants, or (2 and 3) to the intemperate
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 43 
 
 habits of parents or guardians, especially in the case of 
 a young person, or (4) to the intemperate habits of 
 others (not parents nor guardians). It will be seen 
 that the last query was intended to cover all cases of 
 adults who have indirectly become the victims of drink, 
 whether they be aged persons whom inebriate children 
 neglect to support, or deserted or widowed women who 
 owe their present distress to the intemperate habits of 
 the husband. 
 
 In response to the requests of the committee, forty- 
 six agencies, including a few representatives of official 
 benevolence, signified their willingness to participate 
 in the proposed investigation. Of the last-mentioned 
 all have failed, for various reasons, to complete the 
 inquiry, or regarded it impracticable to pursue the 
 methods suggested. Of the charity organization socie- 
 ties and allied bodies, but two refused to give their 
 services for other reasons than their inability to do so ; 
 thirty-three generously redeemed their promises and 
 finished the task undertaken ; and eight gave up the 
 attempt, in three instances on account of the death 
 of the agents who began the work. The thirty-three 
 organizations represent the same number of cities in 
 eighteen States and the District of Columbia. To those 
 familiar with organized charity work it will at once be 
 plain, from the list of names printed elsewhere, that a 
 large majority of the best equipped societies have taken 
 part in the investigation. Some of those remaining 
 passive exist hardly more than in name, while others 
 are mainly relief-giving organizations working on the 
 old charity lines. 
 
 Statistics have been obtained relative to 29,923
 
 44 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 causes of distress. Nearly all ^ the societies have fur- 
 nished particulars concerning every case, either new or 
 recurrent, coming under their observation during vari- 
 ous periods of twelve months, stretching from about 
 May, 1896, to June, 1898, with the exception that 
 some, for lack of specific information, decided not to 
 enter " office cases " (mostly tramjos and beggars about 
 whom little could be learned) on the schedules. The 
 instances in which ali'eady existing records were de- 
 pended upon rather than a fresh inquiry comprise about 
 one thousand of the total number of cases reported. 
 
 We have, then, a mass of statistical material from 
 many cities with populations by no means identical, 
 collected by persons of different temperaments, mental 
 habits, degrees of training, who have worked under dis- 
 similar conditions, and are no more free from preju- 
 dices than the rest of humanity. There is admittedly 
 a danger that the " personal equation " may become a 
 disturbing element in an investigation like the present. 
 Yet it may fairly be asked if it has not, on the whole, 
 resulted in truer averages than would an investigation 
 in which each case has been examined through the 
 same spectacles. The degree of uniformity discernible 
 in the returns is, furthermore, no absolute criterion of 
 their accuracy. Some general observations, deducible 
 from the returns themselves, on the causes that make 
 for a divergence of the statistics gleaned by the charity 
 
 1 The Charity Organization Society of New York reported 
 cases for something over three months, that of Baltimore for 
 three months, while the returns from the Chicago Bureau of 
 Associated Charities are mainly from the Stock Yards Dis- 
 trict.
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 45 
 
 organization societies are in place. The elements of 
 population, chief occupations, and general social condi- 
 tions all play an important part. It makes a marked 
 difference whether data relative to intemperance are 
 drawn from a population largely native born, or from 
 one in which a foreign nationality predominates. It 
 makes a difference whether the units entering into such 
 statistics are from a place in which the deaf and dumb, 
 the blind, the feeble-minded, and demented have been 
 institutionalized, or from a place in which these classes 
 stiU mingle with the general population. Some of the 
 societies have their work in communities where the 
 standard of living and average intelligence are high, 
 some in places of the opposite characteristics, for in- 
 stance, in factory towns where low wages and a low 
 moral tone prevail ; some deal largely with the de- 
 graded poor who merely seek alms, others more with 
 the self-respecting unfortunates ; and some are repre- 
 sentative of newer localities in which industrial condi- 
 tions may at times produce acute distress, but where, on 
 the whole, comparatively few families bear the stigma 
 of permanent and incurable poverty. 
 
 It has been our constant endeavor to counteract any 
 possible tendencies among investigators either to under- 
 value or to exaggerate the importance of intemperance 
 as the cause of poverty. Through voluminous corre- 
 spondence as well as through personal interviews in 
 many instances, it has been possible to carefully define 
 the bearings of the principal questions asked, and to 
 warn against a too broad or too narrow interpretation 
 of the schedule. Among the points emphasized in the 
 general instructions, the following may be mentioned:
 
 46 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 To give a case the benefit of reasonable doubt; to 
 proceed on the principle of " sufficient cause," that 
 is, to give intemperance as the cause of distress when, 
 aside from other contributing causes, it appears suffi- 
 cient to have produced want; not to regard the ex- 
 penditure of a portion of the daily wage for liquor, if 
 unaccompanied by habitual drunkenness or incapacity 
 for work, as the cause of distress, unless such expendi- 
 ture produces want for the family while a daily wage 
 is being earned ; to inquire fhinutely into the indirect 
 effects of drink, particularly in the cases of women who 
 have lost their husbands, or been deserted by them ; to 
 answer all questions definitely whenever possible, thus 
 avoiding the introduction of large unknown statistical 
 quantities. 
 
 It is freely confessed that not all sets of sched- 
 ules bear evidence of equally careful research. Of the 
 localities returning a comparatively low percentage of 
 intemperance, some appear to have been less thor- 
 oughly canvassed than others. But where the diver- 
 gence from the average has been conspicuous, the 
 reasons for it have been sought and usually obtained. 
 In order to prevent errors, thousands of schedules were 
 returned for corrections and verifications to those fill- 
 ing them out. In addition to the information called 
 for in the blank, many organizations have given a con- 
 cise history of the case, thus affording an opportunity 
 to judge of the facts upon which the conclusion as to 
 intemperance rests. It is interesting to observe that 
 some of the collaborators have found their statistics, 
 the accuracy of which they insist upon, to be quite at 
 variance with their own theories or anticipations.
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 47 
 
 So far as known, no investigation on precisely the 
 same lines lias been undertaken by others. In his ad- 
 mirable work, " American Charities," Professor War- 
 ner has tabulated interesting statistics relative to the 
 causes of poverty, based upon the case records of the 
 charity organization societies of Baltimore, Boston, 
 Buffalo, Cincinnati, and New York for the years 
 1890-91 and 1891-92. They differ from those given 
 in this work in essential respects. Not only is the num- 
 ber of cases reported much smaller, being less than 
 6500 for either year, but it is also much less repre- 
 sentative, being derived from only five cities. The 
 scope of his inquiry was also quite another. The sev- 
 eral causes of destitution were sought, thus precluding 
 the possibility of a minute inquiry into the direct and 
 indirect bearings of inebriety as a cause, which, as will 
 be seen later, affects the results materially. Other 
 similar investigations made in this country and in Eng- 
 land deal exclusively with the almshouse population, 
 and will be mentioned under another head. In the 
 " Armenstatistik des Deutschen Reichs " (part of the 
 general census of 1885), Bohmert's " Das Armenwesen 
 in 77 Stadten Deutschlands," Dr. Ernest Mischler's 
 " Das Armenwesen in Steiermark," and the few other 
 publications of continental Europe dealing with the 
 causes of destitution, the recipients of public aid have 
 generally been lumped together with the paupers in 
 almshouses. This fact alone, aside from other weighty 
 considerations, renders comparisons of doubtful value.
 
 48 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 PAUPERISM. 
 
 Among the second group o£ destitutes, the inmates 
 of pauper establishments, the study of inebriety as a 
 cause of pauperism is beset with peculiar difficulties. 
 Here greater dependence must be placed on the per- 
 sonal statement of the individual concerned than on 
 the knowledge and observations of others. Within the 
 walls of the almshouse some of the habits of the former 
 life must be suppressed. The official record tells per- 
 haps who the inmate is and whence he came, but not 
 what he was nor how he lived. After years of an apa- 
 thetic existence as a public charge, the true perspective 
 of the past, if he ever saw it, may be lost to the inmate 
 himself, and there may be no one to tell his story or 
 who has ever cared to learn it. How rare is the super- 
 intendent of an almshouse who takes further inter- 
 est in his wards than to feed and clothe them need 
 not be mentioned to those who are acquainted with 
 pauper administration in this country, tinged as it is 
 with penny politics and subject to incessant rotation in 
 office. Hence the officials whose immediate services 
 could safely be enlisted in the investigation were few 
 in number. Scores of requests for cooperation were 
 made in vain ; and occasionally, as later developments 
 have shown, confidence was misplaced. 
 
 In some of the largest almshouses (New York city, 
 Baltimore, Cook County, 111., and in all the New Jer- 
 sey institutions), the statistical material was obtained 
 by trained agents chosen for this particular work ; in 
 all others, through superintendents and their assistants. 
 Similar methods of inquiry were followed as for the
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 49 
 
 first group, the relations of inebriety to pauperism 
 being ascertained through the same set of questions. 
 A total of 8420 inmates of fifty institutions in ten 
 States is accounted for in the returns. The very 
 unequal representation of the diiferent States is due to 
 the impossibility of securing the right sort of investi- 
 gators, and the weeding out of wortliless or incomplete 
 schedules. 
 
 Besides the personal equation, cognizance must be 
 taken of the fact that in this investigation the statisti- 
 cal evidence rests so largely on the personal statement 
 of the individual concerned. What allowance must be 
 made for it ? In a number of the smaller institutions 
 intimate knowledge of the histories and families of 
 inmates has enabled the investigators to guard against 
 possible deception. In the largest almshouses such 
 knowledge must, of course, be exceedingly scant. But 
 in these, whenever possible, a verification of the purely 
 personal statements was sought outside the institution. 
 Thus, for example, agents of the New York Charity 
 Organization Society generously reinvestigated many 
 of the cases reported from the almshouse of that city ; 
 that is, made inquiries among the friends, relatives, 
 former employers of the paupers, and others. Similar 
 safeguards were resorted to elsewhere, with the result 
 that the original statements obtained were found incor- 
 rect or doubtful in so small a proportion of cases as not 
 to affect perceptibly the general results one way or the 
 other. All our experience tends to confirm the convic- 
 tion that, when approached with requisite tact, inmates 
 of almshouses are, on the whole, disposed to tell the 
 truth about themselves so far as they realize it. The
 
 50 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 feeling that otherwise would make for concealment of 
 the past does not thrive amid the environments of the 
 almshouse. 
 
 The variety of conditions from which almshouse 
 popidations are recruited in the different communi- 
 ties is necessarily reflected in the statistics of intem- 
 perance. Paupers in remote country districts do not 
 share all the characteristics of pauj)ers in a metropolis. 
 Neither does one find every poorhouse to be just what 
 the name would imply. Some institutions are truly 
 asylums for the " aged and infirm," others contain at 
 seasons a large quota of fairly able-bodied tramps and 
 sots. One community will huddle all its dependents, 
 paupers, insane, feeble-minded, and demented, under 
 the same roof, while another will provide separate 
 establishments for the different classes of dependents. 
 Occasionally one finds an almshouse to which, in lieu 
 of a more convenient place, magistrates are in the 
 habit of sending all habitual drunkards. Or an insti- 
 tution may be partly a home for paupers and partly a 
 free hospital for the sick, whether actually destitute or 
 not. It has been the aim to exclude from the returns 
 all but genuine paupers. 
 
 An exhaustive study of the relations of intemperance 
 to pauperism in the State of Massachusetts has been 
 made by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of that State 
 (26th Annual Report, 1895). Mr. Charles Booth has 
 made available information on the same subject for the 
 Stepney and St. Pancras workhouses in England. The 
 German, French, Austrian, and Swiss statistics dealing 
 with the causes of pauperism have already been referred 
 to ; they do not afford a basis for fair comparisons.
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 51 
 
 DESTITUTION OF CHILDREN. 
 
 That drink is associated with much of the neglect 
 and destitution suffered by children has long been a 
 familiar fact to charity workers, but thus far it has 
 escaped systematic study. The casual references to it 
 in institution reports and a few statistical publications 
 do not afford much useful information. On the other 
 hand, a separate inquiry into the matter is held super- 
 fluous by some, who argue that the same causes which 
 are active in the production of poverty and crime among 
 adults must necessarily work destitution and neglect 
 among children. According to this reasoning, the 
 number of children whose lives have been blighted by 
 the intemperate habits of others is pretty much in direct 
 ratio to the number of children whose parents have 
 become impoverished or criminal through drink. But 
 neither is this assertion demonstrable, nor does it cover 
 the whole subject. It is thinkable that of the thousands 
 of children who become charges upon public and pri- 
 vate charity some, whose parents are not paupers or 
 criminals, may nevertheless owe their plight to intem- 
 perance. One need but think of the swarms of ille- 
 gitimate children, the orphans and half orphans, and 
 of those for whom the natural supporters cannot find 
 bread, though able in a measure to take care of them- 
 selves. It is, therefore, both a legitimate and impor- 
 tant question to ask to what extent the neglect and 
 destitution of children is due to the intemperate habits 
 of their parents, guardians, or others ; and it demands 
 separate investigation. This has been attempted by 
 the statistical method. Although but little detailed
 
 52 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 information was asked, comparatively few representa- 
 tives of child-saving agencies would take the trouble to 
 ascertain it when in position to do so. The indifference 
 of officials to a study of the causes of the misfortune 
 to which they are daily witnesses was more pronounced 
 than in the investigations relative to pauperism and 
 crime. A majority of the requests for cooperation 
 remain unanswered, or were rej^lied to in a manner 
 which precluded further correspondence. 
 
 The nature of the iuformation sought has been suffi- 
 ciently indicated. After eliminating much material 
 for lack of completeness, there were left as the results 
 of the investigation 5136 cases of children to be tabu- 
 lated. They were obtained through the kindness of 
 officers of the National Children's Home Society in 
 Colorado, New York, and Nebraska, the Board of Chil- 
 dren's Guardians in Indiana, the State Public Schools 
 of Minnesota and Wisconsin, and Humane Societies 
 or Societies for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children 
 in New York, Illinois, and Connecticut. 
 
 CRIME. 
 
 Althousfh a connection between drink and crime 
 seems definitely established, the possibility of deter- 
 mining statistically how far inebriety causes crime is 
 doubted by many. Even among those who do not 
 adopt the theory of a discoverable anthropological type 
 of criminals, some whose opinions carry weight attach 
 slight importance to intemperance as an active and 
 immediate cause of criminal conduct, especially among 
 young criminals, while freely admitting that it is one 
 of the causes of hereditary degeneration. And in the
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 53 
 
 degenerate condition of the organism of the criminal 
 they find, as a rule, the real cause of anti-social conduct. 
 The many heinous acts committed by persons while 
 under the influence of liquor seem to contradict this 
 view ; yet, even in such instances, it may be questioned, 
 so it is held, how far the criminal intent, the predis- 
 position to wrong-doing, was the product of alcoholism. 
 In the whole realm of crime, of which offenses of a 
 violent nature constitute but the smaller part, it is 
 unquestionably true that he who, in seeking out the 
 causes of crime, does not give some heed to bio-psychical 
 conditions, and to conditions of physical environment, 
 is almost sure to go wrong. To put it differently, some 
 knowledge of a criminal's bodily and mental character- 
 istics, as well as of the surroundings amid which he had 
 his being, is indispensable to a correct understanding 
 of what actually gave him a criminal bent. The com- 
 mon assumption that because a criminal confesses to 
 occasional or habitual inebriety, it follows that drink 
 first led him to a condition which induced the crime, 
 has destroyed the value of a multitude of current sta- 
 tistics, so called. If it be true, as seems universally 
 admitted, that most criminals begin dishonesty when 
 under twenty years of age, and perhaps one half before 
 the age of fifteen, while inebriety seldom becomes a 
 fixed habit before majority is attained, then conclusions 
 as to the cause of criminal conduct drawn merely from 
 present drink habits are not only perilous, but«generally 
 worthless. 
 
 Since we must recognize other abundant causes of 
 crime than drink, but also that intemperance, if not a 
 primary cause of crime, may have been an excitant to
 
 54 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 misconduct of secondary or even remoter importance, 
 the first step in this investigation was to devise a scheme 
 of inquiry which, although brief and simple, would 
 bring out the essential facts in their proper relations. 
 It has been sought to cover the all-important ground by 
 a schedule containing these queries : — 
 
 " Did any of the following causes lead to a condition 
 which induced the crime : (a) Unfavorable environ- 
 ment of birth and early life, such as parental neglect, 
 want of education, etc. ? (6) Lack of industrial train- 
 ing ? (c) Intemperance : (personal ?) (ancestral ?) (of 
 associates ?) " 
 
 It might have been interesting to elaborate the sched- 
 ule, asking with regard to intemperance, for instance, 
 when drinking first began ; when habitual inebriety 
 became fixed ; whether any deej)-seated malady had 
 followed or preceded intemperance, either causing it 
 or not ; whether vitality had in some way become ex- 
 hausted before intemperance became a habit, etc. But 
 brevity and simplicity were essential in order to get 
 any results. By demanding consideration of perhaps 
 the two most fruitful generic causes of crime besides 
 intemperance, it was hoped that the main factors in the 
 production of criminals could be studied, not only 
 independently, but in their relation to each other. As 
 a further means to this end, the investigator was 
 requested to " state relative rank of the causes enumer- 
 ated (a, 6, c,), if more than one of them must be con- 
 sidered in the present case." That is, the causes were 
 to be grouped according to their relative importance as 
 first, second, or third. The schedule also called for in- 
 formation relating to place of birth, kind of crime for
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 55 
 
 which committed, and whether it was a felony or mis- 
 demeanor. The last-mentioned distinction seemed im- 
 portant in view of the generally accepted fact that the 
 proportion of misdemeanants whose criminal career has 
 been influenced by the liquor habit is very much greater 
 than that of felons. To maintain this distinction in 
 the tabulation was, however, impossible, because the 
 terms felony and misdemeanor lack a uniform definition 
 in the laws of different States. Moreover, from the 
 nature of the prisons dealt with, the percentage of con- 
 victs committed for misdemeanors was insignificant in 
 proportion to their whole number. 
 
 It seemed prudent to restrict the investigation to 
 convicts in state prisons and reformatories for adults. 
 While it is probable that by including inmates of minor 
 penal establishments, such as houses of correction and 
 workhouses, results in a measure different might have 
 been obtained through this inquiry, it is no less certain 
 that a confusing element would thereby have been in- 
 troduced in the statistics. For in workhouses and sim- 
 ilar institutions many suffer confinement who are not 
 criminal in the true meaning of the word ; for example, 
 the thousands whose only offense is intoxication, and 
 who never have injured either person or property so as 
 to become amenable to the law, and perhaps never will. 
 Again, it is notorious that some minor prisons contain 
 not a few who are paupers rather than criminals, per- 
 sons put away under vagrant acts, for begging on the 
 streets, and the like. Other classes of occasional pris- 
 oners who do not properly belong in the category of 
 criminals might be mentioned. Superadded to these 
 considerations was the knowledge that only in the most
 
 56 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 important prisons may one expect to find the intelli- 
 gence and deep-seated interest requisite for canying 
 on successfully so delicate an investigation as the one 
 to be entered upon. There is not and cannot be awak- 
 ened, so it seems, among prison officers generally, an 
 active interest in the subject of crime causes ; and 
 where such interest exists, the uncertainty of the value 
 of the information received, owing to the form and 
 manner of seeking it, should never be left out of the 
 reckoning. In illustration, the story may be recalled 
 of an attempt made quite long ago in the English pris- 
 ons to ascertain through the chaplains how far intem- 
 perance and vicious literature entered into the causes 
 leading to crime. The inquiry, which covered the Eng- 
 lish prisons generally, revealed to a painful degree that 
 the trend of the answers secured depended very largely 
 upon the questioner's attitude of mind. Thus, in one 
 prison where the chaplain was a crank on the subject 
 of vicious literature, the prisoners almost to a man at- 
 tributed their crime and imprisonment to the influence 
 of penny-a-liners ; while in another prison, having a 
 chaplain of violent anti-liquor sentiments, nearly all 
 the convicts ascribed their downfall to drink. 
 
 Indiscriminate cooperation being undesirable in this 
 investigation, the number of institutions from which 
 statistics could be asked with reasonable confidence in 
 their accuracy became proportionately restricted. Ac- 
 quaintance with criminals and their ways, as well as 
 personal knowledge of the convicts about whom infor- 
 mation was sought, being regarded as necessary, special 
 agents could not be employed. In some places the in- 
 vestigations have been made by chaplains, in others by
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 57 
 
 wardens or, under the latter's immediate supervision, 
 by subordinate jirison officers. 
 
 It lias been our first aim to insure a uniform inter- 
 pretation of the schedule through personal interviews 
 or through letters. The general instructions pointed 
 out, among other things, that the sole purpose should be 
 to seek the truth, and not facts to support any theory ; 
 that the mere use of liquor, even if bordering upon 
 abuse, does not prove drink to have been the crime 
 cause ; that the commission of a criminal act while 
 under the influence of liquor is not per se evidence 
 that intemperance led to a condition inducing the 
 crime ; that the liquor habit may often be the concom- 
 itant of an idle and criminal life rather than its cause ; 
 that any previous grouping of convicts according to 
 their supposed liquor habits should be disregarded ; 
 that the proneness of convicts to make the liquor habit 
 a convenient excuse for their misdeeds, especially where 
 they suspect that the interrogator would welcome such 
 a statement because it agrees with his preconceived 
 ideas, must be guarded against ; and the equal danger 
 of attempts to minimize the effects of intemperance was 
 emphasized. The method of procedure recommended 
 was, first, to learn the particulars about the convict's 
 early life, family relations, associations, schooling, 
 occupation, and what training they had for it, reserv- 
 ing questions regarding personal habits to the last. 
 
 Statistics relating to 13,402 convicts have been ob- 
 tained from seventeen prisons in twelve States. Five 
 are state reformatories for adults, that is, for males 
 between the ages of sixteen and thirty, and twelve are 
 state penitentiaries. In three instances the data relate
 
 58 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 only to the convicts admitted during twelve months ; 
 in the remaining institutions they relate to the entire 
 prison population present during the period of investi- 
 gation. The failures to complete the work or to do it 
 in such a manner as to deserve confidence were few. 
 Although it would be idle to maintain that statistics 
 resulting from so extremely difficult an inquiry have 
 quite escaped being colored by the mental attitude of 
 the investigator, a sharp lookout has been kept for the 
 manifestations of any such tendency. Schedules giv- 
 ing evidence of a probable misconception of any ques- 
 tion, or exhibiting a marked one-sidedness of results, 
 no matter in which direction, have been returned for 
 revision if unaccompanied by satisfactory explanations. 
 In consequence, some of the work has practically been 
 done twice. 
 
 The relations of intemperance to crime have been 
 treated statistically in the 12th and 26th Annual Re- 
 ports of the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor Statistics, 
 by Mr. Dugdale in " The Jukes," in the " Statistique 
 Penitentiaire Suisse," 1893, and in a few minor pub- 
 lications. With the exception of Mr. Dugdale's work, 
 these reports deal with convicts of all grades from 
 each penal institution in the State or country. For 
 this reason, and because radically different methods 
 of inquiry have been employed, their results are not 
 readily comparable with those presented in this vol- 
 ume. 
 
 NEGROES. 
 
 Interest in the relations of the Negroes to the liquor 
 problem has waned perceptibly since slavery days.
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 59 
 
 Formerly, self-interest compelled the masters to check 
 the spread of the liquor habit among them by every 
 known device. The black codes, as is well known, 
 abounded in strict prohibitions against the sale of 
 intoxicants to all but white men, under the severest 
 jjenalties. Now that the Negroes have so long been 
 without other guardians of their potential habits than 
 themselves, it is asked how far the removal of special 
 barriers to their indidgence in liquor has had serious 
 consequences to the race, and what are their present 
 relations to the liquor question. It is perhaps not too 
 much to say that until quite recently this matter has 
 received but scant and withal superficial attention, even 
 from the closest students of the colored people. Like 
 other aspects of the Negro problem, it is full of per- 
 plexities which at the present time defy the ordinary 
 statistical inquiry. Existing race prejudices frequently 
 cast doubt upon the trustworthiness of public records 
 and other data from which one would like to make 
 inferences. The investigator, if not meeting with indif- 
 ference, may find his attempts to study the habits of 
 the Negro balked by suspicions or open hostility. Be- 
 yond all this is the immensity of the subject, and the 
 consequent difficulty of making deductions applicable 
 to millions of beings living under different conditions 
 and scattered over a continent. 
 
 The present investigation was undertaken in the 
 hope that, if nothing further coidd be gained, it might 
 be possible to delineate broadly and with some distinct- 
 ness the chief characteristics of the Negro with respect 
 to the use and abuse of intoxicants and their effects. 
 A series of questions bearing upon this subject, with
 
 60 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 special reference to observations concerning the most 
 obvious results of intemperance, was submitted to a 
 carefully cbosen number of prominent men in the 
 Southern States, accompanied by a letter of explana- 
 tions. About one hundred replies, representing every 
 State below the Mason and Dixon line, have been re- 
 ceived from officials, large employers of colored labor, 
 merchants, professional men, and others, many of 
 whom offered information and observations at length. 
 To these statements the writer has been able to add 
 the residts of his personal investigations in a number 
 of Southern centres. A more comprehensive knowledge 
 of conditions in typical Negro communities being still 
 a desideratum, well-known colored men in different 
 walks of life and some white educators laboring among 
 the Negroes were asked to prepare brief local studies 
 for the use of the committee, and according to its sug- 
 gestions ; for the white stranger cannot hope to pene- 
 trate more than the outer shell of the social fabric in 
 black-belt communities. The average native white 
 man is rarely found to speak without prejudice. Most 
 of the local reports, of which a synopsis is given else- 
 where, are from the pens of colored men. 
 
 INDIANS. 
 
 In the chapters of the United States Statutes relat- 
 ing to Indian affairs, the clauses prohibiting drink 
 selling to Indians occupy a conspicuous place. And 
 before the present reservation plan was put into opera- 
 tion, while the red man roamed at lai'ge in forest and 
 on prairie, state legislatures were busy with schemes 
 to keep the whiskey jug away from him. Aside from
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 61 
 
 motives of self-preservation underlying much of the 
 earlier legislation, it appears to be founded on the 
 assumption that drink is one of the most potent 
 causes of moral and physical degeneration among the 
 Indians. Considerable evidence on this point is scat- 
 tered throughout the reports of Indian agents published 
 annually by the Department of the Interior. The 
 salient features of these reports for a number of 
 years, so far as they deal with the drink problem, have 
 been summarized, together with statistics showing the 
 outcome of attempts to enforce the law. It has also 
 been sought to gain more precise knowledge about the 
 Indian appetite for intoxicants and the consequences of 
 this appetite, as well as of the efficacy of the present 
 means for preventing drink selling, through special re- 
 ports from a number of the best known Indian agents. 
 The aim has thus been rather to put into available 
 shape already existing data than to present results of 
 original investigations, for which the means were not 
 within reach. 
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 
 
 Among the most important, yet until recently much 
 neglected, aspects of the liquor problem are those 
 touching its relations to comforts, luxuries, pleasures, 
 sanitary conditions, and the like. Questions such as 
 these. How far is the liquor habit counteracted by 
 home comforts, properly cooked food, coffee houses, 
 amusements, and outdoor sports? How far is the 
 liquor habit the result of defective conditions, for 
 example, lack of food, bad or badly cooked food, bad 
 ventilation, or defective drainage of dwellings and
 
 62 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 workshops ? — questions like these have usually been 
 relegated to the background, if given any place on the 
 programme of the average temperance-worker. In the 
 warfare against the saloon, its place in our social 
 economy has been overlooked, and its abolition de- 
 manded, heedless of the wants it supplies and the 
 crying need of discovering adequate substitutes for it. 
 So, too, the liquor habit has generally been accepted 
 as the source of all social ills, while it may largely 
 result from defective conditions for which others than 
 its victims may justly be held responsible. These 
 phases of the liquor problem are but dimly perceived 
 by the casual observer who judges by surface indica- 
 tions. To probe them to the bottom one must know 
 — and it is a knowledge only to be acquired slowly 
 through association — what manner of men pay the 
 heavy tribute to the saloon, their habits of life at home 
 and in the shop, their wants and desires. The saloon 
 itself, no more than its habitues, can be studied hon- 
 estly from outside. Under the most favorable cir- 
 cumstances, however, a search for facts which can be 
 accepted as conclusive evidence is likely to prove baf- 
 fling ; for the statistical method cannot be applied to 
 the questions under consideration except in a very lim- 
 ited way. The replies which at present can be made 
 to them must be in the nature of deductions from a 
 mass of careful observations and accurate descriptions 
 of local conditions in various centres of population. 
 
 Both from the character of their mission and posi- 
 tion in their respective communities, workers in social, 
 college, or university settlements have unusual oppor- 
 tunities for first-hand acquaintance with the particu-
 
 HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION. 63 
 
 lar relations of the drink problem indicated. An ap- 
 peal to make them objects of special study on behalf 
 of the committee met with ready response from some 
 twenty settlements. A set of suggestions regarding 
 the line and methods of investigation to be pursued 
 was prepared for their use. But for various reasons, 
 chief among them, apparently, the difficulty of the 
 work, the reports from this source have not been so 
 numerous or so comprehensive as anticipated ; neither 
 do they attempt to deal with more than a small part of 
 the originally contemplated research. Some of these 
 reports in a somewhat condensed form, relating prin- 
 cipally to the social aspects of the saloon, together 
 with results of the writer's personal studies, are given 
 a place in this volume.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM IN ITS RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 
 
 1. By Color. 
 
 The colored people are not represented in our re- 
 turns in proportion to their numbers throughout the 
 country ; they constitute but 9.45 per cent. o£ the total 
 number of cases investigated. With few exceptions, 
 our statistics are derived from Northern cities in which 
 the colored population is comparatively small or practi- 
 cally wanting. Yet in many places the Negroes do not 
 come under the treatment of organized charity in the 
 proportion their numbers and economic condition would 
 seem to warrant. Charity that does not take the form 
 of immediate almsgiving appeals little to the average 
 Negro. In the Southern cities, the color line invades 
 even organized charity. In the returns from Wilming- 
 ton, N. C, for instance, not a single colored person 
 appears among the applicants for relief, and in Louis- 
 ville, Ky., we find only 105 colored out of a total of 
 644, etc. 
 
 Notwithstanding the disparity in the representation 
 of the white and colored races, our statistics show con- 
 clusively that drink as a direct or indirect cause of 
 poverty is more prevalent among the white than among 
 the colored, almost in the proportion of two to one. 
 This fact stands out prominently in Summaries I.
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 
 
 65 
 
 and II. The percentage of white applicants for relief 
 who owe their poverty to the personal use of liquor is 
 more than twice as large as that of the colored. A 
 similar proportion is observable between the percent- 
 ages of white and colored whose condition is due to 
 the intemperate habits of others. We arrive at the 
 
 SUMMARY I. 
 
 APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED BY THE PERSONAL USB OF 
 INTOXICATING LIQUORS, BY COLOR. 
 
 
 White Applicants. 
 
 CoLOEED Applicants. 
 
 ACMJREGATE OF APPLI- 
 CANTS. 
 
 
 £ o 
 
 2"3 
 
 1 
 
 
 0) o 
 
 2"3 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 
 CO o 
 
 0.3 
 
 2-3 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 
 
 s-S 
 
 ■a m 
 « 3 
 
 -3 
 
 "7 
 
 
 5-- 
 
 0) '^-t 
 
 w 3 
 
 •3 
 
 
 0.2* 
 
 -^ i-H 
 
 T3 g 
 4J 3 
 
 ■3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 13 B 
 
 
 
 C4 
 
 •o « 
 
 a^ 
 
 f: 
 
 rt 
 
 •O <o 
 
 
 'H 
 
 
 l! 
 
 a S . 
 ° 5 --^ 
 
 O 
 
 H 
 
 3 3 
 
 a cs 
 
 (-1 
 
 
 
 y a^ .• 
 '5 S g 
 
 -§• 
 
 S 
 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 3 S §■ 
 
 
 
 1§ 
 
 o "^ 
 
 l^t 
 
 11 
 
 
 3 g 
 
 m 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 "^ 
 
 o 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 5^fi5 
 
 20124 
 
 1704 
 
 27093 
 
 259 
 
 2450 
 
 121 
 
 2830 
 
 5524 
 
 22574 
 
 1825 
 
 29923 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 19.43 
 
 74.28 
 
 6.29 
 
 100. 
 
 9.15 
 
 86.57 
 
 4.28 
 
 100. 
 
 18.46 
 
 75.44 
 
 6.10 
 
 100. 
 
 SUMMARY II. 
 
 APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED INDIRECTLY BY THE INTEM- 
 PERATE HABITS OF OTHERS, BY COLOR. 
 
 
 White Applicants. 
 
 Colored Applicants. 
 
 Aggkbgate of Appli- 
 cants. 
 
 
 
 2-2 
 
 cc3 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 
 i-2 
 — 3 
 
 °5 
 
 0)3 
 
 a 
 ,0 
 
 
 a -2 
 
 2. -2 
 
 (D '2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■«.a 
 
 -3.3 
 
 T3 
 
 
 -^.a 
 
 -3.3 
 
 ■a 
 
 
 ■^ .^ 
 
 ■3.3 
 
 •3- 
 
 
 
 T3_g ■ 
 
 - c« t; 
 
 11 . 
 
 3 S*^ 
 
 si 
 
 ^1 
 
 1 
 
 ■3 ® ^ 
 
 a S g 
 .2 S 2 
 
 §^2 
 
 
 1 
 
 -fig 
 
 gS 2 
 3 c:n 
 
 a 2 « 
 1 II 
 
 1 
 
 
 ^1° 
 g« o 
 
 
 2^ 
 
 
 
 1« 
 
 ii 
 
 
 ■■3 3- 
 
 
 ii 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 2658 148761 9559 
 
 27093 
 
 144 
 
 1905 
 
 781 
 
 2830 
 
 2802 
 
 16781; 10340 
 
 29923 
 
 Percent. 
 
 9.81 54.91j35.28 
 
 100. 
 
 5.09 
 
 67.31 
 
 27.60 
 
 100. 
 
 9.36 
 
 56.09:34.55 
 
 100.
 
 66 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 same results wlien the returns of the individual organi- 
 zations reporting are examined. Taking the seven 
 cities showing the largest number of colored appli- 
 cants, as exhibited in Table I. of the Appendix, we 
 find in Washington, D. C, intemperance as the direct 
 cause of want in 22.15 per cent, of the white as against 
 11.12 per cent, of the colored ; in Cincinnati, the same 
 percentages stand 15.17 and 4.46 ; in Baltimore, 13.44 
 and 2.52 ; in Wilmington, Del., 23.64 and 10.24 ; in 
 New Haven, 15.00 and 2.43; in Indianapolis, 23.19 
 and 11.04 ; in Louisville, 25.42 and 8.57. These fig- 
 ures are, on the whole, more favorable to the colored 
 race than the corresponding summary for all places. 
 So similar are the inferences to be drawn, both from 
 Summary II. and the corresponding Appendix table, 
 that we need not dwell on them. It is interesting to 
 note that Professor Warner found about the same per- 
 centage of intemperance among Negroes as we, namely, 
 6.23 per cent. 
 
 A fuller treatment of the general relations of the 
 colored people to the drink problem is given in a sepa- 
 rate chapter. 
 
 2. By Sex. 
 
 That intemperance is par excellence a vice of the 
 male sex is a matter of too viniversal knowledge to 
 need statistical confirmation. Yet it has hardly been 
 attempted to fix with any degree of accuracy the rela- 
 tions of the sexes in this respect, much less with regard 
 to the bearing of intemperance upon the condition of 
 poverty. Summary III. shows the sexes to be divided 
 fairly evenly as to number, with the males in slight
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 
 
 67 
 
 preponderance. Of all females, however, only 12.46 
 per cent, have become dependent through personal 
 intemperance as against 22.77 per cent, of the males. 
 From untabulated data we learn that married women 
 are more given to the liquor habit than the unmarried, 
 while the reverse is true concerning men. Intemper- 
 
 STOIMARY m. 
 
 APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED BY THE PERSONAL USE OF 
 INTOXICATING LIQUORS, BY SEX. 
 
 
 Male Applicants. 
 
 Female Applicants. 
 
 Agqeegate op Appu- 
 
 CANTS. 
 
 
 « o 
 
 2"3 
 
 a 
 a 
 
 
 ft?? 
 
 B^S 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 
 (^ t^ 
 
 ■u o 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 » 
 
 
 
 B. 3 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 «•- 
 
 -3 S 
 
 r3 
 
 
 O.S 
 
 "5 m 
 
 '■B 
 
 
 R-- 
 
 -a 35 
 
 ■^ . 
 
 
 
 «•» 
 
 
 o'^ 
 
 
 
 « 3 
 
 "7 
 
 
 
 *j 3 
 
 R-O 
 
 
 
 
 
 o ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 O 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 
 o -- 
 
 3 « 
 
 o a t.- 
 
 
 1 
 o 
 
 O 3 
 
 as 
 o a t: 
 
 ^ o 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 
 "^ S 
 a 2 
 o - 
 
 a* 
 
 
 •3 
 
 
 o " 
 
 
 S2 
 5 - 
 
 
 ■a S 
 
 
 1° 
 
 a - 
 
 
 S "3 
 a S 
 
 5^2 
 
 3 = 
 
 H 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 ;j 
 
 CJ 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 396G 
 
 12388 
 
 1064 
 
 17418 
 
 1558 
 
 10186 
 
 761 
 
 12505 
 
 5524 
 
 22574 
 
 1825 
 
 29923 
 
 Percent. 
 
 22.77 
 
 71.12 
 
 6.11 
 
 100. 
 
 12.46 
 
 81.45 
 
 6.09 
 
 100. 
 
 18.46 
 
 75.44 
 
 6.10 
 
 100. 
 
 SUMMARY IV. 
 
 APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED INDIRECTLY BY THE INTEM- 
 PERATE HABITS OF OTHERS, BY SEX. 
 
 
 Male Applicants. 
 
 Female Applicants. 
 
 AOGBEOATE OP APPLI- 
 CANTS. 
 
 
 BO 
 
 ss 
 
 o 
 
 
 a"© 
 
 2S 
 
 S 
 
 
 s o 
 
 5-2 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 5-s 
 
 3 a 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 <d'S 
 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 2-3 
 
 
 
 
 §3 
 
 •02 
 
 iL 
 
 n 
 
 "3 
 
 -5^ 
 
 ■3 — 
 
 ■a 
 
 "3 
 
 
 ■a — 
 If .„• 
 
 
 "3 
 
 
 in 
 
 3 2* 2 
 ■^3 a 3 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 §|S 
 
 ° ffl 
 
 ^ 
 
 a 2^ 
 
 I g- 2 
 
 -s- 
 
 o 
 
 
 m 
 
 1K 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 g^ o 
 
 It 
 
 
 
 a-5"S 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 " 
 
 o 
 
 
 Number 
 
 663 
 
 9093 
 
 7662 
 
 17418 
 
 2139 
 
 768S 
 
 2678 
 
 12.505 
 
 2802 
 
 16781 
 
 10340 29923 
 
 Per cent 
 
 3.81 
 
 52.20 
 
 43.99 
 
 100. 
 
 17.10 
 
 61.48 
 
 21.42 
 
 100. 
 
 9.36 
 
 56.09 
 
 34.55 100.
 
 68 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 ance among single women who are engaged in domestic 
 service is surprisingly common. Prostitutes, of whom 
 a considerable number is reported, seem to become 
 applicants for charity on account of disease rather 
 than drunkenness. 
 
 When the statistics of some single organizations are 
 examined (Appendix, Table III.), the proportion of 
 females whose condition of dependence is attributed to 
 the personal use of liquor appears in conflict with 
 our summary ; and this is unrelated to the fact that 
 occasionally more women than men come as applicants 
 before a charity organization. The nationality and 
 occupations of a majority of the female cases are fac- 
 tors reflected in the percentages, and will under given 
 conditions tend to increase the amount of poverty 
 due to drink. On the other hand, when the cause 
 of poverty remains unknown for an unusually large 
 number of women, it follows that the percentage of 
 intemperance must be correspondingly lowered. Fur- 
 thermore, the same percentages are affected when, for 
 instance, the cause of the condition is unknown with 
 regard to a greater number of one sex than of the 
 other. 
 
 In the single instance of the New York Charity 
 Organization Society, however, it is made to appear 
 that the male applicants are really more temperate 
 than the female. The explanation is simple. In the 
 course of the investigation, or during a great part of 
 it, this society did not make use of our special schedule, 
 but merely reported on each case whether intemperance 
 was at the bottom of the trouble, and did not distin- 
 guish clearly between the direct and indirect effects of
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 69 
 
 the liquor liabit. Thus it came to pass that not a 
 little of the intemperance for which men bear the 
 responsibility has been attributed to women. 
 
 That the Grand Rapids society reports such a re- 
 markable excess of male applicants is wholly due to 
 peculiar local conditions. 
 
 No other table makes so clear the poverty, misery, 
 and shame endured by thousands round about on 
 account of a vice for which they are generally not to 
 blame, as Summary IV. Nearly 10 per cent, of our 
 applicants belong to these unfortunates, over two thirds 
 of them being women, — wives and mothers. Hidden 
 in the percentages is a multitude of stories of wrecked 
 homes, ruined lives, cruelty, hunger, disease, and bitter 
 degradation ; and the brunt of it all is borne by the 
 gentle sex. It must not be understood, however, that 
 the men and women who have been affected by the 
 liquor habits of others are themselves invariably mod- 
 els of sobriety. In some cases both the personal use 
 of liquor and the intemperate habits of others have 
 cooperated to produce poverty. 
 
 The importance of a thorough investigation of in- 
 temperance as an indirect cause of poverty is best seen 
 when we turn to detail Table IV. in the Appendix. 
 Oroanization after organization would have made it 
 appear that drink after all is not such a prolific source 
 of want, had they concerned themselves merely with 
 the effect of the applicant's use of liquor. That the 
 various organizations have arrived at such diverging 
 percentages of poverty attributable indirectly to drink 
 for both sexes is generally due to one of three causes. 
 The percentages in question are naturally smallest
 
 70 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 where the least attention has been paid to this part of 
 the investigation. This accounts for the figures for 
 Cincinnati, New Haven, Denver, and a few other 
 places. 
 
 Where the percentage of females whose condition 
 is due to the intemperate habits of others is dispro- 
 portionately large, it will as a rule be found that 
 the female applicants greatly outnumber the males. 
 This is the case, for instance, in Baltimore, San Fran- 
 cisco, Louisville, Rochester, Worcester, and other cities. 
 Coupled with this factor is always the care bestowed 
 upon this part of the inquiry. 
 
 Some organizations more frequently than others as- 
 cribed the condition of poverty both to the personal 
 abuse of liquor and to the intemperate habits of others 
 in the case of the same person. This explains the 
 divergence between the percentages for the aggregate 
 and the sum of the percentages for the sexes ; it is also 
 the reason why, in a few places, we find an unusual 
 number of males who are said to have become destitute 
 indirectly through drink. 
 
 3. By Nativity of Applicants and Parent Nativity. 
 Imagine the 29,923 applicants for relief with whom 
 our statistics deal passing by in procession. In vain 
 we should search our memory for a civilized people in 
 the world lacking representatives in that throng. And 
 scattered among them would be found men of stranger 
 races, — South and North American Indians, Esqui- 
 maux, Hindoo Coolies, Chinese and Japanese, African- 
 born Negroes, a solitary Australasian aborigine, etc. 
 The white American type would not predominate, for
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 71 
 
 although a little more than one half of these men and 
 women are native born, both parents of nearly this 
 one half are not natives of the United States. In other 
 words, it is positively known that but 29.61 per cent, 
 of all the applicants are both of native birth and of 
 full native parentage. Could we obliterate the per- 
 centage (16.60) of those whose parentage remains 
 wholly unknown, we should probably have left a still 
 smaller number of applicants who can claim American 
 extraction as well as American nativity. We should 
 keep this fact in mind when considering applicants for 
 relief as affected by the personal use of liquor by 
 nativity. 
 
 The fairest view of the question of nationality as 
 related to drink is obtained when we confine our atten- 
 tion to the personal use of liquor. While we find in 
 Summary V. that 17.09 per cent, of the native born 
 have become destitute through this cause, we learn 
 from Summary VI. that it has been operative in but 
 15.01 per cent, of those whose parentage is known to 
 be native both as to father and mother. In spite of 
 a feeble representation of some of the nationalities, 
 which might seem to preclude final conclusions about 
 the liquor habit of those belonging to them, we believe 
 that reliable inferences can be made from the statistics, 
 the more since the returns from the different organi- 
 zations, taken by themselves, fully bear out what the 
 figures in Summary V. indicate. 
 
 Taking the foreign-born applicants as well as the 
 native of native parentage, and ranking the nationali- 
 ties according to the extent to which the personal use 
 of liquor occurs as the cause of poverty, we get the
 
 72 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 following order: (1) Irish, 29.86 per cent. ; (2) Scotch, 
 21.59 per cent. ; (3) Canadian, 21.02 per cent. ; (4) 
 English, 18.83 per cent. ; (5) Scandinavian, 16.58 per 
 cent. ; (6) American, 15.01 per cent. ; (7) German, 
 14.47 per cent.; (8) Polish, 12.14 per cent.; (9) Aus- 
 trian, including Hungarian, 7.77 per cent. ; (10) Rus- 
 sian, 4.33 per cent. ; and (11) Italian, 1.29 per cent. 
 If we consider those who are native born as Americans, 
 regardless of the fact that perhaps half of them are of 
 foreign extraction, the American nationality advances 
 one place and ranks after the English. 
 
 Among the foreign born classed as Canadians, a 
 large number of French and a respectable proportion 
 of those of Irish and Scotch extraction are included. 
 A majority of these are from the Dominion, the Pro- 
 vinces not being strongly represented in the returns. 
 Most of the applicants given as Russians are Hebrews. 
 One rarely encounters intemperance as the cause of 
 poverty among Hebrews of other countries. In stat- 
 ing the causes of distress among 7500 cases dealt 
 with by the United Hebrew Charities of Chicago in 
 1893-95, the superintendent of this organization does 
 not mention drunkenness in a single instance. 
 
 Turning to the question of poverty as induced by the 
 intemperate habits of the parents of the applicants, 
 shown in the second division of Summary V., it is 
 natural that the native born should be prominent with 
 a large percentage, namely, 2.68. Only in the case of 
 children and very young persons was it practicable to 
 trace the influence of the parental liquor habit with 
 some degree of certainty. In the case of adults, paren- 
 tal intemperance independent of the habits of the sub-
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 73 
 
 ject in question was rarely found as the cause of dis- 
 tress. Reference to Summary VI., however, makes it 
 clear that the drunkenness of parents affected the lives 
 of but 1.85 per cent, of the native born of American 
 extraction. The unexpected percentage of poverty due 
 to intemperance of parents among the Poles may be 
 regarded as purely accidental. During a winter of 
 severe distress, a single charity organization society 
 happened to deal with an unusual number of Polish 
 children. 
 
 In the division " Condition due to the intemperate 
 habits of others," in Summary V., we find the order of 
 nationalities changed. The first place is taken by the 
 Canadian, with the others ranging in the following 
 order : Irish, English, American, German, Scotch, 
 Scandinavian, etc. The totals in this column repre- 
 sent principally women who have been brought to 
 want through the drunkenness of husbands, by whom 
 they in many cases have been deserted, or whom they 
 have left. As we have already shown, very few men 
 become charges upon charity through the intemper- 
 ance of their wives. Aged persons whom intemperate 
 descendants or other relatives fail to support figure to 
 a very slight extent. Here our statistics do not afford 
 quite so accurate a test of the liquor habits of nationali- 
 ties ; for while the nationality of the woman suffering 
 from the intemperance of her husband may be known, 
 the husband's nationality may be another. Yet among 
 the class of people appearing in our returns, marriage 
 outside the nationality is the exception. Without 
 attempting to discover all the causes combining to 
 make the nationalities appear in the order named with
 
 74 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 respect to poverty caused by " intemperance of others," 
 the liquor habit certainly affects conjugal relations in 
 different nationalities in dissimilar ways. 
 
 Summary VI. tells us that the percentage of appli- 
 cants of native parentage who have become destitute 
 through the intemperate habits of others, that is, chiefly 
 husbands, is larger than the corresponding percentage 
 of applicants who are native born. It is evident from 
 a study of the data of individual organizations that 
 the American woman is quicker to seek divorce from 
 or leave her husband than her sister of different blood. 
 This seems likewise true to some extent of Canadians, 
 while among the Irish and perhaps among the Scotch 
 greater toleration of the liquor habit on the part of the 
 wife is apparent. On the other hand, desertions of 
 their wives by intemperate men of Irish extraction are 
 conspicuously frequent. 
 
 The last division in Summary V. sums up intemper- 
 ance as a direct and indirect cause of poverty, and 
 yields percentages for the different nationalities that 
 leave them practically in the order first mentioned. 
 Considered as a whole, our data illustrating the rela- 
 tion of different nationalities to drink confirm the 
 experience of charity-workers and students. 
 
 The groups of applicants of mixed parent nativity, 
 as well as those in which the nativity of either parent 
 is unknown, afford some highly suggestive j)ercentages, 
 albeit the unknown quantities introduce a large ele- 
 ment of uncertainty which forbids too special analysis. 
 As we have said, comparatively few of the dependent 
 classes marry outside their own nationality. Thus in 
 the group, " Father native, mother unknown," we should
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 75 
 
 in most cases find that both parents were of the same 
 race, the difference being that one was born in the 
 United States and the other abroad. This lik6wise 
 hokls true of the next group, where the order in regard 
 to the birthplace of parents is reversed. A comparison 
 of the percentages in these two groups cannot yield 
 very definite conclusions. 
 
 For the last four groups we have the general fact 
 that the percentages of intemperance with one excep- 
 tion are larger in each division than in the two imme- 
 diately preceding. When we say that these groups 
 include the lowest classes of the poor, both in point of 
 morals and intelligence, the statement is based upon 
 a study of the units forming the totals in question. 
 That applicants are ignorant of the nativity of one 
 or both parents is in a large number of cases due to 
 the looseness of the marital relations of the parents. 
 We are therefore justified in reading in some of these 
 heavy percentages of intemperance the consequences of 
 lack of proper parental care. The percentages in the 
 second division for the last four groups are particularly 
 striking ; and that the largest amount of drink falls to 
 the last group (" Father unknown, mother foreign ") is 
 perfectly natural, for in it are found the relatively 
 largest number both of adults and children who are 
 the offspring of illegitimate relations. We know from 
 other sources that a majority of women who become 
 mothers without legal sanction are of foreign birth. 
 This seems to afford some explanation of the discrep- 
 ancy in the percentages between the last and the next 
 preceding group. The small totals, however, make 
 these percentages very questionable.
 
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 80 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 That we are left in ignorance concerning the parent- 
 age of so many is, of course, partly clue to imperfect 
 investigation, but no less to the lack of knowledge of 
 the applicants themselves. 
 
 4. By Political Condition. 
 
 Information about the political condition of appli- 
 cants for relief is of value chiefly in illustrating how 
 far those who have become such on account of drink 
 are citizens or belong to the alien in the land. In 
 determining the question of political condition, the 
 wife and children of a naturalized citizen, so far as 
 they appeared as applicants, were classed as natural- 
 ized. The facts were not easily obtained, and in con- 
 sequence the percentage of unknown in Summary VII., 
 as well as in the two preceding summaries with which 
 it is closely related, is very high. 
 
 It would follow from the analysis of our statistics by 
 nativity of applicants and parent nativity that the per- 
 centage of citizen-born applicants who are brought to 
 want through personal intemperance would be smaller 
 than that of the naturalized. And we actually find it 
 to be about one third less. That the naturalized appli- 
 cants appear nearly twice as intemperate as the alien is 
 explained by the fact that the representatives of the 
 hardest-drinking foreign nationalities, Irish, Scotch, 
 Canadian, etc., are the first to acquire citizenship. A 
 large part of the aliens, on the contrary, is made up of 
 the more temperate nationalities, Russian Hebrews, 
 Italians, Austrians, Poles, and to some extent Germans, 
 not to mention the unclassified foreign born, of which 
 Spaniards, Mexican, Portuguese, and West Indians
 
 •sitiBonddB ib;ox 
 
 o — • 
 
 
 
 CO -M 
 
 20023 
 KJO. 
 
 •pa^jod 
 -81 ?on non!puoa jo asn^g 
 
 I — t 
 
 
 
 
 ii 
 
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 O
 
 82 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 form a respectable contingent ; and all these nationali- 
 ties are slow in becoming naturalized. Of the number 
 of applicants whose political condition is unknown, 
 more than one half belong to English-speaking nation- 
 alities. Exact knowledge of the subject, therefore, 
 would probably help to swell the percentage of drink 
 attributed to naturalized applicants to a perceptible 
 degree. 
 
 In apparent contradiction to the percentage of aliens 
 who have become impoverished through personal in- 
 temperance is the relatively larger percentage of aliens 
 whose condition is due to the intemperate habits of 
 others. In the fourth division of our summary, the 
 aliens are seen to hold first rank. A careful study of 
 the data from individual organizations indicates, how- 
 ever, that of 426 persons (nearly all women) whose 
 condition is stated to be due to intemperate habits of 
 others, a majority are of English, Canadian, Irish, and 
 German birth, wherein is sufficient explanation. 
 
 6. By Resident and Non-Resident Applicants. 
 The question whether applicants for relief are resi- 
 dents or non-residents of the city from which reported 
 was incorporated in our schedules in the hope of get- 
 ting some light on the liquor habits of tramps and 
 other professional beggars ; for the majority of non- 
 residents appealing to charity, especially in the smaller 
 cities, belong primarily to the order of tramps or 
 wandering mendicants. Our efforts in this direction 
 met with many obstacles. The term "non-resident" 
 is far from beii^g uniformly applied. Moreover, it 
 was declared by man}- competent investigators to be
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 
 
 83 
 
 impossible to learn the truth about persons whose 
 mendacity is often a part of their stock in trade. 
 These persons appear at the offices of charity societies 
 and, if unsuccessful in obtaining direct alms, depart, 
 leaving only a name behind, which as likely as not is 
 fictitious. For these reasons most organizations re- 
 garded it as useless to report non-resident cases, except 
 
 SUMMARY Vin. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-KESIDBNT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF, BY SEX. 
 
 
 Male Applicants. 
 
 Female Applicants. 
 
 Aggregate op 
 Applicants. 
 
 
 
 _^ 
 
 
 
 _^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 CI 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 jj 
 
 "O 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ji 
 
 -o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■« 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 J 
 
 ■:3 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 B5 
 
 !Z! 
 
 H 
 
 03 
 
 Sz; 
 
 H 
 
 « 
 
 Iz! 
 
 H 
 
 Number. 
 
 12100 
 
 5.318 
 
 17418 
 
 11852 
 
 653 
 
 12505 
 
 23952 
 
 5971 
 
 29923 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 69.47 
 
 30.53 
 
 100. 
 
 94.78 
 
 5.22 
 
 100. 
 
 80.05 
 
 19.95 
 
 100. 
 
 where real distress was apparent, and an opportunity 
 given to probe it outside the office. More than one 
 half of our non-resident cases have been reported by 
 the Organized Charities Association of New Haven, 
 Conn., which included all comers in its returns. The 
 relation of itinerant applicants for relief to the liquor 
 problem must therefore await further study, although 
 our fragmentary research brings out some facts of 
 special interest. Summary VIII. indicates that rela- 
 tively few females belong to the class of roving beggars 
 or tramps. 
 
 Summary IX. shows the largest number of resident 
 applicants to belong to the age period, 30-39. Yet we
 
 84 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 found the percentage of intemperate persons to be rela- 
 tively larger in the next age period, 40-49. Among 
 the nearly 1000 resident applicants of the age of 70 
 years and over, very few were discovered to be addicted 
 to the liquor habit. Eight of these persons had passed 
 the century mark only to find themselves thrown upon 
 
 SUMMARY IX. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF, BY AGB 
 PERIODS. 
 
 
 AoE Pebiods. 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 « fe w-d 
 
 
 Resident 
 
 bi t- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 'i'i H 
 
 
 AND 
 
 Non-resi- 
 
 a >> 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 6 
 
 S 
 
 (M 
 
 CO 
 
 i 
 
 V 
 
 s 
 
 s 
 
 o 
 
 80 y 
 and 
 Age 
 repo 
 
 3 
 
 dent. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 ^ 
 
 c 
 
 u 
 
 U 
 
 
 C 
 
 ^ 
 
 c 
 
 f^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 J3 
 
 J2 
 
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 ^ 
 
 J3 
 
 rf= 
 
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 a 
 
 g 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 Uq 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 !zi 
 
 fe 
 
 ^ 
 
 fe5 
 
 ^ 
 
 125 
 
 IZi 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 44 
 
 134 
 
 396 
 
 3609 
 
 7183 
 
 5603 
 
 2740 
 
 1810 
 
 800 
 
 193 
 
 1362 
 
 23952 
 
 Non-resi- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 dent. 
 
 ~ 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 18 
 
 405 
 
 2380 
 
 1643 
 
 758 
 
 330 
 
 133 
 
 35 
 
 7 
 
 252 
 
 5971 
 
 Total. 
 
 1 
 
 21 50 
 
 152 
 
 801 
 
 .5989 
 
 8826 
 
 6421 
 
 3070 
 
 1943 
 
 835 20o'l614 
 
 29923 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ~ 
 
 0.07 0.17 
 
 0.51 
 
 2.67 
 
 20.02 
 
 29.50 
 
 21.46 
 
 10.26 
 
 6.49 
 
 2.79 0.67 5.39 
 
 100. 
 
 the bounty of strangers, one of them having reached 
 the extreme age of 107 years. 
 
 About three fourths of the non-residents were be- 
 tween 20 and 29 years of age, that is, on the whole, 
 much younger than the residents, but in proportion 
 more drinkers were discovered among non-residents 
 30-39 years of age. 
 
 Our next two summaries, X. and XI., exhibit resi- 
 dents and non-residents by their own as well as parent 
 nativity. As the table of age periods leads us to
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 
 
 85 
 
 expect, considerably more than one half of the non- 
 residents are native born, yet only 27.67 per cent., or 
 a little more than one fourth, have native parents. It 
 may be taken for granted that most of those whose 
 
 SUMMARY X. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF, BY NATIVITY 
 OF APPLICANTS. 
 
 NATrvTiT OP Applicants. 
 
 Native horn . . . . 
 Foreign horn. 
 
 England 
 
 Scotland 
 
 Ireland 
 
 Canada 
 
 Germany . . . . 
 
 Sweden and Norway 
 
 Italy 
 
 Russia 
 
 Poland 
 
 Austria 
 
 All other countries . 
 
 Unknown . . . . 
 
 Total . . . 
 
 Resident. 
 
 NON-EESIDENT. 
 
 Total 
 
 CAN 
 
 c 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 § 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 IZi 
 
 
 1 
 
 13432 
 
 56.08 
 
 3616 
 
 60.56 
 
 17048 
 
 958 
 
 4.00 
 
 434 
 
 7.27 
 
 1392 
 
 201 
 
 0.84 
 
 114 
 
 1.91 
 
 315 
 
 3854 
 
 16.09 
 
 771 
 
 12.91 
 
 4625 
 
 475 
 
 1.98 
 
 153 
 
 2.56 
 
 628 
 
 2656 
 
 11.09 
 
 315 
 
 5.28 
 
 2971 
 
 453 
 
 1.89 
 
 132 
 
 2.21 
 
 585 
 
 214 
 
 0.89 
 
 20 
 
 0.33 
 
 234 
 
 162 
 
 0.68 
 
 46 
 
 0.77 
 
 208 
 
 317 
 
 1.32 
 
 29 
 
 0.49 
 
 346 
 
 169 
 
 0.71 
 
 37 
 
 0.62 
 
 206 
 
 656 
 
 2.74 
 
 165 
 
 2.76 
 
 821 
 
 405 
 
 1.69 
 
 139 
 
 2.33 
 
 544 
 
 23952 
 
 80.05 
 
 5971 
 
 19.95 
 
 29923 
 
 56.97 
 
 4.65 
 1.05 
 15.46 
 2.10 
 9.93 
 1.96 
 0.78 
 0.70 
 1.15 
 0.69 
 2.74 
 1.82 
 
 100. 
 
 parentage remains unknown are not of American ex- 
 traction. Descendants of native parents usually know 
 themselves to be such, and are proud to state the fact. 
 A comparison of residents and non-residents by nation- 
 alities is highly significant. The English, Scotch, 
 Canadians, and Scandinavians contribute to the whole 
 army of applicants a relatively larger percentage of
 
 86 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 non-resident applicants than of residents ; not so, how- 
 ever, tlie Irish and still less so the German. This is 
 by no means purely a statistical accident. We believe 
 the figures truthfully represent the roving disposition 
 of the English as contrasted with the German love of 
 a fixed abode. On the other hand, we know about 
 
 SUMMARY XI. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF, BY PARENT 
 NATIVITY. 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Total Appli- 
 cants. 
 
 Paeent Nattvitt. 
 
 ^ 
 
 4^ 
 
 c 
 
 
 M 
 
 "S 
 
 
 £ 
 
 S 
 
 .o 
 
 
 .o 
 
 <u 
 
 
 i 
 
 s 
 
 
 U* 
 
 Q 
 
 S 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 (S 
 
 ^ 
 
 (S 
 
 » 
 
 Pui 
 
 Both parents native .... 
 
 7209 
 
 30.10 
 
 1652 
 
 27.67 
 
 8861 
 
 29.61 
 
 Both parents foreign .... 
 
 12058 
 
 50.34 
 
 3210 
 
 53.76 
 
 15268 
 
 51.03 
 
 Both parents unknown . 
 
 4126 
 
 17.23 
 
 840 
 
 14.07 
 
 4966 
 
 16.60 
 
 Father native, mother foreign . 
 
 105 
 
 0.44 
 
 76 
 
 1.27 
 
 181 
 
 0.61 
 
 Father foreign, mother native . 
 
 137 
 
 0.57 
 
 108 
 
 1.81 
 
 245 
 
 0.82 
 
 Father native, mother unknown 
 
 183 
 
 0.76 
 
 43 
 
 0.72 
 
 226 
 
 0.76 
 
 Father foreign, mother un- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 known 
 
 66 
 
 0.27 
 
 15 
 
 0.25 
 
 81 
 
 0.27 
 
 Father unknown, mother native 
 
 45 
 
 0.19 
 
 25 
 
 0.42 
 
 70 
 
 0.23 
 
 Father unknown, niother for- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 0.10 
 
 2 
 
 0.03 
 
 25 
 
 0.07 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 23952 
 
 80.05 
 
 5971 
 
 19.95 
 
 29923 
 
 100. 
 
 
 
 
 the Canadians that their number of non-residents is 
 swelled by immigrants of French extraction who come 
 to work in the States for a season, but do not remain 
 long enough to acquire a residence. The totals for 
 the Scotch, Scandinavian, and the last four groups of 
 nationalities are too small to permit safe deductions. 
 
 The significant fact in the next summary is that the 
 citizens born constitute a relatively larger percentage
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 
 
 87 
 
 of the non-residents than the aliens and naturalized 
 taken together. So far as our statistics go, they indi- 
 cate that the problem of the semi-pauper and semi- 
 criminal classes is a problem only remotely connected 
 with the question of immigration. 
 
 We come to the last table in the present chapter, 
 which sums up the results of our research into the 
 
 StnVUVlARY XII. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-KESIDENT APPLICANTS FOB KELIEF, BY POLIT- 
 ICAL CONDITION. 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Total Appu- 
 
 CANTS. 
 
 Political Condition. 
 
 
 _^ 
 
 
 -ti 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J2 
 
 
 J3 
 
 
 .o 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 S 
 
 
 !zi 
 
 Ch 
 
 ^ 
 
 (S 
 
 ;zi 
 
 & 
 
 Citizen bom .... 
 
 13432 
 
 56.08 
 
 3616 
 
 60.56 
 
 17048 
 
 56.97 
 
 Naturalized .... 
 
 54.55 
 
 22.78 
 
 1000 
 
 16.75 
 
 6455 
 
 21. .57 
 
 Alien 
 
 3270 
 
 13.65 
 
 990 
 
 16..58 
 
 4260 
 
 14.24 
 
 Unknown 
 
 1795 
 
 7.49 
 
 365 
 
 6.11 
 
 2160 
 
 7.22 
 
 Total .... 
 
 23952 
 
 80.05 
 
 5971 
 
 19.95 
 
 29923 
 
 100.00 
 
 relations .of intemperance to poverty. Before taking 
 up the final analysis of the percentages exhibited in 
 Summary XIII., the reader should be placed in a posi- 
 tion to judge correctly the statistics presented by the 
 individual charity organization society as seen in detail 
 Table XIII. of the Appendix, from which the- general 
 averages are derived. For the sake of brevity, we 
 refer to these organizations by the names of their re- 
 spective cities. 
 
 Perhaps the most striking feature of the returns
 
 88 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 from the thirty-three cities is the uniformity in the 
 essential results. In the first five cities given, the 
 greatest difference in the amount of poverty attributed 
 to drink is between Baltimore and San Francisco, 
 places separated by the bi-eadth of the continent ; yet 
 the percentages of intemperance are not far apart, 
 being 21.04 for Baltimore and 28.98 for San Fran- 
 cisco. Seventeen cities, representing no less than 
 fourteen States, show a divergence from the mean not 
 exceeding 6.50 per cent, in a single instance, and this 
 number comprises nearly all the principal centres of 
 population. 
 
 We mention in the Introduction certain factors that 
 of necessity must affect the returns from different locali- 
 ties ; such as elements of population, chief occupations 
 of applicants, whether the latter come from the lowest 
 class of the poor or from the more worthy, whether 
 they are mainly homeless men or members of families, 
 the kind of liquor laws prevailing, and the manner 
 of their enforcement. The wide variety of local con- 
 ditions and characteristics reflected in the statistics 
 goes far toward determining the discoverable amount 
 of intemperance. Nevertheless, it does not always 
 follow that local conditions play the part a superficial 
 judgment would attribute to them. When it is 
 known, for example, that the statistics from Chicago 
 pertain almost exclusively to inhabitants of what is 
 called the Stock Yards District, one having a casual 
 acquaintance with that locality would naturally expect 
 to find a very large percentage of poverty ascribed to 
 the abuse of liquor. But this is not the case, in spite 
 of local peculiarities that would seem to foster the
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 89 
 
 liquor habit. Our very competent investigator de- 
 scribes the Stock Yards District of Chicago in the fol- 
 lowing words : — 
 
 " Probably 80 per cent, of the families registered are 
 dependent in some way upon the United Stock Yards 
 and affiliated packing-houses. They are practically all 
 of resident families. Very few homeless men ever apply 
 at the office. . . . There are no large tenement houses, 
 little overcrowding, and many vacant spaces. There 
 is a frightful condition in regard to sanitation, — open 
 sewers, unconnected closets, few garbage boxes, and 
 countless foul odors, and all the accompanying abuses 
 of the great industry upon which the community de- 
 pends. There is a constant cloud of smoke hanging 
 over the neighborhood, which irritates the throat and 
 lungs. All these combined give some portions of the 
 district (and those are the portions from which a large 
 percentage of the names sent were obtained) the high- 
 est death rate in the city. The population is mixed in 
 about the proportion shown in the schedules, save that, 
 as usual, the Irish are more than proportionally repre- 
 sented, and perhaps the Poles and Bohemians scantily. 
 The wage system in the Yards is such as to demoralize 
 character. All pay is by the hour, and all the plants 
 have a capacity far bej^ond their needs, so that it is 
 seldom necessary to keep stock any length of time. 
 Hence work is extremely irregular and almost always 
 less than full time. Many families earn less than six 
 dollars a week the year round. Hundreds of men are 
 working with no idea whether they will work two 
 hours or fourteen, or be entirely idle the next day. 
 Again, many firms pay in checks which can only be
 
 90 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 cashed, ordinarily, in saloons. Every entrance to the 
 Yards is surrounded by saloons, and it is customary 
 for the men to come out and sit around these saloons 
 on benches provided for the purpose, and eat their 
 dinners. In the winter the saloons provide rooms 
 with benches and tables, where the lunches may be 
 eaten. Hence the pail of beer is an almost invariable 
 accompaniment of the meal. 
 
 "Taking the district as a whole, I should not call 
 it by any means an intemperate one. Drunken men 
 are very seldom seen, and a very large per cent, of the 
 drinking is from ' growlers.' There are few low- 
 grade dance halls (not more than four or five in the 
 whole neighborhood), only one or two gambling dens, 
 practically no houses of ill-fame, and no lodging-houses 
 or like disreputable resorts. The entire territory in- 
 cluded in the above description comprises about five 
 square miles, with about 150,000 inhabitants." 
 
 We shall better understand how far local condi- 
 tions influence the percentages of poverty attributed to 
 intemperance when we account for the most marked 
 divergences from the general average exhibited in the 
 statistics from the different places. Beginning with 
 Pawtucket, R. I., the city showing the heaviest per- 
 centage of poverty due to intemperance, namely 57.61, 
 we learn that the Associated Charities of the place 
 is also an association giving direct alms from its own 
 funds. Hence it proves singularly attractive to the 
 unworthy poor, the indolent, beggars, and topers. 
 Pawtucket and the adjoining city. Central Falls, 
 which is also represented in the returns, have together 
 about 50,000 inhabitants, most of whom are mill opera-
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 91 
 
 tives and shop hands. On the whole, these cities do 
 not compare favorably with the general type of New 
 England mill towns of like size, owing in part to their 
 being practically manufacturing suburbs of Provi- 
 dence. Visible inebriety is very common. Including 
 apothecary shops, about 220 licensed places under law 
 sujDcrvision supply liquor to the thirsty inhabitants. 
 
 The next highest percentage of poverty attributed 
 to drink, 54.43, is in New Brunswick, N. J. It will 
 be observed that the total number of cases accounted 
 for is very small. These words of the investigator 
 seem to explain the situation : " In the first years of 
 the Charity Organization Society, different classes of 
 poor were entered ; now almost exclusively the lowest 
 apply. ... In a population of about 20,000, or a little 
 under this number, we are said to have 98 licensed 
 saloons. They are a very low class of saloons, and the 
 liquor laws are not enforced." 
 
 In Bayonne, N. J., 53.97 per cent, of the poverty 
 treated by the Charity Organization Society is found 
 to be due to intemperance. We quote from a letter 
 written by the head of this society : " The character 
 of our population, the notoriously lax administration 
 of the liquor laws, and the irregularity of employment 
 doubtless account to a large extent for the high per- 
 centage. . . . The police make no effort to enforce 
 the law which forbids the sale of liquor to minors, for 
 example. ... A large number of men are employed 
 as day laborers on the coal docks, whose work is un- 
 certain and probably does not average over four days 
 a week. I regard this as a very imj)ortant factor in 
 the connection I mention. Another important factor
 
 92 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM, 
 
 which should not be overlooked is that for a number 
 of years our school facilities have been inadequate, 
 so that the enforcement of the truancy law has been 
 impossible. The efPect of this is far-reaching, as our 
 records bear evidence." The Bayonne investigation 
 appears also to have been conducted on somewhat 
 unusual lines. For it is said that, " in assigning the 
 abuse of liquor as a direct or indirect cause of the dis- 
 tress of a family, the determining consideration was 
 not the question of actual drunkenness, but whether 
 the amount of money habitually spent on liquor was 
 sufficient to impoverish the family." (See Introduc- 
 tion, p. 46.) 
 
 It should be noted that the three cities just men- 
 tioned are among the smallest in our tables. 
 
 The very high percentage of drink in Cambridge, 
 Mass., a no-license city, is not so easily accounted for. 
 It is within easy reach of the Boston saloons, and 
 the comparatively low rentals in the portion of the 
 city nearest Boston may attract drinking classes. The 
 enormous annual expenditure of the municipality for 
 public relief undoubtedly draws many unworthy poor 
 to Cambridge. Further explanations may be found 
 in the fact that the investigation was most searching, 
 and that so many applicants are of Irish birth or 
 parentage. 
 
 Eleven cities give percentages of poverty due to 
 drink varying from 31.07 to 43.48. With the excep- 
 tion of Buffalo, they may all be considered cities of the 
 third class in point of population. The slight diver- 
 gence of the percentages of those of the eleven cities — 
 New York, Chicago, Brooklyn, Baltimore, San Fran-
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 93 
 
 cisco, Buffalo, Washington, etc. — closest to each other 
 as to the number of inhabitants and general features 
 merits attention. 
 
 Since our statistics merely depict the relation of 
 poverty to drink, and are not indicative of the average 
 inebriety of the citizens of one place as compared with 
 those of another, it should not surprise us that the 
 largest cities exhibit the smaller amount of poverty 
 attributable to intemperance. In the great centres the 
 stress of life bears hardest on the artisan and laborer. 
 Nowhere else is competition so fierce or emj)loyment 
 so difficult to obtain. Thither drift multitudes of 
 unskilled and ignorant men and women in often futile 
 search for work. For these and other equally obvious 
 reasons, it follows that the proportion of persons who 
 through no misconduct of their own are forced to ask 
 charity holds some relation to the magnitude of the 
 city. 
 
 Cincinnati, New Haven, and Denver, in the order 
 named, are seen to rank lowest as to the percentages 
 of poverty caused by drink. In Cincinnati nearly all 
 the very numerous new cases of distress, that is, per- 
 sons applying for aid for the first time, benefited by 
 the stand taken by the investigator, that since he had 
 not known the condition of these persons long and 
 intimately, he was disinclined to report intemperance 
 as the cause of distress unless aj^parent without special 
 investigation. This and the fact that no effort was 
 made to ascertain how far poverty is caused indirectly 
 by drink give Cincinnati a percentage of poverty 
 attributable to intemperance lower, we believe, than 
 a more searching inquiry would have yielded.
 
 94 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 Of the 3516 cases investigated in New Haven, only 
 522 were resident. The number of the latter, the 
 cause of whose condition is not reported, is greater than 
 the number of persons found to be impoverished through 
 drink. This singular fact is duplicated in the instance 
 of only one other city, namely, Denver. The mass of 
 the New Haven cases are non-resident, and for that 
 reason were not readily investigated. A hurriedly noted 
 personal statement of the applicant was about all that 
 could be obtained. Persons of the tramp and beggar 
 classes are proverbially untruthful. Unless the inves- 
 tigator exercises his judgment very freely, he is not 
 likely to put down many as intemperate. 
 
 We have already indicated one reason for the low 
 percentage of drink returned from Denver. Another 
 is that the investigators centred their attention on the 
 personal use of intoxicants, giving comparatively little 
 heed to drink as an indirect cause of want, as may be 
 gleaned from the detail tables. 
 
 We have briefly accounted for the mpst marked di- 
 vergences from the mean. The fact remains that the 
 lowest percentage returned from the thirty-three cities 
 is not only higher than the figures for intemperance 
 given for the same city in the annual tabulation of the 
 causes of distress, but very much higher than the fig- 
 ures found in the reports of nearly all charity organi- 
 zations. In other words, the discrepancy between the 
 returns from various cities as shown in our tables is 
 not so startling as the discrepancy between the general 
 results of the jsresent investigation and the results 
 gleaned from previous tabulations from the case records 
 of different charity organization societies. It is suffi-
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 95 
 
 cient to mention that the examination made by Professor 
 Warner (American Charities) of 6450 cases of distress 
 recorded by the charity organization societies of Balti- 
 more, Boston, Buffalo, Cincinnati, and New York in the 
 year 1891-92 yielded 11.4 as the average percentage of 
 poverty caused by drink, Buffalo standing at the foot 
 of the list with 8.1 per cent. The percentage for the 
 same cities (exclusive of New York) for the preceding 
 year was a trifle over 12. What is the explanation ? 
 The distinguishing trait of the jjresent investigation, as 
 compared with previous ones, or those made by charity 
 organization societies in the ordinary course of their 
 work, is its more searching character. Ours is the first 
 attempt in this country at a special and comprehensive 
 inquiry, based upon original data, into the relations of 
 poverty to the liquor problem. Moreover, it is the 
 first time that an effort has been made to give full 
 weight to intemperance as an indirect cause of want. 
 
 Our failure to embrace other well-known causes of 
 distress does not, we are confident, exaggerate drink 
 as a cause of distress. It should be remembered that 
 the truthfulness of the statistics is vouched for, not 
 by agents of the Committee of Fifty, but by officials 
 of the respective charity organization societies who 
 have collected the information. They were asked to 
 report facts and nothing more. Whatever results might 
 be arrived at could have no possible effect upon the 
 treatment of the individuals under their care. This 
 fact may to some extent have removed the very laud- 
 able desire observed in some places not to enter liquor 
 as the cause of distress on the records of the society 
 unless nothing else is admissible, in order not to preju-
 
 96 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 dice the case if a future application for relief is made. 
 The agents could have no motive in wishing to swell the 
 averages. Indeed, they were the most surprised to dis- 
 cover how widely the liquor habit affects the lives of 
 their poor. Fearful that they might have unwittingly 
 made extravagant statements, some subjected their 
 schedules to a revision, with the deliberate purpose of 
 giving every doubtful case the benefit of reasonable 
 doubt, yet failed to reduce perceptibly the percentage 
 of intemperance. Others frankly expressed the opinion 
 that the full effects of the liquor habit are not shown 
 in their returns. And this in the face of the fact that 
 their previous tabulation of poverty causes had shown 
 intemperance to take a much lower rank. 
 
 As final results of the investigation, we find that of 
 the 29,923 cases reported, 18.46 per cent, owed their 
 poverty to personal use of liquor, 2.07 per cent, to the 
 intemperate habits of one or both parents, 0.45 per 
 cent, to the intemperate habits of natural or legal 
 guardians, and 7.39 per cent, to the intemperate habits 
 of others, not parents or guardians. 
 
 The general average percentage of poverty due 
 directly or indirectly to drink is 25.06, with 6.03 
 per cent, of the total number of cases unaccounted for. 
 This general average percentage is smaller than the 
 sum of the percentages in the first four divisions of 
 Summary XIII. because, in some instances, the condi- 
 tion of an individual was found to be due to more than 
 one of the causes enumerated. The amount of poverty 
 induced by drink not being a quantity measurable 
 mathematically, the percentage 25.06 simply stands for 
 such approximate expression of the truth of the matter
 
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 98 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 as a careful and somewliat extensive statistical study 
 yields. 
 
 We have already shown why the results of other in- 
 vestigations of poverty causes based upon data of char- 
 ity organization societies in this country are not quite 
 comparable with ours ; and others need not be consid- 
 ered here. In foreign countries, the only statistics to 
 be brought into comparison are those presented by 
 Mr. Charles Booth ; the German statistics deal chiefly 
 with inmates of institutions, and will be considered 
 in the next chapter. Mr. Booth found that of 4000 
 cases of poverty in East London, known by certain of 
 the school board visitors, 13 and 14 per cent, were due 
 to drink, the higher percentage being for the greater 
 degree of poverty. In another investigation, compris- 
 ing 5000 cases of persons living poor and irregular 
 lives, the classes into which they were divided gave 
 
 10 and 11 per cent, attributable to drink, dropping to 
 only 5 per cent, for another 3000 who, though poor, 
 were more regularly employed. Mr. Booth did not 
 include the homeless poor and the beggar class in his 
 investigation, neither does it appear that all of the first 
 mentioned 4000 cases were applicants for relief in the 
 sense of being quite destitute at the time of the inquiry. 
 Yet taking the highest percentage (14) of poverty at- 
 tributed by Mr. Booth to the liquor habit, which repre- 
 sents the lowest class of the community (Classes A 
 and B in his work), there is a discrepany of more than 
 
 11 per cent, between that and our general average 
 percentage. Whether the methods of investigation 
 and the probably more detailed inquiry made by us 
 regarding drink as an indirect cause account for it,
 
 RELATIONS TO POVERTY. 99 
 
 or whether an explanation is to be sought in the possi- 
 ble fact that the two sets of statistics treat of different 
 classes of people not readily comj)arable, cannot be 
 definitely stated. The truth remains that our percent- 
 ages occupy a middle ground between the extreme 
 views entertained by older writers and the results of 
 some more recent investigations.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM IN ITS RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 
 
 1. By Color. 
 
 Whether the Negroes take unkindly to the alms- 
 house, or are not particularly welcomed as inmates, it 
 is a matter of surprise that so few of them are found 
 among the sane paupers of our institutions. Of 1531 
 persons in the New York city almshouse, but one was 
 a Negro ; of 617 in Buffalo, only 2 ; of 1143 in Cook 
 County, 111. (Chicago), 18, etc. Even in New Jersey, 
 with its by no means small colored population, rela- 
 tively few of the race are inmates of almshouses. 
 Baltimore reports a larger number of colored than any 
 other place, yet it is only 61. Of the total number 
 of pauper cases investigated, only 2.47 per cent, are 
 colored ; and these are so scattered among the dif- 
 ferent institutions that in several instances inferences 
 from percentages become absurd. The solitary Negro 
 in the New York almshouse, for instance, being found 
 intemperate, makes the percentage of colored paupers 
 in that institution whose condition is due to the jjer- 
 sonal use of liquor 100 ! 
 
 Nevertheless, so far as they go, our pauper statistics 
 of colored are of distinct value, for they corroborate 
 at every point the conclusions to be drawn from the 
 tables in chapter ii. In those we learned that rela-
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 
 
 101 
 
 tively more than twice as many white as colored poor 
 owe their condition to the personal ii:je of liquor.^ ^.tim- 
 mary I., under the present headj shows nearly the same 
 difference in favor of the colored ji^u pep..,' A-g^aiuy, 
 relatively half as many colored as white persons become 
 paupers through the intemj)erate habits of others, which 
 
 SUMMARY I. 
 
 PAtJPERISM IN ALMSHOUSES AS AFFECTED BY THE PERSONAL USE OF 
 INTOXICATING LIQUORS, BY COLOR. 
 
 
 White Paupers. 
 
 Colored Paupers. 
 
 Aooreoate of 
 Paupers. 
 
 
 u c 
 
 2"S 
 
 9 
 o 
 
 
 SS 
 
 s-s 
 
 3 
 o 
 
 
 o o 
 
 2"3 
 
 3 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 » 
 
 
 
 P.3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2-S 
 
 -3 S 
 
 '9 
 
 
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 is 
 
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 III 
 
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 S'3 
 
 o "" 
 
 1^^ 
 
 2 o 
 
 o 
 H 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 " 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 U 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 2716 
 
 4990 
 
 420 
 
 SI 35 
 
 49 
 
 208 
 
 28 
 
 285 
 
 27G5 
 
 5207 
 
 448 8420 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 33.39 
 
 G1.45 
 
 5.16 
 
 100. 
 
 17.19 
 
 72.98 
 
 9.83 
 
 100. 
 
 32.84 
 
 G1.84 
 
 5.32 100. 
 
 SUMMARY II. 
 
 PAUPERISM IN ALMSHOUSES AS AFFECTED INDIRECTLY BY THE IN- 
 TEMPERATE HABITS OF OTHERS, BY COLOR. 
 
 
 White Paupers. 
 
 CoLOEED Paupers. 
 
 Aggregate of 
 Paupers. 
 
 
 s-S 22 
 
 § 
 
 
 3.2 
 
 m 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 iS 
 
 m 
 
 § 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ^ £ 
 
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 3.3 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 ::.) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 722 
 
 4945 
 
 2468 
 
 81.35 
 
 13 
 
 139 
 
 133 
 
 2a5 
 
 735 
 
 ,5084 2601 
 
 8420 
 
 Percent. 
 
 8.87 
 
 60.79 
 
 30.34 
 
 100. 
 
 4.56 
 
 48.77 
 
 46.67 
 
 100. 
 
 8.73 
 
 60.38 30.89 
 
 100.
 
 102 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 perfectly accords with the corresponding statistics re- 
 lation to applicantB for relief. 
 
 What the totals disclose is substantiated by the 
 i'e^;i'rrs from ths single institutions having the largest 
 number of colored. In the Baltimore almshouse, 43.22 
 per cent, of the whites had become paupers through 
 the personal use of liquor, against 19. G7 per cent, of 
 the colored ; in the four institutions in North Carolina 
 (tabulated as one almshouse), with a total of 45 
 colored, the percentages are 29.27 for the white and 
 20.00 for the colored ; in Marion County, Ind., 30.56 
 4.17, etc. The percentages of persons pauperized 
 through the intemperate habits of others stand in the 
 same relations for the two races. In Baltimore, for 
 instance, the figures for whites are 6.47 per cent, and 
 for colored 3.28 per cent. ; in the North Carolina 
 institutions 26.83 per cent, and 2.22 per cent. 
 
 2. By Sex. 
 
 In exceptional instances an almshouse is found to 
 shelter more females than males. Our returns from 
 some almshouses, however, do not indicate the exact 
 numerical proportion of the sexes, since occasionally 
 more women than men were unfit subjects for exami- 
 nation on account of bodily or mental infirmity. But 
 as a rule, the i3auper world is peopled by an excess of 
 males. As among applicants for relief, so among pau- 
 pers, the overwhelming number who have become pub- 
 lic charges through the liquor habit are men. 
 
 Of the aggregate of paupers, 32.84 per cent, owe 
 their condition to personal intemperance, but in sep- 
 arating the sexes, we find that the males who are
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 
 
 103 
 
 intemperate outnumber proportionately the females by 
 more than two to one, a greater difference with respect 
 to sex than among applicants for relief. Yet it cannot 
 be denied that more difficulty was experienced in 
 obtaining the full history of female paupers. When 
 perceptions have not been dulled by long institutional 
 
 SUMMARY in. 
 
 PAUPERISM IN ALMSHOUSES AS AFFECTED BY THE PERSONAL USE OF 
 INTOXICATING LIQUORS, BY SEX. 
 
 
 Male Facpebs. 
 
 Feuale Paitpeks. 
 
 Aggregate of 
 
 PAtrPERS. 
 
 
 i* U 
 
 2*3 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 
 
 5'3 
 
 § 
 
 
 a 
 
 2-3 
 
 § 
 
 
 
 0.3 
 
 
 
 
 P.S 
 
 
 
 
 CS 
 
 
 
 
 
 S-S* 
 
 ■O So 
 
 ■o 
 
 
 o-S" 
 
 ■O M 
 
 ■o 
 
 
 2-- 
 
 -5^ 
 
 ■o 
 
 
 
 
 
 n"= 
 
 
 
 
 S'= 
 
 
 
 
 S-a 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 3 O 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 3 O 
 
 
 
 
 
 •a 0) 
 
 « ^ 
 
 
 cS 
 
 "O e 
 
 a 
 
 
 ■3 
 
 "O e 
 
 a ^ 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 s S 
 .2 " 
 
 11 
 
 ■2 o '" 
 
 "3 S £• 
 S »-- 
 
 is 
 
 o 
 
 c S 
 
 5 5 2 
 "2 53 5- 
 
 
 o 
 
 5 "3 
 ^ a 
 
 •o " 
 
 a cs 
 2 S 1^ 
 
 Pi 
 
 3 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 Q 
 
 u 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 u 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 2236 
 
 27G2 
 
 227 
 
 5225 
 
 529 
 
 2445 
 
 221 
 
 3195 
 
 2765 
 
 5207 
 
 448 
 
 8420 
 
 Perceut. 
 
 42.79 
 
 52.86 
 
 4.35 
 
 100. 
 
 16. 5C 
 
 7C.53 
 
 6.91 
 
 100. 
 
 32.84 
 
 61.84 
 
 5.32 
 
 100. 
 
 SUMMARY IV. 
 
 PAUPERISM IN ALMSHOUSES AS AFFECTED INDIRECTLY BY THE IN- 
 TEMPERATE HABITS OF OTHERS, BY SEX. 
 
 
 Male Paupers. 
 
 Female Paupers. 
 
 Aggregate of 
 Paupers. 
 
 
 i2 
 
 25 
 
 § 
 
 
 a2 
 
 2-2 
 
 § 
 
 
 a2 
 
 o » 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 
 
 "iS 
 
 » J3 
 
 
 
 .a 
 
 <a^ 
 
 
 
 "'3 
 
 eg 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -3 — 
 
 
 
 -« J 
 
 ■3~ 
 
 ■3 
 
 
 -.3 
 
 '0 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 in. 
 
 s| 
 
 "3 
 
 ^^S, 
 
 11 
 
 
 Is 
 
 Is^ 
 
 213 . 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 ... 0^ ^ 
 3 g- 2 
 
 0& 
 
 S 
 
 Sg2 
 
 -c aj t. 
 .2 a £ 
 
 og- 
 
 5 
 
 •2 2 5 
 
 .2 II 
 
 
 o 
 H 
 
 
 =3 2- 
 
 ;g^^ 
 
 S^ 
 
 
 S3," 
 
 ^^c!:: 
 
 11 
 
 
 ^1^ 
 
 
 2 o 
 
 
 
 P-o 
 
 g.= o 
 
 c3 " 
 
 
 S« ° 
 
 0--0 
 
 
 §2 o 
 
 o--" 
 
 SS 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 O 
 
 u 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 U 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 327 
 
 31'?9 
 
 l7or' 
 
 5225 
 
 40S 
 
 189.- 
 
 802 3195 
 
 7a5 
 
 5084 
 
 2601 
 
 8420 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 6.26 
 
 61.03 
 
 32.71 
 
 100. 
 
 12.77 
 
 59.31 
 
 27.92 100. 
 
 8.73 
 
 60.38 
 
 30.89 
 
 100.
 
 104 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 life, the feeling so common in the outer world that it 
 is particularly disgraceful for women to confess to the 
 liquor habit lends color to some personal statements. 
 It is probable, therefore, that more women have become 
 paupers through the drink habit than is indicated by 
 our figures. 
 
 Relatively twice as many females as males have 
 become pauperized through the intemperate habits of 
 others, according to Summary IV. The difference be- 
 tween the sexes in this respect is much smaller than 
 the difference exhibited in the corresponding summary 
 for applicants for relief, and for ample reasons. The 
 proportion of spinsters is invariably greater in alms- 
 houses than in ordinary groujjs of charity cases, though 
 we are inclined to hold that it is not quite what 
 Summary VII. would have us believe, of which further 
 mention will be made. Single women, of course, rarely 
 owe their pauperism indirectly to the liquor habit. 
 On the other hand, it is commoner to find male paupers 
 than male applicants for charity, whose lives have 
 been ruined by drunken wives and children, or to 
 whom intemperate relatives refuse support in old age. 
 The peculiarities of the percentages in the corresj)ond- 
 ing Appendix Table IV. must be ascribed to the cir- 
 cumstance that the indirect effects of the liquor habit 
 were not traced with equal care in all institutions. 
 
 3. By Age Periods. 
 
 Judging from the histories of paupers as recorded 
 
 on our schedules, we feel justified in saying, in the 
 
 light of Summary V., that few persons are admitted 
 
 to almshouses before the age of 30, except through
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 
 
 105 
 
 some accident, physical imperfection, or acute ailment. 
 From the thirtieth year men and women finding them- 
 selves worsted in the struggle for independent exist- 
 ence, or having succumbed to vices that drained their 
 strength, are ready to knock at the door of the last 
 refuge, — the poorhouse. They come in ever larger 
 numbers until the end of the age period 60-69. Then 
 there is an abrupt decline, and the number who reach 
 the almshouse after the age of 80 is not much larger 
 than of those who are admitted before the fifteenth 
 year. More than 50 per cent, of all the paupers 
 become such before the sixtieth year. While the 
 
 SUMMAKY V. 
 
 AGE OP PAUPERS IK ALMSHOUSES AT ADMISSION TO INSTITUTION, BY 
 AGE PERIODS. 
 
 Age Periods. 
 
 Under 1 
 year. 
 
 1-4. 
 
 5-9. 
 
 10-14. 
 
 15 
 
 -19. 
 
 20-29. 
 
 30-39. 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 s 
 
 ^ 
 
 9 
 
 c 
 
 G 
 
 
 *j 
 
 
 a 
 
 c 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 £: 
 
 
 x> 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .o 
 
 
 g 
 
 3 
 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 t 
 
 a 
 
 I 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 u 
 
 3 
 
 p 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 t-t 
 
 ;z; 
 
 &H 
 
 34 
 
 0.40 
 
 37 
 
 Pm 
 
 40 
 
 0.48 
 
 ^ 
 
 CL, 
 
 G57 
 
 fM 
 
 'A 
 
 EM 
 
 5G 
 
 0.C7 
 
 0.44 
 
 173 
 
 2.06 
 
 7.80 
 
 8C4 
 
 10.26 
 
 Age Peeiods. 
 
 
 40-49 
 
 50-59 
 
 60-69 
 
 70-79 
 
 80 years 
 and over. 
 
 Age not 
 reported. 
 
 Total. 
 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 c 
 
 a 
 
 i^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 s^ 
 
 ■3 
 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 
 .o 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 J2 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 .0 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 Z 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 Z 
 
 a 
 
 t4 
 
 a 
 
 t. 
 
 g 
 
 3 
 
 t4 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 u 
 
 
 IZi 
 
 Hi 
 
 » 
 
 Ch 
 
 ^ 
 
 Ck 
 
 « 
 
 Oi 
 
 •A 
 
 Pi 
 
 •a 
 
 194 
 
 Hi 
 
 
 1215 
 
 14.43 
 
 1739 
 
 20.65 
 
 2080 
 
 24.70 
 
 1093 
 
 12.98 
 
 238 
 
 2.83 
 
 2.30 
 
 8420
 
 106 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 SUMMARY VI. 
 
 PRESENT AGE OF PAUPERS IN ALMSHOUSES, BY AGE PERIODS. 
 AoE Febiods. 
 
 Under 1 
 year. 
 
 1-4. 
 
 5-9. 
 
 10-14. 
 
 15-19. 
 
 20-29. 
 
 30-39. 
 
 Si 
 
 a 
 
 M 
 
 
 U 
 
 S 
 
 c 
 
 fl 
 
 U 
 
 a 
 
 ^ 
 
 3 
 
 t^ 
 
 a 
 
 .0 
 i 
 
 S 
 ft 
 
 .a 
 
 u 
 
 3 
 
 u 
 
 .0 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 Pi 
 
 a 
 3 
 
 t4 
 
 J3 
 
 a 
 3 
 
 h 
 
 iz; 
 
 t^ 
 
 IZi 
 
 41 
 
 Ah 
 
 15 
 
 P4 
 
 » 
 
 (1h 
 
 IZi 
 
 (S 
 
 511 
 
 Ph 
 
 ^5 
 
 751 
 
 (M 
 
 39 
 
 0.46 
 
 0.49 
 
 0.18 
 
 25 
 
 0.30 
 
 100 
 
 1.19 
 
 6.07 
 
 8.92 
 
 Age Periods. 
 
 
 40^9 
 
 50-59 
 
 60-69 
 
 70-79 
 
 80 years 
 and over. 
 
 Age not 
 reported. 
 
 Total. 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 s 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 .0 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 P-i 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 4^ 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 (2 
 
 J2 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 452 
 
 a 
 
 l2 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 3 
 ;?! 
 
 134 
 
 a 
 (2 
 
 
 1088 
 
 12.92 
 
 1595 
 
 18.94 
 
 2203 
 
 26.16 
 
 1466 
 
 17.41 
 
 5.37 
 
 1.59 
 
 8420 
 
 largest number within any single period is in the age 
 period 60-69, relatively more who were paying the pen- 
 alty of their liquor habit belonged to the age periods 
 40-59 at the time of admission. 
 
 Summary VI. is supplementary to the next preced- 
 ing, and shows the ages of paupers at the time of the 
 idvestigation. Here the percentages under the last 
 three age periods are, of course, larger, for while few 
 become paupers after reaching the eightieth year, mauy 
 who are such attain even greater age in the almshouse. 
 That those admitted before the twentieth year out- 
 number those found to be under this age during the
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 107 
 
 investigation is probably owing to the fact that de- 
 pendent children are now more generally provided for 
 outside almshouses. The 1.59 per cent, whose age 
 was not reported represents quite accurately the per- 
 centage of paupers who are in ignorance of their 
 years. 
 
 4. By Occupations. 
 
 A close affinity between the drink habit and certain 
 occupations has long been recognized. It is quite 
 common to hear charity-workers comment on the pre- 
 valence of drunkenness among printers, male cooks 
 and waiters, painters, and teamsters, for example. In 
 the case of the last mentioned there is perhaps nothing 
 in the occupation itself that engenders a craving for 
 stimulants, but it affords unusual opportunities for 
 indulgence during hours of work ; this is likewise true 
 of cooks and waiters. On the other hand, the reason 
 why printers, painters, iron and steel workers, and 
 others should hanker so much after alcoholic beverages 
 is probably patent to all familiar in some degree with 
 the conditions under which they work, or the direct 
 effect of their occupations on the human organism. 
 Some trades in which the actual need of stimulants is 
 most apparent, for instance the potter's and hatter's, 
 are not represented in our tables. Quite recently 
 public attention has been drawn to the pitiable plight 
 of the workers in the Staffordshire potteries in Eng- 
 land, to whom alcohol as an antidote to the poisons 
 which so quickly destroy vitality and torture the body 
 seems almost a necessity, or at least a help to gain for 
 the moment forgetfulness of their sufferings.
 
 108 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 The relations of occupations to the liquor habit as 
 shown in our summaries are, on the whole, in conformity 
 with the experience of observers and students. Our 
 classification of occupations has necessarily been made 
 somewhat broad, in order not to extend the list too far. 
 Thus, under the head of carpenters are included wood 
 . workers of all kinds, among leather workers are num- 
 bered shoemakers, a few tanners, etc. Taking the ten 
 occupations showing the heaviest percentages of drink- 
 ers, we get the following order: (1) saloon-keepers, 
 including bar-tenders, 84.62 per cent. ; (2) sailors, 
 58.12 per cent. ; (3) butchers, 57.41 per cent. ; (4) 
 printers, 55.88 per cent; (5) iron and steel workers, 
 55.56 per cent. ; (6) teamsters, 53.20 per cent. ; (7) 
 cooks and waiters, 50.85 per cent. ; (8) machinists, 
 50.82 "per cent.; (9) masons, 47.12 per cent.; (10) 
 painters, 46.12 per cent. 
 
 Exclusive of the saloon-keepers, the difference in 
 percentages is not so marked as the unequal represen- 
 tation of the occupations would lead one to expect. 
 Nevertheless, we confess to being unable to advance 
 a satisfactory reason for such a percentage as that 
 attributed to the butchers. On the other hand, the 
 general trustworthiness of the table is fully supported 
 by the figures for the occupations showing the least 
 intemperance. At the bottom of the list, and only a 
 step above the professional class, stand railroad em- 
 ployees, with 31.25 per cent., a class whose tenure of 
 position as well as ability to get employment depends 
 upon their sobriety. Just above the i*ailroad men 
 come the farmers, with 33.20 per cent. ; and it is a 
 matter of common knowledge that while farmers are
 
 Su.MMAKY VII a. Pauperism in Almshouses as affected by the Personal 
 Use of Intoxicating Liquors, by Occupations (Males). 
 
 
 Condition due 
 
 Condition not 
 due to per- 
 sonal use of 
 liquor. 
 
 Cause of con- 
 
 
 
 
 to personal 
 use of liquor. 
 
 dition not re- 
 ported. 
 
 Total. 
 
 OCCTIPATIONS PBEVIO0S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 TO ADMISSION TO IN- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STITUTIONS. 
 
 tH 
 
 *i 
 
 t; 
 
 ^ 
 
 c 
 
 .J 
 
 ^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 <D 
 
 7i 
 
 
 J2 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 x> 
 
 
 .a 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 oj 
 
 3 
 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 « 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 |Z! 
 
 Oh 
 
 jI 
 
 £ 
 
 ■^ 
 
 & 
 
 & 
 
 Cm 
 
 Bakers. 
 
 21 
 
 34.43 
 
 39 
 
 63.93 
 
 1 
 
 1.64 
 
 61 
 
 1.17 
 
 Barbers. 
 
 11 
 
 44.00 
 
 14 
 
 5(i.00 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 25 
 
 0.48 
 
 Blacksmiths. 
 
 61 
 
 44.85 
 
 74 
 
 54.41 
 
 1 
 
 0.74 
 
 136 
 
 2.60 
 
 Butchers. 
 
 31 
 
 57.41 
 
 22 
 
 40.74 
 
 1 
 
 1.85 
 
 54 
 
 1.03 
 
 Carpenters. 
 
 100 
 
 42.02 
 
 135 
 
 56.72 
 
 3 
 
 1.26 
 
 238 
 
 4.56 
 
 Cigar makers. 
 
 9 
 
 42.86 
 
 12 
 
 57.14 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 21 
 
 0.40 
 
 Clerks. 
 
 46 
 
 42.59 
 
 60 
 
 55.56 
 
 2 
 
 1.85 
 
 108 
 
 2.07 
 
 Clothing- makers. 
 
 4S 
 
 40.68 
 
 67 
 
 56.78 
 
 o 
 
 2.54 
 
 118 
 
 2.24 
 
 Cooks and waiters. 
 
 30 
 
 50.85 
 
 28 
 
 47.46 
 
 1 
 
 1.69 
 
 59 
 
 1.13 
 
 Engineers and 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Firemen. 
 
 24 
 
 44.44 
 
 30 
 
 55.56 
 
 _ 
 
 _ 
 
 54 
 
 1.03 
 
 Farmers. 
 
 84 
 
 33.20 
 
 163 
 
 64.43 
 
 6 
 
 2.37 
 
 253 
 
 4.84 
 
 Ii-on and Steel 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 workers. 
 
 65 
 
 55.56 
 
 49 
 
 41.88 
 
 3 
 
 2.56 
 
 117 
 
 2.24 
 
 Laborers. 
 
 107G 
 
 44.(j8 
 
 1242 
 
 51.58 
 
 90 
 
 3.74 
 
 2408 
 
 46.09 
 
 Leather workers. 
 
 77 
 
 44.00 
 
 96 
 
 54.86 
 
 2 
 
 1.14 
 
 175 
 
 3.35 
 
 Machinists. 
 
 31 
 
 50.82 
 
 3(J 
 
 49.18 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 61 
 
 1.17 
 
 Masons. 
 
 49 
 
 47.12 
 
 55 
 
 52.88 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 104 
 
 1.99 
 
 Merchants. 
 
 21 
 
 45.65 
 
 25 
 
 54.35 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 46 
 
 0.88 
 
 Mill operatives. 
 
 65 
 
 43.33 
 
 82 
 
 54.67 
 
 3 
 
 2.00 
 
 150 
 
 2.87 
 
 Painters. 
 
 61 
 
 46.21 
 
 69 
 
 52.27 
 
 2 
 
 1.52 
 
 132 
 
 2.53 
 
 Pedlers. 
 
 19 
 
 37.26 
 
 31 
 
 60.78 
 
 1 
 
 1.96 
 
 51 
 
 0.98 
 
 Printers. 
 
 19 
 
 55.88 
 
 15 
 
 44.12 
 
 - 
 
 _ 
 
 34 
 
 0.65 
 
 Professional. 
 
 12 
 
 29.27 
 
 28 
 
 68.29 
 
 1 
 
 2.44 
 
 41 
 
 0.78 
 
 Railroad employ- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ees. 
 
 10 
 
 31.25 
 
 22 
 
 68.75 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 32 
 
 0.61 
 
 Sailors. 
 
 68 
 
 58.12 
 
 46 
 
 39.32 
 
 3 
 
 2.56 
 
 117 
 
 2.24 
 
 Saloon keepers. 
 
 33 
 
 84.62 
 
 6 
 
 15.38 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 39 
 
 0.75 
 
 Teamsters. 
 
 83 
 
 .53.20 
 
 68 
 
 43.59 
 
 5 
 
 3.21 
 
 156 
 
 2.99 
 
 Unclassified.^ 
 
 67 
 
 27.02 
 
 106 
 
 42.74 
 
 75 
 
 30.24 
 
 248 
 
 4.75 
 
 No occupation. 
 
 15 
 
 8.02 
 
 148 
 
 79.15 
 
 24 
 
 12.83 
 
 187 
 
 3.58 
 
 Total. 
 
 2236 
 
 42.79 
 
 2762 
 
 52.86 
 
 227 
 
 4.35 
 
 5225 
 
 100. 
 
 1 Includes 186 from Marion County, Ind., for which institution the occupations 
 were not reported.
 
 110 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 often given to over-indulgence in liquor, comparatively 
 few are habitual drunkards. It is interesting to note 
 that 46.09 per cent, of all the male paupers are un- 
 skilled laborers, with about 8 per cent, not classifiQd 
 or without occupations. 
 
 The disparity of the totals of females engaged in 
 the different occupations is sufficient to impair some- 
 what the value of the percentages of drink. That the 
 clerks show relatively the greatest degree of intemper- 
 ance must be regarded as merely accidental, and unre- 
 lated to their occupation. Four of the six clerks had 
 led immoral lives, though they could not be classed as 
 
 SUMMARY VII 6. 
 
 PAUPERISM Df ALMSHOUSES AS AFFECTED BY THE PERSONAL USB OF 
 INTOXICATING LIQUORS, BY OCCUPATIONS (FEMALES). 
 
 OCCtrPATIONS PREVIOUS 
 
 Condition due 
 to personal 
 use of liquor. 
 
 Condition not 
 due to per- 
 sonal use of 
 liquor. 
 
 Cause of con- 
 dition not re- 
 ported. 
 
 Total. 
 
 TO ADMISSION TO IN- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STITUTIONS. 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 t4 
 
 a 
 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 B 
 O 
 
 u 
 
 (2 
 
 u 
 
 .S 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 IZi 
 
 1 
 
 Pi 
 
 Clerks. 
 
 6 
 
 .37.50 
 
 10 
 
 62.50 
 
 
 _ 
 
 16 
 
 0.50 
 
 Cooks. 
 
 19 
 
 36.54 
 
 33 
 
 63.46 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 52 
 
 1.63 
 
 Domestics. 
 
 354 
 
 19.68 
 
 1339 
 
 74.43 
 
 106 
 
 5.89 
 
 1799 
 
 56.31 
 
 Housewives. 
 
 67 
 
 9.44 
 
 600 
 
 84.51 
 
 43 
 
 6.05 
 
 710 
 
 22.22 
 
 Laundresses. 
 
 6 
 
 30.00 
 
 14 
 
 70.00 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 20 
 
 0.62 
 
 Mill operatives. 
 Professional. 
 
 28 
 1 
 
 24.78 
 7.69 
 
 80 
 12 
 
 70.80 
 92.31 
 
 5 
 
 4.42 
 
 113 
 13 
 
 3.54 
 0.41 
 
 Seamstresses. 
 
 14 
 
 12.61 
 
 94 
 
 84.69 
 
 3 
 
 2.70 
 
 111 
 
 3.47 
 
 Unclassified.^ 
 
 24 
 
 16..55 
 
 88 
 
 60.69 
 
 33 
 
 22.76 
 
 145 
 
 4.54 
 
 No occupation. 
 
 10 
 
 4.63 
 
 175 
 
 81.02 
 
 31 
 
 14.35 
 
 216 
 
 6.76 
 
 Total. 
 
 529 
 
 16.56 
 
 2445 
 
 76.53 
 
 221 
 
 6.91 
 
 3195 
 
 100. 
 
 1 Includes 54 from Marion County, lud., for which institution the occupations 
 were not reported.
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. Ill 
 
 common prostitutes. No evidence of this kind was 
 presented regarding the cooks. The markedly dispro- 
 portionate relation of domestics and housewives to the 
 liquor habit is not startling. Again, we find not a few 
 women reported to be unchaste among the domestics. 
 Moreover, the question here is merely of personal in- 
 temperance. A large percentage of the housewives 
 owe their condition to drink, but not directly, and on 
 this point the present table is silent. The number of 
 women classed as housewives is probably lower than it 
 should be. It was the purpose to have all but spin- 
 sters classed as housewives, whether or not the latter 
 for any. reason had been employed as domestics after 
 marriage. Some confusion on this point was visible in 
 the schedules. 
 
 That mill operatives should appear less temperate 
 than domestics conforms to experience. In general, 
 the very nature of the female occupations given pre- 
 cludes the possibility of showing definitely their rela- 
 tion to the drink habit ; it would at least require a 
 much more exhaustive study than ours to arrive at 
 final conclusions. 
 
 5. By Nativity of Paupers and Parent Nativity. 
 
 Like the applicants for charity, the paupers who fill 
 our institutions are gathered from many climes and 
 nationalities. From every European country, from 
 South America, Africa, Asia, and Australia, they have 
 come only to spend their last years as charges upon 
 the bounty of people whose speech some of them do 
 not even understand. Less than one fourth of the 
 8420 paupers are American born. The percentage of
 
 112 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 those of unknown parentage, both as to father and 
 mother, is somewhat larger than among applicants for 
 relief, and it is fair to assume that, could the facts be 
 learned, we should probably find that less than a fifth 
 of all paupers are of American origin. 
 
 Again we attain the fairest view of the question of 
 nationality as related to drink when the personal use 
 of liquor is considered. From Summary VIII. we 
 learn that 29.31 per cent, of native-born paupers have 
 become dependent through drink, but from Summary 
 IX. that the same cause has been operative in but 
 26.30 per cent, of paupers of full native parentage. 
 This is an almost exact reproduction of the conditions 
 we found to exist among applicants for relief, with the 
 difference that in the present case all percentages of 
 drink run higher. So, too, when we rank all nationali- 
 ties according to the extent to which personal intemper- 
 ance occurs as the cause of pauperism, we get almost 
 an exact duplicate of the order in which w^e found the 
 nationalities of applicants for relief ; namely, the fol-. 
 lowing : (1) Irish, 40.76 per cent. ; (2) Scotch, 39.19 
 per cent. ; (3) English, 39.12 per cent. ; (4) Cana- 
 dian, 32.67 per cent. ; (5) Scandinavian, 27.62 per 
 cent. ; (6) American, 26.30 per cent. ; (7) German, 
 25.00 per cent. ; (8) Austrian, 13.95 per cent. ; (9) 
 Polish, 12.96 per cent. ; (10) Italian, 9.09 per cent. 
 If we consider as American all native born, regardless 
 of the fact that perhaps half of them are of foreign ex- 
 traction, the American nationality advances one place 
 in our list and ranks above the Scandinavian, jare- 
 cisely as in the table for applicants for relief. Indeed, 
 ■were it not that the English and Canadians have
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 113 
 
 exchanged places as have likewise the Austrians and 
 Poles, the rank of the nationalities would be identical. 
 The Canadians would probably be found in the same 
 place as in chapter ii., excej)t for the circumstance 
 that of the Canadian-born paupers an unusual propor- 
 tion were females, a fact reflected in the percentage 
 In division 4 of Summary VIII. The total number of 
 Polish paupers is so small as to make inferences less 
 trustworthy. It should be observed, however, that the 
 difference between the percentages attributed to the 
 nationalities is much smaller than in Summary V., 
 chapter ii. 
 
 How closely the statistics relative to applicants for 
 relief and paupers in respect to nationality correspond 
 is further apparent when we consider pauperism as 
 induced by the intemperate habits of parents of pau- 
 pers. Here also the native born show a percentage 
 second only to that of the Scotch. But the latter is 
 accidental, for of the 7 persons of Scotch birth in 
 question, 4 were children of the same parents. Elimi- 
 nating the native born of foreign parentage, the per- 
 centage of native born of native joarentage who have 
 become paupers through the parental liquor habit 
 drops from 5.14 to 3.91 per cent. As with applicants 
 for relief, it was only possible to learn the effects of 
 parental intemperance in the case of j^auper children. 
 The whole number of paupers under 20 years of age 
 being but 220, or less than 3 per cent, of the total 
 number, our percentages for most countries become of 
 uncertain value. 
 
 In the fourth division of Summary VIII., " Condition 
 due to the intemperate habits of others," the Canadian
 
 
 i^s 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 •siadn^d i^^ox 
 
 3036 
 36.06 
 
 432 
 5.13 
 
 74 
 
 0.88 
 
 2954 
 35.08 
 
 150 
 1.78 
 
 •papod 
 -9J ;oa uoi^ipuoa jo ostiBO 
 
 194 
 6..39 
 
 13 
 
 3.00 
 
 1..35 
 
 113 
 
 3.82 
 
 4.00 
 
 ■sjtaitjo JO 'sunipJBiiS 's^na 
 -jBd 'aadnud jo s^iquii a^B 
 -aadma^ui o^ aup ;ou uoi^ipiioo 
 
 1781 
 58.66 
 
 243 
 56.25 
 
 40 
 54.05 
 
 1525 
 51.63 
 
 82 
 54.67 
 
 •sjaino JO 'suBipjunS 
 'g^naj^d 'jadnud jo s^iqiin 
 a^HJjadnia^ui o; aup noi^ipaog 
 
 1061 
 34.95 
 
 176 
 40.75 
 
 33 
 44.60 
 
 1316 
 44.55 
 
 62 
 41.33 
 
 •pa^jod 
 -aj %oa noi^ipuoo jo astiBO 
 
 936 
 30.83 
 
 121 
 
 28.01 
 
 12 
 16.22 
 
 660 
 22.34 
 
 27 
 18.00 
 
 •snBipjBiiS JO s^naJBd 
 ^on 'sjamo JO s^jiqun a^ijjad 
 -raa^ui 0^ anp ^ou uoiciipnoa 
 
 1966 
 64.76 
 
 294 
 68.06 
 
 55 
 74.32 
 
 2099 
 71.06 
 
 105 
 70.00 
 
 ■sueipjBnS JO s^na 
 -jBd ion 'saamo jo s^iquq 
 a^ujadtua^m o^ anp no^ipaoo 
 
 1.34 
 4.41 
 
 17 
 3.93 
 
 9.46 
 
 195 
 6.60 
 
 18 
 12.00 
 
 •pa^jod 
 -aj ^ou no!:t!pno3 jo asnug 
 
 1071 
 35.28 
 
 138 
 31.94 
 
 12 
 16.22 
 
 769 
 26.03 
 
 40 
 26.67 
 
 •snuipiBiiS ifSat 
 JO XBJnjBH JO sqiiqtjq a^cjad 
 -nia:>u! o^ anp ^on noi^ipnoo 
 
 1953 
 64.33 
 
 294 
 68.06 
 
 62 
 
 83.78 
 
 2176 
 73.66 
 
 110 
 73.33 
 
 •suBipjenS 
 luSat JO I'Bin^Bn jo s^iq'Bq 
 ajBjadtuajtn oj anp noi^ipuoo 
 
 (MO O^ 
 1-1 CO II II CO 1 1 
 O (O 
 
 •pajjod 
 -aj }on noi^ipnoo jo asmjo 
 
 1017 
 33.50 
 
 1.36 
 31.48 
 
 8 
 10.81 
 
 799 
 27.05 
 
 39 
 26.00 
 
 •s^uajBd 
 moq JO ano jo s^iqcq a^ujad 
 -Tna^ni o^ anp ^ou uoi^ipnoo 
 
 1863 
 61.36 
 
 288 
 66.67 
 
 59 
 79.73 
 
 2047 
 69.29 
 
 107 
 71.33 
 
 •g^na 
 -jBd qioq JO ano jo sjiqBq 
 a^Bjadma^nj o^ anp nojiipuog 
 
 0-* coo t-O ooo •'Itt- 
 
 0.-I CO ^ OO o 
 '"' o i-< ci '"'oo ci 
 
 •pa^jod 
 -aj 5on noi^ipuoa jo 98t\bo 
 
 t-O CO ^ 1-1 o o O t-O 
 O -* 1-1 O CO ^ 00 o 
 
 '"'o CO i-i '"'co ^ 
 
 •jonbix JO asn 
 l^nosjad o} eiip ;ou nonipnoo 
 
 1949 
 64.20 
 
 250 
 
 57.87 
 
 44 
 59.46 
 
 1635 
 55.35 
 
 94 
 
 62.67 
 
 ■jonbn JO 
 9sn iBnosjad o; anp noi^jpnoo 
 
 890 
 29.31 
 
 169 
 39.12 
 
 29 
 39.19 
 
 1204 
 40.76 
 
 49 
 32.67 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 > 
 
 Native born. Number. 
 Per cent. 
 
 Foreign born. 
 England. Number. 
 Per cent. 
 
 Scotland. Number. 
 Per cent. 
 
 Ireland. Number. 
 Per cent. 
 
 Canada. Number. 
 Per cent.
 
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 101 
 5.64 
 
 307 
 4.99 
 
 32 
 12.12 
 
 "sjan^to JO 'snBipjunS 
 's^najBd 'jadired jo s^iquq 9iB 
 -aadTua^ui o; anp ^ou uoi^ipuoo 
 
 1134 
 
 63.32 
 
 3432 
 
 55.80 
 
 176 
 66.67 
 
 46 
 59.74 
 
 ■sjaino JO 'suBipjiinS 
 'sitiajBd 'jadnijd jo sjiqvq 
 9!}njadni9;u! o^ anp noiiipnog 
 
 556 
 31.04 
 
 2412 
 39.21 
 
 56 
 21.21 
 
 31 
 40.26 
 
 •pa^jod 
 -8J ^on uoi^ipuoD JO asn^o 
 
 511 
 28.53 
 
 1529 
 
 24.8(5 
 
 ISO 
 68.18 
 
 14 
 
 18.18 
 
 ■sireTpjunS JO s^uajed 
 ^on 'sjat^o JO s;iqm[ a^Bjad 
 -ma^ni o^ anp ^ou noi^ipnoo 
 
 1207 
 67.39 
 
 4264 
 69.32 
 
 81 
 30.68 
 
 60 
 77.92 
 
 sneipjunS jo s;na 
 -jBd !}on 'saaq:to jo s^jiq^q 
 aiBjadiua^ui o% anp noi^ipnog 
 
 coco COCN CO^ COO 
 1:- O Lt aj rH Ci 
 
 T}i "^^ O i-i CO 
 
 •pajjod 
 -9J ^on noi^ipuoa jo asnco 
 
 587 
 32.77 
 
 1801 
 29.28 
 
 189 
 71.59 
 
 18 
 23.38 
 
 •suEipjBiiS |E3ai 
 JO [BjniBn JO s^iquq a^ujad 
 -raa^ut 0% anp ^on uojiipnoQ 
 
 1199 
 66.95 
 
 4333 
 70.44 
 
 75 
 28.41 
 
 59 
 
 76.62 
 
 •sntjipjunS 
 X^Sai JO iBjn:}Bn jo s^iquq 
 a^Bjadiua^u; o; anp noijipnog 
 
 IC CO t- CO 
 
 (M 1-1 CM II II 
 
 d d 
 
 •pa^jod 
 -aj ^on noiiipuoa jo asnEO 
 
 556 
 31.04 
 
 1796 
 29.20 
 
 189 
 71.59 
 
 14 
 18.18 
 
 •s^najBd 
 moq JO 8no JO s^iq^q a^ujad 
 -ttia^ui 0^ anp !>on uonipnoo 
 
 1165 
 65.05 
 
 4157 
 67.58 
 
 70 
 26.52 
 
 52 
 67.53 
 
 •s^na 
 -JBd q^oq JO ano jo s^iqcq 
 a^c.iadraaini 0} anp noiiipuoo 
 
 70 
 3.91 
 
 198 
 
 3.22 
 
 1.89 
 
 11 
 
 14.29 
 
 •pajjod 
 -aj lou nojiipuoo jo asn^o 
 
 101 
 5.64 
 
 315 
 5.12 
 
 32 
 12.12 
 
 •jonbq JO asn 
 I'Bnosjad o^ anp iou noiiipnoo 
 
 1219 
 68.06 
 
 3662 
 59.54 
 
 182 
 68.94 
 
 53 
 68.83 
 
 •jonbii JO 
 asn ^Enosjed o^ anp noijipuoo 
 
 471 
 26.30 
 
 2174 
 35.34 
 
 50 
 18.94 
 
 24 
 31.17 
 
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 118 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 pauper, like his fellow countryman applying for relief, 
 holds first place, followed by the Scotch, Irish, Scan- 
 dinavian, German, and American, in the order named, 
 an order slightly differing from the one observed in 
 the preceding chapter. The test of nationality, as we 
 have already pointed out, is not so reliable under this 
 head, since the origin of the person whose intemper- 
 ance is at fault does not appear. We have found also 
 among paupers a much larger percentage of males 
 whose condition is chargeable to the intemperance of 
 others than among applicants for charity. Here, then, 
 it does not so generally appear to be the conjugal 
 relations which are affected by the liquor habit. Of 
 the histories of paupers beyond what the tabulated 
 statistics tell us, we know very little. For reasons 
 advanced above. Summary IX. shows but a slight dif- 
 ference between the percentages of paupers of native 
 parentage who have become destitute through the in- 
 temperate habits of others and the corresponding per- 
 centage of native-born paupers. But as among appli- 
 cants for private charity, so the paupers of foreign 
 extraction yield a larger percentage of persons whose 
 condition is due to the intemperate habits of others 
 than paupers of native parentage ; and this is a point 
 of great interest. 
 
 In the last division of Summary VIII., which sums 
 up intemperance as a direct and indirect cause of want, 
 the important changes in the order of nationalities are 
 easily understood in the light of the explanations 
 already given. Thus, the fact that the Scotch take 
 first rank, superseding the Irish, is, of course, due to 
 the unusual percentage attributed to the Scotch in the
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 119 
 
 column " Condition due to the intemperate habits of 
 one or both parents." 
 
 What we said about the groups of applicants for pri- 
 vate charity of mixed or partly unknown parentage 
 applies generally to tlie corresponding groups of pau- 
 pers in Summary IX. It is striking that, as in the 
 preceding chapter, the largest percentage of intemper- 
 ance is found in the group " Father foreign, mother 
 native." 
 
 6. By Political Condition. 
 The features developed in our statistics showing the 
 relation of paupers to drink by political condition co- 
 incide so fully with the corresponding facts concerning 
 applicants for relief that to analyze them is practically 
 to repeat statements made in the previous chapter. 
 Again we find the percentage of persons whose condi- 
 tion is due to personal intemperance much smaller 
 among the citizen born and aliens than among the nat- 
 uralized, which is in harmony with the two preceding 
 summaries. That naturalized paupers appear nearly 
 twice as intemperate as the alien is explained by the 
 fact that the representatives of the hardest-drinking 
 nationalities, Irish, Scotch, Canadians, etc., are the first 
 to acquire citizenship ; the larger part of the aliens 
 come from more temperate nationalities, which are 
 slower in naturalizing. A majority of those whose po- 
 litical condition is unknown belong to English-speak- 
 ing races. Exact data with regard to the latter would 
 probably result in increasing to a perceptible degi-ee 
 the percentage of intemperance falling to the share of 
 naturalized paupers.
 
 120 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 Among applicants for relief, the largest percentage 
 of persons whose condition is clue to the intemperate 
 habits of others was attributed to the aliens. This is 
 not true of paupers, for here those whose political 
 condition is unknown come conspicuously to the fore. 
 This is natural, since females contribute the greatest 
 number to the percentage in question, and it was fre- 
 quently impossible to discover the political condition 
 of female paupers. They could often give little infor- 
 mation themselves, and there was no other opportunity 
 for ascertaining the facts. 
 
 Our efforts to secure information about the liquor 
 habits of the parents of paupers, in the hope that it 
 might be possible to trace the hereditary effects of in- 
 temperance, resulted in statistics too fragmentary to be 
 of value. Although willing to tell their own histories, 
 paupers were often reticent about their parents, and 
 especially averse to saying anything derogatory about 
 their mothers. In very many cases they had forgotten 
 or never knew the facts wanted. We were impressed, 
 however, by the number of intemperate paupers who 
 declared that the father had been an habitual drinker. 
 
 We have found the general average percentage of 
 pauperism due directly or indirectly to drink to be 
 37.05 per cent., with 5.23 per cent, of the total number 
 of cases unaccounted for. We say of this average, as 
 of the corresponding one in the previous chapter, that 
 it simply stands for such approximate expression of 
 the truth as a careful and somewhat extensive statisti- 
 cal study yields. 
 
 The averages obtained for single institutions (Appen- 
 dix Table XI., Pauperism) show, on the whole, unim-
 
 -sagdniid ib^oj 
 
 
 S^ 
 
 •pa^jod 
 -8J ;oa noi^ipuoo jo asn^g 
 
 -+ Ci ox M .-H r-1 
 
 Ci CO 1— t- 1- a CM 
 
 '"'d (M d 
 
 OCO 
 
 •sjamo JO 'sireipjunS 
 's^naaijd 'aadiwd jo S4iqui{ a^u 
 -jaduia^ui o; anp ;ou uonipuoo 
 
 1781 
 
 58.66 
 
 1579 
 
 51.48 
 
 899 
 67.64 
 
 601 
 60.83 
 
 CM 
 
 O'l- 
 00 ,U 
 
 •SJ3IH0 JO 'streipjfnS 
 's^tiajGd 'jadiiuJ jo sjiqtjq 
 9^<!jadraa^a! o^ 9iip noi^ipnog 
 
 1061 
 34.95 
 
 1409 
 45.94 
 
 354 
 26.64 
 
 296 
 29.96 
 
 OiO 
 O} 
 
 •pa^jod 
 -aj lou uopipuoo JO asn'BO 
 
 930 
 30.83 
 
 710 
 23.34 
 
 379 
 
 28.52 
 
 230 
 23.28 
 
 1-H lO 
 
 O'X) 
 IM j^ 
 
 -STOipjBnS JO s^uaa^d go go jt-g g^ 
 !)on 'sjaq^o jo s^iquq acujjad o_^ (M^- 00^ O^ 
 -ma^ui 0^ anp 4011 noi^ipnoo ""^ "^^ j^ c© zo 
 
 si 
 
 ■suuipjcnS JO s^na 7*1:3 2JS J22 T^l^ 
 
 » c CO *T "^ CO t— "^ Oi (M 
 
 -jBd ion 'sjatno jo Sijquq rA^^ ^Z^ '' ^ " ^• 
 a^Bjadraaitii o^ anp uonipnog 
 
 t- 1-1 
 
 -t<co 
 
 •pa:}jod 
 -9j ion nonipuoo jo asncg 
 
 1071 
 35.28 
 
 821 
 26.77 
 
 449 
 33.78 
 
 287 
 29.05 
 
 CM CM 
 
 •snBipjt!n3 i^Saj 
 JO l^jn^Bn JO s^iquq a^ujad 
 -raa^ui 0^ anp ;on uoiitpnoo 
 
 coco oco £-Cl OilO 
 10 CO -^ t-05 Cit- 
 
 2-* ?3co <».ra ^Cd 
 '-'co <=^t- t- 
 
 (M 
 
 OiCi 
 
 5^ 
 
 •smjipjBnS 
 Xe3a\ JO imn^BU jo s:)!qBq 
 e^Bjadcaa^ui o^ anp noijipnog 
 
 <MC:5 00 coco (MO 
 T-l CO (M (M (M 
 
 di d: <5 c:5 
 
 COl— 
 <M Oq 
 
 d 
 
 ■pa^jod 
 -aj ion uopipnoa jo asnBo 
 
 1017 
 33.50 
 
 800 
 26.09 
 
 436 
 32.81 
 
 328 
 33.20 
 
 i-H 
 
 (XO 
 
 •sinajBd 
 q;oq 10 auo jo eiiqcq a^ujad 
 -inaiut 0} anp ;ou uoiiipuoo 
 
 1863 
 61.36 
 
 2170 
 70.75 
 
 856 
 64.41 
 
 647 
 65.49 
 
 o»o 
 
 c^ t~~ 
 
 588 
 
 •sina 
 -JBd moq JO ano jo s^iq^q 
 aiBjadiaaiui 01 anp uoiijpnoo 
 
 156 
 5.14 
 
 97 
 3.16 
 
 37 
 
 2.78 
 
 13 
 1.31 
 
 ^OO 
 
 r- CO rt I- r-H ,-1 
 
 ■pa;jod c; -H <o 1— t~ t^ Ci (M_ 
 -8J lou noiijpuoo JO asn^a '"' d (M d 
 
 CO iM 
 
 -h CO 
 
 •jonbn JO asn 
 X^aosjad 0% anp ^ou noiijpuoo 
 
 1949 
 64.20 
 
 1654 
 53.93 
 
 943 
 70.96 
 
 661 
 66.90 
 
 
 •jonbjt JO 
 asn {Bnosjad 01 anp nonipnoo 
 
 Oi-H 00 Ciio 00 
 
 OCO coco (M COCO 
 
 <»d S3oo ^-^oo <^00 
 
 Ol '^ -* (M (M 
 
 00 
 
 ^ OJ ^0) rO 0) 
 
 
 CD S 
 
 ►5® ►5S -5S ^5<u 
 
 52;p-( !2;pli {2;ph ^p-<
 
 122 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 portant divergences from the general average. For 
 the most part they must be ascribed to the diversity 
 of local conditions, for it must be remembered that our 
 statistics embrace returns from rural almshouses and 
 small and large city institutions in no less than a 
 dozen States. 
 
 The comparatively low percentage of intemperance 
 given for the Cook County, 111., almshouse, can proba- 
 bly be ascribed to the fact that many inmates of the 
 hospital connected with that institution were included. 
 By no means all of the patients are true paupers, but 
 go to work again when they have recovered sufficiently 
 under the free treatment. 
 
 That the cause of the condition of more than 38 per 
 cent, of the inmates of the Marion County, Ind., insti- 
 tution is not reported accounts for the unexpectedly 
 low percentage of intemperance among its paupers. 
 
 The almshouses in Morris County, N. J., as well as 
 the infirmaries of Jackson and Union counties, Ohio, 
 are strictly rural affairs, hence, as a matter of course, 
 do not house so many drunkards. 
 
 The Allegheny City Home is in a sense an asylum 
 for the worthy aged and infirm, but we confess that 
 the amount of intemperance is smaller than we believe 
 a more searching inquiry might disclose. 
 
 In a number of almshouses the aggregate is so small 
 that the value of the averages of intemperance may 
 fairly be questioned. 
 
 About three years ago the Massachusetts Bureau of 
 Labor Statistics undertook an investigation of the rela- 
 tions of pauperism to drink on practically the same 
 lines as ours. The results of the inquiry, which was
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 123 
 
 limited to pauper institutions in Massachusetts, foi-ni 
 a part of the 26th Annual Report of the Bureau. 
 Pauperism is shown to have been caused (1) by the 
 personal use of liquor in 39.44 per cent, of the 3230 
 cases as against our 32.84 per cent. ; (2) by the in- 
 temperate habits of parents in 4.82 per cent, against 
 our 3.60 per cent. ; (3) by the intemperate habits of 
 guardians in 1.45 per cent, against our 0.27 per cent. ; 
 and (4) by the intemperate habits of others not par- 
 ents or guardians in 3.06 per cent, against our 5.31 
 per cent. It would have been surprising to discover a 
 greater correspondence between these two sets of fig- 
 ures, for the one represents the returns from a single 
 State, the other, twice the number of paupers in insti- 
 tutions scattered over twelve States and, therefore, 
 embracing a greater variety of local conditions. 
 
 The Massachusetts report presents no general aver- 
 age percentage of pauperism due directly and indirectly 
 to drink ; neither is it possible to draw one from the 
 data at hand, since no aggregate is given from which 
 have been eliminated persons pauperized in more than 
 one way through drink. No other extended investiga- 
 tion of this kind has been made in the United States. 
 
 Mr. Charles Booth found 12.6 per cent, of 634 in- 
 mates of the workhouse at Stepney, London, to have 
 been pauperized by drink, and 21.9 per cent, of 736 
 cases at the St. Pancras workhouse. Mr. Booth says 
 that the proportion of intemperance found at Stepney 
 " is less than might have been expected, and it is prob- 
 able that closer research into the circumstances and 
 history of these people, if it coidd be made, might dis- 
 close a greater connection than here appears between
 
 124 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 pauperism and the public house " (Pauperism, p. 11). 
 Whether, if the same methods of investigation had 
 been employed, the discrepancy between Mr. Booth's 
 figures and ours would not in large part disappear is 
 perhaps an open question. 
 
 Still smaller than the English are the German fig- 
 ures. The investigation made by the German Impe- 
 rial Statistical Bureau in 1885 stated that only in 2.1 
 per cent, of 1,367,347 cases was pauperism caused 
 by drink. Dr. Bohmert in his study of 77 German 
 cities found only 1.3 per cent. The pauper statistics 
 from Magdeburg, of 1895, deal with 4 cases of in- 
 temperance among 2260 permanent paupers. Among 
 the poor and paupers of Stuttgart, Dr. H. Rettich 
 (1898) finds 0.09 per cent, of 2164 males to have 
 become dependent through drink, and among 1505 
 females not a single one. The Austrian statistics are 
 on a line with the German. Thus in Steiermark 
 (1894) the average percentage of intemperance as a 
 cause of pauperism for 3139 persons is 1.99. In the 
 Mittelland, however, it rises to 3.07. 
 
 In remarkable contrast to these figures is the state- 
 ment that among 44,539 inmates of the German Ar- 
 heiterkolonien (1882-1891), it could be said of only 23 
 per cent, that their condition had no relation to the 
 use of alcoholics. 
 
 The drink statistics of the German Imperial Statis- 
 tical Bureau have never been accepted as authorita- 
 tive. On the contrary, especially so far as details are 
 concerned, its results have been characterized as worth- 
 less. It is certainly unexpected to find only 0.3 per 
 cent, of drink in the city of Berlin, but 3.9 per cent.
 
 RELATIONS TO PAUPERISM. 125 
 
 in the province of Hanover and 8.37 per cent, in the 
 district Bautzen. And it seems no more credible 
 that the rest of the German statistics have properly 
 determined the relations of pauperism to drink. Un- 
 like ours, the German statistics are based on official 
 records and not upon original investigations. We 
 know also that there is unwonted strictness in the 
 German method of granting relief, and a disinclination 
 to help those who because of drunkenness deserve 
 punishment. Unless compelled to do so, the German 
 applicant for relief and pauper are generally prone to 
 ascribe their condition to other causes than drink. A 
 fair comparison of the German and American statistics 
 thus becomes impossible. 
 
 We may fittingly close this chapter with the words 
 of Mr. Booth, than whom no one speaks with greater 
 authority : — 
 
 " Of drink in all its combinations, adding to every 
 trouble, undermining every effort after good, destroy- 
 ing the homes, and cursing the young lives of the 
 children, the stories tell enough. It does not stand 
 as apparent chief cause in as many cases as sickness 
 and old age ; but if it were not for the drink, sickness 
 and old age could be better met. Drink must there- 
 fore be accounted the most prolific of all causes ; and 
 it is the least necessary." (Pauperism, pp. 140, 
 141.)
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM IN ITS RELATIONS TO THE 
 DESTITUTION AND NEGLECT OF CHILDREN. 
 
 The applicants for charity, paupers, and criminals, 
 whom our statistics show to have become burdens 
 upon the community directly or indirectly through 
 drink, form together an army more than 17,000 
 strong. How many of these have brought other be- 
 ings into the world to share in large part their misery 
 and to suffer under it, we know not. Making every 
 allowance demanded by the schedules, it may safely be 
 held that a majority of this multitude at some time 
 have been or are fathers and mothers. And though 
 ignorant of the number of their progeny, we are very 
 far from drawing on our imagination in saying that 
 for each family represented among the 17,000, at least 
 two children, offsprings of that family, have felt the 
 curse of the liquor habit at some time in their lives. 
 
 What need, then, it may be asked, of searching 
 deeper into the relation of drink to the destitution and 
 neglect of children, since it appears to be in some ratio 
 to the dependants who have become such through in- 
 temperance ? In the first place, we do not know the 
 proportion of children having drunken paupers or 
 criminals for parents who become dependent from this 
 cause. By no means all become thus dependent ; this
 
 RELATIONS TO DESTITUTION OF CHILDREN. 127 
 
 much we know, for in not a few instances such chil- 
 dren are able to shift for themselves before their 
 parents become public charges. Moreover, some in- 
 temperate parents, who are not applicants for aid or 
 paupers or criminals, neglect or abuse their children 
 in such manner that charity must extend her hand to 
 the innocent ones. 
 
 A special investigation showing how much of the 
 neglect of children, both moral and physical, is due to 
 the drink habits of their parents or others is therefore, 
 as we intimated in the Introduction, strictly legitimate. 
 We obtained our data from what may be considered 
 three fairly distinct sources : (1) Societies for the pre- 
 vention of cruelty to children or humane societies, 
 which deal chiefly with children of the lowest and 
 least responsible classes ; (2) state organizations of 
 the National Children's Home Society, under whose 
 treatment come a large number of illegitimate infants ; 
 (3) two state public schools, which are in fact state 
 asylums for orphaned and dependent children of all 
 classes. 
 
 For reasons given elsewhere, the inquiry had to be 
 limited to a smaller number of families than antici- 
 pated. Yet it is sufficiently representative of various 
 conditions of child-life to permit some conclusions. 
 We do not believe that a more extended research 
 would have led to materially different results. 
 
 Children, not families, were considered as units in 
 the investigation. Children of the same parents being 
 tabulated separately, their total number exceeds that 
 of the families.
 
 128 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 1. By Color. 
 The small percentage of colored children (1.99 per 
 cent.) is not evidence of a relatively better treatment 
 accorded their own flesh and blood by Negro parents, 
 for the Negroes as a race are in some respects pecul- 
 iary callous to the sufferings of their children. Aside 
 
 SUMMAEY I. 
 
 DESTITUTION AND NEGLECT OF CHILDREN AS AFFECTED BY THE 
 USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS, BY COLOR. 
 
 
 
 Condition due'Condition due 
 
 1 
 Condition due Condition due 
 
 
 
 
 to intemperate 
 
 to intemperate 
 
 to intemperate to intemperate 
 
 
 
 
 habits of one 
 
 habits of nat- 
 
 habits of oth- 
 
 habits of par- 
 
 
 
 
 or both par- 
 
 ural or legal 
 
 ers not parents 
 
 ents, guardi- 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ents. 
 
 guardians. 
 
 or guardians. 
 
 ans, or others. 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 i-a 
 
 
 i-a 
 
 
 
 i-a 
 
 
 
 iTJ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t^ 
 
 a 
 
 ga 
 
 W 
 
 ^ 
 
 la 
 
 > 
 
 'A 
 
 iia 
 
 ;x 
 
 ^ 
 
 O o 
 
 
 White. 
 
 Number. 
 
 22fi- 
 
 a37fi 
 
 m 
 
 (K 
 
 4599 
 
 .372 
 
 4.3 
 
 4.599 
 
 .399 
 
 ?314 
 
 2,33.'; 
 
 38,'; 
 
 5034 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 4.i.l« 
 
 47.2(1 
 
 
 1.2o 
 
 91. .36' 7..3n 
 
 (I.KI 
 
 91 .36 
 
 7.7!i 
 
 4,'i.97 
 
 46., '« 
 
 7.(W 
 
 98.01 
 
 Colored. 
 
 Number. 
 
 4(1 
 
 4H 
 
 H 
 
 2 
 
 !« 10 
 
 _ 
 
 92 
 
 1(1 
 
 4(1 
 
 .« 
 
 9 
 
 102 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 311.22 
 
 AIM 
 
 13.72 
 
 1.96 
 
 88.24! 9.80 
 
 - 
 
 90.20 
 
 9.80 
 
 39.22 
 
 51.96 
 
 8.82 
 
 1.99 
 
 Total. 
 
 /Number. 
 \Per cent. 
 
 23(17 
 
 2424 
 
 405 
 
 6.1 
 
 4fi.S9 as2 
 
 4.3 
 
 4691 
 
 402 
 
 2354 
 
 23,'W 
 
 .394 
 
 51.36 
 
 44.92 47.20 
 
 7.88 
 
 1.2691..30 7.44 
 
 0.84^91. 33| 7.83 
 
 45.83146.50 
 
 7.67 
 
 100.00 
 
 from causes leading to less interference with the family 
 relations of colored people by agencies under the con- 
 trol of whites, which in part explain why so few pick- 
 aninnies are accounted for, it must be remembered that 
 our returns are from Northern communities. The per- 
 centages in the first summary, however, probably indi- 
 cate the true relations of the races in the respect under 
 consideration. In a larger number of dependent col- 
 ored children, especially if Southern cities were thor- 
 oughly represented, we should probably find that even 
 to a greater extent the advantage lies with the Negro. 
 As it is, but 39.22 per cent, of the colored children 
 owe their plight to the intemperate habits of their
 
 RELATIONS TO DESTITUTION OF CHILDREN. 129 
 
 parents or others as against 45.97 per cent, of the 
 white. This is in line with the statistics of applicants 
 for relief and of paupers. 
 
 2. By Nativity of Children and Parent Nativity. 
 
 Only 2.20 per cent, of the 5136 children were born 
 outside the United States, with 9.48 per cent, whose 
 nativity is unknown. In the statistics from the differ- 
 ent societies and institutions, as well as in Summary 
 II., we find relatively fewer American than foreign born 
 children whose destitution or neglect is caused by the 
 intemperate habits of those having parental responsi- 
 bility for them. The general percentages are 43.59 
 for the native born and 49.56 for the foreign born. 
 That the figures would be still more favorable to the 
 native born if we could do away with the percentage 
 of unknown place of birth is evinced by Summary III. 
 Among the children of full native parentage, 37.40 per 
 cent, have become dependent through drink, as against 
 49.11 per cent, among those of full foreign parentage. 
 Yet we have 35.82 per cent, the nativity of whose 
 parents is unknown ; and we feel safe in estimating 
 much over one half of this last percentage to be of 
 foreign parentage. 
 
 The Irish contribute as a rule the largest proportion 
 of parents of foreign birth whose children are cared 
 for by the societies for the prevention of cruelty and 
 humane societies, and the Hebrews the next largest. 
 The latter offend in most cases by sending young chil- 
 dren to peddle on the streets, occasionally through 
 abuse, but very rarely on account of intemperance. 
 We have no information about the nationalities prin-
 
 130 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 cipally dealt with by other child-saving agencies. 
 Drunken parents more frequently desert their chil- 
 dren than abuse them to the extent o£ becoming amen- 
 able to the law. It is estimated that in this country 
 about 16,000 children annually are deserted by their 
 parents. 
 
 As the general percentage of the destitution and 
 neglect of children due to the liquor habits of their 
 parents, we get 44.92, which, when the intemperance of 
 guardians and others is added, increases to 45.83 per 
 cent. There is no startling divergence from the last 
 percentage to account for (see Appendix table). As 
 might be expected, the figures returned by the first 
 group of societies, which deals with children from the 
 most depraved classes, are with one exception higher 
 than the average, reaching 64.28 per cent, in the in- 
 stance of the Yonkers Society for the Prevention of 
 Cruelty to Children. In the second group, including 
 three branch organizations of the National Children's 
 Home Society and one of the Indiana Boards of Chil- 
 dren's Guardians, we note a wider discrepancy, but 
 one entirely conditioned by the classes of society from 
 which the children are taken. The third group, em- 
 bracing the two state public schools of Minnesota and 
 Wisconsin, which are conducted on identical lines, 
 shows a divergence of less than 3 per cent, in the gen- 
 eral results. 
 
 Untabulated data from other organizations show 
 percentages of intemperance very similar to those 
 given. In 97 cases of the Missouri Humane Society, 
 for instance, about 42 per cent, were due to drink ; the 
 estimate for the Massachusetts Society for the Preven-
 
 SUMMARY II. 
 
 DESTITUTION AND NEGLECT OF CHILDREN AS AFFECTED BT THE 
 USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS, BY NATIVITY. 
 
 
 Condition due 
 
 Condition due'Condition due Condition due 
 
 
 
 to intemperate 
 
 to intemperate! to intemperate 
 
 to intemperate 
 habits of par- 
 
 
 
 habits of one 
 
 habits of nat-} habits of oth- 
 
 
 Nativity of Cuil- 
 
 UREN. 
 
 or both par- 
 
 ural or legal ers not parents 
 
 ents, guardi- 
 
 ^ 
 
 ents. 
 
 guardians. 
 
 or guardians. 
 
 ans, or others. 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 iTi 
 
 
 
 i-a 
 
 
 
 i-d 
 
 
 
 n'.ri 
 
 
 s 
 
 Q 
 
 fc- qj 
 
 OJ 
 
 Q 
 
 ^.2 
 
 s 
 
 Q 
 
 ^ a> 
 
 £ 
 
 Q 
 
 Loj 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 iz; 
 
 fea 
 
 tx 
 
 ;?; 
 
 
 ;« 
 
 z 
 
 o o 
 
 f- 
 
 z 
 
 Jqa 
 
 
 Native born. Number. 
 
 ift'ii 
 
 222.-! 
 
 .^S2 
 
 fi2 
 
 4114 
 
 3G0 42 
 
 4114 
 
 .380 
 
 1977 
 
 2187 
 
 37? 
 
 4536 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 4'.i..5- 
 
 4!t."l 
 
 8.42 
 
 1 .."7 
 
 !)0.7(l 
 
 r.as 
 
 0.1)2 
 
 110.7(1 
 
 8. 38 
 
 43..5il 
 
 4h:>.\ 
 
 8 2(1 
 
 88.. 32 
 
 Foreign born. Number. 
 
 .W 
 
 .52 
 
 (i 
 
 ■■■• 
 
 104 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 100 
 
 fi 
 
 ,50 
 
 .51 
 
 6 
 
 113 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 4KHV 
 
 46.(12 
 
 ."i.^l 
 
 2.K.-, 
 
 '.•2.(14 
 
 ,5.31 
 
 (I.8K 
 
 93.81 
 
 ,5..31 
 
 49., 5(1 
 
 4,5.13 
 
 .5 31 
 
 2.20 
 
 Unknown. Number. 
 
 .'ttl 
 
 14!) 
 
 17 
 
 _ 
 
 471 
 
 10 
 
 _ 
 
 471 
 
 16 
 
 ,321 
 
 1,5(1 
 
 16 
 
 487 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 (js.ai 
 
 30.<i0 3.4y 
 
 - 
 
 'Mi.Ti 
 
 3.29 
 
 - 
 
 96.71 
 
 3.29 
 
 65.91 
 
 30.80 
 
 3.29 
 
 9.48 
 
 Total. {^erce'^J: 
 
 a'lnr 
 
 2424 4n.i 
 
 (m 
 
 40.99 
 
 X<2 
 
 4.3 
 
 4691 
 
 402 
 
 2.3,54 
 
 2.^S8 
 
 .394 
 
 51,36 
 
 44. ya 
 
 47.20 7.88 
 
 1.2« 
 
 91.30 
 
 7.44 
 
 0.84 
 
 91.33 
 
 7.83 
 
 45.83 
 
 4G.50J 7.67 
 
 100.00 
 
 SUMMARY III. 
 
 DESTITUTION AND NEGLECT OF CHILDREN AS AFFECTED BY THE 
 USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS, BY PARENT NATIVITY. 
 
 
 Condition due'Condition due 
 
 Condition due 
 
 Condition due 
 
 
 
 to intemperate to intemperate 
 
 to intemperate 
 
 to intemperate 
 
 
 
 habits of one habits of nat- 
 
 habits of oth- 
 
 habits of par- 
 
 
 
 or both par- 
 
 ural or legal 
 
 ers not parents 
 
 ents, guardi- 
 
 J 
 
 Parent 
 
 Nativity. 
 
 ents. 
 
 guardians. 
 
 or guardians. 
 
 ans, or others. 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 i-a 
 
 
 
 i'd 
 
 
 
 i-a 
 
 
 
 i-d 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 Q 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 s 
 
 d 
 
 £•£ 
 
 £ 
 
 6 
 
 
 s 
 
 Q 
 
 ^s 
 
 
 
 PH 
 
 Z 
 
 ^a 
 
 >< 
 
 Z 
 
 
 
 Ph 
 
 Z 
 
 ol 
 ^0. 
 
 X 
 
 z 
 
 oS 
 
 
 Both parents native. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 579 
 
 859 
 
 180 
 
 22 14.35 
 
 101 
 
 24 
 
 1422 
 
 172 
 
 605 
 
 840 
 
 173 
 
 1618 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 35.79 
 
 53.09 
 
 11.12 
 
 1.36 88.69 
 
 9.95 
 
 1.48 
 
 87.89 
 
 10.63 
 
 37.40 
 
 51.91 
 
 10.69 
 
 31.50 
 
 Both parents foreign. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 571 
 
 570 
 
 ,38 
 
 10 11.33 
 
 36 
 
 8 
 
 1131 
 
 40 
 
 579 
 
 sm 
 
 36 
 
 1179 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 48.43 
 
 48.35 
 
 3.22 
 
 0.85 90.10 
 
 3.05 
 
 0.68 
 
 95.93 
 
 3..39 
 
 49.11 
 
 47.84 
 
 3.(» 
 
 22.96 
 
 Both parents un- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 known. Number. 
 
 937 
 
 7.55 
 
 148 
 
 27 
 
 1606 
 
 147 
 
 9 
 
 1679 
 
 152 
 
 041) 
 
 747 
 
 147 
 
 1840 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 50.93 
 
 41.03 
 
 8.04 
 
 1.47 
 
 90.54 
 
 7.99 
 
 0.49 
 
 91.25 
 
 8.26 
 
 51.41 
 
 40.60 
 
 7.99 
 
 35.82 
 
 Father native, mother 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 foreign. Number. 
 
 26 
 
 ■36 
 
 3 
 
 _ 
 
 62 
 
 3 
 
 _ 
 
 62 
 
 3 
 
 26 
 
 36 
 
 3 
 
 65 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 40.00 
 
 4.62 
 
 55.38 
 
 _ 
 
 95.38 
 
 4.62 
 
 _ 
 
 95.38 
 
 4.62 
 
 40.00 
 
 4.62 
 
 55.38 
 
 1.27 
 
 Father foreign, mother 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 native. Number. 
 
 102 
 
 111 
 
 14 
 
 _ 
 
 213 
 
 14 
 
 - 
 
 213 
 
 14 
 
 102 
 
 111 
 
 14 
 
 227 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 44.93 
 
 48.90 
 
 6.17 
 
 _ 
 
 93.83 
 
 6.17 
 
 _ 
 
 93.SJ 
 
 6.17 
 
 44.93 
 
 48.90 
 
 6.17 
 
 4.42 
 
 Father native, mother 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 unknown. Number. 
 
 24 
 
 31 
 
 J 
 
 1 
 
 54 
 
 7 
 
 _ 
 
 5,5 
 
 7 
 
 25 
 
 ,30 
 
 7 
 
 62 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 38.71 
 
 50.00 
 
 11.29 
 
 1.61187.10 
 
 11.29 
 
 - 
 
 88.71 
 
 11.29 
 
 40.32 
 
 48.39 
 
 11.29 
 
 1.21 
 
 Father foreign, mother 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 unknown. Number. 
 
 58 
 
 32 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 m 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 90 
 
 5 
 
 59 
 
 32 
 
 5 
 
 96 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 60.42 
 
 33.33 
 
 6.25 
 
 1.04 
 
 93.75 
 
 5.21 
 
 1.04 
 
 93.75 
 
 5.21 
 
 61.40 
 
 33.33 
 
 5.21 
 
 1.87 
 
 Father unknown, mo- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ther native. Number. 
 
 6 
 
 20 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 24 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 25 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 34 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 17.65 
 
 58.82123.53 
 
 5.88 
 
 70.59 
 
 23.53 
 
 2.94 
 
 73.53 
 
 23.53 
 
 23.53 
 
 52.94 
 
 23.53 
 
 0.66 
 
 Father unknown, mo- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ther foreign. Number. 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 - 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 26.66 
 
 66.67 
 
 6.67 
 
 13.33 80.00 
 
 6.67 
 
 - 
 
 93.33 
 
 6.67 
 
 26.66 
 
 66.67 
 
 6.67 
 
 0.29 
 
 Tnfoi /Number. 
 Total, ^y^^ ^gjjf 
 
 2.307 
 
 2424 
 
 40.5 
 
 65 46.S9 
 
 .3H2 
 
 43 
 
 4691 
 
 402 
 
 2.354 
 
 2388 
 
 ,394 
 
 51.36 
 
 44.92 
 
 47.20 
 
 7.88 
 
 I.26|91.30 
 
 7.44 
 
 0.84 
 
 91.33 
 
 7.83 
 
 45.83 
 
 46,50 
 
 7.67 
 
 100.00
 
 132 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 tion of Cruelty to Children is about 65 per cent. ; and 
 in 155 cases cared for during the year ending August 
 1, 1898, by the Children's Home Society of Minnesota, 
 about 34 per cent. We know of no other investiga- 
 tions undertaken either in this country or abroad on 
 similar lines, and thus are without comparable data.
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM IN ITS RELATIONS TO CRIME. 
 
 In order that the reader, fully realizing the necessary 
 limitations of this research, may take the statistics at 
 their true value, we preface our analysis with some 
 observations of a general character. 
 
 To a greater extent than the investigations of pov- 
 erty and pauperism, the present involves a psychologi- 
 cal element affecting both the investigator and his sub- 
 ject. A densely ignorant convict — and we find many 
 such — cannot be expected to view his past in a very 
 clear perspective, or to distinguish unerringly between 
 the circumstances and events that influenced his devel- 
 opment into a criminal. Neither is it probable that 
 the warped mind of the " born " criminal (if there be 
 such) will permit him to see things in their true rela- 
 tions. Yet the object was to draw from both classes of 
 convicts a life history, which to answer the purpose 
 required a nice discrimination between factors that, 
 singly or in combination, were most active in giving 
 bent to the character and shaping a future career. 
 
 To ascertain the truth, then, it was a requisite either 
 that the convict himself should be able to determine 
 which causes were the most immediate in leading him 
 to a condition which induced the crime and their rela- 
 tions to each other, or that the investigator, having 
 learned what could be learned, should possess sufficient
 
 134 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 psychological insight to make correct inferences from 
 sometimes meagre data. But in the case of the " born " 
 criminal, the individual whose degenerate organism 
 handicaps him in the race with other men, the criminal 
 condition has also a physiological basis to which the 
 investigator must give due heed. 
 
 When confronting accidental criminals, — and we 
 hold them to constitute a majority of convicts, — the 
 problem may either be intensified or become quite 
 simple. There are men whose criminal acts, springing 
 from undiscoverable causes, seem to lack every j^lausi- 
 ble motive ; cases of atavism, some would call them. 
 On the other hand, there are numerous accidental 
 criminals, the immediate cause of whose anti-social 
 conduct is palpable. Where an unusual and sudden 
 temptation obtains mastery, for instance, as in many 
 cases of assault with intent to kill, motives and causes 
 are not such subtile and elusive quantities. 
 
 We mention the great difficulties besetting this kind 
 of an investigation to emphasize the futility of attempts 
 to express in mathematical terms, from which no devi- 
 ation will be tolerated, the amount of crime attributable 
 to any single cause, especially intemperance, or even a 
 group of causes, and frankly to warn the reader against 
 accepting our percentages as more than approximating 
 the facts they stand for. Nevertheless, we are con- 
 fident that they afford a truthful exposition of the 
 relations of intemperance to crime, being based upon 
 careful and fair-minded research. Evidence of this is 
 not to be sought in the agreement of our findings with 
 preconceived notions as to the amount of crime due to 
 drink, but in the essential harmony between statistics
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 135 
 
 gathered by nearly a score of investigators, who though 
 directed by one man have worked in entire independ- 
 ence of each other. 
 
 1. Intemperance as a Cause of Crime by Nativity. 
 
 Summary I. exhibits the rank intemperance hokls 
 as a cause of crime among the different nationalities 
 contributing to our prison population, but without 
 reference to the kind of crime. The regrettable neces- 
 sity of limiting our schedules to the most essential 
 questions forbade inquiry about the parent nativity of 
 convicts. We are thus left without knowledge of the 
 proportion of native-born prisoners who are also of 
 native extraction. It is fair to assume, however, that 
 considerably more than 50 per cent, have parents or 
 one parent of foreign nativity. In two or three prisons 
 the element of native extraction is in the preponderance. 
 
 The nationalities appear in their proper relations 
 when we consider crime induced by intemperance gen- 
 erally rather than when connected with a specific kind 
 of intemperance. The totals under some of the kinds 
 of intemperance mentioned are very small for some 
 nationalities, while for others undue prominence may 
 have been given to that form of the liquor habit which 
 could most easily be ascertained. 
 
 We find, accordingly, that intemperance as a cause 
 of crime yields percentages for the nationalities in the 
 following order : (1) Scotch, 58.33 ; (2) Canadian, 
 56.74; (3) Irish, 56.70; (4) Scandinavian, 56.25; 
 (5) Polish, 53.41 ; (6) English, 52.92 ; (7) American, 
 50.23 ; (8) Italian, 50.00 ; (9) German, 44.87 ; (10) 
 Austrian, 34.62; (11) Russian, 25.00. It will be
 
 136 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 observed that this ranking of the nationalities bears no 
 relation to their respective quotas o£ the total number 
 of convicts. 
 
 The order in which we find the nationalities seems, 
 on the whole, to sustain the results reached in previous 
 chapters. Poles and Italians take an unexpectedly 
 high rank, it is true, but Summary IV, affords an ex- 
 planation. There we learn that the disparity between 
 the percentages of intemperate convicts committed for 
 crime against the person as compared with those of 
 intemperate convicts committed for crime against pro- 
 perty are relatively greater among Poles and Italians 
 than among other nationalities. In other words, were 
 it not for the fact that Poles and Italians are guilty of 
 acts of violence, murders, stabbings, etc., out of pro- 
 portion to their numbers, they would rank much lower 
 in our list. The native born are in about the place we 
 might expect, judging from the relations of native-born 
 applicants for relief and paupers to drink. On the 
 other hand, the Germans, holding ninth place, stand 
 surprisingly low. Most of the convicts classed as Rus- 
 sians being of the Hebrew race, which is noted for its 
 exceptional sobriety the world over, we properly find 
 them at the bottom of the list. In the returns from 
 the single prisons and reformatories, the natives as a 
 rule retain seventh j)lace, though other nationalities 
 are in some cases represented in such small numbers 
 that it is difficult to judge. In the statistics from 
 States having relatively the smaller proportions of for- 
 eigners, the native-born convicts drop to eighth or 
 ninth place, for instance in Maine, New Hampshire, 
 and Virginia. - -
 
 >-3 a 
 
 rt 3 
 
 •;n9D J9<j 
 
 •luao JI9J 
 
 i-o o lO c^ 
 
 ■.taqran^ 
 
 •jaqranjj 
 
 •^naa ja^ 
 
 •aaqtun^ 
 
 ■^aao jaj 
 
 •^nao ja^ 
 
 •jaqran^ 
 
 "^nso laj 
 
 •jaqtan^ 
 
 •^nao jaj; 
 
 •jaqran^ 
 
 •juao jaj^ 
 
 •jaqnm^ 
 
 O CI C2 ■* 
 rt l-O CO CO 
 t- CO 00 CI 
 
 16.45 
 3.80 
 6.33 
 1.27 
 
 00 
 
 in 
 
 
 1 
 
 CO CO to rt 
 
 t- 
 
 CO 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
 co^LO ci 
 
 ?-^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 J^'^S^ 
 
 Si 
 
 CO 
 
 -# 
 
 CO 
 
 -*< « (M 
 lO CO O 
 w rl5 rH 
 
 lO (N th 
 
 14.77 
 2.27 
 7.9G 
 3.41 
 
 t^ 
 
 -r 
 
 
 5 
 
 CO 
 
 -t^ 
 
 CO Clt-CO 
 
 CO 
 
 IS 
 
 CO 
 
 " 
 
 5.77 
 0.96 
 4.81 
 1.92 
 
 CD 
 
 CD 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Oil OCJ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 > ci uo oi 
 
 rH lO .-H 
 
 00 CO CI lO 00 
 
 O 1~ T-^ 
 
 t- o « 
 
 00 C) C) CO 
 Ci LO' CO rH 
 
 CO CI CO t' ^ 
 
 19.15 
 2.48 
 6.03 
 2.83 
 
 2 
 
 ^ 
 
 ■^ 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
 ^t-^oo 
 
 § 
 
 •^ 
 
 ■^ 
 
 CO 
 
 20.62 
 1.80 
 4.64 
 
 2.83 
 
 Cl 
 
 ^1 
 
 CO 
 
 
 o 
 
 g^2^ 
 
 o 
 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 "^ 
 
 13.33 
 8.33 
 6.67 
 5.00 
 
 CO 
 
 8 
 
 LO 
 
 1 
 
 CO 
 
 CCUOrf CO 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 1 
 
 CI 
 
 15.95 
 2.34 
 7.00 
 1.94 
 
 s 
 
 LO 
 LO 
 
 t— 
 
 s 
 
 ^cooco 
 
 l-O 
 
 " 
 
 CO 
 
 ^ 
 
 11.89 
 2.70 
 6.70 
 1.69 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 00 
 
 CO 
 
 cq 
 
 Cl Cl ^- r-l m lO rH c^ 
 
 
 00 
 
 c> 
 
 CO 
 
 § 
 
 CO 
 CI 
 
 g 
 s 
 
 g 
 
 3 
 
 00 
 
 <6 
 
 CO 
 CO 
 
 s 
 
 2 
 
 
 g 
 
 CO 
 
 g 
 
 d 
 
 ij 
 
 ^ 
 
 s 
 
 s 
 
 CI 
 
 8 
 12 
 
 00 
 
 d 
 
 CO 
 
 cq 
 
 00 
 
 3 
 
 UO 
 
 LO 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 
 ■* 
 
 
 
 
 lO 
 
 r. 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 s 
 
 CI 
 
 CI 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 CI 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 ■^ 
 
 (^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 &5 
 
 s 
 
 CO 
 
 
 » 
 
 5 
 
 d 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^1 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 
 00 
 
 o 
 
 cq 
 
 g 
 
 c» 
 
 i 
 
 
 ci 
 
 00 
 
 S =5 
 
 M o a 
 a ^ a 
 
 fe a 3 
 
 B 5^ 
 Eh H a 
 
 S H 
 O H a 
 O S B 
 
 28a 
 
 , cS_ 
 
 -"a 
 eu <! •< p. di Oi ««! M 
 
 a -S <u £■•-
 
 138 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 Further information about intemperance as a cause 
 of crime with respect to nationality is given on suc- 
 ceeding pages. 
 
 Summary I. finally shows that the different nation- 
 alities have contributed to the total number of 13,402 
 convicts in the following ratio : (1) American, 79.78 
 per cent. ; (2) German, 5.30 per cent. ; (3) Irish, 2.89 
 per cent. ; (4) Canadian, 2.10 per cent. ; (5) English, 
 1.92 per cent. ; (6) Italian, 1.76 per cent. ; (7) Scan- 
 dinavian, 0.95 per cent. ; (8) Russian, 0.78 per cent. ; 
 (9) Austrian, 0.78 per cent. ; (10) Polish, 0.66 per 
 cent. ; (11) Scotch, 0.45 per cent. ; all other coun- 
 tries, 2.04 per cent., while 0.59 per cent, are unknown. 
 These percentages hold no proportion either to the 
 numerical streng-th or the drink habits of the nation- 
 alities. That is to say, given an equal representation 
 in any State of the nationalities in question, it by no 
 means follows that the one most given to the drink 
 habit will contribute the largest share of criminals. 
 This does not affect the proposition that more con- 
 victs of hard-drinking people will owe their criminal 
 condition to drink than those of a notably temperate 
 nationality. 
 
 2. By Kind of Crime. 
 
 For crime against property, 70.92 per cent, of the 
 convicts were committed ; for crime against the person, 
 23.17 per cent. ; for both kinds in conjunction, 3.01 
 per cent, (largely assaults with intent to rob), and for 
 other crimes, 2.90 per cent. Under the last head 
 come all the offenses against the United States, such as 
 counterfeiting, breaking revenue and postal laws, etc.
 
 s 
 
 S>5 
 
 
 I. 01 
 
 teg 
 
 !i a, 
 
 •ineo jaj 
 
 (NC^«>TH£-Tti'-IS^ 
 
 •jaqtnn^ 
 
 •}nao jaj 
 
 ■jaqnin^ 
 
 •jaaa jaj 
 
 •^uao aaj 
 
 •jaqran^ 
 
 •iU90 aaj; 
 
 rt i."5 :o 00 i.t •:o o O 
 
 1~ 05 'X 3<l CO O IM CO 
 
 CC (M lO rH ^1 t- T-H O 
 
 Pt-i-^003<I00 
 
 CO(NCD(MQO-*i-ICN 
 
 'J5 rX) -t* lO CO •>) t- O 
 
 CI t- c: O -/> i.-o CO o 
 
 -^ 1-1 O rH 
 
 <M0<lOr-lt^iO'-<'N 
 
 , LO 'X -ti -T-i T)< ci r- o 
 
 •wqninij »:; ^ co ^ ^ ij o o. 
 
 o o 
 
 CD t- 
 
 «5 '-0 
 
 SI! 
 
 o ^ 
 
 11 
 
 Or-I 
 
 O Oi 
 
 2 " ^ =« a 
 
 eLH<j 
 
 
 -tStS 
 
 
 'J 
 
 0) 
 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 ce 
 
 rrt 
 
 a 
 
 OJ 
 
 
 
 "^ 
 
 2 
 
 rt 
 
 CS 
 
 S 
 
 5 
 
 
 P4 
 
 Assoc 
 Perso 
 Perso 
 Persoi 
 Alices 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 1— ( 
 
 s a
 
 140 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 It conforms to experience that more of the crimes 
 against the person than of those against property 
 shoukl be induced by intemperance ; yet the difference 
 is not considerable. Rape and kindred offenses against 
 the person were found due to intemperance in com- 
 paratively few instances, and then more often to an- 
 cestral intemperance. Murders and ordinary assaults, 
 on the contrary, were frequently connected with per- 
 sonal and ancestral intemperance, and not infrequently 
 with all three kinds enumerated. Crimes against both 
 person and property seem related to the drink habit in 
 about the same proportion as crimes against the per- 
 son. From the nature of the offenses, the fourth class 
 of crimes shows the remotest relation to drink. It 
 requires better nerves than the drunkard's to counter- 
 feit or " work " post-offices successfully. 
 
 We have shown how the different classes of offenses 
 may be referred to intemperance as a general crime 
 cause. We distinguish, however, between different 
 kinds of intemperance, and it may be said that a clear 
 distinction was not easy to maintain, neither did all 
 investigators give the matter equal weight. 
 
 Personal intemperance we find to be a cause of the 
 crimes against property and against the person in 
 about equal percentages, but it jumps to a surprising 
 percentage in the third class (against property and 
 the person). A reason for the latter may be that 
 drunken loafers, members of gangs that infest certain 
 quarters of large cities, are frequently arrested for 
 highway robbery. Relatively half as many crimes of 
 the fourth class as of the first are due to the personal 
 abuse of intoxicants. That intemjaerance both of an-
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 141 
 
 cestors and of associates should be closely related to 
 crimes against property is also in confirmation of gen- 
 eral experience. Personal and ancestral intemperance 
 is a common combination in murder cases, hence we 
 find it in the largest percentage under crimes against 
 the person. The combination personal and of asso- 
 ciates yields percentages in not unexpected propor- 
 tions, except, perhaps, for the last group of crimes. 
 An explanation may be in the fact that among the 
 47 convicts in this group were many first offenders. 
 Where intemperance of all three kinds is given as a 
 crime cause, the schedules with striking frequency 
 referred to habitual criminals. It accords to find the 
 largest percenl^ge of this combination in the first and 
 last groups of crimes, for habitual offenders are infre- 
 quently guilty of acts of violence. Among the high- 
 est grade of criminals, professional thieves, burglars, 
 " cracksmen," etc., there is very little personal intem- 
 perance. The weakness of the " celebrated " criminal 
 runs to women, not to wine. 
 
 3. Principal Causes of Crime hy Nativity. 
 
 The relations of nationality to intemperance as a 
 crime cause are shown in a new light in the next 
 summary. Here intemperance is excluded from all 
 cases in which it was not the principal or first cause of 
 crime. Consequently, the full extent of drink as a 
 crime cause is not under discussion, and, as before 
 remarked, the fairest estimate of the nationality ques- 
 tion must be the one already given. 
 
 The points of interest in the summary can be taken 
 in at a glance when we arrange the nationalities accord-
 
 142 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 ing to their percentages under each of the principal 
 causes. We get the following order : — 
 
 Unfavorable 
 environment 
 
 Lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Not due to any of 
 these causes 
 
 1. Italian 
 
 1. Austrian 
 
 1. Scandinavian 
 
 1. Russian 
 
 2. Polish 
 
 2. Russian 
 
 2. Scotch 
 
 2. Scandinavian 
 
 3. Canadian 
 
 3. German 
 
 3. Canadian 
 
 3. Austrian 
 
 4. Russian 
 
 4. American 
 
 4. Irish 
 
 4. Scotch 
 
 5. American 
 
 5. Polish 
 
 5. English 
 
 5. Polish 
 
 6. Irish 
 
 6. English 
 
 6. American 
 
 6. German 
 
 7. English 
 
 7. Italian 
 
 7. German 
 
 7. Irish 
 
 8. German 
 
 8. Irish 
 
 8. Polish 
 
 8. Italian 
 
 9. Austrian 
 
 9. Scotch 
 
 9. Italian 
 
 9. English 
 
 10. Scotch 
 
 10. Canadian 
 
 10. Austrian 
 
 10. American 
 
 11. Scandinavian 
 
 11. Scandinavian 
 
 11. Russian 
 
 11. Canadian 
 
 As unfavorable environment of birth and early life 
 we considered parental neglect, want of education, 
 etc., especially the latter. The order of nationalities 
 in the first column is only the expected, unless it be 
 the high rank of the American. But it must be 
 remembered that as such are classed all native born, 
 regfardless of extraction. Column 2 offers some sur- 
 prises ; for instance, the order in which we observe the 
 Austrian, German, and Italian. Our data do not, 
 however, pretend to accurately measure the extent to 
 which industrial training prevails in different countries, 
 and we deal as a rule with their poorest representatives. 
 The Scandinavians occupy a singular position in all 
 these columns, but one in keeping with their national 
 traits. Drink is their chief weakness, and so the most 
 prolific source of crime. As between the three princi- 
 pal causes, intemperance and unfavorable environment 
 are held responsible for nearly equal percentages of 
 crime, both outranking in this respect lack of industrial
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 
 
 143 
 
 training by about 10 per cent. More than 16 per 
 cent, of the total number of cases had no discoverable 
 connection with any of these causes. Among other 
 crime causes we noted the frequency of sexual excesses. 
 
 SUMMARY III. 
 
 PRINCIPAL CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH INDUCED THE 
 CKUVIE, BY NATIVITY OF CRIiUNALS. 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 .2 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 Natxvitt OS Criminals. 
 
 
 
 a . 
 
 3 2 
 
 •c.S 
 
 
 3g 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 11 
 
 p. 
 
 SS 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 rs.i: 
 
 ^ 
 
 S 
 
 -o s 
 
 
 
 
 a ■* 
 
 J 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 Native born. 
 
 Number. 
 
 .3280 
 
 2409 
 
 3338 
 
 1665 
 
 10692 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 30.68 
 
 22.53 
 
 31.22 
 
 15.57 
 
 79.78 
 
 Foreign born. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 England. 
 
 Number. 
 
 72 
 
 47 
 
 94 
 
 44 
 
 257 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 28.01 
 
 18.29 
 
 36.58 
 
 17.12 
 
 1.92 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 Number. 
 
 14 
 
 8 
 
 25 
 
 13 
 
 60 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 23..S3 
 
 13.33 
 
 41.67 
 
 21.67 
 
 0.45 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Number. 
 
 109 
 
 64 
 
 146 
 
 69 
 
 388 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 28.09 
 
 16..50 
 
 37.62 
 
 17.78 
 
 2.89 
 
 Canada. 
 
 Number. 
 
 95 
 
 37 
 
 113 
 
 37 
 
 282 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 33.69 
 
 1.3.12 
 
 40.07 
 
 13.12 
 
 2.10 
 
 Germany. 
 
 Number. 
 
 199 
 
 176 
 
 197 
 
 1.39 
 
 711 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 27.99 
 
 24.75 
 
 27.70 
 
 19.56 
 
 5..30 
 
 Sweden and Norway. Number. 
 
 26 
 
 15 
 
 54 
 
 33 
 
 128 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 20.31 
 
 11.72 
 
 42.19 
 
 25.78 
 
 0.95 
 
 Italy. 
 
 Number. 
 
 92 
 
 43 
 
 60 
 
 41 
 
 236 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 38.98 
 
 18.22 
 
 25.43 
 
 17.37 
 
 1.76 
 
 Russia. 
 
 Number. 
 
 34 
 
 26 
 
 13 
 
 31 
 
 104 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 32.69 
 
 25.00 
 
 12..50 
 
 29.81 
 
 0.78 
 
 Poland. 
 
 Number. 
 
 30 
 
 17 
 
 23 
 
 18 
 
 88 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 34.09 
 
 19.32 
 
 26.14 
 
 20.45 
 
 0.66 
 
 Austria. 
 
 Number. 
 
 29 
 
 32 
 
 19 
 
 24 
 
 104 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 27.88 
 
 30.77 
 
 18.27 
 
 23.08 
 
 0.78 
 
 All other countries. 
 
 Number. 
 
 80 
 
 48 
 
 77 
 
 68 
 
 273 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 29.30 
 
 17.58 
 
 28.21 
 
 24.91 
 
 2.04 
 
 Unknown. 
 
 Number. 
 
 31 
 
 21 
 
 20 
 
 7 
 
 79 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ( Number, 
 j Per cent. 
 
 39.24 
 
 26.58 
 
 25.32 
 
 8.86 
 
 0.59 
 
 Total. 
 
 4091 
 
 2943 
 
 4179 
 
 2189 
 
 13402 
 
 30.53 
 
 21.96 
 
 31.18 
 
 16.33 
 
 100.00
 
 144 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 4. Principal Causes by Nativity of Cinminals and 
 Kind of Crime. 
 
 That crimes of violence, that is, agaiust the person, 
 occur with greater frequency among certain national- 
 ities than among others is a matter frequently com- 
 mented upon by students and observers. It seems, 
 therefore, a legitimate inquiry whether any definite 
 relations can be established between nationality and 
 kind of crime, as well as between the crime cause and 
 kind of crime in respect to nationality. The next 
 summary is an attempt in this direction. 
 
 The following nationalities yield relatively larger 
 percentages of crime against property than of crime 
 against the person : American, English, Canadian, Ger- 
 man, Russian, Polish, and Austrian, while for the 
 Scotch we get exactly the same percentages for both 
 classes of crime. Among Italians, Irish, and Scan- 
 dinavians, on the contrary, a proportionately larger 
 number of convicts were committed for crimes against 
 the person. But the relations of nationalities to kinds 
 of crime must not be taken as in the least indicative of 
 the proportion in which they contribute to the criminal 
 classes. So many gaps occur under the classes "Against 
 property and the person " and " Other crimes " in our 
 summary that little need be said, except to direct 
 attention to the many Germans, Canadians, and Rus- 
 sians committed for offenses principally against Federal 
 laws. In examining the connection between jirincipal 
 causes of crime and kinds of crime, we also confine 
 ourselves to the first two classes of crime. 
 
 In the column showing intemperance as a principal
 
 
 •a^BSajSav 
 
 |g 
 
 §!i-pP^^PP--^^!^5viri 
 
 *s 
 
 ■sasnco asam jo 
 ifuB ^q paonpui jou ouiug 
 
 §'^. 
 
 'l"2';i'"S^d"5'i^"^"d"5"5"d 
 
 ^'2' 
 
 •sasntjo 
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 ~lS 
 
 213 
 
 1 .90 
 
 47 
 
 0.42 
 
 319 
 
 2.85 
 
 245 
 
 2.19 
 
 572 
 
 5.10 
 
 95 
 
 0.85 
 
 195 
 
 1.74 
 
 73 
 
 0.6,5 
 
 70 
 
 0.(i2 
 
 80 
 
 0.71 
 
 205 
 
 1.83 
 
 72 
 
 0.64 
 
 fM 
 
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 5 
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 ^^ 
 
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 jCq paonpni louauiug 
 
 d 
 
 'S 2! 2 gj a -^ S S 
 
 JtS 
 
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 g-fe 
 
 2 2 8 8 S 2 g 
 
 
 XBtjjsnpai JO -novj 
 
 ^'^ 
 
 , , , <^'g-^"g-8^S^S , , , ^8-S 
 
 3S 
 
 •inam 
 -noaiAna a[qBJOAi!ja,i 
 
 S23 
 
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 1-3 S 3 S? S 8 S ' ' ' ' S" 8 
 
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 146 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 cause of crimes against property, we find that the 
 nationalities stand in the same order as in Summary 
 III., except that the Austrian and Italian convicts 
 have exchanged places. But under crimes against the 
 person, an arrangement of the nationalities by intem- 
 perance as the principal cause produces naturally a 
 duplicate of the order given in Summary I., in which 
 we dealt with intemperance of all kinds, whether occur- 
 ring as a principal, secondary, or a remoter cause, for 
 the reason that some of the hardest-drinking nation- 
 alities are more largely guilty of crime against the 
 person. Reference to the peculiar showing of the 
 Polish and Italian convicts has already been made in 
 the analysis of Summary I. 
 
 What we conceive to be the hardest-drinking na- 
 tionalities yield the highest percentages of intemper- 
 ance as a cause of crime under both classes of crime. 
 It seems a warrantable inference that intemperance is 
 a principal cause of the different kinds of crime among 
 the various nationalities to about the same extent as 
 that to which the liquor habit prevails among them. 
 
 With respect to unfavorable environment as a prin- 
 cipal cause of crime against property, the nationalities 
 appear in the same order as given in Summary III., 
 with unimportant variations, the Italians, Poles, Rus- 
 sians, and Canadians again appearing in strikingly 
 large percentages. Lack of industrial training as a 
 principal cause of crime against property by national- 
 ities gives the latter practically as before, except that 
 Italy drops from the second to the seventh place, with 
 a couple of other minor changes. But under crimes 
 against the person, the nationalities take a different
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 147 
 
 rank both with regard to unfavorable environment and 
 lack of industrial training as principal causes. The 
 order is as follows : — 
 
 Unfavorable Environment. Lack of Industrial Training. 
 
 1. Polish 1. American 
 
 2. German 2. English 
 
 3. Italian 3. Polish 
 
 4. Austrian 4. Italian 
 
 5. Canadian 5. German 
 
 6. American 6. Austrian 
 
 7. English 7. Scotch 
 
 8. Scotch 8. Russian 
 
 9. Russian 9. Irish 
 
 10. Irish 10. Scandinavian 
 
 11. Scandinavian 11. Canadian 
 
 Crimes against the person seem to have a much 
 more natural and direct relation to unfavorable en- 
 vironment as a principal cause than to lack of industrial 
 training, although it is undeniably true that the latter 
 is active in some cases. Lack of industrial training 
 occurs as a principal cause only in 13.14 per cent., 
 but unfavorable environment in 30.43 per cent, of the 
 total number of cases, while the disparity between the 
 two causes under crimes against property is not very 
 pronounced. 
 
 5. By Relative Rank of Causes and hy Color. 
 Summary V. shows, first, the relative rank of the 
 causes leading to a condition which induced the crime 
 for all convicts, and then, separately, by color. It 
 would be difficult to present a stronger argument than 
 is contained in this table against investigating the
 
 148 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 relation of crime to drink without also considering 
 other fruitful sources of crime. In more thau 32 per 
 cent, of the total number of cases, with about 16 per 
 cent, unaccounted for as to crime cause, intemperance 
 contributed to a condition leading to crime in conjunc- 
 tion with one or two other causes, sometimes occurring 
 as the first or again as the second or third cause. 
 
 Intemperance holds the highest relative rank, with 
 16.87 per cent., that is to say, it is more frequently- 
 found as the single cause than the other two in ques- 
 tion. Our statistics, therefore, point to the conclusion 
 that intemperance is the one most prolific source of 
 criminal condition, but that alone it heli3S to explain 
 the downfall of but 16.87 per cent, of 13,402 convicts, 
 or about the same percentage as of convicts the cause 
 of whose condition is not accounted for. Unfavorable 
 environment and lack of industrial training are both 
 responsible, when taken singly, for less than half as 
 many cases as intemperance, but taken together and 
 where they are in combination, they were held to be 
 the causes of the criminal condition of nearly twice as 
 many of our convicts as intemperance by itself. The 
 importance of the two causes other than drink was 
 thus not overestimated when the investigation was set 
 on foot. 
 
 It follows from the previous analysis that, both 
 singly and in combinations, unfavorable environment 
 should hold a higher rank throughout the table as a 
 cause than lack of industrial training, and that intem- 
 perance should overtop both. Intemperance is the 
 first cause in four of the combinations in which it 
 occurs ; unfavorable environment in three ; and lack of
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 
 
 149 
 
 industrial training in three ; but the last mentioned, 
 when a first cause, shows the lowest percentages. 
 
 Our statistics embrace returns from but one typical 
 Southern state prison, that of Richmond, Ya. Nei- 
 
 STXMMARY V. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH IN- 
 DUCED THE CRIME, BY COLOR. 
 
 Causes of Crime accobdino 
 
 TO THEIE RBLATIVB RANK. 
 
 Intemperance .... 
 
 Unfavorable environment and 
 lack of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and 
 unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment . 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and unfavora' 
 ble environment . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and 
 intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training and 
 intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance and lack of in- 
 dustrial training . . 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable 
 environment, and lack o: 
 industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 lack of industrial training 
 and intemperance ... 
 
 Unfavorable environment, in 
 temperance, and lack of in 
 dustrial training . . . 
 
 Intemperance, lack of indus- 
 trial training, and unfavor 
 able environment ... 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 intemperance, and unfavor- 
 able environment . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training, 
 unfavorable environment, 
 and intemperance . 
 
 Crime not induced by any o: 
 these causes .... 
 
 Total 
 
 Total. 
 
 2261 
 
 1576 
 
 998 
 986 
 959 
 
 677 
 
 648 
 
 499 
 
 479 
 
 477 
 
 461 
 
 420 
 
 285 
 
 268 
 
 219 
 2189 
 
 16.87 
 
 11.76 
 
 7.45 
 7.36 
 7.16 
 
 5.05 
 
 4.84 
 
 3.72 
 
 3.57 
 
 3.56 
 
 3.44 
 
 3.13 
 
 2.13 
 
 2.00 
 
 1.63 
 16.33 
 
 1882 
 
 1424 
 
 910 
 916 
 
 777 
 
 641 
 598 
 329 
 416 
 
 419 
 
 357 
 
 372 
 
 250 
 
 233 
 
 194 
 1669 
 
 16.53 
 
 12.51 
 
 7.99 
 8.04 
 6.82 
 
 5.63 
 
 5.25 
 
 2.89 
 
 3.65 
 
 3.68 
 
 3.13 
 
 3.27 
 
 2.20 
 
 2.05 
 
 1.70 
 14.66 
 
 Colored. 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 s 
 
 1 
 
 379 
 
 18.81 
 
 1 
 
 152 
 
 7.54 
 
 4 
 
 88 
 70 
 182 
 
 4.37 
 3.47 
 9.03 
 
 6 
 7 
 2 
 
 36 
 
 1.79 
 
 12 
 
 50 
 
 2.48 
 
 10 
 
 170 
 
 8.44 
 
 3 
 
 63 
 
 3.13 
 
 8 
 
 58 
 
 2.88 
 
 9 
 
 104 
 
 5.16 
 
 5 
 
 48 
 
 2.38 
 
 11 
 
 35 
 
 1.74 
 
 13 
 
 35 
 
 1.74 
 
 14 
 
 25 
 
 1.24 
 
 15 
 
 520 
 
 25.80 
 
 
 2015 
 
 15.04 

 
 150 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 ther was any distinction as to color made by a major- 
 ity of the investigators, although this was done for 
 the prisons in which the colored element is strongest. 
 About 2000 Negro convicts are accounted for ; they 
 constitute about 15 per cent, of the whole number of 
 convicts. We note at once that in a relatively much 
 larger percentage of the colored than of the white 
 (25.80 against 14.66 per cent.), the criminal condition 
 had no relation to any of the three causes. Often the 
 gross ignorance of the Negroes made it impossible to 
 get trustworthy information. Moreover, many crimes 
 committed by them spring from animal passions which 
 are a part of the Negro's inheritance, and exist quite 
 independently of the operation of the causes consid- 
 ered. Such are rape, crimes against nature, and some- 
 times murder, if in the first degree and not accidentally 
 resulting from a quarrel. 
 
 Whether we regard intemperance as a principal or 
 as a general cause, it is seen to affect more vitally the 
 criminal condition of the Negroes than that of the 
 whites. In the first instance we get a lower percent- 
 age by about 2 per cent., and in the second by about 
 10 per cent., in favor of the whites. In other words, 
 while the statistics of poverty as well as of pauperism 
 disclose far less intemperance in the colored race, and, 
 as we have shown in another chapter, all evidence of a 
 general character points to the same fact, Summary V. 
 tells us that among criminals the conditions are re- 
 versed. How are these apparent contradictions to be 
 reconciled? Although it is not shown in the tables, 
 we learned from a study of the schedules that pro- 
 portionately a great many more colored than white
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 151 
 
 men are imprisoned for crimes against the person com- 
 mitted while under the influence of liquor. That is, 
 they were to an unusual number guilty of unpremedi- 
 tated stabbings, shootings, and other violent acts re- 
 sulting from drunken quarrels that are so common 
 among certain classes of Negroes. Elsewhere we refer 
 to the peculiar effects of intoxication upon the Negro. 
 He at once becomes abusive, often violent, and as a 
 rule utterly heedless of his actions. Taking crimes 
 against property alone, we find the percentage of 
 whites who owe their criminal condition to intemper- 
 ance as a principal cause exceeding that of the colored 
 by nearly 1 per cent. This seems reasonable enough, 
 for it would be contrary to all we know of the Negro 
 character to attribute his propensity for stealing to 
 drink. The inability to distinguish between meum et 
 tuum is unfortunately a too familiar failing of the 
 race. 
 
 How far our data relating to Negroes are representa- 
 tive, since a majority are derived from a single prison, 
 may perhaps be open to question. 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial train- 
 ing in combination as causes of crime hold second place 
 among whites, but fourth among the Negroes. Un- 
 favorable environment in the sense of want of educa- 
 tion cannot be regarded as a cause in the same way for 
 both races, since in this respect most Negroes are on the 
 same level. Lack of industrial training holds second 
 rank among the colored, and yields a significant per- 
 centaffe. So also does this cause in combination 
 with intemperance ; together they occupy third place. 
 Throughout the table unfavorable environment is sec-
 
 152 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 ondary to lack of industrial training as a cause of crime 
 among Negroes, while the reverse is true of the rela- 
 tion of these causes to white convicts. 
 
 The detail table in the Appendix, showing the rela- 
 tive rank of crime causes by institutions, but without 
 distinction as to color, should be read in the light of 
 the explanations made in succeeding pages. 
 
 6. Principal Causes hy Institutions. 
 
 Given three possible causes, all active in leading to 
 a condition which induces crime, it becomes to some 
 extent a matter of personal judgment with the investi- 
 gator which of the three, supposing all to have affected 
 the life of a convict, shall be considered as the principal 
 or most immediate cause. As between unfavorable en- 
 vironment and lack of industrial training, it is perhaps 
 impossible always clearly to distinguish their relations ; 
 much less can it be attributed to any personal bias, if 
 different investigators arrive at different conclusions 
 as to the predominance to be given either. Yet in 
 the statistics for the twelve state prisons in our next 
 summary, the percentages given to unfavorable en- 
 vironment and lack of industrial training as principal 
 causes are either fairly uniform, or the most marked 
 divergences from the mean are easily explainable, ex- 
 cept possibly in two instances. 
 
 The returns from Sing Sing first attract attention. 
 In addition to the Elmira Reformatory, to which first 
 offenders between the ages of 16 and 30 are sent for 
 lighter crimes. New York State has three state prisons, 
 the one mentioned, a second at Auburn, and the third 
 at Clinton. Convicts sent to these institutions are
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 153 
 
 divided into three classes : A, first-term men ; B, second- 
 term men, and C, the incorrigible, habitual criminals 
 who have already served two terms. Class A goes to 
 Sing Sing, class B to Auburn, and class C to Clin- 
 ton. It thus happens that Sing Sing gets an unusual 
 class of prisoners ; in fact, a great many are from the 
 higher walks of life, men in business and the jirofes- 
 sions, as well as trusted employees, etc. It is a matter 
 of course, therefore, that both unfavorable environ- 
 ment and intemperance should figure in small percent- 
 ages for the convicts at Sing Sing. The dispropor- 
 tionate weight given to lack of industrial training has 
 been explained by the interesting statement that while 
 many convicts were not without education in the sense 
 of book knowledge, many lacked that training which 
 insures successful competition in the trades. 
 
 In the New Jersey and Virginia prisons lack of in- 
 dustrial training is also strikingly prominent as a crime 
 cause. It is enough to know that in the former there 
 were more colored convicts than in any other except 
 the Virginia prison, and there the Negroes were in 
 the majority. The low percentages under the first two 
 causes for the State Prison of Minnesota are natural, 
 considering that State is lai-gely agricultural, with a 
 preponderance of the Scandinavian element among its 
 inhabitants. When imusual stress is laid upon one 
 cause as the principal, the percentages for the other 
 naturally diminish in proportion. The returns from 
 the State Prison of Indiana are in point. 
 
 Turning to the reformatories, we observe that in the 
 New York institution lack of industrial training out- 
 ranks the other two principal causes by a large per-
 
 154 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 centage, while in the Illinois Reformatory a like pro- 
 minence is given to unfavorable environment ; for both 
 institutions the percentages for intemperance as a prin- 
 cipal cause are correspondingly decreased. In both 
 places the investigators doubtless had convincing rea- 
 sons for the data arrived at. The discrepancy between 
 them only confirms what we said about personal judg- 
 ment in determining the relations of two or more 
 causes. It must not be lost sight of that the question 
 in this summary is not the extent to which intemper- 
 ance leads to a condition which induces crime, but 
 only how far it, compared with two other causes, may 
 be regarded as a principal cause. The careful and 
 thorouo'h investigation made both at Elmira and Pon- 
 tiac is evinced by the very small percentages unac- 
 counted for. 
 
 The returns from the remaining reformatories show 
 a fair degree of correspondence. The somewhat low 
 percentages under all causes for the Michigan Re- 
 formatory must be studied in connection with the 
 unusual percentage of cases not induced by any of 
 the causes mentioned, wherein an explanation may be 
 sought. The schedules from the State Reformatory 
 of Ohio arrived too late to be entered in the tables 
 with other institutions, but we find there the principal 
 causes in the following percentages : Unfavorable en- 
 vironment, 30.22 ; lack of industrial training, 20.39 ; 
 intemperance, 49.39, in a total of 407 cases. For all 
 institutions except the last mentioned, intemperance 
 stands as a principal cause in 31.18 per cent, of all 
 cases, exceeding slightly unfavorable environment.
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 
 
 155 
 
 SUMMARY VI. 
 
 PRINCIPAIi CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH INDUCED THE 
 CRIME, BY INSTITUTIONS. 
 
 iNSTITtTTIONS. 
 
 Thomaston, Me., State Prison . 
 
 Concord, N. H., State Prison . 
 
 Weathersfield, Ct., State Prison 
 
 Auburn, N. Y., State Prison . 
 
 Sing Sing, N. Y., State Prison . 
 
 Trenton, N. J., State Prison . 
 
 Richmond, Va., State Prison . 
 
 Joliet, 111., State Prison . . . 
 
 Mich. City, Ind., State Prison. 
 
 Stillwater, Minn., State Prison 
 
 Waupun, Wis., State Prison . 
 
 Columbus, Ohio, State Prison . 
 
 Elmira, N. Y., State Reforma- 
 tory 
 
 Pontiac, 111., State Reforma- 
 tory 
 
 Ionia, Mich., State Reforma- 
 tory 
 
 St. Cloud, Minn., State Re- 
 formatory 
 
 Jeffersonviile, Ind., State Re- 
 formatory 
 
 Total 
 
 Pkincipax Causes. 
 
 Unfavora- 
 ble envi 
 ronment 
 
 4091 
 
 36.53 
 32 
 
 35. Gl 
 0.3C 
 17.43 
 
 7.85 
 34.20 
 55.00 
 20.40 
 59.44 
 29.03 
 
 28.09 
 
 54.25 
 
 24.20 
 
 37.97 
 
 50.52 
 
 Lack of in- 
 dustrial 
 training. 
 
 14.61 
 19.14 
 
 6.35 
 21.66 
 17.51 
 19.37 
 23.44 
 18.65 
 15.73 
 11.40 
 
 6.94 
 13.47 
 
 58.18 
 
 29.23 
 
 0.40 
 
 14.60 
 
 10.21 
 
 Intemper- 
 ance 
 
 26.03 
 30.86 
 51.06 
 33.53 
 25.16 
 51.68 
 38.51 
 34.12 
 27.41 
 48.80 
 28.63 
 40.97 
 
 13.58 
 
 15.86 
 
 33.00 
 
 39.41 
 
 38.22 
 
 Crime not 
 
 due to any 
 
 of these 
 
 causes. 
 
 22.83 
 17.28 
 14.82 
 
 9.20 
 56.97 
 11.52 
 30 .'20 
 13.03 
 
 1.80 
 19.40 
 
 4.99 
 16.53 
 
 0.15 
 
 0.66 
 
 42.40 
 
 8.0 
 
 1.05 
 
 219 
 162 
 425 
 1011 
 1399 
 981 
 1288 
 1228 
 890 
 500 
 461 
 720 
 
 1296 
 
 1803 
 
 500 
 
 137 
 
 382 
 
 13402 
 
 7. Relative Rank of Intemperance, by Institutions. 
 
 In the final summing up of intemperance as a cause 
 leading to a condition which induced the crime, we 
 first show the relative rank of intemperance as a cause. 
 The percentages under this caption of course merely 
 signify that in the cases in which intemperance ap- 
 peared as a cause, it was to such an extent regarded as
 
 156 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 a first cause, to such as the second cause in rank, etc. 
 The figures for the different institutions necessarily 
 correspond to those in the preceding summary, showing 
 the principal causes by institutions. Although Sing 
 Sing yields the lowest percentage of intemperance as a 
 cause of crime, it is considered as the first cause in a 
 higher percentage than elsewhere, but does not appear 
 at all as third cause. This is natural, in view of the 
 very limited number of cases in which the other two 
 causes were present. It is a matter of surprise, how- 
 ever, to find that in the Michigan Reformatory intem- 
 perance is not given place as a third cause in a single 
 instance. The other reformatories present a contrast 
 in this respect, especially the New York and Illinois 
 institutions, the former giving intemperance the rela- 
 tively largest percentage as a third cause, but the 
 latter as a second cause. The Michigan Reformatory 
 is, or rather was, in a class by itself at the time of the 
 investigation, for the reason that it had been made to 
 receive the overflow from the state prison ; and if we 
 are not misinformed, a number of convicts were foisted 
 upon it who, from the nature of their crimes, ages, and 
 previous history, had no place in a reformatory. 
 
 But the rank given intemperance by different inves- 
 tigators, however interesting and suggestive, is a mat- 
 ter largely determined by their views on the subject of 
 crime causes generally. It would be most ungracious 
 as well as unjust to intimate that certain investigators 
 had erred by their manner of ranking intemperance. 
 At the same time the statistics give undeniable evi- 
 dence that some of our co-laborers, having found in- 
 temperance to be a cause, were more disjjosed than 
 others to regard it as more active than the other causes
 
 CSCllOrHCiiHOOQOOOi-HOCDCOOb-CJ 
 
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 64.20 
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 44.91 
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 46.82 
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 38.39 
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 53.78 
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 4.130 
 6.90 
 2.60 
 7.18 
 
 7.72 
 5.99 
 5.66 
 
 17.55 
 2.33 
 
 16.90 
 9.83 
 
 28.05 
 
 17.02 
 
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 CO 
 
 o 
 
 •Mqtnn^ 
 
 ^•*'^^ 'e^giSg'^s^l^ '="'" 
 
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 •^naa jaj 
 
 31.46 
 6.90 
 20.95 
 31.96 
 3.83 
 16.95 
 21.60 
 12.50 
 21.30 
 16.33 
 36.62 
 27.14 
 42.57 
 51.38 
 19..51 
 28.73 
 26.13 
 
 5ri 
 
 •jaqtnn^ 
 
 C-1 OC t- S — -f 5 oo ■* O CI LO '.= -!< 01 o 
 
 .—1 1-H .— I t-1 rt C-5 ^ 
 
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 S 
 
 •^nao aaj 
 
 64.04 
 86.20 
 70.45 
 60.86 
 96.17 
 75.33 
 72.41 
 81.84 
 61.15 
 81. .34 
 46.48 
 63.03 
 29..38 
 31.60 
 80.49 
 62.07 
 73.37 
 
 
 •jaqmn^ 
 
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 So.abc«2aw •sS.2S.5j-°2 
 .a o.*^ ^.a s-"'^ ObS-Ms.. o— ' o a *^ «;
 
 158 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 operative in the same case. Yet, after all, the vital 
 point in the investigation, as well as the test of its 
 accuracy, is the extent to which intemperance is a cause 
 of crime, no matter what its rank, and how far the 
 returns in this respect are in substantial agreement. 
 We have already referred to the reasons for the small 
 percentage of intemperance in the Sing Sing prison. 
 Next lowest is that of the state prison of New Hamp- 
 shire. In proportion to the total number of convicts, 
 which is very small, it has lately recruited more pris- 
 oners from the classes supposedly free from crime than 
 most of the other prisons ; more, for instance, than 
 that of Maine. Convicts of native extraction were 
 also more numerous than usual. 
 
 Whether the abnormally high percentage for the 
 Connecticut prison is attributable to any unusual cir- 
 cumstance, or reflects a particularly severe construction 
 of the term intemperance, we are unprepared to say. 
 
 Attention is called to the percentages for the re- 
 formatories of New York and Illinois. Not only are 
 they close together, but they occupy a middle ground 
 between the extremes in the column. 
 
 As a final result we learn that intemperance was 
 on the average a cause of crime in 49.95 per cent, of 
 13,402 convicts, while as a principal cause intemper- 
 ance occurred on the average in 31.18 per cent, of all 
 cases. The former percentage is the all-important. 
 It stands, we believe, for an approximate expression of 
 the truth. In the nature of the case, nothing more 
 can be claimed for it. 
 
 Statistics resulting from other investigations of crime 
 causes are not readily comparable with ours, since none 
 have been conducted on precisely the same lines.
 
 RELATIONS TO CRIME. 159 
 
 In the investigation recently made by the Massachu- 
 setts Bureau of Labor Statistics, it is shown that, in 
 50.88 per cent, of all convictions for other crimes than 
 drunkenness, " the intemperate habits of the criminal 
 led to a condition which induced the crime" (26th 
 Annual Report, p. 137). This investigation was re- 
 stricted to institutions in Massachusetts, but embraced 
 the inmates of all minor penal establishments. In- 
 temperance was the only crime cause considered. As- 
 suming, however, that other causes than intemperance 
 were active in the Massachusetts cases, and that the 
 percentage 50.88 practically means that to this ex- 
 tent intemperance was a cause leading to a condition 
 which induced crime, the agreement between these fig- 
 ures and ours is too striking to need further comment. 
 
 Of 233 cases of convicts in the Sing Sing and 
 Auburn prisons. New York, Mr. Dugdale found that 
 of those who had committed crimes against the person, 
 40.47 per cent, were habitual drunkards, while of 
 those convicted of crimes against property, 38.74 per 
 cent, were habitual drunkards. Of the former about 
 38 per cent, and of the latter about 43 per cent., came 
 from intemperate families. Among 176 habitual crim- 
 inals, 45.45 per cent, came from intemperate families 
 and 42.61 per cent, were habitual drunkards. (The 
 Jukes, p. 187.) 
 
 In the Statistique Penitentiaire Suisse, 1893, we 
 are told that in 30.80 per cent, of 3142 convicts (228 
 females) drink was the direct cause of crime. All 
 minor prisons were included in this investigation. 
 Neither in this country or abroad have other investiga- 
 tions of this nature come to our notice.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE RELATIONS OF THE NEGROES TO THE LIQUOR 
 PROBLEM. 
 
 In the studies hitherto made of the Negro problem, 
 references to the drink question are conspicuous only 
 by their absence. No reputable author, so far as 
 known, has seized on the liquor habit to explain the 
 source of the most deplorable social traits observable 
 among the present-day Negroes, — shiftlessness and 
 consequent poverty, the development of a distinctly 
 criminal class, and immorality. Is it that the rela- 
 tions of the Negroes to drink, being overshadowed by 
 graver aspects of the problem, have escaped serious 
 study, or is the race as yet comparatively untouched 
 by the ravages of intemperance? It is certainly 
 remarkable that in the teeming discussions of the 
 barriers to the second emancipation of the race, the 
 coming of which lacks not for prophets, little if any 
 attention is paid the subject of inebriety. Yet no 
 one ventures to assume that the colored people are 
 wholly untainted by this vice. What, then, are their 
 habits and peculiarities with respect to the use of 
 alcoholic beverages, and what are its palpable conse- 
 quences ? Categorical answers are perhaps impossible. 
 The subject becomes most easily approachable when 
 the rural and urban populations are considered sepa- 
 rately. What applies to the country Negro, especially
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 161 
 
 the primitive plantation darky, may not be equally 
 true of his city-bred brother, who, if not far beyond 
 him in real advancement, is more learned in the wicked 
 ways of the world. Since the rural Negroes consti- 
 tute about 80 per cent, of the 9,000,000 or 10,00(f,000 
 colored in the United States, their relations to the 
 drink question are of the greater interest ; and some 
 light on what they are may be gleaned from a study 
 of local conditions in a typical plantation community 
 in the black belt of the South. 
 
 Such a community is Lowndes County, Ala.,^ popu- 
 lation 32,000, of which 28,000 are black and 4000 
 white. It is situated in the land of big cotton plan- 
 tations, the largest town having, in 1890, 500 inhab- 
 itants, and the county-seat 350. Before the war it 
 was a region of commercial slavery, containing few 
 of the patriarchal type of planters, and to-day is the 
 region of crop mortgage farming. Since 1890 the 
 county has been " dry," that is, there are no saloons. 
 " Blind tigers," both of the stationary and " walking " 
 varieties, abound. The small country store is the 
 " blind tiger." There are no kitchen-bars, nor is 
 liquor sold from the cabins. There is no difficulty in 
 getting liquor, but the whites procure theirs through 
 the blacks, which lessens the risk of the white " blind 
 tiger." The Negro monopolizes the "walking blind 
 tiger" business; he carries a whiskey flask and sells 
 drinks at five cents apiece. Some of this retail sale is 
 done by Negroes for the whites, but most of it is on 
 
 1 For the facts contained in this sketch, the committee is in- 
 debted to the Rev. Pitt Dillingham, Principal of Calhoun Colored 
 School.
 
 162 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 the black man's own account. No liquor is sold in the 
 small county stores to be drunk on the premises ; jugs 
 and bottles are emptied outside, in the rear of the 
 store or vicinity. Not much is taken into the cabins 
 except on special occasions. Liquor is supplied from 
 the city of Montgomery, in the adjoining county of the 
 same name, which is under license. Colored people 
 are not allowed to buy liquors on credit ; and as ready 
 money is very scarce among them, this helps to check 
 the expenditure for drink. A man with good credit 
 at a given store may sometimes obtain liquor without 
 paying cash, but this is the exception to the rule. 
 There are no arrests for drunkenness, either of colored 
 people or white. In license days a Negro who got 
 drunk was perhaps shut up in a cotton-house for a few 
 hours, but this was done by the liquor-seller, not by 
 the constable. 
 
 Liquors are little used in the cabins except on Christ- 
 mas Day, when drinking is universal. It is a part of 
 tlie Southern custom. In slavery time it was the habit 
 of the master to send gin or whiskey to the cabins 
 Christmas morning. Large planters have preserved 
 this custom so far as the " hands " who rent from them 
 are concerned, if the planters live on the plantation, 
 which is not common. Every cabin buys its half gallon 
 of whiskey (price one dollar) for Christmas, and open 
 house is kept. The first eggnog is taken before break- 
 fast, and is followed by eggnogs throughout the day. 
 Many get " pretty full," but not many " down drunk." 
 The custom of drinking at weddings and funerals is 
 not observed, except that " walking blind tigers " may 
 sell five-cent drinks to those outside the house.
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 163 
 
 Saturday is store day and genera ' loafing and drink- 
 ing day. Some Negroes hunt hard for small cash jobs 
 on Saturday, such as garden work, c itting wood for the 
 whites, in order to get a nickel or dime for whiskey. 
 Scarcely any wine, very little beer, and not much cider 
 is taken; whiskey is the standard drink. Saturday- 
 night drinking, being largely social, is accompanied by 
 much treating. Each man belongs to a " crowd," made 
 up generally of six persons, who divide a quart-bottle 
 of whiskey. On account of the treating habit, men 
 drink more than they otherwise would. In license days, 
 a man would take his wife and children into the saloon, 
 and all lined up at the bar. Under prohibition, women 
 and children drink less, although the so-called " rough 
 women " imbibe a good deal, and some of the better 
 class will take liquor in the cabins, or with their hus- 
 bands, on Saturday night. There is little or no habit- 
 ual drunkenness among the Negroes of Lowndes 
 County. At most a man goes on a heavy spree at 
 Christmas time, or now and then gets " pretty full " on 
 a Saturday night. But no colored drunkard has yet 
 presented himself whose habits interfered with his work 
 on his own land, or prevented him from getting employ- 
 ment. Among the whites of the county there are some 
 whiskey wrecks of the worst kind. A colored man of 
 very large experience estimates that poor " renters," 
 corresponding to laborers in the North, spend on an 
 average fifty cents a week (buying ten drinks), or about 
 twenty-five dollars a year, for whiskey. This would 
 mean that one bale of five-cent cotton, raised by very 
 hard labor on three acres of land, goes to whiskey. Ten 
 bales of cotton being an average yield from a one-mule
 
 164 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 farm of thirty acr^s in Lowndes County, the renter 
 thus tithes his inco ne to the liquor-seller. The better 
 Negroes regard th 3 abolition of the open saloon as a 
 gain, especially for the women and young people. The 
 license laws were largely broken while the county 
 was legally " wet," and sales to minors and on Sundays 
 were common. There are no temperance organiza- 
 tions among the colored, but the church exercises some 
 restraint in certain cases. Members are occasionally 
 " pulled up " by the minister or deacon, and the better 
 ministers (not many) preach against the drink habit. 
 
 Reports from other rural black districts under local 
 prohibition, in Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisi- 
 ana, and Texas, agree in essentials so closely with the 
 statements regarding Lowndes County that it would be 
 a waste of space to give details. The best conditions 
 are observable in places to which Negroes have immi- 
 grated within recent years, in hopes of bettering their 
 position. Texas furnishes some notable examples. Less 
 favorable, but not strikingly so, are the accounts from 
 some license communities. It should be remembered, 
 however, that by far the greater area of the agricul- 
 tural South is under local prohibition most of the time ; 
 and where it does not embrace a whole county, the 
 legalized sale of liquor is generally excluded from the 
 places where drinkers are likely to congregate. The 
 whole State of South Carolina is under a system of 
 liquor control which, according to the nearly unanimous 
 testimony of reliable men, has visibly checked drinking 
 among the Negroes. 
 
 Under license, women seem to drink more freely, 
 while the gathering of men at village bars, especially
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 165 
 
 on Saturday night, gives rise to much noisy hilarity 
 and disorder. On "excursions," common enough in 
 various parts of the South to be a nuisance, and at 
 other semi-pubKc enter tainments, many carry their own 
 " refreshments," as intoxicants are called, or, more fre- 
 quently, the privilege of the refreshment stand is sold 
 to the highest bidder, who may be a white man nearly 
 as often as a black. At camp meetings, " big meetings," 
 and kindred religious gatherings, the bar is sometimes 
 the principal attraction. But whether the community 
 be legally dry or legally wet, instances of habitual 
 drunkenness are exceedingly rare. Much evidence 
 may be found to support the theory that the type of 
 common drunkard, with an inherited appetite for in- 
 toxicants, has not yet developed among the country 
 Negroes. It is but a generation ago since they and 
 their forbears were forcibly kept out of harm's way. 
 The coming of emancipation did not remove of a sud- 
 den all social restraints. The plantation darky did not 
 at once find his way to the white man's bar, and it was 
 longer still before he found the wherewithal to indulge 
 freely in any desire for drink. His poverty even now 
 helps to keep him sober, but it is just as true that he is 
 not possessed by an iincontrollable craving for drink. 
 
 Summing up well-attested facts about the relations 
 of the country Negroes, the most striking is the com- 
 parative absence of habitual inebriety. They are con- 
 vivial by nature and delight in the social side of drink- 
 ing. Abstinence from principle is rare. Once in a 
 while they get drunk, but rarely go off on prolonged 
 sprees. Steady tippling in the cabins is practically 
 unknown. The effect of a debauch wears off with
 
 166 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 singular rapidity, and does not seem to weaken them to 
 the extent of incapacitating them for work. Getting 
 drunk is regarded as quite excusable and not particu- 
 larly degrading. The worst among the women drink 
 freely, but they are seldom seen tipsy. On the other 
 hand, while a propensity for liquor does not seem to 
 reduce their earning capacity or prevent employment, 
 as a class they drink much more than they can afford. 
 Extravagance in this direction does not necessarily 
 make them applicants for relief, but tends to keep 
 them poor, or at least poorer than they otherwise would 
 be. Greater prosperity, however, does not appear to 
 lead to an increased outlay for liquor ; quite the con- 
 trary. The prosperous Negro farmer craves nothing 
 better than the same nickel whiskey which he pur- 
 chased at such sacrifice in his earlier days. Intem- 
 perance apparently grows less as the race advances. 
 This is notably the case in districts that have profited 
 most by the influence of such schools as those at Hamp- 
 ton and Tuskegee. Certain rural districts in Virginia 
 furnish striking examples. Except as a " boot-legger " 
 or " walking blind tiger," the country Negro is not 
 likely to engage in liquor selling. He rarely has suffi- 
 cient capital to buy a license, provided there is opjjor- 
 tunity to get one ; and it must be said that the more 
 prosperous show little inclination for this occupation. 
 
 In the remote hill and mountain regions, where corn 
 is the staple, the Negro not infrequently takes to 
 moonshining on a small scale. It pays him better to 
 turn the corn into liquor than to haul it to a distant 
 market. He cannot understand why the government 
 should interfere in so small a matter, and regards it
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 167 
 
 as unaccountable persecution. The abundance of 
 raw corn whiskey doubtless leads to much drinking. 
 Habitual inebriety is, however, disproportionately less 
 than among the whites of the same districts. This is 
 said with a full knowledge of the relatively small 
 colored j^opulation in these places. 
 
 A darker picture meets one in the phosphate fields 
 of Florida, the iron mines of Alabama, and the coal-pits 
 of West Virginia, and other similar places where the 
 roughest Negro element is employed. Living little 
 better than animals, and in other ways not far removed 
 from barbarism, it is natural that they indulge in 
 drink as one of their vices. Unscrupulous bosses, es- 
 pecially in the coal-fields of West Virginia, pander to 
 this vice by furnishing liquor from the company stores 
 or in other ways on credit, deducting the amount thus 
 spent from the wages. The wild orgies in mining 
 camps, in which women also take part, or the revels in 
 near-by towns, with their accompaniment of stabbing 
 and shooting affrays, furnish many a paragraph to the 
 sensational press. But even among these Negroes, — 
 creatures largely of a miserable environment, — steady 
 hard drinking is exceptional, and does not detract 
 much from their ability as workmen. 
 
 Data relative to the liquor habits of the Negroes liv- 
 ing in cities have been secured through special reports 
 (supplemented in part by the investigations of the 
 writer) from Richmond and Norfolk, in Virginia ; 
 Ealeigh, Durham, and Charlotte, in North Carolina ; 
 Columbia and Charleston, in South Carolina ; Atlanta 
 and Savannah, in Georgia ; Montgomery, in Alabama ; 
 Knoxville, in Tennessee ; Vicksburg, in Mississippi ;
 
 168 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 Lexington, in Kentucky ; Baton Rouge and New Or- 
 leans, in Louisiana ; and San Antonio, in Texas ; not 
 to mention smaller places like Huntsville and Tal- 
 ladega, in Alabama, etc. One need not go further to 
 find represented every phase of the Negroes' city life. 
 However much conditions in San Antonio, for in- 
 stance, may vary from those in Columbia, S. C, Negro 
 life in all Southern centres has certain common charac- 
 teristics which it is well to bear in mind. The mass 
 of the colored live in comparative poverty. Not many 
 are engaged in skilled labor. Cotton and other mills 
 are largely closed against Negro labor. The further 
 South one travels, the greater the reluctance against 
 admitting them to the trades^ and the greater the 
 number engaged in unskilled occupations, of which 
 domestic service in its various forms is one of the 
 chief. It is almost a rule that a white household 
 with colored servants must expect to feed and some- 
 times clothe more or less numerous relatives of the 
 latter, albeit without directly consenting to do so. 
 This fact, so commonly lamented in the South, enables 
 no mean proportion of the Negroes, especially the 
 males, to live in a state of semi-idleness. It must fur- 
 ther be conceded that, on the whole, the cities have not 
 attracted the most energetic and unspoiled Negroes, 
 although of course the two extremes of the race meet 
 there. Among the most advanced educators it has 
 become almost a truism that the hope for the future 
 of the Negro lies in keeping him on the soil and teach- 
 ing him how to till it. Both as to vigor and virtue, 
 Negro life seems to be at a lower ebb in the cities than 
 in the country. In the former, therefore, one must
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 169 
 
 naturally look for a greater degree of intemperance ; 
 and relatively to the country districts, one finds it. 
 
 It is another question whether here drunkenness is 
 proportionately so much of a besetting sin among the 
 Negroes as among the whites. Inferences from super- 
 ficial observations are likely to lead away from the 
 truth. The frequency of Negro brawls in saloons and 
 their vicinity on Saturday nights makes it seem ob- 
 vious that back of all this disorder must be an inordi- 
 nate amount of drinking ; but we should not forget that 
 intoxicants, only in part due to their inferior quality, 
 affect the Negro differently from the white man. The 
 former, though by nature an amiable and easy-going 
 being, at an early stage of intoxication becomes im- 
 pudent, abusive, and quarrelsome. So long as he is 
 tolerated, which is not a great while, he lounges about 
 in the saloon. Once upon the street, his hilarity and 
 noisiness continue. When the average white man tries 
 to find his way home, the Negro remains at large, and 
 quickly lays himself ojjen to arrest through some dis- 
 orderly act. Improper conduct on his part is less 
 tolerated than in a white man. Notwithstanding the 
 statements, coming also from colored people, that in 
 most cities there is little discrimination made between 
 the two races in arresting persons for intoxication, the 
 feeling " he is only a nigger " too often determines 
 the action of the policeman. Nor is this altogether 
 unreasonable, since being arrested means much less to 
 the lower type of Negroes. Of course, they have no 
 money to pay fines, and cannot depend on friends, yet 
 they fear not so keenly the disgrace of the chain-gang. 
 During the thirty days of servitude awaiting them for
 
 170 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 a more aggravated offense, they probably get just as 
 much and just as good food as they are accustomed to. 
 
 Notwithstanding the greater reason and probably 
 also propensity for clearing the streets of drunken 
 Negroes, it would be difficult to argue from any statis- 
 tics of arrests for drunkenness that intemperance is 
 relatively commoner among the Negroes than among 
 the whites. On the contrary, a majority of the police 
 records examined show that proportionately fewer 
 colored persons are arrested for simple intoxication, 
 although a disproportionate number of arrests for 
 drunkenness and disorderly conduct may be marked 
 against them. It is exceedingly rare to find any col- 
 ored persons entered under the rubric " common drunk- 
 ards." On this last point police statistics may for 
 once be taken at their face value without qualifying 
 explanations. 
 
 Much of the too free indulgence in liquors seems to 
 have its origin in the Negro's innate love of show 
 rather than in a strong desire for drink. With the 
 weekly or monthly wages in his pocket, he dearly loves 
 to court the admiration of his fellows by liberality in 
 spending, and the bar is a convenient place at which 
 to display his roll of bills. Treating is everywhere a 
 source of much of the drunkenness. Naturally impro- 
 vident, and with an ingrained aversion to prolonged 
 hai'd toil, besides being underpaid, the average city 
 Negro has little money to spend for drink. When 
 that little goes to the saloon-keeper, it is not, as a rule, 
 because of an uncontrollable craving for stimulants. 
 Even the ragged and disreputable sjaecimen who loafs 
 about saloon entrances, ready to run errands or per-
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 171 
 
 form any odd job that will net him a few pennies for 
 liquor, is very seldom an habitual drunkard. A liberal 
 infusion of white blood, if not, as frequently happens, 
 tending to make the Negro more ambitious and self- 
 respecting, will, it is said, make him an easier victim 
 to intemperance than the African of purer blood. 
 But among no class of Negroes is intemperance a 
 serious obstacle to securing employment. 
 
 If lack of means keeps the city Negro away from the 
 front of the bar to some extent, it also in a measure 
 prevents him from presiding behind it. Few Negroes 
 keep saloons. Thus in Atlanta, Ga., there is only 
 one kept by a Negro ; in Raleigh, N. C, none ; in San 
 Antonio, Tex., four out of the seventy-five in the whole 
 city; in Lexington, Ky., one ; and so on. The great- 
 est number of saloons, or rather dives, run by colored 
 men was observed in Richmond. Inability to pay high 
 license fees unquestionably keeps many from becoming 
 liquor-sellers. Neither is the business very lucrative, 
 for the patronage of the dark-skinned proprietor is 
 almost wholly confined to persons of his own hue ; and 
 oftener than not these show a decided preference for 
 the white man's saloon, although it usually provides 
 separate bars for the two races. There is, moreover, a 
 rooted objection to granting liquor licenses to Negroes, 
 inasmuch as this would be equivalent to establishing 
 colored centres of political activity. We are justified, 
 however, in imputing lack of inclination for liquor sell- 
 ing among the more prosperous Negroes to laudable 
 motives. 
 
 All investigators agree that intemperance is by no 
 means one of the common vices of the colored women.
 
 172 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 The lowest of the sex drink a great deal, and some- 
 times to intoxication. That the white women of the 
 South drink even less is a familiar fact. With respect 
 to the liquor habits of both sexes, the evidence is so 
 harmonious on the general aspects of the question that 
 the exceptions become unimportant. The largest cities, 
 of course, present the greatest contrasts as well as the 
 worst features. In New Orleans, for example, intem- 
 perance, according to the best information obtainable, 
 has taken firmer root among the Negroes than in any 
 of the smaller places. 
 
 We have so far confined our attention to the Ne- 
 groes in the South. It remains to be learned whether 
 their brethren in the North, who exclusively inhabit 
 cities, sustain like relations to the drink problem. 
 Conditions in Philadelphia,^ with its 40,000 colored 
 in a total population of over a million and a half, may 
 be taken as fairly illustrative. There, too, the mass 
 of the colored people are servants, laborers, porters, 
 etc., but with an aristocracy of caterers, professional 
 men, and small merchants. A large immigration from 
 the South in the last 15 years has increased crime and 
 poverty. In the seventh ward, where the Negroes 
 centre, there are fifty-two saloons, but only two are 
 kept by colored men, though the Negroes have free 
 access to all. The habits of Negroes in this city in re- 
 gard to intoxicants are undergoing a great and marked 
 
 • 
 
 ^ For the facts about Philadelphia the committee is indebted 
 
 to W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, Ph. D., who especially through his 
 
 researches in preparing the work, The Philadelphia Negro : A 
 
 Social Study, has had uuequaled opportunities for studying local 
 
 conditions.
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 173 
 
 change. Formerly the slaves had license to get drunk 
 at Christmas, and to steal a dram at other times. 
 Drunkenness was confined to Christmas time, and was 
 then widespread. Distilled liquors were generally 
 used then. When, under the restrictions of a slave 
 regime, amusements were permitted, much drinking 
 resulted. On the other hand, this system kept the 
 habit of drinking out of the homes and away from 
 the meals. After emancijiation these habits persisted, 
 and drinking was confined to holidays and public social 
 gatherings. At private amusements bottles were often 
 brought and emptied suh rosa, seldom openly. 
 
 The Xegro church, with its sweejDing condemnation 
 of amusements, made excesses at public gatherings its 
 especial point of attack, and undoubtedly did much to 
 discourage drinking among Negroes of the better class. 
 Nevertheless, much drinking prevailed : bottles were 
 carried to church and on excursions ; and in the dance 
 halls, which the church entirely surrendered to the 
 devil, there continued to be more or less open drink- 
 ing, but very seldom open sale. 
 
 Lately a reaction has set in, and a change of mo- 
 mentous importance ; drinking among the masses of 
 Negroes is changing from a public to a private cus- 
 tom ; from a habit of the excursion, dance, and picnic 
 to a habit of home life ; from excessive periodic in- 
 dulgence to a sparing regular partaking ; from a use 
 of strong distilled liquors to a use of beer. This 
 change is distinctly noticeable in Philadelphia. The 
 custom of beer drinking is increasing, but the amount 
 of drunkenness does not correspondingly increase, 
 and is perhaps actually decreasing. Excessive use and
 
 174 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 secret indulgence in liquor is giving place to beer as a 
 table drink or evening beverage, used without conceal- 
 ment of any kind. This change has not gone very far 
 as yet, but it is j^erceptible, and growing among the 
 great mass of working-class Negroes. At the same 
 time, among the better classes and the upper class of 
 working people, all use of liquor in public and in the 
 homes is frowned upon, and is only thus used by older 
 members of the family in secret. A secondary result 
 of this change in drinking habits, which is also a result 
 of the Philadelphia saloon system, is the increase of 
 drinking in clubs and " speak-easies." This represents 
 the transition stage between home indulgence and 
 saloon drinking. It is peculiarly dangerous, as its ease 
 and company is apt to lead to fixed habits and regular 
 indulgence. Moreover, in Philadelphia it is almost 
 always accompanied by gambling, and the conversa- 
 tion runs to women and crime. 
 
 The situation is without doubt better than formerly, 
 but may result in substituting for the occasional excess 
 of the minority a widespread habit of regular indul- 
 gence among the mass, and this in turn may in another 
 generation lead to more dangerous excess. On the 
 other hand, the development may lead from stronger 
 to lighter drinks, and from public drunkenness to 
 occasional conviviality, thus in the end lessening the 
 danger from drink. At present there is room for 
 congratulation on the improvement made over the 
 past. 
 
 In his work, " The Philadelphia Negro," Dr. Du 
 Bois tells of an attempt made in the winter of 1897 to 
 count the frequenters of certain saloons in the seventh
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 175 
 
 ward of Philadelphia (the centre of Negro settlement) 
 during- the hours from eight to ten on a Saturday 
 night. " It was impracticable to make this count in 
 all of the saloons simultaneously, or to cover all of the 
 fifty-two liquor-shops, but eight or ten were watched 
 each night until data from twenty-six saloons in the 
 part of the ward chiefly inhabited by colored people 
 were obtained. The results form a rough measurement 
 of the drinking habits of the ward. In the two hours 
 the following count was made for twenty-six saloons : 
 Persons entering the saloons, 3170. Negroes, 1586 : 
 male, 1373, female, 213. Whites, 1584 : male, 1445, 
 female, 139. The observers stationed near these 
 saloons saw in all seventy-nine drunken persons, of 
 whom a small majority were white." 
 
 In the part of the ward in which the count was 
 made, the Negroes — and they are the least advanced 
 of the race — outnumber the whites, although for the 
 whole ward the former represent less than one half of 
 the total population. 
 
 Probably not so many Negroes, proportionately, are 
 arrested for drunkenness as whites. The police statis- 
 tics make no distinction as to color. It is not found 
 that a very large proportion of wages goes for drink, 
 though the expenditure in this respect is considerable 
 for a poor people. Treating is common, but not carried 
 to great excess. Dr. Du Bois says, " I have not found 
 drunkenness among Negroes ever mentioned as a cause 
 of their losing employment in this city." 
 
 On the whole, there are indications that the North- 
 ern Negro indulges more regularly in alcoholic drinks, 
 especially those of a lighter kind, than his fellows in
 
 176 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 the South, but not that he is generally more intem- 
 perate. 
 
 The survey just completed tends to establish three 
 imjjortant facts : (1) That comparatively few Negroes 
 are habitual drunkards, (2) that intemperance is only 
 accountable for a small part of the Negro's backward 
 condition, his poverty and anti-social conduct, and 
 (3) that but in exceptional cases is inebriety a barrier 
 to his steady employment. Evidence of an alarming 
 increase in drunkenness is wholly wanting, but both as 
 to country and city Negroes it is generally observed 
 that the drink habit has the firmest hold on the 
 younger members of the race. On this last point Mr. 
 F. L. Hoffman remarks, " Personally I have observed 
 very little intemperance among the older colored peo- 
 ple, but have met with many cases among the young 
 men of the present generation." (Race Traits and 
 Tendencies of the American Negro, p. 125.) 
 
 Since so many of our statements rest on the testimony 
 of colored men, in whom a desire to put the matter 
 most favorably would be both natural and excusable, 
 it is interesting to see how far it agrees with the views 
 of white men of the South. We reproduce below, in 
 tabular form, the replies to a circular letter received 
 from ninety-six white Southerners, nearly all of whom 
 are men of local and some of national prominence in 
 different walks of life. All the Southern States and 
 about eighty-five localities, for the greater part cities 
 and towns, are represented. A majority of the corre- 
 spondents have amplified the yes and no answers, 
 giving reasons for their replies, or showing that they 
 had consulted others, for instance, police officials,
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 
 
 177 
 
 judges, large employers of colored help, etc., on the 
 different points raised. A spirit of kindly interest in 
 the Negro's welfare breathes through most of the 
 replies. The few coming from unreconstructed South- 
 erners, who see nothing but a menace in the jjresence 
 of a free colored people, are decidedly the least favor- 
 able. 
 
 Questions 
 
 Yes 
 
 No 
 
 Not an- 
 swered 
 
 1. Axe habitual drunkards proportionately as 
 
 numerous among the Negroes as among the 
 whites ? 
 
 2. Is dnmkenness a common -vice am.ong Negro 
 
 women ? 
 
 3. Do the Negroes commonly use liquor to ex- 
 
 cess in their homes or at social gatherings ? 
 
 4. Do they habitually buy liquor on credit ? 
 
 5. Do you regard the liquor habit as a chief 
 
 cause of their shiftlessness and consequent 
 impoverished condition ? 
 
 6. or as an important cause ? 
 
 7. Do you regard the liquor habit as a chief 
 
 cause of disorderly and immoral conduct 
 among them ? 
 
 8. or as an important cause ? 
 
 9. Is it your experience that the liquor habit 
 
 seriously impairs the efficiency of the Ne- 
 gro as an employee ? 
 
 10. Is intemperance, in your judgment, increas- 
 
 ing among the Negroes ? 
 
 11. Do you observe that any special efforts are 
 
 being made to promote sobriety among the 
 Negroes, for instance, by organizing ab- 
 stinence societies, providing coffee houses 
 or other substitutes for the saloon, etc ? . 
 
 If the above replies, since unfortified by facts and 
 figures, may not be regarded as much more than ex- 
 pressions of opinion, they are at least remarkable as 
 showing substantially the same drift of opinion. 
 Some of our correspondents have stated their views 
 
 13 
 
 83 
 
 10 
 
 86 
 
 19 
 5 
 
 77 
 91 
 
 2 
 21 
 
 94 
 75 
 
 5 
 42 
 
 91 
 54 
 
 14 
 
 82 
 
 23 
 
 70 
 
 6 
 
 90
 
 178 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 much more emphatically than the simple yes or no an- 
 swers would imply. Thus, an archdeacon of the Epis- 
 copal Church (white) in a well-known Southern city, 
 who can truly say of himself, " I am able to claim a 
 pretty thorough knowledge of the Negro, as my whole 
 life has been passed side by side with him, first on ' de 
 ole plantashun,' and now for many years as a mission- 
 ary to do him good," remarks among other things : — 
 
 " I have known in all my life but two or three 
 habitual drunkards among the Negroes. I have 
 known so few drinking women that I cannot now re- 
 call a definite instance." He does not disguise the 
 fact, however, that Negroes frequently get drunk, but 
 adds, " there it, as a rule, ends for the time." 
 
 The replies to questions 5, 6, 7, and 8 must be read 
 with some qualifications. Shiftlessness is by all held 
 to be an inborn Negro trait, for which intemperance is 
 in no way responsible ; it is characteristic of the ab- 
 stemious as well as of the inebriate black, a part of his 
 inheritance. The two affirmative answers to question 
 5 only indicate that drink is regarded as a chief cause 
 of poverty, not of shiftlessness. So, too, the twenty- 
 three affirmative replies to question 6, which apply 
 exclusively to Negroes in populous centres, do not 
 touch on the matter of shiftlessness, or " thriftless- 
 ness," as some prefer to call it ; and the sense of them 
 is that the average Negro would remain poor regard- 
 less of his drink habits, but that the squandering of a 
 large part of his earnings for liquor makes him still 
 poorer. 
 
 Further, all agree in denying any direct relationship 
 between the Negro's immorality, in the meaning of
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 179 
 
 sexual vice, and his drink habits, although a few have 
 observed that the use of intoxicants seems to stimulate 
 his passion. The affirmative replies to questions 7 
 and 8 relate, therefore, wholly to the kind of disorderly 
 conduct that in police records is usually coupled with 
 drunkenness, such as turbulence, quarrels, and fights. 
 Outbreaks of this order are, however, commonly the 
 fruits of an ungovernable temper, to which the Negro 
 is a greater slave than ordinarily supposed. " We 
 find," says Mr. Bruce, "that the greater number of 
 brawls . . . have their incentive in the vehement pas- 
 sions aroused by heated disputes as to the proprietor- 
 ship in women." ^ Nevertheless, disorderly conduct is 
 probably to a larger extent than the replies indicate 
 the product of intoxication. 
 
 Nearly all our correspondents who affirm that the 
 liquor habit seriously impairs the efficiency of the 
 Negro as an employee explain that they have refer- 
 ence to the few habitually intemperate individuals 
 coming under their observation. That the black toper 
 must be on a par with the white toper as to efficiency 
 and reliability is a somewhat self-evident proposi- 
 tion. But since the confirmed colored drunkards are 
 so scarce, and the occasional drinkers, as all admit, 
 recover with singular rapidity from the effects of a 
 debauch, there is no ground left for the belief that 
 employment is often withheld from Negroes on account 
 of their intemperance. The case may, of course, 
 assume a ne\V aspect when ^^ej can everywhere aspire 
 to something better than the lowliest toil. But there 
 is another side to our question. Instead of being an 
 
 ' Philip A. Bruce, The Plantation Negro as a Freeman, p. 81.
 
 180 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 active cause of non-employment, tlie liquor habit may 
 spring from, or be fostered through, lack of occupation 
 and enforced idleness. The labor war on racial lines 
 now waging in the South, and in which the Negro is 
 so far the under dog, does not encourage him to absti- 
 nence or any other virtues. " How can we keep our 
 young men from loafing in the bar-rooms," laments 
 one of the leaders of the colored people, " so long as 
 the mills, stores, shops, factories, and public works 
 are closed against them ? I see man after man drawn 
 to the liquor and gambling habits through enforced 
 idleness which invites to these vices." The tempta- 
 tions engendered by idleness beset the Negro with 
 peculiar force, because the social side of his nature is 
 so abnormally developed. This note of despair is 
 echoed from many industrial centres. But the color 
 line is not so tightly drawn in all places, and some of 
 these complaints are but poorly concealed attempts to 
 shift the responsibility to other shoulders. 
 
 In the chapter on Poverty, we found intemperance 
 to be the direct cause of want in 9.15 per cent, and 
 the indirect cause in 5.09 per cent, of 2830 cases of 
 colored people, as against 19.43 and 9.18 per cent., re- 
 spectively, of the 27,093 cases of white men and women 
 investigated. The returns yielding percentages so re- 
 markably favorable to the Negroes are mainly repre- 
 sentative of their conditions in the North. Even where 
 admittedly most prevalent, the liquor habit is thus 
 only responsible for a small percentage of the Negro's 
 poverty, and in the South this jjercentage would 
 probably be found much smaller. An instance in 
 point may be related. During a period of great dis-
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 181 
 
 tress, a few winters ago, the writer was invited by the 
 mayor of a Southern city of about 25,000 inhabitants, 
 more than half of whom are colored, to be present at 
 his examination of applicants for public relief. Mot- 
 ley throngs of from seventy-five to one hundred per- 
 sons, all colored, appeared before his honor on several 
 mornings in succession. The questioning was rigid 
 enough with reference to the liquor habit. So few 
 were held to be addicted to it, even in the milder 
 forms, that the writer was constrained to ask if, then, 
 hardly any of the distress could be attributed to in- 
 temperance. "Not six in one hundred are in want 
 because they drink," was the reply. Other officials 
 corroborated this statement ; and a rough investigation 
 of about three hundred cases on subsequent mornings 
 proved it correct. 
 
 As intimated in the chapter on Crime, the available 
 statistics regarding colored convicts are not sufficiently 
 comprehensive to warrant any general conclusions 
 about the relation of their criminality to drink. Petty 
 larceny, which is almost a Negro habit among the 
 ignorant classes, is perhaps as often instigated by pov- 
 erty as by drink, if it can be attributed to any one 
 cause. The same is largely true of other crimes 
 against property. Of the more violent offenses against 
 the person, assaults and murders are known to be com- 
 mitted by many in consequence of a drunken frenzy. 
 This is, however, not true of rape, much less of the 
 commoner forms of immorality. 
 
 In the medical world it has long been held that 
 alcoholism or delirium tremens, mortality from alco- 
 holic diseases, and dipsomania occur less frequently
 
 182 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 among the blacks than among the whites. Dr. Bil- 
 lings, in his census reports, gives statistics showing the 
 comparatively low death rate from alcoholism among 
 Negroes. Commenting upon them, Mr. Hoffman says : 
 " While it is probable that the Negro indulges in 
 liquor to a considerable extent, there is no doubt that 
 he suffers less in consequence, and this may account 
 for the low mortality rate from this cause " (alco- 
 holism). He also points out the comparative absence 
 among Negroes of liver diseases due to an inordinate 
 consumption of spirits. 
 
 Dr. Kerr, than whom perhaps no one has given the 
 subject closer study, speaks of the Negroes as " less 
 liable to the diseased conditions I have designated as 
 narcomania, intoxicate mania, or inebriety." (Ine- 
 briety, or Narcomania, by Norman S. Kerr, M. D., 
 p. 131.) 
 
 Dr. J. W. Babcock, for many years physician and 
 superintendent of the South Carolina Lunatic Asylum, 
 holds that among the Negroes insanity due to dipso- 
 mania is " still comparatively rare." (Address before 
 the National Conference of Corrections and Charities, 
 1895.) 
 
 Medical records kept during the civil war indicated 
 that Negro soldiers were much less frequently victims 
 of alcoholic excesses than the white. Through the 
 courtesy of James R. Smith, Colonel and Assistant 
 Surgeon General, U. S. A., who for some years has 
 studied the question as between white and colored sol- 
 diers, we are able to give some statistics of recent date. 
 They are from official reports made by him while medi-
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 
 
 183 
 
 cal director of the military departments mentioned, 
 and are presented in two tables. 
 
 NUMBER OF CASES OF WHITE AND COLORED SOLDIERS, KESPEC- 
 TIATELY, ADMITTED TO SICK REPORT FOR INEBRIATION, ALCOHOL- 
 ISM, OR DELIRIUM TREMENS, PER THOUSAND OF CASES ADMITTED 
 TO SICK REPORT FOR ALL CAUSES. 
 
 
 Year 
 
 Of 
 
 colored 
 soldiers 
 
 Of 
 
 white 
 soldiers 
 
 In Military Department of 
 
 Texas 
 
 1880 
 
 1881 
 1882 
 1883 
 1884 
 1885 
 1888 
 1889 
 1890 
 1891 
 1894 
 
 4 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 7 
 2 
 * 
 
 2 
 2 
 3 
 5 
 16 
 
 42 
 
 Texas 
 
 38 
 
 Texas 
 
 64 
 
 
 58 
 
 
 63 
 
 
 12 
 
 Dakota 
 
 Arizona 
 
 Arizona 
 
 Arizona 
 
 38 
 34 
 64 
 44 
 
 F,a.st 
 
 30 
 
 THE SAME PER MEAN STRENGTH, SHOWING RELATIVE NUMBER OF 
 MEN DISABLED FOR DUTY BY ALCOHOL. AND ALL OTHER CAUSES. 
 
 Years 
 
 Of 
 colored 
 soldiers 
 
 Of 
 
 white 
 soldiers 
 
 In Military Department of 
 Texas . . . . 
 Texas . . . . 
 Texas .... 
 Texas .... 
 Texas . . . . 
 Texas . . . . 
 Dakota . . . . 
 Arizona .... 
 
 1880 
 
 7 
 
 1881 
 
 * 
 
 1882 
 
 
 
 1883 
 
 1 
 
 1884 
 
 4 
 
 1885 
 
 * 
 
 1888 
 
 2 
 
 1889 
 
 4 
 
 76 
 
 74 
 117 
 107 
 86 
 85 
 44 
 33 
 
 * The figures are not given, but the statement is made that the pro- 
 portion was small.
 
 184 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 In commenting upon these tables, Colonel Smith 
 says that both show " less disability among the blacks 
 caused by alcohol ; and that the blacks are less addicted 
 to drink. The tables do not, however, exhaust the sub- 
 ject, for many a drink was taken which was not followed 
 by sickness or inability to perform duty, and many cases 
 really due to drink do not so appear, as injury of a 
 drunken man from a fall, or the results of quarrels 
 induced by drink." 
 
 Of aggressive temperance work there is hardly any 
 among the Southern negroes. What little is done to 
 promote sobriety is done by the preachers, who rarely 
 institute vigorous temperance crusades. Prudence for- 
 bids them to attack the white man's saloon too directly. 
 The attempts to form total abstinence societies and 
 branches of the W. C. T. U. have not been conspicu- 
 ously successful. It is very doubtful, also, if the signing 
 of pledges and other devices adopted by the churches 
 prove effective. In the conception of the average un- 
 educated Negro, morality is a thing quite apart from 
 religion. He may be said to live two lives, — a reli- 
 gious and an every-day life. The former is largely a 
 life of emotion and excitement, and not of principle. 
 Preaching abstinence is therefore not likely to lead to 
 extensive practice. Local prohibition in the South has 
 frequently been carried by Negro votes won over by the 
 frenzied appeals of agitators ; but through promises of 
 more substantial rewards for the same Negro votes, 
 prohibition has sometimes been defeated. 
 
 The better educated Negroes of the North particu- 
 larly have taken up a more general and systematic tem-
 
 RELATIONS TO THE NEGROES. 185 
 
 perance work, but as yet it has not assumed a very 
 practical turn. Perhaps the race as a whole is not 
 quite ripe for such efforts. At the present time it is 
 certainly burdened by weightier problems pressing for 
 solution than the problem of intemperance.
 
 CHAPTEK VII. 
 
 THE RELATIONS OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS 
 TO THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 For more than two centuries and a half, legislative 
 powers in this country have been invoked to prevent 
 the Indians from obtaining the white man's fire-water. 
 At the very inception of the weary struggle with the 
 Indian problem which still continues, the colonists of 
 the New World saw that a first precautionary measure 
 to be taken was to forbid the sale of intoxicants to the 
 savages ; public safety demanded such a step. The 
 Massachusetts Bay Colony legislated accordingly, in 
 1657, the other New England colonies following her 
 example in turn. Not long afterwards the New York 
 Colony and its dependencies took action to the same 
 effect, but with a curious exception : By way of charity, 
 the quantity of two drams of strong water might be 
 sold or given to an Indian " in case of sudden sickness, 
 faintness, or weariness." Further, the earliest liquor 
 legislation of the settlements in New Jersey, Pennsyl- 
 vania, Virginia, and both the Carolinas, whatever may 
 have been its shortcomings, provided penalties for sup- 
 plying liquor to the natives. On tlie other hand, the 
 " disorderly little republics," as the first small settle- 
 ments in New Hampshire have been called, for a long 
 time, when not fighting the Indians, drove a brisk rum
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 187 
 
 trade with them, and did not at first, even in the liquor 
 laws adopted by them as a united colony, prohibit the 
 traffic. Maryland followed a similar policy, for no 
 attempt was made by the colony to regulate the drink 
 traffic for more than one hundred years ; and when in 
 1715 it became unlawful to carry liquor into an Indian 
 village, it still remained permissible to provide a sav- 
 age with rum to the extent of one gallon, if sold and 
 delivered to him outside his village. 
 
 The ancient status of the Indian problem with respect 
 to the question of liquor selling is interesting because 
 it has remained essentially unchanged down to the pre- 
 sent day. For when the colonies grew into sovereign 
 States, the legislatures, whether reenacting old liquor 
 statutes or bent on trying new departures, rarely neg- 
 lected to prohibit absolutely the sale of intoxicants to 
 the red people. And as the pioneers made their way 
 into the wilderness, their first thought in grappling with 
 the drink question seems to have been to make it hard 
 for an Indian to get drunk, and to punish severely 
 those who were guilty of selling him liquor. So long 
 as Indians lived within the borders of a State as tribes, 
 the laws with few exceptions continued to say, and in 
 many States still say, that no intoxicants must be given 
 or sold them. When the Federal government assumed 
 guardianship over the conquered race, it adopted the 
 policy from which it has never deviated, of forbidding 
 without any reservation drink selling in any form to its 
 wards. 
 
 The primary reason for this singular unanimity in 
 the lesfislation affecting the Indian's relation to drink, 
 so lacking when other phases of the Indian problem
 
 188 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 were dealt with, is not far to seek. The instinct of 
 self-preservation dictated that the rum or whiskey 
 bottle should be kept out of the Indian's reach. One 
 of the first lessons learned by the settlers was that 
 a drunken Indian is a dangerous Indian even to his 
 friends and family. Underlying all the prohibitive 
 legislation referred to is the universal experience in 
 this country that to permit free indulgence in alcoholic 
 drink is certain to cause riotous outbreaks and crime 
 among the Indians. That the law-makers have largely 
 been actuated by humanitarian motives is contradicted 
 by the whole history of the treatment of the race. 
 
 The propensity of the Indians for intoxicating bev- 
 erages is in some respects a singular phenomenon. 
 Long before love of liquor could possibly have become 
 an inherited weakness, the Indian was strongly at- 
 tracted to the bottle ; in fact, as soon as he learned to 
 know about the effects of alcohol. This has been ob- 
 served on the frontier since the days of the Pilgrims, 
 though until late years it has only been in few places 
 and under exceptional circumstances that the red men 
 have had abundant opportunity of becoming topers. 
 So recently as some thirty years ago there were few if 
 any Indians upon reservations. Their intercourse wath 
 the whites was practically limited to the occasions of 
 trading ; and trade at that time consisted in a barter 
 for hides and furs, open to all. In going out with 
 their goods in wagons or on pack animals, the traders 
 invariably took along a five or ten gallon keg of whis- 
 key, which upon arrival in camp was deposited in the 
 tepee of the head man of the party, not to be touched 
 until the trade was completed. As the packs to return
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 189 
 
 were much more numerous than those brought out, the 
 traders needed extra horses, and these were paid for in 
 whiskey. When a sufficient number of animals had 
 been secured, they were loaded and sent off, the head 
 trader remaining in camp until his party had a long 
 start. Then he would bring out the whiskey keg, knock 
 in the head, mount his horse, and put as much distance 
 between himself and the Indians as possible, for it often 
 happened that the party would be pursued by the lat- 
 ter, and if overtaken they were sure to be stripped of 
 all their possessions, if indeed nothing worse happened. 
 Getting di'ink under such circumstances — and this 
 was the common way before the present reservation 
 system was inaugurated — could hardly result in cre- 
 ating a liquor habit. The occasions for drinking were 
 few and far between, and in the long intervals the taste 
 of whiskey only lingered as a memory. 
 
 The Indian's desire for intoxicants can thus not be 
 attributed to an inherited craving. Neither does he 
 seem to have a love for strong drink because of the 
 sociability connected with the use of it, or because it 
 tickles his palate. It is perhaps nearer the truth to 
 find the origin of the desire in his peculiar tempera- 
 ment. However much the Indian through long train- 
 ing and habit may conceal the fact, he is by nature an 
 emotional and nervous being. In his natural state he 
 spends life in the excitement of the chase or in war, 
 both of which occupations he pursues until mentally 
 and physically exhausted. During the repose that fol- 
 lows, he recounts the deeds performed ; and lacking 
 the resources of the white man, he resorts to anything 
 that will help to pass the hours of idleness. In his
 
 190 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 natural state he takes to the dance, in which he recalls 
 the feats of the chase and the war path, gradually 
 working himself into a state of frenzy resembling that 
 produced by intoxication, and at last falls into a stupor 
 like that caused by liquor. 
 
 As civilization hems him in on all sides, depriving 
 him of the customary excitements of life without offer- 
 ing substitutes, and at the same time puts within easier 
 reach the whiskey bottle with its power first to stimu- 
 late his imagination, and then throw him into a stupor 
 in which he for the moment forgets his grievances and 
 wrongs, it is small wonder that he will part with his 
 most cherished possessions to secure what seems to him 
 so great a boon. 
 
 The Indian, then, as a rule, drinks solely for the 
 effects produced by liquor. When he can get it, he 
 takes one drink after another as fast as he can swal- 
 low, until powerless longer to do so. As intoxication 
 comes on, he grows quarrelsome, is ready to fight his 
 companions, beat his wife, scare his children, destroy 
 his possessions, and ride his pony nearly to death, if 
 indeed he does not commit more violent acts. Indians 
 of many tribes well recognize the fearful effects liquor 
 has upon them, and in a party assembled for a spree, 
 not all will get drunk at the same time, but enough 
 remain sober to prevent the drunken ones from injur- 
 ing themselves or fellows, tying their hands and feet 
 when the frenzy rises to unsafe heights. Preparations 
 for a drunken orgie are made with as much care as 
 for any other solemn function. If the party is small, 
 the bottle is passed from hand to hand ; if large, the 
 whiskey is poured into a pan or other vessel, dipped
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 191 
 
 lip, and handed around by tliose who are to remain 
 sober. The idea of social pleasure in drinking is en- 
 tirely absent from the Indian mind ; he indulges be- 
 cause he wants to get drunk. 
 
 It has been said by a close student of the subject, 
 that " an Indian can no more resist the temptation to 
 drink than a two-year old child can help taking a lump 
 of sugar if it is within its reach." This strong asser- 
 tion is only too fully supported by the testimony of 
 experienced Indian agents and educators. Referring 
 to Indians of the Northwest, Blackfeet, Crows, Gros 
 Ventres, Assiniboines, Flatheads, Nez-Perce, and Pend 
 d'Oreilles, whom he has known intimately for forty 
 years, Major George Steell, until recently in charge 
 of the Blackfeet Agency in Montana, writes : — 
 
 " Were the vigilance of the agents relaxed, it would 
 only be a short time until it (intemperance) would 
 become almost a universal vice among all the tribes 
 with which I am acquainted. ... I see practically no 
 difference between them ; all would become drunkards 
 if it were possible for them to obtain whiskey in unlim- 
 ited quantities," 
 
 Other agents write in the same strain. "No peo- 
 ple," says Dr. Daniel Dorchester, " are so quickly and 
 fatally demoralized by liquor as Indians." (Report of 
 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1890, p. 252.) 
 
 When once in a while a tribe is described as beino^ 
 free from the drink habit, it is usually found to be 
 small and exceptionally fortunate as to its surround- 
 ings. The few remaining Sac and Fox Indians at 
 Tama, Iowa, for instance, are said to get very little 
 liquor. " The older chiefs testify readily against any
 
 192 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 one who sells or gives intoxicants to their young men ; 
 and public sentiment is so strong against the liquor 
 traffic in this neighborhood that conviction and pun- 
 ishment follow, usually with such celerity as to terrify 
 the lower class of dram-sellers into obeying the law." 
 (14th Annual Report of the Executive Committee of 
 the Indian Rights Association, p. 35.) 
 
 As another exception to the rule may be mentioned 
 the Klamath and Umatilla tribes in Oregon, in which 
 are said to be a number of temperance people and 
 proportionately not a few who " claim to be strict pro- 
 hibitionists." But on the whole the tribes seem to be 
 very much on the same level in their inability to resist 
 the temptation to drink, the only observable difference 
 springing from opportunity or lack of opportunity to 
 get drunk. For example, one part of the Mohave tribe 
 (Arizona) living on the reservation has repeatedly 
 been commended for its sobriety ; and it has little 
 chance to get liquor. But another part of the Mo- 
 haves domiciled near a trading-post, where whiskey is 
 plentiful, is said to be very intemperate. 
 
 In some of the tribes, however, a marked difference 
 in the mode of indulgence in drink is observable. 
 Among the mountain Indians of the Southwest are 
 some who, living far from towns and seldom visited 
 by white traders, prepare their own liquor and period- 
 ically gather for a s^sree. At such times old feuds 
 are often revived and murders committed during the 
 drunken frenzy. " When the members, scattered by 
 their own fury, recover from the barbarous debauch," 
 writes Captain William H. Beck, U. S. A., " they one 
 by one or in couples steal to their tepees from the hills
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 193 
 
 in which they have hidden, as if realizing the danger 
 they were in from their bloody carousal; and the 
 quiet which succeeds gives no token of the riot of the 
 night. But the hush is only until the next ' moon,' or 
 until some old woman of the tribe announces that 
 another ' tiz-win ' still is ready. These ' reunions ' are 
 held so far as possible away from the notice of the 
 whites and of the officers in charge, so as to avoid the 
 destruction, if discovered, of the implements for mak- 
 ing the liquor." 
 
 The home manufacture of liquor does not seem to 
 be engaged i# anywhere on an extensive scale. The 
 use of " tiz-win " or " tool-pi " is said to be decreasing, 
 and is restricted to the Southwest. Another liquor 
 known as " Choctaw beer " and made from barley, 
 hops, tobacco, fish-berries, and a little alcohol, has at 
 times been manufactured without stint, especially in 
 the mining districts of the Choctaw nation, although 
 the nation has legislated against it. Women make 
 and sell the concoction. The white man's product is 
 universally preferred, whether it be genuine whiskey, 
 Jamaica ginger, or any vile compound that will pro- 
 duce intoxication. The Indians of the Northwest have 
 apparently never learned the art of distilling. 
 
 The pictures drawn of the effects of drink on the 
 Indians, by those who are set to guard them on behalf 
 of the nation, are dark and often sad in the extreme. 
 In nearly every annual report of the Commissioner of 
 Indian Affairs the subject receives some mention. 
 " One of the most difficult things to contend with in 
 the administration of Indian affairs," said former Com- 
 missioner T. J. Morgan, " is the vice of intemperance.
 
 194 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 under any circumstance an evil, but particularly so 
 on an Indian reservation." (Annual Report, 1890, p. 
 54.) No one feels the vs^eight of this truth more than 
 the conscientious Indian agents, and they state it in 
 various forms with much emphasis and wealth of detail 
 in their annual reports to the commissioner. A care- 
 ful compilation of all these reports for the years 1890 
 to 1897 — and they come from each of the fifty-seven 
 agencies — reveals as the consensus of the opinions of 
 the agents that intemperance is, (1) one of the great- 
 est obstacles to the progress and civilization of the In- 
 dians ; (2) the cause of nearly all the Murders occur- 
 ring on the reservations, as well as of most of the other 
 crimes and disorders ; (3) the cause of widespread 
 degradation of the women ; and (4) largely the cause 
 of poverty and illness. Nearly all the offenses, or a 
 majority of them, dealt with by the Indian police and 
 courts, are more or less directly connected with intem- 
 perance and whiskey selling. In short, life on the 
 reservation would be one of peace, quiet, and perhaps 
 to some extent of industry but for the drink trouble. 
 
 It is needless to recite in detail the gruesome crimes 
 and misery worked by alcohol, as recounted in differ- 
 ent reports year by year. Enough to say that they 
 come from reservations remotest from civilization, but 
 also from those in the midst of what ought to be en- 
 nobling influences. Conditions are, however, far from 
 being equally bad everywhere. There are Indians who, 
 as former Commissioner Morgan says, "are distin- 
 guished for sobriety." But where the reservations are 
 freest from drunkenness, what trouble they have is 
 largely due to intemperance, and in this respect the
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 195 
 
 goodness or badness of the tribes seems to be unrelated 
 to the degree of advancement attained, and to depend 
 generally upon the facility for getting liquor. So also 
 the decrease or increase in drunkenness noted by gov- 
 ernment agents from time to time appears to be con- 
 tingent simply upon their success or non-success in 
 enforcing the law against selling to the Indians. 
 
 " As a general proposition," writes Colonel H. B. 
 Freeman, U. S. A., for some time Acting Indian Agent 
 at the Osage Agency, Oklahoma, " I think it may safely 
 be assumed that among the Indians the liquor habit in- 
 creases with the ability to buy and their closer contact 
 with the whites." It is a severe indictment against the 
 dominant race that some of the loudest complaints about 
 drunkenness among the Indians issue from reservations 
 surrounded as one would think by superior influences, 
 for instance, reservations in the States of New York 
 and Wisconsin. The few scattered tribes which are 
 not under the restraining hand of agents and their sub- 
 ordinates are said to give least hope of escaping from 
 the drink curse. They fall an easy prey to the wiles 
 of the white saloon-keeper. 
 
 The immediate physical effects of alcohol on the 
 Indian are probably much like those observed in the 
 white drinker, yet with a difference. An Indian, it is 
 held, cannot drink the kind of whiskey some white 
 men consume and live. His body weakens much 
 more rapidly, and he sooner becomes unable to per- 
 form any labor requiring muscular strength. His 
 health quickly breaks down, for he lacks the recuper- 
 ative power of the white man, as well as what ministers 
 to it, sanitation, properly prepared food, etc. The
 
 196 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 death rate due to alcoholism in some form is taken to 
 be abnormally high in the most intemperate tribes. 
 The Indians themselves are well aware of the havoc 
 liquor is working, the Osages, among others, attributing 
 their diminution in numbers to this cause. 
 
 " No depths of immorality are too low for a drunken 
 Indian," writes Major Steell. One of the results noted 
 of a persistent use of intoxicants is the growing un- 
 chastity of Indian women, permitted now in many tribes 
 instead of being terribly punished as formerly : to this 
 extent have their sensibilities become blunted. In the 
 old days when polygamy still flourished, the chief ex- 
 ercised a control which prevented gross immorality, 
 from their point of view. At that time also the Indian 
 avoided publicity in drinking, for he would often be 
 soundly beaten for any lapse from sobriety. Now the 
 women go unpunished for fouler living traceable di- 
 rectly to the liquor habit. White men frequently 
 regard the Indian woman as lawful prey, and supply 
 her with whiskey more easily to accomplish their ends. 
 Girls who have scarcely reached maturity are counted 
 among their victims. 
 
 Opinions are divided on the question whether the old 
 and middle-aged Indians are more addicted to drink 
 than the younger men, and whether, in consequence, 
 there is greater or less likelihood that in the future the 
 liquor habit will prove a barrier to their progress and 
 eventual civilization. This much seems certain, that as 
 yet not even the educated Indians, pupils of the great 
 schools, have a moral fibre strong enough to withstand 
 the temptations of temporary pleasures if left to their 
 own devices ; heredity still makes them easy victims of
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 197 
 
 the idea of the moment. Without a strong hand to 
 hold them back, even the better of these are likely 
 to fall into the ways of the drunkard. In a letter to 
 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, written in 1896, 
 Mr. George Cotton, a well-known citizen of Pawnee, 
 Oklahoma, uses these words in reference to the exemp- 
 tion from the liquor laws of the United States of Indians 
 who have acquired citizenship as allottees : — 
 
 " The young men just home from school, whose edu- 
 cation has cost the government several hundred dollars, 
 are removed by this cause from a position where they 
 would be a great factor in the exaltation of their race, 
 to a place where they are a menace to all efforts in the 
 direction of advancement." 
 
 It is a mistake to suppose that the Indian does not 
 realize the folly of intemijerance. When sober he will 
 repent getting drunk, but at the next opportimity will 
 repeat his excess, and when sober again will repeat the 
 repentance. " I have had chiefs in council implore me," 
 says Mr. George Bird Grinnell, " to induce the Great 
 Father to arrange matters so that they and their people 
 could not get whiskey. ' Then,' they would say, ' our 
 women and children can sleep in peace and our horses 
 will have rest.' " 
 
 Indian agents repeatedly state it as their solemn con- 
 viction that with the liquor question out of the way, 
 there will be little left of the Indian problem so far 
 as their work is concerned. This is but another way 
 of putting the proposition, " the greatest obstacle con- 
 fronting the government of the United States, and the 
 churches that are trying to civilize and christianize the 
 Indian, is the liquor traffic." Why, then, has so little
 
 198 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 headway been made in removing this obstacle which re- 
 mains a perpetual stumbling-block, though by no means 
 the only one ? A consideration of the character of the 
 influences to which the Indians are exposed, the policy 
 of the government in administering Indian affairs, the 
 inadequacy of the laws restricting the liquor traffic prior 
 to 1897, and the difficulties of enforcing them, will fur- 
 nish us the answer. 
 
 We are not for a moment oblivious of the brighter 
 side of the question, — the noble devotion, often amid 
 great perils, and constant self-sacrifice of many men 
 and women who have given their lives to missionary 
 work among the Indians, and the ceaseless efforts of 
 schools and churches to bring light to many tribes. 
 Their stories tell of progress and great good accom- 
 plished. Neither have we forgotten the constant and 
 intelligent services of the Indian Kights Association 
 and numerous similar bodies, which in the face of every 
 discouragement have labored persistently to make the 
 government do its whole duty. In short, the united 
 endeavors to help the Indians go far to offset the severe 
 indictment against the dominant race in the treatment 
 of its wards. Indeed, without such efforts our recital 
 would be much drearier than it is. But these consid- 
 erations do not alter the facts already stated or those 
 that follow. 
 
 It remains true that civilization has always turned 
 its roughest side toward the Indian. When not driven 
 by force of arms from his rightful domain, and plun- 
 dered of his possessions without government interfer- 
 ence, he has by example and invitation had a better 
 chance to copy the white man's vices than his virtues.
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 199 
 
 Not only have the representatives of the superior race 
 with whom he has come in closest contact failed to ele- 
 vate him, but they have striven to work his utter ruin. 
 Descendants of those early colonists, who plied their 
 dusky neighbors with rum for the sake of gain, have 
 been found in every generation. They have dogged 
 the footsteps of the Indian as he was pushed farther 
 into the wilds ; and now that the frontier is disappear- 
 ing, and the tribes confined to ever-diminishing reser- 
 vations, they beset him with greater avarice and in 
 increasing numbers. Nearly every reservation, when 
 not encircled by white settlements, has somewhere 
 straggling towns fastened like leeches upon its borders 
 in which dwell the divekeeper, the "boot-legger," and 
 the " go-between," in short, men who make it their busi- 
 ness to sell liquor to the Indians, and whose greed makes 
 them stop at nothing. " Intoxicating liquors are sup- 
 plied to and almost forced upon the Indians by avari- 
 cious white men," says former Commissioner Morgan. 
 Even some of the remotest barrens on which the In- 
 dians have been told to make a home are at seasons 
 infested by tramps and " tinhorn " gamblers who take 
 up the role of itinerant whiskey venders. In the wake 
 of boomers, land-grabbers, and herders crowding into 
 the Indian country invariably follow the dram-selling 
 fraternity in increasing numbers. But whether it be 
 in the Empire State or in far-off Arizona, the burden 
 of the Indian agent's complaint is the same : The 
 avarice of the white liquor-dealer causes the trouble. 
 Small wonder that in his indignation he applies to them 
 such terms as " dirty white scrubs," " thieves and rob- 
 bers," etc., for they do not hesitate to take the red
 
 200 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 man's horses, saddles, blankets, and farming tools, 
 leaving" him nothing but the memory of debauch. 
 
 The underhand methods to which the drink-sellers 
 at times resort remind one vividly of the doings of 
 their brethren in prohibition States. Here are some 
 samples : " A saloon is on the beach so high it is easy 
 to go under it. A small hole is in the floor, under the 
 counter. A hand comes up with money in it, and 
 after dark a bottle goes down, and some Indians are 
 drunk, but nobody can prove anything wrong. An 
 Indian takes a basket of clams into a saloon and asks 
 the -saloon-keeper if he wants them. 'I will see what 
 my wife says,' is the reply, as the basket is carried 
 into the back room. Soon the saloon-keeper comes 
 back and says : ' Take your old clams ; they are rotten.' 
 The Indian takes them, and by and by a company of 
 Indians is ' gloriously drunk.' These are some of the 
 ways that are dark." (Dr. Daniel Dorchester, Report, 
 1893.) 
 
 Even the Chinamen on the west coast have dis- 
 covered the weakness of the Indians and prey upon it. 
 Agent Brewster tells of Chinese in Nevada who " for 
 several years had been selling liquor and opium to the 
 Indians, and had no other means of supjDort." In 
 consequence he finds the Indians at Hawthorne, Nev., 
 to be "totally demoralized." (Report of Commissioner 
 of Indian Affairs, 1897, pp. 57, 58.) The crafty half- 
 breed or quarter-breed is frequently employed by the 
 dram-seller as a go-between in his transactions with 
 Indians, when there is danger in selling openly. Too 
 often the sentiment of the whites is with the liquor- 
 dealers. It is sometimes carried to such an extent that
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 201 
 
 men are " licensed with the full knowledge that they 
 can only live by selling to the Indians." (Report of 
 Uintah Agency, Utah, 1894.) As another example, 
 it may be cited that in prohibition North Dakota the 
 county and town officials are charged with "encour- 
 aging " the sale of liquor to Indians and " throwing 
 obstacles in the way of the agent in hi§ efforts to secure 
 evidence " against the law breakers. (Report from 
 Standing Rock Agency, North Dakota, 1897.) Ex- 
 press companies of national repute and other common 
 carriers have actively facilitated the introduction of 
 intoxicants in the Indian Territory under guise of legal 
 authority derived from some temporary court decision, 
 and have for a time succeeded in flooding Indian 
 reservations with drink. 
 
 We need not dwell in particular on all the causes 
 that combine to inspire the whites with contempt if 
 not hatred toward their Indian neighbors, partly re- 
 vealed in the indifference to the enforcement of the 
 statutes against liquor selling. But it is patent that 
 the policy pursued by the government in the adminis- 
 tration of Indian affairs must have had the effect of 
 fostering the unkindly feelings of the whites. The 
 Indian Conference held at Lake Mohonk, N. Y,, Octo- 
 ber 12-14, 1898, in what must be regarded as its 
 platform, speaks of the Indian service in the following 
 words : — 
 
 " The schools, the clerks in the bureau at Washing- 
 ton, and the agency physicians have been brought 
 under the Civil Service Law, but with these exceptions 
 the Indian Bureau remains a political machine, subject 
 to change in all its personnel at every Presidential
 
 202 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 election. By both Democratic and Republican adminis- 
 trations men have been put at the head of the Indian 
 Bureau who are neither familiar with Indian affairs 
 nor acquainted with methods of education. In more 
 than one instance drunken officials have been appointed 
 in the reservations, and well-authenticated complaints 
 have failed to secure their removal, or have resulted 
 only in transfer to another field with increased salary. 
 . . . These evils have shown themselves when the ap- 
 pointments have been left with the Indian Commis- 
 sioner, when they have been reserved by the Secretary 
 of the Interior to himself, and when they have been 
 left to local politicians. Some excellent officials have 
 been appointed, and some excellent work has been 
 done, but this is not because, but in spite, of the 
 system." 
 
 It has been said by the highest official in the service 
 that there " are still in the Indian service men whose 
 intemperance is a great hindrance to their usefulness." 
 Agents, inspectors, educators, other subordinates, and, 
 not least, licensed traders have been at fault in this 
 respect. But however capable and anxious to do his 
 duty the agent may be, his efforts to suppress liquor 
 selling on the reservation may be frustrated by the 
 action of another set of United States officials. We 
 refer to the dejjuty marshals, whose business it is to 
 hunt down whiskey-sellers and have them punished. 
 Henchmen of local politicians, as most of these deputy 
 marshals are, and appointed because of this, and not 
 on account of merit, they are frequently not to be 
 trusted with so j^lain a duty as that of arresting a 
 " boot-legger."
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 203 
 
 So long as the Indian service, and other branches of 
 government that become affiliated with its work, are 
 prostituted by politicians, the best devised law against 
 selling liquor to Indians may be o£ no avail. But the 
 only law whose eifectiveness has been thoroughly tested 
 has for years failed of its purpose. The wording of 
 the most imj)ortant section of this law follows : — 
 
 "No ardent spirits, ale, beer, wine, or intoxicating 
 liquor or liquors of whatever kind, shall be introduced 
 under any pretense into the Indian country. Any 
 person who exchanges, sells, gives, barters, or disposes 
 of any ardent spirits, ale, beer, wine, or intoxicating 
 liquors of any kind to any Indian in charge of any 
 superintendent or agent, or introduces or attempts to 
 introduce any ardent spirits, ale, beer, wine, or intoxi- 
 cating liquor into the Indian country, shall be punished 
 by' imprisonment for not more than two years, or by a 
 fine of not more than $300 for each offense." This 
 is section 2139, United States Revised Statutes, as 
 amended by the act of July 23, 1892 (27 Stats. 260). 
 In its unamended form, the law only specified imder 
 the prohibited articles " ardent spirits " and " spirituous 
 liquor or wine." 
 
 Ample and explicit powers of search and seizure are 
 conferred upon employees of the Indian Bureau by 
 another section of the statutes. The law has not at 
 any time been generally enforced, neither, as a rule, 
 have the sentences been heavy enough to deter offenders 
 from renewing the nefarious traffic at the first oppor- 
 tunity. In justice to the Indian agents, it must be 
 admitted that, under a confessedly inadequate law, 
 some of them have succeeded beyond expectation in
 
 204 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 suppressing the sale of liquor on the reservations 
 under their charge. They have been men of exceptional 
 ability, however, many of them noted army officers, 
 but they have labored under great disadvantages. 
 
 It is proverbially difficult to get convincing proof of 
 guilt in liquor cases, particularly in the Indian country. 
 Generally speaking, the whites sympathize with the 
 dram-sellers and are reluctant to testify against their 
 neighbors and political friends. Moreover, the sale of 
 drink is often a transaction between the dealer and the 
 Indians, unwitnessed by other whites, so that the 
 testimony of the Indians becomes a chief reliance in 
 whiskey cases. But the Indian is an unsatisfactory 
 witness. It is difficult to find him, and when found 
 he may refuse to testify ; and if he testifies, the proba- 
 bility is that he will not be believed. The whites 
 frequently refuse to believe him under oath ; and* at 
 least one court has held that it takes more than the 
 evidence of one Indian to convict a man of illegal 
 selling. Downright fear may keep the Indian from 
 appearing in court. That he has too good reason to 
 dread the vengeance of the white man who may be 
 convicted on his evidence, the following incident will 
 show : At Reno, Nev., the testimony of a Wads- 
 worth Indian resulted in the conviction and sentence 
 of three white men. As a punishment for testifying, 
 and in order to intimidate other Indians and prevent 
 them from appearing against other whiskey-dealers in 
 similar trials in the future, the friends of the man 
 convicted on this Indian's testimony killed him by 
 administering poison. 
 
 The prejudice against Indian testimony is not always
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 205 
 
 unreasonable, for some red men, having caught the 
 trick from whites, are professional witnesses. They 
 will send one of their company to buy liquor, lying in 
 wait to secure evidence of the transaction, and then 
 swear out a complaint, — all for the sake of getting 
 the mileage and fees, upon the proceeds of which they 
 probably get drunk. Such blackmailing schemes are 
 not of Indian invention. On the contrary, there is the 
 strongest ground for believing that they have taken 
 United States deputy marshals as exemplars. Not 
 only do some of these men " execute the law in one 
 way for the Indian and in another for the white man " 
 throughout the Indian Territory, as Mr. Francis E. 
 Aeupp has strikingly shown (14th Annual Report of 
 the Indian Rights Association, 1897, pp. 65, G6}, but 
 they have been found guilty of far baser acts. 
 
 In the last report from the Osage Agency this inci- 
 dent is related : An Indian having bought some whis- 
 key was soon after stopped by a deputy marshal and 
 companion, who seized the liquor. Subsequently the 
 Indian was told that he might have the whiskey by 
 paying ten dollars for it. This he did, but only to be 
 aiTcsted a little later by the very man who had first 
 seized and then sold the whiskey to him, on the charge 
 of " introducing liquor," and later convicted and sen- 
 tenced to severe penalties. In commenting upon this 
 affair, the agent, who secured the release of the same 
 Indian, says he has been reliably informed that " it 
 has been the practice of the deputy marshals to hunt 
 up these whiskey cases against Indians to make easy 
 fees. . . . Although it cannot be proved, it is undoubt- 
 edly true, in a great many instances, that the man who
 
 206 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 sells the whiskey notifies the deputy, who immediately 
 goes after the Indian, it being an easy way to make 
 fees." Numerous complaints of a similar nature have 
 been made against deputy marshals. 
 
 Another obstacle to the enforcement of the law is 
 the amount of red tape to be unwound before a liquor 
 case comes to trial. Mr. Grinnell describes the pro- 
 cess, as he learned it at the Blackfeet Agency, Mon- 
 tana, thus: Having obtained evidence of illegal selling, 
 a report must be sent to the Indian Bureau at Wash- 
 ington. There it is received, read, filed, and pigeon- 
 holed, and after a lapse of a considerable time reported 
 to the Department of Justice for more reading, filing, 
 pigeon-holing, and waiting. At last some one in the 
 Department of Justice writes to the United States 
 marshal at Helena, Mont., where the matter had to 
 wait again for months and years. If the authorities 
 are sufficiently stirred up in this way, the deputy mar- 
 shal will at last go from Helena to the agency and 
 at once arrest the whiskey-seller. The witnesses — 
 Indians, half-breeds, and whites — are now brought 
 together, at great loss of time to themselves, to attend 
 the hearing before the grand jury. None of the In- 
 dians have any money to pay their expenses to Helena, 
 two hundre'd miles distant. Perhaps the agent ad- 
 vances the amount needed out of his own pocket, or 
 the Indians beg or borrow it from their friends, hoping 
 that it will be refunded by the government. They 
 attend the hearing and give their testimony. If the 
 offender is indicted and bound over, the witnesses 
 return home. Months roll by. Suddenly the deputy 
 marshal again appears to announce that the trial of
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 207 
 
 the whiskey-seller is to come off soon, and that he 
 has come to take the witnesses with him to Helena. 
 The witnesses are summoned from here, there, and 
 everywhere, obliged to leave their work and prepare 
 to go away to be absent three weeks or a month. The 
 marshal asks the witnesses if they have money for 
 their expenses. Of course they have none, and are 
 again reduced to borrowing unless the agent, who has 
 no government funds out of which he can pay such 
 expenses, is prepared again to supply the needed 
 money out of his own pocket. And there are agents 
 high-minded and generous enough to spend their own 
 earnings in pushing liquor cases, but often to little 
 purpose. 
 
 Under the law we have cited, the courts, if not in- 
 efficient and clearly leaning toward the liquor-dealers, 
 have not as a rule meted out the maximum penalty. 
 One agent complains that it costs 'fl25 to prosecute 
 a liquor case which results in a fine of $10 or a rep- 
 rimand ; another, that the penalty for violating the 
 liquor statute is set at $1 or |!l.25 ; a third, that offend- 
 ers are " dismissed with a benediction," etc. After 
 all, it is not so incredible that a Federal judge should 
 in all seriousness advise an Indian agent to try other 
 means of stopping the drink traffic than by legal 
 prosecution. 
 
 We need not examine minutely the perplexities aris- 
 ing from the different rulings of courts in different 
 States. The severest blow given the efforts to sup- 
 press intemperance among the Indians was a decision 
 rendered by a United States District Court, in 1893, 
 in which it was held that the sale of liquor to Indians
 
 208 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 who have taken allotments in severalty is not a viola- 
 tion of the United States law, since by allotment they 
 acquire citizenship with all its immunities and privi- 
 leges. This decision at once resulted in flooding many 
 districts with whiskey, to the dismay and consterna- 
 tion of agents. Other courts held the opposite view 
 of the matter ; and in 1895 the Indian Bureau took 
 the first steps to have the law amended, so as to cover 
 Indian allottees in its prohibitions. Two years later, 
 January 30, 1897, a new act (29 Stats. 506) was ap- 
 proved by the President, which is the first adequate 
 law dealing with the sale of liquor to the Indians ever 
 passed by Congress. It aims to restrict the sale of 
 intoxicating liquors of all kinds to Indians, also to 
 those who have been given allotments in severalty, 
 and have been made citizens of the United States, 
 but who remain for a time under the guardianship and 
 care of the government ; also to extend the prohibition 
 against the introduction of intoxicating liquors into 
 the Indian country, so as to make it cover allotted 
 lands which are held in trust by the United States, 
 or that are held by the Indians without tlie right of 
 alienation. The punishment is imprisonment for not 
 less than 60 days and a fine of not less than -f 100 for 
 the first offense, and not less than $200 for each sub- 
 sequent offense. .Provided, however, that the person 
 convicted shall be committed until fine and costs are 
 paid. 
 
 Great hopes for the future are built on this law. 
 AV^hether it will be better enforced than those preced- 
 ing it remains to be seen. At present the activity of 
 the government in suppressing the illegal traffic is ex-
 
 RELATIONS TO THE INDIANS. 209 
 
 hibitecl in the prosecution of from two to five hundred 
 whiskey-dealers annually. How many are finally con- 
 victed and properly punished, we do not know. While 
 the law has been insufficient, its enforcement often a 
 farce, and vain appeals have been made to Congress, 
 " especial pains are taken (in the government schools) 
 to inculcate principles of temperance, and scientific in- 
 struction is given as to the evil effects upon the human 
 system of alcohol and narcotics."
 
 CHAPTER YIII. 
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON IN GREAT CITIES. 
 
 With superabundant evidence of the manifold ills 
 flowing from intemperance, it is natural that the saloon, 
 as the fountain-head and distributing centre of intoxi- 
 cating drink, should haye come to be regarded as typi- 
 fying the vast evils resulting from the liquor habit, 
 and nothing more. 
 
 Latterly men have begun to inquire whether, after 
 aU., current views have consigned the saloon to its 
 proper place in our social economy. Recognizing in 
 the saloon a social institution ancient in years, flourish- 
 ing under all conditions, and vital enough to outlive the 
 ^ercest assaults from every side, they have raised these 
 questions : — If the saloon be but a destroying force in 
 tJie community, how could it thus long have escaped 
 destruction ? Since the saloon remains, is it not palpa- 
 ble that it ministers to deep-rooted wants of men which 
 so far no other agency supplies, at least not so ade- 
 quately ? 
 
 The commonly accepted estimate of the saloon is a 
 deduction from obvious phenomena of saloon life as 
 seen from the outside, but not necessarily the essence 
 of this life. The questionings of this estimate, on the 
 other hand, arise from a closer acquaintance with the 
 larger functions of the saloon, and the conditions which 
 characterize the majority of its patrons, and from a
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 211 
 
 knowledge of what it means to them in opportunity of 
 various kinds. And it is conceived that an analysis 
 of the saloon upon any other basis than close per- 
 sonal acquaintance becomes merely so much psycho- 
 logical study of the mental processes of the investi- 
 gator himself, utterly failing of its purpose. 
 
 Our somewhat fragmentary studies of the social 
 aspects of the saloon rest upon local observations of 
 saloon life undertaken in full consciousness of the far- 
 reaching chain of miseries connected with the saloon. 
 Little has been attempted beyond a portrayal of what 
 saloons in certain localities and under certain condi- 
 tions stand for, what social needs they supply, and 
 why they are practically without rivals in their own 
 particular field. We make no generalizations, and 
 merely present the facts as they appear to competent 
 observers. 
 
 Perhaps in no other large city in the country has 
 the saloon enjoyed such a minimum of legal restric- 
 tions and maximum of liberty within those restric- 
 tions as in Chicago ; nowhere else, therefore, has its 
 development been so untrammeled. Certain phases of 
 saloon life in this city are described by Mr. Ernest 
 Carroll Moore, of the Hull House, in the following 
 study made at the request of the Committee : — 
 
 CHICAGO.^ 
 
 The section chosen for study was the nineteenth 
 ward of Chicago, which covers an area of about eight 
 tenths of a square mile. Its total population, accord- 
 
 ^ The condensed form in which Mr. Moore's report is given necessi- 
 tated a few changes in language for which we are responsible, but the 
 thought is his throughout.
 
 212 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 ing to the school census of 1896, is 48,191? made up of 
 twenty-four or more nationalities, the predominating 
 ones being distributed as follows : Americans, 6184, 
 Germans, 6721; Italians, 5784; Bohemians, 2944; 
 About one half of all the inhabitants of foreign par- 
 entage are American born. It is a workingman's 
 district, and its population is typical of unskilled labor 
 in general. As to moral conditions, neither the ex- 
 tremes of vice nor of virtue are reached, while the 
 general moral tone is rather healthful. 
 
 There are about two hundred saloons in the ward, 
 the constant change in their number precluding an 
 exact statement. These saloons were visited at various 
 hours of the day and night. We did the things which 
 other men do in the saloons. They were our loafing 
 place, news centre, place for discussion, and common 
 meeting ground, while the free lunch counter served in 
 large part as the basis of food supply. We attempted 
 to live the life of a saloon patron, trammeled neither 
 by an abstinence pledge or opposition alliance of any 
 kind, nor, on the other side, by the slightest predispo- 
 sition for its wares. 
 
 What do these saloons offer which causes them to 
 be so generally used ? The answer herein attempted 
 has been arrived at as a result of rather careful labor 
 performed under conditions of cooperation and criti- 
 cism, which have contributed more, perhaps, than is 
 commonly the case to the verity of its results. 
 
 In the first place, the saloons of the nineteenth 
 ward do not stand for intemperance among its pa- 
 trons ; of course the word " intemperance " is here used 
 with some degree of elasticity. But in visiting some-
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 213 
 
 tiling over two hundred saloons in the ward at various 
 times of the night and day, I saw just three drunken 
 men. This does not mean that many others had not 
 partaken more freely than was good for them, but it 
 does mean that only three gave evidence of intoxica- 
 tion by visible lack of control. It may be said, then, 
 that the saloons which have been the subject of this 
 inquiry do not " trade in or batten upon intemperance," 
 at least of the extreme kind. Intemperance, as evi- 
 denced by loss of outer control in any visible degree, 
 exists hardly at all, and then almost always in habitual 
 cases. 
 
 As to the general character of the patrons of the 
 saloon, it must be said unequivocally that it does not 
 " personify the vilest elements of modern civilization," 
 unless the modern civilization all about us in this local- 
 ity be regarded as monotonously vile. There are in 
 all but two saloons known to the police and to the public 
 at large as headquarters of gangs of thieves ; and there 
 is one that is a well-known assignation house. But it 
 is as unfair to generalize from such facts that the sa- 
 loon personifies such elements as it would be to declare 
 that the home personifies them, inasmuch as many 
 more homes than saloons are contaminated by their 
 presence. There is no saloon in the ward which is a 
 house of prostitution, and no saloon which is a gam- 
 blers' headquarters. There are certain saloons in other 
 localities which personify such elements, but it is be- 
 cause the locality personifies them also. 
 
 If, then, these saloons do not personify drunkenness 
 or crime, they must exist because of some more worthy 
 and more normal motive, and must supply some more
 
 214 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 characteristic need. It is not denied, of course, that 
 great waste, both in the direction of drunkenness and 
 wickedness, is incident to the saloon as an institution, 
 but it is denied that it stands for waste alone. For 
 had the saloon no other reason for being retained than 
 mere pleasurable waste, and were its value merely a 
 pathological one, it would long since have suffered the 
 ordinary fate of the unfit. 
 
 What is it one sees inside one of these saloons? 
 Not a riotous company intent upon reducing itself to 
 intoxication, but, instead, a well-behaved little group 
 of men who play cards together, read, smoke, and 
 drink a glass of beer. In not a single one of the 
 many such groups observed did drinking seem to be 
 the most important thing. One can watch card games 
 in saloons in the Italian quarters for hours without 
 seeing a single drink ordered. So also can he attend 
 famous discussions cai-ried on " without sticks " in 
 Irish saloons, in which not a drop of liquor figures, 
 whereas, in the German and Bohemian districts a sin- 
 gle glass of beer will seem a sufficient stimulus to in- 
 duce a period of prolonged meditation. Nowhere did 
 drinking seem to be the principal thing, and there was 
 a whole series of activities besides. Of 157 saloons, 
 of whose inducements an accurate list was kept, 35 
 contained chairs and card tables, 92 offered lunch 
 free, in 70 patrons might find papers and an oppor- 
 tunity to read them, 58 contained pool tables, 3 offered 
 the use of a piano or organ, in 2 well-equipped gym- 
 nasiums were to be found, and 1 offered the use of a 
 hand-ball court free. This is a part of the equipment 
 of the saloon which allows it to function to a social
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 215 
 
 use. The saloon is here the workingman's club, in 
 which many of his leisure hours are spent, and in 
 which he finds more of the things that approximate 
 luxury than in his home, almost more than he finds in 
 any other public place in the ward. 
 
 In winter the saloon is warm, in summer cool, at 
 night it is brightly lighted, and it is almost always 
 clean. He finds there nearly all that clubs offer their 
 members. But his demand for these things is not fun- 
 damental ; they are but the means to his social expres- 
 sion ; it is the society of his fellows that he must have. 
 The need of workingmen's clubs in localities like the 
 one considered must be apparent. At best the home 
 surroundings for those who live by daily hard labor 
 on a small wage, often supporting a large family, and 
 subsisting on badly cooked food, are distressing 
 enough, and cannot fully satisfy the social cravings of 
 the average man. Moreover, there is a fundamental 
 demand for the society of other fellow-beings which 
 the family alone cannot supply. The crowds of non- 
 understanding poor who in our large cities flock to 
 free lectures, and the still larger numbers who congre- 
 gate to spend a comfortable hour in the society of 
 their kind wherever a mission is opened, bear witness 
 to this truth. Many find the necessary social oppor- 
 tunity in what is to them its most satisfactory form in 
 the saloon. 
 
 The saloon-keeper is the only man who keeps open 
 house in the ward. It is his business to entertain. 
 His democracy is one element of his strength. His 
 place is the common and almost without exception the 
 only meeting ground of his neighbors. What he sup-
 
 216 THE LTQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 plies renders their social life possible. Furthermore, 
 the saloon-keeper himself is a social attraction. There 
 is an accretion of intelligence which comes to him in 
 his business. He hears the best stories. He is the 
 first to get information about the latest political deals. 
 Of the common talk of the day which passes through 
 his ears, he retains what is most interesting. He 
 moves in a larger society, composed of many social 
 leaders like himself, who together come to have a 
 much larger place and power than the average citizen. 
 Social prestige, which elsewhere is determined by vari- 
 ous other values, is here expressed in the saloon. It is 
 the ready intelligence, the power derived from a wide 
 acquaintance, which command local respect. He is 
 always in the public eye, always making friends in a 
 way that binds men to him. The saloon-keeper trusts 
 his patron, a thing almost no one else does, " but there 
 is not a saloon-keeper in Chicago who does not trust ; " 
 and this becomes the patron's debt of honor. By gen- 
 erosity also the saloon-keepers increase their seeming 
 worth. They lend money, and where one known to 
 them is in great need, they send fuel, food, and clothes. 
 In short, the saloon-keeper is regarded in his own com- 
 munity as " a man with a warm heart and a glad 
 hand," and, unfortunately for his community, this 
 characterization is too often true. The saloon-keeper 
 as a politician in power, with spoils to distribute, work 
 to give, etc., becomes an even larger object of interest. 
 Yet direct bribery or petty corruption is by no means 
 so common as popularly imagined. Social favor is the 
 price which most often passes current. 
 
 The social stimulus of men is then epitomized in the
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OP THE SALOON. 217 
 
 saloon. It is a centre of learning, books, papers, and 
 lecture hall to them. It is the clearing-house for com- 
 mon intelligence, the place where their philosoj^hy of 
 life is worked out, and their political and social beliefs 
 take their beginnings. The saloon thus not only- 
 stands for social opportunity, but also affords the con- 
 ditions of sociality. And it is for these two reasons, 
 the independence and stimulation which it offers, that it 
 succeeds in attracting men so much more successfully 
 than its well-intentioned rivals. It is from the de- 
 pressing effects of a sub-normal life which lacks espe- 
 cially in opportunities for self-expression and cheer 
 that men come to it. 
 
 Stimulus is necessary to any form of psychic life. 
 The quality of a psychic life depends in some measure 
 at least upon the quality of the stimulus presented. 
 The life of the ordinary workingman is made up of 
 habits ; and yet simply because of this fact psychical 
 energy, which is unused in the very degree in which 
 ordinary activity has become habitual, seeks the more 
 persistently for its own appropriate form of expres- 
 sion. And because the proper stimulus to psychic 
 expression is either foreign to the conditions or is not 
 recognized because of defective education, recourse is 
 had to the false stimulus of alcoholics. Its effect is 
 well known — " the glow of warmth spreads over the 
 whole system, the heart beats faster, happy thoughts 
 crowd in upon the brain, and all seems life and light 
 and joy, and everything without and within wears a 
 roseate hue." 
 
 The failure of ordinary philanthropy to express the 
 sociality of the life of the common man seems, there-
 
 218 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 fore, traceable to two causes only, the greater of which 
 is his inability to realize normal and proper stimulus 
 when presented. The second cause can be found in 
 the improper character of the stimulus itself. But the 
 condition which the false stimulus effects is one which 
 each of us recognizes as highly desirable, only there 
 are various ways of reaching it. Polite society attains 
 it by different means. The stimulus of books, pic- 
 tures, and good music, together with a thousand inci- 
 dents which make for well-adjusted social life, are here 
 absent ; and the constant stimulus of purposive intelli- 
 gence, which contributes the very content of life itself 
 does not exist. But human thought, which is here so 
 bare and mean in opportunity, demands an avenue of 
 expression, and finds it in the best way it can, which 
 is largely through the stimulus of the saloon. And as 
 yet society has been unable to devise processes of edu- 
 cation and bring about conditions of life in general 
 which shall obviate the necessity for many to seek 
 expression through the medium of the saloon, though 
 it be a pathological expression of the meanest kind. 
 
 " It is the working class that drink," and the above 
 are the reasons why they are the best patrons of the 
 saloons. For the most part they are no longer young 
 men, and life has become more or less fixed and settled 
 in the possibilities which it holds out to them. Of 
 the younger men who become regular patrons of the 
 saloon, most, I am assured, do so because of a desire 
 to be " tough" and to appear " swagger good fellows " 
 in the little societies to which they belong. This is 
 due to the survival of unfit ideals through a defective 
 education. These are the exceptions rather than the
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 219 
 
 rule. The saloon must look to the older men in the 
 community for support, to men over thirty years of 
 age. The percentage of these who are unmarried, 
 saloon-keepers say, is quite large, and yet both mar- 
 ried and unmarried men seem to patronize it for the 
 same reason ; that is, the ld,ck of social opportunity, 
 which, of course, the unmarried man feels more com- 
 monly. He is more alone in the world, is under larger 
 obligation to prove himself a good fellow, but is also 
 more free from responsibility. 
 
 Possibly no more exact idea of the extent to which 
 the saloon functions as a social centre in this locality 
 can be had than that implied by the fact that a popu- 
 lation of about 48,000 supports over 200 saloons, pri- 
 marily, as we believe, for this purpose. At the same 
 time, other comforts offered by the saloon are not lost 
 sight of. It offers among other things the cheapest 
 necessaries of life that one can buy, " an egg or a clam 
 free with every drink," and if one is so brazen as to 
 take all he can get he will have no difficulty in pur- 
 chasing a glass of beer, a " red hot " frankfurter, and 
 a small sandwich, all for five cents. Besides, the use 
 of the toilet room, a chair, and a stove are thrown in. 
 For a very small price a hungry man can get as much 
 as he wants to eat and drink. As a rule the food is 
 notoriously good and the price notoriously cheap. 
 And that air of poverty which unfailingly pervades 
 the cheap restaurant, and finds its adeqiiate expression 
 in ragged and dirty table linen, is here wanting. In- 
 stead, polished oak tables are used, and the food ap- 
 pears in such abundance as to give one a sense of 
 security, while the restaurant would have done its best
 
 220 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 to drive home the consciousness of poverty. That the 
 saloon furnishes the necessaries of life to thousands 
 and feeds them well, my own experience of lunching 
 there for a month has convinced me. It is worth re- 
 peating that it furnishes the common lavatory for the 
 entire city. It should be remembered, however, that 
 here, at least, the saloon is by no means the profitable 
 institution it once was ; indeed, profits have been re- 
 duced to a minimum, and more saloon-keepers than 
 any other class of tradesmen fail in business. 
 
 Social organization is not common in this locality, 
 and quite uncommon save in close connection with the 
 saloon. The few pleasure clubs and dancing parties 
 to be found seem to depend almost directly upon the 
 saloon for their existence, while any form of political 
 activity is seldom disassociated from it. One finds 
 occasionally self-existing men's clubs that are removed 
 from the saloon only to the extent of renting their own 
 room and buying their beer direct from the brewer. 
 Moreover, it must be noted that their organization is 
 not a close one, that they escape for the most part the 
 conventions of order, of business officers, etc., and 
 reach a larger freedom which is to them most essential. 
 But there is one form of club life farther removed from 
 the saloon which, while not so democratic as the ones 
 just mentioned, has succeeded in developing a series of 
 vital interests among its members, has enabled them to 
 lay hold of a higher form of stimulus, and to the same 
 extent has freed them from the false stimulus of the 
 saloon. We refer to the labor union, which has put 
 new meaning into the lives of so many workingmen 
 by bringing them to a consciousness of their value to
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 221 
 
 society. It must be remembered, however, that com- 
 paratively few workingmen belong to unions, and that 
 they meet but seldom, and the unions thus become but 
 incomplete substitutes for the saloon. 
 
 A series of social activities exist, having Hull House 
 for their centre, which are non-related substitutes for 
 the saloon. The typical form is a social club for young 
 people which is largely self-elective and self-governing, 
 but which exerts a most summary influence on the lives 
 of its members. Its purpose is to afford opportunities 
 through educational work which is not too difficult. 
 It is safe to put the number of young people who share 
 in the activities of Hull House at several hundred. 
 
 Of churches, there is a Catholic cathedral at one 
 corner of the ward, with an estimated membership of 
 about 20,000, of whom 10,000, perhaps, live in the 
 ward. Another is the Bohemian Catholic Church, 
 with a membership of about 500 from this locality. Of 
 Protestant churches, one has an attendance of 250 to 
 300, almost all of whom " use the street cars in reach- 
 ing the church," that is, live outside the ward. An- 
 other is a church supported in part from outside, with 
 an average attendance of about 40 ; a mission with an 
 average attendance of some 70 ; a Greek church for 
 the 153 Greeks who live here. This is the complete 
 list of churches in the ward. Estimated attendance on 
 these churches may be placed at 11,012, and estimated 
 attendance elsewhere, 10,000 (this is very high). This 
 in a population of 48,191 gives a non-chureh-going 
 population of 27,179. Our figures err on the side of 
 too great liberality, but point sufficiently to the pov- 
 erty of the religious life of the community.
 
 222 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 Night schools and extension classes and a local 
 branch o£ the public library, together with the clubs 
 and classes organized under the Cathedral Sodality, 
 constitute a series of educational substitutes for the 
 saloon. There is at present one night school in the 
 ward. It has an average attendance of some 250, of 
 whom about 75 are of the age and sex to whom the 
 saloon appeals. 
 
 The local branch of the public library is one of the 
 best working institutions in the ward. Not only does 
 it give out hundreds of books, but it furnishes a free 
 reading-room to an average of about 200 people a 
 day. Extension classes organized and conducted at 
 Hull House number some 300 young men and women 
 among their members. The Sodality clubs for men 
 number about 750 who attend more or less regularly. 
 These clubs seem to be religious rather than social, and 
 they claim attention here only because they have their 
 own reading-room, card and billiard room, library, etc. 
 Yet these form so small a part of the life of the clubs 
 that it is doubtful if they can be classified as a substi' 
 tute for the saloon distinct from the church itself. 
 
 But none of these institutions function to any great 
 extent as a substitute for the saloon. Crowded as they 
 are, they reach a comparatively small number of peo- 
 ple, and these for a large part young people, freer in 
 a measure from the heavier burdens of existence. The 
 church privileges^ offered are not such as to rival the 
 saloon. The public library does reach out and hold a 
 large number of men who would otherwise be unoccu- 
 pied, and so would be likely to use the opportunities 
 which the saloon offers. But the numbers in its read-
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 223 
 
 iiig-room are haixlly more than might be counted inside 
 the fairly successful saloon during its longer day. 
 
 The night school meets a want which it doubtless 
 stirs up in most cases. Yet in some cases, at least, 
 the want itself would be sufficient to keep the pupils 
 from dependence on the saloon, and to this degree the 
 school cannot be called a substitute. The other study 
 classes appeal to people who as yet are quite free from 
 dependence on the saloon. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 On Manhattan Island throughout its length and 
 breadth, in Brooklyn and the other boroughs of Greater 
 New York, counterparts of just such saloons as Mr. 
 Moore found in Chicago may be counted by hundreds, 
 differing only so far as local conditions give them a 
 peculiar stamp. In the down-town section of the 
 famous East Side of New York, the drink places have 
 perhaps attained the most characteristic development ; 
 at least, nowhere in the city are the various types, dis- 
 tinguished by the nationalities chiefly patronizing them, 
 more pronounced. 
 
 South of East Houston Street and east of the Bow- 
 ery lies one of the most densely populated tenement 
 districts in the world, for the larger part inhabited by 
 Russian, Polish, and German Jews. Other nationalities 
 are also found in respectable numbers, but the place is 
 for the time the chosen abode of the toiling mass of 
 Hebrews. The lowliest of skilled laborers, the cloth- 
 ing makers, live there in teeming numbers, so do ped- 
 dlers, small shopkeepers, and artisans of all kinds ; in 
 short, occupations of infinite variety are represented.
 
 224 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 In the circumstances and environment of most of the 
 Jews there is much to suggest causes of intemperance. 
 Physically they are not robust ; many are afflicted with 
 pulmonary tuberculosis ; they are often lonely ; they 
 work and live under unhygienic conditions, in sweat 
 shops, for instance. Many, such as the peddlers, eke 
 out the barest existence, through long days and even- 
 ings exposed to inclement weather, with little to eat. 
 At best the food of these people is of inferior quality, 
 and at times, alas, the poorest is hard to get. Why 
 should they not drink ? 
 
 For whiskey the Russian and Polish Jews have a 
 decided liking, ascribing to it great medicinal virtues, 
 and often giving it in unwise doses to sick babies. 
 Except among the German Jews, the taste for malt 
 liquors is not yet strongly developed. In greater or 
 less quantities all use alcoholic beverages in some form. 
 Roughly estimated, the district supports one drink 
 place to about 300 inhabitants, which means that there 
 are at least four saloons to the block, sometimes more. 
 Not a few of the saloons are owned by Jews, others 
 cater exclusively to Jewish patronage ; in fact, without 
 it scores would have to close their doors. As a rule 
 these shojis, half saloon, half restaurant, in which Eng- 
 lish is rarely spoken, and the very signs of which are 
 in " Yiddish," are quiet and decent enough, though not 
 over clean. Their attractions, as well as the prices 
 of their wares, vary according to the class of custom 
 sought. 
 
 Here, then, we find saloon-keepers and saloon patrons 
 of a most abstemious race, thrifty often to penurious- 
 ness, among whom drunkards are exceedingly rare, who
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 225 
 
 indeed frequently express the utmost contempt for those 
 becoming slaves to the liquor habit. Yet they drink, and 
 the saloon is to them an important institution. It is not 
 poverty that keeps them from over-indulgence, for the 
 Irish 'longshoreman in the next block who is in just 
 as dire straits finds opportunity for many a drunken 
 orgie ; and these people are known to risk their savings 
 in gambling. Neither are they abstemious from prin- 
 ciple. Total abstinence is not preached, much less 
 practiced ; the use of wine is a part of their religion, 
 and they share it with their children. Not lacking for 
 incentives to drink to forgetfulness, they deserve con- 
 sideration as the decent in the community, as a " family 
 peojile " whose often pitiable condition can but in the 
 rarest instances be traced to intemperance and result- 
 ing viciousness. 
 
 Nevertheless, thousands of Hebrews are habitues of 
 the saloon, and, be it remembered, exclusively their 
 own saloons. To assert that these saloons stand for 
 intemperance first, or even to a considerable extent, 
 would be to deny every known fact concerning their 
 patrons. It is not enough to say that they solely owe 
 their attractiveness to the fact that they " epitomize the 
 comforts and luxuries of the locality," or that merely a 
 sense of discomfort pervading the dark tenement home, 
 with its tired, unkempt wife and restless children, leads 
 to its use, or in many cases the absence of a place 
 called home. No, at bottom it must be craving for 
 fellowship underlying the unrest of the workingman's 
 idle hours that draws him to the saloon. There he finds 
 what the average family life cannot supjDly and what no 
 other institution offers. Because he knows nothing
 
 226 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 better he resorts to the use of liquor as a " stimulus 
 to social expression." 
 
 Between the Bowery and Broadway, running south 
 from East Houston Street to Canal Street, is the prin- 
 cipal Italian quarter of the city. Of the inhabitants, 
 numbering about 30,000, nearly two thirds are Italians. 
 They rejjresent all classes, from the poorest, who find 
 most of their food in garbage boxes, to the opulent 
 banker and his fellow, the padrone. Most of them be- 
 long to the order of unskilled labor of a lowly type. 
 No other nationality counts so many men without fam- 
 ilies, or is from the nature of their occupations so 
 migratory in character as the Italian. It follows that 
 relatively few have fixed abodes. Even those among 
 them who are employed in remunerative occupations 
 are fortunate if they can escape spending much of the 
 year in idleness. It is well within the truth to say 
 that the average Italian in New York does not find 
 steady employment for more than five and a half 
 months of the year. According to the Ninth Special 
 Report of the United States Commissioner of Labor, 
 the average time of non-employment of the unem- 
 ployed in Italian families of Chicago was 7.2 months 
 per year. 
 
 As a class the Italians live wretchedly, in ignorance 
 of all laws of hygiene. Their food is often unwhole- 
 some and usually badly cooked. Added to this is the 
 fact that a multitude of the men who are unmarried 
 or who left their families behind are herded in board- 
 ing-houses, if so dignified a name can be applied to the 
 establishments conducted by the padroni, there living 
 no small part of the time in nearly absolute inactivity.
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 227 
 
 What wonder that the saloons attract men under these 
 conditions ! It is the one place offering cheer and light 
 and relief from fearful monotony — the one place in 
 which they are understood and always welcome. 
 
 Of the 150 saloons or so in the district, a majority 
 depend upon the Italian trade ; some have no other. 
 In the veriest sense many of them are the clubs of the 
 Italian workingmen. No matter how crowded the 
 quarters and mean the appointments, they are infinitely 
 better than those of the averasre tenement. From 
 morning tiU night they are thronged with idlers who 
 pass the smallest poi-tion of the time in drinking. The 
 consumption of beer, however, which takes the place 
 of the light wines of Italy, is considerable ; much is 
 taken home to be divided with the wife and children. 
 Little whiskey is drunk. It has been stated that in 
 numeroiis instances the family expenditure for beer is 
 largely in excess of that spent for milk. 
 
 Drinking to the point of intoxication is the excep- 
 tion in these saloons, for the Italians are a temperate 
 people. To them the saloon means in the first instance 
 social opportunity unpurchasable elsewhere for any 
 price within their reach, and without which their lives 
 would be a dreary waste. Drink, though inseparable 
 from the saloon, does not appear to be indulged in by 
 a majority merely for di'ink's sake, but as a means to 
 greater sociality and an unavoidable tribute for the 
 privileges of the place. To deny that some of these 
 saloons are vile and shelter vicious elements of the 
 population would be to betray ignorance of a portion 
 of the Italian population. Police court records fur- 
 nish the evidence in point. But we are not dealing
 
 228 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 witli the exceptions. Wherever Italians congregate in 
 large numbers, their relations to saloon life are similar 
 to those described. 
 
 The characteristics of the ordinary German beer 
 shops, such as abound in the typically German districts, 
 are so generally known that little need be said about 
 them. One observes in them a large consumption of 
 beer and various foods, little visible intoxication, and 
 an air of heartiness ( Gemiithliclilceit) all the Gei'man's 
 own. It is expected that the patron will take his ease 
 here, every convenience being afforded for that pur- 
 pose ; and other means than drinking are at hand to 
 pass the idle hour. 
 
 In the degree that beer to the German is a necessary 
 of life, in the same degree the saloon stands for beer 
 drinking, but not for a place of inebriation. If it 
 were but this, would the self-respecting German work- 
 man take his wife and other female members of his 
 family there ? A craving for Geselligkeit is probably 
 more developed among the Germans than among any 
 other people. The saloon provides the only place in 
 which it can be obtained for a nominal price by thou- 
 sands of sober and thrifty Germans. To them more 
 than to any other people, the " beer hall " is a family 
 resort, and its principal ware is in too common use to 
 be considered in the least as a temptation. 
 
 The typical Irish saloon seems in some respects a 
 passing institution in New York. The German model 
 is more and more copied, and the Irishman is learning 
 from his Teutonic neighbor wisdom in drinking. Yet 
 it will hardly be questioned that the most representa- 
 tive Irish saloons stand for immoderate drinking and
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 229 
 
 drunkenness in greater measure than any others. Nev- 
 ertheless, where the hardest drinking prevails, for in- 
 stance in the saloons frequented by sailors and 'long- 
 shoremen along the water front, it is undeniable that 
 the desire for sociality is one of the chief attractions. 
 Except so far as certain occupations, for example that 
 of the 'longshoreman, seem to generate a craving for 
 stimulants, it is difficult to understand why social 
 drinking is so quickly abused by the Irish. That the 
 Irish saloon more than any other combines political 
 activity with its other functions is well known. 
 
 Although confining our attention as we do to the 
 saloons chiefly patronized by the manual laborers, since 
 it is for the latter that the overwhelming number of 
 drink places exist, we have not forgotten that in the 
 midst of the swarming tenement districts are saloons 
 of a very different type from those described. There 
 are moral sinks designated by the name of saloons, 
 though drink selling is not always their immediate pur- 
 pose, the vileness of which beggars description. Hap- 
 pily, saloons that are the haunts of the criminal class 
 or homes of prostitution are in the minority. It may 
 be said in passing that on the East Side abandoned 
 women infest largely so-called cafes where liquor is 
 illegally sold, and comparatively few saloons. 
 
 There are, however, some drink places that are no- 
 thing else, that depend upon confirmed drunkards for a 
 living. Yet even in some of these the patrons, long 
 since lost to manhood or womanhood, find along with 
 drink the only place which offers shelter and a certain 
 welcome. A lodging business is sometimes combined 
 with drink selling.- When the closing hour comes.
 
 230 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 the remaining customers mark witli a piece of chalk a 
 spot on the floor the length and breadth of their bodies. 
 Here they lie down to sleep, paying the proprietor five 
 cents for the " spot." Purchasers of " spots " some- 
 times belong to the class of women known on the East 
 Side as " scrubs." They are mostly elderly drinkers, 
 without ties, without hope, too deficient mentally to 
 have activity in any sphere, and too old to build on. 
 
 Are there any true substitutes for the saloon in New 
 York? We do not believe that the saloon-keeper con- 
 siders that he has other serious rivals than those com- 
 peting with him for trade. We are mindful of the 
 heroic work done by the settlements, churches, and mis- 
 sions, but it is on the whole of a preventive nature, 
 unless we except the influence of individual upon indi- 
 vidual ; and institutions to assume the peculiar func- 
 tions of the saloon are not provided. The clubs and 
 classes of the settlements have proved their value, and 
 probably take stronger hold than similar organizations 
 connected with the churches, since their influence is not 
 impaired by ecclesiastical differences. Above all, so 
 few are the agencies directly aiming to counteract the 
 saloon that the mass of people are unreached and as 
 yet unreachable. 
 
 BOSTON. 
 
 In a recently published study by the South End 
 House ^ of social conditions in the so-called South End 
 of Boston, we get a picture of saloons contrasting in 
 some respects with those already given. It must be 
 remembered, however, that the South End is not a 
 
 1 The City Wilderness, Boston, 1898.
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON, 231 
 
 typical workingman's district. To be sure there is here 
 a " dense lodging-house and tenement-house popula- 
 tion representing all nationalities and every grade of 
 middle class and working class existence." But it is 
 very far from being representative either of honest 
 skilled or unskilled labor. " Its traditions are on the 
 side of moral laxity. Formerly for a period of years 
 this district was left to its own devices. All sorts of 
 evil flourished here with but little interference from 
 any source. . . . Immorality still persists in expecting 
 to be freer from molestation here than elsewhere. . . . 
 Comparatively free as the district is from crimes of a 
 more serious kind, it is nevertheless infested by suspi- 
 cious characters of all sorts and many lawbreakers." 
 The saloons and drink habits are thus described : — 
 " In 1897 the number of liquor licenses, including 
 those for groceries, wholesale liquor establishments, 
 restaurants, and saloons, was almost exactly 200. About 
 100 of them were ordinary bar-rooms ; this it should 
 be remembered is in an area of less than three quar- 
 ters of a square mile. Besides the licensed places 
 there are a number of resorts where liquor is sold ille- 
 gally. As one would infer from the number and vari- 
 ety of the drinking-places, the liquor habit, in some 
 degree, is very general throughout the section. In 
 certain neighborhoods it is practically universal among 
 both men and women. Women, however, are forbid- 
 den by police regulations to patronize the bar-rooms. 
 In a very large number of cases drinking is excessive. 
 As to the causes of drunkenness, so far as they can be 
 got at, some act here as they act everywhere, and some 
 are involved in social conditions. Chief of the general
 
 232 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 causes is the craving for excitement. The poor man 
 drinks in the midst of his lack, just as the rich man 
 drinks in the midst of his surfeit. Both in the ordi- 
 nary round of their lives seek a stimulus to lift them 
 out of their inertia." . . . To the question, Is the sa- 
 loon the poor man's club ? it is replied, " In our dis- 
 trict it undertakes to be that merely in the restricted 
 sense of having, in many cases, a tolerably well-defined 
 group of patrons, who come to have certain privileges. 
 With a few exceptions the saloons provide no seats. 
 Most of them have but limited free space outside the 
 bar. Loitering here after the drink is finished is not 
 encouraged. Indeed, the loafer would be invited to 
 give way to new arrivals. In the case of the poor 
 man the street is his hospitable club rather than the 
 saloon. Here he will meet his companions, resorting 
 to the saloon for drinking only. There are two or 
 three German saloons that provide chairs and tables, 
 and here men may pass the entire evening over their 
 beer, papers, and games. But the constituency of these 
 resorts is necessarily limited. The gilded saloon with 
 its welcoming warmth, its cheery light, and other en- 
 ticements, where for the price of two or three glasses 
 of liquor the poor man may pass the evening with boon 
 companions, hardly exists in the district. 
 
 " The reason for this is the necessity of good order 
 imposed by the Board of Police ; and as all screens are 
 forbidden, every passing citizen is in effect a police 
 officer. Under this same constraint, the saloon does 
 not in every case use all possible means to increase its 
 trade. While it may resort to various devices for 
 drawing men in, as the free lunch, pugilistic news, and
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 233 
 
 baseball returns, yet there are instances where it inten- 
 tionally cuts down the sale of liquor. It is somewhat 
 surprising to find that a sedative is not infrequently 
 given, unknown to the customer, to lessen the mor- 
 bid craving. There is a firm that has the curious 
 business of manufacturing such a sedative, which it 
 sells in large quantities to saloon-keepers throughout 
 the city. Some saloons, also, apparently do not try 
 to force their trade much beyond the demand already 
 existing in their immediate neighborhoods." 
 
 In other parts of Boston, notably in Roxbury, 
 Charlestown, and East Boston, as well as in the foreign 
 colonies of the North End, saloons nearer in character 
 to those of the ninth ward of Chicago are far from 
 wanting, though police regulations have robbed them 
 of much of that privacy which they in other places 
 extend to their customers. 
 
 SAN FEANCISCO. 
 
 From a report made at the request of the committee 
 by Mr. Kendric Charles Babcock, resident worker of 
 the South Park Settlement, we make the following 
 extract : — 
 
 " The saloon is prominently at the front as a social 
 centre in San Francisco for several classes of people ; 
 not merely the lower and middle classes resort to them, 
 but also the considerable gambling and sporting popu- 
 lation of this very cosmopolitan city. ... In the 
 cheap saloons, cards are offered instead of billiards, 
 and the attraction of gambling is added to that of the 
 ordinary saloon. In most of these places, the early part 
 of the evenins: sees the tables and cards well used.
 
 234 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 What the place lacks in fittings, the saloon-keeper 
 makes up by his cordiality. He knows the habitues, 
 he greets them heartily, he establishes personal rela- 
 tions with the men, frequently loaning them small 
 sums when they get in a ' tight place,' and becomes as 
 nearly as any one a real friend of the man who lives in 
 boarding-houses or tenements. 
 
 "In San Francisco the great majority of the gro- 
 ceries are also saloons. ... It is sometimes difficult 
 to tell which element of trade is the more predominant, 
 the day trade in groceries or the day and night traffic 
 in liquor. Through the day these places are carrying 
 on both trades, women and children go to them freely 
 for groceries and sometimes for pails of beer. They 
 find the liquor traffic on precisely the same plane as 
 the bread or sugar trade. At night the men drop in as 
 to an ordinary saloon. . . . 
 
 " The saloon is a great meeting-place for the young 
 men both in the evening and on Sundays, for there is 
 nothing even suggesting any midnight or Sunday clos- 
 ing regulation. Every place is as wide open as its doors 
 and doorkeeper will allow. The saloon is a rendezvous 
 for those who want companionship and for those who 
 want special meetings or conferences, but have no con- 
 venient place elsewhere. This is especially true in the 
 tenement and cheap boarding-house part of the city, 
 commonly known as ' South of Market Street.' In this 
 district there are within an area of 64 rather small 
 blocks 440 saloons. ... In some cases married couples 
 go to these saloons, because fuel and lights are thus dis- 
 pensed with, and because the place, bare though it may 
 be, is really more comfortable and cheery than their 
 own so-called homes.
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 235 
 
 " The substitutes for the saloon are very few and 
 are mainly of an educational or religious character, 
 especially in the ' South of Market Street ' region. 
 They comprise branch Public Library Reading-Rooms, 
 Salvation Army quarters, League of the Cross armories, 
 the Episcopalian Good Samaritan Mission, several 
 boys' clubs, the Sailors' Home, other seamen's clubs, 
 containing billiards, reading-rooms, etc. Taken alto- 
 gether, it is clear that the extent to which all of these 
 agencies enter into competition with the 440 saloons is 
 almost insignificant ; and there is little or no coopera- 
 tion among them." 
 
 PITTSBUEGH. 
 
 A fairly close acquaintance with the saloons in Pitts- 
 burgh leads us to say that they share the main features 
 of drink places in the other cities of which we have 
 given some account. It is interesting, however, to 
 learn what agencies are found within a limited area, 
 peopled by the lower order of laborers, that serve in 
 some measure as counter attractions or substitutes for 
 the saloon. The area in question covers the ninth and 
 tenth wards of the city, within which the social settle- 
 ment known as the Kingsley House has its sphere of 
 activity. For our facts we are indebted to Miss Ethel 
 R. Evans, one of the residents of the settlement. 
 
 The two wards have a population of about 7000, 
 mainly Irish, Germans, and Poles. About 39 licensed 
 saloons and a large number of unlicensed ones (" speak- 
 easies ") are found within the ward limits ; further- 
 more, there are three private clubs at which liquor is 
 always obtainable, with a membership of from 175 to
 
 236 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 200 ; and tlie rules about inviting guests are very elas- 
 tic. 
 
 Outside the two small Protestant and three large 
 Catholic churches, the agencies that may to some ex- 
 tent serve to attract people away from the saloons are 
 the following : 1. A young men's club of 15 members, 
 which has its own room and furnishes means for social 
 intercourse without the use of liquor. 2. A Young 
 Men's Institute connected with the Irish Catholic 
 Church, membership 300 ; meetings are held only once 
 a week at present, but it is expected to keep the rooms 
 open every evening, to provide a pool table, etc. 3. A 
 temperance society of 90 members connected with the 
 same church. It has rooms provided with games, etc., 
 and is accessible daily. 4. A library and dramatic 
 society connected with the German Catholic Church ; 
 age limit 18, and usual attendance 10 to 15. It has a 
 bowling alley, one pool table, and a very small library. 
 6. The Polish Catholic Church also has a young men's 
 club with a membership of 40 and an average attend- 
 ance of about 10. 
 
 The above, with the clubs and classes of the Kings- 
 ley House, make a complete list of the agencies which 
 in a very restricted sense can be said to compete with 
 the saloons as centres of social activity. Comment is 
 superfluous. 
 
 We have dwelt on the place which the saloon takes 
 in the life of the work-classes in some cities, with spe- 
 cial reference to nationalities. We are fortunate in 
 being able to close this chapter with some remarks on 
 the general relations of the workingmen of this country
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 237 
 
 to the saloons regardless of nationalities, from the pen 
 of Professor Walter A. Wyckoff, author of "The 
 Workers," whose large personal experience as one of 
 the workers lends peculiar authority to his words. 
 
 " My short association with workingmen in this coun- 
 try gave to me a very strong impression of the perfect 
 adaptation to their social needs which the saloon as an 
 institution supplies. There is no social fact apart 
 from the family which seems to me, by reason of its 
 strength and efficiency, to bear comparison with the 
 saloon in its influence upon the lives of workingmen 
 in America. 
 
 " And the perfectness of adaptation arises from the 
 natural growth of the institution rather than from con- 
 scious premeditation. No institution so perfect could 
 possibly be devised ; it must be the result of develop- 
 ment. 
 
 " The animus in the enterprise as an enterprise is per- 
 fectly plain : it springs from the keen competition in a 
 business crowded, as perhaps few forms of retail trade 
 are crowded by individual enterprises. The person- 
 ality of the proprietor and his employees may have 
 much to do with the success of the saloon ; certainly 
 his intimate knowledge of the social needs of his cli- 
 entele has much to do with it. It is a serious mistake 
 to suppose that saloon-keepers as a class are bent upon 
 the destruction of their fellow-men and callous to any 
 appeal for help from their victims. Saloon-keepers as 
 a class are bent on making money, very often deeply 
 concerned about making a bare living, and not infre- 
 quently they are men of quite singular practical help- 
 fulness to the needy about them. From the range
 
 238 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 and accuracy of his personal knowledge of the poor, 
 many a saloon-keeper gives far more timely and prac- 
 tical help to the destitute of his neighborhood than is 
 forthcoming from well-intentioned acts of outside phi- 
 lanthropy. 
 
 " Let a man be out of work and homeless upon the 
 streets of a city, and he very soon discovers that the 
 saloons are his natural and almost his inevitable resort. 
 The few cents which he may pick up at odd jobs will 
 procure for him there at the free lunch counters the 
 palatable fare that three or four times the amount would 
 barely purchase at any restaurant. And at the saloon 
 he rids himself, for the time at least, of the horrible 
 sense of isolation which weighs heavily upon working- 
 men who are in honest search for employment. He 
 understands the social atmosphere of the place. It is 
 native to him, even if he has not been in the habit of 
 frequenting saloons. He makes easy acquaintance 
 with the proprietor and with other men, and may 
 receive valuable suggestions from them in relation to 
 employment. He is not always obliged to pay for a 
 drink, but is sometimes ' treated,' and kindness of such 
 nature he will not soon forget. In the better times of 
 steady work no small share of his wages is sure to find 
 its way back to the saloon which harbored him in the 
 time of his unemployment. 
 
 " The saloon is a money-making institution ; to that 
 end it adapts itself marvelously to the social needs of 
 workingmen, and they feel in this adaptation a reality 
 and a naturalness which could not be simulated. 
 
 " Operatives hurrying from a factory at noon hour 
 have only to cross the street to saloons where schoon-
 
 SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE SALOON. 239 
 
 ers of beer freshly drawn are waiting for them, and 
 there, in^abundant light and warmth and in an atmos- 
 phere of congenial sociability, they may sit and eat 
 their midday meal in comfort. 
 
 " Let a philanthropic employer, fearful of the influ- 
 ence of the saloon upon his men, open a place where 
 they may dine, furnish them good food at cost prices, 
 spare no pains to offset by counter attractions the 
 allurements of the saloon, and he will carry his experi- 
 ment to success, if he succeeds at all, by most untiring 
 and thankless perseverance through difficulties almost 
 insuperable. The motive of the saloon the men un- 
 derstand, and instinctively they feel at home there, but 
 they will be suspicious of the motive of the best em- 
 ployer : ' He is trying in some way to get the better 
 of us ; if he wishes to be generous let him increase our 
 wages with which we shall do as we please, rather than 
 press upon us his idea of what is for our good.' 
 
 " The saloon, as it appears to me, in relation to the 
 wage-earning classes in America, is an organ of high 
 development, adapting itself with singular perfectness 
 to its functions in catering in a hundred ways to the 
 social and political needs of men ; and if it is to be 
 combated successfully by an institution, this institu- 
 tion must be rooted in natural causes and must min- 
 ister with equal efficiency to real social needs. 
 
 " In view of results for which the saloon is largely 
 responsible, in the wreck of individual lives, in the 
 known relation which its traffic bears to the totality of 
 crime and pauperism and insanity and unmeasured 
 misery caused by the consuming appetite which it 
 breeds, it is vital that an opposing institution rooted in
 
 240 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
 
 the necessity of reform and in conscious responsibility 
 for one's fellow-men, and having, too, a valid economic 
 basis in yielding profit, should be fostered by infinite 
 patience and care, and grow in all helpf uhiess to prac- 
 tical adaptation to constructive social good."
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Note. — Detail tables to the number of twenty-four have been 
 omitted from the Appendix. Although of interest to the student, they 
 are not essential, and their bulk proved too unwieldy for this volume.
 
 
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 OO 
 
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 C-. I- 
 
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 ch. Num 
 
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 S 
 
 
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 <-i 
 
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 Ph 
 
 fi 
 
 P-i 
 
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 O 
 
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 P 
 
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 ^ 
 
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 <l 
 
 
 
 
 ft. 
 
 P^ 
 
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 Ph 
 
 
 <l 
 
 H 
 
 a 
 
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 i 
 
 < 
 
 la 
 O 
 
 s 
 
 O 
 O 
 
 <) 
 
 ■I^^ox 
 
 127 
 100.00 
 
 239 
 100.00 
 
 79 
 100.00 
 
 97 
 100.00 
 
 noiiipnoa jo asneo 
 
 6 
 
 4.72 
 
 57 
 23.85 
 
 36 
 45.57 
 
 ■ 18 
 18.56 
 
 •sjsmo JO s^iqeq 
 9i'Ba9dtn3ini o^ 
 9iip ^ou no'!^]pao9 
 
 94 
 74.02 
 
 126 
 
 52.72 
 
 15 
 18.99 
 
 70 
 72.16 
 
 •sagqiO jo s^i 
 0} 9np uonjpnoo 
 
 27 
 21.26 
 
 56 
 23.43 
 
 28 
 35.44 
 
 9 
 
 9.28 
 
 Z 
 ■< 
 
 o 
 
 < 
 
 •IBjox 
 
 110 
 100.00 
 
 145 
 100.00 
 
 32 
 100.00 
 
 23 
 100.00 
 
 •pecijodaj ^on 
 non!puQD JO 9sn'B0 
 
 »0 ■* (M t- -^ >0 CN O 
 Iffl (M 1-1 l-H t- t- 
 
 ^ WO CO CO 
 
 1-1 '^ 
 
 •sjaqio JO s;iq«q 
 9;BJ9dni9^m 0} 
 onp ;on uojitpuoo 
 
 78 
 70.91 
 
 77 
 53.11 
 
 6.25 
 
 14 
 60.87 
 
 •sj9q^o JO s?i 
 -qeq 95BJ9din9;ni 
 0^ 9np uonipnoo 
 
 27 
 24.54 
 
 46 
 31.72 
 
 16 
 50.00 
 
 30.43 
 
 
 •IBjox 
 
 17 
 100.00 
 
 94 
 
 100.00 
 
 47 
 100.00 
 
 74 
 100.00 
 
 ■p9:jjod9i }on 
 uotjipnoa JO 9siibo 
 
 1 
 
 5.88 
 
 35 
 37.23 
 
 22 
 46.81 
 
 16 
 21.62 
 
 •sjgq^o JO Siiquq 
 9^BJ9dra9^ni o'i 
 9np %ou noi^ipnoo 
 
 16 
 94.12 
 
 49 
 52.13 
 
 13 
 27.66 
 
 56 
 75.68 
 
 •sj9q'}0 JO s^i 
 -q'Bq a^Bjgdrag^ni 
 0^ 9np uonjpnoo 
 
 10 
 10.64 
 
 12 
 25.53 
 
 2.70 
 
 
 § 
 
 If 
 
 ■< 
 
 ■< 
 
 Associated Charities, Wilming- 
 ton, N. C. Number. 
 Per cent. 
 Charity Organization Society, 
 Bayonne, N. J. Number. 
 Per cent. 
 Charity Organization Society, 
 New Brunswick, N. J. 
 
 Number. 
 Per cent. 
 Charity Organization, New Brit- 
 ain, Ct. Number. 
 Per cent.
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO 
 POVERTY. — TABLE XIIL 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OP INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 a'A^ 
 
 •sii 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 fl 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o"© > 
 
 2 *^ ^ 03 
 
 -t^ . 
 
 § 
 
 
 *" «s « 
 
 "^-g g » 
 
 ^"S 
 
 .3 
 
 Name and Location of Organization 
 
 §ls« 
 
 ^■a is 
 
 a 
 
 t 
 
 REPOETma. 
 
 .2 ^ „' o 
 
 tion nc 
 perate 
 auts, p 
 IS, or 
 
 « o 
 •S2 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 
 
 ^1 "is" 
 
 ^ a.2 3 
 
 i 
 
 H 
 
 
 gSLSi 
 
 g^o.^ 
 
 § 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Charity Organization Society of 
 
 
 
 
 
 the City of New York. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 342 
 
 708 
 
 130 
 
 1180 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 28.98 
 
 60.00 
 
 11.02 
 
 69.21 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 52 
 
 397 
 
 76 
 
 .525 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 9.90 
 
 75.62 
 
 14.48 
 
 30.79 
 
 rp . „, ( Number. 
 Total. {Percent. 
 
 394 
 
 1105 
 
 206 
 
 1705 
 
 23.11 
 
 64.81 
 
 12.08 
 
 100.00 
 
 Chicago Bureau of Associated 
 
 
 
 
 
 Charities, Chicago, 111. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 303 
 
 773 
 
 139 
 
 1215 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 24.94 
 
 63.62 
 
 11.44 
 
 98.54 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 18 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 5.55 
 
 27.78 
 
 66.67 
 
 1.46 
 
 rp , , { Number. 
 Total. j Per cent. 
 
 304 
 
 778 
 
 151 
 
 1233 
 
 24.65 
 
 63.10 
 
 12.25 
 
 100.00 
 
 Brooklyn Bureau of Charities, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 1029 
 
 3306 
 
 213 
 
 4548 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 22.63 
 
 72.69 
 
 4.68 
 
 92.72 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 96 
 
 228 
 
 33 
 
 357 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 26.89 
 
 63.87 
 
 9.24 
 
 7.28 
 
 ™ , j Number. 
 Total. i Per cent. 
 
 1125 
 
 3534 
 
 246 
 
 4905 
 
 22.94 
 
 72.05 
 
 5.01 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XIII., continued. 
 
 BESIDBNT AND NON-KESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 
 a '4^ 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 
 o o , 
 
 ^-S^'k 
 
 o 
 
 Sn3 
 
 
 Name and Location op 
 
 Organization 
 
 «.^ai 
 
 
 
 t 
 
 Repoktiko 
 
 
 1!il 
 
 § <C CO 
 
 a a, 
 o 
 
 §• 
 
 
 
 •"t^ =5 -t^ /■ 
 
 Sg.y 
 
 i 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 gcg§ 
 
 g^U^ 
 
 § 
 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Charity Organization 
 
 Society, Bal- 
 
 
 
 
 
 timore, Md. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 227 
 
 813 
 
 36 
 
 1076 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 2L10 
 
 75.56 
 
 3.34 
 
 99.72 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 - 
 
 3 
 
 - 
 
 3 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ( Number. 
 ( Per cent. 
 
 San Fran- 
 
 — 
 
 100.00 
 
 - 
 
 0.28 
 
 Total. 
 
 227 
 
 816 
 
 36 
 
 1079 
 
 2L04 
 
 75.62 
 
 3.34 
 
 100.00 
 
 Associated Charities, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cisco, Cal. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 443 
 
 993 
 
 74 
 
 1510 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 29.34 
 
 65.76 
 
 4.90 
 
 97.67 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 5 
 
 27 
 
 4 
 
 36 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 j Number. 
 ( Per cent. 
 
 Cincinnati, 
 
 13.89 
 
 75.00 
 
 11.11 
 
 2.33 
 
 Total. 
 
 448 
 
 1020 
 
 78 
 
 1546 
 
 28.98 
 
 65.98 
 
 5.04 
 
 100.00 
 
 Associated Charities, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ohio. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 360 
 
 2097 
 
 21 
 
 2478 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 14.53 
 
 84.62 
 
 0.85 
 
 99.44 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ( Number. 
 J Per cent. 
 
 21.43 
 
 71.43 
 
 7.14 
 
 0.56 
 
 Total. 
 
 363 
 
 2107 
 
 22 
 
 2492 
 
 14.57 
 
 84.55 
 
 0.88 
 
 100.00
 
 EELATIONS OF THE LIQUOK PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XIII., continued. 
 
 KBSIDBNT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 g--^^ 
 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 CSS 
 
 2 o S) 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 o o .- 
 
 lie 
 
 its 
 ts, 
 s. 
 
 .2 • 
 
 § 
 
 Name and Location op Organization 
 Repobting. 
 
 tion due t 
 
 ite habits 
 
 ts, parents 
 
 or others. 
 
 tion not d 
 perate hab 
 ants, parei 
 is, or othei 
 
 It 
 
 i 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 
 
 ■5 !n 9 S 
 
 ^ 9.2 3 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 g P.O ts 
 
 §Sp.=3 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 
 Charity Organization Society, Buf- 
 
 
 
 
 
 falo, N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 396 
 
 804 
 
 49 
 
 1249 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 31.71 
 
 64.37 
 
 3.92 
 
 97.20 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 7 
 
 27 
 
 2 
 
 36 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 19.44 
 
 75.00 
 
 5.56 
 
 2.80 
 
 rp .„, ( Number. 
 T°tal- i Per cent. 
 
 403 
 
 831 
 
 51 
 
 1285 
 
 31.36 
 
 64.67 
 
 3.97 
 
 100.00 
 
 Associated Charities, Washin^on, 
 
 
 
 
 
 D. C. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 322 
 
 1168 
 
 35 
 
 1525 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 2L11 
 
 76.59 
 
 2.30 
 
 99.35 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 20.00 
 
 60.00 
 
 20.00 
 
 0.65 
 
 T^+oi i Number. 
 Total. i Per cent. 
 
 324 
 
 1174 
 
 37 
 
 15.35 
 
 21.11 
 
 76.48 
 
 2.41 
 
 100.00 
 
 Charity Organization Society, Lou- 
 
 
 
 
 
 isville, Ky. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 271 
 
 342 
 
 6 
 
 619 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 43.78 
 
 55.25 
 
 0.97 
 
 96.12 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 25 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 36.00 
 
 56.00 
 
 8.00 
 
 3.88 
 
 Total. \ Number. 
 (Percent. 
 
 280 
 
 356 
 
 8 
 
 644 
 
 43.48 
 
 55.28 
 
 1.24 
 
 100.00
 
 EELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XIIL, continued. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEP AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 
 ii^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a c8 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Name and Location op 
 
 Obganization 
 
 o o > 
 
 t due 
 habit 
 irents 
 thers. 
 
 11 
 
 
 Bepobtino. 
 
 
 
 
 
 a. 
 
 
 
 ditio 
 rate 
 nts, 
 s, or 
 
 ditio 
 mpei 
 icant 
 ans, 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 gs-sy 
 
 g^ft^ 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 CJ 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 
 Society for Organization of Char- 
 
 
 
 
 
 ity, Rochester, N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 140 
 
 236 
 
 15 
 
 391 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 35.80 
 
 60.36 
 
 3.84 
 
 92.22 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 9 
 
 20 
 
 4 
 
 33 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ( Number. 
 I Per cent. 
 
 St. Paul, 
 
 27.27 
 
 60.61 
 256 
 
 12.12 
 
 7.78 
 
 TotaL 
 
 149 
 
 19 
 
 424 
 
 35.14 
 
 60.38 
 
 4.48 
 
 100.00 
 
 Associated Charities, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Minn. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 229 
 
 589 
 
 23 
 
 841 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 27.23 
 
 70.04 
 
 2.73 
 
 89.09 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 25 
 
 66 
 
 12 
 
 103 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ( Number. 
 ( Per cent. 
 
 g Charity, 
 
 24.27 
 
 64.08 
 
 11.65 
 
 10.91 
 
 TotaL 
 
 254 
 
 655 
 
 35 
 
 944 
 
 26.91 
 
 69.38 
 
 3.71 
 
 100.00 
 
 Society for Organizir 
 
 
 
 
 
 Providence, R. I. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 124 
 
 157 
 
 18 
 
 299 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 41.47 
 
 52.51 
 
 6.02 
 
 84.23 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 25 
 
 27 
 
 4 
 
 56 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 i Number. 
 '[ Percent. 
 
 44.64 
 
 48.22 
 
 7.14 
 
 15.77 
 
 TotaL 
 
 149 
 
 184 
 
 22 
 
 355 
 
 41.97 
 
 51.83 
 
 6.20 
 
 100.00
 
 EELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XIIL, continued. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 «l- 
 
 - t8 g 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o o .. 
 
 » iS ?f »; 
 
 o 
 
 § 
 
 
 
 -o-S § « 
 
 ^"2 
 
 .3 
 
 Name and Location of Obqanization 
 
 ».« a g 
 
 «J §5 
 
 a si 
 
 ■a 
 
 Repoetino. 
 
 lay 
 
 .2 5 „" o 
 "« S 3 S 
 
 dition nc 
 mperate 
 icants, p 
 ans, or o 
 
 o o 
 
 p. 
 
 "S 2 
 S 
 
 1 
 
 
 g P.O C8 
 
 g.S'S.^S 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 U 
 
 o 
 
 u 
 
 
 Charity Organization Society, Den- 
 
 
 
 
 ver, CoL 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 128 
 
 763 
 
 187 
 
 1078 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 11.87 
 
 70.78 
 
 17.35 
 
 75.28 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 101 
 
 172 
 
 81 
 
 3.54 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 28.53 
 
 48.59 
 
 22.88 
 
 24.72 
 
 rr 4.„i { Number. 
 Total. j Per cent. 
 
 229 
 
 935 
 
 268 
 
 1432 
 
 15.99 
 
 65.29 
 
 18.72 
 
 100.00 
 
 Charity Organization Society, In- 
 
 
 
 
 
 dianapolis, Ind. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Eesident. Number. 
 
 188 
 
 445 
 
 106 
 
 739 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 25.44 
 
 60.22 
 
 14.34 
 
 87.15 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 10 
 
 63 
 
 36 
 
 109 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 9.17 
 
 57.80 
 
 33.03 
 
 12.85 
 
 m . 1 ( Number. 
 Total. j Per cent. 
 
 198 
 
 508 
 
 142 
 
 848 
 
 23.35 
 
 59.91 
 
 16.74 
 
 100.00 
 
 Charity Organization Society, Al- 
 
 
 
 
 
 bany, N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 196 
 
 242 
 
 1 
 
 439 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 44.65 
 
 55.12 
 
 0.23 
 
 84.91 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 16 
 
 60 
 
 2 
 
 78 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 20.51 
 
 76.93 
 
 2.56 
 
 15.09 
 
 Total, {^rr. 
 
 212 
 
 302 
 
 3 
 
 517 
 
 41.01 
 
 58.41 
 
 0.58 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY, — 
 TABLE XIII. , continued. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 
 ai^ 
 
 a i=<fe 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o o - 
 
 Lie 
 its 
 ts, 
 
 s. 
 
 .2 
 
 1 
 
 Name and Location op 
 Repoeting 
 
 Oeqanization 
 
 due t 
 habits 
 jarents 
 others. 
 
 not d 
 ite hab 
 , pareii 
 r other 
 
 ^5 
 a u 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 a u 
 2 5 oT o 
 
 a s " o 
 •2 g. a „' 
 
 o 
 
 "3 
 
 
 
 ~ 2 'S to" 
 
 •- a S a 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 H 
 
 
 
 |s.gi 
 
 §5o,S 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Bureau of Labor and Charities, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Syracuse, N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 135 
 
 193 
 
 11 
 
 339 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 39.82 
 
 56.93 
 
 3.25 
 
 77.39 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 15 
 
 68 
 
 16 
 
 99 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 j Number. 
 \ Per cent. 
 
 Worcester, 
 
 15.15 
 
 68.69 
 
 16.16 
 
 22.61 
 
 Total. 
 
 1.50 
 
 261 
 
 27 
 
 438 
 
 34.25 
 
 59.59 
 
 6.16 
 
 100.00 
 
 Associated Charities, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mass. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 144 
 
 163 
 
 10 
 
 317 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 45.43 
 
 51.42 
 
 3.15 
 
 91.88 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 28 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ( Number. 
 ( Per cent. 
 
 Association, 
 
 14.28 
 
 17.86 
 
 67.86 
 
 8.12 
 
 Total. 
 
 148 
 
 168 
 
 29 
 
 345 
 
 42.90 
 
 48.69 
 
 8.41 
 
 100.00 
 
 Organized Charities 
 
 
 
 
 
 New Haven, Ct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 63 
 
 384 
 
 75 
 
 522 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 12.07 
 
 73.56 
 
 14.37 
 
 14.85 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 461 
 
 2473 
 
 60 
 
 2994 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ( Number. 
 \ Per cent. 
 
 15.40 
 
 82.60 
 
 2.00 
 
 85.15 
 
 Total. 
 
 524 
 
 2857 
 
 135 
 
 3516 
 
 14.90 
 
 81.26 
 
 3.84 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XIII., continued. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 tti 
 
 -=8 g 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 *i C.C3 
 
 
 
 
 
 S c3 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 O O . 
 
 * -2 .2 03 
 
 o . 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 ''•iss 
 
 
 
 Name and Location of Organization 
 
 »■" C g 
 
 ^^p.^ 
 
 S o 
 
 p. 
 
 Repoetinq. 
 
 
 dition nc 
 mperate 
 icants, p 
 ans, or o 
 
 S p. 
 
 "o 
 
 1 - 
 
 
 gS.gg 
 
 g.Sp.^ 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Associated Charities, Cambridge, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mass. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kesident. Number. 
 
 174 
 
 157 
 
 9 
 
 340 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 51.18 
 
 46.17 
 
 2.65 
 
 82.93 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 52 
 
 70 : 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 18.57 
 
 7.14 
 
 74.29 
 
 17.07 
 
 rr„<.„i 5 Number. 
 Total. 1 Per cent. 
 
 187 
 
 162 
 
 61 
 
 410 
 
 45.61 
 
 39.52 
 
 14.87 
 
 100.00 
 
 Associated Charities, Wilmington, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Del. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 134 
 
 309 
 
 36 
 
 479 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 27.97 
 
 64.51 
 
 7.52 
 
 96.57 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 11.77 
 
 29.41 
 
 58.82 
 
 3.43 
 
 Tow {?:"»!: 
 
 1.36 
 
 314 
 
 46 
 
 496 
 
 27.42 
 
 63.31 
 
 9.27 
 
 100.00 
 
 Charity Organization Society, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Grand Rapids, Mich. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 53 
 
 141 
 
 8 
 
 202 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 26.24 
 
 69.80 
 
 3.96 
 
 30.47 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 153 
 
 273 
 
 35 
 
 461 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 33.19 
 
 59.22 
 
 7.59 
 
 69.53 
 
 rp .„, 5 Number. 
 TotaL j Percent. 
 
 206 
 
 414 
 
 43 
 
 663 
 
 31.07 
 
 62.44 
 
 6.49 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XIII., continued. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 %ti 
 
 a^i 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 <0 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 °° ^,i 
 
 due 
 ibit 
 ents 
 ers. 
 
 
 g 
 
 Name and Location op Organization 
 Reporting. 
 
 ion due 
 te habit 
 3, paren 
 or other 
 
 2 (B q .. 
 
 §1 
 
 ■3 
 
 
 ■« S 3 a 
 
 ■- a i a 
 
 g 
 
 H 
 
 
 §S,2i 
 
 g^p.^ 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Associated Charities, Lynn, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mass. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 238 
 
 393 
 
 _ 
 
 631 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 37.72 
 
 62.28 
 
 - 
 
 98.75 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 - 
 
 8 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 50.00 
 
 50.00 
 
 - 
 
 1.25 
 
 rp .„, S Number. 
 T«*^^- i Per cent. 
 
 242 
 
 397 
 
 
 639 
 
 37.87 
 
 62.13 
 
 - 
 
 100.00 
 
 Charity Organization Society, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Lincoln, Neb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 114 
 
 353 
 
 1 
 
 468 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 24.36 
 
 75.43 
 
 0.21 
 
 84.94 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 19 
 
 59 
 
 5 
 
 83 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 22.89 
 
 71.09 
 
 6.02 
 
 15.06 
 
 rp„,„, ( Number. 
 T«*^^- 1 Per cent. 
 
 133 
 
 412 
 
 6 
 
 551 
 
 24.14 
 
 74.77 
 
 1.09 
 
 100.00 
 
 Charity Organization Society, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hartford, Ct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 178 
 
 316 
 
 6 
 
 500 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 35.60 
 
 63.20 
 
 1.20 
 
 70.32 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 92 
 
 70 
 
 49 
 
 211 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 43.60 
 
 33.18 
 
 23.22 
 
 29.68 
 
 Total. \ ^^^^^l- 
 j Per cent. 
 
 270 
 
 386 
 
 55 
 
 711 
 
 37.97 
 
 54.29 
 
 7.74 
 
 100.00
 
 EELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XUL, continued. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 Name and Location op Oboanization 
 Reportino. 
 
 Union Relief Association, Spring- 
 field, Mass. 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Number. 
 Per cent. 
 
 Associated Charities, Somerville, 
 Mass. 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Total. 
 
 j Number. 
 I Per cent. 
 
 Associated CharitieB, Pawtucket, 
 R.I. 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Number. 
 Per cent. 
 
 i'il 
 
 .2&« 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■"<« t* 
 
 m W oT 
 
 o 
 
 o o . 
 
 — .-^ *i 03 
 
 
 tion due t 
 
 ite habits 
 
 ts, parents 
 
 or otliers 
 
 tion not d 
 perate hab 
 ants, parei 
 IS, or otliei 
 
 o 
 
 "O fe 2 S 
 
 -a a.H <s 
 
 <D 
 
 gs.§i 
 
 g^p.^ 
 
 i 
 
 o 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 49 
 
 72 
 
 1 
 
 40.16 
 
 59.02 
 
 0.82 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 23.53 
 
 52.94 
 
 23.53 
 
 53 
 
 81 
 
 5 
 
 38.13 
 
 58.27 
 
 3.60 
 
 10 
 
 36 
 
 
 21.74 
 
 78.26 
 
 - 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 - 
 
 11.11 
 
 88.89 
 
 - 
 
 11 
 
 44 
 
 _ 
 
 20.00 
 
 80.00 
 
 - 
 
 50 
 
 36 
 
 
 58.14 
 
 41.86 
 
 _ 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 _ 
 
 50.00 
 
 50.00 
 
 - 
 
 53 
 
 39 
 
 _ 
 
 57.G1 
 
 42.39 
 
 - 
 
 122 
 
 87.77 
 
 17 
 
 12.23 
 
 139 
 100.00 
 
 46 
 
 83.64 
 
 9 
 
 16.36 
 
 55 
 
 100.00 
 
 86 
 
 93.48 
 
 6 
 
 6.52 
 
 02 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XIII., C07lti7iued. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USB OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 
 %t7. 
 
 - =8 g 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S ce 3 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 Name and Location op 
 Repokting 
 
 Organization 
 
 dition due to i 
 rate habits of 
 nts, parents, g 
 s, or others. 
 
 dition not due 
 mperate liabits 
 icants, parents, 
 ans, or others. 
 
 o . 
 
 3-73 
 
 is. 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 §!=-«« 
 
 g^U--3 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Associated Charities, 
 
 Davenport, 
 
 
 
 
 
 la. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 55 
 
 96 
 
 8 
 
 159 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 34.59 
 
 60.38 
 
 5.03 
 
 50.64 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 28 
 
 93 
 
 34 
 
 155 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 j Number. 
 ( Per cent. 
 
 ent Union, 
 
 18.06 
 
 60.00 
 
 21.94 
 
 49.36 
 
 Total. 
 
 83 
 
 189 
 
 42 
 
 314 
 
 26.43 
 
 60.19 
 
 13.38 
 
 100.00 
 
 Fitclibnrg Benevol 
 
 
 
 
 
 Fitchburg', Mass. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 13 
 
 37 
 
 5 
 
 55 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 23.64 
 
 67.27 
 
 9.09 
 
 80.88 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 j Number. 
 ( Per cent. 
 
 Wilmington, 
 
 38.46 
 
 53.85 
 
 7.69 
 
 19.12 
 
 Total. 
 
 18 
 
 44 
 
 6 
 
 68 
 
 26.47 
 
 64.71 
 
 8.82 
 
 100.00 
 
 Associated Charities, 
 
 
 
 
 
 N. C. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 33 
 
 89 
 
 5 
 
 127 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 25.98 
 
 70.08 
 
 3.94 
 
 100.00 
 
 Non-resident. 
 
 Number. 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 ( Number. 
 ( Percent. 
 
 - 
 
 — 
 
 ~ 
 
 ~ 
 
 Total. 
 
 33 
 
 89 
 
 5 
 
 127 
 
 25.98 
 
 70.08 
 
 3.94 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO POVERTY. — 
 TABLE XIII., continued. 
 
 RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT APPLICANTS FOR RELIEF AS AFFECTED 
 BY THE USE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 
 
 
 so.'S 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a c5 3 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 ■^^ 60 
 
 
 o 
 
 ■^ 
 
 Name and Location op Okoanization 
 
 
 fill 
 
 
 t 
 
 Reporting. 
 
 
 2 » p-o 
 
 p. 
 
 §• 
 
 
 Is^rS 
 
 .2 ¥ g »- 
 
 O K 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tm 
 
 ondi 
 
 plic 
 dial 
 
 3 
 
 H 
 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 O 
 
 
 Charity Organization Society, Ba- 
 
 
 
 
 
 yonne, N. J. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 128 
 
 84 
 
 6 
 
 218 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 58.72 
 
 38.53 
 
 2.75 
 
 91.21 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 21 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 4.76 
 
 47.62 
 
 47.62 
 
 8.79 
 
 Total. \ Number. 
 ( Per cent. 
 
 129 
 
 94 
 
 16 
 
 239 
 
 53.97 
 
 39.33 
 
 6.70 
 
 100.00 
 
 Charity Organization Society, New 
 
 
 
 
 
 Brunswick, N. J. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 38 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 57 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 66.67 
 
 28.07 
 
 5.26 
 
 72.15 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 _ 
 
 22 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 22.73 
 
 77.27 
 
 ~ 
 
 27.85 
 
 Total. \ N""i^er. 
 1 Per cent. 
 
 43 
 
 33 
 
 3 
 
 79 
 
 54.43 
 
 41.77 
 
 3.80 
 
 100.00 
 
 Charity Organization, New Britain, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Resident. Number. 
 
 21 
 
 75 
 
 1 
 
 97 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 21.65 
 
 77.32 
 
 1.03 
 
 100.00 
 
 Non-resident. Number. 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 r^^ , „, ( Number. 
 T«ta^- i Per cent. 
 
 21 
 
 75 
 
 1 
 
 97 
 
 21.65 
 
 77.32 
 
 1.03 
 
 100.00
 
 
 
 
 
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 115 
 
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 197 
 56.77 
 
 ■aonbij 
 JO asn juaosjad 
 o; aiip noijipuoo 
 
 77 
 40.10 
 
 49 
 87.98 
 
 10 
 22.73 
 
 15 
 
 42.86 
 
 100 
 
 28.82 
 
 
 •lT3;oi 
 
 100.00 
 
 05 
 100.00 
 
 8 
 100.00 
 
 11 
 
 100.00 
 
 149 
 100.00 
 
 •pa^aodaj ?on 
 noi^ipuoo JO asniig 
 
 7 
 10.77 
 
 25.00 
 
 29 
 19.46 
 
 •jonbix JO 
 asn icaosjsd o) 
 anp ^on uoi^ipuoo 
 
 53 
 72.00 
 
 42 
 04.61 
 
 4 
 50.00 
 
 10 
 90.91 
 
 115 
 
 77.18 
 
 ■jonbij 
 JO asn iBuosaad 
 0^ anp aoiijpuog 
 
 oo (O (M (MO 1-1(31 lO i» 
 (M -^ T-i lO (O o ta 
 
 t-^ '^ »d (31 o5 
 
 5^ (M (M 
 
 i 
 
 ■< 
 
 •IBJOX 
 
 119 
 100.00 
 
 64 
 lOO.OU 
 
 100.00 
 
 24 
 100.00 
 
 198 
 100.00 
 
 •pajjodaj ?on 
 nonipnoo JO asni;^ 
 
 ■rtl lO 1-1 CO ,^1-1 
 
 ' ' O IM o 
 
 1—1 
 
 •jonbii JO 
 asn jtjnosjad o^ 
 anp ^on noi^ipnog 
 
 62 
 
 52.10 
 
 27 
 42.19 
 
 27 
 75.00 
 
 10 
 41.67 
 
 82 
 41.41 
 
 •jonbji 
 JO osn iBnosaad 
 0^ anp noi^ipnog 
 
 57 
 47.90 
 
 33 
 51.56 
 
 8 
 22.22 
 
 14 
 58.33 
 
 95 
 
 47.98 
 
 
 a; 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 
 Newark Almshouse, N. J. 
 
 Number 
 Per cent 
 
 Paterson City Almshouse, N. J. 
 Number 
 Per cent 
 
 Trenton City Almshouse, N. J. 
 Number 
 Per cent 
 
 Almshouse, Warren Co., N. J. 
 
 Number 
 Per cent 
 
 Nineteen small rural Almshouses 
 
 in New Jersey. Number 
 
 Per cent
 
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 t-o 
 
 
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 coo 
 
 
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 coo 
 
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 6 
 
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 6 
 
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 6 
 
 2 
 
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 ^uyahoga Co., 
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 1 
 a 
 a 
 
 •I«?oi 
 
 62 
 100.00 
 
 • 42 
 100.00 
 
 199 
 100.00 
 
 77 
 100.00 
 
 •p9}J0daj (}on 
 noi^ipuoo JO astiBO 
 
 (MCO 1-IGO CCCC 
 
 (M CO 1 1 '^'^ 
 
 CO (M ' CO 
 
 0<l 
 
 •jonbii JO 
 9sn XBuosjad o^ 
 9np ^ou uojiipnoo 
 
 53 
 
 85.48 
 
 38 
 90.48 
 
 177 
 88.94 
 
 40 
 51.95 
 
 •jonbn 
 JO 9sn xi'nosjed 
 Oi 9np noT^ipnog 
 
 7 
 11.29 
 
 3 
 
 7.14 
 
 22 
 11.06 
 
 19 
 24.67 
 
 u 
 
 H 
 
 <! 
 
 Ph 
 
 H 
 •i 
 
 n 
 
 ■l'B?ox 
 
 26 
 100.00 
 
 20 
 100.00 
 
 67 
 100.00 
 
 31 
 100.00 
 
 •pa^iodaj fjon 
 noi^ipnoo JO osn^o 
 
 1-1 O i35 CO 
 (M 
 
 •jonbii JO 
 9sn iEno8.i9d o^ 
 9np ^oa noi^ipnoo 
 
 26 
 100.00 
 
 19 
 95.00 
 
 66 
 98.51 
 
 18 
 58.07 
 
 •jonbix 
 JO 99n iBnosjad 
 o; 9np uoi^ipnoo 
 
 1-1(35 -mo 
 
 
 
 •IB^ox 
 
 36 
 100.00 
 
 22 
 100.00 
 
 132 
 100.00 
 
 46 
 100.00 
 
 •pg^jodgj ?on 
 noijipuoo JO 9snB3 
 
 (MO 050 
 
 S ' ' ' • s 
 
 1—1 
 
 •jonbit JO 
 gsn xnnosjad o; 
 9np ;on noi^ipnoo 
 
 27 
 75.00 
 
 19 
 86.36 
 
 111 
 
 84.09 
 
 22 
 47.83 
 
 •jonbit 
 JO 9sn iBnosjgd 
 0} 9np uoi^ipnog 
 
 7 
 19.44 
 
 3 
 
 13.64 
 
 21 
 15.91 
 
 15 
 32.61 
 
 
 o 
 1 
 
 if 
 
 Q 
 % 
 
 1 
 -< 
 iZ! 
 
 County Infirmary, Jackson, Ohio. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 Infirmary, Union Co., Ohio. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 Allegheny City Home, Alle- 
 gheny, Pa. Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 Almshouse, Dane Co., Wis. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent.
 
 
 
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 CO I— -* »0 00 CI CO 
 
 t-l-l 
 
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 noqipaoo jo asuiio 
 
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 •sjamo JO sijqcq 
 
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 •sjamo JO 851 
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 nopipuoo JO asncQ 
 
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 p -*p 00 
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 r-CO 
 
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 T-H 
 
 
 
 
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 t~0 (MO 00 ceo 
 
 100 
 
 
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 8 8 "^8 ^8 
 
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 a:jBaadiu84iii o^ 
 
 59 
 2.19 
 
 8 
 8.79 
 
 211 
 4.33 
 
 169 
 6.23 
 
 81 
 7.45 
 
 Ed 
 PS 
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 enp ^on iioi^ipuoo 
 
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 •saamo JO B^i 
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 t-o oto i~o oo coo 
 
 
 
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 o o o o o 
 
 Ed 
 
 
 
 
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 •paiiodaj 4oa 
 
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 cu 
 
 Ah 
 » 
 
 nonipuoa JO asn^o 
 
 ^ g ^ ^ § 
 
 ■sjaq^o JO B^tqcq 
 
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 s 
 
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 t— CO '"' -t CO ira 
 
 
 anp ^on uopiptioo 
 
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 -^ CO CO M CO 
 
 
 0^ anp noi^ipuoo 
 
 l-H (M fN <>) 
 
 
 
 t-o Oj O 1-1 O 1-1 o oo 
 
 
 
 voo t-o coo C-10 coo 
 
 
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 o o '"'o '"'o o 
 o o o o o 
 
 
 (M rH oo t-t- CO 00 ^ T^ 
 
 « 
 
 •pa^iodai %oa 
 
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 1 
 
 non!pnoo jo asn'eg 
 
 CO rf o <m' «^ 
 
 CO tH O 
 
 Cm 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 ■sjaq^o JO s:)!qi!q 
 
 oo O l-H -)< O -Tfi 1-1 1-1 o 
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 h! 
 
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 CO CO '"' -* ■^ -^ t-^ 
 
 S 
 
 anp (jon uoi^ipuoo 
 
 O CO O Tt< 
 
 •sjaqio JO s;i 
 
 coo oco -^T-H 
 
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 0^ anp uoiciipnoo 
 
 CM 1-1 
 
 
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 s 
 
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 mshouse 
 
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 unty Fi 
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 irlington 
 liugton, 
 
 
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 i-ICN 
 
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 10 
 
 coco 
 
 T-i 1—1 
 
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 tH t- 
 
 <3i >ffl 
 CDCC 
 
 CO 
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 la 
 
 -* 
 
 
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 1—1 
 
 t~ 
 
 CO 
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 to 
 
 ^ 
 
 cS 
 
 ^?i 
 
 coco 
 
 coco 
 
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 r- CO 
 
 xtfO 
 
 2^ 
 
 CD t— 
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 co^ 
 
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 (M CD 
 
 CO 
 
 s 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 t— 
 
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 10 
 
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 ^^ 
 
 
 
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 ^ 
 
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 p-. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 rl^P-i 
 
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 w 
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 Ph 
 
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 ■^ 1-1 
 
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 ■moi 
 
 56 
 100.00 
 
 159 
 100.00 
 
 617 
 100.00 
 
 114 
 100.00 
 
 430 
 100.00 
 
 •paifjodaj ^on 
 noi?!puoo JO 9snB0 
 
 19 
 33.93 
 
 73 
 45.91 
 
 100 
 16.21 
 
 42 
 36.84 
 
 418 
 97.21 
 
 •sjatno JO s^jiqeq 
 a^Bjadtng^ni ' o^ 
 9np ?ou uoijipuoo 
 
 34 
 
 60.71 
 
 38 
 23.90 
 
 430 
 69.69 
 
 56 
 49.13 
 
 0.23 
 
 •Bjamo JO s^i 
 -q^q e^Bjadaia^iii 
 oj 9np noijipuog 
 
 3 
 5.36 
 
 48 
 30.19 
 
 87 
 14.10 
 
 16 
 14.03 
 
 11 
 2.56 
 
 g 
 
 s 
 m 
 
 ■moL 
 
 27 
 100.00 
 
 52 
 100.00 
 
 106 
 100.00 
 
 48 
 100.00 
 
 14] 
 100.00 
 
 no!:t!paoo jo asnBQ 
 
 6 
 66.67 
 
 29 
 55.77 
 
 24 
 14.46 
 
 17 
 35.42 
 
 129 
 91.49 
 
 •sjaq^o JO s^iqeq 
 a^'Bjadtua^nt " o^ 
 anp Hon uoi^ipuoo 
 
 18 
 22.22 
 
 9 
 17.31 
 
 114 
 
 68.67 
 
 24 
 50.00 
 
 0.71 
 
 •sjaq^o JO S}i 
 -q'Bq a^ijjadraa^tii 
 0^ anp uonipuoo 
 
 3 
 11.11 
 
 14 
 26.92 
 
 28 
 16.87 
 
 14.58 
 
 11 
 
 7.80 
 
 i 
 
 •I^iox 
 
 29 
 100.00 
 
 107 
 100.00 
 
 451 
 100.00 
 
 66 
 100.00 
 
 289 
 100.00 
 
 ■pajjodaj ion 
 nopipuoa JO asnuo 
 
 13 
 44.83 
 
 44 
 
 41.12 
 
 76 
 16.85 
 
 25 
 
 37.88 
 
 289 
 100.00 
 
 ■sjaq^o JO s^iqeq 
 aijBjadniajn! oj 
 enp 5on nojiipnoo 
 
 16 
 
 55.17 
 
 29 
 27.10 
 
 316 
 70.07 
 
 32 
 
 48.49 
 
 •siaqjo JO s^i 
 -q'Bq aituadiuaitii 
 oi anp uoijipnoo 
 
 34 
 31.78 
 
 59 
 13.08 
 
 9 
 13.63 
 
 
 z 
 o 
 
 S3 
 
 H 
 H 
 
 u a 
 
 o Ch 
 
 Q 
 
 !25 
 
 Six small urban Almshouses in 
 New Jersey. Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 Almshouse, Albany Co., N. Y. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 Almshouse, Erie Co., N. Y. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 Almshouse, Jefferson Co., N. Y. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 Monroe Co. Almshouse, N. Y. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent.
 
 IC CO 
 
 coo CO-* 
 
 i-H _; (N , 
 
 ^s 
 
 t-o 
 
 ;7^ 
 
 >o O 
 t-o 
 
 coo 
 
 oo 
 coo 
 
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 ceo 
 
 o5o 
 
 oo 
 
 <MO 
 
 l-O 
 
 coo 
 
 ^o 
 coo 
 
 <^o 
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 tH 
 
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 o 
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 T-H 
 
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 8 
 
 8 
 
 T-l 
 
 8 
 
 1-1 
 
 8 
 
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 1—1 
 
 1—1 
 
 d 
 
 t- 1-1 
 
 oS 
 
 «5 Oi CO lO -^ CO Tt( o 
 
 1-1 (N 
 
 •^ o 
 
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 oo 
 
 CO o 
 
 1-1 o 
 
 coo 
 
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 fM O 
 
 oo 
 
 — lO 
 
 OO 
 
 -* o 
 
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 coo 
 
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 CO o 
 
 "^O 
 
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 1-1 
 
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 1—1 
 
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 r-l 
 
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 T-l 
 
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 t-t- 
 
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 (MO COt)< 
 
 
 
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 Ph S!5PHns!^P-i 
 
 M -2 ( 
 
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 msh 
 am, 
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 '^11 
 
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 E4 
 
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 o
 
 EELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO 
 PAUPERISM. — TABLE XI. 
 
 PAUPERISM IN ALMSHOUSES AS AFFECTED BY THE INTEMPERATE 
 HABITS OF PAUPERS, PARENTS, GUARDIANS, OR OTHERS, BY IN- 
 STITUTIONS. 
 
 
 lal 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 C 3 
 
 •^ ^ 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 <B 
 
 Name and Location op Institution 
 Repoeting. 
 
 due to 
 labits 
 irents, 
 )thers. 
 
 not due 
 te hab 
 parents 
 - others. 
 
 St3 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 
 gas.i 
 
 g« o.-a 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Town Farm, Bridgeport, Ct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 46 
 
 62 
 
 - 
 
 108 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 42.59 
 
 57.41 
 
 - 
 
 1.28 
 
 Almshouse, New London, Ct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 24 
 
 26 
 
 _ 
 
 50 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 48.00 
 
 52.00 
 
 - 
 
 0.59 
 
 Cook Co. Almshouse, Cook Co., 111. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 260 
 
 859 
 
 24 
 
 1143 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 22,75 
 
 75.15 
 
 2.10 
 
 13.58 
 
 Almshouse, Marion Co., Ind. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 68 
 
 79 
 
 93 
 
 240 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 28.33 
 
 32.92 
 
 38.75 
 
 2.85 
 
 Bay View Asylum, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 249 
 
 268 
 
 23 
 
 540 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 46.11 
 
 49.63 
 
 4.26 
 
 6.41 
 
 Poor Farm, Hennepin Co., Minn. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 30 
 
 32 
 
 2 
 
 64 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 46.87 
 
 50.00 
 
 3.13 
 
 0.76 
 
 Almshouse, Ramsay Co., Minn. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 57 
 
 28 
 
 6 
 
 91 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 62.64 
 
 30.77 
 
 6.59 
 
 1.09 
 
 County Farm, Hillsboro Co., N. H. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 128 
 
 189 
 
 11 
 
 328 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 39.03 
 
 57.62 
 
 3.35 
 
 3.90 
 
 County Farm, Merrimac Co., N. H. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 68 
 
 125 
 
 3 
 
 196 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 34.69 
 
 63.78 
 
 1.53 
 
 2.33 
 
 County Almshouse, Burlington Co., 
 
 
 
 
 
 N. J. Number. 
 
 55 
 
 64 
 
 22 
 
 141 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 39.01 
 
 45.39 
 
 15.60 
 
 1.67 
 
 Camden Co. Almshouse, Camden, 
 
 
 
 
 
 N. J. Number. 
 
 24 
 
 79 
 
 - 
 
 103 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 23.30 
 
 76.70 
 
 - 
 
 1.22 
 
 City Almshouse, Elizabeth, N. J. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 - 
 
 50 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 40.00 
 
 60.00 
 
 ~ 
 
 0.59
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOE PROBLEM TO PAUPERISM. — 
 TABLE XL, contimied. 
 
 PAUPERISM IN ALMSHOUSES AS AFFECTED BY THE INTEJrPERATB 
 HABITS OF PAUPERS, PARENTS, GUARDIANS, OR OTHERS, BY IN- 
 STITUTIONS. 
 
 
 a 3 
 
 2.& 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 
 Name and Location op Institution 
 Repoktinq. 
 
 due to i 
 abits of 
 rents, g 
 thers. 
 
 not due 
 >e habit 
 parents, 
 others. 
 
 o . 
 o 5 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 .J5 C3 o 
 
 ■*; .. tH 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 .2 ® o 
 
 c2 £ =■ 
 •2 S " »o- 
 
 •s" 
 
 1 
 
 
 "2 11 » c 
 
 •2ii.2 
 
 (B 
 
 H 
 
 
 S »>-« 
 
 S« c-o 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 d 
 
 
 Almshouse, East Orange, N. J. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 - 
 
 27 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 44.44 
 
 55.56 
 
 _ 
 
 0.32 
 
 Snake Hill Almshouse, Hudson 
 
 
 
 
 
 Co., N. J. Number. 
 
 170 
 
 260 
 
 36 
 
 466 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 36.48 
 
 55.79 
 
 7.73 
 
 5.53 
 
 Morris Co. Almshouse, Morris Co., 
 
 
 
 
 
 N. J. Number. 
 
 10 
 
 70 
 
 1 
 
 81 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 12.35 
 
 86.42 
 
 1.23 
 
 0.96 
 
 City Almshouse, Newark, N. J. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 86 
 
 106 
 
 - 
 
 192 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 44.79 
 
 55.21 
 
 - 
 
 2.28 
 
 City Almshouse, Paterson, N. J. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 52 
 
 66 
 
 11 
 
 129 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 40.31 
 
 51.16 
 
 8.53 
 
 1.53 
 
 City Almshouse, Trenton, N. J. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 10 
 
 32 
 
 2 
 
 44 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 22.73 
 
 72.73 
 
 4.54 
 
 0.52 
 
 County Almshouse, Warren Co., 
 
 
 
 
 
 N. J. Number. 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 - 
 
 35 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 42.86 
 
 57.14 
 
 - 
 
 0.42 
 
 Nineteen small rural Almshouses 
 
 
 
 
 
 in New Jersey. Number. 
 
 108 
 
 189 
 
 50 
 
 347 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 31.12 
 
 54.47 
 
 14.41 
 
 4.12 
 
 Six small urban Almshouses in 
 
 
 
 
 
 New Jersey. Number. 
 
 27 
 
 29 
 
 - 
 
 56 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 48.21 
 
 51.79 
 
 - 
 
 0.67 
 
 Almshouse, Albany Co., N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 87 
 
 69 
 
 3 
 
 159 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 54.72 
 
 43.39 
 
 1.89 
 
 1.89 
 
 Almshouse, Erie Co., N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 291 
 
 296 
 
 30 
 
 617 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 47.16 
 
 47.98 
 
 4.86 
 
 7.33 
 
 Almshouse, Jefferson Co., N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 45 
 
 61 
 
 8 
 
 114 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 39.47 
 
 53.51 
 
 7.02 
 
 1.35
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO PAUPERISM. — 
 TABLE XL, continued. 
 
 PACPEKISM rN AiMSHOCSES AS AFFECTED BY THE IKTEJIPERATE 
 HABITS OF PACPEES, PAKENTS, GCAKDIANS, OK OTHERS, BY lif- 
 STITUTIOXS. 
 
 
 S 2"3 
 
 .= ° 1 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 1^1 
 
 O X M 
 
 _ 
 
 
 
 
 c 3 _g ^ 
 
 .3 
 
 
 N AiEE AiTB Location op Institution 
 
 - -r *= t 
 
 — -5 
 
 11 
 
 § 
 
 Bepobting. 
 
 "5 ■= c :5 
 
 2 i — o 
 
 o o 
 
 o. 
 
 
 .2 2 " = 
 
 5 g 1 ° 
 
 — 3- X a! 
 
 o 2 
 
 "3 
 
 
 -« CS (E ^ 
 
 -*^ f^ Q^ti 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 ^ S o s 
 
 ^ii| 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Scae 
 
 5-2 ii-o 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 6 
 
 
 Almshouse, Monroe Co., N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 199 
 
 231 
 
 - 
 
 430 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 46.28 
 
 53.72 
 
 - 
 
 5.11 < 
 
 Ne-w York City Almshouse, New 
 
 
 
 
 
 York Co., N. Y. Number. 
 
 610 
 
 862 
 
 59 
 
 1531 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 39.85 
 
 56.30 
 
 3.85 
 
 18.18 
 
 House of Industry, Rensselaer Co., 
 
 
 
 
 
 N. Y. Number. 
 
 130 
 
 117 
 
 23 
 
 270 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 48.15 
 
 43.33 
 
 8.52 
 
 3.21 
 
 Almshouse, Schenectady Co., N. Y. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 21 
 
 37 
 
 - 
 
 58 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 36.21 
 
 63.79 
 
 - 
 
 0.69 
 
 Four Almshouses in four Counties 
 
 
 
 
 
 in N. C. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 45 
 
 79 
 
 3 
 
 127 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 35.43 
 
 62.21 
 
 2.36 
 
 1.51 
 
 Infirmary, Cuyahoga Co., Ohio. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 107 
 
 186 
 
 10 
 
 303 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 35.31 
 
 61.39 
 
 3.30 
 
 3.60 
 
 County Infirmary, Jackson Co., 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ohio. Number. 
 
 13 
 
 47 
 
 2 
 
 62 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 20.97 
 
 75.81 
 
 3.22 
 
 0.74 
 
 County Infirmary, Union Co., Ohio. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 9 
 
 32 
 
 1 
 
 42 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 21.43 
 
 76.19 
 
 2.38 
 
 0.50 
 
 Allegheny City Home, Allegheny, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pa. Number. 
 
 22 
 
 177 
 
 - 
 
 199 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 11.06 
 
 88.94 
 
 - 
 
 2.36 
 
 Almshouse, Dane Co., Wis. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 22 
 
 38 
 
 17 
 
 77 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 28.57 
 
 49.36 
 
 22.07 
 
 0.91 
 
 T».^- { p^rtS: 
 
 3120 
 
 4860 
 
 440 
 
 8420 
 
 37.05 
 
 57.72 
 
 5.23 
 
 100.00
 
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 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO 
 CRIME. — TABLE V. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Tkomaston, Me. 
 
 Causes of Crime accobdxno to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 219 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 40 
 
 18.26 
 
 30 
 
 13.70 
 
 27 
 
 12.32 
 
 15 
 
 6.85 
 
 13 
 
 5.94 
 
 10 
 
 4.58 
 
 6 
 
 2.74 
 
 6 
 
 2.74 
 
 6 
 
 2.74 
 
 5 
 
 2.28 
 
 4 
 
 1.83 
 
 2 
 
 0.91 
 
 2 
 
 0.91 
 
 2 
 
 0.91 
 
 1 
 
 0.46 
 
 50 
 
 22.83 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOK PEOBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 BELATIVK RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Concord, N. H. 
 
 Causes op Crime according to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envir- 
 onment 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . » . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 39 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 162 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 24.07 
 
 25 
 
 15.43 
 
 24 
 
 14.82 
 
 9 
 
 5.55 
 
 9 
 
 5.55 
 
 8 
 
 4.94 
 
 7 
 
 4.32 
 
 4 
 
 2.47 
 
 4 
 
 2.47 
 
 1 
 
 0.62 
 
 1 
 
 0.62 
 
 1 
 
 0.62 
 
 0.62 
 
 0.62 
 17.28 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Weather sfield, Conn. 
 
 Causes of Cbime according to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Percent. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 116 
 52 
 51 
 32 
 
 29 
 
 425 
 
 27.30 
 
 12.24 
 
 12.00 
 
 7.53 
 
 6.83 
 
 16 
 
 3.76 
 
 15 
 
 3.53 
 
 13 
 
 3.06 
 
 12 
 
 2.82 
 
 12 
 
 2.82 
 
 8 
 
 1.88 
 
 6 
 
 1.41 
 
 63 
 
 14.82 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Auburn, N. Y. 
 
 Causes of Crime accordinq to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable environ- 
 ment 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 t 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 NmubeT. 
 
 150 
 
 123 
 
 107 
 
 99 
 
 94 
 
 1011 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 14.84 
 
 12.17 
 
 10.58 
 
 9.79 
 
 9.30 
 
 84 
 
 8.31 
 
 60 
 
 5.94 
 
 43 
 
 4.25 
 
 32 
 
 3.17 
 
 29 
 
 2.87 
 
 25 
 
 2.47 
 
 23 
 
 2.28 
 
 18 
 
 1.77 
 
 16 
 
 1.58 
 
 15 
 
 1.48 
 
 93 
 
 9.20 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRUIB. 
 
 State Prison, Sing Sing, N. Y. 
 
 CADSB3 OF CbIME ACCORDma TO THE RELATIVE RaNK. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 Number. 
 
 1399 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 341 
 
 24.38 
 
 229 
 
 16.37 
 
 12 
 
 0.86 
 
 9 
 
 0.64 
 
 4 
 
 0.28 
 
 3 
 
 0.22 
 
 2 
 
 0.14 
 
 1 
 
 0.07 
 
 1 
 
 0.07 
 
 797 
 
 56.97 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOE PROBLEM TO GRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 KELATr/E KANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Trenton, N. J. 
 
 Causes op Crime according to tbcb Relative Rank. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of iudustrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable environ- 
 ment 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and un- 
 favorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Crime not induced by any of tbese causes . 
 
 Total 
 
 Number. 
 
 981 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 249 
 
 25.38 
 
 106 
 
 10.81 
 
 70 
 
 7.14 
 
 62 
 
 6.32 
 
 58 
 
 5.91 
 
 48 
 
 4.89 
 
 48 
 
 4.89 
 
 46 
 
 4.69 
 
 43 
 
 4.38 
 
 40 
 
 4.08 
 
 37 
 
 3.77 
 
 20 
 
 2.65 
 
 14 
 
 1.43 
 
 12 
 
 1.22 
 
 9 
 
 0.92 
 
 113 
 
 11.52 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Richmond, Va. 
 
 Causes op Ceimb accoedinq to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 traioing 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial traiuing, and unfa- 
 vorable enviroument 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 8 
 
 2 
 3S9 
 
 1288 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 431 
 
 33.46 
 
 150 
 
 11.65 
 
 138 
 
 10.72 
 
 41 
 
 3.18 
 
 37 
 
 2.87 
 
 28 
 
 2.18 
 
 24 
 
 1.86 
 
 13 
 
 1.01 
 
 0.93 
 
 0.62 
 0.62 
 
 0.54 
 
 0.16 
 30.20 
 
 100.00
 
 EELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 KELATrVE BANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CKEHB. 
 
 State Prison, Joliet, III. 
 
 Causes of Ckime accokding to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 Number- 
 
 245 
 
 126 
 
 10.26 
 
 123 
 
 10.02 
 
 105 
 
 8.55 
 
 95 
 
 7.74 
 
 83 
 
 6.76 
 
 73 
 
 5.94 
 
 71 
 
 5.78 
 
 54 
 
 26 
 26 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 160 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 19.95 
 
 4.40 
 
 2.12 
 2.12 
 1.30 
 
 0.98 
 
 0.81 
 
 0.24 
 13.03 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME, — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 BBIiATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CKIME. 
 
 State Prison, Michigan City, Ind. 
 
 Causes of Crime according to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . , . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 Number. 
 
 272 
 
 2 
 16 
 
 30.56 
 
 00 
 
 11.23 
 
 87 
 
 9.77 
 
 80 
 
 8.99 
 
 76 
 
 8.54 
 
 68 
 
 7.64 
 
 45 
 
 5.05 
 
 35 
 
 3.93 
 
 29 
 
 3.26 
 
 27 
 
 3.03 
 
 21 
 
 2.36 
 
 21 
 
 2.36 
 
 6 
 
 0.67 
 
 890 
 
 0.56 
 
 0.25 
 1.80 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE BANK OP CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Stillwater, Minn. 
 
 Causes of Crime according to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 500 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 163 
 
 32.60 
 
 52 
 
 10.40 
 
 49 
 
 9.80 
 
 31 
 
 6.20 
 
 27 
 
 5.40 
 
 19 
 
 3.80 
 
 15 
 
 3.00 
 
 12 
 
 2.40 
 
 10 
 
 2.00 
 
 8 
 
 1.60 
 
 6 
 
 1.20 
 
 5 
 
 1.00 
 
 2 
 
 0.40 
 
 2 
 
 0.40 
 
 2 
 
 0.40 
 
 97 
 
 19.40 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Waupun, Wis. 
 
 Causes of Cbime according to the RELAiryE Rank. 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable envirorauent, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable environ- 
 ment 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 
 Total 
 
 461 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 78 
 
 16.92 
 
 63 
 
 13.67 
 
 51 
 
 11.06 
 
 44 
 
 9.54 
 
 42 
 
 9.11 
 
 40 
 
 8.68 
 
 32 
 
 6.94 
 
 30 
 
 6.51 
 
 18 
 
 3.90 
 
 9 
 
 1.95 
 
 9 
 
 1.95 
 
 8 
 
 1.74 
 
 8 
 
 1.74 
 
 4 
 
 0.87 
 
 2 
 
 0.43 
 
 23 
 
 4.99 
 
 100.00
 
 EELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANi OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Prison, Columbus, Ohio. 
 
 Causes of Crime according to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable environ- 
 ment 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and un- 
 favorable environment 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . • 
 Total 
 
 2 
 119 
 
 720 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 247 
 
 34.30 
 
 61 
 
 8.47 
 
 48 
 
 6.67 
 
 36 
 
 5.00 
 
 34 
 
 4.72 
 
 30 
 
 4.17 
 
 30 
 
 4.17 
 
 28 
 
 3.89 
 
 25 
 
 3.47 
 
 21 
 
 2.92 
 
 13 
 
 1.80 
 
 12 
 
 1.67 
 
 8 
 
 1.11 
 
 0.83 
 
 0.28 
 16.53 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. 
 TABLE v., contimied. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Reformatory, Elmira, N. Y. 
 
 Causes of Crime accohding to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 
 Total 
 
 1296 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 285 
 
 21.99 
 
 183 
 
 14.12 
 
 174 
 
 13.43 
 
 125 
 
 9.65 
 
 97 
 
 7.48 
 
 71 
 
 5.48 
 
 64 
 
 4.94 
 
 59 
 
 4.55 
 
 53 
 
 4.09 
 
 •37 
 
 2.85 
 
 33 
 
 2.55 
 
 31 
 
 2.39 
 
 29 
 
 2.24 
 
 29 
 
 2.24 
 
 24 
 
 1.85 
 
 2 
 
 0.15 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Reformatory, Pontiac, III. 
 
 Causes of Crime according to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Unfavorable envirpnment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Lack of industrial training, intemperance, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes 
 
 Total 
 
 Number. 
 
 1803 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 441 
 
 24.46 
 
 253 
 
 14.03 
 
 191 
 
 10.59 
 
 149 
 
 8.26 
 
 131 
 
 7.26 
 
 109 
 
 6.04 
 
 88 
 
 4.88 
 
 86 
 
 4.77 
 
 66 
 
 3.66 
 
 66 
 
 3.66 
 
 64 
 
 3.60 
 
 56 
 
 3.10 
 
 43 
 
 2.38 
 
 34 
 
 1.88 
 
 14 
 
 0.77 
 
 12 
 
 0.66 
 
 100.00
 
 EELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Reformatory, Ionia, Mich. 
 
 Causes of Ceime accoedino to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . • 
 
 Intemperance and imfavorable environment . , . 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training' 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 Number, 
 
 500 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 128 
 
 25.60 
 
 79 
 
 15.80 
 
 40 
 
 8.00 
 
 35 
 
 7.00 
 
 2 
 
 0.40 
 
 2 
 
 0.40 
 
 2 
 
 0.40 
 
 212 
 
 42.40 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO GRIME. — 
 TABLE v., conti7iued. 
 
 BELATIVE BANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION WHICH 
 INDDCBD THE CRIME. 
 
 State Beformatary, St. Cloud, Minn. 
 
 Causes op Ckime according to the Relative Rank. 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . • 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Lack of industrial training, unfavorable environ- 
 ment, and intemperance 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and unfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 Number. 
 
 22 
 21 
 21 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 11 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 16.05 
 15.33 
 15.33 
 
 13.87 
 
 15 
 
 10.95 
 
 7 
 
 5.11 
 
 5 
 
 3.65 
 
 5 
 
 3.65 
 
 3 
 
 2.19 
 
 3 
 
 2.19 
 
 2 
 
 1.46 
 
 1.46 
 
 0.73 
 8.03 
 
 137 
 
 100.00
 
 RELATIONS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM TO CRIME. — 
 TABLE v., continued. 
 
 RELATIVE RANK OF CAUSES LEADING TO A CONDITION "WHICH 
 INDUCED THE CRIME. 
 
 State Reformatory, Jeffersonville, Ind. 
 
 Causes of Crime accobdino to the Relative Rans. 
 
 Unfavorable environment 
 
 Intemperance 
 
 Unfavorable environment and lack of industrial 
 training 
 
 Unfavorable environment and intemperance . . . 
 
 Intemperance and unfavorable environment . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance and lack of industrial training . . . 
 
 Lack of industrial training and unfavorable envi- 
 ronment 
 
 Lack of industrial training and intemperance . . . 
 
 Unfavorable environment, intemperance, and lack 
 of industrial training 
 
 Intemperance, unfavorable environment, and lack of 
 industrial training 
 
 Intemperance, lack of industrial training, and lonfa- 
 vorable environment 
 
 Unfavorable environment, lack of industrial train- 
 ing, and intemperance 
 
 Crime not induced by any of these causes . . 
 Total 
 
 Number. 
 
 382 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 84 
 
 21.99 
 
 81 
 
 21.20 
 
 60 
 
 15.71 
 
 44 
 
 11.52 
 
 43 
 
 11.26 
 
 25 
 
 6.54 
 
 17 
 
 4.45 
 
 10 
 
 2.62 
 
 4 
 
 1.05 
 
 4 
 
 1.05 
 
 3 
 
 0.78 
 
 2 
 
 0.52 
 
 1 
 
 0.26 
 
 4 
 
 1.05 
 
 100.00
 
 310 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 MANUFACTUEE OF LIQUORS, 1890. 
 
 FROM THE REPORTS OF THE IItH CENSUS, QUOTED IN THE 12tH 
 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE C03VIMISSI0NER OF LABOR, P. 27. 
 
 Items. 
 
 Distilled 
 liquors. 
 
 Malt 
 liquors. 
 
 Vinous 
 liquors. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Number of establishments 
 
 reporting 
 
 Capital : 
 
 Land 
 
 Buildings 
 
 Machinery, tools, and im- 
 plements 
 
 Live assets 
 
 440 
 
 $2,816,967 
 6,299,511 
 
 7,856,249 
 14,033,449 
 
 $31,006,176 
 65,179,927 
 
 573 
 
 $564,325 
 
 8 
 
 $4,500 
 
 4,559 
 $2,142,232 
 
 3 
 $390 
 
 5 
 $540 
 
 194 
 
 $102,802 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 $100 
 
 1,248 
 
 $33,538,926 
 64,412,133 
 
 50,288,210 
 84,232,021 
 
 236 
 
 $367,010 
 1,049,005 
 
 1,290,598 
 3,086,170 
 
 1,924 
 
 $36,722,903 
 71,760,649 
 
 59,435,057 
 101,351,640 
 
 Total 
 
 Miscellaneous expenses . 
 Average number of employ- 
 ees and total wages — offi- 
 cers, firm members, and 
 clerks : 
 Males above 16 years . . 
 
 Wages 
 
 Females above 15 years . 
 
 Wages 
 
 Operatives, sliilled and un- 
 skilled : 
 Males above 16 years . . 
 
 Wages 
 
 Females above 15 years . 
 
 Wages 
 
 Children 
 
 Wages 
 
 Pieceworkers : 
 Males above 16 years . . 
 
 Wages 
 
 Females above 15 years . 
 
 Wages 
 
 Children 
 
 Wages 
 
 $232,471,290 
 48,276,290 
 
 4,483 
 
 $7,621,448 
 
 GO 
 
 $47,713 
 
 29,117 
 
 $20,399,030 
 
 168 
 
 $40,757 
 
 508 
 
 $91,609 
 
 374 
 $165,763 
 
 82 
 $15,000 
 
 8 
 $1,224 
 
 $5,792,783 
 270,377 
 
 229 
 
 $178,955 
 
 5 
 
 $2,325 
 
 962 
 
 $285,418 
 
 24 
 
 $7,382 
 
 6 
 
 $548 
 
 54 
 
 $5,905 
 
 2 
 
 $200 
 
 
 
 
 
 $269,270,249 
 113,726,594 
 
 5,285 
 
 $8,364,728 
 
 73 
 
 $54,538 
 
 34,638 
 
 $22,826,680 
 195 
 
 $48,529 
 519 
 
 $92,097 
 
 622 
 
 $274,470 
 
 84 
 
 $15,200 
 
 9 
 
 $1,324 
 
 Total employees . . 
 
 Total wages .... 
 Cost of materials used . . 
 Value of products . . . 
 
 5,343 
 
 $2,814,889 
 
 14,909,173 
 
 104,197,869 
 
 34,800 
 
 $28,382,544 
 
 64,003,347 
 
 182,731,622 
 
 1,282 
 $480,733 
 1,318,012 
 2,846,148 
 
 41,425 
 
 $31,678,166 
 
 80,230,532 
 
 289,775,639
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 311 
 
 GALLONS OF DISTILLED SPIRITS, WINES, AND MALT LIQ- 
 UORS CONSUMED IN THE UNITED STATES, 1840 TO 
 1896. 
 
 FROM THE REPORTS OF THE BUREAU OF STATISTICS OF THE TREA- 
 SURY DEPARTMENT, QUOTED IN THE 12tH ANNUAL REPORT OF 
 THE COMMISSIONER OF LABOR, P. 35. 
 
 
 Total consump- 
 tion of wines 
 
 Consumptior 
 
 I per capita. 
 
 
 Year ending 
 
 
 
 
 All 
 
 June 30. 
 
 and liquors. 
 
 Distilled 
 spirits. 1 
 
 Wines. 
 
 Malt 
 liquors. 
 
 liquors and 
 wines. 
 
 1840 .... 
 
 71,244,823 
 
 2.52 
 
 .29 
 
 1.36 
 
 4.17 
 
 1850 . 
 
 
 
 
 94,712,3.53 
 
 2.23 
 
 .27 
 
 1.58 
 
 4.08 
 
 18(50 . 
 
 
 
 
 202,374,4()1 
 
 2.86 
 
 .35 
 
 3.22 
 
 6.44 
 
 1870 . 
 
 
 
 
 29(),S7(),9:>1 
 
 2.07 
 
 .32 
 
 5.31 
 
 7.70 
 
 1880 . 
 
 
 
 
 500,076,400 
 
 1.27 
 
 .56 
 
 8.26 
 
 10.09 
 
 1885 . 
 
 
 
 
 688,632,415 
 
 1.26 
 
 .39 
 
 10.61 
 
 12.26 
 
 1886 . 
 
 
 
 
 740,796,-554 
 
 1.26 
 
 .44 
 
 11.20 
 
 12.90 
 
 1887 . 
 
 
 
 
 821,138,648 
 
 1.21 
 
 .55 
 
 12.23 
 
 13.99 
 
 1888 . 
 
 
 
 
 879,767,476 
 
 1.26 
 
 .61 
 
 12.80 
 
 14.67 
 
 1889 . 
 
 
 
 
 894,655,061 
 
 1.32 
 
 .56 
 
 12.72 
 
 14.60 
 
 1890 . 
 
 
 
 
 972,578,878 
 
 1.40 
 
 .46 
 
 13.67 
 
 1.5.53 
 
 1891 . 
 
 
 
 
 1,097,671,118 
 
 1.42 
 
 .45 
 
 15.28 
 
 17.15 
 
 1892 . 
 
 
 
 
 1,114,292,201 
 
 1..50 
 
 .44 
 
 15.10 
 
 17.04 
 
 1893 . 
 
 
 
 
 1,207,731,908 
 
 1.51 
 
 .48 
 
 16.08 
 
 18.07 
 
 1894 . 
 
 
 
 
 1,14S, 153,555 
 
 1.33 
 
 .31 
 
 15.18 
 
 16.82 
 
 1895 . 
 
 
 
 
 1,140,764,716 
 
 1.12 
 
 .28 
 
 14.95 
 
 16.35 
 
 1896 . 
 
 
 
 
 1,170,379,448 
 
 1.00 
 
 .26 
 
 15.16 
 
 16.42 
 
 Proof gallons.
 
 312 APPENDIX. 
 
 TAXES PAID DUKING THE FISCAL YEAR ENDING JUNE 
 30, 1896, BY THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 FKOM THE 12th ANNUAL KEPORT OF THE COMMISSIONER OF 
 LABOR, 1898, P. G5. 
 
 The total annual revenue derived from liquor manufacture and traf- 
 fic may be recapitulated as follows : — 
 
 Tax on real and personal property employed in liq- 
 uor manufacture (estimated) $1,225,805.85 
 
 Tax on real and personal property employed in liq- 
 uor traffic (estimated) 10,075,120.00 
 
 Ad valorem tax in Kentucky and Missouri . . . 32,115.70 
 
 United States internal revenue tax 114,450,861.77 
 
 License fees or special taxes, States 10,399,015.60 
 
 License fees or special taxes, counties 5,011,225.06 
 
 License fees or special taxes, municipalities . . . 34,155,299.25 
 
 Fines, States 91,299.56 
 
 Fines, counties 378,557.75 
 
 Fines, municipalities 533,916.01 
 
 Fines, sales of confiscated liquors, etc. United 
 
 States (estimated) 123,844.96 
 
 Customs duties on imported liquors 6,736,063.00 
 
 Total $183,213,124.51
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
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 Armstrong, Libbeus : The Temperance Reform, its History. 
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 Armstrong, W. H. : National Internal Revenue Tax in its 
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 Austin, H. : The Liquor Law in the New England States. 
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 Bertrand, Edmond : Essai sur I'Intempdrance. Paris, 1875, 
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 Conflict between Man and Alcohol. W. E. Sinytbe Co., Boston, 
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 BoHMERT, Dr. Victor : Das Armenwesen in 77 Deutsclien 
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 INDEX.
 
 INDEX 
 
 Agents, instructions to, 15, 46, 57 ; thor- 
 ough investigation of, 96. 
 
 Allegheny City Home, character of, 122. 
 
 Almshouses, nature of investigation in, 
 48, 49 ; character of population in, 50 ; 
 Negroes in, 100 ; proportion of sexes 
 in, 102 ; ages of paupers in, 105, 106 ; 
 nativity of paupers in, 111-117 ; politi- 
 cal condition of paupers in, 118 ; in- 
 temperance as general cause of pauper- 
 ism in, 284-286. 
 
 Applicants for relief, number investi- 
 gated, 43 ; color of, 64-66 ; sex of, 67, 
 68 ; nativity and parent nativity of, 70, 
 76-79 ; political condition of, 81 ; ages 
 of, 84. 
 
 Austrians, intemperance as a cause of 
 poverty among, 25, 72, 77, 112, 115 ; in- 
 temperance as a cause of crime among, 
 135, 137, 142-144. 
 
 Babcock, Dr. J. W., quoted, 182. 
 
 Babcock, Kendrick Charles, report of, 
 233-235. 
 
 Bayonne, N. J., poverty due to intemper- 
 ance in, 91 ; local conditions in, 91, 92. 
 
 Beck, W. H., Captain U. S. A., quoted, 
 192, 193. 
 
 Bohmert, Dr., statistics of, 12, 124. 
 
 Boies, cited, 11. 
 
 Booth, Charles, results of investigations 
 by, 8, 9 ; statistics of poverty by, 12, 
 98, 123 ; quoted, 123, 125. 
 
 Boston, number of saloons in South End 
 of, 231 ; regulations of saloons in, 232. 
 
 Brace, Charles Loring, cited, 11, 32. 
 
 BrevFster, Indian agent, quoted, 200. 
 
 Cambridge, Mass., intemperance in, 92. 
 
 Canadians, intemperance as cause of pov- 
 erty among, 25, 72-74, 112-114 ; intem- 
 perance as cause of crime among, 135, 
 137, 13'8, 142-144. 
 
 Census, investigations of 11th United 
 States, 2, 3. 
 
 Central Falls, R. I., conditions in, 91. 
 
 Charity Organization Societies, number 
 cooperating, 43 ; work of, 44, 45 ; in- 
 structions to, 46, 95 ; divergence in 
 statistics of, 90-96. 
 
 Chicago, Stock Yards district of, 89, 90 ; 
 saloon life in, 211-223. 
 
 Children, destitution due to liquor among, 
 28, 130 ; need of investigating destitu- 
 tion of, 51, ,52, 126, 127 ; number of 
 cases investigated, 52 ; sources of sta- 
 tistics of, 127; color of, 128; nativity 
 and parent nativity of, 131. 
 
 Chinamen, selling liquor to Indians, 200. 
 
 Choctaw beer, 193. 
 
 Church attendance in 19th ward of Chi- 
 cago, 221. 
 
 Cincinnati, Charity Organization Society, 
 returns of, 193. 
 
 Clubs, in 19th ward of Chicago, 220-222 ; 
 in San Francisco, 235 ; in Pittsburgh, 
 236. 
 
 Commissioner of Labor, 12th Annual Re- 
 port of, 17-19, 37, 38, 307-309. 
 
 Committee of Fifty, scope of investiga- 
 tions of, 1. 
 
 Connecticut State Prison, high percent- 
 age of intemperance among convicts 
 in, 158. 
 
 Cook County Almshouse, percentage of 
 intemperance found in, 122. 
 
 Cotton, George, quoted, 197. 
 
 Crime, difficulty in studying causes of, 
 29, 56, 58, 133, 134 ; schedule used in 
 investigation of, 54; intemperance as 
 cause of, 30 ; value of statistics of, 53 ; 
 limitations of investigations of, 55, 56, 
 58 ; among Poles and Italians against 
 the person, 136 ; relation of intemper- 
 ance to kind of, 138-140 ; personal in- 
 temperance as cause of, 140 ; principal 
 causes of, 141, 143, 147; unfavorable 
 environment and lack of industrial 
 training as causes of, 142, 148 ; intem- 
 perance, most prolific source of, 148; 
 relative rank of causes of, 148, 149, 151, 
 155, 156, 293-309. 
 
 Criminals, definition of, 55 ; problem of 
 accidental, 134 ; nationality of, 137, 
 138 ; among Negroes, 150, 151 ; intem- 
 perance among professional, 141 ; classi- 
 fication of, 152, 153. 
 
 De Gerando, cited, 11. 
 
 Denver, investigation of relations of in- 
 temperance in, 94. 
 
 Dillingham, Rev. Pitt, on condition of 
 Negroes, 161. 
 
 Dorchester, Dr. Daniel, quoted, 191, 200. 
 
 Drink selling, by Negroes, 161, 171. 
 
 Drunkenness, arrests of Negroes for, 169, 
 170, 175 ; among Negro women, 163, 
 166, 177, 178. 
 
 Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt, quoted, 175. 
 
 Dugdale, statistics of crime by, 159. 
 
 Economic forces, effect on consumption 
 
 of liquor of, 34-39. 
 Economic Sub-Committee, report of, 1- 
 
 40; agencies employed by, 4, 43, 48, 
 
 52, 56, 57.
 
 326 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 English, intemperance as cause of poverty 
 among, 25, 72, 73, 76, 112, 114; intem- 
 perance as cause of crime among, 135, 
 137, 138, 142-144. 
 
 Evans, Ethel R., report of, 235. 
 
 Freeman, H. B., Colonel U. S. A., quoted, 
 195. 
 
 German, Imperial Statistical Bureau, 
 drink statistics of, 12, 13, 124, 125. 
 
 Germans, intemperance as cause of pov- 
 erty among, 25, 72, 73, 77, 112, 114; 
 intemperance as cause of crime among, 
 31, 135, 138, 142-145 ; saloons among, 
 228. 
 
 Grand Rapids Charity Organization So- 
 ciety, excess of male applicants re- 
 ported by, 69. 
 
 Grinnell, George Bird, quoted, 197, 206. 
 
 Habitual drunkenness among Negroes, 
 165, 167, 176, 177, 179. 
 
 Hebrews, intemperance as cause of pov- 
 erty among, 72 ; treatment of children 
 by, 129 ; intemperance as cause of 
 crime among, 136 ; drinks habits of, 
 224 225. 
 
 Hoffman, F. L., quoted, 176, 182. 
 
 Hull House, social activities of, 221, 222., 
 
 Immorality, due to drink among Negroes, 
 177, 179 ; due to drink among Indians, 
 196. 
 
 Indian affairs, politics in administration 
 of, 201, 202. 
 
 Indian Rights Association, quoted, 192, 
 195. 
 
 Indian Service, intemperance of em- 
 ployees in, 202. 
 
 Indians, legislation against drink selling 
 to, 60, 186, 187, 203, 208 ; effects of in- 
 toxication on, 151, 190, 191, 194; appe- 
 tite for liquor of, 188, 190 ; drink liabits 
 of, 192 ; manufacture of liquor by, 193 ; 
 evil of intemperance among, 194 ; pliysi- 
 cal effects of alcohol on, 195-197 ; mis- 
 sionary work among, 198 ; drinli sell- 
 ing to, 190, 201 ; policy of governmeijt 
 tovi-ard, 201, 202; evidence in liquor 
 cases by, 204 ; prejudice against, 205 ; 
 trial of cases for illegal selling to, 206, 
 209 ; penalties for selling liquor to, 207, 
 208. 
 
 Intemperance, as direct and indirect 
 cause of poverty, 14, 21, 43, 67-70,73, 
 74,76-79, 96, 103, 104, 113-118, 120, 123, 
 247-286 ; among women, 68, 104 ; re- 
 sults of, 69 ; parental, 73 ; not exag- 
 gerated as cause of poverty, 95, 96 ; 
 destitution of children caused by, 128- 
 131, 287-292 ; relation to kind of crime 
 of, 138-141 ; relation to other causes 
 of crime of, 142, 149, 293-309 ; crime 
 among Negroes caused by, 150, 151, 
 181 ; rank in institutions as cause of 
 crime, 152-155 ; relative rank as cause 
 of crime, 156, 157 ; cause of crime 
 among Indians, 194. 
 Irish, intemperance, cause of poverty 
 
 among, 25, 72, 73, 76, 112, 114 ; treat- 
 ment of children by, 129 ; intemper- 
 ance cause of crime among, 31, 135, 137, 
 138, 141-143 ; relation to kind of crime 
 of, 144 ; saloons, 214, 228. 
 Italians, intemperance as cause of poverty 
 among, 25, 72, 77, 112, 115 ; intemper- 
 ance as cause of crime among, 31, 135, 
 137, 138, 142, 143; saloons, 214, 226; 
 drink habits of, 227. 
 
 Kerr, Dr. Norman S., quoted, 182. 
 Klamath, Indians, abstainers among, 192. 
 
 Labor Unions, relations to use of liquor 
 
 of, 35-37 ; incomplete substitutes for 
 
 the saloon, 220. 
 Leupp, Francis E., quoted, 205. 
 Liquor habit, affected by local conditions, 
 
 45, 88, 90, 91 ; of parents of paupers, 
 
 120 ; affecting conjugal relations, 118. 
 Liquor Problem, need of investigation of, 
 
 6-8. 
 Liquor traffic, taxes paid by, 309. 
 Liquors, consumption of, 34, 35, 308 ; 
 
 manufacture of, 307. 
 Local prohibition, effects of, 164; decided 
 
 by Negro votes, 184. 
 
 Marion County Almshouse, Ind., low per- 
 centage of intemperance in, 122. 
 
 Massachusetts Bureau of Labor Statis- 
 tics, investigations of relations of in- 
 temperance by, 2, 3, 122, 123 ; results 
 compared, 16, 159 ; statistics of crime 
 by, 159. 
 
 Massachusetts Society for the Prevention 
 of Cruelty to Children, percentage of 
 intemperance found by, 1.30, 132. 
 
 Michigan State Reformatory, investiga- 
 tion of crime in, 156. 
 
 Minnesota Children's Home Society, per- 
 centage of intemperance found by, 132. 
 
 Missouri Humane Society, percentage of 
 intemperance found by, 130. 
 
 Moore, Ernest Carroll, report by, 211- 
 223. 
 
 Morgan, Commissioner T. J., quoted, 
 193, 194, 199. 
 
 Nationality, relation to intemperance of, 
 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 71-75, 111-118, 137, 
 138 ; of applicants for relief, 70 ; of 
 paupers. 111 ; relation to destitution of 
 children to, 129 ; relation of intemper- 
 ance among criminals to, 135, 136 ; per- 
 centages of convicts according to, 138 ; 
 relations of principal causes of crime 
 to, 141-143; relation to kind of crime 
 of, 144. 
 
 Nativity, relation of imtemperance to 
 poverty according to, 24, 71, 74, 75, 78, 
 112, 113, 116; destitution of children 
 by, 129, 131 ; relation of intemperance 
 to crime by, 136, 137, 143. 
 
 Negroes, percentage impoverished 
 through drink of, 25, 26, 65, 66, 101, 
 102, 180, 181 ; difficulty of investiga- 
 tion among, 59 ; methods of investi- 
 gation among, 60 ; proportion of appli-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 327 
 
 cants for relief among, 64 ; number in 
 almshouse, 100 ; treatment of children 
 by, 128 ; destitution due to intemper- 
 ance among children of, 128 ; intem- 
 perance as cause of crime among, 149- 
 151; in Lowndes County, Ala., 161- 
 163; drink habits of, 162, 163, 165, 167, 
 170, 173, 174 ; temperance organiza- 
 tions among, 164, 177, 184 ; condition 
 in mining districts of, 167 ; condition 
 in cities of, 168 ; exclusion from em- 
 ployment of, 168, 180 ; in Philadelphia, 
 172-175 ; shiftlessness of, 177, 178 ; al- 
 coholic disease rare among, 182-184. 
 
 New Brunswick, N. J., saloons in, 91. 
 
 New Hampshire State Prison, class of 
 convicts in, 158. 
 
 New Haven, coffee bar in, 33. 
 
 New Haven Organized Charities Associ- 
 ation, non-resident cases reported by, 
 83, 94. 
 
 New York Charity Organization Society, 
 cases reported by, 44 ; reinvestigations 
 by, 49 ; cases of males reported by, 68. 
 
 New York, colonial legislation against 
 drink selling to Indians in, 186 ; classi- 
 fication of convicts in, 152, 153; saloon 
 life in, 223-230. 
 
 Occupation, relation of liquor habit to, 
 
 26, 27, 107-110. 
 Ohio State Reformatory, causes of crime 
 
 reported by, 154. 
 Osage Indian agency, 205. 
 
 Parent nativity, relation to liquor habit 
 of, 24, 71-75, 78, 79, 111, 112, 116, 117, 
 135, 137, 143, 145 ; relation to destitu- 
 tion of children of, 129, 131. 
 
 Pauperism, percentage due to intemper- 
 ance, 14, 21-24 ; history of investiga- 
 tion of, 48-50 ; (by color) 100-102 ; (by 
 sex) 103, 104; (by occupations) 107- 
 110 ; (by nativity and parent nativity) 
 111-119; (by political condition) 119- 
 121 ; (by institutions reporting) 274- 
 286. 
 
 Paupers, ages of, 105, 106 ; liquor habits 
 of parents of, 120. 
 
 Pawtucket, poverty due to intemperance 
 in, 90. 
 
 Philadelphia, drink habits of the Negroes 
 in, 173-175. 
 
 Pittsburgh, clubs in, 236. 
 
 Poles, intemperance as cause of poverty 
 among, 25, 72, 73, 77, 80, 112, 115; in- 
 temperance as a cause of crime among, 
 135-138, 141-146. 
 
 Political condition, relation of liquor 
 habit to, 23, 80-82, 119, 120. 
 
 Poverty, percentage due to intemperance 
 of, 14, 21-23 ; study of causes of, 20, 
 21 ; history of investigation of, 40^6 ; 
 different percentages due to drink, 87- 
 96 ; (by color) 64-66 ; (by sex) 67-70 ; 
 (by nativity and parent nativity) 71- 
 79 ; (by political condition) 80-82 ; (by 
 different societies) 247-273. 
 
 Resident and non-resident applicants for 
 
 relief, 82 ; sex of, 83 ; ages of, 84 ; na- 
 tivity of, 85 ; parent nativity of, 86 ; 
 political condition of, 87 ; intemper- 
 ance as affecting poverty of, 263-273. 
 
 Rettich, Dr. H., statistics of poverty by, 
 124. 
 
 Russians, intemperance as cause of pov- 
 erty among, 25, 72, 77; intemperance 
 as cause of crime among, 135-138, 142- 
 146. 
 
 Saloon-keeper, social position of, 215, 
 216 ; helpfulness of, 216, 234, 237. 
 
 Saloons, economics of, 32, 33 ; history of 
 investigation of, 61-63 ; number in 19th 
 ward of Chicago, 212 ; intemperance 
 in, 212, 214, 227-229, 239; character 
 of, 213, 224, 227, 228; equipment of, 
 214, 219 ; as clubs for workingmen, 
 214, 227, 232 ; attractions of, 215, 216, 
 230, 234, 236 ; substitutes for, 220, 222, 
 239; Jewish, 224; Italian, 226; Ger- 
 man, 228 ; Irish, 228 ; police regula- 
 tions of, 232 ; in San Francisco, 233, 
 234 ; relations to wage-earning class 
 of, 237-239. 
 
 San Francisco, saloon life in, 233, 234. 
 
 Scandinavians, intemperance as cause of 
 poverty among, 25, 72, 73, 77, 112, 115; 
 intemperance as cause of crime among, 
 135, 137, 138, 142-145. 
 
 Scotch, intemperance as cause of poverty 
 among, 25, 72-74, 76, 112-114; intem- 
 perance as cause of crime among, 135, 
 137, 138, 142-144. 
 
 Sex, relation to poverty of, 22; relation 
 to intemperance of, 67, 68, 102-104, 
 252-202, 274-283. 
 
 Sing Sing State Prison, causes of crime 
 among convicts in, 153. 
 
 Smith, James R., Colonel and Assistant 
 Surgeon-General U. S. A., medical sta- 
 tistics by, 183; quoted, 184. 
 
 Standing Rock Agency, N. D., report 
 quoted, 201. 
 
 Steell, Major George, quoted, 191. 
 
 Steiermark, percentage of intemperance 
 among paupers in, 124. 
 
 Stock Yards district in Chicago, local 
 conditions in, 89, 90. 
 
 Trades and Labor Council quoted, 37. 
 
 Uintah Indian Agency, Utah, report 
 
 quoted, 201. 
 Umatilla Indians, abstainers among, 192. 
 United States deputy marshals, neglect 
 
 in liquor cases of, 202, 205. 
 
 Virginia State Prison, Negro convicts in, 
 153. 
 
 Wage system in Stock Yards district of 
 
 Chicago, 89. 
 Warner, Amos 6., investigations of causes 
 
 of poverty by, 12, 47, 95. 
 Webb, Mr. and Mrs., quoted, 36. 
 Workhouses, English, pauperism caused 
 
 by drink in, 123. 
 Working-class, saloon life of the, 218. ■
 
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