THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 GIFT OF 
 * U.C. LiWy
 
 THE EMPIRE 
 
 AND 
 
 THE PAPACY 
 
 918-1273 
 
 BY 
 
 T. F. TOUT, M.A. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF MEDIEVAL AND MODERN HISTORY 
 AT THE OWENS COLLEGE, VICTORIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 PERIOD II 
 
 RIVINGTONS 
 
 34 KING STREET, CO VENT GARDEN 
 
 LONDON 
 
 1903 
 
 ^r 
 
 [Fourth Edition}
 
 Allrigkls rtievtJ
 
 Collage 
 Library 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 THE absence of any existing text-book, narrating with 
 any approach to fulness the history of the period with 
 which this work is concerned, induced the writer to 
 think that the most useful course that he could pursue 
 would be to cover as much of the whole ground as 
 his space allowed. Finding that there was not room 
 to treat all the aspects of European history with 
 the same fulness, the author resolved to limit himself 
 to the central struggle between the Papacy and the 
 Empire, and to the events directly connected with 
 it. He has therefore only busied himself with the 
 affairs of Scandinavia, the Baltic lands, and the 
 Slavonic kingdoms of the East so far as they stand 
 in direct relation to the main currents of European 
 history. The history of the Mohammedan Powers 
 has been treated in the same way, and even Christian 
 Spain has only been allowed a very small number 
 of pages. This necessary limitation has afforded 
 more room for the main purpose of the writer, 
 which has been to narrate, with sorne amount of 
 detail, the political and ecclesiastical history of the 
 chief states of Southern and Western Europe, and 
 in particular of Germany, Italy, France, and the 
 Eastern Empire. The expansion of the Latin and
 
 iv European History, 918-1273 
 
 Catholic world at the expense of both the Orthodox 
 Greeks and the Mohammedans, stands so much in 
 the forefront of the history of the period that it 
 could not be neglected, though the writer has 
 avoided treating the Crusades in much detail. Some 
 account of the general movements of thought and 
 of the development of the ecclesiastical system and 
 of the religious orders seemed to him necessary for 
 the understanding even of the political history of a 
 time when everything was subordinated to the autho- 
 rity of the Church. He has, however, endeavoured to 
 bring this into some sort of connection with the 
 political history of the period, and has not felt it in 
 his power to enlarge upon the general history of 
 civilisation in the way adopted by the very valuable 
 Histoire Gtntrale de F Europe, edited by MM. Lavisse 
 and Rambaud. He has, however, frequently availed 
 himself of the help of that book in his selection and 
 arrangement of his facts, and would like to refer his 
 readers to it for such parts of the history as do 
 not fall within his scheme. He has indicated in 
 notes at the beginning of the various chapters some 
 useful authorities in which readers will find a more 
 detailed account of various aspects of the time. 
 
 In conclusion, the writer must express his thanks to 
 his wife, who has helped him materially in nearly 
 every part of the book, and has taken the chief share 
 in preparing the maps, tables, and index. 
 
 MANCHESTER, May 1898.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. INTRODUCTION, ...... i 
 
 II. THE SAXON KINGS OF THE GERMANS, AND THE REVIVAL 
 
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE BY OTTO i. (919-973), . . (12) 
 
 III. THE GERMAN EMPIRE AT THE HEIGHT OF ITS POWER. 
 
 THE LATER SAXON AND EARLY SALIAN EMPERORS 
 (973-1056), 36 
 
 IV. FRANCE AND ITS VASSAL STATES UNDER THE LAST 
 
 CAROLINGIANS AND THE EARLY CAPETIANS (929-1108), 66 
 
 V. THE CLUNIAC REFORMATION (910-1073), AND ITALY IN 
 
 THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, .... 96 
 
 VI. THE INVESTITURE CONTEST (1056-1125), . . . . 120 
 
 VII. THE EASTERN EMPIRE AND THE SELJUKIAN TURKS 
 (912-1095), < . . . 
 
 VIII. THE EARLY CRUSADES AND THE LATIN KINGDOM OF 
 
 JERUSALEM (1095-1187), ..... 177 
 
 IX. THE MONASTIC MOVEMENT AND THE TWELFTH CENTURY 
 
 RENASCENCE, ...... 198 
 
 X. GERMANY AND ITALY (1125-1152), . . . .221 
 
 XI. FREDERICK BARBAROSSA AND ALEXANDER in. 
 
 THE RENEWED CONFLICT BETWEEN PAPACY AND 
 EMPIRE (1152-1190), ..... 245 
 
 XII. FRANCE, NORMANDY, AND ANJOU, AND THE BEGINNINGS 
 OF THE GREATNESS OF THE CAPETIAN MONARCHY 
 (1108-1189), . . . . . -274
 
 vi European History, 918-1273 
 
 CHAPTEK PAGE 
 
 XIII. THE THIRD CRUSADB AND THE REIGN OF HENRY vi. 
 
 (1187-1197), . 295 
 
 XIV. EUROPE IN THE DAYS OK INNOCENT in. (1198-1216), . 313 
 
 XV. THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY ; 
 THE FOURTH CRUSADE, AND THE LATIN EMPIRE IN 
 THE EAST (1095-1261), . .... 336 
 
 XVI. FREDERICK 11. AND THE PAPACY (1216-1250), . . 358 
 
 XVII. FRANCE UNDER PHILIP AUGUSTUS AND ST. Louis 
 
 (1180-1270), . . 393 
 
 XVIII. THE UNIVERSITIES AND THE FRIARS, . . . 428 
 
 XIX. THE LAST CRUSADES AND THE EAST IN THE THIR- 
 TEENTH CENTURY, ..... 450 
 
 XX. THE GROWTH OF CHRISTIAN SPAIN, . . . 464 
 
 XXI. THE FALL OK THE HOHENSTAUFEN AND THE GREAT 
 
 INTERREGNUM (1250-1273), .... 478 
 
 MAPS 
 
 1. Germany under the Saxon and Swabian Emperors, . . II 
 
 2. Ecclesiastical Divisions of Germany, . . 24 
 
 3. France, showing the great fiefs, . . -93 
 
 4. South Italy before the Norman Conquest, . 104 
 
 5. Middle Italy in the Eleventh Century, . . . -in 
 
 6. The Eastern Empire in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries, . 153 
 
 7. The Crusading States in Syria in the Twelfth Century, . 187 
 
 8. Dominions of Saladin in 1193, . .... 196 
 
 9. Possessions of the Guelfs in the days of Henry the Lion, . 267 
 to. France in 1189, . . . . . f . 293 
 
 1 1. The Latin Empire of Constantinople, . . . 347 
 
 12. France and its neighbour lands in 1270, . 426 
 
 13. Spain at the end of the Twelfth Century, . . 476 
 
 14. Spain at the end of the Thirteenth Century, . s . 477
 
 Contents vii 
 
 GENEALOGICAL TABLES 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. The Crescentii, . . . . . 35 
 
 2. The Saxon and Salian Emperors, . . .65 
 
 3. The Capetian Kings of France, .... 94-95 
 
 4. The House of Tancred of Hauteville, . . . .119 
 
 5. The Macedonian Dynasty, . . . . .176 
 
 6. The Early Kings of Jerusalem, .... 197 
 
 7. The Guelfs and the Hohenstaufen, .... 244 
 
 8. The House of Blois, ...... 279 
 
 9. The Comneni and Angeli, ..... 356 
 10. The Latin Emperors of Constantinople, . . . 357 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 TABLES OF POPES, EMPERORS, EASTERN EMPERORS, LATIN 
 EMPERORS IN THE EAST, LATIN KINGS OF JERUSALEM, AND 
 KINGS OF FRANCE, . . . . ... 493 
 
 INDEX, ... .... 497
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 
 
 To the general modern authorities for French history for this 
 period must now be added the valuable new Histoire de France 
 edited by M. Ernest Lavisse (Hachette), of which the three half- 
 volumes covering this period are now published. They are : 
 Les Premiers Cap<!liens (987-1137), by Achille Luchaire, II. ii. ; 
 Louis VII., Philippe Atiguste, Louis VIII., by Achille Luchaire, 
 III. i. ; and Saint Louis, Philippe le Bel, Ics derniers Captiiens 
 directs, by Ch..V. Langlois, ill. ii.
 
 CHAPTER 1 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 General Characteristics of the Period The End of the Dark Ages The 
 Triumph of Feudalism The Revival of the Roman Empire and Papacy 
 The Struggles of Papacy and Empire The Spread of Religion and 
 Civilisation The Crusades and the Latin East The Growth of National 
 Monarchies. 
 
 IT is a trite thing to say that all long periods of European 
 history are ages of transition. The old order is ever 
 passing gradually away, and a new society is 
 
 f ., ... The general 
 
 ever springing up from amidst the ruins or the character- 
 dying system that has done its work. But the is e t ^ 8 d fthe 
 period with which this book is concerned is 
 transitional in no merely conventional sense. We take up 
 the story in the early years of the tenth century, when the 
 Dark Ages had not yet run their course. We end it in the 
 closing years of the thirteenth century, when the choicest 
 flowers of mediaeval civilisation were already in full bloom. 
 Starting at the end of a period of deep depression and 
 degradation, we have to note how feudalism got rid of 
 the barbarian invaders, and restored the military efficiency 
 of Europe at the expense of its order and civilisation. 
 L\Ve learn how the revival of the Roman Empire again 
 set up an effective and orderly political power, and led to 
 the revival of the Church and religion, and the subsequent 
 renewal of intellectual lifej .But the Empire was never 
 more than a half-realised theory; and while the world had 
 theoretically one master, it was in reality ruled by a multi- 
 tude of petty feudal chieftains. Thus was brought about 
 PERIOD n. A
 
 2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 the universal monarchy of the Papacy, the Crusades, 
 the monastic revivals, the strong but limited intellectual re- 
 nascence of the twelfth century, and the marvellous develop- 
 ment of art, letters, and material civilisation that flowed 
 from it The conflict of Papacy and Empire impaired the 
 efficiency of both, and made possible the growth of the great 
 national states of the thirteenth century, from which the 
 ultimate salvation of Europe was to corqe^ Turbulent as 
 was the period during which these great revolutions were 
 worked out, it was one of many-sided activity, and of 
 general, but by no means unbroken, progress. It was the 
 time of the development and perfection of all the most 
 essential features of that type of civilisation which is called 
 mediaeval. It was the age of feudalism, of the Papacy and 
 Empire, of the Crusades, of chivalry, of scholasticism and the 
 early universities, of monasticism in its noblest types, of 
 mediaeval art in its highest aspects, and of national monarchy 
 in its earliest form. Before our period ends, the best charac- 
 teristics of the Middle Ages had already manifested themselves. 
 Fertile as were the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in their 
 promise of later developments, they bore witness only to the 
 decline of what was most characteristic of the period that we 
 now have to consider. 
 
 Let us dwell for a moment on some of the leading features 
 of this period in a little more detail. 
 
 We begin in a time of gloom and sorrow. The Carolingian 
 Empire, which had united the vigour of the barbarians with 
 The Dark the civilisation of the Roman world, had broken 
 Ages. U p The sacred name of Emperor had been 
 assumed so constantly by weaklings that it had ceased to have 
 much hold upon the minds of men. The great kingdoms, into 
 which the Carolingian Empire had resolved itself, seemed 
 destined to undergo the process that had destroyed the parent 
 state. The East Prankish realm the later Germany was 
 breaking up into its four national duchies of Saxony, Fran- 
 conia, Bavaria, and Swabia. The West Prankish realm was
 
 Introduction 3 
 
 the prey of the rivalry of the Carolings and the Robertians. 
 The Middle Kingdom was in still worse plight. Italy had 
 fallen away under a line of nominal Italian or Lombard kings, 
 but the south was Greek or Saracen, and the north was in 
 hopeless confusion. The northern parts of the Middle King- 
 dom, to which alone the name Lotharingia clung, were tend- 
 ing towards their ultimate destiny of becoming a fifth national 
 duchy of the German realm, though their loyalty for the 
 Carolingian house brought them more than once back to 
 the West Prankish kingdom. The lands between this re- 
 stricted Lotharingia and the Mediterranean had become the 
 kingdom of Aries or Burgundy by the union, in 932, of 
 the two Burgundian states that had grown up in the days of 
 chaos. But of the six kingdoms which now represented the 
 ancient Empire, not one was effectively governed. The 
 administrative system of the Carolingians had altogether dis- 
 appeared. The kings were powerless, the Church was corrupt, 
 the people miserable and oppressed, the nobles self-seeking 
 and brutal. The barbarian invader had profited by the 
 weakness of civilisation. tThe restored Rome of Charlemagne, 
 like the old Rome of Constantine and Theodosius, was 
 threatened with annihilation by pagan hordes^ The Norse- 
 men threatened the coasts of the west ; the Saracens domi- 
 nated the Mediterranean, captured the islands, and established 
 outposts in southern Gaul and Italy. The Slavs overran 
 Germany. The Magyars threatened alike Germany and Italy. 
 Everywhere civilisation and Christianity were on the wane. 
 
 Yet the darkest hour was already past when the tenth 
 century had begun. (The feudal system had saved Europe 
 from its external enemiesj The feudal cavalry and the feudal 
 castle had proved too strong for the barbarians. The Norse 
 plunderers had gone home beaten, or had settled with Rolf 
 in Neustria, or with Guthrum in eastern England. The end of 
 The Saracens had been driven from Italy, and the Dark 
 were soon to be chased out of Provence. The Ages< 
 Wends and the Magyars were soon to feel the might of
 
 4 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Henry the Fowler. The Saxon dukes were restoring the 
 East Prankish realm. The Robertians were getting the 
 upper hand in France. Even the consolidation of the two 
 Burgundies made for unity. iln the east the Macedonian 
 dynasty was ruling over the Greek Empire in uneventful 
 peace, and extending its sway to the farthest limits of 
 Asia Minor. In Spain the Christians had definitely got 
 the better of the Moors. \The break-up of the Caliphate 
 robbed Islam both of its political and religious unity, 
 and destroyed for the time its capacity for aggression.) The 
 first gleams of a religious revival began with 
 the foundation of Cluny. But despite all these 
 glimpses of hope, the state of western Europe was still deplor- 
 able. The feudal nobles were the masters of the situation. 
 Their benefices were rapidly becoming hereditary, their 
 authority more recognised and systematic. But no salvation 
 was to be expected from a system that was the very abnegation 
 of all central and national authority. It was but little more 
 than organised anarchy when the west had to depend upon 
 a polity that made every great landholder a petty tyrant over 
 his neighbours. The military strength of feudalism had given 
 it authority. Its political weakness was revealed when the 
 feudal baron had to govern as well as fight. 
 
 Feudalism was not long in undisputed possession of the 
 
 field. LFrom the revival of the German kingdom by the 
 
 The Holy Saxon kings sprang the Holy Roman Empire of 
 
 Roman the German nation, beginning with the coronation 
 
 Empire. Q f Q UO thfi Q reat jn ^ j^^ um ' versa ] ) i ess 
 
 ecclesiastical, less truly Roman than the Carolingian Empire, 
 the Empire of the Saxons and Franks was based essentially 
 upon the German kingship, yet was ever trying to outgrow its 
 limitations, and to claim in its completeness the Carolingian 
 heritage. Within a century of the coronation of Otto, the 
 revived Empire included in its sphere the German, Italian, 
 Burgundian, and Lotharingian realms in short, all the Empire 
 of Charles the Great, save the West Prankish states, ruled since
 
 Introduction 5 
 
 987 by Hugh Capet and his descendants. Moreover, the Empire 
 had pushed forward the limits of Christianity and civilisation 
 in the barbarous north and east. It had extended its direct 
 rule over a wide stretch of marchlands. The Scandinavians, 
 Wends, Poles, Bohemians, and Hungarians all received the 
 Christian faith from missionaries profoundly impressed with the 
 imperial idea, and their conversion involved at least temporary 
 dependence upon the power that again aspired to be lord of the 
 world. At home the Emperors checked and restrained, though 
 recognising and utilising, the feudal principle. In their fear 
 of the lay aristocracy, no less than in their zeal for religion 
 and order, they associated themselves closely with the work 
 of reforming the Church. But the restoration of religion 
 soon involved the restoration of Papacy and hierarchy, and 
 thus they raised up the power before which Emperors were 
 finally to succumb. Yet the Empire did not fall until it had 
 kept central Europe together for nearly three centuries, at 
 a time when no other power could possibly have accomplished 
 the task. From the coronation of the Saxon to the fall of 
 the Hohenstaufen, the Holy Roman Empire had no small 
 claim to the lordship of the world. 
 
 The darkest hour of the State was the darkest hour of the 
 Church. The last faint traces of the Carolingian revival of 
 religion disappeared amid the horrors of Danish, The 
 Saracen, and Hungarian invasions. The feudal- Hiidebrandine 
 
 Reformation 
 
 ism that saved Europe from the barbarians now and the 
 began to infect what remained of Christian life Pa P ac y- 
 with its own ferocity, greed, and lust. The spiritual offices of 
 the Church were becoming heritable property, dissociated 
 "from all effective spiritual duties. But amidst the turmoil 
 of feudal times, a few nobler spirits sought salvation from 
 the wickedness that lay thick around them in the solitude 
 of the cloister. Before the end of the tenth century, the 
 Cluniac revival presented to Europe an ideal of life very 
 different from feudal militarism. In alliance with the Em- 
 pire, the Cluniacs restored religion in central Europe, and
 
 6 European History, 918-1273 
 
 missionaries, working in their spirit, spread the Gospel beyond 
 the bounds of the Empire among the barbarians of the north 
 and east But Jrona^ jCluny also came new theories of the 
 province of the Church, which soon brought religion into 
 sharp conflict with the temporal authority. When the power 
 of the State lay almost in abeyance, it was natural that the 
 Church should encroach upon the sphere it left vacant. 
 From Cluny came the Hildebrandine Reformation, and 
 from the theories of Hildebrand sprang two centuries of 
 Th conflict between Papacy and Empire. The great 
 
 struggle* struggle of Popes and Emperors (the highest ex- 
 of Papacy pression of the universal struggle of the spiritual 
 
 and Empire. ' 
 
 and temporal swords), was the central event of 
 the Middle Ages. It first took the form of the Investiture 
 Contest, but when the Investiture Contest had been ended 
 by the substantial victory of the Church, the eternal strife 
 was soon renewed under other pretexts. It inspired the 
 contest of Alexander in. with Frederick Barbarossa, of 
 Thomas of Canterbury with Henry of Anjou, of Innocent in. 
 with half the princes of Europe, and the final great con- 
 flict between the successors of Innocent and Frederick II. 
 At last the Empire succumbed before the superior strength of 
 the Papacy. But the Hohenstaufen were soon revenged ; 
 and, within two generations of the death of Frederick n., the 
 victorious Papacy was degraded from its pride of place by 
 its ancient ally. 
 
 From the triumphs of Hildebrand and his successors 
 sprang the religious revivals that enriched the Middle Ages 
 Religious w ' tn a 'l tnat was fairest and most poetical in the 
 and monastic life of those times. The Cistercians and the 
 Carthusians revived the ideals of St. Benedict, 
 with special precautions against the dangers before which 
 the old Benedictine houses had succumbed. The orders 
 of Canons Regular sought to unite the life of the monk 
 with the work of the clerk. They paved the way for the 
 more complete realisation of their ideal in the thirteenth
 
 Introduction 7 
 
 century, when the mendicant orders of Friars arose under 
 Francis and Dominic. From the monastic movement sprang 
 a revival of spiritual religion and a renewed interest in 
 the world of thought and art. The artistic 
 impulses of the time found their highest ex- 
 pression in the vast and stern Romanesque minsters of the 
 older orders, and in the epic literature of the chansons de 
 geste. The transition during the twelfth century from 
 Romanesque to Gothic architecture, and the parallel change 
 in vernacular literature from the epic to the romance, mark 
 a new development in the European spirit. Side by side 
 with them went the great intellectual renascence of the same 
 momentous century. While an Anselm sought to enlist philo- 
 sophy in the service of the Church, an Abelard began to 
 question the very sources of authority. In Abelard the intel- 
 lectual movement outgrew its monastic parentage, and in his 
 conflict with Bernard the dictator of Christen- Revivalof 
 dom, the old and the new spirit came into the speculative 
 sharpest antagonism. The systematic schoolmen actlvit y- 
 of later ages had neither the independence of Abelard nor the 
 limitation of Bernard. Learning passed from monastic to 
 secular hands, but the scholastic philosophy was already 
 enlisted on the side of the Church, and active as was its 
 intelligence, it henceforth worked within self-appointed limits. 
 Side by side with the revival of philosophy, came the work 
 of Irnerius and Gratian, the revival of the sys- 
 
 Law. 
 
 tematic study of Civil Law, and the building up 
 of the great structure of ecclesiastical jurisprudence. From 
 the multiplication of students and studies sprang the organisa- 
 tion of teachers and learners into the universities. The 
 From the ignorance and barbarism of the tenth Universities, 
 century, there is a record of continuous progress until the end 
 of our period. Yet the thirteenth century does not only illus- 
 trate the crowning glories of the Middle Ages : it suggests new 
 modes of thought that indicate that the Middle Ages them- 
 selves are passing away. The triumph of the Church bore
 
 8 European History, 918-1273 
 
 with it the seeds of its own ruin, in the world of thought as 
 well as in the world of action. 
 
 From the Hildebrandine revival sprang also the Crusades, 
 and the combination of the military and religious ideals of 
 The the Latin world in the pursuit of a holy war 
 
 crusade* f or tne recov ery of Christ's Sepulchre. The 
 
 and the , , - f . 
 
 Latin rule Turkish advance was checked ; the Eastern 
 in the East. Empire was saved from imminent destruction ; 
 and a series of Latin states in Syria and Greece extended 
 the scope of western influence at the expense of Orthodox 
 and Mohammedan alike. But the diversion of the Fourth 
 Crusade to overthrow the Empire of Constantinople indicates 
 the high-water mark of the Latin Christian power in the 
 East ; and the change in the current of western ideas made 
 the Crusades of the thirteenth century but vain attempts to 
 restore a vanished dream. Before the end of our period, 
 the Christian domination in the East had shrunk to the 
 lordship of a few Greek islands. The Palaeologi brought 
 back Byzantine rule to the Byzantine capital ; and the 
 strongest kings of the West could not save the remnants of 
 the Latin states in Syria. The Mongol invasions threatened 
 Christian and Saracen alike. While the western prospects 
 were so fair, in the East barbarism was on the highway to 
 ascendency. 
 
 The failure of the Empire to rule the world led to a feudal 
 reaction, that was not least felt in the lands directly governed 
 The by the Emperors. Our period witnesses both the 
 
 Feudal Age. triumph and the decay of feudalism. It is the 
 time when feudal ideas prevailed all over the western world, 
 following the Crusaders into the burning deserts of Syria, 
 and the lands of the Eastern Emperors. The Normans 
 took feudalism to southern Italy and Sicily, and developed 
 the feudalism that they already found in England. Even 
 Scandinavia evolved a feudalism of its own, and the sons 
 and grandsons of the followers of William the Conqueror 
 planted feudal states side by side with the Celtic tribalism of
 
 Introduction 9 
 
 Wales and Ireland. For nearly four centuries the mail-clad 
 feudal horseman was invincible in battle, and the stone-built 
 feudal castle, ever becoming mor-i complex and elaborate in 
 structure, was impregnable except to famine. The better 
 side of feudal social ideals chivalry, knighthood, honour, 
 and courtesy did something to temper the brutality and 
 pride of the average baron, and found powerful expression 
 in the vernacular literatures, written to amuse nobles and 
 gentry. But before our period ends, the days of feudal 
 ascendency were over. Hopeful of triumph in Germany, 
 where the German state suffered by its kings' pursuit of the 
 imperial vision, feudalism found in Italy a powerful rival in 
 strong municipalities closely allied with the Church. In 
 western Europe it was beginning to give ground. The greater 
 feudatories crushed their lesser neighbours, and built up states 
 that were powerful enough to stand by themselves. The 
 Church, though fitting itself into the feudal organisation of 
 society, could never repose simply on brute force. The 
 towns, whose separate organisation was, in some 
 
 The Towns. 
 
 parts of Europe at least, as much the result of 
 military, as of economic necessities, became the centres of 
 expanding trade and increasing wealth. Within their strong 
 walls they were able to hold their own, and claim for them- 
 selves a part in the social system as well as baron or bishop. 
 But feudalism had at last met its master. With its decline 
 before the national spirit, we are on the threshold of modern 
 times. 
 
 The division of the Empire into local kingdoms, begun 
 at the treaty of Verdun, paved the way for the modern idea 
 of a national state. The Empire stifled the early The growtn 
 possibilities of a German nation, and Empire and of national 
 Papacy combined to make impossible an Italian monarc 
 nation. But in France other prospects arose. Through its 
 virtual exclusion from the Empire, France had been delivered 
 from some very real dangers. The early Capetians were 
 shadows round which a mighty system revolved; but they had
 
 IO European History, 918-1273 
 
 a lofty theory and a noble tradition at their back, and the time 
 at last came when they could convert their theory into practice. 
 Philip Augustus made France a great state and nation. 
 Power Under St. Louis the leadership of Europe passed 
 
 passes from definitely from the Germans to the French from 
 l ^ e P e P^ e ru ted by the visionary world-Empire 
 to the people ruled by a popular and effective 
 national monarchy. The alliance between France and the 
 Church, the preponderance of French effort in the Crusades, 
 the spread of the French tongue and literature as the common 
 expression of European chivalry, had made the French nation 
 famous, long before a large proportion of the French nation 
 had been organised into a French state. The Spanish peoples 
 acquired strong local attachments; the English became 
 conscious of their national life. Alfonso the Wise of Castile 
 and Edward i. of England rank with St. Louis and Philip the 
 Fair. Even Frederick n. owed his strength to his national 
 position in Germany and Naples, rather than to his imperial 
 aspirations. Before our period ends, the national principle 
 had clearly asserted itself. Trade, art, literature, religion 
 began to desert cosmopolitan for national channels, and 
 the beginnings of the system of estates and representative 
 institutions show that the great organised classes of mediaeval 
 society aspired to share with their kings the direction of the 
 national destinies. The Empire had fallen ; the Papacy was 
 soon to be overthrown ; feudalism was decayed ; the cosmo- 
 politan culture of the universities had seen its best days. It 
 is in the juxtaposition of what was best in the old, and what 
 was most fertile in the new, that gives its unique charm to 
 the thirteenth century. The transition from the Dark Ages 
 to the Middle Ages had been worked out. There were 
 signs that the transition was beginning that culminates in the 
 Renascence and the Reformation.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE SAXON KINGS OF THE GERMANS, 
 AND REVIVAL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE BY OTTO I. (9'9-973) * 
 
 The Transference of the German Kingship from the Franks to the Saxons 
 The Reign of Henry the Fowler The De.ence of the Frontiers and the 
 Beginnings of the Marks Otto i.'s Rule as German King The Feudal 
 Opposition and its Failure The First and Second Civil Wars The 
 Reorganisation of the Duchies The Marks established Battle on the 
 Ltchfeld Otto's Ecclesiastical Policy His Intervention in Italy and its 
 Causes Italy in the Tenth Century Degradation of the Papacy 
 Theodora and Marozia Alberic and John XH. Otto's Second Inter- 
 vention in Italy His Coronation as Emperor His later Italian Policy 
 His Imperial Position and Death. 
 
 THE death of Conrad I., in December 918 (see Period i. 
 pp. 475-7), ended the Franconian dynasty. In April 919 the 
 Election of Franconian and Saxon magnates met at Fritzlar 
 Henry the to elect a new king. On the proposal of Eber- 
 Fowier, 913. hard, Duke of Franconia, and brother of the dead 
 king Conrad, Henry, Duke of the Saxons, called Henry.the 
 
 1 Giesebrecht's Geschichte der deutschcn Kaiserzeit gives a full account 
 of German and Italian history from 919 to the latter part of the reign of 
 Frederick I. Richter and Kohl's AnnaUn da deutschen Reichs im 
 Zeitalter der Ottonen und der Salier, include an excellent series of 
 extracts from the original sources. Prutz's Staatengeschichte des Abend- 
 lands im Miitelalter (vol. i. Oncken's Series) is a popular working-up of 
 the whole period. A French account is in Zeller's Histoire de FAlle- 
 magtu ; while Lavisse and Rambaud's ffistoire gtntrale du iv* Siecle a 
 nos jours, vols. i. and ii., is certainly the best presentation of the general 
 history of the early Middle Ages. Bryce's remarkable essay on The Holy 
 Roman Empire, and Fisher's detailed Medieval Empire are the best books 
 in English. The facts are related in Henderson's History of Germany 
 during the Middle Ages, and in Milman's History of Latin Christianity. 
 Gregorovius' Geschichtt der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter is now translated. 
 IS
 
 The Saxon Kings of the Germans 13 
 
 Fowler, was elevated to the vacant throne. Henry had been 
 already marked out for this dignity, both by the great position 
 of his house and nation, and by the wish of the last king. 
 Yet the voluntary abdication of the Franconian and the 
 transference of the monarchy to the Saxon forms one of the 
 great turning-points in the history of the German nation. 
 The existence of a separate German state had been already 
 secured by the work of Louis the German and Arnulf of 
 Carinthia. Yet so long as the sceptre remained in the Caro- 
 lingian hands, the traditions of a mighty past overpowered 
 the necessities of the present. Down to the death of Conrad, 
 the Franks were still the ruling nation, and the German realm 
 was East Prankish rather than ^German. The accession of 
 the Saxon gave the best chance for a more general The Saxon 
 development on national lines. / For of all the five nation, 
 nations of Germany, the Saxons were the least affected by the 
 Carolingian tradition. Christianity was still less than a century 
 old with them, and formal heathenism still lingered on in the 
 wilder moors and marshes of the north. Roman civilisation 
 was still but a sickly exotic; and, free from its enervating 
 influences, the Saxons still retained the fierce barbaric prowess 
 of the old Teutonic stock, while the primitive Teutonic in- 
 stitutions, which were fast disappearing in the south before 
 the march of feudalism, still retained a strong hold amidst 
 the rude inhabitants of northern Germany. In the south the 
 mass of the peasantry were settling down as spiritless and 
 peaceful farmers, leaving the fighting to be done by a limited 
 number of half-professional soldiers. But among the Saxons j 
 every freeman was still a warrior, and the constant incursions 
 of heathen Danes and Wends gave constant opportunities 
 for the practice of martial habits. The old blood nobility 
 still took the leadership of the race. Not only were the 
 Saxons the strongest, the most energetic, and most martial 
 of the Germans, but the mighty deeds of their Ludolfing 
 dukes showed that their princes were worthy of them. It 
 was only the strong arm of a mighty warrior that could
 
 1 4 European History, 918-1273 
 
 save Germany from the manifold evils that beset it from 
 within and without. The Ludolfings had already proved on 
 many a hard-fought field that they were the natural leaders 
 of the German people. The dying Conrad simply recognised 
 accomplished facts, when he urged that the Saxon duke should 
 be his successor. The exhausted Franconians merely accepted 
 the inevitable, when they voluntarily passed over the hegemony 
 of Germany to their northern neighbours. 
 
 >There were, however, insuperable limitations to the power 
 of the first Saxon king of the Germans. Henry the Fowler 
 
 Hen , was little more influential as king than as duke. 
 
 German There was no idea whatever of German unity or 
 
 poicy. nationality. The five nations were realities, but 
 beyond them the only ties that could bind German to 
 German were the theoretical unities of Rome the unity of 
 the Empire and the unity of the Church. From the circum- 
 stances of his election and antecedents, Henry could draw 
 no assistance from the great ideals of the past, by which he 
 was probably but little influenced. He feared rather than 
 courted the support of the churchmen. When the Church 
 offered to consecrate the choice of the magnates by crowning 
 and anointing the new king, Henry protested his unworthiness 
 to receive such sacred symbols. 
 
 Thus Germany became a federation of great duchies, the 
 duke of the strongest nation taking precedence over the others 
 with the title of king. Even this result was obtained only 
 through Henry's strenuous exertions. His power rested 
 almost entirely on the temporary union of the Saxons and 
 Franconians. The southern and western nations of Germany 
 were almost outside the sphere of his influence. Lo^haringia 
 fell away altogether, still cleaving to the Carolings, and recog- 
 nising the West Prankish king, Charles the Simple, rather 
 than the Saxon intruder. Henry was conscious of the weak- 
 ness of his position, and discreetly accepted the withdrawal 
 of Lotharingia from his obedience, receiving in return an 
 acknowledgment of his own royal position from Charles the
 
 The Saxon Kings of the Germans 15 
 
 Simple. Svvabia and Bavaria were almost as hard to deal 
 with as Lotharingia. They had taken no practical share in 
 Henry's election, and were by no means disposed to acknow- 
 ledge the nominee of the Saxons and Franconians. It was 
 not until ^1 that Henry obtained the formal recognition of 
 the Bavarians, and this step was only procured by his 
 renouncing in favour of Duke Arnulf every regalian right, 
 including the much-cherished power of nominating the 
 bishops. Henry was no more a real king of all the Germans 
 than Egbert or Alfred were real kings over all England. His 
 mission was to convert a nominal overlordship into an actual 
 sovereignty. But he saw that he could only obtain the formal 
 recognition necessary for this process by accepting accom- 
 plished facts, and giving full autonomy to the nations. His 
 ideal seems, in fact, to have been that of the great West 
 Saxon lords of Britain. He strove to do for Germany what 
 Edward the Elder and Athelstan were doing for England. 
 It is, from this point of view, of some political significance 
 that Henry married his eldest son Otto, afterwards the famous 
 Emperor, to Edith, daughter of Edward, and sister of Athel- 
 stan. Yet, like England, Germany could hope for national 
 unity only when foreign invasion had been successfully warded 
 off. The first condition of internal unity was the cessation 
 of the desolating barbarian invasions which, since the break- 
 up of the Carolingian Empire, had threatened to blot out 
 all remnants of civilisation. Saxony had already suffered 
 terribly from the Danes and Wends. To these was added 
 in 924 a great invasion of the Magyars or Hungarians, the 
 Mongolian stock newly settled in the Danube plains, and 
 still heathen and incredibly fierce and barbarous. The 
 Magyars now found that the Bavarians had learnt how to 
 resist them successfully, so that they turned their . 
 
 " J Invasion ot 
 
 arms northwards, hoping to find an easier foe in barbarians 
 the Saxons. Henry, with his Franks and Saxons, checked - 
 had to bear the full brunt of the invasion, and no help 
 came either from Swabia or Bavaria. Henry had the good
 
 1 6 Eu ropean History, 918-1273 
 
 luck to take prisoner one of the Hungarian leaders, and by 
 restoring his captive and promising a considerable tribute, he 
 was able to procure a nine years' truce for Saxony. Two 
 years later the Magyars again swarmed up the Danube into 
 Bavaria, but Henry made no effort to assist the nation which 
 had refused to aid him in his necessity. 
 
 Thus freed from the Magyars, Henry turned his arms against 
 the Danes and the Wends. In 934 he established a strong 
 mark against the Danes, and forced the mighty Danish king, 
 Gorm the Old, to pay him tribute. He was even more successful 
 against the Slavs. In 928 Brennabor (the modern Branden- 
 Thc defence Dur g)> tne chief stronghold of the Havellers, fell 
 of the into his hands, and with it the broad lands 
 
 ^"bSli* 1 " 1 between the Havel and the Spree, the nucleus of 
 ningaofthe the later East Mark. But more important than 
 Henry's victories were his plans for the defence 
 \ of the frontiers. He planted German colonists in the lands 
 (won from the barbarian. He built a series of new towns, 
 that were to serve as central strongholds, in the marchland 
 districts. The Saxon monk Widukind tells us how Henry 
 ordered that, of every nine of his soldier-farmers, one 
 should live within the walls of the new town, and there 
 build houses in which his eight comrades might take shelter 
 in times of invasion, and in which a third part of all their 
 crops was to be preserved for their support, should necessity 
 compel them to take refuge within the walls. In return, 
 the dwellers in the country were to till the fields and harvest 
 the crops of their brother in the town. Moreover, Henry 
 ordered that all markets, meetings, and feasts should be held 
 within the walled towns, so as to make them, as far as pos- 
 sible, the centres of the local life. Some of the most ancient 
 towns of eastern Saxony, including Quedlinburg, Meissen, and 
 Merseburg, owe their origin to this policy. Henry also 
 improved the quality of the Saxon cavalry levies, teaching his 
 rude warriors to rely on combined evolutions rather than 
 the prowess of the individual horseman. So anxious was
 
 The Saxon Kings of the Germans 17 
 
 he to utilise all the available forces against the eYiemy, that 
 he settled a legion of able-bodied robbers at Merseburg, 
 giving them pardon and means of subsistence, on the con- 
 dition of their waging war against the Wends. 
 
 The effect of these wise measures was soon felt. Henry \ 
 had laid the foundation of the great ring of marks, whose i 
 organisation was completed by his son. He had also in- 
 spired his subjects with a new courage to resist the bar- 
 barian, and a new faith in their king. When the nine 
 years' truce with the Hungarians was over, the Saxons re- 
 solved to fight rather than continue to pay them a humiliating 
 tribute. A long series of victories crowned the Henn ,. s 
 end of Henry's martial career. He was no longer triumph and 
 forced to strictly limit himself to the defence of death> 936> 
 his own duchy of Saxony, and the southern nations of Germany 
 could honour and obey the defender of the German race 
 from the heathen foe, though they paid but scanty reverence 
 to the duke of the Saxons. Lotharingia reverted to herj 
 allegiance after the sceptre of the western kingdom had 
 passed, on the death of Charles the Simple, from her 
 beloved Carolings. Yet Henry never sought to depart from 
 his earlier policy, and still gave the fullest autonomy to 
 Saxon, Bavarian, and Lotharingian. He still lived simply 
 after the old Saxon way, wandering from palace to palace 
 among his domain-lands on the slopes of the Harz, and 
 seldom troubling the rest of the country with his presence. 
 Yet visions of a coming glory flitted before the mind of the 
 old sovereign. He dreamed of a journey to Rome to wrest 
 the imperial crown from the nerveless hands of the pre- 
 tenders, whose faction fights were reducing Italy to anarchy. 
 But his end was approaching, and the more immediate 
 task of providing for the succession occupied his thoughts. 
 His eldest son, Thankmar, was the offspring of a marriage 
 unsanctioned by the Church, and was, therefore, passed 
 over as illegitimate. By his pious wife Matilda, the pattern 
 of German housewives, he had several children. Of these 
 
 PERIOD II. B
 
 1 8 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Otto was the eldest, but the next son, Henry, as the first 
 born after his father had become a king, was looked upon 
 by many as possessing an equally strong title to election. 
 The king, however, urged on his nobles to choose Otto as 
 his successor. He died soon after, on znd July 5^6, and was 
 buried in his own town of Quedlinburg, where the pious care 
 of his widow and son erected over his remains a great church 
 and abbey for nuns, which became one of the most famous 
 monastic foundations of northern Germany. ' He was,' says 
 the historian of his house, ' the greatest of the kings of Europe, 
 and inferior to none of them in power of mind and body ' 
 But Henry's best claim to fame is that he laid the solid 
 
 I foundations on which his son built the strongest of early 
 
 I mediaeval states. 
 
 Otto i. was a little over twenty years of age when he 
 ascended the throne. While his father had shunned the 
 coronation of consecration of the Church, his first care was 
 otto i., 936. to procure a pompous coronation at Aachen. As 
 strong a statesman and as bold a warrior as his father, 
 the new king was so fully penetrated with the sense of 
 his divine mission, and so filled with high ideals of king- 
 craft, that it was impossible for him to endure the limita- 
 tions to his sway, in which Henry had quietly acquiesced. 
 Duke Eberhard of Franconia was the first to resent the 
 pretensions of the young king. He felt that he was the 
 author of the sway of the Saxon house, and resolved to 
 exercise over his nation the same authority that he had 
 wielded without question in the days of King Henry. Mean- 
 The attack while, the death of Duke Arnulf of Bavaria gave 
 on the duke- Q tto an opportunity of manifesting his power to 
 
 doms, and the , ' 
 
 First civil the south. He roughly deposed Arnulfs eldest 
 War, 938-941. son) Eberhard, who had refused to perform 
 him homage, and made his younger brother Berthold duke, 
 but only on condition that the right of nominating to the 
 Bavarian bishoprics, which had been wrung from the weakness 
 of Henry, should now be restored to the crown. Moreover,
 
 Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto /. 19 
 
 he set up another brother, Arnulf, as Count Palatine, to 
 act as a sort of overseer over the new duke. But while ( 
 Franconia and Bavaria were thus deeply offended, Otto's 
 own Saxons were filled with discontent at his policy. They 
 resented Otto's desire to reign as king over all Germany, as 
 likely to impair the dominant claims of the ruling Saxon 
 race. They complained that he had favoured the Franks 
 more than the Saxons, and the sluggish nobles of the 
 interior parts of Saxony were disgusted that Otto had over- 
 looked their claims on his attention in favour of Hermann 
 Billung and Gero, to whom he had intrusted the care of 
 his old duchy along with the government of the Wendish 
 marches. Thankmar, the bastard elder brother, Henry, ' 
 the younger brother who boasted that he was the son of a 
 reigning king, were both angry at being passed over, and put 
 themselves at the head of the Saxon malcontents. In 938, a 
 revolt broke out in the north. The faithfulness of Hermann 
 Billung limited its extent, and the death of Thankmar seemed 
 likely to put an end to the trouble. But Henry now allied 
 himself with Duke Eberhard of Franconia; and Duke 
 Giselbert of Lotharingia, Otto's brother-in-law, joined the 
 combination. A bloody civil war was now fought in West- 
 phalia and the Lower Rhineland. The army of Otto was taken 
 at a disadvantage at Birthen, near Xanten; but the pious 
 king threw himself on his knees, and begged God to protect 
 his followers, and a victory little short of miraculous followed 
 his prayer. However, the rebels soon won back a strong 
 position, and the bishops, headed by Archbishop Frederick of 
 Mainz, intrigued with them in the belief that Otto's term 
 of power was at an end. But the king won a second un- 
 expected triumph at Andernach, and the Dukes of Franconia 
 and Lotharingia perished in the pursuit. Henry fled to 
 Ixniis, king of the West Franks, whose only concern, how- 
 ever, was to win back Lotharingia from the eastern king- 
 dom. At last Henry returned and made his submission to I 
 his brother ; but before long he joined with the Archbishop I
 
 2O European History ', 918-1273 
 
 of Mainz in a plot to murder the king. This nefarious 
 design was equally unsuccessful, and Henry, under the 
 influence of his pious mother, sought for the forgiveness of 
 his injured brother. At the Christmas feast of 941 a recon- 
 ciliation was effected. The troubles for the season were 
 over. 
 
 Otto now sought to establish his power over the nations 
 by setting up members of his own family in the vacant 
 Thereorgani- d l|C hies. Franconia he kept henceforth in his 
 sationofthe own hands, wearing the Prankish dress and 
 ostentatiously following the Prankish fashions. 
 Over Lotharingia he finally set a great Prankish noble, 
 Conrad theRed, whom he married to his own daughter, 
 Liutgarde. The reconciled Hjenry was made Duke of 
 Bavaria, and married to Judith, the daughter of the old 
 Duke Arnulf. Swabja was intrusted to Otto's eldest son, 
 Ludolf, who in the same way was secured a local position 
 by a match with the daughter of the last duke. But the 
 new dukes had not the power of their predecessors. Otto 
 carefully retained the highest prerogatives in his own hands, 
 and, by the systematic appointment of Counts Palatine to 
 watch over the interests of the crown, revived under another 
 name that central control of the local administration which 
 had, at an earlier period, been secured by the Carolingian 
 missi dominici. 
 
 The new dukes soon fell into the ways of their predeces- 
 sors. They rapidly identified themselves with the local 
 
 failure traditions of their respective nations, and quickly 
 The Second forgot the ties of blood and duty that bound 
 civil war, tnem to King Otto. Henry of 'Bavaria and 
 Ludolf of Swabia soon took up diametrically 
 different Italian policies, and their intervention on different 
 sides in the struggle between the phantom Emperors, that 
 claimed to rule south of the Alps, practically forced upon 
 Otto a policy of active interference in Italy. Ludolf was 
 intensely disgusted that his father backed up the Italian
 
 Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 2 1 
 
 policy of Henry, and began to intrigue with Frederick of 
 Mainz, Otto's old enemy. Conrad of Lotharingia joined the 
 combination. Even in Saxony, the enemies of Hermann 
 Billung welcomed the attack on Otto. At last in 953 a 
 new civil war broke out which, like the troubles of 938, was 
 in essence an attempt of the ' nations ' to resist the growing 
 preponderance of the central power. But the rebels were 
 divided among each other, and partisans of local separatism 
 found it doubly hard to bring about an effective combination. 
 The restless and turbulent Frederick of Mainz died during 
 the struggle. Conrad and Ludolf made their submission. 
 A terrible Hungarian inroad forced even the most reluctant 
 to make common cause with Otto against the barbarians. 
 But the falling away of the dukes of the royal house had 
 taught Otto that some further means were necessary, if he 
 desired to continue his policy of restraining the ' nations ' in 
 the interest of monarchy and nation as a whole. That fresh 
 support Otto found in the Church, the only living unity out- 
 side and beyond the local unities of the five nations. 
 
 Even King Henry had found it necessary, before the end 
 of his reign, to rely upon ecclesiastical support, especially in 
 his efforts to civilise the marks. There the fortified The 
 churches and monasteries became, like the new organisation 
 walled towns, centres of defence, besides being arks- \ 
 the only homes of civilisation and culture in those wild 
 regions. But King Henry had not removed the danger of 
 Wendish invasion, and the civil wars of Otto's early years 
 gave a new opportunity for the heathen to ravage the German 
 frontiers. In the midst of Otto's worst distress, Hermann 
 Billung kept the Wends at bay, and taught the Abotrites and 
 Wagrians, of the lands between the lower Elbe and the Baltic, 
 to feel the might of the German arms. His efforts were ably 
 seconded by the doughty margrave, Gero, of the southern 
 Wendish mark. By their strenuous exertions the Slavs were 
 for the time driven away from German territory, and German 
 rule was extended as far as the Oder, so that a whole ring
 
 22 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of organised marchlands protected the northern and eastern 
 frontiers. These marks became vigorous military states, pos- 
 sessing more energy and martial prowess than the purely 
 Teutonic lands west of the Elbe, and destined on that 
 account to play a part of extreme prominence in the future 
 history of Germany. Owing their existence to the good-will 
 and protection of the king, and having at their command 
 a large force of experienced warriors, the new margraves 
 I or counts of the marches, who ruled these regions, gradually 
 ! became almost as powerful as the old dukes, and, for the 
 time at least, their influence was thrown on the side of the 
 king and kingdom. Under their guidance, the Slav peasantry 
 were gradually Christianised, Germanised, and civilised, 
 though it took many centuries to complete the process. Even 
 to this day the place-names in marks like Brandenburg and 
 Meissen show their Slavonic origin, and a Wendish-speaking 
 district still remains in the midst of the wholly German- 
 ised mark of Lausitz. To these regions Otto applied King 
 I Henry's former methods on a larger scale. Walled towns 
 became centres of trade, and refuges in times of invasion. 
 Monasteries arose, such as Quedlinburg, and that of St. 
 Maurice, Otto's favourite saint, at Magdeburg. A whole 
 series of new bishoprics Brandenburg and Havelberg, in the 
 Wendish mark ; Aarhus, Ripen, and Schleswig, in the Danish 
 mark became the starting-points of the great missionary 
 enterprise that in time won over the whole frontier districts 
 to Christianity. Hamburg became the centre of the first 
 missions to Scandinavia. Never since the days of Charles the 
 Great had the north seen so great an extension of religion 
 and culture. There was many a reaction towards heathenism 
 and barbarism before the twelfth century finally witnessed the 
 completion of this side of Otto's work. 
 
 | The Hungarians were still untamed, and, profiting by 
 
 (the civil war of 953, they now poured in overwhelming 
 
 numbers into south Germany. But the common danger was 
 
 met by common action. On loth August 955, Otto won
 
 Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto t. 23 
 
 a decisive victory on the LecMgld, near Augsburg, at the\ 
 head of an army drawn equally from all parts of Germany, v 
 and including among its leaders Conrad the Red, The batt i e 
 the former Duke of Lorraine, who died in the on the 
 fight. This crushing defeat damped the waning Lechfeld .955- 
 energies of the Magyars, and the carrying out of the same 
 policy against them that had been so successful against their 
 northern neighbours resulted in the setting up of an east 
 mark (the later Austria), which carried German civilisation 
 far down the Danube, and effectually bridled the Magyars. 
 In these regions Henry of Bavaria did the work that Hermann 
 Billung and Gero were doing in the north. The final defeat 
 of the barbarian marauders, and the wide extension of German 
 territory through the marks, are among Otto's greatest titles 
 to fame. Moreover, Otto forced the rulers of more distant 
 lands to acknowledge his sovereignty. In 950 he invaded 
 Bohemia, and forced its duke, Boleslav, to do him homage. 
 Nor did he neglect the affairs of the more settled regions 
 of the west. Already in 946 he had marched through north 
 France as far as the frontiers of Normandy, striking vigorous 
 blows in favour of the Carolingian Louis iv. who had 
 married his daughter Gerberga, Duke Giselbert's widow 
 against his other son-in-law, Hugh the Great, the head of the 
 rival Robertian house [see page 69]. He also took under his 
 protection Conrad the Pacific, the young king of the Arelate. 
 In civilising the marks Otto had striven hard to use 
 the Church to secure the extension of the royal power. 
 But the lay nobles were not slow to see that Otto's 
 trust in bishops and abbots meant a lessening Otto>8 
 of their influence, and resented any material ecciesiasti- 
 extension of ecclesiastical power. The Saxon cal P lc y- 
 chieftains half-heathens themselves at heart did their 
 very best to prevent the Christianisation of the Wends, 
 knowing that it would infallibly result in a close alliance 
 between the crown and the new Christians against their 
 old oppressors. Even the churchmen of central Germany
 
 24 European History, 918-1273 
 
 watched Otto's policy with a suspicious eye. Typical of 
 this class is Archbishop Frederick of Mainz, the centre of 
 every conspiracy, and the would-be assassin of his sovereign. 
 If his policy had prevailed, the Church would have 
 become a disruptive force of still greater potency than 
 
 ECCLESIASTICAL DIVISIONS OF GERMANY 
 
 showing the growth of the provinces Magdeburg and Hamburg -Bremen. 
 
 the dukedoms. But a new school of churchmen was 
 growing up willing to co-operate with Otto. His youngest 
 brother, Bruno, presided over his chancery, and made 
 the royal palace as in Carolingian times the centre of the 
 intellectual life of Germany. Bruno 'restored,' as we are
 
 Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 25 
 
 told, 'the long-ruined fabric of the seven liberal arts,' and, 
 like our Alfred, was at the same time the scholar and the 
 statesman. From his efforts sprang that beginning of the 
 general improvement of the German clergy that made possible 
 the imperial reformation of the Papacy. Moreover, Bruno 
 carried out a reform of discipline and of monastic life that soon 
 made Germany a field ripe to receive the doctrines that were 
 now beginning to radiate from Cluny to the remotest parts of the 
 Christian world. Side by side with the religious revival came \ 
 the intellectual revival that Bruno had fostered. Widukind of 
 Corvey wrote the annals of the Saxons; the abbess Hrotswitha 
 of Gandersheim sang Otto's praises in Latin verse, and wrote 
 Latin comedies, in which she strove to adopt the methods of 
 Terence to subjects chosen in order to enhance the glories 
 of religious virginity. The literary spirit touched Otto himself 
 so far that he learnt to read Latin, though he never succeeded 
 in talking it. Under Bruno's care grew up a race of clerical ' 
 statesmen, far better fitted to act as Otto's ministers than the "~ 
 lay aristocracy with its insatiable greed, ruthless cruelty, and 
 insufferable arrogance. It now became Otto's policy, since 
 he had failed to wrest the national duchies to subserve his 
 policy, to fill up the great sees with ministerial ecclesiastics 
 of the new school. The highest posts were reserved to 
 his own family. His faithful brother, Bruno, became Arch- 
 bishop of Cologne, and was furthermore intrusted with the 
 administration of Lotharingia. Otto's bastard son, William, 
 succeeded the perfidious Frederick as Archbishop of Mainz. 
 Otto now stood forth as the protector of the clergy against the 
 lay nobles, who, out of pure greed, were in many cases aiming 
 at a piecemeal secularisation of ecclesiastical property. The 
 incapacity of a spiritual lord to take part in trials affecting life 
 and limbs had already led to each bishop and abbot, who 
 possessed feudal jurisdiction, being represented by a lay 
 ' Vogt' (advocatus) in those matters with which he was himself 
 incompetent to deal. The lay nobles sought to make their 
 'advocacy' the pretext of a gradual extension of their power
 
 26 European History, 918-1273 
 
 until the bishop or abbot became their mere dependant. But 
 this course was not to the interest of the crown. If the 
 domains of the crown were to be administered by the local 
 magnates or to be alienated outright, if the jurisdiction of the 
 crown was to be cut into by grants of immunities to feudal 
 chieftains, it was much better that these should be put into 
 spiritual rather than into secular hands. Otto therefore posed 
 as the protector and patron of the Church. Vast grants of 
 lands and immunities were made to the bishops and abbots, 
 and the appointment to these high posts, or at least the in- 
 vestiture of the prelates with the symbols of their office, 
 was carefully kept for the king. The clergy, who in the 
 days of Henry had feared lest the king should lay hands on 
 their estates, joyfully welcomed Otto's change of front. It 
 was not clear to them as it was to Otto, that the royal favour 
 to the Church was conditional on the Church acting as the 
 chief servant of the State. Otto would brook no assertion of 
 ecclesiastical independence, such as had of old so often set 
 bounds to the empire of the Carolings. He desired to attach 
 the Church to the State by chains of steel ; but he carefully 
 gilded the chains, and the German clergy, who were neither 
 strong theologians nor sticklers for ecclesiastical propriety, 
 entered as a body into that dependence on the throne which 
 was to last for the best part of a century, and which was in 
 fact the indispensable condition of the power of the Saxon 
 kings in Germany. The unijy_o.fjthe Church became as in* 
 England the pattern of the unity of the State, and in a land 
 which had no sense of civil unity, Saxon and Frank, Lorrainer 
 and Bavarian were made to feel that they had common ties 
 as citizens of the Christian commonwealth. 
 
 The first efforts of Otto towards the conciliation and sub- 
 jection of the clergy were surprisingly successful. He next 
 Resistance f rme d a scheme of withdrawing eastern Saxony 
 of William and the Wendish march from obedience to the 
 of Mainz. Archbishop of Mainz, and setting up a new Arch- 
 bishop of Magdeburg as metropolitan of these regions. It
 
 Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 27 
 
 was a well-designed device to give further unity to those 
 warlike and loyal regions upon which Otto's power was 
 ultimately based. But his own son, Archbishop William, 
 violently opposed a scheme which deprived the see of Mainz 
 of the obedience of many of its suffragans. William's repre- 
 sentations to Rome induced the Pope to take no steps to 
 carry out Otto's plan. The king was deeply incensed, but 
 the check taught him a lesson. He learnt that after all, the 
 German Church was not self-contained or self-sufficing. Over 
 the German Church ruled the Roman Pope. He could only 
 ensure the obedience of the German Church by securing the \ 
 submission or the co-operation of the head of the Christian 
 world. So long as the Pope was outside his power, Otto's 
 dream of dominating Germany through churchmen seemed 
 likely to end in a rude awakening. To complete this aspect 
 of his policy required vigorous intervention in Italy. 
 
 The condition of Italy had long been one of deplorable) 
 anarchy. After the death of the Emperor Berengar in 924 
 had put an end to the best chance of setting up a national 
 Italian kingdom, things went from bad to worse. The 
 Saracens, having plundered its coasts, settled down in its 
 southern regions side by side with the scanty remnants of the 
 Byzantine power. Thus all southern Italy was withdrawn | 
 altogether from the sphere of western influence. But in 
 the centre and north things were far worse. The inroads of 
 the barbarians were but recently over, and had left their 
 mark behind in poverty, famine, pestilence and disorder. 
 Great monasteries like Subiaco and Farfa were in ruins. 
 The Hungarians had penetrated to the heart of central Italy. 
 The Saracens from their stronghold of Freinet, amidst the 
 1 mountains of the Moors ' of the western Riviera, had 
 devastated Provence, and had held possession of the passes 
 of the Alps. If the growth of feudalism, with state of 
 its permanent military system and its strong Italy, 
 castles, had already repelled the barbarians, the 924 " 950> 
 price paid for deliverance was the cutting up of sovereignty
 
 28 European History, 918-1273 
 
 among a multitude of petty territorial lords. The rising tide 
 of feudal anarchy had almost overwhelmed the city civilisation 
 which had been, since Roman times, the special feature of 
 Italian life. A swarm of greedy feudal counts and marquises 
 struggled against each other for power, and a scries of phantom 
 Emperors reduced to an absurdity the once all-powerful name 
 of Caesar. There was still a nominal Italian or Lombard 
 king, who claimed the suzerainty over all northern and central 
 Italy. But in their zeal for local freedom, the Italians had en- 
 couraged quarrels for the supreme power. ' The Italians,' said 
 Liutprand of Cremona, 'always wish to have two masters, in 
 order to keep the one in check by the other.' After the death 
 of the Emperor Berengar, in 924 [see Period i. pp. 463-7], 
 Rudolf of Burgundy reigned for nearly three years. On his 
 fall in 926, Hugh_pf Provence was chosen his successor, and 
 held the name at least of king till his death in 946. There 
 then arose two claimants to the Italian crown Lothair, son 
 of Hugh of Provence, and Berengar, Marquis of Ivrea, the 
 grandson of the Emperor Berengar. Neither was strong 
 enough to defeat the other, and both looked for help from 
 the warlike Germans. It is however significant that they 
 sought support, not from the distant Saxon king, but 
 from the neighbouring dukes of Swabia and Bavaria, whose 
 dominions extended to the crest of the Alps. Lothair begged 
 the help of Ludolf of Swabia, while Berengar called in Henry 
 of Bavaria. The latter gave the most efficient assistance, and 
 Lothair in despair was negotiating for help from Constantinople 
 when he was cut off by death (950), leaving his young and 
 beautiful widow, Adelaide of Burgundy, to make what re- 
 sistance she might to Berengar of Ivrea. But there was no 
 chance of a woman holding her own in these stormy times, 
 and Adelaide was soon a prisoner in the hands of the victorious 
 marquis. She naturally looked over the Alps to her German 
 friends and kinsfolk, and both Ludolf and Henry, already on 
 the verge of war on account of their former differences as to 
 Italian policies, were equally willing to come to her assistance.
 
 Revival of 'the Roman Empire by Otto I. 29 
 
 Henry now raised pretensions to the great city of Aquileia and 
 the north-eastern corner of. the Italian peninsula. He now 
 aspired, as the protector of Adelaide, his former foe, to unite 
 the Bavarian duchy with the Italian kingdom. Ludolf, more 
 active than his uncle, appeared in the valley of the Po intent 
 on a similar mission. Otto, ever on the watch to prevent the 
 extension of the ducal powers, saw with dismay the prospect 
 of his brother's or son's aggrandisement. He resolved by 
 prompt personal intervention to secure the prize for himself. 
 
 In 951, Otto successfully carried out his first expedition tof 
 Italy. He met with no serious resistance, and on 23rd Septem- 
 ber entered in triumph in to Pavia, the old capital of Otto Kin 
 the Lombard kings. Adelaide was released from of Italy, 
 her captivity, and appeared in Pavia. Otto, who 951 ' 
 was now a widower, forthwith married her, assumed the 
 crown of Italy, and fruitlessly negotiated with the Pope 
 to bring about his coronation as Emperor. But Otto soon 
 crossed the Alps, leaving Conrad of Lorraine to carry on 
 war against Berengar. Next year, however, a peace was 
 patched up. Berengar was recognised as vassal king of Italy,) 
 with Otto as his overlord, and the lands between the Adige 
 and Istria the mark of Verona and Aquileia were confirmed 
 to Duke Henry, who thus drew substantial advantage from 
 his brother's intervention. The revolt of Ludolf and Conrad 
 in 953 was largely due to their disgust at Otto's vigorous and 
 successful defeat of their schemes. 
 
 Nine years elapsed before Otto again appeared in Italy. 
 Though he needed the help of the Papacy more than ever, 
 its condition was not one that could inspire much T 
 
 r Position of 
 
 hope. It was the period of the worst degradation the Papacy, 
 jito which the Roman See ever fell. For more g ^-^- 
 than a generation the Popes had almost ceased to exercise 
 any spiritual influence. The elections to the Papacy had 
 been controlled by a ring of greedy and corrupt Roman 
 nobles, conspicuous among whom was the fair but dissolute 
 Theodora and her daughters Marozia, wife of the Marquis
 
 ! 
 
 3O European History, 918-1273 
 
 Alberic I. of Camerino, and the less important Theodora the 
 younger. Imperialist partisans like Liutprand of Cremona 
 have drawn the character of these ladies in the darkest and 
 most lurid colours ; but, allowing for monastic exaggeration, 
 it is hard to see how the main outlines of the picture can be 
 untrue. With all their vices, they did not lack energy. Pope 
 John x. (914-928), an old lover and partisan of Theodora, 
 was not destitute of statecraft, and did much to incite the 
 Italians to drive away the Saracens of the south ; but, 
 quarrelling with Marozia, he had to succumb to her second 
 husband, Guido, Marquis of Tuscany. After John's death 
 in prison in 928, Marozia became mistress of Rome, and 
 made and unmade Popes at her pleasure. She married as 
 her third husband, Hugh of Provence, the nominal king of 
 the Italians, and procured the election of her second son, a 
 youth of twenty, to the Papacy, under the name of John xi. 
 About 932 her elder son, Alberic n., a strong, unscrupulous 
 but efficient tyrant, whose character found many parallels in 
 later Italian history, drove his father-in-law *>ut of Rome, 
 and reduced the city to some sort of order under his 
 own rule. His policy seems to have been to turn the patri- 
 mony of St. Peter into an aristocratic republic, controlled by 
 his house, and leaving to the Pope no functions that were not 
 purely spiritual. He took the title of 'Prince and Senator 
 of all the Romans.' He kept his brother, Pope John xi. 
 (931-936), and the subsequent Popes, in strict leading- 
 strings, and retained his power until his death in 954. His 
 dreams of hereditary power seemed established when his 
 young son Octavian succeeded him as a ruler of Rome, 
 and in 955 also ascended the papal throne as John XH. 
 John XH., But the new Pope, who thus united the ecclesi- 
 955-964- astical with the temporal lordship of Rome, 
 looked upon things purely with the eye of a skilful but 
 unscrupulous statesman. His great ambition was to make 
 his house supreme throughout middle Italy, and he soon 
 found that King Berengar, whose claims grew greater now
 
 Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 31 
 
 that Otto was back beyond the Alps, was the chief obstacle 
 in the way of carrying out his designs. He therefore appealed 
 to Otto for aid against Berengar. In 957 Ludolf of Swabia 
 was sent by his father to wage war against Berengar, but, 
 after capturing Pavia, Ludolf was carried off by fever, and 
 Berengar then resumed his successes. In 960 John sent an 
 urgent appeal to Otto to come to his assistance. 
 
 Otto had, as we have seen, long felt the need of the 
 support of the Papacy in carrying out his schemes over the 
 German Church. The wished-for opportunity of effecting a 
 close alliance with the head of the Church was now offered by 
 the Pope himself, and the monastic reformers, disciples of J 
 Bruno, or of the new congregation of Cluny, urged him to 
 restore peace and order to the distracted Italian Church. 
 In 961 Otto procured the election and coronation otto crowned 
 of Otto, his young son by Adelaide, as king of the Emperor, 963. 
 Germans. In August he marched over the Brenner at the 
 head of a stately host. On 3ist January 9162 he entered \ 
 Rome. On 2nd February he was crowned Emperor by 
 John xii. 
 
 The coronation of Otto had hardly among contemporaries 
 the extreme importance which has been ascribed to it by later 
 writers. Since the fall of the Carolingians there 
 
 ... , 11-1 Consequences 
 
 had been so many nominal emperors that the title O f t he revival 
 in itself could not much affect Otto's position, of the Roman 
 Neither was the assumption of the imperial 
 title the starting-point so much as the result of Otto's 
 intervention in Italy. But the name of Roman Emperor, when 
 assumed by a strong prince, gave unity and legitimacy to 
 Otto's power both over Germany and Italy. And in Germany 
 no less than in Italy there was no unity outside that which 
 adhered to the Roman tradition. Yet the imperial title made 
 very little difference in the character and policy of Otto. He 
 never sought, like Charles the Great, to build up an imperial 
 administrative system or an imperial jurisprudence. Even in 
 Germany there was still no law but the local laws of the five
 
 32 European History, 918-1273 
 
 nations. And there was no effort whatever made to extend 
 into Italy the rude system on which Otto based his power in 
 Germany. Still the combination of the legitimacy of the 
 .imperial position with the strength of the Teutonic kingship 
 did gradually bring about a very great change, both in Germany 
 and Italy, though it was rather under Otto's successors than 
 under Otto himself that the full consequences of this were 
 felt. Yet Otto was the founder of the mediaeval ' Holy Roman 
 Empire of the German Nation,' and the originator of that 
 close connection of Germany with Italy on which both the 
 strength and the weakness of that Empire reposed. Modern 
 Germans have reproached him for neglecting the true 
 development of his German realm in the pursuit of the 
 shadow of an unattainable Empire. The criticism is hardly 
 just to Otto, who was irresistibly led into his Italian policy 
 by the necessities of his German position, and who could 
 hardly be expected to look, beyond the immediate work 
 before him, to far-off ideals of national unity and national 
 monarchy that were utterly strange to him and to his age. 
 Otto came into Italy to win over the Pope to his side. He 
 looked upon his Roman coronation as mainly important, 
 because it enabled him to complete his subjection of the 
 German Church with the help of his new ally Pope John. 
 
 The first result of the alliance of Pope and Emperor was 
 the completion of the reorganisation of the German Church 
 for which Otto had been striving so long. The Pope held 
 a synod at St. Peter's, in which Otto's new archbishopric of 
 Magdeburg was at last sanctioned. But Otto, who looked 
 upon the Pope as the chief ecclesiastic of his Empire, was as 
 Otto . 8 anxious to limit Roman pretensions as he had been 
 motives. to curb the power of the see of Mainz. He issued 
 a charter which, while confirming the ancient claims of the 
 Papacy to the whole region in middle Italy that had been 
 termed so long the patrimony of St. Peter, reserved strictly 
 the imperial supremacy over it. He provided that no Pope 
 should be consecrated until he had taken an oath of fealty
 
 Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 33 
 
 to the Emperor. The Pope was thus reduced, like the / 
 German bishops, to a condition of subjection to the state. 
 
 Otto now left Rome to carry on his campaign against 
 Berengar, who had fled for refuge to his Alpine castles. \ 
 John xn. now took the alarm, and quickly allied Otto , s later 
 himself with his old foe against his new friend. Italian policy 
 Otto marched back to Rome, and in 963 held a 962 ~ 973 - 
 synod, mostly of Italian bishops, in which John was deposed 1 
 for murder, sacrilege, perjury, and other gross offences, and a 
 new Pope set up, who took the name of Leo vin., and who 
 was frankly a dependant of the Emperor. John escaped 
 to his strongholds, 'hiding himself like a wild beast in the 
 woods and hills,' and refusing to recognise the sentence passed 
 upon him. The need of fighting Berengar again forced Otto 
 to withdraw from Rome. During his absence the fickle 
 citizens repudiated his authority, and called back John. But 
 hardly was the youthful Pope restored to authority than he 
 suddenly die4jn_May^4. His partisans chose at once as his 
 successor Benedict v. 
 
 Otto now hurried back to Rome, and attended a synod, i 
 held by Leo vin., which condemned Benedict and reaffirmed \ 
 the claims of Leo. There was no use in opposing the mighty 
 Emperor, and Benedict made an abject submission. Sinking on 
 his knees before Otto, he cried, ' If I have in anywise sinned, 
 have mercy upon me.' He was banished beyond the Alps, 
 and died soon afterwards. His fall made patent the ] 
 dependence of the Papacy on Otto. A last revolt of the ' 
 Romans was now sternly suppressed. When Otto, flushed 
 with triumph, marched northwards against Berengar, Leo's 
 successor, John xin., humbly followed in his train. The 
 young king Otto now crossed the Alps, and accompanied 
 his father on a fresh visit to Rome, where, on Christmas day 
 967, John xin. crowned him as Emperor. Henceforth 
 father and son were joint rulers. Otto had done his best 
 to make both German kingdom and Roman Empire 
 hereditary. 
 
 PERIOD II. C
 
 34 European History, 918-1273 
 
 :The last years of Otto's reign were full of triumph. Secure 
 in the obedience of the Church, he ruled both Germany 
 and Italy with an ever-increasing authority. The 
 imperial Magdeburg archbishopric received new suffragans 
 position, in the sees of Zeiz, Meissen, and Merseburg. A 
 new era of peace and prosperity dawned. The 
 German dukes were afraid to resist so mighty a power. The 
 division of Lotharingia into the two duchies of Upper and 
 Lower Lorraine which now took place was the first step in the 
 gradual process that soon began to undermine the unity of the 
 traditional ' nations ' of the German people. Beyond his 
 Teutonic kingdom the kings of the barbarous north and 
 east paid Otto an increasing obedience. The marauding 
 heathens of an earlier generation were now becoming 
 settled cultivators of the soil, Christian and civilised. Their 
 dukes looked up to Otto as an exemplar of the policy 
 which they themselves aspired to realise. The dukes of 
 Poland and Bohemia performed homage to Otto as Emperor. 
 \Ambassadors from distant lands, France, Denmark, Hungary, 
 'Russia, and Bulgaria, flocked around his throne. He 
 intervened with powerful effect in the West Frankish king- 
 dom. He aspired to the domination of southern Italy, 
 and, having won over to his side the powerful Pandulf, 
 prince of Capua and Benevento, he enlarged that prince's 
 dominions and erected them into a mark to withstand the 
 assaults of the Arabs and Greeks of southern Italy. But 
 while waging war against the Mohammedans, Otto was 
 anxious to be on good terms with the Romans of the East. 
 The accession of John Zimisces to the Eastern Empire [see 
 pages 161-162] gave Otto his opportunity. The new lord of 
 Constantinople offered the hand of Theophano, daughter of 
 Marriage of his predecessor Romanus 11., as the bride of the 
 the young young Otto ii., with Greek Italy as her marriage 
 Theophano, portion. The Emperor welcomed the opportunity 
 97*- to win peacefully what he had sought in 
 
 vain to acquire by war. Early in 972 Theophano was
 
 Revival of the Roman Empire by Otto I. 35 
 
 crowned by John xm. at Rome, and immediately afterwards 
 married to the young Emperor. The gorgeous festivities 
 that attended this union of East and West brought clearly 
 before the world the reality of Otto's power. 
 
 Otto was now growing old, and had outlived most of his 
 fellow-workers. His brother Henry had died soon after the 
 battle on the Lechfeld. His bastard son William had already 
 sunk into a premature grave. Now came the news of the 
 death of the faithful Hermann Billung. In the spring of 973 
 Otto went on progress for the last time through Deathof 
 his ancestral domains on the slopes of the Harz. otto i., 
 Death came upon him suddenly as he was cele- 9f3 ' 
 brating the Whitsuntide feast in his palace at Memleben. 
 He was buried beside his first wife, the English Edith, in his 
 favourite sanctuary of St. Maurice of Magdeburg, raised by 
 his care to metropolitan dignity. His long and busy life 
 had not only restored some sort of peace and prosperity to 
 two distracted nations, but his policy had begun a new 
 development of western history that was to last nearly three 
 centuries, and was to determine its general direction up to 
 the Reformation. He had built up a mighty state in an age 
 of anarchy. He had made Germany strong and peaceful, 
 and the leading power of Europe. He had subjected the 
 Church and pacified Italy. Under him the Roman Empire 
 had again acquired in some real sense the lordship of the 
 civilised world. 
 
 THE CRESCENTII. 
 THEODORA 
 
 I 
 
 MAROZIA tn. (i) ALBERIC i., Marquis of Camerino THEODORA 
 
 (2) GUI DO, M_arquis of Tuscany (the younger) (1) 
 
 13) HUGH, King of Italy 
 (') I (i) 
 
 ALBERIC n. POPE JOHN xi> CRESCENTIUS i. (Duke) 
 
 (4- 954) (931-936) (981) 
 
 POPK JOHN XH. (Octavian) CRESCENTIUS 11. (Patrician) 
 
 (998) 
 
 CRESCENTIUS in. (Patrician) 
 (1013)
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE GERMAN EMPIRE AT THE HEIGHT OF ITS POWER ; 
 
 THE LATER SAXON AND EARLY SALIAN EMPERORS 
 
 (973-1056) X 
 
 The reign of Otto n. Break-up of Bavaria Projects of Crusade War and 
 Alliance with Greek Empire The Reign of Otto HI. Regency of 
 Theophano and Bavarian Revolt Otto and the Bishops Gerbert of 
 Aurillac Visionary Schemes of Otto His failure Reign of Henry n. 
 The two Conrads Reign of Conrad n. His Italian and Slavonic Policy 
 Union of Arelate and Empire Fiefs declared Hereditary Aribert 
 Reign of Henry in. His Policy in the East, France, Germany, and Italy 
 Synod of Sutri Death of Henry ill. 
 
 Quo ii. was eighteen years of age when the death of his 
 father made him sole ruler. His education and surround- 
 otto ii., m g s g ay e his policy a very different direction from 
 973-983- that of Otto i. The elder prince was purely 
 German, and even in winning the imperial crown sought 
 to subserve a Teutonic object. His son, born and reared 
 in the purple, Burgundian or Italian on his mother's side, 
 and married to a Byzantine Emperor's daughter, took wider 
 views. To Otto n. Italy was as important as Germany, and 
 his ambition was to weld the two realms together in a solid 
 imperial unity, while constantly keeping his eyes even beyond 
 these two kingdoms. To him the Emperor's lordship of the 
 world was a reality, and he strove with all the force of an ardent, 
 impetuous, and impulsive nature to give effect to his ideal. 
 But while Otto ii.'s short reign witnessed the Empire assuming 
 a more universal character, it also saw the first signs of that 
 essential incompatibility between the position of German 
 
 1 For authorities see note to chapter ii. 
 86
 
 The German Empire at the Height of its Power 37 
 
 king and Roman Emperor which, in after ages, was to bear 
 such bitter fruit. 
 
 Despite the quietness of Otto i.'s last years, the difficulties 
 against which the old Emperor had struggled still remained. 
 The separatist spirit of the national dukedoms still lived o 
 in Bavaria, and had only been temporarily glossed over b; 
 the good understanding between Otto i. and Duke Henry. 
 Judith, the widow of Duke Henry, now ruled Bavaria in the 
 name of her son Henry n., surnamed the Quarrelsome, while 
 she controlled Swabia through her influence on her daughter 
 Hedwig, and Hedwig's aged husband, the Swabian Duke 
 Burkhard. Otto u. saw the danger of a close union between 
 the two southern duchies, and, on Burkhard's death, invested 
 his nephew Otto, Duke Ludolf's son, with Swabia. Judith and 
 her partisans were instantly aroused. A new civil war was 
 threatened, in which the Bavarians did not scruple to call in 
 the help of the Bohemians and Poles. But the young Emperor's 
 vigorous measures proved fatal to the attempted rebellion, 
 and Otto took the opportunity of his triumph to Break . up of 
 lessen the influence of the Bavarian dukes by the Bavarian 
 intrusting, to separate margraves, the east mark, Duc yi976 * 8 - 
 on the Danube (the later Austria), and the north mark be- 
 tween ihe Danube and the Bohemian Forest. The great 
 highland marchland of Carinthia and Carniola, with which still 
 went the Italian March of Verona, or Friuli, was constituted 
 a seventh duchy. The rest of the Bavarian duchy was con- 
 signed to the care of the faithful Otto of Swabia. Judith 
 was shut up in a convent. Henry the Quarrelsome fled to 
 Bohemia, whence he made subsequent unsuccessful attempts 
 to recover his position. Thus the Emperor triumphed, but 
 he had simply to do over again the work of his father. It 
 was a thankless business, and showed how insecure were the 
 very foundations of the German kingdom. But for the rest 
 of his short reign Germany gave Otto but little trouble. The 
 extension of Christianity among Wends, Poles, and Bohemians 
 gave Magdeburg and Mainz new suffragans in the Bishops
 
 38 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 of Gnesen and Prague, though renewed attacks on the 
 marches soon taught Otto that the Christianised Slavs were 
 scarcely less formidable enemies than their heathen fathers 
 had been. 
 
 In 978 Otto marched with a great army almost to the walls 
 of Paris to avenge on the Carolingian king, Lothair, his 
 War with attempt to withdraw Lorraine from the imperial 
 France, 978. obedience [see page 70]. Few of his acts bring 
 out more clearly his imperial position than this long progress 
 through hostile territory. But Italy was the scene of Otto ii.'s 
 most famous actions, and best illustrates his high conception 
 Qf Jhe_jmperjaJ_djgiiity. Rome was, as usual, a constant 
 source of trouble. A series of insignificant Pontiffs succeeded 
 John xiii. ; but above them towered the noble Roman, 
 Crescentius Crescentius, Duke of the Romans, perhaps the 
 at Rome, 980. son o f the younger Theodora, Marozia's sister, who 
 aspired to renew the great part played by Alberic n. In 
 980 Otto crossed the Alps for Italy, and on his approach the 
 opposition was shattered. In 981 he restored the Pope to 
 Rome, whence he had fled from fear of Crescentius, and 
 forced Crescentius himself to withdraw into the seclusion of 
 a monastery, where a few years later he died. The need of 
 protection still kept the Papacy faithful to the imperial 
 alliance. 
 
 Otto now assumed new responsibilities directly flowing 
 from his position as Emperor. The Mohammedan lords of 
 Sicily had re-established themselves in southern Italy, and 
 threatened the march of Benevento. Otto marched to the 
 Campaign^ help of the Lombard Duke of Benevento. At the 
 against ,same time he sought to make a reality cf the 
 
 Greeks and . .. _ . _ . , . , . , 
 
 Saracens, cession of Greek Italy, the promised portion of 
 981-982. Theophano, but which, owing to the unwilling- 
 
 ness of the Byzantines, had never actually come into his 
 hands. In 981 and 982 Otto carried on successful war in 
 southern Italy. A whole series of Greek towns Salerno, 
 Bari, Taranto fell into his hands. In the summer of 982
 
 The German Empire at the Height of its Power 39 
 
 Otto traversed the old road of Pyrrhus, along the Gulf 
 of Taranto, and defeated the Arabs at Cotrone (the ancient 
 Croton), slaying Abul Cassim, the Arneer of Sicily, in the 
 fight. A few days later Otto fell into a Saracen ambush 
 as he pursued his route along the narrow road between 
 the Calabrian mountains and the sea. His army was almost 
 destroyed, though he himself, after a series of remarkable 
 adventures, succeeded in eluding his enemies. 
 
 Germans and Italians vied with each other in their 
 efforts to restore the Emperor's preponderance. In 983 a 
 remarkable Diet assembled at Verona, in which the Diet of 
 magnates of Germany and Italy sat side by sidej Ve na and 
 to show that the two realms constituted but one crusade, 
 Empire. The spirit that a century later inspired 983- 
 the Crusades first appeared in this remarkable assembly. 
 It was resolved to follow the Emperor on a holy war against 
 the Mussulmans. That the succession might be peacefully 
 secured during his absence the magnates chose as their 
 future ruler the little Otto, his three-years-old son by 
 Theophano. Preparations were then made for the war 
 against Islam. But the rising commercial city of Venice, 
 jealous of the imperial policy, and already enriching itself 
 by trade with the enemies of the Christian faith, refused to 
 supply the necessary ships for an expedition against Sicily, 
 the centre of the infidel power. Otto sought to block up 
 the land approaches to the recalcitrant town, but, secure 
 in her impregnable lagoons, Venice was able to defy the 
 Emperor. The news of a Wendish invasion now came from 
 Germany; and the disturbed condition of Rome again de- 
 manded Otto's personal presence. There he laboured with 
 feverish earnestness to prepare for his mighty task ; but there 
 he was smitten with a sudden and deadly disease, Death of 
 that carried him off on yth December 983. He ottoii., 
 was only twenty-eight years old. His body was 983 ' 
 buried, as became a Roman Emperor, in the Church of St. 
 Peter's. The difficulties which had proved almost too much
 
 4O European History, 918-1273 
 
 for the strong and capable grown man, were now to be faced, 
 jas best they might be, by his young widow Theophano, the 
 Iregent of the new lord of the world, a child scarcely four 
 years of age. 
 
 The German Empire rested almost entirely on the warlike 
 character of its head, and any failure of the central military 
 power involved the gravest evils. A wave of heathen re- 
 action burst from the Wendish and Danish lands into the 
 very heart of the Saxon Empire. In the south, Islam, excited 
 by the threatened Crusade, menaced the centre of the Christian 
 world. It seemed as if the Empire of the Ottos was on the 
 verge of dissolution, when Henry the Quarrelsome, the deposed 
 Revolt of Duke of Bavaria, came back, and, by claiming the 
 Henry of regency from Theophano, added the terrors of 
 Bavana, 984. j nterna | (ji scor( j to those of barbarian invasion. 
 At first Henry made good progress, and, advancing in his 
 claims, began to covet the crown itself. The Dukes of Poland 
 and Bohemia paid him homage, and Lothair of France eagerly 
 supported him. It was more important that Henry had 
 won over many of the bishops, who, as the natural result of 
 Otto i.'s policy, had the balance of power in their hands. 
 He also secured the person of the young Otto in. But, as 
 the Archbishop of Magdeburg favoured Henry, the lay nobles 
 of the Wendish mark, who hated their clerical supplanters, 
 and Archbishop Willegis of Mainz, who still looked with 
 detestation on the mushroom primacy on the Elbe, declared 
 for Theophano. The adhesion of the mass of the Saxon 
 nation at last secured the victory of the Greek. Henry was 
 forced to submit, and was pacified by being restored to his 
 duchy of Bavaria. 
 
 Otto in. owed his throne to the clergy. The influence of 
 the bishops kept Germany quiet during the regency of 
 Regency of Theophano. The fall of the last of the West 
 Theophano, Frankish Carolingians, and the accession of 
 983-991- Hugh Capet in 987, prevented any further 
 
 danger from the French side, while on the east, the Margrave
 
 The German Empire at the Height of its Power 41 
 
 Eckhard of Meissen hurled back the Slavonic invaders, and 
 cleverly set the Bohemians and the Poles by the ears. 
 Adelaide, Otto's grandmother, ruled Italy from the old 
 Lombard capital of Pavia. She was less fortunate than her 
 daughter-in-law, with whom, moreover, her relations were not 
 cordial. Rome fell away almost altogether, so that a French 
 synod at Reims (995) was able, with good reason, to denounce 
 the scandals that degraded the Papacy, and to threaten that 
 France, like the east, might be provoked into breaking off 
 all connections with the See of Peter. John Crescentius, 
 son of the man driven by Otto n. into a cloister, renewed 
 the policy of his father, and, taking the name of Patrician, 
 ruled over Rome with little opposition. 
 
 Theophano died in QQI. No new regent was appointed, 
 but a council of regency set up, prominent among its members 
 being the Empress Adelaide, Willegis of Mainz, 
 Eckhard of Meissen, and Henry, Duke of bishops and 
 Bavaria, son and successor of Henry the Quarrel- education of 
 
 rr-i .. c u- l j Otto, 991-996. 
 
 some. The composition of this body was a 
 further proof of the extension of ecclesiastical influence. But 
 an even more significant indication of this was the fact that 
 the young king was brought up almost entirely under the 
 direction of highly-placed churchmen. Willegis of Mainz, 
 and Bernward, Bishop of Hildesheim, the future saint, were 
 the two prelates most directly responsible for his education. 
 The result was that, though the young king spent his early 
 years amidst his fierce and half-barbarous Saxon subjects, he 
 became still less of a German than Otto IL, and was pos- 
 sessed by ideals that stand in the strongest contrast with 
 those of his predecessors. Bernward caused him to be 
 schooled in the best culture of his time, and gave him an abid- 
 ing love of letters and learned men. He also strongly inspired 
 the quick-witted and sympathetic youth with the ascetic views j 
 and the sacerdotal sympathies of the Cluniacs. Thus Otto' 
 became enthusiastically religious, and ever remained a devout 
 pilgrim to holy places and seeker out of inspired anchorites
 
 42 European History, 918-1273 
 
 and saints. Moreover, Otto inherited from Theophano all 
 the high Byzantine notions of the sacred ness of the Empire, 
 and, seeking to combine the two aspects of his education, his 
 mind was soon filled with glowing visions of a kingdom of 
 God on earth, in which Pope and Emperor ruled in har- 
 mony over a world that enjoyed perfect peace and idyllic 
 happiness. Otto's ideals were generous, noble, and unselfish ; 
 but in the iron age in which he lived they were hopelessly 
 unpractical. The young king lived to become the 'wonder 
 of the world ' and the 'renewer of the Empire.' But his early 
 death came none too soon to hide the vanity of his ambitions. 
 At best, he was the first of that long line of brilliant and 
 attractive failures which it was the special mission of the 
 mediaeval Empire to produce. 
 
 / In 996 Otto attained his legal majority, and crossed the 
 Alps to seek his coronation at Rome as Emperor. The king 
 and his army marched as though bound on a 
 coronation pilgrimage, or like the crusading hosts of a cen- 
 at Rome, 996. tury latgr As they entere( j t h e Lombard plain, 
 
 the news came that the Papacy was vacant, and a deputation 
 
 of Romans, tired of the tyranny of Crescentius, begged Otto 
 
 \ to nominate a new Pope. The young king at once appointed 
 
 \his cousin, Bruno, grandson of Conrad the Red and Liut- 
 
 Gregory v., g ar ^e, daughter of Otto i., a youth of four-and- 
 
 996-999- twenty, and a zealous champion of the Cluniacs, 
 
 who took the name of Gregory v. On 25th May 996, Otto 
 
 was crowned by Gregory at Rome. 
 
 Pope and Emperor strove at once to embody their theories 
 in acts. The proceedings of the anti-papal synod of Reims 
 were annulled ; its nominee to the see of Reims, Gerbert of 
 Aurillac, was forced to yield up his post to the worldly 
 Arnulf that the synod strove in vain to depose. The whole 
 French episcopate bowed in submission before the new Pope, 
 and Gerbert soon repudiated his earlier teachings. The 
 French king, Robert, was visited with the severest censures 
 of the Church for contracting a marriage within the prohibited
 
 The German Empire at the Height of its Power 43 
 
 degrees. The holy Adalbert, the apostle of Bohemia, but 
 driven from his see of Prague by a pagan reaction, was 
 sternly ordered to return to his bishopric, or, if that were 
 impossible, to engage in a new mission to the heathen. 
 Adalbert chose the latter alternative, and his early death 
 at the hands of the heathen Prussians made him the proto- 
 martyr of the new order that Otto and Gregory were striving 
 to introduce. But while the two enthusiasts were busy in the 
 regeneration of the universe, they were unable to maintain 
 themselves in the very centre of their power. A new Roman 
 rebellion brought back Crescentius. Only through FaU of 
 the help of the iron soldiery of the Saxon borders, Crescentius, 
 headed by the valiant Eckhard of Meissen, could " 8- 
 Otto win back the Eternal City to his obedience. In 998 
 Rome surrendered, and Crescentius atoned for his rebellion 
 on the scaffold. 
 
 An early death now cut off Gregory v., and Otto raised 
 Gerbert of Aurillac l to the papal throne. Gerbert was quite 
 the most remarkable man of his age. A poor Gerbert 
 Frenchman of obscure birth from the uplands <" Aurill ac- 
 of the centre, he received his first schooling in a cloister at 
 his native Aurillac, where he took the monastic vows. 
 Borrel, a pious Count of Barcelona, made his acquaintance 
 while visiting Aurillac on a pilgrimage, and took him back 
 with him to the Spanish march. There Gerbert abode some 
 years, and there he acquired that profound knowledge of 
 mathematics which had perhaps filtered into the march from 
 the Mussulman schools of Cordova, and which gave him in 
 the unlearned north a reputation for extraordinary learning, 
 if not for magical skill. Ever eager for knowledge, he accom- 
 panied his patron to Italy, and attracted the notice of Otto i. 
 Finally he settled down at Reims, attracted by the fame of 
 
 1 Havet's Lettres de Gerbert (Picard's ' Collection de Textes'), with the 
 editor's introduction, are a chief authority for Gerbert's history and policy. 
 See also an article on Gerbert by Mr. R. Allen, in the English Historical 
 Review, vol. vii. pp. 625-668.
 
 44 European History, 918-1273 
 
 a certain archdeacon who taught in the cathedral school. 
 The good Archbishop Adalbero made Gerbert 'scholasticus' 
 of the school at Reims. Accompanying the archbishop 
 to Italy, Gerbert received from Otto 11. the headship of 
 Columban's old abbey of Bobbio, and speedily reformed its 
 lax discipline. On Otto ii.'s death, the angry monks drove 
 him away, and he went back to Reims and resumed his 
 teaching as ' scholasticus.' He dominated the policy of the 
 archbishop in the critical years that saw the accession of 
 Hugh Capet to the French throne [see pages 70-71], but on 
 Adalbero's death was ungratefully passed over by Hugh, 
 whose interests procured the election of Arnulf, an unlearned 
 but high-born Carolingian, to the great see. A few years 
 later, Arnulf was deposed by the synod of 995, and Gerbert 
 put in his place. But Arnulf still claimed to be archbishop, 
 and Gerbert went to Italy to plead his cause with Gregory v. 
 Finding his chances hopeless, he closely attached himself to 
 Otto in., with whom he had strong affinities in character. 
 Gerbert loved pomp and splendour, was attracted by Otto's 
 high ideals, and was of a pliant, complaisant, and courtier-like 
 disposition. He was made Archbishop of Ravenna to com- 
 pensate him for the loss of Reims. When elevated to the 
 Papacy, he chose to call himself Sylvester n. As Sylvester i. 
 had stood to the first Christian Emperor, so would Sylvester n. 
 stand to the new Constantino. Under him the close alliance 
 of Pope and Emperor was continued as fervently as during 
 the lifetime of Gregory v. 
 
 'Otto's plans grew more mystical and visionary. Rome, 
 nd Rome alone, could be the seat of the renewed Empire, 
 visionary and Otto began the building of an imperial palace 
 schemes of on tne Aventine on the site of the abode of the 
 
 Otto and 
 
 Sylvester n., early Caesars. He abandoned the simple life of a 
 999-1003- Saxon etheling, which had been good enough for 
 his father and grandfather, and secluded his sacred person 
 from a prying world by all the devices of Byzantine court- 
 etiquette and Oriental exclusiveness. His court officials
 
 The German Empire at the Height of its Power 45 
 
 dropped their old-fashioned Teutonic titles, and were renamed 
 after the manner of Constantinople. The chamberlain became 
 the ProtovestiariuSi the counsellor the logothetes, the generals 
 were comites imperialis militia, and their subordinates proto- 
 spatharii. The close union of the Pope and Emperor in 
 a theocratic polity was still better illustrated by the institu- 
 tion of the judices palatii ordinarii. They were of the mystic 
 number of seven, ecclesiastics by profession, and were to act 
 as supreme judges in ordinary times, but ,ere also to ordain 
 the Emperor (a new ceremony to be substituted for coronation) 
 and to elect the Pope. But apart from its fantastic character, 
 the whole policy of Otto depended upon a personal harmony 
 between Pope and Emperor. Even under Otto himself this 
 result could only be secured by the Emperor's utter subor- 
 dination of his real interests to the pursuit of his brilliant 
 but illusive fancies. 
 
 Otto's cosmopolitan imperialism soon brought him in col- 1 
 lision with Germany, and especially with the German Church.) 
 He set up a new archbishopric at Gnesen in opposition 
 Poland, where reposed the relics of the martyred to otto in. 
 Adalbert, and surrounded it with the mystical 
 number of seven suffragans. In the same way, Sylvester, in re- 
 cognising Stephen, the first Christian Duke of Hungary, as a 
 king, established a Hungarian archbishopric at Gran. These 
 acts involved a recognition of the national independence 
 of Poland and Hungary. Wise as they were, they were 
 resented in Germany as being directly counter to the 
 traditional Saxon policy of extending German influence east- 
 wards, by making the bishops subject to the German 
 metropolitans at Magdeburg and Salzburg. The practical 
 German bishops saw with disgust the Emperor giving 
 up the very corner stone of the policy of Henry and Otto I. 
 The deep differences of sentiment came to a head in a petty 
 dispute as to whether a new church for the nuns of Ganders- 
 heim should be consecrated by Bernward of Hildesheim, the 
 diocesan, who favoured Otto's fancies, or by the metropolitan
 
 4<5 European History, 918-1273 
 
 VVillegis of Mainz, who bitterly lamented the outlandish ideas 
 of his old pupil. Sylvester upheld Bernward, but the German 
 bishops declared for Willegis, and paid no heed to the papal 
 censures that followed quickly on their contumacy. They 
 refused even to be present at the Councils in which Sylvester 
 professed to condemn the Archbishop of Mainz. The German 
 clergy were thus in open revolt from Rome, and they were, 
 1 as we have seen, the leaders of the German nation. 
 
 While the outlook was thus gloomy in Germany, the march 
 of events in Italy gave but little encouragement to Pope and 
 Breakdown Emperor, and demanded the personal presence of 
 of otto* Otto, who had been forced to return to Germany 
 system in j n ^g vam hope of appeasing the general opposi- 
 tion to his policy. Before he crossed the Alps 
 for the last time, Otto went to Aachen, and, if we can believe 
 one of his followers' statement, visited the vaults beneath 
 the venerable palace-chapel to gaze upon the corpse of 
 Charles the Great, sitting as in life upon a throne, with 
 crown on head and sceptre in hand. When he reached the 
 south, he found to his dismay that lower Italy had fallen 
 altogether from his obedience, and that even Tivoli, in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of Rome, had rebelled against 
 him. Otto made feverish efforts to restore his authority. 
 He clamoured for Byzantine help, and begged for a Byzantine 
 wife. He paid a flying visit to the Venetian lagoons, seeking 
 for a fleet from the great Doge Peter Orseolo. But worse 
 news now reached him. Rome itself now rose in revolt, and 
 Otto, postponing in despair his warlike operations, could only 
 find consolation in visits to the holy Romuald in his inac- 
 cessible island hermitage amidst the swamps of Ravenna, and 
 in the practice of penances, mortifications, and scourgings. 
 Recovering his energy, he now sought to obtain an army from 
 Germany to procure, as in the old days, the subjection of 
 Italy; but it was the very moment of the crisis of the 
 Gandersheim struggle, and no German help was forthcoming. 
 A sharp fever now attacked Otto at the very moment of
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 47 
 
 the collapse of all his plans. He died on 23rd January 
 1002, at Paterno, near Rome, when only twenty-two years 
 old. With him perished his lofty ambitions. Deathof 
 He had made himself the wonder of the world ; otto HI., 
 but all that he had accomplished was to play the * 
 game of the high ecclesiastical party. The tendency of his 
 policy, like the latter Carolings, was to subordinate the 
 visionary Empire to the practical Papacy, thus exactly 
 reversing the ideas of the great Saxons, and bringing out in 
 its most glaring contrast the incompatibility of the union of the 
 German kingship with the imperial claims to universal domi- 
 nation. Within a year Sylvester 11. followed him to the tomb.\ 
 
 For eighty years the Saxon kings and emperors had suc- 
 ceeded from father to son, and even a minority had not 
 broken down the tendency towards heredity which Henry 11., 
 seemed rapidly divesting the German kingdom of I002 - 102 4- 
 the elective character which it had shared with the Empire 
 itself. Otto m.'s death without direct 1 heirs now reminded 
 the German magnates that they still could choose their king, 
 and, in the absence of any strong claimant, there was a whole 
 swarm of aspirants after the vacant dignity. The friends of 
 the Saxon traditions, which Otto HI. had so violently set at 
 naught, hoped for the election of the brave and experienced 
 Eckhard of Meissen; but as Eckhard was travelling to the 
 south to pursue his candidature, he was murdered to satisfy 
 a private revenge. His removal secured the appointment of 
 Henry, Duke of Bavaria, the son of Henry the Quarrelsome,} 
 and the nearest kinsman of competent age and position to 
 the dead ruler. Thus the throne was retained in the hands 
 of the Saxon house, though it now was held by a branch that 
 had long attached itself to the traditions of its southern duchy. 
 Bavarians, Lorrainers, and Franks accepted Henry at once ; 
 the Saxons and Swabians only after a short hesitation. 
 
 It was a great thing that the succession had been peaceably 
 settled. Yet the new king had neither the power nor the 
 energy of the Ottos. Raised to the throne by the great
 
 4 8 European History, 918-1273 
 
 magnates, Henry II. never aspired to carry on the despotic 
 traditions of the earlier Saxon kings, but thought to rule with 
 the help of frequent Diets and Councils. He had more 
 authority over the Church, and his personal piety and zeal 
 for good works, in which he was well supported by his wife 
 Cunigunde, procured for him in after times the name and re- 
 putation of a saint, and in his own day kept him on good terms 
 with the clergy, though he was never their slave. He used 
 his bishops and abbots as instruments of his temporal rule, 
 and systematically developed Otto m.'s system of making the 
 bishops and abbots the local representatives of the imperial 
 power by granting them the position of Count over the 
 neighbouring Gau. On one great matter he gave much 
 offence to the German bishops. He set up a new bishop- 
 Henry ii. nc at Bamberg in Franconia, laying in 1004 
 and the the foundations of its new cathedral, and con- 
 ferring on it such extensive privileges that 
 every bishop in Germany was annoyed at the new prelate 
 holding a position next after the archbishops, while the 
 Archbishop of Mainz resented the merely nominal ties of 
 obedience that bound the Bishop of Bamberg to him as his 
 metropolitan. Henry was a friend of the Cluniac monks, 
 and it was through his efforts that these zealous Church 
 reformers first got a strong position in Germany. 
 
 Henry had no trouble with the Hungarians, whose great 
 king, St. Stephen, the founder of the settled Magyar state, 
 Henry n. was his brother-in law and friend. But it was 
 and the among his chief cares to uphold the old Saxon 
 1 supremacy over the Slavs, which Otto HI. had 
 generously or fantastically neglected. Poland was now a for- 
 midable state, and its Duke Boleslav, who had become a terror 
 to the marks before the death of Otto, aspired to build up 
 a strong Slavonic power, and drive back the Germans over 
 the Elbe. It was no longer the frontier warfare of the days 
 after Otto the Great's victories. It was rather a stern fight 
 between two vigorous nations, in which Henry only won the
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 49 
 
 upper hand after long and costly efforts. Even at the last 
 he was forced to hand over the mark of Lausitz to the Poles, 
 to be held as a fief of the German kingdom. Henry's laborious 
 policy, his shrinking from great efforts, and his fixed resolve 
 to concentrate himself on little objects within his reach, stand 
 in the strongest contrast to the vast ambitions of his prede- 
 cessor. Yet, in his slow and determined way, Henry brought 
 back the German kingdom to a more national policy, and 
 did much to restore the havoc wrought by Otto's vain 
 pursuits of impossible ideals. As a German king, he was in 
 no wise a failure, though he raised the monarchy to no new 
 heights of power. 
 
 Henry's success in Germany was closely connected with 
 his failure in Italy. Under his cautious rule the plans of 
 Otto in. were quickly lost sight of. On the death of Syl- 
 vester ii., the Papacy fell back into its old dependence on 
 the local nobles. At first a third Crescentius, son of Otto m.'s 
 victim, assumed his father's title of Patrician, ruled Rome at 
 his pleasure, and nominated two puppet Popes in succession. 
 But a stronger power arose, that of the Counts of Tusculum. 
 Before long a series of Tusculan Popes, set up by the good- 
 will of these powerful lords, again degraded the Papacy, and 
 threatened to deprive it of the obedience and respect of 
 Europe. It was the same in the secular as Henry 11. 
 in the spiritual sphere. Before the German sue- and Italy, 
 cession had been settled, Ardoin, Marquis of Ivrea, had 
 got himself elected King of Italy, and held his own 
 for many years against the partisans of Henry reinforced 
 by German armies. In 1004 Henry went over the Alps, 
 and submitted to be elected and crowned king at Pavia, 
 though the Ottos had borne the Italian crown without con- 
 descending to go through such formalities. Despite this 
 Ardoin long maintained himself. At last, in 1013, Henry 
 went down to Italy again, and on i4th February 1014 re- 
 ceived the imperial diadem from Pope Benedict vui. But no 
 striking result followed this renewal of the Empire. Benedict, 
 
 PERIOD i* D
 
 50 European History, 918-1273 
 
 who was a zealous partisan of the Count of Tusculum, 
 now sought, by advocacy of the Cluniac ideas, to maintain 
 himself against an Antipope of the faction of Crescentius. 
 In 1020 Benedict visited Germany to consecrate the cathedral 
 of Bamberg, and signalised his visit by taking Henry's 
 foundation under his immediate care. It seemed as if the 
 old alliance of Papacy and Empire were renewed. Next 
 year Henry crossed the Brenner at the head of a strong 
 German army, which traversed all Italy, in three divisions, 
 commanded respectively by Henry himself, the Patriarch of 
 Aquileia, and the Archbishop of Cologne. But by the time 
 the Lombard dukes of Capua and Salerno had made their 
 submission, and Henry was marching through Apulia, a 
 deadly sickness raged in his host and compelled its im- 
 mediate retreat. Next year Henry was back in Germany. 
 It is significant that the office of Count Palatine of Italy 
 ceased to exist during his reign. The Emperor was no longer 
 an effective ruler of the peninsula. 
 
 In the latter years of his life Henry attached himself still 
 more strongly to the Cluniac party, and, as with Otto in., his 
 friendship for foreign priests brought him into renewed con- 
 flict with the German bishops. Aribo, Archbishop of Mainz, 
 led the opposition to Henry and Benedict But just as the 
 conflict was coming to a head, Benedict vm. died (1024). 
 He was quickly followed to the grave by Henry himself. 
 With him perished the last king of the male stock of the 
 Ludolfing dukes of Saxony. His dull and featureless reign 
 was but a tame conclusion to the brilliant period of the 
 Ottos 
 
 The ecclesiastical differences that had troubled Germany 
 
 during Henry ii.'s lifetime lay at the root of the party struggles 
 
 The two th at now raged round the appointment of his 
 
 Conrmdt, successor. As in Henry's case, there was no 
 
 specific candidate marked out by birth and 
 
 special fitness for the choice of the German nation. The 
 
 bishops, led by Aribo of Mainz and Burkhard of Worms.
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 5 1 
 
 resolved to take full advantage of this freedom of election 
 to prevent the accession of any prince inclined, like the 
 late Emperor, to favour the spread of Cluniac ideas. They 
 therefore urged the claims of Conrad of $wabia. Conrad 
 was the great-grandson of Conrad the Red and his wife Liut- 
 garde, Otto the Great's daughter, and consequently nephew 
 of Pope Gregory v., and descended from the Ludolfings on 
 the female side. Though only the possessor of part of his 
 rich family estates in the Rhineland, Conrad had made a 
 lucky marriage with the widowed Gisela, Duchess of Swabia, 
 the granddaughter of Conrad, king of Aries, and a descen- 
 dant of the Carolingians. This gave him the guardianship 
 of the young Duke Ernest of Swabia, Gisela's son by her 
 former husband, and secured for him a leading position 
 among the German magnates. Conrad was a valiant and 
 experienced warrior, and an intelligent statesman, possess- 
 ing a clear head and a strong will, resolutely bent on 
 securing practical objects immediately within reach. He* 
 had persistently held aloof from the ecclesiastical policy of 
 his predecessor, with whom he had been more than once 
 in open feud. He was still more hostile to his cousin, Conrad, 
 Duke of Carinthia, the son of another Conrad, a younger 
 brother of his father Henry, who, through the caprice of their 
 grandfather, had inherited the mass of the Rhenish estates 
 of Conrad the Red, usurping the position of the elder line. 
 This second Conrad was now the candidate of the Quniac \ 
 party against Conrad of Swabia. But the great prelates * 
 were still all-powerful; despite the opposition of the 
 Lorrainers, among whom Cluniac ideas had gained a firm 
 hold, Conrad of Swabia * *> w t?d lfin ft His path to the 
 throne was made smooth by the generosity of his rival, 
 who, at the last moment, abandoned his candidature, 
 and voted for his cousin. Aribo of Mainz Conrad n. 
 crowned Conrad in his own cathedral, regard- 1024-1039. \ 
 less of the claims of the rival Archbishop of Cologne, the 
 diocesan of Aachen, the proper place for the coronation.
 
 5 2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 But Aribo refused to confer the crown on Gisela, since the 
 Church regarded her marriage with Conrad as irregular by 
 reason of their affinity. Pilgrim of Cologne now saw his 
 opportunity for making terms with the victor. He gave 
 Gisela the crown which Aribo had denied her. Thus Conrad 
 entered upon his reign with the support of all the leaders 
 of the German nation. The younger Conrad remained 
 faithful to his old rival; while his younger brother Bruno, 
 who became Bishop of Toul, soon became one of the 
 greatest supports of the new dynasty. 
 
 When Conrad n. became king, he found everything in 
 confusion : but within two years of his accession he had in- 
 itaiian fused a new spirit and energy into every part of 
 policy. his dominions. His first difficulty was with 
 Lorraine, whose two dukes had opposed his election, and now 
 refused to acknowledge its validity. They sought the help 
 of King Robert of France, whose weak support availed them 
 but little. Conrad soon put down their rebellion, and with 
 almost equal ease quelled the revolt of his ambitious and 
 unruly step-son, Ernest of Swabia. Germany was thus 
 appeased, but Italy, where the imperial power had become 
 very feeble in the later part of the reign of Henry n., was 
 .still practically outside Conrad's influence. His authority 
 was only saved from complete ruin by the policy of the 
 Lombard bishops, who saw in the Emperor their best pro- 
 tection against the proud and powerful lay aristocracy, and 
 especially against the warlike margraves, who now aspired to 
 renew the part played by Ardoin of Ivrea. But conscious 
 that they did not possess sufficient strength to continue 
 successfully a policy in which even Ardoin had failed, the 
 leaders of the north Italian nobility looked elsewhere abroad 
 for help to counterbalance the German soldiery of the 
 Emperor. When King Robert of France rejected their 
 advances, they found what they sought in William v., the 
 Duke of Aquitaine and Count of Poitou, an aged and ex- 
 perienced warrior, and a strong friend of the Cluniacs, who
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 53 
 
 hoped to find in Italy a suitable endowment for his young 
 son William. This was the first occasion in which the policy 
 of calling in the French to drive out the Germans was adopted 
 by the Italians. But the times were not yet ripe for the inter- 
 vention of a French prince in Italy. William crossed the 
 Alps, but found that he could make but little progress against 
 the vigorous opposition of the Lombard bishops, headed by 
 Aribert of Milan, and tried to make up for his weakness 
 in Italy by uniting himself with the Lorraine rebels, and 
 by stirring up an anti-German party in the kingdom of Aries. 
 But nothing came of his elaborate schemes, and in 1025 he 
 went home in disgust. 
 
 Early in 1026 Conrad crossed the Brenner, and in Marchj 
 received the Lombard crown from Aribert in the cathedral! 
 of Milan. Pavia, the old Lombard capital, shut 
 its gates on the Emperor, who was thus unable to 
 be hallowed in the usual place. For a whole year coronation, 
 Conrad remained in northern Italy, and gradually I027 ^ 
 forced his enemies to make their submission. In the spring 
 of 1027 the way to Rome at last lay open, and on Easter 
 Sunday Conrad was crowned Emperor by Pope John xix. 
 The function was one of the most striking and memorable 
 ceremonies in the whole history of the mediaeval Empire. It 
 was witnessed by two kings Rudolf in., the last of the kings 
 of Aries, and Canute of Denmark, the conqueror of Eng- 
 land and Norway, then at Rome on a pilgrimage. But the 
 clear head of Conrad was not in the least turned by the 
 mystic rite. Content that his twofold coronation gave him 
 a firm hold over Italy, he quickly recrossed the Alps and 
 resumed his proper work as a German king, taking good / 
 care that there should be no clashing between his German 
 and Italian interests. Before his return he visited southern 
 Italy, and ensured the obedience of the Lombard dukes, 
 who still guarded the frontier against the Greeks of Calabria. 
 
 On his return to Germany, Conrad felt that his power was 
 sufficiently secure to take steps towards retaining the Empire
 
 54 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 in his own family. In 1028, he persuaded the magnates to 
 elect, and Pilgrim .of Cologne to crown, as his successor his 
 Fail of Ernest e ^est son, Henry, who was but ten years of 
 of swabia, age. This act roused the jealousy of the greater 
 nobles, who found in Conrad's son-in-law, Ernest 
 of Swabia, an eager champion of their views. Ernest again 
 plunged into revolt; and when pardoned, at the instance 
 of his mother the Empress, still kept up his close friendship 
 with the open rebel, Werner of Kyburg, Count of the Thurgau, 
 a district including the north-eastern parts of the modern 
 Switzerland. In 1030 Conrad ordered Ernest to break off 
 from all dealings with his friend, and, as a sign of his 
 repentance, to carry out in person the sentence of outlawry 
 and deprivation pronounced against him. Ernest refused to 
 give up Werner, whereupon Conrad deprived him of his 
 duchy. Bitterly incensed with his father-in-law, the young 
 duke left the palace, and wandered from court to court, seeking 
 help to excite a new rebellion. But Conrad was so strong 
 that neither foreign prince nor discontented German noble 
 would make common cause with Ernest. In despair he took 
 to a wild robber life of adventure, lurking with a few faithful 
 vassals amidst the ravines and woods of the Black Forest. 
 Before the summer was out Ernest was overpowered and 
 slain. His commonplace treason and brigandage were in 
 after ages glorified in popular tales, that make his friend 
 Werner a model of romantic fidelity, and he himself a gallant 
 and chivalrous warrior. After his fall, Conrad reigned in 
 peace over Germany. 
 
 The inroads of the Hungarians and Poles now forced fresh 
 
 wars on Conrad. In 1030 he waged a doubtful contest against 
 
 Stephen of Hungary. In the succeeding years he 
 
 Hungary i 
 
 and Poland, obtained great successes against the Poles, winning 
 1030-1033. b ac k j n JQ.JJ Lausitz an d tne other mark districts 
 
 that Henry n. had been forced to surrender to their king 
 Boleslav, and compelling his successor Miecislav, in 1032, to 
 do homage to him for the whole of his kingdom. But great
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 55 
 
 as were Conrad's successes in the east, they were surpassed by 
 his brilliant acquisition of a new kingdom in the west, where 
 in 1032 he obtained the possession of the kingdom of Aries. 
 
 The kingdom of Aries or Burgundy had fallen into evil 
 days. During the long reigns of Conrad the Pacific (937-993) 
 and Rudolf in. (993-1032) all power had fallen 
 
 \y?0 31V Union of the 
 
 into the hands of the territorial magnates, and Areiatewith 
 now the threatened extinction of the royal house the Empire, 
 seemed likely to plunge the Arelate into worse 
 confusion. Rudolf in. was old and childless, and had long 
 sought to make arrangements to prevent the dissolution of his 
 kingdom with his death. In 1007 he had concluded with 
 Henry n., his nephew, an agreement by which Burgundy was 
 to fall on his death to the German monarch, but the Bur- 
 gundian nobles had more than once forced him to renounce 
 his treaty. An increasing sense of his powerlessness drew 
 Rudolf, who was Gisela's uncle, more closely to Conrad n. 
 He hurried to Rome to be present at his coronation, and he 
 trusted entirely to him for protection against his turbulent 
 nobility. The contract of succession was renewed, and on 
 Rudolf's death, in 1032, Conrad entered into possession of 
 the Arelate. Count Odo of Champagne set himself up as 
 a rival and national king, but the German portions of the 
 Arelate favoured Conrad from the beginning. In 1033 he 
 was chosen king, and crowned at Ueberlingen, near Con- 
 stance; and in 1034 Odo was forced into submission, while 
 Conrad triumphantly wore his crown at Geneva and received 
 the homage of the lords of Burgundy. Henceforward the 
 kingdom of Aries was indissolubly united with the Empire. 
 Despite the small amount of power which even the strongest 
 Emperors could exercise in the Arelate, the acquisition was 
 one of no small importance. The Arelate was for the most 
 part a Romance land, and its union with the Empire made the 
 Empire less German, and, for some generations at least, pre- 
 vented the natural tendency to union between France and the 
 Burgundian lands from being carried out. Moreover, the
 
 56 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 acquisition of the Arelate, by virtue of a contract of succession, 
 increased the already strong tendency towards hereditary 
 monarchy in Germany and Italy. Again, Burgundy was the 
 chief home of the Cluniacs, and one very important con- 
 sequence of its absorption by Conrad was a gradual increase 
 of Cluniac influence all over the Empire. And most of all, the 
 new-won kingdom was useful to the Emperors as acting as a 
 sort of buffer-state to protect Italy from French interference. 
 The attempt of William of Poitou had taught Conrad the 
 necessity of thus guarding the Italian frontier. For the next 
 few generations the acquisition of the Arelate made such 
 projects more difficult. Supplementing the final adhesion of 
 Lotharingia to the Eastern Kingdom, the lapse of the Arelate 
 completed the absorption of the ' Middle Kingdom ' in the 
 German Empire. Of the threefold partition of Europe by 
 the Treaty of Verdun in 843, only the ancient dominions 
 of Charles the Bald France, in the narrower sense were 
 outside the powers of the Emperor. Henceforth Conrad 
 ruled not only all the lands that had gone in 843 to Louis 
 the German, but also over the districts that had then fallen to 
 the share of the Emperor Lothair. Two-thirds of the Caro- 
 lingian Empire were thus concentrated under Conrad. 
 . Ten years of Conrad's rule had now brought the Holy 
 [Empire to a point of solid prosperity that was seldom 
 surpassed. But Conrad saw that there were still 
 benefice* great dangers inherent in his position, and fore- 
 declared most among these was the smallness of the num- 
 ber of the feudal dignitaries with whom he had 
 direct legal dealings. There were no longer indeed the five 
 national dukedoms in their old united strength and dignity. 
 There were no longer dukes of Franconia; Lorraine was 
 already divided into two distinct duchies, of Upper and 
 Lower Lorraine. Swabia was showing signs of a similar 
 tendency to bifurcation ; Bavaria, after the rearrangement of 
 976, was in a much less imposing position than under the 
 Saxon Emperors, and even in Saxony the margraves
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 57 
 
 were a strong counterpoise to the more imposing but 
 not more powerful dukes. In the last generations the 
 more vigorous of the counts and margraves had shaken 
 off their dependence on the dukes, and aspired to stand 
 in immediate relations with the Emperor. Yet the whole 
 drift of the time was towards feudalism, and towards 
 making a limited number of tenants-in-chief, whether dukes, 
 margraves or counts, the sole persons with whom the Emperor 
 had any direct relations. Secure in their own hereditary 
 tenure of their fiefs and allodial properties, the great lords of 
 Germany claimed an absolute control over all their vassals. 
 The old tie of national allegiance that bound every subject to 
 his sovereign had fallen into neglect as compared with the 
 new link of feudal dependence of vassal on lord. The leading 
 tenants-in-chief considered that their powers over their vassals 
 were so absolute that it was the bounden duty of a tenant to 
 follow his lord to the field, even against his overlord. With 
 the same object of strengthening their own position, the 
 great lords strove to prevent the fiefs of their vassals from 
 assuming that hereditary character which they had already 
 acquired in practice, if not in theory, for their own vast 
 estates. 
 
 Conrad showed a shrewd sense of self-interest in posing as 
 the friend of the lesser tenants against the great vassals of 
 the crown. Whether he also secured the best interests of 
 Germany is not quite so clear. The great vassals were strong 
 enough to maintain order ; the lesser feudalists had neither 
 their resources nor their traditions of statecraft. It was too 
 late to revive with any real effect the national tie of allegiance, 
 and the scanty means of an early mediaeval king had always 
 made somewhat illusory great schemes of national unity. 
 Conrad did his best for the protection of the under-tenants by 
 establishing for them also that hereditary possession of their 
 benefices which gave them some sort of permanent position 
 over against their overlords. This was secured in Germany 
 by JL mere recognition of the growing custom of heredity,
 
 58 European History, 918-1273 
 
 though in Italy a formal law was necessary to attain the same 
 end. Another advantage won by Conrad by this action was 
 that in securing the recognition of the principle of heredity in 
 every fief, he made a long step towards securing the heredity 
 of the crown. For Conrad, much more distinctly than his 
 Saxon predecessors, sought definitely to make both the royal 
 and imperial crown hereditary in his house. As a further 
 step towards breaking down the greater nobility, he strove 
 to get rid of the national duchies altogether. He persuaded 
 the Bavarians to elect the young King Henry as their duke, 
 and, on the death of his last stepson, gave Swabia also to 
 his destined successor. On the death of his old rival, Conrad 
 of Carinthia, the great Carinthian mark was also handed over 
 to Henry. At the end of Conrad's reign, Saxony and Lorraine 
 were the only duchies still held by independent princes. 
 Like his predecessors, Conrad used the bishops as the means 
 of carrying on the government and checking the growth of 
 the lay aristocracy. Following the example of the chief 
 ecclesiastics, he encouraged the development of a new class 
 of hereditary minis teriales, who devoted their lives to the 
 service of the crown, and soon built up a new official body 
 that enabled his successors to largely dispense with the 
 interested help of the episcopate in carrying on the daily task 
 of the administration of the kingdom. 
 
 Conrad was so successful with this policy in Germany and 
 Burgundy that he desired to extend it to Italy. But the spirit 
 of independence was already deeply rooted south of the Alps, 
 and the very prelates who had called Conrad to help them 
 against their lay rivals, now looked with suspicion on a policy 
 that deprived churchman and lay noble alike of their cherished 
 
 immunities. Aribert of Milan had long aspired 
 rtnfe & with to a position of almost complete independence. 
 Aribert, His dream was to make the see of St. Ambrose 
 
 a sort of North Italian patriarchate, and at the 
 same time he wished to combine with ecclesiastical ascen- 
 dency an organised temporal power. His twofold ambition
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 59 
 
 was exactly that of the Papacy at a later period, and for 
 the moment Milan seemed stronger than Rome. The citizens 
 of Milan, more obedient to their bishops than the turbulent 
 Romans, were zealous partisans of Aribert ; but the smaller 
 nobles, who saw in the fulfilment of his plans the destruction 
 of their own independence, rose as one man against him. 
 Civil war broke out in Lombardy between the friends and 
 foes of Aribert. So dangerous was the outlook that in 1036 
 Conrad again crossed the Alps in the hope of restoring peace ' 
 in North Italy. 
 
 Aribert was summoned to a DieL-at-Pavia ; but he loftily 
 declared that he would surrender no single right of the church 
 of St. Ambrose, and was soon in open war against the 
 Emperor. Conrad saw his only chance of overcoming the 
 archbishop in winning over the smaller nobility to his side. 
 In 1037 he issued the famous edict which made fiefs heredi- 
 tary in Italy, thus doing for the south by a single stroke what 
 gradual custom and policy had slowly procured for the north'. 
 He also promised to exact from his vassals no greater burdens 
 than those already usually paid to him. But these measures, 
 though increasing the party of Conrad in Italy, were not 
 enough at once to overcome Aribert, who, secure in the 
 hearty support of the Milanese citizens, defied not only the 
 threats of Conrad but also the condemnation of Rome, 
 which the Count of Tusculum, who then occupied the papal 
 throne, willingly put at the service of the Emperor. In 
 1038 Conrad was forced by urgent business to recross the 
 Alps, leaving Aribert unsubdued. Next year he died suddenly 
 at Utrecht. ' No man,' says a Saxon annalist, ' regretted his 
 death.' Yet if Conrad was unpopular, he was singularly suc- 
 cessful. Though he had failed to get the better of Aribert, 
 he had obtained his object in everything else that he under- 
 took. He left the royal authority established on such a 
 solid basis that his son, King Henry, already crowned King 
 of Germany and Burgundy, and already Duke of Bavaria 
 and Swabia, now stepped into the complete possession of his
 
 60 European History, 918-1273 
 
 father's power, as if he were already the heir of an hereditary 
 state. Henry in. was the first German king to succeed 
 I without opposition or rebellion. 
 
 Henry in. was now two-and-twenty years of age, and had 
 been carefully educated for his great position. Gisela had 
 Henry in., procured for him the best of literary teachers, 
 1039-1056. while Conrad himself had taken care that he 
 should excel in all knightly exercises, and go through a 
 sound drilling in war, law, and statecraft. He had already 
 won martial glory against the Poles and Hungarians, while 
 he had acquired political experience as virtual, if not 
 formal, co-regent with his father. He was now able to take 
 up his father's work, and while carrying it on essentially in 
 the old lines, to infuse it with a new spirit. For the gifted 
 young king, though inheriting to the full the practical wisdom 
 of his father, soared far above the cold self-seeking and 
 hard selfishness of the least attractive of the great German 
 Emperors. Under his strong and genial rule, the Holy 
 Empire again became a great ideal, though it was now an 
 ideal that had little that was visionary or fantastic about it. 
 The seventeen years of his reign witnessed the culminating 
 point of the power of the mediaeval Empire. Under him 
 Germany effectively ruled the destinies of the world. The 
 early troubles that had attended the building up of the 
 kingdom were over. The later troubles that sprang from the 
 struggle of the ecclesiastical and temporal power had not yet 
 begun. 
 
 A series of signal triumphs in the east first proclaimed to 
 the world the greatness of the new king. Poland, Bohemia, 
 and Hungary were all alike matters of concern to Henry. 
 Poland, But Poland, so mighty a few years before, was 
 
 Bohemia, and distracted by civil strife, and attacked by the 
 
 Hungary . . - _ , , 
 
 made fiefs of rising power of Bohemia, now the strongest 
 the Empire. Slavonic state It was a light matter for Henry to 
 retain Poland as a feudatory of the Empire. But it involved 
 a long struggle before Bohemia, under its warlike Duke
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 61 
 
 Bretislav, could be forced to accept the same position. It 
 was Bretislav's ambition to make himself a king, and to secure 
 for the Bohemian bishopric at Prague the position of an arch- 
 bishopric, so that a great Slavonic kingdom, independent 
 both in Church and State, might centre round the Bohemian 
 table-land. But Henry forced his way through the moun- 
 tains of the border and threatened Prague itself. In despair 
 Bretislav did homage to him for Bohemia and Moravia, and 
 even for the outlying district of Silesia, which he had con- 
 quered from the weak Polish monarchy and made an integral 
 part of the Bohemian kingdom. Even greater difficulties 
 beset Henry in Hungary, where a heathen reaction had set 
 Aba, a member of the hero race of Arpad, on the throne. In 
 1042 Henry invaded Hungary and dethroned Aba, but the 
 Hungarian king was soon restored, and it was not until a 
 third expedition in 1044 that Henry finally succeeded in 
 destroying his power. Aba's defeat secured the complete 
 triumph of the German king. Peter, the new king of 
 Hungary, performed homage to Henry, thus making Hun- 
 gary, like Poland and Bohemia, a fief of the Empire. In 
 1045 Henry visited Hungary, and received the submission of 
 the Magyar magnates. In pious gratitude for his victory 
 Henry sent the gilded lance, which Peter had given to him as 
 an emblem of his dependence, as a votive offering to the 
 Papacy. A few years later another Arpad, Andrew, dethroned 
 the weak Peter, and gave a more national direction to 
 the fierce Magyar nation, though he was too conscious of 
 Henry's power to break openly with him. With a row of 
 vassal kingdoms extending to the extremest eastward limits 
 of Roman civilisation, the Holy Empire was fast becoming in 
 a very real sense the mistress of the world. 
 
 With all his power, Henry could not hope to obtain from 
 the princes of the west the same formal acknowledgment of 
 his supremacy that he had wrested from the lords Henry in. 
 of the east. The France of Henry i. was indeed and France, 
 feeble and helpless, but the early Capetian monarchy was
 
 62 European History, 918-1273 
 
 still the centre of a great system, and its feudatories, though 
 constantly at war with their king and with each other, would 
 be likely to make common cause against a German pretender 
 to universal rule, Henry in. was content to keep on friendly 
 terms with his neighbours beyond the Rhine, and, as a good 
 means of securing French friendship, he chose a wife from 
 among the greater vassals of the Capetian throne. In 1043 
 he married Agnes of Poitou, the youngest daughter of that 
 Count William of Poitou who, in his youth, had competed 
 with Conrad the Salic for the crown of Italy. Agnes exer- 
 cised henceforth strong influence over her husband, and in 
 particular upon his ecclesiastical policy. 
 
 With the eastern kings paying him tribute and the monarch 
 of the west seeking his friendship, Henry had now leisure to 
 improve the internal condition of his dominions. Despite all 
 that his predecessors had done, Germany and Italy were still 
 in the utmost disorder. Conrad ii.'s policy of encouraging 
 Henry in. tne smaller nobility had tended to increase the 
 and Germany, private wars and local feuds that made existence 
 so difficult and dreary for the simple freeman, and so dangerous 
 even to the great lord. Henry now made strenuous efforts 
 to restore peace to Germany. At a diet at Constance Henry 
 solemnly forgave all his enemies, and craved their forgive- 
 ness in turn, calling upon the magnates to follow his example 
 and lay aside their feuds with each other. Some degree of 
 success followed this appeal, especially as Henry had partly 
 abandoned his father's policy of concentrating the national 
 duchies in his own hands. Germany was so vast that it 
 could hardly be effectively ruled from a single centre, and 
 Henry hoped that henceforth the dukes whom he set up 
 would be faithful ministers, and not champions of local inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 a Italy demanded Henry's utmost care, and the critical 
 
 'position of the Papacy closely connected his policy with 
 
 his attitude towards the Church. Since his marriage 
 
 with Agnes, Henry had become more attentive to the
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 63 
 
 teachings of Cluny, and was keenly alive to the scandals 
 which still disgraced the Roman Church. No ecclesiastical 
 reformation could be complete which did not begin with 
 the head of the Church, and it was only by a great) 
 manifestation of his power that Henry could purify Henry in. / 
 the Papacy. The Counts of Tusculum still kept "* liy- 
 their tight hold over the Roman Church, which had almost 
 become their hereditary possession. After two brothers the 
 reforming Benedict vm. (1012-1024) and the reactionary 
 John xix. (1024-1033) had held in turn St. Peter's chair, 
 a third member of the Tusculan house, their nephew, Bene- 
 dict ix., succeeded, despite his extreme youth, to the papal 
 throne (1033). His excesses soon gave occasion to universal 
 scandal, and in 1044 the Romans set up an Antipope in 
 Sylvester in. Family influence still upheld Benedict, but next 
 year new troubles arising, he sold the Papacy in a panic to 
 a new pretender, who called himself Gregory vi., and who, 
 despite his simoniacal election, soon attracted the reformers 
 around him by his zeal in putting an end to abuses. But 
 Benedict soon repented of his bargain, and sought to regain 
 his position as Pope. The result was that three rival claimants I 
 to the Papacy distracted Rome with their brawls, and none ' 
 of them had sufficient power to get rid of the others. 
 
 A synod assembled at Rome, and called on Henry in. 
 to put an end to the crisis. In 1046 he crossed the Alps, \ 
 and held a Church Council at Pavia, in which he issued an 
 edict condemning simony. In December 1046 he held 
 another synod at Sutri, near Rome, where two synodof 
 of the three claimants to the Papacy were de- 8utrl ' I0 <*- 
 posed. The third claimant was deposed in a third synod 
 held in Rome itself. Suidgar, Bishop of Bamberg, was chosen 
 Pope through Henry's influence, and enthroned on Christmas 
 Day as Clement n., conferring on the same day the imperial 
 crown on Henry and Agnes. Accompanied by Clement, 
 the Emperor made a progress through southern Italy, 
 which he reduced to submission. Grave troubles on the
 
 64 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Lower Rhine now brought Henry back to Germany ; yet 
 even in his absence his influence remained supreme in Italy. 
 Clement n. died in 1048; but a whole succession of German 
 Popes, the nominees of the Emperor, were now accepted by 
 the Romans with hardly a murmur. The first of these 
 Damasus n., formerly Poppo, Bishop of Brixen, died after a 
 few weeks' reign. His successor, the Emperor's kinsman, 
 Bruno of Toul, took the name of Leo ix. (1048-1054). Short 
 as was his pontificate, the result of his work was epoch- 
 making in several directions. During the reign of his suc- 
 cessor, Victor n. (1054-1057), Henry HI. paid his second and 
 last visit to Italy, the results of which we will speak of later. 
 No sooner was he over the Alps than a rebellion broke out 
 in Bavaria that necessitated his immediate return. The pre- 
 sence of the Emperor soon extinguished the revolt, but the 
 rising taught Henry the insecurity of his position, and he 
 now sought to conciliate his foes. 
 
 In the summer of 1056 Henry held his court at Goslar, 
 
 where he was visited by Victor n. ; but in September he fell 
 
 sick, and had only time to take further measures 
 
 Henry in., to secure his son's succession, when death over- 
 
 r 5 6 - took him, on 5th October, in the thirty-ninth 
 
 year of his age. Under him the mediaeval Empire attained 
 
 its apogee. Germany was now almost a nation; Italy a 
 
 submissive dependency ; the Papacy had been reformed, and 
 
 the Church purified. A child of six years old was now 
 
 called to the throne, whose burden had been almost too 
 
 heavy for his father. With the accession of Henry iv. the 
 
 decline of the Empire begins.
 
 The Later Saxon and Early Salian Emperors 65 
 
 GENEALOGY OF THE SAx6N AND SALIAN EMPERORS 
 HENRY I., THE FOWLBR, Duke of the Saxons, 
 
 German King (919-936) 
 m. Matilda 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 THANKMAR OTiO I. 
 
 HE 
 
 MRY, 
 
 BRUNO, 
 
 GERBERGA. 
 
 HEDWIG. 
 
 (illegitimate) (936-973) Duke of 
 < 938 w.i. Edith of Bavaria, 
 
 Archbishop of m. i. Giselbert, m. Hugh the 
 Cologne Duke of Lorraine Great 
 
 
 ] 
 
 En* 
 
 land 
 
 m. Judith, 
 
 
 2. Louis iv., 
 
 
 
 2. 
 
 Ad 
 
 elaide 
 
 daughter of 
 
 
 King of West 
 
 
 
 
 \Ac 
 
 owof 
 
 Arnulf, 
 
 
 Franks 
 
 
 Lothair, 
 
 Duke of 
 
 
 
 
 King of 
 
 Bavaria 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ita 
 
 y 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (0 
 
 (2) 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 | 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 HENRY n., 
 
 HEDWIG, 
 
 LUDOLF, 
 
 OTT 
 
 1 
 
 i. 
 
 LIUTGARDE, 
 
 WILLIAM 
 
 Duke of 
 
 tn. Murk hard, 
 
 Duke of 
 
 (973 
 
 -083) m. Conrad the 
 
 (illegitimate), 
 
 Bavaria, the 
 
 Duke of 
 
 Swabia 
 
 m. Theophano, 
 
 Red, Duke of 
 
 Archbishop of 
 
 Quarrelsome 
 
 Swabia 
 
 | 
 
 daughter of 
 
 Lorraine 
 
 Mainz 
 
 1 
 
 
 OTTO, 
 
 Roma 
 
 nus 
 
 ii., 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 Duke of 
 
 Eastern 
 
 
 
 HENRY II., 
 
 GlSELA, 
 
 Swabia 
 
 Emperor 
 
 
 
 THE SAINT 
 
 m. St. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (1032-1024) 
 
 Stephen 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m. Cunigunde 
 
 of Hungary 
 
 
 OTT 
 
 3 III. 
 
 OT 
 
 TO 
 
 
 
 
 (983-1002) 
 
 
 
 
 
 HENRY 
 
 BRUNO 
 
 Pope Gregory v. 
 (996-999) 
 
 CONRAD 
 
 GISELA, m CONRAD II., 
 Duchess of THE SALIC 
 
 Swabia 
 
 ERNEST, 
 Duke of 
 Swabia 
 
 HENRY III. 
 
 (1039-1056) 
 
 JM. Agnes, daughter of William, 
 Count of Poitou 
 
 HENRY IV. 
 
 (1056-1106) 
 m. i. Bertha 
 
 2. Praxedis of Russia 
 I 
 
 CON RAD of 
 Carinthia, 
 
 rival to 
 Conrad 11. 
 
 BRUNO, 
 
 Bishop of Toul, 
 
 Pope Leo ix. 
 
 (1048 1054) 
 
 CONRAD, 
 Anti-Caesar, 
 
 d. 1 101 
 
 HENRY V. 
 
 (1106-1125) 
 
 t*. Matilda of England 
 
 AGNES ; 
 
 m. Frederick, 
 
 Duke of Swabia, 
 
 ancestor of the 
 
 Hohenstaufen 
 
 PERIOD II.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 FRANCE AND ITS VASSAL STATES 
 UNDER THE LAST CAROLINGIANS 
 AND THE EARLY CAPETIANS, 929-1108 l 
 
 The last Carolingians Hugh the Great Election of Hugh Capet, and its 
 results The first four Capetians, Hugh, Robert 11., Henry i., Philip i. 
 The great Fiefs under the early Capetians Normandy Brittany- 
 Flanders Vermandois Champagne and Blois Anjou Burgundy 
 Aquitaine and Poitou Toulouse Beginnings of French influence. 
 
 WHILE the first great Saxon kings were reviving the power 
 of their eastern kingdom, the expiring Carolingian house 
 The last still carried on an unavailing struggle for the 
 Carolingian possession of the old realm of the West Franks. 
 tnTwe'st Charles the Simple was the last Carolingian 
 Franks. to exercise any real authority in France. He 
 had obtained a powerful ally by his concession of Nor- 
 mandy to Rolf and his vikings. He had witnessed the revolt 
 of the Lotharingians from Germany to France, and had 
 h attained many successes through their support, 
 simple, Yet the concluding years of his reign were 
 8g6 ' 9a * troubled in the extreme, until he succumbed be- 
 fore the formidable coalition of Robert, Count of Paris, the 
 brother of the dead King Odo, and the chief representative 
 
 1 Luchaire's Institutions Monarchiques de la France sous Us Premiers 
 Capltiens (987-1180) includes, besides its detailed studies of institutions, 
 an admirable summary of the political history. Special works include 
 Lot's Lts Demurs Carolingiens, Monod's Jitudes sur FHistoire de 
 Hugues Capet, and Pfister's litude sur le Regne de Robert le Pieux.
 
 France under the Early Capetians 67 
 
 of the new order, with his two mighty sons-in-law, Herbert, 
 Count of Vermandois, and Rudolf, Duke of Burgundy. 
 Robert got himself crowned king in 922, but was Robert, 
 slain in battle in 923, leaving his famous son, 9**-9*3> 
 Hugh the Great, too young to succeed to his disputed king- 
 dom. This left Rudolf of Burgundy as king of the Franks, 
 or, rather, of those who still resisted Charles the Rudolf, 
 Simple [see Period i., pp. 503-5]. When Charles 933-936- 
 died in prison in 929, Rudolf had no longer a nominal rival. 
 He reigned until his death in 936. But his power was miser- 
 ably weak, and real authority still resided with the great 
 feudatories, whose possessions had now become hereditary 
 for so long a time that they were now associated by close 
 ties to the districts which they ruled. 
 
 Hugh the Great was a man of very different calibre from 
 his fierce ancestors. Robert the Strong, the founder of 
 the house, had been a warrior pure and simple. His 
 sons, Odo and Robert, the two dukes who had in turn 
 grasped the sceptre, had faithfully followed in his footsteps. 
 Wanting in policy and statecraft, they had been less powerful 
 as kings than as dukes. Hugh the Great, the first statesman 
 of the Robertian house, was a shrewd tactician, 
 
 ' Policy of 
 
 who saw that his fortunes could best be estab- Hugh the 
 lished by playing a waiting game. He heaped Great 
 up treasure, and accumulated fresh fiefs, but on the death of 
 his Burgundian brother-in-law he declined the royal dignity, 
 preferring to exercise an unseen influence over a king of his 
 own choice to exposing himself to the certainty of exciting 
 the jealousy of every great lord in France, by raising himself 
 above them as their king. 
 
 There was only one sacred family which every lord admitted 
 to be above himself. Even in its humiliation the Carolingian 
 name was still one to conjure with. As Hugh Louis iv., 
 would not be king himself, he wisely fell back on 936-954- 
 the legitimate stock of the West Frankish royal house. He 
 turned his eyes over the Channel, where Louis, son of Charles
 
 68 European History, 918-1273 
 
 the Simple, and his West Saxon queen, Eadgifu, daughter of 
 Edward the Elder, was living quietly at the court of his uncle 
 Athelstan. Louis was only fifteen years old, and was likely 
 to be grateful to his powerful protector. He was elected 
 king by the Frankish lords, and duly crowned at Reims. 
 In memory of his exile he was called ' Louis from beyond 
 sea' (Ultramarinus, Outremer). In the list of French kings 
 he is reckoned as Louis iv. 
 
 Hugh the Great was rewarded by the renewal in his favour 
 of the title 'Duke of the French,' which had already been 
 borne by his father Robert in the days of Charles the Simple. 
 This title suggested a power, half military and half national, 
 The Duke of analogous to that held by the dukes of the nations 
 the French. j n Germany. But if this were the case, Hugh's 
 power as duke would have probably been restricted to 
 'Francia,' a region which, in common speech, was now 
 limited to the Gaulish regions north of the Seine. It is not 
 clear, however, that the power of the Duke of the French had 
 any territorial limitation other than that of the limits of the 
 West Frankish kingdom as prescribed by the treaty of Verdun. 
 Wherever Louis ruled as ' king,' Hugh wielded authority as 
 c duke.' He was a permanent prime minister, a mayor of the 
 palace, a justiciar of the Anglo-Norman type, rather than a 
 territorial duke. Indeed, Hugh's chief domains were not in 
 'Francia' at all. Despite his possession of Paris, his chief 
 fiefs were still in the cradle of his house, the district between 
 the Seine and Loire, to which the term Neustria was now 
 commonly applied. Here his authority stretched as far west- 
 wards as the county of Maine, which he had obtained in his 
 youth from the weakness of Rudolf of Burgundy. Moreover, 
 in the lack of all central royal authority, half the chief vassals 
 of the north had thought it prudent to commend themselves to 
 the mighty lord of Neustria, and, with the Duke of Normandy 
 at their head, had become his feudal dependants. Hugh was 
 no longer simply a great feudatory. Even in name, he was 
 the second man in Gaul. In fact, he was a long way the first.
 
 France under the Early Capetians 69 
 
 The last Carolingians were in no wise puppets and do- 
 nothings like the last Merovingians. Louis iv. proved a 
 strenuous warrior, with a full sense of his royal dignity. He 
 ruled directly over little more than the hill-town of Laon and 
 its neighbourhood, but he did wonders with his scanty re- 
 sources. He married a sister of Otto the Great, and with 
 German help was able to press severely his former patron. 
 But Otto soon withdrew beyond the Rhine, and Louis, 
 deprived of his help, and ever planning schemes too vast 
 for his resources, was soon altogether at Hugh's mercy. 
 In 946 he was driven out of Laon : ' the only town,' 
 as he complained, 'where I could shut myself up with my 
 wife and children, the town that I prefer to my life.' In his 
 despair he laid his wrongs before King Otto and a council of 
 bishops at Ingelheim. Hugh prudently yielded before the 
 threatened thunders of the Church. He renewed his homage 
 to King Louis, and restored Laon to him. ' Henceforth,' 
 says the chronicler, 'their friendship was as firm as their 
 struggles had formerly been violent.' When Louis died 
 suddenly in 954, his thirteen-year-old son, Lothair, was 
 chosen king through Hugh's influence. Two years later the 
 great duke died. 
 
 Hugh the Great's son and successor was also named Hugh. 
 He is famous in history by the surname of ' Capet,' which he 
 obtained from bearing the cope of the abbot of St. Martin's 
 at Tours, but which, like most famous surnames, has no 
 contemporary authority. Brought up in his father's school, 
 he was clear-headed, cunning, resourceful, and 
 cold-blooded. He soon extended the power of and King 
 
 his house, establishing one of his brothers in Lothair, 
 
 954-986. 
 Burgundy, and marrying Adelaide, the heiress of 
 
 Poitou, so as to be able to push forward claims in the 
 lands beyond the Loire. Both in policy and resources he 
 overmatched the young king Lothair, who tried as he grew 
 up to play his father's part ; but his means were too small, 
 and he embarked on contradictory policies which destroyed
 
 7O European History, 918-1273 
 
 each other. His father had relied upon the support of Otto i., 
 but Lothair, tempted by the long tradition of loyalty which 
 bound Lotharingia to the Carolingian house, sought to find 
 a substitute for his dwindling patrimony in northern France 
 by winning domains for himself in that region. The 
 strong Saxon kings would not tolerate the falling away of 
 Lorraine from their Empire. Otto n. invaded France [see 
 page 38] and vigorously punished the presumptuous Caro- 
 lingian. Henceforth Lothair had no support against the subtle 
 policy of the new Duke of the French. He even alienated 
 Adalbero, the famous Archbishop of Reims, and the last 
 prominent ecclesiastical upholder of the tottering dynasty, 
 so that he repudiated the traditional policy of his see, and 
 allied himself with the duke and the Emperor. Gerbert, the 
 'scholasticus' of Adalbero's cathedral school, and the author 
 of his policy, established an alliance between Hugh Capet 
 and Otto in., and was soon able to boast that Lothair was but 
 king in name, and that the real king was Duke Hugh. After 
 losing the support of the Germans and of the Church, the 
 Carolingians had absolutely nothing left but their own paltry 
 resources. Yet Lothair gallantly struggled on till his death, 
 Louis v., i n 986, after a nominal reign of thirty-two years. 
 986-987. His son, Louis v., who had reigned jointly with 
 
 him since 979, succeeded to his phantom kingship, and con- 
 trived to win over Duke Hugh, at whose instigation he led 
 an expedition into Poitou. But Louis also quarrelled with 
 Archbishop Adalbero, and alienated the Church. Adalbero 
 intrigued against him, and the prelate's triumph was hastened 
 by Louis' premature death in the hunting-field (987). He 
 was the last of the Carolingian kings. 
 
 For a century the Robertian house had struggled with 
 the house of Charles the Great. Its premature triumph 
 Election of under Odo and Robert had put off the final day 
 Hugh Capet, of success. But the patient and shrewd policy 
 9871 of Hugh the Great and Hugh Capet was at last 
 
 rewarded with victory. Louis v. left no son. His uncle
 
 France under the Early Capetians 7 1 
 
 Charles, Duke of Lower Lorraine, was his nearest heir, 
 but was in no position to push forward his pretensions. 
 The pear was at last ripe, and Hugh Capet had no longer 
 any motive for avoiding the semblance of the power, of 
 which he had long enjoyed the reality. Adalbero and 
 Gerbert now showed great activity. Adalbero harangued the 
 barons and bishops on the duty that lay before them. ' We 
 know,' he said, ' that Charles of Lorraine has his partisans 
 who pretend that the throne belongs to him by hereditary 
 right. But we believe that kingship is not acquired by 
 hereditary right, but that we ought only to raise to that 
 dignity the man who is marked out, not only by nobleness 
 of birth, but by wisdom, loyalty, and magnanimity.' The 
 magnates took the cue, and elected Hugh king of the 
 French. The Church ratified the choice of the nobles by 
 the solemn coronation of the new king at Noyon. The Duke 
 of the Normans and the Count of Anjou lent him the support 
 of their arms. The Emperor recognised Hugh, on condition 
 that he waived all claims over Lotharingia. 
 
 The revolution of 987 was easily accomplished, because the 
 old order was so nearly dead. It involved no striking change 
 in form. The Capetian kings posed as the lawful successors 
 of the Carolingians : they had the same conceptions of sove- 
 reignty, and followed the same principles of its 
 government. Yet those are not far wrong who results, 
 regard the accession of Hugh as the starting-point of all 
 later French history. It is easy to exaggerate the nature of 
 the change. It is unsafe to make the change of dynasty a 
 triumph of one race over another. It has been the fashion to 
 say that, with the last of the Carolingians, disappear the last 
 of the Teutonic conquerors of Gaul, and that their power had 
 passed on to the Romanised Celts whom they had ruled so 
 long. But there is no scrap of evidence to prove that the 
 later Carolings were different in tongue, ideas, or policy from 
 the Robertian house. There was no real national feeling in 
 the tenth century, and, if there were, no proof that the one
 
 72 European History, 918-1273 
 
 house was more national than the other. Nevertheless, the 
 passing away of the line of Charles the Great does complete 
 the process which the Treaty of Verdun had begun. The 
 Capetian king had a limited localised power, a power that in 
 due course could become national; and if he looked back, like 
 the Carolings, to the traditions of imperial monarchy and 
 order, he had no temptation to look back, as the Carolings 
 were bound to look back, to the imperial ideas of uni- 
 versal dominion. He had no claim to rule beyond the 
 limits ascribed to the West Prankish kingdom in the Treaty 
 of Verdun. He was king of the French, the new Romance 
 people that had grown up as the result of the amalgamation 
 of conquering Frank and conquered Roman. He spoke the 
 infant French tongue ; his ambitions were limited to French 
 soil ; he represented the new nationality that soon began to 
 take a foremost place amidst all the nations of Europe. But 
 the triumph of the Capetian was not even in anticipation a 
 simple national triumph. It was only in after ages, when France 
 had become great, that she could look back and see in his 
 accession the beginnings of her separate national monarchy. 
 Personally, Hugh Capet was doubtless, like Harold of Eng- 
 land some two generations later, an embodiment of the 
 new national character and energy. But, less fortunate than 
 Harold, he had time enough to live to show how power- 
 less was a national hero, amidst an order of society in which 
 the national ideal could have no place. He was rather the 
 mighty feudatory, raised by his own order to a position of 
 pre-eminence to represent the predominance of feudal ideas. 
 The Carolings had fallen, not because of their own weakness, 
 and still less by reason of any want of sympathy between 
 them and the French nation. They were pushed out of power 
 because France had become so fully feudalised that there was 
 no room for an authority that had no solid basis of feudal 
 support. France had become divided among a series of great 
 fiefs. None of these fiefs fell to the ruling family, which 
 was thus, as the result of the preponderance of the feudal
 
 France under the Early Capetians 73 
 
 principle, deprived of revenue, army, lands, and reputation. 
 Hugh Capet inherited all that had kept the Carolingian power 
 alive so long ; but in addition to that he could supplement 
 the theoretical claims of monarchy by right divine, by the 
 practical arguments drawn from the possession of one of the 
 strongest fiefs. Thus the new dynasty saved the monarchy 
 by strengthening it with a great fief. No doubt the feudatories 
 acted unwisely in having a king at all. But a nominal 
 monarchy was part of the feudal system, and the barons could 
 console themselves by believing that in becoming king of 
 the French, Hugh still remained one of themselves. He 
 was not surrounded with the mystic reverence due to the 
 descendants of Charlemagne. As Harold, in becoming king 
 of the English, did not cease to be earl of the West Saxons, 
 so Hugh, in ascending the French throne, was still in all 
 essentials the count of Paris. Harold and Hugh alike 
 found but a questioning obedience in the great earls and 
 counts, who looked upon the upstart kings as their equals. 
 The Norman Conquest destroyed Harold before it could 
 be early demonstrated what a long step in the direction of 
 feudalism was made by his accession. Hugh Capet and his 
 successors had time to bear the full brunt of the feudal 
 shock. The most powerful of dukes proved the weakest of 
 kings. It was only gradually that the ceremonial centre, 
 round which the cumbrous fabric of French feudalism 
 revolved, became the real heart of French national life. 
 Yet, even in the feeble reigns of the first four Capetian 
 kings, it is plain that France had begun a new existence. The 
 history of the Carolingians is a history of decline. The 
 history of the Capetians is a story of progress. While beyond 
 the Rhine and Alps the continuance of the imperial theory 
 choked the growth of German and Italian national life, 
 the disappearance of these remnants of the past proved 
 a blessing to Gaul. The history of modern Europe is the 
 history of the development of nationalities. That history 
 may be said in a sense to begin with the establishment of
 
 74 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 the first of an unbroken dynasty of national kings over what 
 was destined to become one of the greatest of modern 
 nations. 
 
 It is only with these limitations that the election of Hugh 
 can be regarded as a triumph either of feudalism or of 
 nationality. But it is entirely true that Hugh's accession was 
 the triumph of the Church. Adalbero, and Gerbert working 
 through Adalbero, really gave Hugh the throne. Gerbert could 
 truly boast that the Church had revived the royal name after 
 it had long been almost dead among the French. Amidst 
 the horrors of feudal anarchy, the sounder part of the Church 
 still upheld in monarchy the Roman tradition of orderly rule, 
 and taught that the king governed by God's grace, because 
 without a strong king the thousand petty tyrants of feudalism 
 would have no restraint upon their lust and greed. But even 
 this was an ideal far beyond the vision of the tenth century ; 
 though in later generations it was to bear fruit. The im- 
 mediate results of Hugh Capet's election were far different 
 from its ultimate results. The conditions upon which his 
 brother magnates had elected him king meant in practice 
 that they should enjoy in their territories the same power 
 that he enjoyed on his own domain. Save his theoretical 
 pre-eminence, Hugh got very little from his royal title. 
 The only resources on which he could depend implicitly 
 were those which he derived from his own lands and vassals. 
 There was no national organisation, no royal revenue, and 
 practically no royal army, as the term of feudal service was 
 too short to carry on a real campaign, even if the king 
 could have trusted his vassals' levies. The royal title 
 involved responsibilities, but brought with it little correspond- 
 ing power. 
 
 Struck by the contrast between their weakness and the com- 
 manding position of later French kings, historians have dwelt 
 with almost exaggerated emphasis on the powerlessness of 
 Hugh Capet and his first three successors. Yet the early 
 Capetians were not so feeble as they are sometimes described.
 
 France under the Early Capetians 75 
 
 The French king was still the centre round which the feudal 
 system revolved. He had a store of legal claims and traditions 
 of authority, which at any favourable moment he could put 
 into force. He was the only ruler whose authority extended 
 even in name all over France. He inherited the traditions of 
 the Carolingians and Merovingians, and, rightly or wrongly, 
 was regarded as their successor. Moreover, the lay fiefs 
 were, luckily for the monarchy, cut up by the great 
 ecclesiastical territories, over which the king stood in 
 a better position. Though feudal in a certain sense, the 
 great Church dignitary was never a mere feudalist. His 
 power was not hereditary. On his death the custody of 
 the temporalities of his see passed into the royal hands, 
 and it was the settled royal policy to keep churches 
 vacant as long as possible. Only in a few favoured fiefs, 
 like Normandy, Brittany, and Aquitaine, did the regale slip 
 altogether into the hands of the local dukes. Moreover, the 
 disputes and the weakness of the chapters gave the king the 
 preponderating voice in elections. Even stronger was the 
 royal position in relation to the monasteries. The greatest 
 abbeys throughout France were 'royal abbeys,' over which 
 the king possessed the same right as over bishoprics. 
 Weaker than the bishops, the abbots looked up even more 
 than the secular prelates to the royal support against the 
 grasping and simoniacal lay-lords. The king favoured the 
 Cluniac reformers, knowing that the more earnest the Church- 
 men, the more they would be opposed to feudal influence. 
 Thus it was that every great Church fief was a centre of royal 
 influence. Over the Church lands of central France the 
 provinces of Sens, Reims, Tours, and Bourges the early 
 Capetian was a real king. Even from the point of view of 
 material resources, the king was in every whit as favourable 
 a position as any one of his chief vassals. His own domains 
 were large, rich, and centrally situated. Though lavish 
 grants to the chief monasteries, and the need of paying for 
 each step of their upward progress by conciliating the
 
 76 European History, 918-1273 
 
 feudal magnates, had eaten away much of the old Robertian 
 domain ; though the great Counts of Anjou and Blois had 
 established themselves in virtual independence within the 
 limits of the domain of Hugh the Great, Hugh Capet still 
 held the country between the Seine and the Loire, including 
 the county of Paris, Orleans and its district, Senlis, Etampes, 
 and Melun, with scattered possessions in more distant places, 
 Picardy, Champagne, Berri, Touraine, and Auvergne. Paris 
 was not as yet so important a place as it afterwards became, 
 and it is an exaggeration to make it the centre of his 
 power. Hugh could only conciliate his chief adviser and 
 supporter, Bouchard the Venerable, the greatest lord of the 
 royal domain, and count already of Vendome, Corbeil, 
 and Melun, by granting him his own county of Paris. 
 The title of ' royal count ' of Paris suggested that Bouchard 
 was a royal officer rather than a simple feudatory, and 
 after Bouchard had retired into a monastery, the county 
 of Paris was henceforth kept strictly in the king's hands. 
 The second Capetian acquired with Montreuil-sur-Mer a 
 seaport near the English Channel. For a time the 
 Capetians held the duchy of Burgundy. Moreover, they 
 were men of energy and vigour who made the best of 
 their limited resources. But their lot was a hard one. Even 
 in their own domains, between the Seine and Loire, the lead- 
 ing mesne lords, lay and secular, exercised such extensive 
 jurisdiction that there was little room left for the autho- 
 rity of the suzerain. Besides the task as yet hopeless- - 
 of reducing the great vassals of the crown to order, the 
 Capetian kings had the preliminary task of establishing 
 their authority within their own domains. Even this smaller 
 work was not accomplished for more than a century. But, 
 luckily for the kings, each one of the great feudatories 
 was similarly occupied. The barons of Normandy and Aqui- 
 taine gave more trouble to their respective dukes than the 
 barons of the Isle of France gave to the lord of Paris. 
 Power was in reality distributed among hundreds of feudal
 
 France under the Early Capetians 77 
 
 chieftains. It was so divided that no one was strong enough 
 to really rule at all. France suffered all the miseries of 
 feudal anarchy, when every petty lord of a castle ruled 
 like a little king over his own domain. Yet it was something 
 that her contests were now between Frenchmen and French- 
 men. Something was gained in the passing away of the 
 barbarian invasions of the tenth century. 
 
 The details of the political history of the first four Cape- 
 tian reigns are insignificant, and need not be told at length. 
 Hugh Capet reigned from 987 to 996. He had The first 
 little difficulty in obtaining general recognition, fourCape- 
 even from the lords of the distant south. But H^H, 
 he had some trouble in upholding his claims 987-996- 
 against the Carolingian claimant, Charles, Duke of Lower 
 Lorraine, who received the powerful support of the church 
 of Reims, after Adalbero's death, and continued for some 
 time to maintain himself in the old Carolingian fortress 
 of Laon. Hugh continued with wise policy to maintain 
 his hold over the church of Reims, and so to destroy the 
 last possible stronghold of the Carolingians. He did not 
 even scruple to sacrifice the trusty Gerbert to serve his 
 dynastic ambitions. Within modest limits, the reign of the 
 founder of the new dynasty was a successful one. 
 
 In the very year of his accession, Hugh provided for the 
 hereditary transmission of his power by associating his son 
 Robert in the kingship. On Hugh's death RobertII 
 Robert, already with nine years' experience as a the Pious," 
 crowned king, became sole monarch. He had " 6 ' 1 31 - 
 been a pupil of Gerbert's, and was sufficiently learned to be 
 able to compose hymns and argue on points of theology with 
 bishops. His character was amiable, his charity abundant; 
 he was of soft and ready speech, and amiable manners. He 
 showed such fervent devotion that he was surnamed Robert 
 the Pious, and contributed more than any other Capetian 
 king to identify the Church and the dynasty. He was not the 
 weak uxorious prince that his enemies describe him, but a
 
 78 European History, 918-1273 
 
 mighty hunter, a vigorous warrior, and an active statesman. 
 He made constant efforts, both to enlarge his domain and 
 establish his authority over the great vassals. He kept up 
 friendly relations with Normandy. He married Bertha, widow 
 of Odo i., Count of Chartres, Tours, and Blois, his father's 
 worst enemy, in the hope of regaining the three rich counties 
 that had slipped away from the heritage of Hugh the Great. 
 But Bertha was within the prohibited degrees ; and the Pope 
 insisting upon the unlawfulness of the union, Robert was 
 excommunicated, and after a long struggle gave her up. But 
 in 1019, the establishment of Odo n. of Blois, the son of 
 Bertha by her former marriage, in the county of Troyes, did 
 something to avenge the lady's memory. Robert's third 
 marriage with Constance of Aries, the daughter of a Provencal 
 lord, led to several royal visits to his wife's native regions 
 which was a step towards establishing Capetian influence in 
 the south. But the men of Robert's own territories disliked 
 the hard, greedy queen, and the clergy in particular resented 
 her introduction, into the court of Paris, of the refined 
 but lax southern manners. Robert's most important exploit 
 was the conquest of Burgundy. His uncle, Duke Henry, had 
 died without an heir, and after a struggle of fourteen years' 
 duration, Robert got possession of the great fief; but he soon 
 granted it to his eldest surviving son Henry, whom, faithful 
 to his father's policy, he had crowned king in 1027. He 
 twice went on pilgrimage to Rome, and was offered the throne 
 of Italy by the Lombard lords, who were opposed to Conrad 
 the Salic; yet he found much difficulty in chastising any 
 petty lord of the Orle*anais or the Beauce, who chose co defy 
 him. 
 
 During the declining years of Robert n., Queen Constance 
 
 exercised an increasing influence. She wished to set aside 
 
 Henry I., the young king, Henry of Burgundy, the natural 
 
 1031-1060. heir, in favour of his younger brother Robert. 
 
 But the old king insisted on the rights of the first-born, and 
 
 civil war broke out between the brothers, though before long
 
 France under the Early Capetians 79 
 
 they united their arms against their father. When King 
 Robert died, the contest was renewed ; but finally Henry 
 secured the throne for himself, and pacified his younger 
 brother by the grant of Burgundy, which thus went per- 
 manently back to a separate line of rulers. Henry i.'s 
 inauspicious beginning lost some ground to the monarchy, 
 which under him perhaps attained its lowest point of power. 
 But Henry, if not very wise, was brave and active. Though 
 his resources prevented any great expeditions, he strove by a 
 series of petty fights and sieges to protect his frontiers against 
 two of the strongest and most disloyal of his vassals the 
 Count of Blois, and the Duke of Normandy. In neither case 
 was he successful. Odo n., after a long struggle, was able 
 to establish his power on a firm basis, both in Champagne 
 and Blois. But after Odo's death in 1037, Henry managed 
 to absorb some of his fiefs in the royal domain, and scored a 
 considerable triumph by transferring Touraine from the over- 
 powerful house of Blois to Geoffrey Martel, Count of Anjou. 
 The young duke, William of Normandy, who owed his throne 
 to the support of Henry, which had secured the defeat of the 
 rebel barons at Val-es-Dunes, soon grew so powerful as to 
 excite the apprehensions of his overlord. In an unlucky 
 hour, Henry broke the tradition of friendship that had so 
 long united Rouen and Paris. He twice invaded Normandy, 
 but on both occasions the future conqueror of England proved 
 more than a match for him. In 1054 Henry was defeated 
 at Mortemer, and again, in 1058, at Varaville. Another 
 difficulty in the way of the monarchy was the fact that Henry 
 married late, and his health was already breaking up when the 
 eldest son, borne to him by his wife Anne of Russia, was still 
 a child. Nevertheless, in 1059, Henry procured the coro- 
 nation of his seven-year-old son Philip at Reims, and the 
 great gathering of magnates from all parts of France that 
 attended the ceremony showed that the succession to the 
 throne was still an event of national interest. Yet with all 
 his weakness, Henry I. held firm to the ancient traditions of the
 
 8o European History \ 918-1273 
 
 Prankish monarchy. When the reforming Pope Leo ix. held 
 his synod of Reims to denounce simony, Henry was so jealous 
 of the Pope that he prevented the French prelates from attend- 
 ing it. He watched with alarm the results of the absorption 
 of Lorraine and the kingdom of Aries in the Empire, and 
 boldly wrote to Henry in., claiming by hereditary right the 
 palace at Aachen, possessed by his ancestors, and all the 
 Lotharingian kingdom kept from its rightful owners by the 
 tyranny of the German king. It is significant that the weakest 
 of the early Capetians should thus pose against the strongest 
 of the Emperors as the inheritor of the Carolingian tradition. 
 In 1060 Henry died, and the little Philip i. was ac- 
 knowledged as his successor without a murmur. During his 
 Philip i., minority, Count Baldwin v. of Flanders held the 
 1060-1108. regency, paying perhaps more regard to his 
 interests as a great feudatory, than to his duty to his ward. 
 It was possibly owing to this attitude that Baldwin allowed 
 his son-in-law, William the Bastard, to fit out the famous 
 expedition which led to the conquest of England, and thus 
 gave one of the chief vassals of France a stronger posi- 
 tion than his overlord. The year after the battle of Hastings 
 Baldwin of Flanders died, and henceforward Philip ruled 
 in his own name. As he grew up, he gained a bad reputa- 
 tion for greed, debauchery, idleness, and sloth. Before 
 he attained old age he had become extraordinarily fat 
 and unwieldy, while ill-health still further diminished his 
 activity. Yet Philip was a shrewd man, of sharp and 
 biting speech, and clear political vision. His quarrel with 
 the Church was the result of his private vices rather than 
 his public policy. As early as 1073 he was bitterly 
 denounced by Gregory VH. as the most simoniac, adulterous, 
 and sacrilegious of kings. But he gave most offence to 
 the Church when, in 1092, he repudiated his wife, Bertha 
 of Holland (with whom he had lived for more than twenty 
 years), in favour of Bertrada of Montfort, the wife of Fulic 
 Rchin, Count of Anjou, whom he married after a complaisant
 
 France under the Early Capetians 8l 
 
 bishop had declared her former union null. This bold step 
 brought on Philip's head not only the arms of the injured 
 Fulk, and of Bertha's kinsfolk, but a sentence of excommunica- 
 tion from Urban u. (1094). Though a way to reconciliation 
 was soon opened up by the death of Bertha, the Pope never- 
 theless persisted in requiring Philip to repudiate his adulterous 
 consort. Philip never gave up Bertrada, and never received 
 the full absolution of the Church. Nevertheless, the war 
 which he carried on against the Papacy did not cost him the 
 allegiance of his subjects, though to it was added a long 
 conflict with Gregory vn.'s ally, William the Conqueror. So 
 weak was he that he dared not prevent the holding of 
 councils on French soil at which he was excommunicated, 
 and the great crusading movement proclaimed. But Philip 
 was more active and more shrewd than his ecclesiastical 
 enemies thought. He turned his attention with single-minded 
 energy towards the increase of the royal domain, preferring 
 the inglorious gain of a castle or a petty lordship to indulging 
 in those vague and futile claims by which his three pre- 
 decessors had sought in vain to hide their powerlessness. 
 He took possession of the lapsed fief of Vermandois, and, 
 not being strong enough to hold the district in his own 
 hands, established there his brother Hugh the Great, the 
 famous crusading hero and the father of a long line of 
 Capetian counts of Vermandois, who were all through the next 
 century among the surest supports of the Capetian throne. 
 Philip also absorbed the Vexin and the Valois, thus securing 
 important outworks to protect his city of Paris from Normandy 
 and Champagne. By his politic purchase of Bourges, Philip 
 for the first time established the royal power on a solid basis 
 south of the Loire. But the weak point of Philip's acquisi- 
 tions was that he had not force sufficient to hold them firmly 
 against opposition. Hampered by the constant unfriendliness 
 of the Church, broken in health and troubled in conscience, 
 he ended his life miserably enough. Formally reconciled to 
 the Pope before the end of his days, he died in the habit 
 
 PERIOD II. F
 
 82 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 of a monk, declaring that his sins made him unworthy to 
 be laid beside his ancestors and St. Denis, and humbly 
 consigning himself to the protection of St. Benedict. When 
 the vault at Fleury closed over his remains, French history 
 began a new starting-point. Philip i. was the last of the early 
 Capetianswho were content to go on reigning without governing, 
 after the fashion of the later Carolingians. It was reserved 
 for his successors to convert formal claims into actual posses- 
 sions. Nevertheless, the work of Philip set them on the right 
 track. In his shrewd limitation of policy to matters of practical 
 moment, and his keen insight into the drift of affairs, the gross, 
 profligate, mocking Philip prepared the way for the truer 
 expansion of France under his son and grandson. His reign 
 is the bridge between the period of the early Capetians and 
 the more fruitful and progressive period that begins with 
 Louis VI. 
 
 The history of the struggles of the Capetians and Caro- 
 lingians, and of the first faint efforts of the former house to 
 realise some of the high pretensions of the old 
 fiefs under Prankish monarchy, is only one side of the history 
 the early o f F ran ce during the tenth and eleventh centuries. 
 
 Capetians. 
 
 Divided as was all the western world, there was 
 no part of it more utterly divided in feeling and interest than 
 the kingdom of the West Franks. When the early Capetians 
 were carrying on their petty warfare in the regions between 
 Seine and Loire, or making their vain progresses and empha- 
 sising their barren claims over more distant regions, half a 
 score of feudal potentates as able, as wealthy, and as vigorous 
 as themselves were building up a series of local states with 
 foundations as strong, and patriotism as intense, as those of 
 the lords of Paris. The tenth and eleventh centuries saw 
 the consolidation of the provincial nationalities of France, the 
 growing up of those strong local states which play so con- 
 spicuous a part in later mediaeval French history, and which, 
 centuries after their absorption into the royal domain, con- 
 tinued to be centres of keen local feeling, and are not
 
 France under the Early Capetians 83 
 
 crushed out of existence even by modern patriotism and the 
 levelling-up of the Revolution. Equally important with their 
 political influence was their influence on arts, language, and 
 literature. Into the details of this history it is impossible to 
 go ; but without a general survey of the process, we should 
 lose the key to the subsequent history of France. 
 
 The first among the great fiefs of France to acquire a 
 distinct character of its own was Normandy, which since the 
 treaty of Clair-on-Epte in on had been handed 
 
 Normandy. 
 
 over by Charles the Simple to Rolf the Ganger 
 and his Viking followers. The pirates gave up their wandering 
 life of plunder, became Christians, and tillers of the soil. 
 Rollo divided the lands of his duchy among his kinsfolk and 
 followers. In one or two generations, the descendants of the 
 pirate chieftains became the turbulent feudal aristocracy that 
 held even their fierce dukes in check, and found the little 
 duchy too small a field for their ambition and enterprise. 
 For a time they retained their Norse character. In some 
 districts, especially in the Bessin and the Cotentin, the great 
 mass of the population had become Scandinavian in tongue 
 and manners. Constant relations with Norwegian and 
 Danish kings kept alive the memory of their old home. 
 Harold Blue Tooth protected Duke Richard against 
 Louis iv. Swegen sought the help of the lord of Rouen 
 in avenging the massacre of St. Brice on the English. But 
 the ready wit and quick adaptability of the Scandinavian 
 races could not long withstand the French influences sur- 
 rounding them. The constant friendly relations between the 
 Norman dukes and both the Carolingian and Capetian kings 
 precipitated the change. The dukes and barons of Normandy 
 became French in tongue and manners. But they became 
 French with a difference. The French of Caen and Rouen 
 were more restless, more enterprising, more ambitious, and 
 more daring than the French of Paris and Orleans. The con- 
 temporary chroniclers saw the importance of the distinction. 
 ' O France,' says Dudo of Saint-Quentin, ' thou wert crushed
 
 84 European History, 918-1273 
 
 to the earth. Behold, there comes to thee a new race from 
 Denmark. Peace is made between her and thee. That race 
 will raise thy name and thy power to the heavens.' Nor was 
 this prophecy a false one. Despite its constant turbulence, 
 Normandy became filled with a vigorous local life that soon 
 flowed over its own borders. What the Normans could not 
 teach themselves, they learnt from wandering Italians or 
 Burgundians. The Normans stood in the forefront of all the 
 great movements of the time. They upheld the Capetians 
 against the Carolingians. They became the disciples of Cluny, 
 and from the Norman abbey of Le Bee soon flowed a stream 
 of culture and civilisation that bade fair to rival Cluny itself. 
 They covered their land with great minsters, and wrote stirring 
 chansons de geste in their Norman dialect of the French 
 tongue. Yet they kept themselves so free of their suzerain's 
 influence, that not even through the Church could the Capetian 
 kings exercise any authority in Normandy. Throughout the 
 whole province of Rouen, the Church depended either upon 
 the local seigneur or upon the Norman duke. They were the 
 champions of the Hildebrandine Papacy. They were foremost 
 in the Crusades. Their duke, William the Bastard, conquered 
 England, and in the next generation his Norman followers 
 swarmed over Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. Private Norman 
 adventurers attempted to found a kingdom in Spain, and 
 set up a monarchy in southern Italy strong enough to wrest 
 Sicily from Islam [see pages 104-1 18]. Throughout the length 
 and breadth of Europe, Norman warriors, priests, and poets 
 made the French name famous. With the activity of the 
 Normans first begins the preponderance of French ideas, 
 customs, and language throughout the western world. 
 
 The old Celtic tribal state of Brittany had been almost 
 
 overwhelmed by the Norman invasions, and had lost all its 
 
 former prosperity. The most sacred shrines of 
 
 Brittany. ^ yast crow( j o f tne Breton saints were pillaged 
 and destroyed. At the best, the holy relics were transferred 
 to Paris, to Orleans, or some other safe spot, far away from
 
 France under the Early Capetians 85 
 
 the marauding pagan. When Rolf got from Charles the 
 Simple the duchy of Normandy, it is said that he asked for 
 fresh land to plunder, while his followers learnt the arts of 
 peace in their new home. In some vague way Charles 
 granted him rights of suzerainty over Brittany. The Normans 
 harried the land for another generation, and, as later in 
 Wales and Ireland, many Norman chieftains settled down in 
 the more fertile eastern districts of Upper Brittany. But a 
 Celtic reaction followed. Led by Alan of the Twisted Beard 
 (barbe torte), the native Bretons rose against their oppressors 
 and made common cause with the Gallo-Roman peasantry 
 against them. Alan became the founder of the county 
 (afterwards duchy) of Brittany, a state half French and 
 half Celtic, including besides Ma Bretagne bretonnante' 
 of the western peninsula of Lower Brittany, the French- 
 speaking lands of the Lower Loire and the Vilaine, with the 
 purely French town of Rennes for its capital, and the equally 
 French Nantes for its chief seaport. But despite the differ- 
 ences of tongue and custom, there was an essential unity 
 of feeling in the new duchy, based on the disappearance 
 both of the Celtic tribal system and the Gallo-Roman pro- 
 vincial system in favour of a feudalism that was common to 
 Celt and Frenchman alike. Brittany, despite its composite 
 origin, retained and still retains a marked type of local nation- 
 ality, less active and energetic than the Norman, but more 
 dogged, persevering, and enduring. When Alan Barbe-torte 
 died in 952, Brittany had become an organised feudal state. 
 
 The county of Flanders grew up in the flat country 
 between the Scheldt and the sea. Like Brittany, it had 
 suffered terribly from Norman invasions. Like 
 Brittany, it was not homogeneous in language and 
 custom. In all the northern and eastern districts the Low 
 Dutch tongue prevailed, but in the south-east, round Lille and 
 Douai, French was spoken. Baldwin of the Iron Arm, a 
 Carolingian official who became the son-in-law of Charles 
 the Bald, distinguished himself by leading the Flemings to
 
 86 European History, 918-1273 
 
 victory against the Normans, and obtained from his father-in- 
 law an hereditary supremacy over the whole district bounded 
 by the Scheldt, the North Sea, and the Canche, and therefore 
 including the modern Artois with the homage of great barons 
 like the counts of Boulogne and Saint-Pol. Four other 
 Counts Baldwin continued their ancestor's exploits. Of these 
 the most famous was Baldwin v., the uncle and guardian of 
 Philip i., and the father-in-law of William the Conqueror. It 
 was under Baldwin v. that the Flemish towns, whose strong 
 walls had served to shelter previous generations from the 
 Viking marauders, first enter upon their long career of poli- 
 tical liberty and industrial prosperity. When Baldwin v. died 
 in 1067, the year after his son-in-law's establishment in 
 England, mediaeval Flanders had well begun its glorious 
 but tumultuous and blood-stained career. To the south of 
 Flanders lay the Vermandois, round its chief town 
 
 Vermandois. . ' . . 
 
 of Saint Quentin, and including the northern parts 
 of the restricted ' Francia ' of the tenth century. We have 
 seen the importance of its counts in the days of the struggle 
 of Carolingians and Capetians, and the establishment of a 
 Capetian line of counts of Vermandois in the person of Hugh 
 the Great, the brother of Philip i. 
 
 Champagne became the chief fief of north-eastern France. 
 A special feature in this district was the power of the bishops, 
 champagne an ^ n consequence the influence of the crown, 
 nd Biois. The metropolitans of Reims played a great local 
 as well as a great national part. The bishops of Chalons 
 became counts of their cathedral city; the bishops of 
 Troyes, the local capital, only just failed in attaining the 
 same end. ' Everywhere,' we are told, ' the mighty oppressed 
 the feeble, and men, like fishes, swallowed each other up.' 
 In the course of the tenth century a strong lay power arose in 
 this district under the counts of Troyes. During the tenth 
 century the country was held by a branch of the house of 
 Vermandois. In 1019 it passed, as we have seen, to the 
 house of Blois. However, the power of the family was soon
 
 France under the Early Capetians 87 
 
 endangered by the separation of Champagne and Blois under 
 the two elder sons of Odo IL, after his death in 1037. 
 
 The county of Blois, itself the original seat of the Capetians 
 but carved out of their dwindling domain in favour of a 
 hostile house, had already been united with that of Chartres. 
 The establishment of the same house in Troyes created 
 a state which pressed upon Paris both from the west, 
 south, and east, and was frequently hostile to it. Before 
 long, this powerful line began to absorb the lesser feudatories 
 of the eastern marchland, and to make its influence felt 
 even over the great ecclesiastical dignitaries. After the 
 county of Vitry was transferred from the obedience of 
 the Archbishop of Reims to the authority of the counts of 
 Troyes, the lords of the amalgamated fiefs assumed the 
 wider title of counts of Champagne, and became one of the 
 greatest powers in France. Against these gains the loss of 
 Touraine was but a small one. Odo's grandson, Stephen, 
 Count of Blois and Chartres (1089-1102), was one of the 
 heroes of the First Crusade, and the father, by his wife Adela, 
 daughter of William the Conqueror, of a numerous family in 
 whose time the house of Blois attained its highest prosperity. 
 His second son, Theobald (u. of Champagne and iv. of 
 Blois, called Theobald the Great, died 1152) reigned over both 
 Blois and Champagne. His third son, Stephen, acquired not 
 only the counties of Mortain and Boulogne but the throne of 
 England. His fourth son, Henry, was the famous Bishop of 
 Winchester. Though Blois and Champagne again separated 
 under different lines of the house of Blois after Theobald's 
 death, their policy remained united, and their influence was 
 still formidable. 
 
 Like Blois, Anjou grew up out of the original domains of 
 Robert the Strong. Fulk the Red, who died in 941, and 
 was rewarded with Anjou for his prowess in An j ou 
 resisting the Normans, was the first hereditary 
 Count of Anjou of whom history has any knowledge, though 
 legends tell of earlier mythical heroes and a witch ancestress,
 
 8 8 European History, 918-1273 
 
 whose taint twisted into evil the strong passions and high 
 courage of the later representatives of the race. Though their 
 exploits are told in a somewhat romantic form, there remains 
 enough to enable us to form more individual impressions of 
 the fierce, wayward Angevin lords than of most of the shadowy 
 heroes of early feudalism. With Geoffrey Martel, great- 
 grandson of Fulk the Red, who died in 1060, the first line 
 of the Counts of Anjou became extinct ; but his sister's son 
 Geoffrey the Bearded got possession of the county, and became 
 the ancestor of the famous line that later ages than their own 
 celebrated as the house of Plantagenet. His descendants 
 grew in dominions and influence. Touraine they had pos- 
 sessed since Henry i. had transferred that county from the 
 house of Blois to Geoffrey Martel. They now turned their 
 eyes on Maine, the border district that separated them 
 from the Normans. This brought about a long struggle 
 between the Norman dukes and the Angevin counts, which 
 was not finally ended until Henry I. of Normandy and 
 England married his daughter, the widowed Empress Matilda, 
 to Geoffrey the Fair, from which marriage sprang the greatest 
 of the Angevins, Henry n. of England, Normandy and Anjou. 
 The duchy of Burgundy was the last remaining great fief of 
 the Capetians in northern and central France. While various 
 kingdoms, duchies, and counties of Burgundy grew 
 up, as we have seen, in the imperial lands beyond 
 the Saone and the Rhone, one Richard the Justiciar, famous 
 like all the founders of fiefs as a successful foe of the Nor- 
 man marauders, became, in 877, the first duke or marquis 
 of that Burgundy which became a French vassal state. His 
 brother was Boso, founder of the kingdom of Provence, his 
 brother-in-law was Rudolf, king of Transjurane Burgundy, and 
 his son was Rudolf, king of the French. His sons succeeded 
 him in his rule, though for more than a century each suc- 
 cessive duke received a fresh formal appointment ; and it 
 was not until a junior branch of the Capetian house began 
 with Robert the Old (1032-1073), the younger brother of
 
 France under the Early Capetians 89 
 
 King Henry i., that the hereditary duchy of Burgundy can be 
 said to have been definitively established. 
 
 South of the Loire the development of feudal states took 
 even a more decided form than in the north. In these regions 
 feudal separation had the freest field to run riot. . . 
 There was still a nominal duke of Aquitaine, who 
 might be regarded as having some sort of vague authority 
 over the old Aquitania that was substantially synonymous 
 with south-western France; but neither in Gascony, nor 
 Auvergne, nor in La Marche, nor in the Limousin was any 
 recognition paid to this shadowy potentate. The duchy of 
 Aquitaine seemed on the verge of sharing the fate of the 
 kingdom of France and disappearing altogether because it 
 stood outside the newly grown feudal system, when, like the 
 kingdom of France, it procured a new lease of life by being 
 granted to a house that, like the Robertians of Paris, pos- 
 sessed with great fiefs a firm position in the new system. 
 In 928 Ebles, Count of Poitou, received a grant . 
 of the duchy of Aquitaine, and in 951 William 
 Tow-head, his son by a daughter of Edward the Elder of 
 Wessex, was confirmed in his father's possession by Louis 
 d'Outremer. The county that took its name from Poitiers 
 was a substantial inheritance. It was the marchland that 
 divided north and south, but its main characteristics were those 
 of the north. Its uplands seldom permit the cultivation of the 
 vine, and its manners, like its climate and tongue, were northern. 
 As the dialects of Romance became differentiated, Poitou 
 spoke, as it still speaks, a dialect of the north French tongue, 
 the langue (foil. Aquitaine proper spoke the southern langue 
 d'oc, and differed in a thousand ways from the colder, fiercer, 
 ruder, more martial lands of the north. But the infusion of 
 fresh blood from Poitou saved the Aquitaine duchy from 
 extinction. Eight dukes of Aquitaine and counts of Poitou 
 reigned in succession to William Tow-head, seven of whom 
 were named William. Under this line county after county was 
 gradually added to the original fief of Poitou. At last all the
 
 90 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Limousin, Auvergne, and parts of Berri owned them as at 
 
 least nominal lords. Gascony, in the lands beyond the 
 
 Garonne, had since 872 been ruled by a hereditary line of 
 
 dukes, whose favourite name was Sancho. On the 
 
 Gascony. . 
 
 extinction of this family, Gascony, with its depen- 
 dencies, passed in 1062 to William vm. of Poitiers, whose 
 grandson William x., the last of the male stock of the house 
 of the Guilhems, died in 1137, leaving the nominal over- 
 lordship over the swarm of seigneurs that ruled the district 
 between the Loire, the Pyrenees, and the Cevennes to his 
 daughter Eleanor, whose vast inheritance made Louis vn. of 
 France and Henry 11. of England in succession successful 
 suitors for her hand. Under the fostering care of the 
 Williams, Aquitaine had prospered in civilisation and the 
 arts ; and their court at Poitiers, whose magnificent series of 
 Romanesque basilicas still attests the splendour of their 
 capital, became the centre of the earliest literary efforts of 
 the troubadours, the poets and minstrels of the langue tfoc, 
 though the southern tongue of the court was not the Poitevins' 
 native speech. 
 
 To the east of Aquitaine the county of Toulouse became the 
 nucleus of a sort of monarchical centralisation that, by the 
 beginning of the twelfth century, had brought the 
 French lands beyond the Aquitanian border, the 
 imperial lands between the Alps and the Rhone, and the old 
 Spanish march between the Pyrenees and the Ebro, to look to 
 Toulouse as the source of its intellectual and almost of its 
 political life. The lands dependent on the counts of Toulouse 
 became emphatically the Languedoc, the region where the 
 Romance vernacular of southern Gaul was spoken with the 
 greatest purity and force. While the subjects of the dukes of 
 Aquitaine had the purity of their Gascon contaminated by the 
 Basque of the Pyrenean valleys, and the northern idiom of the 
 lands beyond the Gironde and Dordogne, the followers of the 
 counts of Toulouse spoke the same tongue as the Burgundian 
 vassals of the count of Provence, or the fierce marchers
 
 France under the Early Capetians 91 
 
 ruled by the counts of Barcelona. The tongue of Oc has 
 as much claim to be regarded as a language distinct from 
 northern French, as northern French has to be considered 
 separate from Italian or Spanish. It was the first Romance 
 tongue that boasted of a strong vernacular literature, and those 
 who spoke it were the first Romance people to attain either the 
 luxuries or corruptions of an advanced civilisation. Its spread 
 over southern Gaul drew a deep dividing line between northern 
 and southern France that has not yet been blotted out. It 
 gave the subjects of the southern feudalists, like the counts 
 of Toulouse and the dukes of Aquitaine, a solidarity that 
 made them almost separate nations, like the Flemings or the 
 Bretons. Its vast expansion between the Alps and the Ebro 
 bade fair to overleap the boundaries set by the Treaty of 
 Verdun, and set up in those regions a well-defined nationality 
 strong and compact enough to be a make-weight against the 
 growing concentration of the northern French under the 
 Capetian kings. But the civilisation of Languedoc flowered 
 too early to produce mature fruit. We shall see how in the 
 thirteenth century it succumbed to the ruder spirit of the north. 
 Raymond i., the first hereditary count of Toulouse, died 
 in 864. His successors, with whom Raymond was ever the 
 favourite name, continued to grow in power until they had 
 united all Languedoc early in the twelfth century. Their 
 hereditary hostility to the dukes of Aquitaine, no less than 
 the centrifugal tendencies of southern feudalism, which they 
 could at best but partially counteract, prevented their authority 
 from attaining wider limits. 
 
 Such was the France of the tenth and eleventh centuries 
 divided, chaotic, anarchic, and turbulent, yet full of vigorous 
 life and many-sided activity. Its growth was slower, its 
 exploits less dazzling than those of contemporary Germany, 
 though perhaps it was developing on more solid and per- 
 manent lines. Even when Germany was still the chief political 
 centre of the west, the fame of the French warrior had ex- 
 tended over all Europe. The alliance with the Church did
 
 92 European History, 918-1273 
 
 much, the prevalence of the Cluniac idea did more to bring this 
 about. The wanderings of the Normans first spread abroad 
 the terror of the Prankish name. The Crusades became 
 an essentially Prankish movement, and made the Prankish 
 knight the type of the feudal warrior. But the concentration 
 of France into a great state followed very slowly on the 
 growth of the reputation of the individual Frenchman.
 
 FRANCE 
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 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE CLUNIAC REFORMATION (910-1073) 
 AND ITALY IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY l 
 
 End of the Dark Ages Beginnings of the Cluniac Reformation The Con- 
 gregation of Cluny Cluniac ideals Camaldoli and Vallombrosa 
 Henry in. joins the Reformers The German reforming Popes Leo IX. 
 South Italy and Sicily in the Eleventh Century The first coming of the 
 Normans A versa The sons of Tancred and the Conquest of Apulia 
 Robert Guiscard Leo ix. and the Normans Battle of Civitate Early 
 Career of Hildebrand Nicholas n. The Reform of Papal Elections 
 The Normans become Papal Vassals Milan submits to Rome Roger's 
 Conquest of Sicily Feudalism in Southern Italy. 
 
 THE Dark Ages were well over by the middle of the eleventh 
 century, and after a century of anarchy, even feudalism had 
 End of the become a comparatively tolerable form of govern- 
 Dark Ages. ment. The stronger military states had absorbed 
 their weaker neighbours, and, beyond the Alps at least, the 
 disintegrating tendency of feudal doctrine had received a 
 decided check, not only in the strong monarchy of the 
 Germans, but even in the growth of vigorous feudal poten- 
 tates such as the margraves of the eastern frontier of the 
 Empire, the dukes of the Normans, and the counts of 
 Flanders or of Toulouse. There were again forces making 
 
 1 Moeller's Church History (translated from the German), gives a bald 
 but full and learned summary of the ecclesiastical history of the whole 
 period. Gieseler's Church History (also translated), is valuable for its 
 numerous citations of original texts. Besides Gibbon's famous fifty-sixth 
 chapter on the Normans in Italy, Delarc's Les Normands en Italie 
 (1016-1073) gives an elaborate and careful account of the Norman history 
 in Italy up to the accession of Gregory vii. 
 M
 
 The Cluniac Reformation 97 
 
 towards order, law, and peace. The state had been saved 
 from absolute annihilation. 
 
 The Church was not yet in so sound a position. She had 
 outlived the worst brutalities of the tenth century, but the 
 fierce, lawless, grasping baron, who feared neither God nor 
 man, was still an element to be reckoned with. The revived 
 lay-power tended of itself to correct the worst abuses. The 
 Empire had, as we have seen, reformed the Papacy. But if 
 the Church was to live, it could not owe its life to the 
 patronage or goodwill of outside reformers. The Church 
 must reform itself. 
 
 Signs of such a purification of the Church from within had 
 long been manifest, but the little band of innovators found it 
 no easy task to preach to a world that knew no law but the 
 law of the stronger. As ever in the Middle Ages, a new 
 monastic movement heralded in the work of reformation. As 
 the Carolingian reformation is associated with Benedict of 
 Aniane, so is the reformation of the eleventh century 
 associated with the monks of Cluny. 
 
 In 910 Duke William the Pious of Aquitaine founded a 
 new monastery at Cluny, in French Burgundy, a few miles 
 from the bishop's town of Macon. He appointed The early 
 Berno, a noble Burgundian, as its head, and pro- history of 
 cured for it absolute immunity from all external 
 ecclesiastical jurisdiction save that of the Roman See. Berno 
 strove to establish a complete and loyal observance of the 
 rule of St. Benedict, arffrthe piety and earnestness of his monks 
 soon attracted attention, wealth, followers. Corrupt old com- 
 munities or new foundations sought the guidance or the pro- 
 tection of the abbots of Cluny. But the Benedictine system 
 was limited to a single house, and afforded no room for the 
 crowd of disciples who wished to attach themselves to the 
 model monastery. Odo, the second abbot (927-941), started 
 the memorable monastic reformation which, in a few 
 years, was embodied in the ' Consuetudines Cluniacenses,' 
 and the ' Congregation of Cluny.' By it a plan was found for 
 
 PERIOD n. G
 
 98 European History, 918-1273 
 
 combining formal adherence to the strict rule of St. Benedict 
 with the practical necessity of maintaining the rule of Cluny 
 over its dependent communities. If under the old system 
 a new house were formed under the direction of a famous 
 monastery, the new establishment, when it had received 
 its constitution, parted company from its parent stock, 
 and, like a Greek colony, became independent and self- 
 governing. The Cluniacs prevented this by regarding the 
 daughter communities as parts of themselves. In whatso- 
 ever part of Christendom a monastery on Cluniac lines 
 The con- was established, it was still in law a part of 
 gregation the great Burgundian convent. Its head was 
 of ciuny. the arch _ abbotj the abbot of Cluny. What local 
 
 self-government was necessary was delegated to a prior, who 
 was appointed by the abbot of Cluny, to whom he was 
 responsible. From time to time the dependent communities 
 sent representatives to the periodical chapters that met at 
 Cluny, under the presidency of the abbot. By this means a 
 unity of organisation, a military discipline, a control over 
 weak brethren, and a security was procured, which was im- 
 possible under the Benedictine rule. When each monastery 
 was as independent for all practical purposes as a modern 
 Congregational chapel, it was impossible, in an age when 
 public opinion hardly existed, to reform a lax community, and 
 it was difficult for an isolated flock of unwarlike men to 
 protect themselves from feudal violence or the equally fierce 
 hostility of the secular clergy. Besides unity of organisation, 
 the control exercised over the whole order of Cluny gave 
 the brethren unity of purpose, doctrine, and policy. 
 
 Brought under the immediate jurisdiction of Rome, at 
 a time when monastic immunities from episcopal autho- 
 rity had not become common, the Cluniacs taught from 
 the beginning a high doctrine as to the power of the 
 apostolic see. They saw that the great danger to religion 
 was in the feudalisation of the Church. Bishops were in 
 danger of becoming barons in mitres. Kings looked upon
 
 The Cluniac Reformation 99 
 
 prelates as officials bound to do them service, and patrons 
 sold benefices to the highest bidder. Monasteries were 
 often in danger of absolute secularisation. So corrupt and 
 lax were even the better sort of regulars that the Saxon monk 
 Widukind, the historian of his people, naively complains 
 of the ' grave persecution ' which beset the poor religious of 
 his time, and laments the erroneous doctrines of some bishops 
 who maintained that it was better that there should be a few 
 ascetic regulars than houses filled with negligent monks, 
 forgetting, as he innocently adds, that the tares and the 
 wheat were ordered to grow up together until the harvest 
 time. The chief dangers of the Church were simony and the 
 marriage of clerks. To keep the Church apart from the 
 world seemed to the Cluniac leaders the only possible way 
 of securing a better state of things. Their ideal was the 
 separation of the Church from the State, and the reorganisa- 
 tion of the Church under discipline such as could only be 
 exercised by the Pope, who was to stand to the whole Church 
 as the abbot of Cluny stood to each scattered Cluniac 
 priory the one ultimate source of jurisdiction, the universal 
 bishop, appointing and degrading the diocesan bishops as 
 the abbot made and unmade the Cluniac priors. The bishop, 
 the secular priest, even the monk, had no rights of his 
 own that were not ultimately derivative from 
 
 . . ,...,,. Hierarchical 
 
 the unique source of ecclesiastical authority, and Papal 
 the chair of St. Peter. The Forged Decretals wiof 
 
 ,. . Cluny. 
 
 supplied convenient arguments for such a system. 
 The necessities of the times supplied a sort of justification 
 for it. Feudal anarchy made it natural for good men 
 to identify the secular power with the works of darkness, 
 and regard the ecclesiastical power as alone emanating 
 from God. After-ages were to show that the remedy was 
 almost as bad as the disease, and that there was as much 
 danger of secular motives, greed for domination, for wealth 
 and influence in the uncontrolled exercise of ecclesiastical 
 authority, as in the lay power that they dreaded. But the
 
 roo European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 early Cluniacs had faith in their principles, and sought in 
 realising them to promote the kingdom of God on earth. 
 They lived holy and self-denying lives in an age of brutal 
 violence and lust A moral and an intellectual reformation 
 preceded and prepared the way for the ecclesiastical reform- 
 ation that was preached from Cluny with the fervour of 
 a new gospel. 
 
 Under the influence of the reformed clergy, study and 
 learning again became possible to a large class. The mon- 
 astic and cathedral schools beyond the Alps became the 
 centres of ardent study of philosophy, theology, and science. 
 In Italy grammarians expounded the classics, and civilians 
 commented upon the Roman law. The career of Gerbert is 
 but typical of that of a large number of others. The Lombard 
 Lanfranc, and the Burgundian Anselm, took the new culture 
 over the Alps to the Norman monastery of Le Bee, and 
 prepared the way for the new birth of learning in the 
 twelfth century. Nor did the monastic reformation stop with 
 New orders the Congregation of Cluny. In Italy in particular, 
 in Italy. where a swarm of new orders arose, extreme ascetic- 
 ism and utter self-renunciation stood in strange contrast to 
 the violence, greed, and profligacy that marked Italian life as 
 a whole. Romuald of Ravenna, the spiritual director of 
 Otto in., lived the life of a hermit, and gathered round himself 
 
 great bands of solitaries from whom sprang the 
 1L order of Camaldoli, so called from an inaccessible 
 spot in the Apennines, near Arezzo, where one of Romuald's 
 troops of followers had settled. A monk of this order, Peter 
 Damiani, soon took a very foremost part in the religious 
 reformation of Italy, and first made the enthusiastic anchorites 
 minister to the spread of the new hierarchical ideal. Not far 
 from the hermits of Camaldoli, John Gualbert, a Tuscan 
 
 lord, established the strict ccenobitic order of 
 
 *' Vallombrosa. The same influence spread all over 
 
 Europe, and penetrated into even the most conservative 
 
 cloisters of the followers of St. Benedict. The faith, zeal, and
 
 The Cluniac Reformation 101 
 
 enthusiasm of the champions of the new order carried every- 
 thing before it. Under Henry in. the reformers had won 
 over the Emperor himself to their cause. The Henry in. 
 strong arm of the king had purified the Papacy won over 
 and handed over its direction to men of reforming 
 the new school. But though willing to use P art y- 
 the help of the secular arm to carry out their forward 
 policy, the Cluniac reformers never swerved from their con- 
 viction that lay interference with the spiritual power lay at the 
 very root of the worst disorders of the time. Even when 
 accepting the favours of the great Emperor, they never lost 
 sight of the need of emphasising the independence of the 
 spirituality. However needful was the imperial sword to free 
 the Papacy from the Tusculan tradition, and to put down 
 the lazy monk and the feudalist bishop, they saw clearly that 
 it stood in the way of the full realisation of their dreams. 
 
 After the synod of Sutri, a whole series of German Popes 
 was nominated by the Emperor, and received by the Church 
 with hardly a murmur, though the young deacon The German 
 Hildebrand, soon to become the soul of the new reforming 
 movement, attached himself to the deposed Popes- 
 Gregory vi. and accompanied him on his exile. But to most 
 of the reformers the rude justice of Sutri seemed a just if 
 irregular solution of an intolerable situation. The puritan 
 zeal of the German Popes seemed the best result of the 
 alliance of the Emperor and the reforming party. The first 
 two reigned too short a time to be able to effect much, leaving 
 it to Leo ix., the third German Pope, to permanently identify 
 the papal throne with the spirit of Cluny. 
 
 On the death of Damasus, the Romans called upon 
 Henry in., who was then at Worms, to give them another Pope 
 The Emperor chose for this post his cousin Leoix., 
 Bruno, the brother of Conrad of Carinthia, the 1048-1054. 
 sometime rival of Conrad the Salic, and the son of the elder 
 Conrad, uncle of the first of the Salian emperors. Despite 
 his high birth, Bruno had long turned from politics to the
 
 IO2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 service of the Church, and had become the ardent disciple 
 of the school of Cluny. As bishop of Toul, he had governed 
 his diocese with admirable care and prudence, and his great 
 influence had enabled him to confer many weighty services, 
 both on Henry and his father in Lorraine. When offered the 
 Papacy by his kinsman, Bruno accepted the post only on the 
 condition that he should be canonically elected by the clergy 
 and people of Rome. Early in 1049 ne travelled over the 
 Alps in the humble guise of a pilgrim. He visited Cluny on 
 his way to receive spiritual encouragement from his old 
 teachers for the great task that lay before him. He there 
 added to his scanty following the young monk Hildebrand, 
 whose return to the city in the new Pope's train proclaimed 
 that strict hierarchical ideas would now have the ascendency 
 at the Curia. Joyfully accepted by the Romans, Bruno 
 assumed the title of Leo ix. For the short five years of 
 his pontificate, he threw himself with all his heart into a 
 policy of reformation. In an Easter Synod in Rome (1049), 
 stern decrees were fulminated against simony and clerical 
 marriage. But the times were not yet ripe for radical cure, 
 and Leo was compelled to depart somewhat from his original 
 severity. He soon saw that the cause he had at heart would 
 not be best furthered by his remaining at Rome, and the special 
 characteristic of his pontificate was his constant journeying 
 through all Italy, France, and Germany. During these 
 travels Leo was indefatigable in holding synods, attending 
 ecclesiastical ceremonies, the consecration of churches, the 
 translation of the relics of martyrs. His ubiquitous energy 
 made the chief countries in Europe realise that the Papacy 
 was no mere abstraction, and largely furthered the centralisa- 
 tion of the whole Church system under the direction of the 
 Pope. Wherever he went, decrees against simony and the 
 marriage of priests were drawn up. In Germany, Henry HI. 
 gave him active support. In France he excited the jealousy 
 of King Henry i. Invited to Reims by the archbishop for 
 the consecration of a church, he summoned a French
 
 The Cluniac Reformation 103 
 
 synod to that city. Alarmed at this exercise of jurisdic- 
 tion within French dominions, Henry i. strove to prevent 
 his bishops' attendance by summoning them to follow him 
 to the field. Only a few bishops ventured to disobey their 
 king, but a swarm of abbots, penetrated by the ideals of 
 Cluny, gave number and dignity to the Synod of Reims, 
 and did not hesitate to join the Pope in excommunicating 
 the absent bishops. The restless Leo sought to revive the 
 feeble remnants of North African Christianity, and began the 
 renewed troubles with the Eastern Church, which soon led 
 to the final breach with the Patriarch Caerularius [see page 
 167]. The all-embracing activity of Leo led to his active 
 interference in southern Italy, where the advent of a swarm 
 of Norman adventurers had already changed the whole com- 
 plexion of affairs. 
 
 Early in the eleventh century, southern Italy and Sicily 
 were still cut off from the rest of Europe, and, as in 
 the days of Charlemagne, were still outposts both of the 
 Orthodox and Mohammedan East. Sicily had southern 
 been entirely Saracen since the capture of Syra- Ital y and 
 
 or T-. i ^ f -\ IT-I i_ Sicily in the 
 
 cuse in 877 [see Period i. pp. 460-461]. Though Eleventh 
 the predatory hordes, which landed from time to Century, 
 time on the mainland of Italy, had failed to establish per- 
 manent settlements, the various attempts ot the Eastern Em- 
 perors to win back their former island possession had proved 
 disastrous failures. In southern Italy the Catapan or governor 
 of the Greek Emperors still ruled over the 'theme of Lom- 
 bardy' from his capital of Bari, but in the tenth century, the 
 Lombard Dukes of Benevento, Salerno, and Capua won back 
 much of the ground that had been lost by their ancestors. 
 The transient successes of Otto n. (981-2), had done some- 
 thing to discourage Greeks and Saracens alike, despite the igno- 
 minious failure that ultimately led to his flight [see pages 38-39]. 
 In the early years of the eleventh century, southern Italy was 
 still divided between Greeks and Lombards, and the growing 
 spirit of Catholic enthusiasm made the Orthodox yoke harder
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 to bear by those subjects of the theme of Lombardy, who 
 were Italian rather than Greek in their sympathy. Between 
 ion and 1013 Meles, a citizen of Bari, a Catholic of 
 Lombard origin, took advantage of a Saracen inroad to 
 revolt against the Eastern Emperor. Driven into exile by 
 the failure of his attempt, he sought all over southern Italy 
 
 Borne *?m 
 
 DM dates tnark the proyrett 
 <>f (he JTorman Conqiuiftji except 
 ihote. of battles (<&). 
 
 SOUTH ITALY 
 
 BEFORE THE 
 
 NORMAN CONQUEST 
 
 Eastern Empire marked 
 Lombard Djichiet n 
 
 Saracen iundt 
 
 Eeckfiaetizal DQaeMitait 
 
 for allies to recommence the struggle. The fame of the 
 
 The first Normans as soldiers was already known in the 
 
 coming south of Italy, and chance now threw Meles in 
 
 Normans, tne wav f some Norman warrior-pilgrims, whom 
 
 *7- devotion to the Archangel had taken to the 
 
 sanctuary of St. Michael, in Monte Gargano, in imitation of 
 
 which a Neustrian bishop had some generations before set up 
 
 the famous monastery of St. Michael in Peril of the Sea.
 
 Italy in the Eleventh Century 105 
 
 Meles proposed to the pilgrim leader, Ralph de Toeny, 
 that he should join with him against the Greeks. Pope 
 Benedict vin. encouraged the enterprise, and the adventurous 
 Normans greedily welcomed the opportunity. In 1017, Meles 
 and his northern allies won a victory over the Greeks at 
 Civitate in the Capitanata. 'This victory,' sang the Norman 
 rhyming chronicler, William of Apulia, ' mightily increased the 
 courage of the Normans. They saw that the Greeks were 
 cowards, and that, instead of meeting the enemy face to face, 
 they only knew how to take refuse in flight.' , 
 
 * Meles and 
 
 Other Normans flocked from their distant home Ralph of 
 on the report of rich booty and fair lands to be Toen y- 
 won on easy terms in Apulia. But they despised their enemy 
 too much, and in 1019 a battle fought on the historic field 
 of Cannae annihilated the little Norman band. Meles and 
 Ralph hastened over the Alps, in the hopes of interesting 
 Henry n. in their cause. Even the death of Meles was 
 not fatal to the fortune of his allies. Some survivors 
 from Cannse took service with the princes of Capua and 
 Salerno, and the abbot of Monte Casino. They were mere 
 mercenaries, and willingly sold their swords to the highest 
 bidder. When Henry n. made his transient appearance in 
 southern Italy in 1022 [see page 50], he found his chief 
 obstacle in the new Greek fortress of Troja, obstinately de- 
 fended by some valiant Normans in the pay of their old foe 
 the Catapan. 
 
 Other Normans now flocked to the land of promise. Among 
 these was a chieftain named Ranulf, who joined Sergius, 
 Prince of Naples, a vassal of the Greeks, in his war against 
 the Lombard prince Pandulf of Capua. In reward for his 
 services Ranulf received one of the richest districts of the 
 Terra di Lavoro, where he built in 1030 a town named 
 Aversa, the first Norman settlement in Italy. Foundat ; on 
 This foundation makes a new departure in Nor- of Aversa. 
 man policy. The Normans no longer came to I03 ' 
 Italy as isolated adventurers willing to sell their swords to the
 
 1 06 European History, 918-1273 
 
 highest bidder. By much the same arts as those by which 
 their brethren later got hold of the fairest parts of Wales 
 and Ireland, the adventurers strove to carve feudal states 
 for themselves out of the chaos of southern Italy. Whilst 
 cleverly utilising the feuds that raged around them, they 
 pursued their interests with such dexterity, courage, and 
 clear-headed selfishness, that brilliant success soon crowned 
 their efforts. Conrad 11. sojourned at Capua in 1038, de- 
 posed Pandulf and confirmed Ranulf in the possession of 
 Aversa, which he erected into a county owing homage to the 
 Western Emperor. Three of the twelve sons of the Norman 
 lord, Tancred of Hauteville, now left their scanty patrimony in 
 the Cotentin and joined the Normans in Italy. Their names 
 , were William of the Iron Arm, Drogo, and Hum- 
 
 The sons of 
 
 Tancred of phrey. In 1038 they joined the Greeks under 
 Hauteville. G eor g e Maniaces in an attempt to expel the 
 Mohammedans from Sicily. Messina and Syracuse were 
 captured, but an affront to their companion-in-arms Ardouin 
 drove the Normans back to the mainland in the moment of 
 victory, and led them to wreak their vengeance on the Greeks 
 by a strange compound of violence and treachery. Ardouin 
 their friend took the Greek pay and became governor of 
 Melfi, the key of Apulia. He proposed to the Normans that 
 he should deliver Melfi to them, and make that a starting- 
 point for the conquest of Apulia, which he proposed to 
 divide between them and himself. The northerners accepted 
 Conquest of his proposals. In 1041 Melfi was delivered into 
 Apulia, 1041-3. their hands, and a long war broke out between 
 them and their former allies. By shrewdly putting Adenulfus, 
 the Lombard Duke of Benevento at the head of their armies, 
 the Normans got allies that were probably necessary in the 
 early years of the struggle. But they were soon strong 
 enough to repudiate their associate. The divisions of the 
 Greeks further facilitated their task. In 1042 William of the 
 Iron Arm was proclaimed lord of the Normans of Apulia, 
 with Melfi as the centre of his power.
 
 Italy in the Eleventh Century 107 
 
 In 1046 William of Apulia died, and Drogo, his brother, 
 succeeded him. Henry in., then in Italy, recognised Drogo 
 as Count of Apulia, while renewing the grant of Aversa 
 to another Ranulf. He also urged the Normans to drive out 
 of Benevento the Lombards, who after the spread of the 
 Norman power were making common cause with the Greeks. 
 About this time a fourth son of Tancred of Haute- R b er t 
 ville came to Italy, where he soon made himself the Guiscard. 
 hero of the Norman conquerors. Anna Comnena, the literary 
 daughter of the Emperor Alexius, describes Robert Guiscard 
 as he appeared to his enemies. ' His high stature excelled 
 that of the most mighty warriors. His complexion was ruddy, 
 his hair fair, his shoulders broad, his eyes flashed fire. It is 
 said that his voice was like the voice of a whole multitude, and 
 could put to flight an army of sixty thousand men.' A poor 
 gentleman's son, Robert was consumed by ambition to do 
 great deeds, and joined to great bravery and strength an 
 extraordinary subtlety of spirit. His surname of Guiscard is 
 thought to testify to his ability and craft. Badly received by 
 his brothers in Apulia, he was reduced to taking service with 
 the Prince of Capua against his rival of Salerno. Events 
 soon gave him an opportunity of striking a blow for himself. 
 
 Meanwhile, a formidable combination was forming against 
 the Normans. Argyrus, son of Meles, had deserted his father's 
 policy and came from Constantinople, as Patrician and Cata- 
 pan (Governor), with special commissions from the . . . 
 
 1 v ' Leo IX. turns 
 
 Emperor. Unable to persuade the Normans to against the 
 take service with the Emperor against the Persians, Normans - 
 he soon waged war openly against them, and procured the 
 murder of Count Drogo in 1051, but was soon driven to take 
 refuge in Bari. Meanwhile Leo ix. had become Pope, and 
 his all-absorbing curiosity had led him to two journeys into 
 southern Italy, where he persuaded the inhabitants of Bene- 
 vento to accept the protection of the Holy See against the 
 dreaded Northmen. It looked as if the Eastern and Western 
 Empires were likely to combine with the Papacy and the
 
 io8 European History t 918-1273 
 
 Lombards to get rid of the restless adventurers. In 1052 
 Henry HI. granted the duchy of Benevento to the Roman 
 Church, and Leo hurried from Hungary to southern Italy to 
 enforce his claims on his new possession. 
 
 In May 1053 Leo ix. reached Monte Casino. There soon 
 
 flocked round him a motley army, drawn together from every 
 
 district of central and southern Italy and eager 
 
 Battle OI 
 
 civitate, to uphold the Holy Father against the Norman 
 I053- usurpers ; but the few hundred Germans, who had 
 
 followed the Pope over the Alps, were probably more service- 
 able in the field than the mixed multitude of Italians. The 
 Normans, abandoned by their allies, united all their scanty 
 forces for a decisive struggle. The armies met on i8th 
 June near Civitate (Civitella) on the banks of the Fortore, 
 the place of the first Norman victory in Italy. The long- 
 haired and gigantic Germans affected to despise their 
 diminutive Norman foes, and the fiercest fight was fought 
 between the Pope's fellow - countrymen and Humphrey 
 of Hauteville, the new Count of Apulia, who commanded 
 the Norman right. There the Norman horse long sought 
 in vain to break up the serried phalanx of the German 
 infantry. But the left and centre of the Normans, led respec- 
 tively by Richard, the new Count of Aversa, and Robert 
 Guiscard, easily scattered the enemies before them, and, 
 returning in good time from the pursuit, enabled Humphrey 
 to win a final victory over the Germans. Leo ix. barely 
 escaped with his liberty from the fatal field. Peter Damiani 
 and the zealots denounced him for his unseemly participation 
 in acts of violence, and the object which had induced him to 
 depart from his sacred calling had been altogether unfulfilled. 
 Peace ** e ret ired to Benevento, where he soon came to an 
 
 between the understanding with the Normans, giving them his 
 r^dttie"* apostolic blessing and absolving them from their 
 Pope. blood-guiltiness. Even in the moment of victory 
 
 the Normans had shown every respect to the head of the 
 Church, and self-interest now combined with enthusiasm to
 
 Italy in the Eleventh Century 109 
 
 make them his friends. But Leo entered into no formal 
 treaty with them. He remained at Benevento, carefully 
 watching their movements and corresponding with Constan- 
 tine Monomachus in the hope of renewing the league against 
 them. But his dealings with the Greek Empire soon broke 
 down owing to the theological differences which the acute 
 hostility of Leo and Michael Caerularius now brought to 
 a head. Leo gave up all hope of western help when he 
 fulminated the excommunication against Cserularius, which 
 led at once to the final split of Catholic and Orthodox. In 
 the spring of 1054 he returned to Rome and died. His 
 exploits and holy life had given him a great reputation 
 for holiness, and he was canonised as a saint. Even the 
 disaster of Civitate and the eastern schism did little to 
 diminish his glory. 
 
 Leo ix.'s successor as Pope was another German, Gebhard, 
 bishop of Eichstadt, who took the name of Victor n. (1054- 
 1057). He continued to work on the lines of victor n., 
 Pope Leo, though more in the spirit of a politi- I0 54-ios7. 
 cian. During Victor's pontificate, Henry in. made his 
 second and last visit to Italy (1055). His presence was highly 
 necessary. His strongest Italian enemy, the Henry m , s 
 powerful Marquis Boniface of Tuscany, was dead, last visit to 
 leaving an only daughter Matilda heiress of his ta y> I055> 
 great inheritance. Boniface's widow Beatrice soon found a 
 second husband in Godfrey the Bearded, Duke of Lower 
 Lorraine, the chief enemy of Henry in Germany. In this 
 union there was a danger of the German and Italian opposi- 
 tion to the Empire being combined. But the formidable 
 league dissolved at once on Henry's appearance. Godfrey fled 
 from Italy, and Beatrice and her daughter were led into honour- 
 able captivity in Germany. Godfrey's brother Frederick, 
 hitherto a scheming ecclesiastic, renounced the world, and be- 
 came one of the most zealous of the monks of Monte Casino. 
 But the death of the Emperor and the long minority that 
 followed, soon restored the power of the heiress of Boniface.
 
 no European History, 918-1273 
 
 The Countess Matilda, powerful alike in Tuscany and north of 
 the Apennines, became the most zealous of the allies of the 
 Position of Papacy. Her support gave that material assist- 
 the Countess ance without which the purely spiritual aims of 
 the Papacy could hardly prevail. At the moment 
 when the Papacy had permanently absorbed the teachings of 
 Cluny, it was a matter of no small moment that the greatest 
 temporal power of middle Italy was on its side. It was a 
 solid compensation for Leo's failure against the Normans. 
 
 We have now come to one of the real crises of history. 
 The new spirit had gained ascendency at Rome, and the 
 Hiidebrand's great man had arisen who was to present the 
 early career papal ideal with all the authority of genius. 
 
 and character. of Soana 1 wag the SQn of a we ll-to- 
 
 do Tuscan peasant ; he had been brought up by his uncle, 
 abbot of the strict convent of St. Mary's on the Aventine, 
 which was the centre of the Cluniac ideas in Rome, and 
 where he made his profession as monk. He became the 
 chaplain of Gregory vi. who, though he bought the Papacy 
 with gold, had striven his best to carry out the work 
 of reformation. When deprived of his office at Sutri, 
 Gregory vi. had been compelled to retire to Germany with 
 the Emperor. Hildebrand, now about twenty-five years old, 
 accompanied his master in his exile. In 1048 the deposed 
 Pope died, and his chaplain betook himself to Cluny, where 
 he remained for a full year, and where, he tells us, he would 
 have gladly spent the rest of his life. But in 1049 Leo ix. 
 passed through Cluny on his way to Rome, and Hildebrand 
 was commanded to accompany him. With his return to 
 Rome his active career began. As papal sub-deacon he 
 reorganised the crippled finances of the Holy See, and 
 
 1 Stephen's Hildebrand and his Times (' Epochs of Church History '), 
 gives a useful summary of the life and work of the future Gregory vn. ; 
 see also Stephen's essay on Hildebrand in his Essays on Ecclesiastical 
 Biography. Bo wtea'sLifeand Ponti/uateof Gregory VII., and Villemain's 
 Histoire de Gregoire VII. give fuller accounts.
 
 Italy in the Eleventh Century 
 
 III 
 
 strengthened the hold of the Pope over the unruly citizens. 
 As papal legate he was sent to France in 1054 to put down 
 
 MIDDLE ITALY 
 IN THE 
 
 ELEVENTH CENTURY. 
 
 Eonmer papal lands u 
 
 EqrmGr-papal landt held by the Countess Matildi 
 
 lands of the Countess XatildaMMS. 
 Xapal territory..^. . F= 
 
 the heresy of Berengar of Tours. But the death of Leo 
 recalled him to Italy, whence he went to the Emperor at the
 
 1 1 2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 head of the deputation that successfully requested the appoint- 
 ment of Victor ii. With this Pope he was as powerful 
 as with Leo. But Victor n. died in 1057, and Frederick of 
 Lorraine left his newly-won abbot's chair at Monte Casino to 
 Stephen ix., ascend the throne of St. Peter as Stephen ix. 
 1057-1058. Though a zealot for the ideas of Cluny, Stephen, 
 as the head of the house of Lorraine, was the natural leader 
 of the political opposition to the imperial house both in 
 Germany and Italy. He made Peter Damiani a cardinal, 
 and zealously pushed forward the warfare against simony in 
 Germany. Stephen's early death in 1058, when Hildebrand 
 was away in Germany, brought about a new crisis. The 
 Counts of Tusculum thought the moment opportune to make 
 a desperate effort to win back their old influence. They 
 terrorised Rome with their troops, and brought about the 
 irregular election of one of the Crescentii, who called himself 
 Benedict x. The prompt action of Hildebrand preserved 
 the Papacy for the reforming party. He hurried back to 
 Florence, and formed a close alliance with Duke Godfrey of 
 Lorraine, Stephen's brother, against the nominee of Tusculum. 
 The stricter cardinals met at Siena and chose Gerhard, Bishop 
 of Florence, a Burgundian by birth, as orthodox Pope. Gerhard 
 Nicholas n., held another synod at Sutri, where the Antipope 
 1058-1061. was formally deposed. Early in 1059 he entered 
 Rome in triumph. By assuming the name of Nicholas n., 
 he proclaimed himself the successor of the most successful 
 and aggressive of Popes. As Archdeacon of Rome, Hildebrand 
 acted as chief minister to the Pope whom he had made. 
 Henceforth till his death he dominated the papal policy. 
 While previous reformers had sought salvation by calling 
 the Emperor over the Alps, Hildebrand had found in Duke 
 Godfrey and his wife champions as effective for his purpose 
 on Italian soil With the establishment of Pope Nicholas, 
 through the arms of Godfrey and Matilda, the imperial alliance 
 ceases to become a physical necessity to the reforming party 
 in Italy. Hildebrand had won for the Church her freedom. 
 Before long he began to aim at domination.
 
 Italy in the Eleventh Century 113 
 
 Nicholas n. ruled as Pope from 1058 to 1061. Within 
 those few years, three events were brought about which 
 enormously strengthened the position of the Papacy, already 
 possessed of a great moral force by its permanent identification 
 with the reforming party, and the final abasement of the un- 
 worthy local factions, that had so long aspired to wield its 
 resources. These events were the settlement of the method 
 of papal elections, the establishment of a close alliance between 
 the Papacy and the Normans of southern Italy, and the 
 subjection of Lombardy to the papal authority. 
 
 In 1059 Nicholas held a synod in the Lateran which 
 drew up the famous decree that set aside the vague ancient 
 rights of the Roman clergy and people to choose Lateran 
 their bishop, in favour of the close corporation s y nodand 
 of the College of Cardinals. The decree was p a pai eiec- 
 drawn up in studiously vague language, but put tions> I0 59- 
 the prerogative voice into the very limited circle of the seven 
 cardinal bishops of the suburbicarian dioceses. These were 
 to add to themselves the cardinal priests and deacons, 
 whose assent was regarded as including that of clergy and 
 people at large. A Roman clerk was to be preferred if 
 worthy, and Rome was to be the ordinary place of election ; 
 but, if difficulties intervened, any person could be chosen, 
 and any place made the seat of election. The due rights 
 of King Henry and his successors to confirm their choice 
 were reserved, but in terms that suggested a special personal 
 favour granted of his own goodwill by the Pope to a crowned 
 Emperor, rather than the recognition of an immemorial legal 
 right. The decree did not, as was hoped, save the Church 
 from schisms like those of Benedict x. Neither was the 
 pre-eminence of the suburbicarian bishops permanently main- 
 tained. But henceforth the legal right of the cardinals to be 
 the electors of future Popes became substantially uncontested. 
 It is not likely that this involved any real change of prac- 
 tice. But in embodying custom in a formal shape it gave 
 subsequent efforts to set up Antipopes the condemnation 
 
 PERIOD II. H
 
 [ 1 4 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of illegality, and so stood the Papacy in good stead in the 
 troubles that were soon to ensue. The council also witnessed 
 the abject degradation of the Antipope and the recantation of 
 the heretic Berengar of Tours. 
 
 In the years that followed the battle of Civitate, the Nor- 
 mans had steadily extended their power over Apulia and 
 The Normans Calabria. But the south of Italy is so rugged and 
 become the mountainous that even the bravest of warriors 
 the Pope, could only win their way slowly. In 1057 the 
 1059. valiant Count Humphrey died, leaving his sons 
 
 so young that he had been constrained to beg his brother 
 Robert to act as their protector. But the barons of Apulia 
 insisted that Robert should be their count in full succession 
 to Humphrey. Soon after Roger of Hauteville, the youngest 
 of the twelve sons of Tancred, left the paternal roof to share 
 the fortune of his brothers. 'He was,' says Geoffrey of 
 Malaterra, 'a fine young man, of lofty stature and elegant 
 proportions. Very eloquent in speech, wise in counsel, and 
 gifted with extraordinary foresight, he was gay and affable 
 to all, and so strong and valiant that he soon gained the good 
 Roger of graces of every one.' Robert Guiscard received 
 Hauteville. Roger in a more brotherly spirit than had been 
 shown on his own first arrival by Drogo and Humphrey. 
 He gave him a sufficient following of troops and sent him 
 to Calabria, where he soon established himself as lord 
 of half the district, though under his brother's overlordship. 
 Meanwhile, Richard of Aversa had driven out the Ijombards 
 from Capua and added it to his dominions. The Normans 
 were still, however, not free from danger from the Popes. 
 Victor n. had disapproved of Leo ix.'s policy, yet before his 
 death he had become their enemy. Stephen ix. formed 
 various projects against them. But Hildebrand now turned 
 Nicholas n. to wiser counsels. In 1059 Hildebrand went in 
 person to Capua and concluded a treaty with Count Richard, 
 who, as the ally of the monks of Monte Casino, was the 
 most friendly of the Norman chieftains to the Church.
 
 Italy in the Eleventh Century 115 
 
 Almost immediately the archdeacon returned to Rome with 
 a strong Norman escort, and soon after a Norman army spread 
 terror among the partisans of the Antipope. In the summer 
 of 1059 Nicholas himself held a synod in Melfi, synod 
 the Apulian capital, where he passed canons con- of Meifi. 
 demning married priests. After the formal session was over, 
 the Pope made Robert Guiscard Duke of Apulia and Calabria, 
 and ' future Duke ' of Sicily, if he should ever have Robert Duke 
 the good luck to drive out the infidels. In return of Apulia; 
 Robert, 'Duke by the grace of God and of St. D n u d k f f hardl 
 Peter,' agreed to hold his lands as the Pope's Capua, 
 vassal, paying an annual rent of twelve pence for each plough- 
 land. Richard of Capua, either then or earlier, took the same 
 oath. Thus the famous alliance between the Normans and 
 the Papacy was consummated, which by uniting the strongest 
 military power in Italy to the papal policy, enabled the 
 Holy See to wield the temporal with almost as much effect 
 as the spiritual sword. Thus the Papacy assumed a feudal 
 suzerainty over southern Italy which outlasted the Middle 
 Ages. Within seven years of the Synod of Melfi, the estab- 
 lishment of the Norman duke William the Bastard in 
 England, as the ally of the Pope, still further bound the 
 most restless, active, and enterprising race in Europe to the 
 apostolic see. 
 
 The Pope now intervened decisively in the long struggle 
 between the traditional and the strict parties in Lombardy, 
 where the ancient independence of the arch- The Patarini 
 bishops of Milan had long been assailed by the in L mbardy. 
 Patarini or rag-pickers, as the reformers were contemptuously 
 called. Lovers of old ways in the north, with the Archbishop 
 Guido of Milan at their head, had long upheld clerical marriage 
 as the ancient custom of the Church of St. Ambrose. Peter 
 Damiani was now sent as papal legate to Milan to uphold the 
 ' rag-bags ' in their struggle. At a synod held in Milan, the 
 zealous monk made short work of the married clerks and of 
 the immemorial rights of the archbishop. Guido proffered an
 
 1 16 European History ', 918-1 273 
 
 abject submission and received a contemptuous restitution of 
 his archbishopric. The continuance of the friendship of God- 
 frey and Matilda secured middle Italy, as the 
 
 Milan 
 
 submits to alliance with Normans and Patarini had secured 
 the south and the north. The strongest princes of 
 Gaul and Burgundy were on the zealots' side. The imperialist 
 prelates of Germany, headed by Anno of Cologne, made a 
 faint effort to stem the tide, but the decrees fulminated by 
 German synods against Nicholas and his work were un- 
 known or disregarded in Italy. 
 
 The untimely death of Nicholas in no wise altered the 
 course of events. The next Pope, Alexander n., was 
 Alexander n. Anselm, Bishop of Lucca, who had shared with 
 1061-1073. Peter Damiani in the victory over the simoniacs 
 and married clerks in Lombardy. His appointment by the 
 cardinals without the least reference to King Henry iv. gave 
 the greatest offence in Germany, and brought to a head 
 the growing tension between Empire and Papacy. A synod 
 at Basel declared Pope Alexander's election invalid, and set 
 up an Antipope, Cadalus, Bishop of Parma, who had been the 
 real soul of the opposition to the Patarini in Lombardy. 
 Honorius n. (this was the name he assumed) hurried over the 
 Alps, and in 1062 was strong enough, with the help of the Counts 
 of Tusculum, to fight an even battle with Alexander's parti- 
 sans, and for a time to get possession of St. Peter's. But the 
 factions that controlled the government of the young Henry iv. 
 could not unite even in upholding an Antipope, while the 
 religious enthusiasm, which the reforming movement had 
 evoked, was ardently on the side of Alexander. Con- 
 demned by Anno of Cologne and his party in Germany, 
 Honorius was rejected in 1064 by a council at Mantua. 
 Nevertheless, he managed to live unmolested and with some 
 supporters until his own death in 1072. His successful rival 
 Alexander only outlived him a year. It was then time for 
 the archdeacon himself to assume the responsible leadership 
 of the movement which he had so long controlled. In 1073 
 Hildebrand became Pope Gregory vn.
 
 Italy in the Eleventh Century 117 
 
 The reconciliation with the Papacy stood the Normans in 
 good stead. Henceforth they posed as the champions of 
 Western Catholicism against Eastern Orthodoxy Later 
 and Islam. Though the Norman chieftains still triumphs 
 
 of Robert 
 
 wrangled hotly with each other, the tide in 
 
 south Italy had definitely turned in their favour. 
 In 1071 the capture of Bari, after a three years' siege, finally 
 expelled the Greeks from Italy. The Lombard principality 
 of Salerno was also absorbed, and the greater part of the 
 territories of the dukes of Benevento, save the city and its 
 neighbourhood, which Robert Guiscard, much to his own 
 disgust, was forced to yield to his papal suzerain. We shall 
 see in other chapters how Robert crossed the Straits of 
 Otranto and aspired to conquer the Greek Empire, how he 
 came to the help of Gregory vu. in his greatest need, and how 
 his son Bohemund took part in the first Crusade and founded 
 the principality of Antioch. When Robert died in 1085, a ^ 
 southern Italy acknowledged him as its lord, save the rival 
 Norman principality of Capua, the half-Greek republics of 
 Amalfi and Naples, and the papal possession of Benevento. 
 
 While Robert Guiscard was thus consolidating his power 
 in the peninsula, an even harder task was being accomplished 
 by his younger brother Roger, sometimes in alliance, and 
 sometimes in fierce hostility with the Duke of Apulia. The 
 grant of Nicholas n. had contemplated the extension of the 
 Norman rule to Sicily. The divisions of the Mohammedan 
 world had cut off the island from the Caliphate of the Fati- 
 mites, and its independent Ameers were hardly equal to the 
 task of ruling the island and keeping in order a timid but 
 refractory population of Christian serfs. The 
 
 Roger's 
 
 increasing power of Robert was fatal to the inde- conquest of 
 pendence of Roger in Calabria, and he gladly 
 accepted the invitation of the discontented Chris- 
 tians of Messina to deliver them from the bondage of the 
 infidel. In 1060 Roger led his first expedition to Sicily, which 
 was unsuccessful. But early next year he came again, and
 
 1 1 8 European History, 918-1273 
 
 this time the dissensions of the Mohammedans in Sicily 
 enabled him to have friends among Saracens as well as 
 Christians. In the summer of 1061 Robert came to his help. 
 Messina was easily captured, and proved invaluable as the 
 starting-point of later expeditions. The infidels were badly 
 beaten at the battle of Castrogiovanni, and before the end of 
 the year the standards of Roger had waved as far west as 
 Girgenti. The first successes were not quite followed up. In 
 1064 the Normans were forced to raise the siege of Palermo. 
 The compact Mussulman population of Western Sicily 
 opposed a very different sort of resistance to the invaders 
 from that which they had experienced in the Christian East. 
 But the process of conquest was resumed after the capture of 
 Bari had given Robert leisure to come to his brother's help. 
 In 1072 Palermo was taken by the two brothers jointly. 
 Robert claimed the lion's share of the spoil. Roger, 
 forced to yield him the suzerainty of the whole island, and a 
 great domain under his direct rule, including Palermo and 
 Messina, threw himself with untiring zeal into the conquest of 
 the parts of the island that still adhered to Islam. Thirty 
 years after his first expedition, the last Saracens were expelled 
 . .. from the rocky fastnesses of the western coasts, 
 
 The feudali- * 
 
 sation of and the inaccessible uplands of the interior. The 
 Naples and Normans took with them to Italy their language, 
 their manners, their art, and above all, their polity. 
 On the ruins of the Greek, Lombard and Saracen power, the 
 Normans feudalised southern Italy so thoroughly that the 
 feudalism of Naples and Sicily long outlasted the more in- 
 digenous feudalism of Tuscany or Romagna. Freed from his 
 grasping brother's tutelage after 1085, Roger ruled over Sicily 
 as count till his death in 1101. We shall see how his son 
 united Sicily with Apulia in a single sovereignty, which has 
 in various shapes endured as the kingdom of Naples or Sicily, 
 until the establishment of a united Italy in our own days.
 
 Italy in the Eleventh Centiiry 
 
 tip 
 
 GENEALOGY OF THE HOUSE OF TANCRED OF HAUTEVILLE. 
 
 TANCRED OF HAUTEVILLE. 
 I 
 
 1 1 III 
 
 WILLIAM OF THB DROGO, HUMPHREY, ROBERT ROGER I., 
 IRON ARM, Count of Apulia, Count of Apulia, GUISCARD, Count of 
 Lord of Apulia, d. 1051. d. 1057. Duke of Sicily, 
 d. 1046. Apulia, d. HOT. 
 d, 1085. 
 
 ROGER, 
 Duke of Apulia, 
 d. mi. 
 1 
 WILLIAM, 
 Duke of Apulia, 
 d. 1127. 
 
 
 ROGER II., 
 King of Sicily, 
 and Duke 
 of Apulia, 
 d. 1154. 
 
 ROGER, 
 Duke of Apulia. 
 
 TANCRED OF LECCB 
 (illegitimate), 
 d. 1194. 
 
 WILLIAM I., 
 the Bad, 
 d. 1166. 
 
 WILLIAM II., 
 the Good, 
 d. 1189. 
 m. Joanna, 
 daughter of 
 Henry II. 
 of England. 
 
 CONSTANCE, 
 m. HENRY VI. 
 d. 1197. 
 
 FREDERICK 11 
 d. 1250. 
 
 ROGER III., WILLIAM III., ALBINA 
 d. 1194. deposed by m. Walter 
 Henry vi. in of 
 1194. Brienne.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE INVESTITURE CONTEST (1056-1125) 
 
 Minority of Henry iv. Regency of Agnes Rivalry of Adalbert and Anno 
 The Saxon Revolt Election of Gregory VH. Beginnings of the Investi- 
 ture Contest Canossa and its results Rudolf of Swabia and Guibert of 
 Ravenna The Normans and Gregory vn. Victor HI. and Urban II. 
 Last years of Henry iv. Henry v. and Pascal II. Calixtus 11. and the 
 Concordat of Worms Death of Henry v. 
 
 WHILE the Cluniac movement had at last attained ascend- 
 ency over the best minds of Europe, and a swarm of monastic 
 reformers had prepared the way for the great revival of 
 spiritual religion and hierarchical pretensions ; while in Italy 
 strong papalist powers, like the Countess Matilda and the 
 Normans of the south, had arisen to menace the imperial 
 The minority authori ty, the long minority of Henry iv. sapped 
 of Henry iv., the personal influence of Caesar over Italy and 
 1056-1072. brought about a lengthened period of faction and 
 weak rule in Germany. On Henry m.'s death, his son, 
 Henry iv., was a boy of six. The great Emperor's power 
 secured the child's undisputed succession, but was too 
 personal, too military in its character to prove any safe- 
 guard against the dangers of a long minority. Nor did 
 the choice of ruler during Henry iv.'s nonage improve the 
 state of affairs. Henry m.'s widow, Agnes of Poitou, a 
 pious well-meaning lady, acted as regent for her son, but 
 her weakness of will and inconsistency of conduct 
 
 Regency of .. 
 
 the Empress gave full scope to discontented nobles ready to 
 
 Agnes, take advantage of a woman's sway. The lay 
 
 nobles availed themselves of her helplessness to 
 
 plunder and despoil the prelates, while they complained that 
 
 Agnes neglected their counsels for those of low-born courtiers 
 
 120
 
 The Investiture Contest 121 
 
 and personal favourites. After six years of confusion the 
 Empress was driven from power. Anno, Archbishop of Cologne, 
 a vigorous, experienced, and zealous prelate, full of ambition 
 and violence, joined himself with Otto of Nordheim, the newly 
 appointed Duke of Bavaria, Count Egbert of Brunswick, and 
 some of the bishops, in a well-contrived plot to get possession of 
 the young king. In May 1062 the three chief con- Abduction of 
 spirators visited the king at his palace of Saint Henry by 
 Suitbert's, situated on an island in the Rhine, cologne, 
 some miles below Dusseldorf, now called Kaisers- Io6a - 
 werth. One day after dinner Anno persuaded the boy 
 king to inspect an elaborately-fitted-up barge. As soon as 
 Henry had entered the boat, the oarsmen put off and rowed 
 away. Henry was soon frightened and plunged into the 
 water, but Count Egbert leapt in and rescued him. The 
 king was pacified by flattery and taken to Cologne. The 
 crowd cried shame on the treachery of the bishop, but 
 Henry remained in his custody, and Agnes made no serious 
 attempt to regain her authority, but reconciled herself with 
 Anno and retired into a monastery. Anno proposed to the 
 magnates that the regency should be exercised by the 
 bishop of the diocese in which the king happened to be 
 staying. By carefully selecting the king's places of abode, he 
 thus secured the reality of power without its odium. By 
 throwing over the Antipope he procured the support of the 
 Hildebrandine party, and was likened by Peter Damiani to 
 another Jehoiada. But his pride and arrogance soon raised 
 him up enemies; and young Henry, who never forgave his 
 abduction, bitterly resented his tutelage. 
 
 Adalbert, Archbishop of Bremen, took the lead among 
 Anno's enemies. He was a man of high birth, Rivairyof 
 great experience, and unbounded ambition, an old Adalbert of 
 confidant of Henry in., and filled with a great J" n c n f and 
 scheme for making his archbishopric a permanent Cologne, 
 patriarchate over the infant churches of Scandi- Io6s ' I0 7- 
 navia. He made himself personally attractive to the king,
 
 1 22 European History, 918-1273 
 
 who contrasted his kindness and indulgence with the 
 austerity of Anno. By Adalbert's influence Henry was 
 declared of age to govern on attaining his fifteenth year in 
 
 1065. Henceforth Adalbert disposed of all the high offices 
 in Church and State, and growing more greedy as he became 
 more successful, excited much ill-will among the religious by 
 plundering the monasteries right and left. He appropriated 
 to himself the two great abbeys of Lorsch and Corvey, and 
 sought in vain to propitiate his enemies by allowing other 
 magnates, including even his rival Anno, to similarly despoil 
 other monasteries. The king was made so poor that he 
 hardly had enough to live on. But Adalbert at least sought 
 to continue the great traditions of statecraft of Henry HI., 
 and showed more policy and skill than the crowd of bishops 
 who had previously shared power with Anno. At last, in 
 
 1066, the nobles combined against Adalbert at a Diet at 
 Tribur, and Henry was roundly told that he must either 
 dismiss Adalbert or resign his throne. Adalbert retired to 
 his diocese, and Anno and Otto of Nordheim again had the 
 chief control of affairs. But neither party could rule with 
 energy or spirit, and Henry, now nearly grown up, showed no 
 decided capacity to make things better. The young king was 
 tall, dignified, and handsome. He was affable and kindly to 
 men of low rank, with whom he was ever popular, though he 
 could be stern and haughty to the magnates, whose power he 
 feared. He had plenty of spirit and fair ability. But he 
 had been brought up so laxly by Archbishop Adalbert that 
 he was headstrong, irresolute, profligate, and utterly defi- 
 cient in self-control. He never formulated a policy, and if 
 he championed great causes, he did so blindly and in 
 ignorance. Married to Bertha, daughter of the Marquis 
 Odo of Turin, in 1065, he gave offence both to her power- 
 ful kinsfolk and to the strict churchmen by refusing to 
 live with her, and talking of a divorce. He had now to 
 put down open rebellions. In 1069 the Margrave Dedi strove 
 to rouse the Thuringians to revolt, and in 1070 Otto of
 
 The Investiture Contest 123 
 
 Bavaria, the most important of the dukes surviving, after the 
 death of Duke Godfrey of Lorraine in the previous year, was 
 driven into rebellion. So divided were the German nobles, 
 so helpless the German king, that instead of ruling the Italians, 
 there seemed every prospect of the Italians ruling them. In 
 1069 Peter Damiani went to Germany as legate, and compelled 
 Henry to reconcile himself with Bertha. Peter was horrified 
 at the unblushing simony of the German bishops, and, on his 
 report, Anno of Cologne and several other of the greatest 
 prelates of Germany were summoned to Rome and thoroughly 
 humiliated. Anno atoned for his laxity by his edifying dis- 
 charge of the meanest monastic duties in his own great 
 foundation at Siegburg, but his influence was gone and his 
 political career was at an end His fall brought Adalbert 
 back to some of his ancient influence. The death of the 
 Archbishop of Bremen in 1072 unloosed the last link that 
 connected the new reign with the old traditions. 
 
 Henry iv.'s reign now really began. A thorough Swabian, 
 his favourite ministers were Swabians of no high degree, and 
 he had no faith in the goodwill or loyalty of the The Saxon 
 men of the north. He had kept vacant the Saxon Revolt, 
 dukedom. On every hill-top of Saxony and X 73- I0 75- 
 Thuringia he built strong castles, whose lawless garrisons 
 plundered and outraged the peasantry. There was ever 
 fierce ill-will between northern and southern Germany during 
 the Middle Ages. The policy of the southern Emperor soon 
 filled the north with anger, and the Saxon nobles prepared for 
 armed resistance. In 1073 Henry fitted out an expedition, 
 whose professed destination was against the Poles. It was 
 believed in Saxony that his real object was to subdue the 
 Saxons and hand them over to the Swabians. Accordingly in 
 the summer of 1073 a general Saxon revolt broke out, headed 
 by the natural leaders of Saxony both in Church and State, 
 including the Archbishop of Magdeburg, the deposed Duke 
 Otto of Bavaria, and the fierce Margrave Dedi, already an 
 unsuccessful rebel. The insurgents demanded the instant
 
 124 European History, 918-1273 
 
 demolition of the castles, the dismissal of Henry's evil coun- 
 sellors, and the restitution of their lands that he had violently 
 seized. On receiving no answer they shut up Henry in the 
 strong castle of Harzburg, whence he escaped with the utmost 
 difficulty to the friendly cloister of Hersfeld. In the course of 
 the summer the rebels destroyed many of the new castles. 
 The levies summoned for the Polish campaign refused to 
 turn their arms against the Saxons, and Henry saw himself 
 powerless amidst the general falling away. A meeting at 
 Gerstungen, where Henry's friends strove to mediate with 
 the rebels, led to a suggestion that the king should be 
 deposed. Only at Worms and in the Swabian cities did 
 Henry receive any real support. He gathered together a 
 small army and strove to fight a winter campaign against 
 the Saxons, but failed so completely that he was forced to 
 accept their terms. However, hostilities were renewed in 
 1075, when Henry won a considerable victory at Hohenburg 
 on the Unstrut, and forced the Saxons to make an uncondi- 
 tional submission. Otto of Nordheim, the Archbishop of 
 Magdeburg, and the other leaders were imprisoned. On 
 the ruins of Saxon liberty Henry now aspired to build up a 
 despotism. 
 
 Hildebrand was now Pope. During the funeral service of 
 Alexander n. at St. John's in the Lateran, a great shout arose 
 , .. , from the multitude in the church that Hildebrand 
 
 fc-lection or 
 
 Gregory vii., should be their bishop. The cardinal, Hugh 
 the White, addressed the assembly. ' You know, 
 brethren,' he said, 'how, since the time of Leo ix., Hilde- 
 brand has exalted the Roman Church, and freed our city. 
 We cannot find a better Pope than he. Indeed, we cannot 
 find his equal. Let us then elect him, who, having been 
 ordained in our church, is known to us all, and thoroughly 
 approved by us.' There was the great shout in answer: 
 1 Saint Peter has chosen Hildebrand to be Pope 1 ' Despite 
 his resistance, Hildebrand was dragged to the church of 
 St. Peter ad Vincula, and immediately enthroned. The
 
 The Investiture Contest 125 
 
 cardinals had no mind to upset this irregular election, 
 strangely contrary though it was to the provisions of 
 Nicholas n. The German bishops, alarmed at Hildebrand's 
 reputation for severity, urged the king to quash the appoint- 
 ment, but Henry contented himself with sending to Rome to 
 inquire into the circumstances of the election. Hildebrand 
 showed great moderation, and actually postponed his conse- 
 cration until Henry's consent had been obtained. This 
 Henry had no wish to withhold. On zgth June 1073 
 Hildebrand was hallowed bishop. By assuming the name 
 of Gregory vn., he proclaimed to the world the invalidity of 
 the deposition of his old master at the Synod of Sutri. 
 
 The wonderful self-control which the new Pope had shown 
 so long did not desert him in his new position. Physically, 
 there was little to denote the mighty mind within HJschar . 
 his puny body. He was of low stature, short- acterand 
 legged and corpulent. He spoke with a stammer, P llc y- 
 and his dull complexion was only lighted up by his glittering 
 eyes. He was not a man of much learning or originality, and 
 contributed little towards the theory of the papal or sacer- 
 dotal power. But he was one of the greatest practical men 
 of the Middle Ages ; and his single-minded wish to do what 
 was right betokened a dignity of moral nature that was rare 
 indeed in the eleventh century. His power over men's minds 
 was enormous, even to their own despite. The fierce and 
 fanatical Peter Damiani called him his 'holy Satan.' 'Thy 
 will,' said he, 'has ever been a command to me evil but 
 lawful. Would that I had always served God and St. Peter 
 as faithfully as I have served thee.' Even as archdeacon he 
 assumed so great a state, and lived in such constant inter- 
 course with the world, that monastic zealots like Damiani 
 were scandalised, and some moderns have questioned 
 (though groundlessly) whether he was ever a professed 
 monk at all. Profoundly convinced of the truth of the 
 Cluniac doctrines, he showed a fierce and almost unscrupu- 
 lous statecraft in realising them that filled even Cluny
 
 126 European History, 918-1273 
 
 with alarm. His ideal was to reform the world by establish- 
 ing a sort of universal monarchy for the Papacy. He 
 saw all round him that kings and princes were powerless 
 for good, but mighty for evil. He saw churchmen living 
 greedy and corrupt lives for want of higher direction and 
 control. Looking at a world distraught by feudal anarchy, 
 his ambition was to restore the 'peace of God,' civilisation, 
 and order, by submitting the Church to the Papacy, and the 
 world to the Church. ' Human pride,' he wrote, ' has created 
 the power of kings ; God's mercy has created the power of 
 bishops. The Pope is the master of Emperors. He is 
 rendered holy by the merits of his predecessor, St. Peter. 
 The Roman Church has never erred, and Holy Scripture 
 proves that it never can err. To resist it is to resist God.' 
 For the next twelve years he strove with all his might to 
 make his power felt throughout Christendom. Sometimes 
 his enthusiasm caused him to advance claims that even his 
 best friends would not admit, as when William the Conqueror 
 was constrained to repudiate the Holy See's claims of feudal 
 sovereignty over England, which, after similar pretensions 
 had been recognised by the Normans in Sicily, Gregory and 
 his successors were prone to assert whenever opportunity 
 offered. The remotest parts of Europe felt the weight of his 
 influence. But the intense conviction of the righteousness 
 of his aims, that made compromise seem to him treason to 
 the truth, did something to detract from the success of his 
 statecraft. He was too absolute, too rigid, too obstinate, too 
 extreme to play his part with entire advantage to himself and 
 his cause. Yet with all his defects there is no grander figure 
 in history. 
 
 Gregory realised the magnitude of his task, but he never 
 shrank from it. ' I would that you knew," wrote he to the 
 Abbot of Cluny, 'the anguish that assails my soul. The 
 Church of the East has gone astray from the Catholic faith. 
 If I look to the west, the north, or the south, I find but few 
 bishops whose appointments and whose lives are in accordance
 
 The Investiture Contest 127 
 
 with the laws of the Church, or who govern God's people 
 through love and not through worldly ambition. Among 
 princes I know not one who sets the honour of God 
 before his own, or justice before gain. If I did not hope 
 that I could be of use to the Church, I would not 
 remain at Rome a day.' From the very first he was beset 
 on every side with difficulties. Even the alliance with 
 the Normans was uncertain. Robert Guiscard, with his 
 brother Roger, waged war against Gregory's faithful vassal, 
 Richard of Capua; and Robert, who threatened the papal 
 possession of Benevento, went so far that he incurred excom- 
 munication. Philip of France, ' the worst of the tyrants who 
 enslaved the Church,' had to be threatened with interdict. 
 A project to unite the Eastern with the Western Church 
 broke down lamentably. A contest with Henry iv. soon 
 became inevitable. But Gregory abated nothing of his high 
 claims. In February 1075 he held a synod at Rome, at which 
 severe decrees against simony and the marriage The Synod 
 of clerks were issued. The practice of lay in- of 1075, and 
 vestiture, by which secular princes were wont to s'lmony ^ 
 grant bishoprics and abbeys by the conferring of Lay investi- 
 spiritual symbols such as the ring and staff, had * 
 long been regarded by the Cluniacs as the most glaring of 
 temporal aggressions against the spiritual power. This prac 
 tice was now sternly forbidden. ' If any one,' declared the 
 synod, 'henceforth receive from the hand of any lay person 
 a bishopric or abbey, let him not be considered as abbot or 
 bishop, and let the favour of St. Peter and the gate of the 
 Church be forbidden to him. If an emperor, a king, a 
 duke, a count, or any other lay person presume to give 
 investiture of any ecclesiastical dignity, let him be excom- 
 municated.' This decree gave the signal for the great 
 Investiture Contest, and for the greater struggle of Papacy 
 and Empire that convulsed Europe, save during occasional 
 breaks, for the next two centuries. 
 
 Up to the issue of the decree as to investitures, the relation
 
 128 European History, 918-1273 
 
 between Gregory and Henry iv. had not been unfriendly. 
 Henry had admitted that he had not always respected the 
 The begin- rights of the Church, but had promised amend- 
 ningsofthe m ent for the future. But to give up investitures 
 
 Investiture , , ; 
 
 Contest, would have been to change the whole imperial 
 7S- system of government. He was now freed, 
 
 by his victory at Hohenburg, from the Saxon revolt. The 
 German bishops, afraid of the Pope's strictness, encouraged 
 his resistance, and even in Italy he had many partisans. 
 The Patarini were driven out of Milan, and Henry scrupled 
 not to invest a new archbishop with the see of St. Ambrose. 
 Even at Rome, Gregory barely escaped assassination while 
 celebrating mass. In January 1076 Henry summoned a 
 Council at German council to Worms. Strange and in- 
 worms, 1076. credible crimes were freely attributed to the Pope, 
 and the majority of the German bishops pronounced him 
 deposed. Henry himself wrote in strange terms to the Pope : 
 'Henry, king not by usurpation but by God's grace, to Hilde- 
 brand, henceforth no pope but false monk, Christ has called 
 us to our kingdom, while He has never called thee to the 
 priesthood. Thou hast attacked me, a consecrated king, who 
 cannot be judged but by God Himself. Condemned by our 
 bishops and by ourselves, come down from the place that 
 thou hast usurped. Let the see of St. Peter be held by 
 another, who will not seek to cover violence under the cloak 
 of religion, and who will teach the wholesome doctrine of 
 St. Peter. I, Henry, king by the grace of God, with all of 
 my bishops, say unto thee "Come down, come down.'" 
 
 In February 1076 Gregory held a great synod in the 
 Vatican, at which the Empress Agnes was present, with a 
 Vatican great multitude of Italian and French bishops. 
 Synod, 1076. A clerk from Parma named Roland delivered 
 the king's letter to the Pope before the council. There 
 was a great tumult, and Roland would have atoned for his 
 boldness with his life but for the Pope's personal inter- 
 vention. Henry was now formally excommunicated and
 
 The Investiture Contest 129 
 
 deposed. ' Blessed Peter,' declared Gregory, ' thou and the 
 Mother of God and all the saints are witness that the Roman 
 Church has called upon me to govern it in my own despite. 
 As thy representative I have received from God the power to 
 bind and to loose in Heaven and on earth. For the honour 
 and security of thy Church, in the Name of God Almighty, 
 I prohibit Henry the king, son of Henry the Emperor, who 
 has risen with unheard-of pride against thy Church, from 
 ruling Germany and Italy. I release all Christians from the 
 oaths of fealty they may have taken to him, and I order that 
 no one shall obey him.' 
 
 War was thus declared between Pope and king. Though 
 the position of both parties was sufficiently precarious, Henry 
 was at the moment in the worst position for . 
 
 , Weakness 
 
 carrying on an internecine combat. He could of Henry's 
 count very little on the support of his German P sition n 
 
 Germany. 
 
 subjects. Those who most feared the Pope were 
 the self-seekers and the simoniacs, whose energy was small 
 and whose loyalty less. The saints and the zealots were all 
 against him. The Saxons profited by his embarrassments 
 to renew their revolt, and soon chased his garrisons out of 
 their land. The secular nobles, who saw in his policy 
 the beginnings of an attempt at despotism, held aloof from 
 his court. It was to no purpose that Henry answered 
 the anathemas of Gregory with denunciations equally un- 
 measured, and complained that Gregory had striven to unite 
 in his hands both the spiritual and the temporal swords, 
 that God had kept asunder. Hermann, Bishop of Metz, the 
 Pope's legate in Germany, ably united the forces against him. 
 At last, the nobles and bishops of Germany gathered together 
 on i6th October 1076 at Tribur, where the papal legates were 
 treated with marked deference, though Henry took up his 
 quarters at Oppenheim, on the other bank of the Diet of 
 Rhine, afraid to trust himself amidst his dis- Tribur . ?* 
 affected subjects. Henry soon saw that he had no alternative 
 but submission. The magnates were so suspicious of him that 
 
 PERIOD II. I
 
 1 30 Eu ropean History, 918-1273 
 
 it needed the personal intercession of Hugh, Abbot of Cluny, 
 to prevail upon them to make terms with him at all. Finally 
 Humiliation a provisional agreement was patched up, upon con- 
 of Henry. ditions excessively humiliating to Henry. The 
 barons refused to obey him until he had obtained absolution 
 from the Pope, who, moreover, had promised to go to Germany 
 in person and hold a council in the succeeding February. 
 Pending this, Henry was to remain at Speyer without kingly 
 revenue, power, or dignity, and still shut off by his excom- 
 munication from the offices of the Church. If Henry could 
 not satisfy the Pope in February, he was to be regarded as 
 deposed. 
 
 Abandoned by Germany, Henry abode some two months 
 at Speyer, gloomily anticipating the certain ruin to his cause 
 that would follow the Pope's appearance in a German council. 
 He realised that he could do nothing unless he reconciled 
 himself to Gregory ; and, hearing good news of his prospects 
 in northern Italy, thought that his best course was to betake 
 himself over the Alps, where the Pope might well prove less 
 rigorous, if he found him at the head of a formidable band of 
 Italian partisans. It was a winter of extraordinary severity, 
 but any risks were better than inglorious inaction at Speyer. 
 
 Accordingly Henry broke his compact with his 
 winter nobles, and towards the end of December secret- 
 
 journey iy set out on his journey southward. He was 
 
 gundy and accompanied by Bertha and his little son, but only 
 Lombardy, one German noble was included among his scanty 
 
 following. He traversed Burgundy, and kept his 
 miserable Christmas feast at Besan9on. Thence crossing 
 the Mont Cenis at the risk of his life, he appeared early in 
 the new year amidst his Lombard partisans at Pavia. But 
 though urged to take up arms, Henry feared the risks of a new 
 and doubtful struggle. Germany could only be won back by 
 submission. He resolved to seek out the Pope and throw 
 himself on his mercy. 
 Gregory was then some fifteen miles south of Reggio, at an
 
 The Investiture Contest 1 3 1 
 
 impregnable mountain stronghold belonging to the Countess 
 Matilda, called Canossa, which crowned one of the northern 
 spurs of the Apennines, and overlooked the canossa, 
 great plain. He had sought the protection of J an - 10 77- 
 its walls as a safe refuge against the threatened Lombard 
 attack which Henry, it was believed, had come over the Alps 
 to arrange. The Countess Matilda and Hugh of Cluny, 
 Henry's godfather, were with the Pope, and many of the 
 simoniac bishops of Germany had already gone to Canossa 
 and won absolution by submission. On 2ist January 1077 
 Henry left his wife and followers at Reggio, and climbed 
 the steep snow-clad road that led to the mountain fastness. 
 Gregory refused to receive him, but he had interviews with 
 Matilda and his godfather in a chapel at the foot of the 
 castle-rock, and induced them to intercede with the Pope 
 on his behalf. Gregory would hear of nothing but complete 
 and unconditional submission. ' If he be truly penitent, let 
 him surrender his crown and insignia of royalty into our 
 hands, and confess himself unworthy of the name and honour 
 of king.' But the pressure of the countess and abbot at 
 last prevailed upon him to be content with abject contrition 
 without actual abandonment of his royal state. For three days 
 Henry waited in the snow outside the inner gate of the castle- 
 yard, barefoot, fasting, and in the garb of a penitent. On 
 the fourth day the Pope consented to admit him into his 
 presence. With the cry ' Holy father, spare me ! ' the king 
 threw himself at the Pope's feet. Gregory raised him up, 
 absolved him, entertained him at his table, and sent him 
 away with much good advice and his blessing. But the 
 terms of Henry's reconciliation were sufficiently hard. He 
 was to promise to submit himself to the judgment of the 
 German magnates, presided over by the Pope, with respect 
 to the long catalogue of charges brought against him. Until 
 that was done he was to abstain from the royal insignia and 
 the royal functions. He was to be prepared to accept or 
 retain his crown according to the judgment of the Pope as
 
 1 3 2 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 to his guilt or innocence. He was, if proved innocent, to 
 obey the Pope in all things pertaining to the Church. If 
 he broke any of these conditions, another king was to be 
 forthwith elected. 
 
 The humiliation of Henry at Canossa is so dramatic and so 
 famous an event that it is hard to realise that it was but an 
 Results of incident in the midst of a long struggle. It settled 
 Canossa. nothing, and profited neither Henry nor Gregory. 
 Gregory found that his harshness had to some extent alienated 
 that public opinion on which the Papacy depended almost 
 entirely for its influence. Henry found that his submission 
 had not won over his German enemies, but had thoroughly 
 disgusted the anti-papal party in northern Italy, upon which 
 alone he could count for armed support. The Lombards 
 now talked of deposing the cowardly monarch in favour 
 of his little son. But the future course of events rested 
 after all upon the action of the German nobles, who 
 held their Diet at Forchheim in March 1077. To this 
 Diet of assembly Henry was not even invited ; and for the 
 
 Forchheim, present he preferred remaining in Italy. The 
 March 1077. p O p e a ] so <jid not appear in person, but was 
 represented by two legates. The old charges against Henry 
 were brought up once more, and the legates expressed their 
 wonder that the patient Germans had submitted so long to be 
 ruled by such a monster. Without giving Henry the least 
 opportunity of refuting the accusations, it was determined to 
 proceed at once to the choice of a new king. The suffrages 
 of the magnates fell on Duke Rudolf of Swabia. Before his 
 Rudolf of appointment, Rudolf was compelled to renounce 
 Swabia, all hereditary claim to the throne on behalf of his 
 
 Anti-C*sr. to a H 
 
 bishoprics. He was then crowned at Mainz by Archbishop 
 Siegfried. 
 
 The news of Rudolfs election at once brought Henry back 
 over the Alps. He soon found that he now had devoted 
 partisans in the land that had rejected him when he was under
 
 The Investiture Contest 133 
 
 the ban of the Pope. He was warmly welcomed in Bavaria, 
 in Burgundy, and especially in the great towns of the Rhine- 
 land, always faithful to the imperial cause, civiiwar 
 Rudolfs own duchy of Swabia rejected its duke between 
 
 r f ., . , , , , , , Rudolf and 
 
 in favour of the prince who had ever loved the Henry, 
 Swabians. Rebel Saxony was alone strongly i77-i8o. 
 on Rudolfs side. Even the Pope could not make up his 
 mind to ratify the action of his legates and accept Rudolf 
 as king. For more than two years civil war raged between 
 Rudolf and Henry. It was substantially a continuation of the 
 Saxon revolt. At last, in January 1080, a decisive battle was 
 fought at Flarchheim on the banks of the , 
 
 " Battle ot 
 
 Unstrut, in which Henry was utterly defeated. Fiarchheim, 
 During all this time Gregory had contented Ie>8 ' 
 himself with offers of arbitration. Though Henry practised 
 lay investiture as freely as ever, it was not until after his 
 defeat that the Pope once more declared himself against him. 
 Yielding to the indignant remonstrances of Rudolf and the 
 Saxons, he convoked a synod at Rome in March 1080, where 
 he renewed Henry's excommunication, and again Renewed 
 deprived him of his kingdoms of Germany and excommuni- 
 Italy. 'Act so,' said Gregory to the assembled Seposltton 
 prelates, 'that the world shall know that ye who of Henry, 
 have power to bind and to loose in heaven, can March Io8o< 
 grant or withhold kingdoms, principalities, and other possessions 
 according to each man's merits. And if you are fit to judge 
 in things spiritual, ought ye not to be deemed competent to 
 judge in things temporal?' Rudolf was now recognised as 
 king, and another universal prohibition of lay investitures was 
 issued. 
 
 Gregory boasted that, before the next feast of SS. Peter 
 and Paul, Henry would have lost his throne and his life. 
 But each fresh aggression of the Pope increased his rival's 
 power. Henry now showed an energy and vigour that con- 
 trasted strangely with his spiritless action three years before. 
 Both in Germany and Italy he found himself supported
 
 1 34 European History, 918-1273 
 
 by partisans as enthusiastic as those of the Pope. The 
 bishops of Germany declared for him, and the old foes 
 Guibertof of the Pope in Italy took courage to continue 
 Ravenn* tj ie contest. In June Henry met at Brixen the 
 Antipope, German and Italian bishops who adhered to his 
 June 1080. side. This assembly declared Gregory deposed 
 and excommunicate, and elected Guibert, Archbishop of 
 Ravenna as his successor. 
 
 The new Antipope had in his youth served Henry HI., 
 and, as chancellor of Italy, had striven to uphold the 
 imperial authority during Henry iv.'s minority. He had 
 once been on friendly terms with Gregory, but had quarrelled 
 with him, and had for some time been the soul of the 
 imperialist party in north Italy. He was of high birth, un- 
 blemished character, great abilities, and long experience. He 
 assumed the title of Clement in., and at once returned to 
 Ravenna to push matters to extremities against Gregory. 
 The rash violence of the Pope had been answered with 
 equal violence by his enemies. There were two Popes 
 and two Emperors. The sword alone could decide between 
 them. 
 
 Fortune favoured Henry and Clement both in Germany 
 and Italy. On i5th October 1080 a great battle was fought 
 Battle on the on l ^ e banks f the Elster, not far from the 
 Eister, and later battlefields of Liitzen. The fierce assault of 
 death of Q tto Q Nordheim changed what threatened 
 
 KUQOlt, 
 
 isth October to be a Saxon defeat into a brilliant victory for 
 Io8 * the northern army. But Rudolf of Swabia was 
 
 slain, and the victorious Saxons wasted their opportunity 
 while they quarrelled as to his successor. It was nearly a 
 
 year before they could agree upon Hermann of 
 Luxemburg, Luxemburg as their new king. Before this the 
 Anti-Caesar, b ac k o f the revolt had been broken, and Henry, 
 
 secure of Germany, had once more gone to Italy. 
 Crossing the Brenner in March 1081, he went on progress 
 through the Lombard cities, and abode with Pope Clement at
 
 The Investiture Contest 135 
 
 Ravenna. Thence he set out for Rome, meeting little resist- 
 ance on his way save from the Countess Matilda. Henry'svisit 
 The Normans of Naples, on whose help Gregory to Italy, 
 had counted, made no effort to protect their T x> 
 suzerain. In May Henry celebrated the Whitsun feast 
 outside the walls of Rome. 
 
 Gregory did not lose his courage even with the enemy 
 at his gate. The Romans were faithful to him, and Henry, 
 who saw no chance of besieging the great city successfully, 
 was forced to retreat northwards by the feverish heat of 
 summer. He retired to Lombardy, where his War 
 position was unassailable. Next year he was back between 
 again before the walls of Rome, but the occupa- Gregory, 
 tion of Tivoli was his greatest success. In 1083 1081-1084. 
 a third attack gave him possession of the Leonine city, but 
 even in this extremity Gregory would listen to no talk of 
 conciliation. 'Let the king lay down his crown and make 
 atonement to the Church,' was his answer to those who 
 besought him to come to terms. In the early months of 
 1084 Henry invaded Ap*ulia and kept in check the Normans, 
 who at last were making a show of helping the Pope. In 
 March he appeared for the fourth time before Rome. This 
 time the Romans opened their gates, and Gregory 
 
 1 Coronation 
 
 was closely besieged in the castle of St. Angelo. O f Henry by 
 A synod was hastily summoned, which renewed G^'bert, 
 his deposition and excommunication. On Palm 
 Sunday, 1084, Guibert was enthroned, and on Easter Day 
 he crowned Henry Emperor at St. Peter's. 
 
 Gregory sent from the castle of St. Angelo an urgent 
 appeal for help to Robert Guiscard. During the troubles 
 of the last few years, Robert's obligations to his 
 suzerain had weighed very lightly upon him, but man s come 
 Henry's invasion of Apulia and the certain ruin to el Gri j^ y ' 8 
 of the Normans in Naples if the Pope succumbed, 
 at last brought him to decided action. Hastily abandoning 
 his Greek campaign, Robert crossed over to Italy, and in May
 
 136 European History, 918-1273 
 
 advanced to the walls of Rome with a large and motley army, 
 in which the Saracens of Sicily were a prominent element. 
 Henry, who had no force sufficient to resist, quitted Rome, and 
 soon crossed the Alps. The Romans tried in vain to defend 
 their city from the Normans. After a four days' siege treason 
 Sack of opened the gates. Rome was ruthlessly sacked, 
 Rome. whole quarters were burned down, hideous mas- 
 sacres and outrages were perpetrated, and thousands of 
 Romans were sold as slaves. The Normans then marched 
 home. Gregory could not remain in the desolate city, and 
 followed them to Salerno. The Antipope kept his Christmas 
 amid the ruins of Rome, but soon abandoned the city for his 
 old home at Ravenna. Gregory now fell sick at Salerno. The 
 few faithful cardinals strove to console him by dwelling on the 
 Death of g reat work which he had accomplished. ' I set no 
 Gregory in store by what I have done,' was his answer. 'One 
 exile, 1085. thj n g on iy fiii s me w i tn h O p em i have always loved 
 
 the law of God and hated iniquity. Therefore I die in exile.' 
 He passed away on 25th May 1085. Less than two months 
 afterwards, Robert Guiscard died at Corfu. 
 
 For a year after Gregory's death, the Papacy remained 
 vacant. At last, in May 1086, the cardinals, profiting by the 
 Antipope's return to Ravenna, met at Rome and forced the 
 Papacy on the unwilling Desiderius, Abbot of Monte Casino. 
 The new Pope (who assumed the name of Victor HI.), was- a 
 Victor in., close friend of Gregory's and strongly attached to 
 1086-1087. his ideals. But he was too old and too weak to 
 take up Hildebrand's task, and three days after his election 
 he strove to avoid the troublesome dignity by flight to Monte 
 Casino. Next year he was with difficulty prevailed upon to 
 return to Rome to receive the tiara. But the partisans of 
 the Emperor and of the Countess Matilda fought fiercely for 
 the possession of Rome, and Victor again retreated to his 
 monastery, where death ended his troubles three days after 
 his return (i6th September 1087). Next time the cardinals 
 fixed upon a Pope of sterner stuff. Driven from Rome
 
 The Investiture Contest 137 
 
 by the Antipope, they made their election at Terracina on 
 1 2th March 1088. Their choice fell upon the son of a baron 
 of Champagne named Odo, who had lived long at Cluny as 
 monk and sub-prior, and then served the Roman Court as 
 cardinal-bishop of Ostia. Urban n. (this was urban n., 
 the title he took) was a man of ability and force 1088-1099. 
 of character, as ardent as Hildebrand for the Cluniac ideals, 
 but more careful of his means of enforcing them than the 
 uncompromising Gregory. He made closer his alliance 
 with the Normans, and, thanks to the help of Duke Roger, 
 Robert Guiscard's son and successor, was able to return to 
 Rome and remain there for some months. But the troops of 
 the Antipope still held the castle of St. Angelo, and Urban soon 
 found it prudent to retire. He mainly spent the first years of 
 his pontificate in southern Italy under Roger's protection. 
 
 Meanwhile, papalists and imperialists fought hard in 
 northern Italy. Germany was now tolerably quiet, and 
 Henry could now devote his chief energies to , 
 
 * Henry re- 
 
 Italy, which he revisited in 1090. But Urban visits Italy, 
 
 united the German with the Italian opposition to I09 - 
 the Emperor by bringing about a politic marriage between the 
 Countess Matilda and the young son of Welf or Guelf, Duke of 
 Bavaria, the Emperor's most powerful adversary in Germany. 
 Despite this combination, Henry's Italian campaigns between 
 1090 and 1092 were extraordinarily successful. Matilda's 
 dominions in the plain country were overrun, and her towns 
 and castles captured. But she held her own in her strong- 
 holds in the Apennines, rejected all compromise, and prepared 
 to fight to the last Henry met his first check when he was 
 driven back in disgrace from an attempted siege of Canossa. 
 
 The papalists were much encouraged by Henry's defeat. 
 Soon after they persuaded his son Conrad, a weak 
 and headstrong youth, to rise in revolt against prancorHa, 
 his father. Half Lombardy fell away from father Anti-caesar, 
 to son. Before the year was out, Conrad re- I093 " 
 ceived the Iron Crown at Milan, and Urban ventured back to
 
 138 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Rome. Worse was to follow. Henry's second wife, Praxedis of 
 Russia (Bertha had died in 1087), escaped from the prison 
 to which her husband had consigned her, and taking 
 refuge with the Countess Matilda, gave to the world a 
 story of wrongs and outrages that destroyed the last shreds 
 of the Emperor's reputation. In high glee at the progress 
 Urban's f his cause, Urban set out on a lengthened 
 Councils at progress that reminds us of the memorable tours 
 
 Piacenzaand * f T ... . . , . 
 
 ciermont, f Leo IX - After a long stay in Tuscany, he 
 x 95- crossed the Apennines early in 1095, anc ^ ne ^ a 
 
 great synod at Piacenza, at which the laws against simony and 
 married clerks were renewed, while the Empress publicly de- 
 clared her charges against Henry, and ambassadors from the 
 Eastern Emperor pleaded for help, against the growing power of 
 the Seljukian Turks. In the summer Urban crossed the Alps, 
 and remained for more than a year in France and Burgundy, 
 being everywhere received with extraordinary reverence. 
 In November 1095 he held a largely attended synod at 
 Ciermont in Auvergne. Not content with his quarrel with 
 the Emperor, he here fulminated excommunication against 
 Philip i. of France, on account of his adultery with Bertrada, 
 Countess of Anjou. But the famous work of the Council 
 The procia- f Ciermont was the proclamation of the First 
 mation of Crusade. Nothing shows more clearly the strength 
 cnisa'de, an d nature of the papal power than that this 
 1095. greatest result of the universal monarchy of the 
 
 Church should have been brought about at a time when all 
 the chief kings of Europe were open enemies of the Papacy. 
 Henry iv. was an old foe, Philip of France had been deliber- 
 ately attacked, and William Rufus of England was indifferent 
 or hostile. Bu{jn the eleventh century the power of even the 
 strongest kings counted for verylittle. What made the success 
 of Urban's endeavour was the appeal to the swarm of small 
 feudal chieftains, who really governed Europe, and to the 
 fierce and undisciplined enthusiasm of the common people, 
 with whom the ultimate strength of the Church really lay.
 
 The Investiture Contest 139 
 
 Flushed with his success at Clermont, Urban recrossed the 
 Alps in September 1096. Bands of Crusaders, hastening to 
 the East, mingled with the papal train as he . 
 
 * * Urban s 
 
 again traversed northern Italy. Rome itself now return to 
 opened its gates to the homeless lord of the Ital y> 1 9 6 - 
 Church. In 1097 Henry iv. abandoned Italy in despair. 
 He restored the elder Welf to the Bavarian duchy, Henr 
 and easily persuaded the younger Welf to quit abandons 
 his elderly bride, and resume his allegiance to Italy> I{>97> 
 the Emperor. Conrad was deprived of the succession, and 
 his younger brother Henry crowned king at Aachen on taking 
 an oath that he would not presume to exercise royal power 
 while his father was alive. 
 
 Urban was now triumphant, save that his Norman allies were 
 once more giving him trouble, and the castle of St. Angelo 
 was still held for the Antipope. He accordingly .. . n in 
 again visited southern Italy, and won over Count southern 
 Roger of Sicily, by conceding the famous privi- Italy> I098t 
 lege to Roger and his heirs that no papal legate should be 
 sent into their lands without their consent, but that the lords of 
 Sicily should themselves act as legates within their dominions. 
 In October 1098 the Pope held a synod at Bari, synodat 
 restored to Catholicism by the Norman conquest Bari - 
 in 1071. There, with a view to facilitating the Crusade, 
 the great point of difference between the Eastern and 
 Western Churches the Procession of the Holy Ghost was 
 debated at length. Among the prelates attending the council 
 was Anselm of Canterbury, exiled for upholding against 
 William Rufus the principles which Urban had asserted against 
 the Emperor and the King of France. Urban, who had 
 been politic enough not to raise up a third great king against 
 him by supporting Anselm, atoned for past neglect by the 
 deference he now showed to the ' Pope of the second 
 world.' As the council broke up, the good news came 
 that the castle of St. Angelo had at last been captured. 
 Urban returned to Rome and devoted himself to the work
 
 140 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of the Crusade. On 29th July 1099 he died suddenly. 
 It was his glory that the struggle of Pope and Emperor, 
 Death of which had absorbed all the energies of Gregory VIL, 
 Urban ii., sank during his pontificate into a second place. 
 Though he abandoned no claim that Gregory 
 had made, he had the good fortune to be able to put himself 
 at the head of crusading Europe, while his opponent shrank 
 into powerless contempt. Next year the Antipope followed 
 Urban to the grave. With Clement, the schism as a real force 
 died. Three short-lived Antipopes pretended to carry on his 
 succession until the death of the Emperor, but no one 
 took them seriously. With the flight of the last pretender in 
 1106, formal ecclesiastical unity was again restored. 
 
 Driven out of Italy by his rebel son, Henry iv. found 
 Germany equally indisposed to obey him. Both north and 
 south of the Alps, the real gainers in the long struggle had 
 been the feudal chieftains, and Germany, like Italy, was 
 Death of ceasing to be a single state at all. In noi the 
 Conrad, uoi. rebellious Conrad died at Florence, bitterly re- 
 gretting his treason. Henry's main object now was to restore 
 peace to Germany, and to effect a reconciliation with the 
 Patchai ii., Church. But the new Pope, Paschal n. (Rainerius 
 1099-1x18. O f Bieda, near Viterbo, elected August 1099), 
 renewed his excommunication, and was as unbending as his 
 predecessors. Before long Paschal was able to extend his 
 Revolt of the i 111 "^ 68 mto Germany, and in 1104 the young 
 young King King Henry raised the Saxons in revolt against 
 Henry, 1104. ^is father, and was recognised as king by the 
 Pope. But the Emperor had no spirit left for a fresh contest. 
 At Coblenz he threw himself at his son's feet, begging only 
 that his own child should not be the instrument of God's 
 vengeance on his sins. The young king asked for forgiveness, 
 and promised to give up his claims when his father was 
 reconciled with the Church. The Emperor trustfully dis- 
 banded his soldiers, and was promptly shut up in prison by 
 his twice-perjured son. On 3151 December 1105 he formally
 
 The Investiture Contest 141 
 
 abdicated at Ingelheim, and abjectly confessed his offences 
 against the Church. He was told that absolution could only 
 come from the Pope in person, and that ic was a boon that 
 he was allowed his personal freedom. He fled from Ingel- 
 heim to Cologne, where the goodwill of the citizens showed 
 him that he still had friends. From Cologne he went to 
 Aachen, and from thence to Lie*ge, whose bishop, Otbert, 
 supported him. The Duke of Lorraine declared himself for 
 him, and help was expected from Philip of France and 
 Robert of Flanders. Henry now declared that his abdica- 
 tion was forced on him, but offered any terms, compatible 
 with the possession of the throne, to get absolution from 
 the Pope. But on 7th August 1106 he died at Deathof 
 Lidge, before the real struggle between him and Henry iv., 
 his son was renewed. The enmity of the Church Ilo6> 
 grudged rest even to his dead body. The Bishop of Speyer 
 refused to allow the corpse of the excommunicate to repose 
 beside his ancestors in the stately church which he himself 
 had built, and for five years it lay in an unconsecrated chapel. 
 On 5th January 1106 Henry v. was crowned for the second 
 time at Mainz. The first months of his reign were disturbed 
 by his father's attempt to regain power. When Henry v., 
 he was at last undisputed King of Germany, he "6-" a 5- 
 found that his cold-blooded treachery had profited him very 
 little. The Investiture Contest was still unsettled. Between 
 1103 and 1107 Anselm of Canterbury, restored to his see by 
 William Rufus' death, had been carrying on a counterpart of 
 the contest with Henry i. of England. But the personal 
 animosities which had embittered the continental struggle 
 were absent, and the dispute did not, as abroad, involve 
 the larger questions of the whole relations of Church and 
 State. It was easy, therefore, to settle it by a satisfactory 
 compromise. Yet at the very moment when Henry had 
 agreed to lay aside investiture with ring and staff, the envoys 
 of Henry v. were informing Paschal that their master pro- 
 posed to insist upon his traditional rights in the matter.
 
 r 42 European History, 981-1273 
 
 The result was that the continental strife was renewed with 
 all its old bitterness. 
 
 For two years Henry was engaged in wars against Hungary 
 
 and Bohemia. In mo he resolved to visit Italy to receive 
 
 the imperial crown, and to re-establish the old rights of the 
 
 Empire. Besides a numerous army, he took with him ' men 
 
 of letters able to give reasons to all comers' for his acts, 
 
 among whom was an Irish or Welsh monk named David, 
 
 who wrote, at his command, a popular account of how the 
 
 king had gone to Rome to extract a blessing from the 
 
 Pope, as Jacob had extorted the angel's blessing. 1 He 
 
 found Italy too divided to offer effectual resistance. The 
 
 Countess Matilda was old, and Paschal was no great statesman 
 
 Henry's h'ke Gregory or Urban. Early in mi the king's 
 
 Roman army approached Rome. The Pope, finding that 
 
 'pasThai - ne i tner tne Romans nor the Normans would help 
 
 nounces the him, sent legates to Sutri to make terms. Even 
 
 rtesoft'he 1 " m n ' s su P reme distress he would not give up 
 
 church, lay investitures or freedom of elections; but he 
 
 offered to the king that if he would accept those 
 
 cardinal conditions of papal policy, he would renounce for 
 
 the Church all its feudal and secular property. It was a 
 
 bold or rash attempt to save the spiritual rights of the Church 
 
 by abandoning its temporalities, lands, and jurisdictions. 
 
 Henry naturally accepted an offer which put the whole landed 
 
 estates of the Church at his disposal, and reduced churchmen 
 
 to live on tithes and offerings their spiritual sources of 
 
 revenue. Only the temporalities of the Roman see were to 
 
 be excepted from this sweeping surrender. 
 
 On Sunday, 1 2th February, St Peter's church was crowded 
 
 to witness the hallowing of the Emperor by the Pope. Before 
 
 Tumult at ^ ceremonv began the compact was read, and 
 
 Henry 1 * the Pope renounced in the plainest language all 
 
 coronation, intervention in secular affairs, as incompatible 
 
 with the spiritual character of the clergy. A violent tumult at 
 
 1 See the life of David [d. (?) 1139], Bishop of Bangor, by the presenl 
 writer, in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xiv. pp. 115-117.
 
 The Investiture Contest 143 
 
 once arose. German and Italian bishops united to protest 
 vigorously against the light-heartedness with which the Pope 
 gave away their property and jurisdictions, while carefully 
 safeguarding his own. The congregation dissolved into a 
 brawling throng. The clergy were maltreated, and the sacred 
 vessels stolen. The coronation was impossible. The king 
 laid violent hands on Pope and cardinals, and the mob in the 
 streets murdered any Germans whom they happened to come 
 across. After three days of wild turmoil, Henry quitted the city, 
 taking his prisoners with him. After a short captivity, Paschal 
 stooped to obtain his liberty by allowing Henry to exercise 
 investitures and appoint bishops at his will. 'For the peace 
 and liberty of the Church,' was his halting excuse, ' I am com- 
 pelled to do what I would never have done to save my own life.' 
 In return Henry promised to be a faithful son of the Church. 
 On 1 3th April Paschal crowned Henry with maimed rites and 
 little ceremony at St. Peter's. Canossa was at last revenged. 
 Henry returned in triumph over the Alps, and solemnly 
 interred his father's remains in holy ground at Speyer. 
 
 Henry's triumph made a deep impression on Europe. The 
 blundering Pope had betrayed the temporal possessions 
 of the clergy, and the necessary bulwarks of Trium hof 
 the freedom of the spiritual power. The event Henry over 
 showed that there were practical limits even to Paschal - 
 papal infallibility. Paschal was as powerless to retreat from 
 the position of Hildebrand, as he had been to renounce the 
 lands of all prelates but himself. The clergy would not accept 
 the papal decision. In France a movement to declare the 
 Pope a heretic was only stayed by the canonist Ivo of Chartres 
 declaring that the Pope, having acted under compulsion, was 
 not bound to keep his promise. The Italians gladly accepted 
 this way out of the difficulty. Paschal solemnly 
 repudiated his compact. ' I accept,' he declared, repudiates 
 ' the decrees of my master, Pope Gregory, and of his con - 
 Urban of blessed memory ; that which they have 
 applauded I applaud, that which they have granted I grant, 
 that which they have condemned I condemn.'
 
 1 44 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Even in Germany Henry found that he had gained nothing 
 
 by his degradation of the Pope. The air was thick with 
 
 plots and conspiracies. His most trusted councillors became 
 
 leaders of treason. Adalbert, Archbishop of Mainz, 
 
 Conspiracies ,. ... .. f . . ' \ > 
 
 against his chief minister, formed a plot against him and 
 Henry in was imprisoned. The Saxons rose once more in 
 revolt under their new Duke Lothair of Supplin- 
 burg. Friesland refused to pay tribute. Cologne rose under 
 its Archbishop, and Henry found that he was quite unable 
 to besiege it successfully. The nobles who attended his 
 wedding with Matilda of England at Mainz, profited by 
 the meeting to weave new plots. Next year the citizens of 
 Mainz shut up the Emperor in his palace while he was 
 holding a Diet, and forced him to release their Archbishop. 
 
 Affairs in Italy were even more gloomy. In 1115 the 
 Countess Matilda died, leaving all her vast possessions to the 
 Death of the Holy See. If this will had been carried out, 
 Countess Paschal would have become the greatest temporal 
 ixx^'and of P ower m Italy. Henry therefore crossed the Alps 
 Paschal ii., in in6, anxious, if not to save Matilda's allodial 
 lands, to take possession of the fiefs of the Empire 
 which she had held. In 1117 Henry occupied Rome and 
 crowned his young English wife Matilda. Even in his 
 exile Paschal had not learnt the lesson of firmness. He 
 died early in 1 118, before he had even definitely made up his 
 mind to excommunicate Henry. 
 
 The new Pope, John of Gaeta, a monk of Monte Casino, 
 who took the name of Gelasius n., was forced to flee from 
 Geiasiusii. Rome as the Emperor was entering it. Henry 
 (1118.1119). now took tn e decisive step of appointing a Pope 
 of his own. Burdinus, Archbishop of Braga, was in some 
 fashion chosen by a few cardinals, and took the name of 
 The Anti- Gregory vm. Gelasius at once excommunicated 
 pope both Antipope and Emperor. He soon managed to 
 
 get back to Rome, whence, however, he was again 
 expelled by the malignity of local faction rather than the
 
 The Investiture Contest 145 
 
 influence of the Emperor. He now betook himself to Marseilles 
 by sea, and, after a triumphant progress through Provence and 
 Burgundy, held a synod at Vienne. On his way thence to 
 Cluny he was smitten with pleurisy, reaching the monastery 
 with difficulty, and dying there on i8th January 1119. 
 
 Guy, the high-born Archbishop of Vienne, was chosen 
 somewhat irregularly by the cardinals who had followed 
 Gelasius to Cluny. He had long been conspicuous as one of 
 the ablest upholders of Hildebrandine ideas in the dark days 
 of Paschal n. The son of William the Great, caiixtusii. 
 Count of imperial Burgundy (Franche-Comte"), (i"9-24)- 
 he was the kinsman of half the sovereigns of Europe. 
 He was, moreover, a secular (the first Pope not a monk 
 since Alexander n.), and accustomed to diplomacy and 
 statecraft. He resolved to make an effort to heal the 
 investiture strife, and with that object summoned a 
 council to meet at Reims. Henry himself was , 
 
 * Negotiations 
 
 tired of the struggle. He practically dropped his for a 
 Antipope, and gave a patient hearing to the agents settlement - 
 of the Pope, who came to meet him at Strasburg. These 
 were Hugh, Abbot of Cluny, and the famous theologian, 
 William of Champeaux, now Bishop of Chalons. The two 
 divines pointed out to Henry that the King of France, who 
 did not employ investiture, had as complete a hold over 
 his bishops as the Emperor, and that his father-in-law, Henry 
 of England, who had yielded the point, was still lord over 
 his feudal vassals, whether clerks or laymen. For the first 
 time perhaps, the subject was discussed between the two 
 parties in a reasonable and conciliatory spirit. Before the 
 king and the divines parted, it was clear that a compromise 
 on the lines of the English settlement was quite practicable. 
 
 On 2oth October 1119, Calixtus n. opened his council at 
 Reims. Louis vi. of France, who had married the Pope's 
 niece, was present, and the gathering of prelates council of 
 was much more representative than usual. Next Reims, 1119. 
 day the Pope went to Mouzon, a castle of the Archbishop 
 
 PERIOD II. K
 
 146 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of Reims, hoping to meet the Emperor. But their agents 
 haggled about details, and mutual suspicion threatened to 
 break off all chance of agreement. Deeply mortified, and 
 Breakdown without having seen the Emperor, Calixtus 
 of the went back to the council, where the old decrees 
 
 negotiations. a g a { ns t simoniacs and married clerks were re- 
 newed, and where a canon forbidding laymen to invest 
 a clerk with a bishopric or abbey was passed. But this 
 canon marked a limitation of the Pope's claim. While 
 Hildebrand had absolutely forbidden all lay investiture, 
 Calixtus was content to limit the prohibition to the in- 
 vestiture with the spiritual office. Yet, before the council 
 separated, the excommunication of Emperor and Antipope 
 was solemnly renewed. An agreement seemed to be further 
 off than ever. 
 
 No Pope ever stood in a stronger position than Calixtus 
 when in February 1120 he at last crossed the Alps. He was 
 _. . . , received with open arms by the Romans, and with 
 
 Triumph ot 
 
 Calixtus in more than ordinary loyalty by the Normans of 
 iuiy, nao. the SQUth The Antipope fled before him, and 
 was soon reduced to pitiful straits in his lasc refuge at Sutri. 
 At last he was captured, contemptuously paraded through 
 the Roman streets, and conveyed to prison, until, after peace 
 had been restored to the Church, he was released to end his 
 life obscurely in a monastery. 
 
 The Emperor saw that he had been too suspicious at 
 Mouzon, and again wished to retire with dignity from a con- 
 flict in which his prospects of complete triumph 
 
 Negotiations * 
 
 renewed, had long utterly vanished. Things were now 
 going better in Germany. In 1121 a Diet was 
 held at Wurzburg, at which Henry made peace with Adal- 
 bert of Mainz and the Saxon rebels. It was agreed to 
 refer the investiture question to a German council under 
 the Pope's presidency, and direct negotiations with Rome 
 were renewed. The Pope's words were now exceedingly 
 conciliatory. 'The Church,' he said, 'is not covetous of
 
 The Investiture Contest 147 
 
 royal splendour. Let her enjoy what belonged to Christ, and 
 let the Emperor enjoy what belonged to the Empire.' 
 
 On 8th September 1122 the council met at Worms. Cal- 
 ixtus, after some hesitation, did not attend himself, but sent 
 Lambert, Bishop of Ostia, as his legate. Lambert concordat of 
 was a citizen of Bologna, who had been arch- Worms, 1122. 
 deacon of his native town, and had learnt from its rival schools 
 of Canonists and Civilians [see pp. 217-220] the principles 
 involved in both sides of the controversy. He soon turned his 
 knowledge and skill to good account. The council lasted little 
 more than a week. The Emperor at first stood out for his rights, 
 but was soon persuaded to accept a compromise such as had 
 been suggested previously at Strasburg. On 23rd September 
 the final Concordat of Worms was ratified, which put an end 
 to the investiture strife. Two short documents, of three 
 weighty sentences each, embodied the simple conditions 
 that it had cost fifty years of contest to arrive at. ' I, 
 Henry,' thus ran the imperial diploma, 'for the love of God, 
 the holy Roman Church, and of the lord Pope Calixtus, and 
 for the salvation of my soul, abandon to God, the holy 
 Apostles Peter and Paul, and to the holy Catholic Church all 
 investiture by the ring and the staff, and I grant that in all 
 the churches of my Empire there be freedom of election and 
 free consecration. I will restore all the possessions and 
 jurisdictions of St. Peter, which have been taken away since 
 the beginning of this quarrel. I will give true peace to the 
 lord Pope Calixtus and to the holy Roman Church, and I 
 will faithfully help the holy Roman Church, whenever she 
 invokes my aid.' The papal diploma was even shorter. ' I, 
 Calixtus, the bishop,' said the Pope, ' grant to Henry, Emperor 
 of the Romans, that the elections of bishops and abbots in 
 the kingdom of Germany shall take place in thy presence 
 without simony or violence, so that if any discord arise, thou 
 mayst grant thy approbation and support to the most worthy 
 candidate, after the counsel of the metropolitan and his 
 suffragans. Let the prelate-elect receive from thee by thy
 
 148 European History, 918-1273 
 
 sceptre the property and the immunities of his office, and let 
 him fulfil the obligations to thee arising from these. In other 
 parts of the Empire let the prelate receive his regalia six 
 months after his consecration, and fulfil the duties arising 
 from them. I grant true peace to thee and all who have 
 been of thy party during the times of discord.' l 
 
 Less clear in its conditions than the English settlement, 
 the Concordat of Worms led to substantially the same result. 
 
 Character ^ e Emperor g ave U P tne f rm f investiture, 
 of the and public opinion approved of the temporal lord 
 
 compromise. no i on g er trenching on the domain of the spirit- 
 uality by conferring symbols of spiritual jurisdiction. But the 
 Emperor might maintain that, if he gave up the shadow, he re- 
 tained the substance. The Henries had not consciously striven 
 for mere forms, but because they saw no other method of re- 
 taining their hold over the prelates than through these forms. 
 The Pope's concessions pointed out a way to attain this end in 
 a way less offensive to the current sentiment of the time. As 
 bishops and abbots, spiritual men could not be dependent 
 on a secular ruler. As holder of fiefs and immunities, the 
 clerical lord had no more right to withdraw himself from his 
 lord's authority than the lay baron. By distinguishing between 
 these two aspects of the prelate's position, the Concordat 
 strove to give Caesar what was Caesar's and God what was 
 God's. The investiture question was never raised again. But 
 in its broader aspect the investiture question was only the 
 pretext by reason of which Pope and Emperor contended for 
 the lordship of the world, and sought respectively to trench 
 upon the sphere of the other. The Concordat of Worms 
 afforded but a short breathing-space in that controversy 
 between the world-Church and the world-State between the 
 highest embodiments of the spiritual and secular swords that 
 
 1 The text of the Concordat of Worms, and many other German 
 constitutional documents, can be studied in Altmann and Bernheim's 
 useful Aiugewdhlte Urkunden zur Verfatsungsgeschichtt Deutschlands im 
 MiUelalttr.
 
 The Investiture Contest 149 
 
 was still to endure for the rest of the Middle Ages. Con- 
 temporary opinion, unapt to distinguish between shadow and 
 substance, ascribed to the Papacy a victory even Practical 
 more complete than that which it really won. triumph of 
 After all, it was the Emperor who had to yield *" church - 
 in the obvious question in dispute. The Pope's concessions 
 were less clear, and less definite. The age looked upon the 
 Concordat as a signal triumph for the Roman Church. 
 Henceforth the ideals of Hildebrand became part of the 
 commonplaces of European thought. 
 
 Neither Henry nor Calixtus long survived the Concordat 
 of Worms. Calixtus died at Rome in December 1124, having 
 previously held a council in the Lateran, where D h f 
 the Concordat was confirmed, and a vast series Caiixtusii., 
 of canons drawn up to facilitate the establishment II24 * 
 of the new order of things. He strove also to restore peace 
 and prosperity in Rome, which had long lain desolate and 
 ruinous as the result of constant tumults. Short as was his 
 reign, it could yet be said of him that in his days there was 
 such peace in Rome that neither citizen nor sojourner 
 had need to carry arms for his protection. He had not only 
 made the Papacy dominate the western world ; it even ruled, 
 if but for a time, the turbulent city that so often rejected 
 and maltreated the priest whom all the rest of the world 
 revered. 
 
 Henry v.'s end was less happy. The war had taught him 
 that the real ruler of Germany was not himself but the 
 feudal aristocracy. He planned, in conjunction 
 
 .,,._,..,'. .' . . Last failures 
 
 with his English father-in-law, an aggressive attack a nd death of 
 on Louis vi. of France, but he utterly failed to Henry v. t 
 
 II25. 
 
 persuade his barons to abandon their domestic 
 feuds for foreign warfare. He fought one purposeless cam- 
 paign as the ally of England. In May 1125 he died on his 
 way back, at Utrecht, saddened, disappointed, and worn out 
 before his time. He is one of the most unattractive of 
 mediaeval Emperors. Cold-blooded, greedy, treacherous,
 
 1 50 European History, 9 1 8- 1 27 3 
 
 violent, ambitious, and despotic, he reaped no reward from 
 his treasons, and failed in every great enterprise he undertook. 
 Yet despite his constant misfortunes, the strong, hard char- 
 acter of the last Salian Emperor did something to keep up the 
 waning fortunes of the Empire, and the unity of the German 
 kingdom.
 
 CHAPTER VI 1 
 
 THE EASTERN EMPIRE AND THE SELJUKIAN TURKS 
 (9I2-I095) 1 
 
 The Macedonian Dynasty Constantine vil. and his Co-regents Condition 
 of the Eastern Empire in the Tenth Century The Conversion of the 
 Slavs Break-up of the Mohammedan East Period of Conquest and 
 Glory Nicephorus Phocas and John Zimisces The Russian War- 
 Basil n. and the Bulgarian War Decline of the Macedonian House 
 Zoe and Theodora Caerularius and the Schism of East and West Rise 
 of the Seljukians Contrast of Turks and Arabs Decline of the Eastern 
 Empire Manzikert Alexius Comnenus and his House The last phase 
 of the Eastern Empire. 
 
 SITUATED on the borderland that divided two civilisations, 
 the unchanging Eastern Empire represented the East to the 
 Latins and the West to the Arabs and Turks. During the 
 first half of the tenth century there was a strange Contrast 
 contrast between the East Roman state and the between the 
 rest of the world. In the West the Empire of E . aste f m - 
 
 pire and the 
 
 Charles the Great had fallen, and few could yet rest of the 
 see that a new order was gradually evolving out world - 
 of the chaos into which the world seemed plunged. In the 
 East the Caliphate had ceased to represent the political 
 unity of Islam. A process of strife and disintegration had 
 broken up the Mohammedan no less that the Latin world. 
 Between these two seething and troubled regions, the 
 
 1 The best English book on later Byzantine history is Finlay's History 
 of Greece, which covers the whole period. Oman's Byzantine Empire 
 ('Story of the Nations') is a readable summary. Gibbon's Decline 
 and Fall must always be consulted. Schlumberger's Un Empcrcur 
 byzantin au X' siecle, Nictphore Phocas, and L 1 Epopee byzantine a la fin 
 du X' siecle, present attractive aspects of the subject in a recent light. 
 
 161
 
 1 5 2 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 Empire of Constantinople lived on its quiet, self-contained, 
 stationary, orderly life. No vital dangers from without 
 threatened its existence. Catholics and Mohammedans were 
 alike too busy with their own affairs to make serious attacks 
 upon its boundaries. The long-lived dynasty of the Mace- 
 donians continued to rule over a state that had little history. 
 The inglorious calm bore witness to a standard of civilisa- 
 tion, order, and prosperity that, with all its faults, could 
 be found nowhere else in the world. 
 
 Basil the Macedonian had founded, in 867, the ruling 
 house, which was to reign at Constantinople for a hundred 
 The and ninety years. The long reign of his weak 
 
 Macedonian and pedantic son, Leo vi., the Philosopher (886- 
 dynasty. 9I2 ^ had atteste d t h e care and stability with 
 which Basil had laid the foundations of the new dynasty. 
 Under Leo's son Constantine VIL, Porphyrogenitus (912- 
 Constantine 959)> the same quietude that had marked Leo's 
 vii., 912-959. time continued with hardly a break. A boy of 
 seven when he was called to the throne, Constantine vn. 
 showed, as he grew up, such lack of firmness and practical 
 wisdom that his whole reign has been described as a long 
 minority. Co-regents did most of the work of governing. 
 For the first year his uncle, Alexander, Leo vi.'s brother, 
 acted as joint-emperor. For seven years after his death (913- 
 919) a commission of regency ruled, not too successfully, in 
 the name of the little Emperor. Severe defeats from Simeon, 
 king of the Bulgarians, made this rule unpopular. The grand 
 admiral Romanus Lecapenus now became successively the 
 prime minister, the father-in-law, the colleague, the master of 
 Romanus L, Constantine. In December 919 Romanus, already 
 919-945- Caesar, was crowned joint-emperor with his son-in- 
 
 law, and for twenty-five years he practically ruled the state as 
 he would. Though aged, weak, and incompetent, Romanus 
 managed to protect himself from numerous court conspiracies, 
 and hoped to secure the permanence of his influence by 
 associating three of his sons as colleagues in the Empire, and
 
 1 54 European History, 918-1273 
 
 procuring for another the patriarchate of Constantinople. 
 But the quarrels of sons and father gave the friends of 
 Constantine a chance of removing them all. The sons of 
 Romanus drove their father into a monastery. The outraged 
 public opinion of the capital involved the sons in the same fate. 
 In 945, when already nearly forty years old, Constantine vn. 
 became Emperor in fact as well as in name. 
 
 Constantine was a shy, nervous, studious man, who had 
 amused himself, during his long exclusion from power, by 
 Sole rule of dabbling in nearly every science and art. He 
 Constantine painted pictures, composed music, designed 
 vn., 945-959- churches, and wrote books on such different 
 subjects as agriculture, veterinary science, history, geography, 
 tactics, politics, and court etiquette. Weak and hesitating 
 though he was, his good nature, amiability, love of justice 
 and moderation made him a respectable ruler 
 the Empire for quiet times. Under him the consolidation 
 in the tenth o f ( ne imperial despotism, under the hereditary 
 rule of the Basilian house, was completed. The 
 suppression of the legislative power of the senate, and the 
 destruction of the old municipal system by Leo the Philosopher, 
 had removed the last barriers to the autocracy of the Emperor. 
 This despotism the well-drilled administrators carried out so 
 well on the traditional lines, that it was no great matter that 
 the Emperor himself was a bookish recluse. The Basilica, the 
 revised code of law in Greek, now assumed its final form, 
 and with the change which its introduction involved in the 
 language of the law courts and statutes, the Latin tongue 
 ceased to have any practical utility to the East Romans. 
 The works of Constantine give us a picture of the Empire of 
 his time. In his longest book he dwells with loving care on 
 the elaborate and pompous court etiquette which environed 
 the majesty of the Emperor, and struck awe into the hearts of 
 the barbarians. In a more summary manner he wrote ' On 
 the administration of the Empire,' and 'On the Themes 1 into 
 which it was divided. In the latter book he described not
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 155 
 
 merely the actual Empire, but districts like Sicily and Crete, 
 which had long fallen into the hands of the Saracen, or, like 
 the interior provinces of the Balkan peninsula, had been 
 absorbed by Slavs and Bulgarians. 
 
 Asia Minor was now the chief stronghold or the Eastern 
 Empire. The population had been recruited by Christian 
 refugees from the Mohammedan lands farther 
 
 ..... , 1.11, Asia Minor. 
 
 east, and had therefore become more decidedly 
 Oriental, but it was strenuous, industrious, and warlike. The 
 whole of the peninsula was included in the Empire, save the 
 south-eastern district of Cilicia between the Taurus and the 
 sea. But the loss of Tarsus was more than compensated for by 
 the inclusion of a larger portion of western Armenia within the 
 Empire, by reason of the Armenians, despite their obstinate 
 adherence to the Monophysite heresy, seeing in incorpora- 
 tion with the Empire their only chance of salvation from 
 Islam. In the Balkan peninsula the districts The Balkan 
 actually ruled by the Emperor were much less Peninsula, 
 extensive. The western and central parts were still ' Slavonia,' 
 and even the Peloponnesus was largely peopled by Slavonic 
 tribes, at best tributary, and often practically independent. 
 But the settlement of the Magyars in Pannonia (895) had 
 pushed the Bulgarians more to the south, and now not only 
 were the lands between Danube and Rhodope The 
 Bulgarian, but this nation encroached largely Bulgarians, 
 on the Slavs in the lands south of the Balkans. The result 
 left little for the Romans save long strips of coast territory. 
 Nowhere in Europe did their power penetrate far inland. 
 Adrianople was at best the border town of the Greeks. A 
 few miles inland from Thessalonica the Bulgarian rule began. 
 The Bulgarians separated the theme of Hellas, which included 
 Thessaly and the lands south down to Attica, from the themes 
 of Nicopolis and Dyrrhachium that crept along the coast of 
 Epirus. Scattered scraps of islands and coastlands in Dalmatia 
 almost connected the Empire with its Venetian dependency. 
 The theme of Cherson included the south coast of the
 
 156 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Crimea, but this outpost of Greek civilisation was hardly more 
 directly ruled from Constantinople than Venice itself. The 
 lesser islands were still Greek, but Cyprus alone of the great 
 islands remained under the Empire, and that was soon lost. 
 In south Italy there only remained the misnamed 
 theme of Lombardy, including the heel of the 
 boot, of which the capital was Bari, and the theme of Calabria, 
 cut off from its neighbour province by the Lombard princes 
 of Salerno, who held the low-lying grounds at the head of 
 the Gulf of Taranto. Such a widely scattered dominion was 
 hard to rule and harder to defend. But each theme was 
 under the government of a s/rategos, who subordinated the 
 civil to the military administration. A large standing army 
 of mercenaries largely Norsemen well drilled and equipped, 
 enabled the Greeks to cultivate their fields and carry on their 
 commerce in peace. The trade between east and west was 
 still entirely in Greek hands. Even an exhaustive fiscal system 
 could not cut off these sources of wealth. But if the Greek 
 Emperors taxed unwisely and unmercifully, they helped com- 
 merce by upholding the integrity of the coinage. The gold 
 Byzants of the Emperors were the common medium of ex- 
 change among merchants, and, amidst all the vicissitudes of 
 palace revolutions, were never seriously depreciated in value. 
 The manufactures of Greece still commanded the markets, 
 constant!- Constantinople was still the greatest city in the 
 nopie. world, and excited the astonishment of all the bar- 
 barians who visited it. Its administration, poor-law system, and 
 philanthropic organisations anticipated much that we are apt 
 to regard as exclusively modern. Liutprand, the Lombard 
 bishop, has left a record of the profound impression made on 
 him by its wonders. Even in the twelfth century, when its 
 splendours were somewhat decayed, it was still unique. The 
 Franks of the Fourth Crusade could not believe that there 
 was so rich a city, until they saw its high walls and strong 
 towers, gorgeous palaces, lofty churches, and vast extent 
 Though Thessalonica was also a famous place of trade, the
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 157 
 
 interests of the capital were becoming so great as to absorb 
 unduly those of the provinces. This was partly counteracted 
 by the growth of a great landholding aristocracy, which 
 approached the character of the feudal noblesse of the west, 
 save that it never attained any political influence over the cen- 
 tralised despotism of the Basileus. Nor were the Letters and 
 arts and literature forgotten. Constantine vn.'s Arts - 
 example was followed by a crowd of men of letters, and 
 the labour of compilers like Suidas have preserved for us 
 much of what we know of more ancient times. A new school 
 of romance writers showed more original genius. Painting, 
 architecture, and all the arts wonderfully revived. 
 
 Constantinople now became again a source of civilisation 
 to ruder peoples. The Servians and other Slavs called upon 
 its help to protect them from the terrible Simeon The Con _ 
 of Bulgaria. In the ninth century, Methodius version of 
 and Cyril had converted the Southern Slavs to tte Slavs - 
 Orthodox Christianity. In the tenth, Greek missions, radiat- 
 ing from the great monasteries on Mount Athos, secured the 
 Christianising of Bulgaria. In the next century, the distant 
 Russians received their faith from the same source. Thus 
 Slavonic Europe became for the most part Orthodox rather 
 than Catholic. Never was the influence of Constantinople 
 more widely felt than in carrying out this great work. 
 
 The restful if inglorious age of Leo the Philosopher and 
 Constantine Porphyrogenitus gave the Greek Empire time to 
 recruit its energies for the more stirring times of their suc- 
 cessors. From 959 to 1025 a period of conquest and military 
 glory followed upon the quiet times that we have described. 
 Before the change came over the spirit of the Eastern Empire, 
 the best chances of aggression in west and north had slipped 
 unnoticed away. During the reigns of Leo and Constantine, 
 the Saxon kings of the Germans were building up a great 
 state in Germany and Italy, and before long the growing 
 material prosperity of Italy was to raise up commercial rivals 
 who ultimately tapped the very springs of Byzantine trading
 
 158 European History, 918-1273 
 
 supremacy. The consolidated and Christianised states of the 
 barbarians on the north were less likely to send out bands of 
 conquerors and marauders, but were harder to conquer than 
 their heathen and savage fathers. But the east was sinking 
 into worse confusion than ever. The old political and religious 
 unity of Islam was a thing of the past. What spirit now re- 
 Changes in mained to the Mohammedan world was to be found 
 the Moham- in North Africa under the Fatimite Caliphs of 
 lst> Cairoan, or in Spain under the Ommeyad Caliphs 
 of Cordova, While these rebels and schismatics still showed 
 some remnants of the old conquering energy of Islam, the 
 orthodox Abbasside Caliphs of Bagdad were sunk in indolence 
 and decay. Their provinces successively revolted. The 
 Bowides, sons of a Persian fisherman, captured Bagdad in 
 945, and ruled Persia and lower Mesopotamia for more than 
 a century as the Emirs-ul-Omra of the puppets that they stili 
 allowed to pretend to act as successors of the Prophet. In 
 Egypt and southern Syria, the Ikshidites, a Turkish dynasty, 
 now established themselves. But the only Mohammedan 
 power that now actually met the Eastern Empire on its south- 
 eastern frontier was that of the Hamdanides, who about 930 
 occupied northern Mesopotamia and afterwards conquered 
 northern Syria and Cilicia. This dynasty split into two and 
 was represented by the Ameers of Aleppo and Mosul. The 
 new Mohammedan states were all the precarious creations of 
 adventurers' swords, and were generally at war with each other. 
 The divisions of the east gave the Emperors at Constanti- 
 nople the opportunity which their predecessors had neglected 
 Romanusii., in the west. Under the son and successor of 
 959-963- Constantine vn., Romanus n. (959-963), the work 
 
 of reconquest began. Crete since the ninth century had been 
 occupied by Spanish Moors, and had been the centre of 
 piratical attacks on Greek commerce, that had threatened the 
 Conquest of prosperity of the islands of the ^Egean and the 
 Crete. regularity of the food-supply of the capital. Even 
 Leo and Constantine had made feeble efforts to subdue the
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 159 
 
 corsairs, but their expeditions against Crete had been utter 
 failures. In 960 Romanus n. sent Nicephorus Phocas with 
 a strong force to atone for the blunders of his predecessors. 
 Within a year the capture of the Saracen stronghold of 
 Chandax brought about the complete conquest of the island. 
 The Saracens were enslaved or expelled, and missionary monks 
 soon succeeded in winning back the Greek population to the 
 faith of their fathers, which many had been forced to reject for 
 the religion of their conquerors. Nicephorus followed up this 
 great triumph by attacking the Hamdanad Ameer of Aleppo. 
 He crossed the Taurus into Cilicia, and in another spirited 
 campaign restored many strong places to the Empire. 
 
 In 963 Romanus n. was cut off prematurely, leaving his young 
 widow Theophano to act as regent for the two infant sons, 
 Basil ii. (963-1025) and Constantine vin. (963- Basil n., 
 1028) who now became joint-emperors. But the 9^3- Ioa 5, 
 
 , /. i V,, i j i ant * Constan- 
 
 tnumphs of Nicephorus Phocas had won him such tine vin., 
 a position that in a few months he associated 9 6 3-8- 
 himself with them in the Empire and married their 
 mother Theophano. By this ingenious combination of 
 hereditary succession with the rule of the successful soldier, 
 the quiet transmission of power was combined Nicephorus 
 with the government of the fittest. For six years Phocas, 
 Nicephorus Phocas (963-969) ruled the Empire in 963 " e69- 
 the name of his two step-sons and soon procured for them 
 new triumphs. His first measure was to improve the con- 
 dition of the army, and with this object he piled up new taxes, 
 and, almost alone among Greek Emperors, stooped to debase 
 the coinage. A fierce soldier in a nation of monks and mer- 
 chants, Nicephorus soon got into conflict with the Church, as 
 well as the trading class. He issued a sort of law of mortmain 
 to check the foundation of new monasteries, and Nicephorus' 
 kept important sees vacant to enjoy their revenues. m litar y 
 
 r r J J . reforms and 
 
 At last in his zeal for war against Islam, Nicephorus quarrel with 
 wished the Church to declare that all Christians the Church, 
 who died in war against the infidel were martyrs to the
 
 1 60 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 Christian religion. The Patriarch replied that all war was 
 unchristian, and that a Christian who killed even an infidel 
 enemy in war, deserved to be denied the sacraments. The 
 Emperor made himself hated by the mob of the capital by 
 suppressing the costly shows and amusements which the 
 court had hitherto provided for their diversion, while the 
 officials were scandalised at his disgust for the childish cere- 
 monies that hedged about his domestic life. Conscious of his 
 unpopularity, he fortified his palace and lived as much as he 
 could in the camp, where he enjoyed unbounded popularity 
 with the soldiers. 
 
 In a series of vigorous campaigns against the Ameer of 
 Aleppo, the Emperor sought to consolidate his former efforts 
 His con- as general by winning back all Cilicia and 
 quests. north Syria to the Empire. In 964 and 965 he 
 completed the conquest of Cilicia, sending the brazen gates 
 of Tarsus and Mopsuestia to adorn the imperial palace at 
 Constantinople. In 965 Nicetas, one of his generals, re- 
 conquered Cyprus. In 968 Nicephorus again took the field 
 and overran northern Syria. Aleppo, the residence of the 
 Ameer, was easily captured ; the Ikshidite realm, now on the 
 verge of dissolution, was overrun ; Damascus paid tribute to 
 avoid destruction ; and Antioch was captured by assault on 
 a snowy night in winter. 
 
 While thus occupied with the east, Nicephorus did not 
 neglect the west. He projected the famous marriage between 
 His western the future Emperor, Otto n. and Theophano, the 
 policy. daughter of Romanus n. and his own step-daughter 
 
 [see page 34], hoping thus to strengthen the Byzantine 
 power in south Italy. But the terms of the alliance were hard 
 to settle, and no agreement could be arrived at during Nice- 
 phorus' lifetime. Liutprand, Bishop of Cremona, sent to 
 negotiate the match, left Constantinople in disgust, and vented 
 his spleen in the famous, but not very flattering, account 
 of Constantinople and its court to which we have already re- 
 ferred. Soon hostilities broke out between Otto the Great
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 161 
 
 and Nicephorus in southern Italy, without any very permanent 
 results. Nicetas, the conqueror of Cyprus, failed signally 
 in an attempt to win Sicily from the Saracens. There were 
 wars with the northern barbarians that produced equally little 
 Effect. 
 
 Nicephorus was a brave soldier, sprung from a stock of 
 warlike Cappadocian landowners, who changed few of his 
 habits even on the throne. He was cultured enough to 
 write a book on the art of war, but he had neither the 
 policy or pliancy for the intrigues of a despotic Oriental 
 court. The uprightness he showed in preserving intact his 
 step-sons' position as Emperors met with an evil requital 
 from their mother. Theophano hated and feared her stern, 
 uncouth, unsympathetic husband. She conspired with her 
 lover, John Zimisces, nephew of Nicephorus, a dashing 
 cavalry soldier and the most capable of his captains. On the 
 night of loth December 969 the Empress's woman admitted 
 Zimisces and a select band of confederates into Conspiracy of 
 the castle. They found the Emperor sleeping on Theophano. 
 the floor after his soldier's fashion, and promptly stabbed him 
 to death. The murderers at once proclaimed John Zimisces 
 Emperor, and court and city aHke accepted the results of the 
 despicable intrigue that had robbed the Empire of its strongest 
 man. John i. Zimisces reigned from 969 to 976. j ohn r 
 The brutal treachery which gained him the throne Zimisces, 
 was somewhat atoned for by the energy and vigour 969 " 976 ' 
 he displayed in the possession of power. He was mean enough 
 to make Theophano the scapegoat of his crime, and, instead 
 of marrying her, shut her up in a monastery. After this he 
 did little that was not commendable. By way of penance 
 he devoted half his private fortune to the poor peasantry 
 round Constantinople and to building a great hospital for 
 lepers. Like Nicephorus, he studiously respected the rights 
 of his young' colleagues, the sons of Romanus n., and legiti- 
 matised his rule by wedding their sister Theodora. The 
 negotiations for the marriage of the other sister, Theophano, 
 
 PERIOD II. L
 
 1 62 European History, 918-1273 
 
 with Otto the Saxon were now resumed and completed 
 in 972, Theophano taking with her to Germany Byzan- 
 tine art and the temporary friendship of east and west. John 
 The Russian abandoned the civil administration to the dexterous 
 war - chamberlain Basilius, and soon found in the 
 
 Russian war an opportunity to revive the exploits of his uncle. 
 The valour of Rurik and his Vikings had, before this, united 
 the Slavs of the east into a single Russian state, of which the 
 centre was Kiev, and which, though constantly threatening 
 the Byzantine frontiers, had since the conversion of Olga, 
 baptized at Constantinople in the days of Constantine vii., 
 began slowly to assimilate Byzantine Christianity and civilisa- 
 tion. But Olga's son Sviatoslav (964-972) had refused to incur 
 the ridicule of his soldiers by accepting his mother's religion. 
 He was a mighty warrior who, in alliance with the Hungarians, 
 overran and conquered Bulgaria, and in 970 crossed the 
 Balkans and threatened Adrianople. In 971 John Zimisces 
 took the field against him, and a desperate campaign was 
 fought in the lands between the Danube and the Balkans. 
 Like true sons of the Vikings, the Russians fought on foot in 
 columns, clad in mail shirts and armed with axe and spear. 
 John's army was largely composed of heavy cavalry, and its 
 most efficient footmen were slingers and bowmen. In two 
 great battles at Presthlava and Dorystolum (Silistria), Russians 
 and Greeks fought under conditions that almost anticipate the 
 battle of Hastings, and in both cases the result was the same. 
 After long resisting the fierce charges of the Greek horsemen, 
 the close array of the Russians was broken up by a hail of 
 arrows and stones, and the lancers, returning to the charge, 
 rushed in and completed the discomfiture of the enemy. 
 After the second battle, Sviatoslav and the remnants of his 
 host stood a siege within Silistria, until a treaty was drawn up 
 by which they promised to go home, on being supplied with 
 enough corn to prevent them plundering by the way. For 
 the future, they were to renew the old commercial treaties 
 and leave the Empire in peace. Intercourse between Russia
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 163 
 
 and Constantinople was quickly renewed, and henceforth 
 Russian or Norse mercenaries, the famous Varangians, began 
 to form an important part of the imperial armies. Thus the 
 Empire was relieved from the pressure of her most dangerous 
 foe in the north, and again acquired the command of the 
 interior of the Balkan peninsula. Bulgaria, already conquered 
 by Sviatoslav, was reduced to obedience, while its titular king 
 lived as a pensioner at Constantinople. Flushed with these 
 brilliant successes, John again turned his arms against the 
 Saracens of Syria, who had won back many of Nicephorus' con- 
 quests, including Antioch. He reconquered Antioch, though 
 only with great difficulty ; his capture of Edessa prepared the 
 way for the occupation of the upper valley of the Euphrates ; 
 and many holy relics passed from Moslem to Orthodox custody. 
 In the midst of his triumphs John died suddenly in 976, 
 poisoned, it was said, by the crafty eunuch Basilius, who feared 
 that his wealth had excited the Emperor's jealousy. 
 
 Basil ii. (976-1025), the elder of Constantine vn.'s sons, was 
 now twenty years of age when, under the guidance of Basilius 
 he proceeded, after his brother-in-law's death, Basil n , s 
 to govern as well as reign. But the over- personal rule, 
 wealthy minister soon fell from power. Basil 97 ^ 1025 ' 
 soon showed the same austere Roman type of character as 
 Nicephorus Phocas, and became a brave soldier, a skilful 
 general, and a capable administrator. His chief object of 
 internal policy was the repression of the great landholding 
 families of Asia, which were the only barrier left against the 
 imperial despotism ; and, after a long struggle, he succeeded 
 in accomplishing their ruin. Under the legitimate Basilian 
 Emperor, the military glories of the fortunate adventurers were 
 fully continued. The great event of his long The Bulgarian 
 reign is the Bulgarian war. The occupation War- 
 of Bulgaria by John i. was too rapid to be permanent, and, 
 except in the lands between the Danube and Balkans, had 
 been merely nominal. Under a new Bulgarian king, named 
 Samuel, the unconquered regions of the west made a long
 
 1 64 European History, 918-1273 
 
 and determined effort for freedom. Even the Slavs the 
 chief inhabitants of these regions followed Samuel to the 
 field; and by fixing his capital first at Prespa and afterwards 
 at Ochrida, in the highlands bordering on Albania and 
 Macedonia, he threatened alike Dyrrhachium andThessalonica 
 Year after year, Samuel's motley following plundered and 
 devastated the rich plains of Thessaly and Macedonia. Even 
 in the north all the Greeks could do was to hold Silistria, 
 and a few fortresses, and keep a tight hold of the Balkan 
 passes. In 981 Basil first took the field in person, but 
 his early campaigns were but little successful. Samuel at last 
 invaded southern Greece ; but though he devastated the 
 Peloponnesus from end to end, he failed to capture any of the 
 larger cities (996). On his way back, he was surprised by 
 the Greek general Uranus, and escaped with infinite diffi- 
 culty and the complete destruction of his army. Basil now 
 took the offensive. In 1002 he captured Vidin, a triumph 
 that resulted in the gradual reconquest of Bulgaria proper. 
 But Samuel still held out long in the fastnesses of Mount 
 Pindus. Bit by bit Basil won back the hill castles that 
 were the centres of the Slavo-Bulgarian power. At last, in 
 1014, Basil gained a decisive victory, taking prisoner some 
 15,000 Bulgarians. The grim Emperor put out the eyes of 
 all his captives, save that he spared one eye to every 
 hundredth man, and sent the mutilated wretches back to 
 their king at Ochrida under the guidance of their one-eyed 
 leaders. Samuel, on seeing his subjects' plight, fell senseless 
 to the ground, and died two days later. His brave son 
 Gabriel continued the contest, but was soon murdered by his 
 cousin Ladislas, who usurped the throne. In despair Ladislas 
 took the bold step of besieging Dyrrhachium, hoping thus to 
 open communications with Basil's enemies beyond sea ; but 
 he perished in the siege, and with him fell the last hopes 
 of the kingdom of Ochrida. In 1018 the work of conquest 
 was completed, and Basil celebrated his victory by a splen- 
 did triumph at Constantinople. The populace greeted the
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 165 
 
 relentless conqueror with the surname of c Slayer of the Bul- 
 garians ' [/^ovAyapoKTovos], Basil then turned his arms against 
 the Armenians, but his success in pushing forward his eastern 
 frontier at the expense of a Christian kingdom did not atone 
 for the impolicy of weakening a natural ally against the 
 Mohammedans. Conscious perhaps of this, he prepared to 
 divert his arms against the infidel by a new expedition to 
 Sicily. Death overtook him in the midst of his preparations, 
 when he was sixty-eight years old, and had reigned for sixty-two 
 years. No Emperor since Justinian had succeeded so well in 
 enlarging the bounds of the Empire. But with him expired 
 all the glories of the Macedonian dynasty. 
 
 Basil n. left no son, and his brother Constantine vm. 
 (1025-1028) therefore became sole Emperor. Though 
 nominal Emperor since 963, Constantine had c 
 
 Sole rule of 
 
 never taken any real part in political affairs, and Constantine 
 
 he was now too old and careless to change his VIII - 
 
 1025-1028. 
 habits. He lived like an Oriental despot, secluded 
 
 in his palace, amusing himself with musicians and dancing- 
 girls, while six favourite eunuchs of the household relieved 
 him from all cares of state. Great indignation was excited 
 among the nobles, but Basil n. had humbled them too 
 thoroughly for them to take any effective action. However, 
 Constantine died in 1028, before he could do much harm. 
 He was the last man of the Macedonian house, and his only 
 heirs were his daughters Zoe and Theodora, under whose 
 weak and contemptible rule the Basilian dynasty came to an 
 end. 
 
 From 1028 to 1054 the husbands and dependants of Zoe 
 governed the Byzantine Empire. First came Romanus in. 
 (1028-1034), to whom she had been married Zoeandher 
 at her father's deathbed. But Zoe was hard, husbands, 
 greedy, and self-seeking, and allowed her hus- f us IIL> 
 band little real share of power. On his death 
 she married a handsome young courtier, Michael iv. the 
 Paphlagonian (1034-1041), who, though an epileptic invalid,
 
 1 66 Eu ropean History, 918-1273 
 
 did good work against the Saracens before his early death 
 in 1041. His brother John the Orphanotrophos [minister 
 Michael iv., of charitable institutions], a monk and a eunuch, 
 1034-1041. w ho had procured Michael's marriage, con- 
 ducted the internal government with great dexterity and cun- 
 ning, but the time of his rule marks an epoch of deterioration 
 in Byzantine finance. By constantly increasing the taxes, and 
 devising more arbitrary and oppressive methods for their 
 collection, he did much to sap the foundations of the indus- 
 trial supremacy of the Empire. 
 
 It was thought necessary always to have a male Emperor. 
 When Michael iv. died, Zoe, already more than sixty years of 
 Michael v., age, took three days to decide whether she 
 1041-1043. should wed a third husband or adopt a son. 
 She chose the latter course ; but Michael v. (1041-1042), 
 nephew of Michael iv., whom she raised to this great posi- 
 tion, speedily proved ungrateful and unworthy, and was 
 deposed, blinded, and shut up in a monastery. Having 
 Constantino failed with her son, Zoe chose as her third husband 
 ix., 1043-1054. Constantine Monomachus (an hereditary sur- 
 name), who was soon crowned as Constantine ix. (1042-1054). 
 The new Emperor was an elderly profligate, who had only 
 consented to wed Zoe on condition that his mistress should 
 be associated with her in the Empire. Their rule was 
 most disastrous. It saw the expulsion of the Greeks from 
 Italy by the Norman conquest of Apulia and Calabria. It 
 saw the consummation of the fatal policy of weakening 
 Armenia, at a moment when the rise of the Seljukian Turks 
 was again making Islam aggressive. It witnessed the 
 impolitic imposition of taxes on the eastern subjects and 
 vassals, who had hitherto defended the frontiers with their 
 swords, but who henceforth were discontented or mutinous. 
 It saw the final consummation of the schism of Eastern and 
 Western Churches. 
 
 The Synod of Constantinople in 867 [see Period i., pp. 
 453-4], following upon the quarrel of Pope Nicholas i. and
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 167 
 
 the Patriarch Photius, had already brought about the open 
 breach of the Orthodox East and the Catholic West. Despite 
 new rivalries between the Greek and Latin missions The Schism 
 to the Slavs and Bulgarians, efforts had been fthe 
 
 , r . . , , , . . , Eastern and 
 
 made from time to time to heal the schism, and western 
 Basil ii. negotiated with Rome, hoping to Churches. 
 persuade the Pope to allow ' that the Church of Constanti- 
 nople was oecumenical within its own sphere, just as the 
 Church of Rome was oecumenical throughout Christendom.' 
 But in 1053 Michael Caerularius, the Patriarch of Constanti- 
 nople foolishly shut up the Latin churches and convents and 
 wrote to the Latin bishops, bitterly reproaching them with 
 their schismatic practices, and taking new offence in the Latin 
 use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist. Mutual excom- 
 munications followed, and, at the very moment when Christen- 
 dom had most need of union, the schism of East and West 
 became inveterate. 
 
 Zoe died in 1050, and Constantine ix. in 1054. On his 
 death, Zoe's sister Theodora, the last of the Macedonians, 
 became Empress. Though old, she was strong Theodora, 
 and vigorous, and her long incarceration in a I0 54->57' 
 cloister gave her monastic virtues that contrasted strangely 
 with the dissolute habits of Zoe. During her reign of three 
 years the Empire enjoyed at least peace and repose. Her 
 death in 1057 ended not ingloriously the famous dynasty 
 that had since the days of Basil i. held the imperial throne. 
 A new period of trouble now sprang from disputed succes- 
 sions and weak Emperors, at a time when the growth of the 
 Seljukian power threatened the very existence of the Empire. 
 
 The Turkish or Mongol tribes of Central Asia had long 
 troubled from time to time the tranquillity of Europe. Among 
 them were Attila and his Huns, but these fierce RiBe of the 
 marauders passed away without leaving any 
 
 permanent traces of their influence. Of the 
 
 same stock were the Magyars, who, in 895, finally settled in 
 
 Pannonia, and the Bulgarians, who, as we have seen, had
 
 1 68 European History, 918-1273 
 
 even earlier taken possession of a large part of the Balkan 
 peninsula. But the Magyars and Bulgarians by accepting 
 Christianity made themselves permanent members of the 
 European commonwealth. While Mongolian invasions such 
 as these disturbed from time to time the peace of eastern 
 Europe, similar invasions had terrified all the civilised nations 
 of Asia as far as the Chinese frontier. But it was the 
 Caliphate in its decline that began to stand in the most 
 intimate relations with the Turks. The growing anarchy of the 
 Arab Empire offered to the Turks a career as mercenaries, 
 and a field for plunder and devastation. As the reward 
 of their services, the Caliphs gave them what they could 
 conquer from the Christians on the eastern frontiers of 
 the Empire. A large Turkish immigration soon peopled the 
 marches of the Caliphate with the fierce warriors from the 
 north. As the Caliphs declined in power, the Turkish condot- 
 tieri chieftains grew discontented with their pay, and set up 
 military despotisms on their own account. Many of the 
 petty states that grew out of the dissolution of the Caliphate 
 had, like the Ikshidites in Syria, Turkish lords, and were kept 
 together by Turkish arms. Early in the eleventh century 
 the period of transition was over. The Turks became 
 converts to Islam, and religious enthusiasm bound together 
 their scattered tribes and directed their aims. A great 
 Turkish invasion plunged all Asia in terror. In the extreme 
 east Turks or Tartars established at Peking a Manchurian 
 kingdom for northern China (1004). In the very same 
 year, Mahmoud of Ghazni set up a great Turkish state in 
 Afghanistan and India. A generation later, the Turks of the 
 house of Seljuk began to threaten the thrones of western Asia. 
 The fame of Seljuk, the founder of a united Turkish 
 state in Central Asia, is almost mythical. Under his son, 
 the Seljukian house became great by crossing the Oxus 
 and effecting the conquest of Khorassan. Under his 
 grandson Togrul Beg, the Seljukians became the greatest 
 power in Asia. Togrul first broke up the power of the
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 169 
 
 descendants of Mahmoud of Ghazni, and then attacked the 
 Bowides, and conquered Persia. In 1055 he crowned his 
 career by the occupation of Bagdad, where he was welcomed 
 as the deliverer of the phantom Caliphs from the tyranny 
 of their Bowide Ameers, and was solemnly invested by them 
 with their temporal power. Henceforth Togrul, the Sultan of 
 East and West, posed as the defender of the faith, and the 
 protector of the successor of Mohammed. 
 
 After the conquest of Bagdad, Togrul Beg attacked Armenia 
 and threatened the Byzantine frontiers. He died in 1063, 
 and in the very next year Alp Arslan, his nephew and suc- 
 cessor (1063-1072), completed, by the capture of Ani, the 
 capital, the subjugation of the unhappy Armenians. The 
 Georgians were next enslaved ; and, master of the Christian 
 outposts of the East Roman realm, Alp Arslan turned his 
 arms against the Empire itself. 
 
 The occupation of the rich plains of Asia in no wise 
 changed the character of the Turks. They remained as they 
 had ever been, soldiers and nothing more. Their old religions 
 had died away as they came into contact with Islam, and in 
 embracing the Mohammedan faith they obtained religious 
 sanction for their ferocity and greed. But they never, like 
 the Arabs, entered into the spiritual side of the faith. They 
 rather received and retained the new religion, as a faithful 
 soldier keeps the word of command of his general. They 
 had no eyes for the brilliant fascination of Arab civilisation, 
 such as was at that very time attaining its highest perfection in 
 Mohammedan Spain. They appropriated what had gone be- 
 fore, but they never assimilated it or added anything of their 
 own. The statecraft of the Arabs had no more attraction for 
 them than the poetry, the romance, the lawgiving, the archi- 
 tecture, or the busy commercial life of Semitic 
 Asia. When they had conquered they carelessly between 
 stood aside, and contemptuously allowed their Turks and 
 vassals to live on their old life, save when, in occa- 
 sional fits of fury, they taught that they were masters by hideous
 
 1 70 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 violence or promiscuous massacres. But their hardiness won 
 An easy triumph over the soft and effeminate Arabs, and was 
 soon to win fresh laurels at the expense of the lax and corrupt 
 Christians of the East. It was a day of ill omen for East and 
 West alike when the capture of Bagdad made the Turkish 
 soldier the type of Mohammedan conquest. In the cen- 
 turies when the Arab was the typical representative of 
 Islam, the desolation of Africa and Syria showed how 
 great were the evils that followed in the wake of Moham- 
 medan conquest of Christian lands. But in East and West 
 alike the triumphs of the Turk were unmixed evils, and the 
 strife of East and West assumed a new aspect when a bar- 
 barous and unteachable soldier, mighty only in destruction, 
 became the chief agent of Eastern advance. It was no 
 longer the continuance of the struggle between Eastern and 
 Western civilisation that was as old as Marathon. Hence- 
 forth it was a strife between the only possible civilisation and 
 the most brutal and hopeless barbarism. Yet the superior 
 military efficiency of the Turk put an irresistible weapon into 
 his hands. Since the days of Leo the Isaurian and Charles 
 Martel, the relations of the Eastern and Western worlds had 
 been almost stationary. A new wave of Eastern aggression 
 now set in, to be followed in its turn by a period of Western 
 retaliation. The Seljukian attacks on Armenia and the 
 Empire brought about the Nemesis of the Crusades and the 
 Latin kingdoms of the East. 
 
 The period of revolution and confusion that had followed 
 the extinction of the Basilian dynasty made the Empire little 
 Decline of a ^ e to res ' st tne Turkish assault It is as weari- 
 the Eastern some as unprofitable to tell in any detail of the 
 Empire. purposeless palace intrigues and provincial revolts, 
 that set up and pulled down Emperors in the dreary years 
 that followed the death of Theodora. The first successor of 
 Michael vi. tne ^ ast ^ tne Macedonians was of her own 
 I0 57- designation. Michael vi., surnamecl Stratioticus 
 
 (1057), was an aged and incompetent soldier, who within a
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 171 
 
 year succumbed to a revolt of the Asiatic nobles, who seated 
 on the throne one of the most powerful of their Isaac x 
 number, Isaac i., Comnenus (1057-1059), but the Comnenus, 
 hopes excited by him were rudely dispelled by I057 " IQ59> 
 a disease that drove him into a monastery to die. Another 
 great Cappadocian magnate, Constantine x., Constantino 
 Ducas (1059-1067), was now made Emperor, x., Ducas, 
 He was a pettifogging financier, who dis- X 59 ' lo6 7- 
 banded part of his troops and disheartened the rest by 
 miserable and disastrous economies. In his reign the 
 Seljukian assaults first became formidable. On his death in 
 1067, his widow Eudocia acted as regent for their Michael vn., 
 son, the boy Emperor Michael vn. (1067-1078). 1067-1078. 
 Eudocia chose a second husband and co-regent in Romanus 
 Diogenes (1068-1071), a Cappadocian noble, who ua 1V 
 
 had won a high reputation for brilliancy as Diogenes, 
 a soldier, but lacked the prudence and policy 10681071 ' 
 necessary to a general. Romanus at once took the field 
 against the Seljukian hordes, who were now devastating 
 Cappadocia with fiendish cruelty, and had just captured 
 Caesarea and plundered the shrine of St. Basil. But the 
 heavy Greek cavalry, with their formal drill and slow tradi- 
 tional tactics, were only a poor match for the daring valour 
 and rapid movements of the swift light horse that constituted 
 the chief strength of the Turkish army. At first Romanus 
 won easy triumphs as the scattered bands of marauders 
 retreated before his troops, without risking a battle. Alp 
 Arslan changed his plans and lured Romanus into the 
 Armenian mountains, where he was suddenly attacked by 
 the whole Seljukian power. 
 
 The decisive battle was fought in 1071 at Manzikert, an 
 Armenian town, to the north of Lake Van, which the Sultan 
 had captured in 1070, and which Romanus now B attieof 
 sought to reconquer. The Emperor had already Manzikert, 
 many difficulties from the mixed army of merce- 
 naries, that had no heart for the cause and a strong dislike to
 
 172 European History, 918-1273 
 
 discipline. With great impolicy he divided his army, and 
 marched with but a fraction of it against Manzikert. The 
 city was soon retaken, but by this time the whole force of 
 the Seljuks had drawn near. It was the first pitched battle 
 between Turks and Greeks, and, having misgivings of the result, 
 Alp Arslan showed some willingness to treat. But Romanus 
 impatiently prepared for battle. The fight was long and 
 fierce, until at last the bad tactics of the Emperor and the 
 treachery of some of his generals gave the Turks a hardly 
 won victory. The Greek army was destroyed, and Romanus 
 was wounded and made prisoner. The defeat is the turning- 
 point of Byzantine history. The hardy mountaineers of 
 Cappadocia were unable to hold out much longer. With the 
 loss of the land which had given birth to Nicephorus and 
 Zimisces, to the Comneni, the Ducasii, and to Romanus 
 himself, the best part of the Empire surrendered to barbarism. 
 Within a few years all the interior of Asia Minor had become 
 Turkish. In the very year of Manzikert, the capture of 
 Bari by the Normans cut off the last town that had been 
 faithful to the East Romans in Italy. 
 
 Alp Arslan magnanimously allowed Romanus Diogenes to 
 ransom himself from captivity, but the discredited soldier 
 only returned to Constantinople to be dethroned and im- 
 prisoned by John Ducas, uncle of Michael VH. His eyes 
 were put out so roughly that he died a few days later. With 
 him perished the last of the heroes of the Eastern Empire. 
 Confusion and weak rule at Constantinople facilitated the 
 Turkish advance. Many provinces revolted, and famine 
 followed in the train of war. What revenue still flowed in was 
 spent upon court luxuries and popular games. The Turks burnt 
 the Asiatic suburbs of the capital, and in 1074 Michael VH. 
 made a treaty with Suleiman, the general of Malek Shah, 
 who had now succeeded Alp Arslan, by which he conferred 
 on him the government of all the imperial provinces which 
 were actually in his possession. Suleiman established himself 
 at Nicaea, the most westerly of his conquests, and soon
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 173 
 
 assumed the state of an independent prince. In 1078 Michael 
 was dethroned, and meekly abandoned the Empire for the 
 bishopric of Ephesus. His supplanter, Nice- Nicephorus 
 phorus in. (1078-1081), was the most brutal, in., 1078-1081. 
 lustful, and helpless of all the Emperors of this miserable 
 time. Rebellions burst out on every side. At last Alexius 
 Comnenus, a shrewd and wily soldier, whose sword had long 
 protected the Emperor from other rebels, became a rebel 
 himself. The army declared for him and chose him Emperor, 
 and the treachery of some German mercenaries admitted him 
 and his troops into the capital, which was brutally sacked. 
 Nicephorus was driven into a monastery, and Alexius reigned 
 in his stead. 
 
 With the new Emperor the worst troubles were over. 
 Some sort of hereditary succession reappeared, and the Com 
 nenian dynasty long occupied the throne of the A i e3dU8 
 Eastern Empire. But the Empire was reformed Comnenus, 
 on a narrower and less heroic mould. The ability x 
 of Alexius was partly seen in his energy; but subtlety and 
 deceit, which often took the shape of self-defeating cunning, 
 were his favourite weapons, and in his dexterous The Com . 
 pursuit of personal and family aims, he often lost 
 sight of broader issues. It was characteristic of 
 the later age of the Byzantine Empire that the tiontothe 
 founder of the new house should have the dis- * ' 
 
 similar characteristics of courage and craft, and Roman 
 that Alexius' literary daughter, Anna Comnena, in 
 eulogising her father's exploits, regards his courage and craft 
 as equally laudable. With him we enter that latest stage of 
 East Roman history to which the term 'Byzantine' may not 
 unreasonably be applied as a term of reproach, and which 
 perhaps justifies the contempt with which Gibbon and the 
 older writers regarded all stages of East Roman history. The 
 Empire became more ' Greek ' in the narrower sense, and 
 with its restricted limits became in a sense stronger by 
 being more national and less cosmopolitan. But it lived a
 
 1 74 European History, 918-1273 
 
 smaller, meaner life. Henceforth it stood on the defensive, 
 equally afraid of the Turk in the east and the Frank in 
 the west. Its territory gradually fell away, its civilisation 
 became as stereotyped as that of China, its Church more 
 superstitious and ignorant, its people more slavish and de- 
 graded. It is no small praise to Alexius and his successors 
 that they had the skill to keep some sluggish life in the inert 
 mass, and, amidst the greatest difficulties, offer a brave and 
 constant resistance for two more centuries to the greatest foes 
 of civilisation that the world has seen in modern days. 
 
 At home, the first years of Alexius' reign were occupied in 
 
 putting down the nobles and restoring the centralised despotism 
 
 Alexius of the Macedonians. A whole series of rebellions 
 
 and the was successfully suppressed, and order was restored 
 
 even to the finances, though at the price of an 
 
 unwonted depreciation of the currency that further imperilled 
 
 the declining trade of the Greeks. Another trouble was found 
 
 in the growth of the fantastic heresies of the Paulicians and 
 
 Bogomilians, which Alexius stamped out with the rigour of a 
 
 monk. Meanwhile, Alexius fought hard against the Seljukian 
 
 Turks, and for the time prevented their further advance. But 
 
 the death of Malek Shah in 1092, and the struggles of his 
 
 children for the succession, did more to remove the terror of 
 
 Turkish conquest than the arms and diplomacy of Alexius. 
 
 Alexius had also to fight against the Slavs, and the Patzinaks 
 
 of the north, and to face grave trouble from the west With 
 
 the conquest of Bari in 1071, Robert Guiscard and his 
 
 Alexius Normans had absorbed the last of the Byzantine 
 
 and Robert dominions in Italy. Robert now resolved to cross 
 
 GuUc*rd. the straits of Otranto and win fresh booty and 
 
 dominions from a foe that, since Manzikert and Bari, seemed 
 
 predestined to speedy destruction. Only fifteen years before, 
 
 William the Norman had crossed the English Channel and 
 
 won a great kingdom from a warlike usurper. In 1081 
 
 another Norman duke crossed another narrow strait, and 
 
 sought to win the crown and kingdom of another successful
 
 The Eastern Empire and the Seljukian Turks 175 
 
 soldier- prince. Robert laid siege to Dyrrhachium [Durazzo], 
 the chief centre of the Byzantine power on the Adriatic, 
 and Alexius hastened to its succour. The bad generalship 
 of the Greeks made easy the victory of the invaders. The 
 Varangian heavy-armed infantry of the imperial guard vigor- 
 ously withstood for a time the charge of the feudal cavalry 
 from the west. But as at Hastings the Norman archers broke 
 up the enemy's ranks, so that the best troops of Alexius were 
 defeated before the rest of the Greek army could take the 
 field. These latter were soon put to flight, and Alexius rode 
 off from the scene of his defeat. Dyrrhachium surrendered, 
 and the Normans crossed the mountains into Macedonia 
 and Thessaly. Italian politics [see pages 135-136] took Robert 
 back to Italy, but his son Bohemund efficiently filled his 
 place. Alexius now called upon his cunning to remedy the 
 disasters that had arisen from his courage. By avoiding 
 general engagements and carrying on a destructive petty 
 warfare, he managed to wear out the Normans. In 1084 he 
 brilliantly raised the siege of Larissa, and Bohemund returned 
 to Italy. In 1085 the death of Robert Guiscard relieved 
 Alexius of any immediate fear of Norman aggression. 
 
 The war with the Normans had taught the Eastern Empire 
 to know and to fear the warriors of the West. Within ten 
 years of the end of the struggle with the Guiscards, The appeal 
 Alexius sent envoys to the West imploring Latin for Western 
 help against the Turks, and in 1095 his ambas- e p ' 
 sadors appeared before Urban n. Before long, East and 
 West seemed likely to unite to urge a holy war against the 
 Turks. With the preaching of the First Crusade a new epoch 
 set in for the Byzantine Empire.
 
 176 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 GENEALOGY OF THE MACEDONIAN DYNASTY. 
 
 BASIL I., the Macedonian. 
 (867-886). 
 
 ROMANUS Lecapenus, m. a. ZOE= i. m. LEO VI.. the Philosopher ALEXANDER 
 (9I9-945,). (886-912). (9"-9*3)- 
 
 CONSTANTINE VII.. Porphyrogenitus 
 (913-959). 
 
 ROMANUS II., m. i. Theophano a. m. NICEPHORUS Phocas 
 
 (959-963). 
 
 (963-969). 
 
 1 
 
 THEOPHANO 
 m. Otto II. 
 
 m. 
 
 BASIL II. CONSTANTINE VIII. 
 (963-1025). (063-1028). m. 
 
 1 
 THEODORA 
 JOHN Zimiscei 
 (969-976). 
 
 ZOE(d. 1050). 
 (i) ROMANUS III. 
 
 THEODORA 
 (1054-1056). 
 
 (1028-1034). 
 
 (2) MICHAEL IV. 
 
 (1034-1041). 
 
 (3) CONSTANTINE IX. 
 
 (1042-1054).
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE EARLY CRUSADES 
 AND THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM (1095-1 187) l 
 
 Early Pilgrimages to Palestine The Turkish Conquest Causes of the 
 Crusades Urban II. and the Council of Clermont Leaders of the First 
 Crusade Alexius and the Crusaders Results of the Crusade Organi- 
 sation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and its dependent States The 
 Military Orders Rise of the Atabeks Fall of Edessa The Second 
 Crusade Decline of the Kingdom of Jerusalem Power of Saladin Fall 
 of Jerusalem. 
 
 THE piety of the Middle Ages, ever wont to express its spiritual 
 emotions in concrete shape, had long found in pilgrimages 
 to holy places a favourite method of kindling its Earl 
 religious zeal and atoning for past misdeeds. Of Pilgrimages 
 all pilgrimages, the most meritorious was that to the *" Palestine - 
 sacred spots where Christ had lived His earthly life and where 
 the Christian faith first arose. From the days of St. Jerome, 
 Jerusalem was the chief centre of holy travel ; and from the 
 days of Helena, the mother of Constantine, faithful Christians 
 had sought to identify and consecrate the exact places of the 
 Lord's birth, suffering, and resurrection. A great Christian 
 
 1 The best short book on the Crusades in English is Archer and 
 Kingsford's The Crusades ('Story of the Nations'). Kugler, Geschichte 
 der Kreuzziige (Oncken's Series), is a fuller but dry survey of the whole 
 subject H. von Sybel's History and Literature of the Crusades (trans- 
 lated from the German) is one of the earliest of modern critical works. Mr. 
 Archer's article in the English Hist. Review, iv. 89-105, determines some 
 points. Gibbon's Chapters LVIII. andux. should always be read. Rohricht's 
 Geschichte des Konigreichs Jerusalem is invaluable for the internal history. 
 
 PERIOD II. M
 
 178 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Basilica, built by Helena's pious care, marked the site of the 
 Holy Sepulchre, and men believed that divine agency had led 
 to the discovery of the True Cross on which Jesus had suffered. 
 As long as the Roman Empire remained in its integrity, pilgrim- 
 ages to the Holy Land were safe and easy. Even the conquest 
 of Syria by the Caliph Omar did not make them impossible. 
 A noble mosque the mosque of Omar was built on the site 
 of the Jewish Temple, but the custody of the Holy Sepulchre 
 and the other sacred spots remained in Christian hands, and 
 the places themselves were treated with respect and reverence 
 by the tolerant Arabs, to whom Jerusalem was a city as vener- 
 able as to the Jew or Christian. All through the early Middle 
 Ages the swarm of pilgrims continued. The risks of the 
 journey through the lands of Islam increased the merit of 
 the act. But with the break-up of the great Caliphate, the 
 holy places became for the first time dangerous to the 
 Christian wayfarer. In the second third of the tenth century 
 Jerusalem was ruled by the fanatical Ikshidites (934-969), 
 but in 969 the Fatimite Caliphs of Cairoan conquered 
 Egypt and Syria, and for a time pilgrimages again became 
 easy. The Fatimites were Shiites, and their dissensions from 
 the orthodox Sunnites made them perforce tolerant of other 
 creeds. Only the mad Caliph El Hakim (996-1021), who 
 contemplated the destruction of the Holy Sepulchre, stayed 
 for a time the influx of the faithful. The religious revival that 
 flowed from Cluny, and the greater peacefulness of western 
 Europe, led to a vast throng of pilgrims during the seventy 
 years that succeeded El Hakim's death. The fierce Fulk 
 the Black of Anjou thrice visited the holy places. Robert, 
 Duke of Normandy, abandoned his son William to go on 
 pilgrimage in 1035. In 1064 Archbishop Siegfried of Mainz 
 headed a band of 7000 penitents to Jerusalem. The conver- 
 sion of the Hungarians under St. Stephen again opened up 
 the land route through the Danube valley and the Greek Em- 
 pire, which men preferred to the stormy sea swarming with 
 Saracen pirates.
 
 The Early Crusades 179 
 
 The growth of the Seljukian power again stopped the flow 
 of Christian pilgrims to Jerusalem. Here as elsewhere the 
 Turkish period of conquest marked the beginning The Turkish 
 of the worst of evils for the once Christian lands Conquest of 
 of the East Asia Minor, the centre of the East Palestine - 
 Roman Empire, became a desolate waste ruled by Turkish 
 plunderers. In 1076 the expulsion of the Fatimites from 
 Jerusalem left the custody of the holy city to the Turks. The 
 legend of Peter the Hermit expresses the indignation of western 
 Europe when the few wanderers who got back told terrible 
 tales of wrongs suffered and blasphemies witnessed from the 
 infidel lords of the Sepulchre of Christ. But the Causes of 
 stories of pilgrims, though they did much to kindle the First 
 the indignation of Europe against Turkish rule in rusade - 
 Palestine, did not of themselves account for the movement to 
 redeem it. The preaching of Peter the Hermit, fruitful 
 though it was, is not in authentic history the cause of the First 
 Crusade. The Crusades were the work of the Popes at the 
 instigation of the Eastern Emperor 
 
 Though, after the death of Malek Shah, the Seljukian 
 monarchy split up into many rival powers, the danger of 
 Turkish advance was still great. The direct rule The East and 
 of the Seljuks was henceforth limited to Persia, the west at 
 while Sultans of Seljukian blood established them- the eleventh 
 selves lords of Kerman, Syria, and Roum. The centur y- 
 Seljuks of Syria now ruled the Holy Sepulchre. The descen- 
 dants of Suleiman, the conqueror of Nicsea, carved out a 
 separate power in the inland parts of Asia Minor, called the 
 kingdom of Roum [i.e. Rome], whose capital Nicaea was not 
 one hundred miles from Constantinople, and whose limits 
 extended to the waters of the Sea of Marmora. Some frag- 
 ments of the Armenian race profited by this break-up to 
 re-establish their freedom in the mountains of the Taurus. 
 But Kilidj Arslan, the Sultan of Roum, was almost as threaten- 
 ing to Alexius as Alp Arslan had been to earlier Emperors. 
 Fear of the lords of Nica5a, rather than a zeal for the holy
 
 1 80 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 places, led Alexius to apply for help to the West, and rouse 
 the Westerns to defend the Greek Empire, by dwelling on 
 the desolation of Jerusalem. 
 
 There was no strong political power in western Europe to 
 which Alexius could appeal. The Empire was drifting asunder 
 under the rule of Henry iv., and France was hopelessly 
 broken up into a mass of feudal states, hardly recognising 
 the authority of Philip I. The Roman Church alone 
 was sufficiently vigorous and representative to help him. 
 Already Michael vn. had sent similar requests to Gregory 
 vii., who had caught eagerly at the prospects of a holy 
 war against the Turks, but the expulsion of Islam was 
 so united in his mind with the necessity of ending the 
 Greek and Armenian schisms, that it was not an unmixed 
 evil to the Eastern Empire that the Pope was too much 
 occupied at home to embark seriously upon the undertak- 
 ing. Yet it is a fact of no small significance that Gregory, 
 who created the mediaeval Papacy, was also the first Western 
 to whom a Crusade seemed a practicable thing. His ally, 
 Robert Guiscard, shared his eastern projects, but the campaign 
 at Durazzo showed how little the fierce Norman distin- 
 guished between the schismatic and the infidel. 
 
 Alexius' envoys appeared before Urban n. at the Council of 
 
 Piacenza, and at Clermont a few months later the active French 
 
 Urban ii. Pope preached with extraordinary force and 
 
 and the fervour a holy war against the infidel. The vast 
 
 Council of . , , . , 
 
 ciermont, crowd received the Pope with unmeasured en- 
 10 95- thusiasm. ' It is the will of God,' resounded from 
 
 churchman and layman alike the answer to Urban's appeal. 
 Thousands pledged themselves to fight against Islam, and 
 Urban himself distributed the crosses which the armed pilgrims 
 were to bear as their special badge, and which gave the holy 
 wars the name of Crusades. Preachers, like Peter the Hermit, 
 stirred up the passion of the multitude, and before the 
 lords and knights were ready, huge swarms of poor pilgrims 
 gathered together in northern France and the Rhineland,
 
 The Early Crusades 1 8 1 
 
 under the leadership of Peter himself and of a French knight 
 called Walter the Penniless. These disorganised hordes 
 either perished on the long land journey through Hungary 
 and Greece, or fell easy victims to the first encounter with the 
 Turks of Roum, but their misordered zeal showed how the 
 movement had touched the heart of Europe. 
 
 The great kings of the West took no part in the First 
 Crusade. The Emperor and the King of France had incurred 
 the papal anathema, the King of England was a The leaders 
 profligate blasphemer, and the Kings of Spain had of the First 
 enough crusading work at their own gates. The Crusade - 
 highest class that was affected by the Pope's preaching was that 
 of the feudal magnates of the second rank, and especially the 
 barons of France and the adjacent French-speaking Lothar- 
 ingia and Burgundy. These were the lands which had been 
 the chief home of the Cluniac movement, and this was the 
 class to which the Pope looked for allies in his struggle against 
 the mighty kings of the earth. The most dignified potentate to 
 take the cross was Raymond of Saint-Gilles, Count of Toulouse 
 and Marquis of Provence, the greatest of the lords of southern 
 France. Of the north French magnates, Hugh, Count of 
 Vermandois, King Philip's brother, was the highest in rank 
 and position. After him came Stephen, Count of Blois 
 and Chartres, the son-in-law of William the Conqueror, and 
 the father of an English king and of a line of Counts of 
 Champagne and Blois. Robert, Duke of Normandy, left the 
 care of his dominions to his more astute brother, and accom- 
 panied his brother-in-law. His cousin, Count Robert II. of 
 Flanders, the son of an old pilgrim to Jerusalem, followed in 
 his father's footsteps. Of the princes of the Empire the 
 most important was Godfrey, Duke of Lower Lorraine, the 
 son of the Count of Boulogne, and Ida, sister of the Duke 
 Godfrey of Lower Lorraine who had so zealously supported 
 the cause of Henry iv. In 1089 the Emperor had granted 
 Godfrey his uncle's duchy, yet he is better known as Godfrey 
 of Boulogne, and still oftener, through a curious misnomer, as
 
 182 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Godfrey of Bouillon. His brothers Eustace and Baldwin, 
 and his nephew Baldwin the younger, followed him to the 
 Crusade. But the strongest of the Crusaders was Bohemund, 
 the Italian Norman, the old enemy of Alexius Comnenus, 
 who, after his father Robert Guiscard's death, being only 
 possessed of the little lordship of Otranto, hoped to win eastern 
 lands for himself. Other Crusaders besides Bohemund had 
 an eye on possible principalities to be conquered from the in- 
 fidel. But with him went his nephew Tancred, a more chival- 
 rous character. No great number of the higher clergy went on 
 the Crusade. Conspicuous among them was the Pope's legate, 
 Adhemar of Monteil, Bishop of Le Puy en Velay. 
 
 The Crusaders levied their followers in their own way, 
 
 and went at different times and in different directions to 
 
 Constantinople, which Bishop Adhemar had indi- 
 
 Alexius .... , 
 
 Comnenus cated as their meeting-place. As swarm after 
 and the swarm of mail-clad warriors marched through his 
 dominions to his capital, Alexius Comnenus be- 
 came very anxious as to their attitude to the Greek Empire. His 
 hope had been to get an auxiliary Western force of knights, 
 but the vast throng of Frankish chivalry, that had obeyed 
 Pope Urban, alarmed him excessively, especially when he 
 found his old enemy Bohemund among them. There was 
 real danger lest the Crusaders should turn their arms against 
 Constantinople instead of Nicsea and Antioch, and realise 
 by force Hildebrand's ideal of a union of the churches, before 
 the attack was made on the infidel. Greed and religious zeal 
 combined to inspire them to turn against the opulent and 
 schismatic capital. But the craft and ingenuity of Alexius 
 served him in good stead, and in the end he persuaded all 
 the leaders to take oaths of fealty to him, hoping thus to 
 retain the overlordship of any districts they might conquer 
 from the Turks. He then gave them facilities for crossing 
 into Asia. 
 
 The Crusaders now entered into infidel ground. Nicaea, 
 the capital of Kilidj Arslan, was taken in June 1097, and
 
 The Early Crusades i$3 
 
 next month the arrny of the Sultan was defeated at Dory- 
 laeum. These successes secured Asia Minor. After a long 
 and painful march the Taurus was crossed, and . 
 
 r The march 
 
 in June 1098 Antioch was forced to surrender, through 
 Even after that the Christians were in a sorry Asia - and the 
 
 * conquest of 
 
 plight from famine, and were almost blockaded in Jerusalem, 
 their new conquest by the army of Corbogha, I0 97' 10 "- 
 Ameer of Mosul. The Bishop of Le Puy died, and after his 
 moderating influence was removed, disputes broke out, 
 especially between the Normans and the south French. 
 Many of the Crusaders, chief among whom was Stephen of 
 Blois, went home in despair. But the fancied discovery of 
 the Holy Lance, with which the Roman soldier had pierced 
 the side of Christ, revived the fainting energies of the 
 Crusaders, though at first the Normans declared that the 
 'invention' was a fraud of a chaplain of Raymond of 
 Toulouse. Corbogha was defeated in a great battle, and at 
 last the Christians entered the Holy Land. The divisions of 
 Islam facilitated their progress. A month after the capture 
 of Antioch, the Fatimites of Egypt had conquered Jerusalem, 
 which nevertheless resisted vigorously. Finally, on i5th July 
 1099, Jerusalem was stormed and, amidst hideous scenes of 
 carnage, the remnant of the crusading army attained its goal. 
 A new victory at Ascalon in August secured southern Palestine 
 from Egyptian assault. 
 
 The whole fate of the East seemed changed by the First 
 Crusade. The Sultanate of Roum was hemmed up in the 
 central and eastern parts of Asia Minor, while Results of 
 Nicaea and perhaps a third of Asia Minor went the Crusade, 
 back to the rule of Alexius. The little Armenian lordships of 
 the Taurus grew into a new Armenian kingdom in Cilicia, 
 strong enough to keep Turks and Saracens at bay. The Chris- 
 tians predominated in Syria, whence they soon threatened both 
 the Fatimites of Egypt and the Seljukian dynasty in Persia. 
 The Latin lordship of Edessa crossed the Euphrates, and 
 formed in the upper valley of that river a permanent check
 
 184 European History, 918-1273 
 
 to the lords of Mosul. Despite national jealousies, and the 
 still deeper ill-will of Catholic and Orthodox, Christianity 
 had acted with wonderful unity of purpose, while Islam could 
 not forget its petty feuds even in the face of the enemy. 
 The exploits of Leo the Isaurian and Nicephorus Phocas 
 were more than outdone by Alexius and his Western allies. 
 Never since the days of Heraclius had the old limits 01 
 Rome's power in the East been so nearly maintained. 
 
 It remained to provide for the government of the conquered 
 
 provinces. All Syria was portioned among the victorious 
 
 Latins. Godfrey of Boulogne accepted the 
 
 difficulties of government of Jerusalem ; but he refused to wear 
 
 the Prankish a crown of gold in the city where Christ had 
 
 conquerors. - , , , . . ,, 
 
 worn a crown of thorns, and contented himself 
 with the modest title of Baron and Advocate of the Holy 
 Sepulchre. Bohemund, the Norman, ruled northern Syria 
 as Prince of Antioch, and Baldwin, brother of Godfrey, 
 became Count of Edessa. But these chieftains had at first 
 so few followers that they held little more than the cities 
 and castles that they garrisoned. Up to Godfrey's death 
 in i too, the hold of the Christians on southern Syria was 
 very slight. Jaffa was their only port, and the road from 
 Jaffa to Jerusalem was beset with Saracen brigands, and 
 marked by ruined villages and unburied bodies. At 
 Antioch, Bohemund was in even worse straits. In noo 
 he was taken prisoner by the Turks, who next year besieged 
 Antioch, where Tancred with difficulty defended the Christian 
 cause. Meanwhile a new crusade, mostly from Aquitaine, 
 Germany, and Italy, had been almost annihilated in Asia 
 Minor by long marches, thirst, hunger, and the arms of the 
 Turks. With the remnants, Raymond of Toulouse con- 
 quered Tripoli, and established himself in middle Syria. 
 Meanwhile Bohemund was released, on an Armenian prince 
 paying his ransom. He then joined with Baldwin of Edessa on 
 a distant expedition against Harran, but was badly beaten and 
 forced in despair to return to Europe, where he again attacked
 
 The Early Crusades 185 
 
 his old enemy the Greek Emperor. Failing at a new siege of 
 Durazzo, Bohemund was forced to become the vassal of the 
 Eastern Basileus for Antioch. Baldwin of Edessa, a prisoner 
 since the battle of Harran, made terms with the Ameer of 
 Mosul, and joined with him in waging war against the 
 Normans of Antioch. Yet, if the Crusaders were divided, 
 the infidels were equally at cross - purposes. A constant 
 stream of fresh pilgrims reinforced the scanty armies of the 
 Latins, and their military superiority, both in pitched battles 
 and in building and defending castles, stood them in good 
 stead. Financial help came from the keen-witted Italian 
 traders of Pisa, Genoa, and Venice, who found in the Latin 
 conquests new outlets for their commerce, and who were now 
 winning the trade of the Levant from the Greeks. Baldwin 
 of Edessa, called after Godfrey's death to succeed him at 
 Jerusalem, did not share his scruple against bearing the title of 
 king, and showed such skill, both as warrior and statesman, that 
 he became in a very real sense the founder of the kingdom of 
 Jerusalem. Bit by bit the Saracens were expelled from the 
 open country, and within the generation succeeding the First 
 Crusade, an ordered political system was set up among the 
 Latin principalities of Syria. 
 
 Under Baldwin I. (1100-1118) the crusading state attained 
 its limits and its organisation. His nephew and successor, 
 Baldwin n. (1118-1130), called like his uncle from Edessa to 
 Jerusalem, was also a man of courage and character. Dying 
 without sons, his daughter Millicent's husband, Fulk, Count of 
 Anjou (1130-1143), became the next king. Under him the 
 Latin state reached its zenith, and gave him no reason to 
 repent his preference for his Eastern kingdom rather than his 
 Western county. After him, his son by his first wife, Geoffrey 
 (the father of our Henry n.), became Count of Anjou, while, 
 unluckily for Jerusalem, his two sons by Millicent, Baldwin 
 and Amalric, were mere children. With them the decline 
 begins. 
 
 The crusading lords, accustomed only to the forms of
 
 1 86 European History, 918-1273 
 
 government that prevailed at home, reproduced in the Latin 
 states of Syria the strict feudalism of western Europe. Feudal- 
 ism required a nominal head, and the King of Jerusalem 
 . _. stood to the Latin princes as the King of 
 
 Organisation 
 
 of the early Capetian France stood to his vassals, having 
 
 kingdom of outside his own dominions nothing more than a 
 
 Jerusalem 
 
 audits vague supremacy over three great feudatories 
 
 dependent ru ling over substantially independent states. The 
 Prince of Antioch and the Counts of Tripoli and 
 Edessa thought they had made a great concession in 
 acknowledging his superiority at all, and were constantly at 
 war with each other and with their suzerain. But each of 
 the four Frankish princes had, like their Western counter- 
 parts, by no means unrestricted authority, even within their 
 own peculiar territories. All four states were divided into 
 fiefs, whose holders exercised the regalian rights that seemed 
 proper to a baron. Within the kingdom of Jerusalem proper 
 there were twelve such lordships, four of which were the 
 'great baronies' of Jaffa-Ascalon, Kerak-Montreal, Galilee, 
 and Sidon. These in turn had their feudatories, and the 
 powerful lordship of Ibelin, though but a mesne tenancy, 
 overshadowed the double county of Jaffa and Ascalon. 
 Beyond the royal domain, which centred round the capital 
 and the towns of Tyre and Acre, the Kings of Jerusalem had 
 little real authority. For the administration of their realm 
 a customary code grew up, which, in days when the Latin 
 lordships had waned almost to nothing, was embodied in 
 the Assizes of Jerusalem, more valuable as an ideal picture of 
 a perfect feudal state than as a description of what really 
 prevailed at any one time in Syria. Being an artificial creation, 
 the Latin state was more fully feudal than the kingdoms of 
 the West, where the system had grown up naturally, and 
 where there were still survivals of older forms of polity. 
 Each lord held by the tenure of constant military service, 
 and every effort was made to prevent the accumulation of 
 fiefs in the same hands lest it should diminish the military
 
 of 
 ANt'IOCH V 
 
 J DOMINION 
 
 In SYRIA 
 
 DURING TfHE 
 
 TWELFTH CENTURY 
 
 7"/ie r/reateet extent of the various Latin 
 elates are shaded thus : 
 
 Kingdom of Jerusalem 
 
 County -of Tripoli 
 
 Principality of Antioch 
 
 County of Edessa 
 
 The ahief towns of the 4 yrcat inroniet 
 of the Kingdom underlined (if Kerak 
 
 Tlie chief 'towns in the'royal domain 
 
 iinilerdolted as Jerusalem
 
 1 88 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 forces of the kingdom. There were the usual feudal officers 
 of state, seneschal, constable, marshal, chamberlain, chan- 
 cellor, and the rest. There were the great feudal Council 
 of the Realm, and local courts presided over by hereditary 
 viscounts. But the Franks were ever a small minority of 
 warriors, rulers, priests, and, in the towns, traders. The 
 priests and barons were practically all French or French- 
 speaking, and the tongue of northern France became the 
 ordinary language of the Latin East, while ' Frank ' became 
 the commonest name by which Greeks and Arabs, Turks and 
 Armenians, alike designated the Western settlers. It was a 
 proof of the commercial importance of the land that customs 
 duties became from the beginning a chief source of revenue. 
 The only non-French element was the Italian commercial 
 colony, which lived in separate quarters in the towns under 
 governors and laws of its own. Venetians settled largely 
 in the kingdom of Jerusalem, where the Marseilles mer- 
 chants had exceptionally an enclosed factory of their own 
 in the capital. Genoese mainly occupied the fiefs of 
 Antioch and Tripoli. Pisa was already rather crowded out 
 by her younger rivals. Through Italian hands the commerce 
 between West and East almost exclusively passed. In the 
 country, Syrian peasants, mainly of the Orthodox faith, tilled 
 the lands of their Latin and Catholic masters, and like the 
 Mohammedans and Jews, paid taxes from which the Franks 
 were exempt. The paucity of numbers of the Franks led to 
 extreme care being devoted to building castles and fortifying 
 towns. The feudal stronghold became bigger, harder to take, 
 and more elaborate than ever it had been in the West, and to 
 this day there remain ruins of eastern castles that rival in dignity 
 and strength Coucy, Carnarvon, or Caerphilly. Even in the 
 desert beyond Jordan, the remnants of a vast fortress like 
 Kerak shows how real and solid was the crusading state. Side 
 by side with the Latin state went the Latin Church. Catholic 
 bishops and priests were brought in everywhere, and the 
 various sects of Oriental Christians Greeks, Armenians,
 
 The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 189 
 
 Nestorians, and the rest shared in a common condemnation 
 as schismatics, though at first common interests and com- 
 mon enemies kept the churches better together than might 
 have been expected. Churches and monasteries grew up 
 beside the new castles. The Holy Sepulchre was soon 
 enclosed in a newer and grander sanctuary. The mediaeval 
 ideal half martial, half ascetic never had so fair a chance of 
 development as in this land of Christians, forced to fight for 
 their lives against Islam. It found its most characteristic 
 expression in the martial monasticism of the military orders. 
 For the present all looked well. Besides the constant crowd 
 of pilgrims, there was a permanent population growing attached 
 to its new home, which with strange quickness of sympathy, 
 was adopting the conditions of Eastern life, and not seldom 
 intermarrying with Syrians, Armenians, and Greeks. 'God 
 has poured the West into the East,' boasted the chronicler 
 Fulcher of Chartres. 'We who were Westerns are now 
 Easterns. We have forgotten our native land.' 
 
 When the Latin kingdom was still young, a knight from 
 Burgundy, named Hugh de Payens, made the journey to 
 Jerusalem. Seeing that poor pilgrims were still xhe Military 
 exposed to great hardships and dangers, he formed rders - 
 a society, with eight knights like-minded with himself, devoted 
 to the protection of distressed wayfarers. The grant of a house 
 near Solomon's Temple led to the brethren 
 being called the Knights of the Temple, and so 
 successful did the new movement become that St. Bernard, 
 then omnipotent in the Latin world, interested himself in it, 
 and drew up a rule for it, which, in 1128, was authorised by 
 Honorius n. It was a new departure in the history both 
 of war and of religion. The knights took the threefold 
 monastic vow of poverty, chastity, and obedience; and in 
 time of peace ruled their life after the fashion of the canons 
 regular, that were becoming so popular in the West [see 
 pp. 204-207], Their main business of protecting pilgrims soon 
 grew into a general duty of war against the infidel. Ascetic,
 
 i go European History, 918-1273 
 
 austere, living the lives of monks, taught to regard hunting, 
 games, and personal adornment as frivolous and worldly, they 
 were, as their panegyrist says, 'lions in war, lambs in the house.' 
 To Christians they were monks, to Islam they were soldiers. 
 ' They bear before them a banner, half-white, half-black : this 
 they call Beause"ant, because they are fair and friendly to the 
 friends of Christ, to His enemies stern and black.' 
 
 The needs of poor pilgrims had led the citizens of Amalfi 
 to set up a hospital at Jerusalem for their refreshment, in the 
 The Knights days when Palestine was still ruled by the Fatimite 
 of St. John. Caliphs. This institution, dedicated to St. John 
 the Baptist, was revived and reorganised by its master Gerard 
 after the Latin conquest Gerard's successor, Raymond of Le 
 Puy, struck by the success of the Templars, obtained about 
 1130 the Pope's permission to convert this charitable founda- 
 tion into a military brotherhood like that of Hugh de Payens. 
 Before long the Hospitallers, or Knights of St John, vied with 
 the Templars in their numbers, wealth, and importance. At 
 later times other military orders were founded, such as the 
 Teutonic Order [founded in 1197], the struggling little 
 English community of the Knights of St. Thomas of Acre 
 [1231], and the three famous military orders of Spain. But 
 in the Holy Land no other order ever took the position 
 that was soon attained by the Templars and the Knights of 
 St. John. Enormous estates gradually accrued to them in 
 every country in Europe, and their houses in the West became 
 recruiting stations, whence a regular supply of knights and 
 servitors, vowed to a perpetual crusade, kept alive the forces 
 of the Latin kingdom. A papal grant of 1162 exempted the 
 Templars from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, save that of the 
 Grand Master and the Pope. Like Cluny or Citeaux, each 
 order formed an organised unity, ruled in the last instance 
 by General Chapters, whose power controlled even that of the 
 Master of each order. In the East each order formed a new 
 little state, with castles, soldiers, revenues, and government 
 of its own. Often in conflict with the kings and each other,
 
 The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 191 
 
 the two chief orders nevertheless formed the most permanent 
 and indestructible element in the Latin kingdom. It was due 
 to their well-drilled enthusiasm that the Latin East could still 
 hold its own against the Saracen and Turk. 
 
 The organisation of the Latin East was hardly completed 
 when the period of decline set in. Much of the success of 
 the First Crusade had been due to the antagonism Ri se O f th e 
 of Turk and Arab, and the break-up of the Atabeks. 
 Seljukian kingdom. In the generation following, a new 
 danger arose in the growth of a consolidated Mohammedan 
 state in Syria. Imad-ed-din Zangi was a Turk whose father 
 had been a trusted follower of Malek Shah, and who, after a 
 stormy youth, had been, in 1127, made governor, or Atabek, 
 of Mosul. In the course of the next fifteen years Zangi 
 destroyed all the rival Mohammedan powers in northern Syria 
 and Mesopotamia, and then turned his arms against Edessa, 
 the remote crusading county that encroached upon his 
 territories and threatened his capital. Jocelin of Courtenay, 
 who ruled Edessa after Baldwin became King of Jerusalem, 
 opposed him by a vigorous resistance, but Jocelin's son, 
 Jocelin 11., was a cowardly voluptuary, who left Edessa almost 
 undefended. In 1144 Zangi conquered Edessa, Faiiof 
 and put the Prankish garrison to the sword. The Ed ss a> "44- 
 whole county was speedily overrun, and the Latin East ex- 
 perienced its first great disaster. 
 
 The fall of Edessa filled Europe with alarm, and St. Bernard, 
 then in the plenitude of his influence, preached a new crusade 
 with extraordinary fervour, and won over the two 
 foremost princes in Christendom. Louis vn., an dthe 
 King of France, had already taken the Crusader's Second 
 
 . . , ... r Crusade. 
 
 vow to expiate an early crime of violence [see 
 page 284], but his barons, and his minister Suger, urgently 
 dissuaded him. At Easter, 1146, St. Bernard appeared before 
 a great gathering at Vezelai, and amidst scenes that recalled 
 the first enthusiasm at Clermont, all ranks took the cross from 
 the hands of the great Cistercian. After preaching the crusade
 
 1 92 European History \ 918-1273 
 
 over northern France, Bernard went to Germany, and at 
 Christmas, in the cathedral at Speyer, overcame by his 
 eloquence the hesitation of Conrad in. 
 
 Two large armies were now equipped. Conrad and his 
 Germans were first on the march, and travelling by way of 
 crusade of Hungary and Bulgaria, were well received by the 
 Conrad in. Greek Emperor, Manuel Comnenus, whose wife, 
 Bertha of Sulzbach, was Conrad's sister-in-law. Unwilling to 
 wait for the arrival of the French, Conrad started at once 
 to march by way of Nicaea and Iconium to Syria, a route 
 that led him through the heart of the kingdom of Roum, 
 where the light-armed Turkish horsemen perpetually assailed 
 his ill-disciplined and unwieldy squadrons, who were over- 
 whelmed by the same fate that befel the Crusaders of 1101 
 [September 1147]. A mere remnant escaped with Conrad to 
 crusade of Nicaea, where the French, under Louis vn., had 
 Louis vn. a t last assembled. To avoid the dangers of the 
 upland plateau, the French proceeded southward along the 
 coast of Asia Minor as far as Ephesus, whence they ascended 
 the valley of the Maeander into the interior, in order to avoid 
 the rugged shores of Caria and Lycia. They were at once ex- 
 posed to constant Turkish attacks. Conrad, who started 
 with them on a second attempt, soon lost heart, and returned to 
 Constantinople. When the wearied army at last reached the 
 little port of Attalia in Pamphylia [February 1 148], the leaders 
 resolved to borrow ships from the Greeks, and effect the rest 
 of their journey by sea. But so small a number of ships was 
 forthcoming, that only the knights were enabled to embark. 
 The rest of the army was forced to resume its dangerous land 
 march, and few indeed ever reached their destination. 
 
 In March 1148 Louis vn. and his wife, Eleanor of 
 Aquitaine, landed at Antioch with the little band of knights, 
 that now alone represented the two greatest military powers of 
 Christendom. He hurried at once to the south, where he 
 was joined by Conrad in., who had now reached Acre by sea. 
 It was unwisely resolved to march against Damascus, though
 
 The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 193 
 
 its ruler was the chief enemy of Noureddin, Zangi's son and 
 successor, and would have willingly stood aside had the attack 
 been concentrated on the conquerors of Edessa. As it was, 
 Mosul and Damascus made common cause, and the attack 
 on the latter city proved an utter failure. Conrad at once 
 went home, and Louis followed him a year later. The result 
 of the Second Crusade was to promote the unity of Islam, 
 and to divert the enemy from the north to Jerusalem, where 
 the Christian position was weakest. 
 
 The thirty years succeeding the Second Crusade were a 
 period of fair but somewhat stationary prosperity for the Latin 
 East The long minority of Baldwin in. (1143-1163) was a 
 great calamity in itself, but his mother, Millicent, was a 
 capable regent, and Baldwin, when he grew up, proved a 
 vigorous warrior both against the Egyptians and Noureddin, 
 while his affability, generosity, and bright ready wit made him 
 the most popular of all his line. By his marriage with Theo- 
 dora, daughter of the Emperor Manuel, Baldwin in. did some- 
 thing to promote active co-operation between the Greeks and 
 the Latins against Islam, and his death in 1 163 was The Kingdom 
 a great loss to the Latin kingdom. Amalric i., of Jerusalem 
 his brother (1163-1174), also married a Byzantine sVcond^nd* 
 wife, and even visited Constantinople. But with the Third 
 all his policy he failed to unite effectively the Crusades - 
 Christian forces, or to check seriously the growth of the 
 power of Noureddin, and with his death the decline of the 
 kingdom rapidly set in. His son and successor, Baldwin iv. 
 (1174-1185), began to reign as a boy of twelve, and as he 
 grew up proved a hopeless leper. On his death another child, 
 Baldwin v. (1185-1186), his sister Sibyl's son by her first 
 husband, succeeded, but he died the next year. The crown 
 was now disputed between Guy of Lusignan, Sibyl's second 
 husband, and Raymond, Count of Tripoli, who had acted as 
 regent for the leper king. In the short but sharp civil war 
 that followed, the last hopes of the kingdom perished. 
 
 A state ruled in turn by a leper, a child, and an intriguing 
 
 PERIOD II. N
 
 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 woman was in no fit state to carry on a perpetual struggle 
 for existence, and the disorders of the royal house were only 
 typical of the disorganisation of the realm. There was 
 always a corrupt element among the Crusaders. A momen- 
 tary religious enthusiasm could not change the nature of the 
 criminals and desperadoes, who had sought a refuge in the 
 East from the errors they had committed in the West. But 
 even the descendants of the warrior saints lamentably degen- 
 erated under the fierce sun of Syria, and the luxury and moral 
 corruption of Oriental life. The best and bravest perished in 
 the ceaseless wars against the infidel, and the crusading lord- 
 ships were constantly diminishing in numbers, and too often 
 a single heiress, an imbecile or a minor, represented a great 
 aggregation of fiefs, formerly owned by many warriors able to 
 make head personally against the Turks. Things were 
 almost worse with the Franks in the towns, whose frequent 
 intermarriage with native women led to a mixed race called 
 'Pullani,' with Eastern habits and ways of thought Under 
 these circumstances the military orders became indispensable. 
 Their castles were always commanded by grown men accus- 
 tomed to affairs, and from their numerous commanderies 
 throughout Christendom came a succession of warriors, whose 
 strength had not been sapped by an almost tropical climate. 
 
 The physical and moral decline of the Latins was made 
 more fatal by their divisions. The princes of Antioch and 
 their Armenian neighbours stood apart from the states of 
 southern Syria, and the Greek Empire was increasingly 
 hostile. While Roger of Sicily repeated the policy of Robert 
 Guiscard and Bohemund, and the Italian allies of the 
 Crusaders robbed the Empire of its trade, real co-operation 
 against Islam was impossible. Within the crusading realm 
 there was constant strife. The Templars quarrelled with the 
 Hospitallers, the French with the Provencals, English, and 
 Germans, and the Genoese with the Pisans and Venetians. 
 The new-comers from the West quarrelled with the older 
 settlers. Among the baronial houses hereditary feuds arose.
 
 The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 195 
 
 as in every feudal country. The purely feudal organisation 
 of the kingdom made a strong central power impossible, and 
 nothing but a vigorous despotism, like that of Henry n. in 
 England, could have long kept the motley state together. As 
 time went on, the relations between the Franks and their 
 Eastern subjects grew worse, and neither the unwarlike 
 Armenian nor the slavish Syrian was of any avail to supple- 
 ment their armies. It speaks well for the energy of such parts 
 of the polity as remained sound, that a century was still to 
 elapse before the crusading kingdoms entirely disappeared. 
 
 The growth of a great Moslem monarchy in Syria was the 
 last and worst of the many misfortunes of the Latin Christians. 
 After Zangi's death in 1146, Noureddin had carried the power 
 of the Atabeks to much loftier heights. He Growthof 
 captured Damascus, and pushed his dominions to the power 
 the sea-coast, thus isolating Antioch from Tripoli of Saladin - 
 and Jerusalem. In 1171 his nephew, Saladin, conquered 
 Egypt, and practically put an end to the schismatic Caliphate 
 of the Fatimites. Noureddin died in 1 1 74, recognised even 
 by the Christians as a 'just man, wise and religious, so far as 
 the traditions of his race allowed.' His sons were quite 
 unable to hold their own against their cousin. In a few 
 years the lord of Cairo and Alexandria soon became also 
 the lord of Aleppo and Damascus. The Latins were enclosed 
 by a single united Moslem state, ruled by a generous soldier 
 and a crafty statesman. 
 
 After Guy's coronation, most of the Prankish barons ac- 
 cepted him as king, though Raymond of Tripoli, indignant at 
 his usurpation, intrigued with Saladin. Next year the pillage 
 of a Mussulman convoy by the lord of Kerak gave Saladin a 
 pretext for proclaiming a holy war against the T he Battle 
 Christians, and invading the kingdom of Jerusalem, of Hattin 
 On 4th July 1187 a great battle was fought at JjJ*" 
 Hattin, in which Saladin won a complete victory, Jerusalem, 
 King Guy was taken prisoner, and the True Cross II87 ' 
 fell into the infidels' hands. On 2nd October Jerusalem
 
 196 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 fell, and Tyre, Tripoli, and Antioch alone succeeded in 
 driving Saladin from their walls. Thus the great kingdom of 
 the Franks of Syria was reduced to a few towns near the sea- 
 coast, and a few sorely beleaguered castles. ' The Latins of 
 
 DOMINIONS OF SALADIN 
 
 at his death in 1193. 
 
 The remnant f of the Latin ttatttafur 
 
 119U *haded thta Illlllllllllllllll 
 
 Hify include : 
 
 I Antioch 3 Jerusalem 
 
 Tripoli 4 Cyprus (Liulynam) 
 
 The (lalet (ire thane oj the Alalxk com/nett 
 Daut in brackett mark the uaget 
 of Saladin't conquest. 
 The boundary of Saladin't dominion! thut xxxxxx 
 
 the East,' said William of Tyre, ' had forsaken God, and God 
 now forsook them.' Unless Europe made another such 
 effort as Urban n. had made, the crusading state would soon 
 disappear altogether.
 
 The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 197 
 
 GENEALOGY OF THE EARLY KINGS OF JERUSALEM. 
 
 Godfrey the Bearded, 
 
 Duke of Lower Lorraine, d. 1069, 
 
 m. i . Doda ; 2. Beatrice, mother of Countess Matilda 
 
 Godfrey the Hunchback, 
 Duke of Lower Lorraine, 
 d. 1076 
 
 Ida, 
 m. Eustace n., 
 Count of Boulogne 
 
 GODFREY OF BOULOGNE, 
 Duke of Lower Lorraine, and 
 Baron of the Holy Sepulchre, 
 
 d. 1 1 oo 
 
 Eustace in. BALDWIN I., 
 of Boulogne Count of Edessa and 
 King of Jerusalem 
 (1100-1118) 
 
 B 
 
 BALDWIN n., 
 
 Cousin of Baldwin I. 
 
 (1118-1130) 
 
 MILLICENT, 
 
 m. FULK OF ANJOU 
 
 (1130-1143) 
 
 BALDWIN in. AMALRIC i. 
 
 (1143-1163) (1163-1174) 
 
 BALDWIN iv. Sibyl, Isabella, 
 
 (1174-1185) m. i. William of Montferrat m. 2. CONRAD OF MONTFERRAT 
 
 a. GUY OF LUSIGNAN (1192) 
 
 (1186-1192) 3. HENRY OF CHAMPAGNE 
 
 (1192-1197) 
 
 4. AMALRIC u. OF CYPRUS 
 (1197-1205) 
 
 
 BALDWIN v. 
 
 
 
 (1185-1186) 
 
 
 (a) 
 
 
 (4) 
 
 Mary, AMALRIC in. 
 
 m. JOHN OF BRIENNB (d. 1206) 
 
 (1210-1222) 
 
 lolande, 
 
 m. EMPEROR FREDERICK u. 
 (4. 1850)
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE MONASTIC MOVEMENT 
 AND THE TWELFTH CENTURY RENASCENCE l 
 
 Aspects of the Hildebrandine Movement The new Religious Orders Bruno 
 and the Carthusians The Beginnings of the Cistercians and Robert of 
 Moleme The Charter of Charity The Canons Regular Norbert and 
 Pre'montre' The Military Orders Influence of St. Bernard The Specu- 
 lative Revival Beginnings of Scholasticism Abelard and his influence 
 Abelard and Bernard Popular Heresies Peter de Bruys The Poor 
 Men of Lyons The Albigenses The Legal Revival Irnerius and the 
 Civil Law Gratian and the Canon Law. 
 
 WITH all their importance, the Crusades were only one aspect 
 of the great religious and intellectual movement that heralded 
 Van us l ^ e twe ^ tn century throughout the length and 
 
 aspects of the breadth of Western Europe, and was as directly 
 Hildebrandine a resu i t o f the tr i urnp h o f the Hildebrandine 
 
 movement. . 
 
 ideal as the new theories themselves were an 
 emanation from the Cluniac revival. Beginning with the 
 strenuous careers of Gregory vn. and Urban 11., this new spirit 
 
 1 Besides the dry pages of Moller and Gieseler, reference can be made 
 to Montalembert's picturesque Monks of the West, and Maitland's Dark 
 Ages, while J. H. Newman's Lives of English Saints tells the story of 
 some of the monastic heroes with rare sympathy and power. An idea of 
 the monastic life can be got from good biographies, such as Church's Life 
 of St. Anselm, or Morison's Life of St. Bernard. Poole's Illustrations of 
 the History of Mediaeval Thoitght, and Rashdall's Universities of the 
 Middle Ages (chap. ii. ' Abelard and the Renaissance of the Twelfth 
 Century,' and chap. iv. I and 2) give admirable accounts of the intel- 
 lectual movements of the time. Hardwick's History of the Christian 
 Church in the Middle Ages is a succinct one-volume summary of general 
 Church history. 
 M
 
 The Monastic Movement 199 
 
 at once began to work powerfully on Europe, and reached 
 its height in the days of peace that succeeded the end of the 
 Investiture Contest. 
 
 A monastic revival succeeded, as it preceded, the reforma- 
 tion of the Papacy. At first the movement was on the old 
 lines, and Cluny still maintained its reputation, The 
 and increased its number of offshoots. But the monastic 
 ' Congregation of Cluny ' was too unelastic to be revivaL 
 capable of indefinite expansion, and its influence was perhaps 
 widest felt in those houses which adopted its ideal without 
 giving up their ancient Benedictine independence. Con- 
 spicuous among such was Hirschau, a convent 
 
 Hirschau. 
 
 situated on the north-eastern slopes of the Black 
 Forest, in Swabia, where Abbot William introduced the rule 
 of Cluny in 1077, and which immediately became a centre 
 of monastic reformation in southern Germany, though the 
 congregation of Hirschau never attained the organisation or 
 permanence of that of Cluny. 
 
 The weak point of the Cluniac system was that everything 
 depended upon the abbot. Under the unworthy Pontius 
 (1109-1125), whom kinship to Paschal n. had Clun 
 brought to the headship of Cluny at an exceed- 
 ingly early age, discipline declined, the old simplicity dis- 
 appeared, and the abbot, whose virtues were those of a feudal 
 noble rather than a true monk, wasted his energies in 
 conflicts with the Bishop of Macon, who, in spite of papal 
 exemptions, strove to reform the declining house as diocesan. 
 But under the famous abbot, Peter the Venerable, Cluny 
 again became a power in Europe, though its old influence 
 was never restored. Younger houses, organised on newer 
 lines, divided among themselves the reverence once felt for 
 it, and even Peter of Cluny was overshadowed by Bernard of 
 Clairvaux. 
 
 The times were still so stormy, and secular life so rough, 
 that the impulse which drove pious minds into the cloister 
 was as strong as ever. The feudal anarchy that still
 
 2OO European History, 918-1273 
 
 prevailed in France, perhaps continued to give that country 
 the leading part, both in spreading hierarchical ideas and in 
 Further bringing about further monastic revivals. The 
 d f ]? lopment great question for the new race of monastic re- 
 congrega- formers was how to keep up the spirit of the 
 tionai idea. o id e r rule while avoiding its dangers. Cluny had 
 not quite solved the problem, though the congregational 
 idea, the more disciplined austerity, and the admission of 
 conversi or lay brothers, were steps capable of wider develop- 
 ment. How to avoid the wealth, pride, and idleness that 
 came from success was a still harder problem. The import- 
 ance of the new orders that arose in the end of the eleventh 
 and the early years of the twelfth century depended upon 
 the skill with which the founders answered these fundamental 
 questions. 
 
 The first new order was the order of Grammont Its 
 founder, St. Stephen, an Auvergnat noble, settled in 1076 
 Order of with a few companions at Mure't, north of 
 Grammont. Limoges, though after his death the house was 
 removed to the bleak granitic plateau of the neighbouring 
 Grammont. A large number of daughter houses grew up 
 in Aquitaine, Anjou, and Normandy, all of which, after 
 the Cluniac fashion, were subject to the prior of Grammont. 
 St. Stephen's wish was to follow no fixed definite system, but 
 to be content with the Gospel rules of poverty, humility, and 
 long-suffering, and his successors embodied this aspiration 
 in a form of life which forbade the order to possess land, 
 cattle, or churches, to exclude seculars from its services, 
 and allowed it, if no alms came, to beg for sustenance. This 
 was a remarkable anticipation of the chief characteristic of 
 the mendicant orders of the thirteenth century, but it 
 did not prevent the early decay of these disorderly 
 idealists. A stern fixed rule was necessary to a mediaeval 
 monastery. 
 
 A happier fate attended St. Bruno, the founder of the 
 Carthusians. A German from Cologne, Bruno, became
 
 The Monastic Movement 201 
 
 scholasticus of the famous chapter school at Reims, where 
 he numbered Urban n. among his disciples. Driven with 
 disgust from Reims by the violence of Archbishop The 
 Manasses, he hid himself in a wild mountain Carthusian 
 valley near Grenoble in Dauphiny, the site of the g rd g f and 
 still famous Grande Chartreuse, where he gathered 
 round him a band of hermits living in separate cells. Bruno 
 was called to Rome by his old pupil Urban n. ; but the love 
 of retirement soon took him to Calabria, where he founded 
 another Charterhouse, and died in noi. Charterhouses 
 now grew up, though not very rapidly, all over Europe, 
 and the order took its final shape in the statutes of 1258. 
 The possession of land, forbidden by Bruno, was strictly 
 limited, as were all other sources of wealth. Ruled by a 
 general chapter, the order followed up still further the idea 
 of the congregation. But the special characteristic of the 
 Carthusians was the union of the hitherto separated ccenobitic 
 and eremitic ideals. The Carthusian belonged to an order 
 and convent, with its common church and other buildings; 
 but instead of living without privacy in common dormitory 
 and refectory, he lived in a separate cell a life of meditation, 
 study, and silence, while the conversi practised agricul- 
 ture. The Carthusian life was novel; but the magnificent 
 churches and buildings of the order show that it took a deep 
 root. Better than many of the purely ccenobitic orders, the 
 Carthusians maintained their purity with few traces of the 
 inevitable decay that beset most monastic types when the 
 enthusiasm of the founders had abated. Another order, that 
 of Fontevrault, founded by the Breton, Robert of Arbrissel 
 (noo), was distinguished by combining monasteries for 
 men and women in one establishment after the primitive 
 plan, and by making the abbess superior of the whole com- 
 munity, since Robert reverenced in her the representative 
 of the Virgin. Outside France this order had no great 
 importance. 
 
 The most important influence among the new orders
 
 2O2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 undoubtedly fell to the Cistercians, who rose rapidly from 
 
 humble beginnings to a unique position. In 1075 a monk 
 
 The named Robert founded a small convent at Moleme 
 
 Cistercian i n northern Burgundy, where he strove to carry out 
 
 Order and . , , , , , , 
 
 Robert of with absolute literalness and fidelity the rule of 
 Moime. S L Benedict. The monks found the austerities of 
 their abbot so painful that they rebelled, and in 1098 Robert 
 left Moleme in despair, accompanied by the few zealots, 
 conspicuous among whom was the Englishman Stephen or 
 Harding. The little band settled down at Citeaux, between 
 Dijon and Chalon, a desolate spot which derived its name 
 from the surrounding pools of standing water. There was 
 founded the famous abbey, which was to give its name to a 
 new departure in monastic history. At first the brethren lived in 
 excessive poverty and isolation. But the fame of their holiness 
 gradually brought them adherents, and from 1113, when the 
 young Burgundian nobleman, Bernard of Fontaines, applied 
 for admission with thirty of his kinsmen, the growth of Citeaux 
 was rapid. The monastery overflowed, and swarm after swarm 
 of monks established daughter houses elsewhere. In 1115 
 Bernard himself, whose strong will and saintly character had 
 won for him in two years a leading position, led one of these 
 migrations to Clairvaux, of which house he became abbot. 
 Stephen the Englishman was now abbot of Citeaux, and 
 showed a capacity for organisation which soon made the 
 single poor monastery that he ruled the mother of a great 
 order. In 1119 he obtained Calixtus ii.'s approval for the 
 Carta famous 'Charter of Charity,' the constitution 
 
 cadtatis, which he had devised for Citeaux and its daughter 
 houses. The movement soon spread like wild- 
 fire, and hundreds of Cistercian monasteries were founded 
 throughout Christendom. 
 
 The leading characteristics of the Cistercians marked the 
 new order clearly off from its fellows. Starting from their 
 first principle of absolute asceticism, they pushed the doctrine 
 of self-renunciation as far as human capacity allow ed. They
 
 The Monastic Movement 203 
 
 rejected soft and costly garments, lived on the plainest and 
 simplest food, and would not tolerate splendour even in their 
 churches, where, instead of gold and silver crosses, they con- 
 tented themselves with painted wood. The very vestments 
 of their priests were of coarse stuff without gold, or silver, 
 or costly embroidery. Their churches and monasteries were 
 built as simply as was possible. Towers and belfries were 
 rejected as useless luxuries. Choosing for their abode remote 
 valleys and wildernesses far from the haunts of men, they 
 carefully avoided the proximity to town-life, which was a 
 stumbling-block in the way of the older orders. Even the 
 cure of souls was prohibited as likely to lead the monks into 
 the world and its sins, and to celebrate Masses for money 
 was denounced as simony. Thus the old Benedictine rule 
 was upheld, and the monk reminded that he was no clerk 
 but a pious recluse, whose business was to save his own 
 soul. For the occupation of the brethren labour was enjoined ; 
 and a large number of conversi carried on the hard agricultural 
 work that soon made the wilderness blossom like a garden, 
 and filled with sheep the downs and deserts. It thus resulted 
 that the Cistercians, despite their principles, had considerable 
 influence in promoting the civilisation of the regions in which 
 they settled. The interconnection of their houses made it 
 easy for them to spread a tendency or an idea from land to 
 land, as when they transmitted the first rudiments of Gothic 
 architecture from its north French home to Italy. 1 While 
 wealth and idleness were thus kept at bay, elaborate efforts 
 were made to keep watch over backsliders. While the 
 example of Cluny had led all the great monasteries to strive 
 to get from the Pope exemption from episcopal authority, 
 Ctteaux ostentatiously professed canonical obedience to the 
 Bishop of Chalon, and every daughter house was founded with 
 the consent of the diocesan, to whom its abbot submitted 
 himself as a subject. Moreover, the constitution sketched in 
 
 1 See on this subject Enlart's Origines de F Architecture golhique en 
 Italic (Bibliotheque de 1'Ecole fran^aise de Rome).
 
 2O4 European History, 918-1273 
 
 the ' Carta Caritatis ' provided within the order itself means for 
 perpetual visitation and reproof of weaker brethren, that was 
 far more effective than episcopal control. Like the Cluniacs, 
 the Cistercians formed a congregation over which the Abbot 
 of Citeaux exercised the powers of a king. But an elaborate 
 series of checks on the abbot's power imparted an aristocratic 
 or popular element to the government of the new order. 
 The abbots of the four first daughters of Citeaux [La 
 Fert (founded 1113), Pontigny (1114), Clairvaux (1115), 
 and Morimond (1115)], and the General Chapter of the abbots 
 of the order, while liable to be visited and corrected by their 
 superior, had the power of correcting, administering, and 
 depriving the head of the order himself. The monasteries 
 were to be visited yearly. Each new house was affiliated to 
 the earlier one from which it had sprung, and the mother- 
 house exercised a special watchfulness over it. So different 
 did the Cistercians feel themselves from other regulars that 
 they significantly discarded the black garment of the Benedic- 
 tines in favour of a coarse white dress, from which they got the 
 name of the white monks. Their elaborate organisation gave 
 them a corporate feeling and unity of purpose to which 
 few other orders could aspire. They represent the last and 
 most complete effort to give real effect to the ideal of 
 St. Benedict, by enjoining an austerity even beyond that of 
 Benedict, and by an elaborate organisation to which his rule 
 for a single house was quite a stranger. 
 
 Other new orders started on a different purpose. Various 
 hospital orders, which laid special stress on the care of the 
 sick and suffering, were set up for those who sought salvation 
 in good works for the world, rather than in isolation from 
 human intercourse. But the great contribution of the twelfth 
 century towards bridging over the great gulf between clerk 
 and monk was the institution of the so-called Austin Canons, 
 The canon* or Canons Regular. It was agreed that the higher 
 Regular. Hfe was the monastic life, and that the secular 
 priest, possessing private property, living in his own house
 
 The Monastic Movement 205 
 
 and immersed in worldly affairs, stood on a lower plane than 
 the regular, but the cure of souls was left to the secular 
 clergy, and it was no part of the Hildebrandine ideal to 
 neglect the pastoral work of the Church. Hence came a 
 movement for reforming the secular clergy by making them 
 live the life of a monk, while they carried on the duties of a 
 clerk. It was impossible to enforce monastic life on the 
 isolated and ignorant parish clergy, among whom it was hard 
 work enough to enforce the new obligation of celibacy. The 
 great colleges and cathedrals, served by many priests, offered 
 an easier and more fruitful field for reform. 
 
 In the fifth century St. Augustine of Hippo had sought to 
 establish a 'monastery of clerks in the bishop's household.' 
 In the days of the Carolingian reformation, Bishop Chrodegang 
 of Metz had, in the spirit of the great African father, set up a 
 rule of life, by which canons of a cathedral should live in 
 common along with their bishops. In Hildebrand's days 
 Peter Damiani appealed to the example of St. Augustine as 
 the ideal pattern for the cathedral clergy. Many chapters were 
 reformed, and from the twelfth century onwards a sharp dis- 
 tinction was drawn between 'regular canons,' subject to a 
 rule of life, and 'secular canons' of the old-fashioned sort. 
 The great property and the political influence of the cathedral 
 chapters made it hard to keep out of them members of the 
 great territorial families, who looked on their prebends as 
 sources of income, and who soon found a regular life too 
 austere, so that few cathedrals became permanently served 
 by them. But new churches of Regular Canons, where 
 there were no secular traditions to interfere with the strict- 
 ness of their rule, began to rise up all over Christen- 
 dom. The general name of 'Austin Canons' suggested that 
 the whole of the class strove to realise the old ideal of 
 St. Augustine. 
 
 Various congregations of Regular Canons were now set up, 
 conspicuous among which was that of the Victorines, whose 
 abbey of St. Victor in Paris became, as we shall see, a prominent
 
 206 European History, g 1 8-1273 
 
 centre of conservative theology. But it was the establishment 
 of the Premonstratensian congregation by Norbert of Xanten 
 which gave the Austin Canons so great a position in Christen- 
 Norbert and ^ om l ^ at tnev almost rivalled the Cistercians in 
 the Premon- popularity. Norbert was a man of high family, who, 
 stratensians. after haying ne i d canonr i es of the old-fashioned 
 sort at his native town and at Cologne, gave up the world 
 and wandered as a preacher of penitence throughout Gaul, 
 carefully avoiding intercourse with clerks or monks. In 1120 
 he settled in a desert place in the forest of Coucy, not far 
 from Laon, where the bishop was his friend, and established 
 there a house of Canons Regular, calling the spot Pre'montre' 
 [Pratum Monstratum], in the belief that the site had been 
 pointed out to him by an angel. The rule of Pre'montre' soon 
 became famous, and its canons, clad in the white garment of 
 the Cistercians, showed, by their energy and zeal, that clerks 
 bound by a rule could live lives as holy as monks and do as 
 much pastoral work as seculars. As an ' order of clerks ' they 
 exercised cure of souls, preached, taught, and heard confes- 
 sions, and where possible made their churches parochial. In 
 1126 Norbert became Archbishop of Magdeburg. Finding 
 the secular chapter utterly opposed to his policy, he planted a 
 new colony of Premonstratensians hard by in the collegiate 
 church of St Mary (1129). Through his influence the Pre- 
 monstratensians took the leading share in the civilising and 
 Christianising of the Slavonic lands beyond the Elbe. In a 
 later chapter we shall see how Norbert soon became the 
 Emperor Lothair's chief adviser and helper. Before his death 
 his order had spread throughout Western Christendom. While 
 Citeaux had for its ambition the perfection of an ancient 
 system, Pre'montre' made a new departure in religious history. 
 Later regular orders have in nearly all cases striven to carry 
 out the ideal of Norbert, of combining the religious life with 
 that pastoral care, which to the older type of monasticism was 
 but a subtle and attractive form of that worldliness which 
 they were pledged to avoid. Within Norbert's own lifetime
 
 The Monastic Movement 207 
 
 the rule of the Austin Canons received a very great accession 
 to its strength. The military orders of the Latin East all 
 lived when at peace the life, and took the vows The Military 
 of Austin Canons, while the older military orders Orders - 
 of Spain [Calatrava, 1158, Alcantara, 1152] stood in close 
 connection with the Cistercians. [See chapter xx.] 
 
 The great development of new orders had a many-sided 
 influence on the character of the twelfth century. The monks 
 and the Regular Canons were everywhere the best i n fl uence of 
 servants of the Papacy, while their international the new 
 organisation was a new link between the national H 
 churches. The local jealousy of Roman influence, twelfth 
 the aspirations of the bishops to an independent centur y- 
 position, were energetically withstood by the enthusiasm of 
 the young orders. Their asceticism and zeal for good works 
 won for them the passionate attachment of the laity, and 
 stimulated the sluggish seculars to greater activity and holi- 
 ness. Their influence over public opinion was enormous. 
 Not Louis of France or Conrad of Germany, but Norbert 
 of Magdeburg and Bernard of Clairvaux, were the real leaders 
 of European thought towards the middle of the twelfth 
 century. 
 
 The practical authority of Norbert was mainly limited to 
 Germany, but the influence of Bernard, confined to no class or 
 country, proved something almost unique in the 
 whole of Christian history. While Bernard lived 
 the simple and self-denying life of a Cistercian in his 
 Burgundian monastery, his activity took in the whole of 
 Christendom. His correspondence was enormous, his works 
 numerous and varied, and his authority hardly questioned. 
 Through his influence the white robe of the Cistercians be- 
 came familiar in the remotest valleys of Christendom, and 
 the simple and struggling order, which he had joined but a 
 few years before, attained a world-wide celebrity. Every sort 
 of dispute and difference was brought before his tribunal. 
 The rulers of Church and State flocked to the rude huts of
 
 208 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Clairvaux as to an oracle. In his frequent journeys throughout 
 France, the Rhineland and Italy, he was welcomed as Pope or 
 Emperor was never welcomed. It was Bernard who drew up 
 the rule for the Knights Templars, who ended the papal schism 
 of 1130, and procured the recognition of Innocent n. as Pope. 
 Innocent n. set the example of deference to his authority 
 which subsequent Popes obsequiously continued, till at last 
 a simple Cistercian became Pope Eugenius in., merely 
 because he was the friend of Bernard. Bernard joined with 
 Norbert in reprobating the rationalism that sprang from the 
 teaching of an Abelard or Gilbert de la Porrde or Arnold of 
 Brescia, and strove with sublime unreasonableness to put 
 down the new questioning spirit. More open heresy, like that 
 of Peter de Bruys, found in him an equally implacable foe. 
 He upheld every doctrine of hierarchical power, and scrupled 
 not to rebuke kings and emperors if they gainsaid him. He 
 rekindled the crusading spirit when it seemed growing cool, 
 and persuaded the two greatest princes of Christendom to 
 set forth on the ill-fated Second Crusade. Stern, unyielding, 
 rigid, dogmatic, blind to all things which in his view did not 
 immediately promote the kingdom of God, Bernard represents 
 the very triumph of the older monastic spirit with its com- 
 pleteness of self-renunciation, its terrible asceticism, its strange 
 and almost inhuman virtues. Even in his own day, his spirit 
 was not that of the whole Church, and bold voices were found 
 to lament his obstinacy, his narrowness, his obscurantist 
 hatred of secular learning. But with all his faults he is a 
 great and noble figure, and as the supreme representative of 
 a dying type, his career marks a transition to a newer, brighter 
 and more progressive world, than the gloomy realm over which 
 he had reigned so long as unquestioned sovereign. Yet it 
 shows that the days of brute force were over, when a simple 
 monk, whose singleness of purpose and zeal for righteousness 
 were never so much as questioned, could rule with such 
 astounding power over the minds of men. Even more than 
 the authority of the great Popes, the power of Bernard supplies
 
 The Twelfth Century Renascence 209 
 
 a striking justification of the universal monarchy of the Church 
 of the twelfth century. 
 
 From the religious revival there sprang a revived interest 
 in literature and speculation. Monastic life was strictly 
 conservative, and the old doctrine of Gregory 
 
 J The literary 
 
 the Great, that secular literature was unworthy andspecuia- 
 the attention of a good Christian, was the position tive revivaL 
 of St. Bernard himself. But the monks were at least interested 
 in theology ; and not even Bernard's influence could prevent 
 pious souls from seeking in nature and literature the justifica- 
 tion of the ways of God to man. As the necessary preliminary 
 of theological study, the 'seven arts' of the old-fashioned 
 'Trivium' and 'Quadrivium' had again to be cultivated. 
 Monastic schools once more stimulated the intel- 
 lectual interest of Europe. Many of the greater 
 
 houses became centres of education. So far back monastic 
 as the tenth century monks like St. Bruno of 
 Cologne and Gerbert of Aurillac had restored the Carolingian 
 educational discipline, which had fallen into ruin in the dark 
 days of barbarian invasion and internal anarchy. German 
 cloisters, like St. Gallen and Reichenau, became famous for 
 their learning. Cluny forged the theories that Hildebrand 
 wielded. Lanfranc of Bee made the Norman monastery one 
 of the great centres of dialectical and theological study in 
 northern Europe. Side by side with the cloister schools were 
 the schools of the great cathedrals, such as that of Reims, 
 where Gerbert taught. In these the teachers were partly 
 seculars, and there was perhaps more freedom and breadth of 
 interests than in the purely monastic academies. When the 
 revival of speculation brought out differences of opinion, 
 Berengar, the scholasticus of the cathedral school of Tours, 
 used the weapon of logic to attack the newly formulated 
 doctrine of transubstantiation. It was Lanfranc, the monk of 
 Bee, that employed all the resources of his skill to demolish 
 the arguments of the hardy heretic. But though Berengar 
 was first condemned by Leo ix. in 1050, it was not until 
 
 PERIOD II. O
 
 2 ro European History, 918-1273 
 
 1078 that Gregory vn. practically settled the controversy by 
 insisting upon his complete retractation. So slow were the 
 methods against heresy in times when its danger was hardly 
 realised. 
 
 In the next generation two distinct tendencies present 
 themselves. Anselm of Aosta, Lanfranc's successor alike at 
 Bee and Canterbury, defended the traditional 
 tion to*UiV position of the Church with a wider learning and 
 scholastic deeper insight than his predecessor. Anselm has 
 been called both the last of the fathers and the 
 first of the schoolmen. But while his motive was the same 
 as that of the later schoolmen, his methods were somewhat 
 different, and his enduring fame is not for the acuteness of 
 Anselm and his dialectic, so much as for his broad insight into 
 Rosceiin. the deeper problems of philosophy and his antici- 
 pation of positions that were not fully taken up until the 
 reign of scholasticism was over. The Realism of which he 
 was the upholder was part of the earlier tradition of the 
 ecclesiastical schools. Much more epoch-making, though 
 not in itself altogether original, was the Nominalism of 
 Rosceiin, the true parent of scholastic philosophy. While 
 Anselm only saw in philosophy the way of justifying the 
 Church's teaching, Roscelin's logical nominalism led him 
 to deny the possibility of the Trinity in Unity and teach 
 undisguised Tritheism. But he argued as a logician and not 
 as a divine, and in 1092 acquiesced in the recantation which 
 was presented to him by a council at Soissons. From the 
 controversies of Anselm and Rosceiin all the later intellectual 
 activity sprang. 
 
 Early in the twelfth century there were many schools and 
 masters scattered through central Europe and particularly in 
 northern GauL Of one of the least of these schools and 
 scholars it could be said that 'clerks flocked from divers 
 Activity of countries to hear him daily; so that if thou 
 the schools, shouldst walk about the public places of the city 
 and behold the crowds of disputants, thou wouldst say that the
 
 The Twelfth Century Renascence 211 
 
 citizens had left off their other labours and given themselves 
 to philosophy.' 1 There was no order or method in study. 
 Any one could teach who had learnt under an accredited 
 master and had received the Church's licence. The students 
 followed the masters, and the centres of study fluctuated as 
 reputations were made and destroyed. But at this period 
 there were three chief schools in northern France, all closely 
 connected with the cathedrals of the respective towns. The 
 teaching of Anselm of Laon (a scholar of St. Anselm) made 
 that city a great centre of theological lore. The dialectical 
 renown of William of Champeaux brought crowds of students 
 to the cathedral schools of Paris. The literary enthusiasm of 
 the Breton Platonist, Bernard Sylvester, and of his successor, 
 William of Conches, made the cathedral school of Chartres 
 'the most abundant spring of letters in Gaul.' 2 
 
 Peter Abelard (1079-1142), a Breton from Palais, near 
 Nantes, was the most striking manifestation of the new spirit. 
 He was the eldest son of a gentleman of good estate, but he 
 early renounced his inheritance, and devoted himself with 
 extraordinary enthusiasm to study. He first learnt dialectic 
 under Roscelin at Loches, near Tours, and afterwards under 
 William of Champeaux at Paris. But his sublime self-confi- 
 dence and acute sceptical intellect speedily brought Abelard and 
 him into conflict, both with the novel Nominalism MB influence, 
 of Roscelin and with the old-fashioned extreme Realism of 
 William of Champeaux. He soon despised and strove to 
 supplant his masters. While William of Champeaux taught 
 with declining authority at the cathedral school, and after- 
 wards in the Abbey of St. Victor, his audacious disciple 
 gathered an opposition band of pupils round him in neigh- 
 bouring towns, and finally on the hill of Ste. Genevieve, where 
 he became so famous, that William retired in disgust to his 
 
 1 Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediceval Thought, p. 106, 
 quotes the local chronicle's account of the teaching of Odo of Cambrai 
 at the Abbey of St. Martin's, Tournai. 
 
 * See on this subject Clerval, Les holes de Chartres au moyen age.
 
 212 European History, 918-1273 
 
 bishopric of Chalons. Abelard's acuteness, rhetorical skill, 
 and attractive personality, soon drew to Paris crowds of 
 students, who gave the city a unique position among the 
 schools of Europe. The Conceptualism, which he perhaps 
 learnt from Aristotle, seemed more scientific than Realism, and 
 less revolutionary than Nominalism. But it is not so much 
 what he taught, as the spirit in which he taught, that gave 
 Abelard his position in history. His method was essentially 
 rationalistic. He based his orthodoxy on its reasonableness. 
 ' A doctrine is not to be believed,' he is reported to have said, 
 ' because God has said it, but because we are convinced by 
 reason that it is so.' Moved by religious zeal as well as greed 
 for applause, he went to Laon to study theology under 
 Anselm, but very soon came to despise his teacher, whom 
 he denounced as a phrase-monger. 'Anselm kindled a fire,' 
 he said, ' not to give light but to fill the house with smoke.' 
 He forsook the pretender's school, and at once proceeded to 
 prove the audacious thesis that a man could learn theology 
 without a master. He was soon back at Paris, where his 
 teaching attracted greater crowds than ever, until the tragic 
 conclusion of his relations with Heloisa drove him to take 
 the monastic vows at Saint-Denis. Even in the cloister he 
 was restless and insubordinate. He published a treatise on 
 the Trinity, which was denounced by the aged Roscelin as 
 savouring of Sabellianism, and burnt at a Council at Soissons 
 in 1 1 21. He left Saint-Denis after rousing the fury of his 
 fellow-monks by demonstrating the unhistorical character of 
 the accredited legend of St. Dionysius the Areopagite, their 
 imaginary founder. After some years spent in his new 
 monastery of the Paraclete in Champagne, Abelard sought 
 absolute retirement as abbot of St. Gildas de Rhuys, in the 
 Abelard and wildest part of his native Brittany. But he fled at 
 st Bernard, last from the savage monks of St. Gildas, and again 
 appeared as a teacher in Paris. As the incarnation of the 
 new critical spirit, he had long been obnoxious to the stout 
 upholders of ecclesiastical tradition like Norbert and Bernard.
 
 The Twelfth Century Renascence 213 
 
 Bernard now denounced him, and induced the bishops, who 
 registered his will, to assemble in council at Sens to condemn 
 his heresies (1141). Despairing of justice from such a body, 
 Abelard appealed to the Pope. But Innocent n. was as much 
 under Bernard's influence as the French bishops, and con- 
 demned him to lifelong confinement in a monastery. Abelard 
 fell sick at Cluny while on his way to Rome, and obtained 
 from Peter the Venerable a sympathy and kindness that stood 
 in strong contrast to Bernard's inveterate hostility. He was 
 received into the Cluniac fold, and made some sort of recanta- 
 tion of his heresies. In 1 142 he died at Chalon. The spirit of 
 his teaching did not die with him. The schools The Schools 
 of Paris retained the fame with which he had first of Paris - 
 invested them. While the Regular Canons of St. Victor made 
 their abbey the home of traditional theology tempered by 
 mysticism, the secular school of the cathedral retained the 
 spirit of inquiry and criticism which secured for it a per- 
 manence of influence that not even the patronage of St. 
 Bernard could give to the school of St. Victor. If the stigma 
 of heresy was attached to some of Abelard's disciples, others 
 became lights of orthodoxy without any great departure from 
 Abelard's doctrines. Arnold of Brescia, denounced by St. 
 Bernard as the armour-bearer of the Goliath of misbelief his 
 master, incurred by his rash entrance into politics the fate 
 of a heretic who was also a rebel [pages 239-243 and 250]. 
 But Peter the Lombard (died 1160), was not only 
 Abelard's pupil, but a pillar of orthodoxy, bishop 
 of Paris, and author of that Book of Sentences of Schoiastic- 
 which was the accredited text-book of all later A^ufr" 
 scholasticism. Gilbert de la Porre"e (died 1 154), a 
 disciple of the humanistic school of Chartres, and bishop of 
 Poitiers, was denounced by St. Bernard as a heretic. In 
 1148 Pope Eugenius, a creature of Bernard's, presided at a 
 council at Reims to deal with Gilbert's errors. But the very 
 cardinals -refused any longer to follow Bernard's leading. 
 When Gilbert escaped uncondemned, the new theology had
 
 214 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 \ 
 
 won its way to a recognised position in the Church. With its 
 wider diffusion, the new learning lost the character of revolt 
 which in Abelard's time was associated with it. It became 
 more systematic, more specialised, less original. The dis- 
 covery of the whole of Aristotle's Organon, in the latter part 
 of the century, crushed the critical spirit by the weight of 
 its authority. The conflict of studies drove out the liberal 
 pursuit of literature in favour of specialised dialectic and 
 theology, while the majority showed most favour to bread- 
 winning studies like the canon and civil laws. The dialectic 
 of Paris prevailed over the humanism of Chartres. But if 
 some of the first freshness of the new birth was thus lost, the 
 end of the century saw the scholar class a recognised element 
 in the European commonwealth. So numerous were the 
 ' masters ' who taught in the Paris schools that they formed 
 themselves into guilds or corporations, from which the 
 germ of the University of Paris and of all other transalpine 
 universities grew. 
 
 Monasticism and philosophy combined to strengthen the 
 Church, but the spirit of revolt that had been conquered in 
 the schools now took more popular shapes. All through the 
 eleventh century there were found wandering teachers of 
 strange doctrines. From the beginning of the twelfth century 
 Popular definitively heretical sects were crystallising round 
 heresies, different principles of innovation. For more than 
 twenty years an unfrocked priest, Peter de Bruys, taught with 
 Peter de powerful effect in Dauphiny and Provence. He 
 Bruys. was an enthusiast like the old Montanists, reject- 
 ing all forms, discipline, and tradition, in favour of the living 
 spirit, and denouncing the sacerdotal system and many of 
 the most treasured dogmas of the Church. In 1137 or 
 1138, Peter was burnt alive at Saint-Gilles by the mob, 
 whose fury he had excited by making a bonfire of crosses 
 and pious emblems. But his followers kept together after 
 his death, under the guidance of Henry, an outcast monk of 
 Cluny. Peter the Venerable wrote against the Petrobrusians,
 
 The Twelfth Century Renascence 215 
 
 and St. Bernard saw in the popularity of the young sect 
 the malign influence of the spirit of Abelard. ' The Catholic 
 faith,' he lamented, ' is discussed in the streets and market- 
 places. We have fallen upon evil times.' His energy 
 secured the conversion of many of the Petrobrusians. The 
 remnant joined themselves to the new sect of the Waldenses 
 or Vaudois. 
 
 Peter Valdez, a rich merchant of Lyons, gave up all his 
 property, and began about 1177 to wander about the country 
 preaching repentance and the imitation of the 
 Apostles. He procured the translation of the Bible and the 
 into the vulgar tongue, and soon began to gather T? or Me , n 
 followers. After a few years of toleration he 
 was excommunicated in 1184 by Pope Lucius in. Thus 
 cut off from the orthodox, Peter joined the Petrobrusians and 
 became more frankly heretical. Before his death in 1197, 
 his followers were to be found in Bohemia, in Lorraine, in 
 southern France, in Aragon, and in northern Italy. These 
 'Poor Men of Lyons,' as they were called, rejected all priestly 
 ministration, and included in one sweeping denunciation prayer 
 for the dead, six of the seven sacraments, military service, 
 and property. But grave differences soon broke them up 
 into hostile sects. The Lombards sought to organise them- 
 selves separately from the Church, while the French were 
 content to remain a school within the Church. The wise 
 policy of later Popes allowed the more moderate to combine 
 their own way of thinking with acceptance of the Church's 
 authority, and they remained for the most part humble- 
 minded quietists, whose highest aspiration was to live in 
 peace. 
 
 Other sects assumed a more dangerous complexion than the 
 Poor Men of Lyons. From the eleventh century onwards, 
 obscure bodies of heretics appear under the names of 
 Manicheans, Paulicians, Cathari, Bulgarians, Patarini, and 
 Publicani. Their strength was at first in the Rhineland, 
 whence they infected the north of France. Finally they
 
 2 1 6 European History \ 918-1273 
 
 found a more sympathetic field in southern France, where 
 heresy had long flourished in various forms. The origin 
 The Mani- of these sects is obscure. The ancient opinion 
 cheansect. t hat they were direct descendants of the 
 ancient Gnostics and Manichees cannot be upheld, and it is 
 difficult even to prove their affiliation with the Paulicians and 
 Bogomili of the Balkan peninsula, whose heresy had troubled 
 the Eastern Empire in the days of the Macedonian and 
 Comnenian dynasties. Their doctrines are as hard to define 
 as their origin, and we have for the most part to rely upon 
 the statements of their enemies. But it is clear that they 
 represent neither a definite sect nor an organised body of 
 heretical doctrine. Like the early Gnostics, they indicate a 
 vague general tendency rather than any precise teaching, and 
 differed widely among each other. The more thorough- 
 going of them were dualists like the Manichees, believing that 
 there existed two equal and co-eternal deities, the one evil 
 and the other good. The rest seem to have held the modified 
 dualism of the Bogomili, admitting the good principle to be 
 the only God, and the author of the New Testament, and 
 regarding the evil principle as a fallen spirit, the creator of the 
 world, the source of the Old Testament revelation, essentially 
 the Demiurgus of the Gnostics. The practical teaching of 
 these heretics was as various as their doctrine. They utterly 
 despised all things of the flesh, and from this contempt 
 flowed moral doctrines both ascetic and antinomian. They 
 distinguished sharply between the elect and the reprobate. 
 They rejected the authority both of the Church and of the 
 State. Instead of the ordinary offices of the Church, they had 
 a sort of spiritual baptism called Consolamentum, which was 
 reserved to the perfect believers. Apart from their religious 
 heresies, they were frankly hostile to the whole order of society. 
 The south of France soon swarmed with these innovators, 
 The who took the name of Albigenses, Albigeois, from 
 
 Aibigenses. one Q f t h e j r strongholds, the town of Albi on the 
 Tarn. Besides the avowed heresies, a general spirit of revolt
 
 The Twelfth Century Renascence 217 
 
 against the Church seized alike upon lords and people. Before 
 the end of the century, the Albigenses had obtained a firm hold 
 over the county of Toulouse and its dependencies, and defied 
 the efforts of the Church to root them out. Elsewhere the 
 speculations of the twelfth century had no very prolonged 
 vitality. A few burnings of leaders, a crusade of energetic 
 preaching, and a dexterous effort to turn the undisciplined zeal 
 of the heretic into more orthodox channels, were generally 
 enough to prevent their further progress. The offspring of 
 vague discontent, twelfth century heresy took as a rule such 
 vague and fantastic shapes that it almost condemned itself. 
 After all, the spirit of Henry of Cluny or Peter Valdez was 
 not very different from that of Norbert or Robert of Arbrissel. 
 But however ill-regulated, it was another sign that the human 
 mind had awakened from the sleep of the Dark Ages. If 
 the popular heretics could not reason, they could at least 
 feel. 
 
 We have still to deal with one of the great intellectual 
 forces of the twelfth century. The revival of the scientific 
 study of law, which grew up alongside the new The revival 
 birth of dialectic and philosophy, had almost as of the study 
 powerful an influence as these studies in stimu- 
 lating intellectual interests, and had practical results of an even 
 more direct and palpable kind. The study of Roman Law had 
 never been quite forgotten, especially in Italy. The revival 
 of the Roman Empire by the Ottos, the development of the 
 power of the secular state all over Europe, the growth of 
 ordered municipal government in southern Europe, and 
 particularly in Italy, all contributed to make this study more 
 popular, more necessary, and more universal. But side by 
 side with the development of the civil power the even greater 
 growth of the ecclesiastical authority set up a law of the 
 Church in rivalry with the law of the State. The legal revival 
 was thus two-sided. There was a fresh interest in both the 
 Civil Law, which Rome had handed down, and in the Canon 
 Law, which had slowly grown up in the ecclesiastical courts.
 
 2 1 8 European History, 918-1273 
 
 The same age that witnessed the work of Irnerius saw the 
 publication of the Decretum of Gratian. 
 
 The early Middle Ages had an almost superstitious reverence 
 
 for the written law of Rome. Its decisions were still looked 
 
 , upon as eternal and universally binding, even when 
 
 Irnerius and r ' 
 
 the revival of practically it had been superseded by a mass of 
 civil Law. fluctuating feudal custom. In Italy the elemen- 
 tary texts of the Roman Law had always been studied, and 
 its principles always upheld in the courts. The eleventh 
 century battle of Papacy and Empire became before long 
 a conflict of political principles and theories. Both sides 
 sought weapons in the legal treasures of ancient Rome. 
 Accordingly the eleventh century saw flourishing schools of 
 law at Pavia, at Ravenna, and perhaps at Rome. Early in 
 the twelfth century the fame of Irnerius led to the establish- 
 ment of a still greater school of law at Bologna, already 
 the seat of flourishing schools of dialectic and literature, and 
 where the teaching of law had already been begun by Pepo. 
 Irnerius was a jurist in the service of the Countess Matilda, 
 who, at her request, lectured on the laws of Justinian, and 
 particularly the Pandects, at Bologna. The fact that he was 
 afterwards in the service of Henry v. shows that both the 
 papal and imperial powers agreed in welcoming his work. 
 But with the appearance of Irnerius upholding the election of 
 a schismatic Pope in 1118, the new school of Civil Lawyers 
 became frankly imperialist, looking upon the law as 
 furnishing an armoury of texts, from which the divine rights 
 and universal claims of the Roman Emperor could be 
 deduced, though also treating it as an intellectual discipline, 
 and almost as a literary exercise. Wealth, honour, and 
 political importance were showered on men, who possessed 
 at once the key to theoretical knowledge and to success in 
 practical life. Even earlier than at Paris, the law schools 
 of Bologna became organised and permanent Before the 
 end of the century, the crowds of mature foreign students 
 who flocked to hear the famous successors of Irnerius had
 
 The Twelfth Century Renascence 219 
 
 set up the student-university of Bologna, whose establishment 
 is as much of an epoch in the history of European thought 
 as that of the university of masters at Paris. 
 
 The Church had long had its own courts and its own 
 law ; but the victory of the Hildebrandine system gave a new 
 importance to the Courts Christian and to the The'Decre- 
 Canon Law which they upheld. It was the aim tum of 
 of the Church reformers to draw a hard and fast S?J^S d 
 line between Church and State, and to bind ofCanon 
 together the scattered and often antagonistic Law ' 
 corporations, out of which the Church was constituted, 
 into a single self-governing, self-sufficing, independent body, 
 of which the Pope was the absolute monarch. All through 
 the eleventh century efforts were made by leading ecclesi- 
 astical lawyers to do for the law of the Church what was 
 already being done for the law of the State. Italy witnessed 
 most of these attempts, but the canonists of Germany and 
 Gaul were not behindhand, and the most famous of the early 
 compilations, which appeared in 1115, was the work of a north- 
 French churchman, Ivo, Bishop of Chartres, a pupil of Lanfranc 
 of Bee. But these preliminary efforts were superseded by 
 the Decretum, or more accurately the Concordantia discordan- 
 tium Canonum, of Gratian, which probably appeared in 1 142. 
 Gratian was a monk of the new order of Camaldoli, living in a 
 convent at Bologna. The book which he published was a 
 text-book, the effort of a private student, with no other 
 authority than what it could command from its own merits. 
 But its merits were such that it swept all its predecessors 
 out of the field, and soon won something of the authority 
 that belonged to a definite codification of previous ecclesi- 
 astical jurisprudence. It appeared at the right place and 
 at the right moment. From that time onwards the study 
 of Canon Law stood side by side with that of the Civil Law 
 at Bologna, and the town of Irnerius and Gratian became 
 the intellectual centre of the great controversies of Church and 
 State, which then distracted Europe. Before long the Canon
 
 220 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Law became as elaborate and comprehensive a system as that 
 Civil Law, which it copied, developed and sometimes reacted 
 against. The canonists became a band of specialists, separated 
 from the civilians on the one hand and the theologians on the 
 other. Just as the practical advantages of the study of Civil 
 Law called away the votaries of the unprofitable secular study 
 of literature, so did the practical uses of Canon Law divert 
 active and ambitious churchmen from the academic study 
 of theology. Law became the attractive science as well for 
 ardent ecclesiastics as for men of the world. If it involved 
 less speculative activity than the studies it superseded, it had 
 the advantage of helping to bridge over the gulf between 
 the little world of isolated students and the broad world of 
 everyday life. As the revival of dialectic renewed men's 
 interests in abstract science, so did the revival of law 
 broaden men's practical interests. If in the long-run it 
 gave weapons to Empire as well as to Papacy, the first result 
 was to complete the equipment of the hierarchy for the 
 business of ruling the world. While the civilian's Empire 
 was a theory, the canonist's Papacy was a fact. As living 
 head of a living system, the Pope became a constant fountain 
 of new legislation for the Canon Law, while the Civil Law 
 remained as it had been in Justinian's time, with little 
 power of adaptation to the needs of a changing state of society. 
 Stimulated by the religious revival and the mon- 
 
 The new . . 
 
 movements astic movement, victorious over nascent heresy, 
 strengthen yet invigorated by the new activity of human 
 
 the Church. * / , , 
 
 thought, protected by the enthusiasm which had 
 brought about the Crusades, a state within the state, with her 
 own law, her own officers, and her own wonderful organisation, 
 the Church of the twelfth century stood at the very height of 
 her power, and drew fresh strength, even from the sources that 
 might well have brought about her ruin.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 GERMANY AND ITALY, 1 125-! 152 l 
 
 Origin of the Hohenstaufen Election of Lothair n. and consequent rivalry of 
 Welf and Weiblingen The reign of the Priests' Emperor Norbert and 
 Albert the Bear Lothair and Italy Roger unites Sicily and Naples 
 Honorius II. Schism of Innocent n. and Anacletus Lothair's privilege 
 to the Church Election of Conrad in. His contest with the Guelfs 
 The Eastward march of German civilisation Final triumph of Innocent 
 II. Roger's organisation of the Norman kingdom Growth of municipal 
 autonomy in northern and central Italy. 
 
 Two thousand feet above the sea, on the very summit of one 
 of the northern outliers of the rugged Swabian Alp that 
 separates the valley of the upper Neckar from Ori inofthe 
 that of the upper Danube, stood the castle of Hohen- 
 Hohenstaufen, that gave its name to the most 8taufen - 
 gifted house that ever ruled over the mediaeval Empire. The 
 hereditary land of the family lay around, and a few miles east, 
 nearer the Neckar valley, lies the village of Weiblingen from 
 which came the even more famous name of Ghibelline. The 
 lords of this upland region were true Swabian magnates, who 
 were gradually brought into greatness by their energy and zeal 
 in supporting the Empire. In the darkest days of his struggle 
 with the Church, Henry iv. had no more active or loyal partisan 
 than Frederick of Biiren or Hohenstaufen, whom he married 
 to his daughter Agnes, and upon whom he conferred the 
 duchy of Swabia. It was after the ancient fashion that the 
 
 1 To the books enumerated in chapter i. may now be added, Busk's 
 discursive but detailed Medieval Popes, Kings, Emperors and Crusaders, 
 from 1125 to 1268. Bernhardi's Lotharvon Supplinburg and Konrad III 
 deal specially with the two reigns covered in this chapter. 
 
 221
 
 ^ 
 
 222 European History, 918-1273 
 
 new Duke of Swabia should find his chief enemy in the Duke 
 of Bavaria. But besides many a bitter feud with the papalist 
 house of Welf or Guelf, Frederick had to deal with no less 
 formidable enemies within his own duchy. The same dis- 
 integrating influences that were affecting all Germany were 
 at work in Swabia. Berthold of Zahringen, a mighty man 
 in the upper Rhineland, sought to attain the Swabian duchy 
 by zealous championship of the papal cause. After long 
 fighting with the Staufer, the lord of Zahringen was able to 
 effect a practical division of the duchy. In 1097 he was 
 allowed all ducal rights in those Swabian lands between 
 Rhine and Alps, which in a later age became the centre of 
 the Swiss confederation. He did not lose even the title of 
 duke, so that with the Dukes of Zahringen as effective rulers 
 of Upper Swabia, the Hohenstaufen influence was limited to 
 the north. The first Hohenstaufen Duke of Swabia had, 
 by the Emperor's daughter, two sons, whose names were 
 Frederick Frederick and Conrad. These nephews of 
 and Conrad. Henry v. were always marked out by their uncle 
 as his successors. They inherited as a matter of course the 
 private possessions of the Salian house. They had already 
 given proof that they were worthy of a high destiny. 
 Frederick, the elder, succeeded to his father's duchy of Lower 
 Swabia. He was now thirty-five years old, strong, courageous, 
 ambitious, and well conducted. He had further strengthened 
 his position by marrying Judith, daughter of Henry the Black, 
 the Guelfic Duke of Bavaria (died 1126), a match which 
 seemed likely to bridge over the natural antagonism of the 
 two great southern 'nations' of Germany. Conrad, the 
 younger brother, had obtained from his uncle the duchy of 
 Franconia. All south Germany might well seem united in 
 support of Frederick's succession to the Empire. But the 
 hierarchical party feared lest the traditional attitude of the 
 Staufer might imperil the triumph of the Church. The 
 feudal nobles were alarmed lest too* vigorous a ruler might 
 limit their independence. The Saxons as ever were opposed
 
 Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 223 
 
 to a southern Emperor, likely to renew the Salian attack upon 
 their national liberties. 
 
 Saxony was still almost as vividly contrasted to the rest of 
 Germany as in the days when it gave Henry the Fowler and 
 Otto the Great to save the kingdom, that the last 
 
 _ , . , , 1,1 , , The Saxon 
 
 degenerate Frankish rulers had brought to the Duchy and 
 verge of ruin. Despite many defeats and constant Lothair f 
 
 /- , , ,., Supplinburg. 
 
 attacks, it was as free, restless, strong and warlike 
 as ever. In the later years of Henry v.'s reign a new and 
 vigorous duke had restored and reorganised its fighting power. 
 Lothair of Supplinburg was the son of that Count Gerhard who 
 had fallen in battle against Henry iv. on the banks of the 
 Unstrut. By his marriage with Richenza, niece of Egbert of 
 Meissen, and grand-daughter of Otto of Nordheim, he had 
 acquired the Saxon duchy, which under his hands had lost 
 nothing of its ancient character. While the Dukes of Swabia 
 had yielded the jurisdiction of the south to the Dukes of 
 Zahringen, while Franconia was hopelessly split between rival 
 houses, Lorraine divided between upper and lower Lorraine, 
 and the Margraves of the East Mark, who had already the 
 power and were soon to have the title of Dukes of Austria, had 
 cut deep into the integrity of the Bavarian duchy, while in all 
 the duchies alike a swarm of counts and barons had absorbed 
 most of the effective attributes of sovereignty, Saxony alone 
 maintained its unity and independence. Whatever the 
 encroachments of the feudal principle, the Saxon duke still 
 headed and represented a nation proudly conscious of its great- 
 ness and fiercely resentful of all southern influence. Lothair 
 had grown old in long and doubtful struggles against Henry v., 
 and the Emperor had never ventured to deprive his unruly 
 subject of his duchy. The Duke had found his position 
 much strengthened, since the setting-up of a Danish arch- 
 bishopric at Lund in 1104 had barred the prospects of the 
 Archbishop of Bremen obtaining that northern patriarchate 
 that Adalbert had of old desired, and had in consequence de- 
 stroyed the importance of the chief ecclesiastical makeweight
 
 224 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 to his authority. He was no servile friend of the hierarchy, 
 but, after the Saxon fashion, he wished well to the Church, 
 as the best check upon the power of the imperialistic south. 
 Long experience had made him cautious, moderate, and 
 politic. He was the strongest noble in Germany. 
 
 In August 1125 the German magnates met together 
 at Mainz to chose their new king. The antagonism of 
 Election of tne nat i ns was so fierce that, while Saxons and 
 Lothairii., Bavarians encamped on the right bank of the 
 lia5 ' Rhine, Swabians and Franks took up their quarters 
 
 on the opposite side of the stream. A committee of forty 
 princes, ten chosen from each of the four nations, was set up 
 to conduct the preliminary negotiations, and if possible, to 
 agree upon a candidate. Frederick of Swabia, Lothair or 
 Saxony, and Leopold of Austria were all proposed as can- 
 didates. The craft of Adalbert of Mainz, as ever the foe 
 of Henry v. and his house, prevented the election of the 
 Staufer, by representing to the princes that Frederick's choice 
 would be interpreted as a recognition of an hereditary claim. 
 For the first time since the election of Conrad n., the magnates 
 had a free hand, and they could not resist the temptation 
 to use it. Adalbert isolated Frederick by breaking up his new 
 alliance with the Guelfs. Conrad of Franconia was away on 
 Crusade. The alliance of Saxons and Bavarians, backed up 
 by the skill of Adalbert, the zeal of the Papalists and the 
 enthusiasm of the Rhineland, led to the election of Lothair. 
 
 Lothair n. reigned from 1125 to 1138. He was already 
 sixty years old, at his accession, but he ruled with energy and 
 The reign of v ig our - By marrying his only daughter, Gertrude, 
 uothairii., to Henry the Proud, son of Duke Henry the 
 1135-1x38. Black, he united his fortunes with those of the 
 house of Guelf, and prepared the way for that union of Saxony 
 The Hohen- an( * B ava " a which had long been the Guelfs' 
 staufen dream. In these days the struggle of the rival 
 
 families of Welf and Weiblingen, of Guelf and 
 Ghibelline, first brought out the famous antagonism that in
 
 Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 225 
 
 later times was extended over the Alps, and grew from a strife 
 of hostile houses to a warfare of contending principles, and 
 finally degenerated into the most meaningless faction fight that 
 history has ever witnessed. 
 
 Lothair deprived Frederick of Swabia of part of the Salian 
 lands inherited from Henry v. This was the signal of war 
 between Swabian and Saxon, Weiblingen and Welf. In 1127 
 Conrad, the younger Hohenstaufen brother, was set up as 
 anti-king, and in 1128 crossed the Alps in quest of the 
 imperial crown and the heritage of the Countess Matilda. 
 Milan welcomed him, and crowned him with the Iron Crown. 
 But the Pope, Honorius n., excommunicated him, and he 
 could make no way south of the Apennines. Meanwhile 
 King Lothair and his son-in-law, Henry the Proud, took pos- 
 session of the Rhenish towns that were the Hohenstaufen 
 strongholds, and devastated Swabia with fire and sword. In 
 1134 Frederick gave up the contest, and next year Conrad 
 also made his submission. Lothair showed politic magna- 
 nimity and left them their hereditary possessions. 
 
 In a Diet at Bamberg in 1135 Lothair proclaimed a 
 general peace for Germany. To Saxons and churchmen his 
 reign was a golden age. 'It is with right,' wrote a Lothairand 
 contemporary annalist, ' that we call Lothair the German 
 father of his country, for he upheld it strenuously Civilisation - 
 and was always ready to risk his life for justice's sake.' ' He 
 left behind him,' said another, ' such a memory that he will 
 be blessed until the end of time : for in his days the Church 
 rejoiced in peace, the service of God increased, and there 
 was plenty in all things.' He has been accused of sacrificing 
 the greatness of the Empire for the sake of immediate 
 advantages. But there is little evidence that he was ever 
 false to the Concordat of Worms, and it is hard to condemn 
 a prince who, by accepting the ideas of the rights of the 
 Church that found favour at the time, was able to put down 
 domestic strife, and allow his people to advance in civilisa- 
 tion and power. 
 
 PERIOD II. f
 
 226 European History, 918-1273 
 
 As the true heir of the Ottos, Lothair occupied himself with 
 extending German political supremacy and culture into Scandi- 
 The Slavs navian and Slavonic lands. His earlier efforts 
 and the against the Bohemians were not successful, but 
 
 even before peace was restored in Germany, he 
 forced King Niel of Denmark and his son Magnus to do 
 homage and pay tribute. He turned his arms against the 
 neighbouring Slavs, and brought back to his obedience the 
 chiefs of the Wagrians and the Abotrites. Duke Boleslav 
 of Poland recognised him as his lord, and agreed to hold 
 Pomerania and Riigen as fiefs of the Empire. Duke Sobeslav 
 of Bohemia and King Bela n. of Hungary referred their dis- 
 putes to his arbitration. At his court were seen the envoys of 
 the Eastern Emperor and of the Venetians. Everywhere his 
 influence was recognised. 
 
 Lothair busied himself greatly with the revival of religion in 
 his rude Saxon duchy, and with the extension of Christianity 
 Herbert and an ^ German political influence amidst the 
 Albert the heathens and half-heathens beyond the limits of 
 his Empire. Side by side with the soldiers of 
 Albert the Bear, Margrave of the North Mark, went the 
 Christian missionaries and revivalists. At the bidding of the 
 Emperor, Norbert left Pre'montre', and became Archbishop of 
 Magdeburg, and founded there a new house that became the 
 second great centre of Premonstratensian ideas. Through 
 his influence secular canons were removed from most of 
 the cathedrals of eastern Saxony and the Marches, and 
 replaced by Premonstratensians. Norbert wished to make 
 Magdeburg the centre of missions to the East and a patriarchate 
 over Polish and Wendish Christianity. New bishoprics were 
 founded in Poland and half-heathen Pomerania, and the 
 Polish Archbishop of Gnesen lost for a time his metropolitical 
 power. For a time the ideas of Adalbert of Bremen were 
 again in the ascendant, and the Pope restored the rights of 
 Bremen over Lund and the churches of Scandinavia. From 
 Bremen Vicelin brought Christianity to the conquered Wagrians
 
 Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 227 
 
 and Abotrites. The fortress of Siegburg, built by Lothair on 
 the Trave, both assured his supremacy and protected the 
 famous monastery that grew up at its walls. 
 
 The alliance between Lothair and the Papacy did not in- 
 volve the abdication of any imperial rights in Italy, but the 
 pressure of German affairs put Italy somewhat in Lothair and 
 the background. A great series of changes was ltal y- 
 now being brought about in Italy. In the north and centre 
 the communal revolution was, as we shall soon see, in full pro- 
 gress. In the south the Norman power was being consolidated, 
 while a fresh schism soon distracted the Papacy. 
 
 Since the conquest of Sicily from the Mohammedans by 
 Roger, the youngest brother of Robert Guiscard, the chief 
 Norman lordship of southern Italy had been 
 divided between the two branches of the house of Sicily and 
 Tancred. Roger ruled Sicily as its count until Apulia by 
 his death in 1101, when he was succeeded by 
 his son and namesake, Roger u., a child of four. Mean- 
 while the stock of Robert Guiscard bore rule in Calabria 
 and Apulia. Roger, son of Robert, was Duke of Apulia 
 from his father's death in 1085 to his own decease in mi. 
 His son and successor, William, was a weakling, and upon 
 his death without issue in 1127, the direct line of Robert 
 became extinct. Roger of Sicily had now long attained 
 man's estate, and had shown his ability and energy in the 
 administration of his county. After his cousin's death, he at 
 once got himself accepted as Duke of Apulia and Calabria 
 by the mass of the Norman barons, and then directed his 
 resources towards conquering the states of southern Italy 
 that were still outside the power of his house. With 
 the subjugation of the rival Norman principality of Capua, 
 and of the republics of Amalfi and Naples, the unity of 
 the later kingdom of Naples and Sicily was substantially 
 established. 
 
 Since 1124 Lambert, Bishop of Ostia, the Bolognese lawyer 
 who had ended the Investiture Contest, had held the papal
 
 228 European History, 918-1273 
 
 throne, with the title of Honorius n., but he failed to show the 
 decision of character necessary to dominate the unruly local 
 Honorius ii., factions of Rome, or to resist the usurpations of 
 1104-1130. the Count of Sicily. The union of Apulia and 
 Sicily threatened the Italian balance, but Honorius strove in 
 vain to form a league of Italian princes against Roger. In 
 1128 he was forced to accept Roger as lord of Apulia. The 
 Norman soon scorned the titles of count and duke, which had 
 contented his predecessors, and soon had an opportunity of 
 gratifying his ambition to become a king. 
 
 On the death of Honorius n., the cardinals with due obser- 
 vance of all proper forms, chose as their Pope Peter Pier- 
 leone, a former monk of Cluny, who took the 
 
 Schism of ... , . 
 
 innocent ii. name of Anacletus n. But nothing could be less 
 and Anacie- Quniac than this Cluniac Pope, the son of a Jewish 
 banker who had turned Christian, and made a 
 great fortune at Rome during the Investiture Contest. The 
 house of Pierleone had taken a considerable place among 
 the great families of Rome, and one of the worst troubles of 
 Honorius n. had been its violent opposition to his rule. 
 Peter had shamelessly used his father's money to buy over the 
 majority, and the worst and best motives led to the question- 
 ing of his election. The houses of Corsi and Frangipani, 
 who had had the ear of the last Pope, were dismayed at 
 the triumph of the head of the rival faction. The strong 
 hierarchical party had no faith in the Jewish usurer's son. 
 Accordingly, five cardinals offered the Papacy to Gregory, 
 Cardinal-deacon of St. Angelo, who took the name of Innocent 
 n., and was at once hailed as the candidate of the stronger 
 churchmen. But in Rome he found himself powerless. He 
 fled to Pisa, and thence to Genoa, Provence, Burgundy, and 
 France. Anacletus meanwhile reigned in Rome and Italy, 
 where, by granting the title of king to Roger of Sicily, he 
 secured the support of the Normans. 
 
 Anacletus and Innocent both appealed to Lothair. But the 
 real decision of their claims rested with Bernard of Clairvnux
 
 Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 229 
 
 Bernard had no faith in the splendour and pride of Cluny, 
 and showed little respect for the forms of a papal election. 
 He quickly perceived that the interests of the hierarchy were 
 involved in recognising Innocent, and with characteristic 
 enthusiasm declared for his cause, and soon won over France 
 and its king. Like Urban n., Innocent n. traversed France, 
 crowned Louis vn. at Reims, and presided over a synod at 
 Clermont. England, Castile, Aragon followed France in 
 recognising him. Norbert accepted eagerly the guidance of 
 St. Bernard, and prevailed upon Lothair to recognise Innocent. 
 Italy alone resisted, and Lothair crossed the Alps to win 
 Italy for Innocent, and receive from him the imperial crown. 
 Germany took little interest in his expedition, and Lothair in 
 the scanty band that followed him was almost Ital y- 
 exclusively Saxon. Innocent availed himself of his coming 
 to return to Italy, and enter into the possession of the long- 
 contested inheritance of the Countess Matilda. In April 
 1133, Lothair and Innocent entered Rome. But Anacletus 
 held the Leonine city and the castle of St. Angelo, and 
 Innocent could only get possession of the Lateran, where 
 he crowned the Emperor on 4th Tune. Four 
 
 , , T . ,. , , . . His corona- 
 
 days later Innocent n. issued a diploma of pnvi- tion and 
 
 lege to Lothair, in which the Pope, ' not wishing issue of 
 
 ...... . , / i -r-, privileges 
 
 to diminish but increase the majesty of the Em- to the 
 pire, granted the Emperor all his due and canonical church, 
 rights, and forbade the prelates of Germany laying 
 hands on the temporalities [regalia] of their offices, except 
 from the Emperor's grant.' An agreement was also arrived at 
 with regard to the inheritance of the Countess Matilda. 
 Lothair consented to receive Matilda's fiefs from the Pope ; 
 and to pay tribute for them. At his death they were to go to 
 Henry of Bavaria, his son-in-law. By thus appearing before 
 the world as receiving from the Pope rights which he could 
 well claim as his own, Lothair secured for his family estates 
 that might otherwise have gone to the Hohenstaufen. But 
 the Papalists were much exalted at the submission of the
 
 2 3O European History, 918-1273 
 
 Emperor. A German chronicler tells how Innocent caused a 
 picture to be painted, in which the Pope was represented 
 sitting on a throne, and the Emperor humbly receiving the 
 crown from his hands. Two insolent verses inscribed beneath 
 it told how the king had come to the gates of Rome, and 
 had sworn to protect the privileges of the city, and how he 
 became the man of the Pope who gave him the crown. 1 
 
 Innocent had still much trouble with the Antipope, and 
 his chief supporter, Roger of Sicily. He soon withdrew from 
 Rome to Pisa, where, in 1134, he held a synod, 
 the Normans which Bernard left Clairvaux to attend. But not 
 of Sicily, even the animating presence of the saint could 
 make Anacletus and Roger submit. Innocent 
 was forced to continue at Pisa until, in 1136, Lothair crossed 
 the Alps a second time to help him. On this occasion the 
 Emperor came with an army, and St. Bernard's fervid denun- 
 ciations of the Norman tyrant, who alone upheld to any pur- 
 pose the schismatic cause, gave the expedition the character of 
 a crusade. Lothair performed exploits, said Otto of Freising, 
 in Calabria and Apulia sucli as no Prankish king had done 
 since the days of Charles the Great. He captured some of the 
 chief Norman towns, such as Bari and Salerno, while the fleets 
 of Pisa made precarious the communication between Calabria 
 and Sicily. Roger, after striving in vain to bribe the Emperor 
 into retreat, did not scruple to arm his Saracens against the 
 two lords of the Christian world. He retreated into the 
 mountains of Calabria, while the Pope and Emperor united 
 in deposing him and conferring Apulia on Reginald, a pro- 
 minent Norman baron of that region. But at the moment of 
 victory Innocent and Lothair quarrelled. Both claimed to be 
 the suzerains of Apulia, and both claimed the sole right of 
 investing the new duke with his office. After a hot dispute, 
 
 1 ' Rex venit ante fores, jurans prius Urbis honores, 
 Post homo fit papac, sumit quo dante coronam.' 
 
 Ann. Colon. Max. s.a. 1133, in Pertz, Men. Hist. Germ. SS. vol. xvii. { 
 Kagewinus, Gesta Fred. Imp. ib. xx. 422.
 
 Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 231 
 
 they agreed to hand over jointly to Reginald the banner, 
 which was the symbol of his dignity ; but before long Lothair 
 hurried home, disgusted with his Papal ally, and leaving 
 Anacletus again in possession of Rome. The fatigues of war 
 and travel told upon him, and he died at a Tyrolese village on 
 4th December 1137, saved only by death from entering upon 
 the footsteps of the'Salian enemies of the Church. 
 
 Henry the Proud, Duke of Bavaria, aspired to succeed his 
 father-in-law, having, besides large hereditary possessions, 
 the duchies of Bavaria and Saxony, while his E i ectiono f 
 enjoyment of the heritage of Matilda gave Conrad in., 
 him an equally important position in northern I138 ' 
 Italy and Tuscany. He boasted that his authority stretched 
 from the North Sea to the Mediterranean. But the arro- 
 gance which gave him his nickname deprived him of 
 personal popularity, and his extraordinary resources made 
 his accession disliked by all who feared a strong monarchy, 
 while the Church party, that had procured the election of 
 Lothair, was now alienated from him. The result of all 
 this was that the same circumstances that had led to 
 Lothair's being made king in 1125, resulted, in 1138,, in the 
 rejection of his son-in-law. Adalbero, Archbishop of Trier, a 
 creature of Innocent n., played, in the vacancy of both Mainz 
 and Cologne, the part which Adalbert of Mainz had so cleverly 
 filled on the previous occasion. He summoned the electoral 
 diet to meet in his own town of Coblenz. Though Saxony and 
 Bavaria sent no representatives, the magnates of Swabia and 
 Franconia gathered together at the appointed spot. Frederick, 
 Duke of Swabia, was no longer a candidate, but, on yth 
 March, his younger brother, Conrad, the old enemy of Lothair, 
 was chosen king. 
 
 The struggle of Welf and Weiblingen soon broke out anew. 
 Henry delivered up the imperial insignia, and Contestof 
 offered to acknowledge Conrad, if confirmed in Conradwith 
 his possessions ; but the new king would not the Guelfs> 
 accept these terms, and before long deprived Henry of both
 
 232 European History, 918-1273 
 
 his duchies. The margrave, Albert the Bear, who, like Henry 
 the Proud, claimed descent from the Billung stock, was made 
 Uuke of Saxony, and Leopold of Austria, Conrad's half-brother, 
 received Bavaria. Civil war inevitably followed. All Saxony 
 rallied round the Guelfs, and Albert was driven from his new 
 duchy. But in October 1139, Henry the Proud was carried 
 off by a sudden attack of fever, and a child ten years old 
 succeeded. With the help of his brother Frederick and the 
 faithful Rhineland, Conrad invaded Saxony in 1140, and won 
 a victory at Weinsberg that secured him his throne, but did 
 not ensure the reduction of the Saxons. Next year the death 
 of the Austrian Duke of Bavaria made compromise more easy. 
 In February 1142 a treaty was signed at Frankfurt, by which 
 the Saxons recognised Conrad as king, and Conrad admitted 
 the young Henry the Guelf to the duchy of Saxony. Before 
 long Gertrude, his mother, married Henry, the Count Palatine, 
 brother of Leopold of Austria, and another half-brother of 
 Conrad, who next year received his brother's duchy of Bavaria. 
 Thus the great struggle ended in a compromise, in which, if 
 Conrad retained the throne, Saxony and Bavaria still remained 
 under the influence of the house of Guelf. 
 
 Conrad was a gallant knight, liberal, attractive, and popular, 
 but he had little statecraft, and no idea how best to 
 The Second establish his position. The preaching of the 
 crusade, Second Crusade soon called him from the dull and 
 ungrateful work of ruling the Germans to adven- 
 tures more attractive to his spirit of knight-errantry. At 
 Christmas 1146 he took the cross from Bernard of Clairvaux 
 in the cathedral of Speyer. Next spring he proclaimed a 
 general peace, and procured the coronation of his little son 
 Henry as joint king. Between 1147 and 1149 he was away 
 from Germany on Crusade. With him went his gifted nephew 
 Frederick, who, in 1147, had succeeded on the death of his 
 father, the elder Frederick, to the Duchy of Swabia. The 
 Crusade was a failure, and the long absence of the monarch 
 still further increased the troubles of Germany.
 
 Germany and Italy t 1125-1152 233 
 
 The crusading spirit rose so high under Bernard's preaching 
 that those who could not follow Conrad to the Holy Land 
 organised fresh Crusades against the heathen who, The east- 
 despite the work of Norbert and Lothair, still ward 
 
 advance of 
 
 closely fringed the Empire on the east. The the German 
 Saxons naturally took a prominent share in this kin s dom - 
 Crusade. But the rivalry of Albert the Bear and Henry 
 of Saxony, whom men now began to style Henry the Lion, 
 prevented any very immediate results flowing from these 
 movements. Yet the definitive conversion of Pomerania, and 
 the acquisition by Albert of Brandenburg, were important 
 steps forward in the Germanisation of the lands between Elbe 
 and Oder. From the victories of Albert the Bear begins the 
 history of that Mark of Brandenburg, which in nearly every 
 after-age was to take so prominent a part in German history. 
 In later years, when the strong rule of Frederick Barbarossa 
 kept local feuds within bounds, Albert the Bear and Henry 
 the Lion vied with each other as pioneers of German civili- 
 sation in the north-east. At the moment it was enough 
 for Henry the Lion to consolidate his power in Saxony. 
 When Conrad came back from Syria he found that Count 
 Welf, a kinsman of Henry the Lion who ha'l returned early 
 from the Crusade, had raised a rebellion. When this was 
 suppressed, Henry the Lion again claimed Bavaria and 
 prepared for revolt. The young King Henry, in whose name 
 the country had been ruled during his father's absence, now 
 died prematurely, and on i5th February 1152 Conrad followed 
 him to the tomb. 
 
 Never did the affairs of Papacy and Empire run in more 
 separate courses than during the reign of Conrad in. While 
 Europe as a whole paid unquestioning obedience to the Papal 
 power, the last period of the Pontificate of Innocent n., and 
 nearly the whole of the reigns of his immediate successors, 
 were occupied in sordid struggles with the Roman nobility, 
 with disobedient neighbours, and with rebellious vassals. 
 After the retreat of Lothair over the Alps, Innocent n.
 
 234 European History, 918-1273 
 
 was again left, in 1137, to contend against the Antipope 
 and his partisans. His position was, however, stronger 
 than it had been, and he was able to maintain himself in 
 Rome, despite Anacletus' continued presence in the castle 
 of St. Angelo. But the loss of the imperial presence was soon 
 far more than balanced by the arrival of a man whose support 
 outweighed that of kings and princes. In the spring of 1137 
 Bernard crossed the Alps, resolved to make a last desperate 
 effort to root out the remnants of the schism that he had 
 laboured against for seven years. He reached Rome, and 
 instead of falling back on his usual methods of violent and 
 indiscriminate denunciation, he prudently had recourse to 
 private conferences with the few despairing partisans of the 
 schismatic Peter. There is perhaps no more convincing testi- 
 mony to Bernard's powers of persuasion than his victory 
 over the rude Roman barons and greedy self-seeking priests, 
 who upheld the Antipope through family tradition or through 
 fear of losing their revenues. He had talked many of them 
 over when the opportune death of the Antipope in January 
 1138 precipitated his inevitable triumph. The schismatics 
 chose a new Antipope, who took the name of Victor iv., 
 but his policy was to negotiate terms of surrender, not to 
 prolong the division. In a few weeks Bernard persuaded 
 him to surrender his dignity to Innocent. Bernard at once 
 returned to Clairvaux, the crowning work of his life success- 
 fully accomplished. 
 
 In April 1139 Innocent n. consummated his triumph by 
 holding a General Council in the Lateran, which was attended 
 The second by a thousand bishops. This second Lateran 
 General Council was reckoned by the Westerns as the 
 coimcl", Tenth General Council. It removed the last 
 "39- traces of the schism, and re-enacted more formally 
 
 the canons already drawn up in the Pope's presence at 
 the Council of Reims of 1131. It is significant of the 
 future that the Council condemned the errors of Arnold of 
 Brescia.
 
 Germany and Italy , 1125-1152 235 
 
 Innocent thus restored the Papacy to its old position in 
 things spiritual, but not even St. Bernard could give him much 
 help against Roger of Sicily. After the quarrel of lnnocentll 
 Pope and Emperor, the Norman king speedily won and Roger of 
 back his position in Apulia and Calabria, and even Slcll y- 
 at the very end of the schism his influence had forced Monte 
 Casino, the mother of all Western monasticism, to acknowledge 
 Anacletus. Spiritual weapons were useless against Roger. 
 No sooner, therefore, was the council over than Innocent took 
 the field in person against his rebellious vassal. The fate of 
 Leo ix. was speedily repeated. The papal army was no match 
 against Roger's veterans, and Innocent, shut up in San 
 Germano, was forced to yield himself prisoner. Roger showed 
 the head of the Church the same respect which Robert had 
 shown his predecessor. But the Pope could only win back 
 his liberty by confirming to the Norman all the advantages 
 which he had formerly wrested from the weakness of Anacletus. 
 The treaty of Mignano again restored the old alliance between 
 the Papacy and the Italian Normans. Roger did homage to 
 Innocent for Sicily, Apulia, and Capua. A great south Italian 
 kingdom was thus definitely legalised which, in the varied 
 changes of subsequent history, obstinately maintained its unity 
 with itself and its separateness from the rest of the peninsula. 
 
 Roger governed the state which he had founded with rare 
 ability and energy. He was a true Norman, and many features 
 of his character suggest a comparison between Th e organisa- 
 him and William the Conqueror. He now showed tion of the 
 as much capacity in statecraft as he had previously sicUy^der 
 shown as a warrior. Fierce, relentless, and unfor- Roger i., 
 giving, he ruthlessly crushed the barons that Iia7 ' 1154 ' 
 had profited by the period of struggle to consolidate their 
 independence, and built up a well-ordered centralised despot- 
 ism, that was able to give examples in the art of government 
 to Henry of Anjou. With rare sympathy and skill, he per- 
 mitted the motley population of his new kingdom to live their 
 old lives under their old laws. The Saracens of Sicily that
 
 236 European History, 918-1273 
 
 had faithfully supported him in the days of his adversity, 
 continued in their former abodes, occupying separate districts 
 in the cities, worshipping without hindrance in their mosques, 
 and still governed in the petty matters of every-day life by 
 their own judges after the laws of Islam. The Byzantine 
 Greeks, still numerous in the towns of Calabria, enjoyed 
 similar immunities for their schismatic worship, and still 
 followed the Roman law. Arabic and Greek were equally 
 recognised with Latin as official languages in the public acts, 
 and Roger's coins bore Arabic devices. The court of the 
 king took a character of Eastern pomp and luxury that 
 anticipated the times of Frederick 11. A Greek general led 
 Roger's armies, and a Greek churchman, who wrote a book 
 against the Roman primacy, shared with Arab physicians, 
 geographers, and astronomers the patronage of the Norman 
 king. The very monuments of art show the same strange juxta- 
 position of the stern romanesque of Neustria with the mosaics 
 of the Byzantines, and the brilliant decorations of Arabic 
 architects. Roger made Naples and Sicily one of the best- 
 governed states in Europe, and with the happy quickness of 
 sympathy and readiness to learn and borrow, which was the best 
 mark of the Norman genius, combined elements the most 
 diverse and unpromising into a happy and contented whole. 
 
 Despite his energy at home, Roger pursued an active external 
 policy. He remained a faithful but an unruly ally of the Papacy. 
 Roger 1 * later Like Robert Guiscard he turned his ambition 
 ware. against Constantinople, and Europe saw the strange 
 
 spectacle of Manuel Comnenus allied with Conrad in. in 
 withstanding the aggressions. Rut Roger's most important 
 wars were those against the Saracens, whom he pursued 
 into Africa. His first and most permanent conquest was 
 Malta, which remained until the sixteenth century a part of 
 the Sicilian realm. The Mohammedan princes of 
 North North Africa recognised him as their lord and 
 
 Africa. opened their ports to his merchants. In 1146 his 
 
 admiral conquered Tripoli, and in 1148 Roger himself led a
 
 Germany and Italy, \ 125-1 152 237 
 
 large expedition to Africa. After the capture of Tunis, the 
 whole coast line from Cape Bon to Tripoli was subject to 
 the Norman king, who boasted that the African obeyed him 
 as well as the Apulian, the Calabrian, and the Sicilian. After 
 a long reign, he died in 1 1 54, with the reputation of one of 
 the greatest kings of his time. 
 
 While southern Italy settled down into a well-ordered state, 
 a very different process was at work in the north, where the 
 feudal nobility had never been strong, and the 
 
 , J . Growth of 
 
 towns had always been important. As the con- municipal 
 test between Panacy and Empire became chronic, a t n my in 
 
 F i r 11 i Lombardy. 
 
 the general tendency was for the feudal nobility 
 to uphold the Empire, and the townsmen the cause of the 
 Church. As in the days of the early Church, each Italian 
 town of any importance was the seat of a bishop, who became 
 the natural leader of the citizens in their struggle against 
 the rustic nobility. This tendency was particularly strong in 
 Lombardy, where the logic of facts and lavish grants of 
 imperial privilege had conferred on the bishops the power of 
 the ancient counts, or had subordinated the imperial officers 
 under the episcopal authority. In Lombardy therefore the 
 municipal revolution broke out, though it soon spread to all 
 northern and central Italy. 
 
 The municipal government of Lombardy grew up gradually 
 and almost imperceptibly under the shade of the episcopal 
 power. The townsfolk became more numerous and more 
 wealthy. The inland cities became great seats of manufactur- 
 ing industry, important market centres, or, like Bologna and 
 Padua, famous for their schools. The towns on or near the sea 
 found even greater prosperity through foreign trade. The neces- 
 sity of common action in business, no less than juxtaposition 
 in common residence behind strong walls, brought together the 
 citizens in a common unity of feeling. The very subordinate 
 agents of the bishops' power supply the rudiments of a 
 common organisation. The eleventh century very commonly 
 saw the citizens in revolt against their episcopal protectors.
 
 238 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Milan, when on the side of its archbishop, had been strong 
 enough to enable Aribert to wage war against the Emperor 
 himself [see pages 58, 59]. In the next generation Milan and 
 its archbishops were generally at war. The quarrel of Pope 
 and Emperor made it easy for the dexterous townsmen to 
 play the ecclesiastical and the temporal authority against each 
 other, and Popes and Emperors alike were prepared to bid 
 heavily for its support. Thus the ' regalia,' which the bishops 
 had usurped from the counts, passed in some way from them 
 to the citizens. By the beginning of the twelfth century the 
 great towns of the north had become self-governing munici- 
 palities. 
 
 At the head of the municipal organisation stood the 
 consuls, the chief magistrates of the town, varying widely in 
 numbers, authority, and method of appointment, but every- 
 where the recognised heads of the city state. The consulate, 
 which began in Italy towards the end of the twelfth century, 
 was in its origin a sworn union of the citizens of a town bent 
 upon obtaining for themselves the benefits of local autonomy, 
 Private, and often, like the North French Commune, 
 rebellious in its early history, the consulate in the end 
 obtained the control of the municipal authority. With its 
 erecti( n or recognition begins the independent municipal 
 organisation of the Italian cities. 1 Besides the ruling consuls 
 was a council, or credentia, of the ' wise men ' of the city, 
 acting as a senate. Beyond these governing bodies was 
 the communitas, meeting on grave occasions in a common 
 parlamentum or conference. The local life of the muni- 
 cipalities was intensely active, but there were fierce jealousies 
 and perpetual faction fights between the different orders of 
 the population. The even more violent local hatred of 
 
 1 On the whole subject of the constitution of the Italian towns see 
 Hegel, Geschichte der Stadteverfassung von /(alien (1847), Heinemann, 
 Zur Entstehung der Stadteverfassung in Italien (1896), whose views 
 Hegel contests ; or for their more general history, Lanzi, Storia dei 
 communi italiani (1881-1884), an ^ Sismondi's old-fashioned Histoire dei 
 RtpubHques Ilalunnes.
 
 Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 239 
 
 neighbouring cities made common action almost impossible, 
 and led to constant bloody wars. But despite these troubles, 
 the Lombard cities grew in wealth, trade, numbers, and 
 reputation. 
 
 The Tuscan cities followed at a distance the example of 
 their northern neighbours. It was their chief concern to 
 wrest municipal privileges from the feudal mar- The Tuscan 
 quises, who had up to this point ruled town cities - 
 and country alike. Even more conspicuously than the inland 
 towns, the maritime cities attained wealth and freedom. 
 Pisa, Genoa, and Venice obtained, as we have seen, a great 
 position in the East from the time of the First Crusade. 
 While Venice stood apart, proud of its dependence on the 
 Eastern Emperor, the life of the other maritime cities was 
 much the same as that of the inland towns, save that it was 
 more bustling, tumultuous, and varied. Before the end of 
 eleventh century, Pisa and Genoa had driven the Saracens 
 out of Corsica and Sardinia, and set up their own authority 
 in their stead. 
 
 The free, restless life of the Italian commune offered a 
 splendid field for the intellectual revival which we have 
 traced in the preceding chapter. Side by side with the 
 development of Italian municipalities, went the growth of the 
 famous schools of Italy. The Italian scholars were for the 
 most part townsmen, laymen, and lawyers. While the students 
 north of the Alps became a little cosmopolitan aristocracy of 
 talent, living in a world of their own, and scarcely influenced 
 by the political life around them, the Italian students easily 
 became politicians and leaders of men. Abelard led no revolt 
 save against the tyranny of authority and teachers of obsolete 
 doctrine. His chief Italian disciple became the first educated 
 popular leader known to the mediaeval world. With the 
 influence of Arnold of Brescia the gulf between the new 
 life of action and the new life of speculation was bridged 
 over. 
 
 Arnold of Brescia was born in the town from which he
 
 240 European History, 918-1273 
 
 took his name. At Paris he became an ardent disciple and 
 personal friend of Abelard. Returning to his native city, 
 Early life of ^ e became provost of a foundation of Canons 
 Arnold of Regular, and a conspicuous influence both in the 
 spiritual and political life of the town. He had the 
 love of novelty, the restless vanity, the acute sceptical intellect 
 of his brilliant teacher. He preached that priests were to live 
 on the tithes and free offerings of the faithful, that bishops 
 were to renounce their 'regalia,' and monks their lands, 
 and the laity only were to rule the state. Under his 
 leadership, Brescia, like the other Lombard cities, cast off 
 the bishop's rule, but Innocent n. took up the bishop's 
 cause, and, as we have seen, the Lateran Council of 1139 
 deprived Arnold of his benefice and banished him from Italy. 
 He again crossed the Alps, stood by the side of Abelard 
 nt the Council of Sens, and returned to Paris, and taught 
 at Abelard's old school on Mont Ste. Genevieve. But his 
 doctrine of apostolic poverty was too extreme to please the 
 ambitious clerks who thronged the Paris schools, and he was 
 pursued by the inveterate malice of Bernard, who persuaded 
 Louis vii. to drive the heretic from France. Arnold retired 
 to Zurich, whence he soon wandered, preaching, through the 
 valleys of upper Swabia, protected against Bernard's anger by 
 the papal legate Cardinal Guido, his old Paris comrade. 
 The abbot of Clairvaux was furious with the cardinal. 
 'Arnold of Brescia,' he wrote, 'whose speech is honey, whose 
 doctrine poison, the man whom Brescia has vomited forth, 
 whom Rome abhors, whom France drives to exile, whom 
 Germany curses, whom Italy refuses to receive, obtains thy 
 support. To be his friend is to be the foe of the Pope and 
 God.' In 1145 Arnold returned to Italy with Guido, and 
 was reconciled to the Church. With his arrival in Rome 
 to work out his penance, the last and greatest period of his 
 career begins. 
 
 The eml of the Pontificate of Innocent n. was marked by 
 the beginning of a fierce fight between the Pope and the city
 
 Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 24 1 
 
 of Rome. The old Roman spirit of opposition to the Pope 
 had been revived by the long struggle of the typically Roman 
 Anacletus, and what had been accomplished in The Ia8t 
 Milan and Brescia seemed no impossible ideal years of 
 for the Romans. In 1143 the Romans, enraged InnocentIL 
 ?.t the refusal of Innocent to destroy the rival city of Tivoli, 
 set up a Commune, at the head of which was a The Roman 
 popular Senate, to exercise the power hitherto in revolution, 
 the hands of the noble consuls or the Pope himself. Before 
 long they chose as ' Patrician ' Giordano Pierleone, a kinsman 
 of Anacletus. Innocent n. died at the very beginning of the 
 struggle. His successor, Celestine n., reigned j . 
 only from September 1143 to March 1144, and 1143.4, 
 
 was powerless to withstand the Commune. The Lucius IL > 
 
 1144-5, an d 
 next Pope, Lucius n., put himself at the head Eugenius in., 
 
 of the nobles, went to war against it, but was "45-"54- 
 slain while attempting to storm the Capitol (February 1 145). 
 This time the timid cardinals went outside their own number, 
 and chose Eugenius in., the abbot of the Cistercian convent 
 of Tre Fontane in the Campagna, a man whose chief recom- 
 mendation was the ostentatious patronage of St. Bernard, and 
 who was a simple and timid monk quite unversed in statecraft. 
 Immediately after his election Eugenius fled from Rome, and 
 after some temporising he crossed the Alps in 1 147, leaving 
 the Roman republic triumphant. He remained absent till 
 1148, mainly engaged in furthering the work of Bernard. 
 
 Arnold of Brescia now abandoned his spiritual exercises 
 and put himself at the head of the Roman revolution. All 
 Rome listened spellbound to his eloquence while Arnold of 
 he preached against the pride and greed of the Brescia and 
 cardinals, and denounced the Pope as no shep- Rome - 
 herd of souls, but a man of blood and the torturer of the 
 Church. His hope was now to free Rome permanently from, 
 all priestly rule, to reduce the clergy to apostolic poverty,, 
 and to limit them to their purely spiritual functions. Rome 
 was to be a free municipality subject only to the Emperor,, 
 
 PERIOD n. Q
 
 242 European History, 918-1273 
 
 who was to make the city the centre and source of his power, 
 like the great Emperors of old. ' We wish,' wrote the 
 Romans to Conrad in., 'to exalt and glorify the Roman 
 Empire, of which God has given you the rule. We would 
 restore it as it was in the days of Constantine and Justinian. 
 We have restored the Senate. We strive with all our might 
 that Caesar may enjoy his own. Come over and help us, 
 for you will find in Rome all that you wish. Settle yourself 
 firmly in the City that is the head of the world, and, freed 
 from the fetters of the clergy, rule better than your prede- 
 cessors over Germany and Italy.' But Conrad, intent on his 
 crusading projects, paid no heed to the Roman summons. 
 
 Bernard saw as keenly as Arnold of Brescia how the 
 political influence and wealth of the Church were in danger 
 Arnold of ^ overshadowing its religious work. ' Who will 
 Brescia and permit me to see before I die,' he wrote to 
 Eugenius, 'the Church of God so ordered as it 
 was in the old days, when the Apostles cast their nets to fish 
 for souls and not for gold and silver? ' But he recognised in 
 Arnold's policy an attack on the influence of the Church, not 
 merely an assault on its worldly possessions and dignities. 
 He carried on the war against Arnold with more acerbity than 
 ever. Eugenius again passed over into Italy to measure 
 swords with the Roman republic. When personal intercourse 
 ceased, Bernard sent to the Pope his book De Consideration, 
 in which he warned the Papacy to follow the Apostles and 
 not Constantine, and lamented the danger lest the avarice 
 of lordship and apostolate should prove fatal to it. It is 
 strange how nearly the arch-enemies Arnold of Brescia and 
 Bernard approached each other, both in their ideas and in 
 their way of life. Both lived like ascetics. Both hated the 
 pomp and show of priestly dignity, and wished to keep the 
 Church apart from the world. Yet the pupil of Abelard was 
 the apostle of the lay spirit ; and the last of the fathers was 
 the greatest pillar of that sacerdotal autocracy, whose dangers 
 to spiritual life he so fully realised.
 
 Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 243 
 
 Eugenius now accepted the new constitution of the City, 
 and was content to act as the spiritual chief of his diocese. 
 But even on these conditions a prolonged stay in Rome was 
 impossible. In 1150 the conflict was renewed. But the 
 death of King Gonrad, two years later, put an end to the 
 state of things that had prevailed since the end of the Investi- 
 ture Contest. Conscious that under his hands the imperial 
 power had suffered some diminution, Conrad on his deathbed 
 bade his friends pay no regard to the claims of his infant son, 
 but secure the succession to his well-tried nephew Frederick. 
 The year after, Bernard of Clairvaux, the wielder of the 
 Church's might, followed the king to the tomb. We now enter 
 into a new period, when the changed relations of Church and 
 State correspond to a mighty development of the economical 
 and industrial powers of the people of western Europe. 
 The imperial power was to be renewed, and, as in the days of 
 the Saxon Emperors, was to save the Papacy from its Roman 
 enemies, only to enter again into fierce conflict with it for the 
 rule of the world. The quiet period, during which each 
 country was free to work out its own development, and 
 during which, in the absence of great rulers, the dominating 
 influences were those of the leaders and opponents of the new 
 religious movement, is succeeded by another period, when the 
 chief interest again shifts back to politics. The age of 
 Bernard and Abelard is succeeded by the age of Frederick 
 Barbarossa and Henry of Anjou.
 
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 CHAPTER XI 
 
 FREDERICK BARBAROSSA AND ALEXANDER III. 
 THE RENEWED CONFLICT OF PAPACY AND EMPIRE (l 152- 
 
 Election and Policy of Frederick I. Frederick and Adrian iv. Fall of 
 Arnold of Brescia Frederick's early German Policy The Burgundian 
 Marriage and the Diet of Besanfon Breach with the Papacy Frederick's 
 Second Italian Journey Diet of Roncaglia and Destruction of Milan 
 Alexander in. and the Antipopes The Lombard League Battle of 
 Legnano Peace of Constance Frederick and Germany Fall of Henry 
 the Lion Division of the Saxon Duchy Union of Sicily with the 
 Empire The Lateran Council and the last days of Alexander in. His 
 Successors Urban in. and Frederick The Crusade and Death of 
 Frederick His Personality and Character. 
 
 *!T is the cardinal principle of the law of the Roman 
 Empire,' wrote Otto of Freising, ' that the succession depends 
 not upon hereditary right, but on the election E i ectionof 
 of the princes.' According to this precept the Frederick i., 
 magnates of Germany met in March 1152 at II53- 
 Frankfurt to appoint a successor to Conrad in. Some of the 
 barons of Italy attended the assembly. ' There were,' wrote 
 Otto, 'two mighty houses in the Roman Empire, one that 
 of the Henrys of Weiblingen, the other that of the Welfs of 
 
 1 Among the modern authorities for this period may be quoted Prutz's 
 Kaiser Friedrich /., Renter's Gcschichtc Alexanders des Dritten und der 
 Kirche seiner Zeit, and Picker's Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechts- 
 geschichte in Italien. Giesebrecht's great work, unluckily, ends with the 
 fall of Henry the Lion. Raumer's Geschichte der Hohenstaufen is quite 
 antiquated. A full account of Frederick's Italian struggle is to be found in 
 English in Testa's History of the War of Frederick I. against the Communa 
 of Lombard? (1877). Otto of Freising is a first-rate original chronicler. 
 
 245
 
 246 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Altorf. The one was wont to furnish mighty emperors, the 
 other puissant dukes. These families, jealous of each other, 
 had been long accustomed to disturb the tranquillity of the 
 commonwealth by their feuds, but in the days of Henry v. 
 Frederick, the duke, representative of the royal stock, had 
 married the daughter of Henry, Duke of the Bavarians, the 
 representative of the ducal family. The offspring of this 
 union was Duke Frederick, and the princes, regarding not 
 only the energy and valour of the young duke, but consider- 
 ing that he shared the blood of both houses, and like a 
 corner-stone could bind the two together, chose him as their 
 king that thus with God's blessing he might end their ancient 
 quarrel.' 
 
 The new king was well worthy of the general confidence 
 which he inspired. Already thirty years of age, he had 
 Frederick's abundantly displayed rare gifts both as a states- 
 . policy. man and as a general. He had administered his 
 duchy of Swabia with energy and success. He had combined 
 loyalty to his uncle Conrad with friendship for his cousin 
 Henry the Lion, and his mediation had saved Duke Welf vi. 
 in the time of his greatest disaster. His exploits on the 
 Crusade had spread abroad his fame, and the few survivors 
 who had reached home in safety recognised that they owed 
 their lives to his courage and policy. He was admired for 
 his kingly bearing and fair proportions, for the chivalry and 
 generosity of his character, for his independent attitude towards 
 the Church, for the subtle policy so rarely combined with the 
 simple virtues of the hero of romance. 
 
 Frederick threw himself, with all the passionate ardour 
 of his character, into the difficult task of restoring the 
 waning glories of the Empire. For the thirty-seven years of 
 life that remained to him, he never faltered in his task. To 
 him Germany and Italy were but two sections of thU Holy 
 Roman Empire whose rights and dignities he strove with all 
 his might to uphold. ' During all his reign,' wrote a chroni- 
 cler, ' nothing was nearer his heart than re-establishing the
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander lit. 24? 
 
 Empire of Rome on its ancient basis.' To him every right 
 that had been exercised by Justinian or Constantine, by 
 Charlemagne or Otto the Great, was literally his right as 
 the lawful successor of these mighty rulers. He has been 
 very truly described as an ' imperialist Hildebrand,' and 
 Hildebrand himself had not a more lofty consciousness 
 of his high purpose and divine mission to establish God's 
 kingdom on earth. But he was no dreamer like Otto, ' the 
 wonder of the world.' He strove to realise his lofty ideals 
 with shrewd practical wisdom and businesslike command of 
 details. The great jurists of Bologna, who constantly stood 
 round his throne, not only taught him that the Emperor was 
 lord of the world, and that the will of the prince had the 
 force of law, but illustrated to the most minute detail the 
 individual prerogatives of his office. His German subjects 
 re-echoed these sentiments, and his uncle, Bishop Otto of 
 Freising, taught that to the Emperor belonged the protection 
 of the whole world. When bitter experience showed him that 
 all his strength and all his faith were of little avail in setting 
 up again a polity which the age had outlived, he had per- 
 force to distinguish between his position as German King 
 and Roman Emperor, and apply one method in breaking down 
 the turbulent feudalism of his northern kingdom and another 
 in checking the growing spirit of municipal independence in 
 the lands beyond the Alps. In Italy his path seemed strewn 
 with disasters, and even in Germany he obtained no very 
 brilliant success. But if he failed, his was one of the most 
 magnificent failures in history, a failure which did not prevent 
 him from handing on his power almost unimpaired to his son. 
 With all his faults, Frederick remains the noblest embodiment 
 of mediaeval kingship, the most imposing, the most heroic, 
 and the most brilliant of the long line of German princes, 
 who strove to realise the impracticable but glorious political 
 ideal of the Middle Ages. 
 
 Frederick from the first directed his attention to Italy, and in 
 March 1153 concluded a treaty with the fugitive Eugenius HI.
 
 248 European History, 918-1273 
 
 at Constance. By this he agreed to make no peace with 
 
 Roger of Sicily without the approval of the Curia, and to reduce 
 
 the rebellious City to obedience to the Pope, in 
 
 mentor return for the promise of the imperial crown and 
 
 Germany, papal support aeainst his enemies. But Frederick 
 1153-1154. 
 
 was too wise to hurry across the Alps before he was 
 
 assured of the obedience of Germany, where from the moment 
 of his coronation he went on progress, receiving the homage 
 of his vassals and seeking to appease ancient feuds. The 
 loyalty of Henry the Lion was rewarded by the formal grant 
 of the duchy of Bavaria, while Frederick's own duchy of 
 Swabia was granted to his cousin Frederick of Rothenburg. 
 Berthold of Zahringen, a possible rival for this position, was 
 conciliated by his appointment as rector or viceroy in Bur- 
 gundy. Henry, Archbishop of Mainz, paid the penalty of his 
 solitary opposition to Frederick's election by his deposition 
 from his archbishopric on a charge of wasting the lands of his 
 see. Even beyond the limits of Germany, the Scandinavian and 
 Slavonic princes were taught that there was again an Emperor, 
 and the disputed succession to Denmark was settled by 
 Frederick's mediation, and the king, Svend, who owed his 
 throne to Frederick's action, submitted to become his feudal 
 dependant. But after two years the outlook in Italy became 
 so threatening that Frederick was compelled to leave his 
 Frederick's German work half undone and hurry across the 
 first Italian Alps with a small force hastily collected. Accom- 
 visit, 1154-55. parried by Henry the Lion, and the Bavarian 
 palatine, Otto of Wittelsbach, and only 1800 knights, he 
 crossed the Brenner in October 1154 and appeared in the 
 plain of Lombardy. He held his Diet at Roncaglia near 
 Piacenza, and received the homage of the barons and cities of 
 Italy. Milan held sullenly aloof, but small as was Frederick's 
 following, the destruction of Tortona (Easter, 1155), an ally of 
 Milan, taught the Italians that the Emperor was to be feared. 
 After receiving the Lombard crown at Pavia, Frederick 
 marched through Tuscany to Rome.
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 249 
 
 The condition of the Papacy was still critical, though the 
 persistence of Eugenius in. had broken the back of the 
 Roman opposition, and Arnold of Brescia had already begun 
 to lose influence among the fickle Romans. But Eugenius in. 
 had died on 8th July 1153, and his successor, the mild 
 Anastasius iv., dwelt continuously in Rome until his death, 
 after a reign of less than a year and a half, on 3rd December 
 1154. The next Pope, Adrian iv., was the only Englishman 
 who ever occupied the throne of St. Peter. The son of a poor 
 man, Nicholas Breakspear had adopted the life of a wandering 
 scholar, and had worked his way up to the head- Adrian iv., 
 ship of the house of Canons Regular of St. Rufus, "54-"59- 
 near Valence on the Rhone. His stern rule excited the 
 hostility of the canons whose complaints to Eugenius in. first 
 attracted the Pope's notice to him. In 1146 he was made 
 cardinal-bishop of Albano, and was soon afterwards sent on 
 an important legation to Scandinavia, in the course of which 
 he freed the northern churches from their dependency on 
 Germany, by setting up the new archbishopric of Trondhjem. 
 Soon after his return he was elected to the Papacy. Adrian iv. 
 was a man of high character, sound learning, and kindly dis- 
 position. He fully felt the responsibility of his great office, 
 declaring that ' the Pope's tiara was splendid because it burnt 
 like fire.' His pontificate began amidst street-fights in which 
 a cardinal was slain ; but Adrian took the strong measure of 
 laying Rome under interdict, and the inconstant citizens, 
 whose gains were decreased by the refusal of pilgrims to visit 
 a city under the Pope's ban, made their submission to him 
 and drove out Arnold of Brescia, who spent the short re- 
 mainder of his life as a wandering fugitive. But William, the 
 new King of Sicily, devastated Campania, and threatened 
 to march on Rome. In his despair, Adrian renewed with 
 Frederick the Treaty of Constance, and went out to Nepi to 
 meet him. The good understanding was almost destroyed 
 when Frederick refused to hold the bridle of the Pope's horse 
 and assist him to dismount, and the alliance was only renewed
 
 250 European History, 918-1273 
 
 by Frederick's submission, which was rendered necessaiy by 
 
 the sullen hostility of the Romans to Frederick and Adrian 
 
 alike. On i8th June Adrian crowned Frederick 
 
 Coronation _ . _ , , .. , , , 
 
 of Frederick, Emperor in St. Peter s, hastily and almost secretly, 
 
 e f or f ear o f the Romans, who, on hearing of it, 
 rushed to arms. Frederick could only hold 
 his ground by hard fighting, and soon lack of provisions 
 forced him to flee from Rome, taking the Pope with 
 him. The fierce heat of the Italian summer had already 
 decimated Frederick's little army, and he now resolved to re- 
 cross the Alps, leaving Adrian to his fate. The only act of 
 Death of power that had followed the reconciliation of Pope 
 Arnold of and Emperor was the execution of Arnold of 
 Brescia, who had been taken prisoner in Tuscany 
 by the Emperor, and having been handed over to the car- 
 dinals, was condemned and executed as a heretic. His 
 dead body was burnt at the stake. ' His ashes,' says Otto 
 of Freising, 'were thrown into the Tiber, that his relics 
 might not be worshipped by the obstinate populace.' Arnold's 
 work, the Roman Commune, lived after him, and Adrian, 
 after the Emperor's departure, was forced to make terms 
 with it. 
 
 On recrossing the Brenner, Frederick began anew the task 
 of reconciling Germany, which had been interrupted by his 
 Troubles Italian journey. Fierce feuds had burst out all over 
 in Germany. Germany, and in particular the quarrels of Arnold, 
 the new Archbishop of Mainz, with Hermann, Count Palatine 
 of the Rhine, had laid waste the Rhineland. The establish- 
 ment of Henry the Lion as Duke of Bavaria had been bitterly 
 resented by Frederick's uncle, Henry of Austria, called, from 
 his favourite oath, ' Henry Jasomirgott,' who still waged 
 fierce war against his rival for the possession of his former 
 duchy. But the return of the Emperor was soon marked by 
 good results, and from the measures taken to appease the 
 aggrieved feudatories sprang a new departure in the territorial 
 history of Germany. In September 1156 he ended the
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 25 1 
 
 rivalry of Henry the Lion and Henry of Austria by investing 
 the latter with Austria, erected into a new duchy absolutely 
 independent of Bavaria, and itself indivisible, 
 hereditary in the house- of Babenberg even in the O f Austria 7 
 female line, and exempt from many of the burdens established, 
 usually imposed on the great fiefs. In the creation 
 of the duchy of Austria, Frederick prepared the way for the 
 more sweeping changes in the same direction which followed 
 the fall of Henry the Lion in 1180. Leaving the control of 
 northern and eastern Germany to Albert the Bear and the two 
 Henrys, Frederick attempted to consolidate his own dynastic 
 power in the south-west. He punished the disorderly Count 
 Palatine Hermann for his attacks on Mainz, by depriving him 
 of his possessions. These he granted to his half-brother 
 Conrad, his father's son by his second marriage, and already 
 possessor of the hereditary Salic estates round Worms, the 
 Palatinate of the Rhine. Conrad united these two districts 
 to form a new territorial power, that had for its centre the 
 recently-founded castle and town of Heidelberg, and was the 
 starting-point of the later Palatinate. In 1156 Frederick 
 married Beatrice, the heiress of Renaud of Macon, Count of 
 Burgundy. 1 This match immensely strengthened 
 the imperial power in that Middle Kingdom marriage and 
 where it was always weak, and moreover materially Burgundian 
 extended the domains of Frederick in that region 
 where his influence was already strongest. His direct sway 
 now stretched from the Swabian uplands across the middle 
 Rhine to the Vosges, and thence south to the neighbourhood 
 of Lyons. Such an accession of power necessarily brought 
 about the end of the nominal Zahringen rectorate, but 
 Frederick bought off Duke Berthold by lands and privileges 
 beyond the Jura. It was only by freely sacrificing Ms sovereign 
 rights that Frederick was able to persuade the magnates 
 of Germany to promise him such adequate support in his 
 
 1 On Frederick's relations to the Middle Kingdom, see Fournier's 
 Royaume d Aries et de Vienne, 1138-1378.
 
 252 European History, 918-1273 
 
 projected expedition into Italy as would enable him to cross the 
 Alps as a conqueror and not as a suppliant. For the moment 
 his policy seemed extremely successful. Besides conciliating 
 Germany, he had won back Burgundy. He had conciliated 
 Duke Vratislav of Bohemia, who had refused him homage, 
 by allowing him to crown himself king. He had forced King 
 Boleslav iv. of Poland to recognise his overlordship by a 
 brilliant invasion that got as far into Poland as Gnesen. 
 Svend of Denmark was still his obedient vassal. Henry n. 
 of England wrote acknowledging in general terms the supre- 
 macy of the Emperor over all his dominions. In his chancellor 
 Rainald of Dassel, he found a zealous and able chief minister. 
 'In Germany,' wrote Ragewin, the continuator of Otto of 
 Freising, ' there was now such an unwonted peace that men 
 seemed changed, the land a different one, the very heaven had 
 become milder and softer.' Frederick's early glory culminated 
 Diet of * n ^ e brilh' ant Diet at Besanc.on, the chief town 
 Besanjon, of his wife's inheritance, in October 1157, where 
 'all the earth,' exclaimed Ragewin, 'filled with 
 admiration for the clemency and justice of the Emperor, and 
 moved both by love and fear, strove to overwhelm him with 
 novel praises and new honours.' This Diet witnessed a hot 
 dispute between Frederick and the Papacy. 
 
 Ever since Frederick's sudden withdrawal from Rome, his 
 
 relations with Adrian iv. had been exceedingly strained. Both 
 
 claimed to be lord of the world, and neither could 
 
 Alliance of . ,. /. , . 
 
 Adrian iv. agree as to the respective limits of their power, 
 nd the fr or a moment the common fear of the Italian 
 
 Normans. , 
 
 communes and alarm at the revolutionary heresy 
 of Arnold might unite them in a temporary truce. The 
 pressing danger once over, they fell back into their natural 
 relations of* watchful hostility. When Frederick withdrew from 
 Italy, he had neither reduced Rome to the obedience of the 
 Pope, nor had chastised the forays of the new King William 
 of Sicily. Adrian soon found that he would have to fight for 
 his own hand. He cleverly formed a league with the feudal
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 253 
 
 barons of Apulia, who were ripe for revolt against their over- 
 powerful sovereign. He negotiated with the Greek Emperor, 
 Manuel i., who was willing to fight William, if the Pope would 
 grant him three Neapolitan seaports. Alarmed at such a for- 
 midable coalition, William became the Pope's vassal, and re- 
 ceived in return the investiture of Apulia and Sicily. Adrian iv. 
 thus renewed the policy of Leo ix. and Innocent u., and 
 now further strengthened himself by an agreement with the 
 Romans. By accepting the Roman Commune, he was allowed 
 again to take up his residence in the City. Without the least 
 help from Frederick, Adrian had turned the chief enemies of 
 the Holy See into allies. 
 
 Frederick bitterly resented the Pope's alliances with William 
 and the Romans, which he regarded as breaches of faith. 
 Adrian feared the increased power of Frederick, n 
 
 ' yuarrel 01 
 
 and had a more tangible grievance in Frederick's Frederick 
 imprisonment of the Swedish Archbishop of Lund, and Adrian - 
 an old friend of Adrian's in the days of his northern mission. 
 He accordingly sent the most trusted of his advisers, Roland 
 Bandinelli of Siena, Cardinal and Chancellor of the Roman 
 Church, to state his grievances to the Emperor at the Diet of 
 BesanQon. Roland's first salutation of the Emperor The Cardinal 
 was threatening. ' The Pope,' he said, ' greets you Roland at 
 as a father and the cardinals greet you as brothers.' Besan S n - 
 Frederick was irritated at the new and unheard-of claim of the 
 cardinals to rank as the equals of Caesar. But he was still 
 more annoyed at the recitation of a papal letter, which boasted 
 that the Pope had conferred many benefits on the Emperor. 1 
 The Latin phrase (conferre beneficia) used by Adrian might 
 bear the technical sense of granting a feudal benefice from a 
 lord to a vassal, and Rainald the Chancellor took care to 
 
 1 ' Debes erim ante oculos mentis reducere . . . qualiter imperialis 
 insigne coronae libentissime confcrtns, benignissimo gremio suo tuae 
 sublimitatis apicem studuerit confovere . . . sed si majora beneficia de 
 manu nostra excellentia tua suscepisset . . . non immerito gauderemus.' 
 Ragewinus, Gesta Frtdcrici Imperatoris, in Pertz, Serif lores, xx. 421.
 
 254 European History, 918-1273 
 
 translate it in that sense to the illiterate magnates. The 
 fiercest indignation burst out, which rose to fever heat when 
 Cardinal Roland answered the objectors by inquiring, ' From 
 whom then does the Emperor hold the Empire if not from 
 the Pope ? ' In answer to the Pope's implied claim of feudal 
 supremacy, the Emperor circulated a declaration of his rights 
 throughout the Empire. 'The Empire is held by us,' he 
 declared, ' through the election of the princes from God 
 alone, who gave the world to be ruled by the two necessary 
 swords, and taught through St. Peter that men should fear 
 God and honour the king. Whosoever says that we received 
 the imperial crown from the lord Pope as a benefice goes 
 against the Divine command and the teaching of Peter, and 
 is guilty of falsehood.' Early next year Adrian was forced 
 to explain that he had used ' beneficium ' in its general sense 
 of 'benefit' and not in its feudal sense of 'fief.' A com- 
 plete breach was thus prevented, but the ill-will still smoul- 
 dered on and soon found a chance of bursting out again 
 into flame. 
 
 In July 1158 Frederick, at the head of a great army, crossed 
 the Alps for the second time. ' The arrogance of the Milanese,' 
 Frederick's ne declared, ' has long caused them to raise their 
 Second heads against the Roman Empire, and is now 
 
 journey, disturbing all Italy. We have therefore resolved 
 1158-1163. to turn against them all the forces of the Empire.' 
 Lombardy was divided into two rival leagues, which bitterly 
 hated each other. While Brescia, Crema, Parma, Piacenza, 
 and Modena followed the league of Milan, Pavia headed a 
 second confederacy, which included Lodi, Como, 
 ' 88 ar "d Cremona, which fearing the power of Milan, 
 
 Lombard gave its support to the Emperor. After a fierce 
 resistance Milan also made its submission, and 
 promised to submit to the Emperor the ratification of the 
 appointment of their consuls. 
 
 Flushed with his easy triumph, Frederick held in November 
 a second Diet at Roncaglia. The most famous civilians of
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 255 
 
 Bologna attended and declared the imperial rights so vigorously 
 that Frederick took their order under his special protection, 
 and gave doctors of laws the privileges of knights. Diet at 
 It was announced that the Emperor had resolved Ronca g ha - 
 to take all his royal rights back into his own hands. The 
 pleasure of the prince had the force of law, and no length of 
 prescription could justify usurpation. But the Emperor was 
 willing to reinvest both the lay and ecclesiastical lords and 
 the towns with rights to which they had a lawful title. Never- 
 theless, the supreme magistrates of the towns were to be in all 
 cases appointed by the king with the assent of the citizens. 
 Instead of the aristocratic consulate, it was henceforth a main 
 object of Frederick's policy to establish a podestd, as the 
 supreme governor of each town. This representative of the 
 imperial power was generally a stranger, with no interest or 
 sympathy in the town that he ruled, and universally detested 
 as an intruder and a despot. Immediately after the dissolution 
 of the Diet, Rainald of Dassel and Otto of Wittelsbach went 
 round to the various Lombard cities to set up podestas. Milan, 
 disgusted at the Emperor's ignoring the terms of their former 
 capitulation, refused to receive its podesta, and broke into 
 revolt. Other cities followed its example one of which, 
 Crema, was carried by assault by Frederick after a terrible 
 siege. Milan held out for three years, and had to face the 
 whole of Frederick's power, until at last famine forced it to 
 open its gates. Frederick hardened his heart to the prayers 
 of the Milanese, and made a great favour of allow- , 
 
 . Revolt and 
 
 ing them their lives. The chief men of the city destruction 
 were kept as hostages ; the walls and defences of Mllan - 
 were destroyed; and the ancient inhabitants were forbidden to 
 dwell in the open village that now represented the city of St. 
 Ambrose, where a few ancient churches, conspicuous among 
 which was the Basilica of the patron saint, alone arose amidst 
 the ruins. The relics of the three Magi of the East were 
 secured by Rainald of Dassel for his own church at Cologne, 
 of which they have ever since remained the chief glory. The
 
 256 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 municipal independence of Italy seemed extinct. The Emperor 
 was king as well as overlord. 
 
 The Church witnessed with extreme alarm the growing for- 
 tunes of the Emperor. Adrian iv. showed his ill-will by putting 
 obstacles in the way of the appointment of imperial nominees 
 to vacant bishoprics, and Frederick retaliated by reverting in 
 his correspondence with the Pope to a more ancient but less 
 respectful form of address. In great disgust Adrian encouraged 
 Milan to resist, and got ready for an open breach. He hoped 
 to form an Italian league against the Emperor, and did not 
 scruple to invoke the aid of the schismatic Manuel against the 
 orthodox Frederick. But, on ist September 1159, he was cut 
 off by a sudden illness in the midst of his preparations. The 
 next Pope was that Cardinal Roland whose zeal at Besan9on 
 had even outrun the zeal of Adrian himself. Roland assumed 
 Aiexanderin. the significant name of Alexander in. ; and during 
 1159-1181. his unusually long pontificate of nearly twenty-two 
 years, he continued his predecessor's policy with such energy 
 that the strife of Pope and Emperor was soon renewed with all 
 its old intensity. 
 
 Frederick's friends among the cardinals, finding themselves 
 powerless to oppose Alexander's election, fell back on the old 
 weapon of schism. On the same day (yth September 1159) 
 that the majority of the cardinals elected Alexander, the 
 imperialist minority of the Sacred College, stirred up by the 
 The Anti- indefatigable Otto of Wittelsbach, declared that 
 pope victor their choice had fallen on the Cardinal Octavian, 
 IV> who assumed the name of Victor iv. Frederick 
 
 returned from the reduction of the Lombard cities to hold a 
 council at Pavia to decide between the rival claims, and 
 boasted that he was following the examples of Constantine, 
 Charles, and Otto. Alexander utterly refused to submit 
 his claims to a body convoked under the sanction of the 
 temporal sword. ' No one,' he declared, ' has the right to 
 judge me, since I am the supreme judge of all the world.' 
 Though the synod of Pavia declared that Victor was the
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander IT I. 257 
 
 canonical Pope, Alexander, driven out of Rome within a few 
 days of his election, was nevertheless looked up to as rightful 
 Bishop by the greater part of the Christian world. In 1160 a 
 synod of bishops subject to Louis vn. and Henry n. met at 
 Toulouse and declared for Alexander. But the lawful Pope 
 upheld his position with great difficulty in Italy. Alexander 
 During the first three years of his pontificate he in France - 
 maintained his court at Anagni and Terracina. In January 
 1162 he took ship to Genoa, whence after the fall of Milan, a 
 few weeks later, he fled to France. Secure of the friendship 
 of the two chief kings of the West, Alexander now quietly 
 waited until the time was ripe for his return to Italy. In 1163 
 he held a council at Tours, within the dominions of Henry of 
 Anjou, in which he excommunicated the Antipope and his 
 supporters, among whom Rainald of Dassel, now Archbishop- 
 elect of Cologne, was specially mentioned. 
 
 In 1162 Frederick returned to Germany; but not even the 
 presence of the Emperor could keep the German prelates firm 
 in their adhesion to the Antipope. Many of the clergy and 
 most monks were on Alexander's side, or at least strove to 
 avoid open hostility to Frederick by demanding a General 
 Council to heal the schism. The whole Cistercian and 
 Carthusian orders worked hard for Alexander's interest, and 
 many of their leaders joined the growing band of Italian and 
 German fugitives that swelled the court of the exiled Pontiff 
 in Gaul. The death of the Antipope during Frederick's third 
 visit to Italy, in 1164, did not end the breach. Rainald of 
 Dassel procured the election of a new Antipope in the Cardinal 
 Guy of Crema, who styled himself Paschal HI. In 1165 
 Frederick held a Diet at Wiirzburg, where he pro- The Anti . 
 mulgated the severest laws against the champions pope 
 of Alexander, while the Emperor and his barons 
 bound themselves by oath never to recognise Alexander or 
 any of his followers as Pope. Rainald of Dassel strove hard 
 to bring over Henry of England to support the schismatic Pope ; 
 but Henry, already involved in his struggle with Thomas of 
 
 PERIOD II. R
 
 258 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Canterbury, was too prudent to confuse his local quarrel with 
 his primate with the general conflict of Pope and Emperor. 
 The new Antipope formally announced the canonisation of 
 Charles the Great, and Frederick went in great state to Aachen, 
 where the bones of the great Emperor were solemnly translated 
 to a golden shrine, while Frederick adorned the round 
 Carolingian chapel with the magnificent candelabrum that is 
 still one of its chief ornaments. But in the same year 
 (1165), Alexander in. was encouraged, by the hostile attitude 
 of the Lombards to Frederick, to venture back into Italy, and 
 by November was again in possession of Rome, whence he 
 fulminated excommunication against the Emperor. 
 
 Even after the fall of Milan, the north Italian cities still 
 gave Frederick trouble. In 1164 the towns of the March 
 Renewal of ^ Verona, among them Verona, Vicenza, Padua, 
 the Town- and Treviso, rose in revolt against their new 
 Lo^bardy podtst&s, and formed a league for the preservation 
 1164. of their liberties. By holding in force the narrow 
 
 gorge of the Adige to the north of Verona (La Chiusa di 
 Verona), they hoped to prevent the return of Frederick to 
 Italy by his usual route. Venice, already the open enemy 
 of Frederick, actively supported the league of Verona. On 
 the news of Frederick's excommunication, the Lombard cities 
 began to revive. Milan was rebuilt and re-fortified, and the 
 schismatic bishops were chased away. It was high time for 
 the return of the Emperor, and in November 1166 Frederick 
 entered upon his fourth Italian expedition. Fearing to fight 
 the Veronese league at Chiusa, he descended into Lombardy 
 by the Val Camonica. Open resistance seemed stifled by the 
 enormous German host that followed the Emperor ; and 
 Frederick, hurrying through the disaffected dis- 
 trict, marched straight on Rome. After a fierce 
 journey, s j e g e Frederick captured Rome, and was again 
 crowned by the Antipope Paschal (ist August 
 1167), while Alexander fled, disguised as a pilgrim, to seek 
 shelter with the friendly Normans at Gaeta. A terrible
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander ///. 259 
 
 plague now swept away the victorious army of Frederick, and 
 the Lombard cities, profiting by his misfortunes, formally 
 renewed their league. Among the victims of the pestilence 
 were Rainald of Cologne, the indefatigable chancellor, and the 
 Emperor's two cousins, Frederick of Rothenburg, Duke of 
 Swabia, and the warlike young Welf VIL, son of Welf vi. of 
 Bavaria. Frederick, with the remnants of his army, had the 
 utmost difficulty in effecting his retreat to Lombardy. The 
 Papalists boasted that God had cut off the host of Frederick 
 as of old He had destroyed the army of Sennacherib before 
 the walls of Jerusalem. 
 
 The Lombard league took its final shape in the beginning 
 of 1168, when Frederick was refreshing his exhausted forces 
 at Pavia. The members pledged themselves to The Lombard 
 aid each other against all those who would make Lea s ue > II68 - 
 war against them, or would exact anything more from them than 
 had been customary. They also appointed rectors, chosen from 
 among the consuls of the several cities, for the management 
 of federal affairs. Fear of the Emperor had now destroyed 
 even the jealousies of neighbouring and rival cities, and 
 the league now included all the towns of the northern 
 plain, from Milan to Venice, and from Bergamo to Bologna. 
 Lodi itself now made common cause with its old enemy 
 Milan, and even the obstinate imperialists of Pavia grudged 
 to the beaten Emperor the protection of its walls. All the 
 approaches to the northern Alpine passes were blocked 
 by the confederate cities, and the Emperor could only get 
 home by a long detour through the uplands of Montferrat and 
 Piedmont. In the spring of 1168 Frederick made his way to 
 Susa, and thence over the Mont Cenis. After his departure, new 
 accessions increased the Lombard league, and Alexander HI. 
 sent it his blessing. In the spring of 1168 Foundationof 
 the league founded a new city in a marshy dis- Alessandria, 
 trict, on the banks of the Tanaro, and called it II68 ' 
 Alessandria in honour of its patron. Vast earthworks and a 
 strong castle made their creation an impregnable fortress,
 
 260 European History, 918-1273 
 
 calculated to hold out as long as provisions remained. The 
 town soon prospered : the Pope erected it into a bishopric, and 
 settlers from all sides made it a busy centre of trade. The 
 foundation of Alessandria pushed the league's territory more 
 to the westwards, into the region where the feudal potentates 
 were still strong, and where cities like Asti, Vercelli, Novara, 
 were now emboldened to join it. Moreover, the city pro- 
 tected the high road from Milan to Genoa which gave 
 Lombardy access to the sea, and blocked the descent of 
 German armies from the Burgundian passes as effectively as 
 the league had already blocked the northern valleys of the 
 Alps. 
 
 For the next six years the Lombard league was suffered to 
 live in peace. On the death of the Antipope Paschal in 1 168, 
 TheAntipope a new pretender was set up, called Calixtus in. 
 Caiixtus in. g ut f or a ]i practical purposes Italy was inde- 
 pendent of the Emperor. Frederick's last partisans in north 
 Italy, the citizens of Pavia, and the Counts of Montferrat and 
 Biandrate, were constrained to submit to the league. In 
 Germany the ecclesiastical opposition grew under the guidance 
 of the Archbishop of Salzburg, and Alexander became more 
 and more generally recognised. Renewed efforts to win over 
 Henry of Anjou to support the Antipope were unsuccessful, 
 and the humiliation of the English king after Becket's 
 murder was a lesson to Frederick of the abiding might 
 of the Church to control princes. The growing power 
 
 of Henry the Lion excited the fears of the smaller 
 fifth Italian barons and the jealousy of the Emperor. But 
 journey, Frederick sought to avert the inevitable conflict 
 
 in order that he might revenge himself on the 
 revolted Lombards. Meanwhile his agents strove to gain 
 friends for him in central Italy, where the removal of all 
 external control had fiercely divided the towns of Tuscany 
 and Romagna. In 1174 Frederick made his fifth expedition 
 to Italy. But the small army which he led in September 
 over Mont Cenis was mainly composed of his personal
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III, 261 
 
 vassals, the stronger princes remaining at home. Nevertheless, 
 a revival of the imperial party followed the reappearance of 
 the Emperor in Italy. After destroying Susa and capturing 
 Asti, Frederick vigorously besieged the new city of 
 Alessandria the city of straw, as the imperialists called it. 
 Meanwhile Christian, Archbishop of Mainz, won important 
 successes for the Emperor in Tuscany and Romagna, but 
 failed at the siege of Ancona. The siege of Alessandria 
 lasted till April 1175, when the rectors of the league came 
 to its relief. Both armies prepared for battle at Montebello, 
 but at the very moment of the conflict negotiations were 
 entered upon, at the instance of the Cremonese. Yet Frederick 
 would not accept the hard conditions of the Lombards the 
 recognition of their liberties, acknowledgment of Alexander as 
 lawful Pope, and the incorporation of Alessandria as a member 
 of the league. The ' Peace of Montebello ' was accordingly 
 broken, and both sides prepared to fight to the end. 
 
 Frederick drew fresh reinforcements from Germany for 
 the campaign of 1176; but Henry the Lion refused to come, 
 and a personal interview between him and The batt i e O f 
 Frederick at Chiavenna did not induce him Legnano, 
 to change his purpose. Nevertheless, with the II7 ^ 
 help of his Italian friends, Frederick was still at the head of 
 a gallant army, while the warlike Christian of Mainz kept the 
 Normans in check by invading Apulia. The northern campaign 
 opened when Frederick left Pavia and joined the force, which 
 was now brought from Germany, at Como. His plan of cam- 
 paign was to attack Milan from the north with his Germans, 
 while the men of Pavia assaulted their rival from the south. 
 But the Milanese anticipated this combination by marching 
 out of the city with their caroccio, hoping to find the German 
 army before it could join the Pavese. On 2gth May the 
 confederates approached the imperial army near Legnano, 
 about seventeen miles north-west of Milan, in the plain that 
 stretches from the river Olona westwards to the Ticino. The 
 caroccio was put in the centre of the army, and protected bj
 
 262 European History, 918-1273 
 
 a select band styled the ' Company of Death,' who had sworn 
 cither to conquer or never return. The fierce charge of the 
 mail-clad German knights broke the left wing of the Lombard 
 army, and Frederick, who here commanded in person, cut his 
 way through the fugitives to the caroccio. For a moment 
 the cause of the league seemed undone. But the Emperor 
 was unhorsed in the struggle, and the rumour soon spread 
 that he had fallen. The ' Company of Death ' defended its 
 sacred charge with self-sacrificing devotion, and gradually a 
 panic fell on the imperialists. Before nightfall Frederick's 
 army was hopelessly broken, and the Emperor gained 
 Pavia, almost unattended, with the utmost difficulty. But 
 the citizen-soldiers went home, and did not follow up their 
 victory, and Cremona with other towns became so jealous of 
 the success of Milan that they prepared to make separate 
 terms with the Emperor. Frederick himself had grown 
 weary of the struggle ; and the Archbishops of Cologne and 
 Magdeburg, who had brought the last army from Germany, 
 declared that they would no longer support the Emperor, and 
 urged him to reconcile himself with Alexander. In October 
 Frederick reluctantly broke the ill-fated oath of Wiirzburg, and 
 sent Christian of Mainz and other German prelates to Anagni 
 to conclude peace with the Pope. He still hoped to detach 
 Alexander from the Lombard cities, and resume hostilities 
 against them after he had been reconciled to the Church. 
 Alexander refused to betray either the cities or his older ally, 
 William of Sicily, and Frederick reluctantly brought himself 
 to accept the hard terms of the victors. In March 1177 
 The Peace of Alexander and his cardinals journeyed to Venice 
 Venice, 1177. t o be near the negotiations. It seemed as if all 
 Italy were banded together against the Emperor, and as if 
 instead of resisting lawful authority, the papal alliance repre- 
 sented an Italian national party banded together against 
 foreign invaders from beyond the Alps. Frederick yielded on 
 all substantial points. He was restored to the communion of 
 the Church, and on 24th July 1177 was suffered to enter
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 263 
 
 Venice to make his submission to Alexander. Frederick was 
 conducted in great state to the Piazza, where the Pope, 
 surrounded by cardinals and prelates, waited for him in the 
 portico of St. Mark's. ' Then,' says a contemporary, ' he was 
 touched by the spirit of God, and, abandoning his imperial 
 dignity, threw himself humbly at the feet of the Pope.' 
 Alexander, with tears in his eyes, raised his fallen enemy, and 
 gave him the kiss of peace. It was exactly a hundred years 
 since Henry iv. had gone to Canossa. 
 
 In August the Peace of Venice settled the details of 
 Frederick's reconciliation with the Papacy. All the lands 
 usurped from the patrimony of St. Peter were to be restored. 
 The Pope and Emperor promised mutual aid against each 
 other's enemies, and were lavish in vows of future friendship. 
 A truce was secured for the Lombards, the Normans, and even 
 for Manuel Comnenus, while the detailed conditions of a final 
 settlement were slowly adjusted under the mediation of the 
 papal legate. In August 1178 the Antipope 
 Calixtus renounced his pretensions, and, though schism in 
 a few obstinate schismatics sought still to carry the Papacy, 
 on the line of Antipopes, their nominee was 
 soon forced into a monastery. The permanent treaty with 
 the Lombards was finally signed on June 1183 at Constance. 
 By it the Emperor granted to the cities of the p eace of 
 Lombard league all the royal rights (regalia) which Constance, 
 they ever had, or at that moment enjoyed. The " * 
 cities were allowed to build fortifications, to continue their 
 league, and make such other combinations as they wished. They 
 had complete jurisdiction over their own members, could levy 
 troops, coin money, and exercise practically all regalian rights. 
 The imperial podestds disappeared, and henceforth \htpodestd 
 was but a foreign judge called in by the citizens, in the hope 
 that his strangeness to local factions would make him an 
 impartial magistrate. The only clauses which upheld the 
 supremacy of the Emperor stipulated that the consuls should 
 receive imperial confirmation, that a right of appeal should
 
 264 European History, 918-1273 
 
 lie to the imperial court, and that the Emperor should 
 still have a claim to receive the fodrum as a contribution to 
 his military expenses. Such rights as thus remained to the 
 Emperor were henceforth exercised by legates and vicars, very 
 careless of their absent master. For all practical purposes, 
 the Treaty of Constance made the Lombard republics self- 
 governing city-states. The barest over-lordship henceforth 
 alone remained to him who in past generations had aspired 
 to be their effective master. The Empire was by no means 
 destroyed by this great blow, but henceforth Italy and Germany 
 have each their independent development. 
 
 After the peace, Frederick's main occupation lay in Ger- 
 many. During the Emperor's Italian troubles the power of 
 Frederick and Henry the Lion had gone on increasing. In 
 Germany. the north in particular, Henry had renewed 
 the ancient policy of extending the German race at the 
 expense of the Slavs. Using his Saxon duchy as the basis 
 of his operations, he completed the Germanisation of the lands 
 between the Elbe, Baltic, and Oder, that, despite the work 
 of the Ottos, and Lothair and Albert the Bear, were still 
 largely Slavonic and heathen. So solid was his power, that 
 disasters in Italy, such as in the days of the Ottos had led to 
 a Slavonic reaction in the north-east, had no influence in 
 retarding the march of German conquest. Before long, the 
 vastness of Henry's resources and the stability of his policy 
 threw the exploits of Albert the Bear into the shade. In 
 alliance with the young Valdemar L of Denmark, Henry 
 carried to a completion the long process of the conquest of 
 the half-heathen tribes beyond the Elbe, and grudged his 
 reluctant ally a share in the spoils of war. The warlike 
 Abotrites were at last subdued and forced to profess Chris- 
 tianity, and the fortress and bishopric of Schwerin was estab- 
 Hen the nsn ed by Henry in their midst, along with 
 Lion and the numerous colonies of Saxons and Flemish settlers. 
 Marks. Henry was as great a founder of towns as Otto 
 
 the Great. Liibeck, founded in 1143 by his dependant,
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 265 
 
 Count Adolf of Holstein, and the first German town on the 
 Baltic, owed its existence to his energy. The bishoprics of 
 Mecklenburg and Pomerania claim him as their founder. 
 Cistercian and Premonstratensian missionaries crushed out 
 the last remnants of heathenism, and trade followed strong 
 rule. In 1168 Henry married Matilda, the daughter of 
 Henry of Anjou, an alliance that established a warm and 
 permanent connection between the Guelfic house and the 
 English throne. 
 
 Henry the Lion sought to rule within his duchies with the 
 same autocratic power with which he governed his border 
 conquests. The local nobles and prelates saw Henryt h e 
 in his policy a design against their franchises, and Lion and his 
 combined to offer him a vigorous resistance. duchies- 
 Albert the Bear, who had never lost hope of regaining Saxony, 
 opposed him even in the Marks. In 1166 the princes of 
 Saxony, headed by Rainald of Dassel and the Archbishop of 
 Bremen, went to open war against Henry, but the personal 
 intervention of the Emperor restored peace in the Diet of 
 Wiirzburg. The Lion's northern allies were equally alarmed 
 at his triumphs ; and Valdemar of Denmark, irritated by his 
 requiring a share in the recent Danish conquest of Riigen, 
 became his enemy, but was soon obliged to crave his forgive- 
 ness, and Valdemar's son and successor, Canute vi., married 
 Henry's daughter Gertrude. In 1170 the death of the restless 
 Margrave Albert relieved Henry from the most dangerous of his 
 opponents. His position was now so strong that he was able, 
 between 1170 and 1172, to go on pilgrimage to the Holy 
 Land, where he was received with great honour, and whence 
 he brought back many relics, which he enshrined in the 
 stately churches at Brunswick of which he was the founder. 
 Though shorn of the East Mark by the creation of the new 
 duchy of Austria, Henry was still able to exercise almost as 
 great an influence on the Germanisation of the south-west as 
 on the same process in the north-east. It was the age of 
 German colonisation, when, from the overpeopled lands of
 
 266 European History, 918-1273 
 
 the Netherlands and old Saxony, adventurers sought a fresh 
 home in the lands newly won to civilisation. German 
 colonists in Meissen and in the lands ruled by Czech and 
 Magyar, owed their position to Henry. In Bavaria itself he 
 was the founder of the city of Munich. 
 
 It was inevitable that Frederick should look with suspicion 
 upon so powerful and restless a vassal, especially as, even 
 before the Chiavenna interview, Henry had ceased to take 
 part in promoting the imperial designs on Italy. But as long 
 as Frederick's main object was the subjection of the Church 
 and the Lombards, the support of Henry was indispensable to 
 him. However, after the Peace of Venice the condition of 
 affairs was altered. Henceforth the Emperor's best hopes of 
 success, both in Germany and Italy, lay in the support of the 
 great ecclesiastics who had so long opposed Henry in Saxony. 
 It was now Frederick's policy to strengthen his position in 
 North Germany by alliances with the local magnates, both 
 ecclesiastical and lay, who were eager to join with the Emperor 
 in breaking down the power of their autocratic duke. 
 
 After the peace with the Church, Bishop Ulrich of Halber- 
 stadt, who had been expelled as a partisan of Alexander, came 
 back to his see. Henry, who, during his absence, had 
 administered the possessions of the bishopric, refused to 
 surrender them to him. Philip of Heinsberg Archbishop of 
 Cologne, formed a close alliance with Bishop Ulrich. The 
 allies excommunicated the duke, and devastated his lands in 
 Westphalia. Meanwhile Frederick left Italy in the summer 
 of 1178, and after receiving the crown of the Middle King- 
 dom at Aries, reached Speyer in October, where Henry the 
 Fail of Lion visited him and complained bitterly of the 
 Henry the treatment he had received from the confederated 
 Lion, 1180. bjshops. A Diet was summoned to meet at 
 Worms in January 1179, to consider the feud, but Henry did 
 not appear, and the elaborate complaints of his vassals 
 remained unanswered. In the summer the Emperor visited 
 Saxony, but Henry again refused an interview at Magdeburg,
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 267 
 
 where new complaints were laid before the Emperor. A 
 little later, a private interview between king and duke led to 
 no result. Henry neglected the third and last opportunity of 
 formally appearing before Frederick, and despairing of the 
 Emperor's justice, devastated the Saxon bishoprics with fire 
 and sword, and called in his old enemies the Slavs to invade 
 German territory. In January 1 180 a Diet was held at Wiirz- 
 
 fThe 
 )O8sessioiis of the 
 G U E L F S 
 jn the days of 
 HENRY THE LION. 
 
 oN 
 
 Boundary marled (// 
 
 } > Brixen 
 
 ^ C - 
 
 burg. For the fourth time Henry refused to appear, and the 
 sentence of banishment and the loss of his fiefs was given 
 against him. Henry declared that as a Swabian he had a 
 right to be tried by the magnates of Swabia alone, and strove 
 to fight for his inheritance, but had little success. He hoped 
 great things from his foreign friends, but no help came 
 either from his father-in-law, Henry of England, his old ally, 
 Valdemar of Denmark, or his more recent associate, the 
 young Philip n. of France. In the summer of 1181 the 
 Emperor easily conquered Saxony. In November the once
 
 268 European History, 918-1273 
 
 mighty duke was forced to crave pardon at Erfurt Frederick 
 treated him kindly, and restored to him Brunswick, Liineburg, 
 and most of his allodial possessions. But at the prayer of 
 the assembled magnates he reaffirmed his sentence of banish- 
 ment, and of the deprivation of his duchies. The exiled 
 duke retired to Normandy and England, where his father-in- 
 law, Henry n., treated him with marked consideration. By 
 a pilgrimage to St. James of Compostella, he sought to do 
 penance for his violence to the churches. His political career 
 seemed at an end. . 
 
 The vacant duchies of the Guelfs were disposed of on con- 
 ditions that mark an epoch in the territorial development 
 Division of ^ Germany. Saxony, the last stronghold of 
 the Saxon the sentiment of the ancient four peoples of 
 Germany, now underwent the same fate that 
 had fallen to Bavaria earlier in Frederick's reign. The 
 western parts, including the vast dioceses of Cologne and 
 Paderborn, were erected into the new duchy of Westphalia, 
 and granted to the Archbishop of Cologne, Frederick's ally. 
 The lands between the Weser and the Elbe went to the 
 chief of the lay enemies of the Guelfic house. Bernard of 
 Anhalt, the son of Albert the Bear, received this district, along 
 with the ducal title, but only on condition that the counties 
 and bishoprics that in Henry the Lion's days had been 
 directly dependent on the Saxon duke, should henceforward 
 hold immediately of the Empire. In the south the aged 
 Welf vi. had quite withdrawn from politics, and Otto of Wittels- 
 bach, Count-Palatine of Bavaria, the strenuous upholder of 
 Frederick's policy in Italy, was before long invested with the 
 duchy of Bavaria, over which his descendants still bear rule. 
 The fall of the Guelfs, the one family strong enough to rival 
 the throne, compensated in some measure for Frederick's 
 failures in Italy. By the partition of Saxony and Bavaria, the 
 Diet of last danger to the monarchy from the national 
 
 Mainz, 1184. duchies was removed. In the great Diet of 
 Mainz, held in 1184, the glories of the Diet of Besanc,on were
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 269 
 
 renewed, after which the Emperor went over the Alps for his 
 sixth and last visit to Italy. So strong did Frederick still 
 feel himself, that he yielded to the importunities of Henry of 
 England, and allowed Henry the Lion to return to Germany. 
 Misfortunes followed Frederick's fresh intervention in 
 Italy. On his way he concluded, at Augsburg, a treaty 
 (October 1184), which ranks as the greatest , 
 
 v ^ n Union of 
 
 of his diplomatic triumphs. In 1169 his eldest Sicily with 
 son, Henry, had been crowned King of the theEm P ire - 
 Romans at Aachen, when still a child. He was now be- 
 coming his father's active fellow-worker. By the Treaty of 
 Augsburg it was arranged that the young king should marry 
 Constance of Sicily, the daughter of King Roger, and the 
 aunt and heiress of the childless William n. From this 
 sprang the ultimate union of the Hohenstaufen with the 
 Sicilian royal house, and the conversion of southern Italy, 
 hitherto the chiefest strength of the papal power, into the 
 strongest bulwark of the Swabian Empire. Nor was this 
 Frederick's only success in Italy. The league of 
 northern cities had broken asunder after the fear Frederick's 
 of his strong hand was removed. In 1181 the power in 
 former imperialist towns Cremona, Pavia, Lodi, 
 Bergamo, Como separated themselves from the confedera- 
 tion, and formed a league, bitterly opposed to Milan and her 
 allies. Frederick also took advantage of the feuds of Tuscany 
 and Bologna to build up a party there, and by lavish grants to 
 Pisa and Lucca he secured, though at vast cost, powerful 
 friends in middle Italy. 
 
 The Papacy had lost the great man who had so long 
 upheld its fortunes. Alexander m.'s last important act 
 was the assembling, in March 1179, of the third The Lateran 
 General Council of the Lateran, where the law Council, 1179. 
 was promulgated that a valid election to the A^ander 
 Papacy required the votes of two-thirds of the "i-, 8i. 
 cardinals present in the conclave. He died on 3oth August 
 1181, full of years and honours. His five immediate
 
 270 European History, 918-1273 
 
 successors did not reign long enough to make any real 
 mark, and were much hampered by their strife with the 
 Romans. Lucius in. (1181-1185) the first of the series, 
 Lucius in., was still Pope when Frederick paid his sixth 
 118x1185. v j s j t to itaiy. i n November 1184 Pope and 
 Emperor met at Verona, where Lucius refused to consent to 
 Frederick's proposal that his son, the young King Henry, 
 should be crowned Emperor during his own lifetime. Under 
 Urban in. (1185-1187), Lucius' successor, a new quarrel 
 Urban in., between Pope and Emperor seemed imminent. 
 1185-1187. The immediate pretext of this was a double 
 election to the Archbishopric of Trier, where the imperialist 
 choice of Rudolf of Wied had been opposed by the appoint- 
 ment of the ambitious Archdeacon Folmar by the hierarchical 
 party. Urban in. consecrated Folmar archbishop, and a 
 powerful coalition against Frederick was formed, including 
 Threatened besides Folmar, Philip, Archbishop of Cologne, 
 renewal of and Henry the Lion, but recently back to his 
 befwTe'n German estates, whose father-in-law, Henry of 
 Empire and England, and son-in-law, Canute vi. of Denmark, 
 Papacy. promised their assistance. But Frederick had 
 still the upper hand, and his ancient enemies in Italy and 
 Germany were now foremost in supporting him. While 
 Cremona joined the Pope, Milan concluded a close alliance 
 with the Emperor, and the marriage of King Henry and 
 Constance was celebrated within the walls of the once 
 rebellious city. After the marriage, a threefold coronation 
 ceremony took place, in which Frederick received the crown 
 of Burgundy, Henry that of Italy, and Constance the queen's 
 crown of Germany. Henceforth the ancient title of Caesar 
 was revived in Henry's favour, in the same sense as that 
 in which Diocletian had designated the Caesar to be the 
 assistant and successor of the imperial Augustus. In Italy 
 the young Henry devastated the lands of the Papalists. In 
 Germany, where the bishops supported Frederick, Philip 
 of Cologne, abandoned by his English allies, was utterly
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 271 
 
 defeated. Urban persisted in his opposition, and was pre- 
 paring to excommunicate the Emperor, when the fatal news 
 of the collapse of the Christian power in the East came as a 
 thunderclap. A few days later Urban died (aoth October 
 1187), and his successor Gregory vm. (October-December 
 1187) strove to unite Europe in a new Crusade, Gregory 
 and dying after a few weeks, the next Pope, vm., 1187. 
 Clement in (1187-1191) removed the chief cause of the dis- 
 pute by depriving Folmar of his archbishopric, clement in., 
 and by promising to crown Henry. Henry the " 8 7-9i- 
 Lion atoned for his new treason by a new exile. The 
 younger son of Frederick, Frederick, now received the duchy 
 of Swabia, in succession to Frederick of Rothenburg. Peace 
 was thoroughly restored, and the power of the Emperor 
 established on a firmer basis than ever. In Italy order was 
 again secured. Since the death of Alexander in., the Popes 
 had mainly lived in northern Italy, but in 1188 Clement in. 
 was restored to Rome. His successor Celestine in. (1191- 
 1198) lived peacefully in the capital, but the Senate still 
 ruled Rome and not the Pope. 
 
 Once more master of Germany and Italy, the old Emperor 
 showed his imperial position in its most ideal aspect by 
 putting himself at the head of a great European 
 
 - . .. , T Crusade and 
 
 movement. In 1187 Saladin conquered Jerusalem death of 
 from the Christians, and a mighty crusading Fre derick, 
 impulse ran for a third time throughout Europe. 
 At Easter 1188, Frederick once more took the Cross, and 
 leaving the Caesar Henry as regent, left Germany in May 1 189. 
 In June 1190 he perished in Cilicia, without having ever 
 reached his goal. 
 
 Ragewin, the biographer of Frederick, minutely describes 
 his person and character. His stature was not above the 
 middle height, but his frame was elegant and Frederick's 
 well proportioned. Flowing yellow hair curled character - 
 over his brow and almost concealed his ears, and his close- 
 cropped reddish beard gave him his familiar surname of
 
 272 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 Barbarossa. His eyes were clear and bright, his nose well 
 shaped, and his whole countenance joyous and merry. His 
 throat and neck were somewhat thick. His milk-white skin 
 easily reddened, not through anger but from modesty. His 
 gait was firm and regular, and his habit of body vigorous. 
 His voice was clear and full. He enjoyed excellent health 
 but for chronic attacks of fever. He was chaste, honourable, 
 just and religious. He was assiduous at divine worship, 
 devout in his behaviour in church, and very respectful to the 
 clergy, regularly putting aside a tenth of his income for pious 
 and charitable objects. A mighty warrior, he only rejoiced 
 in battle because victory was the best means of assuring peace. 
 He was zealous in his attention to public business, and kept 
 in his hands the whole strings of his policy. He delighted in 
 hunting, and was able to lay aside his royal state in hours of 
 recreation without loss of dignity. He was fond of reading 
 history, especially the story of his great predecessors in the 
 Empire. Speaking eloquently in German, he could under- 
 stand Latin better than he could talk it. Simple but never 
 negligent in his personal habits, he wore the ordinary German 
 dress. He spent much money on buildings, especially in 
 restoring ancient palaces in Germany and Italy. His greatest 
 ambition was to restore the Roman Empire to its pristine 
 glory. During his reign both Germany and Italy enjoyed a 
 prosperity and peace to which they had long been strangers. 
 Agriculture flourished : commerce took a mighty impetus : the 
 towns became wealthy and self-governing, and secured for 
 themselves as strong a position as the barons and bishops 
 within the political system of feudalism. A German national 
 literature attested the growth of German national conscious- 
 ness. The Niebtlungenlied took its modern form, and its 
 heroes, by their strange medley of chivalry and violence, well 
 represent the ideals of the age. The Minnesinger began 
 their songs, and the rhymed Kaiscrcronik brought home to all 
 the mighty deeds of former Emperors. In later times, when 
 the seeds of disunion sown by the great Emperor's policy
 
 Frederick Barbarossa and Alexander III. 273 
 
 had brought forth their fruits, men looked back to the age 
 of Barbarossa with admiration and longing. A strange legend 
 ultimately grew that Frederick was not dead but sleeping, and 
 that in due time he would again appear to restore peace and 
 justice, and again realise in his own person the Kingdom of 
 God on earth. 
 
 PERIOD II.
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 FRANCE, NORMANDY, AND ANJOU, AND THE BEGINNINGS 
 OF THE GREATNESS OF THE CAPETIAN MONARCHY 
 
 Contrast between French and German History Character and Policy oi 
 Louis vi. Suger The Conquest of the Royal Domain Louis vi.'s 
 relations with Normandy, England, Blois, and Aquitaine Louis vi.'s 
 dealings with the Church and the Towns : Character of Louis vn. The 
 first ten years of his reign Divorce from Eleanor of Aquitaine Rise of 
 Blois and Anjou The Rivalry of Louis VH. and Henry n. Progress of 
 the Monarchy under Louis VH. The early years of Philip Augustus 
 Death and defeat of Henry n. 
 
 WHILE the imperial rulers of Germany lavished their resources 
 on the pursuit of impossible ideals, the kings of France 
 Contrast worked up their way from small beginnings to the 
 between the possession of great power. In the beginning of 
 Fren7hand the twelfth century there could be no effective 
 German comparison between the insignificance of Philip i. 
 and the grandeur of Henry iv. even in the 
 moments of his worst difficulties. Before the century was 
 out, the power of Philip Augustus was worthy to rival that 
 of Henry vi., and a few years later triumphed in the field 
 over all the forces of the German Empire. 
 
 1 Besides M. Luchaire's Institutions Monarchiques, his Louis VI. le 
 Grot, Annales de sa vie et de son regne and his Etudes sur Us actes de 
 Louis VII., are of capital importance for this period. Hirsch's Studien zur 
 Geschichte Ludwigs I'll, von Frankreich, and Delisle's Catalogue des Actes 
 de Philippe Augusle, well illustrate the latter part of the chapter. Hutton's 
 short Philip Augustus (' Foreign Statesmen Series ') is a readable 
 summary, while W. Walker's On the Increase of the Royal Power in F^anct 
 under Philip Augustus is also useful. Miss Norgate's England under 
 the Angevin Kings is fullest for the struggle of France and Anjou. 
 04
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 275 
 
 The reign of Louis vi. (1108-1137) marks the first and 
 most important stage in this development. The only son of 
 Philip i. and Bertha of Holland, Louis was born Character 
 in 1 08 1 and brought up in the abbey of Saint- and policy of 
 Denis, which he left in 1092, on receiving from LouisVI - 
 his father the investiture of the Vexin, where he learnt his 
 first experience in war and statecraft while defending his 
 appanage against William Rufus. About the end of the 
 century he was associated with his father as king-designate, 
 and for the next eight years the premature infirmities of 
 Philip i. gave Louis a large share of power. On Philip's 
 death in July 1 108, he was at once crowned king at Orleans. 
 
 In person Louis was very like his father, with his great 
 height, pale face, and the excessive corpulence that neither 
 constant activity in the field nor unwearied labours in the 
 chase could subdue, and which gave him his almost contem- 
 porary surname of the Fat. Like his father also, he was 
 greedy and sensual. But with all his faults, he had acquired 
 at Saint-Denis the softness and mildness of disposition which 
 was his most essential characteristic. He was, moreover, just, 
 loyal, and upright, ever preferring to reach his aims by simple 
 and direct means rather than by craft and treachery. 'A 
 mighty athlete and an eminent gladiator,' as his biographer 
 calls him, he was constantly engaged fighting from youth 
 upwards, and never abandoned his military habits, though 
 at the age of forty-six he was too bulky to be able to mount 
 on horseback. His nobles disliked him, as the Normans 
 disliked Henry i., for his love of men of low condition. He 
 was no knight-errant, but a shrewd practical warrior, ever 
 bent on maintaining or increasing his power, and making the 
 chief object of his activity the abasement of the barons of the 
 royal domain and the protection of the poor and the weak 
 from their high-handed violence. He also carefully watched 
 the overgrown power of the great feudatories. Unlike his 
 father, Louis kept on good terms with the Church, posing as 
 the protector of churchmen from the brutality and greed of
 
 276 European History, 918-1273 
 
 the lay baronage. He was ever mindful of the monks, and 
 never lost his love for the home of his youth. His famous 
 minister Suger became, in 1122, Abbot of Saint- 
 Denis, and the relations of king and minister 
 went back to the days when Louis abode within the great abbey 
 where Suger, a boy like himself, was being prepared for the 
 religious vocation. A man of humble origin, small and 
 mean appearance, and with wretched health, but restless, inde- 
 fatigable, clear-sighted and politic, Suger's brain suggested a 
 subtle policy such as the rough soldier-king delighted to follow. 
 Suger accompanied his master in all his travels, and kept so 
 constantly at court that the zealots reproached him with neglect- 
 ing the administration of his abbey. In Louis' later years the 
 influence of St. Bernard induced the statesman-monk to make 
 the reform of the discipline of Saint-Denis one of his main 
 objects of attention. But he never lost his influence over 
 Louis, and to his interest in the strong Church party must 
 be largely attributed the direction of Louis' ecclesiastical 
 policy. After the king's death, Suger wrote his biography, 
 and gave us the clearest notion of the life and work of the 
 first Capetian king who approached greatness. 1 
 
 There was a real danger of the hereditary domain of the 
 
 Capetians slipping away as completely from the control ot 
 
 the house of Capet as the more remote regions 
 
 conquest of which only acknowledged the king as suzerain. 
 
 the royal The proprietor of the strong tower of Montlhe'ry 
 
 domain. 
 
 could block the road between Pans and Orleans, 
 and the bishops and abbots of the Isle de France, the most 
 faithful supporters of the crown, had to witness the constant 
 aggressions of a swarm of petty tyrants. It was an everyday 
 thing for the local lord to take up his quarters in a monas- 
 tery, with his greedy following, steal the wine, corn, and 
 cattle of the hosts, and pollute the cloister with orgies and 
 bloodshed. Conspicuous among these high-born brigands 
 
 1 Viede Louis U Gros, par Suger. Ed. Molinier in Picard's Collection de 
 textes pour servir a l'e"tude et a Penseignement de 1'histoire.
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 277 
 
 were Hugh of Le Puiset, the tyrant of the rich plains of La 
 Beauce, and Thomas of Marie, a member of the house of 
 Coucy, and the cruellest and most able of the barons of the 
 royal domains. Louis vi. ever gladly responded to the com- 
 plaints of a bishop or abbot against a baronial oppressor. 
 He led countless expeditions against the barons of the Isle 
 de France ; expeditions which were individually unimportant, 
 but which in the aggregate completely revolutionised the 
 position of the monarchy within its domain. He was as a 
 rule successful, though his task was complicated by his insig- 
 nificant enemies rallying to their support more formidable 
 foes, such as the King of England or the Count of Blois, the 
 most rebellious representatives of the great feudatories. 
 Confident of the support of the clerks, the townsfolk, and 
 the lesser people, the king was able, by his vigour and 
 persistence, to crush the most formidable of his enemies. 
 Hugh du Puiset, after repeated defeats, was forced to betake 
 himself to the Holy Land. Thomas de Marie died a defiant 
 captive of the prince that he had so often disobeyed. Louis' 
 numerous campaigns kept clear the roads that united the 
 royal towns, such as Paris, Orle'ans, Bourges, Sens, Beauvais, 
 Mantes, Etampes, Senlis, Noyon, Montreuil. Before his 
 death the baronage of the domain had learnt that the king 
 was no mere suzerain, but an effective ruler. Moreover, 
 Louis' triumphs in war enabled him largely to dispense with 
 the disloyal assemblies of magnates who had claimed to direct 
 his policy. The power of the state fell into hands that Louis 
 could trust, like Suger and the bishops. Among laymen the 
 barons were superseded by warriors and men of business, 
 whose whole occupation was in the royal household. Three 
 brothers of the family of Garlande had among the knights 
 of the court the same pre-eminence that Suger had among 
 the clerks ; and the fourth Garlande, Stephen, though tonsured, 
 succeeded two of his brothers as royal seneschal, and was 
 the only cleric who ever held that knightly office. 
 
 The establishment of the royal authority over the royal
 
 278 European Hf story, 918-1273 
 
 domain was but analogous to the process which was going 
 on all over France, and making the chief feudatories of the 
 Louis vi. crown centres of stronger and better organised 
 and the great patrimonies. Each of the leading states of France 
 had become more self-centred, more concentrated 
 within its own resources. As a natural consequence their 
 relations with each other and with the crown assumed a 
 different character. Each fief lived its own life apart, 
 and followed a different course of development. Of all 
 the French kings Louis vi. had the least frequent dealings 
 with the great vassals of the crown. What relations he 
 had remind us rather of international than of domestic 
 relations. 
 
 In 1106 Henry i. of England became Duke of Normandy 
 by the defeat of his brother Robert at Tinchebrai, and 
 Louis vi. Louis vi. had to contend for the greater part of 
 and Henry i. hj s reign against him. Before long, two strong 
 coalitions were formed under Louis and Henry. Louis 
 supported the rebellious barons of Normandy, who hoped to 
 make Robert's son, William Clito, their duke, and ultimately 
 found more powerful allies in Baldwin vn. of Flanders and in 
 Bertrada's son by Fulk le Re'chin, Fulk v., Count of Anjou. 
 After Baldwin's death, Louis vi. secured the succession to 
 Flanders for Charles of Denmark, whose brief reign of 
 peace, justice, and benevolence secured for him the title 
 of Charles the Good. Charles's murder in 1127 filled Europe 
 with horror. Louis prevailed on the Flemings to accept 
 William Clito as their next count, and to him Thierry of 
 Alsace became a rival claimant. The Clito died in 1128 
 after destroying his prospects by his folly, and Louis was 
 now forced to recognise Thierry. All through his reign 
 he thus exercised a real influence over the course of Flemish 
 affairs. 
 
 Henry of England was equally active on his side. Be- 
 sides his Breton vassals, he could rely upon the special 
 enemies of Louis, the barons of the Isle de France. He
 
 GENEALOGY OF THE HOUSE OF BLOIS. 
 
 HERBERT I., Count of 
 
 Vermandois and Troyes 
 
 (d. 943)- 
 
 ALBERT, Count 
 of Vermandois, 
 whose great-great- 
 granddaughter 
 brought Ver- 
 mandois to Hugh 
 of France (d. uoi). 
 
 I 
 
 ROBERT, 
 Count of 
 Troyes 
 (d. 968). 
 
 HERBERT, LIUTGARDE, m. Theobald I., 
 
 Count of the Old, first 
 
 Troyes hereditary 
 
 (d. 993). Count of 
 
 I Blois (978). 
 STEPHEN I. 
 
 of Troyes ODO I., Count of Blois, 
 
 (d. 1019). (d 995). 
 
 THEOBALD II., 
 
 Count of Blois 
 
 (d. 1004). 
 
 ODO II., 
 Count of Blois, 
 
 1004-1037 ; 
 
 Count of Troyes, 
 
 1019-1037. 
 
 STEPHEN II., 
 
 Count of Troyes, 
 
 (1037-1047). 
 
 THEOBALD III., Count 
 
 of Blois, 1037-1089 ; 
 I. of Troyes, 1047-1089 
 (commonly called Count 
 of Champagne after the 
 
 acquisition of the 
 Counties of Vitry and 
 Bar-sur-Aube, 1076). 
 
 ODO II. 
 
 of Champagne, 
 
 1089-1007. 
 
 I 
 
 HUGH I. 
 
 of Champagne, 
 
 1097-1125, d. in 
 
 Holy Land. 
 
 STEPHEN of Blois, 
 
 1089-1102, 
 
 m. Adela, daughter 
 
 of William the 
 
 Conqueror. 
 
 
 1 
 THEOBALD IV., the Great, STEPHEN 
 of Blois, 1102-1152; II. of of Boulogne, 
 Champagne, 1125-1152. King of England. 
 
 HENRY, 
 Bishop of 
 Winchester. 
 
 HENRY I., the Liberal, 
 of Champagne, 1152-1180, 
 c. Mary, daughter of 
 Louis VII. 
 
 I 1 
 ALICE, or ADELA, THEOBALD V., the Good, 
 m. Louis VII. of France. of Blois, 1152-1191, 
 m. Alice, daughter of 
 PHILIP II. of France. Louis VII. 
 
 WILLIAM, 
 Archbishop 
 of Rheims. 
 
 ! 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 HENRY II., 
 
 MARY, 
 
 THEOBALD III. 
 
 the Young, 
 
 m. Baldwin 
 
 of Champagne, 
 
 of Champagne, 
 
 of Flanders, 
 
 1197-1201, 
 
 1180-1197 ; 
 
 Eastern 
 
 trt. Blanche, heiress 
 
 King of Jerusalem, 
 
 Emperor. 
 
 of Navarre. 
 
 1192-1197, 
 in. Isabella of 
 
 
 1 
 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 Louis of Blois, 
 1191-1205. 
 
 THEOBALD VI., 
 
 the Young, 
 
 of Blois, 
 
 1205-1218. 
 
 THEOBALD IV., the Posthumous or the Great, 
 
 of Champagne, 1201-1253 I King of Navarre, 
 
 1234-1253. 
 
 THEOBALD V., the Young, 
 
 of Champagne and Navarre, 
 
 1253-1270. 
 
 MARGARET, 
 who took Blois 
 to the houses of 
 
 Avesnes and 
 
 Chatillon. 
 
 HENRY III., the Fat, 
 
 of Champagne and Navarre, 
 
 1270-1274, m. Blanche of Artois. 
 
 JOAN (d. 1305), m. Philip IV of France.
 
 280 European History, 918-1273 
 
 became a warm partisan of Thierry of Alsace, and intrigued 
 with the Flemish townsfolk, who were seldom on good terms 
 
 with their counts. Above all he had the power- 
 Louis VI. 
 and the ful support of his nephews, Theobald iv., Count 
 
 House of o f Bi j Sj surnamed the Great, and of his 
 younger brother Stephen, who through his wife 
 had become Count of Boulogne, and was later to become 
 King of England. Theobald the Great was a much abler 
 man than his brother, and the most rancorous and persistent 
 of Louis vi. 's foes among the leading feudatories. In 1125 
 he once more united the counties of Blois and Champagne, 
 so that he could attack his suzerain both from the south 
 and from the east. But the most powerful combinations 
 of twelfth century diplomacy proved singularly weak when 
 brought into action. Almost ceaseless war was waged 
 between Louis and Theobald, and the struggles of Louis and 
 Henry were only less constant. The desolating, unending, 
 purposeless, and unskilful warfare of the twelfth century was 
 utterly fruitless in results. It was enough for Louis that, 
 despite some defeats, he held his own fairly well. 
 
 Before the end of Louis' reign new complications ensued. 
 In 1128, finding the hostility of Anjou a chief obstacle in the 
 Louis vi. wav f hi s P^ns, Henry I. married his widowed 
 and daughter and heiress, the Empress Matilda, to 
 
 Geoffrey, the son and heir of his old enemy Fulk 
 of Anjou. The way was thus prepared for the Angevin 
 Empire of Henry IL, though the refusal of England to accept 
 Matilda as Henry's successor in 1135 seemed for the moment 
 to remove any imminent danger. While England received 
 Stephen, Geoffrey of Anjou established himself a few years 
 later as duke of Normandy. Soon after, Stephen's brother, 
 Theobald of Blois, made his peace with Louis. More- 
 over, two years later Louis negotiated another alliance that 
 seemed to offer even greater prospects to the heir to the 
 French throne. On Good Friday 1137 William x., Count of 
 Poitou and Duke of Aquitaine, died on pilgrimage. He was
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 281 
 
 the last male of his house, and his daughter Eleanor suc- 
 ceeded peaceably to his great inheritance. William had 
 wished that his daughter should marry Louis the Young, 
 the eldest surviving son of his suzerain. In a few months 
 the marriage was effected. The vast domains of Eleanor 
 in Poitou, Saintonge, and Guienne at once doubled the 
 domain of the crown, and made the young Louis immediate 
 lord of most of the great barons between the Loire and the 
 Pyrenees. But so long as the interests and feelings of south 
 and north were so absolutely different, it was no great gain 
 to a king, who had only just secured the overthrow of the 
 feudal castles of the Seine and Oise, to begin in his old age 
 a similar but more hopeless struggle on the Charente and the 
 Dordogne. 
 
 While Philip i. kept both Rome and Cluny in check, his 
 son became the stalwart champion of the rights of the Church. 
 It was his friendship for the Church that con- L OU J S VI. 
 quered the Isle de France and made it possible and the 
 for Suger to serve two such different masters as 
 Louis vi. and St. Bernard. Louis vi. restored the strong 
 alliance with the Papacy that prepared the way for the time 
 when the French king could boast that he was ' the eldest son 
 of the Church.' He ardently supported Innocent n. against 
 Anacletus, welcomed Innocent to his dominions, and attended 
 the Council of Sens in 1131. Nevertheless he did not 
 scruple to show priests and monks that he meant to be 
 master in his own kingdom, making bishops as well as barons 
 respect the royal justice, and never relaxing his rights over 
 ecclesiastical appointments. Even when Suger was chosen 
 abbot by the over-zealous monks of Saint-Denis, who had 
 neglected to wait for the King's authorisation to elect, Louis, 
 though he confirmed the election, put in prison the monks 
 who brought him the news of their brethren's unconstitutional 
 haste. Louis quarrelled with leading bishops like Ivo of 
 Chartres and Henry of Sens. Indignation at Louis' treatment 
 of his bishops drew Bernard from his retreat to denounce a
 
 282 European History, 918-1273 
 
 king who ' persecuted not so much bishops, as the zeal for 
 justice, and the habit of religion which he finds in them.' 
 But these examples of friction were exceptional. If the clergy 
 would but accept his authority, they could have no better 
 friend than Louis vi. And besides his alliance with the 
 Church, Louis vi. drifted gradually into an alliance with the 
 lesser people, which reminds us of the constant champion- 
 ship by the Norman kings of England of the popular 
 as against the feudal party. The better peace that now 
 prevailed throughout France made town life, trade and com- 
 merce, possible on a larger scale than in the rough times 
 The of absolute feudal anarchy. The communal 
 
 communal movement was now beginning in northern 
 France, and though the king was far from 
 being, as the older historians make him, the ' enfranchiser 
 of the communes,' he was at least not fiercely hostile to the 
 less revolutionary sides of the new movement 1 He issued 
 a large number of charters to towns and villages under 
 ecclesiastical control, which, though meant to help the 
 Church, also tended to help forward the municipal move- 
 ment Even more than this, his zeal to uphold sound justice 
 was an incalculable boon to his people. The simple peasants 
 saw in the good king a wonder-worker and a thaumaturgist, 
 and were ready to give almost divine honours to the prince 
 whom they celebrated as ' the Justiciar.' 
 
 Ill health and anxiety wore out the health and spirits of 
 Louis. His last days were full of trouble. He desired to 
 retire to the home of his youth clad in the Benedictine garb, 
 but he was too ill to be able to realise his wish. He died at 
 Paris almost in the odour of sanctity, lamenting with his 
 last breath that it was not the lot of man to combine the 
 energy of youth with the experience of age. 
 
 Louis vii., surnamed the Young, the eldest of the five sons 
 that Adelaide of Maurienne bore to her husband, had already, 
 
 1 See on this subject Luchaire's Les Communes /ratifatses & ttpoque des 
 Capetitns direct*.
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 283 
 
 when a child nine years old, been crowned at Reims by 
 Innocent u. He was still in his new Aquitanian domains 
 when his father's death gave him the exclusive character of 
 rule over France. Suger and the other ministers of Louis vn. 
 the old king did their best to carry on still further the policy 
 which had so much improved the position of the French 
 monarchy. But Louis vn. was very unworthy to continue the 
 work of his strong and vigorous father. He is praised by the 
 chroniclers for his honesty, simplicity, and benevolence. He 
 was a fair soldier, but his love of peace made him reluctant 
 to assume the sword, and his weakness and indecision of 
 character often led him into deceit and double-dealing. The 
 chief positive trait in his disposition was a rigid and monastic 
 piety, which kept his private life pure, but led to scruples of 
 conscience and hesitation in conduct that not a little unfitted 
 him for the rude tasks of kingship. The feudal party soon 
 realised his weakness, and Suger found that the work of Louis 
 the Fat had to be done over again. If the petty lords of the 
 Isle de France were still kept in check, the independent great 
 vassals soon began to enlarge their pretensions. It was a 
 time of feudal reaction all over Europe. The weak Stephen 
 had succeeded Henry i., 'the lion of righteousness,' in 
 England. Conrad in., the slave of the Church, had re- 
 placed the capable but limited Lothair of Supplinburg. Under 
 Louis vii. the same tendencies manifested themselves in 
 France. It speaks well for Louis vi. and Suger that it was a 
 period of stagnation rather than of positive reaction in the 
 fortunes of the French monarchy. 
 
 The first ten years of Louis vn.'s reign were filled with 
 petty and purposeless wars. In his zeal to assert the rights 
 of his wife. Louis spent much time south -of 
 
 The first ten 
 
 the Loire to the neglect of his more immediate years of 
 
 interests in northern France. Besides useful but Louis VII - 
 
 1137-1147. 
 not very fruitful efforts to carry out in Eleanor's 
 
 domains the policy of his father in the Isle de France, Louis 
 led, in 1141, an expedition against the Count of Toulouse,
 
 284 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Alphonse Jordan, who had refused the homage claimed from 
 him to the Duke of Aquitaine. The city of Toulouse offered 
 him a vigorous and successful resistance, and the first direct 
 action of a descendant of Hugh Capet in Languedoc did not 
 increase the prestige of the royal power. Nor were affairs in 
 the north much more favourable. All his monastic virtues did 
 not prevent him quarrelling with Innocent IL, who had con- 
 secrated Peter de la Chitre to the archbishopric of Bourges 
 despite the strenuous efforts of the king to prevent his 
 election (1141). As Louis would not yield, Innocent excom- 
 municated him, declaring that he was a child who had to be 
 taught the lesson of not resisting the authority of the Church. 
 Bernard re-echoed the thunders of the Pope, though Suger 
 remained true to his master. Graver danger set in when 
 Theobald of Champagne, who up to this point had remained 
 on good terms with Louis, took up the cause of Peter de la 
 Chatre, and gave him a refuge within his dominions. Louis 
 indignantly went to war against Theobald and invaded Cham- 
 pagne. In the course of the campaign that ensued the king 
 captured Vitry by assault. In the midst of the tumult the 
 church, packed with fugitive townspeople, was set on fire, and 
 more than a thousand men, women, and children were believed 
 to have perished in the flames. Louis, terribly shocked at the 
 sacrilege and slaughter, soon sought peace both with the 
 Church and with Theobald, and allowed Peter de la Chatre to 
 take possession of his see. Vitry was restored to Theobald, 
 and Celestine n., who had now succeeded the truculent 
 Innocent, made no difficulty in absolving Louis (1144). But 
 the massacre at Vitry still weighed on the king's conscience, 
 and led him to seek expiation by taking the crusader's vow. 
 In 1147 Louis and Eleanor set out for the Second Crusade. 
 The disasters and miseries of that fatal expedition have 
 d been already chronicled [see pages 191-193]. In 
 Crusade, 1 1 So, Louis came back humiliated and defeated. 
 1147-1150. During his absence the aged Suger had striven 
 with all his might to uphold the royal authority, though he
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 285 
 
 had disapproved of the king's crusading project, and never 
 ceased to urge upon him the necessity of a speedy return. 
 His fears were more than justified, for all the spirits of dis- 
 order took advantage of Louis' absence to disturb the realm. 
 It was proposed to depose Louis in favour of his brother 
 Robert, Count of Dreux. The return of the discredited king 
 was quickly followed by the death of Suger (1152). With 
 him expired the last hope of carrying on the work of national 
 development at which he had so long laboured. To the first 
 great error of the Crusade Louis now added his second mis- 
 take of repudiating his wife. In both cases the king put his 
 personal feeling above the interest of his house and realm. 
 As his absence on crusade led to a new wave of feudal anarchy, 
 so his divorce helped on the growth of the great Angevin 
 power, which was, for the rest of his life, to put an insurmount- 
 able obstacle in the way of the development of the French 
 monarchy. 
 
 The relations between Louis and Eleanor had long been 
 strained. After many years of barrenness, the two children 
 which, as it was believed, came to the pair as the Divorce of 
 result of the prayers of St. Bernard, were both girls, Louis vn. 
 
 , , . j , , . , ,, and Eleanor 
 
 and Louis ardently desired a son and successor. O f Aquitaine, 
 There was, moreover, a strange contrast of char- "5 a - 
 acter between the weak, pious, and shifty king and the fierce, 
 imperious, and ambitious queen. New grounds of dispute 
 arose during the Crusade, when Eleanor strove to divert the 
 French host from their projected march to Jerusalem in order 
 that its presence might support her uncle Raymond of Antioch 
 in his schemes for the aggrandisement of his principality. 
 The relations of husband and wife became so bad that Suger 
 wrote imploring the king to conceal his anger against the 
 queen. After their return to France nothing but the influ- 
 ence of Suger prevented a breach. Soon after his death, the 
 question of divorce was formally raised. St. Bernard, still 
 omnipotent over Louis' mind, approved the step. In March 
 11523 church council held at Beaugency annulled the marriage
 
 286 European History, 918-1273 
 
 on the ground of consanguinity. Eleanor withdrew to her 
 own dominions, which were now again separated from the 
 French crown. Anxious to do all in her power to spite her 
 former husband, she offered herself in marriage to young 
 Henry of Anjou. At Whitsuntide their marriage at Poitiers 
 exposed the French monarchy to the gravest danger. So 
 
 The rite of ^ on S as l ^ e cme ^ ^ e ^ s were held by separate and 
 the House rival houses it was not impossible for the crown 
 of Biois. to fold j ts own a g a i ns t them, but an aggregation 
 of several great fiefs into the same hands might easily set up a 
 rival power whose forces could overbalance the scanty strength 
 of the king. The union of Chartres, Blois, and Champagne 
 under Theobald the Great had been the gravest obstacle to 
 the plans of Louis vi. The establishment of Theobald's 
 younger brother in Boulogne, Normandy, and England would 
 have been even more dangerous but for the incompetence of 
 Stephen. Side by side with the union of several fiefs under the 
 house of Blois, was the union of Anjou, Maine, and Normandy, 
 brought about by the policy of Henry I. in marrying his 
 daughter, the Empress Matilda, to Geoffrey, the son of Fulk 
 of Anjou. These two amalgamations neutralised each 
 other, when the accession of Stephen to England and Nor- 
 mandy brought the old interests of Blois and Anjou into 
 fierce antagonism, and for a time neither side won a pre- 
 ponderating position over the other. Though Matilda the 
 Empress failed to conquer England, her husband established 
 himself in Normandy, and in 1144 received from Louis vn. 
 the formal investiture of the duchy. In 1149 Geoffrey and 
 The growth Matilda handed over their Norman claims to their 
 of Anjou. son Henry, now sixteen years old. In September 
 1151 the death of Geoffrey made Henry Fitz-Empress (so the 
 young prince was commonly described) sole lord of Normandy, 
 Anjou, Maine, and Touraine. Anjou now rapidly prevailed 
 over Blois. Young as he was, Henry had already a character 
 and a policy. After his marriage with Eleanor he had 
 a position in France far stronger than that of King Louis
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 287 
 
 himself; from the Somme to the Pyrenees, from the Bay 
 of Biscay to the mountains of Auvergne, Henry and Eleanor 
 ruled directly or indirectly over the fairest half The Empire 
 of France. Two years later, the death of Stephen of Henry n. 
 made Henry King of England. In 1158 Henry added 
 to his possession the county of Nantes and re-enforced 
 the old Norman claims of overlordship over Duke Conan of 
 Brittany. Later he secured the hand of Constance, Conan's 
 daughter and heiress, for his second son Geoffrey, who in 1171 
 peacefully succeeded his father-in-law as Duke of Brittany. 
 Henry was equally successful in realising the many pretensions 
 of Eleanor over the lands of south-western France. In 1158 
 Eleanor's claims to overlordship over the county of Toulouse 
 led Henry to lead an expedition against Count Raymond v., 
 who had succeeded his father Alphonse in 1148, and by his 
 marriage with Constance, sister of Louis vn., and widow of 
 Eustace of Boulogne, King Stephen's son, had united himself 
 against the Angevin with the houses of France and Blois. The 
 personal intervention of King Louis saved Raymond from abso- 
 lute submission, though the peace transferred Cahors and the 
 Quercy from Toulouse to the duchy of Aquitaine. In 1173 
 Henry accomplished his purpose. Henceforth the county of 
 Toulouse, with its dependencies the Rouergue and the Albi- 
 geois, became, by Raymond's submission, recognised depend- 
 encies of Aquitaine. With equal energy Henry pressed his 
 claims to overlordship over Berri, where his aggressions were 
 particularly unwelcome by reason of the large strip of royal 
 domain which ran from Bourges southward. Henry also 
 revived successfully the old Aquitanian claim to the overlord- 
 ship of Auvergne, while his alliance with the rising house 
 of Maurienne, now Counts of Savoy, gave him some com- 
 mand of the upper Rhone valley and the chief passes over 
 the Alps. The extraordinary ability of Henry made his com- 
 manding position the more formidable. He was no mere 
 feudal chief like the Counts of Blois, but a statesman capable 
 of building up a mighty empire.
 
 288 European History, 918-1273 
 
 After the consolidation of the Angevin Empire, Louis had 
 
 to watch narrowly the actions of a vassal more powerful 
 
 than himself. Before long war became almost 
 
 Rivalry of ... . . , 
 
 Louis vii. chronic between him and Henry. It was not 
 * nd that constant efforts were not made to secure peace 
 
 and alliance. Henry married his eldest son to 
 Louis' daughter, Margaret, receiving as her marriage portion 
 the long-coveted possession of the Vexin. In 1162 Louis vn. 
 and Henry again made common cause in favour of Alex- 
 ander in. against the Antipope [see page 257]. During 
 his exile in France Alexander frequented the dominions of 
 Henry as much as he did those of Louis. It was in Henry's 
 town of Tours that the council assembled that excommuni- 
 cated the Antipope. Henry seemed too strong to make direct 
 resistance of much avail. 
 
 Before long Henry 11. fell into his quarrel with Archbishop 
 Thomas of Canterbury, which gave Louis an opportunity ot 
 adding to his rival's difficulties, by giving as much support as 
 he could to his enemies. After Thomas's death Louis found 
 an even better way of effecting this purpose by forcing Henry 
 to divide his dominions among his sons, and then fomenting 
 the discord that soon burst out between Henry and his wife 
 and children. In 1170 the young Henry, Louis' son-in-law, 
 was crowned joint king with his father, after the French fashion. 
 Geoffrey was already Duke of Brittany, and in 1172 Richard, 
 the third son, was enthroned Duke of Aquitaine, and be- 
 trothed to Alice, Louis vn.'s younger daughter. Louis soon 
 persuaded the vain and weak Henry in. so he was often styled 
 to make common cause with him against his father. In 
 The War of 1 1 73 a well-devised conspiracy burst forth against 
 1173 and 1174. t h e p Ower o f Henry 11. The feudal party in 
 England and Normandy, the King of Scots, and Henry's 
 discontented vassals in Britain, made common cause with 
 Louis vn. and the younger King Henry against the arch- 
 enemy of the Capetian house. The vassals of France, who 
 feared Henry more than Louis, joined the confederacy.
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 289 
 
 and at their head were Geoffrey of Brittany and Richard 
 of Aquitaine, and even Queen Eleanor herself. Among 
 Louis' greater vassals Philip of Alsace (son of Thierry of 
 Alsace), Count of Flanders, entered into the league. So 
 did the sons of Theobald the Great Henry the Liberal, Count 
 of Champagne, and Theobald v., the Good, Count of Blois, 
 both married to Louis vn.'s daughters. The representative 
 of the younger branch of Blois, the Count of Flanders' 
 brother, who ruled Boulogne as the husband of King 
 Stephen's daughter Mary, also took up the hereditary policy 
 of his house. The good luck and the genius of Henry pre- 
 vailed over Louis and his associates, and in 1174 peace 
 was patched up on conditions that left matters much as 
 they had been before the war. Eleanor of Aquitaine, cap- 
 tured as she was endeavouring to escape to her divorced 
 husband's court, was the chief sufferer. She was immured in 
 a prison, from which she hardly escaped during the rest of 
 Henry ii.'s life. 
 
 In the last seven years of his life Louis vn. made no 
 sensible advance against Henry n., but though beaten in the 
 field, he had broken up the unity of the Angevin Progress 
 power, and could still count upon the support of of the 
 
 . Monarchy 
 
 the sons of his enemy. His reign ended as under 
 ingloriously as it had begun. Nevertheless, the Louis vn. 
 constant interest of the king in the policy of the remotest 
 parts of the monarchy was a step forward in the royal opera- 
 tions. The intervention of Louis in Toulouse, in Auvergne, 
 in Burgundy, though not always successful, marked an 
 advance over the incuriousness and indifference of his father's 
 reign in matters not directly concerning the domain. He 
 even looked beyond his kingdom into the Arelate, where 
 Barbarossa's coronation in 1178 was a source of inquietude 
 to him. Moreover, Louis vn.'s constant friendship for the 
 Church stood him in good stead in his dealings with his 
 remoter vassals. His pilgrimages to distant shrines, to St. 
 James of Compostella, to the Grande Chartreuse, and to the 
 
 PERIOD II. T
 
 290 Eu ropean History, 918-1273 
 
 new shrine of St. Thomas at Canterbury, spread his fame. 
 The younger monastic orders, especially the Cistercians and 
 the Carthusians, were his enthusiastic friends, and the 
 unostentatious and timid support of a crowd of bishops 
 and abbots gave Louis VH.'S reign its peculiar position in 
 history. The chronicler tells us how, in Louis vn.'s days, 
 war was rare, and the realm ruled peacefully and strenuously ; 
 many new towns established, and ancient ones increased ; 
 many forests were cut down ; and divers orders of religion 
 marvellously multiplied in various parts of the land. 
 
 Louis vii. was thrice married. His first two wives brought 
 
 him daughters only. Eleanor of Aquitaine's children, Mary 
 
 and Alice, became the wives of the two brothers, 
 
 Family old 
 
 age, and Henry of Champagne and Theobald of Blois. 
 death of Constance of Castile, Louis' second wife, was the 
 mother of Margaret, afterwards wife of the young 
 king, Henry in., and of another Alice, long betrothed to his 
 brother, Richard of Aquitaine. Fourteen days after Constance's 
 death, Louis vn. married his third wife, Alice or Adela of 
 Champagne, sister of his sons-in-law, Henry the Liberal 
 and Theobald the Good. For five years they had no 
 children, and Louis, fearing the division of his kingdom 
 between his daughters, longed earnestly for a son. He 
 visited Citeaux, and threw himself on his knees before the 
 General Chapter that was in session, and only rose when he 
 had been assured that God would soon answer his prayers. 
 In August 1165 the long-wished-for son was born at Paris, 
 amidst heartfelt rejoicings, and was christened Philip, but soon 
 became known by the surnames ' Godgiven ' and ' Augustus.' 
 When Philip was only fourteen years old, Louis vii. was 
 stricken with paralysis. On All Saints' Day 1179, ne was 
 crowned joint-king at Reims by his mother's brother, Arch- 
 bishop William of Blois. In September 1180 the old king 
 died, and Philip Augustus became sole King of France. 
 
 In the first ten years of the reign of Philip 11., the fierce 
 factions that had raged round the death-bed of Louis vii.
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 291 
 
 were continued. The chief influences to which the boy-king 
 was exposed were those of Philip of Flanders, and of the 
 house of Blois. Philip of Alsace had shown more than the 
 usual energy and skill of a feudal prince in his administra- 
 tion of Flanders. He is celebrated in Flemish history as 
 the founder of ports and cities, the granter of charters of 
 liberties, the maker of canals, the cultivator of sandy heaths 
 and barren marshes, the strong administrator, the vigilant 
 upholder of law, the friend and patron of poets and 
 romancers. He also laboriously built up a great family 
 connection, from which he hoped to establish a power such 
 as might rival the aggregated fiefs of Blois or The early 
 Anjou, and might well have anticipated the later ye * rs of 
 unions of the Netherlands under the Bavarian and Augustus, 
 Burgundian houses. Himself lord of Flanders and Il8 - ll8 9- 
 Artois, Philip became, by his marriage with Isabella of Ver- 
 mandois, the descendant of Hugh the Great the Crusader, 
 Count of Amiens and Vermandois. His nephew Baldwin 
 was Count of Hainault. His brother Matthew and his niece 
 Ida were in succession Count and Countess of Boulogne. 
 Moreover, Philip was the most trusted counsellor of the old 
 age of Louis vn., and the godfather of Philip Augustus. Just 
 before Louis' death his influence was confirmed by the 
 marriage of his niece, Isabella of Hainault, to the young king. 
 Being childless, he promised that after his death Artois should 
 go to his niece and her husband. 
 
 The house of Blois had hoped much from the accession 
 of a king whose mother was a Champenoise. But Philip 
 of Flanders chased Adela of Champagne from the court, 
 and showed a fierce hostility to her brothers. Theobald of 
 Blois and Henry of Champagne were forced to make alliance 
 with their old enemy, Henry of Anjou. William of Reims, dis- 
 gusted that the Archbishop of Sens was called upon to crown 
 the new queen, strove to act once again the part played 
 by Thomas of Canterbury when the younger Henry was 
 crowned by Roger of York. War seemed imminent between
 
 292 European History, 918-1273 
 
 the two Philips, and a strong coalition that included the houses 
 of Blois and Anjou, and a vast swarm of smaller feudatories, 
 who rejoiced that the reign of a boy of fifteen bade fair to 
 give them a chance of striking an effective blow against the 
 power of their suzerain. But Philip of Flanders pressed his 
 advantages too far. A natural reaction from the overbearing 
 Count of Flanders soon drove King Philip towards his mother 
 and her family. Henry of Anjou's mediation patched up 
 peace between Philip n. and his mother's kinsfolk, and 
 enabled him to shake off his dependence on Philip of 
 Flanders. 
 
 Peace did not last very long. For a short time Henry n. 
 was on good terms with the French king, and strove to per- 
 suade him to associate himself with the declining fortunes of 
 Henry the Lion, and swell the coalition against Frederick 
 Barbarossa. But Philip n. gave the deposed Saxon no 
 effective help, and before long the old relations were restored. 
 In 1183 Philip was again backing up the rebellious sons of 
 Henry n. against their father, though the sudden death of 
 Henry, the young king, quickly brought this struggle to an end. 
 In the next year, 1184, Philip went to war against Philip of 
 Flanders, who on the death of his wife, Isabella of Vermandois, 
 in 1183, had kept possession of her lands, which Philip n. had 
 declared forfeited. So fierce a struggle seemed imminent that 
 the Count of Flanders was glad to get the support of the house 
 of Blois, which had now again drifted into opposition to the 
 king. At the same time he called in the Emperor as a counter- 
 poise against his other suzerain. But Philip of Flanders was 
 afraid to face the great host which the French king now 
 turned against him. He sought the intervention of Henry n., 
 who, in November 1185, personally negotiated the peace of 
 Aumale, by which the Vermandois was added to the royal 
 domain, and the promise of Artois and the Somme towns at 
 the Count's death was renewed. It was the first real triumph 
 of the young king's reign. 
 
 Flushed by his success against Flanders, Philip n. soon
 
 Beginnings of the Capetian Greatness 
 
 293 
 
 fell again into hostilities against Henry n. He clamoured 
 for the restoration of the Vexin, the marriage portion of his 
 sister Margaret, widow of Henry the younger, but finally 
 
 FRANCE 
 in 1189. 
 
 Lands of the House ofSlois shaded thus...\ 
 Boundary cfthtliingdorti thus . 
 
 Jloyal domain shaded thus.- 
 Boundary of Henry JI's Sominions .> 
 
 allowed it to remain in the English king's hands as the 
 future portion for his other sister Alice, the promised bride of 
 Richard of Aquitaine. But he still intrigued actively with 
 Henry's disloyal sons. In 1186 Geoffrey of Brittany went to
 
 294 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Paris to plot new designs against his father, but was cut off by 
 fever when still the French king's guest. Projects of crusade 
 delayed for a time the weaving of the network of intrigue. 
 But in 1189 Philip again found Richard at war against his 
 father. A sharp campaign was fought, which 
 death of resulted in the complete defeat of Henry n., 
 H " iryI1 - who on 4th July 1189 was forced to make a 
 complete submission at Colombieres, and died 
 two days afterwards. It was the second great triumph of 
 Philip's reign. Though the Angevin heritage passed un- 
 impaired to Richard, the new king was not statesman enough 
 long to keep together so precarious an inheritance. Hence- 
 forth the advantage was increasingly on Philip's 
 
 The call to . 3 
 
 the Third side. The call to the Third Crusade postponed 
 
 Crusade, j ne inevitable struggle between them. But the 
 1187-1189. . 
 
 historian of France may well pause at the death 
 
 of Henry n. The period of struggling and waiting was 
 now almost over. In the later and more brilliant portion of 
 his reign, the conqueror of Philip of Alsace and Henry of 
 Anjou had to gather in the fruits of his victories. Yet the 
 future position of France was already assured in the year that 
 saw the death of the most resourceful of her enemies.
 
 CHAPTER X1IJ 
 
 THE THIRD CRUSADE AND THE REIGN OF HENRY VI. 1 
 (1187-1197) 
 
 Europe in 1187 Preparations for the Third Crusade Crusade and Death of 
 Frederick Barbarossa Destruction of the German Army Crusade of 
 Philip II. and Richard I. Truce with Saladin The Reign of Henry VI. 
 Henry's Coronation and first Italian journey First attack on Apulia 
 German troubles Captivity of Richard I. Conquest of Apulia and 
 Sicily The Hereditary Empire and the Conquest of the East Death of 
 Henry. 
 
 IN the second half of the twelfth century limits had already 
 been set to the worst forms of feudal anarchy, and strong 
 and well-ordered states ruled by powerful kings _ 
 
 J r The state of 
 
 had replaced the chaos of the Dark Ages. Europe after 
 Frederick Barbarossa, if no effective lord of the * he fa " of 
 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 world, exercised a very real authority over 
 Germany, and even over Italy. Louis vi. and Louis VH. had 
 put the resources of the French monarchy on a solid basis, 
 and Philip Augustus was now preparing the way for still 
 greater triumphs. Henry n. had bound together his vast but 
 heterogeneous empire so firmly that the power of Anjou was 
 able to survive the blind knight-errantry of his successor. 
 Even in the remoter parts of Europe the same tendency 
 
 1 To the authorities mentioned in chapter viii., may be added for the 
 Third Crusade, the Itinerarium Regis Ricardi (Rolls Series), with 
 Dr. Stuhbs' Introductions, Ambroise's Estoire de la gverre sainte, ed. G. 
 Paris, and Archer's useful, though popular, Crusade of Richard /. Toeche's 
 Kaiser Heinrich VI. is the standard modern authority for Henry vi.'s reign; 
 some of its results are usefully criticised in Bloch's Forschungen zur Politik 
 Kaiser Heinrichs VI. in den Jahren 1191-1194. 
 
 295
 
 2g6 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 manifested itself towards the growth of strong monarchies. 
 The kingdoms of the east and north, barely redeemed from 
 barbarism, saw rulers like Valdemar of Denmark and Ottocar 
 of Bohemia. The kingdoms of divided Spain, the Norman 
 dominion of Sicily, show the universal drift of the tide. 
 Even the greater feudatories of the larger kingdoms were 
 making themselves centres of an authority that was not far 
 from being national. States like Toulouse and Provence, 
 representing the growing national feeling of the south French 
 nation ; opulent and manufacturing Flanders, cutting itself 
 apart from France and Germany alike, and even mere dynastic 
 powers, like the house of Champagne and Blois, show how 
 authority was becoming concentrated into few hands. If 
 the unity of the German kingdom was still rather illusory, 
 the dukes, counts, and margraves, who ruled over its larger 
 subdivisions, were making themselves, like the great French 
 feudatories, centres of a local feeling and of a local order, 
 which, in days when the strongest king's arm did not reach 
 very far, were real securities for peace and prosperity. 
 
 When the terrible news that Jerusalem was once more in 
 the hands of the infidel spread throughout Europe, the 
 result of this development was seen in the shape taken by 
 the movement to re-establish the Christian power in the East. 
 In the eleventh century the Popes had preached, organised, 
 and directed the Crusades. A hundred years later the Papacy 
 had certainly not declined in influence. But it was no longer 
 the only strong power in Europe. Absolutely it was what it 
 had been in the days of Gregory and Urban. Relatively it 
 was much less, since instead of a Henry iv., or Philip i., or 
 a William Rufus, it had to deal with a Barbarossa, a Philip 
 Augustus, a Henry of Anjou. Even the leadership of the 
 Church, as SL Bernard's career shows, was not necessarily 
 given to the reigning Pope. While the First Crusade was the 
 work of Urban n., and the Second Crusade sprang from the 
 efforts of St. Bernard, the Third Crusade was due to the 
 prompt action of the great kings of Europe, and above all
 
 The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 297 
 
 to Frederick Barbarossa. In the First Crusade the leadership 
 of the Christian host fell to the lesser feudal princes, like the 
 Count of Toulouse or the Count of Flanders. In the Second 
 Crusade the Emperor and the King of France took the lead, 
 but they went with insufficient resources, and left their 
 dominions in disorder and anarchy. In the Third Crusade 
 the three chief monarchs of Europe appeared at the head of 
 well-equipped and fairly disciplined armies. However little 
 successful they were, their failure was as much due to their 
 taking with them on their pilgrimage their Western rivalries, 
 as to their military insufficiency for their task. In each case 
 they left their dominions well cared for and well governed, and 
 in no case did their long absence from their homes stop the 
 orderly development of their states. 
 
 The absorption of the Western monarchs on their own 
 territorial aggrandisement seemed for a time to lessen the force 
 of the crusading impulse, and certainly during the thirteenth 
 century led to the gradual decay of the crusading ideal. Europe 
 was now breaking up slowly but surely into the great nations 
 of modern times, and was inevitably losing a good deal of 
 her consciousness of unity in the process. Even Frederick 
 Barbarossa, filled as he was with his dreams of reviving the 
 power of Rome, had been, as we saw, obliged to adopt a 
 different policy in Germany and Italy, and had attained his 
 greatest successes in proportion as he acted most fully as a 
 German national king. To kings like Philip Augustus and 
 Henry of Anjou, the Empire was a mere name, and they 
 were conscious of no lord over them save God Himself. 
 Such unity of feeling as remained in Europe was rather 
 the result of common chivalrous and martial ideals, and the 
 steady and persistent international influence of the Catholic 
 Church, than of any ideal unity of the Christian state under 
 the Roman Emperor. The kings of the West had too much 
 work at home to give them much leisure to look abroad. If 
 ambition, restlessness, or principle compelled them to take 
 interest in the affairs of their neighbours, they had not yet
 
 298 European History, 918-1273 
 
 attained sufficient strength to make their intervention a 
 reality. 
 
 It was harder to bring about a combined European 
 
 movement in the days of Barbarossa than it had been in the 
 
 days of Urban n. But the news that the infidel 
 
 Preparations . 
 
 for the Third was once more lording it over the Holy Sepulchre 
 so profoundly stirred up the mind of Europe 
 that all difficulties in the way of continued action 
 were rapidly surmounted, and within three years of the fall of 
 Jerusalem the best organised of the Crusades was already 
 started. The Papacy proved true to its noblest traditions. 
 It was universally believed that the fall, or the prospect of 
 the fall, of the Holy City had proved Urban m.'s death-blow. 
 His successors, the enthusiastic Gregory vm. and the con- 
 ciliatory Clement in., strove, at great sacrifices, to heal the 
 feuds of Pope and Emperor, and to assuage the rivalries 
 of the monarchs of Europe, so that all might turn their 
 resources to the Holy War. Within a few weeks of the 
 receipt of the fatal news, orders were issued from Rome, 
 calling on the faithful to unite to free Jerusalem from the 
 infidel, enjoining public fasts and prayers, and offering ample 
 indulgences and spiritual encouragements to such as would 
 take the cross. The Cardinals talked of living on alms, 
 and devoting their property to the Crusade, while they 
 wandered through Europe, preaching the Holy War. 
 Italy, so little moved as a rule by the crusading impulse, 
 and so accustomed to make a heavy profit from the 
 necessities of Northern and Western pilgrims, was all aglow 
 with enthusiasm. The first succour sent to the East came 
 from a Norman fleet from Naples and Sicily, which took up 
 the work of Bohemund. William of Sicily turned to the 
 succour of Antioch and Tyre the army which he had 
 collected to attack Constantinople. Not much behind the 
 Sicilians were the Scandinavian peoples, who were now for 
 the first time brought within the range of the crusading 
 movement. If Norway, torn asunder by civil war, contributed
 
 The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VL 299 
 
 but few Crusaders, thousands took the cross in Sweden and 
 Denmark. But the individual efforts of the smaller states 
 soon subordinated themselves to the action of the three 
 greatest princes of Europe. Richard of Aquitaine was the 
 first of Western rulers to take the cross in 1187. His 
 father and Philip of France received the cross from the Arch- 
 bishop of Tyre in the early part of 1188. But though 
 England and France could agree to levy a 'Saladin tithe,' 
 to equip the crusading host, the hostility of their sovereigns 
 postponed the Crusade until after Henry ii.'s death. When, 
 in 1189, Philip Augustus and Richard Cceur de Lion made 
 themselves the leaders of the Third Crusade in the West, 
 Frederick Barbarossa, with his German host, was already 
 on his march for the East. Round these three monarchs 
 goups the history of the Crusade. 
 
 Frederick Barbarossa was the first to start. In the spring 
 of 1189, tne German Crusaders gathered together at Ratisbon. 
 Great pains were taken to provide money and Crusadeand 
 equipment as well as men, and every precaution death f 
 
 ' * . , Frederick 
 
 to avoid the swarm of unarmed pilgrims and Barbarossa, 
 penniless fanatics, who had destroyed the dis- I 8 9-"9 I - 
 cipline and military efficiency of earlier crusading armies. In 
 May the German host started on the dangerous land route 
 through Hungary, Greece, and Asia Minor. The friendship 
 cf Bela in. of Hungary made the first part of the journey 
 easy. Much time was wasted through the treachery of the 
 Eastern Emperor, Isaac Angelus, yet Isaac dared not face 
 the open hostility of the Germans, and at last made his 
 submission. Winter was now at hand, and Frederick thought 
 it prudent to rest at Adrianople. In March 1190 the Germans 
 resumed their march. April saw them in Asia, on the borders 
 of the kingdom of Roum, where Kilidj Arslan proved as 
 plausible and as treacherous as Isaac. But, like Isaac, the 
 Sultan feared provoking their direct hostility, and after many 
 delays and difficulties, the Christian army was allowed to 
 proceed. By June the Crusaders were descending the passes
 
 3OO European History, 918-1273 
 
 of the Taurus into Cilicia, then part of the Christian kingdom 
 of Armenia. On reaching the banks of the Salef, the old 
 Emperor, against the advice of his followers, sought refresh- 
 ment and the shortening of his journey by swimming over the 
 river. But the swift current swept him away, and the sorrow- 
 ful warriors could only rescue his lifeless body from the 
 stream. 
 
 Up to this point the German expedition had been decidedly 
 successful. But the utter consternation that fell upon it 
 after the Emperor's death did more for Islam than the 
 tricks of Kilidj Arslan and the deserts and defiles of Asia 
 Minor. Many knights hastened to the coast and took ship 
 home. Duke Frederick of Swabia, Barbarossa's second son, 
 assumed the command of the dispirited remnant, which, after 
 resting a while in the friendly land of the Arme- 
 
 Destruction . . 
 
 of the mans, entered Syria. The reins of discipline were 
 
 German now hopelessly relaxed. The army broke up into 
 
 Army. , , ,. 
 
 various bands, and the disconnected fragments 
 were so severely handled by the Saracens that German slaves 
 were cheap for many a day in every market of Syria. Duke 
 Frederick at last reached Antioch, where he buried the perish- 
 able parts of his father's body in the church of St. Peter. 
 The plague now decimated the much tried host, and only a 
 miserable remnant followed Duke Frederick to join in the 
 siege of Acre. Before long the Duke of Swabia died, and the 
 Germans were now so utterly demoralised that they lost the 
 sacred bones of their Emperor, which they had preserved in 
 the hope of giving them a worthy tomb in the Church of the 
 Holy Sepulchre. The great German army was of less account 
 in Palestine than the scattered bands that came from Lower 
 Germany by sea and finally got to Acre after doing good 
 service against the Moors in Spain, or the little host that 
 had sailed from Brindisi under the Landgrave Louis of 
 Thuringia, and also reached Syria in safety. 
 
 The German Crusade had already been undone when the 
 kings of France and England met at Ve"zelai and marched
 
 The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 301 
 
 thence to Marseilles. A gallant army accompanied them, 
 conspicuous among the leaders of which were Hugh, Duke 
 of Burgundy, Theobald v. of Blois (the son and Crusade of 
 successor of Theobald the Great), Henry n., Philip 
 Count of Champagne (the Count of Blois' nephew), ^f 18 *" 8 
 and Philip of Alsace, the aged Count of Flanders. Richard i., 
 In September 1190 both kings had reached "a -"^- 
 Sicily, where they passed the winter, detained by the critical 
 state of the island. William the Good had died in November 
 1189, and his throne should have passed to his aunt Con- 
 stance's husband, the new king of the Romans, Henry vi. 
 But the rule of the northerners was not popular in Sicily. 
 Despite the efforts of Walter Archbishop of Palermo to keep the 
 Sicilian grandees true to their oaths, the national Ta ncred of 
 party, headed by the chancellor Matthew, passed sicil v and 
 over Constance, and gave the throne to Tancred, Cyprus, 
 Count of Lecce, a young, vigorous, warlike, and "89-1191. 
 popular prince. Tancred was a bastard son of Duke Roger, 
 King Roger's eldest son, who had died before his father. As the 
 determined foe of the Hohenstaufen, Richard bore no ill-will 
 to Tancred, and, with a little more statecraft, would have seen 
 the wisdom of gaining his friendship. But Richard often ne- 
 glected policy for adventure, and was perhaps seized by a wild 
 desire to conquer Sicily. Tancred had rashly imprisoned King 
 William's widow, Joanna, who was Richard i.'s sister, and 
 had deprived her of her dowry. On Richard's arrival, King 
 Tancred released the lady, but still kept her lands. But 
 Richard took Messina by storm, ' quicker than a priest could 
 chant matins,' and forced Tancred to surrender his sister's 
 portion. He stayed in Sicily all the winter, and at the 
 time of the spring passage, Richard and Philip set sail for 
 the Holy Land. On the way Richard conquered Cyprus, 
 then ruled by the Comnenian prince Isaac, who was called 
 Emperor of Cyprus, and had won an ill name for his ill- 
 concealed alliance with Saladin and his bad treatment of 
 prankish pilgrims.
 
 302 European History, 918-1273 
 
 The affairs of the Christians in Palestine seemed utterly 
 desperate. Guy of Lusignan [see pp. 193-195], who had 
 Capture of been released by Saladin on promising to relin- 
 Acre, 1191. quish the crown, had been absolved from his oath 
 by the clergy, and now again called himself King of Jeru- 
 salem, though Conrad of Montferrat held Tyre against him, 
 and the Christians were hopelessly divided. Nevertheless 
 Guy, with the help of the first Crusaders, had under- 
 taken the siege of Acre, the most important of the Saracen 
 conquests after Jerusalem itself. But the Saracens, who came 
 to the relief of Acre, were themselves strong enough to 
 besiege the besiegers, who were soon in a terrible plight. 
 The constant arrival of fresh Crusaders, and the need of 
 dividing Saladin's army to deal with Barbarossa, enabled 
 Guy to hold his own until the spring of 1191, when Saladin 
 renewed his blockade. In despair Guy hurried to Cyprus and 
 begged for Richard's help. Philip reached the camp in 
 April, and Richard early in June. Saladin now retired, and 
 the siege of Acre was renewed. In July the standard of the 
 Cross again floated over its walls. 
 
 The Western army had taken with them to Palestine 
 their national jealousies, and the quarrels of the rival 
 claimants for the throne of Jerusalem brought these animosities 
 to a crisis. Philip looked upon Richard with deadly hatred 
 as his most formidable rival, and Richard's insulting repudia- 
 tion of his long-plighted faith to Alice, Philip's sister, and 
 his marriage with Berengaria of Navarre at Cyprus, would 
 have irritated a colder man than the French king. Conrad 
 Rival ot ^ M nt fe rrat was urged by the great nobles of 
 Guy of Palestine to claim the throne, since Sibyl and her 
 
 Lusignan children were already dead, and Guy's title to 
 
 and Conrad J 
 
 of Mont- the throne had entirely disappeared. Isabella, 
 ferrat. Sibyl's younger sister, now repudiated her hus- 
 
 band, Henfrid of Toron, married Conrad, and transferred to 
 him her claims to the succession. While these disputes were 
 raging the army remained inactive, but at last a compromise
 
 The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 303 
 
 was patched up by which Guy kept the royal title but shared 
 his power with Conrad, who was appointed his successor. 
 No sooner was this done than Philip Augustus started home. 
 Freed from his presence Richard marched against the infidel, 
 and performed prodigies of valour. But his army was break- 
 ing up through sickness, death, and desertion. Many of the 
 French had gone back with Philip. The plague had carried 
 off Theobald of Blois and Philip of Alsace. Hugh of Bur- 
 gundy, who died in Palestine in 1193, and Henry of Cham- 
 pagne, were now the chief French Crusaders. Despite the 
 arrangement between Guy and Conrad their rivalry burst out 
 afresh, and Conrad became so strong that Richard acknow- 
 ledged him king. Soon after, Conrad's murder by the 
 emissaries of the ' Old Man of the Mountain ' renewed the 
 troubles, though they were for a time satisfactorily settled 
 when Isabella, Conrad's widow, married Henry of Cham- 
 pagne, who was now accepted as king, both by Henry of 
 the Crusaders and the Syrian Franks. Richard champagne 
 magnanimously compensated Guy by handing jer^aiem, 
 over Cyprus, where the house of Lusignan reigned "92- 
 as kings until the latter part of the fifteenth century. At 
 length the war with Saladin was renewed. But the Crusaders 
 were decimated with sickness and weary of their enterprise, 
 while the elaborate courtesies, now exchanged between the 
 Christian and Mohammedan armies, showed that the long 
 intercourse of Frank and Saracen had destroyed the bigotry 
 and acerbity that had marked the earlier dealings 
 
 J Truce with 
 
 of the two hosts. In September 1192 a truce Saladin, and 
 was made by which Jaffa was left in Christian l 1 ?^^* 6 
 
 Third 
 
 hands and free access to Jerusalem was allowed Crusade, 
 to pilgrims, though the Holy City remained ruled I192< 
 by the Mohammedans. In October Richard left Palestine, 
 and next year Saladin died. With the passing away of the 
 two mighty antagonists the great epoch of the Crusades ended. 
 Even before this the Third Crusade had shown that a Europe, 
 broken up into rival states, whose kings carried their animosities
 
 304 European History, 918-1273 
 
 with them even when they fought as soldiers of the Cross, 
 was less capable of upholding the Prankish power in the 
 East than even the tumultuous throngs of feudal chieftains 
 and adventurers, who had first established it. Yet the Third 
 Crusade had given a new lease to the Christian power in Syria. 
 Acre now became what Jerusalem had been in the twelfth 
 century, and the Latin kingdom of Cyprus afforded a good 
 basis for future operations against the infidel, and bound the 
 East and West together as they had never been bound before. 
 If the Third Crusade marked the end of the heroic period, it 
 made easy the regular flow of bands of armed pilgrims, every 
 spring and autumn passage, on which the future destinies of 
 the Latin East depended. 
 
 The short but most important reign of Henry vi. brings out 
 Henry vi., clearly that intimate interconnection of all Western 
 1190-1197. an( j Eastern politics which the Crusade had already 
 strikingly illustrated. The puny frame and delicate constitu- 
 tion of the young king stood in marked contrast to the physi- 
 cal strength and vigour of his father. But his strong features 
 expressed sternness and determination, and his mental gifts 
 and character were in no wise inferior to those of Barbarossa. 
 He was as good a general, as active and strenuous a politician, 
 as the old king. His policy shows a daring originality to 
 which his father could make no claim. But the broader, 
 nobler sides of Barbarossa's character were but little repre- 
 sented in that of his son. He carried out ambitious schemes 
 with cold-blooded selfishness, ruthless cruelty, and greedy 
 treachery. Yet his general objects were far-reaching, and not 
 wanting in nobility, and he ever showed a rare self-restraint. 
 The inheritor of his father's great work, the husband of the 
 heiress of Sicily, Henry had visions of a power which was not 
 limited to Germany and northern Italy. He dreamt of an 
 Empire as universal as the Empire imagined by Otto HI. 
 Like Otto, he strove to make Italy rather than Germany the 
 centre of his power. Like Otto also, he reigned too short a 
 time to carry out his ideals. But, unlike Otto, he strove to
 
 The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VL 305 
 
 realise his ambitions in a thoroughly practical and masterly 
 way. In his reign of eight years he had only one failure. 
 
 From the moment that the departure of Barbarossa had 
 left King Henry the virtual ruler of Germany, grave diffi- 
 culties encompassed his administration. Henry Returnof 
 the Lion returned, Liibeck opened its doors to Henry the 
 its founder, and was soon in a position to dispute Llon> II9 ' 
 the supremacy of Saxony with the bishops and barons who 
 had divided his ancient powers. In the summer of 1190, 
 the mediation of the Archbishops of Cologne and Mainz 
 concluded the Treaty of Fulda, by which the king allowed 
 Henry the Lion's restoration, and gave him half the revenues 
 of Liibeck. It was worth while to buy off opposition when 
 the news of the recognition of Tancred by the Pope required 
 Henry's immediate presence in Italy to vindicate the claims of 
 his wife Constance to the Sicilian throne. Hardly less alarming 
 was the news of the long sojourn of Richard of England in 
 Messina, and of his treaty with the usurper Tancred. It 
 seemed as if Richard, the brother-in-law of Henry the Lion, 
 and the strenuous supporter of the Guelfs, was becoming the 
 bond of union between the enemies of the Hohenstaufen 
 in northern Germany and southern Italy. The news of 
 Barbarossa's death now further complicated the position. 
 
 Early in 1191 Henry vi. crossed the Alps to Italy. The 
 mutual rivalries of the Lombard cities made it improbable 
 that he would have much difficulty with the H enr y vi 's 
 north. He prudently sought the friendship Coronation 
 of both the rival leagues, whose feuds were now i^^* 81 
 distracting Lombardy. He won the support of journey, 
 Pisa and Genoa, which alone had fleets strong IIQI> 
 enough to convey him to Sicily. In his anxiety to isolate 
 Tancred, he strove to conciliate Clement in, who had been 
 allowed to live in Rome on the condition of recognising the 
 autonomy of the city. But in March 1191 the ceiestinein., 
 pacific Clement died, and his successor, the "9i-"98. 
 Roman Cardinal Hyacinth, who took the name of Celestine in., 
 
 PERIOD n. V
 
 306 European History, 918-1273 
 
 was a weak and petulant old man of more than eighty years 
 of age, who feared both the union of the Empire and Sicily, 
 and an open breach with Henry. 
 
 Henry demanded his coronation as Emperor, and Celes- 
 tine strove to defer it by postponing his own consecra- 
 tion as Pope. Henry now marched to the neighbourhood 
 of Rome, and took possession of Tusculum, which, in its 
 bitter hatred of the Romans, had implored for an imperial 
 garrison. He resolved to hasten his coronation by winning 
 over the Romans, and with that object he treacherously 
 handed over Tusculum to them. The Romans wreaked a 
 hideous vengeance on their hated enemy. Tusculum was 
 so absolutely demolished that no later attempt was ever made 
 to repeople it. In later times Frascati, lower down the hill, 
 became a populous town ; but the ruins of Tusculum still testify 
 to the completeness of the Romans' vengeance. Henry's 
 stroke of policy met with immediate success. On April i4th 
 Celestine was consecrated, and next day he crowned Henry 
 and Constance. 
 
 Triumphant over the Papacy, Henry now marched against 
 
 Tancred. At first he was conspicuously successful, and 
 
 Naples alone still held out for Tancred. It was 
 
 Failure of \ 
 
 the attack besieged by Henry on the land side, while the 
 
 on Apulia, g a ii e y s o f pj sa an{ j Genoa blocked all access to it 
 1191. 
 
 by sea. The strenuous resistance of Naples soon 
 
 shattered the Emperor's hopes. The Sicilian admiral, Mar- 
 garito, drove away the Pisans, and re-opened communication 
 between Naples and Sicily. The south Italian summer 
 brought plague and fever into the German host. A fierce 
 national reaction against the Northerners swept through 
 southern Italy. Baffled and beaten, Henry raised the siege 
 and returned to Germany. 
 
 Henry of Brunswick, the eldest son of Henry the Lion, 
 who had accompanied the Emperor to Italy as a hostage, 
 escaped from the imperial camp, and established an alliance 
 between Tancred and the Guelfs. During the king's absence
 
 The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 307 
 
 in Italy, Henry the Lion had broken the Peace of Fulda, 
 and was waging war against his Saxon enemies. On the 
 king's return to Germany, a struggle between 
 the Guelfs and the Hohenstaufen seemed inevit- German 
 able. However, Henry vi. still made it his main troubles, 
 object to conquer Naples and Sicily, and Henry 
 the Lion was too old and too fearful of fresh banishment 
 to risk everything once more. Accordingly, negotiations 
 were entered into between the two, and a reconciliation 
 seemed likely to ensue. But the German magnates were 
 more afraid of the Guelfs than the Emperor, The Saxon 
 and pressed him to go to war against Henry troubles and 
 
 the Liege 
 
 the Lion. At last, in 1192, Henry took the succession, 
 field against the Guelfs. A new complication "S 2 - 
 followed. There had been a disputed succession to the see of 
 Liege, which had given Henry a chance to annul the two rival 
 elections, and appoint Lothair of Hochstaden as bishop. It 
 was a glaring violation of the Concordat of Worms, and a 
 direct defiance of the spiritual power. The stronger of the 
 wronged claimants, Albert of Brabant, appealed to the Pope, 
 and obtained his recognition. Unable to get hallowed as bishop 
 by his own metropolitan at Cologne, Albert went to Reims, 
 to seek consecration from a foreign prelate. Three knights, 
 vassals of Lie"ge and servants of the Emperor, followed Albert 
 to Reims, and murdered him, in November 1192. A great 
 sensation was created by the dastardly deed, which in many 
 ways recalled the murder of St. Thomas of Canterbury twenty- 
 two years before. But Henry managed to escape direct 
 ecclesiastical censure, though the murderers afterwards re- 
 ceived fiefs from him in Italy. However, the 
 barons of the Rhineland, already disaffected' at 
 
 Henry's masterful policy, and resenting his Rhineland, 
 neglect of the magnates for his faithful officials, " 93 ' 
 took the opportunity to revolt, and, joining the rebellious 
 Guelfs, raised up a formidable opposition to the Emperor, 
 and talked of transferring the crown to their leader, the Duke
 
 308 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of Brabant. But fortune was on Henry's side. At the same 
 time as the news of the rebellion came the joyful tidings that 
 
 Richard of England, returning in disguise from 
 and ransom the Holy Land, had been captured by Leopold, 
 of Richard i., Duke of Austria, who brought a series of charges 
 
 against him, and handed him over to the 
 Emperor. Philip of France, and John, Richard's brother, 
 pressed the Emperor to keep the captive as long as he could, 
 and Richard remained more than two years in prison, but 
 the delay was due to his unwillingness to accept the hard 
 conditions imposed upon him. At last Richard was forced 
 to agree to the Emperor's terms, and in June 1193 purchased 
 his release in the Treaty of Worms. Richard was forced to 
 pay a vast ransom and to renounce his alliance with Tancred. 
 But the hardest condition was the surrender of the English 
 crown to the Emperor, which in February 1194 Henry 
 formally handed back to Richard as a fief of the Empire. 
 Some compensation was given to Richard's wounded feel- 
 ings by a grant to him of the kingdom of Aries, which 
 had some importance as a fresh declaration of hostility 
 against Philip of France. Moreover, Henry cleverly used 
 Richard to procure peace in Germany. Henry the Lion 
 yielded to his brother-in-law's pleadings, and again made 
 his submission. Even the barons of the lower Rhine 
 were not unmoved by his appeals. Richard's departure 
 left Germany at peace with the Emperor, and his ransom 
 made easy a fresh expedition against Tancred. 1 Henry of 
 Brunswick, Henry the Lion's eldest son, was married to a 
 cousin of the Emperor, Agnes, daughter of Conrad, Count 
 Palatine of the Rhine, and the Emperor's uncle. The Em- 
 peror promised him the succession to the Palatinate, and 
 
 1 Among the numerous treatises written in Germany on the political 
 significance of Richard i.'s captivity may be mentioned, besides Toeche 
 and Bloch, Kindt's Grtindc der Gefangenschaft Richards I. von England, 
 and Kneller's Des Richards Lowenherz deutsche Gefangenschaft. Com- 
 pare English Historical Review, viii. 334-336, and ix. 7a/>
 
 The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 309 
 
 Henry promised to join in the Sicilian expedition. In 1195 
 Henry the Lion ended his long and turbulent career. The 
 Emperor was now free to turn his attention to Italy. His 
 self-restraint and his good luck had carried him over his diffi- 
 culties in Germany. His greatest merit was that, however 
 proud he was of his mighty position, he never left out of 
 sight the necessity of subordinating all minor aims to his 
 desire to win Naples and Sicily. His moderation against 
 Henry the Lion, his reconciliation with Richard, his rejection 
 of the tempting offers of France, and his vast concessions to 
 the German nobles, now attained their object. 
 
 During Henry's absence in Germany, the imperial cause 
 in Italy had declined. Nevertheless Henry had kept up con- 
 stant communications with his Italian partisans, 
 and had observed a very careful policy with 
 regard to the Lombards. He has often been policy, 
 accused of striving to restore his father's schemes 
 of supremacy in Italy by violating the Treaty of Constance 
 and seeking again the abasement of the Lombards. But the 
 charge is no more just than the one of extravagant hostility 
 against the Guelfs. As a matter of fact, Henry strove to 
 postpone all other troubles in order to get his hands free 
 to secure his wife's inheritance. He saw that Lombardy, 
 after Constance, had fallen back into her ancient feuds, 
 and that two leagues, one headed by Milan, the other by 
 Cremona, had arisen, both equally indifferent to the Empire, 
 and both equally willing to invoke its aid to crush the local 
 enemy. Henry strove to make treaties with both confederacies, 
 while he cheerfully replenished his coffers from the treasuries 
 of both Milan and Cremona, and did his best to end the war. 
 He established his brother Philip in Tuscany. Genoa and 
 Pisa again provided him with ships. The Norman kingdom, 
 isolated from its wonted allies, had to meet him single-handed, 
 save for the timid support of Celestine HI. 
 
 Tancred prepared manfully for the struggle. He obtained 
 in 1192 the formal investiture of Apulia and Sicily from
 
 3 1 o Eu ropean History, 918-1273 
 
 Celestine in. He procured the coronation of his young son 
 Roger as joint-king, and negotiated a marriage for him 
 con uestof w ^ I rene > daughter of the Greek Emperor 
 Apulia and Isaac Angel us. He strenuously and successfully 
 Sicily, 1194. he\d his own against the Emperor's lieutenants. 
 But all his hopes were destroyed by the young King 
 Roger's death, and soon after Tancred himself died. 
 The national party set up his eldest surviving son as King 
 William in., but in May 1194 Henry again reached Italy, 
 and invaded the defenceless south. There was a mere show 
 of resistance. By November Palermo was in the hands of 
 the Emperor, and on Christmas Day he received the Sicilian 
 crown in the cathedral. The young King William was 
 sent, blinded and mutilated, to die obscurely in a German 
 convent. The last upholders of the national power, including 
 the Admiral Margarito, soon perished in gloomy dungeons. 
 The very family of Tancred now secured its patrimonial 
 possessions by a timely recognition of the rival. At Easter 
 1195 Henry was able to return to Germany, leaving Constance 
 as regent, with the tried court official, Conrad of Urslingen, 
 now Duke of Spoleto, as her chief adviser. The officials 
 from the lower German nobility, who had served Henry so 
 well in Germany, were intrusted with the administration of his 
 new inheritance, and soon abased the great Norman houses. 
 
 Never was an Emperor stronger since the days of Charle- 
 magne. All Italy was directly under his rule. The Pisan and 
 Henry's Genoese fleets conquered Corsica and Sardinia in 
 triumph and his name. His troops occupied the patrimony of 
 project*, St Peter, and his officer Markwald of Anweiler 
 1194-1197. was j or( j o f Ancona and Romagna. His alliance 
 with the Roman Senate kept Celestine in. from doing any 
 mischief. Germany was obedient. The King of England was 
 his vassal, and the heir of the Guelfs his follower and supporter. 
 To add to his triumph, Constance, the day after his coronation 
 at Palermo, bore him the long-prayed-for heir, the future 
 Frederick n., called Frederick and Roger after his two famous
 
 The Third Crusade and the Reign of Henry VI. 3 1 1 
 
 grandfathers. Before long the kings of the East sought 
 his friendship and support. The Lusignan King of Cyprus 
 boasted that he was the vassal of the Latin Empire. The 
 King of Armenia received his ambassadors. Henry's brother, 
 Philip of Swabia, now made Marquis of Tuscany and lord 
 of the inheritance of the Countess Matilda, married young 
 Roger's widow Irene, an alliance that made Isaac Angelus the 
 close connection of his Western rival. Three great ambitions 
 henceforth possessed Henry's soul. He would make the 
 Empire hereditary in his own house, and unite for ever the 
 German and the Sicilian thrones. He would rule Europe 
 from Italy as a centre. He would make himself lord of the 
 East, setting on foot a Crusade that would conquer the 
 schismatic Greeks, and establish the Latin power in the whole 
 East under his control. Wild as his schemes seemed, his 
 extraordinary successes made them not altogether visionary. 
 
 On returning to Germany, Henry sought to persuade the 
 princes to agree that the Empire, like the French monarchy, 
 should henceforth descend from father to son. Theheredi- 
 At the Diet of Wiirzburg, in April 1196, more than ter y Em P re - 
 fifty of the princes agreed to his proposals. But the strenuous 
 opposition of Adolf, Archbishop of Cologne, and the conser- 
 vative magnates of Saxony taught Henry that it was no time 
 to persevere in an unpopular request. He contented himself 
 for the moment with procuring the election of the two-year-old 
 Frederick Roger as German king at Frankfurt, and in winning 
 over many of the German nobles to his Eastern projects. 
 
 Before the end of 1196 Henry was again in southern Italy. 
 The very Pope was now on his side. Celestine, delighted at 
 the prospect of a new Crusade, forbore to press Henry to 
 discharge the long- deferred homage which every Sicilian king 
 had paid to the Papacy. During his absence the tyranny 
 of the German officials had proved too grievous to be borne, 
 and a formidable Sicilian conspiracy had been formed against 
 them. Henry now stamped out all opposition with incredible 
 brutality and harshness. Fresh from the hideous tortures of
 
 3 1 2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 his victims, Henry now threw himself with all his might into 
 
 his schemes of Eastern conquest. The new Greek Emperor, 
 
 Alexius HI., was summoned to surrender all provinces east of 
 
 Thessalonica as part of the Sicilian inheritance, and cheerfully 
 
 agreed to pay a heavy tribute to avert the threatened attack. 
 
 Meanwhile a vast swarm of German warriors had collected in 
 
 The con- Sicily and Apulia under the pretence of the new 
 
 quest of Crusade. In September the first ships sailed 
 
 : East. f rom Messina to Acre. But in the moment of the 
 
 realisation of his ambitions a sudden fever cut down the great 
 
 Death of Emperor. On a8th September Henry vi. died at 
 
 Henry vi., Messina when he was only thirty-two years of age. 
 
 Before his ashes were laid beside his Sicilian 
 
 ancestors in the cathedral at Palermo, his brilliant schemes 
 
 were hopelessly shattered
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 EUROPE IN THE DAYS OF INNOCENT III. (II98-I2I6) 1 
 
 Character and theories of Innocent in. The Sicilian Succession and the 
 Minority of Frederick II. The Subjection of Rome and the Patrimony 
 of St. Peter Innocent and Germany Rivalry of Philip of Swabia and 
 Otto of Brunswick Innocent and Philip Augustus The Pope as Feudal 
 Lord Otto iv. and Frederick 11. The Crusades Innocent's Religious 
 Position The Lateran Council. 
 
 AFTER the great Emperors came the great Pope. Within four 
 months of the death of Henry vi., Celestine in. had been 
 succeeded by Innocent in., under whom the 
 
 * Election of 
 
 visions of Gregory vn. and Alexander in. at last innocent in., 
 became accomplished facts, the papal authority I1Q8 ' 
 attained its highest point of influence, and the Empire, raised 
 to such heights by Frederick Barbarossa and Henry vi., was 
 reduced to a condition of dependence upon it. 
 
 The new Pope had been Lothaire of Segni, a member of 
 the noble Roman house of Conti, who had studied law and 
 theology at Paris and Bologna, and had at an early age won 
 for himself a many-sided reputation as a jurist, a politician, and 
 as a writer. The favour of his uncle, Clement in., had made 
 him Cardinal before he was thirty, but under Celestine in. 
 he kept in the background, disliked by the Pope, and 
 
 1 Hurter's Geschichte Papst Innocenz III. , which can also be read in a 
 French translation, though rather an old-fashioned book, gives a full 
 account of the period covered by this chapter. Milman's Latin Christi- 
 anity, voL v., will be found useful as far as it goes. The imperial history 
 is treated in detail by Winkelmann, Philipp von Schwaben und Otto IV. 
 von Braunschweig. 
 
 313
 
 314 European History, 918-1273 
 
 himself suspicious of the timid and temporising old man. But 
 on Celestine's death on 8th January 1198, Lothaire, though still 
 only thirty-seven years of age, was at once hailed as his most 
 fitting successor, as the strong man who could win for the 
 Church all the advantages that she might hope to gain from 
 the death of Henry vi. Nor did Innocent's Pontificate belie 
 the promise of his early career. 
 
 Innocent in. possessed a majestic and noble appearance, 
 an unblemished private character, popular manners, a disposi- 
 character ^ on P rone to sudden fits of anger and melan- 
 and theories of choly, and a fierce and indomitable will. He 
 innocent in. j, rou gh t t o his exalted position the clearly formu- 
 lated theories of the canonist as to the nature of the papal 
 power, as well as the overweening ambition, the high courage, 
 the keen intelligence and the perseverance and energy neces- 
 sary to turn the theories of the schools into matters of everyday 
 practice. His enunciations of the Papal doctrine put claims 
 that Hildebrand himself had hardly ventured to advance in 
 the clearest and most definite light. The Pope was no mere 
 successor of Peter, the vicegerent of man. ' The Roman 
 pontiff,' he wrote, 'is the vicar, not of man, but of God 
 Himself.' ' The Lord gave Peter the rule not only of the 
 Universal Church but also the rule of the whole world.' 
 ' The Lord Jesus Christ has set up one ruler over all things 
 as His universal vicar, and as all things in heaven, earth 
 and hell bow the knee to Christ, so should all obey Christ's 
 vicar, that there be one flock and one shepherd.' ' No king 
 can reign rightly unless he devoutly serve Christ's vicar.' 
 'Princes have power in earth, priests have also power in 
 heaven. Princes reign over the body, priests over the soul. 
 As much as the soul is worthier than the body, so much 
 worthier is the priesthood than the monarchy.' ' The Sacer- 
 dotium is the sun, the Regnum the moon. Kings rule over 
 their respective kingdoms, but Peter rules over the whole 
 earth. The Sacerdotium came by divine creation, the Regnum 
 by man's cunning.' In these unrestricted claims to rule over
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 198-1216 315 
 
 Church and State alike we seem to be back again in the 
 anarchy of the eleventh century. And it was not against the 
 feeble feudal princes of the days of Hildebrand that Inno- 
 cent in. had to contend, but against strong national kings, 
 like Philip of France and John of England. It is significant 
 of the change of the times, that Innocent sees his chief 
 antagonist, not so much in the Empire as in the limited 
 localised power of the national kings. When Richard of 
 England had yielded before Henry vi., the national state 
 gave way before the universal authority of the lord of the 
 world. But Innocent claimed that he alone was lord of the 
 world. The Empire was but a German or Italian kingdom, 
 ruling over its limited sphere. Only in the Papacy was the 
 old Roman tradition of universal monarchy rightly upheld. 
 
 Filled with these ambitions of universal monarchy, 
 Innocent m.'s survey took in both the smallest and the 
 greatest of European affairs. Primarily Innocent's work was 
 that of an ecclesiastical statesman, and entrenched far upon 
 the authority of the state. We shall see him restoring the 
 papal authority in Rome and in the Patrimony, building up 
 the machinery of papal absolutism, protecting the infant 
 King of Sicily, cherishing the municipal freedom of Italy, 
 making and unmaking kings and emperors at his will, 
 forcing the fiercest of the Western sovereigns to acknow- 
 ledge his feudal supremacy, and the greatest of the Kings 
 of France to reform his private life at his commands, 
 giving his orders to the petty monarchs of Spain and 
 Hungary, and promulgating the law of the Church Universal 
 before the assembled prelates of Christendom in the 
 Lateran Council. Nevertheless, the many-sided Pontiff had 
 not less near to his heart the spiritual and intellectual 
 than the political direction of the universe. He had the 
 utmost zeal for the extension of the Kingdom of Christ. The 
 affair of the Crusade was, as we shall see, ever his most 
 pressing care, and it was his bitterest grief that all his efforts 
 to rouse the Christian world for the recovery of Jerusalem fell
 
 3 1 6 Eu ropcan History, 918-1273 
 
 on deaf ears. He was strenuous in upholding orthodoxy 
 against the daring heretics of Southern France. He was 
 sympathetic and considerate to great religious teachers, like 
 Francis and Dominic, from whose work he had the wisdom 
 to anticipate the revival of the inner life of the Church. As 
 many-sided as strong, and successful as he was strong, 
 Innocent HI. represents the culmination of the papal ideal of 
 the Middle Ages, and represents it worthily and adequately. 
 
 Even before Innocent had attained the Chair of Peter, the 
 worst dangers that had so long beset the successors of 
 innocent HI. Alexander in. were over. After the death of 
 and Italy. Henry vi. the Sicilian and the German crowns 
 were separated, and the strong anti-imperial reaction that 
 burst out all over Italy against the oppressive ministers of 
 Henry vi. was allowed to run its full course The danger was 
 now not so much of despotism as of anarchy, and Innocent, 
 like Hildebrand, knew how to turn confusion to the advantage 
 of the hierarchy. 
 
 No real effort was made to obtain for the little Frederick 
 the crowns of both Germany and Sicily. Constance, freed 
 The Sicilian from her husband's control, sensibly changed her 
 Succession p O ii cy . Her keen sympathies with her father's 
 
 and the J , * 
 
 minority of inheritance had made her an unwilling spectator 
 Frederick. o f tne harshness and cruelty of his German soldiers 
 and ministers. While Philip of Swabia, her brother-in-law, 
 hurried to Germany to maintain, if he could, the unity of the 
 Hohenstaufen Empire, Constance was quite content to secure 
 her son's succession in Naples and Sicily by renewing the 
 homage due to the Pope, by renouncing the ecclesiastical 
 privileges which Urban n. had once granted to Count Roger 
 [see page 139], and promising a yearly tribute. Having thus 
 obtained the indispensable papal confirmation, Constance 
 ruled in Naples as a national queen in the name of the little 
 Frederick. She drove away the German bandits who had made 
 the name of her husband a terror to her subjects. Markwald 
 of Anweiler left his Apulian fiefs for Romagna. But the Pope
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 1 98- 1216 317 
 
 joined with Constance in his hostility to the Germans. Without 
 Innocent ui.'s strong and constant support she could hardly 
 have carried out her policy. Recognising in the renewal of 
 the old papal protection the best hopes for the independence 
 of Sicily, Constance, on her death in 1198, called on 
 Innocent in. to act as the guardian of her son. 
 
 Death of 
 
 Innocent loyally took up her work, and struggled Constance, 
 with all his might to preserve the kingdom of II98- 
 Frederick against his many enemies. But the contest was 
 a long and a fierce one. No sooner was Constance dead 
 than the Germans came back to their prey. The fierce 
 Markwald, driven from Romagna by the papal innocent's 
 triumph, claimed the regency and the custody guardianship 
 of the king. The Saracens and Greeks of expulsion of 
 Sicily, still numerous and active, joined the the Germans. 
 Germans. Walter, Bishop of Troja, chancellor of Sicily, 
 weaved deep plots against his master and his overlord. But 
 the general support of the Church gave Innocent a strong 
 weapon. Roffrid, Abbot of Monte Casino, a tried friend of 
 Henry vi., declared for Innocent against Markwald, who in 
 revenge besieged the great monastery, until a summer storm 
 drove him baffled from its walls. But the purchased support 
 of Pisa gave Markwald the command of the sea, and Innocent 
 had too many schemes on foot and too little military power 
 at his command to be able to make easy headway against 
 him. At last Innocent had reluctant recourse to Markwald 
 Count Walter of Brienne, the French husband of and Waiter 
 Tancred's daughter Albina, and now a claimant ofBrienne - 
 for the hereditary fiefs of Tancred, Lecce and Taranto, from 
 which, despite Henry vi.'s promise, he had long been driven. 
 For almost the first time in Italian history, Frenchmen were 
 thus called in to drive out Germans. But it was then as 
 afterwards a dangerous experiment. Walter of Brienne and 
 his small French following invaded Apulia, and fought hard 
 against Diepold of Acerra, another of King Henry's Germans. 
 Meanwhile Markwald, now in open alliance with the Bishop
 
 3 1 8 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of Troja, made himself master of Sicily, and regent of the 
 young king. His death in 1202 removed the most dangerous 
 enemy of both Innocent and Frederick. But the war dragged 
 on for years in Apulia, especially after Diepold had slain 
 Walter of Brienne. The turbulent feudal barons of Apulia 
 and Sicily profited by this long reign of anarchy to establish 
 themselves on a permanent basis. At last Innocent sent his 
 own brother, Richard, Count of Segni, to root out the last of 
 the Germans. So successful was he that, in 1208, the Pope 
 himself visited the kingdom of his ward, and arranged for its 
 future government by native lords, helped by his brother, 
 who now received a rich Apulian fief. It was Innocent's 
 glory that he had secured for Frederick the whole Norman 
 inheritance. It was amidst such storms and troubles that 
 the young Frederick grew up to manhood. 
 
 In central and northern Italy, Innocent in. was more 
 speedily successful than in the south. On Philip of Swabia's 
 
 return to Germany, Tuscany and the domains of 
 and the the Countess Matilda fell away from their foreign 
 
 inheritance \ord, and invoked the protection of the Church. 
 
 The Tuscan cities formed themselves into a new 
 league under papal protection. Only Pisa, proud of her sea 
 power, wealth, and trade, held aloof from the combination. 
 It seemed as if, after a century of delays, the Papacy was going 
 to enjoy the inheritance of Matilda, and Innocent eagerly set 
 himself to work to provide for its administration. In the 
 north the Pope maintained friendly relations with the rival 
 communities of the Lombard plain. But his most immediate 
 and brilliant triumph was in establishing his authority over 
 Rome and the Patrimony of St. Peter. On his accession he 
 found his lands just throwing off the yoke of the German 
 The subjec- garrisons that had kept them in subjection during 
 tionofRome Henry vi. 's lifetime. He saw within the city 
 Patrimony of power divided between the Prsefectus Urbis, the 
 St. Peter. delegate of the Emperor, and the Summus Senator, 
 the mouthpiece of the Roman commune. Within a month
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., \ 198-1216 319 
 
 the Prefect ceased to be an imperial officer, and became the 
 servant of the Papacy, bound to it by fealty oaths, and receiving 
 from it his office. Within a year the Senator also had become 
 the papal nominee, and the whole municipality controlled by 
 the Pope. No less complete was Innocent's triumph over the 
 nobility of the Campagna. He drove Conrad of Urslingen 
 back to Germany, and restored Spoleto to papal rule. He 
 chased Markwald from Romagna and the march of Ancona 
 to Apulia, and exercised sovereign rights even in the 
 most remote regions that acknowledged him as lord. 
 If it was no very real sway that Innocent wielded, it at 
 least allowed the town leagues and the rustic nobility to go 
 on in their own way, and made it possible for Italy to work 
 out its own destinies. More powerful and more feared in 
 Italy than any of his predecessors, Innocent could contentedly 
 watch the anti-imperial reaction extending over the Alps, and 
 desolating Germany by civil war. 
 
 Despite the precautions taken by Henry vi., it was soon 
 clear that the German princes would not accept the hereditary 
 rule of a child of three. Philip of Swabia aban- Innocent IIIt 
 doned his Italian domains and hurried to and 
 Germany, anxious to do his best for his nephew. 
 But he soon perceived that Frederick's chances were hope- 
 less, and that it was all that he could do to prevent the un- 
 disputed election of a Guelf. He was favoured by the 
 absence of the two elder sons of Henry the Lion. Henry of 
 Brunswick, the eldest, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, was 
 away on a Crusade, and was loyal to the Hohenstaufen, 
 since his happy marriage with Agnes. The next son Otto, 
 born at Argenton during his father's first exile, had never 
 seen much of Germany. Brought up at his uncle Richard of 
 Anjou's court, Otto had received many marks of Richard's 
 favour, and looked up to the chivalrous, adventurous king as 
 the ideal of a warrior prince. Richard had made him Earl of 
 Yorkshire, and had invested him in 1196 with the county of 
 Poitou, that he might learn war and statecraft in the same
 
 3 2O Eu ropean History, 918-1273 
 
 rude school in which Richard had first acquainted him- 
 self with arms and politics. Even now Otto was not more 
 than seventeen years of age. Richard himself, as the new 
 , vassal of the Empire for Aries and England, was 
 
 Election of 
 
 Philip of duly summoned to the electoral Diet, but his 
 Swabia, representatives impolitically urged the claims of 
 
 March 1198. r ' 
 
 Count Henry, who was ruled ineligible on account 
 of his absence. Thus it was that when the German magnates 
 at last met for the election, on 8th March 1 198, at Miihlhausen, 
 their choice fell on Philip of Swabia, who, mindful of the 
 third century Emperor, Philip the Arabian, took the title of 
 Philip ii. 
 
 Many of the magnates had absented themselves from the 
 Diet at Miihlhausen, and an irreconcilable band of partisans 
 Counter- refused to be bound by its decisions. Richard 
 election of o f England now worked actively for Otto, his 
 Brunswick, favourite nephew, and found support both in the 
 June 1198. old a iii es o f the Angevins in the lower Rhine- 
 land and the ancient supporters of the house of Guelf. 
 Germany was thus divided into two parties, who completely 
 ignored each other's acts. Three months after the Diet of 
 Miihlliausen, another Diet met at Cologne and chose Otto of 
 Brunswick as King of the Romans. Three days afterwards 
 the young prince was crowned at Aachen. 
 
 A ten years' civil war between Philip n. and Otto iv. now 
 devastated the Germany that Barbarossa and Henry vi. had left 
 so prosperous. The majority of the princes remained firm to 
 Philip, who also had the support of the strong and homogene- 
 ous official class of ministeriales that had been the best helpers 
 of his father and brother. Nevertheless, Otto had enough of 
 a party to carry on the struggle. On his side was Cologne, the 
 great mart of lower Germany, so important from its close 
 trading relations in England, and now gradually shaking itself 
 free of its archbishops. The friendship of Canute of Denmark 
 and the old Guelf tradition combined to give him his earliest 
 and greatest success in the north. It was the interest of the
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1198-1216 321 
 
 baronage to prolong a struggle which secured their own inde- 
 pendence at the expense of the central authority. Both 
 parties looked for outside help. Otto, besides his Danish 
 friends, relied on his uncle Richard, and, after his death, on 
 his uncle John. Philip formed a league with his namesake 
 Philip of France. But distant princes could do but little 
 to determine the result of the contest. It was of more 
 moment that both appealed to Innocent in., and that the 
 Pope willingly accepted the position of arbiter. 'The 
 settlement of this matter/ he declared, ' belongs to the 
 Apostolic See, mainly because it was the Apostolic See that 
 transferred the Empire from the East to the West, and ulti- 
 mately because the same See confers the imperial crown.' In 
 March 1201 Innocent issued his decision. 'We pronounce,' 
 he declared, ' Philip unsvorthy of Empire, and absolve all who 
 have taken oaths of fealty to him as king. Inasmuch as our 
 dearest son in Christ, Otto, is industrious, provident, discreet, 
 strong and constant, himself devoted to the Church and 
 descended on each side from a devout stock, we by the 
 authority of St. Peter receive him as king, and will in due 
 course bestow upon him the imperial crown.' The grateful 
 Otto promised in return to maintain all the possessions 
 and privileges of the Roman Church, including the inherit- 
 ance of the Countess Matilda. 
 
 Philip of Swabia still held his own, and the extravagance 
 of the papal claim led to many of the bishops as well as the 
 lay magnates of Germany joining in a declaration that no 
 former Pope had ever presumed to interfere in an imperial 
 election. But the swords of his German followers were a 
 stronger argument in favour of Philip's claims than the pro- 
 tests of his supporters against papal assumptions. As time went 
 on, the Hohenstaufen slowly got the better of the Guelfs. With 
 the falling away of the north, Otto's cause became distinctly 
 the losing one. In 1206 Otto was defeated outside the walls 
 of Cologne, and the great trading city was forced to transfer 
 its obedience to his rival. In 1207 Philip became so strong 
 
 PERIOD II. X
 
 322 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 th.M Innocent was constrained to reconsider his position, and 
 suggested to Otto the propriety of renouncing his claims. 
 But in June 1208 Philip was treacherously murdered at 
 Bamberg by his faithless vassal, Otto of Wittelsbach, to whom 
 he had refused his daughter's hand. It was no political 
 crime but a deed of private vengeance. It secured, however, 
 the position of Otto, for the ministeriales now transferred 
 their allegiance to him, and there was no Hohenstaufen candi- 
 date ready to oppose him. Otto, moreover, did not scruple 
 to undergo a fresh election which secured for him universal 
 recognition in Germany. By marrying Beatrice, Philip of 
 Swabia's daughter, he sought to unite the rival houses, while 
 he conciliated Innocent by describing himself as king ' by the 
 grace of God and the Pope.' Next year he crossed the Alps 
 to Italy, and bound himself by oath, not only to allow the 
 Papacy the privileges that he had already granted, but to 
 grant complete freedom of ecclesiastical elections, and to 
 support the Pope in his struggle 'against heresy. In October 
 1 209 he was crowned Emperor at Rome. After ten years of 
 waiting, Innocent, already master of Italy, had procured for 
 his dependant both the German Kingdom and the Roman 
 Empire. 
 
 Despite his preoccupation with Italy and Germany, the 
 early years of Innocent's pontificate saw him busily engaged in 
 innocent in. upholding the papal authority and the moral 
 and Philip order of the Church in every country in Europe. 
 No consideration of the immediate interests of 
 the Roman see ever prevented him from maintaining his prin- 
 ciples even against powerful sovereigns who could do much 
 to help forward his general plans. The most conspicuous 
 instance of this was Innocent's famous quarrel with Philip 
 Augustus of France, when to vindicate a simple principle of 
 Christian morals he did not hesitate to abandon the alliance 
 of the ' eldest son of the Church ' at a time when the fortunes 
 of the Papacy were everywhere doubtful. Philip's first wife, 
 Isabella of Hainault, the mother of the future Louis VIIL,
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1198-1216 323 
 
 had died in 1190, just before her husband had started on 
 his Crusade. In 1193 Philip negotiated a second marriage 
 with Ingeborg, the sister of Canute vi., the power- Ingeborg 
 ful King of Denmark, hoping to obtain from his of Denma *. 
 Danish brother-in-law substantial help against England and 
 the Empire. Philip did not get the expected political 
 advantages from the new connection, and at once took a 
 strong dislike to the lady. On the day after the marriage 
 Philip refused to have anything more to do with his bride. 
 Within three months, he persuaded a synod of complaisant 
 French bishops at Compiegne to pronounce the marriage void 
 by reason of a remote kinship that existed between the two 
 parties. Ingeborg was young, timid, friendless, helpless, 
 and utterly ignorant of the French tongue, but King Canute 
 took up her cause, and, from her retreat in a French con- 
 vent, she appealed to Rome against the wickedness of the 
 French king and clergy. Celestine in. proved her friend, 
 and finding protestations of no avail, he finally quashed 
 the sentence of the French bishops and declared her the 
 lawful wife of the French king. But Philip persisted in 
 his repudiation of Ingeborg, and Celestine contented himself 
 with remonstrances and warnings that were utterly disre- 
 garded. In 1196 Philip found a fresh wife in Agnes of 
 Agnes, a lady of the powerful house of Andechs- Meran - 
 Meran, whose authority was great in Thuringia, and whose 
 Alpine lordships soon developed into the county of Tyrol. 
 Innocent at once proved a stronger champion of Ingeborg 
 than the weak and aged Celestine. He forthwith warned 
 Philip and the French bishops that they had no right to 
 put asunder those whom God had joined together. ' Recall 
 your lawful wife,' he wrote to Philip, ' and then we will hear all 
 that you can righteously urge. If you do not do this, no power 
 shall move us to right or left, till justice be done.' A papal 
 legate was now sent to France, threatening excommunication 
 and interdict, were Ingeborg not immediately reinstated in 
 her place. For a few months the Pope hesitated, moved no
 
 324 European History ', 918-1 273 
 
 doubt by his Italian and German troubles, and fearful lest his 
 action against a Christian prince should delay the hoped-for 
 Crusade. But he gradually turned the leaders of the French 
 clergy from their support of Philip, and at last, in February 
 1200, an interdict was pronounced forbidding the public cele- 
 bration of the rites of the Church in the whole lands that 
 owed obedience to the King of France. 
 
 Philip Augustus held out fiercely for a time, declaring that 
 he would rather lose half his lands than be separated from 
 
 Agnes. Meanwhile he used pressure on his 
 diet over " bishops to make them disregard the interdict, and 
 France, vigorously intrigued with the Cardinals, seeking 
 
 to build up a French party in the papal curia. 
 Innocent so far showed complacency that the legate he 
 sent to France was the king's kinsman, Octavian, Cardinal- 
 bishop of Ostia, who was anxious to make Philip's humilia- 
 tion as light as possible. His labours were eased by the 
 partial submission of Philip, who in September visited 
 Ingeborg, and promised to take her again as his wife, and so 
 gave an excuse to end the interdict. Philip still claimed 
 that his marriage should be dissolved ; though here again he 
 
 suddenly abandoned a suit which he probably 
 submission saw was hopeless. The death of Agnes of Meran 
 of Philip, i n j u iy I2 oi made a complete reconciliation less 
 
 difficult. Next year the Pope legitimated the 
 children of Agnes and Philip, on the ground that the sentence 
 of divorce, pronounced by the French bishops, gave the king 
 reasonable grounds for entering in good faith on his union 
 with her. Ingeborg was still refused the rights of a queen, 
 and constantly besought the Pope to have pity on her 
 forlorn condition. The Pope was now forced to content 
 himself with remonstrances. Philip declared that a baleful 
 charm separated him from Ingeborg, and again begged the 
 Pope to divorce him from a union, based on sorcery and witch- 
 craft. The growing need of the French alliance now somewhat 
 slackened the early zeal of Innocent for the cause of the
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., \ 198-1216 325 
 
 queen. But no real cordiality was possible as long as the 
 strained relations of Ingeborg and Philip continued. At 
 last in 1213, in the very crisis of his fortunes, Restitution of 
 Philip completed his tardy reconciliation with ingeborg, 
 his wife, after they had been separated for twenty I313 ' 
 years. Henceforth Philip was the most active ally of the 
 Papacy. 
 
 While thus dealing with Philip of France, Innocent enjoyed 
 easier triumphs over the lesser kings of Europe. It was 
 his ambition to break through the traditional 
 
 ,. . , _,. . ~ The feudal 
 
 limits that separated the Church from the State, overiordship 
 and to bind as many as he could of the kings ofthe 
 
 Pcioscv over 
 
 of Europe to the Papacy by ties of political Portugal, 
 vassalage. The time-honoured feudal superiority Aragon.and 
 of the Popes over the Norman kingdom of Sicily 
 had been the first precedent for this most unecclesiastical 
 of all papal aggressions. Already others of the smaller king- 
 doms of Europe, conspicuous among which was Portugal, 
 had followed the example of the Normans in becoming 
 vassals of the Holy See. Under Innocent at least three 
 states supplemented ecclesiastical by political dependence 
 on the Papacy. Sancho, King of Portugal, who had striven 
 to repudiate the former submission of Affonso i., was in 
 the end forced to accept the papal suzerainty. Peter, King 
 of Aragon, went in 1204 to Rome and was solemnly crowned 
 king by Innocent Afterwards Peter deposited his crown on 
 the high altar of St. Peter's and condescended to receive 
 the investiture of his kingdom from the Pope, holding it as a 
 perpetual fief of the Holy See, and promising tribute to 
 Innocent and his successors. In 1213 a greater monarch 
 than the struggling Christian kings of the Iberian peninsula 
 was forced, after a long struggle, to make an even more abject 
 submission. The long strife of Innocent with John of Anjou, 
 about the disputed election to the see of Canterbury, was 
 fought with the same weapons which the Pope had already 
 employed against the King of France. But John held out
 
 326 European History, 918-1273 
 
 longer. Interdict was followed by excommunication and 
 threatened deposition. At last the English king surrendered 
 his crown to the papal agent Pandulf, and, like Peter of 
 Aragon, received it back as a vassal of the Papacy, bound 
 by an annual tribute. Nor were these the only kings that 
 sought the support of the great Pope. The schismatic 
 princes of the East vied in ardour with the Catholic princes 
 of the West in their quest of Innocent's favour. King 
 innocent Le or " Armenia begged for his protection. The 
 and the Bulgarian Prince John besought the Pope to 
 
 lesser , . . 
 
 narchsof grant him a royal crown. Innocent posed as a 
 
 mo 
 
 Europe. mediator in Hungary between the two brothers, 
 Emeric and Andrew, who were struggling for the crown. 
 Canute of Denmark, zealous for his sister's honour, was his 
 humble suppliant. Poland was equally obedient. The Duke 
 of Bohemia accepted the papal reproof for allying himself 
 with Philip of Swabia. 
 
 Despite his vigour and his authority, Innocent's constant 
 interference with the internal concerns of every country in 
 Europe did not pass unchallenged. Even the kings who 
 invoked his intercession were constantly in conflict with him. 
 Beside his great quarrels in Germany, France, and England, 
 Innocent had many minor wars to wage against the princes of 
 Europe. For five years the kingdom of Leon lay under inter- 
 dict because its king Alfonso had married his cousin, Beren- 
 garia of Castile, in the hope of securing the peace between the 
 two realms. It was only after the lady had borne five children 
 to Alfonso that she voluntarily terminated the obnoxious 
 union, and Innocent found it prudent, as in France, to legiti- 
 mise the offspring of a marriage which he had denounced as 
 incestuous. Not one of the princes of the Peninsula was 
 spared. Sancho of Navarre incurred interdict by reason of 
 his suspected dealings with the Saracens, while the marriage 
 of his sister with Peter of Aragon, the vassal of the Pope, 
 involved both kings in a contest with Innocent. Not only 
 did the monarchs of Europe resent, so far as they were
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 198-1216 327 
 
 able, the Pope's haughty policy. For the first time the 
 peoples of their realms began to make common cause with 
 them against the political aggressions of the Papacy. The Papacy 
 The nobles of Aragon protested against King and the 
 Peter's submission to the Papacy, declared that Dangers of 
 his surrender of their kingdom was invalid, and innocent's 
 prevented the payment of the promised tribute. pollcy- 
 When John of England procured his Roman overlord's con- 
 demnation of Magna Carta, the support of Rome was of no 
 avail to prevent his indignant subjects combining to drive 
 him from the throne, and did not even hinder Louis of 
 France, the son of the papalist Philip IL, from accepting 
 their invitation to become English king in his stead. It was 
 only by a repudiation of this policy, and by an acceptance of 
 the Great Charter, that the Papacy could secure the English 
 throne for John's young son, Henry in., and thus continue 
 for a time its precarious overlordship over England. For 
 the moment Innocent's iron policy crushed opposition, but 
 in adding the new hostility of the national kings and the 
 rising nations of Europe to the old hostility of the declining 
 Empire, Innocent was entering into a perilous course of 
 conduct, which, within a century, was to prove fatal to one of 
 the strongest of his successors. The more political the papal 
 authority became, the more difficult it was to uphold its 
 prestige as the source of law, of morality, of religion. Inno- 
 cent himself did not lose sight of the higher ideal because 
 he strove so firmly after more earthly aims. His successors 
 were not always so able or so high-minded. And it was as 
 the protectors of the people, not as the enemies of their 
 political rights, that the great Popes of the eleventh and 
 twelfth centuries had obtained their wonderful ascendency 
 over the best minds of Europe. 
 
 The coronation of Otto iv. did not end Innocent's troubles 
 with the Empire. It was soon followed by an open breach 
 between the Pope and his nominee, from which ultimately 
 developed something like a general European war, between
 
 328 European History ', 918-1 273 
 
 a league of partisans of the Pope and a league of partisans 
 
 of Otto. It was inevitable that Otto, as a crowned Emperor, 
 
 should look upon the papal power in a way very 
 
 Quarrel of ,._ . ' ' . . 
 
 innocent different from that in which he had regarded it, 
 with otto iv., w hen a faction leader struggling for the crown. 
 Then the support of the Pope was indispensable. 
 Now the autocracy of the Pope was to be feared. The 
 Hohenstaufen mtnisferia/es, who now surrounded the Guelfic 
 Emperor, raised his ideals and modified his policy. Henry 
 of Kalden, the old minister of Henry vi., was now his closest 
 confidant, and, under his direction, it soon became Otto's 
 ambition to continue the policy of the Hohenstaufen. The 
 great object of Henry vi. had been the union of Sicily with the 
 Empire. To the alarm and disgust of Innocent, his ancient 
 dependant now strove to continue Henry vi.'s policy by 
 driving out Henry vi.'s son from his Sicilian inheritance. 
 Otto now established relations with Diepold and the other 
 German adventurers, who still defied Frederick n. and the 
 Pope in Apulia. He soon claimed the inheritance of Matilda 
 as well as the Sicilian monarchy. In August 1210 he occu- 
 pied Matilda's Tuscan lands, and in November invaded 
 Apulia, and prepared to despatch a Pisan fleet against Sicily. 
 Innocent was moved to terrible wrath. On hearing of the 
 capture of Capua, and the revolt of Salerno and Naples, he 
 excommunicated the Emperor and freed his subjects from 
 their oaths of fealty to him. But, despite the threats of the 
 Church, Otto conquered most of Apulia and was equally 
 successful in reviving the imperial authority in northern Italy. 
 Innocent saw the power that he had built up so care- 
 fully in Italy crumbling rapidly away. In his despair he 
 Election of turned to France and Germany for help against 
 Frederick ii., the audacious Guelf. Philip Augustus, though 
 still in bad odour at Rome through his per- 
 sistent hostility to Ingeborg, was now an indispensable ally. 
 He actively threw himself into the Pope's policy, and French 
 and Papal agents combined to stir up disaffection against
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 198-1216 329 
 
 Otto in Germany. The haughty manners and the love of 
 the young king for Englishmen and Saxons had already 
 excited disaffection. It was believed that Otto wished to set 
 up a centralised despotism of court officials, levying huge 
 taxes, on the model of the Angevin administrative system of 
 his grandfather and uncles. The bishops now took the lead 
 in organising a general defection from the absent Emperor. 
 In September 1211 a gathering of disaffected magnates, among 
 whom were the newly made King Ottocar of Bohemia and the 
 Dukes of Austria and Bavaria, assembled at Niirnberg. They 
 treated the papal sentence as the deposition of Otto, and 
 pledged themselves to elect as their new king Frederick of 
 Sicily, the sometime ward of the Pope. It was not altogether 
 good news to the Pope that the German nobles had, in 
 choosing the son of Henry vi., renewed the union of Germany 
 and Sicily. But Innocent felt that the need of setting up an 
 effective opposition to Otto was so pressing that he put out 
 of sight the general in favour of the immediate interests of the 
 Roman see. He accepted Frederick as Emperor, only stipu- 
 lating that he should renew his homage for the Sicilian crown, 
 and consequently renounce an inalienable union between 
 Sicily and the Empire. Frederick now left Sicily, repeated his 
 submission to Innocent at Rome, and crossed the Alps for 
 Germany. 
 
 Otto had already abandoned Italy to meet the threatened 
 danger in the north. Misfortunes soon showered thick 
 upon him. His Hohenstaufen wife, Beatrice, died, and 
 her loss lessened his hold on southern Germany. When 
 Frederick appeared, Swabia and Bavaria were already 
 ready to welcome the heir of the mighty southern line, 
 and aid him against the audacious Saxon. The spiritual 
 magnates flocked to the side of the friend and pupil of the 
 Pope. In December 1212 followed Frederick's formal 
 election and his coronation at Mainz by the Archbishop 
 Siegfried. Early in 1213 Henry of Kalden first appeared 
 at his court. Henceforward the important class of the
 
 33O European History, 918-1273 
 
 1 ministeriales ' was divided. While some remained true to 
 Otto, others gradually went back to the personal representa- 
 tive of Hohenstaufen. 
 
 Otto was now thrown back on Saxony and the lower Rhine- 
 land. He again took up his quarters with the faithful citizens 
 The a ai ^ Cologne, whence he appealed for help to his 
 and imperial uncle, John of England, still under the papal ban. 
 leagues, 1213. with English help he united the pr inces of the 
 
 Netherlands in a party of opposition to the Pope and the 
 Hohenstaufen. Frederick answered by a closer and more 
 effective league with France. Even before his coronation he 
 had met Louis, the son of Philip Augustus, at Vaucouleurs. 
 All Europe seemed arming at the bidding of the Pope and 
 Emperor. 
 
 John of England now hastily reconciled himself to 
 Innocent, at the price of the independence of his kingdom. 
 He thus became in a better position to aid his excom- 
 municated nephew, and revenge the loss of Normandy and 
 Anjou on Philip Augustus. His plan was now a twofold 
 one. He himself summoned the barons of England to 
 follow him in an attempt to recover his ancient lands on 
 the Loire. Meanwhile, Otto and the Netherlandish lords 
 were encouraged, by substantial English help, to carry out a 
 combined attack on France from the north. The opposition of 
 the English barons reduced to comparative insignificance the 
 expedition to Poitou, but a very considerable army gathered 
 together under Otto, and took up its position in the 
 neighbourhood of Tournai. Among the French King's 
 vassals, Ferrand, Count of Flanders, long hostile to his 
 overlord Philip, and the Count of Boulogne, fought 
 strenuously on Otto's side; while, of the imperial vassals, 
 the Count of Holland and the Duke of Brabant [Lower 
 Lorraine] were among Otto's most active supporters. A 
 considerable English contingent came also, headed by 
 Otto's bastard uncle, William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury. 
 Philip himself commanded the chivalry of France, leaving his
 
 Ettrope in the Days of Innocent Iff., 1 198 -1216 331 
 
 son Louis to fight against John in Poitou. On 27th July 
 the decisive battle was fought at Bouvines, a few miles south- 
 west of Tournai. The army of France and the Battle of 
 Church gained an overwhelming victory over the Bouvines, 
 league which had incurred the papal ban, and I214 ' 
 Otto's fortunes were utterly shattered. He soon lost all his 
 hold over the Rhineland, and was forced to retreat to the 
 ancient domains of his house in Saxony. His remaining 
 friends made their peace with Philip and Frederick. The 
 defection of the Wittelsbachers lost his last hold in the south 
 of Germany, and the desertion of Valdemar of Denmark 
 deprived him of a strong friend in the north. John with- 
 drew from continental politics to be beaten more decisively 
 by his barons than he had been beaten in Poitou or at 
 Bouvines. By the summer of 1215, Aachen and Cologne 
 had opened their gates to Frederick, who repeated his 
 coronation in the old chapel of Charlemagne. Before Otto's 
 death in 1218 his power was confined to Brunswick and the 
 region of the Harz. His brother Henry delivered The fail of 
 up the imperial insignia to the conqueror, and theGueifs 
 
 . and the 
 
 received a confirmation of his hereditary estates, triumph of 
 In 1235 the establishment of the Duchy of innocent. 
 Brunswick-Liineburg, in favour of the Guelfic house, secured 
 for it a permanent position among the territorial powers of 
 northern Germany. The higher aspirations of the descen- 
 dants of Henry the Lion perished for ever on the fatal field 
 of Bouvines. 
 
 Frederick n. was now undisputed King of the Romans, and 
 Innocent HI. had won another great triumph. By the 
 Golden Bull of Eger (July 1213) Frederick had already re- 
 newed the concessions made by Otto to the Church, and 
 promised obedience to the Holy See. In 1216 he pledged 
 himself to separate Sicily from the Empire, and establish his 
 son Henry there as king, under the supremacy of the Church. 
 But like his other triumphs, Innocent's victory over the 
 Empire was purchased at no small cost. For the first time.
 
 3 3 2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 a German national irritation at the aggressions of the Papacy 
 began to be distinctly felt. It found an adequate expression 
 in the indignant verses of Walter von der Vogelweide, pro- 
 testing against the priests who strove to upset the rights of the 
 laity, and denouncing the greed and pride of the foreigners 
 who profited by the humiliation of Germany. 
 
 Amidst all the distractions of Western politics, Innocent HI. 
 ardently strove to revive the crusading spirit. He never 
 innocent in. succeeded in raising all Europe, as several of his 
 and the predecessors had done. But after great efforts, 
 
 les the eloquent preaching of Fulk of Neuilly stirred 
 up a fair amount of enthusiasm for the crusading cause, and, 
 in 1204, a considerable crusading army, mainly French, 
 mustered at Venice. It was the bitterest disappointment of 
 Innocent's life that the Fourth Crusade [see chapter xv.] 
 never reached Palestine, but was diverted to the conquest of 
 the Greek Empire. Yet the establishment of a Catholic 
 Latin Empire at Constantinople, at the expense of the Greek 
 schismatics, was no small triumph. Not disheartened by 
 his first failure, Innocent still urged upon Europe the 
 need of the holy war. If no expedition against the Saracens 
 of Syria marked the result of his efforts, his pontificate 
 saw the extension of the crusading movement to other 
 lands. Innocent preached the Crusade against the Moors 
 of Spain, and rejoiced in the news of the momentous victory 
 of the Christians at Navas de Tolosa [see chapter xx.]. 
 He saw the beginnings of a fresh Crusade against the 
 obstinate heathen on the eastern shores of the Baltic. But 
 Extension of a ^ these Crusades were against pagans and 
 thecrusad- infidels. Innocent made a much greater new 
 departure when he proclaimed the first Crusade 
 directed against a Christian land. The Albigensian Crusade, 
 which can more profitably be described when we deal with 
 the development of the French monarchy [see chapter xvii.], 
 succeeded in destroying the most dangerous and widespread 
 popular heresy that Christianity had witnessed since the fall
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent III., 1 198-1216 333 
 
 of the Roman Empire, and Innocent rejoiced that his times 
 saw the Church purged of its worst blemish. But in extend- 
 ing the benefits of a Crusade to Christians fighting against 
 Christians, he handed on a precedent which was soon fatally 
 abused by his successors. In crushing out the young 
 national life of southern France the Papacy again set a 
 people against itself. The denunciations of the German 
 Minnesinger were re-echoed in the complaints of the last of 
 the Troubadours. Rome had ceased to do harm to Turks 
 and Saracens, but had stirred up Christians to war against 
 fellow-Christians. God and His Saints abandon the greedy, 
 the strife-loving, the unjust, worldly Church. The picture is 
 darkly coloured by a partisan, but in every triumph of 
 Innocent there lay the shadow of future trouble. 
 
 Crusades, even against heretics and infidels, are the work 
 of earthly force rather than of spiritual influence. It was to 
 build up the great outward corporation of the . 
 
 Innocent III. "s 
 
 Church that all these labours of Innocent religious 
 mainly tended. Even his additions to the P sition - 
 Canon Law, his reforms of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, dealt 
 with the external rather than the internal life of the Church. 
 The criticism of James of Vitry, that the Roman Curia was 
 so busy in secular affairs that it hardly turned a thought 
 to spiritual things, is clearly applicable to much of Innocent's 
 activity. But the many-sided Pope did not ignore the 
 religious wants of the Church. His Crusade against heresy 
 was no mere war against enemies of the wealth and power of 
 the Church. The new tendencies that were to transform 
 the spiritual life of the thirteenth century were not strange 
 to him. He favoured the early work of Dominic : he had 
 personal dealings with Francis, and showed his sympathy 
 with the early work of the poor man of Assisi [see chapter 
 xviii.j. But it is as the conqueror and organiser rather than 
 the priest or prophet that Innocent made his mark in the 
 Church. It is significant that, with all his greatness, he 
 never attained the honours of sanctity.
 
 334 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Towards the end of his life, Innocent held a General 
 
 Council in the basilica of St. John Lateran. A vast gather- 
 
 ,. T, ' n g f bishops, heads of orders, and secular 
 
 The Fourth . . . . 
 
 General dignitaries gave brilliancy to the gathering and 
 
 Latermn enhanced the glory of the Pontiff. Enthroned 
 
 Council, 1215. 
 
 over more than four hundred bishops, the Pope 
 proudly declared the law to the world. ' Two things we have 
 specially to heart,' wrote Innocent, in summoning the 
 assembly, ' the deliverance of the Holy Land and the reform 
 of the Church Universal.' In its vast collection of seventy 
 canons, the Lateran Council strove hard to carry out the 
 Pope's programme. It condemned the dying heresies of 
 the Albigeois and the Cathari, and prescribed the methods 
 and punishments of the unrepentant heretic. It strove to 
 rekindle zeal for the Crusade. It drew up a drastic scheme 
 for reforming the internal life and discipline of the Church. 
 It strove to elevate the morals and the learning of the 
 clergy, to check their worldliness and covetousness, and to 
 restrain them from abusing the authority of the Church 
 through excess of zeal or more corrupt motives. It invited 
 bishops to set up free schools to teach poor scholars 
 grammar and theology. It forbade trial by battle and 
 trial by ordeal. It subjected the existing monastic orders 
 to stricter superintendence, and forbade the establishment 
 of new monastic rules. It forbade superstitious practices 
 and the worship of spurious or unauthorised relics. The 
 whole series of canons sought to regulate and ameliorate 
 the influence of the Church on society. If many of the 
 abuses aimed at were too deeply rooted to be overthrown 
 by mere legislation, the attempt speaks well for the character 
 and intelligence of Pope and Council. All mediaeval law- 
 making, civil and ecclesiastical alike, was but the promulga- 
 tion of an ideal, rather than the issuing of precepts meant 
 to be literally executed. But no more serious attempt at 
 rooting out inveterate evils was ever made in the Middle 
 Ages than in this Council
 
 Europe in the Days of Innocent ///., 1 198-1216 335 
 
 The formal enunciation of this lofty programme of reform 
 brought Innocent's pontificate to a glorious end. The Pontiff 
 devoted what little remained of his life to hurrying on the 
 preparations for the projected Crusade, which was Deatb of 
 to set out in 1217. But in the summer of 1216 innocentin., 
 Innocent died at Perugia, when only fifty-six years l6th ^ uly I2l6< 
 old. If not the greatest, he was the most powerful of all the 
 Popes. For nearly twenty years the whole history of Europe 
 groups itself round his doings.
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY, 
 
 THE FOURTH CRUSADE, AND THE LATIN EMPIRE 
 
 IN THE EAST (1095-1261) l 
 
 The Comnenian dynasty and Alexius I. Decay of the Empire The end ol 
 the Comneni The Angeli The mustering of the Fourth Crusade The 
 Conquest of Zara The First and Second Captures of Constantinople 
 The Partition and Organisation of the Latin Empire The Greek Revival 
 Rivalry of Constantinople and Thessalonica The Latin Emperors 
 Michael Palaeologus and the Fall of the Latin Empire The Franks in 
 the Peloponnesus. 
 
 THE Comnenian dynasty, finally established by Alexius I. 
 [see chapter vii.], ruled for more than a century over the 
 The Roman Empire in the East. We have already 
 
 Comnenian noticed the most stirring episodes of its external 
 dynasty. history, in tracing the dealings of the Comnenian 
 Emperors with the Seljukian Turks, with the passing 
 Crusaders, with the permanent Latin garrison in Syria, and 
 with the Norman rulers of Apulia and Sicily, who strove 
 to make southern Italy the starting-point for a Norman 
 conquest of the Balkan Peninsula. It remains now to 
 describe briefly the internal history of the Eastern Empire 
 during the twelfth century, as a necessary preliminary to the 
 understanding of the collapse of the Greek power in 1204. 
 
 The combination of strength and duplicity, which con- 
 stituted the practical ability of Alexius Comnenus, had saved 
 Alexius L, the Byzantine state from the ruin with which it 
 1081-1118. had been threatened. But the rescue of the 
 Empire had been accomplished at no small cost. The 
 
 1 To the authorities mentioned under Chapter vn. may now be added 
 Pears' Fall of Constantinople, being the Story of the Fourth Crusade. 
 330
 
 The Byzantine Empire in the Twelfth Century 337 
 
 Crusaders had allowed Alexius to resume possession of a 
 large share of Asia Minor, but the constant presence of Latins 
 in the East was a permanent danger to him, both from their 
 superior military capacity and their fierce Catholicism. The 
 Eastern Empire sank into the condition of stagnation, which 
 it was to retain for the rest of its existence. The low cunning 
 and trickery of Alexius are glorified by his literary daughter 
 Anna .as the highest resources of civilisation when face 
 to face with the barbarian Franks. Such methods might 
 save the state, but they could hardly adapt it to meet the 
 new conditions which Western activity in the East had 
 brought about. 
 
 - The military danger of the Prankish powers was not the 
 worst result of the Crusades on the Byzantine Empire. 
 Even more important was the sapping of its 
 sources of wealth and the decay of its commercial decay'of the 
 prosperity, as the consequence of the development Eastern 
 of the trade of the Italian republics, like Pisa, 
 Genoa, and Venice, who really reaped nearly the whole 
 material advantages of the Crusades. Acre and other 
 Syrian ports began to supersede Constantinople as the 
 great meeting-places of Eastern and Western trade. The 
 skill and energy of the Italian merchants transferred the 
 commerce of the Levant from Greek to Western hands. 
 Since the loss of the rich agricultural districts of Asia Minor, 
 the commerce of Constantinople was the one really solid 
 source of Byzantine prosperity. The revenue of the imperial 
 exchequer now began to fall off, and the disastrous expedients 
 of Alexius to restore it made permanent ruin more certain. 
 In the hope of making the Bosporus and Golden Horn as 
 attractive to the Italian traders as the waters of the Levant, 
 Alexius sought to entice the Venetians back to his ports by 
 giving them exemption from customs dues (1082). The 
 Venetians were established in a special quarter of Constanti- 
 nople, exempt from the jurisdiction of the Greek authorities, 
 with its Catholic church, its walls, and its magistrates. The 
 
 PERIOD II. Y
 
 338 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Pisans had privileges less extensive but still considerable. 
 Such concessions made the Italians easily able to undersell 
 the native merchants and to establish their factories on an 
 almost independent basis. But it was unlikely that the 
 shrewd Venetians would be content with what they had got. 
 Their settlement within the Empire as traders only paved 
 the way to the time when they aspired to establish themselves 
 as rulers. It was a strange turn to make arbiters of the 
 destiny of the Empire those Venetians who had in former 
 times protected themselves from Western Caesars by parading 
 their dependence on the Emperor at Constantinople, and 
 whose city bears to this day the abiding impress of Byzantine 
 art. The strong Comnenian Emperors postponed the danger 
 for a time, but when the Empire was again divided between 
 rival claimants, it was as natural to the Venetians as it was to 
 the English and French in India to take advantage of the 
 decay of an ancient but stagnant civilisation to turn from 
 their factories and counting-houses to play the part of con- 
 querors and rulers. 
 
 It is one of the innumerable proofs of the vitality of the 
 East-Roman system that this result came so slowly and suc- 
 ceeded so imperfectly. The latter part of the reign of Alexius 
 seemed to revive the former glories of the Eastern Empire. 
 The dynasty was firmly settled on the throne ; the foreign 
 enemies driven away or reduced to insignificance ; the internal 
 decay was too gradual to be readily perceived. On his death 
 John ii., m 1118 Alexius handed on to his son an empire 
 1118-1143. enlarged and peaceful. John n.Comnenus (1118- 
 1143), called John the Good, was one of the best of Byzantine 
 rulers. As vigorous a ruler and a better soldier than his 
 father, his private character, stainless in its morals, was marked 
 by qualities, such as frankness, generosity, and mercy, which 
 rarely adorned the throne of the Eastern Caesars. He reigned 
 undisturbed by revolts or conspiracies, save those of his sister 
 Anna, the historian, and his brother Isaac, and these foes 
 within his household received from him a generous forgiveness
 
 The Byzantine Empire in the Twelfth Century 339 
 
 that they did nothing to deserve. John was mostly occupied 
 in his constant campaigns on the frontiers, fighting the Patzi- 
 naks of the lower Danube, the Hungarians and the Servians 
 in Europe, and the Seljukian Turks and the Armenians in 
 Asia. Master of Cilicia, he forced Raymond of Antioch 
 to acknowledge his supremacy. Only his death in Cilicia, 
 due to an accident in the hunting field, prevented his in- 
 vasion of the Latin kingdom of Syria. Had he seriously 
 grappled with the reform of administration and the finances, 
 he might have inaugurated a new period of prosperity. But 
 his effort to shake off the commercial supremacy of Venice 
 involved him in a long and unsuccessful war with the rulers of 
 the sea, which he was glad to end by restoring the Venetians 
 to their former privileges, and by recognising them as lords of 
 some of the Greek islands. Even as it was, John the Good 
 did much to arrest decay. 
 
 Manuel i. Comnenus (1143-1180), John's son and suc- 
 cessor, was a worthy heir to the military talents of his father. 
 But his violent passions sullied his private life, Manuel i., 
 and his extravagance, ostentation, and vanity took "43-"&>. 
 away from the lustre of his domestic administration. He was 
 one of the most Western in temperament of all the Greek 
 sovereigns. He was proud of his prodigious personal strength, 
 of his handsome person, and of his skill in all chivalrous exer- 
 cises. He was the only Greek Emperor who could surpass 
 the most famous knights of the West in the mimic war of 
 the tournament. He had the spirit of a knight-errant, 
 suggesting Richard Cceur de Lion rather than the sly and 
 demure Oriental. When he had safely extricated himself 
 from the perils of the Second Crusade [see page 192], he 
 plunged into a series of wars in which he sought personal 
 glory rather than the welfare of his Empire. There were 
 strange tales of his wonderful personal adventures and hair- 
 breadth escapes from Patzinaks and Turks. He introduced 
 Western tournaments into Constantinople, had a truly Frankish 
 ardour for crusading, re-armed his troops after the Western
 
 340 European History, 918-1273 
 
 fashion with ponderous shields and heavy lances, and eagerly 
 sought to connect himself by marriage with the great royal 
 houses of the West. His first wife Bertha called Irene to 
 satisfy Greek susceptibilities was a sister-in-law of the Emperor 
 Conrad HI., and his second wife was a princess of Antioch. 
 His daughter married in succession the brother of the King 
 of Hungary and the son of the Marquis of Montferrat His 
 son, Alexius, was wedded to the daughter of Louis VH. of 
 France. His influence extended over all the Danubian states 
 as far as the German frontier. His wars, if not always politic, 
 were often successful. He defeated the strenuous attempts 
 of King Roger of Sicily and his son William the Bad [see 
 page 236] to invade his Empire. He waged a long and 
 not inglorious war with Venice, and even when unable to 
 destroy her privileges did something to counterbalance them 
 by calling in rival Italian traders, such as the Genoese. When 
 beaten by the Seljuks, he was able to negotiate an honour- 
 able peace. But his wastefulness brought the financial dis- 
 orders to a crisis, and his utter neglect of routine threw the 
 obsolete administrative system into confusion. Yet with all 
 his faults he was a brilliant personality, and with his death the 
 good fortune of the Comnenian dynasty came to an end. 
 
 Alexius n. (1180-1 183), the son of Manuel, was a boy twelve 
 years old, and his mother, Mary of Antioch, strove to carry on 
 Alexius ii., tf 16 government in his name. Her incapacity gave 
 1180-1x83. an opening for intrigues of the members of the 
 royal house, and, two years later, Andronicus Comnenus, cousin 
 of Manuel, displaced the Empress and became the guardian 
 r of Alexius with the title of Caesar. As soon as he 
 
 Usurpation of 
 
 Andronicus, was secure of power, Andronicus murdered his 
 1x83-1185. ward, married his widow, Agnes of France, and 
 made himself sole Basileus. Andronicus was a strong and 
 brave soldier, but overweeningly ambitious, wantonly cruel, 
 and already infamous by a long career of brutality and treachery. 
 His success in gaining power was greater than his success in 
 retaining it. Rebellions broke out in the provinces. Cyprus
 
 The Byzantine Empire in the Twelfth Century 341 
 
 shook itself free from his rule under the local Emperor Isaac 
 Comnenus, who finally succumbed to Richard of England 
 [see page 301]. Even the reign of terror which marked his 
 rule did not check the plots of the angry nobles. The 
 Normans again invaded Macedonia, and captured Thessa- 
 lonica. So hateful did Andronicus become that a very small 
 incident sufficed to bring his power to an end. During his 
 absence from Constantinople, one of his ministers ordered 
 the arrest of an incapable and cowardly noble named Isaac 
 Angelus. Driven to despair at the prospect of the torments 
 meted out for Andronicus' victims, Isaac plucked up courage 
 to resist, and took refuge in St. Sophia's. The mob of Constan- 
 tinople arose in revolt, declaring that it would have ' no more 
 old men or men with forked beards as Emperors.' End of the 
 Andronicus hurried back, but all classes deserted Comneni. 
 him. He was tortured to death by the mob, and Isaac 
 Angelus was declared his successor. With him the glorious 
 house of Comnenus ingloriously expired (1185). 
 
 The reign of Isaac Angelus ushered in a worse period of 
 degradation. Even the brutality of Andronicus had been 
 in some measure redeemed by its strength, but i sa acii., 
 under his weak and contemptible successor the "85-1195. 
 Empire suffered from the worst results of incompetence. The 
 Emperor lavished his revenues in building churches and 
 palaces, in collecting relics and sacred icons, in ministering to 
 the luxury and vanity of a crowd of parasites and dependants. 
 He put the administrative offices up for sale, and allowed 
 their purchasers to recoup themselves by oppressing the pro- 
 vincials. His ten years' rule was full of military disasters. 
 The imposition of a new tax was followed by the revolt of 
 the Bulgarians, who had lived as peaceful subjects of the 
 Empire since their conquest, two hundred years previously, 
 by Basil n. [see pages 163-165]. In a short time the whole of 
 Bulgaria had shaken off the yoke of Constantinople, and the 
 mercenary arms of Conrad of Montferrat. The efforts of 
 Isaac, who took the field in person against the rebels, were
 
 342 European History, 918-1273 
 
 powerless to win back a warlike and united people. The 
 loss of Bulgaria was not the only humiliation of Isaac's reign. 
 We have already seen how the Third Crusade dealt roughly 
 with his power, how Frederick Barbarossa, provoked by his 
 treachery, forced him to make an abject submission, and how 
 Richard of England permanently turned Cyprus into a feudal 
 Prankish kingdom, utterly unconnected with the Empire. 
 Isaac had also to buy off the attacks of the Sultan of Roum 
 by the payment of tribute. In the midst of all these disasters 
 his wretched government was abruptly ended by a palace 
 conspiracy, formed against him by his elder brother Alexius, 
 while he was absent engaged in the Bulgarian war. Isaac 
 hurried back to Constantinople, only to be deposed, blinded, 
 and immured in a monastery (1195). 
 
 "^Alexius in. Angelus (1195-1203), was as wasteful, as profli- 
 gate, and as incompetent as his brother, pillaging his sub- 
 Alexius in., jects to reward the conspirators who had helped 
 1195-1203. jjj m to t h e throne. Rebellions broke out in the 
 provinces, and the Venetians and Pisans fought out their 
 feuds in the streets of the capital. The efforts to reconquer 
 Bulgaria proved abortive, and the Turks of Roum again 
 threatened the heart of the Empire. The utter feebleness of 
 the Byzantine power tempted the Emperor Henry vi. to 
 re-enact the part of Robert Guiscard and Roger. His death 
 postponed, without averting, the danger of Western conquest. 
 Philip of Swabia was the brother-in-law of the deposed 
 Isaac, and welcomed his son Alexius, when he escaped in a 
 Pisan ship from his ill -guarded prison. The Venetians, 
 though loaded with privileges, clamoured for more. It was 
 just at the moment when the anarchy of Constantinople had 
 reached its height that the army of Crusaders, collected 
 from all Europe by the zeal of Innocent in. and the preaching 
 of Fulk of Neuilly, appeared at Venice, waiting to take ship 
 thence in the vessels of the republic for the Holy Land. 
 
 The golden age of the Crusades was now over. The 
 difficulties that limited the success of the Third Crusade
 
 The Fourth Crusade 343 
 
 now prevented even the undertaking of a new one on the same 
 grand lines. The long efforts of Celestine HI. to start a new 
 Crusade had borne little fruit. Fulk of Neuilly The muster- 
 began his preaching very soon after Innocent m.'s in e f the 
 
 Fourth 
 
 accession to the Papacy, and the new Pope warmly cmsade, 
 supported him. But none of the great princes "98-1202. 
 of Europe responded to his call. It was not until 1201 that the 
 beginnings of a crusading army was gathered together under 
 leaders more of the status of the heroes of the First Crusade 
 than of those of the Second or Third. Theobald in., Count 
 of Champagne, was not deterred by his brother Henry's death 
 from striving to redeem his brother's lost kingdom. Among 
 the lords of Champagne that attended him was his marshal, 
 Geoffrey of Villehardouin, who has left us a famous account 
 of the expedition. Among Theobald's companions of high 
 rank were his kinsman Louis, Count of Blois, and his sister 
 Mary, who accompanied her husband, Baldwin ix., Count of 
 Flanders, Baldwin's brothers Eustace and Henry, and Simon 
 of Montfort, soon to become famous as the leader of the 
 Albigensian Crusade. Theobald of Champagne was ap- 
 pointed general-in-chief, and it was resolved to attack 
 Egypt, as the real centre of the Ayoubite power. Early in 
 1 20 1, ambassadors of the Crusaders, conspicuous among 
 whom was Villehardouin, appeared at Venice to negotiate 
 with the Republic as to their means of transport. After 
 lengthened negotiations a treaty was concluded between them 
 and Henry Dandolo, the blind and aged, but still ardent, 
 subtle, and active Doge. It was agreed that the Venetians 
 should provide the necessary transports, with provisions for a 
 year, and a convoy of fifty galleys. But in return, the 
 Frankish Crusaders agreed to pay Venice the vast sum of 
 85,000 marks of silver, and to divide all conquests and 
 booty equally between themselves and the Venetians. It was 
 characteristic of the Italian seafaring republics to drive hard 
 bargains with the Crusaders, and Dandolo had little concern 
 for the Holy War, though he had infinite zeal for the interests
 
 344 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of Venice. As soon as the Crusaders began to collect by 
 the lagoons to embark for Egypt, he aspired to use them as 
 soldiers of the Republic rather than of the Church. The 
 appearance of the fugitive Alexius in Italy already suggested 
 the idea of diverting the expedition against Constantinople. 
 
 There were still long delays. The death of the Count of 
 Champagne left vacant the supreme command, and, after several 
 attempts to fill it up, the Crusaders appointed as their chief 
 the North Italian Boniface of Montferrat, brother of Conrad 
 of Montferrat, and a scheming and unscrupulous adventurer. 
 He was soon approached by King Philip of Swabia, who 
 urged upon him the claims of the young Alexius, his kinsman. 
 The Hohenstaufen monarch and the Doge of Venice now 
 combined to recommend the Crusaders to undertake the 
 restoration of Isaac Comnenus, as a preliminary to their 
 attack on the infidels. Even at this early stage it is more 
 than likely that the Venetians had formed a deliberate design 
 to divert the Crusade, and had perhaps even an understand- 
 ing with the Saracens to that effect. 
 
 When the spring of 1202 came, the passage from Venice 
 was still unaccountably delayed. Many of the Crusaders 
 The capture had spent all their resources during their long 
 of Zara, 1202. staVj an( j j-^g leaders were quite unable to 
 pay the Venetians the huge sum they had promised. 
 Dandolo now proposed that they should acquit themselves 
 of part of their debt by helping Venice to conquer the 
 maritime town of Zara, an old enemy of the Republic, 
 and the haunt of pirates that preyed on its trade. Zara 
 belonged to the King of Hungary, who had also taken 
 the cross. But the spirit of adventure and love of booty was 
 stronger among the Franks than zeal for the Holy War. 
 Despite the protests of Simon of Montfort against the turn- 
 ing aside of a crusading army to fight a Catholic and 
 crusading prince, it was agreed to accept Dandolo's sugges- 
 tion. In October, the Crusaders at last left the Lido. In 
 November Zara fell, after a short siege, into the hands of
 
 The Fourth Crusade 345 
 
 the united Venetian and Prankish host. The Pope vigor- 
 ously denounced the forsworn soldiers of the Cross. But the 
 Venetians paid no heed, and the Franks very little, to his 
 fulminations. The season was now too late to make a start, 
 and the army took up winter quarters in Dalmatia. Alexius 
 now appeared in person in the crusading camp, 
 
 j u- i- a- TI j The Crusade 
 
 and his glittering offers were greedily accepted, turned against 
 Boniface of Montferrat thought more of his Constant!- 
 
 j 1-11 mi nople, 1203. 
 
 own advantage than of the sacred cause. The 
 pious scruples of the Count of Flanders were finally 
 allayed. In the early summer of 1203, the Crusaders 
 made sail for the ^Egean. The fatal results of the decay 
 of the Greek marine now made themselves clearly manifest. 
 Alexius in. was the first ruler of Constantinople who had 
 to defend his capital, without having the command of 
 the sea. With next to no resistance, the Venetians and 
 Franks passed through the Dardanelles, and encamped at 
 Scutari. The land-attack on Constantinople was beaten off, 
 but the Venetians, headed by the blind old Doge, stormed 
 the sea-wall, and burnt the adjacent ports of the city. The 
 incapable and cowardly Emperor fled in alarm to Thrace, 
 whereupon the army took the blind Isaac out of prison, and 
 restored him to his throne, but invited his son Alexius to 
 share it with him (July 1203). 
 
 The Crusaders had made an easy conquest, but their main 
 feeling was one of disgust that the premature surrender of 
 the city had deprived them of a chance of a 
 richer plunder than their imaginations had ever 
 conceived before they saw the wonders of the nopie. 
 New Rome. They settled down for the next 
 winter in the suburbs of the capital, while Angeius and 
 Isaac and Alexius iv. left no stone unturned 
 to satisfy their clamour for their pay. When 
 the Emperors were reduced, in their efforts to appease the 
 Latins, to plunder the churches of their jewels and reliquaries, 
 and impose odious taxes on their subjects, the mob of
 
 346 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Constantinople, taught by the success of recent revolutions 
 to regard itself as all-powerful, rose in revolt against them, 
 and murdered all the Latins within reach. Isaac, unnerved 
 Revolution by captivity, died suddenly, it was said, of 
 n n o C ie n8tanti fri S nt Alexius iv. was strangled. A strong 
 Alexius v., and daring adventurer, Alexius Ducas, surnamed 
 Feb. 1204. Murzuphlus from his shaggy eyebrows, was pro- 
 claimed the Emperor Alexius v. (February 1204). The house 
 of Angelus thus quitted history even less gloriously than the 
 house of Comnenus. 
 
 It was but a revolution in the capital, and the provinces 
 hardly recognised the usurper. But Alexius v. threw a 
 Second cap- new energy into the defences of Constantinople, 
 ture and sack and the Crusaders found that they must either 
 
 of Constant!- .... .. 
 
 nopie, retire discomfited, or capture the city for a second 
 
 April 1204. time. After two months of preparations, they 
 advanced in April to the final assault. This time they 
 limited their attack to the sea-wall. The first effort was 
 a failure, but a few days later a second onslaught admitted 
 them into a corner of the city. There was still a chance 
 for the Greeks, if they had had courage to stubbornly 
 defend the city street by street. But the mercenary soldiers 
 would not fight, and Alexius v., despairing of further resist- 
 ance, fled from the capital, though he soon fell into the 
 hands of the Crusaders, who put him to death. Constanti- 
 nople now belonged to the Franks, and a hideous three days 
 of plunder, murder, lust, and sacrilege, at last satisfied them 
 for the moderation they had been forced to show upon the 
 occasion of the first conquest. The priceless relics of ancient 
 art were barbarously destroyed : the very churches were 
 ruthlessly pillaged, and the city of Constantine was robbed 
 for ever of that unique splendour that had made it for ages 
 the wonder of the world. 
 
 The cry of indignation, that had already broken out when 
 the Crusaders turned aside to besiege Zara, was renewed on 
 their abandoning their campaign against the infidel to
 
 The Latin Empire in the East 
 
 347 
 
 conquer a Christian city. But the feebleness of the opposi- 
 tion showed that the crusading spirit was dying, and even 
 Innocent in., who was bitterly grieved at the The partition 
 failure of the Crusade, found consolation in the andorganisa- 
 hoped-for collapse of the Greek schism, and Latin * 
 made his peace with the Latin conquerors of Empire, 
 Constantinople. The victorious Westerns now I204 ' I26z - 
 proceeded to the division of the spoil. The Venetians and 
 
 THE 
 
 "LATIN EMPIRE 
 
 CONSTANTINOPLE 
 
 Latin States in Syria, ..... Kl 
 
 Latin Empire and its i 
 
 Loaat Greek States.. I 
 
 the Franks still stood apart, jealously watching over their re- 
 spective interests. There was no longer any talk of appoint- 
 ing a new Greek Emperor. It was agreed to elect from the 
 crusading host a Latin Emperor and Patriarch, and it was 
 further determined that the party that furnished the Emperor 
 should yield to the other the choice of the Patriarch. A 
 college of six French prelates and six Venetian nobles was 
 set up to elect the Emperor. There was keen rivalry for the 
 post. Boniface of Montferrat, as general, seemed to have an
 
 348 European History, 918-1273 
 
 obvious claim, but the Venetians were unwilling to support 
 the candidature of an Italian prince, an ally of the Hohen- 
 staufen. Refusing the dangerous honour for their own duke, 
 the Venetians declared for Count Baldwin of Flanders, who 
 was duly elected Emperor in May. The papal legate 
 crowned him in St. Sophia's, and he was invested with 
 the purple buskins and all the other trappings of the 
 Basileus of the Romans. Thomas Morosini, a Venetian, 
 was chosen Patriarch. But the election of the heads of the 
 Church and State was an easier business than the division of 
 the spoils amidst a whole swarm of greedy claimants. 
 
 Like the conquerors of Jerusalem after the First Crusade, 
 the conquerors of Constantinople set up a feudal state on the 
 ruins of the Oriental system that they had destroyed. The 
 Emperor Baldwin was to be overlord of all the Crusading 
 chieftains, and was moreover to have as his domains the 
 capital, saving the Venetian quarter, the greater part of Thrace 
 with Adrianople, and the eastern islands of the ^Egean, 
 Samothrace, Cos, Lesbos, Samos and Chios. Boniface of 
 Montferrat was consoled for his disappointment with the title 
 of King of Thessalonica. He was still strong enough to reject 
 the offer of a patrimony in Asia which the Latins had still to 
 conquer, and to profess that he held Thessalonica in his own 
 right, independently of the Emperor of Romania. He estab- 
 lished himself in Macedonia and Thessaly. The Venetians 
 had the lion's share of the plunder. They had henceforth a 
 large slice of Constantinople with the practical monopoly of 
 the trade of the Empire. They also were recognised as 
 lords of most of the islands and coast lands, including 
 the Ionian islands, Eubosa, most of the Cyclades and some 
 of the Sporades, numerous settlements on the coasts of 
 the Peloponnesus, and a large domain north of the Corinthian 
 Gulf, along Acarnania, A)tolia, Epirus and Albania, where, 
 however, they were not strong enough to penetrate far into 
 the interior. Crete they purchased from Boniface of Mont- 
 ferrat. Dandolo, who assumed the title of Despotcs, now
 
 The Latin Empire in the East 349 
 
 styled himself 'lord of a quarter and half-a-quarter ' of the 
 Empire. The minor Frankish chiefs also received great fiefs. 
 Louis of Blois became Duke of Nicaea and of Nicomedia: 
 Villehardouin became Prince of Achaia : Odo of La Roche 
 Lord of Athens, and there were counts of Thebes, dukes of 
 Philippopolis, and marquises of Corinth. Each feudatory 
 had still his fief to conquer as best he could, and the lords, to 
 whom lands in Asia were assigned, never obtained effective 
 possession of their territories. The more fortunate European 
 barons could only enjoy their grants by calling in the help of 
 vassal chieftains, whose immunities left them little more than 
 a show of power outside their own domains. No feudal 
 state was ever strong, but no feudal state was ever so 
 weak as the Latin Empire in the East. It had to contend 
 against all the characteristic evils of feudalism, the infinite 
 multiplication of the sovereign power, the constant feuds of 
 rival chieftains, the permanent jealousy of every vassal of the 
 power of his overlord. But it had special difficulties of its 
 own of a kind impossible to be got over. The magnates of 
 the expedition had cleverly manipulated the division of the 
 spoils to their own advantage, and the poorer Crusaders were 
 bitterly discontented. A comparison of the famous history 
 of Villehardouin with the less well known account of the 
 Crusade by the simple Picard knight, Robert of Clari, shows 
 how bitterly the ' poor knights ' resented the overbearing con- 
 duct of the 'great men,' whose standpoint is represented by 
 the Marshal of Champagne. Moreover, Germans fought with 
 Champenois and Burgundians, North Italians with Flemings, 
 and all with the Venetians. Even if the Crusaders had 
 been united, they were a mere handful of adventurers. The 
 Venetians, who had got for themselves the richest and most 
 accessible parts of the Empire, thought little of colonisation 
 and much of trade. Yet even the Venetians drew wealth 
 from the richly cultivated islands which now became the 
 appanage, and were soon a chief source of wealth, to the 
 noblest houses of the island city. The Ionian islands and
 
 35O European History, 918-1273 
 
 Crete remained Venetian for many centuries; the interior 
 uplands were hardly Latin for two generations. It speaks 
 well for the prowess of the Prankish lords that they held 
 their position so long as this. 
 
 There was no attempt at mixing between Latins and Greeks. 
 The quick sympathy that had made the Normans Italians in 
 Sicily, English in England, and Irish in Ireland, no longer 
 remained with the Prankish hosts. Their civilisation was too 
 stereotyped, their ideas too stiff, their contempt for their con- 
 quered subjects too profound. It was even less possible for 
 the Greeks to assimilate themselves with their conquerors. 
 The old-world civilisation of the Byzantine realm was infinitely 
 more hide-bound than the feudal system of the Franks. It 
 was impossible to combine French feudalism with Byzantine 
 officialism. The Greek despised the rude and uncultivated 
 ' barbarians ' who now ruled the heritage of Rome. The 
 Latin scorned the cunning and effeminate Eastern who had 
 succumbed so readily to his sword. It had been hard enough 
 for the Comneni to keep together the decaying fortunes of the 
 Eastern Empire. It was quite impossible for the French and 
 Flemings to succeed where they had failed. 
 
 The barrier of religion would have kept the Latins and 
 Greeks asunder, even if differences of nationality and civilisation 
 
 The Greek had not proved effective causes of separation. 
 
 revival. Despite the rejoicings of Innocent in., Orthodox 
 and Catholic were more divided than ever, when the Filioque 
 was chanted by azymites in the choir of St. Sophia, and 
 beardless Latins, who regarded the Pope as the source of all 
 ecclesiastical power, took into their hands every Church 
 dignity and possession, and branded their rightful owners as 
 schismatics. Orthodoxy and the pressure of the Latin 
 invaders united Greek national feeling as it had never been 
 united before. In the mountains of Albania and Epirus, 
 the bolder Greeks fled from the yoke of the conqueror, and 
 maintained their independence against any force that the 
 Latins could bring to bear against them. A bastard of the
 
 The Latin Empire in the East 351 
 
 house of Angelus became Despot of Epirus. Even in Thrace 
 and in the Peloponnesus there were independent Greek States. 
 Into Asia the Crusaders hardly penetrated at all. Two brothers 
 of the house of Comnenus established the independence of dis- 
 tant Trebizond, and dignified themselves, like Isaac in Cyprus, 
 with the title of Emperor. Theodore Lascaris, xheodorei 
 a brave soldier who escaped from the sack of Lascans, 
 Constantinople, proclaimed himself Emperor at I2 4 -I22a - 
 Nicaea, and ruled over the western parts of Asia Minor. It 
 was well for Greeks and Latins alike that the dissension and 
 decay of the Seljukians of Roum, and the pressure of Tartar 
 invasion, deprived Islam of its power of aggression. In Europe 
 the Wallachio-Bulgarian kingdom easily maintained its inde- 
 pendence and enlarged its boundaries at the expense of the 
 crusading state. Nothing but the secure possession of the 
 great military position of Constantinople, and the command 
 of the sea, which the Venetian galleys still kept open for them, 
 allowed the Latin Empire to keep up a feeble existence for 
 nearly sixty years. 
 
 From the very beginning the Latin settlers had to contend 
 against dissension within and invasion from without. Boniface 
 of Thessalonica married the widow of Isaac 
 Angelus, Margaret of Hungary (called by the constanti- 
 Greeks Irene), and posed as an independent n pieand 
 
 , , ,, , . . Thessalonica. 
 
 prince and the protector of the Greek population. 
 He refused homage to the Emperor, and war broke out 
 between the Flemings of Constantinople and the Lombards 
 of Thessalonica. No sooner were his pretensions rudely 
 shattered than the Emperor was called away to meet the 
 danger of Bulgarian invasion. Johanitsa, the tsar of the 
 Bulgarians, turned his arms against the Crusaders, and in- 
 vaded Thrace. In April 1205, a decisive battle was fought at 
 Adrianople, when the simulated flight of the wild Bulgar 
 hordes drew the chivalry of the West to break up Baldwin i., 
 their solid ranks. Thereupon the Bulgarians 12 4 I2 s- 
 rallied, and took advantage of the enemy's disorder to inflict
 
 352 European History, 918-1273 
 
 on them a complete defeat. Louis of Blois was among the 
 slain. Baldwin was taken prisoner and murdered. The 
 Marshal of Champagne, and Henry of Flanders, Baldwin's 
 brother, almost alone survived of the Latin chieftains. 
 
 Henry of Flanders had already made some progress in the 
 conquest of Greek Asia, when the news of the Bulgarian in- 
 
 Henry, vasion called him to defend his brother's throne. 
 
 1305-1216. jj e was now recognised as Emperor. He was 
 politic as well as brave, and the Greeks themselves admitted 
 that he ' treated the Romans as if they were his own people.' 
 But he could neither conquer Asia, defeat the Bulgarians, nor 
 even permanently conciliate his Greek subjects; though his 
 zeal for shielding them from Catholic persecution drew upon 
 him the thunders of the Vatican. He made a treaty with 
 Theodore Lascaris, which gave him at least a little corner of 
 Asia. He was the strongest of the Latin Emperors. But he 
 profited by the even greater weakness of the kingdom of 
 Thessalonica. In 1207, Boniface of Montferrat perished, like 
 Baldwin, at the hands of the Bulgarians. The Despot of Epirus 
 took advantage of the minority of his infant son, Demetrius, 
 to extend his conquests. The Frankish lords of the kingdom 
 called in the Emperor Henry, who found some consolation 
 for his disappointments in the North, when he gave the law to 
 the Peloponnesus and the islands in a great Diet held in 1210, 
 compelled the regent of the young king to do him homage, and 
 received the submission even of the Venetian lords of the Archi 
 pelago, conferring on the great house of Sanudo the Duchy of 
 the Archipelago or the Cyclades. Even the Despot of Epirus 
 formally acknowledged his sovereignty. Henry died in 1216, 
 and with him perished the best hopes of the Latins in Greece. 
 Peter of Courtenay, Count of Auxerre, a grandson of 
 Louis vi. of France, and the husband of lolande, sister of 
 Baldwin and Henry, was now chosen Emperor. 
 
 Courtenay, He was in Europe at the time of his election, 
 
 1216-1219. an( j nas t ene( j to Constantinople to take possession 
 of the Empire. He rashly chose to disembark at Durazzo, and
 
 The Latin Empire in the East 353 
 
 follow the ancient Via Egnatia over the hills to Macedonia 
 and Thrace. When amongst the mountains, his little army 
 was overwhelmed by the Despot of Epirus, and he himself was 
 captured, and died in captivity. His wife, who had more 
 prudently proceeded to Constantinople by sea, now acted as 
 regent for her young son Robert, the next Emperor. 
 
 The reign of Robert of Courtenay marked the rapid decline 
 of the Eastern Empire. It witnessed the complete destruc- 
 tion of the Kingdom of Thessalonica. In 1223, Robert, 
 when King Demetrius was abroad, seeking in "19-1228. 
 vain Western help, Theodore Angelus took possession of his 
 capital, and henceforth ruled without a rival from the 
 Adriatic to the ^Egean ; and, like the lords of Fall of 
 Nicaea and Trebizond, assumed the pompous Thessalonica, 
 style of Emperor of the Romans. John 1223< 
 Vatatzes, the successor of Theodore Lascaris at Nicsea, 
 renewed the war with the Latins of Constantinople. It 
 seemed almost a race between the two Theodores, as to 
 which should first drive out the Latins. The domain of 
 Robert was reduced to Constantinople and its suburbs. He 
 went to implore help from the West, and died during his 
 journey in 1228. 
 
 Baldwin n. (1228-1261), the youngest of Peter of Cour- 
 tenay's sons, a boy of eleven, was now proclaimed Emperor. 
 John de Brienne, the ex-king of Jerusalem Baldwin n., 
 [see chapter xix.], was soon called in to hold the IM8 - I3 6 I - 
 regency. He married his daughter to Baldwin, was crowned 
 joint-Emperor, and saved his ward's throne from the Greeks 
 and Bulgarians. On John's death in 1 237, new perils beset the 
 young Baldwin. The Latin state had had a few years of 
 breathing time through the rivalry of the Angeli of Thes- 
 salonica and the house of Ducas, to which, after the death 
 of Theodore Lascaris, had passed the Empire Unionof 
 of Nicaea. John in. Ducas ended the strife Thessalonica 
 in his own favour by the conquest of Thessalonica and Nic * a - 
 in 1241. Henceforth, the Angeli had to be contented with 
 
 PERIOD n. z
 
 354 European History, 918-1273 
 
 the title of Despot of Epirus, and were confined to the uplands 
 of the west. A single strong Greek power now threatened 
 Tohnin Constantinople, both from the side of Asia and 
 Ducas, the side of Europe. Moreover, John HI. was a 
 
 competent administrator, a good warrior, and an 
 able financier. Nothing but the mighty walls of Constan- 
 tinople, which the Greeks had vainly attempted to assault, 
 and the Venetian command of the sea, now saved the Latin 
 Empire from immediate extinction. Baldwin n. spent most 
 of his long reign in the vain quest of Frankish assistance. 
 He left his son as a pledge to Western bankers, and sold 
 the most precious relics of Constantinople to St. Louis. 
 He had to sell the lead of his palace-roof to buy food, and 
 warm himself by burning the wood of his outhouses. But 
 the death of John HI. in 1254 prolonged the long agony of 
 the Latin Empire. Michael Palseologus, an ambitious and 
 unscrupulous soldier, became regent for the infant grandson 
 of John HI., and soon associated himself with his ward as 
 Michael vm. ji nt ruler. In 1259 Michael was crowned 
 Paiasoiogus, Emperor at Nicaea, and the rights of his little 
 colleague were soon forgotten. But Michael vm. 
 showed vigour and military capacity which went some way to 
 justify his usurpation. In 1261, he profited by the absence 
 Conquest of ^ tne Venetian fleet to make a sudden attack on 
 Constantin- Constantinople. The unlucky Baldwin could 
 opie, xa6x. Q ^^ nQ e ff ect j ve resistance. On i5th August, 
 Michael entered in triumph the ancient capital, and the 
 Latin Empire perished, unwept and unhonoured. 
 
 The Venetians, alarmed to find that Michael had transferred 
 
 their privileges to their Genoese rivals, joined with the Franks 
 
 of the Peloponnesus in raising a cry for a Crusade 
 
 The revived . 
 
 Greek against the victorious Greeks, which was further 
 
 Empire, preached by Pope Urban iv. Charles of Anjou, 
 who became King of Naples and Sicily in 1265, 
 was willing, and seemed eminently fitted, to carry out the old 
 aggressive policy of the Guiscards. But, though the proposal
 
 The Latin Empire in the East 355 
 
 that he should lead a new Crusade against the Orthodox 
 frightened Michael into insincere proposals to buy off Western 
 opposition by ending the Greek schism, his submission had 
 no permanent result when the fear of a Crusade was removed. 
 Michael never ruled with the authority of the Macedonians 
 or the Comneni, but his careful measures of reforms, and his 
 warlike capacity, started the Greek Empire on the last stage of 
 its career, which gave it nearly two centuries more of existence 
 before it succumbed to the Ottoman Turks. 
 
 The Latin power still partly continued in the islands and 
 in the Peloponnesus. Not only did the Venetians retain 
 their grip on the Archipelago and the coast, The Latins in 
 but the proximity of the sea enabled some Peloponnesus, 
 of the Franks of Southern Greece to continue to rule their 
 principalities, after Baldwin n. had been driven from his throne. 
 They had as their code of law the Assizes of Romania, a free 
 adaptation of the famous Assizes of Jerusalem. They even 
 effected some sort of partial amalgamation with their native 
 subjects. Their churches and fortresses long remained, as in 
 Cyprus and Syria, the strongest witnesses of their power. 
 It was not till 1310 that the Dukes of Athens, of the house of 
 Brienne, succumbed, not to the Greeks, but to their own 
 Catalan mercenaries. The Princes of Achaia reigned even 
 longer. The Venetians saved both the Ionian islands and 
 Crete alike from the Greeks and from the Turks. To the end 
 of the Middle Ages, titular dukes, princes, and emperors of 
 the Eastern world kept up the memory of one of the strangest 
 and most daring of Western conquests, but one which was 
 useless to the West, and only weakened the Christian East, 
 at a time when the rise of the Ottoman Turks required every 
 effort to be made to stem the tide of that barbarian conquest 
 which was soon to prove fatal to Latin and Greek alike.
 
 356 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 GENKALOGY OF THE COMNENI AND ANGELI. 
 
 
 ISAAC 
 
 I., JOHN. 
 
 1057-1050. | 
 
 
 
 ALEXIUS I., 
 
 
 
 1081-1118, 
 
 
 
 HI. Irene. 
 
 1 
 
 
 ANNA, 
 
 JOHN II., ISA 
 
 AC. THEO 
 
 m. Nicephorus Bryennius. 
 
 1118-1143, 
 
 
 
 
 m. Irene of 
 
 
 
 
 Hungary. 
 
 
 ISAAC, 
 
 MANUEL I., 
 
 
 
 grandfather of 
 Isaac, 
 
 1143-1180, 
 m. i. Bertha of 
 
 
 
 Emperor of 
 Cyprus. 
 
 Sulzbach, 
 a. Mary of 
 
 Louis vn. 
 of France. 
 
 
 
 Antioch. 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 ALEXIUS II., m 
 
 i. AGNES m. 2. ANDRC 
 
 NICUS I., 
 
 MANUEL. 
 
 ALEXIUS, 
 founder of line 
 of Emnerors of 
 
 Trebizond. 
 
 AI.EXI 
 
 ANDRONICUS. 
 
 US III., 
 1195-1203. 
 
 ALEXIUS IV., 
 murdered 
 
 JOHN. 
 
 THEODORE, 
 
 Emperor of 
 
 Thessalonica, 
 
 1214-1330. 
 
 MICHAEL, 
 
 Despot of Epirus, 
 
 founder of line 
 
 of Despots of 
 
 Epirus. 
 
 ISAAC II., m. i. Margaret m. 2. Boniface of Montferrat, 
 1185-1195, of King of Thessalonica, 
 
 1203-1204. Hungary. d. 1207. 
 
 IRENE. 
 m. Philip 
 of Swabia. 
 
 DEMETRIUS, 
 
 King of Thessalonica, 
 
 dep. 1222.
 
 The Latin Empire in the East 357 
 
 GENEALOGY OF THE LATIN EMPERORS 
 OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 Louis vi. of France. 
 
 PKTER, 
 BALDWIN vm. , Count of Flanders. m , heiress of Courtenay. 
 
 BALDWIN I. HENRY, IOLANDE m. PETER of Courtenay, 
 
 (ix. of Flanders), 1206-1216. 
 
 1204-1205. 
 
 1216-1217, 
 ob. 1218. 
 
 ROBERT, BALDWIN II., 
 
 1218-1228. 1228-1261, 
 
 ob. 1273, 
 
 m. Mary, daughter of 
 
 JOHN OF BRIENNE, 
 
 Co-Emperor, 
 
 1331-1237.
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 FREDERICK II. AND THE PAPACY 1 (1216-1250) 
 
 Character and Policy of Frederick II. His Work in Naples and Sicily- 
 Frederick and Honorius in. The Early Struggles of Frederick and 
 Gregory IX. Frederick's Crusade and its Consequences Peace of San 
 Germano Germany under Frederick St. Engelbert and Henry vil. 
 German Civilisation under the Later Hohenstaufen The Eastward Ex- 
 pansion of Germany Livonia and Prussia Frederick and the Lombard 
 League Battle of Cortenuova Renewed Struggle with Gregory IX. 
 The Tartars Innocent IV. and the Council of Lyons Henry Raspe and 
 William of Holland The Italian Struggle Frederick's Plans for 
 Ecclesiastical Revolution Frederick's Death. 
 
 FREDERICK n. was just twenty years old when the death of 
 Innocent HI. allowed him to govern as well as to reign. He was 
 Character of of middle height, and well proportioned, though 
 Frederick ii. becoming somewhat corpulent as he advanced in 
 age. He had good features and a pleasant appearance. His 
 light hair, like that of his father and grandfather, inclined 
 
 1 Huillard-Breholles' Historia Diplomatica Fridtrici Secundi contains a 
 magnificent collection of Frederick's acts, and a whole volume of intro- 
 duction, which is the best general commentary on his reign. The same 
 writer's Pierre de la Vigne should also be studied. T. L. Kington's 
 History of Frederick II. (2 vols.) is a sound and elaborate English 
 version of the Emperor's career. For Frederick's religious ideas, see also 
 Gebhart's L'ltalie Mystique. There is a good essay on Frederick II. in 
 Freeman's Historical Essays, First Series. Freeman's over-emphasis of 
 the continuity of imperial tradition may be usefully contrasted with the 
 view held by Mr. E. Jenks, in his interesting Law and Politics in the 
 Middle Ages, 'that the Frank Empire in both its stages was a sham 
 Empire.' The magnificent editions of the registers of the thirteenth 
 century Popes, now being published, mainly by the French school at 
 Rome, will afford a solid basis for the detailed history of the Papacy. 
 368
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 359 
 
 towards redness, but he ultimately became very bald. Despite 
 his troubled childhood, passed in solitude and gloom at the 
 palace of Palermo, he had been carefully educated. He 
 became familiar with many tongues, and versed in many 
 literatures. The half-Greek, half- Arabic cultivation of Sicily 
 had thoroughly permeated a spirit in which keen rationalism 
 and dreamy mysticism were curiously interwoven. He had a 
 true mediaeval love for dialectic. He delighted in geometry 
 and in astronomy. He regulated his public and private life 
 by the predictions of his astrologers, among whom Michael 
 Scot held the first place. He was curious in natural history, 
 collecting a great menagerie of strange animals and studying 
 their habits and structure. The camels and dromedaries, 
 employed in carrying his baggage train, excited the wonder 
 of the Italians, and his elephant, a present from the Sultan of 
 Egypt, was almost as famous as the elephant of Charlemagne. 
 In his concern for his own health he busied himself with 
 surgery and medicine, while his care for his animals turned 
 his interests towards veterinary science. He enjoyed hunting 
 and hawking, not only as a sportsman, but as a naturalist. 
 He wrote a treatise on falconry that attests his zoological 
 and anatomical knowledge. Yet with all his love of fresh air 
 and exercise, he was a valetudinarian who depended upon his 
 physicians almost as much as upon his astrologers, regulating 
 his life and diet very carefully, and indulging so frequently 
 in baths that his enemies reproached him with bathing on 
 Sundays. 
 
 With advancing life Frederick's personal habits grew more 
 and more oriental. He secluded his wives from the public 
 gaze, keeping them under the custody of eunuchs after the 
 Eastern fashion, and maintaining at Lucera a regular harem 
 of concubines, the expenses of which were duly entered in 
 the public accounts of the realm. Though a respectable 
 strategist, Frederick was no warrior, taking small delight in 
 feats of physical skill, and having little of the rough vigour 
 and determination of his chivalrous contemporaries. But he
 
 360 European History, 918-1273 
 
 was a subtle and almost a great statesman, who sought to gain 
 his ends by craft, duplicity, and dexterity. Courteous, polished, 
 and seductive in manner, he seemed to belong to a different 
 race from that of his rude Swabian and Norman ancestors. 
 His many-sided character, so full of contradictions, has 
 nothing of the homogeneity and simplicity of the warriors and 
 statesmen of the Middle Ages, but at one time reflects the 
 astute and effeminate oriental, and at another anticipates the 
 accomplished and brilliant despots of the Italian Renascence. 
 His want of sympathy for the ideals of his time comes out 
 strongly in his dealings with the Church. He was believed 
 to have imbibed from his Arab and Jewish masters an utter 
 scepticism as to all religion. Moses, Mohammed, and Christ, 
 he is reported to have said, were three impostors who had 
 deluded the world in turn; and he is also alleged to have 
 maintained that the soul perished with the body. But if 
 Frederick upheld these views before a select circle, he was 
 careful to submit himself to all the obligations of the Church, 
 and to prove his orthodoxy not only by the most formal and 
 positive denials of these charges, but also by a most sanguinary 
 persecution of heresy. 
 
 Frederick's character and policy can best be studied in his 
 favourite Sicilian and South Italian homes. Despite the pro- 
 tection of Innocent in., he had had, as we have 
 
 Frederick's ,._... . . . . . . 
 
 policy in seen, the greatest difficulties in maintaining his 
 Naples and position both against the untamed descendants of 
 the old Arab lords of Sicily, and against the fierce 
 and turbulent feudal aristocracy that had come in with the 
 Normans. The first years after Innocent's death were taken 
 up with renewed struggles against the Saracens in Sicily. It 
 was not till after an almost constant fight between 1221-1225 
 that Frederick succeeded in entirely effecting their subjection. 
 He then strove to divide his Arab subjects by transporting 
 a large number of them to the desolate town of Lucera 
 on the mainland. The ruined city was rebuilt on a 
 magnificent scale for its infidel inhabitants. Workers in steel
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 361 
 
 and weavers of silk made Lucera wealthy and prosperous, 
 and the grateful Arabs showed unwavering fidelity to their 
 sympathetic conqueror. Frederick frequently visited Lucera, 
 where he delighted to live the very life of his oriental subjects. 
 Frederick looked upon the Arabs as most kings looked on 
 the Jews. They were his personal slaves and dependants, 
 whom he protected the more since, besides the commercial 
 gifts, which they shared with the Hebrews, they were doughty 
 warriors, who were ever willing to fight for him in his Italian 
 wars. Moreover, their loyalty was superior to the terrors of the 
 papal ban, and their arms proved an admirable counterpoise 
 to the fierce Norman aristocracy, which, allying itself with 
 the Papacy, sought to break down the fabric of centralisation 
 which the Sicilian kings had established at its expense, 
 and which Frederick now strove to elaborate into a strong 
 despotism. The constant feudal revolts were suppressed with 
 firm deliberation and cold-blooded cruelty. Hardly less for- 
 midable to Frederick than the feudalists were the great cities 
 such as Messina, Syracuse, and Catania, whose liberties were 
 also menaced by a policy that concentrated all power in 
 the monarch, and whose frequent rebellions were another 
 continued source of trouble. The same firm hand that 
 checked the nobles ultimately managed to triumph over the 
 disaffection of the citizens. 
 
 Victorious over Saracens, nobles, and townsmen alike, 
 Frederick skilfully played off one class or race against the 
 others, and banished from his court the turbulent leaders of 
 the lay and spiritual aristocracy. With the help of a handful 
 of faithful prelates and barons, and of a wider circle of lawyers, 
 notaries, and royal dependants, Frederick issued a series of 
 laws for the government of Sicily and Naples that frankly 
 strove to abolish the feudal state in the interests of autocracy. 
 He resumed possession of the estates that had been carved 
 from the royal domain in the days of confusion. Like 
 another Henry of Anjou, he either destroyed the unauthorised 
 castles, erected by the feudal lords, or at least garrisoned them
 
 362 European History, 918-1273 
 
 with royal troops under trusty commanders. Private wars 
 were forbidden under pain of death, and even the judicial 
 duel was only allowed in specified cases and under careful 
 precautions. Criminal jurisdiction was withdrawn from the 
 nobles' courts and put in the hands of royal judges. Frederick 
 even made it a merit that he suffered the feudal tribunals to 
 continue to exercise civil justice. The towns were deprived of 
 the right of choosing their magistrates, and put under the rule 
 of royal officials, while councils of notables, chosen by the 
 inhabitants, gave the magistrates some insight into public 
 opinion, or at least proved a convenient channel for receiving 
 the royal commands. The feudal prelates shared in the ruin 
 of their lay colleagues, and every churchman was forced to 
 pay taxes, and to abandon civil office. The Church courts 
 saw their jurisdiction limited and their privileges curtailed. 
 The further growth of ecclesiastical property was prevented by 
 a severe law of mortmain. 
 
 A great administrative system grew up on the ruins of 
 seignorial, ecclesiastical, and municipal independence. All 
 laws emanated directly from the monarch. The Magna Curia, 
 sitting at Capua, took supreme cognisance of all judicial 
 business, while the Magna Curia Rationum occupied the 
 position of the Angevin Exchequer. Chamberlains looked 
 after the finance and the administration of the provinces, 
 while Justices, strangers to the districts in which they bore 
 rule, tried criminals and upheld peace and good order. Local 
 bailiffs cared for the royal interests in the villages, and acted 
 as judges in the first instance, while the Grand Justiciar, the 
 head of the Court of Capua, made yearly perambulations of 
 the provinces to control the local machinery. Representative 
 General Courts anticipated by a generation or more the 
 system of estates of Northern Europe, and brought the 
 autocrat in touch with the needs of the chief orders of the 
 community. 
 
 The arts and sciences flourished at the court of the brilliant 
 and enlightened young despot. In 1224 Frederick estab-
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 363 
 
 lished the University of Naples, and provided it with every 
 faculty, 'in order that those who have hunger for knowledge 
 may find within the kingdom the food for which they are 
 yearning, and may not be forced to go into exile and beg the 
 bread of learning in strange lands.' It was the first university 
 in Europe established by royal charter, and, all through its 
 history, the rigid dependence of its teachers and students on 
 the State deprived it of that freedom which was necessary to 
 play a real part in the history of thought, though the fostering 
 care of its master, which prohibited his subjects from studying 
 elsewhere, made it an efficient educational instrument, and it 
 had the honour of numbering among its earliest disciples 
 Thomas of Aquino. The more ancient school of medicine 
 at Salerno was revived through Frederick's bounty, and no one 
 was allowed to practise the physician's art within the realm with- 
 out the licence of the Salerno doctors. At Frederick's acces- 
 sion, we are told, there were few men of letters in Sicily. 
 His largesse soon attracted to his court doctors from every 
 part of the world. The palace itself became a centre of 
 intellectual activity. Michael Scot translated for Frederick 
 many of the works of Aristotle. The famous mathematician, 
 Leonard of Pisa, who introduced Arabic numerals and Arabic 
 algebra into the West, enjoyed the sovereign's patronage. 
 Learned Jews and Arabs were as sure of Frederick's favour 
 as the best of Catholics. Nor were the lighter and more 
 elegant arts forgotten. It is possible that Frederick himself 
 wrote Latin poetry. It is certain that his compositions in the 
 vulgar tongue mark the starting-point of the vernacular litera- 
 ture of Italy, and for the first time gave a currency among 
 the great and learned to the songs of the Sicilian dialect that 
 had hitherto only enjoyed the favour of the poor and humble. 
 Dante regarded Frederick as the father of Italian poetry, and 
 the example of the king and his court gave such vogue to the 
 Sicilian idiom that it was nearly a century before the ver- 
 nacular poets forsook it for the Tuscan. Frederick also loved 
 the poets of Provence, even if he did not also write verses in
 
 364 Eu ropean History \ 918-1273 
 
 the tongue of the Troubadours. He also favoured the speech 
 of Northern France, and recognised its general prevalence as 
 the common language of knights and soldiers. His ministers, 
 headed by the famous Peter della Vigna, emulated his activity, 
 and his children, especially the bastard Manfred, strove, 
 amidst great difficulties, to continue his work. Frederick 
 loved art so well that he rifled Ravenna to adorn his palace 
 at Palermo, and collected jewels, plate, and costly furniture 
 as well as manuscripts. He was a great builder, and his 
 summer palace at Foggia, where he loved to dwell by reason 
 of its proximity to the great forest of the Incoronata, which 
 was reserved for the royal hunting, was, with the still existing 
 castle of Castel del Monte, a striking example of the severe 
 yet elegant style which he had adopted. 
 
 The successor of Innocent HI. was Honorius HI., a member 
 
 of the noble Roman house of Savelli. He was a gentle, 
 
 earnest, mild-mannered man, who had grown grey 
 
 Frederick 
 
 and Hono- while discharging a monotonous round of financial 
 HI., business in the papal Curia. He was neither a 
 statesman nor a zealot, yet he was a high-minded 
 and religious prelate, and intent above all things upon re- 
 newing the Crusades. He had been tutor of Frederick, and 
 wished him well. But though Honorius' conciliatory temper 
 gave the young king ample opportunities for working out 
 his Sicilian policy, there were grave matters outstanding that 
 could not but give rise to difficulties between the Papacy and 
 its former ward. Frederick had promised Innocent in. to 
 prevent the permanent union of the Empire and Sicily by 
 investing his young son Henry with his Italian kingdom, to 
 be held as a fief of the Papacy. He had also pledged himself 
 to embark personally upon a Crusade. As success strength- 
 ened his love of power and impatience of external control, 
 Frederick became unwilling to fulfil either of these obligations. 
 Honorius urged him repeatedly to depart for the East to uphold 
 the declining cause of the Cross. Frederick exhausted his 
 ingenuity in piling up excuses for delay, and the meek Pope was
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 365 
 
 content to accept them. At last, in April 1220, Frederick 
 allowed his son Henry to be elected King of the Romans, 
 and therefore his successor in the Empire as well as in Sicily. 
 This was an impudent violation of his plighted word and an 
 open defiance of the Pope. He had the effrontery to pre- 
 tend to Honorius that the election had been made without 
 his knowledge, and in September he returned from Germany 
 to Italy, professing the utmost deference to the papal authority, 
 and offering a settlement of the long-outstanding dispute 
 about the inheritance of the Countess Matilda. He was 
 now profuse in promises to the Pope and clergy. In 
 November 1220 the long-suffering Honorius crowned him 
 Emperor at Rome. The Pope, moreover, allowed him to 
 keep Sicily for his lifetime, on condition that he maintained 
 therein a separate administration from that of the Empire. In 
 return for all this, Frederick again solemnly took the Cross, 
 and lavished concessions on the Church. He annulled all 
 laws hostile to the privileges of the clergy. He declared the 
 Church exempt from all taxes, and conferred on all ecclesi- 
 astical persons absolute immunity from lay jurisdiction. He 
 sacrificed the rights of the municipalities in favour of the 
 prelates, and he promised to lend the whole force of 
 the secular power to supplement the Church's efforts for 
 the extirpation of heresy. If he hoped to shift on the 
 towns and the heretics some of the worst disabilities that he 
 had imposed upon himself, he had nevertheless seriously 
 limited his authority and hampered his Sicilian policy. It 
 was not sound statecraft that promised freely in the hope of 
 being able to repudiate the concession when he had obtained 
 the end for which he affected to pay the price. 
 
 Frederick seemed at first in earnest about the Crusade, 
 but he again piled up delay upon delay. In 1221 Damietta 
 was lost to the Christians (see chapter xix.), and the Pope, who 
 felt that Frederick was responsible for this severe blow, mildly 
 threatened him with excommunication ; but Frederick soon 
 talked him over, and it was agreed to postpone his Crusade
 
 366 European History, 918-1273 
 
 until 1225. Though that term soon passed away, Frederick 
 now contracted his second marriage, with lolande or Isabella, 
 daughter of John de Brienne, and the heiress of the kingdom 
 of Jerusalem. This match gave him a new and a more 
 personal motive to undertake the promised adventure. Mean- 
 while papal legates had stirred up Germany with some 
 purpose, and Hermann of Salza, Grand Master of the Teutonic 
 Order, won over many of the princes. The eager Pope at 
 last thought that Europe was again on the verge of making a 
 real effort to redeem the recent failures. But the organisa- 
 tion of Sicily lay nearer the Emperor's heart than the delivery 
 of the Holy Sepulchre from the infidel. The establishment 
 of the Saracens at Lucera was a curious comment on his 
 crusading zeal, and directly threatened the neighbouring 
 papal territories with infidel invasion at the very moment 
 when Frederick was calling on the inhabitants of Spoleto, a 
 fief of the Holy See, to render him military service. The 
 new laws promulgated for his Southern dominions afflicted 
 the clergy with severe disabilities, and gave the lie direct to 
 the promises made after Frederick's coronation. Moreover, 
 in 1226 Frederick held a great diet at Cremona, where he 
 renewed the ancient imperial claims over Lombardy. In 
 their alarm the Lombard cities renewed their league, and 
 blocked the roads by which the imperial troops could cross 
 over the Alps from Germany. Frederick put the guilty cities 
 under the imperial ban, and a German prelate declared an 
 interdict over their lands. Honorius at last lost all patience. 
 He pronounced the interdict invalid, and prepared to renew 
 the ancient league between the Papacy and the Lombard 
 cities. Despite the incredible forbearance of the Pope, the 
 lying and chicanery of the Emperor had wantonly provoked a 
 rupture. The death of Honorius in March 1227 precipitated 
 the inevitable renewal of the old contest of Papacy and 
 Empire. 
 
 The next Pope was Ugolino, cardinal bishop of Ostia, a 
 kinsman of Innocent in., a man of the highest character, and
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 367 
 
 an ardent upholder of the great Pope's ideas. He had long 
 been known as the special patron of St. Francis and St. Do- 
 minic (see chapter xviii.), and the most strenuous The first 
 foe of all sorts of heretics. Gregory ix. (this was ltween 
 the name he assumed) was already a very old man. Frederick 
 But the fire of youthful enthusiasm still glowed ^ T ^ KO IX 
 within him, and his strong will and restless energy 1227-1230. 
 at once brushed aside the specious excuses that had so long 
 deceived his predecessor. For the moment it seemed as if 
 Frederick was at last in earnest for the Crusade. Bands 
 of German, Italian, and French warriors gathered together in 
 Apulia during the summer, and on 8th September Frederick 
 himself took ship at Brindisi for the Holy Land. But pesti- 
 lence had already decimated the crusading army, and after a 
 few days Frederick put back at Otranto, alleging that a sharp 
 attack of fever had necessitated his return. The Emperor 
 soon recovered, but the Landgrave of Thuringia, the com- 
 mander of his army, now died, and many of the survivors 
 of the expedition went back to their homes. Frederick's 
 excuses availed him little with Gregory ix. On 2Qth Sep- 
 tember the Pope pronounced him excommunicate, and laid 
 under interdict every spot wherein he might chance to tarry. 
 This was the signal for a violent renewal of the ancient strife 
 between Papacy and Empire. Gregory denounced the 
 Emperor in threatening manifestos, and swarms of Mendicant 
 Friars wandered throughout Italy, seeking to turn Frederick's 
 subjects from their allegiance to the forsworn, grasping, and 
 profligate Emperor. Frederick did not shrink from the con- 
 flict. ' No Roman Emperor,' he declared, ' has ever been so 
 badly treated by a Pope. The Roman Church is so swollen 
 with avarice that the goods of the Church will not suffice to 
 satisfy it, and it is not ashamed to disinherit and make tribu- 
 tary emperors, kings and princes.' For the moment Frederick 
 was in the stronger position. The Pope's emissaries failed 
 to turn either Italy or Germany from its allegiance. The 
 partisans of the Emperor stirred up a tumult in Rome,
 
 368 European History, 918-1273 
 
 and at Easter 1228 Gregory was forced to take flight to 
 Viterbo. 
 
 In June Frederick again took ship at Brindisi, and landed 
 
 in September in Acre. His wife, Isabella of Brienne, died 
 
 before his embarkation, on the birth of their son 
 
 Frederick * ' 
 
 Crusade, Conrad, but Frederick still claimed the crown of 
 Jerusalem. Gregory now forbade the excommuni- 
 cate Emperor from presumptuously undertaking the holy 
 work, and commanded the faithful to withdraw from his 
 armies. As Frederick still persisted, the sentence of excom- 
 munication passed because of his refusal to become a Crusader 
 was renewed because he went to the Holy Land without recon- 
 ciling himself to the Church. The Patriarch of Jerusalem and 
 the Orders of the Temple and the Hospital obeyed the papal 
 command. But the rash violence of the Pope overreached 
 itself, and many Crusaders, conspicuous among whom was the 
 young Teutonic Order and its famous master, Hermann of 
 Salza, did not scruple to follow Frederick to battle. Public 
 opinion blamed the Pope for his rigour, and a contemporary 
 said that Frederick was the victim of Gregory, as Christ was 
 the victim of Caiaphas. Though not unprepared for battle, 
 Frederick trusted more to negotiation than to his arms. 
 Long before his departure for Palestine, he had been con- 
 ducting friendly negotiations with El-Kamil, the Sultan of 
 Egypt. In February 1229 he concluded a ten years' truce 
 with the Sultan, by which Bethlehem, Nazareth, and Jeru- 
 salem were restored to the Christians, on condition only that 
 the Mosque of Omar remained in Saracen hands. On Mid- 
 Lent Sunday Frederick took the crown of Jerusalem from the 
 high altar of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and placed it 
 on his own head. But the Patriarch cast an interdict over 
 the Holy Places, and no priest could be found to hallow the 
 coronation by celebrating the offices of the Church. Frederick 
 gave fresh cause for scandal by visiting the Mosque of Omar. 
 He soon returned to Acre, and in June was back in Italy. 
 Despite the thunders of the Church, the excommunicate
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 369 
 
 Emperor had done more for the Christian cause than a 
 generation of orthodox pilgrims. Hermann of Salza declared 
 with good reason that Frederick could have obtained still 
 better terms for the Christians had it not been for the 
 hostility of Pope and clergy. 
 
 During Frederick's absence, Gregory had devastated Apulia 
 with fire and sword. His dead wife's father, John de Brienne, 
 the ex-king of Jerusalem, acted as captain of the papal mer- 
 cenaries against him. On Frederick's sudden reappearance, 
 the papal troops were driven over the frontier and the Patrimony 
 of St. Peter itself threatened by the victorious Emperor. 
 Gregory found that his rashness had brought him into an 
 impossible position, and was glad to accept the mediation 
 which Hermann of Salza and Duke Leopold of Austria now 
 proffered. On July 23, 1230, peace was made ThePeace 
 between Pope and Emperor at San Germane. ofSanGer- 
 In return for a promise to protect the Pope's mano > 13 3- 
 dominions and a confirmation of the papal rights over Sicily, 
 Frederick was released from his excommunication. Soon 
 after, Pope and Emperor met at Anagni with Hermann of 
 Salza as the only witness of their conference. 'The Pope,' 
 wrote Frederick, ' has opened to me his heart, and has calmed 
 my spirit. I will remember the past no longer.' 'The 
 Emperor,' wrote Gregory, ' has come to seek me with the zeal 
 of a devoted son, and has shown to me that he is ready to 
 accomplish all my desires.' Yet, despite these mutual protes- 
 tations, the Treaty of San Germane so little went to the root of 
 the matter that it was little more than a hollow truce. Both 
 sides still watched each other with jealous suspicion. How- 
 ever, the truce was kept for several years, since neither Pope 
 nor Emperor was ready to strike the decisive blow for power. 
 
 Frederick devoted the period succeeding the Treaty of San 
 Germano to the building up of his Southern despotism. His 
 policy now became more exclusively Italian. With the hope 
 of getting help from the German princes in carrying out his 
 Southern schemes, he recklessly played into their hands, and 
 
 PERIOD II. 2, A
 
 37O European History, 918-1273 
 
 wantonly destroyed the well-ordered authority over his Northern 
 kingdom that he had inherited from his father and grand- 
 Contrast father. His German and Sicilian policies stand in 
 between ^ the strongest contrast. While he trampled down 
 itaiianand a ^ feudal communities in the Norman kingdom 
 German in favour of a centralised bureaucracy dependent 
 upon himself, he threw to the winds every mon- 
 archical and national tradition in Germany. There was some- 
 thing of the wilfulness that is so characteristic of him in this 
 strangely twofold and contradictory action. It strikes at the 
 very root of Frederick's claims to the higher statesmanship. 
 Their only reconciliation is the fact that the Emperor's policy 
 was but the policy of the moment. So long as he could crush 
 his papal enemy, he was utterly careless of the general tendency 
 of his work. The ruin of the Hohenstaufen was already pre- 
 pared for when Frederick bartered his German kingship for an 
 immediate triumph over his hated foe. It was all the more 
 certain, since the elaborate edifice that he imagined he was 
 building up in Italy was but a house erected on the sand. 
 
 The long civil war between Frederick and Otto of Saxony 
 
 had done much to shake the authority of the German king 
 
 and stimulate the development of the feudal prin- 
 
 Government . , . . . _. , , . 
 
 of st. Engei- ciple. A partial recovery was effected dunng the 
 bert, years succeeding the collapse of the Guelf, when 
 
 the wise rule of Engelbert, archbishop of Cologne, 
 contributed powerfully towards restoring the prestige of the 
 absentee sovereign. Like Barbarossa, Frederick sought to 
 rule by means of the German episcopate, but the bishops of 
 his time were no longer in the commanding position which 
 the warlike prelates of the twelfth century had held. The 
 episcopal towns which they had once ruled through their 
 officials had become great centres of commerce and wealth, 
 and were rapidly advancing on the road to autonomy. The 
 lay princes were more independent, and even the ministcriales, 
 who had played so decisive a part in earlier struggles, were 
 attaining an independent and permanent position of their own
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 371 
 
 as a lower aristocracy whose imperial offices were becoming 
 hereditary fiefs. There was not time enough for Engelbert's 
 attempts at reformation to succeed. It was not until 1219 
 that the last partisans of the Guelfs tendered their submission. 
 But even before that, in 1216, Frederick had conferred on his 
 four-year-old son Henry the duchy of Swabia, and in 1220 
 he had procured, as we have seen, his election as King of the 
 Romans. He smoothed the way to this by a formal alliance 
 with the ecclesiastical princes, conferring upon them a series of 
 privileges that extended to them complete jurisdiction over 
 their fiefs. 1 In 1222 Henry was crowned king at Aachen by 
 Engelbert, who ' cherished him as a son and honoured him as 
 a master.' Henceforth the administration was carried on in 
 the name of the young king. 
 
 Engelbert watched with a jealous eye the power of Valde- 
 mar n. of Denmark, who had been allowed by Frederick to 
 retain possession of Nordalbingia and the extensive German 
 districts which he had occupied, when fighting as a partisan 
 of Otto iv. But the German lords of the conquered districts 
 were averse to foreign domination, and, headed by Count 
 Henry of Schwerin, sought to restore their estates to their 
 fatherland. In 1223 Henry of Schwerin had the 
 good luck to take the King of Denmark prisoner, v^idemar of 
 and in 1225 Valdemar only obtained his release Denmark, 1233. 
 at the price of renouncing Schwerin, Holstein, and 
 his other German acquisitions. Afterwards Valdemar sought 
 to regain his losses, but in 1227 he was defeated at the bloody 
 battle of Bernhoved in Holstein, and was glad to renew the 
 conditions which he had accepted two years before. Hence- 
 forth the Danes were confined to their own territories, and the 
 chief hindrance was removed to the expansion of the German 
 power in the Baltic lands. 
 
 Engelbert's war against Denmark was the greatest evidence 
 of his energy and success. Before the struggle was over he 
 
 1 It is printed in Altmann and Bernheim, Ausgewdhlte Urkunden^ 
 pp. 18-20.
 
 372 European History, 918-1273 
 
 was assassinated in 1225 by a band of robber knights, who 
 resented his strenuous maintenance of public order. The 
 Church honoured him as a martyr, and he was soon added 
 to the catalogue of saints. He left no competent successor, 
 and the land fell into such anarchy that a chroni- 
 King of the cler complained that Germany had become as 
 
 Romans, iaaa- bad as Israel under the Judges, when there was 
 1235. 
 
 no king, and every man did what was right in 
 
 his own eyes. The young Henry vn. so Frederick's son 
 was generally called attained man's estate in the midst of 
 these disturbances. He was a dissolute, capricious, feather- 
 headed youth, quite unable to uphold order or frame a clear 
 and consistent policy. Complaints of the disorders arising 
 from his neglect soon crossed the Alps to his father, but 
 Frederick's exhortations and remonstrances only irritated his 
 son against him without turning him from his evil ways. 
 Before long the growing differences between Frederick and 
 Henry added a new element of difficulty to the Emperor's 
 position. The King of the Romans sought, so far as he could, 
 to maintain a diametrically different policy from that approved 
 of by the Emperor. The last generation of the ' ministeriales,' 
 utterly alienated from his father, abetted his designs and gave 
 them some coherence. 
 
 In 1231 Frederick forced Henry to promulgate at Worms 
 
 a Statutum in favorem principum, which in 1232 he personally 
 
 confirmed at a diet at Civitate in Friuli. 1 It was 
 
 Frederick's . , , ..,.,,. 
 
 Privileges to the elaboration and the generalisation of his alli- 
 the Princes, ance twelve years earlier with the prelates. ' Let 
 every prince,' declared the Emperor, ' enjoy in 
 peace, according to the approved custom of his land, his im- 
 munities, jurisdictions, counties and hundreds, both those which 
 belong to him in full right, and those which have been granted 
 out to him in fief.' It was a complete recognition of the 
 territorial supremacy of the great nobles, whether church- 
 men or laymen. No new castle or city was to be set up 
 
 Altmann and Bernheim, Ausgtwahlte Urkvnden, pp. 20-22.
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 373 
 
 within their dominions, even by the Emperor. The hundreds- 
 men \centumgravit\ were to act in their name, and no new 
 money was to be struck in any prince's land that could reduce 
 the currency of his local mintage. The towns and the lesser 
 estates were to be depressed in their favour. The cities were 
 not to exercise jurisdiction outside the circuit of their walls, 
 were not to entertain Pfahlburger, or harbour fugitives or the 
 vassals of any prince. It was a complete renunciation of the 
 earlier policy of the Hohenstaufen. But though powerful in 
 securing the territorial supremacy of the princes, Frederick's 
 law had little effect in checking the growth of municipal 
 autonomy. The greater cities were already getting rid of 
 their episcopal or baronial lords, and Frederick was quite 
 unable to check the flowing tide. 
 
 In his shiftless way Henry tried to pose as the champion 
 of the towns and the lesser nobility, that was gradually evolv- 
 ing out of the ancient official class, against the Persecution 
 great feudalists whom his father so obstinately of Heresy, 
 favoured. Since Frederick wished to remain for the moment 
 on good terms with the Church, Henry ostentatiously took up 
 an anti-clerical attitude. He had favoured the savage perse- 
 cutions of heresy which Frederick had allowed Franciscan and 
 Dominican inquisitors to carry out in Germany as well as in 
 Italy (see also chapter xviii.). Conspicuous among them was the 
 Franciscan, Conrad of Marburg, who wandered ' preaching and 
 teaching 'all over Germany until 1233, when hewas assassinated. 
 Henry now sought to end the persecution which he had once 
 favoured. But in 1234 a regular crusade was fought against 
 the Stedinger of the mouths of the Weser, who had refused 
 to pay their tithes. They were easily defeated, and those 
 who escaped massacre abandoned their homes and took shelter 
 in Friesland. 
 
 Henry's relations with Frederick had long been strained. 
 In 1232 he visited his father in Friuli, and was forced to 
 renew his oaths of obedience. But his blunders and follies 
 crowned all his enterprises with failure, and, after his father
 
 374 European History, 918-1273 
 
 had been forced to disavow all responsibility for his rash deeds, 
 the young king strove to unite the towns and the lesser 
 Revolt and nobles in revolt against the Emperor (1234). In 
 Ruin of Henry, 1235 Frederick was compelled to appear in Ger- 
 many, where he easily put down his son's rebellion. 
 The cities adhered for the most part to the Emperor, and the 
 ' ministeriales ' and lesser nobles were not strong enough to 
 stand alone. On the advice of the peace-loving Hermann of 
 Salza, the young king made his submission to his father. 
 His punishment was perpetual imprisonment in Apulia. In 
 1242, wearied with the restraint, he rode his horse over a 
 precipice, and perished. 
 
 Never was Frederick's power so strongly manifested as during 
 
 his visit to Germany in 1235. In the summer he celebrated 
 
 at Worms his third marriage, with Isabella of 
 
 The Diet of 
 
 Mainz and England, the sister of Henry in., and soon 
 the English afterwards held a numerously attended Diet 
 
 marriage, 1235. 
 
 at Mainz, where he published a series of famous 
 constitutions, in some of which he sought to extend to 
 Germany some of the principles that had for so long in- 
 spired his Sicilian policy. He established a court justiciar 
 \justiciarius curia], who was to hold sessions of his court on 
 all lawful days, hearing all causes save the high matters 
 which the Emperor reserved for himself. This class included 
 all the questions of dispute that might arise between the 
 great vassals. Frederick strove to limit private war to cases 
 where justice should be denied, and to raise up beside the 
 courts of the princes the imperial court which he had thus 
 reorganised. But at the same time he renewed the former 
 privileges granted to the princes, and thus made his reforms of 
 no effect. The feudal magnates were still to exercise every 
 regalian right, the bishops were still to keep a tight hold 
 over their see towns, and the free municipalities were still to 
 renounce the protection of their c Pfahlbiirger,' and see their 
 independence circumscribed by the local grandees. The 
 lesser nobility soon succumbed before these blows, and the
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 375 
 
 future of Germany was thus intrusted to the great feudatories. 
 A good illustration of this is the circumstance that the ancient 
 power of electing the kings passed away from the general 
 assembly of the barons to the limited circle of magnates, who 
 were later known as the seven electors. In the same con- 
 ciliatory spirit, those who had a hand in the revolt of King 
 Henry were fully pardoned, and special concessions to the 
 more powerful princes bound them individually to the imperial 
 cause. Among these may be specially mentioned the re 
 cognition of Otto of Liineburg, the heir of the Guelfs, as Duke 
 of the new duchy of Brunswick (see also page 331). Frederick's 
 friendship with the Guelfs, following closely upon his alliance 
 with England, clearly marks his departure from his ancestors' 
 policy. Even the towns were conciliated by the renewal of 
 their privileges. Only the Duke of Austria, the brother-in-law 
 of Henry vn., still remained unappeased. He was proscribed 
 in the diet of 1236 and his territories invaded. But the Duke 
 resisted so vigorously that Frederick, who had before this 
 returned to Italy, was forced once more to cross the Alps. 
 Early in 1237 the Emperor entered Vienna in triumph, though 
 even after this the stubborn duke held his own, and when 
 peace was at last made in 1239, he secured the full restitution 
 of his estates. 
 
 Frederick took with him to Vienna Conrad, his son by 
 Isabella of Brienne, then a boy of nine. The assembled 
 princes declared that the little Conrad was to be 
 preferred to Henry, as David had been put in King of the 
 the place of Saul. He was elected King of the Romans, 
 Romans, and on Frederick's speedy return to 
 Italy, the government of Germany was, for a second time, 
 carried on in the name of a boy-king. The troubles 
 that had disturbed the reign of Henry were now quickly 
 renewed. 
 
 Notwithstanding the rapid diminution of the royal power, 
 the age of Frederick n. is one of no small moment in the 
 development of German civilisation, though little of the credit
 
 376 European History y 918-1273 
 
 for it can be set down to the absentee and incurious Emperor. 
 
 But in truth the removal of the imperial authority was not 
 
 all loss. It had never been sufficient of a reality 
 
 German ' 
 
 civilisation to secure for all Germany permanent peace, and 
 under even j n the days of the strongest of German 
 
 Frederick II. , . , , , ...,,. , 
 
 kings much of the merit of upholding order and 
 civilisation had belonged to the local potentates. Their com- 
 plete recognition and the full legalisation of their power now 
 substituted a large number of small local centres of authority 
 for the one unifying power of the old German king. German 
 unity suffered, but national unity was a far-off ideal in Northern 
 Europe in the thirteenth century. The great development of 
 trade, wealth, law, literature, and civilisation showed that 
 Germany was far from being an absolute loser by the change 
 of system. Unluckily the power of these lesser rulers did not, 
 as in France, prepare the way for a strong monarchy when 
 the time grew ripe for a single government. Germany paid 
 the penalty for her premature unity under her early kings by 
 her inability to set up a national authority when national states 
 became possible. 
 
 Despite the hostility of emperor and princes, the towns 
 more than held their own. Great changes were coming over 
 Commerce tne commerc i a ^ relations of Europe. The volume 
 and the of trade was much greater, and now flowed in 
 
 channels which gave Germany a larger share 
 of the world's traffic. The rich products of the East now 
 came from Venice over the Brenner, and either went down 
 the Lech to Augsburg and Niirnberg or descended the Rhine 
 to marts like Cologne, where the traders of the north and 
 south met together, and the cloth of Flanders or the wool of 
 England, and the wood, iron, and coarse products of the 
 Baltic were bartered for the more costly articles of luxury 
 that had come over the Alps. Safe behind their strong walls, 
 the citizens could hold their own against prince or emperor, 
 while their interest in the maintenance of the public peace 
 and the safety of the roads and waterways attracted them to
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 377 
 
 the side of any powerful and peace-loving ruler. A few strong 
 princes could keep better order than a mass of robber-nobles 
 levying endless tolls and exactions on all goods passing 
 through their territories. Even before the fall of the Hohen- 
 staufen the towns had not only escaped the direct rule of the 
 Emperor, but had gradually withdrawn themselves from the 
 authority of the neighbouring lords. The extension of the 
 German race and power to the East opened up for them new 
 avenues for trade. 
 
 The development of local authorities was marked by the 
 growth of local codes of laws. The earliest code of German 
 customary law, the Sachsenspiegel, was drawn up 
 before the fall of Henry vu., and prepared the 
 way for a series of similar collections of customs in the 
 second half of the thirteenth century. The towns followed 
 the same process, and it became the ideal of each community 
 to attain the laws which a more ancient and better established 
 community already enjoyed. For the East the customs of 
 Magdeburg, for the North the laws of Liibeck, which them- 
 selves were derived from those of Soest in Westphalia, 
 became the model on which the newer towns based their 
 constitutions. 
 
 Literature followed the direction of politics and law. The 
 use of the vernacular tongue spread as, side by side with the 
 Latinised culture of the clergy and the popular 
 epics that had flourished at least since Barbarossa's 
 days, the lay nobles and knights developed a literary medium 
 of their own. The early part of the thirteenth century was 
 the great period of the Minnesinger, the knightly 
 
 ' , ' The Minne- 
 
 poets of love, whose polished and spontaneous singer 
 lyrics, inspired by the Troubadours of the Langue and the 
 d'oc, celebrated chivalrous devotion to beauty and 
 romantic affection in terms that showed how far society had 
 outgrown the rudeness of the Dark Ages. Side by side with 
 them was the great school of romancers, influenced by North- 
 French models, who told to German ears the romances of
 
 378 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Charlemagne and Arthur. Lyrists like the Tyroler Walter 
 von der Vogelweide, and epic poets like Wolfram of Eschen- 
 bach and Gottfried of Strassburg, found their best welcome 
 at the courts of the more cultured princes, such as Frederick 
 of Austria and, above all, Hermann of Thuringia, whose 
 castle of the Wartburg, dominating his town of Eisenach, has 
 an almost legendary celebrity in their history. Little as he 
 was in their land, Frederick himself did not neglect to show 
 his favour to the German poets. But the fact that the im- 
 pulse that inspired so much of their work came from France 
 showed that the Germany of the later Hohenstaufen was not 
 only losing its primacy in politics, but failed even to gain 
 the headship in thought and art. The German builders of 
 Frederick's age continued to construct their churches on 
 Romanesque lines, and the 'French style' of Gothic only 
 came in very slowly and partially. The fact that Germany pos- 
 sessed no university indicated her subordinate position in the 
 world of thought. Though one of the strongest of the thir- 
 teenth century scholastics, Albert the Great, was a German, 
 more of his work was accomplished at Paris than at Cologne. 
 The extension of German influence over the North and 
 East showed that the spirit of the great Saxon and Frankish 
 The Expan- Emperors continued to inspire the Germans 
 sionof o f tne thirteenth century. The triumph of 
 
 Germany in _ _ ., IT i i /--i-. 
 
 the North St. Engelbert over Valdemar of Denmark had 
 and East. restored German hegemony over the Baltic lands. 
 From it followed the commercial supremacy of Lubeck, the 
 domination of the Margraves of Brandenburg over the 
 Decay of Slavonic Dukes of Pomerania, and the extension 
 the Slavonic of German influence beyond the Oder. The 
 ancient strength of the Polish monarchy declined, 
 and the Russian monarchy, which had been so powerful 
 under Saint Vladimir and laroslav the Great, split up even 
 more hopelessly than the more western Slavonic state. The 
 only strong Slavonic power was Bohemia, which all through 
 the thirteenth century increased greatly in importance undei
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 379 
 
 Ottocar i. (1197-1230), Wenceslas HI. (1230-1253), and 
 Ottocar ii. (1253-1278). But the Czech monarchs became 
 so powerfully attracted by German civilisation that they 
 welcomed German merchants, minstrels, priests, and knights, 
 and were soon to profit by the growing weakness of the 
 Carman power to put themselves among the mightiest of 
 Teutonic states. 
 
 The decline of the Slavonic world left to itself the hea- 
 thenism of the East Baltic lands. From the Gulf of Finland 
 to the borders of Germany the savage and pagan 
 
 T T-. i -r , ThC LiV - 
 
 Livomans, Esthomans, Lithuanians, and Prus- man and 
 sians still lived their old fierce lives, and it was Prussian 
 
 11 Crusades. 
 
 not till early in the thirteenth century that a pious 
 missionary, named Christian, took up in earnest the long- 
 interrupted work of St. Adalbert, and became the first bishop 
 of the Prussians. A little before this Albert of Buxhowden, 
 a canon of Bremen, set up the bishopric of Riga, which 
 became the centre of missionary effort among the heathen 
 of Livonia. The result was that Germany had the credit 
 of bringing religion and civilisation to the race that had 
 escaped the nearer influence of Poles and Russians. In 
 1 200 Bishop Albert of Riga established the order of Knights 
 of the Sword, a military brotherhood of the crusading type, 
 specially destined to subdue the heathens of the Livonian 
 lands. More than twenty years later the Prussians pressed 
 Poland so severely that the latter country had to call in 
 German help. The Teutonic Order, engaged for The Knights 
 nearly a hundred years in the Holy Land, had f theSword 
 
 . . . . a nd the 
 
 never obtained in that region the importance or Teutonic 
 the wealth of the Temple or the Hospital. Her- K>te"s. 
 mann of Salza, the friend of Frederick n., had convinced 
 himself that the affairs of the Christians in Syria were 
 desperate, and even before Frederick's crusade had shown 
 his willingness to transfer his main activity against the 
 Prussians. Frederick n. himself confirmed and enlarged the 
 offers of the Polish duke, and from 1230 onwards the
 
 3 8o Europea n History, 918-1273 
 
 Teutonic Knights were busily engaged waging war in 
 Prussia. Bit by bit the military monks overcame the 
 obstinate resistance of the heathen. Even more arduous 
 was the struggle of the Knights of the Sword in Livonia. 
 But in both lands the discipline of the few finally prevailed 
 over the disorderly heroism of the undisciplined barbarians. 
 The two orders formed a close alliance, and before the end of 
 the century Livonia, Curland, and Prussia were altogether in 
 their power, leaving Lithuania alone as the last resting-place 
 of heathenism in Central Europe. Thus was effected the last 
 great expansion of Germany to the east. While the Knights 
 of the Sword remained a limited conquering class, powerless 
 to prevent the continuance of the native idiom and manners 
 of their newly Christianised subjects, Prussia gradually became 
 almost as much Germanised as Pomerania or Silesia. German 
 traders followed the Teutonic warriors, and in both lands a 
 German burgher class supplemented the work of the ruling 
 aristocracy. Even in Poland German towns grew up every- 
 where. The Baltic bade fair to become a German lake, and 
 the Scandinavian powers shrank back into insignificance and 
 isolation. 
 
 While the German race was working its way to fresh 
 destinies with little guidance from its nominal king, Fred- 
 Breach erick himself was again becoming embroiled in 
 between the troubles of Italian and ecclesiastical politics. 
 I^the Lom- Even in the q uiet times that followed the Treaty of 
 bard cities, San Germane, the Lombard cities had watched 
 with alarm the despotic and anti-municipal policy 
 of the Emperor. So early as 1232 delegates from Lombardy 
 renewed their league, which was soon to be extended 
 by the inclusion of the chief towns of Romagna and the 
 March. Other leagues grew up in Tuscany and Umbria. 
 Soon Frederick's suspicions were excited, and his anger 
 passed all bounds when the North-Italian cities formed a 
 close alliance with the revolted King Henry, who found 
 south of the Alps the civic support that he had sought in.
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 381 
 
 vain to procure in Germany. Frederick at once strove to set 
 up some power antagonistic to the League. Faithful in North 
 Italy to his German policy, he saw in the feudal aristocracy 
 his best immediate support. Even under the shadows of the 
 Alps the Italian barons had not the strength and commanding 
 position of the Teutonic feudalists. But some of the more 
 capable barons were able to extend their authority by exer- 
 cising influence over the cities, and chief among these was the 
 ancient house of Romano, German in its origin, and now 
 represented by the two brothers Eccelin and Alberic, who 
 had established themselves in Verona and Vicenza respec- 
 tively. It was upon this bastard feudalism of Italy, that 
 owed half its importance to its capacity for establishing civic 
 tyranny, that Frederick henceforth chiefly relied. It was a 
 policy even more fatal to him than his alliance with the 
 princes in Germany. But for the moment it attained an equal 
 success. After all, feudal ruffians like Eccelin were better 
 fighters than the ill-trained militia of the Lombard cities. 
 
 In 1236 Frederick was back in Italy, and found a ready 
 welcome from Eccelin da Romano, who now aspired to 
 appropriate the whole region between the Alps and the 
 Adige, and soon made himself lord of Padua and Treviso. 
 Recalled over the mountains by the Austrian troubles, 
 Frederick again appeared in Italy in 1237. But a small 
 portion of his army came from Germany. He relied 
 for the most part on the Ghibelline barons of Italy, on 
 Eccelin and his following, and on his trusty Saracens 
 from Lucera. The Lombard League sought in vain to with- 
 stand his progress. Frederick's clever strategy soon out- 
 ereneralled the civic host, and on 27th November 
 
 Battle of 
 
 1237 the whole army of the League was signally cortenuova, 
 
 defeated at Cortenuova, half-way between Brescia ^ Nov - 
 
 1337. 
 and Milan. Taken at a disadvantage, the valour 
 
 of the citizens was powerless to withstand the skill and 
 discipline of the imperial army. The Milanese abandoned 
 their carroccio in their flight, and their Podesta, the Venetian
 
 382 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 Tiepolo, fell into the victor's hand.*. Frederick celebrated his 
 success by a sort of Roman triumph through the streets of 
 Cremona, where his famous elephant, with its Saracen drivers 
 on its back, dragged the captured carroccio of Milan through 
 the town, with the Podesta Tiepolo tightly bound to its 
 standard-pole. Soon after, Frederick married his daughter to 
 Eccelin, and granted the dominion of Sardinia to his bastard 
 son Enzio, who had wedded the heiress of the island. The 
 majority of the cities desisted from the hopeless struggle 
 and made peace with the victor. Only a few irreconcilable 
 Guelfic strongholds, including Milan, Alessandria, Brescia, 
 Piacenza, and Bologna, persisted in withstanding the Emperor. 
 They could again hope for the support of the Pope, who now 
 thought the time was ripe for breaking with the Emperor. 
 
 During the years of peace Gregory ix. had busied 
 himself with the suppression of heresy, the organisation 
 of the Inquisition, the encouragement of the 
 as legislator new orders of Mendicant Friars [see Chapter 
 and religious X vni.], the rekindling of the religious zeal of 
 Europe, and his great work of ecclesiastical 
 legislation. In his war against the heretics he had, as we 
 have seen, the Emperor no less than the Mendicants as his 
 allies. He firmly identified the Papacy with the new religious 
 movement when he canonised Francis and Dominic and the 
 Emperor's kinswoman, St. Elizabeth of Thuringia, the devoted 
 disciple of Conrad of Marburg. With the help of his peni- 
 tentiary, Raymond of Pennaforte, he collected the consti- 
 tutions and decretals of earlier Popes in an official code of 
 five books, which was invested with exclusive authority in the 
 courts and the law-schools. Henceforth the Decretals of 
 Gregory ix. stood side by side with the Decretum of Gratian 
 itself among the authoritative texts of the Canon Law. It was, 
 in a measure, an answer to the antagonistic legislation of 
 Frederick in Sicily. But all Gregory's efforts could do little 
 to stop the progress of the Emperor, and he was further 
 hampered by the constant turbulence of the Romans, who
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 383 
 
 more than once drove him from their city. After the triumph 
 at Cremona, Frederick significantly sent the Milanese carroccio 
 to the Roman enemies of the Pope. Gregory's Ren ewed 
 turn would come when the last of the Lombard breach 
 cities had been reduced. Frederick was already Gre^or^and 
 boasting of his intention to restore Middle Italy Frederick, 
 to its obedience to the Empire. Accordingly I339> 
 Gregory openly declared himself on the side of the Lom- 
 bard League. Hermann of Salza made his last efforts on behalf 
 of peace, but his death soon removed the one man whom both 
 Pope and Emperor implicitly trusted. In March 1239 Gregory 
 for a second time launched a bull of excommunication against 
 Frederick, and absolved his subjects from their allegiance. 
 
 The new contest between Pope and Emperor was waged 
 with extraordinary and almost unprecedented bitterness and 
 violence. The Emperor reproached the Pope for standing in 
 the way of the repression of heresy in Lombardy, and called 
 upon all kings and princes to unite against the greedy and 
 self-seeking priest who sought to make the humiliation of the 
 Roman Caesar the first step towards the abasement of all 
 temporal authority. The Pope answered by accusing Fred- 
 erick of the most outspoken blasphemy, of utter incredulity, 
 and the most shameless profligacy. It was significant that 
 both Frederick and Gregory strove hard to get public opinion 
 on their side, and that neither failed to win over a body 
 of ardent supporters. 
 
 Gregory did his best to stir up a revolt in Germany. 
 His legate proposed the election of the King of Den- 
 mark, as King of the Romans in place of Coll geof 
 Conrad; but, despite the adherence of the the German 
 Duke of Austria and of other discontented mag- PP sition - 
 nates, the scheme was shattered through the steady devotion 
 of the German episcopate to the young king. It was equally 
 in vain when Gregory offered the crown to Robert of Artois, 
 St. Louis' brother. The French nobles roundly told the 
 Pope that even if the Emperor deserved deposition, his
 
 3 84 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 deprivation could only be effected by a General Council. 
 Headed by the regent, Siegfried, Archbishop of Mainz, the 
 German clergy rejected the alliance of the Papacy, so that 
 Frederick was able to carry on his war against Gregory in 
 Italy without the distraction of a German revolt Even the 
 Mendicant preachers of the papal sentence did little to turn 
 German opinion away from the Emperor. 
 
 Frederick answered Gregory's attacks by declaring the 
 incorporation of the March of Ancona and the Duchy of 
 Frederick's Spoleto with the imperial dominions, and by 
 successes absolving the inhabitants of those regions from 
 
 in Italy. the j r fealty tQ the p Qpe jj e turne( j f rom h j s 
 
 Lombard enemies to invade the papal territory, and made 
 himself master of Ravenna and Faenza, and before long of 
 towns so near Rome as Foligno and Viterbo. Nothing but 
 a strange freak of fidelity on the part of the Romans to 
 Gregory saved the holy city from the Emperor's advance. 
 Secure for the moment in his capital, Gregory strove to 
 emphasise the solemnity of his ecclesiastical censures by 
 summoning a Council to Rome, to join with him in the con- 
 demnation of the Emperor. But the Pope's violence had 
 alienated even clerical opinion, and a mere handful of prelates 
 answered his summons. Frederick derided the packed 
 Council, and refused safe - conducts to those wishful to 
 take part in it. Nevertheless a certain number of North- 
 Italian, French, and Spanish bishops and abbots collected 
 together in the spring of 1241 at Genoa, and the Pope, by 
 lavish payments, prevailed on the Genoese to provide a fleet 
 to take them to Rome. However, the seafaring towns, with 
 Pisa at their head, were all on the Emperor's side, and 
 an imperial fleet, superior in numbers and fighting capacity, 
 bore down upon the densely packed Genoese galleys near the 
 island of Giglio. After a show of resistance, the mass of the 
 Genoese fleet was captured. Most of the Spanish prelates 
 escaped, but a crowd of French and North-Italian ecclesi- 
 astics, including three archbishops and the abbots of Cluny,
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 385 
 
 Citeaux, and Clairvaux fell, with the delegates of the Lom- 
 bard towns, into the hands of the imperialists. The prisoners 
 were taken by Enzio to Naples, ' crowded together The capture 
 in oppression and bonds, and tormented by hunger of a General 
 and thirst,' until the prison wherein they were ou ICI ' I241 ' 
 cast, 'heaped together like pigs,' seemed a 'welcome place 
 of rest.' 1 Flushed with this signal triumph, Frederick once 
 more advanced upon Rome. This time Gregory could not 
 resist his progress. The enemy were at the gates when, on 
 2ist August, the aged Pontiff suddenly ended his long and 
 stormy career. 
 
 When the rival heads of Christendom were thus fiercely 
 contending for supremacy, Europe was, for the first time 
 since the tenth century, menaced with the horrors _ 
 
 J ' The Danger 
 
 of barbarian invasion. The great Tartar Empire, from the 
 which had already conquered China and threatened Tartars - 
 the whole Eastern world, now found an easy victim in 
 the divided principalities of Russia, and poured its hordes 
 of fierce warriors over the plains of Poland and Hungary. 
 Germany itself was now threatened by their advance, but 
 Pope and Emperor, though they reproached each other 
 with indifference to the danger, were unable to make even 
 a truce to resist the common enemy. In 1240 the sack of 
 Kiev by the Mongol chieftain Baty, grandson of Genghiz 
 Khan, led directly to the invasion of the West. The young 
 King Conrad armed Germany to meet the savage hosts of 
 Baty. Luckily for Europe the death of the Khan of All the 
 Tartars called Baty back to Asia, and the alarm of the 
 Mongol fury passed away as quickly as it arose. 
 
 The triumph of Frederick was further assured by Gregory's 
 death. With affected moderation Frederick withdrew for the 
 moment to Naples, but a mere handful of cardinals ventured 
 to assemble in conclave. Their choice fell upon Celestine iv., 
 
 1 A good account of this ' Capture of a General Council ' is given by 
 Mr. G. C. Macaulay in the English Historical Review, vol. vi. (1891), 
 pp. 1-17. 
 
 PFKTOD II. 2 B
 
 386 European History, 918-1273 
 
 who died in a few weeks, before there was time to consecrate 
 him. For more than eighteen months the Holy See now 
 remained vacant, but finally, in June 1243, the cardinals 
 agreed to elect Sinobaldo Fiesco, a Genoese cardinal, who 
 had been professor of law at Bologna, and was 
 reputed to be Ghibelline in his sympathies. But 
 tinuationof as Pope Innocent iv., the imperialist lawyer 
 the struggle, snowei j f rom tne fi rst a stern determination to 
 
 I243-I25Q. 
 
 continue the policy of Gregory ix. The saying 
 attributed to Frederick, ' I have lost a good friend, for no 
 Pope can be a Ghibelline,' though probably never uttered, 
 expressed the facts of the case. Some hollow negotiations 
 for a pacification were entered upon, but soon broke 
 down. Within a year of Innocent's election, Frederick's 
 Saracen hordes were again ravaging the Campagna. In June 
 1244 Innocent fled from Rome to Genoa, whence he crossed 
 the Alps and took up his abode in the free imperial city of 
 Lyons. It shows the weakness of Frederick in the Arelate 
 that Innocent was able to live in a town nominally subject to 
 the Emperor as long as he chose. So safe did the Pope feel 
 himself that he summoned to Lyons the General Council which, 
 as Gregory ix. had already designed, should strengthen the 
 papal condemnation of the Emperor by the ratification of the 
 prelates of Christendom. 
 
 In June 1245 *he Council assembled at Lyons. It was 
 reckoned the thirteenth General Council, according to the 
 The Council R man computation, but even the French refused 
 of Lyons and to acknowledge it as such, and very few German 
 thedeposi- pre i ates ventured to attend its sessions. How- 
 
 tion of 
 
 Frederick, ever, a fair attendance of prelates was ensured, 
 though the presence of a bishop like Grosseteste, 
 who, five years later, remonstrated before the Pope's face 
 against the exactions of his agents and his abuse of his 
 patronage, showed that there was some spirit left among the 
 fathers of the Council. Five troubles, declared Innocent, 
 grieved his spirit, and the calling of the assembly was destined
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 387 
 
 to relieve Christendom from them. Its business was the protec- 
 tion of Christianity from the Tartars, the ending of the schism 
 between the Eastern and Western Churches, the extirpation of 
 heresy, the revival of the Crusades, and the condemnation of 
 the Emperor. In practice the last item absorbed all the 
 energy of the Council, though the presence of the fugitive 
 Latin Emperor, Baldwin u., did something to make the 
 fathers realise the sorry plight of Eastern Catholicism and 
 the need of uniting all sorts of Oriental Christians against the 
 Tartars and Turks. Frederick condescended to send as his 
 representative to the Council his chief justiciary, Thaddgeus of 
 Suessa, but his condemnation was a foregone conclusion, and 
 Thaddseus had difficulty in obtaining a brief adjournment 
 while he returned to Italy to acquaint his master with the 
 state of affairs at Lyons. Without waiting for the arrival of 
 Peter della Vigna, whom Frederick now despatched to repre- 
 sent him, Innocent on lyth July pronounced in the name 
 of the Council the deposition of his enemy, both as regards 
 the Empire and his two kingdoms. 'We order,' added he, 
 'those who have the right of election within the Empire to 
 proceed at once to a fresh election. As regards Sicily, we our- 
 selves will do all that is fitting, after taking the advice of our 
 brethren the cardinals.' 
 
 The last hope of Christendom lay in the mediation of 
 Louis ix., who saw that the continued contest of Pope and 
 Emperor was fatal to the prospects of a great 
 Crusade. The French king met Innocent at Cluny, 
 
 and Frederick offered to allow the archbishop of of Holland, 
 
 ... . . . , . anti-kings. 
 
 Palermo to thoroughly investigate his orthodoxy. 
 But nothing came of these projects, and the blame of reject- 
 ing all compromise lay mainly at the door of the Pope. The 
 spiritual benefits first awarded to those who had assumed the 
 Cross to free the Holy Sepulchre were now offered to all who 
 would take up arms to carry out the Lyons sentence against 
 the Emperor. In 1246 the papal intrigues so far prevailed 
 in Germany that four archbishops, a considerable number of
 
 388 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 bishops, and a few temporal princes met together and elected 
 as King of the Romans Henry Raspe, Landgrave of Thur- 
 ingia, the brother-in-law and persecutor of St. Elizabeth. 
 The majority of the Germans remained true to Frederick, 
 though enough Crusaders flocked to Henry's standard to 
 enable him to win a victory over his rival King Conrad, near 
 Frankfurt. 'He shows us his back and not his face,' boasted 
 Henry over his defeated enemy. ' He fled as men are wont 
 to fly who fight with the Holy Empire.' But next year 
 Conrad turned the tables on Henry, who fled home and 
 died soon afterwards in the Wartburg. The imperial crown 
 now went begging for a time. 'I will willingly fight the 
 enemies of the Church,' declared King Haco of Norway, 
 to whom it was offered, 'but I will not fight against the 
 foes of the Pope.' At last the young William, Count of 
 Holland, was persuaded to accept election by the papalists. 
 But only one lay prince, the Duke of Brabant, William's uncle, 
 associated himself with the bishops who assembled for the 
 choosing of the new monarch. For the rest of Frederick's life 
 a fierce fight was fought between William and Conrad. Neither 
 of the two could succeed in crushing the other, and Germany 
 gradually drifted into all the worst horrors of feudal anarchy. 
 Frederick remained in Italy, struggling with all his might 
 against the papal partisans, and holding his own so far that 
 Innocent found it wise to remain at Lyons. Now 
 
 Fred rick's .... 
 
 visions of a that all possibility of reconciliation with the 
 lay Papacy Church was cut off, Frederick threw prudence to 
 Ecciesfa'tti- trie winds. He no longer scrupled against solicit- 
 cai Revoiu- j n g the help of the heretical Cathari that still 
 swarmed all over Lombardy. Visions of power 
 such as he had never imagined in the days of his success now 
 began to flit before his mind. The apocalyptic visions of the 
 Neapolitan seer, the abbot Joachim, began to weigh upon 
 his mystical temperament. Despite the canonisation of 
 Francis of Assisi and the enrolment of his followers 
 under the banners of the Papacy, there was still an under-
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 389 
 
 current of revolutionary religious feeling in Italy of the sort 
 that afterwards found expression in the risings of the Frati- 
 celli. Of this opinion Frederick now began to make himself 
 the mouthpiece, hoping thus to be revenged upon his enemies, 
 and to win for himself that first position in the world to 
 which he conceived he was divinely called. He had long 
 used the Franciscan doctrine of Poverty as a weapon against 
 the greedy political Popes. 'It is upon poverty and sim- 
 plicity,' he wrote in 1227, 'that the Primitive Church was 
 built, in those days when she was the fruitful mother of 
 saints. No one may presume to lay other foundations for 
 her than those appointed by the Lord Jesus.' He now 
 worked out the same idea in a manifesto addressed to all 
 Christian princes. ' God is our witness,' he declared, * that 
 our intention has always been to force churchmen to follow 
 in the footsteps of the Primitive Church, to live an apostolic 
 life, and to be humble like Jesus Christ, In our days the 
 Church has become worldly. We therefore propose to do 
 a work of charity in taking away from such men the treasures 
 with which they are filled for their eternal damnation.' ' Help 
 us,' he wrote later, 'to put down these proud prelates, that 
 we may give mother Church more worthy guides to direct 
 her.' But his only conception of ecclesiastical reform was 
 the absorption of the Church in the State. Even in their 
 affliction the Orthodox princes of the East seemed to him 
 fortunate, since they had no Pope or independent patriarchs 
 to contend against. He now strove to exclude all papal 
 authority from Naples by condemning to the flames the 
 introducers of papal bulls and all who, under pretext of 
 religion, spoke or acted against his authority. He anticipated 
 Henry vm. in his effort to abolish the papal power, and, like 
 the great Tudor, condemned as traitors or heretics all who 
 denied his absolute supremacy over the Church. More than 
 that, Frederick proclaimed himself as worthy of the adoration 
 of his subjects, like the pagan Emperors of old. He claimed 
 to be a vicar of Christ, a lay pope, a Christian caliph nay,
 
 39O European History, 918-1273 
 
 an emanation of the Divinity. Jesi, his birth-place, was the 
 blessed Bethlehem where Caesar first saw the light, and Peter 
 della Vigna was the apostle of the imperial Messiah, the Peter 
 who would never betray his master. 
 
 The contest was fought out fiercely with sword and fire. 
 The Guelf and Ghibelline towns were pillaging, burning and 
 The Italian destroying each other. Enzio, the son, and Eccelin, 
 struggle, the son-in-law of Caesar, strove to stamp out in 
 1245-1350- blood all Guelfic resistance in Northern Italy. 
 Frederick of Antioch, another bastard of Frederick's, worked a 
 similar reign of terror in Tuscany. So well did Frederick's for- 
 tunes go, that he dreamt of crossing the Alps and marching to 
 Lyons. In 1247 he was turned from his bold purpose by the 
 unexpected revolt of Parma. He hurried back from Turin 
 eager for revenge. Before long the dispersed partisans of 
 The Revolt Pope and Emperor flocked to Parma, eager to 
 of Parma. defend or attack the city. With all his energy, 
 Frederick could only blockade it on one side, and neither 
 dearth of provisions nor the hideous cruelty of the Emperor 
 moved the Parmesans to think of surrender. At last in 
 despair Frederick built over against Parma a new city called 
 Vittoria, devastating the whole Parmesan territory to supply 
 it with building materials and fortifications. But in 1248 the 
 Parmesans made a great sally, won an unexpected victory, 
 slaying the faithful Thaddaeus of Suessa, destroying utterly 
 Frederick's new city, and leading home spoil the carroccio of 
 imperialist Cremona and the whole harem of the Emperor, 
 that had been unable to keep up with his rapid flight. 
 
 Everything now went against Frederick. Despite the reign 
 
 of terror exercised in the South, plots and conspiracies multi- 
 
 plied, and the Apulian barons rose in revolt. 
 
 d* 1 / v- Peter ^e blind rage of the suspicious despot now fell 
 
 and captivity on Peter della Vigna, his trusted confidant, who 
 
 as D ante saS) tne two k eS O f 
 
 Frederick's heart. He was arrested on charges of 
 conspiring with the Pope to murder his master. His eyes
 
 Frederick II. and the Papacy 391 
 
 were cruelly torn out, and he sought his own death to avoid 
 further torture. In 1249 Frederick's favourite son Enzio 
 was defeated and taken prisoner by the Bolognese at Fossalta, 
 and spent the rest of his life in hopeless captivity. But 
 Frederick was not yet at the end of his resources. In 1250 
 fortune smiled once more on his cause. The Ghibellines of 
 Lombardy at last won the upper hand. Good news came 
 from beyond the Alps of Conrad's triumphs over William of 
 Holland. Frederick himself spent most of the year at Foggia, 
 surrounded by his faithful Saracens, in whom he still placed 
 his chief trust. Towards the end of the year he Death of 
 started once more for the north, but he was seized Frederick, 
 with a mortal illness before he had traversed many I250> 
 stages. He took to his bed at Fiorentino, a hunting lodge a 
 few miles short of Lucera. An ancient prediction of his 
 astrologers that he would die near iron gates at a town called 
 Flora further troubled his spirit. ' This is the spot,' he said, 
 4 long ago foretold to me where I must die. The will of God 
 be done.' He calmly drew up a will, bequeathing to Conrad 
 both the Empire and the kingdom, while his favourite bastard, 
 Manfred, who carefully ministered to his last hours, was to 
 act as his regent in his brother's absence. On 19 th December 
 he died, either, as his friends believed, calmly and religiously, 
 clad in the white robe of the Cistercians and reconciled to 
 the Church by the Archbishop of Palermo, or a prey to 
 hideous despair and misery, as the Friars his enemies loved 
 to imagine. He was buried beside his Norman ancestors at 
 Palermo, where his tomb may still be seen. With him expired 
 the Roman Empire as a real claimant to any share of the rule 
 of the world, though for another generation faction raged 
 more fiercely than ever as to the disposal of its heritage. The 
 Papacy had at last triumphed over the Empire. The sacerdo- 
 tium had laid low the regnum, and all that remains of the 
 history of the world-strife of Pope and Emperor is to write its 
 epilogue. But the mystic followers of the abbot Joachim 
 could not believe that their hero, the all-powerful Emperor,
 
 392 European History, 918-1273 
 
 was removed from the world. ' He shall resound,' they 
 cried, 'among the people; he is alive, and yet is not alive.' 
 But though many impostors arose in his name, Frederick 
 came not back to his disciples, nor did he leave behind him 
 any successor. The last of the great Emperors and the first 
 of great modern Kings, Frederick, with all his brilliant gifts, 
 was but the most dazzling of the long line of imperial failures. 
 Though he filled so large a part in the history of his own 
 day, he left singularly little behind him. Yet as we survey 
 the horrors through which the generations that succeeded 
 him travelled slowly to the realisation of a brighter future, we 
 shall not think Dante wrong when he puts the golden age of 
 Italy in the time ere Frederick had been hounded to death 
 by his remorseless enemies.
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 FRANCE UNDER PHILIP AUGUSTUS AND ST. LOUIS 
 (l 180-1270) 1 
 
 Home Policy of Philip Augustus The Fall of the Angevins and the Conquest 
 of Normandy and Anjou - The Albigensian Crusade The establishment 
 of Simon of Montfort in Toulouse, and the Reaction under Raymond VII. 
 The Relations of Philip and his People Paris Administrative Reforms 
 Death and Character of Philip Reign of Ixmis vm. The Conquest 
 of Poitou and the Renewal of the Albigensian Crusade The Regency of 
 Blanche of Castille and the Feudal Reaction The Treaty of Meaux 
 Character of St. Louis His Personal Government The Settlement of 
 the South and West Battle of Saintes and Treaty of Lorris Alfonse 
 in Poitou and Toulouse Charles in Anjou and Provence Foreign Policy 
 of St. Louis His Relations to Pope and Emperor France the Chief 
 Power of Europe Home Policy of St. Louis The Administrative System 
 Baillages and Se"nechausses Enquesteurs The Parliament of Paris- 
 Finance, Coinage, Trade, Towns Last Years and Death of St. Louis 
 The Position of France. 
 
 WE have already dealt with the external history of France up 
 to the time of the battle of Bouvines. We have witnessed 
 Philip Augustus' early struggles with Henry of Anjou, his 
 participation in the Third Crusade, his matrimonial difficulties, 
 the struggle they involved him in with Innocent in., and 
 
 1 Delisle's Catalogue des Actes de Philippe Auguste and Hutton's Philip 
 Augustus cover the early part of this period. For the fall of John, see 
 Bemont's Condamnation de Jean Sans Terre t in Revue Hisloriquc, xxxii., 
 33-74, 290-311. For the Albigensian Crusade, see Peyrat's Histoire des 
 Albigeois, and Douai's Les Albigeois, and Lea's History of the Inquisition 
 in the Middle Ages. For the reign of Louis vm., the best work is Petit- 
 Dutaillis' Rtgne de Louis VIII., in the Bibliotheque de 1'ecole des 
 hautes Etudes. For St. Louis, Wallon's Histoire de Saint Louis is 
 a useful but not an original summary. Joinville's contemporary Vir dt
 
 394 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 the subsequent league between himself and the great Pope 
 which contributed so powerfully towards the abasement of 
 the Guelfs. It remains now to speak of Philip Augustus' 
 reign as affecting France itself, and to show how, by the defeat 
 and disruption of the Angevin monarchy, the royal domain 
 was enormously extended, how by the identification of the 
 monarchical cause with the orthodox Crusade against the 
 Albigensian heretics the way was paved for the subjection of 
 the Langue d'oc to the Langue d'oil, and how the 
 
 Home policy ... . . . , 
 
 of Philip beginnings of the centralised administration of 
 Augustus, tne monarchy, and the establishment of the first 
 modern capital, increased the power of the French 
 state, even more than Philip's conquests increased the ex- 
 tent of its dominions. Under Philip's son, Louis vnr., and 
 his grandson, Louis ix., the same principles of external growth 
 and internal organisation were still further worked out, so 
 that when the collapse of Frederick n. left vacant the hegemony 
 of Europe, the France of St. Louis was more than ready to 
 step into the place left empty by the fall of the Hohenstaufen. 
 With the return of Philip n. from the Crusade, the inter- 
 rupted struggle between France and the Angevin monarchy 
 The Fail was at once resumed. Despite the advantages 
 of the which the blundering knight-errantry of Richard i. 
 
 n8 ' offered to his more politic antagonist, Philip was 
 not yet in a sufficiently strong position to reap much fruit 
 from his enemy's mistakes. Richard's new castle of Chateau 
 Gaillard blocked the way to the invasion of Normandy, and 
 the South was still a strange region to the King of Paris. In 
 
 Saint Louis should above all be studied. Boutaric's Saint Louis et 
 Alfonse de Poitiers, the essay in vol. vii. of the Nouvelle histoire at 
 Languedoc, and Sternfeld's Karl von Anjou als Graf von Provence show well 
 the process of the Southward expansion of France. For Louis' relations 
 to the Papacy consult Berger's Saint-Louis et Innocent IV. See also Lecoy 
 de la Marche's Saint Louis sa famille et sa cour in Revue des questions 
 historiques, L xxiv., and Beugnot's Essai sur Its constitutions de Saint 
 Louis. Ch. V. Langlois' Regne de Philippe le Hardi gives an admirable 
 summary of the state of France as it was left at St. Louis' death.
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 395 
 
 1199 Richard perished in an obscure contest with a petty 
 lord of the Limousin, and Philip at once swooped down 
 on Evreux and conquered it with little difficulty. But very 
 soon Philip's quarrel with Innocent in. made him glad to 
 accept the proposals of John's mother, the aged Eleanor of 
 Aquitaine, to revert to his ancient alliance with John. A 
 treaty was signed by which Philip's son Louis was married 
 to Blanche of Castile, the daughter of King Alfonso vui. 
 and John's sister Eleanor. Evreux, with Philip's other 
 Norman conquests, were made over to the bridegroom as 
 the lady's marriage portion. Before long, however, the 
 wilful and capricious tyranny of John created a widespread 
 discontent in his French dominions, of which Philip was 
 skilful enough to avail himself to the full. No sooner had the 
 French monarch made a partial peace with the Pope than 
 he listened to the complaints of the barons of Poitou, 
 headed by the indignant Hugh of Lusignan, Count of La 
 Marche, whose betrothed, Isabella, the heiress of Angouleme, 
 had been carried off from him and wedded to the English King. 
 In 1 202 Philip summoned John to answer before his suzerain's 
 court at Paris the complaints of the Poitevin lords. The 
 English King refused to appear, and was sentenced in default 
 to lose all his French fiefs. The murder of Arthur of Brittany 
 still further increased the ill-will felt against John, and the 
 death of Eleanor of Aquitaine soon afterwards deprived him 
 of his wisest counsellor. In the course of 1203-4 Philip 
 gradually conquered all Normandy, and the Norman barons, 
 disgusted at John's inactivity in defending them, were gradu- 
 ally alienated from his side. Anjou, Touraine, and Maine were 
 won with even less difficulty. After Arthur's The con- 
 death, Brittany passed over from the Angevin to quest of Nor- 
 the Capetian obedience, and, after a brief period of Anjou, and 
 French occupation, a new line of Breton began in Poitou. 
 1213 with Peter Mauclerc, which, if not very faithful to France, 
 at least acknowledged no other overlord. After Eleanor's 
 death the personal loyalty of Aquitaine to the house of the
 
 396 European History , 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 Guilhems was greatly relaxed, and before 1213 most of Poitou 
 had passed over to Philip Augustus. It was John's wish to win 
 back Poitou that led him to interfere actively in the general 
 European struggle that centred round the contest between his 
 nephew Otto and Frederick of Sicily. The victory of Bou- 
 vines assured for Philip the permanent domination over Nor- 
 mandy, Maine, Anjou, Touraine, and Poitou. Only the south 
 of Aquitaine remained in the hands of John and his successors. 
 These enormous additions to the monarchy were, for the most 
 part, kept within the royal domain. Their acquisition was 
 the more significant because of the rapidity with which the 
 barons and people of the Angevin dominions accepted the rule 
 of the King of France. Even in England Philip's triumph 
 produced so little irritation that the opposition to John cheer- 
 fully called in his son Louis to be their king in the place 
 of the hated tyrant. 1 Though, after John's death, Louis was 
 forced in 1217 to return to France and renounce his English 
 Louis in throne in favour of the little Henry in., his pre- 
 Engiand. sence in England, and the long war that preceded 
 iai7 ' and attended it, made impossible any real efforts 
 to win back the Angevin inheritance. The fall of the 
 English power in France first made possible a real French 
 nation united in common obedience to the Capetian monarchs. 
 It was no less vital in fostering a similar national life beyond 
 the Channel. Henceforth England and France were separate 
 and antagonistic though closely inter-related nationalities. 
 Their common destiny, which had begun with the Norman 
 Conquest, was now rudely shattered. The fragments of the 
 Aquitanian heritage that still remained faithful to its English 
 dukes belonged to the feudal and anti-monarchical South. All 
 that England's kings had once ruled in the Langue d'oil was now 
 transferred to Philip, who became henceforward not only the 
 supreme monarch, but the direct feudal lord of the most vigor- 
 ous and most patriotic regions that constituted his kingdom. 
 
 Petit-Dutaillis' Ijmis VIII., pp. 30-183, gives 07 far the best 
 account of this expedition.
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 397 
 
 While Philip was thus conquering the Angevin North, a 
 North-French Crusade was indirectly preparing the way for the 
 direct rule of the Capetian kings over the South. Philip i L 
 There had long been three chief political and Intel- and the 
 lectual centres of South-French nationality. Two * ut 
 of these, the duchy of Aquitaine and the county of Toulouse 
 [see pp. 90-91], were within the limits of the French kingdom. 
 The third, the county of Provence, was beyond the Rhone, 
 and, as a part of the ancient Arelate, subject to none save 
 the Emperor. It was, however, a sufficiently representa- 
 tive stronghold of Southern ideas for the term Provencal to 
 be used as an equivalent to the tongue and literature of Oc. 
 At these three courts chiefly flourished the subtle and exquisite 
 literature of the Troubadours, whose delicate lyrics first showed 
 the literary capacity of the vernacular Romance tongues, 
 despite the limitations of their subjects, and the rigid fetters 
 of their metric forms. The end of the twelfth century, the 
 age of Richard the Lion Heart, of Bertrand of TheAiw- 
 Born, and of Bernard of Ventadour, was the e^ n r sian 
 palmiest time in the history of the Troubadours, the Trouba- 
 and the most flourishing period of the brilliant, dours - 
 corrupt, stormy, attractive civilisation of the Languedoc. The 
 heresy, at once social and religious, of the Albigenses [see 
 pp. 216-217], took a deep hold in these wild regions, where 
 the fiercest acts of feudal violence and the hot-house growth 
 of a premature culture stood over-against each other in the 
 strangest contrast. While elsewhere the wild misbelief of the 
 twelfth century easily melted away before the steady influence 
 of the Church, in Languedoc and Provence alone it bade fair 
 to become the faith of a whole people. Toulouse and its 
 neighbourhood were full of open foes of Church and clergy ; 
 the barons of the land were either heretics themselves, or 
 favourers of heresy. The clergy were so unpopular that when 
 they went abroad they carefully concealed their tonsure. ' I 
 had rather be a chaplain,' became a popular form of speech 
 in cases where a good Christian had been wont to say, c I had
 
 398 European History, 918-1273 
 
 rather be a Jew.' ' If Black Monks,' wrote the poet Peire 
 Cardinal, 'may win salvation of God by much eating and by 
 the keeping of women, White Monks by fraud, Templars and 
 Hospitallers by pride, Canons by lending money on usury, 
 then for fools I hold St. Peter and St. Andrew, who suffered 
 for God such grievous torments. Kings, emperors, counts, 
 and knights were wont to rule the world, but now I see clerks 
 holding dominion over it by robbery, deceit, hypocrisy, force, 
 and exhortation.' 1 The freebooting barons took this state of 
 feeling as an excuse for laying violent hands on the property 
 of the Church. Moral excesses, wilder than the ordinary 
 immorality of a brutal age, became widespread. The whole 
 land was filled with the tumult and licence of a premature 
 revolution. 
 
 Since the absorption of Aquitaine within the Angevin 
 dominions, the court of Toulouse had become more important 
 Raymond vi. than ever as a centre of Languedocian life, 
 of Toulouse. Raymond vi., the great-grandson of Raymond iv., 
 of Saint Gilles, the hero of the First Crusade, was then Count 
 of Toulouse. He was a prince of wide connections, extensive 
 dominions, and considerable personal capacity. Through his 
 mother, Constance, daughter of Louis vi., he was the first 
 cousin of Philip Augustus. His marriage with Joan of Anjou, 
 the sister of Richard i. and John, had secured him peace with 
 his hereditary foe. He ruled not only over Toulouse and its 
 dependencies ; as Duke of Narbonne he was lord of the 
 Rouergue and the great coast region that extended from the 
 frontiers of Roussillon to the right bank of the Rhone ; as 
 Marquis of Provence, he ruled over a fertile portion of the 
 Arelate on the left bank of the Rhone, extending farther north 
 than Valence, and including the important town of Avignon. 
 He was a notorious enemy of the clergy, and abettor of 
 heretics, and only less conspicuous in the same policy was 
 
 1 Miss Ida Farnell's Lives of the Troubadours, Translated from the Pro- 
 venial, with Specimens of their Poetry, give this (p. 222) and many othei 
 interesting illustrations of thirteenth-century Proven9al feeling.
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 399 
 
 his vassal Raymond Roger, Viscount of Beziers. Feeble 
 efforts had long been made by the Church to grapple with 
 the growing heresy, but the only response in Languedoc was 
 fresh murders of priests, and expulsions of bishops from their 
 dioceses, and of abbots from their monasteries. So far back as 
 1184 Lucius HI. had ordered all bishops to make inquiries as 
 to the presence of heretics within their jurisdictions, a step 
 from which the earlier or Episcopal Inquisition first arose. But 
 little was actually effected until the accession of Innocent in. 
 marked the beginning of a more vigorous line of action. In 
 1198 two Cistercian monks were sent with the position of 
 apostolic legates to win back the Toulousan heretics to the 
 Church. For years they laboured incessantly, wandering and 
 preaching throughout the land, and their unwearied zeal soon 
 led a small band of enthusiasts to join them in their work. 
 Innocent gave further powers to Peter of Castelnau, and 
 Amaury, abbot of Citeaux. In 1206 accident further associ- 
 ated with them the Spanish canon Dominic (see chapter xviii.), 
 who for ten long years preached with infinite perseverance, 
 but little success, and carefully kept himself free from share 
 in the violent measures that ere long supplemented the 
 legitimate propaganda of orthodoxy. 
 
 Peaceful means had availed little to win over the Albi- 
 genses. Accident rather than design led Innocent HI. to fall 
 back on force as well as persuasion. In 1207 
 
 . , ^. . Murder of 
 
 Peter of Castelnau excommunicated Raymond vi. p e ter of 
 
 for refusing to restore certain churches on which Castelnau, 
 
 1207. 
 he had laid violent hands. Like his father-in-law 
 
 against Becket, Raymond spoke sharp words against the 
 meddlesome priest, and one of his knights, taking him at 
 his word, went to Saint-Gilles and murdered the legate 
 in January 1208. This deed of blood was soon amply 
 avenged. Innocent in. deposed Raymond and preached 
 a Crusade against him and his heretic subjects, whom 
 he pronounced worse than Saracens. A twenty years' 
 struggle then began in the South, which did not end until
 
 400 European History, 918-1273 
 
 I^anguedoc lay ruined and helpless at the mercy of the 
 North. 
 
 A swarm of North French warriors took the cross in obedience 
 to the papal appeal, though Philip Augustus prudently with- 
 The Aibi- held from the whole movement. Some of the 
 gensian Cm- greatest of his feudatories, including the Duke of 
 
 sade and 
 
 Simon de Burgundy, were there, while among the lesser 
 Montfort. lords, the unbending will and fierce religious zeal 
 of Simon, Count of Montfort, soon gave him the claim for the 
 first position among the leaders of the holy war, though Abbot 
 Amaury of Ctteaux, the Pope's legate, directed the policy of 
 the whole expedition. Raymond quailed before the storm. 
 He submitted himself absolutely to the legate, paid a severe 
 penance for his crime before the abbey church of Saint- 
 Gilles, surrendered his castles, and promised to chastise 
 the heretics that he had favoured. In June 1209 he was 
 absolved, and suffered to take the cross against his own 
 subjects. 
 
 Raymond Roger of B^ziers scorned to share in his over- 
 lord's submission. The full fury of the Crusaders was turned 
 against him, and after fearful bloodshed his dominions were 
 overrun. After two refusals from greater lords, the legate 
 prevailed upon Simon of Montfort to accept the territory of 
 the heretic viscount, which the Pope had pronounced forfeited. 
 The Crusaders now went home, and the second act of the 
 long struggle began when Montfort began to govern the 
 dominions which his good sword and papal favour had 
 won for him. 
 
 After the return of the Northern armies, the cowed South- 
 erners again plucked up courage, and Montfort soon found 
 that he had to hold Be"ziers and Carcassonne against the 
 hostility of a whole people. The war now assumed a political 
 as well as a religious character, for Simon was resisted not 
 only by reason of his orthodoxy, but as a Northern interloper 
 who had made religious zeal a pretext for personal aggrandise- 
 ment. Before long Raymond vi. forgot his humiliation, and
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 401 
 
 again took arms. As the result, a second Crusade was pro- 
 claimed in 12 1 1, and once more the South was deluged in 
 blood. Peter n. of Aragon, a famous Crusader 
 beyond the Pyrenees, at last proposed his media- Aragon and 
 tion, but so strongly did the lust for Southern the battle f 
 estates sharpen the religious zeal of the army of 
 the Church that, though Innocent in. was willing to accept 
 his offers, the French themselves insisted on continuing the 
 Crusade. Irritated at the rejection of his offer, Peter him- 
 self intervened on behalf of the Count of Toulouse, but in 
 1213 he lost his army and his life at the battle of Muret, 
 where Montfort's clever tactics won a decided victory. This 
 settled the fate of the South. Raymond vi. abandoned 
 Toulouse, and was glad to save his life by another abject 
 submission. Simon de Montfort became Count 
 of Toulouse and Duke of Narbonne. He divided Montfort, 
 his new territories amongst Northern lords who Count f 
 
 Toulouse. 
 
 stipulated to follow the ' customs of France,' that 
 is, of their own homes. It was even a favour that some of 
 the less guilty vassals, such as the Counts of Foix and Com- 
 minges, were allowed, at the price of a complete humiliation, 
 to receive back their lands as his subjects. As a still greater 
 favour a mere fragment of Toulouse and the imperial mar- 
 quisate of Provence were conferred on Raymond vn., the son 
 of the deposed Count, who was glad to abdicate in his favour. 
 In the midst of the storms of war, the heresy of the Albigenses 
 was slowly stamped out, and with it perished all that was 
 most distinctive of Languedocian civilisation. The stern, 
 brutal, effective rule of the Northern Count prepared the way 
 for direct royal government. The dependence of the South 
 on the North had begun. 
 
 As the struggle proceeded, Philip Augustus gradually de- 
 parted from his careful policy of non-intervention. In 1213 
 he allowed his son Louis to take the cross, and helped 
 Montfort to destroy the feudal castles of the South. Philip 
 himself willingly invested Simon with the fief which his sword 
 
 PERIOD n. a c
 
 402 European History, 918-1273 
 
 had won. But in a very few years Raymond vn. strove to 
 win back for the house of Saint-Gilles its ancient position, 
 and the Languedoc rose enthusiastically in his favour. The 
 younger Raymond was as orthodox as Montfort, and under 
 his influence the struggle became a mere political contest. As 
 such it waged with varying fortunes for more than 
 
 The Langue- . . 
 
 docian thirteen years. Simon was slam in 1218 as he 
 
 reaction strove to storm revolted Toulouse, and his eldest 
 
 Amaury de 
 
 Montfort, and son, Amaury, who had few of his great gifts, was 
 Raymond vn. soon nar( j p resse d by the triumphant Raymond. 
 In 1219 Louis of France again led a Crusade in his favour. 
 The death of the suspected Raymond vi. in 1222 was a 
 further advantage to the Southern cause. Amaury soon saw 
 that his chances were hopeless. When the French king 
 died in 1223, Amaury had already offered to resign his 
 claims in favour of his suzerain. 
 
 Thus Philip Augustus by force and cunning made France 
 a great State. There was no longer any vassal of the crown 
 whose power overshadowed that of his sovereign, and the 
 strongest feudatories of the monarchy now found it prudent to 
 be on good terms with their mighty overlord. To them 
 Philip was courteous and friendly. He had so much work 
 to do in absorbing his conquests that he might well leave 
 his vassals a good deal to themselves. Yet he 
 
 Philip II.'B , - ,. 
 
 dealings with never neglected an opportunity for extending 
 barons, clergy, hj s power, and systematically strove to establish 
 
 and towns. .. , _ 
 
 direct relations with all the tenants of his vassals 
 whom he could draw within his reach. Over his own tenants 
 he exercised a constant and watchful superintendence. By 
 the perfection of the administration of his domains, and by 
 the gradual extension of the sphere of the royal courts, he 
 was able to pose as the protector of peace, the friend of the 
 poor, and the champion of the independence and integrity of 
 the nation. The humiliated feudalists took his pay and 
 fought his battles. The conciliated clergy glorified his 
 liberality and piety. Yet all his friendship with Pope and
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 403 
 
 prelates did not prevent Philip from keeping a tight hand 
 over the great dignitaries of the Church. He forced the 
 prelates to pay their full share of suit and service. He strove 
 to minimise the constant interference of the papal authority, 
 even when his interests and his principles forbade him 
 to openly set himself against it. He was a good friend 
 to the townsmen. He felt himself so strong that he could 
 abandon the feeble and tentative policy of his predecessors, 
 and boldly strike an alliance with the communes, though still 
 discouraging the more revolutionary aspects of the com- 
 munal movement. He was thus able to put even cities 
 outside his domain under the royal protection. Nor 
 did he content himself with giving towns charters of 
 liberties. He loved to strengthen their fortifications, re- 
 build their walls, encourage their industries, and protect 
 their commerce. He encouraged foreign merchants to 
 attend French markets and purchase French goods. 
 Under his fostering care Paris, already a great Growth of 
 city, became the first modern capital of a cen- Paris, 
 tralised national state. He built a strong wall, taking in the 
 schools of the south bank of the Seine, the royal residence 
 and the cathedral in the island city, and the busy town of 
 merchants and manufactures that was soon to make the 
 north bank of the Seine the largest district of the capital. 
 He ordered that the whole city should be paved with hard 
 and firm stones. In his days the University of Paris received 
 its first royal charters of privilege. Under him a crowd of 
 fair buildings, conspicuous among them the cathedral of the 
 capital, grew up in that new Gothic style that was soon 
 to spread from the Isle of France all over the Western 
 world. As the seat of the most famous schools north of 
 the Alps, as the centre of the only centralised continental 
 monarchy, and as the special haunt of the traders of 
 Northern Gaul, Paris now took a unique place, not only 
 among French towns, but among the cities of Western 
 Europe.
 
 4C4 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Philip was a soldier and diplomatist rather than an ad- 
 ministrator or a legislator. His mission was to endow the 
 phiii -s monarchy with adequate force rather than to 
 
 administrative organise it or to govern it after new fashions. 
 Yet the circumstances of his position compelled 
 him to make new departures in the administrative history of 
 France, and thus to lay the foundation of the system which 
 was perfected by his famous grandson. The burdens thrown 
 upon the royal court were now such that they could no 
 longer be adequately discharged by casual assemblies of 
 ignorant feudalists. The delicate functions of the chief 
 officers of state could no longer be put into the hands of 
 the baron in whose hands happened to lie the hereditary 
 sergeanty. Hence, under Philip, we observe a further 
 specialisation of an official class of knights and clerks whose 
 skill and training could supplement the haphazard and un- 
 certain services of the great barons. The system of adminis- 
 tration that was enough for the scanty domains of his 
 predecessors would have broken down under the responsi- 
 bilities involved by the conquest of Normandy and Anjou, 
 had not Philip, before his departure for the Crusade, con- 
 stituted a new class of royal officials called baillis, who were 
 to act as supervisors and directors of the feudal provosts who 
 had hitherto administered the royal domain. Each bailli 
 took charge of a large area of territory, within which he 
 held monthly assizes to render justice in the king's name to 
 all his subjects. From time to time he appeared at 
 Paris, where he handed in an account of their administra- 
 tion, and paid into the exchequer the sums levied by him in 
 his provinces. But the growth of the royal revenue was 
 hardly commensurate with the increased strain on it, and 
 character of Philip found that success rather added to than 
 Philip diminished his difficulties. He was a hot-tem- 
 
 pered, strong, and active man, 'easy to anger 
 and easy to appease,' whose boisterous joviality, free living, 
 and robust, vigorous temperament did something to make
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 405 
 
 him popular, but whose complete personal impression it is 
 hard to grasp, even in the scanty measure in which it is 
 safe to individualise the shadowy statesmen of the Middle 
 Ages. In his sudden gusts of passion he could be pitilessly 
 cruel, but he was more commonly to be condemned for 
 his violence, his cunning, and his unscrupulous way of 
 overreaching his enemies. Yet his panegyrist could say 
 of him that he 'loved justice as his own mother, strove 
 to exact mercy above judgment ; was ever a follower of the 
 truth, and surpassed all kings in conjugal chastity.' Such 
 statements show that the contemporary standard was not 
 very high. But even after time had soured Philip's temper 
 and brutalised his passions, he still laboured manfully to the 
 last. He was the first French king whose power was so 
 firmly established that there was no need for him to crown 
 his son king in his own lifetime. He was almost the only 
 king of his age whose son worked faithfully and ungrudg- 
 ingly in his service, and was content to bide the time when 
 nature should call him to his father's kingdom. 
 
 Philip ii.'s successor was already six-and-thirty years of age, 
 a tried soldier, a successful statesman, and a man whose 
 private virtues far outshone those of his father, Louis vin., 
 though he was much less able. Louis vni.'s weak I22 3-26. 
 health and cold disposition made him the very opposite 
 of Philip. His piety, his chastity, his love of truth and 
 justice, were certain. Despite his poor physique, his personal 
 prowess gave him the surname of the Lion. He had been 
 long schooled in the execution of his father's policy, and as 
 king he had no wish but to carry it out still further. Louis' 
 short reign of three years is therefore but a continuation 
 of the reign of Philip Augustus. His simple mission 
 was to gather the fruits of his predecessor's labours. His 
 whole reign was occupied in turning to the profit of the 
 crown the results of the collapse of the Angevin power and 
 of the triumph of the Albigensian Crusade. 
 
 Despite the earlier conquests of Philip and Louis, the
 
 406 European History, 918-1273 
 
 authority of the crown was still but partially established over 
 Poitou. Hugh of Lusignan, though now step-father of the 
 little Henry in., still played a treacherous and ambiguous 
 game, and for the moment again declared himself on the 
 The Con- French side. Louis assembled a great army at 
 quest of Tours and led in on a triumphant progress from 
 the Loire to the Dordogne. The regents of the 
 English king did little but enter into ineffective negotiations. 
 Louis meanwhile took Niort, Saint Jean d'Angely, and La 
 Rochelle, after which the barons of the Limousin, Saintonge, 
 and Pe"rigord made their submission to him. 'Save the 
 Gascons, who dwell beyond the Garonne,' boasted a French 
 chronicler, 'all the princes of Aquitaine now promised fealty 
 to King Louis, and then he went back to France.' 
 
 The renewal of the Albigensian Crusade now called Louis 
 to the South. Amaury de Montfort had already fled from his 
 heritage, and had vainly implored the help of Philip Augustus. 
 Louis vin. now showed the fugitive greater consideration 
 than his father had done. He had already fought as a 
 Crusader against the Southern heretics. His piety was kindled 
 by the renewed appeals of the legate of Honorius in., while 
 the helplessness of Amaury indicated that the results of 
 success were bound to fall to the crown. Early in 1226 
 Louis again took the cross, and Raymond vn. was again 
 excommunicated and deposed. Amaury abdicated his rights 
 in favour of the king. The clergy provided funds, and the 
 Catholic chivalry of the North soon flocked to the crusading 
 banners. 
 
 In the early summer of 1226, Louis with his Crusaders 
 
 marched southwards down the Rhone valley, overrunning the 
 
 marquisate of Provence. He met no opposition 
 
 The revival .? . 
 
 ofthe until he approached Avignon, a city long known 
 
 Albigensian to b e a hotbed of heresy. The townsmen refused 
 
 Crusade. . . , . 
 
 him a passage over the Rhone, and it was therefore 
 necessary to conquer the city before Languedoc could be entered. 
 After an obstinate struggle Avignon was captured, and Louis
 
 Prance under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 407 
 
 continued his triumphal march up to the gates of Toulouse. 
 But the crusading army broke up before the capital of Ray- 
 mond had surrendered. The barons were tired of the long and 
 weary marches, and sickness had devastated the host Louis 
 himself was prostrated by sickness, and after providing for 
 the administration of his conquests hurried back to the North. 
 He had only reached Auvergne when he was carried off by a 
 deadly fever. He had done enough for the monarchy by the 
 great march which had first brought home to the Languedoc 
 the majesty of the Capetian king. 
 
 A severe feudal reaction followed the unexpected death of 
 Louis vin. He had left a numerous family by Blanche of 
 Castile, but the eldest child, who was crowned The Regency 
 Louis ix. within three weeks of his father's death, of Blanche of 
 was only twelve years of age, and it required all S^feu^* 1 
 the skill and courage of his mother to preserve reaction, 
 for him even the semblance of authority. The 1336 - I3 35- 
 dispositions of her husband's will did not make matters any 
 better. Breaking with the tradition of the early Capetians, 
 Louis vin. assigned by his testament a large territorial appanage 
 to each of his younger children. Great slices were to be cut 
 out of the royal domain that Robert the second son might 
 be Count of Artois, Alfonse the third .Count of Poitou, and 
 Charles the youngest Count of Anjou and Maine. A new race 
 of feudal potentates was thus supplied from the bosom of the 
 royal house itself. The error involved in such a policy is one 
 of the commonplaces of history, and for the next two cen- 
 turies the hostility to the crown of younger branches of the 
 Capetian family was often to prove almost as formidable as 
 that of the ancient separatist seigneurs. But the fault of 
 Louis has perhaps been unduly censured. Neither the 
 resources of a mediaeval monarch, nor the conditions of the 
 time, made it possible for the king to permanently appropriate 
 to himself an indefinite extent of domain, nor to deprive his 
 kinsmen of the state due to their exalted birth. If the policy 
 of Louis lost Artois to France for many centuries, it made it
 
 408 European History, 918-1273 
 
 possible for Alfonse and Charles to act as the most efficient 
 pioneers of the Capetian monarchy in the South. The rule of 
 a royal prince over his appanage was often the best transition 
 from pure independence towards complete incorporation with 
 the monarchy. 
 
 A great feudal coalition soon formed against Blanche of 
 Castile, She was a foreigner, haughty and unsympathetic, 
 and strong enough to excite fierce personal antipathy. 'A 
 woman in sex she was,' says Matthew Paris, ' a man in counsel, 
 worthy to be compared with Semiramis.' The younger 
 members of the royal house, headed by Philip Hurepel, 
 Count of Boulogne, the legitimised son of Philip n. and Agnes 
 of Meran, joined with his kinsman Peter Mauclerc of Brittany, 
 whose skill and courage soon made him the head of the 
 league. The persecuted Raymond of Toulouse plucked up 
 courage to unite himself with the coalition. Hugh of La 
 Marche deserted the falling cause of royalty, and again 
 became friendly with his son-in-law, Henry of England, who 
 saw in the distress of the young king a chance of winning 
 back his lost territories in France. Theobald iv. of Cham- 
 pagne, alone of the great feudatories, remained faithful to the 
 royal cause. 
 
 The barons demanded the reversal of the policy of the 
 last two reigns, and the restitution of their ancient rights. 
 What power they were willing to leave the crown was to be 
 placed in the hands of Philip of Boulogne, and the Spanish 
 queen was to be sent back to her native country. Blanche 
 did not quail before the storm. She appealed from the 
 barons to the clergy and people. She secured the neutrality 
 of Frederick n., and the open support of Honorius HI. By the 
 rapidity and unity of her movements she sought to break up 
 the unwieldy and disorganised levies of her opponents. 
 When she could no longer hold her own in the Isle of France, 
 she went with her young son to Troyes, and threw herself 
 on the protection of the Count of Champagne. Having 
 failed in the first great blow, the feudal coalition slowly.
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 409 
 
 dissolved. It kept France in a state of anarchy for several 
 years, but it was not strong enough to do more. Peter of 
 Brittany strove hard to get English support, but it was not 
 until 1230 that the young Henry in. came to France, and 
 then, after an abortive march through Poitou, the English 
 went home again, and the feudalists were as far from success 
 as ever. Next year Peter failed in an intrigue to win over 
 Theobald of Champagne to his side. He finally strove to stir 
 up a revolt against Theobald in favour of Alice, queen of 
 Cyprus, the daughter of Theobald's uncle, Henry, king of 
 Jerusalem. But this also failed, and the queen of Cyprus 
 renounced her claims. In 1234 Theobald attained the climax 
 of his power by succeeding to the kingdom of Navarre as the 
 heir of his uncle Sancho. Philip of Boulogne was dead. 
 Peter of Brittany sullenly made his peace with the triumphant 
 Castilian. The monarchy of Philip Augustus had proved 
 strong enough to survive a minority and the rule of a foreign 
 woman. 
 
 A notable result of the triumph of the crown was the 
 settlement of the question of Toulouse by a compromise 
 that was all in favour of the monarchy. The 
 Albigensian Crusade had died away amid the The Treaty 
 
 ofMeauxand 
 
 storms of civil war, and against so orthodox a the exten- 
 prince as Raymond vn. it had never been more 81onofthe 
 
 ' . royal domain 
 
 than a sorry pretext for aggression. In 1229 to the Medi- 
 Raymond concluded the Treaty of Meaux with ten-anean, 
 the regent, by which he retained, though on 
 humiliating conditions, a portion of his sovereignty. He 
 yielded up to the crown the duchy of Narbonne, the eastern 
 part of his dominions, from the Rhone to beyond Carcas- 
 sonne, and was confirmed in his possession of the county 
 of Toulouse. He was, however, to rase the walls of his 
 capital and thirty other towns, to admit a royal garrison 
 into the castle of Toulouse, to wage war against the heretics, 
 to provide orthodox doctors to teach the true faith at 
 Toulouse, and go on pilgrimage to Palestine. He was to
 
 41 European History, 918-1273 
 
 marry his daughter and heiress to Blanche's younger son 
 Alfonse, and so secure to the Capetians the ultimate suc- 
 cession to all his dominions. Another result of the treaty 
 was the organisation of a systematic effort to stamp out the 
 last remnants of the Albigensian heresy. Immediately after 
 The the treaty a systematic Episcopal Inquisition, 
 
 inquisition. suc h ^ Lucius in. had contemplated in 
 1184, was set up in every diocese of Languedoc. In 
 1233 it was supplemented by a Papal Inquisition, estab- 
 lished by Gregory ix. This latter gave unity to persecution 
 by overstepping the rigid diocesan limits. Its direction was 
 given to the followers of the same Dominic who had preached 
 so long in vain in Toulouse. But Gregory did not put his 
 whole trust in the fires of the inquisitors. At the same time 
 that he created their grim tribunal, he established the Uni- 
 versity of Toulouse, the first studium generale set up by papal 
 bull, and thus gave wider currency to the orthodox teaching 
 which the care of Honorius had already established there. 
 The faculty of theology passed at once into Dominican hands, 
 and the orthodox dialectic of the schoolmen soon replaced the 
 lay and lax culture of the troubadours. Only in the county 
 of Provence did the troubadours still continue their songs. 
 The independence of the South was at an end, and the royal 
 domain for the first time touched the Mediterranean. But the 
 greater sympathy now shown for the Southern people came 
 out in the reversal of Montfort's rude efforts to introduce the 
 customs of the North. 
 
 Louis ix.'s personal government began in 1235, when his 
 mother kid down the regency in his favour. Though nur- 
 Characterof tured amidst the storms of rebellion, and exposed 
 st Louis. to a n t h e temptations of one who was a king from 
 early boyhood, Blanche had so carefully provided for his 
 education that his simple, just, and straightforward disposi- 
 tion was allowed full scope for its development. He early 
 became an example of piety to all his realm. He regularly 
 frequented the canonical hours of the Church, rising from
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 41 1 
 
 his bed, like a monk, to attend matins at midnight, and again 
 in the early morning for prime. His fasts, his discipline, his 
 rigid self-denial, were beyond all ordinary measure. The 
 length of his private devotions exhausted the patience of his 
 nobles, and even wearied his confessor; but he told the 
 barons that they wasted more time every day in gambling and 
 hunting, and shame compelled them to be silent His 
 devotion was not merely one of outward forms. His fer- 
 vent and exalted piety shone through every action of his 
 simple and well-ordered life. He was the soul of honour 
 and chastity. He ate and drank very sparingly, always 
 mixing his wine with water, and consuming whatever meats 
 happened to be set before him. Though on solemn occasions 
 he was clad in gold and rich stuffs, his ordinary garments 
 were of simple cut and sober colour. He detested oaths, 
 violent and impure speech, idle gossip, lies, and tale-bearing. 
 His patience was unending, and his good temper unruffled. 
 His humility was extreme and quite without ostentation. 
 His charity was immense and unbounded. He was not 
 only a great giver of alms and founder of churches, monas- 
 teries, and hospitals. He daily fed the poor at his table, 
 and visited the sick and wretched at their own abodes. 
 He washed the feet of repulsive beggars and cripples. He 
 did not shrink from contact with the lepers. His simple 
 enthusiasm for good works powerfully affected the rough 
 barons with whom he was brought into contact. ' To see or 
 hear him,' we are told, ' brought comfort and calm to the 
 most troubled spirit.' 
 
 With all his piety and simplicity, there was nothing weak 
 or puerile in Louis' character. His extreme asceticism had no 
 touch of the gloomy moroseness or inhumanity of the baser 
 type of mediaeval devotees. His habits were as robust, as manly, 
 as they were simple. He enjoyed vigorous health. His tall, 
 well-knit frame, bright, keen eye, fair flowing hair, and good- 
 humoured blonde face, made him the model of a high-born 
 knight. Not, perhaps, endowed with any high measure of
 
 4 1 2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 intellectual capacity, he had a firm will, a sane judgment, a 
 shrewd sense of his own limitations, and the strong common- 
 sense that makes a good man of affairs. He was pleasant 
 and easy of access, delighting in unrestrained intercourse 
 with his friends, and reckless of the etiquette and ceremony 
 that were beginning to hedge even a feudal court. With all 
 his ambition to live a 'regular' life, he did not scorn the 
 married state nor neglect the softer domestic virtues, and his 
 love for his children caused him early to abandon a hope 
 he at one time entertained of entering a monastery. As a 
 young man he delighted in the chase, in well-trained hawks 
 and high-mettled horses, and could entertain his barons with 
 sumptuous and regal hospitality. He was one of the bravest 
 of soldiers, preserving a rare coolness in the fierce hand-to- 
 hand struggle of a mediaeval battle, and never losing hope or 
 cheerfulness. He was as good a king as he was a man, 
 tenacious of all royal rights that had been handed down from 
 his forefathers, and constantly striving to uphold his authority 
 as the best guarantee of the peace and prosperity of his 
 people. He made his own the policy of his grandfather, 
 though in his hands it lost its original taint of fraud and 
 violence. He was the friend of the clerk, the friar, the 
 monk, the simple knight, and the burgess. He depressed the 
 great feudalists the more completely since he was scrupulous 
 to allow them every power that law or custom recognised to 
 be theirs. He enlarged his dominions the more securely 
 since his scrupulous conscience forbade him taking unfair 
 advantage even of his enemy. He could withstand the 
 aggressions of a greedy pope or a self-seeking bishop the 
 more effectively since his devotion to the Church and his zeal 
 for her just rights were patent to all men. He could build up 
 a new administrative system adequate for the government 
 of his vast realm since it was common fame that his motive 
 was not self-aggrandisement, but the well-being of his whole 
 people. As a Christian and as a man, as a statesman and as 
 a warrior, he was the exemplar of all that was best iu his age.
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 413 
 
 After his death he was raised to the honours of sanctity, and 
 subsequent ages have revered in St. Louis the very ideal of a 
 loyal knight and Christian king. 
 
 The first care for the young king was the completion of the 
 conquest of the South-west. His way had already been made 
 smooth for him. Raymond of Toulouse, curbed . 
 
 * ine settle- 
 
 by the Dominicans and the French garrison, was mentofthe 
 
 no longer dangerous, and the greater part of his South - WC8t - 
 old dominions were ruled by the royal seneschals of Beaucaire 
 and Carcassonne. In 1237 his heiress Joan was married to 
 Louis's brother, Alphonse, who, on his father-in-law's death, 
 was thus destined to become Count of Toulouse. 
 
 Though Alfonse was thus nobly provided for, Louis' 
 strict fidelity to his father's will conferred upon him and his 
 brothers the rich appanages which the previous king had be- 
 queathed to them in their cradles. In 1241 he held a great 
 court at Saumur, where, clad in blue satin and red mantle 
 lined with ermine, he royally feasted with the chief barons of 
 France in the noble hall built by Henry of Anjou. Alfonse, 
 There he made Alfonse a knight, and after- Count of 
 
 ... . Poitouand 
 
 wards, taking him to Poitiers, invested him with Auvergne, 
 the counties of Poitiers and Auvergne. For the I24I< 
 moment all was well. Hugh of Lusignan had banqueted at 
 Saumur, and had sworn fealty to Alfonse at Poitiers. But before 
 long his wife, the former queen of England, stirred him up to 
 resist his liege lord and fall back upon his ancient alliance with 
 his step-son. The Poitevin barons met at Parthenay, eager to 
 oppose the crown. ' The French,' they declared, ' have always 
 hated the Poitevins, and will always continue to do so. They 
 would fain trample us under their feet, and use us more con- 
 temptuously than the Normans or the Albigeois. In Cham- 
 pagne and Burgundy the king's servants carry all before them, 
 and the nobles dare do nothing without their leave. We had 
 better die than live such a slavish life.' A league was soon 
 formed; the English seneschal of Bordeaux sent immediate 
 help. Even "Raymond of Toulouse ventured to revolt, and
 
 414 European History, 918-1273 
 
 his subjects murdered inquisitors and chased away the 
 Dominican theologians of the University. All the old spirits 
 of disorder were aroused, and in 1242 Henry of England 
 landed in Saintonge with a considerable army, joyfully profit- 
 ing by the opportunity to vindicate his ancient claims to 
 Poitou. 
 
 Louis ix. was now forced to appear at the head of an 
 army in the South. In a short, one-sided campaign he carried 
 Battle of a ^ before him. He secured the passage of the 
 Saintes, and Charcnte by driving the Anglo-Poitevin host 
 SSJSK 1 from the bridge of Taillebourg, and on 2 2nd 
 and Poit- July won a decisive victory outside the walls of 
 
 ms, 1243. Saintes. He pressed on to Blaye on the Gironde, 
 where a sudden sickness alone prevented him from cross- 
 ing over to the siege of Bordeaux. But he had gained all 
 that he sought. Hugh of La Marche made a humiliating 
 submission, and his sons sought a freer and more adventurous 
 career with their half-brother in England. The Count of 
 The Treaty Toulouse yielded before the seneschal of Carcas- 
 of Lorris, sonne in time to avert a new Crusade. In 1243 
 humiliation* 1 l ^ e P eace f Lorris renewed the humiliating con- 
 of Raymond ditions of the Treaty of Meaux. c Henceforth,' 
 vn. ,1243. savg William o f Nangis, 'the barons no longer 
 attempt to do anything against their king, the Lord's anointed, 
 seeing clearly that the hand of the Lord was with him.' 
 
 Nothing now remained but to gather up the spoils. The 
 careful administration of Alfonse at Poitiers prepared the way 
 Aifonse f r tne direct absorption of the lands between 
 of Poitiers, Loire and Garonne within the royal domain. 
 Tou"ouse, 1 I2 49 tne beaten Raymond vn. died, and 
 *49- his son-in-law quietly succeeded to his heritage. 
 
 Northern laws and manners gradually permeated the South. 
 The improvements of administration which St. Louis had 
 established in his domain were adopted by his intelligent 
 brother. A single parliament or high law court was 
 created for all Alfonse's fiefs, and the South for the first
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 415 
 
 time felt the advantages of law and order. The Langue d'oc 
 receded before the new court tongue of the Langue d'oil. 
 ' Bastides ' and ' Villeneuves ' were set up as new centres of 
 trade and to diminish the importance and prosperity of the 
 older separatist towns. 1 Vast castles of the northern type kept 
 down the disobedient. Gothic minsters, like the cathedral 
 of Limoges and the choir of Toulouse, were reared by North 
 French workmen side by side with the indigenous Romanesque 
 that had lingered as long in the South as in the Rhineland. 
 When Alfonse died without heirs in 1271, his counties of 
 Toulouse and Poitiers and his land of Auvergne quietly 
 devolved on his nephew Philip in. 
 
 There still remained the danger of the English dukes of 
 Gascony, but Henry in. was now Louis' good friend and 
 brother-in-law, and too occupied in quarrels with his 
 subjects to concern himself overmuch with the affairs of 
 Aquitaine. Henry remained, however, tenacious of his rights, 
 and the vigorous rule of his brother-in-law, Simon of Mont- 
 fort, the younger, 2 showed what a source of strength Aqui- 
 taine might become in competent hands. Here The Treahr 
 St. Louis' moderation and sense of justice stood of Paris and 
 him in good stead, and led him to make one of the s ett l"r 
 
 ment with 
 
 the greatest sacrifices ever made by a strong king Henry m., 
 in the interests of peace. He persuaded the I359> 
 English king to yield up his vain claims on Normandy and 
 Anjou in return for the cession of considerable districts 
 in the South, long conquered and quietly ruled by Louis' 
 seneschals. He yielded at the moment ' all the rights which 
 he had in the three bishoprics of Limoges, Cahors, and 
 Pe"rigueux, in fiefs and in domains,' that is to say, the 
 homages of the barons of those regions, for Louis' domains 
 
 1 See Curie Seimbres' Essai sur les villes fondees dans le sud-ouest de la 
 France aux xiii e et xirf siecles sous le nom de basttdes [Toulouse, 1880]. 
 
 2 See on this subject M. Bemont's Simon de Montfort. On the 
 general position of the English Dukes of Guienne, see the Rdles Gascons, 
 now being published in the Documents itttdits sur Phistoire de France, 
 with M. Bemont's invaluable introductory sketch.
 
 4 1 6 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 there were insignificant. He also promised on the death 
 of Alfonse, to yield to Henry Saintonge south of the 
 Charente, the Agenais, and lower Quercy. The treaty 
 was drawn up at Abbeville in 1258 and finally sealed at 
 Paris in the following year. It was the last act in the long 
 struggle for Normandy and Poitou, the legal limitation of 
 the English king's land in France to a small fragment of 
 their Aquitanian heritage. The good faith of St Louis 
 was not strictly followed by his successor, and Edward i. 
 found some difficulty in obtaining the cessions promised on 
 Alfonse's death. At last, in the treaty of Amiens, 1279, 
 matters were compromised by the cession of the Agenais. 1 
 Future disputes between the French kings and the Aqui- 
 tainian dukes were in due course to arise, but they turned on 
 fresh questions. The loyalty of St. Louis had entirely ended 
 the ancient grounds of dispute between overlord and vassal. 
 
 No overwhelming growth of the royal domain in Northern 
 
 France marked the reign of Louis, but the vast acquisitions 
 
 Kin ^ Philip ii. were quietly absorbed, and their in- 
 
 andthe habitants became good Frenchmen. Four fiefs 
 
 northern Q f tne g rst or( j er now a i one remained in the 
 
 feudalists. 
 
 Appanages of north, and only two of these Flanders and 
 the royal Brittany retained a separatist character. 
 Despite their extension of power over the 
 Pyrenees, the house of Blois-Champagne was ever friendly 
 to Louis, and his purchase of Macon had kept Burgundy 
 in check. No great harm to the central power followed, 
 when in 1237 Louis made his brother Robert Count of Artois, 
 and in 1245 his youngest brother Charles became Count of 
 Anjou and Maine, especially as, in the latter case, Touraine, 
 the ancient dependency of Anjou, was retained within 
 the royal domain. At the later date Louis also granted 
 appanages to his younger sons, Peter becoming Count of 
 Alenc.cn, and Robert Count of Clermont-en-Beauvaisis. 
 But the subsequent marriage of Robert to the heir of 
 1 See Tout's Edward I. (Twelvr English Statesmen), pp. 86-92.
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Lotiis 417 
 
 Bourbon brought another great fief under the control of 
 the royal house. Charles's early government of Anjou was 
 vigorous and successful, and did something to reconcile 
 the ancient county to its practical loss of independence. But 
 Charles soon found a better sphere for his energies in the 
 imperial lands adjacent to the French kingdom. He strove 
 for a time to establish himself in the county of Hainault, as 
 the ally of Margaret of Flanders. He finally found a more 
 fruitful field in the Arelate, where he proved a worthy brother 
 to Alfonse of Poitiers, as the precursor of Northern influence 
 over the South. 
 
 The fall of Toulouse left the county of Provence the one 
 great centre of the South French national spirit. Though 
 technically no part of the French kingdom, it was 
 one in language, manners, and sympathies with un der Ray- 
 the county of Toulouse, whose princes had indeed mond 
 
 j r ^v. 11 j -\ir u r BerengarV. 
 
 acquired possession of the so-called March of 
 Provence, between the Durance and the Isere. So long as 
 the Languedocian civilisation was strong, the hereditary ani- 
 mosities of the Counts of Provence and the Counts of Toulouse 
 did much to weaken the political cohesion of two kindred 
 peoples. In the face of the wave of Northern aggression, 
 signs were not wanting that the ancient feuds of the courts 
 of Aix and Toulouse were abating. Raymond Berengar v. 
 had been Count of Provence since 1209. By his mar- 
 riage with Beatrix, daughter of Thomas, Count of Savoy, 
 he had established a close union whh the active and aggres- 
 sive house that was beginning to make itself a formidable 
 power in the upper region of the ancient Arelate. But four 
 daughters only were the offspring of the union, and were not 
 some special precautions taken there was the danger lest 
 Raymond Berengar should be the last of his race , 
 
 * Marriages 
 
 to rule in Provence. The astute Provencal looked of his 
 out early for wealthy husbands for his daughters. dau e hters - 
 The eldest, Margaret, became the wife of St. Louis himself 
 in 1234. Two years later Eleanor, the second, was wedded 
 
 PERIOD II. 2 D
 
 4 1 8 Eu ropean History, 918-1273 
 
 to Henry in. of England. The third, Sanchia, was espoused 
 in 1244 to Richard earl of Cornwall, the future King of the 
 Romans. The youngest, Beatrice, was the destined heiress 
 of Provence, and everything depended upon her choice of a 
 husband. During the crisis of the struggle in the south-west, 
 Raymond vn. repudiated his Spanish wife and became a 
 suitor for the hand of Beatrice. Had such a union been 
 accomplished, it would have been easy to cheat Alfonse of 
 Poitiers of the Toulouse succession, and a brilliant prospect 
 was opened out of a great national state in southern Gaul, 
 formed by the union of Toulouse and Provence, which 
 would have surrounded the royal Se'ne'chausse'es of Beaucaire 
 and Carcassonne, and might well have proved strong 
 enough to ward off the aggressions of the northerners. 
 But with the collapse of the English power at Saintes and 
 the submission of Raymond at Lorris, this glowing vision 
 vanished for ever. It was too late in the day to stem the 
 tide that had already overflowed. Raymond Berengar died 
 in 1245, and soon after the marriage of Beatrice to Charles 
 of Anjou established a Northern court at Aix as well as at 
 Poitiers. 
 
 For the next twenty years (1245-1265) Charles of Anjou 
 
 carried on in Provence the same work that Alfonse had long 
 
 been doing at Poitiers and was soon to begin at 
 
 Anj'ou'count Toulouse. The ablest, strongest, fiercest, and 
 
 of Provence, most unscrupulous of the sons of Louis viii., the 
 
 CttS*X9fiS 
 
 new Count of Provence thoroughly established 
 Northern methods of government and Northern ideals of 
 life in the last home of the civilisation of the Troubadours. 
 Charles's success was brilliant and lasting. The great church- 
 men, like the archbishop of Aries, ceased to be temporal 
 sovereigns. The feudal nobles lost their independence when 
 their leader, Barral des Baux, despairing of holding his rock- 
 built stronghold against his suzerain, gave up his pursuit of 
 feudal freedom and became one of Charles's most trusted 
 ministers. The cities, which had hitherto vied with their
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 419 
 
 Italian neighbours in their love of absolute autonomy, saw 
 their municipal franchises destroyed when revolted Marseilles 
 was starved into submission, while the care Charles showed 
 for its commercial interests soon did something to reconcile 
 the wealthy citizens to the loss of their liberties. Master 
 of every order of his subjects, Charles welded all Provence 
 together by the skilful execution of good laws. As a result 
 of his careful policy, he was gradually able to dispense with 
 his Northern followers and intrust administration and arms 
 to his Provencal subjects. The last of the Troubadours 
 fled to the more congenial courts of Aragon and northern 
 Italy. The successes of Charles began that long series of 
 French aggressions on the Arelate, which only ceased when 
 Savoy itself became French less than forty years ago. This 
 was the natural and inevitable result of the development 
 of the idea of nationality and the decay of the imperial 
 principle. As the Provencal lands could not form a national 
 state of their own, they ultimately found their salvation in 
 incorporation with the more vigorous nationality of the 
 Langue d'oil. 
 
 The foreign policy of St. Louis was inspired by the same 
 spirit of justice and peace that regulated his dealings with 
 his feudatories. We have seen his watchful care Foreign Policy 
 of the just rights of the English king. His of St - Louis. 
 Treaty of Corbeil of 1258, with James I., king of Aragon, 
 was based on the same principles as the Treaty of Paris 
 with Henry HI. By it Louis renounced all rights over 
 the county of Barcelona, in return for James's His relations 
 abandonment of his claims over Foix and all toS P ain - 
 lands north of Rousillon. By an almost nominal con- 
 cession, Louis thus broke the close tie between the kindred 
 civilisations north and south of the Pyrenees which, in the 
 days of the Albigensian Wars, had threatened to counter- 
 balance the growing influence of the French crown over the 
 south. By the marriage of Louis's eldest son, Philip, to 
 James's daughter, Isabella of Aragon, the personal tie between
 
 4 2O European History, 918-1273 
 
 the two realms was made the stronger. Two daughters of 
 Louis were wedded to Spanish princes, one to the son of the 
 king of Castile, another to Theobald the Young, king of 
 Navarre and count of Champagne. Even the establishment 
 of the most faithful of the great feudatories in the little king- 
 dom of Navarre helped, rather than hindered, the progress 
 of the French monarchy. The Champenois Joinville became 
 the most attached follower, the most enthusiastic biographer 
 of St. Louis. 
 
 The long quarrel of Papacy and Empire gave ample oppor- 
 tunities for an ambitious prince to draw profit to France from 
 Louis and their dissensions. The anti-clerical policy ot 
 the Empire. Frederick ii. afforded plenty of pretexts to so 
 pious a king as Louis for putting himself on the papal side and 
 making what annexations he could at the expense of Frederick's 
 weakness. But though troubled by the Emperor's ecclesiasti- 
 cal attitude, Louis did not forget Frederick's forbearance in 
 the days when Blanche of Castile was struggling single-handed 
 against the feudal party, and he was by no means satisfied 
 with the rancorous attitude of the Papacy. He therefore 
 strove to take up a strict neutrality between Pope and Em- 
 peror. He rejected the offer of the imperial crown which 
 Gregory ix. made to Robert of Artois. He refused to re- 
 ceive Innocent iv. when he fled from Italy, and disregarded 
 the deposition of the Emperor at Lyons. He strove hard at 
 Cluny to reconcile Innocent and Frederick. The only occa- 
 sion when he prepared to uphold the Pope was when it was 
 believed that Frederick was crossing Mont Cenis with a great 
 army in full march for Lyons. This judicious policy was 
 especially pursued by him since he realised that the essential 
 condition of a new Crusade was the friendship of Oesar 
 and the Pope. When the last chances of reconciliation 
 were ended, he went, in 1248, to Egypt, to fight single- 
 handed for the cause which he had at heart. On his return 
 in 1254, he found Frederick dead and the Empire as good 
 as destroyed Yet during the weary years of the Great
 
 France tinder Philip Augustus and St. Louis 421 
 
 Interregnum, he never, as we shall see, departed from the 
 ancient strictness of his policy. He had no wish that his 
 brother-in-law, Richard of Cornwall, should revive the ancient 
 alliance of England and Germany. He preferred to recognise 
 Alfonso of Castile, but he took no direct action to sustain his 
 preference. The position of Richard in Germany removed 
 his last scruples about the Sicilian inheritance. He allowed 
 Charles of Anjou to accept in 1265 the Sicilian throne, and 
 marred his later policy by his undue deference to his un- 
 scrupulous brother. The deviation of the Crusade of 1270 
 to Tunis was the result of Charles's wish to strengthen his 
 Italian position. Louis's death was thus in a measure due to 
 the influence of the prince who had become the evil spirit of 
 the French royal house. 
 
 Towards the end of his reign Louis was incontestably 
 the first prince of Europe. The collapse of the Hohen- 
 staufen. the weakness of his English brother-in- 
 
 r ranee the 
 
 law, the position of his own brethren in the chief Power 
 South and in Italy, the degradation of the feuda- of Eur P e - 
 tories, all contributed to make the power of Louis great, but 
 the unique position which the French monarch now held was 
 due not so much to his authority and resources as to the 
 ascendency won by his personal character and virtues. His 
 reputation for impartiality and his recognised love of peace 
 and justice made him the natural arbiter in every delicate 
 question, the general peace-maker in every European quarrel. 
 Louis's arbitration between Henry in. and his barons, if the 
 least successful of his interventions, was but one example of 
 his activity in this direction, both with regard to foreign 
 princes and his own feudatories. It was too much to expect 
 that even the best of kings would decide otherwise than in 
 favour of a brother monarch against an aristocracy whose 
 avowed object was the transference of the royal authority to 
 a committee of barons. It speaks strongly for Louis that 
 the English barons should ever have consented to submit to 
 his decision
 
 422 European History r , 918^273 
 
 The internal government of Louis ix. must now be con- 
 sidered. His attitude towards the feudal barons has been 
 Home Policy already illustrated. The narrowness of his vision 
 of st Louis, and the justness of his character combined to 
 make it impossible for him to adopt an anti-feudal policy like 
 that of his grandson, Philip the Fair. He was the defender 
 of all existing lawful authority, but if he intervened to pro- 
 tect the oppressed barons from the zeal of his too active 
 officials, he more often used his influence to make the barons 
 exercise towards their dependants the same rigid justice he was 
 ever willing to manifest to them. His forbidding of private 
 war, the judicial duel, and the tournaments which were often 
 little better than thinly disguised war, were the result of his 
 love of peace and order ; but they cut at the root of feudal 
 ideas, with which indeed any real measure of peace and order 
 were almost incompatible. 
 
 Louis's relations to the Church bring out strongly the best 
 sides of his character. No king was ever so anxious to give 
 Louis and tne Church its due, and to protect churchmen 
 the Church. from grasping barons or greedy crown officials. 
 He regarded his rights of patronage and his custody of the 
 temporalities of vacant sees as sacred trusts, and he strove, 
 so far as he could, to prevail upon his barons to follow in his 
 footsteps. Guided by the wise counsels of William of Au- 
 vergne, bishop of Paris for the first twenty years of his reign, 
 he safeguarded the interests of the monarchy as well as the 
 interests of the Church. It was in his reign that the married 
 clerks engaged in commerce were, at Louis's instance, aban- 
 doned to the jurisdiction of the lay tribunals, and yet Louis 
 more than once associated himself with his barons in protest- 
 ing against the growing aggressions of the ecclesiastical courts. 
 It was under Louis that the French clergy first felt the weight 
 of regular and systematic taxation. The extraordinary favour 
 which he showed to the Mendicants cost him something of 
 the good wishes of the secular clergy and of the older 
 orders. Franciscans and Dominicans were his chaplains and
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 423 
 
 confessors, his habitual companions, and the instruments even 
 of his secular policy. Their influence over him contributed 
 towards the establishment of the Mendicants in a strong 
 position in the University of Paris, despite violent secular 
 opposition. Through the Mendicants Louis was ever inclined 
 to ally himself with the Pope against the secular clergy. Yet 
 that alliance had, as we have seen, its limits. The champions 
 of Gallican liberties in the fifteenth century were not altogether 
 at fault in regarding St. Louis as the first upholder of the 
 national freedom of the French Church. The so-called ' Prag- 
 matic Sanction of St. Louis ' is indeed a forgery of the 
 fifteenth century, but the hostility it expresses to simony, to 
 papal taxation, to the temporal claims of Rome and the 
 abuses of ecclesiastical elections, do not go far beyond his 
 practice. It was, however, quite impossible for a pious 
 churchman of the thirteenth century to formulate the doc- 
 trines of national independence that were afterwards upheld 
 by the fathers of Constance and Basel. 
 
 The greatest result of St. Louis's home government was the 
 enlargement and definition of the administrative system 
 which first sprang up as the result of the ex- T 
 
 ... . Louis's Ad- 
 
 pansion of the monarchy under Philip n. This ministrative 
 arose from the same necessities as the Anglo- s y stem - 
 Norman system, which had been perfected by Henry of Anjou, 
 and in many details presents remarkable analogies to the 
 polity already established beyond the Channel. The king 
 was the centre of the whole system. His advisers were no 
 longer the hereditary functionaries of the primitive monarchy. 
 The royal household (Fkbtel dii rot) now consisted of a band 
 of clerks and knights, the chaplains, the scribes, the advisers 
 and defenders of the king, and of the subordinate servants, 
 who discharged purely menial and domestic functions. From 
 the powerful body of clerks and knights of the household 
 sprang the official class which represented the monarchy 
 throughout the kingdom. Though many of the clerks were 
 doubtless trained lawyers, the ministers of St. Louis were far
 
 424 European History, 918-1273 
 
 from showing that pettifogging and litigious spirit that in- 
 spired king and household alike in the days of Philip the 
 Fair. 
 
 All France was divided into great provinces, and at the head 
 
 of each was placed a royal official, called a bailli in the north 
 
 Baiiiages an< ^ a s ^ n ^ a ^ m tne south, who roughly corre- 
 
 nd Sene- sponded to, though they governed a greater extent 
 
 usss. Q f territory than, the sheriffs of the English crown. 
 They nominated the provosts and inferior officers; they 
 administered ju tice; collected the royal revenue; and were 
 charged with the superintendence of the royal relations to the 
 neighbouring feudatories as well as with the administration 
 of their own districts. Their annual visits to the Exchequer 
 connected them with the central government, and a further 
 link between the central and local administration was found in 
 the regular institution by St. Louis of enquesteurs. 
 
 Enquesteurs. , , . 
 
 the mtsst aommict, or the itinerant justices of the 
 Capetian monarchy, who, though casually employed by 
 earlier kings, were now made a permanent element in the 
 administrative system. 
 
 Under St. Louis a process of differentiation similar to that 
 which had evolved the Exchequer, Curia Regis, and other 
 
 courts from the great councils of the Anglo- 
 
 The Differ- , .. 
 
 entiationof Norman kings, divided into three bodies the 
 the Royal royal court of the Capetian kings. The Grand 
 
 Council. ... . .... 
 
 Consetl became the administrative and political 
 assembly ; the ParUmcnt grew into the judicial mouthpiece of 
 the crown ; and MaAtrcs des Comptes received and regulated the 
 royal revenue. While the political Council still followed 
 the king in the ceaseless wanderings of a mediaeval sove- 
 reign, the Parliament gradually settled down permanently at 
 Paris. With the elaboration of its organisation came an 
 extension of its competence. Churchmen and lawyers agreed 
 in believing that the king was the sole source of justice. 
 Appeals to the king's court became, under St. Louis, the 
 substitute for the trial by combat, which he abolished. Not
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 425 
 
 only were the inferior courts of the baillage or prevbte sub- 
 ordinate to the king's court. It became usual for appeals to 
 be taken to Paris from the highest courts of the greatest 
 feudatories of the realm. The doctrine of the cas royal, the 
 plea reserved exclusively for the cognisance of the crown, 
 materially aided the extension of the Parliament The p arHa . 
 of Paris. Alfonse of Poitiers, as we have seen, mem of 
 imitated in his own fief the example of his sove- E 
 reign and brother. The financial reforms of St. the Royal 
 Louis, though important, were not so radical as Jur 
 his judicial changes. The Gens des Comptes in session at the 
 Temple in Paris prepared the way for the organisation of the 
 Chambre des Comptes under Philip the Fair. But almost alone 
 of mediaeval sovereigns, St. Louis was well able ' to live of his 
 own,' and the ordinary revenue of the crown left Finance and 
 a surplus for his religious and charitable founda- the Coinage, 
 tions Only the rare great wars, and the two Crusades 
 of the king, necessitated recourse to exceptional taxation. 
 Yet Louis was able to carry out a thoroughgoing reform of 
 the coinage, and carefully upheld the value and purity of 
 the circulating medium. In 1263 he issued an ordinance by 
 which he gained for the royal mints the monopoly of sup- 
 plying the monetary needs of the royal domain. Wherever 
 no seignorial money was coined, there the royal money 
 was to circulate exclusively. All that was allowed to the 
 seignorial currency was that it should be accepted concur- 
 rently with the king's money in those fiefs where the lord 
 had an established right of mintage. It was, however, to be 
 so struck that every one might see that it plainly differed 
 from the products of the mints of the crown. This reform in 
 itself was a great encouragement to trade. The protection of 
 the communes by the king, the sound peace which enabled 
 merchants to buy and sell without molestation, The Towns 
 and the establishment of new towns, especially in and Trade, 
 the south, all furthered the growth of commerce. The vilk 
 of Carcassonne, whose plan to this day preserves the right lines
 
 426 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 and measured regularity of an American city, and which, with 
 its Gothic churches and its busy industries stands to this day in 
 such vivid contrast to the desolate cite on the height, the witness 
 of departed military glories, is an example of the numerous class 
 
 FRANCE 
 
 AND ITS 
 
 NEIGHBOUR LANDS 
 
 IN 1270 
 
 ' t 
 
 llauiultirf of French kingtlom^ 
 Lamia o/A{fimte ofl'oitieri (i, 
 Lands of Charles o/Anjou. 
 
 Royal 'domain 
 i witk tk< dommin i 7/J 
 
 fflSl Lands of Hubert of ArJoi 
 Ike other great /iefa- 
 
 [~ I 
 
 " J=U 
 
 tcuuLs ofEnglisk JKitigs(tn*tittt/av 4- 
 
 of Villeneuves and Villcfranches founded by St. Louis in his newly 
 won domains in the Languedoc. Louis's Christian zeal, no 
 jews and ^ss than his hatred of usury, caused him to deal 
 Cahorsin*. W ;th excessive rigour with the Jews. He was almost 
 as intolerant of the Lombard and Cahorsin usurers, who had
 
 France under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 427 
 
 now begun to rival with the Israelites in finance. One of the 
 least pleasing sides of the saint's character was his cruel 
 severity to blasphemers, heretics, and unbelievers. The same 
 zeal led St. Louis twice to abandon France while he went on 
 crusade. [See chapter xix.] But neither his long sojourn in 
 Egypt and Syria nor his death at Tunis destroyed the effect 
 of his work for his kingdom. Queen Blanche resumed her 
 vigorous rule of France as regent during Louis's absence 
 from 1248 to her death in 1253, the year before his return. 
 The chief trouble Blanche had was with the strange popular 
 gathering of the Pastoureaux, which, assembled The 
 under the pretext that shepherds and workmen Pastoureaux. 
 were to supply the remissness of lords and knights and 
 rescue St. Louis from the Egyptians, soon became a wild 
 carnival of brigandage, which the regent had considerable 
 difficulty in suppressing (1251). In 1270 Philip the Bold, 
 the saint's dull, but pious, docile, hard-fighting, and well- 
 meaning son, succeeded as easily in the camp at Tunis as 
 he could have done in Paris itself. The work of St. Louis 
 was quietly and unostentatiously continued during the first 
 years of Philip m.'s reign. In his later years the baleful 
 influence of Charles of Anjou turned the heir of St. Louis 
 to a more active and greedy policy that prepared the way for 
 the extraordinary success of Philip the Fair, whose triumphant 
 reign marks the end of the process that had begun with the 
 early Capetians.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 THE UNIVERSITIES AND THE FRIARS 1 
 
 The Regnum, the Sacerdotium, and the Studium The Beginnings of the 
 Universities Their Organisation and their Spirit Their Relations to the 
 Church The Introduction of Aristotle Intellectual and Popular Heresy 
 St. Francis and the Minorites St. Dominic and the Order of Preachers 
 Other Mendicant Orders The Work of the Mendicants Preaching 
 and Pastoral Care The Religious Revival The Mendicants and the 
 Universities The Triumph of the Mendicants The Great Scholastics 
 of the Thirteenth Century and the Results of their Influence. 
 
 FROM the unorganised schools of the twelfth century pro- 
 ceeded the corporate universities of the thirteenth century. 
 The same age that witnessed the culmination of 
 
 Regnum, ~ . 
 
 Sacerdotium, the idea of the regnum under Barbarossa and 
 and Henry vi. and the triumph of the ' sacerdotium ' 
 
 Studium. * , ,. , 
 
 under Innocent in., saw the establishment of the 
 1 studium ' as a new bond of unity and authority, worthy to 
 be set up side by side with the Empire and the Papacy 
 themselves. The strong instinct for association that about 
 the same period led to the organisation of the Lombard 
 
 1 Denifle's Universitaten des Mittelallers (vol. i.), and Rashdall's Uni- 
 versities of Europe in the Middle Ages supply full information as to the 
 organisation and studies of the universities. I laur&iu's De la philosophic 
 scholastique (2 vols. ) summarises clearly the activity and teaching of the 
 schoolmen. For the Franciscans, Hase's Franz von Assist and Sabatier's 
 brilliant Saint Francois <F Assist, and Muller's Anfdnge des Afinoriten- 
 ordtns und der Bussbrmierschaften. Brewer's Monumenta Franciscana 
 and Little's Grey Friars at Oxford illustrate their activity in England. 
 For the Dominicans, Laconlaire's Vie de Saint Dominique, Caro's Saint 
 Dominique et les Dominicains, and Lecoy de la Marche's La Chain 
 franfaise au moyen dge. For the heretics and their repression, besides 
 Lea's History of the Inquisition, J. Havet's Uhtresie et le bras s/culier 
 au moyen age. The extracts from original authorities in Gieseler, and 
 Moller's careful summary, remain very useful. 
 4*1
 
 The Universities and the Friars 429 
 
 League and the French Communes, that united England under 
 the Angevins and South Italy under Frederick n., that set 
 up merchant guilds in every urban centre and gave fresh 
 life to both the old and the new ecclesiastical societies, 
 brought about the organisation of the masters and scholars 
 into the universities which still remain as the most abiding 
 product of the genius of the Middle Ages. Just as the 
 institution of knighthood had set up a new cosmopolitan 
 principle of union that bound together men of different 
 lands, wealth, and social station, in a common brotherhood of 
 arms, so did the establishment of the corporations of doctors 
 and scholars unite the subtlest brains of diverse countries and 
 ranks in a common professional and social life. 
 
 The earliest universities were, like Paris, associations of 
 teachers, or, like Bologna, clubs of foreign students. They 
 had no founders, and based their rights on no The earliest 
 charters of king or pope, but grew up gradually universities. 
 as a natural outcome of the wide spread of intellectual pur- 
 suits that had followed upon the twelfth-century Renascence. 
 The accident of the abiding presence of a series of great 
 teachers had made Paris the centre of theological and philo- 
 sophical study north of the Alps, and had given the schools of 
 Bologna a prestige that attracted to them students Paris and 
 of the civil and canon laws from every country in Bologna. 
 Europe. It was inevitable that sooner or later the accidental 
 and spasmodic character of the earlier schools should give 
 way to systematic organisation. The numerous teachers of 
 arts and theology at Paris gradually became a definite college 
 or guild of doctors and masters, with power to admit and 
 to exclude new members of their profession, and with an 
 increasingly strong corporate spirit and tradition. Before 
 the death of Louis VH. a university, that is to say a corpora- 
 tion, of masters, had replaced the individual schools of the age 
 of Abelard. Before the century was out Philip Augustus had 
 given the infant university its earliest privileges of exemption 
 from the ordinary municipal organisation. Before the middle
 
 430 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of the thirteenth century, the Faculties had been organised, 
 the Four Nations and the Rectorate set up, the authority 
 of the Episcopal Chancellor reduced to a minimum, and the 
 universal acceptation of the teaching rights of the masters 
 secured. Kings and popes vied with each other in shower- 
 ing privileges on a society that controlled with such absolute 
 authority educated public opinion. Moreover, the simple 
 expedient of suspension of lectures or of secession wrung by 
 force the privileges not to be obtained by favour, while a more 
 permanent result of these academic secessions was the creation 
 of other universities, whose rivalry wholesomely stimulated 
 the energies of the teachers of the ancient centre. Bologna 
 did for Italy almost all that Paris did for the North, though 
 the difference of the circumstances of a free municipality 
 and those of a great capital of a national state affected both 
 the organisation of the institution and the character of the 
 studies. Not the teaching masters but the well-to-do and 
 mature students themselves formed the corporations that 
 were the earliest form of the university of Bologna. The 
 Themuiti- supreme importance of legal studies was the 
 plication of outcome of the social, political, and intellectual 
 universities. condit i on of j^ xhe constant secessions that 
 set up flourishing schools at Padua and Pisa, and covered 
 Italy with smaller universities, were helped by the centrifugal 
 tendency that had already become a marked feature of Italian 
 politics. Yet no mediseval university was in any sense a 
 purely national institution. It was the home of the Latinised, 
 cosmopolitan, clerkly culture that made the wandering scholar 
 as much at home in a distant city of a foreign land as in the 
 schools of his native town. The Studium, like the Regnum 
 and the Sacerdotium, belonged to the old cosmopolitan Roman 
 order that knew nothing of the modern ideas of national life 
 and local states. Yet no local state that aspired to civilised 
 life could dispense with a ' studium generate ' or university. 
 The great position of Angevin England made the English 
 school at Oxford the chief northern rival of Paris, from which
 
 The Universities and the Friars 43 1 
 
 perhaps it was the most important secession. Thirteenth- 
 century Spain celebrated its deliverance from the Moor and 
 its entrance into the Christian commonwealth by the setting 
 up of new learned corporations. It was a sign of the dethrone- 
 ment of Germany from her ancient predominance that she had 
 no university till long after our period was over. So great were 
 the benefits of an organised general school that kings and 
 popes began to institute, deliberately, imitations of what had 
 earlier grown up spontaneously. Gregory ix. established 
 the first university of papal foundation at Toulouse, and 
 Frederick n. the first university of royal foundation at Naples. 
 Alfonso VIH. of Castile not only conquered at Las Navas 
 de Tolosa, but strove, though to little purpose, to found the 
 first Spanish university at Palencia. 
 
 From the remotest parts of Europe eager students of every 
 rank and condition, from highest to lowest, from wealthiest to 
 poorest, flocked to the universities of repute. If The spirit 
 many were chiefly eager for a career and profes- of the uni- 
 sional advancement, there were not wanting a few 
 touched with a higher spirit. The free life, the democratic 
 equality of the teachers, the unrestrained licence of the taught, 
 if leading to constant disorders, brought about a spirit of 
 independence within the academic band such as Europe had 
 not witnessed since the fall of the Roman Empire. This was 
 the more important since the universities of the thirteenth 
 century were no mere abodes of recluse scholars, but exercised 
 a profound influence on every side of human activity. They 
 affected politics and statecraft nearly as much as they affected 
 thought and religion. It is with their influence on the State 
 and the Church that we are mainly concerned now. 
 
 It was an all-important question what would be the relations 
 of the Studium to the Sacerdotium. The uni- 
 
 . Relation 01 
 
 versities were in the long-run bound to be either the 
 the friends or the foes of the existing order, 
 which was so intimately bound up with the ascen- 
 dency of the Church. At first there seemed to be little danger
 
 43 2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 of rivalry. The reconciliation ot orthodoxy and free specu- 
 lation, which had put the limited but safe activity of a Peter 
 Lombard in the place of the antagonistic ideas of a Bernard 
 or an Abelard, still continued during the period that saw the 
 crystallisation of the European schools into systematic cor- 
 porations. If the Civilians upheld a Barbarossa, the Canonists 
 were equally strenuous in upholding the universal bishopric 
 of the Roman pontiff. North of the Alps every scholar was 
 a clerk with the privileges of clergy, and the Church alone 
 provided both the materials of thought and the worldly careers 
 that were open to scholars. If the Italian scholars were com- 
 monly laymen, the spirit of the Italian schools was too averse 
 to abstract speculation to be likely to lead to formal heresy, 
 and law was still, even in Italy, the study through which 
 churchmen rose to greatness. Yet it was by no means clear, 
 at the beginning of the century, that the intellectual ferment 
 which the universities had perpetuated would permit the 
 reconciliation of philosophy with theology, and of law with 
 the ecclesiastical order. The tradition of Greek thought 
 The intro- nac * Deen rev i ye d before the twelfth century was 
 auction of over, and the full knowledge of the ethical, physical 
 tle ' and metaphysical teachings of Aristotle did not 
 come in a more Christian shape when it was filtered through 
 the imperfect translations and free paraphrases through which 
 Arab and Arabs and Jews had kept alive a perverted yet 
 Jewish stimulating version of the doctrines of the great 
 influence. Greek ph j| osop her. The glories of the Arab and 
 the Jewish schools of Spain had already culminated in 
 Averroes (d. 1198), and Moses Maimonides (d. 1204). when 
 they were made public to the Latin world by scholars like the 
 translators employed by Archbishop Raymond of Toledo, and 
 Frederick ii.'s prote'ge', Michael Scot. The increased inter- 
 course between East and West, which resulted in the latin 
 conquest of Constantinople, led before long to a better 
 acquaintance with Aristotelian texts and to Latin versions 
 based upon the Greek itself.
 
 The Universities and the Friars 433 
 
 The Moorish and Jewish doctors of Spain had endured 
 persecution from the orthodox Mohammedans for the bold- 
 ness and freedom of their speculations. The intellectual 
 materialistic pantheism of Averroes was as famous and pp lar 
 as his commentaries on Aristotle, and the intro- 
 duction of the latter was soon followed by the spread of 
 the former. The doctrines of the Averroists stimulated 
 anew the popular heresies of the Cathari, who were now 
 fighting desperately against orthodoxy in Languedoc, and 
 who still filled Lomhardy with enemies of the Church. 
 The union of the popular with the scientific heretics might 
 well have led to a violent revolution, especially since the 
 changes involved in the rapid progress of the age threatened 
 social and economic disturbances that imperilled the whole 
 order of society. The ever-increasing wealth and political 
 power of the Church were blighting the best interests of 
 religion. The new orders of the twelfth century had lost 
 their early fervour, and proved almost as susceptible of cor- 
 ruption as their older brethren. The dangers of an earlier 
 age were renewed, and the schools that had long been 
 'secular' in the mediaeval sense bade fair to become secular 
 in a more modern signification of the term. A famous Paris 
 master, Simon of Tournai, boasted to those who had applauded 
 his vindication of the orthodox faith that he could demolish 
 it with equal ease and plausibility. In the early years of 
 the thirteenth century Amalric of Bena taught undisguised 
 pantheism at Paris, and had a following of enthusiastic and 
 outspoken heretics, whose views were as wild and revolu- 
 tionary as those of any of the Albigenses. The false teaching 
 of Amalric was attributed to the influence of Aristotle and 
 Averroes, and in 1215 the papal legate Courgon drew up a 
 body of statutes for the Paris masters which prohibited the 
 study of the physics and metaphysics of Aristotle a pro- 
 hibition renewed later by Gregory ix. ' until they have 
 been examined and purged from all heresy.' In Italy, if 
 there were less speculative theology than in Paris, there was 
 
 PERIOD II. 2 E
 
 434 European History, 918-1273 
 
 more popular heresy, and more political opposition to the 
 church that was also a state. The dangerous mysticism 
 of the abbot Joachim might well become a new source of 
 danger to the hierarchy. Despite all that Innocent in. had 
 done his successors still saw themselves face to face with 
 imminent danger. But the source from which salvation was 
 to arise had already been revealed. From the obscure 
 labours of Francis and Dominic was soon to come not only 
 the reconciliation of the new philosophy with the old ortho- 
 doxy, but a revival of spiritual religion, from which asceticism 
 became mighty to do good works, and in which the Church 
 of the Middle Ages attained its loftiest and purest ideals. 
 
 In 1182 was born at Assisi John Bernardone, more often 
 known by the nickname Francis, that is the Frenchman, which 
 was given him by his father, a wandering cloth merchant, 
 trave ^ e( ^ much in France and loved its 
 
 nci 
 
 of Assisi, people. The father was well-to-do, and ambitious 
 ii8a-iaa6. ^^ ^js gjf te( j an( j attractive son should play a 
 great part in the world. But an overmastering religious 
 enthusiasm soon drew Francis from the revels and sports of 
 the wealthy youth of Perugia. He renounced friends, fortune, 
 kinsfolk, and declared that he had wedded the Lady Poverty, 
 the fairest, richest, and purest of brides. His glowing imagina- 
 tion and earnest spiritual longings saw all things through the 
 medium of a divine and ecstatic love. His single-minded 
 devotion to the poor and afflicted, his loving care for the 
 despised and neglected lepers, his holiness, pureness, and 
 goodness soon attracted round him a little band of followers. 
 One day he took them into a church, opened the gospels on 
 the altar and read them the words in which Christ bade His 
 Be innin s Disciples sell all that they have and give to the 
 of the Ordo poor, and take no care of staff nor scrip, nor gold 
 Minorum. Qr s jj verj nor bread nor clothes, but leave all and 
 follow Him. In these words, he told his followers, lay all 
 their life and rule. His one endeavour now became the literal 
 imitation of Christ's life on earth. The doings of Francis
 
 The Universities and the Friars 435 
 
 and his penitents excited lively opposition as well as un- 
 bounded admiration. But in 1210 Francis and eleven com- 
 panions travelled on foot to Rome, where Innocent HI., 
 stranger though he was to their spirit, received them kindly 
 and permitted them to continue to uphold fheir simple rule 
 of absolute poverty and devotion to good works. The 
 brotherhood grew in numbers, and soon spread beyond the 
 limits of Assisi and central Italy. Francis himself went on 
 missions to the heathen, and pleaded for Christianity before 
 the Sultan of Egypt. Francis called himself and followers 
 the Poor Men of Assisi, or the Order of Lesser Brethren 
 (Ordo Minorum) ; but the rope-girt grey frock that they wore 
 caused the people to call them the Grey Friars, while the 
 prestige of the founder frequently gave them the name of 
 Franciscans. For years the fraternity in no wise departed 
 from its primitive simplicity. The simple mysticism of 
 Francis, his frank joyousness and cheerfulness, despite his 
 constant perils and rigid asceticism, his strange and forcible 
 preaching, and his utter indifference to all worldly power and 
 influence, won an absolute mastery over men's hearts. He 
 was not a man of learning : he was a simple deacon, who 
 never aspired to the priesthood he was no organiser, and 
 had an absolute horror of the political forces that kept the 
 Church so absorbed in worldly cares. The grow- The Rule of 
 ing support of great churchmen, the powerful Iaa3> 
 favour of the zealous Cardinal Ugolino, the future Gregory ix., 
 the establishment of a fixed rule for the order by Honorius in. 
 in 1223, were evidence of the spread of the founder's ideas. 
 Yet they gave Francis as much anxiety as satisfaction. They 
 involved the danger lest the simple gospel of love should be 
 overshadowed by formalism and officialism, lest 
 the doctrine of absolute poverty should be inter- ^^*** 
 preted so as to become a snare to the brethren within the 
 as it had been to the older orders of monks. 
 The gentle saint retired to his favourite chapels 
 and shrines near Assisi, leaving to the energetic and strenuous
 
 436 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Elias of Cortona the uncongenial hut necessary task of 
 organising the new society. Francis died in 1226, full of 
 trouble as to the future, and solemnly warning the brethren 
 to add no glosses or amplifications to the absolute simplicity 
 of the rule which he had prescribed for them. Two years 
 later Gregory ix. made him a saint, and laid the foundation 
 of the great church at Assisi, where the art of Giotto was 
 later to commemorate his glories. But the absorption of 
 the Franciscan spirit to the service of the hierarchy had 
 robbed it of much that was most beautiful and character- 
 istic. Later divisions within the order long bore witness 
 that the literal doctrines of the Testament of St. Francis were 
 still cherished by his more faithful followers. But a great 
 world-wide order could not be controlled by a few pious 
 aspirations and general exhortations to poverty. The work 
 of Gregory and of Elias was as necessary as the life and 
 character of the founder himself, if the Franciscan order were 
 to maintain the place which it had begun to fill in the life of 
 the thirteenth century. 
 
 Even before Francis had begun to preach poverty and good 
 works to the scattered towns and villages of central Italy, 
 st. Dominic, Dominic de Guzman had begun his parallel but 
 IITO-IMI. y e t strangely different career. The son of a mighty 
 Castilian house, a man of learning, zeal, and fiery orthodoxy, 
 Dominic had become a regular canon of the cathedral chapter 
 of Osma, near which town he was born in 1170. The Pre- 
 monstratensian ideal of living like a monk and working like a 
 clerk was never more fully realised than by this young 
 Spanish canon. Called almost by accident to Languedoc, he 
 resolved to devote his life to the winning over of the Albi- 
 gensian heretics to orthodoxy. Protected by the bishop of 
 Toulouse, he settled down in a house in that city, where he 
 soon gathered around himself a band of like-minded followers. 
 He remained there during all the storms of the Albigensian 
 wars, and his little society flourished so much that he sought 
 to obtain for himself and his sixteen companions recognition
 
 The Universities and the Friars 437 
 
 from the Pope as a new religious order specially devoted to 
 the conversion of heretics. But the decision of the Lateran 
 Council of 1215 against the establishment of new orders 
 stood in their way, and Innocent in., though sympathetic, 
 was contented to recommend them to affiliate themselves 
 to one of the recognised regular fraternities. , 
 
 . The Preach- 
 
 Ot these, Dominic s own ' rule of St. Austin ' best ing Brothers 
 
 expressed his ideals, and in 1216 Honorius in. fToulou se, 
 
 1216. 
 confirmed the adoption by the ' Preaching Brothers 
 
 of St. Romanus of Toulouse ' of a modification of the Pre- 
 monstratensian rule. The first four years of the young brother- 
 hood were full of success. Affiliated communities sprang up 
 in Spain, in Italy, and in northern France, where the famous 
 convent of the Jacobins was set up at Paris on the south of the 
 Seine, hard by the Orleans gate. In Rome Dominic found a 
 warm welcome and an establishment within the papal palace, 
 along with the pastoral care of the numerous courtiers and 
 domestics of the pontiff. Cardinal Ugolino was as zealous for 
 Dominic as for the Poor Man of Assisi, and was perhaps the 
 means through which the Spanish canon made the personal 
 acquaintance of St. Francis. The result of this intercourse 
 was that Dominic was strongly impressed with the holiness 
 and beauty of the Franciscan cult of poverty, and resolved 
 that his order also should tread in the footsteps of Christ and 
 the Apostles after the method set forth by the . 
 
 Ine Order 
 
 Franciscans. In 1220 the Order of Preachers, of Preachers 
 as it was now called, took its final form by adopt- ^! c T- es a 
 
 1 Mendicant 
 
 ing the doctrine of absolute corporate poverty as Order, 
 well as the life of mendicancy which had become Iaao> 
 usual with the Franciscans. Dominic then went to Bologna, 
 to seek from the doctors there new support against the 
 heretics. In 1221 he died, and was buried at the house of 
 his order in that city. In 1234 Gregory raised him to the 
 list of saints. Long before this his followers were spread all 
 over Europe, rivalling in zeal and energy the Franciscans 
 themselves. The Preaching Friars were called Dominicans
 
 438 European History, 918-1273 
 
 from their founder, while their plain but effective garb of a 
 short black cape, over a long white frock, led to their popular 
 name of the Black Friars. 
 
 The ideals of Francis and Dominic were widely different, 
 but the methods they adopted to secure them were almost 
 The Mendi- identical. The man of inspiration and love had 
 cant ideal. won over t h e man o f authority and order to his 
 ideal of absolute poverty ; and Franciscans and Dominicans 
 alike agreed so to interpret the monastic vow of poverty that 
 corporate as well as individual possessions were utterly 
 renounced. The early Franciscans had neither houses nor 
 churches. The Dominicans, faithful to their Augustinian tradi- 
 tions, did not push the principles of St. Francis so far as this, 
 but contented themselves with ordaining that the houses of 
 the order should be simple, modest, and of lowly dimensions, 
 and that all ornaments should be reserved for their churches. 
 Gradually, as the spirit of Elias prevailed over the spirit of 
 Francis, the Minorites also had houses and churches of their 
 own, and with the establishment of a systematic conventual 
 life, the isolated brother, working with his hands for his bread, 
 or depending, in his pious wanderings, on passing charity, 
 was replaced by an ordered band of Mendicant Friars, members 
 of a world-wide order, controlled by an almost military dis- 
 cipline that found its expression in the autocracy of the 
 General of the order, and in the annual assembling of a 
 General Chapter, such as the Lateran Council had imposed on 
 all conditions of religious. Thus the Mendicants pushed 
 to further results the great principles of monastic reformation 
 which had already been worked out in the twelfth century. 
 The world-wide organisation and simplicity of life came from 
 the Cistercians, and the vindication of the freedom of the 
 individual as against the excesses of the ccenobitic ideal 
 had belonged to the Carthusians. The combination of the 
 'religious' life and the work of the ministry characterised 
 the Regular Canons. But the doctrine of absolute Poverty 
 was all their own, and calculated to save them from the
 
 The Universities and the Friar $ 439 
 
 dangers before which the new orders had succumbed. The 
 mysticism and love of the poor which had characterised 
 Francis left an enduring impression on his followers. No 
 less strong was the spirit of reasoned orthodoxy and the zeal 
 for popular preaching against heresy which adhered to the 
 Order of Preachers long after its founder had passed away. 
 Francis aimed at the heart, while Dominic appealed to the 
 intellect, but the work of both communities was social and 
 evangelistic, and even when they most differed in spirit they 
 constantly overlapped each other in their labours. Their 
 convents were soon established in every part of Christendom, 
 and exercised the profoundest influence on every section of 
 the community. 
 
 So striking was the attraction of the Mendicant ideal that 
 many other attempts were made, besides those of Francis 
 and Dominic, to embody its principles. Even in the lifetime 
 of the Poor Man of Assisi, his influence had gone beyond 
 his own immediate band of followers. So far back as 1212 
 the spirit of Francis had driven Clara Scifi, a Other 
 knight's daughter in Assisi, to settle down by Mendicant 
 the little chapel of St. Damian with a band of Orders - 
 followers, pledged to a poverty as absolute and a self-renun- 
 ciation as complete as that of the Minorites themselves. If 
 Cardinal Ugolino for a time imposed on these St Clare 
 1 poor ladies ' a rigid form of the rule of Benedictine and the 
 nuns, the earnest wish of Francis himself procured Claresses - 
 from Honorius in., in 1224, the approval of a plan of life by 
 which the community was to adopt the principle of absolute 
 poverty (save in respect to cloister and garden), depend for 
 support upon freewill offerings, and promise special obedience 
 to the Pope, brother Francis, and their successors. The 
 ' Claresses ' or ' Poor Clares ' soon became numerous and did 
 for the religious life of women what St. Francis did for re- 
 gular communities of men. A more sweeping innovation was 
 the establishment by St. Francis himself of lay brotherhoods 
 of penitents, affiliated to the Mendicant orders, and living
 
 European History, 918-1 273 
 
 ordered and religious lives, yet untrammelled by vows and, 
 The unlike the convent of earlier reforms, continuing in 
 
 Tertiariet. the exercise of their worldly professions. In 1230 
 Gregory ix. formally founded these communities as ' brethren 
 of the third order of St. Francis.' Similar societies of ' Terti- 
 aries' were also affiliated to the Dominicans. By their means 
 the Mendicant ideal was still further spread, and the great 
 framework of affiliated societies established which so closely 
 connected the new orders with the religious life of the time, 
 and broke down the ancient breach between ' religion ' and 
 The the ' world.' Moreover, after the triumph of the 
 
 Carmelites. Franciscans and Dominicans, other Mendicant 
 Orders were set up, and some older brotherhoods brought into 
 the Mendicant fold. Among the latter were the communities 
 of hermits on Mount Carmel, which in 1219 were constituted 
 by the Patriarch of Jerusalem as the Hermit Friars of Mount 
 Carrnel, and received from Innocent iv. the stamp of a Mendi- 
 cant order. The white garb of the Carmelites gave them 
 the popular name of the White Friars. In 1250 Alexander iv. 
 The Austin created the Austin Friars out of several societies 
 Friars. o f Italian hermits, to whom he prescribed a 
 
 common rule and the Mendicant ideal. Carmelites and 
 Austin Friars took up a strong position all over Europe, 
 almost vying with Minorites and Preachers, and constituting 
 with them the Four Orders of Friars. Other mendknnt 
 societies, such as that of the Friars of the Sack, were also 
 set up, but in 1274 the second Council of Lyons abolished 
 The all but the four recognised orders and forbade 
 
 Servites. the formation of new ones. Nevertheless, the 
 Servile Friars, an offshoot of the rule of St. Augustine, received 
 a separate establishment before the end of the century. 
 
 The Mendicants of the thirteenth century worked out to 
 The work tnc ^ u ^ est result the ideal of St. Augustine of com 
 of the bining the life of a monk with the work of a clerk, 
 
 Mendicant*. anc j thus stan( j j n tne strongest contrast to the 
 older contemplative orders, who sought seclusion from the
 
 The Universities and the Friars 441 
 
 world and eschewed even the care of souls as a worldly 
 occupation. If, despite this self-imposed limitation, the earlier 
 orders had been enabled to play so large a part in the religious 
 life of the times of their foundation and early fervour, it is easy 
 to see how much more complete and permanent was the in- 
 fluence of bodies of self-devoted men pledged to redeem their 
 own souls by working out the salvation of others. Through 
 their labours the ascetic and hierarchic ideals of the Church 
 penetrated, as they had never penetrated before, into every 
 rank and every region of the Christian commonwealth. 
 Popular preaching assumed a new importance now that 
 specialists trained to devote their lives to pulpit 
 
 . r . Preaching. 
 
 oratory supplemented the rude and occasional 
 efforts of the ill-educated parish priests, and the still more 
 occasional appearances of the dignified clergy as teachers of 
 the people. Preaching was naturally the first care of the 
 followers of Dominic, whose official name was the Order of 
 Preachers, and among whose doctors one at least maintained 
 that preaching was more important for the people than the 
 Mass itself. But, even from the beginning, the Minorites 
 were almost as much devoted to this work as _ 
 
 Contrast 
 
 the Black Friars themselves. While Dominican between 
 preaching tended to be grave, learned, and f^ nclscan 
 argumentative, the Grey Friars rather affected Dominican 
 the simple, straightforward, emotional methods Preachm s- 
 of address, through which St. Francis himself had gone 
 straight to the hearts of his hearers. These qualities were 
 strongly illustrated by the career of St. Anthony of Padua 
 (d. 1231), a native of Lisbon and an Austin canon, who, 
 like St. Dominic, preached with great effect in Languedoc, 
 and, attaching himself to St. Francis and Poverty, became the 
 most popular of the early Minorite orators, and died in 
 1231 at Padua, in the enjoyment of a unique reputation for 
 his eloquence and miraculous powers. The best side of the 
 Mendicant gospel was impressed on Germany and the East 
 by the wonderful preaching of another Minorite, Berthold of
 
 442 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Ratisbon (d. 1272), whose still surviving German sermons 
 are striking illustrations of the depth and force of the new 
 teaching. Nor did the Order of Preachers neglect the more 
 popular side of its special work. Its greatest intellect, St. 
 Thomas of Aquino, was not only the famous doctor of the 
 schools but a practical preacher to the people in the Italian 
 Religious vernacular. Not less effective and more per- 
 Poetry. manent than their sermons was the religious poetry 
 inspired by the Mendicants, and especially by the Franciscans, 
 both in the vulgar tongues and in Latin. St. Francis' own 
 famous Song of the Sun struck a chord that was re-echoed in 
 the hearts of his followers. To his biographer, Thomas of 
 Celano, is commonly ascribed the most majestic of mediaeval 
 Latin hymns, the Dies Ira. The pathetic Stabat Mater 
 Dolorosa is, with less certainty, attributed to Jacopone da 
 Todi, a Grey Friar of the latter part of the century, whose 
 vernacular poems express not only the mystic piety of St. 
 Francis but the fierce glow of indignation of the Fraticelli 
 against the worldliness of the hierarchy. 
 
 The pastoral work of the Mendicants among the people 
 was the chief means by which they established that profound 
 Pastoral no ^ over tne mind of Europe that, despite many 
 care. corruptions, they retained until the Reformation. 
 
 The parish clergy were ignorant and lax, and tended in too 
 many cases to limit themselves to the perfunctory discharge 
 of the routine duties of their office. A new state of things 
 began when the zeal of Gregory ix. assured for both Fran- 
 ciscans and Dominicans the right to preach and hear confes- 
 sions over all Christendom. Despite the natural but violent 
 opposition which both- the seculars and the older orders 
 offered to their pushing rivals, the Friars soon won by their 
 devotion, their skill, and their sympathy a unique place 
 among the religious teachers of Europe. They chose as their 
 favourite abodes the noisome suburbs where the poorest were 
 huddled together outside the bounds of municipal authority 
 or care. They lived among the sick, the suffering, and the
 
 The Universities and the Friars 443 
 
 lepers. Poorer than the poorest, they inspired no envy, but 
 shared the lot of those among whom they lived and worked. 
 They set no rigid limits to their activity. Their care for the 
 sick led them to the study of medicine, while their sympathy 
 with the oppressed made them the natural spokesmen of the 
 cause of popular rights. A nameless Franciscan formulated 
 the English baronial policy in the Song of Lewes. Yet kings 
 like St. Louis or Edward i. chose Friars as their confessors, 
 and their power was as great among the highest as the lowest. 
 Great churches grew up in every city of Europe for each of 
 the four orders of Friars, and were thronged by earnest and 
 zealous congregations. It became a cherished privilege to 
 be allowed burial within their precincts. The extraordinary 
 popularity of the Mendicants soon brought dangers in its 
 train. Their churches became more splendid and adorned 
 with the fairest works of art. Wealth flowed Theextent 
 towards them, and this, though at first they held of Mendicant 
 it in trust for the poor, they soon began to mfluence - 
 regard as virtually their own, with the result that, particu- 
 larly among the Franciscans, there was a continued feud as 
 to whether the rule of absolute poverty was to be rigidly 
 or laxly interpreted. Long before the danger of wealth had 
 begun, the more subtle temptations of power had exercised 
 their sway. In direct contradiction to the teachings of St. 
 Francis, Mendicants accepted high places in the Church, 
 and became bishops, archbishops, cardinals, and popes. 
 Flushed with the pride of their devotion, they laid their 
 hands on all that they could reach. They called the Bene- 
 dictines proud epicureans, the Canons little better than 
 laymen, and the Cistercians rude rustics. ' None of the 
 faithful,' lamented the Benedictine Matthew Paris, 'now 
 believe that they can be saved unless they are under the 
 direction of the Preachers or the Minorites.' Innocent iv. 
 sought to withstand their growing influence by refusing to 
 allow them to exercise the cure of souls in parishes without 
 the permission of the parish priest, and directed that they
 
 444 European History, 918-1273 
 
 should hand over to the same authority a share of the gifts 
 made to them by the faithful who had bought the right of 
 burial in the friars' churches. But on Innocent's death 
 hastened, as it was believed, by the prayers of the Mendi- 
 cants Alexander iv. reversed his legislation and left the new 
 orders triumphant. With all their feverish grasping after 
 power, they used it with more sense of responsibility than 
 most of their rivals. A real revival of religion followed every- 
 where upon their work, and was manifested not only in formal 
 acts, in heaping wealth upon ecclesiastics, and in an extension 
 of the power of the Church, but in works of piety and justice, 
 generosity and mercy, that were all too few in the rude 
 Middle Ages. 
 
 The Mendicant Orders were everywhere the champions of 
 papal authority, rigid hierarchical pretensions, and uncom- 
 promising orthodoxy. Both Franciscans and 
 cants and ' Dominicans were intrusted with the administra- 
 te inquUi- tion of the Papal Inquisition which Gregory ix. had 
 established, and did not scruple to hand over to 
 the secular arm the relapsed or unrepentant heretic. But they 
 were not merely persecutors. They were unwearied in their 
 missions to the heretic as well as in those to the heathen and 
 the infidel, and it was now an easier task to deal with popular 
 heresy, since it yielded even more readily to the preaching of 
 the Friars than to the terrors of the Inquisition. The intel- 
 lectual heresies of the schools, and the vaguer unrestfulness 
 that saw no permanent satisfaction in the traditional teachings, 
 were harder to deal with. Yet even against these the Mendi- 
 cants waged a long contest, which did not end until they had 
 wrested scholastic philosophy and the new Aristotle to serve 
 as chief buttresses to the authority of the Church. 
 
 The special mission of the Order of Preachers made it 
 from the first a great centre of theological study. 
 
 The Friars 
 
 ndthe St. Dominic settled down in Bologna because 
 
 Universities. Q f j ts scnoo i Sj an d his death and burial there 
 gave the place an enduring sanctity to his faithful followers.
 
 The Universities and the Friars 445 
 
 In 1 22 1, the year of the founder's death, the Dominican 
 Convent of St. James was established at Paris, and very soon 
 made itself a separate and exclusive school of rigidly orthodox 
 theology, without any great care being taken to co-ordinate 
 its teaching and system with those of the public regents of 
 the university. Doctors of great reputation attached them- 
 selves to the order, and before long a regular succession of 
 friar-doctors, trained within the convent, set up a definite type 
 of Mendicant theological teaching. The Franciscans were 
 not slow in following the example of the Preachers. Though 
 Francis himself had no learning and few speculative interests, 
 his teaching had never been more effective than among the 
 proud doctors of Bologna, and the spirit of Elias and Ugolino, 
 no less than the necessities of the time and the desire to 
 rival the Preachers, turned even the earlier followers of the 
 saint to theological study. With the establishment of St. 
 Anthony, Francis' close friend, at Padua, where a great 
 university was just being formed by a secession from Bologna, 
 the Minorites enter eagerly on the course marked out by St. 
 Dominic. If Francis inspired Dominic with the worship of 
 poverty, Dominic supplied the followers of Francis with his 
 zeal for theology. Within a year of the foundation of the 
 Jacobin convent, four years before St. Francis' death, the 
 English theologian, Alexander of Hales, who was then teach- 
 ing with great applause at Paris, entered the Minorite fold, 
 and was celebrated as the ' first Paris doctor of the Franciscan 
 religion.' Before long he resumed his teaching, and hence- 
 forth the Parisian convent of the Franciscans was only second 
 to the Dominican doister in its intellectual 
 activity. Within thirty years the Mendicant be^el^ 6 
 schools of theology had taken up so overwhelm- Mendicants 
 ing a position in Paris, and so ostentatiously kept at Paris" * 
 aloof from all the ordinary regulations and tradi- 
 tions of the university, that a vigorous attack was made upon 
 them by the secular masters. In 1252 the university required 
 the Friars to take an oath of obedience to its statutes,
 
 446 European History, 918-1273 
 
 and, on their refusal, expelled them from its fellowship. A 
 fierce and long struggle followed, in which the chief secular 
 champion, William of Saint-Amour, wrote a book called The 
 Perils of the Last Times, which violently attacked the Mendi- 
 cants and their ideals. The seculars availed themselves of 
 the notorious splits within their enemies' ranks, and regarding 
 the orders as a whole as responsible for the extremer members 
 of one society, signalled out for attack as heretical an 'Intro- 
 duction to the Eternal Gospel,' in which an Italian Franciscan 
 gave currency to the apocalyptic ideas of the abbot Joachim. 
 The disfavour of Innocent iv. to the Friars increased their 
 difficulties, though they had strong supporters in St. Louis 
 and his brothers. At last Alexander iv. cleared the way for 
 their return, and condemned William's book as scandalous 
 though not heretical. Restored to their chairs in 1255, the 
 Mendicant doctors were contented to abate some of their 
 extreme pretensions. Finally, they decided to accept the oath 
 to the statutes and recognise their responsibilities as members 
 of the corporation of masters. Their doctors were now in so 
 commanding a position that they had no longer reason to 
 he desire such exceptional privileges as in the days 
 
 Mendicant* 1 of their weakness. South of the Alps the Mendi- 
 cant theologians acquired what there was no 
 chance of their ever getting in the northern universities, a 
 practical monopoly of the teaching of theology. Everywhere 
 the tone of the theological schools was attuned to their 
 teaching. Philosophy was made orthodox, and the most 
 brilliant and fruitful period of scholasticism followed when 
 the ranks of the Friars produced the greatest of the mediaeval 
 philosophers and theologians. 
 
 Alexander of Hales (d. 1245), the first Franciscan doctor 
 
 at Paris, began in his Summa Theologice, which weighed, said 
 
 an enemy, as much as a horse, the series of the 
 
 The Great 
 
 Mendicant systematic Mendicant scholastics, and was cele- 
 Schoiastics. b rate( j as the monarch of theologians and the 
 irrefragable doctor. The first of the great Dominicans was
 
 The Universities and the Friars 447 
 
 Albertus Magnus (d. 1280), a German, who as doctor at 
 Paris, chief of the Dominican school at Cologne, Albertus 
 Provincial of his order in Germany, and bishop Magnus, 
 of Ratisbon, exercised a profound influence and became 
 known as the universal doctor. Albert's pupil, Thomas of 
 Aquino (1225-1274), represents the culminating Thoma 
 point of scholastic theology. A son of an illustrious A< i uin 8 - 
 Neapolitan house, Thomas renounced the brilliant worldly 
 career promised by his influence and abilities, and entered 
 a Dominican convent. He studied under Albert at Paris, 
 where he acquired a unique reputation. Called back to 
 Italy by Urban iv., he gave a momentary lustre to the 
 struggling university at Naples, which Charles of Anjou had 
 restored. He died in 1274, on his way to the Council of 
 Lyons. Short as was his life, he was not only the most 
 authoritative but the most voluminous of the schoolmen. 
 His Summa Theologies represents the most complete accom- 
 modation of Aristotelian doctrine with Catholic orthodoxy, 
 and has profoundly influenced all later ecclesiastical teaching. 
 His political and ethical writings no less faithfully represent 
 the Peripatetic tradition. His friend, the Italian Franciscan 
 Bonaventura (d. 1274). a pupil of Alexander of _ 
 
 Bonaventura- 
 
 Hales, gave a scholarly form to the mysticism 
 of the Minorites. Other paths of learning were trodden by 
 writers such as Hugh of Saint-Cher, the chief of the mediaeval 
 expositors of Scripture, while the physical speculations and 
 the advocacy of experimental methods by the English Fran- 
 ciscan, Roger Bacon (d. 1294), were the most Roger 
 promising results of that contact with nature to Ba con. 
 which the pursuit of medicine had led the Minorite order. 
 Even in their studies the distinct individual impression of 
 the two rival communities was preserved, but they so far 
 worked in common that they had won for the Church the 
 absolute command of the whole field of learning. With the 
 death of Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura in 1274 the most 
 fruitful period of their activity came to an end.
 
 448 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Thus the Studium, which might have rivalled the Sacer- 
 dotium, became its most strenuous ally, and the little band of 
 The triumph me< ^ aeva l scholars, who had enough faith and 
 ofthe character to tear themselves away from bread- 
 
 Schooimen. w j nn j n g studies and all-engrossing professions 
 found their highest satisfaction in justifying the ways of the 
 Church. Before the end of the century the Empire had 
 fallen from its ancient dignity, and within a generation the 
 Papacy itself succumbed to the rough measures of a royal 
 conqueror. But though the Empire might decline and the 
 Papacy itself wane, the command which the Church had 
 acquired of the world of thought and learning remained but 
 little broken until the dawn of the Renascence, and kept alive 
 the papal idea when the popes were captive in a foreign land, 
 and when, through a still more lamentable decline, rival pontiffs 
 at Rome and Avignon disputed the allegiance of Europe and 
 prostituted their dignity by the violence of their brawls. The 
 Studium survived the Regnum, and sustained with its authority 
 the declining might of the Sacerdotium, thus allowing medi- 
 aeval ideas to remain longer in currency, even when the political 
 and hierarchical system which had engendered them was no 
 longer supreme and triumphant. It is significant that the 
 chief seat of this newly-won power of the mind was at Paris, 
 the one great national capital of the strongest of the national 
 states that had arisen on the ruins of Feudalism and the 
 Empire. But the national principles of the king and his 
 knights and clerks in the Citd were in strange contrast to the 
 fundamental ideas of the cosmopolitan doctors of the univer- 
 Faris and sity- Yet both the physical forces which kings can 
 France. wield and the intellectual influence of teachers and 
 thinkers united to show that France had become the centre of 
 all the chief European movements. In her vernacular litera- 
 ture, more strenuous, copious, robust and varied than that of 
 any other nation, France was showing how in due course a 
 new national culture might supersede the international uni- 
 versal culture of the mediaeval schools. No less permanent
 
 The Universities and the Friars 449 
 
 was her influence on social ideas, on manners, on art, on 
 knightly action and on civic life. It is significant that 
 Brunette Latini, the master of Dante, wrote his chief work in 
 French, because 'the French tongue is the most delectable 
 and the most common to all peoples.' Even in a land like 
 England, at a time when the national sentiment was becoming 
 strongly anti-French, the French tongue, art, manners and 
 ideals became more profoundly influential than at the time 
 when the island was the province of a French duke. So 
 thorough an Englishman as Matthew Paris called the French 
 monarch the king of earthly kings. 1 
 
 1 Rex Francorum qui terrestrium rex regum est turn propter ejus 
 coelestem inunctionem turn propter suam potestatem et militiae eminentiam. 
 Hist. Major, v. 480 
 
 PERIOD TT. 2 F
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 
 THE LAST CRUSADES AND THE EAST 
 IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 1 
 
 Characteristics of the Thirteenth-Century Crusades Innocent in. and the 
 Crusades The Children's Crusade The State of the Latin Kingdom 
 The Fifth Crusade Andrew of Hungary John of Brienne and the Siege 
 of Damietta Crusade of Frederick n. and the Recovery of Jerusalem 
 Crusades of Theobald of Navarre and Richard of Cornwall The Charis- 
 mians conquer Jerusalem The Tartar Crisis The Sixth Crusade St. 
 Louis in Egypt Divisions of the Latin Kingdom The Mamelukes and 
 Bibars Fall of Antioch The Seventh Crusade Death of St. Ix>uis at 
 Tunis Crusade of Edward I. The Fall of Acre and the end of the 
 Crusades. 
 
 THE terrible disappointment of the Fourth Crusade showed 
 that the great age of the Holy Wars was over. Yet the 
 century that began with that colossal failure has a place of 
 its own in the history of the Crusades. In no age was the 
 need of new expeditions to the Holy I^and more 
 
 The place 
 
 oftheThir- constantly discussed or more commonly recog- 
 teenth Cen- nised. Numerous great Crusades were planned ; 
 History of many leading kings and princes took the Cross ; 
 the cm- and never was Europe more systematically or 
 regularly taxed to defray the expenses of the pro- 
 jected movements. But very little positive results flowed from 
 all the talk and preparation. The very Crusaders were not in 
 
 1 Besides the general authorities referred to in an earlier chapter, 
 
 special reference may be made to important recent monographs such as 
 
 Rbhricht's Die fCreutzugsbewegung im Jahre 1217 (Forschungen tur 
 
 deutschen Geschichte 1876), Die Btlagtruttg von Damiette (Raumer's 
 
 460
 
 The Last Crusades and the East 45 1 
 
 earnest with their work, and few of those magnates who signed 
 themselves with the Cross put their whole energy into the 
 redemption of their vows. There were no longer the prospects 
 of rich estates or principalities to attract Crusaders of the baser 
 sort. To most the Crusade was a pious aspiration, or at best 
 an incidental pilgrimage. The great expeditions never came 
 off. St. Louis alone represented the ancient ardour, but the 
 most successful Crusader was the sceptical and self-willed 
 Frederick n. There was no thirteenth-century St. Bernard 
 to direct the enthusiasm of Christendom. It was character- 
 istic that St. Francis went to Egypt not to fight the Sultan 
 but to reason with him, and that his disciple Roger Bacon 
 questioned altogether the utility of the movement. The 
 holy war aga'nst the Moors of Spain brought results that no 
 longer flowed from the struggle in Palestine. Hermann of 
 Salza showed a true instinct when he transferred the 
 operations of his order from Syria to Prussia. Even the 
 Popes began to divert the crusading zeal of Europe to the 
 so-called crusades against heretics, and finally also against the 
 political enemies of the Holy See. Yet to all earnest minds 
 of the century, to fight, pay, or pray for the maintenance of 
 the Latin East remained a Christian duty, while a constant 
 stream of pilgrims and frequent small crusading expeditions 
 kept alive for nearly the whole of the century the poor 
 remnants of the Catholic kingdom of Jerusalem. 
 
 Despite the failure of the Fourth Crusade, Innocent in. 
 never lost sight of the need of a more devoted and better- 
 directed expedition that would save the declining i nn0 centiii. 
 fortunes of Latin Syria. Yet he did but a doubt- and the 
 ful service for the crusading cause when he forced Crusades - 
 princes so careless as John of England and Frederick of Sicily 
 to pledge themselves to the holy work. The enthusiasm 
 for the Crusades was dying among the mighty, but it still 
 
 Historisches Taschenbuch 1876), and Riant's article on Edward i.'s Crusade 
 in the Archives de fOrient Latin, Joinville is indispensable for St. 
 Louis's Egyptian Crusade.
 
 452 European History, 918-1273 
 
 lived on in the hearts of the poor, and the strange episodes 
 TheChii- known as the Crusade of the Children showed 
 dren'scru- that the ignorant and disordered zeal that had 
 lde ' " preceded the march of Godfrey of Boulogne had 
 still its representatives in the early thirteenth century. A 
 shepherd lad from the neighbourhood of Vendome, named 
 Stephen, assembled a crowd of boys, peasants, workmen 
 and women, who made their way to Marseilles, and prevailed 
 upon two merchants to provide them with a passage to Syria ; 
 but once embarked on the sea, the merchants sold them as 
 slaves in Egypt. Another swarm of German youths from the 
 Lower Rhine made their way to Brindisi, where the bishop 
 wisely prevented them taking ship, though very few ever 
 managed to make their way back to their distant homes. 1 
 The useless devotion of these swarms of children is said to 
 have provoked from Innocent in. the remark, ' These children 
 shame us. While we are asleep, they march forth joyously 
 to conquer the Holy Land.' He had good reason for his 
 bitterness. Despite all his efforts, no Crusade had been 
 actually started at the moment of his death. Three kings, 
 however, had taken the Cross, and the Lateran Council 
 fixed June 1217 as the moment of their departure for the 
 East. 
 
 The death of John and the calculated delays of Frederick n. 
 
 Fifth Cru- left Andrew of Hungary the only reigning king 
 
 sade, 1217. w h o started in 1217 for what is generally called 
 
 the Fifth Crusade. Andrew was a hot-headed and chivalrous 
 
 prince, who, abandoning the administration of his kingdom to 
 
 Andrew of the great lords who were breaking down the 
 
 Hungary, central power, sought in foreign adventures the 
 
 career that was denied him at home. Embarking with a 
 
 1 The authenticity of the story of the Children's Crusade, challenged by 
 Winkelmann, Geschichte Friedrichs des Zweiten, is upheld by the great 
 authority of Rohricht in his article on Der Kindcrkrcuzzug in the 
 Hiftorische Zeitichiift, vol. 36.
 
 TJte Last Crusades and the East 453 
 
 small army, mainly German and Hungarian, at Spalato, he 
 took ship for Acre, where he found the Latin East in an 
 exceptional state of confusion. The northern principality 
 of Antioch had been wasting its resources in a long and 
 devastating war with the Christian kings of Armenia, while 
 famine, pestilence, and earthquake complicated the difficulties 
 in which a rapid succession of weak rulers had plunged the 
 kingdom of Jerusalem. Luckily the division of 
 
 u A c o i j- j State of the 
 
 the dominions of Saladm among his sons and Latin King- 
 other kinsmen broke up the unity of Islam and dom ' "97- 
 saved the Latins from any real disaster, while 
 the constant flow of small expeditions, the scanty outcome 
 of the great efforts of Henry vi. and Innocent in., still enabled 
 the Latins to carry on the struggle. Henry of Champagne, 
 whom Richard of England had left King of Jerusalem, was 
 accidentally slain in 1197. His widow Isabella, through 
 whom he held his right to rule, chose a new husband in 
 Amalric of Lusignan, the representative of the rival house 
 that Richard had established in Cyprus, who was now 
 crowned as King Amalric n., and reigned vigorously and suc- 
 cessfully until his death in 1205. His infant son, who thus 
 became Amalric in., died, as did his mother Isabella, 
 before the year was out Hugh, Amalric ii.'s son by a 
 former wife, now became King of Cyprus, while Isabella's 
 eldest daughter by Conrad of Montferrat succeeded as 
 Queen Mary of Jerusalem. Both princes were children, 
 but a regent and husband was soon found for Mary by 
 Philip Augustus. This was John of Brienne, a warrior of 
 great experience and energy, though of slender resources. 
 He reached Acre in 1210, and was then crowned together 
 with Mary. Too weak to embark on an adventurous policy, 
 John made a truce with the Saracens, and patiently waited 
 until the expected Crusaders came. But the arrival of 
 Andrew did not afford the hoped-for relief. Though 
 a considerable army was collected, and the King of Armenia 
 joined the Western Crusaders at Acre, the Christians
 
 454 European History, 918-1273 
 
 were not able to force the Saracens to engage in battle, 
 and the kings of Hungary and Armenia soon went home 
 disgusted. 
 
 The autumn passage brought many new Crusaders to Acre, 
 and in 1218 John of Brienne prevailed upon his Western allies 
 John of to take ship for Damietta, hoping thus to attack 
 
 Brienne and t h e Sultan of Egypt near the very centre of his 
 
 the Siege of .. / r ., . J 
 
 a, power. At first fortune smiled upon their arms. 
 
 Damietta was closely besieged, and a strong tower 
 commanding the passage of the Nile was occupied, though 
 the city still held out. The siege was carried on vigorously 
 all through the winter, and many additional Crusaders joined 
 the besieging army, conspicuous among them being the papal 
 legate, Pelagius, who took the supreme command, and a band 
 of English warriors, including P obert Fitzwalter and the Earls 
 of Winchester, Arundel, and Chester. The Christians suffered 
 severely from flood, pestilence, and famine, but at last, on 5th 
 November 1219, Damietta was taken by a sudden assault. 
 The fall of Damietta spread joy throughout Christendom and 
 consternation all over the Mohammedan world. But the 
 Christians quarrelled fiercely over the partition of the spoils, 
 and John de Brienne, indignant at the assumption of Pelagius, 
 withdrew to Syria. Saladin's nephew, El-Kamil, who now 
 became Sultan of Egypt, profited by their slowness to build a 
 new fortress, Mansourah, to block their invasion of the interior 
 of Egypt Nevertheless, the fear of the Christians was so great 
 that the Sultan offered to yield up Jerusalem itself, if the 
 Crusaders would but restore Damietta. But the Latins 
 expected great things from the projected Crusade of Frede- 
 rick ii., and rejected his proposals. At last, in the summer of 
 1 22 1, Pelagius advanced against Cairo, having persuaded John 
 de Brienne to come back to his assistance. The expedition 
 was a disastrous failure. The Egyptians flooded the country, 
 and the invaders were soon prevented either from advancing 
 or retreating, and were, moreover, threatened with starvation. 
 John de Brienne prevailed upon the Sultan to allow the
 
 The Last Crusades and the East 455 
 
 army to retire unmolested, on condition of Damietta being 
 restored and a long truce granted. Thus the enterprise, 
 from which so much had been hoped, ended in disastrous 
 failure, and the Latin East remained in a worse plight than 
 ever. 
 
 John de Brienne wandered through Europe imploring help 
 for his kingdom. By his marriage of his daughter lolande to 
 Frederick n., he gave the hesitating Emperor a C rusadeof 
 new motive for fulfilling his vow ; but a rupture Frederick 
 soon broke out between them, and, though Iaa 7- iaa 9- 
 Frederick claimed the kingdom on his wife's account, his 
 father-in-law disappeared from the history of Syria, finding 
 fresh fields for adventure in commanding the papal troops 
 in Apulia, and dying in 1237 as regent of the Latin Em- 
 peror of Constantinople (see pages 353 and 369). At last 
 Frederick n. went, as we have seen, on his long-deferred 
 Crusade (see page 368). Despite the ban of the Church 
 he obtained a large measure of success, and the treaty of 
 1229 restored Jerusalem to the Christians, after it had been 
 for more than forty years in the hands of the Infidel. It was 
 the last real triumph of the Crusades. 
 
 Frederick had done a great service to Christendom in 
 recovering Jerusalem, but his attempt to govern the Latin 
 kingdom of Syria as a non-resident sovereign involved the 
 land in fresh disasters. The Syrian lords revolted against the 
 governors of the Emperor, and the continued disfavour of the 
 Church extended with disastrous results the strife of Papacy 
 and Empire into a region where the absolute union of all the 
 Westerns was the essential condition of the maintenance of 
 the Christian cause. Fortunately, the divisions of DecHne of 
 Islam saved the Syrian monarchy from any imme- the Ayoubite 
 diate danger, especially after El-Kamil's death Power - 
 in 1238, when there was again a general scramble for power 
 among the numerous Ayoubite chieftains. Moreover, a 
 constant stream of Crusaders still flowed to the East, and 
 occasionally regular expeditions were successfully organised.
 
 456 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Conspicuous among these latter was the Crusade of 1239, 
 crusades of w ^ c ^ Gregory ix. had proclaimed, and then 
 Theobald of sought to divert, because of his renewed quarrel 
 
 rJoTnd with the Em P eron Regardless of the Pope's 
 Richard of advice, a numerous band of French nobles, headed 
 c wa11 by Theobald the Great, Count of Champagne and 
 King of Navarre, and including Amalric of Mont- 
 fort, the former Count of Toulouse, set sail for Acre. In 1 240 
 an English Crusade appeared in Palestine, commanded by 
 Richard, Earl of Cornwall, the future King of the Romans, 
 who was joined by his brother-in-law, Amalric's famous brother, 
 Simon, Earl of Leicester. But the King of Navarre had been 
 beaten and had gone home disgusted before the Englishmen 
 had arrived, and Richard, whose name and the fame of his 
 uncle King Richard had excited the liveliest expectations, 
 was able to do little more than make a treaty which secured 
 the freedom of the captives. The fierce feuds of Templars 
 and Hospitallers, and the renewed quarrel of Pope and 
 Emperor, further increased the difficulties of the English 
 prince. The rival attractions of an alliance either with 
 Damascus or Egypt caused violent partisanships among 
 those pledged to general war against the Infidel, while 
 Richard was looked upon with much suspicion by the hier- 
 archical party because he persisted in regarding Frederick 
 ii. or his son Conrad as lawful King of Jerusalem. 
 
 The great Mongol power was already disturbing all Asia. 
 About 1220 the Charismians, a Turkish race that had estab- 
 The Chans- lished itself to the south of the sea of Aral, and 
 mians and had finally reduced all Persia to subjection, were 
 the Tartar,. overwhelmed by the hosts of Genghiz Khan. The 
 
 survivors of the disaster were driven into exile, and forced 
 to earn their bread as the mercenaries of any Eastern prince 
 who could pay for them. Es-Saleh Ayoub, El-Kamil's eldest 
 son, the lord of Damascus, had been so hard pressed by his 
 Christian and Mohammedan enemies that he took some of 
 these fierce hordes into his service. In 1244 they suddenly
 
 The Last Crusades and the East 457 
 
 swooped down on Jerusalem, and captured it, brutally 
 murdering all its inhabitants. Christians and The charis- 
 Mohammedans united against the savage Charis- mianC n - 
 
 quest of 
 
 mians, and provoked them to battle at Gaza. Jerusalem, 
 But the Saracens fled early in the fight, leaving I244 ' 
 the Christians to struggle alone against a superior enemy. 
 The result was the annihilation of the crusading host and 
 the practical end of the Latin Kingdom. Henceforth the 
 Christians were reduced, as after 1187, to a few sea-coast 
 cities. But the fall of Jerusalem now stirred up no such 
 general ferment throughout Christendom as did its first 
 reconquest by the Saracens. The news arrived when 
 Innocent iv. was fulminating his final deposition against 
 Frederick. The Crusade against the Emperor seemed to all 
 followers of the papal teaching a more pressing necessity 
 than the Crusade against Islam. Under such circumstances, 
 the proclamation of a new Crusade at the Council of Lyons 
 could lead to no real result. It was not by talk only that 
 Jerusalem could be restored to the Cross. 
 
 The spirit of a former age was not quite extinct, but the 
 only great prince who was still under its influence was the 
 King of France. St. Louis had long desired to go upon 
 Crusade, and would gladly have accompanied the King of 
 Navarre in 1239. The state of his dominions was now so 
 satisfactory that he at last felt able to embark SixthCru . 
 upon the undertaking. After striving in vain to sade, 1248- 
 make the Crusade general by uniting Pope and 1354 ' 
 Emperor, he saw that the effort would have to be made by 
 himself alone. In the summer of 1248 he embarked from 
 Aigues Mortes and took ship to Cyprus, where during the 
 winter a large but almost exclusively French army of pilgrims 
 gathered together. Among the adventurers was the lord of 
 Joinville, who has in his Life of St. Louis left an imperishable 
 account of the expedition. 
 
 Egypt was still the chief seat of Ayoub's power, and, as 
 in 1218, it was thought more profitable to attack Egypt
 
 45 8 European History, 918-1273 
 
 than Palestine. Thus the Sixth Crusade became almost a 
 st Louis in repetition of the Fifth. In the spring of 1 249, 
 Egypt, 1249- the Christian host sailed from Cyprus and landed 
 near Damietta. They were luckier than John 
 de Brienne and Pelagius, for their arrival threw the Mussulman 
 garrison into such alarm that it withdrew in the night, and 
 Damietta was occupied without any difficulty. Precious time 
 was now wasted waiting for Alfonse of Poitiers, who at last 
 arrived with reinforcements. The army was also joined by 
 William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury, and a band of English- 
 men. Hot disputes arose as to the method of carrying on the 
 campaign. The prudent were in favour of a gradual conquest 
 of the sea-coast, and advised a march on Alexandria. But 
 Robert of Artois urged a direct march on Cairo, and his 
 opinion prevailed. In November 1249 the Crusaders made 
 their way inwards through the Delta, untaught by the disasters 
 of thirty years before. The result was a further repetition of 
 the blunders and ill-luck of Pelagius. The vast host marched 
 from Damietta and invested Mansourah, but their progress was 
 made excessively slow by the difficult nature of the country, 
 cut up by broad canals and arms of the Nile. The fatal rash- 
 ness of Robert of Artois led a part of the army to a premature 
 attack, in which Robert was slain. Before long the besiegers 
 were themselves almost besieged. Wasted by heat and lack 
 of food, the Crusaders lost all heart, and finally a terrible 
 epidemic devastated the camp and completed their demoralisa- 
 tion. Louis at last ordered a retirement on Damietta, 
 but the Saracens threw themselves on the retreating host. 
 Louis fought valiantly at the post of danger in the rear. He 
 was before long taken prisoner, whereupon the whole army 
 laid down its arms. The mass of the captives was put to the 
 sword, but Louis and the great lords were ransomed, in 
 consideration of an enormous payment and the surrender of 
 Damietta. The King on his release went on pilgrimage to 
 Palestine. He sent his brothers Alfonse and Charles back to 
 France, but himself abode for more than three years in the
 
 The Last Crusades and the East 459 
 
 Holy Land, labouring strenuously at restoring the Christian 
 fortresses, and atoning for his failure in Egypt St Louis in 
 by works of piety and self-sacrifice. The Sultan Palestine, 
 of Damascus offered him a safe-conduct to 
 Jerusalem, but he refused to see the Holy City since he 
 could not rescue it from the hands of the enemies of the faith. 
 At last the death of his mother necessitated his return to 
 France (June 1254). He was the last Western king who led 
 a great army to the East. 
 
 In the years after the return of Louis the Crusading State 
 managed to hold its own. The Tartars still pressed on Islam 
 on the east, and it was no time for the Saracens to make fresh 
 conquests when their very existence was in danger. Moreover, 
 constant changes in the Mohammedan world The Rise of 
 further limited its power of aggression. Es-Saleh the Mame- 
 died while St. Louis was in Egypt, whereupon in 
 1254 the Mameluke mercenaries finally destroyed the Ayoubite 
 power, and, inspired by their leader Bibars, the soul of 
 the resistance to St. Louis, set up sultans at their discretion 
 and murdered them when they were weary of them. 
 
 It was small praise to the Franks themselves that the 
 Crusading State still continued. The fierce factions of the 
 Latins grew worse than ever. A line of bailiffs of vicissitudes 
 the house of Ibelin ruled in the name of the of the Latin 
 absentee Hohenstaufen, Henry, Conrad and Con- 
 radin. With the execution of the latter, the house of Hohen- 
 staufen became extinct, and the King of Cyprus, Hugh HI. of 
 Lusignan, was crowned in 1269 as King of Jerusalem, though 
 his title was contested by his aunt, Mary of Antioch. His 
 rule was not strong enough to keep order, so that Templars 
 and Hospitallers, Pullani and emigrants, Venetians and 
 Genoese, carried out their feuds with little hindrance. Acre, 
 the crusading capital, remained, despite the disorder, a con- 
 siderable commercial centre, and the trading rivalries of the 
 Italian cities were the most fruitful of all sources of disorder. 
 In 1258 a pitched battle between great fleets of Venetians
 
 460 European History, 918-1273 
 
 and Genoese was fought off the coast of Acre, in which the 
 Genoese were so severely beaten that they were obliged to 
 abandon their quarter in the capital and establish their factory 
 at Tyre. 
 
 While this was going on, the contest of Saracen and Tartar 
 reached its height In 1258 the Tartars took Bagdad and 
 The Tartar ended the nominal Caliphate. Next year they 
 crisis, 1258- appeared in Syria and captured Damascus. The 
 Western Christians hoped that the Tartars would 
 root out Islam and then turn Christians, but the Syrian 
 Franks knew better. Though the Prince of Antioch appeared 
 as a suppliant in the Tartar camp, the barbarians soon turned 
 their arms against Acre. All that the Christians could hope 
 for was from the dissensions of their enemies. Even this 
 did not avail them long. In 1260 the Sultan Kutuz of 
 Egypt defeated the Tartars at Ain Talut. It was the Eastern 
 counterpart of the victories of Conrad, and equally decisive. 
 The barbarians withdrew to the East, leaving Islam again 
 triumphant. 
 
 Kutuz went back to Egypt, and was murdered by his 
 Mameluke soldiers. The time was now ripe for Bibars to 
 The Sultan mount his throne, and the former Turkman slave 
 Bibare, 1260. an( j Mameluke captain soon proved himself the 
 most dangerous enemy that the Eastern Christians had seen 
 since the death of Saladin. A stern but just ruler of his own 
 subjects, and a pious and ascetic Mussulman, he was willingly 
 obeyed by the Mohammedans of the Levant. A strenuous 
 warrior against the Christians, he was also statesman enough 
 to seek allies among the Christian states of Europe, whose 
 friendship soon proved as useful to him as the valour of his 
 soldiers. In 1262 Bibars began his attacks on the Latin 
 Kingdom. Though town after town fell into his hands, the 
 Franks could not end their quarrels even in the face of the 
 enemy. In 1267 the Genoese waged war against Acre, now 
 wholly given over to the commerce of Venice. At that 
 very time Bibars, having already conquered the Templars'
 
 The Last Crusades and the East 46 1 
 
 stronghold of Safed, was devastating the country about Acre. 
 In the spring of 1 268 he conquered Jaffa, and then, Fall of Jaffa 
 turning his arms northwards, overran the princi- and Antioch, 
 pality of Antioch. Before the end of the year 
 Antioch had surrendered, after a disgracefully short resistance. 
 The northern crusading state was thus brought to an end, and 
 once more Europe was confronted with the imminent danger 
 of the few remaining towns, like Acre and Tripoli, that still 
 resisted Bibars. 
 
 St. Louis again took the Cross, but even in France the 
 crusading fever was dying out, and Joinville himself refused 
 to accompany the king on his second adventure seventh 
 against Islam. Other sovereigns promised to Crusade, 
 follow Louis's example. James of Aragon actually Ia7<x 
 embarked, but a tempest shattered his ships, and he piously 
 withdrew from an enterprise of which, he argued, God had 
 shown His disapproval. Edward of England did not hesitate 
 to leave his aged father to follow his uncle, the French king, but 
 his following was small, and his departure was delayed. But the 
 worst was that the host of St. Louis was no longer St Louis 
 an army of pilgrims or enthusiasts, but of highly a ga 
 
 paid mercenaries or of reluctant barons, whom 
 duty to the king alone withdrew from their homes. Even more 
 fatal was the presence of Charles of Anjou, established in Sicily 
 since 1266, with whom Bibars had established friendly rela- 
 tions, and who had striven hard to divert his The Crusade 
 brother's army from Egypt or Syria to a place diverted to 
 where it would more directly play the game of 
 the house of Anjou. His craft proved only too successful. 
 He persuaded Louis to direct his forces against Tunis, an 
 ancient dependency of the Norman kings of Sicily, whose 
 sultans had always continued to pay tribute to the Hohen- 
 staufen, though they had refused it to their Angevin sup- 
 planter. Accordingly St Louis disembarked at Tunis, and 
 took up his quarters amidst the ruins of Carthage. He had 
 hoped that the presence of his army would frighten the enemy
 
 462 European History, 918-1273 
 
 into yielding and accepting Christianity, but he soon found 
 its Failure, himself blockaded in his camp. Plague followed 
 Death of the heats of summer, and on 25th August St. 
 
 Louis died. The new king, Philip the Bold, 
 who was in the camp, was almost forced by his barons to 
 conclude a truce by which the ancient tribute to the King 
 of Sicily was promised henceforth in double measure. The 
 remnants of the host then went sadly home, reverently con- 
 veying with them the remains of their dead monarch. 
 
 Edward of England appeared off Tunis after the truce had 
 been signed. He indignantly refused to be bound by the 
 
 disgraceful accommodation, and sailed with his 
 
 Crusade of .. , , . , . , . 
 
 Edward of httle fleet of thirteen ships to Acre, where his 
 England, energy infused a little life into the resistance of 
 
 the Latins. Even there the subtle influence of 
 Charles of Anjou made itself felt. He offered his mediation 
 with Bibars, and the dispirited Syrian Franks could not refuse 
 the chance of enjoying a short period of rest. As at Carthage, 
 Edward contemptuously held aloof, but the truce was signed, 
 and the Sultan sought to assassinate the last champion of 
 resistance. The attempt failed, and as soon as his wounds 
 were cured, Edward went home to claim his kingdom. A 
 companion of his pilgrimage to Acre, Theobald of Lie"ge, now 
 became Pope Gregory x., and strove once more to preach a 
 
 great Crusade. At the Council of Lyons of 1274, 
 
 The Second b f i-n 
 
 Council of which saw the temporary union of the Greek and 
 Lyons and La t j n churches, the whole Western Church was 
 
 the failure 
 
 to revive the called upon to contribute a tenth of its revenues 
 crusades, f or g^ ygaj-g to equip the new Crusade. The 
 Holy War was preached all over Christendom, 
 but the appeal fell on deaf ears. Gregory soon died, and his 
 successors allowed the kings of Europe to lay hands on the 
 sacred treasure, a power which Edward i. himself did not 
 scruple to exercise. The hopes of a new rising of Christen- 
 dom became fainter and fainter as years rolled on and nothing 
 was done. The hollow union of Orthodox and Catholic soon
 
 The Last Crusades and the East 463 
 
 came to an end. The death of Bibars rather than the arms 
 of the Westerns still kept alive the remnants of the Latin East. 
 At last Islam descended upon its prey. In 1289 Endofthe 
 Tripoli fell, and in 1291 Acre itself surrendered. Latin King- 
 Henceforth the Latin East was only represented 
 by the power of the Lusignans in Cyprus, and by the Hos- 
 pitallers' stronghold of Rhodes. The crusading impulse still 
 survived among a few enthusiasts : but with its decay as a 
 real force over the minds of men the noblest period of the 
 Middle Ages was at an end. Yet the Crusaders had not died 
 in vain. With all their violence and fanaticism, they had 
 afforded Europe the most striking embodiment of the uni- 
 versal monarchy of the Church. They had made a long and 
 valiant effort to stem the tide of Eastern fury, and their long 
 resistance lessened and lightened the shock of its impact. 
 Had they succeeded permanently the Eastern Mediterranean 
 would have been saved from the horrors of Turkish rule, and 
 the Cross might never have yielded to the Crescent on the 
 shores of the Bosporus.
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 
 THE GROWTH OF CHRISTIAN SPAIN l 
 
 Characteristics of Spanish History The Caliphate of Cordova and its decline 
 The Christian States Navarre under Sancho the Great Beginning of 
 the Christian advance Alfonso vi. and the Conquest of Toledo The 
 Cid The Almoravides and the Battle of Zallaca The Divisions of 
 Islam Rivalry of Almoravides and Almohades Alfonso I. and the Rise 
 of Aragon Affonso Henriquez and the Capture of Lisbon Triumph of 
 the Almohades Innocent HI. and the Spanish Crusades Las Navas de 
 Tolosa James I. of Aragon and St. Ferdinand of Castile Completion of 
 the Reconquest Organisation of Christian Spain Peter of Aragon and 
 Alfonso the Wise of Castile. 
 
 THE period covered by this volume is marked by the gradual 
 re-entry of the Spanish peninsula into the Christian Common- 
 wealth. At the beginning of the tenth century 
 istics*of e tne Christian states of Spain were still confined to 
 Spanish the extreme north, while nearly all the land worth 
 ' ory ' having was subject to the sway of the Caliphs 
 of Cordova. Before the end of the thirteenth century Islam 
 had been driven back into the hills of southern Andalusia. 
 Four strong Christian kingdoms ruled the greater part of the 
 peninsula, and acquired, as a result of the continued Crusade 
 that gave them existence, a character intensely warlike, turbu- 
 lent, religious, and enthusiastic. On the ruins of the civilisa- 
 tion of Islam arose one of the most characteristic types of 
 mediaeval Christianity. 
 
 1 Ulick R. Burke's History of Spain, 2 vols. (1895), S. Lane-Poole's 
 Moors in Spain, Watts' Spain, and Professor Morse Stephens' Portugal 
 (these three in 'The Story of the Nations ') ; Southey's Chronicle of the 
 Cid, H. B. Clarke's The Cid( ( Heroes of the Nations '). Fuller accounts 
 in Dozy, Histoire des Mussulmans d 1 Espagne, and Schafer and Schirr- 
 macher's Geschichte von Spanien. 
 464
 
 The Growth of Christian Spain 465 
 
 It is impossible to follow in detail either the unending 
 revolutions of the Spanish Mohammedans, or the constant 
 fluctuations of victory and defeat between them and their 
 Christian rivals, or the intricate domestic history and per- 
 petual unions and divisions of the Spanish states themselves. 
 Yet the history of Europe, and of the great contest of Christi- 
 anity and Islam round which so much of our history turns, 
 would be very incompletely narrated were all reference to 
 the Spanish struggle omitted. In the present chapter this 
 can only be told in the baldest and briefest outline. 
 
 Among the first signs of the dissolution of Islam had been 
 the establishment by a branch of the Ommiades of a schis- 
 matic Caliphate at Cordova. Yet so long as fheCaii 
 the divisions of the Mohammedan world were not phate of 
 too inveterate, the followers of the Prophet, if no Cordova, 
 longer active or aggressive, still upheld great and flourishing 
 states. Nowhere did Mohammedan civilisation attain a 
 greater glory than under the Caliphs of Cordova. The wealth, 
 the luxury, the trade, the science and the arts of the East 
 never shone more brilliantly than in the days when Cordova 
 rivalled in splendour, luxury, and culture both the Fatimite 
 Court at Cairo and the orthodox Abbaside Caliphs of Bagdad. 
 Both the Jews and Christians enjoyed tolerable prosperity 
 under the Ommiad yoke, and the schools of Cordova pre- 
 served a tradition of Greek culture which made them famous 
 even in the Christian world. The Caliphs ruled over all 
 Spain south of the lower Douro and the mountains of the 
 Guadarrama, restricting the kings of Leon and Navarre and 
 the counts of Castile within the rugged region of the north, 
 while a series of half-independent Moorish states ran like a 
 wedge from the Ebro to the Pyrenees, and utterly separated 
 the kingdom of Navarre from the county of Barcelona or 
 Catalonia, which in its weakness remained dependent upon 
 the West-Frankish kings, as it had been since Charlemagne 
 first organised the Spanish March between Pyrenees and 
 Ebro. Wars of aggression seemed over ; religious wars even 
 
 PERIOP i\^ z
 
 466 European History, 918-1273 
 
 were almost dead. The Christian warriors of the north held 
 frequent intercourse with their infidel neighbours, and did 
 not scruple to avail themselves of their aid in their ceaseless 
 feuds with one another. 
 
 The decline of the Caliphate of Cordova destroyed these fair 
 prospects. The dismemberment of Moorish Spain amongst 
 The Decline a series of rival Ameers increased the opportu- 
 of Cordova, nities of Christian aggression, while it destroyed 
 the peace and prosperity of Islam. In 1002 the death of the 
 great minister Almansor ended the prosperity of the Caliphate. 
 In 1028 the fall of the Ommiades was completed. Yet 
 Moorish culture died very slowly, and it was not until the 
 next century was nearly over that the glory of Arab science 
 attained its culmination in the career of Averroes (1126- 
 1198), the greatest of the Cordovan doctors, and the teacher 
 of the schoolmen of Christendom. But political supremacy 
 had long passed away from the Moors. The disunion of 
 Islam was the opportunity of the Christians, and, despite 
 several Mohammedan revivals, the fortunes of Christian 
 Spain were now assured, though for a long time the advance 
 was fitful and exceedingly slow. The divided Moors fell 
 back upon the support of their brethren in Africa, without 
 whose help their decline would have been much more rapid. 
 
 At the time of the fall of the Calipate there were four 
 
 Christian states in Spain, the kingdoms of Leon and Navarre, 
 
 and the counties of Barcelona and Castile. 
 
 1 ne 
 
 Christian Under the rule of Sancho the Great (970-1035) 
 the little upland kingdom of Navarre held for the 
 moment the first place among them. But Sancho turned his 
 main energies towards conquering his Christian neighbours, 
 Supremacy and before his death he dominated, with the title 
 of Navarre o f Emperor, all Christian Spain, save the Spanish 
 Sancho March. On his death his dominions were 
 
 the Great divided among his children. Among these was 
 Castile, already erected into a kingdom in favour of his 
 second son Ferdinand. Another son, Ramiro, had received
 
 The Growth of Christian Spain 467 
 
 the little knot of mountain land which subsequently grew 
 into the kingdom of Aragon, and which under Alfonso i. 
 extended its territories towards the Ebro valley, Union of 
 at the expense of the Ameers of Saragossa. Mean- castiie and 
 while the preponderance formerly enjoyed by b'^nhf of 
 Sancho the Great was transferred to central Spain the Christian 
 by the union of the ancient kingdom of Leon with advance - 
 the great monarchy of Castile, under Ferdinand I. Before 
 this prince's death in 1065 the conquest of the valley of the 
 Douro began the period of definitive expansion. In the 
 lower Douro valley Ferdinand set up the vassal county of 
 Oporto, and, between that stream and the Mondego, another 
 tributary county of Coimbra. Under Alfonso vi. the time 
 of the great conquests began. The Castilians crossed the 
 high mountains of Guadarrama, and penetrated into the valley 
 of the Tagus. For a long time Alfonso feared to break 
 openly with the Ameer of Toledo, the lord of that region, 
 but he found an ally in the rival Ameer of Seville, whose 
 daughter he now took as his concubine. While the Alfonso VI 
 Moors of Toledo fought against their co-religionists conquer* 
 at Seville, Alfonso conquered the upper valley of Toledo - 
 the Tagus, and became lord of Madrid, the modern capital 
 of Spain. In vain the Ameer offered to become the vassal 
 of the triumphant Castilian for the rest of his dominions. 
 Alfonso swept steadily down the course of the great river. In 
 1085 he entered in triumph into Toledo itself. 
 
 The history of Alfonso's alliances shows how little of 
 religious fanaticism entered into the wars of the two races. 
 Even his crowning conquest of Toledo was due not so much 
 to his prowess as to a treacherous league with some of its 
 disloyal defenders. Alfonso's famous subject, 
 Ruy Diaz, the Cid Campeador, the most famous 
 legendary hero of early Spain, though figuring in romance 
 as a Christian hero, was in history a brave and self-seeking 
 condottiere, who sold his sword to the Moors, or took 
 the pay of the rival King of Aragon almost as cheerfully
 
 468 European History, 918-1273 
 
 as he fought for his native Castile. But the fall of the 
 ancient Gothic capital created a terrible panic in the Moham- 
 medan world, and something like a Crusade was started by 
 Islam to win back the ground that it had lost The 
 frightened Ameers of Spain met together, and agreed to 
 seek foreign help against the overbearing foe. A sect of 
 The AI- Mohammedan enthusiasts, called the Almoravides, 
 
 moravides. an( j mainly composed of the Berbers of the Sahara, 
 had recently overrun all northern Africa, displacing the ancient 
 Arab dynasts, and rekindling the ancient zeal of the followers 
 of the Prophet The Spanish Moors now turned to Yussuf, 
 the Almoravides' leader, and begged him to come to their 
 assistance. After some hesitation Yussuf accepted the chal- 
 lenge. In 1086 he crossed the Straits of Gibraltar. His 
 army of fierce and barbarous nomads of the desert soon 
 wrought infinitely greater havoc on the Christians than the 
 lax and effeminate Arabs of the Peninsula had been wont 
 to do. Alfonso vi., who was besieging Saragossa when he 
 heard of Yussufs arrival, turned south to resist the new foe, 
 and the kings of Aragon and Navarre sent reinforcements to 
 the strongest representative of the Christian cause. But on 
 BatUe of 23rd October 1086 the host of Alfonso was 
 Zaiiaca. utterly destroyed at the battle of Zallaca, near 
 Badajoz, and the victorious African was proclaimed Ameer 
 of Andalous or Moorish Spain. 
 
 Spanish Christianity was now saved by the dissensions that 
 broke out between the Spanish Arabs and their African cham- 
 Divisionsof pion. The petty Ameers of Spain were disgusted 
 isiam. at Yussuf remaining behind in the Peninsula and 
 
 striving to be its effective ruler. Hostilities soon broke out 
 between them and Yussuf, who, finding allies in the fanatic 
 party in Andalous itself, diverted his arms from the Christians 
 against the subordinate lords of Islam. Within the next few 
 years he had conquered every Ameer save the ruler of Sara- 
 gossa, who was suffered to hold his northern marchland against 
 the aggressive Aragonese. During this period Alfonso vi.
 
 The Growth of Christian Spain 469 
 
 resumed his conquests. He devastated the lower valley of the 
 Tagus from Toledo to the sea, and for the time Alfonso vi. 
 made himself master of Lisbon. Meanwhile the takes Lisbon. 
 Cid profited by the dissensions of Islam to pursue a bolder 
 career. He deserted his paymaster, the Ameer of Saragossa, 
 and at the head of his trusty mercenaries sought to carve a 
 state for himself out of the ruins of the power of Islam 
 in eastern Spain. In 1094 he made himself conquest of 
 master of Valencia, after performing prodigies Valencia by 
 of valour. But a disastrous failure cost him the 
 lives of the best of his troops, and in 1099 the Cid died 
 of grief at the loss of his faithful followers. His widow strove 
 in vain to hold Valencia against the Moors, but her only 
 possible helper was the king of Castile, and he was too far 
 off to give effective assistance. Three years later she aban- 
 doned the smoking ruins of Valencia to the Moorish hosts, 
 and retired with the bones of her husband to a safe refuge in 
 Castile. Before this Yussuf had become master of Moham- 
 medan Spain. He again turned his arms against Alfonso, 
 and easily drove the Castilians from Lisbon and their other 
 recent conquests. It was all that Alfonso could do to 
 maintain himself in Toledo. His death in 1108 saved him 
 from further disasters. 
 
 Yussuf had already died in 1106, but the dissensions of 
 Castile and Leon that followed -the death of Alfonso vi. 
 made it easy for his successors to hold their own. 
 Before long, however, the short term of activity of Aimor^ 
 of an Oriental dynasty had ended; and the videsand 
 
 AI j *n A / ^ i Almohades. 
 
 Almoravides saw their African possessions taken 
 away from them by the newer and fiercer power of the Almo- 
 hades, the Berbers of the Atlas, who had long resented the rule 
 of .their brethren of the desert. Meanwhile the Almoravides' 
 hold over Spain was becoming weakened. The Berber 
 soldiers still ruled over the Moslem as conquered subjects, 
 and their fanatic zeal still more disgusted the Mozarabic 
 Christians (i.e. the Christians subject to the Arab yoke) whc
 
 47O European History, 918-1273 
 
 had borne with equanimity the tolerant yoke of the Spanish 
 Alfonso i Arabs. A new saviour of the Christians now 
 and the Rise arose in Alfonso I. of Aragon, the true founder 
 ofAragon. ^ ^ Aragonese power. In 1118 he had won 
 for Aragon its natural capital in Saragossa. He led de- 
 structive forays into the heart of Andalusia, and brought 
 home with him numerous Mozarabic families, to whom he 
 afforded a new home in the north. By the time of his death 
 before the walls of Valencia, Aragon had become second only 
 to Castile among the kingdoms of Christian Spain. Nor 
 were the successes of the Cross only in Aragon. Count Ray- 
 mond Berengar iv. of Barcelona united for a time his county 
 with Aragon and conquered Tortosa in 1148. In the extreme 
 west the little counties of Oporto and Coimbra had long been 
 united to form the county of Portugal, now ruled by Affonso 
 Affonso Henriquez, the founder of Portuguese greatness. 
 Henrique* i n 1139 Affonso penetrated far into the heart of 
 Capture of the Moorish country beyond the Tagus and won 
 Lisbon. t ne f am ous battle of Ourique. Next year he as- 
 
 sumed the title of King of Portugal. In 1147, with the help 
 of a fleet of English and German warriors on their way 
 to join the Second Crusade, Affonso drove the Moors out 
 of Lisbon, which now became the capital of the infant 
 kingdom. The Crusaders to the East now joined hands 
 with the Crusaders of the West. While the Northern 
 pilgrims helped to conquer Lisbon, French Crusaders fought 
 for Raymond Berengar of Barcelona and Provence, and the 
 Knights of the Temple and the Hospital stationed them- 
 selves in the valley of the Ebro as well as in Syria. Spain 
 soon had Military Orders of her own. In 1149 Sancho ix. 
 of Castile captured Calatrava, on the upper Guadiana, 
 The Spanish ^ rom tne Moors, an< * made it over to the 
 Military Cistercians, who, inspired by St. Bernard, were 
 already establishing themselves in Spain and 
 proclaiming the Crusade against the infidel. In 1158 
 the knightly order of Calatrava was set up to defend the
 
 The Growth of Christian Spain 47 1 
 
 Cistercian possession. The order was the 'holy soldiery 
 of Citeaux,' a sort of martial section of the White Monks, 
 and in close dependence upon them. In an equally close 
 relation to the Cistercians stood the order of St. Julian, 
 founded even earlier, in 1152, by the king of Leon, which 
 became, in 1218, the order of Alcantara, when that strong- 
 hold on the lower Tagus was won from the Moors and 
 handed over to the knights to defend it. Both orders took 
 the full monastic vows, but a less ascetic regimen prevailed 
 with the order of Evora in Portugal, set up in 1162 as a sort 
 of ' conversi ' or lay brethren of the Cistercians, and allowed 
 marriage and the enjoyment of property. On the same lines 
 was formed, under the patronage of Alexander in. and Inno- 
 cent in., the most famous of the Spanish orders, that of Santiago, 
 which, alone of its class, was quite independent of Citeaux. 
 Under the Cistercian guidance the Spanish struggle The 
 took more and more the character of a religious Crusades 
 war. Instead of local wars between neighbouring 
 chieftains, the contest now became part of the general struggle 
 between the two civilisations and religions that had so long 
 divided the world. 
 
 The deepening feud of the Almoravides and Almohades 
 allowed the Christians, despite their own divisions, to win fresh 
 ground. In 1146 Morocco was captured by the Triumph 
 Almohades, who immediately afterwards crossed of the 
 the Straits to extend their rule from Africa to Alr 
 Andalous. The fierce sectarian conflict of the rival Moham- 
 medans had for its natural result the almost simultaneous cap- 
 tures of Tortosa, Lisbon, and Calatrava. But the Almohades 
 soon made themselves masters of infidel Spain, and turned 
 fiercely against the Christians. In 1185 they won the battle ol 
 Alarcos over Alfonso vin. of Castile. Their victory stayed for 
 the time the progress of the Cross, and restored Calatrava 
 to the rule of the Crescent. For the rest of the century 
 the constant wars between Leon, Castile, Navarre, and 
 Aragon played the game of the infidel.
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Innocent in. revived the Crusading ardour of Spain, and 
 inspired great bands of Northern warriors to cross the Pyrenees 
 
 innocent in anc ^ J om * n ^ e stru ggl e against Islam. Alfonso 
 and the vin. sought to atone for the disasters of his youth 
 
 Crusade ^v victories in his old age. A vast Crusading host 
 collected at Toledo, and showed its ardour by 
 mercilessly butchering the Jews of that city. The threats 
 and entreaties of the great Pope inspired King Peter of 
 Aragon and the king of Navarre to join the army of Alfonso 
 of Castile. The local military orders were well to the fore, 
 and only the king of Leon held aloof from the greatest 
 n ... ,. combined effort that had as yet ever been made 
 
 Battle ol Las 
 
 Navasde against Spanish Islam. The crusading host 
 Toiosa. crossed the mountains of Toledo and restored the 
 
 rule of Castile in the upper valley of the Guadiana, where 
 Calatrava was now restored to its Cistercian lords. It was 
 with much difficulty that the Christians could be persuaded to 
 advance farther south, but a shepherd showed them a path 
 which enabled them to avoid the Moorish host that was 
 waiting for them in the defiles of the Sierra Morena, and 
 they successfully crossed the mountains to Las Navas de 
 Toiosa, an upland valley watered by a tributary of the Guadal- 
 quivir. There, on i6th July 1212, was fought the famous 
 battle of Las Navas de Toiosa, which secured for ever the 
 preponderance of Christianity in Spain. Within fifty years 
 of the victory the Moors had all they could do to hold their 
 own in the little kingdom of Granada that alone represented 
 the ancient Andalous. 
 
 James I. (1213-1276) of Aragon and Ferdinand m. (the 
 Saint) completed the work which Alfonso vin. had thus suc- 
 james i. of cessfully begun. The son of that Peter of Aragon 
 Aragon. w h o had fought so well at Las Navas de Toiosa, 
 James was called to his kingdom as a child by his father's 
 death on the fatal field of Muret. He was a true hero of 
 chivalry, one of the greatest warriors of the Middle Ages, 
 ardent, pious, merciful, and ignorant of the very name of fear.
 
 The Growth of Christian Spain 473 
 
 Though a soldier of the Cross, his matrimonial irregularities 
 did not escape papal censure. While first of all a warrior, 
 he did not shun the arts of peace, writing in his native 
 Catalan tongue an autobiographical chronicle which is one of 
 the most precious records of the thirteenth century. 1 His first 
 exploit was the conquest of the Balearic Islands between 
 1229 and 1232. He then turned against Valencia, anxious 
 to do over again the work of the Cid. In 1238 Valencia 
 opened her gates to him, and Aragon thus established her 
 limits such as they remained so long as she remained an 
 independent kingdom. 
 
 Saint Ferdinand (Ferdinand in.) of Castile reigned from 1214- 
 1252, and was enabled in 1230 to effect the definitive union 
 of Leon with his original inheritance. He fought gt Ferdi . 
 with great brilliancy and courage with the Moors nand of 
 in the valley of the Guadalquivir, and before his Castile - 
 death succeeded in utterly expelling them from the most 
 famous of their haunts. In 1236 he conquered the ancient 
 seat of the Caliphs at Cordova, and turned the famous 
 mosque of many columns into a Christian cathedral, while in 
 1246 his triumphs in this region were completed by his 
 capture of Jaen. Before that, in 1 244, he had entered Seville, 
 and in 1250 the capture of Xeres and Cadiz gave him access 
 to the Atlantic. His successor, Alfonso x., completed the 
 conquest of Murcia in conjunction with James of Aragon. 
 Meanwhile Portugal had acquired her modern limits by 1262, 
 by the conquest of Algarve, Spanish Algarve being also won 
 by Alfonso x. When Islam was thus nearly overthrown the 
 tide of conquest was stayed, and for more than two hundred 
 years longer Granada, but Granada alone, remained in Moorish 
 hands. 
 
 After the land had been won back from the Moors, 
 the Spanish kings had to deal with the organisation and 
 
 1 The Chronicle of James I. of Aragon, translated by John Foster, with 
 an introduction by Pascual de Gayangos.
 
 474 European History, 918-1273 
 
 government of their conquests. The withdrawal of the 
 The organ;- Mohammedans left great tracts of territory open to 
 sationand the settlement of the hardy northerners, among 
 
 Government , . . . -. . , , ... 
 
 of Christian whom the land was divided out, like a new country 
 Spain. f or the first time opened up to civilisation. 
 
 Foreign countries, especially the south of France, contributed 
 to these emigrations. The Mozarabs soon amalgamated with 
 the settlers, and even after constant expulsions a strong 
 Moorish and a considerable Jewish element remained, especi- 
 ally in the south, for the central provinces of Old and New 
 Castile were cleared of the Moors. The whole of Spanish 
 institutions bore a deep impress of the character of the 
 conquest. The military orders, who had fought so well, had 
 enormous territories in the reconquered lands. The clergy 
 were invested with higher authority than in any other 
 Christian country. The kings were proud to obtain from the 
 Papacy a confirmation of their right to govern their realms. 
 But the nobility was also very powerful, and the division 
 of interests between the greater and the lesser barons was so 
 marked that in Aragon they formed separate Estates of the 
 realm. In Castile the monarchical authority was the strongest, 
 but the grants of privileges to the king's partners in the 
 conquest had even here given the institutions a markedly 
 aristocratic character, and no country was fuller of heredi- 
 tary feuds and local dissensions. Aragon was a thoroughly 
 feudalised country, where the maintenance of public rights 
 was intrusted to a supreme magistrate called thefastia'a, before 
 whose tribunal all disputes between the king and his subjects 
 might be carried, and whose influence overshadowed that of 
 the monarch. Thefus/icia was always chosen from the lesser 
 nobility, a class that the Aragonese kings favoured as their 
 best supporters against the feudal magnates. Even the towns 
 of Spain bore the military and ecclesiastical impress that the 
 Moorish wars had given to the whole nation. They were an 
 important element of the Cortes, or Estates-General, that 
 grew up very early in the Peninsula. Their associations or
 
 The Growth of Christian Spain 475 
 
 htrmandads were almost as formidable to the crown as the 
 leagues of the nobility. 
 
 After the reconquest from the Moors was over, Spanish 
 history takes a new character. Under Alfonso x. of Castile 
 (1252-1284), Peter HI. of Aragon (1276-1285), The New 
 and Affonso in. of Portugal (1245-1279) the in- Spain, 
 ternal development of the three chief Spanish kingdoms falls 
 into line with that of the rest of Europe. 
 
 Alfonso x., surnamed the Wise, of Castile, was one of the 
 most remarkable sovereigns of the thirteenth century, and is 
 well worthy to be classed with St. Louis, with Fred- Alfonso x. 
 erick n., or with his brother-in-law, Edward i. of ofcastiie. 
 England. His rare gifts gave him fame as a man of learning, 
 a poet, a historian, and a legislator, but his violent and 
 unmeasured ambition paid but too little regard to the 
 narrowness of his resources, and he had not the iron will and 
 strong, resolute character without which no mediaeval king 
 could be a successful ruler. Thus it was that Alfonso failed 
 in his early struggles with his neighbour Affonso HI. of 
 Portugal, whose more limited ambitions better Affonso m. 
 enabled him to carry out his ideas. While of Portugal, 
 the Castilian strove to play a great part in Europe, the 
 Portuguese built cities, encouraged trade and agriculture, 
 and struggled successfully even with the Papacy. While 
 Portugal secured its rights over the Algarves, Alfonso plunged 
 into a long contest with his Castilian nobles, in which he was 
 by no means triumphant. The marriage of Alfonso's sister 
 with his Portuguese rival at last secured peace between the 
 two realms. Alfonso x. was a theorist even in his famous 
 legislation, called the Siete Partidas, in which he laid down a 
 high theory of monarchy, though he could not live up 
 to his pretensions. His contest with Richard of Cornwall 
 for the Holy Roman Empire was the extreme example of 
 his desire to cut a great figure in the world, but his sub- 
 jects would not allow him to take any real steps to assert 
 his claims. His quarrel with his son Sancho led to bloody
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 civil wars that were continued after his death, and made it 
 impossible for Castile to play a great part in Europe ; but 
 with all his errors Alfonso the Wise had first made her a 
 European power. Even greater difficulties beset Alfonso's 
 Peter in. contemporary Peter in. in Aragon. Like James i. t 
 of Aragon. Peter in. had to yield before the nobles and the 
 confederate cities, while his intervention in the affairs of Italy 
 involved him in a fierce contest with the Papacy, and 
 seemed for long to be utterly futile. But, like Alfonso x., 
 Peter prepared for others the way that he was unable to 
 traverse himself. More than two hundred years were still 
 to elapse before the rulers of the Peninsula were able to 
 realise the monarchical theories of Alfonso, and push to a 
 successful result the Italian policy of Peter. 
 
 rl 
 
 SPAIN 
 
 AT THE END OF THE rait* CENTURY: 
 
 The dates art those of Christian Conquest,except those qfbaMles which are marked thus 
 The limits tfthe Christian states at the brqinning of the I0century shaded WHw_ 
 The limits qf llixrrish Spain at the end of the li^centurv shaded thus ,.__. 
 
 ... 
 HUE
 
 The Growth of Christian Spain 
 
 477 
 
 Tnrifa 1285 
 
 SPAIN 
 
 AT THE END OF THE 13 CENTURY 
 
 The dates are those of Christian Conquest, except those of battles which are marked thus 
 
 Zhe limits of Moorish Spain atthe end of the iS'fceuturf/ shaded thus
 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 THE FALL OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN 
 AND THE GREAT INTERREGNUM [l 250-1 273]. J 
 
 The Reign of Conrad IV. Innocent IV. and Manfred Alexander iv. and 
 Edmund of England Manfred King of Sicily Fall of Eccelin da 
 Romano Ghibelline triumph in Tuscany Urban iv. Clement IV. 
 Coronation of Charles of Anjou Battle of Grandella and Death of Man- 
 fred Charles conquers Sicily Guelfic Revolution in Tuscany Conradin's 
 Expedition to Italy Battle of Tagliacozzo The Papal Vacancy and the 
 Restoration of Peace by Gregory ix. the Great Interregnum in Germany 
 Rivalry of Richard of Cornwall and Alfonso of Castile Destruction of 
 the German Kingdom The Triumph of the Princes and the Town 
 Leagues The Election of Rudolf of Hapsburg. 
 
 ACCORDING to his father's testament, King Conrad succeeded 
 on Frederick ii.'s death-bed to the Empire and the kingdom of 
 The Reign of Sicily. Conrad remained in Germany. Manfred, 
 Conrad iv., Frederick's bastard son, acted as lieutenant for 
 his brother in Sicily, and received as his share 
 in the inheritance the principality of Taranto. To Henry, 
 Frederick's son by Isabella of England, was assigned either 
 Jerusalem or Burgundy, at Conrad's discretion, while to 
 Frederick, son of the dead Henry vn., Austria and Styria, 
 
 1 To the authorities earlier given may be added Schirrmacher's Die 
 leizten Hohtnstauftn and KempPs Gesehicktedesdeutschen Reichs wahrend 
 Jes grossen Interregnum, A considerable literature of monographs and 
 dissertations has been written in Germany as to the Interregnum. Refer- 
 ences to it will be found in the present writer's article on Richard lo 
 Cornwall in the Dictionary of National Biography t voL xlviii. pp. 
 
 fc5-75- 
 
 478
 
 The Fall of the Hohenstaufen 479 
 
 his mother's heritage, were allotted. But the hostility of the 
 Church was not abated by the death of the chief offender. 
 ' Root out the name of the Babylonian, and what remains of 
 him, his succession and his seed,' was now the cry of Inno- 
 cent iv. The careful precautions taken by the dead Emperor 
 to maintain the union of the Empire and Sicily showed that 
 the long struggle was still far from its end. 
 
 Conrad iv., finding that he made no way against his rival, 
 WHliam of Holland, left his wife with her father, Duke Otto 
 of Bavaria, his chief supporter, and abandoned Germany. 
 Early in 1252 he appeared in Italy. After rally- Conradin 
 ing his partisans in Upper Italy, he took ship at Italy, 1252- 
 Venice for Siponto, where Manfred and the Apu- 1254 " 
 lian barons gave him a hearty welcome. His appearance 
 within his kingdom was followed by a strong reaction in his 
 favour. The magnates generally recognised him, and Naples 
 and Capua were forced to open their gates. But misfortunes 
 still dogged the house of Hohenstaufen. Conrad's posi- 
 tion in southern Germany was now shattered by the death 
 of his father-in-law, the Duke of Bavaria, which was rapidly 
 followed by that of Conrad's nephew, the young Duke 
 Frederick of Austria and Styria. Early in 1254 Henry, 
 Conrad's half-brother, also died, and his removal destroyed 
 the last ties which bound the Hohenstaufen to England. 
 Worse than all, Conrad and Manfred began to disagree, 
 and their dispute gave the Papacy an oppor- Innocent 
 tunity to intervene with effect in Apulia. So iv.'shosti- 
 early as 1250 Innocent had sought to set up ltytc 
 candidates of his own for the Sicilian throne. He had 
 sounded Richard, Earl of Cornwall, brother of Henry in., 
 as to his willingness to accept it, and in 1252 he had re- 
 newed his offer. But neither Richard nor his brother, the 
 King of England, were willing to break from the Hohen- 
 staufen, though, after the death of Isabella's son, in 1253, 
 their scruples were removed, and in the same year Henry in. 
 accepted another offer of the Sicilian throne on behalf of his
 
 480 European History \ 918-1273 
 
 younger son Edmund. Meanwhile Innocent had returned 
 in 1251 from Lyons to Italy, and had, after a progress 
 through the north-Italian cities, taken up his residence at 
 Perugia. Before the end of 1253 he was strong enough to 
 return to Rome. Active hostilities were now threatened. 
 Mendicant Friars vigorously proclaimed the Crusade against 
 Conrad, and in the spring of 1254 Innocent renewed his 
 Death of excommunication. But in May 1254 Conrad 
 Conrad, 1254. jj e( j suddenly, when only twenty-six years old, 
 leaving Conradin, a child of two, as his heir, and, in his distrust 
 of Manfred, intrusting the regency to the Margrave Berthold of 
 Hohenburg. The body of the deceased king had hardly 
 been laid in its tomb at Messina when the ancient hatred of 
 the Germans and South Italians burst out as violently as of 
 old. Berthold found himself so powerless that he cheerfully 
 innocent iv. 8 ave U P tne regency, and Manfred was put in his 
 and Manfred, place. Meanwhile Innocent's troops had invaded 
 
 the kingdom, and took possession of the important 
 border stronghold of San Germano. The barons of the neigh- 
 bourhood sent in their submission, and the Margrave Berthold 
 made overtures to the Pope. Manfred was forced to negotiate 
 with Innocent, and in September 1254 a peace was signed, 
 in which Innocent recognised Manfred as Prince of Taranto 
 and reconciled him to the Church. Nothing was said as to 
 the rights of Conradin, and in October Innocent himself went 
 on progress through the cities of the kingdom, and took up 
 his quarters at Naples, where he posed as feudal lord of the 
 realm, the disposal of which rested entirely in his hands. 
 Manfred had hoped that his submission would be followed 
 by the recognition, if not of his nephew, at least of himself as 
 King of Sicily. He now saw that he had been tricked by the 
 Pope, and that the king whom the Pope would acknowledge 
 Death of was not hi m self but the young Edmund of Eng- 
 innocent, land. He rode hastily to the trusty Saracens of 
 
 Lucera, and with their help gathered together an 
 army to withstand the aggressions of the Pope. Before any
 
 The Fall of the Hohenstaufen 48 1 
 
 decisive action could take place, Innocent died on 7th 
 December at Naples. 
 
 The Conclave assembled at Naples and elected a nephew of 
 Gregory ix., who took the name of Alexander iv. The new 
 Pope was described by Matthew Paris as ' kindly Alexander 
 and pious, assiduous in prayer and strenuously iv., 1254-1361. 
 ascetic, but easily moved by flatterers and inclined to avarice.' 
 He had not the inflexible will of his predecessor and (though 
 he continued Innocent's policy) he was not very successful 
 in his efforts, despite the fact that it was easier to carry on the 
 war against the Hohenstaufen now that the legitimate stock 
 was almost extinct and Germany entirely isolated from Sicily. 
 He soon found it prudent to withdraw from Naples to his 
 own territories, but he excommunicated Manfred 
 
 . Edmund of 
 
 and renewed Innocent s offer of the Sicilian throne England 
 to Edmund of England. In April 1255 the King of 
 conditions were drawn up on which Edmund 
 was to obtain the proffered kingship. He was to pay a 
 yearly tribute of two thousand ounces of pure gold, and 
 be responsible for all past and future expenses involved in 
 the prosecution of the war against Manfred, besides sending 
 an army and a general to assist in the conquest of his king- 
 dom. Edmund was still a mere child, and remained in 
 England while papal legates waged war against the usurper 
 in his name and sent in the bills to King Henry, who ex- 
 hausted his last resources in a vain effort to extract from the 
 clergy and laity of England the sums necessary for their 
 payment. Meanwhile Manfred more than held his own 
 against the papalists, and showed in the struggle a Manfred 
 daring courage and force of character that proved con <i u ers 
 
 r i r i TA / Naples and 
 
 that he was no unworthy son of his father. Before Sicily, 1355- 
 the end of 1255 the bastard of Frederick had **& 
 established his position on the mainland. Early in 1256 he 
 crossed over to Sicily, and soon subjected the whole of the 
 island to his obedience. Alexander now found that there was 
 no prospect of the promised English army and subsidies. In 
 
 PERIOD IT. 2 H
 
 48 2 European History, 918-1273 
 
 1257 the Pope's difficulties were increased by a popular revolt 
 in Rome, where the Senator Brancaleone drove him to take 
 refuge in Viterbo, while a violent and sanguinary democracy 
 lorded over the capital and entered into friendly relations with 
 Manfred, to whom the Ghibelline towns now turned as their 
 best protector against Pope and Clergy. By politic com- 
 mercial treaties Manfred secured the active alliance of both 
 Genoa and Venice. At last he grew so strong that he 
 scorned any longer to rule merely as the regent of his nephew. 
 An untrue report of Conradin's death gave him a pretext for 
 Manfred's accepting the offer of the throne from the Sicilian 
 Coronation, magnates, and in August 1258 he was crowned 
 at Palermo. He soon learnt that Conradin was 
 still alive, but he did not lay down his crown. For a brief 
 space Naples and Sicily enjoyed peace and prosperity under 
 his rule. The early years of Frederick n. seemed revived, 
 and the strong national traditions of the South Italian king- 
 dom were never more capably expressed than in the brilliant 
 court of Manfred at Palermo. 
 
 The cause of the Hohenstaufen seemed once more in the 
 ascendant. Even in Germany, where the little Conradin had 
 hitherto found but scanty acknowledgment outside his here- 
 ditary estates in Swabia, things took a turn for the better. 
 William of Holland died in 1256, and nearly a year elapsed 
 before a new election was made. Even then the papalists 
 disagreed, and, instead of a single strong partisan with an un- 
 doubted title, two weak foreign claimants, neither of whom 
 were very zealous for Rome, disputed, as we shall see, the title 
 Gueifs and of King of the Romans. In Italy the success 
 Ghibeiiines o f Manfred had led to a strong Ghibelline revival, 
 
 in Northern 
 
 and central and the one apparent reverse which their cause 
 Iuly - now suffered in the fall of Eccelin da Romano 
 
 did good by relieving the party from complicity in the odious 
 deeds of the 'most cruel and redoubtable tyrant that ever 
 was among Christians.' The cities of north-eastern Italy 
 began to revolt against the horrors of his rule, and the
 
 The Fall of the Hohenstaufen 483 
 
 papal Crusade preached against him now found a welcome 
 even among his own subjects. But Eccelin lacked 
 neither energy nor ability, and in September 1258 Eccelin 
 he signally defeated the Guelfic Crusaders at da Romano, 
 Torricella. But his comrade in victory, the 
 Marquis Pallavicino, soon deserted his blood-stained cause, 
 and was joined by Cremona, Mantua, Ferrara, and revolted 
 Padua. Manfred himself expressed his goodwill to the con- 
 federates. Eccelin's days were now numbered. He made 
 a last desperate effort to regain power by allying himself 
 with the Milanese nobles who had been recently exiled from 
 their city by the popular leader, Martin della Torre. But the 
 attack on Milan failed, and Eccelin himself was wounded 
 and taken prisoner at Casciano by Pallavicino and the 
 Cremonese. Conscious that the game was up, he tore off 
 his bandages and perished (yth October 1259). The allies 
 now wreaked their revenge on his brother Alberic, murdering 
 his wife and eight children before his eyes, and then tearing 
 him to pieces with wild horses. The house of Romano had 
 fought for its own hand rather than for the Emperor, and 
 their fall did little towards helping forward the papal cause. 
 Yet Eccelin was the prototype of the swarm of Ghibelline 
 tyrants who in subsequent generations were the most charac- 
 teristic upholders of a once great cause in Italy. 
 
 The fall of Eccelin made Manfred the uncontested head of 
 the Italian Ghibellines. In 1258 the Guelfic city of Florence 
 had driven out the local Ghibellines, who took refuge in 
 Siena and appealed to Manfred for help. In 1260 the 
 Florentines marched out against Siena with their carroccio. 
 They were utterly defeated on 4th September at Montaperto, 
 a battle which secured the triumph of the Ghibel- Battle of 
 lines over all Tuscany save Lucca. The victors pro- Montaperto 
 posed to reduce Florence to open villages, but Hn e triumph 
 the patriotism and courage of the exiled Farinata Tuscany, 
 degli Uberti dissuaded his fellow-countrymen from 
 this act of sacrilege. Manfred had sent a troop of German
 
 484 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 horsemen to help the allies at Montaperto. He now, says 
 Villani, ' rose to great lordship and state, and all the imperial 
 party in Tuscany and in Lombardy greatly increased in power, 
 and the Church and its devout and faithful followers were 
 much abased.' The baffled Guelfs were now reduced to the 
 sorry shift of sending to Conradin's mother in Germany, 
 hoping to stir up her and her son to resent the power of 
 Manfred. 
 
 Alexander iv. was now so hopeless that he vainly sought to 
 make peace with Manfred. He died in May 1261, and a three 
 Urban iv. months' vacancy showed even more clearly the im- 
 1261-1364. potence of the cardinals and the abasement of the 
 Church. At last the choice of the conclave fell upon the nomi- 
 nal Patriarch of Jerusalem, James of Court Palais, the son of a 
 cobbler of Troyes, who took the title of Urban iv. During 
 the three years of his pontificate, the French Pope lived mostly 
 at Viterbo and Orvieto, while at Rome the Ghibellines again 
 won the upper hand, and talked of making Manfred their 
 Senator. But Urban was a hot-tempered, strong and active 
 partisan, who brought back the Papacy to the policy of 
 Innocent iv., and struggled with all his might to lay low the 
 power of Manfred, and strove, though in vain, to end the 
 schism of rival kings in Germany. He was clear-sighted 
 enough to see that it was no use fighting Manfred in the name 
 of a nominal king like Edmund of England, especially since, 
 after 1258, the Provisions of Oxford had effectually deprived 
 his father of money and power. Urban therefore 
 
 Charles 
 
 ofAnjou prudently threw over the creature of Innocent 
 
 offered an( j Alexander, and offered the Sicilian throne to 
 
 Charles of Anjou, the brother of St. Louis, whose 
 
 successful rule of Provence had shown his fitness for the 
 
 difficult task of withstanding the son of Frederick. St Louis 
 
 shrank from countenancing the aggression of his brother, but 
 
 Charles was ambitious, and brushing aside all objections, 
 
 gladly accepted the offer. Manfred meanwhile grew more 
 
 powerful than ever, and was steadily extending his authority
 
 The Fall of the Hohenstaufen 485 
 
 over the States of the Church. Before the Angevin could 
 come to his assistance, Urban iv. died on 2nd October 1264. 
 There was no delay in electing the next Pope. Guy 
 Foulquois, a native of Saint Gilles, and a born subject of 
 the King of France, who had attained the cardinal bishopric 
 of Sabina, and was at the moment striving as papal legate to 
 uphold Henry in. against his barons, was chosen in his 
 absence by the cardinals, and assumed the name clement iv., 
 of Clement iv. A capable man and a strong parti- I26 4-ia68. 
 san, Clement at once entered into the enjoyment of the results 
 of the labours of his predecessors. He proclaimed a Crusade 
 against Manfred, and in May 1265 Charles of Anjou himself 
 appeared in Rome, where the fickle Romans, among whom 
 the Pope never ventured to risk himself, received him with 
 enthusiasm and named him their Senator. Next month a com- 
 mission of cardinals conferred upon him the investiture of Sicily, 
 and received his acceptance of the onerous condi- Charles of 
 tions on which he was permitted to occupy the An J u 
 
 crowned 
 
 papal fief. He was to pay 8000 ounces of gold as King of 
 tribute, to surrender Benevento to the Apostolic Sicily, raec. 
 See, and to renounce the office of Roman Senator as soon as 
 he had conquered Manfred's dominions. Charles returned to 
 Provence to raise an adequate army. Before the end of the 
 year he was back in Rome, where on 6th January 1266 he 
 and his wife Beatrice were crowned King and Queen of Sicily. 
 Within a few weeks of his hallowing, Charles invaded 
 Manfred's dominions with an army of Provencals, North- 
 French adventurers, and Italian Guelfs. The Neapolitans 
 were unprepared to fight a winter campaign, and many towns 
 and castles opened their gates to the French. Manfred 
 retreated from Capua to Benevento, where he resolved to 
 strike his great blow. On 26th February the Battle of 
 decisive battle was fought in the plain of Gran- Gran deiia 
 della, north-westward of Benevento. Manfred's O f Manfred, 
 Saracens easily scattered the Provencal foot, but I26 7- 
 were in their turn overwhelmed by the mail-clad mounted
 
 486 European History, 918-1273 
 
 knights. The German cavalry, that were still faithful to the 
 Hohenstaufen, sought to redress the fortunes of the day. 
 Charles hastily directed the flower of his army against the 
 Germans, who after a short sharp fight were outnumbered 
 and defeated. The chivalry of Apulia took fright at the 
 discomfiture of the Germans, and rode off the field with- 
 charies out striking a bl ow. Manfred saw the hopeless- 
 
 conquer* ness of the situa/ion, spurred his horse into the 
 
 thick of the fight, and valiantly met his fate. His 
 wife and children fell into the victor's hands, and on that one 
 day Charles gained his new kingdom, which he now sought 
 to tame by stern and systematic cruelty. He was soon able 
 to give material help to the struggling Guelfs of Tuscany. 
 On the news of Charles's victory reaching Florence, the 
 Ghibellines were expelled, and the Guelfs availed themselves 
 of their triumph to reorganise the constitution. It was the 
 
 first faint beginning of Florentine democracy, and 
 Revolution th e turning-point in the whole history of the city, 
 in Tuscany, Fearing for the permanence of their power, the 
 
 Florentines called upon Charles to aid them. On 
 Easter Day 1267, Count Guy of Montfort, the fiercest and 
 wildest of the banished sons of Leicester, marched into the 
 city at the head of a band of French horse. Charles was 
 made lord of Florence for ten years. The Guelfs were almost 
 as triumphant in Tuscany as in Naples. 
 
 Conradin was in his fifteenth year when the death of his 
 uncle made him the sole surviving representative of the house 
 
 of Hohenstaufen. He was a precocious and gallant 
 
 Conradin's , 
 
 Italian youth, conscious that there was no prospect of 
 
 Expedition, m 's playing a great part in Germany, and greedily 
 listening to the stories which Ghibelline exiles told 
 of the wrongs of Italy and the violence of the Angevin usurper. 
 The triumph of Charles had been too rapid to be permanent, 
 and a strong reaction set in both in Apulia and Tuscany 
 against the brutal violence of his partisans. A revolt 
 broke out in Calabria. The Pope himself trembled at the
 
 The Fall of the Hohenstaufen 487 
 
 completeness of his ally's success, and Rome chose Henry of 
 Castile, brother of Alfonso x. and an old enemy of Charles, 
 as her Senator. Pisa raised the Ghibelline standard in Tus- 
 cany, and the northern feudalists vied with the Ghibelline cities 
 in stemming the Guelfic tide. Conradin judged the moment 
 opportune to try his fortunes in Italy. At the head of a small 
 army, and accompanied by his uncle, Duke Louis of Bavaria, 
 and by his closest friend, Frederick, the nominal Duke of 
 Austria, the young prince crossed the Brenner, and in October 
 1267 entered Verona. But he was not strong enough to 
 act at once, and Charles profited by the delay to prepare 
 thoroughly for the struggle. At the approach of danger the 
 jealousies of the Guelfs vanished, and Clement was as eager 
 as Charles to destroy the ' basilisk sprung from the seed of the 
 dragon.' 
 
 Early in 1268 Conradin began to move. Welcomed in 
 January in Ghibelline Pavia, in April he was nobly received 
 in Pisa, where he long tarried, hoping to make Battle of 
 head against the Guelfic reaction which, thanks to Tagiiacozzo 
 
 r-i. i > i j *. T- and Death 
 
 Charles s energy, was already apparent in I uscany. O f Conradin, 
 
 In July he entered Rome, where the Senator Henry ia68 - 
 of Castile joined his forces with the Ghibelline host He 
 pressed on into Apulia, hoping to join hands with the re- 
 volted Saracens of Lucera. But Charles hurried to meet him, 
 and on 23rd August annihilated his army at the battle of 
 Tagiiacozzo. Conradin fled from the ruin of his hopes, but 
 was betrayed to Charles, and was beheaded at Naples along 
 with his comrade Frederick of Austria. He was the last of 
 his race, and his death ensured the Guelfic triumph in Italy, 
 which was henceforth to be utterly separate from Germany, and 
 was to go through long generations of anguish before she 
 could work out her destinies for herself. Clement iv. only 
 just outlived the success of his policy. After his death, in 
 November 1268, a three years' vacancy in the Papacy com- 
 pleted the victory of Charles of Anjou by depriving him of 
 the only control that could be set over his actions. It was
 
 488 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 during this period that he attained that fatal ascendency over 
 Louis ix. that led to the expedition to Tunis, where even 
 the sacred crusading cause was made subservient to the 
 ambition of the lord of Naples. Yet, fierce and violent 
 as he was, Charles's power alone kept Italy from absolute 
 anarchy. 
 
 While Italy was distracted by the contest between Guelfs 
 and Ghibellines, Germany was equally divided by the troubles 
 of the Great Interregnum which followed the death of William 
 of Holland in 1256. After Conrad iv.'s departure to Italy, 
 Germany, William had begun to make way in Germany, and 
 1354-1973. n j s marriage w jth the daughter of Duke Otto of 
 Brunswick connected him closely with the traditional leaders 
 of the German Guelfs. After Conrad's death many of the 
 partisans of the Hohenstaufen, including the Rhenish cities, 
 recognised his claim, and no attempt was made to set up the 
 King William i 11 ^ 1111 Conradin as his rival. But if he thus 
 of Holland, gained formal recognition, William never aspired 
 to be more than a king in name. The chief 
 event of his reign was the union in 1254 of the Rhenish cities 
 in a league which extended beyond its original limits as far 
 as Ratisbon, and gave a precedent for other and even more 
 memorable unions of German towns. The local alliance 
 between Liibeck and Hamburg, established as far back as 
 1241, proved the nucleus of the famous Hanseatic League. 
 William's death was only important because of the troubles 
 that a contested election evoked. The friends of the Hohen- 
 staufen found it useless to pursue the candidature of Conradin, 
 and were anxious to effect a compromise. They sought to 
 find some prince who, while friendly to the Swabian traditions, 
 was acceptable to the Pope and his partisans. Even the 
 Rhenish archbishops, who had procured the elections of Henry 
 and William, felt the need for peace. Thus both the Bavarian 
 kinsfolk of Conradin, and Conrad of Hochstaden, the Guelfic 
 archbishop of Cologne, agreed in the sort of candidate that 
 they would welcome. They soon found no one in Germany
 
 The Fall of the Hohenstaufen 489 
 
 who answered their requirements. Ottocar, King of Bohemia, 
 possessed a power that far outshadowed that of The Double 
 any native prince, and his recent acquisition of Election of 
 Austria and Styria gave him a sort of claim to be 1257 ' 
 considered a German. But all parties viewed with alarm 
 the aggrandisement of so powerful and dangerous a neighbour, 
 and looked further afield, hoping to find a candidate who, though 
 not strong enough to overwhelm their independence, was rich 
 and energetic enough to save them from the ambitious Czech. 
 Conrad of Hochstaden, already well acquainted with England, 
 declared himself in favour of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, whose 
 wealth and reputation were great, and whose rejection of the 
 Sicilian throne, afterwards bestowed by the Pope on his nephew 
 Edmund, showed that he would keep clear from the compli- 
 cations of Italian politics. Henry HI., delighted that his 
 brother and son should divide the Hohenstaufen inheritance 
 between them, backed up his candidature. Richard was a 
 good friend of the Pope, and yet had been the brother-in-law 
 and ally of Frederick 11. He scattered his money freely, and 
 the Jews, his faithful dependants in England, actively furthered 
 his candidature. But France took the alarm at the extension 
 of the power of her English enemies, and the inveterate Ghibel- 
 line partisans of the Italian cities would hear of no Emperor 
 indifferent to their ancient feuds. The citizens of Pisa 
 suggested that Alfonso x. of Castile would be a better candi- 
 date than the Earl of Cornwall, and the French party eagerly 
 took up his claims. .The ancient rights of all the German 
 nobles to choose their king had fallen into disuse during the 
 recent troubles, and the right of election had gradually passed 
 to seven of their leaders, who on this occasion first definitely 
 exercised the power that belonged to the Seven Electors of 
 later times. 
 
 In January 1257 the Archbishop of Cologne appeared with 
 the Count Palatine Otto of Bavaria and the proxy of the 
 captive Archbishop of Mainz before the walls of Frankfurt. 
 On being refused admission to the city, they formally elected
 
 490 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Richard as King of the Romans before the gates. The 
 Archbishop of Trier, who had held the town against them, 
 was soon joined by the Duke of Saxony and the Margrave of 
 Brandenburg, and on ist April these three elected Alfonso of 
 Castile. Ottocar of Bohemia, the remaining elector, for some 
 The Great t ' me hesitated between the two, but his declara- 
 interregnum, tion in favour of Richard gave the English earl a 
 1257-1293. majority of the votes of the electoral college. In 
 May Richard crossed over the North Sea, and was crowned at 
 Aachen by Archbishop Conrad. He remained nearly two 
 years in Germany, and succeeded in getting himself generally 
 recognised by the estates of the Rhineland. But the rest of 
 Germany took little interest in his movements, and as soon as 
 his money was exhausted, even his Rhenish friends grew 
 lukewarm in his cause. More hopeful was the support of 
 Alexander iv. and the alliance of Milan and other Italian 
 cities. The Castilians refused to allow Alfonso to prosecute 
 his candidature in person, and an absentee competitor might 
 safely be neglected. Richard now hoped to be able to seek 
 the Imperial crown at Rome. But his absorption in English 
 politics required his return to his native land, and the death 
 of Alexander iv. deprived him of his best chance of formal 
 recognition. 
 
 Richard paid three subsequent visits to Germany, but never 
 obtained any greater power. Neither his character nor his 
 resources were adequate to the difficult task that he had 
 undertaken, and his divided allegiance to his old and new 
 country made real success quite impossible. His simple 
 policy was to obtain formal recognition from the princes by 
 making them lavish grants of privileges. A striking example 
 of this was when in 1262 he secured the permanent friendship 
 of Ottocar by confirming his acquisitions of Austria and Styria. 
 For all practical purposes Germany had no king at all. The 
 abeyance of the central power forced the princes to exercise 
 all sovereign rights, and their feuds and factions reduced the 
 realm to a deplorable state of anarchy. Richard's gold had
 
 The Fall of the Hohenstaufen 491 
 
 broken up the league of the Rhenish cities, and for the time the 
 feudal party seemed to have it all their own way. Richard, 
 despairing of general recognition, at last agreed to submit his 
 claims to the judgment of Clement iv., though he had refused 
 similar proffers from Urban iv. Clement died in 1268 before 
 anything could be decided, and three years' vacancy of the 
 Papacy between 1268 and 1271 left the world without either 
 a spiritual or a temporal head. The great days of Papacy 
 and Empire were plainly over. 
 
 Henceforth the Empire was little more than an unrealised 
 theory, but the Papacy was still a practical necessity for 
 the age, however much the furious Guelfic partisanship of 
 recent pontiffs had deprived the Apostolic See of its former 
 position as spiritual director of Europe. Only a good and 
 a strong Pope could restore peace to Italy and Germany, and 
 in September 1271 the election of the holy Theobald of 
 Piacenza, Archdeacon of Liege, then actually on Gregory x. 
 pilgrimage in the Holy Land, secured for Europe and the 
 
 ..,.,, .. , , , restoration 
 
 a high-minded spmtual leader. The short pontifi- O f peace 
 cate of Theobald, who took the name of Gregory x. 1371-1276 
 (1271-1276), stands in noble contrast to the reigns of a 
 Gregory ix., an Innocent iv., or a Clement iv. With the wise 
 and peace-loving pontiff, who sought to win back Europe to 
 better ways, the highest spirit of the Roman Church was 
 restored. We have seen how Gregory laboured in the second 
 Council of Lyons for the organisation of the Mendicant Orders, 
 for the union of East and West, and for the renewal of the 
 Crusades. He devoted himself with equal energy to ending the 
 long anarchy in Germany. Richard of Cornwall submitted to 
 his decision, but died in 1272 before it could be pronounced. 
 In 1273 the Electors chose Rudolf, Count of Hapsburg, in his 
 stead. Gregory smoothed over the difficulties which might 
 have attended his candidature, and established friendly 
 relations with him. But the peace that the Pope loved was 
 but of short duration. The Papacy again succumbed to the 
 spirit of intrigue and violence, and before long fell at the
 
 492 European History, 918-1273 
 
 hands of the grandson of St. Louis, the great-nephew of 
 Charles of Anjou. The glory of the Papacy only outlasted 
 the glory of the Empire for two generations : but while the 
 Empire had become little more than a mere name, the Papacy, 
 even in the days of the Captivity, continued, though with 
 diminished lustre, to command the spiritual allegiance of 
 Europe. Germany and Italy, the chief names of the Imperial 
 idea, had hopelessly lost any prospect of national unity, while 
 losing the wider unity of the Roman State. The real future 
 thus remained with the localised national states, which were 
 best represented by France, England, and the Spanish king- 
 doms. With their establishment on the ruins of the older 
 system, the age of the Papacy and Empire came to an end.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 TABLES OF SOVEREIGNS 
 
 (i) POPES. 
 
 John x., 914-928. 
 
 Leo vi., 928-929. 
 
 Stephen VII., 929-931. 
 
 John XL, 931-936. 
 
 Leo vii., 936-939. 
 
 Stephen vin., 939-942. 
 
 Martin m.orMarinusIl.,942-946. 
 
 Agapet ll., 946-955- 
 
 John XII., 955-963. 
 
 Leo vin., 963-964. 
 
 Benedict v., 964-965. 
 
 John xiii., 965-972. 
 
 Benedict VI., 972-974 
 
 Benedict vii., 974-983. 
 
 John xiv., 983-984. 
 
 Boniface vii., Antipope, 974- 
 
 984 ; recognised, 984-985. 
 John XV., 985-996. 
 Gregory v., 996-999. 
 John XVI., 997-998 (partisan of 
 
 Crescentius). 
 Sylvester II., 999-1003. 
 John XVII., 1003. 
 John XVIII., 1003-1009. 
 Sergius IV., 1009-1012. 
 Benedict vni., 1012-1024. 
 John xix., 1024-1033. 
 
 Benedict 
 1046. 
 
 IX., 1033- 
 
 [Antipope,Sylvester 
 
 ^deposed 
 'in 1046. 
 
 in., 1044-1046.] 
 Gregory vi., 1044- 
 
 1046. 
 
 Clement u., 1046-1047. 
 Damasus II., 1048. 
 Leo IX., 1048-1054. 
 Victor II., 1055-1057. 
 Stephen IX., 1057-1058. 
 
 [Antipope, Benedict X., 1058- 
 
 1059.] 
 
 Nicholas II., 1058-1061. 
 Alexander n., 1061-1073. 
 
 [Antipope, Honorius, 1061- 
 
 1062.] 
 Gregory vn., 1073-1085. 
 
 [Antipope, Clement III., 1080- 
 
 II CO.] 
 
 Victor ill., 1086-1087. 
 Urban II., 1088-1099. 
 Paschal II., 1099-1118. 
 [Anti popes, Albert, Theodoric, 
 
 and Sylvester IV.] 
 Gelasius II., 1118-1119. 
 
 [Antipope, Gregory vni.,i 1 18- 
 u 2 1 .1 
 
 493
 
 494 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Calixtus ii., 1119-1124. 
 Honorius II., 1124-1130. 
 Innocent II., 1130-1143. 
 
 [Antipopes, Anacletus, 1130- 
 
 1138. 
 
 Victor, 1138 (ab- 
 dicated).] 
 
 Celestine II., 1143-1144. 
 Lucius II., 1144-1145. 
 Eugenius ill., 1145-1153. 
 Anastasius IV., 1153-1154. 
 Adrian IV., 1154-1159. 
 Alexander in., 1159-1181. 
 [Antipopes, Victor, 1 1 59- 
 
 1164. 
 
 Paschal III., 1164- 
 ii 68. 
 
 [Antipopes, Calixtus III., 
 
 1168-1178. 
 Lando, 1178-1180.] 
 Lucius in., 1181-1185. 
 Urban ill., 1185-1187. 
 Gregory vin., 1187. 
 Clement III., 1187-1191. 
 Celestine ill., 1191-1198. 
 Innocent ill., 1198-1216. 
 Honorius ill., 1216-1227. 
 Gregory IX., 1227-1241. 
 Celestine IV., 1241. 
 Innocent IV., 1243-1254. 
 Alexander IV., 1254-1261. 
 Urban IV., 1261-1264. 
 Clement iv., 1265-1268. 
 Gregory x., 1271-1276. 
 
 (2) EMPERORS AND KINGS OF THE ROMANS. 
 
 Henry I. (the Fowler), 918-936. 
 *Otto I. (the Great), 936-973. 
 *Otto II., 973-983- 
 *Otto in., 983-1002. 
 *Henry II. (the Saint), 1002-1024. 
 *Conrad II. (the Salic), 1024- 
 
 1039- 
 *Henry ill. (the Black), 1039- 
 
 1056. 
 *Henry IV., 1056-1106. 
 
 [Rivals, Rudolf of Swabia, 
 
 1077-1080. 
 
 Hermann of Luxem- 
 burg, 1082-1093. 
 Conrad of Franconia, 
 
 1093-1101.] 
 *Henry v., 1106-1125. 
 *Lothair II., 1125-1138. 
 
 Conrad ill., 1138-1152. 
 *Frederick I. (Barbarossa), 1 1 52- 
 
 1190. 
 
 *Henry VI., 1190-1197. 
 *0ttoiv.,ii 97 -i2i2, J R ; , 
 Philip IL, 1197-1208, ( K 
 ^Frederick II., 1212-1250. 
 [Rivals Henry Raspe, 1246- 
 
 1247 ; William of Holland, 
 
 1247-1256.] 
 
 Conrad IV., 1250-1254. 
 The Great Interregnum, 1254- 
 
 1273. 
 Richard, Earl ofk 
 
 Cornwall, I Rivals, 
 
 Alfonso X., King of | 1257-1272. 
 
 Castile, 
 
 * An asterisk is affixed to these Kings who were crowned Emperors by the 
 Pope.
 
 Appendix 
 
 495 
 
 (3) EASTERN EMPERORS. 
 
 Constantine vn. (Porphyrogeni- 
 tus), 912-959. 
 Q oint-rulers Alexander, 912- 
 
 9i3- 
 
 Romanus I. 
 (Lecapenus), 
 919-945.] 
 
 Romanus II., 959-963. 
 Basil II. (Bulgaroctonus), 963- 
 1025. 
 
 [Joint-rulers Nicephorus II. 
 (Phocas),963- 
 969. 
 
 John I. (Zimi- 
 sces), 969-976.] 
 Constantine VIIL, 1025-1028. 
 Romanus ill. (Argyrus), 1028- 
 
 1034. 
 Michael IV. (the Paphlagonian), 
 
 1034-1041. 
 
 Michael v., 1041-1042. 
 Constantine IX. (Monomachus), 
 
 1042-1054. 
 
 Theodora, 1054-1057. 
 Michael VI. (Stratioticus), 1057. 
 
 Isaac I. (Comnenus), 1057- 
 
 1059. 
 Constantine x. (Ducas), 1059- 
 
 1067. 
 Michael vn. (Ducas), 1067- 
 
 1078. 
 
 [Joint-ruler Romanus IV. 
 
 (Diogenes), 1068-1071.] 
 Nicephorus ill. (Botaniates), 
 
 1078-1081. 
 Alexius I. (Comnenus), 1081- 
 
 1118. 
 
 John II. (Comnenus), 1118-1143. 
 Manuel I. (Comnenus), 1143- 
 
 ii 80. 
 
 Alexius II. (Comnenus), n So- 
 il 83. 
 Andronicus I. (Comnenus), 1183- 
 
 1185. 
 
 Isaac II. (Angelus), 1185-1195. 
 Alexius in. (Angelus), 1 195-1203. 
 Isaac n. (restored) 
 Alexius iv. 
 
 (Angelus) 
 Alexius v. (Ducas), 1204. 
 
 (4) LATIN EMPERORS OF THE EAST. 
 
 Baldwin I., 1204-1205. Robert, 1219-1228. 
 
 Henry of Flanders, 1205-1216. Baldwin II., 1228-1261. 
 Peter of Courtenay, 1216-1219. 
 
 (5) KINGS OF 
 
 Godfrey of Boulogne, 1099- 
 
 i loo [refused the title]. 
 Baldwin I. of Edessa, 1100- 
 
 iu8. 
 Baldwin II. of Edessa, 1118- 
 
 1130. 
 
 Fulkof Anjou, 1130-1143. 
 Baldwin in., 1143-1163. 
 Amalrici., 1163-1174. 
 Baldwin IV. (the Leper), 1173- 
 
 1185. 
 Baldwin v. (the Child), 1185- 
 
 II 86. 
 
 JERUSALEM. 
 
 Guy of Lusignan, 1186-1194. 
 [Conrad of Montferrat, 1191- 
 
 1192.] 
 [Henry of Champagne, 1192- 
 
 1197.] 
 Amalric II. of Lusignan, 1197- 
 
 1205. 
 
 Amalric III., 1205-1206. 
 John of Brienne, 1210-1225. 
 lolande of Brienne, 1225-1228. 
 Frederick 1 1., 1228-1250. 
 Hugh of Lusignan (King oi 
 
 Cyprus), 1268-1284.
 
 496 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 (6) KINGS OF FRANCE. 
 
 Charles the Simple, 896-929. 
 [Rivals Robert of Paris, 922- 
 
 923 ; Rudolf of Burgundy, 
 
 923-936.] 
 
 Rudolf of Burgundy, 929-936. 
 Louis IV., 936-954. 
 Lothaire, 954-986. 
 Louis v., 986-987. 
 Hugh Capet, 987-996. 
 
 Robert II., 996-1031. 
 Henry I., 1031-1060. 
 Philip I., 1060-1108. 
 Louis VI., 1108-1137. 
 Louis VII., 1137-1180. 
 Philip II., Augustus, 1180-1223. 
 Louis viii., 1223-1226. 
 Louis IX. (Saint Louis), 1226- 
 1270.
 
 INDEX 
 
 AACHEN, 18, 46, 51, 139, 141, 258, 
 
 33i. 37i- 
 
 palace at, 46, 80. 
 
 Aarhuus, 22. 
 
 Aba, king of Hungary, 61. 
 
 Abbassides, the, 158. 
 
 Abbeville, 416. 
 
 Abelard, 7, 208, 211-214, 2 39. 2 4> 
 241, 429, 432. 
 
 Abotrites, the, 21, 226, 227, 264. 
 
 Abul Cassim, 39. 
 
 Acarnania, 348. 
 
 Acerra, Diepold of. See Diepold. 
 
 Achaia, Villehardouin, Prince of, 349. 
 
 Princes of, 355. 
 
 Acre, 186, 192, 300, 302-303, 304, 312, 
 337. 368, 453. 46i, 462, 463. 
 
 battle of, 459-460. 
 
 St. Thomas of. See Thomas, St. 
 
 Adalbero, Archbishop of Reims, 44, 
 70, 71, 74, 77. 
 
 Archbishop of Trier, 231. 
 
 Adalbert, St. , 43, 45, 379- 
 Archbishop of Bremen, 121, 122, 
 123, 223, 236. 
 
 of Mainz, 144, 146, 231. 
 
 Adela, daughter of William the Con- 
 queror, 87. 
 
 of Champagne, third wife of 
 
 Louis VII., 200, 291. 
 
 Adelaide of Burgundy, wife of Otto I. , 
 28, 29, 31, 41. 
 
 ofMaurienne, queen of Louis VI., 
 
 282. 
 
 of Poitou, 69. 
 
 Adenulfus, Duke of Benevento, 106. 
 
 Adhemar, bishop of Le Puy, 182, 183. 
 
 Adige, the, 29, 258. 
 
 Adolf of Holstein, 265. 
 
 Archbishop of Cologne, 311. 
 
 Adrian iv. , Pope, 249-250, 252-254, 256. 
 
 Adrianople, 155, 162, 299, 348 ; 
 battle at, 351. 
 
 ^Egean, islands of, 158, 348 ; cru- 
 saders in, 345. 
 
 ^Etolia, 348. 
 
 PERIOD II. 
 
 Affonso Henriquez, king of Portugal, 
 325, 470-471, 475. 
 
 Afghanistan, 168. 
 
 Africa, 158, 170, 236-237, 468, 469, 
 471- 
 
 Christianity in, 103. 
 
 Agenais, the, 416. 
 
 Agnes of Poitou, wife of Henry in., 
 62, 121, 122, 128. 
 
 daughter of Henry IV., 221. 
 
 wife of Henry of Brunswick, and 
 
 daughter of Conrad, Count Pala- 
 tine, 308, 319. 
 
 of France, daughter of Louis VII., 
 
 and wife of Alexius n., 340. 
 
 of Meran, wife of Philip Augus- 
 tus, 323-324, 408. 
 
 Agriculture under Frederick I., 272. 
 
 Aigues Mortes, 457. 
 
 Ain Talut, battle of, 460. 
 
 Aix (in Provence), 417, 418. 
 
 Alan 'of the Twisted Beard,' first 
 Count of Brittany, 85. 
 
 Alarcos, battle of, 471. 
 
 Albania, 164, 348 ; Greeks in, 350. 
 
 Alberic I. , Marquis of Camerino, 30. 
 
 II., 30, 38. 
 
 381. 
 
 da Romano, 483. 
 
 Albert the Bear, the Margrave, 226, 
 232, 233, 251, 264, 265, 268. 
 
 of Brabant, claimant to Liege, 
 
 37- 
 
 of Buxhowden, 379. 
 
 the Great, 378, 447. 
 
 AIbi, 216. 
 
 Albigenses, the, 216-217, 334, 394, 
 
 397, 398, 401, 419, 433, 436. 
 Albigensian Crusade, the, 332. See 
 
 also Albigenses. 
 Albigeois, 287. 
 
 Albina, daughter of Tancred, 317. 
 Alcantara, Order of, 207, 471. 
 Alen9on, Peter, Count of. See Peter. 
 Aleppo, 158, 195 ; Ameer of, 159- 
 
 160. 
 
 2 I
 
 493 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Alessandria founded (1168), 259, 260; 
 
 besieged, 261. 382. 
 Alexander n., Pope, 116, 124, 145. 
 in., Pope, 6, 256, 257-264, 269- 
 
 270. 288, 471.' . - 
 
 IV., Pope, 444, 446, 481-484, 490. 
 
 joint-emperor of Eastern Em- 
 pire, 152. 
 
 of Hales, 445, 446, 447. 
 
 Alexandria, 195, 458. 
 
 Alexius I., Comnenus, 173-175, 179, 
 
 180, 182, 183, 184-185, 336-338 
 
 II. , Comnenus, 340. 
 
 HI., 312, 342, 345. 
 
 IV., Angelus, 342, 344-346. 
 
 V. (Ducas), Murzuphlus, 346. 
 
 Alfonse of Poitiers, Count of Poitou, 
 
 407, 408, 410, 413, 414, 415, 416, 
 
 417, 418, 458. 
 Jordan, Count of Toulouse, 283- 
 
 284, 287. 
 Alfonso, king of Leon, 326. 
 
 I., of Aragon. 467, 470. 
 
 VI. , of Castile, 467, 468, 469. 
 
 VIH., king of Castile, 395, 421, 
 
 431, 467, 468, 469. 
 X., the Wise, of Castile, 10, 473, 
 
 475-476. 487. 49- 
 Alfred, king of Wessex, 15, 25. 
 Algarve, 473. 475. 
 
 Spanish, 473. 
 
 Algebra, Arabic, 363. 
 
 Alice, daughter of Louis VII. and 
 
 Constance of Castile, betrothed to 
 
 Richard of Aquitaine, 288, 290, 
 
 293, 302. 
 
 of Champagne. See Adela. 
 
 queen of Cyprus, 409. 
 
 Almansor, 466. 
 
 Almohades, the, 469-472. 
 
 Almoravides, the, 468-471. 
 
 Alp Arslan, Seljukian Sultan, 169, 171, 
 
 172, 179- 
 Amalfi, 117, 227. 
 Amalric I., king of Jerusalem, 185, 
 
 193- 
 
 II., of Lusignan, 453. 
 
 in., of Lusignan, 453. 
 
 of Bena, 433. 
 
 of Montfort, 456. See Amaury. 
 
 Amaury, abbot of Clteaux, 399, 400. 
 
 de Montfort, 402, 406. 
 
 Amiens, 291, 292. 
 
 treaty of, 416. 
 
 Anacletus n. , Antipope, 228, 229, 330, 
 
 234. 235, 241, 281. 
 
 Anagni, 257, 262 ; meeting of Gregory 
 
 ix. and Frederick n. at, 369. 
 Anastasius iv. , Pope, 249. 
 Ancona, 310; siege of, 261, 310; 
 
 March of, 384. 
 Andalous (Andalusia), 464, 468, 470, 
 
 471, 472, 473. 
 
 Andechs Meran, house of, 323. 
 Andernach, 19. 
 Andrew, king of Hungary, 61, 326, 
 
 452, 453. 454. 
 
 Andronicus Comnenus, 340-341. 
 Angelus, house of, 341-346, 351, 
 
 353- 
 
 Angevms. See Anjou. 
 Angoulfime, Isabella of. See Isabella. 
 Am captured, 169. 
 Aniane, Benedict of, 97. 
 Anjou, county of, 71, 76, 79, 87, 88 ; 
 
 rise of the house of, 286-287, 395- 
 
 396, 404, 415, 416, 417. See Bertrada, 
 
 Charles, Fulk, Geoffrey, Henry, 
 
 Joan, John, Richard. 
 Anna Comnena, 107, 173, 337, 
 
 338. 
 Anne of Russia, wife of Henry I. of 
 
 France, 79. 
 Anno, Archbishop of Cologne, 116, 
 
 121, 122, 123. 
 Anselm, St., of Canterbury, 7, 100, 
 
 139, 141, 210. 
 
 of Laon, an. 
 
 Bishop of Lucca. See Alex- 
 ander II. 
 
 Anthony, St., of Padua, 441, 445. 
 Antioch, 160, 163, 182, 183, 184, 185, 
 
 188, 192, 195, 196, 285-300, 453; 
 
 principality of, 117, 460; capture 
 
 of by Bibars, 460. 
 
 Frederick of. See Frederick. 
 
 Anweiler, Markwald of. See Mark- 
 
 wald. 
 
 Aosta, 210. 
 Apulia, 10, ti, 50, 1 66, 227, 228, 230, 
 
 253, 261, 306-307,309-310, 311-312, 
 
 316-318, 328, 367, 369, 374, 390, 458. 
 
 479 ; the Normans and, 105, 106, 
 
 114. 117. 
 
 Aquileia, 29 ; patriarch of, 50. 
 Aquino, St Thomas of. See Thomas, 
 
 St. 
 Aquitaine, 75, 89, 90, 280-281, 286- 
 
 287. 395. 396, 398, 406, 415, 416 ; 
 
 barons of, 76 ; dukes of, 91. See 
 
 also William v. of; William the 
 
 Pious of, and Eleanor of.
 
 Index 
 
 499 
 
 Arabs, the, 39; of South Italy, 34; and 
 
 Aristotle, 432 ; civilisation of, 169, 
 
 170 ; and Holy Sepulchre, 178 ; and 
 
 Frederick n., 360, 361. 
 Aragon, 215, 229, 325, 326, 327, 467, 
 
 470, 471, 472, 473, 474, 475-476. 
 kings of. See Peter n. and 
 
 James I. 
 
 Aral, Sea of, 456. 
 
 Arbrissel, Robert of. See Robert. 
 Archers, Norman, 175. 
 Archipelago, Duchy of the, 352. 
 Architecture, Romanesque, 7. See 
 
 also Romanesque. 
 Gothic, 7, 378, 403. See also 
 
 Gothic. 
 
 Ardoin of Ivrea, 49, 52, 106. 
 Arelate, the, 3, 23, 53, 55, 56, 80, 
 
 266, 289, 308, 320, 386, 398, 417, 
 
 419. 
 
 Arezzo, 100. 
 Argenton, 320. 
 Argyrus, son of Meles, 107. 
 Aribert, archbishop of Milan, 53, 58, 
 
 59- 238. 
 Aribo, archbishop of Mainz, 50, 51, 
 
 52- 
 
 Aristotle, 214, 447; translations by 
 Michael Scot of, 363 ; study of, 
 432; Averroes' commentaries on, 
 
 433- 
 
 Aries, kingdom of. See Arelate. 
 kings of, Conrad, 51. See Rudolf 
 
 III. ; Constance of. See Constance ; 
 
 archbishop of, 418. 
 Armenia, 155, 170, 171, 326; king- 
 dom of, 303, 311, 453, 454 ; attacked 
 
 by Togrul Beg, 169. 
 Armenian kingdom in Cilicia, the, 
 
 179. 
 
 Armenians, the, 165, 339. 
 Arnold of Brescia, 208, 213, 234, 239- 
 
 242, 249-250. 
 
 archbishop of Mainz, 250. 
 
 Arnulf of Carinthia, 13. 
 
 duke of Bavaria, 15, 18, 20. 
 
 (2), Count Palatine, 19. 
 
 archbishop of Reims, 42, 44. 
 Arpad, house of, 61. 
 Arthur, legend of, 378. 
 
 duke of Brittany, 395. 
 
 Artois, 86, 291, 292. 
 
 Robert of. See Robert. 
 
 Art, 2, 7, 10. 
 
 Arts in East, 157 ; under Frederick 
 
 H., 3f>2, 363. 
 
 Arundel, Earl of, 454. 
 
 Ascalon, battle of, 183 ; barony of. 
 186. 
 
 Asia, 169 ; nobles of, 171. 
 
 Central, 167, 168. 
 
 Minor, 4, 155, 163, 172, 179, 182- 
 
 183, 192, 351. 
 
 Assisi, 333, 388, 434, 435, 439; St. 
 Francis' chapel at, 439. 
 
 Assizes of Jerusalem, 186, 355. 
 
 of Romania, 355. 
 
 Asti, 260 ; captured, 261. 
 
 Atabeks, rise of the, 191, 195. 
 
 Athelstan, 15, 68. 
 
 Athens, Odo, Lord of, 349 ; dukes 
 of, 355- 
 
 Athos, Mount, 157. 
 
 Attalia, 192. 
 
 Attica, 155. 
 
 Attila, 167. 
 
 Augsburg, 23 ; treaty at, 269. 
 
 Augustine of Hippo, St., 205, 
 440. 
 
 Augustus. See Philip Augustus, King 
 of France. 
 
 Aumale, the peace of, 292. 
 
 Aurillac, 42, 43, 209. 
 
 Austin, St., rule of, 437. 
 
 Canons, 204-206. 
 
 Friars, the, 440. 
 
 Austria, 23, 37, 223, 329 ; the duchy 
 of, created, 251, 265 ; dukes of, 
 353. 375. 478, 479. 49- See Fred- 
 erick and Leopold. 
 
 Auvergne, 89, 90, 287, 289, 407, 413, 
 415; Synod in, 138; and Hugh 
 Capet, 76; William of. See Wil- 
 liam. 
 
 Auxerre, Peter of. See Peter. 
 
 Aventine, palace on, 44. 
 
 Averroes, 432, 433, 466. 
 
 Averroists, the, 433. 
 
 Aversa, 107 ; foundation of, 105. 
 
 Avignon, 398, 406, 448. 
 
 Ayoub, 457. 
 
 Ayoubites, the, 455. 
 
 Atymites, 350. 
 
 BACON, ROGER, friar, 447, 451. 
 Badajoz, 468. 
 
 Bagdad, 158, 169, 170, 465. 
 Baillage, die court of the, 425. 
 Baillis, the, 404, 424. 
 Bailiffs, Frederick ii.'s, 362. 
 Balearic Islands, the, 473.
 
 500 
 
 European History^ 918-1273 
 
 Balkans, the, 163. 
 
 Baltic, the, 21, 380. 
 
 Baldwin of Boulogne, first Count of 
 
 Edessa, 182, 184. 185. 
 
 the younger, 182. 
 
 of the Iron Ann, first Count of 
 
 Flanders, 85. 
 v., Count of Flanders, 80, 
 
 86. 
 
 vii., Count of Flanders, 278. 
 IX., Count of Flanders, 343. See 
 
 aha Baldwin I., Latin Emperor in 
 
 the East 
 
 Count of Hainault, 291. 
 
 I. , King of Jerusalem, 185. See 
 
 also Baldwin of Boulogne, and Bald- 
 win. Count of Edessa. 
 II., King of Jerusalem, 185. 
 
 See a/so Baldwin of Boulogne the 
 
 younger. 
 in., King of Jerusalem, 185, 
 
 *93- 
 
 IV., King of Jerusalem, 193. 
 
 I., Latin Emperor in the East, 
 
 348, 35*. 35 2 - 
 H. , Latin hmperor in the East, 
 
 353- 354- 355. 37- 
 Bamberg, 225. 
 
 cathedral of, consecrated, 50. 
 
 Suidgar, bishop of, 63. See 
 
 Clement 11. 
 Bandinelli, Roland, 253-254, 256. See 
 
 also Alexander in. 
 Barbarians, invasions of, 15. 
 Barbarossa. See Frederick I. 
 Barcelona, 43, 91, 419. 
 
 county of, 465, 466, 470. 
 
 Bari, 38, 103, 104, 107, 117, 118, 156, 
 
 172. 174, 230. 
 
 Synod of, 139. 
 
 Barral des Baux. 418. 
 Basil, dynasty of, 170. 
 I. , the Macedonian, Eastern Em- 
 peror, 152, 167. 
 II., Eastern Emperor, 159, 163, 
 
 164, 165, 167. 
 
 St. shrine of, 171. 
 
 Basilica, the, code of laws, 154. 
 Basilius, chamberlain of John Zim- 
 
 isces, 162, 163. 
 Basque language, the, 90. 
 Bastides, 415. 
 Baty, Tartar chief. 385. 
 Bavaria, 2, 15, 16, 18, 19, 28, 37, 40, 
 
 47. 5 6 - 58. 64. I2i, 133. 139, 231. 
 
 232, 248, 266, 268, 329. 
 
 Bavaria, Otto of Wittelsbach, Count 
 
 Palatine of. See Otto. 
 Welf or Guelf, Duke of. See 
 
 Welf. 
 Beatrice of Provence, 418, 485. 
 
 wife of Otto IV. . 329. 
 
 wife (r) of Boniface of Tuscany, 
 
 (2) of Godfrey the Bearded, 109. 
 Beatrix of Savoy, 417. 
 Beaucaire, 418. 
 
 Seneschal of, 413. 
 
 Beauce, the, 78, 277. 
 
 Beaugency, Council of, 285. 
 
 Beaustant, 190. 
 
 Beauvais, 277. 
 
 Bee, Le, abbey of, 48, ico, 209, 210. 
 
 Becket. See Thomas, St. , archbishop 
 
 of Canterbury. 
 Bela ii., King of Hungary, 226. 
 
 ill., King of Hungary, 299. 
 
 Bena, Amalric of. See Amalric. 
 Benedict v. , Pope, 33. 
 
 viii., Pope, 48, 50, 63, 105. 
 
 IX., Pope, 63. 
 
 x., Antipope, 112, 113. 
 
 St, of Nursia, rule of, 94, 98. 
 
 St., of Aniane, 97. 
 
 Benedictine nuns, 438. 
 Benedictines, the, 443. 
 Benefices, feudal, become hereditary, 
 
 56. 57- 
 Benevento, 34, 107, 127, 485. 
 
 Lombard dukes of, 103. 
 
 Berbers, the, 468, 469. 
 
 Berengar, the Emperor, 27, 28. 
 
 of Ivrea, King of Italy, 28, 29, 
 
 3. 33- 
 
 of Tours, in, 114, 209. 
 
 Berengaria of Castile, 326. 
 
 of Navarre, queen of Richard I. , 
 
 302. 
 
 Bergamo, 259, 269. 
 Bernard, St, 7, 189, 191-192,199, 202, 
 
 207-208, 209, 212-214, 215, 228-229, 
 
 232, 234-235, 240, 241, 242, 276, 281- 
 
 282, 285, 432, 470. 
 
 of Anhalt, 268. 
 
 of Ventadour, 397. 
 
 Sylvester, 211. 
 
 Bernardone, John. See Francis, St. 
 
 Berno of Cluny, 97. 
 
 Bernward, St., bishop of Hildesheim, 
 
 4L 45. 4<5. 
 Bern, 76, 90, 287. 
 Bertha of Sulzbach, wife of Manuel I., 
 
 192. See also Irene.
 
 Index 
 
 501 
 
 Bertha, Empress of Henry IV. , and 
 
 daughter of Odo of Turin, 122, 
 
 123, 130, 138. 
 of Holland, repudiated by Philip 
 
 I. of France, 80, 81, 275. 
 widow of Odo I. , wife of Robert 
 
 II., 78. 
 Berthold of Hohenburg, 480. 
 
 of Zahringen, 222, 248, 251. 
 
 Duke of Bavaria, 18. 
 
 of Ratisbon, 441, 442. 
 Bertrada of Montfort, Countess of 
 
 Anjou, 80, 138, 278. 
 Bertrand de Born, 397. 
 Bessin, the, 83. 
 Besan9on, 130. 
 
 Diet at, 252, 253, 254, 268. 
 
 Bethlehem, 368. 
 
 Be'ziers, Raymond Roger, Viscount of. 
 
 See Raymond Roger. 
 Biandrate, Counts of, 260. 
 Bibars, the Sultan, 459, 460, 461, 462, 
 
 .463- 
 
 Bieda, 140. 
 Billung, Hermann, the Margrave, 19, 
 
 21. 2 3, 35- 
 billungs, the, 232. 
 Birken, 19. 
 Black Forest, 54. 
 Blanche of Castile, wife of Louis v i n. , 
 
 395, 407, 408, 410, 420, 427. 
 Blaye, 414. 
 
 Blois, 286, 289-291, 343. 
 the house of, 76, 79, 86, 87, 277, 
 
 279-280, 286, 291-292, 416. 
 Bobbio, 44. 
 Bogomilians, 174, 216. 
 Bohemia, 5, 23, 34, 37, 40, 41, 43, 60, 
 
 61, 142, 215, 226, 252, 326, 329. 
 Bohemund, son of Robert Guiscard, 
 
 prince of Antioch, 47, 175, 182, 184, 
 
 185, 194. 
 Boleslav, king of Poland, 54. 
 
 king of Bohemia, 23. 
 
 duke of Poland, 48, 226. 
 
 IV., king of Poland, 252. 
 
 Bologna, 219, 237, 247, 259, 269, 382, 
 
 386,391,437,444,445- 
 schools and university of, 218, 
 
 219. 255. 313. 429. 43- 
 Bonaventura, St. , 447. 
 Boniface of Tuscany, 109. 
 
 of Montferrat, king of Thessa- 
 lonica, 344, 345, 347, 348, 351, 352. 
 
 Boni homines (municipal), 238. 
 Bordeaux, English seneschal of, 413. 
 
 Bordeaux, siege of, 414. 
 Born, Bertrand de. See Bertrand. 
 Borrel, Count of Barcelona, 43. 
 Boso, founder of kingdom of Pro- 
 vence, brother of Richard the Jus- 
 
 ticiar, 88. 
 
 Bouchard the Venerable, 76. 
 Boulogne, 286, 287, 291. 
 the Counts of, 86, 87, 330. See 
 
 also Eustace, Philip, Stephen. 
 
 Godfrey of. See Godfrey. 
 
 Bourbon, 417. 
 
 Bourges, 75, 81, 277, 287. 
 
 Peter, archbishop of. 5Chatre, 
 
 Peter de la. 
 
 Bouvines, battle of, 331, 393, 396. 
 Bowides, the, 158, 169. 
 Brabant, the Dukes of, 307, 308, 330. 
 
 388. 
 
 Braga, Burdinus of. See Gregory vin. 
 Brancaleone, senator of Rome, 482. 
 Brandenburg, 16, 22, 223, 378, 490. 
 
 the Margraves of, 378. 
 
 Breakspear, Nicholas, 249. See also 
 
 Adrian iv. 
 
 Brennabor. See Brandenburg. 
 Bremen, 226, 379. 
 
 Adalbert of. See Adalbert. 
 
 archbishopric of, 223, 265. 
 
 Brenner Pass, the, 31, 50, 53, 134, 248, 
 
 250. 
 
 Brenner, the, 487. 
 Brescia, 239, 240, 381, 382. 
 
 Arnold of. See Arnold. 
 
 Bretislav, Duke of Bohemia, 60, 61. 
 Brienne, house of, 355. 
 
 John of. See John. 
 
 lolande or Isabella of. See 
 
 Isabella. 
 
 Walter of. See Walter. 
 
 Brindisi, 367, 368, 452. 
 
 Brittany, 75, 84, 85, 91, 212, 395, 408, 
 
 416. 
 
 Arthur of. See Arthur. 
 
 Peter of. See Peter. 
 
 Brixen, Poppo, bishop of. See Da- 
 
 masus II. 
 Bruno, archbishop of Cologne, 24, 25, 
 
 3i- 
 
 bishop of Toul. See Leo ix. 
 
 St. , founder of the Carthusian 
 
 order, 200-201, 209. 
 
 cousin of Otto in. SeeGregoryv 
 
 Brunswick, 265, 268, 331. 
 
 Egbert of, 121. See Egbert 
 
 new duchy of, 375.
 
 502 
 
 European History, 918-1 273 . 
 
 Bruys, Peter de. See Peter. 
 
 Bulgaria, 34, 155, 157, 162-164, 167, 
 168, 192, 215, 326, 341-342- 3 6l '35 2 . 
 353- 
 
 Burdinus of Braga, See Gregory VIH. 
 
 Burgundy, 28, 55, 59, 60, 67, 69, 116, 
 138, 202, 228, 260, 289, 413, 416. 
 
 Frederick i.'s policy in, 248, 251- 
 
 252, 270, 478, 479. 
 
 as buffer-state, 56. 
 
 Conrad ii.'s policy in, 58. 
 
 dialect of, 90. 
 
 duchy of, history of, 88, 89. 
 
 Robert n. 's conquest of, 78. 
 
 duchy of, Capetian, 76. 
 
 Free County of, 145. 
 
 kingdom of, 3, 55. See also Are- 
 late, and Aries, kingdom of. 
 
 Burgundies, consolidation i of the two, 4. 
 
 Burkhard, Duke of Swabia, 37. 
 
 bishop of Worms, 50. 
 
 Buxhowden, Albert of. See Albert. 
 
 Byzantine power in South Italy, 160. 
 
 Empire, the, 161-175 ' ' n tne 
 
 twelfth century, 336-342. 
 
 Byzantium. See Constantinople. 
 
 Bysjnts, the, 156. 
 
 CADALUS, Bishop of Parma. See 
 
 Honorius ii., 116. 
 Cadiz, 473. 
 Caen, French of, 83. 
 Caerularius, Michael, Patriarch of 
 
 Constantinople, 103, 109, 167. 
 Caesarea captured by Seljukians, 171. 
 Caesar, title of, renewed, 270 
 Cahors, 287, 415. 
 Cahorsins, 426. 
 Cairo, 195, 465. 
 Cairoan, 158, 178. 
 Calabria, 39, 53, 114, 115, 166, 201, 
 
 227, 230, 486. 
 
 Greeks of, 53. 
 
 Theme of, 156. 
 
 Calatrava, 470, 471, 472. 
 
 Order of, 207, 470-471. 
 
 Caliphate, break-up of, 168, 169, 178. 
 of Bagdad, destroyed by the 
 
 Tartars, 460. 
 Caliphs, Abbasside, 158. 
 
 Fatimite, 117, 158, 178. 
 
 Ommayad, 158. 
 
 at Cordova, 465-466. 
 
 Calixtus ii., Pope, 145, 146, 147, 149, 
 
 202. 
 
 Antipope, 260, 263. 
 
 Camaldoli, order of, 100, 319. 
 Camerino, 30. 
 
 Campagna, Saracens in the 386. 
 Cannae, battle of, 105. 
 Canon Law, the, 219-220, 382. 
 Canonists, the, 432. 
 Canons, Regular, 6, 204-206, 226, 
 438. 
 
 in cathedrals, 205, 226. 
 
 Secular, 226. 
 
 Canossa, 143, 263. 
 
 Henry iv. at, 131, 133. 
 
 siege of, 137. 
 
 Canterbury, 210. 
 
 disputed election to, 325. 
 
 shrine of St. Thomas at, 289. 
 
 Anselm of. See Anselm, St. 
 
 Thomas of. See Thomas, St. 
 
 Canute the Great, King of Denmark 
 and England, 53. 
 
 VI., King of Denmark, 265, 
 
 270, 320, 323, 326. 
 
 Capet, Hugh. See Hugh. 
 Cappadocia, 161, 171, 172. 
 Capua, 34, 50, 106, 114, 227, 328, 
 362. 485- 
 
 Dukes of, 103. 
 
 Norman principality of, 117. 
 
 Carcassonne, 400, 409, 414, 418. 
 
 the ville and citi of, 425, 426. 
 
 Seneschal of, 413. 
 
 Cardinal, Peire, 398. 
 Carinthia, 37. 
 
 Arnulf of. See Arnulf. 
 
 Conrad of. See Conrad. 
 
 Carmel, Mount, hermits of. See Car- 
 melites. 
 
 Carmelites, 440. 
 
 Carniola, 37. 
 
 Ciirolingian Empire, the, 15. 
 
 Carolingians, West Frankish, fall of 
 the, 40. 
 
 Carolings, the, 2, 3, 13, 14, 17, 23, 
 26, 31, 38, 47, 51, 66, 67, 69, 70, 
 7i, 72. 73. 75. 77. 82, 83, 84, 86. 
 88.97. 
 
 Carta Caritatis, the, 202, 204. 
 
 Carthage, 461, 462. 
 
 Carthusians, the, 6, 200-201, 257, 290. 
 
 Cas Royal, the, 425. 
 
 Casciano, battle of, 483. 
 
 Cassim, Abul, 39. 
 
 Castel del Monte, 364. 
 
 Castelnau, Peter of. See Peter. 
 
 Castile, 10, 229, 336, 430, 431, 465. 
 466, 467-469, 471, 472, 473-476-
 
 Index 
 
 503 
 
 Castile, Blanche of. See Blanche. 
 Castle, the feudal, 3, 9. 
 
 building in the Latin East, 188. 
 
 Castrogiovanni, battle of, 118. 
 Catalans, the, 355, 361. 
 Catalonia, 465. 
 
 Catapan, the, 103. 
 
 Cathari, the, 215, 334, 388, 433. 
 
 Cavalry, feudal, 3, 175. 
 
 Cavalry, heavy, in army of John 
 
 Zimisces, 162. 
 
 Greek, 171. 
 
 Saxon, 16. 
 
 Celano, Thomas of. See Thomas. 
 
 Celestine II., Pope, 241. 
 
 in., Pope, 271, 305-306, 309-313, 
 
 314, 323, 233. 
 
 iv., Pope, 385. 
 
 Centumgravii, the, 373. 
 Cevennes, the, 90. 
 Chalon, 213. 
 
 the Bishop of, 203. 
 
 Chalons, Bishops of, 86. See also 
 
 William. 
 
 Chamberlains, Frederick II. 's, 362. 
 Chambre des Comptes, the, 425. 
 Champagne, 76, 79, 86, 87, 284, 286, 
 
 289-291, 343, 413, 416. 
 
 its union with Blois, 280. 
 
 Odo of. See Urban II., 137. 
 
 Counts of. See Odo, Theobald, 
 
 Henry of. 
 Champeaux, William of, 145. See 
 
 William. 
 Chancellor, the Episcopal, of the 
 
 University of Paris, 430. 
 Chandax, Saracen stronghold, 159. 
 Chansons de Geste, 84. 
 Charente, the, 414, 416. 
 Charismians, 456, 457. 
 Charlemagne, romances of, 378. 
 
 See Charles the Gi eat. 
 Charles the Bald, 56, 85. 
 
 the Great, 3, 4, 22, 31, 46, 
 
 151, 230, 378. 
 
 House of, 70, 72, 73. Set 
 
 Carolingians. 
 
 Canonisation of, 258. 
 
 Martel, 170. 
 
 the Simple, 14, 15, 17, 66, 67, 
 
 68,83. 
 of Anjou, King of Naples and 
 
 Sicily, 354, 355, 407. 48. 4 l6 . 4*8, 
 
 419, 421, 447,458,461,462,484, 488. 
 of Denmark, Count of Flanders 
 
 (the Good), 278. 
 
 Charles, Duke of Lower Lorraine, 
 
 uncle of Louis v., 71, 77. 
 Charter of Charity, the, 202, 204. 
 Chateau Gaillard, castle of, 394. 
 Chatre, Peter de la, Archbishop of 
 
 Bourges, 284. See Peter. 
 Chartres, 286. 
 
 the School of. 211, 213, 214. 
 
 Ivo, Bishop of. See ivo. 
 
 House of, 78, 87. See also Blois, 
 
 house of. 
 Chartreuse, la Grande, 289. See also 
 
 Carthusians. 
 Cherson, theme of, 155. 
 Chester, Earl of, 454. 
 C'hiavenna, 206, 261. 
 Children, the Crusade of the, 452. 
 China, 168, 174, 385. 
 Chios, 348. 
 
 Chiusa di Verona, La, 258. 
 Chivalry, 2. 
 
 Chrodegang, the rule of, 205. 
 Christian, Archbishop of Mainz, 262. 
 
 first Bishop of the Prussians, 379. 
 
 Cid, the, 467-469. 
 
 Cilicia, 155, 159, 160, 271, 300, 339. 
 
 Armenian kingdom in, 183. 
 
 Cistercians, the, 6, 201-204, 2 57> 
 
 265, 290, 399, 438, 443. 
 
 in Spain, 470-471. 
 
 Citeaux, 202-204, 206, 290, 385. 
 Civitate, battle of (1017), 105. 
 
 battle of (1053), 108, 114. 
 
 Diet at (1232), 372. 
 
 Civil Law, the, 7, 217-219. 
 Clair-on-Epte, Treaty of, 83. 
 Clairvaux, 202, 204, 234, 385. See 
 
 also Bernard, St. 
 Clara Scifi. See Clare, St. 
 Clare, St., 439. 
 
 Clares, the Poor. See Claresses. 
 Clar esses, 439. 
 
 Clan, Robert of. See Robert. 
 Classics, study of, in nth and i2th 
 
 centuries, 100. 
 Clement n., Pope, 63, 64. 
 
 Hi., Pope, 271, 278, 305, 313. 
 
 HI., Antipope, 134, 131;, 140. 
 
 iv., 485-491- 
 
 Clermont, Council of, 138, 139, 180- 
 
 181. 
 
 Innocent II. 's Synod at, 229. 
 
 Clermont-en-Beauvaisis, Robert of. 
 
 See Robert. 
 
 Clito. See William the Clito. 
 Cluny, 5, 6, 25, 56, 63, 84, 97, 98.
 
 504 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 99, ioo, 102, 120, 125, 126, 137, 
 
 145, 178, 199, 203, 209, 213, 228, 
 
 229. 384, 387, 420. 
 Cluny and Gregory VH., 125, 126. 
 Cluniac ideals, 51. 
 Cluniacs, the, 41, 50, 51, 52, 92. 
 Coblenz, 140, 231. 
 Coimbra, county of, 467, 470. 
 Coinage, St. Louis and the, 425. 
 Cologne, 121, 141, 144, 201, 206, 255, 
 
 268, 320, 321, 330, 331, 378. 
 
 archbishops of, 25, 50, 51, 52, 
 
 262, 305, 307. See also Adolf, 
 Anno, Engelbert, Philip, Pilgrim, 
 and Rainold. 
 
 Diet at (1198), 320. 
 
 School of, 447. 
 Colonisation, German, 264, 265, 266. 
 Colombieres, 294. 
 Columban, St., 44. 
 Combat, trial by, 424. 
 Comedies, Latin, 25. 
 Comites Imperialis Militia, 45. 
 Commerce, Greek, 157, 158. 
 
 treaty of, between Sviatoslav 
 
 and John Zimisces, 162. 
 
 under Frederick I. , 272. 
 
 Comminges, Count of, 401. 
 Commune of Rome, the, 240-241, 250, 
 
 253. 318-319- 
 Communes, the French, 282, 429. 
 
 the Italian, 237-239. 
 
 Como, 261, 269. 
 Company of Death, the, 262. 
 Compiegne, synod at. 323, 324. 
 Comnenus, dynasty of, 171-173, 336- 
 
 340, 350. 35 i. 355- 
 Conan, Duke of Brittany, 287. 
 Conceptual ism, 212. 
 Conches, William of. See William. 
 Concordat of Worms (1122), 147, 148, 
 
 149. 225. 
 
 Congregational idea, 199-200, 204. 
 Congregation of Cluny, the, 97, 
 
 ioo. 
 Conrad I., king of the Germans, 12, 
 
 13. *4 
 II., the Salic, Emperor, 52, 53, 
 
 55, 56, 59, 60, 62, 78, 101, 106, 
 
 224. 
 HI., 192-193, 231-234, 236, 242- 
 
 243, 245-246, 283. 340. 
 
 IV., 456, 459, 460, 478-480. 
 
 of Franconia, son of Henry iv. 
 
 (Anti-Caesar), 1093 137, 139, 140. 
 
 Duke of Franconia, son of 
 
 Frederick of Biiien, 222, 224, 225, 
 
 231. See also Conrad HI. 
 Conrad, son of Frederick n., king of 
 
 the Romans, 368, 375, 383, 385, 
 
 388, 391. See also Conrad iv. 
 Duke of Swabia, 51. See Con- 
 rad n. 
 Duke of Carinthia, cousin of 
 
 Conrad n. of Swabia, 51, 58, 101. 
 father of Conrad of Carinthia, 
 
 51, 101. 
 Count Palatine of the Rhine, 
 
 half-brother of Frederick Barba- 
 
 rossa, 251, 308. 
 of Hochstaden, archbishop of 
 
 Cologne, 488-490. 
 
 of Marburg, Franciscan, 373, 382. 
 
 of Montfcrrat, king of Jerusalem , 
 
 302-303, 341, 453. 
 the Pacific, king of Aries, 23, 
 
 Si. 55- 
 the Red, Duke of Lorraine, 20, 
 
 21, 23, 29, 51. 
 
 of Urslingen, 310. 
 
 Conradin, 459, 480, 482, 486-487. 
 Conseil, Grand, the, 424. 
 Consolamentum, the, 216. 
 Constance, 55. 
 
 Diet of, 62. 
 
 the treaty of (1153), 248, 249. 
 
 treaty of (1183), 263-264, 309. 
 
 Constance of Aries, 78. 
 
 of Brittany, 287. 
 
 of Castile, queen of Louis vn., 
 
 290. 
 of Sicily, wife of Henry vi. , 269, 
 
 270, 301, 305, 306, 310, 316-317. 
 sister of Louis VII., Countess of 
 
 Toulouse, 287, 398. 
 Constantine I., 144, 177. 
 VII., Porphyrogenitus, 152-158, 
 
 162, 163. 
 
 VIII., 159-165. 
 
 IX. , Monomachus. 109, 166. 
 
 x., Ducas, 171. 
 
 Constantinople, 8, 34, 45, 152, 156, 
 
 157, 158, 162, 163, 164, 182, 192, 
 
 193, 236, 322, 337, 338, 339, 341, 
 
 353, 354. 
 church of St. Sophia in, 341, 348, 
 
 350- 
 Fourth Crusade turned against, 
 
 345- 346. 
 
 organisation of, 348. 
 
 sack of, 351. 
 
 and Thessalonica, rivalry of, 351.
 
 Index 
 
 505 
 
 Consuetudines Cluniacenses, 97. 
 Consuls (municipal), 238, 263. 
 Conti, house of, 313. 
 Conversi, 200, 201, 440. 
 Corbeil, 76. 
 
 treaty of (1258), 419. 
 
 Corbogha, Ameer of Mosul, 183. 
 Cordova, 43, 473. 
 
 the Caliphs of, 465-466. 
 
 Mosque and cathedral of, 473. 
 
 Schools of, 466. 
 
 Corfu, Robert Guiscard dies at, 136. 
 Corinth, Marquises of, 349. 
 Cornwall, Richard, Earl of. See 
 
 Richard. 
 
 Corsairs, Moorish, 159. 
 Corsi, house of, 228. 
 Corsica, 239, 310. 
 Cortenuova, battle of, 381. 
 Cortes of Spain, the, 474. 
 Cortona, Elias of. See Elias. 
 Corvey, 25, 122. 
 Cos, 348. 
 
 Cdtemin, the, 83, 106. 
 Cotrone, 39. 
 Coucy, the forest of, 206. 
 
 house of, 277. 
 
 Council of Beaugency, 285. 
 
 at Genoa (1241), 384. 
 
 at Ingelheim, 69. 
 
 the first General Lateran (1123), 
 
 149. 
 the second General Lateran 
 
 ("39). 234, 240. 
 
 the third General Lateran (1179), 
 
 269. 
 
 the fourth General Lateran 
 
 (1215), 315, 334, 437, 452. 
 
 General.at Lyons, the first (1245), 
 
 386, 387- 
 the second (1274), 440, 457, 
 
 462. 
 at Mantua, 116. 
 
 at Pavia ^1046), 63. 
 
 of Pavia (1159), 256. 
 
 at Reims (1119), 145. 
 
 at Rome, summoned by Gre- 
 gory ix., 384. 
 
 of Sens, 240. 
 
 (1131), 281. 
 
 of Sutri (1046), 63. 
 
 at Tours (1163), 257, 288. 
 
 at Worms (1076), 128. 
 
 Councils. See also Synods. 
 
 Common, Cardinal, his statutes for 
 the University of Paris, 433. 
 
 Courtenay, Peter of. See Peter. 
 Credentia (municipal), 238. 
 Crema, 255. 
 
 Guy of. See Paschal in. 
 
 Cremona, 28, 261, 269, 270, 309, 382, 
 383, 390, 483. 
 
 Diet at, 366. 
 
 Liutprand of. See Liutprand. 
 
 Crescentii, the, 35, 112. 
 
 Crescentius I., 38. 
 
 II., John, son of the above, 41, 
 
 42, 43- 
 
 in., son of the above, 49, 50. 
 
 Crete, 155, 158, 159, 348, 355. 
 
 Crimea, the, 156. 
 
 Cross, the True, 178, 195. 
 
 Croton, 39. 
 
 Crown, the Iron, 137. 
 
 Crusade, the first, 138, 175, 179. 
 
 the second, 191-193, 208, 232- 
 
 233, 284-285. 
 
 the third, 294, 295-304, 393. 
 
 the fourth, 8, 156, 343-346, 450. 
 
 the fifth, 452-455. 
 
 the sixth, 420, 421, 457-459. 
 
 the seventh, 425, 461-462. 
 
 the last, 450-463. 
 
 of Edward i., 462. 
 
 of the Children, the 452. 
 
 projected by Henry vi., 311, 312. 
 
 preached by Urban iv., 354, 355. 
 
 Crusades, the, 2, 10, 39, 40, 84, 92, 
 
 139, 140, 170, 271, 348, 349, 350, 
 
 35 1 - 364. 394- 
 their effecis on the Byzantine 
 
 Empire, 337. 
 Frederick II. *s, 364, 365, 366, 
 
 379, 455. 
 
 Innocent HI. and the, 332-333. 
 
 Innocent iv. and the, 387. 
 
 the Albigensian, 394, 399, 400, 
 
 401, 405, 406, 407, 409. 
 Curia Regis, the, 424. 
 Cunigunde, Empress of Henry n. , 48. 
 Cyclades, duchy of the, 348, 352. 
 Cyprus, 157, 160, 161, 301, 302, 303, 
 
 304, 340-341, 342, 351, 355, 457, 459. 
 
 the kings of, 463. 
 
 Cyril, 157. 
 
 Czechs, the, 266, 379. See also Bo 
 
 hernia. 
 
 DALMATIA, 155, 345. 
 Damascus, 160, 192, 193, 195, 4561 
 Damasus II., Pope, 64, 101. 
 Damiani, Peter See Peter.
 
 5o6 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Damietta, 365, 454, 455, 458. 
 Dandolo, Henry, Doge of Venice, 
 
 343i 344. 348. 349- 
 Danes, the, 15, 16, 23, 37, 40, 155, 
 
 163, 178. 
 
 Dante, 363, 390, 392, 449. 
 Dardanelles, the, 345. 
 Dark Ages, end of, 3-4, 96, 
 Dassel. See Rainald of Dassel. 
 Dauphiny, 201, 314. 
 David, monk, 142. 
 De Consideratione, Bernard's, 242. 
 Decretals of Gregory ix. , the, 382. 
 Dccretum of Gratian, the, 219. 
 Dedi, the Margrave, 122, 123. 
 Demetrius, king of Thessalonica, 352, 
 
 353. 
 
 Demiurgits, the, 216. 
 Denmark, 34, 83, 84, 248, 320, 321, 
 
 323. 3 2 6, 33L 383- 
 
 Canute of. See Canute. 
 
 Engelbert's war with, 371. 
 
 German influence over, 226. 
 
 Valdemar n. of. See Valdemar. 
 
 Desiderius, Abbot of Monte Casino. 
 
 See Victor HI. 
 Dialects, Romance, 89, 90. 
 Diepold of Acerra, 317-318, 328. 
 Dies Irte, the, 442. 
 Diet at Civitate (1232), 372. 
 
 of Cologne (1198), 320. 
 
 of Constance, 62. 
 
 at Forchheim, 132. 
 
 of Miihlhausen, 320. 
 
 at Pavia, 59. 
 
 of Roncaglia (1154), 248. 
 
 ("58). 2S4-25S- 
 
 at Tribur, 122. 
 
 at Verona (983), 39. 
 
 Diets, 48. 
 
 at Besancon, 252, 253, 254, 268. 
 
 at Mainz, 268, 374. 
 
 of Worms (1179), 266. 
 
 of Wurzburg, 146, 257, 267. 
 
 Diocletian, 270. 
 
 Dionysius the Areopagite, St., 212. 
 
 Dominic de Guzman, St., 316, 333, 
 
 367, 399, 410, 434, 436, 437, 438, 
 
 439, 441, 444. 
 Dominicans, the, 436-439, 440, 441, 
 
 442,444, 445, 446. 
 
 . in Germany and Italy, 373. 
 
 and St. Louis. 422, 423. 
 
 at Toulouse, 410, 413, 414. 
 Dordogne, 90, 406. 
 Dorylaeum, battle of, 183. 
 
 Dorystolum, battle of, 162. 
 
 Douai, 85. 
 
 Douro, the, 465, 467. 
 
 Drogo, son of Tancred of Hauteville, 
 
 106, 107, 114. 
 Dreux, 285. 
 
 Ducas, house of, 172, 353. 
 Dudo of St. Quentin, 83. 
 Durance, the, 417. 
 Durazzo. See Dyrrhachium. 
 Diisseldorf, 121. 
 Dyrrhachium (Durazzo), 164, 175, 
 
 180, 352. 
 theme of, 155. 
 
 EADGIFU, daughter of Edward the 
 
 Elder, 68. 
 
 East Mark, the, 223. See also Austria.. 
 Eberhard, Dukeof Franconia, 12, 18-19. 
 Ebles, Count of Poitou, 89. 
 Ebro, the, 465. 
 Eckhard, Mnrgrave of Meissen, 41, 
 
 43- 47- 
 Eccelin da Romano, 381, 382, 390, 
 
 482-483. 
 Edessa, 163, 184. 
 
 county of, 183. 
 
 fall of, 191. 
 
 Edith, daughter of Edward the Elder 
 
 of Wessex, 15, 35. 
 Edmund of England, son of Henry in., 
 
 480, 481, 484. 
 
 Edward the Elderof Wessex, 15,68,89. 
 I. of England, 10, 416, 443, 461, 
 
 462. 
 Egbert, Count of Brunswick, 121. 
 
 Margrave of Meissen, 223. 
 
 Eger, Golden Bull of, 331. 
 
 Egypt, 158, 178, 195, 343, 359. 420, 
 
 427, 454, 456. 
 Eisenach, 378. 
 El Hakim, 178. 
 Elbe, the, 21, 40, 48, 264, 268. 
 Eleanor of Aquitaine, Queen of Henry 
 
 II. of England, 9, 192, 281,283, 284, 
 
 285-286, 288, 289, 290, 292, 395. 
 
 sister of John, 395. 
 
 of Provence, Queen of Henry 
 
 HI. of England, 417. 
 Electors, the seven, 489. 
 Elias of Cortona, friar, 436, 445. 
 Elizabeth, St., of Thuringia, 382, 388. 
 El-Kamil, Sultan of Egypt, 368, 454, 
 
 455- 
 
 Elster, battle oi the, 134. 
 Emeric, King of Hungary, 326.
 
 Index 
 
 507 
 
 Emin-ul-Omra, 158. 
 
 Engelbert, St , archbishop of Cologne, 
 37. 37L 372, 378. 
 
 England, 3, 10, 15, 53, 80, 87, 229, 265, 
 267, 288. 327, 374, 375, 396, 414. 
 
 and Frederick II., 374, 375. 
 
 and the Guelfs, 265, 268. 
 
 imperial overlordshipover, 308. 
 
 and Innocent HI.. 327. 
 
 Enquuteurs, the, 424. 
 
 Enzio, son of Frederick 11. , 382, 385, 
 390, 39i- 
 
 Ephesus, bishopric of, 173. 
 
 Epic, the, 7. 
 
 Epirus, 155, 348, 350, 351. 
 
 Despot of, 352, 353. 354. 
 
 Erfurt, 268. 
 
 Ernest, Duke of Swabia, 51, 52, 54. 
 
 Es-Saleh Ayoub, 456, 459. 
 
 Eschenbach, Wolfram of. See Wolf- 
 ram. 
 
 Esthonians, the, 379. 
 
 Etampes, 76, 277. 
 
 Eubcea, 348. 
 
 Eudocia, widow of Constantinex., 171. 
 
 Eugenius HI. , Pope, 208, 213, 241-242, 
 249. 
 
 Euphrates, the, 163, 183. 
 
 Eustace of Boulogne, brother of God- 
 frey, 182. 
 
 son of King Stephen, 287. 
 
 of Flanders, 343. 
 
 Evora, Order of, 471. 
 
 Evreux, 395. 
 
 Exchequer Court, the (France), 424. 
 
 FACULTIES, University, 430. 
 
 Faenza, 384. 
 
 Farfa, 27. 
 
 Fatimites, the, 117, 178, 183, 195. 
 
 Federation of Lombard cities, 258, 
 259, 260. 
 
 Ferdinand I. , first king of Castile, 466. 
 
 in. , Saint, king of Castile, 473. 
 
 Ferrand, Count of Flanders, 330. 
 
 Ferrara, 483. 
 
 Forte 1 , La, abbey of, 204. 
 
 Feudal system, 13. 
 
 Feudalisation of South Italy, 118. 
 
 Feudalism, i, 2, 5, 10, 13, 27, 448 , 
 French, 73, 74, 350; in Brittany, 
 85; in Syria, 186; in the nth 
 century, 96 ; under Frederick I. , 
 272 ; growth of, 57 ; political weak- 
 ness of, 4. 
 
 Fiesco, Sinobaldo, 386. 
 
 Filioque Clause, the, 350. 
 
 Finland, Gulf of, 379. 
 
 Fiorentino, 391. 
 
 Flanders, 85, 278, 291, 330, 343, 416. 
 
 Counts of. See Baldwin, Charles, 
 
 Ferrand, Philip, Robert, Thierry. 
 
 Flarchheim, battle of (1080), 133. 
 
 Flemings, the, 91, 350; colonies of, 
 264 ; of Constantinople, 351. 
 
 Fleury, 82. 
 
 Flora, 391. 
 
 Florence, 483-484, 486 ; Hildebrand 
 at, 112; Conrad, son of Henry iv., 
 dies at, 140. 
 
 Fodrum, the, 264. 
 
 Foggia, 391 ; Frederick H.'S summer 
 palace at, 364. 
 
 Foix, 419 ; counts of, 401. 
 
 Foligno, 384. 
 
 Folmar, archdeacon, 270, 271. 
 
 Forchheim, Diet at, 132. 
 
 Fontevrault, order of, 201. 
 
 Fortore, the, 108. 
 
 Fossalta, 391. 
 
 Foulquois, Guy, 485. See also Cle- 
 ment IV. 
 
 Fowler, the. See Henry. 
 
 Franche-Comte', 145. 
 
 Francia, 68. 
 
 Francis, St., of Assisi, 7, 316, 333, 
 382, 388, 434, 435, 436, 437, 438, 439, 
 441, 442, 451 ; and Gregory IX., 
 367 ; and Sultan of Egypt, 435. 
 
 Franciscans, the, 434, 435, 436, 438, 
 439, 441, 442, 443, 447; in Ger- 
 many and Italy, 373; and St 
 Louis, 422, 423. 
 
 Franconia, 2, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 
 20 ; Duke of, 12, 56. 
 
 Frangipani, house of, 228. 
 
 Franks, the, 13, 19, 20, 26, 156, 174, 
 344-347 ; character of the, 350 ; the 
 West, 14, 19, 66; West, kingdom of, 
 72, 82 ; in the East, 13, 88 ; kings 
 of, 67 ; of Peloponnesus, 354, 355. 
 
 Frankfurt, 245, 311, 388, 489-490; 
 treaty of, 232. 
 
 Frascati, 306. 
 
 Fraticelli, the, 389, 442. 
 
 Frederick I., the Emperor (Barba- 
 rossa), 6, 243, 245-273, 292, 342, 
 37. 377. 428, 432. 
 
 II., 6, 10, 299-300, 305, 310, 
 
 3iS. 316-318, 328-332, 358-392, 394, 
 396, 408, 420, 429, 431, 451, 452, 
 455. 456. 482.
 
 508 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Frederick 11., will of, 478. 
 
 archbishop of Mainz, 19, 20, 21, 
 
 24. 25- 
 of Biiren (i), Duke of Swabia, 
 
 220, 222. 
 
 of Hohenstaufen (2), Duke of 
 
 Swabia, son of above, 222, 224, 
 225, 231. 
 
 of Rothenburg, Duke of Swabia, 
 
 248, 259, 271. 
 of Hohenstaufen (3), Duke of 
 
 Swabia, 232. See also Frederick I. , 
 
 Barbarossa. 
 younger son of Frederick i. , Duke 
 
 of Swabia, 271, 300. 
 
 son of Henry vn. , 478, 479. 
 
 of Antioch, 390. 
 
 brother of Godfrey of Lorraine. 
 
 See Stephen IX. 
 
 of Austria, 378. 
 
 nominal Duke of Austria, 487. 
 
 Freinet, 27. 
 
 French in Sicily, 317. 
 
 the, and the Council of 
 
 Lyons, 386. 
 
 language, 72, 91. 
 
 Friars, the Mendicant, 7, 367,382,391, 
 437-444. See also Mendicants ; the 
 Grey. See Franciscans ; the Austin, 
 440; the White, 440. See also Car- 
 melites; the Black. See Dominicans. 
 
 Friars of the Sack, 440. 
 
 Friesland, 144, 373. 
 
 Fritzlar, 12. 
 
 Friuli, 37, 372, 373. 
 
 Fulcher of Chartres, quoted, 189. 
 
 Fulda, treaty of, 305. 
 
 peace of, 307. 
 
 Fulk (i.), the Red, Count of Anjou, 
 87, 88. 
 
 Fulk (HI.), the Black, of Anjou, 178 ; 
 king of Jerusalem, 185, 286. 
 
 (iv.), le Rchin, Count of Anjou, 
 
 80, 81, 278. 
 
 (v.), Count of Anjou and king of 
 
 Jerusalem, 280. 
 
 of Neuilly, 332, 342, 343. 
 
 GABRIEL, 164. 
 Gaeta, 258. 
 
 John of. See Gelasius IL 
 
 Galilee, barony of, 186. 
 Gandersheim, 25, 45, 46. 
 Gargano, Monte, 104. 
 Garlande, family of, 277. 
 Stephen de, 277. 
 
 Garonne, the, 90, 406. 
 Gascon language, the, 90. 
 Gascony, 89, 90, 406. 
 
 English dukes of, 415. 
 
 Gaza, 457. 
 
 Gebhard. See Pope Victor 11. 
 
 Gelasius ii., Pope, 144. 
 
 General Courts, Frederick ii.'s, 362. 
 
 Genghiz Khan, 385, 456. 
 
 Geneva, 55. 
 
 Genoa, 185, 188, 228, 239, 257, 260, 
 
 34. 305. 36. 39. 31. 337, 340, 
 
 386, 459, 460, 482. 
 
 council at, 384. 
 
 Gens des Comples, the, 425. 
 
 Geoffrey the Bearded, Count of Anjou, 
 
 88. 
 
 Martel, Count of Anjou, 79, 88. 
 
 Count of Anjou, father of Henry 
 
 II., 88, 185, 280, 286. 
 son of Henry n., Duke of Brit- 
 tany, 287, 288, 289, 292, 293, 294. 
 Georgians, the, subdued, 169. 
 Gerard, Grand Master of the Hospital, 
 
 190. 
 Gerbert of Aurillac, St., 42, 43, 44, 
 
 70, 71, 74, 77, 100, 209. See also 
 
 Sylvester n. 
 
 Gerberga, queen of Louis iv., 23. 
 Gerhard, Count, 223. 
 Gero, the Margrave, 19, 21, 23. 
 Gerstungen. 124. 
 Gertrude, daughter of Lothair n., 
 
 wife of Henry the Proud, 224, 232. 
 
 daughter of Henry the Lion, 265. 
 
 Ghazni, 168, 169. 
 
 Ghibelline, origin of the name, 221. 
 
 Ghibellines, 224-225, 246, 307-309, 
 
 320-322, 327-331, 381, 386, 390, 391. 
 
 Italian, 482-488. 
 
 Gibraltar, Straits of, 468. 
 
 Giglio, island of, 384. 
 
 Gilbert de la Por6e, 208, 213. 
 
 Giotto, 436. 
 
 Girgenti, 118. 
 
 Gironde, the, 90, 414. 
 
 Gisela, Duchess of Swabia, Empress 
 
 of Conrad 11., 51, 52, 55, 60. 
 Giselbert, Duke of Lorraine, 19, 23. 
 Gnesen, 38, 252. 
 
 archbishopric of, 45, 226. 
 
 Gnostics, the, 216. 
 
 Godfrey of Boulogne (Bouillon), Duke 
 
 of Lorraine and crusading leader, 
 
 152, 181, 184-185. 
 Duke of Lorraine, 112, 122, 123.
 
 Index 
 
 509 
 
 Golden Horn, the, 337. 
 
 Gorm the Old, King of Denmark, 16. 
 
 Goslar, 64. 
 
 Gothic architecture, 7, 378, 403, 415, 
 
 426. 
 
 in the East, 157. 
 
 in Italy, 203. 
 
 in Germany, 378. 
 
 in southern France, 415. 
 
 Gottfried of Strasburg, 378. 
 Grammont, order of, 200. 
 Gran, 45. 
 
 Granada, kingdom of, 472. 
 Grandella, battle of, 485-486. 
 Gratian, 7, 219, 382. 
 Greeks, character of, 350. 
 
 expulsion of, from Italy, 166. 
 
 in Sicily, 236. 
 
 in south of Italy, 3, 34, 53. 
 
 Gregory I., St., Pope, 209. 
 
 V., Pope. 42, 43, 44, 51. 
 
 vi., Pope, 63, no. 
 
 VII., Pope, 80, 81, 116, 117, 124, 
 
 125, 126, 127, 128, 129-136, 140, 
 
 143, 180, 182, 198, 210. See also 
 
 Hildebrand. 
 
 viii., Pope, 271, 298. 
 
 Antipope, 144. 
 
 IX., Pope, 367-369, 382-385, 
 
 410, 420, 431, 433, 435, 436, 440, 
 
 442, 444, 456, 481. See also Ugo- 
 
 lino, cardinal. 
 
 X., Pope, 462, 491-492. 
 
 cardinal of St. Angelo, 228. See 
 
 also Innocent II. 
 
 Gi ossteste, Bishop of Lincoln, 386. 
 Guadalquivir, the, 472, 473. 
 Guadarrama, the, 465, 467. 
 Guadiana, the, 470. 
 Gualbert, St. John, 100. 
 Guelf, Duke of Bavaria, 137. See 
 
 also Welf. 
 house of, origin of the, 222, 224, 
 
 225. 
 Guelfs, the, 245-246, 265, 268, 331, 
 
 370, 37L 375- 382, 390. 394- 
 
 Italian, 482-488. 
 
 and Hohenstaufen, struggle of, 
 
 307-309. 
 renewed struggle of, 320- 
 
 322, 327-331. 
 Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, 
 
 elected Antipope. See Clement in. 
 Guido, archbishop of Milan, 115. 
 
 cardinal, 240. 
 
 Marquis of Tuscany, 30. 
 
 Guienne, 281. See also Gascony atjd 
 
 Aquitane. 
 
 Guilds, merchant, 429. 
 Guilhems, the, of Poitiers, 90, 395. 
 Guiscard, meaning of the name, 107. 
 
 See also Robert Guiscard. 
 Guthrum, 3. 
 Guy, archbishop of Vienne. See 
 
 Calixtus II. 
 
 of Crema. See Paschal HI. 
 
 of Lusignan, King of Jerusalem 
 
 and Cyprus, 193, 195, 302-303. 
 
 de Montfort, 486. 
 
 Guzman, Dominic de. See Dominic, St. 
 
 HACO, King of Norway, 388. 
 
 Hainault, 291, 417. 
 
 Halberstadt, Ulrich of. See Ulrich. 
 
 Hales, Alexander of, 445. See Alex- 
 ander. 
 
 Hamburg, 22, 488. 
 
 Hamdanides, the, 158, 159, 160. 
 
 Hanseatic League, origin of the, 488. 
 
 Harding, orStephen, abbot of Citeaux, 
 202. 
 
 Harold, King of England. 72, 73. 
 
 Blue Tooth, Kingof Denmark, 83. 
 
 Harran, battle of, 184, 185. 
 
 Harzburg, castle of, 124. 
 
 Harz Mountains, the, 17, 35. 
 
 Hastings, battle of, 80, 162, 175. 
 
 Hattin, battle of, 195. 
 
 Hauteville, Roger of. See Roger. 
 
 Havel, the, 16. 
 
 Havelberg, 22. 
 
 Havellers, the, 16. 
 
 Hawking, treatise by Frederick n. on, 
 
 359- 
 
 Hedwig, Duchess of Swabia, 37. 
 Heidelberg, 251. 
 
 Heiusberg, Philip of. See Philip. 
 Helena, mother of Constantino, 177. 
 
 178. 
 
 Hellas, theme of, 155. 
 Heloisa, 212. 
 Henfrid of Toron, 302. 
 Henry I., the Fowler, King of the 
 
 Germans, 3, 4, 12-18, 21, 45. 
 II. (emperor), 47-50, 52, 54, 55, 
 
 105, 257. 
 in. (king), succeeds to Conrad 
 
 H-. 54. 59. 60 ' (emperor), 61, 62, 
 
 63, 80, loi, 102, 107, 108, 109, 113, 
 
 1 20- 1 22. 
 IV. (emperor), 64, 65, 116, 120- 
 
 141, 180, 181, 220.
 
 5io 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Henry V. (king), 140; (emperor), 141, 
 147, 149, 223, 246. 
 
 vi. (king), 269, 270 ; (emperor), 
 
 304-312, 314, 328, 329, 342, 428, 453. 
 
 'VII.', son of Frederick II., 331, 
 
 364, 365 ; Duke of Swabia, 371 ; king 
 of Romans, 371, 372, 375, 377, 380. 
 
 I. of Normandy and England, 
 
 88, 141, 145, 149, 277, 278, 280, 283. 
 
 II. of England, Normandy and 
 
 Anjou, 6, 88, 195, 235, 243, 257, 
 260, 267, 2681 269, 270, 286-294, 
 
 299- 36i. 393. 4i3. 423- 
 ' HI.', son of Henry n. of Eng- 
 land, 288, 289, 290, 291-292. 
 
 ill. of England, 327, 374, 396, 
 
 406, 408, 409, 414, 415, 416, 418, 
 419, 421, 479, 481, 489. 
 
 vin. of England, 389. 
 
 I., king of France, 61, 78-80, 89, 
 
 102, 103. 
 
 I. Duke of Bavaria, 18, 19, 20, 
 
 23. 28, 35- 
 
 II. the Quarrelsome, Duke of 
 
 Bavaria, 37, 40, 47. 
 
 Duke of Bavaria, 58. See also 
 
 Henry in., emperor. 
 
 the Black, Duke of Bavaria, 222, 
 
 224. 246. 
 the Proud, Duke of Bavaria, son 
 
 of Henry the Black, 224, 225, 229, 
 
 231, 232. 
 the Lion, son of Henry the Proud, 
 
 Duke of Bavaria, 232, 233, 246, 
 
 248, 250, 251, 260-261, 264-269, 
 
 273, 271, 292, 305, 309. 
 of Brunswick, eldest son of Henry 
 
 the Lion, 306-307, 308, 319. 
 . son of Frederick n. and Isabella 
 
 of England, 459, 478, 479. 
 of Castile, brother of Alfonso X., 
 
 487. 
 of Champagne, king of Jerusalem, 
 
 453- 
 
 Duke of Burgundy, uncle of 
 
 Robert I., 78. 
 
 Duke of Burgundy, afterwards 
 
 Henry I. of France, 78. See Henry 
 L of France. 
 
 of Cluny, 214, 217. 
 
 archbishop of Mainz, 248. 
 
 Jasomirgott, Duke of Austria, 
 
 250-251. 
 
 bishop of Sens, 281. 
 
 the Liberal, Count of Cham- 
 pagne, 289, 290, 291. 
 
 Henry 11. of Champagne, king of Jeru- 
 salem, 301, 303, 409. 
 
 of Kalden, 328, 329. 
 
 of Flanders, 343 ; afterwards 
 
 Latin Emperor of the East, 352. 
 
 of Schwerin, 371. 
 
 Raspe, Landgrave of Thuringia, 
 
 388. 
 
 Heraclius, the Emperor, 184. 
 
 Herbert, Count of Vermandois, 67. 
 
 Heresy, 115, 214-217, 433'434, 444. 
 451 ; Monophysite, 155 ; and Fred- 
 erick ii., 365, 373; in Lombardy, 
 383 ; Innocent iv. and, 387 ; in Pro- 
 vence, 397, 398, 399 ; in Anjou, 406 ; 
 Albigensian, 410 ; and St. Louis, 
 427 ; in Spain and Italy, 433 ; and 
 the Mendicants, 444, 446. 
 
 Hermann, bishop of Metz, 129. 
 
 of Luxemburg, 143. 
 
 Count Palatine, 250, 251. 
 
 of Thuringia, 378. 
 
 of Salza, 366, 368, 369, 374, 379, 
 
 3 8 3. 45*- 
 Hermits, 201. 
 Hersfeld, 124. 
 Hierarchy, Cluniac conception of the, 
 
 99- 
 Hildebrand, 6, 8, 84, 101, 102, no, 
 
 in, 112, 143, 145, 149, 198-199, 
 
 209, 247, 314. See Gregory VH. 
 Hildesheim, 41. 
 Hirschau, 199. 
 Hochstaden, Lothair of, bishop of 
 
 Liege. See Lothair. 
 Hohenburg, battle of, 124, 128. 
 Hohenstaufen, the, 5, 269, 348, 377, 
 
 378, 394, 421 ; castle of, 221 ; house 
 
 of, 221-223 ; niin of, 370 ; policy of, 
 
 373 ; fall of the, 478-488. 
 Holland, William, Count of, 330. See 
 
 William, King of the Romans. 
 Holstein, renounced by Valdemar n. 
 
 371 ; Adolf of. See Adolf. 
 Holy Roman Empire, 56, 60. 
 Honorius ii., Antipope, 116, 189, 225, 
 
 227-228. 
 III., Pope, 364, 365, 366, 406, 
 
 408, 410, 435, 437, 439. 
 Hospitallers, 194, 398, 456, 463, 470. 
 Hrotswitha, 25. 
 Hugh of Provence, 28, 30. 
 
 the Great, 23, 67, 68, 69. 
 
 Capet, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 
 
 78. 
 the Great, brother of Philip I. of
 
 Index 
 
 51' 
 
 France, Count of Vermandois, 86, 
 
 181, 291. 
 Hugh of Cluny, 86, 130, 131, 145. 
 
 de Payens, 189, 190. 
 
 du Puiset, 277. 
 
 Duke of Burgundy, 301, 303. 
 
 de Lusignan, Count of La 
 
 Marche, 395, 406, 408, 413, 414. 
 in. of Lusignan, king of Cyprus 
 
 and Jerusalem, 453, 459. 
 
 of Saint-Cher, 447. 
 
 Humphrey, son of Tancred of Haute- 
 
 ville, 106, 108, 114. 
 Hungarians, 5, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22, 23, 
 
 27, 48, 162, 339 ; against Conrad II., 
 
 54 ; and Henry in., 60, 61. 
 Hungary, 34, 45, 192, 226, 299, 326, 
 
 340, 385 ; Stephen, king of (see 
 
 Stephen); against Henry V., 142; 
 
 conversion of, 178 ; king of, 344 ; 
 
 Margaret of. See Margaret. 
 Huns, the, 167. 
 Hyacinth, the cardinal, 305. See also 
 
 Celestine in. 
 
 IBELIN, house of, 459 ; lordship of, 
 
 186. 
 
 Iconium, 192. 
 Ida of Lorraine, 181. 
 
 Countess of Boulogne, 291. 
 
 lesi, 390. 
 
 Ikshidites, the, 158, 160, 168, 178. 
 Imad-ed-din Zangi. See Zangi. 
 Incoronata, forest of the, 364. 
 India, Turkish state in, 168. 
 Infantry, Varangian heavy-armed, 
 
 175- 
 Ingeborg of Denmark, wife of Philip 
 
 Augustus, 322-325, 328. 
 Ingelheim, Council at, 69. 
 
 Henry iv. abdicates at, 141. 
 
 Innocent n., Pope, 208, 213, 228-231, 
 
 2 33- 2 34. 235-237, 240-241, 253, 281, 
 
 283, 284. 
 in., Pope, 6, 313-335, 342-343. 
 
 347. 35. 358. 3 6 4. 366, 393. 395. 
 
 399- 4i. 428, 434, 435, 437, 444, 
 
 452. 453. 47i, 472. 
 iv., Pope, 386-390, 420, 446, 
 
 457. 479-481. 
 Inquisition, Episcopal, 399, 410. 
 
 Papal, 325-326, 382, 444. 
 
 Interregnum, the Great, 421, 480-492. 
 Interdict imposed on France (1200- 
 
 1201), 324. 
 on Lombard cities, 366. 
 
 Introduction to the Eternal Gospel, 
 
 the, 446. 
 
 Investiture Contest, 6, 120-150. 
 lolande, wife of Peter of Courtenay, 
 
 352. 
 
 or Isabella de Brienne, 366, 
 
 455. See Isabella. 
 
 Ionian Islands, 348, 349, 350, 355. 
 
 Ireland, 9, 84, 85. 
 
 Irene, daughter of Isaac Angelus, and 
 
 wife of Philip of Swabia, 310, 311. 
 or Bertha, wife of Manuel I. and 
 
 sister-in-law of Conrad III., 340. 
 
 See Margaret of Hungary. 
 
 Irnerius, 7, 218-219. 
 
 Isaac I., Angelus, 299, 310, 311. 
 II., Angelus, 341-342, 345, 346, 
 
 351- 
 
 I., Comnenus, 171. 
 
 Comnenus, Emperor of Cyprus, 
 
 301. 34L 
 
 Comnenus, son of Alexius i. , 338. 
 
 Isabella of Angouleme, queen of 
 
 John of England, 395, 413. 
 of Aragon, queen of Philip in., 
 
 419. 
 of Brienne, wife of Frederick n., 
 
 366, 368, 375. 
 of England, wife of Frederick II. 
 
 374- 
 
 of Hainault, wife of Philip 
 
 Augustus, 291, 322-323. 
 
 of Jerusalem, wife of Conrad of 
 
 Montferrat, 202-303 ; Isabella, wife 
 of Amalric of Lusignan, 453. 
 
 of Vermandois, 291, 292. 
 
 Isere, the, 417. 
 
 Isle de France, the, 76, 403, 408. 
 
 conquest of the, 276-277. 
 
 Ivo, bishop of Chartres, 143, 219, 281. 
 
 Ivrea, 28, 49, 
 
 Ardoin of, 52, 
 
 JACAPONE DA Tom, 442. 
 
 Jacobin Convent at Paris, the, 437, 445. 
 
 Jaen. 473. 
 
 Jaffa, 184, 303, 461. 
 
 Jaffa- Ascalon, barony of, 186. 
 
 James I., king of Aragon, 419, 461, 
 
 472-473- 
 
 of Court Palais, 484, See also 
 
 Urban iv. 
 
 of Compostella, Saint, shrine 
 
 of, 289. 
 
 ofVitry, 333. 
 
 Jaroslav the Great, of Russia, 378.
 
 512 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Jerome, St., 177. 
 
 Jerusalem, 177, 178, 183, 285, 300, 
 
 366. 368. 451, 453, 454, 457, 459, 
 
 478. 
 
 expulsion of Fatimitesfrom, 179. 
 
 kingdom of, 184-196, 302-304, 
 
 45 * -463- 
 organisation of the kingdom of, 
 
 186-189. 
 capture of, by Saladin, 195-196, 
 
 271. 
 Jews, the, and Aristotle, 432. 
 
 influence on Frederick II. of, 360. 
 
 St. Louis and the, 426. 
 
 of Spain, 433, 465, 466, 472, 474. 
 
 in Syria, 188. 
 
 Joachim the Abbot, 388, 391. 434, 446. 
 Joan of Anjou, Countess of Toulouse, 
 
 398. 
 
 of Toulouse, marries Alfonse 
 
 of Poitiers, 413. 
 
 Joanna, widow of William n. of 
 
 Sicily, 301. 
 Jocelin I. of Courtenay, Count of 
 
 Edessa, 191. 
 
 II. of Courtenay, Count of 
 
 Edessa, 191. 
 
 Johanitsa, Tsar of the Bulgarians, 351. 
 John X., Pope, 30. 
 
 xi. , Pope, 30. 
 
 xii., Pope, 30, 32, 33. 
 
 xiii., 33.34- 
 
 XIX., Pope, 53, 63. 
 
 I )ucas, 172. 
 
 II., Comnenus, 338-339. 
 
 HI., Ducas, 357, 354. 
 
 Vatatzes, 353. 
 
 I., Zimisces, 34, 161, 162, 163, 172. 
 
 the Orphanotrophos, 166. 
 
 king of England, 308, 315, 321, 
 
 325-32. 327. 33. 33i. 395. 396. 
 398, 451, 452. 
 de Brienne, king of Jerusalem, 
 
 353. 3.68. 453. 454. 455- 45& 
 
 Prince of Bulgaria, 326. 
 
 of Gaeta. See Gelasius IL 
 
 Gualbert, St.. 100. 
 
 Saint, Knights of. See Hospi- 
 tallers. 
 
 Joinville, biographer of St Louis, 
 420, 457, 461. 
 
 Judices Palatii Ordinam, 45. 
 
 Judith, Duchess of Bavaria, 20, 37. 
 
 daughter of Henry the Black, 222. 
 
 Julian. St., Order of, 471. 
 
 Justicia, of Aragon, the, 474. 
 
 Justiciar, Grand, Frederick ii.'s, 362. 
 fusticiarius Curia, the, 374. 
 Justices, Frederick ii.'s, 362. 
 Justinian, the Emperor, 165. 
 
 Kaisercronik, the, 272. 
 
 Kaiserswerth, lai. 
 
 Kalden, Henry of. See Henry. 
 
 Kerak, 188, 195. 
 
 Kerak-Montreal, barony of, 186. 
 
 Kerman, Seljukian kingdom of, 179. 
 
 Khorassan, conquest of, 168. 
 
 Kiev, 162, 385. 
 
 Kilidj Arslan, Sultan of Roum, 179, 
 182, 183, 299, 300. 
 
 Knights of St John, 190. See Hos- 
 pitallers. 
 
 of St. Thomas of Acre, 190. 
 
 of the Sword , Order of, 379, 380. 
 
 of the Temple, 190. See Templars. 
 
 Kutuz, Sultan of Egypt, 460. 
 
 Kyburg, Werner of. See Werner. 
 
 LADISLAS, king of the Bulgarians, 164. 
 Lambert, bishop of Ostia, 327. Set 
 
 Honor! us II. 
 
 Lance, the Holy, invention of the, 183. 
 Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, 
 
 100, 209, 210. 
 Langue tfoc, the, 89, 90, 91, 377, 394, 
 
 397. 4I5- 
 Languedoc, 398, 399, 402, 410, 426, 
 
 433. 436. 
 
 civilisation of, 401, 417. 
 
 St. Anthony in, 441. 
 
 Lant;ve it oil, the, 89, 394, 396, 415, 
 
 419. 
 Laon, 69, 77, 212. 
 
 Anselm of. See Anselm. 
 
 Larissa, siege of, 175. 
 
 Lascaris, Theodore, 353. 
 
 Lateran, the, 124, 229. 
 
 Council, the first General (1124), 
 
 149. 
 the second General (1139), 
 
 234, 240. 
 
 the third General (1179), 269. 
 
 the fourth General (1215), 
 
 315. 334. 437. 452. 
 Latin bishops in East, 167. 
 
 churches in East, 167. 
 Latini, Brunette, 449. 
 Latins, the, in Peloponnesus, 355. 
 Lausitz, 22, 49, 54. 
 Lavoro, Terra di, 105. 
 Law, revival of the study of, 217-290.
 
 Index 
 
 513 
 
 Law, German, under Frederick n., 
 
 376, 377- 
 Learning in the eleventh and twelfth 
 
 centuries, 100, 209-214 ; in the thir- 
 teenth century, 428-432. 
 Lecce, 317. 
 
 Tancred of. See Tancred. 
 
 Lechfeld, the battle of, 23, 35. 
 
 Legnano, battle of, 261-262. 
 
 Leicester, Earl of, 486. 
 
 Leo viii., Pope, 33. 
 
 IX., Pope, 64, 80, 101, 102, 107, 
 
 108, 109, no, in, 114, 124, 138, 
 
 209, 253. 
 the Isaurian, Eastern emperor, 
 
 170, 184. 
 vi., the Philosopher, Eastern 
 
 emperor, 152, 154, 157, 170. 
 
 king of Armenia, 326. 
 
 Leon, kingdom of, 326, 467, 471, 472, 
 
 473- 
 
 Leonard of Pisa, 363. 
 Leonine City, the, 229. 
 Leopold, duke of Austria, 224, 308. 
 Lepers, hospital for, 161. 
 Lesbos, 348. 
 Levant trade, 185. 
 Lido, the, 344. 
 Lie'ge, 141. 
 disputed election to bishopric of, 
 
 307- 
 
 Lille, 85. 
 
 Limoges, 200, 415. 
 
 cathedral of, 416. 
 
 Limousin, the, 89, 96, 395, 406. 
 
 Lisbon, 441, 469, 470, 471. 
 
 Literature, epic, 7. 
 
 German national, under Frede- 
 rick i., 272. 
 
 German, under Frederick II., 
 
 376. 377- 
 
 of lang-ue (foe, 91. 
 
 of the Troubadours, 397. 
 
 vernacular, 9, 10, 448. 
 
 Italian, under Frederick n., 
 
 363- 
 
 Lithuanians, the, 379. 
 Liutgarde, daughter of Otto the Great, 
 
 wife of Conrad the Red, 20, 50. 
 Liutprand, bishop of Cremona, 28, 30, 
 
 156, 160. 
 
 Livonians, the, 379. 
 Loches, 2ir. 
 Lodi, 259, 269. 
 Lovolhetes, 43. 
 Loire, the, 68, 69, 81, 85, 89, 90, 406. 
 
 PERIOD II. 
 
 Lombard League, the, 252, 258, 260, 
 261, 262, 269, 305, 319, 380, 381, 
 
 383- 429- 
 
 Lombard usurers, 426. 
 Lombards of Southern Italy, 50, 107, 
 
 114, 137, 263. 
 
 of Thessalonica, 351. 
 
 Lombardy, 59, 132, 135, 156, 215, 254- 
 
 256, 258, 260, 366, 388, 391, 433. 
 growth of municipal autonomy 
 
 in, 237-239. 
 
 the Patarini in, 115. 
 
 Lombardy, theme of, 103, 104. 
 Lorraine, duchy of Lower, 71, 181. 
 
 See also Brabant. 
 
 division of the duchy of, 55, 223. 
 
 Lorraine, 3, 14, 15, 17, 19, 23, 25, 26, 
 
 38, 47. 5 1 . S 2 . S3. 5 6 . 5 8 - 66. 70, 7L 
 
 80, 215. 
 Lorris, 418. 
 
 peace of (1243), 414. 
 
 Lorsch, 122. 
 
 Lothair I., emperor, 56. 
 
 II. of Supplinburg, the emperor, 
 
 144, 206, 223-231, 264, 283. 
 
 king of the Franks, 38, 40, 69, 70 
 
 of Hochstaden, bishop of Lie'ge 
 
 307- 
 
 son of Hugh of Provence, 28. 
 
 of Segni, 313, 314. See Inno- 
 cent in. 
 
 Lotharingia. See Lorraine. 
 
 Louis the German, king of the East 
 Franks, 13, 56. 
 
 IV., king of the Franks, 19, 23, 
 
 67, 68, 69, 83. 
 
 v. (d'Outremer), king of the 
 
 Franks, 67-69, 70, 89. 
 
 vi., king of France, 82, 145, 149. 
 
 275-282, 352. 
 vii., the Young, king of France, 
 
 191-193, 229, 257, 281, 282-290, 340. 
 
 429. 
 vin., the Lion, king of France, 
 
 322, 330, 331, 394, 396, 401, 405-407. 
 
 418. 
 IX., St., kirg of France, 10, 383, 
 
 3 8 7, 394. 402, 407-427. 45 6 -457. 461- 
 
 462, 484. 
 count of Blois, duke of Nicaea, 
 
 343. 349. 352- 
 duke of Bavaria, 487. 
 
 Landgrave of Thuringia, 300. 
 
 Liibeck, 264, 305, 488. 
 
 laws of, 377. 
 
 trade of, 378. 
 
 2 K
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Lucca, 269, 483. 
 
 Anselm, bishop of, 116. See 
 
 Alexander II. 
 
 Lucera, Saracens at, 359, 360. 361, 
 366, 381, 391, 480, 487. 
 
 Lucius II., Pope, 241. 
 
 III., Pope, 270, 399, 410. 
 
 Ludolf, duke of Swabia, 20, 21, 28, 
 3L 37- 
 
 Ludolfings, the, 13, 14, 50. 
 
 Lund, 226. 
 
 archbishop of, 223, 253. 
 
 Liineburg, 268. 
 
 Otto of. See Otto. 
 
 Lusignan, Guy of, 302, 303. See Guy. 
 
 Hugh de. See Hugh. 
 
 kings of Cyprus, 303, 304, 311. 
 
 Liitzen, 134. 
 
 Luxemburg, Hermann of. See Her- 
 mann. 
 
 Lyons, 215, 387, 388, 390, 420, 480. 
 
 first council of (1245), 386, 387, 
 
 457- 
 
 second council of (1274), 440, 491. 
 
 MACEDONIA, 152, 155, 164, 170, 175, 
 
 340, 348, 353. 
 
 Macedonian dynasty, the, 165, 167. 
 Macon, 97, 416. 
 
 the bishop of, 199. 
 
 Madrid, 467. 
 
 Magdeburg, 35, 37, 45, 206, 226, 266. 
 
 laws of, 377. 
 
 archbishop of, 22, 26, 32, 34, 40, 
 
 262. See also Norbert, St. 
 
 heads Saxon revolt, 123, 124. 
 
 Magi, the three, relics of, 255. 
 Magna Carta, 327. 
 
 Curia Rationum, the, 362 
 
 Curia, the, 362. 
 
 Magnus, king of Denmark, 226. 
 Magyars, 3, 48, 55, 61, 167, 168, 266. 
 
 See Hungarians. 
 Mahmoud of Ghazni, 168, 169. 
 Maimonides, 432. 
 Maine, county of, 68, 88, 286, 395, 
 
 396, 416. 
 Mainz, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 32, 37, 40, 
 
 41, 46, 132, 144, 224. 
 
 diet of (1184), 268. 
 
 diet at (1235), 374. 
 
 archbishop of, 26, 27, 50, 52, 305, 
 
 489. 
 archbishops of. See Arnold ; 
 
 Christian ; Siegfried. 
 Maitres des Comfles, the, 424. 
 
 Malek Shah, 172, 179. 
 
 Malta, 236. 
 
 Manasses, archbishop of Reims, 201. 
 
 Manchurian kingdom, 168. 
 
 Manfred, king of Sicily, son of Frede- 
 rick II., 364, 391, 478-485. 
 
 Maniaces, George, 106. 
 
 Manicheans, 215, 216. 
 
 Mansourah, 454, 458, 459, 460. 
 
 Mantes, 277. 
 
 Mantua, 483. 
 
 Manuel i., Comnenus, 192-193, 236, 
 252, 263, 359-340. 
 
 Manzikert, battle of, 171, 172, 174. 
 
 Marathon, 170. 
 
 Marburg, Conrad of. See Conrad. 
 
 March of Ancona, 380. 
 
 of Provence, 417. 
 
 the Spanish, 465, 466. 
 
 Marche, la, 89. 
 
 Hugh of. See Hugh of Lusignan. 
 
 Margaret of Flanders, 417. 
 
 daughter of Louis VII. , wife of 
 
 the young king Henry (ill. ) of Eng- 
 land, 288, 290, 293. 
 
 of Hungary, 351. 
 
 of Provence, 417. 
 
 Margarito, admiral of Sicily, 306, 310. 
 
 Marks, the German, 16, 17, 21, 22, 23, 
 37, 96, 264. 
 
 Markwald of Amveiler, 310, 316, 317, 
 
 3I9- 
 
 Marie, Thomas de. See Thomas. 
 
 Marozia,-29, 30, 38. 
 
 Marriage of clergy, 102, 115, 127. 
 
 Marseilles, 145, 188, 301, 419. 
 
 Martin della Torre, 483. 
 
 Mary of Antioch, wifeof Manuel I. , 340. 
 
 aunt of Hugh in. of Jeru- 
 salem, 459. 
 
 of Blois, wife of Baldwin ix. of 
 
 Flanders, 343. 
 
 daughter of Stephen of Boulogne, 
 
 289. 
 
 countess of Champagne, daugh- 
 ter of Louis vn. and Eleanor, 290. 
 queen of Jerusalem, 453. 
 
 Mathematics under Frederick n., 363. 
 
 Matilda, wifeof Henry the Fowler, 17. 
 
 th<> empress, wife of Henry v. , 
 
 86, 144, 280, 286. 
 
 daughter of Henry ol Anjou, wife 
 
 of Henry the Lion, 265. 
 
 the countess of Tuscany, 109, 
 
 no, 116, 120, 131, 135, 136, 137, 
 138, 142, 144.
 
 Index 
 
 515 
 
 Matilda, inheritance of the countess, 
 
 229, 231, 311, 318-319, 321, 328, 365. 
 Matthew, count of Boulogne, 291. 
 
 chancellor of Sicily, 301. 
 
 Mauclerc, Peter. See Peter, duke of 
 
 Brittany. 
 
 Maunenne, 287. See also Savoy. 
 Meaux, treaty of, 409, 414. 
 Mecklenburg, bishopric of, 265. 
 Medicine, school of, at Salerno, 363. 
 
 study of, by the friars, 443. 
 
 Meissen, 16, 22, 34, 41, 43, 47, 266. 
 Meles, 104, 105. 
 Melfi, 106. 
 
 synod of (1059), 115. 
 
 Melun, 76. 
 
 Memleben, 35. 
 
 Mendicants, the, 382, 384, 434-441,443, 
 
 444, 445, 446. See also Friars, the. 
 
 the, and St. Louis, 422, 423. 
 
 the, in Italy, 367. 
 
 the, and Frederick II., 389. 
 
 Meran, Agnes of, 323. See Agnes. 
 Merovingians, the, 69, 75. 
 Merseburg, 16, 17, 34. 
 Mesopotamia, northern, 158. 
 Messina, 106, 117, 118, 305, 312, 361, 
 
 480. 
 
 capture of, 301. 
 
 Methodius, 157. 
 Metz, 205. 
 
 Hermann of. See Hermann. 
 
 Michael iv. , eastern emperor, 165, 166. 
 
 v., eastern emperor, 166. 
 
 vi., Stratioticus, eastern em- 
 peror, 170, 171. 
 
 vii., eastern emperor, 171, 172, 
 
 173, 180. 
 
 viii., Palaeologus, eastern em- 
 peror, 354. 
 
 Caerularius. See Caerularius. 
 
 Scot, 359, 363, 432. 
 
 St., monastery of, in Monte 
 
 Gargano, 104. 
 Middle Kingdom (Burgundy), the, 3, 
 
 56. See also Burgundy and Arelate, 
 
 266. 
 
 Miecislav, king of Poland, 54. 
 Mignano, the treaty of, 235. 
 Milan, 37, 115, 116, 128, 248, 254, 
 
 258, 259, 260, 261, 269, 270, 309, 
 
 381, 382, 483. 
 revolt and destruction of, 255- 
 
 256, 257. 
 Mi'an, Aribert, archbishop of. See 
 
 Aribert. 
 
 Milan, church of St. Ambrose at, 255. 
 Military orders, the, 190, 207. 
 
 of Spain, 190, 470-471. 
 
 Millicent, heiress of Jerusalem, 185, 
 
 193- 
 Minisferiales, the, 58, 310, 320, 329- 
 
 330, 370. 
 
 Minnesinger, the, 272, 333, 377. 
 Minorites. See Franciscans. 
 Missi Dominici, 20, 424. 
 Mohammed, 169. 
 MolSme, 202. 
 Mondego, the, 467. 
 Mongols, the, 8, 15, 385, 456. See 
 
 also Tartars. 
 Monophysites, the, 155. 
 Montanists, the, 214. 
 Montaperto, battle of, 483-484. 
 Mont Cenis, pass of, 130, 259, 260. 
 Montebello, peace of, 261. 
 Monte Casino, 108, 112, 136. 
 
 Roffrid, abbot of, 317. 
 
 Montferrat, 259, 340. 
 
 counts of, 260. 
 
 . See Boniface and Conrad. 
 
 Montfort, Simon de (the elder). See 
 
 Simon. 
 
 (the younger). See Simon. 
 
 Amaury de. See Amanry. 
 
 Guy de. See Guy. 
 
 MontlheYy, 276. 
 
 Montreal, barony of (Syria), 186. 
 
 Montreuil-sur-Mer, 76, 277. 
 
 Moors, Spanish, 158, 431, 433, 451. 
 
 Mopsuestia, brazen gates of, 160. 
 
 Moravia, 61. 
 
 Morena, the Sierra, 472. 
 
 Morimond, 204. 
 
 Morocco, 471. 
 
 Morosini, Thomas, patriarch of Con 
 
 stantinople. 
 Mortain, 87. 
 Mortemer, battle of, 79. 
 Mortmain, the law of, 159, 362. 
 Moses Maimonides (died 1204), 432. 
 Mosul, 158, 183, 184, 185, 191, 193. 
 Mouzon, 14.5, 146. 
 Mozarabs, the, 469-470, 474. 
 Miihlhausen, diet at, 320. 
 Munich founded, 266. 
 Murcia, 473. 
 Muret, battle of, 200, 401, 473. 
 
 NAKGIS, William of. See William. 
 
 Nantes, 85. 
 
 county of, 287.
 
 5 I6 
 
 European History, 9 1 8- 1 273 
 
 Naples, 10, 117, 118, 227, 306, 328, 
 
 385, 389, 480-488. 
 consolidation of the kingdom of, 
 
 227. See also Sicily. 
 
 Frederick ii.'s policy in, 360, 361. 
 
 University of, 363, 431, 447. 
 
 Narbonne, Duchy of, 409. 
 
 Raymond VI., Duke of. See 
 
 Raymond. 
 Simon de Montfort, Duke of, 
 
 401. See Simon. 
 Navarre, 326. 
 
 kingdom of, 326, 409, 457, 465- 
 
 466, 471, 472. 
 
 Theobald of. See Theobald. 
 
 Navas de Tolosa, battle of Las, 332, 
 
 431, 471-472. 
 Nazareth, 368. 
 Necker Valley, the, 221. 
 Nepi, 249. 
 Netherlands, the, 266. 
 
 union of the, 291. 
 
 Neuilly, Fulk of, 332. See Fulk. 
 
 Neustria, 3, 68. 
 
 Nicasa, 172, 179, 182, 192, 353, 354. 
 
 empire at, 351. 
 
 empire of, its union of Thessalo- 
 
 nica (1241), 353. 
 
 Louis.Dukeof. See Louis of Blois. 
 
 Nicephorus n., Phocas, eastern em- 
 peror, 159, 160, 161, 163, 172, 184. 
 
 III. (1078-1081), 173. 
 
 Nicetas, 160, 161. 
 Nicholas I., Pope, 166. 
 ii., Pope, 113, 114, 115, 116, 
 
 117, 125. 
 
 Nicopolis, theme of, 155. 
 Nicomedia, Louis, Duke of. See 
 
 Louis of Blois. ' 
 Niebelungenlied, the, 272. 
 Niel, king of Denmark, 226. 
 Nile, the, 454. 
 Niort, 406. 
 
 Nominalism, 210, 211, 212. 
 Norbert, St., archbishop of Magde- 
 burg, 206, 207, 208, 212, 217, 226, 
 
 229, 233. 
 
 Nordalbingia, 371. 
 Nordheim, Otto of. See Otto. 
 Normandy, 23, 66, 71, 75, 76, 79, 83- 
 
 84, 87, 92, 96, 142, 268, 278, 286, 
 
 288, 394-396, 404, 415, 416. 
 
 its rivalry with Anjou, 87, 88. 
 
 Norman Conquest of England, 73, 115. 
 Normans in Naples and Sicily, 84, 
 
 104-105, 106, 108-109, 113, 114, 115, 
 
 116, 117, 118, 120, 126, 127, 135, 
 
 137, 261, 360, 361. 
 Normans in Scotland, Wales, Ireland, 
 
 Spain, Italy, 84. 
 
 in Brittany, 84, 85. 
 
 in Flanders, 85, 86. 
 
 in Macedonia and Thessaly, 174, 
 
 175- 
 
 the character of, 350. 
 
 Norsemen, the, 3, 83, 84, 156. 
 Norse mercenaries, 163. 
 North-Mark, the, 226. 
 Norway, 53, 83. 
 Noureddin, 193, 195. 
 Novara, 260. 
 Noyon, 71, 277. 
 Numerals, Arabic, 363. 
 Nlirnberg, 329. 
 
 OBOTRITES, the, 21. 
 
 Ochrida, 164. 
 
 Octavian, cardinal, bishop of Ostia, 
 
 3 2 4- 
 Octavian, 30. See also John XII. 
 
 the cardinal, 256. See Victor v. 
 
 Oder, the, 21, 264, 378. 
 
 Odo, king of the Franks, 66, 67, 70. 
 
 count of Champagne, king of 
 
 Aries, 55. 
 
 of Cambrai, 212. 
 
 I., count of Chartres, Tours, 
 
 and Blois, 78. 
 
 n., Count of Blois and Troyes, 
 
 78, 79. 87. 
 
 of Champagne. See Urban n. 
 
 abbot of Cluny, 97. 
 
 of La Roche, 349. 
 
 of Turin, 122. 
 
 Olga, conversion of, 162. 
 
 Olona, the, 261. 
 
 Omar, the mosque of, 178. 
 
 Oporto, county of, 467, 470. 
 
 Oppenheim, 129. 
 
 Orleans, 76, 78, 275, 276, 277. 
 
 Orseolo, Peter, Doge of Venice, 46. 
 
 Orthodoxy, Greek, 350. 
 
 Orvieto, 484. 
 
 Osma, 436. 
 
 Ostia, Ugolino, cardinal bishop of. 
 See Gregory ix. 
 
 Octavian, bishop of. See Octa- 
 vian. 
 
 Otbert, bishop of Lie"ge, 141. 
 
 Otranto, 182, 367. 
 
 Straits of, 174, 175.
 
 Index 
 
 517 
 
 Otto i., the Great, emperor, 15, 18-27, 
 28, 30-32, 35, 37, 43, 45, 69, 71, 247, 
 264. 
 
 " 33- 34. 36. 3 8 - 39. 4i. 44. 7, 
 103, 160, 162. 
 
 in., emperor, 39, 40-44, 47-50, 
 
 100, 247, 304-305. 
 iv. of Brunswick, 319-320: king 
 
 of Romans, 320, 322 ; emperor, 
 
 3 2 7-33 2 . 370, 371, 356. 
 
 Count Palatine of Bavaria. 489. 
 
 Duke of Bavaria, 122, 123. 
 
 of Freising (quoted), 230, 245, 
 247, 250. 
 
 son of Duke Ludolf, Duke of 
 
 Swabia and Bavaria, 37. 
 of Liineburg, first Duke of 
 
 Brunswick, 375. 
 
 of Wittelsbach, 248, 255, 256, 
 268. (Nephew of above, 322). 
 
 of Nordheim, 121, 122, 124, 134, 
 
 223. 
 Ottocar I., king of Bohemia, 329, 379. 
 
 II. ,kingof Bohemia, 379,489-490. 
 
 Ottoman Turks, 355. 
 Ourique, battle of, 470. 
 Outremer, Louis IV., 68. 
 Oxford, the provisions of, 484. 
 
 University of, 430, 431. 
 Oxus, the, 168. 
 
 PADUA, 256, 268, 441, 445, 483. 
 
 University of, 430. 
 
 St. Anthony of. Sec Anthony, St. 
 
 Painting in the East, 157. 
 
 Palaeologi, the, 8. 
 
 Palais, 211. 
 
 Palatinate, origin of the, 251, 308. 
 
 Palencia, University of, 431. 
 
 Palermo, 310, 312, 482. 
 
 archbishop of, 387, 391. See also 
 
 Walter. 
 
 Frederick II. 's palace at, 364. 
 
 siege of, 118. 
 
 Palestine, pilgrimages to, 177, 178. 
 
 Turkish conquest of, 179. 
 
 Pallavicino, the marquis, 483. 
 
 Pandects, the, 218. 
 
 Pandulf, prince of Capua and Bene- 
 
 vento, 34. 
 
 of Capua, 105, 106. 
 
 papal agent in England, 326. 
 
 Pannonia, 155, 167. 
 Pantheism taught at Paris, 433. 
 Papacy, theory of the, 314. 
 Cluniac conception of the, 99. 
 
 Paraclete, monastery of the, 212. 
 Paris, 38, 68, 76, 81, 82, 83, 87, 240. 
 277, 290, 295, 378, 395, 404, 427, 446. 
 
 Hugh, count of, 73. See Hugh 
 
 Capet. 
 
 growth of, under Philip Augustus, 
 
 403- 
 
 heresy in, 433, 434. 
 
 parliament of, 425. 
 
 the schools of, 211-214, 2 4O- 
 
 university of, 214, 313, 447. See 
 also University. 
 
 treaty of (1259), 416, 419. 
 
 Matthew, 408, 443. 
 
 William, bishop of. See William. 
 
 Parlamentum (municipal), 238. 
 Parlement of Paris, the, 424, 425. 
 Parma, revolt of, 390. 
 Cadalus, bishop of, 116. 
 
 Roland of, 128. 
 
 Parthenay, Poitevin barons meet at, 
 
 4i3- 
 Paschal II. , Pope. 140, 141, 142, 143, 
 
 144, 145. 
 
 III., Antipope, 257-260. 
 
 Pastoureavx , the, 427. 
 
 Patarini, the, 115, 116, 128, 215. 
 
 Patrician of Rome, the, 41, 49, 241. 
 
 Paterno, 47. 
 
 Patrimony of St. Peter, the, 30, 310, 
 
 318, 369- 
 
 Patzinaks, the, 174, 339. 
 Paulicians, the, 174, 215- 216. 
 Pavia, 29, 41, 49, 53, 130, 218, 237, 
 
 248, 259-261, 262, 269, 487. 
 
 council at, 63, 256. 
 
 diet at, 59. 
 
 Pay en s, Hugh de. See Hugh. 
 Peking, 168. 
 
 Pelagius, the legate, 454, 458. 
 Peloponnesus, 155, 164, 348, 351. 
 
 Franks of, 354. 
 
 Pennaforte, Raymond of. See Ray- 
 mond. 
 Pepo, 218. 
 Perigord, 406. 
 PeYigueux, 415. 
 Perils of the Last Times, the, book on, 
 
 446. 
 Persia, 107, 158, 169, 179, 456. 
 
 Seljukians of, 183. 
 
 Perugia, 335, 434, 480. 
 
 Peter of Courtenay, count of Auxerre, 
 
 Latin emperor in the East, 352, 353. 
 
 ii., king of Aragon, 325. 326, 
 
 401, 472.
 
 5 .8 
 
 European History ', 918-1273 
 
 Peter in., ki> g of Aragon, 475, 476. 
 
 king of Hungary, 61. 
 
 count of A!en9on, 416. 
 
 de Bruys, 208, 214, 215. 
 of Castelnau, 399. 
 
 de la Chatre, archbishop of 
 
 Bourges, 284. 
 
 Damiani, 100, 108, 112, 115, 116, 
 
 121, 123, 125, 205. 
 
 the Hermit, 179, 180-181. 
 
 Lombard, 213, 432. 
 
 Mauclerc, duke of Brittany, 395, 
 408, 409. 
 
 the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, 
 
 199, 213, 214. 
 
 della Vigna, 364, 387, 390, 391. 
 
 Petrobrusians, 214-215. 
 
 Pfahlbiirger, the, 373, 374. 
 
 Philip the Arabian, emperor, 320. 
 
 II. of Swabia, king of the 
 
 Romans, 309, 311, 316, 318, 319- 
 322, 326, 342, 344. 
 
 I., king of France, 79, 80-82, 86, 
 
 127, 138, 141, 180, 274, 275, 281. 
 
 II., Augustus, king of France, 10, 
 
 267, 290-294, 299, 301-303, 308, 
 315, 322-325, 330-331, 393-397- 400- 
 406, 408, 416, 423, 427, 453. 
 
 in., the Bold, king of France, 
 415, 419, 427, 462. 
 
 iv., the Fair, king of France, 10, 
 
 417, 422. 425. 
 of Alsace, count of Flanders, 
 
 289, 291, 292, 301, 303. 
 
 of Heinsberg, archbishop of 
 
 Cologne, 266, 270. 
 
 Hurepel, count of Boulogne, 408, 
 
 409. 
 
 Philippopolis, 349. 
 
 Philosophy, study of, 100, 429, 432, 446. 
 Photius, the Patriarch, 167. 
 Piacenza, 382. 
 
 synod at (1095), 138. 
 
 Picardy, 76. 
 Piedmont, 259. 
 Pierleone, the house of, 228. 
 Giordano, 241. 
 
 Peter, 228. See Anacletus II. 
 Pilgrim, archbishopof Cologne, 52, 54. 
 Pilgrimages to Palestine, 177, 178. 
 Pindus, Mount, 164. 
 Pisa, 185, 188, 228, 230, 239, 269, 305, 
 
 306, 309, 310, 318, 328, 337, 338, 
 
 342, 384. 487, 489. 
 
 synod at, 203. 
 
 university of, 430. 
 
 Pisa, Leonard of. See Leonard. 
 
 Plantagenet, the house of, 88. Stt 
 also Arjou. 
 
 Po, the river, 29. 
 
 Podesla, office of, 255, 258, 263. 
 
 Poitiers, 89, 90, 286, 413, 418. 
 
 Poitou, 70, 281, 330, 331, 395, 396, 
 409, 413, 414, 415, 416. 
 
 Adelaide of, 69. See Adelaide. 
 
 Alfonse of. See Alfonse. 
 
 Agnes of. See Agnes. 
 
 William of. See William, 52, 56. 
 
 Ebles, count of, 89. See Ebles. 
 
 Otto iv., count of, 319-320. See 
 
 Otto. 
 
 Poland, 4, 5, 34, 37, 45, 48, 34, 60, 61, 
 123-124, 226, 2^2, 326 358, 378, 379, 
 380. 
 
 dnkes of, 34, 40. 
 
 Poles, Lausitz handed over to, 49. 
 
 Pomerania, 226, '^33, 380. 
 
 bishopric of, 265. 
 
 Slavonic dukes of, y/3. 
 
 Pontigny, 204. 
 
 Pontius, abbot of Cluny, 199. 
 
 Poor Men of Assist, the. See Fran- 
 ciscans. 
 
 of Lyons, the, 215. 
 
 Poppo, bishop of Brixen. See Dam- 
 asus n. 
 
 Pore^e, Gilbert de la. Sa Gilbert. 
 
 Portugal, county of, 470. 
 
 kingdom of, 469, 470, 471, 475. 
 
 papal overlordship over, 325. 
 
 Poverty, Franciscan doctrine of, 389. 
 
 Pragmatic Sanction of St. Louis, the 
 alleged, 423. 
 
 Prague, 38, 43, 61. 
 
 Praxedis of Russia, second wife of 
 Henry iv., 138. 
 
 Preachers, Order of. See Dominicans. 
 
 Preaching in the Middle Ages, 4.41. 
 
 Brothers of St. Komanus of Tou- 
 louse, the, 437. 
 
 Prcefectus urbis, the, 318. 
 
 Pre'montre', 206, 226. 
 
 Premonstratensian Canons, 206-207, 
 265, 436. See Canons Regular. 
 
 Prespa, 164. 
 
 Presthlava, battle of, 162. 
 
 Privdtt, the court of the, 425. 
 
 Procession of the Holy Ghost, the, 139. 
 
 Protospatharii, 45. 
 
 Protovestiarius, 45. 
 
 Provence, 28, 145, 214, 228, 397, 410, 
 417, 418, 419, 485.
 
 Index 
 
 519 
 
 Provence, language of, 89, 90. See 
 
 also Langue doc. 
 poets of, 363, 364. See also 
 
 Troubadours, the. 
 
 Louis viii. against, 406. 
 
 Raymond VI., marquis of, 398. 
 
 and Raymond vn., 401. 
 
 Raymond Berengar, count of. 
 
 See Raymond Berengar. 
 Prussia, 43, 379, 380, 451. 
 Publicani, the, 215. 
 Puiset, Hugh du, 277. 
 Pullani, 194, 459. 
 Pyrenees, the, 90, 419, 465. 
 Pyrrhus, 39. 
 
 Quadrivivm, the, 209. 
 Quedlinburg, 16, 17, 22. 
 Quercy, 287. 
 lower, 416. 
 
 RAGEWIN (quoted), 252, 253, 271. 
 
 Rainald of Dassel, archbishop 01 
 Cologne, 252, 253, 255, 257, 259, 265. 
 
 Rainerius of Bieda, 140. See also 
 Paschal n. 
 
 Ramiro, lord of Aragon, 466-467. 
 
 Ranulf, Norman chief, 105, 106. 
 
 Ratisbon, 488. 
 
 . Albcrtus Magnus, bishop of. 
 
 See Albertus. 
 
 Berthold of. See Berthold. 
 
 Ravenna, 46, 135, 136, 218, 364, 384. 
 
 archbishop of, 44. 
 
 Guibert of. See Guibert 
 
 Romuald of. 100. See Romuald. 
 
 Raymond I., count of Toulouse, 91. 
 
 IV. of Saint-Gilles, count of Tou- 
 louse, i8r, 183, 398 ; count of Tri- 
 poli, 184. 
 
 v. , count of Toulouse, 287. 
 
 vi., count of Toulouse, 398, 399, 
 
 400, 401, 402. 
 
 vii., count of Toulouse, 401, 402, 
 
 406, 408, 409, 413, 414, 418. 
 
 count of Antioch, 285, 339. 
 
 of Le Puy, grand master of the 
 
 Hospital, 190. 
 
 of Pennaforte, 382. 
 
 of Toledo, 432. 
 
 count of Tripoli, regent of Je:u- 
 
 'alem, 193, 195. 
 
 Berengar II., of Provence, count 
 
 of Barcelona, 470. 
 
 V., count of Provence, 417, 
 
 418. 
 
 Raymond, Roger, viscount of Be'ziers, 
 
 399, 400. 
 
 Realism, 210, 211, 212. 
 Rectorate of the university of Paris, 
 
 the, 430. 
 
 Rectors of Lombard League, 259. 
 Reggio, 130, 131. 
 
 Reginald, Apulian baron, 230, 231. 
 Regnum, the, 391,428,430. 
 Regular canons, the, 97, 204-206, 438. 
 
 See also Canons, regular. 
 Reichenau, 209. 
 Reims, 41, 42, 43, 44, 68, 70, 75, 77, 
 
 79, 201, 209, 229, 283, 290, 307. 
 archbishops, 86, 87. See also 
 
 Adalbero, William. 
 
 synod at, 102. 
 
 council of (1148), 213. 
 
 Renascence, the I2th century, 2, 7, 
 
 i oo, 429. 
 Rennes, 85. 
 Rhineland, the, 19, 51, 251, 307. 
 
 League of the cities of, 488, 491. 
 
 Rhodes, 463. 
 
 Rhodope, the, as boundary, 155. 
 
 Rhone, the, 88, 396. 
 
 Richard, earl of Cornwall, king of the 
 
 Romans, 418, 421, 456, 475, 479, 
 
 489-491. 
 I., king of England, 288, 289. 
 
 292, 293, 294, 299, 301-303, 305, 308- 
 
 39. 3 J 9. 3 2 . 32L 34L 342, 378, 
 
 394. 395. 397. 453- 
 of Aversa, afterwards also of 
 
 Capua, 108, 114, 115, 127. 
 the Justiciar, first duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 88. 
 
 duke of Normandy, 83. 
 
 count of Segni, 318. 
 
 Richenza, wife of Lothair of Supplin- 
 
 burg, 223. 
 
 Riga, bishopric of, 379. 
 Ripen, 22. 
 Riviera, the, 27. 
 Robert of Courtenay, Latin emperor 
 
 in the East, 353. 
 I., king of France, son of Robert 
 
 the Strong, 66, 67, 68. 
 II., the Pious, king of France, 42, 
 
 S 2 , 77- 
 
 of Arbrissel, 201, 217. 
 
 count of Artois, 383, 407, 416, 
 
 420, 458. 
 
 of Clari, 349. 
 
 count of Clermont-en-Beauvaisis, 
 
 416.
 
 520 
 
 Eii ropean History, 918-1273 
 
 Robert, count of Dreux, 285. 
 
 Fitzwalter, 454. 
 
 count of Flanders, 141. 
 
 Robert the Old, younger son of 
 Robert II. of France, and first 
 Capetian duke of Burgundy, 78, 79, 
 88-89. 
 
 the Strong, 67, 87. 
 
 duke of Normandy, father of 
 William the Conqueror, 178. 
 
 duke of Normandy, son of 
 
 William the Conqueror, 181, 278. 
 
 Guiscard, son of Tancred of 
 
 Hauteville, 107, 114, 115, 117, 118, 
 127, 135, 137, 174, 175' 180, 182, 
 194, 227, 236. 
 
 of Mold-me, 202. 
 
 Robertian house, the, 3, 4, 23, 70, 71, 89. 
 
 Rochelle, La, 4c6. 
 
 Roffrid, abbot of Monte Casino, 317. 
 
 Roger I. of Hauteville, afterwards 
 count of Sicily, brother of Robert 
 Guiscard, 108, 114, 117-118, 127, 
 137, 139. 227. 
 
 II., count, and afterwards first 
 king of Sicily, 194, 227, 228-231, 
 235- 2 37. 248, 269, 301, 316, 340. 
 
 duke, son of Roger, king of 
 Sicily, 301. 
 
 son of Tancred of Lecce, joint 
 
 king of Sicily, 310. 
 
 archbishop of York, 291. 
 
 Roland of Parma, 128. 
 
 the cardinal. See Bandinelli, 
 
 Roland, and Alexander ill. 
 Ro'f, duke of the Normans, 3, 83, 85. 
 Rollo. See Rolf. 
 Romagna, 260, 261, 310, 316, 317, 319. 
 
 f.-mlalisation of, 118. 
 
 towns of, 380. 
 
 Romance languages, literature of the. 
 
 89. 9i. 397- 
 
 writers of, 7, 157, 377, 378. 
 
 Romanesque architecture, 7, 378, 415. 
 Romania, emperor of, 348. 
 Romanus, St. , of Toulouse, 437. 
 I., Lecapenus, Eastern emperor, 
 
 152- 
 
 II., Eastern emperor, 158, 159. 
 
 III., 165. 
 
 iv., Diogenes, Eastern emperor, 
 
 171. 172 
 
 Romano, house of, 381, 482-483. 
 Alberic da. See Alberic. 
 
 Eccelin da. See Eccelin. 
 Romans and Henry V., 142. 
 
 Rome, Henry iv. takes, 10, 83, 135. 
 
 sack of, by Robert Guiscard, 136. 
 
 receives Urban n., 139. 
 
 Alexander in. driven out of, 257 ; 
 
 i estored to, 258. 
 
 captured by Frederick I. , 258. 
 
 Arnold of Brescia in, 249-250. 
 
 subjection of, to Innocent" in., 
 
 318-319. 
 
 council at, 384. See also Councils. 
 
 rebellion against Gregory ix. in, 
 
 368. 382, 383. 
 
 Innocent IV. flees from, 386. 
 
 St. Angelo, castle of, 229. 
 
 the commune of, 240-241. See 
 
 also Commune of Rome, the. 
 St. John's in the Lateran, 124. 
 
 See also Lateran. 
 
 St. Mary on the Aventine, con- 
 vent of, no. 
 
 St Peter's, tumult at, 142, 143. 
 
 church of St. Peter at, 300. 
 
 St. Peter ad Vincula, church of, 
 
 124. 
 
 Romuald, St., 46, 100. 
 
 Roncaglia, diet at (1154), 248. 
 
 diet at, 254-255. 
 
 Roscelin, 210, 212. 
 
 Rothenburg, Frederick of. See Frede- 
 rick. 
 
 Rouen, French of, 83. 
 
 Rouergue, 287, 398. 
 
 Roum, Seljukian kingdom of, 179, 
 181-183, 192. 299-300, 342, 351. 
 
 Roussillon, 398, 419. 
 
 Rudolf in., king of Aries (993-1032), 
 
 53. 55- 
 
 duke of Burgundy, king of the 
 French, 67, 68, 69. 
 
 of Burgundy, king of Italy, 28. 
 
 king of Transjurane Burgundy, 
 
 88. 
 of Hapsburg, king of the Romans, 
 
 491. 
 
 of Swabia, 132, 133, 134. 
 
 of Wied, 270. 
 
 Riigen, 226, 265. 
 
 Rurik, 162. 
 
 Russia, 34, 157, 162, 378, 379, 385. 
 
 Anne of, wife of Henry I. of 
 
 France. See Anne. 
 Ruy Diaz. See the Cid. 
 
 Sacerdotium, the, 391, 428, 430, 431, 
 
 448. 
 Sackstnspiegel, the, 377.
 
 Index 
 
 Sack, Friars of the, 440. 
 
 Safed, Castle of the Templars at, 461. 
 
 Saint - Amour, William of. See 
 William, 446. 
 
 Cher, Hugh of. See Hugh. 
 
 Denis, 212. 
 
 Abbey of, 275, 276. 
 
 Gallen, 209. 
 
 Gildas de Rhuys, 212. 
 
 Gilles, 214, 485. 
 
 church of, 400. 
 
 - Peter of Castelnau mur- 
 dered at, 399. 
 
 house of, 402. 
 
 Jean d'Angely, 406. 
 
 Maurice of Magdeburg, 22, 35. 
 
 Pol, Counts of, 86. 
 
 Quentin, 86. 
 
 Rufus, 249. 
 
 Victor, 213. 
 
 abbey of, 211. 
 
 Sainte Genevieve, Mont, 211. 
 
 Saintes, 418. 
 
 battle of (1242), 414. 
 
 Saintonge, 281, 406, 414, 416. 
 
 Saladin, 195-196, 271, 301-303, 453. 
 
 Saladin Tithe, the, 299. 
 
 Salef, the river, 300. 
 
 Salerno, 38, 49, 50, 136, 230, 328. 
 
 Lombard princes of, 103, 156. 
 
 school of medicine at, 363. 
 
 Salisbury, William Longsword, Earl 
 of, 330, 4S8- 
 
 Salza, Hermann of. See Hermann. 
 
 Salzburg, 45. 
 
 Archbishop of, 260. 
 
 Sam os, 348. 
 
 Samothrace, 348. 
 
 Samuel, king of Bulgaria, 163, 164. 
 
 San Germano, 235, 480. 
 
 Treaty of, 369, 380. 
 
 Sanchin, wife of Richard of Cornwall, 
 418. 
 
 Sancho, King of Portugal, 325. 
 
 IX. of Castile, 470. 
 
 son of Alfonso x. of Castile, 475. 
 
 the Great, King of Navarre, 
 
 466-467. 
 King of Navarre, 326, 409. 
 
 of Gascony, 90. 
 Santiago, 290. 
 
 order of, 471. 
 
 Sanudo, house of, 352. 
 
 Sa6ne,88. 
 
 Sardinia, 239, 310. 
 
 granted to Enzio, 382. 
 
 Saracens, the, 3, 5, 8, 27, 30, 39, 117, 
 118, 155, 159, 161, 163, 166. 
 
 in Sicily, 103, 106, 136, 235-236, 
 
 3 '7. 360. 
 
 and Frederick II., 391. 
 
 from Lucera, 321. See Lucera. 
 
 invade the Campagna, 386. 
 Saragossa, 468, 469, 470. 
 Saumur, court of Alfonse at, 413. 
 Savelli, house of, 364. 
 
 Savoy, 287, 419. See also Maurienne. 
 
 Count of, Thomas. See Thomas. 
 
 Saxon nation, the, 13-14 ; its policy 
 
 45 ; kings and emperors, 13-50. 
 
 colonies, 264. 
 
 revolt, 123, 124. 
 
 against Henry iv. , 140. 
 
 Saxony, castles in, 123. 
 
 duchy of, 223, 231, 232. 
 
 duchy of, divided, 268. 
 
 Scandinavia, 22,83, I21 - 226 , 2 4 8 . 349- 
 
 and the Crusades, 298-299. 
 
 Scheldt, the, 85. 
 
 Schism between Eastern and Western 
 
 Churches, the, 355, 387. 
 Schleswig, 22. 
 
 Scholasticism, 2, 209-214, 410, 446. 
 Schools, Mussulman, 43. 
 Schwerin, bishopric of, 264. 
 
 Henry of. See Henry. 
 
 Science in nth and i2th centuries, 100. 
 
 under Frederick n. , 362, 363. 
 
 Scotland, the king of, 288. 
 
 and Normans, 84. 
 
 Scot, Michael. See Michael. 
 Scutari, Crusaders encamp at, 345. 
 Secular Canons, 205, 226. 
 Segni, Lothaire of. See Innocent m. 
 
 Richard, Count of. See Richard. 
 
 Seine, 68, 437. 
 
 Seljuk, 168. 
 
 Seljukian Turks, the, 138, 166, 167- 
 
 168, 170, 171, 172, 174, 179, 183, 
 
 191, 339, 340. See also Turks. 
 Seljukians, the, of Roum, decay of, 
 
 SSI- 
 Senate, the Roman, 241, 271. 
 Senator, Summus, the Roman, 318, 
 
 485. 
 
 Stntchausstts, the, 424. 
 Senlis. 76, 277. 
 Sens, 277. 
 
 council of, 213, 240, 281. 
 archbishop of, 75, 291. 
 
 Henry, archbishop of. Su 
 
 Henry.
 
 522 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Sentences, the Book of, 213. 
 Sepulchre, Church of the Holy, 8, 
 
 178, 189, 300. 
 
 Sergius, Prince of Naples, 105. 
 Servians, the, 167, 339. 
 Servile Friars, the, 440. 
 Seville, 473. 
 
 Ameers of, .; '.,7. 
 
 Sicily, 8, 38, 39, 161, 227-231, 235- 
 
 237, 252-253, 300, 306-307, 309- 
 
 310, 311-312, 328, 331, 364, 387, 
 
 421, 481 484, 485, 486. 
 Normans in, 84, 117, 118, 126, 
 
 127. 340-34I- 
 ecclesiastical privilege of, 316. 
 
 Papal rights over, 325, 369. 
 under Innocent III., 316-318. 
 
 in the nth century, 103, 104, 
 
 106. 
 organisation of the kingdom of, 
 
 235-237 
 Frederick II. s policy in, 359, 
 
 360, 361, 382. 
 
 Charles, king of. See Charles. 
 
 Constance of. See Constance. 
 
 Henry, king of. See Henry. 
 
 Manfred, king of. See Manfred. 
 
 Roger of. See Roger. 
 
 Tancred, king of. 5Tancred. 
 
 William of. See William. 
 Sidon, barony of, 186, 
 
 Siegfried, archbishop of Mainz, 132, 
 
 178, 329, 384. 
 Siegburg, Abbey of, 123. 
 
 on the Trave, 227. 
 
 Siena, 112, 483. 
 
 Siete Partidas, the, 475. 
 
 Silesia, 61, 380. 
 
 Silistria, 164. 
 
 Simeon, king of the Bulgarians, 152, 
 
 J 57- 
 
 Simon de Montfort, Count of Toul- 
 ouse, 343, 344, 400, 401, 402. 
 
 de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, 
 
 415- 456- 
 
 of Tourrai, 433. 
 
 Simony, 102, 127, 129, 138. 
 
 condemned at Sutri, 63. 
 
 St. Louis and, 423. 
 
 Sipontp, 479. 
 Slavonia, 155. 
 Slavs, the, 3. 16, 21, 22, 38, 41, 48, 
 
 60, 61, 155, 157, 162, 164, 167, 226, 
 
 248, 264, 378, 379. 
 
 Slingers in John Zimisccs* army, 162. 
 Soana, TIO. 
 
 Sobeslav, Duke of Bohemia, 226. 
 Soest, laws of, 377. 
 Soissons, council at, 210. 
 Song of the Sun, St. Francis', 442. 
 Spain, 10, 158, 300, 325, 326, .464- 
 477- 
 
 Arab civilisation in, 169. 
 
 Normans in, 84. 
 
 Universities of, 431, 432. 
 
 Speyer, 130, 143, 192, 232, ;66. 
 
 Bishop of, 141. 
 
 Spalato, 453. 
 
 Spoleto, duchy of, 319, 366, 384. 
 
 Duke of. See Conrad of Urs- 
 
 lingen. 
 
 Sporades, the, 348. 
 
 Spree, the, 16. 
 
 Stabat Mater Dolorosa, the, 442. 
 
 Statutum in favorem principum, 
 
 Henry ' vn.'s (1231), 372. 
 Stedinger, the, 373. 
 Steel, workers in, at Lucera, 360, 361. 
 Stephen IX., Pope, 109, 112, 114. 
 
 King of England, third son of 
 
 Stephen, Count of Blois, 87, 280, 
 286, 289. 
 
 St., Duke, aiterwards King of 
 
 Hungary, 45, 54, 178. 
 
 Count of Blois and Chartres 
 
 (Crusader), 87, 181, 183. 
 
 the Shepherd, leader of the 
 
 Crusade of the Children, 452. 
 
 Harding, abbot of Clteaux, 202. 
 
 Stvdium, the, 428, 448. 
 
 Generate, the, 410, 430, 431. 
 
 See University. 
 
 Stras-burg, 145, 147. 
 
 Gottfried of. See Gottfried. 
 
 Strategos, the, 156. 
 
 Styria, 478, 490. 
 
 Subiaco, 27. 
 
 Suger, abbot of Saint-Denis, 276, 277, 
 281, 283, 284, 285. 
 
 Suidgar of Bamberg, 63. See Clem- 
 ent ii. 
 
 Suessa, Thaddaeus of. See Thad- 
 dseus. 
 
 Suidas, 157. 
 
 Suleiman, conqueror of Niccea, 
 172, 179. 
 
 Summa Theologice, Alexander of 
 Hales', 446. 
 
 Sunnites, 178. 
 
 Supplinburg, 223. 
 
 Lotbair of. See Lothair. 
 
 Susa, 259, 261.
 
 Index 
 
 523 
 
 Sutri, Synodal (1046), 63, 101. 
 Svend, king of Denmark, 248, 252. 
 Sviatoslav, 162. 163. 
 Swabia, 2, 15, 20, 28, 37, 56, 123, 
 
 133, 269, 329. 
 cities of, 124. 
 
 Conrad of, candidate for 
 
 Empire. See Conrad. 
 
 Ernest of, 52. See Ernest. 
 
 Frederick, Duke of, 259 See 
 
 Frederick. 
 Gisela, Duchess of, 51, 52. See 
 
 Gisela, 
 - Henry in., Duke of, 59. See 
 
 Henry. 
 
 Rudolf of, 132. See Rudolf. 
 
 Swabian Alp, the, 220. 
 
 Sweden, 253. 
 
 Swegen, 83. 
 
 Sybil, queen of Jerusalem, 193, 302. 
 
 Sylvester I., Pope, 44. 
 
 II., Pope, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49. 
 
 See also Gerbert. 
 
 ill., Antipope, 63. 
 
 Synod at Bari, 139. 
 
 at Basel, 116. 
 
 at Clermont (1095), 138, 139. 
 
 of Constantinople, (867), 166. 
 
 of Milan, 115. 
 
 at Piacenza(iO95), 138. 
 
 of Reims, 41, 42. 
 
 at Reims, 103. 
 
 at Rome (963), 33. 
 
 (1075), 127. 
 
 (1084), 135. 
 
 Lateran (1055), 113. 
 
 at St. Peter's, 32. 
 
 at Vatican (1076), 128. 
 
 of Sutri, 63, 101, 125. 
 
 at Vienne, 145. 
 
 Syria, 8, 158, 160, 163, 168, 170, 178, 
 
 355. 427, 451, 454. 455- 
 
 Christians in, 379. 
 
 conquest of, by Omar, 178. 
 
 Seljukian kingdom of, 179. 
 
 Syracuse, 106, 361. 
 
 TAGLIACOZZO, battle of, 487. 
 Tagus, the, 467, 469, 471. 
 Taillebourg, battle of, 414. 
 Tanaro, the, 259. 
 Tancred the Crusader, 182, 184. 
 
 of Hauteviile, 106, 114. 
 
 of Lecce, king of Sicily, 301, 305, 
 
 306, 308, 309, 310, 317. 
 Taranto, 38, 317. 
 
 Taranto, gulf of, 39, 156. 
 
 principality of, 478. 
 
 Tarsus, loss of, 155. 
 
 brazen gates of, 160. 
 
 Tartars, the, 165, 351, 385, 387, 459, 
 460. 
 
 Taurus, the, 155, 159, 179, 183. 
 
 Templars, the, 189-190, 194, 208, 398, 
 456, 470. 
 
 Tenchebrai, battle of, 278. 
 
 Terracina, 137, 257. 
 
 Tertiaries, the, 440. 
 
 Teutonic Order, the, 190, 366, 379, 380. 
 
 Thaddams of Suessa, 387, 390. 
 
 Thankmar, 17, 19. 
 
 Thebes, Counts of, 349. 
 
 Themes, 155 ; Constantino's On the 
 Themes, 154. 
 
 Theobald the Young, King of Navarre, 
 420. 
 
 the Great, Count (n. of Cham- 
 pagne, and IV. of Blois), 87, 280, 
 284, 286, 289. 
 
 in., Count of Champagne, 343, 
 
 344- 
 
 IV., the Great, Count of Cham- 
 pagne, and King of Navarre, 408, 
 456- 
 
 v. , the Good, Count of Blois, 289, 
 
 290, 291, 301, 303. 
 
 of Lie'ge, 462, 491. See Gregory x. 
 
 Theodora, 29, 30. 
 
 the Younger, 30, 38. 
 
 Comnena, daughter of Manuel i., 
 
 193- 
 
 daughter of Romanus II., 161. 
 
 daughter of Constantine vm., 
 
 165, 167, 170. 
 Theodore Angelus, 353. 
 
 I., Lascaris, 351, 352, 353. 
 
 Theology, study of, 100, 429, 432, 445, 
 
 Faculty of, at Toulouse, 410. 
 
 Thecphano, widow of Romanus II., 
 
 159- 
 
 daughter of Romanus II. , em- 
 press of Otto II., 34, 38, 40, 41, 42, 
 160, 161, 162. 
 
 Thessalonica, 155, 156, 164, 312, 341, 
 
 2 fall of, 353. 
 
 king of, 348. 
 
 and Constantinople, rivalry of, 
 
 union of Nicaea and (1241), 
 
 353- 
 Thessaly, 164, 175, 348.
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 Thierry of Alsace, Count of Flanders, 
 
 278, 279, 289. 
 Thomas, Count of Savoy, 417. 
 
 of Acre, St., knights of, 190. 
 
 St., of Aquino, 363, 442, 447. 
 
 St., archbishop of Canterbury, 6, 
 
 257, 258, 260, 288, 291, 307. 
 
 of Celano, 442. 
 
 of Marie, 277. 
 
 Thrace, 345, 348, 351, 353. 
 Thurgau, Werner, Count of. Set 
 
 Werner. 
 Thuringia, 122, 123, 323. 
 
 Henry Raspe of. See Henry. 
 
 Hermann of. See Hermann. 
 
 Landgrave of, 367. 
 
 St. Elizabeth of, 382. 
 Ticino, the, 261. 
 
 Tiepolo, Podesta of Milan, 381, 382. 
 
 Tithes, 373. 
 
 Tivoli, 46, 135. 
 
 Todi, J.icapone da. See Jacapone. 
 
 Toeny, Ralph de, 105. 
 
 Togrul Beg, 168, 169. 
 
 Toledo, 467, 469, 472. 
 
 Ameers of, 467. 
 
 Raymond of, 432. 
 
 Torre, Martin della, 483. 
 Torricella, battle of, 483. 
 Tortona, 248. 
 Tortosa, 470, 471. 
 Toul, 102. 
 
 Bruno of. See Leo IX. 
 
 Toulouse, 287, 289, 397, 398, 401, 402, 
 
 407, 409, 410, 415, 417, 418. 
 
 county of, 90, 91, 96, 217, 397. 
 
 Counts of. See Alfonse, Amaury, 
 
 Raymond. 
 
 the bishop of, and St. Dominic, 
 
 43 6 - 
 
 cathedral of, 415. 
 
 heretics in, 399. 
 
 Ixmis vi. 's expedition against, 
 283-284.. 
 
 Louis vm. 's expedition against, 
 407. 
 
 Synod at (1160), 257. 
 
 University of, 431. 
 
 the war of (1158). 287. 
 
 Touraine, 76, 87, 88, 286, 395, 396,416. 
 Tournai, 330, 331. 
 
 Simon of. See Simon. 
 
 the school of, 211. 
 
 Tournaments in the East, 339. 
 
 Tours. 69, 75, 204, 406. 
 
 Council at (1163), 257, 288. 
 
 Tours, St. Martin's at, 69. 
 
 Odo I., Count of, 78. 
 
 Towns, the, 9, 22. 
 
 German, new, built by Henry 
 
 the Fowler, 16. 
 
 under Fiederick i., 272. 
 
 under Frederick II., 373, 
 
 376, 377- 
 
 the Italian, 237-239, 362. 
 
 French, and Philip Augustus, 
 
 403- 
 
 French, and St. Louis, 425. 
 
 Greek, 38. 
 
 Trade, 9, 10. 
 
 German, under Frederick II., 376. 
 
 St Louis and, 425. 
 
 the Venetians and Eastern, 348. 
 
 Tre Fontane, abbey of, 241. 
 
 Treaty of Abbeville (1258), (confirmed 
 
 at Paris in 1259), 416. 
 
 of Amiens (1279), 416. 
 
 of Augsburg (1184), 269. 
 
 of Auniale, 292. 
 
 of Clair-on-Epte, 83. 
 
 of Constance (1153), 248, 249. 
 (1183), 263, 264. 
 
 of Corbeil (1258), 419. 
 
 of Fulda, 305. 
 
 of Lorris ( I2 43). 4*4' 
 
 of Meaux, 409, 414. 
 
 of Mignano, 235. 
 
 of Paris (1259), 416, 419. 
 
 of San Germane (1230), 369. 
 
 of Verdun, 9, 56, 68, 72, 91. 
 
 of Worms (1193), 308. 
 
 Trebizond, 351. 
 
 lords of, 353. 
 
 Tieviso, 258, 381. 
 Trial by combat, 424. 
 Tribur, Diets of, 122, 129. 
 Trier, archbishopric of, 270. 
 
 the archbishop of, 490. 
 
 Tripoli (Syria), 184, 188, 195, 196, 
 
 236, 461, 463. 
 Trivium, the, 209. 
 Troja, 105. 
 
 Walter, bishop of. See Walter. 
 Trondhjem, archbishopric of, 249. 
 Troubadours, the, 333, 364, 377, 397, 
 
 410, 419. 
 Troyes, 78, 408, 484. 
 
 bishops of, 86, 87. 
 
 Tunis, 237, 421, 427, 461, 462. 
 Turks, the, 8, 138, 158, 167, 168, 169, 
 
 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 355, 387, 
 
 4S 6 -
 
 Index 
 
 525 
 
 Turks, the Ottoman. See Ottoman. 
 
 Seljukian, the. See Seljukians. 
 
 Turin, 390. 
 
 Odo of. See Odo. 
 
 Tuscany, 138, 260, 261, 269, 309, 318, 
 
 328, 380, 390, 483, 486. 
 
 feudalisation of, 118. 
 
 Marquis of. See Philip of Swabia. 
 
 the towns in, 239. 
 
 Tusculum, Counts of, 49, 59, 63, 112, 
 
 116. 
 
 destruction of, 306. 
 
 Tyre, 186, 196, 302. 
 Tyrol, county of, 323. 
 
 UBERTI, Farinata degli, 483. 
 
 Ueberlingen, 55. 
 
 Ugolino, cardinal, 435, 437, 439, 445. 
 
 See also Gregory ix. 
 Ulrich, bishop of Halberstadt, 266. 
 Ultramar in us, Louis iv. , 68. 
 Umbria, 380. 
 Universities, the, 2, 7, 10, 214, 428, 
 
 429, 430, 431, 432, 446, 447, 448. 
 University of Bologna, 218, 219, 255, 
 
 313, 429, 430. 
 
 Naples, 363, 431. 
 
 Oxford, 430, 431. 
 
 Padua, 430. 
 
 - Palencia, 431. 
 
 Paris, 214, 313, 403, 423, 429, 
 
 430, 445, 447. 
 Pisa, 430. 
 
 Toulouse, 410, 414, 431. 
 Unstrut, battle at Hohenburg on, 
 
 124, 223. 
 
 Flarchheim on the, 133. 
 
 Uranus, Greek general, 164. 
 
 Urban n., Pope, 81, 137, 138,139, 140, 
 
 180, 182, 196, 198, 210, 229, 316. 
 
 in., Pope, 270, 271, 298. 
 
 iv., Pope, 354, 447, 484-485, 
 
 491. 
 
 Urslingen, Conrad of, 310, 319. 
 Usurers, Lombard, Cahorsin, and 
 
 Jewish, 426. 
 
 Utrecht, death of Conrad II. at, 59. 
 Henry v. at, 149. 
 
 VAL CAMONICA, the, 258. 
 Valdemar II. of Denmark, 264, 265, 
 
 267, 331, 37i. 378. 
 Valdez, Peter, 215, 217. 
 Valence, 308. 
 Valencia, ^69, 470, 473. 
 Val-es-Dunes, battle at, 79. 
 
 Valois absorbed by Philip I. of France, 
 
 81. 
 
 Vallombrosa, Order of, 100. 
 Van, Lake, 171. 
 Varangians, the, 163, 175. 
 Varaville, battle at, 79. 
 Vatatzes, John, 353. 
 Vaucouleurs, 330. 
 Vaudois, the, 215. 
 Vendome, 76. 
 Venice, 39, 46, 156, 185, 188, 226, 
 
 258, 259, 262, 263, 266, 332, 337- 
 
 35. 354. 355- 459- 460, 479, 482. 
 
 St. Mark's Church at, 263. 
 
 Ventadour, Bernard of. See Bernard. 
 Vercelli, 260. 
 
 Verdun, treaty of, 56, 68, 72, 91. 
 Vermandois, the, 81, 86, 291, 293. 
 
 Herbert, Count of. See Herbert. 
 
 Hugh, Count of. See Hugh. 
 
 Verona, 29, 37, 39, 270, 381, 487. 
 
 La Chiusa di, 258. 
 
 league of, 258. 
 
 march of, 258. 
 
 Vexin, the, 81, 275, 288, 292. 
 
 Vezelai, 191, 300. 
 
 Vicelin, missionary, 226. 
 
 Vicenza, 258, 381. 
 
 Victor II., Pope, 109-112, 114. 
 
 in., Pope, 136. 
 
 iv., Antipope, 234, 256, 257, 
 
 288. 
 
 St. , abbey of, 205-206. 
 
 Victorines, 205-206. 
 
 Vidin, 164. 
 
 Vienna, Frederick II. enters, in 1237, 
 
 ,375- 
 
 Vienne, 145. 
 
 Vikings, the, 162 ; in Normandy, 83 ; 
 
 and Flanders, 86. 
 Vilaine, the, 85, 
 Villani (quoted), 484. 
 Villefranclus of St. Louis, 426. 
 Villehardouin, Geoffrey of, prince of 
 
 Achaia, 343, 349. 
 Villeneuves, 415, 426. 
 Viterbo, 140, 384, 482, 484. 
 Vitry, the assault of, 284. 
 
 county of, 87. 
 
 James of, 333. 
 
 Vittoria, 390. 
 
 Vladimir, St., 378. 
 
 Vogelweide, Walther von der, 332, 
 
 378. 
 
 Vogt, 25. 
 Vratislav of Bohemia, 252.
 
 526 
 
 European History, 918-1273 
 
 WAGRIANS, the, 21, 226. 
 Waldenses, the. See Vaudois. 
 Wales, 9, 84, 85. 
 Walter of Brienne, 317-318. 
 
 the Penniless, 181. 
 
 archbishop of Palermo, 300. 
 
 bishop of Troja, 317-318. 
 
 von der Vogelweide, 332, 
 
 378. 
 
 War, private, 362, 374. 
 Wartburg, the, 378, 388. 
 Weiblingen, 221. 
 Weinsberg, the battle of, 232. 
 Welf, house of. See Guclf. 
 
 Duke of Bavaria, 137, 139. 
 
 Count (temp. Conrad in.), 233. 
 
 vi. , of Bavaria, 246, 259, 268 . 
 
 vii., 259. 
 
 Wenceslas in. (1230-1253), 379. 
 Wends, the, 5, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 
 
 26, 37, 39, 40. 
 Werner of Kyburg, Count of the 
 
 Thurgau, 54. 
 Weser, the, 268, 373. 
 Westphalia, 19, 266, 268, 377. 
 White Friars, the, 440. See Car- 
 melites. 
 
 Monks, the, 204. See Cistercians. 
 Widukind, Saxon monk, 16, 99. 
 
 of Corvey, 25. 
 
 Wied, Rudolf of. See Rudolf, 270. 
 Willegis, archbishop of Mainz, 40, 
 
 41, 46. 
 William, Count of Holland, King of 
 
 the Romans, 388, 482, 487. 
 I., the Conqueror, King of Eng- 
 land, 8, 81, 84, 86, 115, 126, 174, 
 
 178, 235. 
 H., Rufus, King of England, 138, 
 
 139. 141, 275. 
 I., the Bad, King of Sicily, 249, 
 
 252-253, 34- 
 II., the Good, King of Sicily, 262, 
 
 269, 298, 301. 
 
 in.. King of Sicily, 310. 
 
 the Pious, Duke of Aquitaine, 
 
 97. 
 l. or in., Tow-head, Duke of 
 
 Aquitaine, 89. 
 v., the Great, Duke of Aquitaine 
 
 and Count of Poitou, 52, 56, 62. 
 son of William V. of Aquitaine, 
 
 53- 
 
 William, viii., Duke of Aquitaine, 90. 
 X. , Duke of Aquitaine, 90, 280, 
 
 281. 
 of Apulia, Norman chronicler, 
 
 105. 
 of Auvergne, bishop of Paris, 
 
 422. 
 of Blois, archbishop of Reims, 
 
 290, 291. 
 
 of Champeaux, bishop of Cha- 
 lons, 145, 211, 212. 
 
 Clito, 278. 
 
 of Conches, 211. 
 
 the Great, Count of Tranche- 
 
 Comic 1 , 145. 
 
 abbot of Hirschau, 199. 
 
 of the Iron Arm, 106, 107. 
 
 archbishop of Mainz, son of 
 
 Otto I., 25, 27, 35. 
 
 of Nangis, 414. 
 
 of Saint-Amour, 446. 
 
 of Tyre (quoted), 196. 
 
 Winchester, the Earl of, 454. 
 
 Henry, bishop of, 87. 
 
 Wittelsbach, house of, 331. 
 
 Otto of. See Otto. 
 
 Wolfram of Eschenbach, 378. 
 Worms, 50, 101, 124, 251, 372, 374. 
 
 Concordat of, 147, 149, 225, 307. 
 
 Diet at (1179), 266. 
 
 Treaty of (1193), 308. 
 
 Wtirzburg, Diets at, 146, (1165) 257, 
 
 (1180) 267 ; oath at, 262, 265; (1196), 
 
 3"- 
 
 XANTEN, 19, 206. 
 Xeres, 473. 
 
 YORKSHIRE, Otto iv., Earl of, 319. 
 York. See Roger, archbishop of, 
 
 291. 
 Yussuf, Ameer of Andalous, 468-469. 
 
 ZXHRINGEN, the Duchy of, 222, 223. 
 
 Zallaca, battle of, 468. 
 
 Zangi, 191, 192, 195. 
 
 Zara, capture of (1202), 344, 346. 
 
 Zeiz, 34. 
 
 Zimisces, John. See John Zimisces. 
 
 Zoe, Eastern empress, 165, 166, 167. 
 
 Zurich, 240.
 
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 Period I. To Elizabeth, 1603. 45. 
 Period II. To Victoria, 1895. V- 
 
 'Sure to be widely used for educational purposes. . . . An excellent, well-arranged 
 clear, temperate, just, and patriotic book, deserving wide and] hearty welcome. '- 
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