^^?r""5y* ^^'j^ D I 3 ^^^1 — ^' ^^H =^^ ^^H 2 8 ;3 ^^^^ --' y ^^^^^^ MMMMIMIIIimi mmmmmmm A ASIATIC MONOGRAPHS. Vol. III. NEW RESEARCHES INTO THE COMPOSITION A^D EXEGESIS OF THE QORy\N. By HAOWIG HIRSCHFELD, Ph.D., M.R.A.S. •♦^3- ILontiou, 1902. ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,". 22, Albemarle St., W. .S^H ASIATIC MONOGRAPHS. Vol. III. NEW RESEARCHES INTO THE COMPOSITION /ND EXEGESIS OF THE QORy^N. Bt HARTWIG HIRSCHFELD, Ph.D., M.R.A.S. Eotmou, 1902. ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, 22, Albemarle Bt., W. Reprinted from the •'■Indian Antiquary." TO MY WIFE. ,^094389 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 13, last line: The term "Hanifa" occuiriiig in my article on Abd Allah b. Ubaij in the Jewish Enci/clopedia, Vol. I. p. 44, is an unauthorized alteration for " Hypocrites." Page 15, hne 8, read Numb. ix. 8. Page 22, rem. 11, read Lehre. Page 29, rem. 52, 1. 4, read Tishrin ; ihid. 1. 6, for nnnBJrt read |iTiBO. See J. Q. R. XIII. p. 232. Page 45, line 22, read styled. Page 70, line 2, read in several. ,, „ last paragraph : The prophetahip of Josef is, at all events, hinted at in Sura xii. 15, Page 73, line 32, read with narrative. PREFACE. The critical study of the Qordn has advanced but little since Professor Noldeke, forty years ago, published his book which combines learning, acumen, and judgment in rare perfec- tion. Its authority has been such, that many of the most important questions of Qordn criticism were regarded as finally settled in its pages. There is, I hope, no arrogance in the assertion that in matters of research no such thing as a final decision of every disputable point exists. Each fresh attempt that promises to bring us a step nearer the truth, therefore, deserves encouragement. As regards the beginnings of the Qordn, it is probable that the truth will never be completely revealed, and the seeker must be satisfied with attaining a certain degree of probability. One thing cannot be denied that, in spite of the splendid efforts of Weil, Noldeke, Sprenger, Sir William Muir, and others, new- questions and difliculties crop up in the old fields, whilst the most important episodes in the career of the founder of Islam absorb the student's search-light rather than reflect it. For instance, students as well as others, by a kind of tacit agreement, are content to look upon the chief factor in the missionary power of the Arab prophet as a frenzy or nervous affection, which assumed the form of fits. The historical evidence for this belief is, however, exceed- ingly slender. What is the interest we take in the history of Islam ? If the dawn of a new religion is an event of importance, that of a monotheistic one demands the closest attention. The chief questions are whether it arose spontaneously, or whether we can follow up its development from its very beginnings. These doubts are only too often set aside with the phrase : " Islam arose in the light of history, and its importance for our recognition of the origin of religion is therefore very great." Thisis, however, a double delusion. Islam is not an entirely spontaneous growth, and though it came to life in historical times (and in not very remote ones either), the circumstances accompanying its birth are hidden in impenetrable darkness. Of the mass of material handed down by professional Moslim makers of history only a very small quantity is of any scientific value. Another favourite idea is that the prophetship of Muhammad furnishes us with a reliable image of Biblical prophetism, and allows ns to peep into the inner working of their calling. This is true to a certain extent. If we place the characteristic features of both side by side, the points they have in common, as well as the differences, will soon become apparent. The main point is enthusiasm, with which were combined moral courage and self-denial. The first difference is that of degree. Whilst with the prophets these qualities remained stationary during the whole of their careers, they diminished in Muhammad in proportion to his increas- ing influence. Biblical prophets had no policy of their own, whilst Muliammad's attitude during the Medlnian period of his life was largely political. " Obedience to Allah and His Prophet" is the watchword of all those years, but since the former was only present in abstracto, this meant obedience to the Prophet alone. And he was very exacting in this matter. Finally, in contradiction to his predecessors he did not trouble about the nature of the means he employed, so long as they enabled him to achieve his aim, and in several cases did he not flinch from distorting the truth. In spite of all this, Muhammad is a most interesting personage, and probably the most suitable man his country could have produced for this great monotheistic reaction against a decaying paganism. This is the main reason why we study the work of his life. Wecan do him more justice, if we measure him according to the moral standard of his age and country. There is absolutely nothing superhuman in him. The important lesson to be derived from Islam is to 11 PBBrACE. see how the great teachings of the Bible worked themselves through a channel of very ordinai-y clay into a broad and living stream. The Qordn, the text-book of Islam, is in reality nothing but a counterfeit of the Bible. Its chaotic condition is in some way indicative of its contents. It is full of points not yet used for the study of the life of its author, and of problems as yet undiscussed, and which I by no means claim to have exhausted. Future students of the Qordn will no doubt unearth more interesting matter. In concluding these brief preliminary remarks 1 desire to express my gratitude to the authorities of the British Museum and India Office Libraries for the loan of their books and MSS., to the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society for the distinction conferred on th« work by their publication of it, and to Prof, T. "VV. Rhys Davids for the kindly interest he took in the same. London, 11th December 1901. H. HIRSCHFELD. TABLE OF CONTENTS- riGB Chapter I. — General Character of the Qordii, ... 1 Appendix : Note I. — Islam X3 ,1 II- — The Terms for Logos iu the Qoran 15 >, III. — IhD Hazm on the I'jaz of the Qordn 17 „ II. — The First Proclamation ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i^ Note : The Legend of the Cleansing of the Heart Zs „ III. — The Confirmatory Revelations ... 34 ,, IV. — The Declamatory Revelations ... 47 „ V, — The Narrative Revelations ... _^ 59 „ VI. — The Descriptive Revelations 7-2 ,, VII. — The Legislative Revelations 79 „ VIII. — The Parable in the Qordn 83 Appendix: The Mathal in Tradition ... 97 „ IX — Medinian Revelations up till the Battle of Badr 102 „ X. — Political Speeches Ill ,, XI. — Revelations on Muhammad's Domestic Affairs 120 ,, XII. — Preparations for the Pilgrimage to Mecca. Renewal of Allegiance ... 125 , XIII. — Interpolations. Initials. Names of Sura* 136 TApproximately] Chronogioal Arrangement of the Revelations 143 Indices ... ••■ ••• ... ••« ••• .•• ••• ••• •♦. ... ••• 147 CHAPTER I. General Character of the Qorak. Ibn KHALDfiN on the miraculous character of the Qoran — Definitions of Islam and QorAn — Translations — Muhammed, author, but not editor, of the Qoriin — Maxim of "Abrogation" — Meaning of the term "Arabic Qoran" — Qoran, the "Speech" of Allah — Transcendental character ■of the Qoran — Qoran encourages study — The "seven readings" — Was Muhammed able to write? Note I. — Islam. „ II. — The terms for Logos in tlio Qoriin. )) III. — Ihn Hazam on the transcendental character of the Qoran. Ibn Khaldun, one of the most intelligent and enhghtened critics of the Moslim religion and iiistory, defiines the Qoran in the following words : — "Know that the greatest, the most sublime and best accredited miracle is the noble Qoran which >ffas revealed to our Prophet. Miracles, which are contrary to the laws of Nature, do not usually occur simultaneously with a prophet's inspirations, but, as is well known, follow in the wake of his annunciation. The Qoran, however, is inspiration given exclusively to Muhammed, and is at the same time a miracle, bringing its own credentials, and requiring no external verification as is the case with miracles performed by other prophets. No better guarantee can be given than the identity of the test itself with the thing tested, and it was this to which the Prophet alluded in the words : ' A prophet is only he who brings such signs as are believed in by men. The inspiration granted to me is of such character, and I therefore hope that the number of my followers will increase until the Day of Resurrection.' "With these words the Prophet wished to convey, that a miracle of so manifest and convincing a character, while being revelation, must necessarily increase the number oi True Believers, and this is what he terms ' Community of Followers.' "All this will serve to show that the Qoran is of all divine books the only one communicated to a prophet by word of mouth, standing as it does with regard to its verbal endowment in contrast to the Tord, the Gospel and other heavenly books, which their prophetic authors received in the form of ideas. Then when returning into the state of ordinary life, they expressed those ideas in common language, and could therefore not claim any superhuman power. Our Prophet, like others, received ideas from Allah, as we may conclude from many traditions, but he alone rendered Allah's words, when stating that the Qoran was communicated to him orally, in the following manner (Qor. Ixxv. 16-17) : 'Do not move thy tongue thereby to hasten it,i it is for us to collect and discourse on it (the Qoriin).' "These two verses were revealed, because Muhammed used to hasten to imbibe the [new] revela- tions for fear of forgetting them, and because he was anxious to know them by heart. Alirji then spared him that trouble in the revelation (xv. 9) : ' Verily, we have sent down the Reminder, and verily we will guard it.' This is what guarding2 means, being one of the special characteristics of the Qoran, but not as the general public understands the term,2 while distorting it from its true meaning. "There are many verses which prove that the Qoran was communicated to Muhammed in the oral way, so that no one can imitate one Siira. No greater miracle was vouchsafed to our Prophet than the Qoran and the manner in which it attracted the Arabs, and caused them to rally round it. If one were to spend all that is on earth, one could not unite their hearts, but Allah has accomplished it, and thou wilt find unmistakeably what I wished to establish that the Qoriin furnishes irresistible evidence of the superiority of our Prophet over others."^ 1 Cf. Sdra ss. U3. ^ Alhafz is commonly interpreted by "learning by heart," see below, 3 Prolegomena, ed. Quatremcre, Notes et ExtraiU, Vol. X\a. p. 171, sqq. GBNEEAL CHAEACTER OF THE QORAN. Briefly stated in Ibn Khaldun's opinion the Qorfln is the result of miraculous revelation accorded. to Muhammed exclusively, and in such a manner that no other human being was or will ever be able to boast of a similar privilege. However orthodox such reasoning may sound, there is one important item missing which at once shows its author's standpoint with regard to the great question whether the Qoran is created or eternal. In the course of the following researches we shall have to consider this question which for long has stirred the Moslim world to its very, depths. About one-tenth of the human race style themselves Muhammedans, i. e^ followers of the creed that Allah is a unique Being who sent Muhammed as the "Seal" or last of the prophets to invite the whole world to believe in Him. The believers in this creed have for many centuries not been confined to one people, but comprise children of many nations and races. The cradle of the Muhammedaii religion which now bears so universal a character, stood in a small territory in the nor-th-west of tlie Arabian peninsula, called the Hijaz, a province important from the earliest ages as one of the commer- cial high roads for the gold and incense trade between South Arabia and the northern countries. Considered as a church the Muhammedan rehgion is called Inldm^ wliicli means "Perfect Submission," and the Believers are described as Mosb'ms. An originally small number of the Moshms has, in the course of the thirteen centuries of the existence of the creed, grown to a multitude, and if, to all appearance, still growing. It requires, therefore, but little knowledge of universal liistory to perceive that the origin and development of Islam must be of unusual significance, and that m movement productive of such gigantic results, must be more than accidental, particularly if wi- consider that it spread even more rapidly than Christianity. A traveller in the east will probably obtain a false conception of the original nature of Islam, because its present condition differs materially from that, owing to the many sects into which it has been divided, and also to customs and rites influenced by historical, geographical, and ethnographical circumstances. It will be easily understood that a religious system, in the course of many centuries. must have departed; from its primary simplicity. It is therefore necessary for any one anxious t(^ obtain a true idea of the tenets of the Moshm belief, to study the history of its origin, even though he have opportunities of watching the daily life and the performances of religious rites in Moslim countries. These tenets are laid down in a book styled the Qoran^ which is written in the Arabic language. This book, although first revealed to a single individual for the use of a small community, now belongs to the world's literature and is translated into numerous other languages. It consists of one hundred and fourteen chapters called Suras<^ which are so peculiarly arranged that the longest, although not the oldest, stands at the beginning and the shortest at the end. The Moslim church, at a very early epoch, adopted this arrangement for political reasons as the official one, and allowed the chronological order, as far as could then be ascertained, as well as variations of the text, to fall into oblivion. For historical research the chronological order is, of course, the only one to be taken into consideration. Attempts to restore the same were, indeed, initiated shortly after the compilation of the book had been completed both as regards whole Suras and portions of such, and were continued until very recently. Many questions have been solved by the improved methods of Occidental criticism, but more remains obscure, and for many there is little hope of ever finding a satisfactory answer. It is, however, evident that the Qoran represents the Bible of Islam. Placing the Qoran side by side with the Bible for the sake of finding points of resemblance between both, we soon see that these are limited to the circumstance that they each form the Holy Writ for large masses of Believei-s. ' See Note I. at the end of this chapter. " See below. ' As to the etymology of si'i/ra the Arab authors have built up a niimber of theories none of which is, however, satisfactory (see Itqin, p. 121). Thi.s also applies to tlie suggestion made by Nbldeke (and universally adopted), that the word is identical with Hebr. s7i.tV4h, "row" {Oescli. d. Qor. p. 24). Niildeke has overlooked the fact that the term is already used in Meocan revelations, when Muhammed hardly expected to see any of tbem put down in a book. What could have induced him, then, to use such a term r Just as the meaning of svra runs parallel to what the Jews call sidr&h of the Pentateuch, it is also a corruption based on misreading of the latter. Wore instances of the same kind will be given below, The question is therefore connected with the other, whether Muhammed was abl^ to read. DEFINITIONS OF ISLAM AND QORAN, With regard to tlie infinitely more complicated questions connected with tlie Old and New Testaments we should expect to be in a more favourable position as concerns the Qor.in for reasons which at once indicate the vast differences between the latter and the Bible. Firstly, the Qorau was entirely composed in the first half of the seventh century of the present era, and is therefore many centuries younger than the latest portions of the New Testament. Secondly, it has but one a\ithor, and the whole period of the production of the material of which it was composed scarcely extends over twenty years. Thirdly, the collection and compilation of the sundry revelations were made by men who had witnessed the first delivery of most of them, and finally the book was hardly finisiied when it was covered with a mass of explanatory traditions and lengthy commentaries.^ The conflux of so many favourable circumstances should justify us in concluding that hardly anv critical question dealing with the Qoran is left open. Unfortunately this is not the case. The assistance offered by the explanatory traditions just mentioned keeps within narrow bounds and does not even satisfy Hnguistic demands. A large number of them are quite untrustworthy. It is therefore safest to Itt the Qoriin explain itself.^ and this we will endeavour to do as much 8S possible in the following researches. References will, of course, be made occasionally to some of the most renowned historical, traditional, and exegetical works illustrative of incidents to which many revelations owe their existence, and also to the manner in which prominent Moslim theologians interpreted the principal doctrines laid down in the revelations.^ It is worthy of notice that the Arabs, taken as a people, were the last Semitic tribe to exchange paganism for the belief in One God. It is, however, not this circumstance which we have to discuss here, but rather the reascm why this occurred so late. The fault certainly did not lie in the lack of acquaintance with the monotheistic belief. Arabs had not only for centuries previously been continually in coHtact with monotheists, but their country became in the course of time more and more narrowed in both by Jews and Christians.'* A lively commercial intercourse existed with the Christian inhabitants of Africa, Syria, and evea Byzantium. Sundry northern tribes had embraced Christianity (probably Nestorian), and fought under the banners of Greek Emper-ors against the Persians. In South Arabia Christians were to be found as early as in the sixth century, and Judaism had even made greater progress through the conversion of a royal house. Jews lived in the whole north-west of the peninsula as far as Medina, and the surroundings of this city were in the hands of the Jewish clans.i' Jewish influence was so great iu Medina that many Arab families not only accejited this faith but freely intermarried with Jews. Thus at the beginning of the seventh century iu the Hijaz, whicli here chiefly comes into consideration, only the country around Mecca where no Jews and very few Christians existed — these few moreover living in very humble positions — was kept free from the influence of followers of monotheistic beliefs. Meanwhile the reverence for the national deities was already on the wane everywhere in Arabia. Mecca included. In places with a settled population of agriculturists or growers of palm-trees one of the two monotheistic forms of belief was predominant. The spiritual tension produced in many minds by the decay of the old faith found in those places a solatium either in Judaism or Christianity which goes far to explain why Islam was slow in taking root there. The state of things in Mecca was, however, different. Open intrusion of alien views of behef was not tolerated in this city for various reasons. Spontaneous restoration of the equihbrium was, therefore, not to be expected in a place which sheltered the ancient national sanctuary of the Ka'ba, which not only gave it a theocratic predominance over a large area, but was also a veritable source of material gain. For these reasons ' Itq. 90S sqq, gives a classification of the oldest commentators, beginning with Muhammed's own friends and their successors. Ibid. 918 to 954, see traditions on explanatory remarks handed down on behalf of Mnhammed- himself. In many cases Al Suyuti enters into a criticism of these annotations. ' See Sprenger, Dos Lehene u. d. LeTir d. Muh.'s I. p. xiii. 9 Uq. 893, proptedeutics of the exegesis of the Qoran, which necessitates the acquaintance with fifteen different subjects. '• See the verses in f. Risk. p. 293 ; Wellhauaen, Keste, 2nd ed. p. 233, rem. 1. " See Rev. Et. J. vii. p. 169 iq'l- GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE QORAN. the crisis was bound to occur here. In other parts, as in Taif and in the desert, religious matters Were treated with so much indifference, that no excitement whatever was caused. The Arabs all round had thus been familiar with Judaism and Christianity for a long time. Nevertheless, the progress made by these forms of belief was but slow and intermittent, and the reasons for this are obvious. Both creeds were anything but compatible with the condition of hfe in Arabia. For travelhng merchants^^ and much more for starving Bedouins the Jewish dietary laws and Day of Rest were not acceptable, and the moral code of the Bible stood in sharp contrast to hcentious habits against which there was no heathen prohibition.'^ For some of these reasons it proved difficult enough to gain many tribes even for Islam. The Christian Church, on the other hand, was split up in BO many sects, each stamping the other as heretics, that their quai'rels were tor an outsider as unat- tractive as their principles unintelligible. I doubt whether the converted Arab families and tribes mentioned above had ever become Jews or Christians from conviction. The proof is that it afterwards required but little inducement to make them forsake either faith for that of a national prophet who combined a simple creed with a plain ritual, and whilst taking into consideration the nature of the country and some of the sacred traditions of their forefathers, promised them tempting rewards in the life hereafter. To gain a knowledge of Islam, a study of the Qoran in the original or in a good translation should be sufficient, as all that is necessary for the comprehension of its fundamental principles is contained in that. Here, however, we encounter a great difficulty. Strictly speaking, the QorAn can only claim to be a child of Arabic literature through the language in which it is written. Although Arabic may be regarded as the most successfully investigated of all Semitic tongues, yet its substance and its poetic forms in jiarticular in the Prophet's time present serious difficulties. If we omit northern and southern Arabic inscriptions, coherent pieces in prose dating from the pre-Islamic epoch do not exist. Other literary monuments, viz., songs, lived in the mouths of the people. The Qoran is written neither in poetiy — in which the prosody and standard practices assist the interpretation — nor in prose. The Prophet could neither detach himself wholely from the custom of speaking in chromatic verses,'* nor did he at once succeed in discoursing in calm oratory. He chose a new theme. The Qoran does not praise love, woman, combat, sword, steed, or camel, but a stern and awful Being invisible and indescribable. Thus the Qoran appeared so foreign to everything with which Arabic thought was familiar, that the ordinary vernaciilar was inadequate to express all these new ideas. To study the Qoriin, therefore, a totally different course must be pursued from that which would be taken for the comprehension of a poem. Dictionary and grammar wiU in most cases be of assistance in making a literal tninslation, but must fail to disclose the sjiirit which pervades the book. When discussing the very oldest revelation we shall have an opportunity of seeing how the first breath of Islam has been misinterpreted by wrong translation. It is the knowledge of the original sources that can alone throw a light on what often appears at first obscure and meaningless. One of the principal difficulties before us is therefore to ascertain, whether an idea or an expression was Muhanimed's spiritual property or borrowed from elsewhere, how he learnt it, and to what extent it was altered to suit his purposes. There is no lack of translations of the Qoran, many of which have been made by very able scholars.'^ None, however, can claim anything like perfection, and if we must for ever abandon the " Al Jahiz {died 255 H.) explains on this basis the name of the Qoreish (cod. Brit. Mus. Or. 3138, fol. 267) as "derived from trading and profiting ((-TJ^iJIj Xjis I) ; ti^;, jg their grandest title and their noblest parentage ■which Allah has extolled in His Book." See also Tabari, p. 1103 to 4. — Al Baihaqi Ifol. 25) brings a tradition on behalf of Ibn Abbas, according to which Qoriish is derived from a sea monster called alqarah. See also Caussin de Perceval, Essai, I, p. 231 (I. Hish). 1' See Noldeke, Beiiraege Zwf Kenntniss, etc. p. 183 sqq. "Die JBeduinen als Beiruger ihrer QlauUger." " See below. '5 I only mention the two latest translations which mark a great progress in this field. The best English one is K. H. Palmer's [Sacred Books of the East, Vols. VI. and TX.) with an excellent introduction. I have frequently followed this translation, but marked places in which I disagree with it. The palm, however, belongs to Fr. Biickert's (posthumous) German version : Der Koran in Auswahl iihersetzt ed. A. Miiller. This translation is hard to teati MAXIMS OP ABROGATION. hope of obtaining a version in which all the mysteries of the book sliould bo explained, tlie fault lies with the author alone. In the first place we are not able to gauge the real signification of many words in use at that time, and which have been embodied in the QorAn. Secondly, our knowledge of the language does not enable us to grasp all the idioms of au orator who purj)0sely used uncommon as well as foreign words, and who also changed the meanings of Arabic words or of such differing in dialect. Under these circumstances it is not astonishing tliat the manifold difficulties repel rather than encourage the study of the Qoran, especially as it is monotonous to read in spite of its bombastic rhetoric. The later and longer chapters in particular are indescribably tedious, and offer a hard task even to the most enthusiastic student. This is no doubt the reason why researches into the Qoran are at present more than duly supjilanted by other branches of Arabic literature. Yet there is much to be done in this field. The sources, in particular, from which Muhammed drew, have not yet all been discovered. Only by investigation will it be possible to understand, how an intelligent man with a training gained autodidactically and by stealth, was able to create from the fragments of older creeds not only a new one, but also to endow it with m.iny features of a universal religion. It is the monotheistic basis which secures a prolonged existence to the frail building in spite of many prophecies to the contrary. Never has a people been led more rapidly to civilization, such as it was, than were the Arabs through Islam. We are not a little indebted to them for the jireservation and interpretation of some of the treasures of Hellenic wisdom, but it is very doubtful, whether the Arabs would ever have trodden the paths of science, had they not been forced to do so by the Qoran. Although Muhammed is the author of the Qoran he did not leave it to his disciples in the form of a book, but in fragments of various lengths on all kinds of writing material. Now the question arises whether he was prevented by death from compiling the revelations into a book, or whether he purposely omitted to do so, preferring to entrust them to the piety and memory of the faithful. The latter appears more probable for several reasons. The amount of the revelations themselves are so frequently styled "Book" in the Qoran that Muhammed seems to have deemed any special arrangement superfluous, and he took no steps to ensure such being made when he felt his death approaching.is A more important reason was Muhammed's wish to leave himself freedom to alter or suppress verses which became unsuited to changing circumstances. The advisability of such procedure must — and this is a most striking proof of the systematic manner in which Muhammed acted from the outset — have dawned upon him at a very early epoch, as even in one of the first revelations he inserted a clause alluding to words which Allah might have caused him to forget.17 Now this may appear mere cant, if nothing worse, particularly as Muhammed on two other occasions endeavoured to justify his action by special revelations (Q. xvi. 103 ; ii. 100). Yet if looked at more closely, the liberty which the Prophet reserved to himself of abrogating some revelations in favour of others is so closely connected with one of the fundamental principles of Islam, that Behevers must regard it as a divine institution. The ritual of the Moslim church, following the example of the Christians («. g., S. Matth. XV. 11), is built upon the rules of abrogating and reforming such laws and customs practised by Jews, Christians, and pagan Arabs, as either favoured pagan interests, or were incompa- tible with the hfe in Arabia. Of those primarily retained to assist in forming a ritual, many were also eventually abrogated and, from political motives, replaced by others, Muhammed being ignorant of the differences between BibUeal precepts and rites, or customs of Rabbinical origin. The explana- tions Moslim theologians offer for such measures is simply this, that Allah, when giving precepts to because it gives everything the general reader requires, and in the most attractive form. The notes attached to it form a valuable appendix. For more critical purposes the Qoran will always have to be read in the original. " See the well known tradition Shahrast, p. 11. " S. Ixxxvii. 6 (see below Ch. III.); xvi. 103; ii. 100. The commentators (Al Baghawi) on the last quoted passage admit that the heathens (Al Beidh. adds : and the Jews) had said that Muhammed one day commanded a thing which he forbade the next day, and commanded the opposite. Sprenger, III. p. xx xvi., only makes weak- ness of memory and negligence on the part of Muhammed's followers responsible for occasional omissions, but the three verses quoted leave no doubt, that it was done on purpose. See also Sokh. X. 46. GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE QORAU. certain peoples, had already made up his mind to abrogate the same after a certain period.i^ The alleviation of the ancient vevdetta^^ by allowing a fine, the abolishment of the sanctity of the Sabebath, the re-direction of the Qibla from Jerusalem to Mecca,"" the adoption and subsequent revocation of the fast of AsMrd?^ are statutes entirely different in origin and gravity, but thus placed on the same level. Of the attitude of the Christians towards such theories no account is to be found, but the objections of the Jews were set at naught by the contention that they had themselves made alterations in the law. The substitution of certain Qoranic verses for others better suited to the circumstances was therefore warranted to some extent by precedent. When reproaching the Jews for altering their law, Muhammed overlooked the fact that this had been done on the basis of tradition with a tendency to make the ritual, if anything, more strict rather than otherwise, while his own naskh was chiefly dictated by reasons of policy or unforeseen events. At any rate an acquaintance with the rules of abrogation is incumbent on every Moshm, as it forms a special branch of Qoranic lore. When the Propliet died the possibiHty of change in the revelations ceased, and the Moslims were confronted with the necessity of uniting in one volume all they could collect either from the fragments mentioned above, or from their own recollections. When they had accomphshed this they found themselves in possession of a tangible Testament — a guide for future generations. The Qoran was the Palladium which accompanied the armies, and it is only necessary to recall the role it played in the battle of Siffin ( A. H. 37) between the Khahf Aliy and Muawiya, the governor of Syria, to recognize its importance. Although the appeal of the latter to the sacred book was vague, and contributed but little to the settlement of the quarrel between the Commander of the Faithful and his lieutenant, which was personal rather than religious, the mere aspect of the Book was sufficient to compel submission even from the head of the state.23 The difficulty of interpreting many essential parts of the Qoran was soon apparent. It was written in the vernacular, and frequently styled by the author "Plain Arabic Qoran."23 This assurance should have been superfluous, if the book had been composed in plain Arabic ; yet it is repeated three times. In reality much that is in it is not Arabic^* at all, and this does not apply to the vocabulary alone. w Ibn alNabb^s (died 338 H.), ^j^i^L >«»UJli_)Uf fol. 1, introduces liis work thus : The differences between abrogation (• «iJh and innovation (IAJ of Jalalain) II. p. 169 : "The na»kh assumed the character of divine law, as among*ome braxiches of Adam's descendants it was considered lawful for a man to marry his sister, and besides this, working on Sabbath was forbidden, but this law is now abrogated by Islfim." " Qor. ii. 173-175 . ™ Qor. "• 138-9 i ^- 98. 21 Itq&n, 515 ; 523 ; Muslim, I. p. 310 sq. Urwa describes the Aahiird as having been observed by the Qoreish, but see Sprenger, III. 53 rem. Muslim, ibid, corrects the statement just mentioned saying that the Ashurii was a day reverentially kept by the Jews (with another Isnfld see Bokh. ed. Krehl I. 472). According to Tabari p. 1287, who mentions no authorities, the Jews celebrated it "in remembrance of the oxodus from Egypt." Another instance of abrogalion with regard to fasting see Qor. ij. ISO sq., and Muslim, «6i " in the undistorted language of the unlearned mass" is orthodox rather than critical. See also liq. pp. 2S1, 315. The commentaries furnish innumerable caaes of the contrary. " Itq. p. 315. THE SPEECH OP ALLAH. If the reyelatious were delivered in "plain Arabic, "25 and yet many of them remained unintelli- gible, this was evidently designed as a further proof of their divine origin. The dogmatic portions in particular continued obscure, owing chiefly to the large number of foreign words and new meanings pressed into service. In many cases sayings, actions, customs, decisions, and even the silence ot Muhani- med were quoted to suit emergencies, and in this way arose the traditional supplement of the Qoran which is called Sunna, and which is regarded as authoritative by the majority of the Moslim world. Political differences, combined with the formation of religious sects, were productive of views which disagreed even on fundamental doctrines. The following will serve as an instance. In one of the earliest revelations (Ixxxv. 21) Muhammed speaks of the "Noble Qoran on a well preserved tablet." Theological controversies arose in connection with this sentence, and one of the most important dealt with the question : was the Qoran created, or was it [an] eternal [attribute] ? The orthodox school maintained the latter theory, whilst a class of men with philosophical training — the Mu'tazilites — came to the conclusion that besides Allah no other eternal Being could exist. They therefore declared the Qoran to be created. This, of course, caused a great stir among those who held that the divine cha- racter ol the Qoriin was impaired by such a theory, and with the aid of the official authorities the latter party ultimately remained victorious. How the supporters of the dogma of the non-creation of the Qoran came to form their theory is well illustrated by an abstract from one of the most popular manuals of Sunnite beliefs, and is as follows^^ : And He whose Highness is great speaks with one Speecffi''; this is an attribute [to Him] from eternity; it has nothing to do with letters and sounds. It is [further] an attribute which repudiates silence and bane whilst Allah the most High speaks with it commanding, prohibiting and narrating; and the Qoriin is the Speech of Allah not created,^^ whilst written in our copies, preserved in our hearts,^ and recited'" with our tongues, heard with our ears, and is not a [transient] state in this [attribute]." — It is easy to perceive the difficulty experienced in trying to demonstrate philosophically what had already been laid down dogmatically. The Qoran is the Speech of Allah, and this Speech is so closely connected with His nature that to declare it an item of creation and consequently perishable seemed to the orthodox school to clash with very essential doctrines of the Qoran which repeatedly asserts the "truth" and "perfection" of the Speech of Allah.si What makes the dogma of the eternity of the Qoriin remarkable is that Abul Hasan Al Ash'ari, the man who may be called its father (died 324 H. in Baghdad), after having been an ardent follower of the Mu'tazihte school, suddenly changed his attitude, and adopted the opposite view.32 This cir- cumstance as well as the general victory this theory subsequently gained through Al Ghazali,'' the greatest genius of Moshm scholastics, shows that it would be rash to stamp the dogma of the non- creation of the Qorun as a mere fad of orthodoxy. In reahty there is very little religious feehng M f^yX),/Q cf. Sprenger, II. p. 352, rem. 2. !6 Nujm'uddin Abu JjLats Omar b. Muhammed al Nasafi (1088-1142) ed. W. Cureton, London, 1842, p. 2. The treatise has been translated into English by Prof. Macdonald in the American Journ. of Semit. Languages and Lit. Vol. XXL p. HI sqq. 2' Not "word'' as generally translated, which is rather Biblical. Cf. Is. xl. 8. See also note II. Al Nasafi's follows here the Asharite doctrine which is vigorously combated by Ibn Hazm, Al Milal, f. 151'\ s» In order to prevent misunderstandings Sa'd alDin Al Taftazani (died "21 H.), the commentator of Al Nasafi's work, explains this as follows (fol. 25'") : According to the teachings of the Doctors the Qoran follows the Speech ot Allah. It is to be said ' the Qoran is the Speech of Allah which (the latter) is not created,' b nt it must not be said ' the Qoran (itself) is not created,' lest some one might too hastily think that the transport of the Qor&n into sounds and letters is without beginning, as the school of ^anbal (founder of the most reactionary of the four high schools) assumes .... He who says that the Speech (of Allah) is created, negatives AlUh the A Imighty. 2' With this the words of Ibn Khaldun (p. 2) must be contrasted. Al Ispahani in his KMh MuhMarai cd'adb&r (fol. 315'°) says that Omar gave hundred Din&rs to every one who knew the Qoran by heart. c » _ " Prof. Macdonald translates i "repeated" which would be J J in Arabic ; Al Taftazani has, however, 'iJ^^ " read," which ia not only much more appropriate, but belongs to the root of tf) 'j'. Still better would be t/*^ "confessed." »' Qor. vii. 133 ; xi. 120 ; x. 36 ; il. 6. »2 See Kremor, Geschichte der hernch. Id. pp. 35 and 128, " Ibid. p. 45, Al Ghazali Aijlda ; cf. Iljam, p. 43. 8 GENERAL CHARACTER OP THE QORAN. in it at all, but it is the result of so one-sided and exaggerated a development of the monotheistic idea, that it all but touches the other extreme. Neither is the identification — according to the Asharite doctrine the juxtaposition — of the Speech of Allah the spontaneous outgrowth of Islam. On the con- trary it actually departs from the pure monotheism as preached by Muhammed, and is indeed nothing more or less than the transplantation of the idea of the Logos, which in the earher centuries of the Christian era caused so much bitter strife within the Church, on Islamic soil. It is quite within the bounds of possibility that Muhammed should have become acquainted with it both in the Jewish and Christian interpretations. By introducing it in the Qoran under not less than three names^* he has shown distinctly how to deal with a hypostasis of the divinity which appeared desirable enough to be introduced as a spiritual constituent of his theology whilst, being but a tool in the hand of Allah, it could be accorded the rank of a created being. As a consequence of the exalted origin of the Qoran, Moslim theology hasdeveloped the theory of the I'jaz, viz., the esoteric quahty of the Qoran to exclude any other being beside Muhammed from being favoured with the power of producing a similar book or even part of it. The theory rests on a series of revelations in which unbelievers both in Mecca and Medina are challenged to show ten or even one Siira like Muhammed's. Since the I'jUz of the Qoran is not dependant on the question of its being created or not, all classes of believers hold it as an inviolable dogma, only differing in minor points.'^ Mu- hammed could safely defy Arabs all round as well as Jews and Christians in Medina and elsewhere to try and preach in exactly the same manner as he, because every would-be imitator was bound to lack either the knowledge or the faculty, or the audacity of mixing up truth with fiction, or the pathos, or was unwilling to acknowledge the conditions upon which the inspiration was based. The Qoran ■ could as Httle be imitated as Muhammed's individuality which gave it its stamp. He was so conscious of this fact that he could boast (,S'. xvii. 90) : "Say, if mankind and jinn united together to bring the like of this Qoran, they could not bring the hke, though they should back each other up." The more of the Qoran existed, the less fear there was of its being copied, and Muhammed dared therefore, when in Medina, to taunt the Jews with their inability to produce anything similar.^s The Qoran is unapproachable as regards convincing power, eloquence, and even composition,^' and this is in so far of great importance for Islam in general, as it afforded Muhammed the means of [iluming himself with a miracle which otherwise was denied to him. A miracle was the one groat desire of his hfe, and the assurance that the Qoran is a miracle, is repeated ad nauseam through nearly the whole book. Tradition has, it is true, collected a large number of other miracles^s performed by Muhammed, but none equals the greatest which is the Qoriln itself. The exalted character of the Qoran — very minutely described in the great collections of traditions as well as in other works under the special title "High Qualities of the Qoran" — received its ecclesiastical interpretation in various practical regulations, which not only embrace the manner in which the book is to be treated for hturgical purposes, but extend also over the handling of the copies. A tangible basis for such regulations was given by the Prophet himself in the words ((;ome»ia. The various theories on the nature and branches of the i'jaz are broadly discussed /( j. pp. 628 and 744 sqq. 56 Noldeke, Q. p. 44, overlooks the fact that Muhammed addressed himself also to the Jews who ridiculed the QorJin from other points of view than the pagan Arabs did. " Note Al Ash'ari's, ef. Shahrast, p. 75, and Ibn Hazm, I. c. s« MobI. ii. 204 sq. Ibn H. fol. 122'-o ; of I. Khald. ihid. p. 1G9, on the nature of the miracle. The Arabic term for the same (>./^ ') is a participle active fem. of the same root and conjugation, of which j '^ is the infi- nitive. The word does not occur, however, in the Qoran. To what extent i~^ and ; '^ ' appeared to outsiders as chief dogmas of Islflm, is shown in Jehuda Hallevi's Kit. AWiazari, I. par. 5. The Moslim Doctor who speaks there, expounds his faith from the Mu'tazilite point of view (see cd. Hirschfcld, p. 12). QORAN ENCOURAGES STUDY, ritual purity .'8 The writing^o and reading of the Qoran are likewise regulated by strict rules.— According to the Qonln (Isxiii. 4) the reading is to be performed in a chanting manner** and a tradition which is, however, not well founded, gives Muhammed's advice to read it with the I'rdb ((.e., grammatical terminations*^). To carry the Qoriln into an enemy's country," is strictly forbidden ; likewise to sell it to an infidel.** We must not be surprised to find the Qoran regarded as the fountain-head of all the sciences.** Every subject connected with heaven or earth, human life, commerce and various trades are occasion.iUy touched upon,** and this gave rise to the production of numerous monographs forming commentaries on parts of the holy book. In this way the Qoran was responsible for great discussions, and to it was also indirectly due the marvellous development of all branches of science in the Moslim world. — This again not only affected the Arabs but also induced Jewish philosophers*' to treat metaphysical and religious questions after Arab methods. Finally, the way in which Christian* scholasticism was fertilised by Arabian theosophy need not be further discussed. Spiritual activity once aroused within the Islamic bounds, was not confined to theological specu- lations alone. Acquaintance with the philosophical, mathematical,*^ astronomical and medical writings of the Greeks, led to the pursuance of these studies. In the descriptive revelations*' Muhammed repeatedly calls attention to the movements of the heavenly bodies, as parts of the miracles of Alliy forced into the service of niau^i and therefore not to be worshipped.*^ How successfully Moslem peoples of all races pursued the study of astronomy is shown by the fact that for centuries they were its principal supporters. Even now many Arabic names of stars and technical terms are in use. Mediaeval astronomers in Europe were pupils of the Arabs, and the last Muhammedan astronomer., who was at the same time one of the greatest,*^ only died about twenty years before the birth of Copernicus. In the same manner the Qoran gave an impetus to medical studies** and recommended the contemplation and study of Nature in general.** The very necessity for a better understanding of the Qoran itself impelled Moslems and particularly those who were not natives of Arabia to study its language.** Rt3nan*' has shown that the beginning of linguistic research among the Arabs was 59 Mu'atta, p. 67. Cf. Goldziher, Zahhiten. p. 52. «« Al Nawawi, Tiby&n, p. 272. " Ibid. 112. «2 Al Baihaqi from Abu Hureira in (3= 'j '-^ by Al Ushmuni, p. 15; Uq. pp. 266,879; according to Al Isfahini, fol. 313™. Abu Bakr recommended the same. »3 Ma'atta, p. 133 ; I. Hzm, fol. 182^", Tibyan, p. 274. " Tiby.in, ihid. " Ifq. 762 ; c/. 739 »2. The three chief sciencea are *i*.>^>^"^^. f "^^ ' •« R(j. 768. «' A reflex of the dogma of the j '^ ' is also visible in medijeval Jewish poetry. It seems to be a kind of pro- test against the same, though deprived of its ecclesiastical character, if Jewish poets in Moslim Spain, whilst adopting Arab forms, boast of their ability to imitate the same in Hebrew ; see Harizi, Taljkemoni, Introduction. '» Itq. 767. " See Ch. VI. »<> E. g., S. xli- 37. Muhammed denounced those who studied astronomy for other than sacred purposes. Cf. Mishk. xxi. eh. 3, pt. 4. «2 Itq. 765. C/. Sprenger, III. 531. To judge from the Qor5n, Muhammed's ideas of astronomy were those which were current in Arabia at his time, and show at any rate that he did not belong to the unlearned mass. He was acquainted with the retrograde movement of the planets (Ixiii. 5-16). He speaks of the zodiac which he calls by its Greek name bunij (TTupyoi), S. xv. 16;xiv. 62. Of constellations he mentions the Scales (Iv. 7): of eingk- stars the Sirias (-'the hairy one"), liii 50. This word is an interesting specimea of popular etymology, but see Hommel in Z D M G XLV. p. 597. If the name occurs in pre-Islamic poems, this does not warrant its being ■■liralt.- Muhammed further speaks of the stations of the moou (i. 5 ; xxxvi. 39). arranged for the calculation of the seasons. The sun runs in a spliere prescribed for him. and is occasionally eclipsed (.(..d.). According to a tra- dition related by Bokh. III. 305, Muhammed on the occasion of a total solar eclipse, said that it did not ca"se the death of any man; yet he recited special prayers during the eclipse, Muslim, i. 246: T.rmidi. (ed Cairo U9.)i UO;Mi$hi. iv. ch. 51. Tradition, of course, makes him a great astronomer. According to Al Baihaqi (/(?. 9.32) Muhammed knew by the aid of Gabriel the names of the stars which Joseph saw in his dream. Cj. J. Q. R. X. p 103. — As to his medical learning see Ch. VIII. " Ulugh Beg. " Itq. 767 with reference to Q. ivi. 71, where honey is mentioned as a medicament. SB seg Ch. VI. " Itq. 764 sq. " Bistoire des Ungues Semitiques, Vol. I. p. 378. 10 GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE QORAN. due neither to Greek influeuce nor to that of Syrian Christians. These studies resulted in the production of an unrivalled grammatical and lexicographical literature as immense as it is minutely worked out, and upon which our knowledge of the Arabic language is based. Linguistic pursuits were followed by literary pursuits. — Moslim scholars had the good sense not to allow the treasure of songs which had come down from pre-Islamic times to fall into oblivion, but collected them reverently and accompanied compilations with annotations, most welcome to readers of old poems. Not less important were these endeavours to settle questions connected with the forms from which the poems were com- posed, and they thus produced a most extensive literature on prosody .^^ For many centuries after, Arabic prosody furnished the forms in which the best productions of medieval Jewish poetry both in Hebrew and Arabic^^ ypere written. Even in the development of Arabic poetry itself the Qoran marks a very important phase. In pre-Islamic Arabic short ditties were the recognised medium for convey- . ing public opinion from mouth to mouth. The forms of poetry had become so firmly estabhshed in the minds of the people, that even Islam could not alter them, though it succeeded in revolutionising all else. As regards the theme of the poems, however, the effect was different. When entering upon his mission, Muhammed could not incline favorably towards poetry. Although conscious of its beauties, its fictitious character and low moral standard clashed with the stern truth in the revelations of Allah. He also feared the effect of a smart epigram on his cause, and this fear was eventually justified. We can well beheve him, when, on behalf of Allah, he says that he was not gifted with poetic skill, neither was such talent proper for him.*^" So little, however, could he detach himself from tra- ditional forms,^' that when he first commenced his addresses, he scarcely did more than drop the metre, whilst observing various standard rules and above all retaining the rhyme. This last habit in particular''^ eventually caused some dogmatic disquietude, as it did not harmonise with the character of the Qoran as an eternal attribute. Ash'arite opinion declared it unlawful to recognise in the Qoran, rhymes in an ajsthetic sense, or the so-termed saj'P This gave rise to a discussion as to which saj' stood for its own sake and which did not, but non-Ash'arites only saw an embellishment of the language. Yet Muhammed did introduce poetic features into the Qoran in the form of comparisons, aphorisms, figures of speech, and parables,"* but this passed unnoticed, whilst the attention of the faithful was concentrated on the above mentioned theological quibbles. They only noticed the saj', because it was easily seen and very famihar to them. Some anxious ones feared that it might impair the rjciz, since it could be imitated. The saj', moreover, was the form in which the pagan augurs rendered their oracles.*^ Muhammed himself is said to have deprecated the practice in the maxim : "(This is) more svy'-like than the saj' of the augurs" (or some poetry is like magic).*'^ It is not in the least surprising, therefore, that when the Meccans heard him make use of the same form of speech, they took him for an ordinary augur or a poet endowed with little talent and a peculiar madness of his own. He was natiirally incensed at being styled a poet, and thus placed on a level with augurs and bards, who sang of foolish and profane things. He protested enero'etically against these insinuations, declaring that he was neither a poet nor mad.^^ When 58 See Brockelmann, Oeschichte dar Arab. Literatur, p. 100 sjq. 59 Apart from the poems composed by Arab Jews before and at the period of Islam, many were written in Arabic by later Jewish poets. The Jews in all Arabic speaking countries have composed innumerable liturgical poems in the vernacular as late as the 17th century. CO See Qor. xxxvi, C9 and the commentaries, and Noldeke, ibid. p. 23 sqq. Tradition attributes two verses to Muhammed which he is said to have composed in a battle when his toe was slightly wounded, as follows : — Thou art but a toe that bleeds And thou didst suffer in the fight of AUlth.—Mishk. ii. p. 401. According to other traditions he praised the poems of LabSd, whom he nevertheless condemned to hell. He is said to have been very partial to the verses of Omayya b. abi-ISalt. Traditions on the subject are collected by Sprenger, I. 110 sqq. 61 E. g., ^r'u i " let me." S. Ixxiii. 11 ; Ixxiv. 11 ; Ixviii. 44. See Ch. III. 6» On the influence of the rhyme on the composition of revelations see Noldeke, ib. p. 30. M itq. 695 aq. «' See Ch. VIII. « Itq. 697. 66 Ulihk. ii. i22. 67 See Ch. III. qorAn and poetry. 11 he had acquired some secular power, however, and could count among the believers a poet although not au eminent one, he was wise enough not only to abstain from reviling such bards, but to employ their talents on his own behalf. He provided new themes for them, which by th(nr novelty contrasted favorably with the worn out burdens of the heathen songs, although lacking their grace and charm. They impressed many by their moral sentiments, rather than by their artistic merits, but as they appeared at an opportune moment, the effect was considerable. Moslim traditionists relate a good deal about poetic competitions which took place, and from which, of course, the Muhammedan bards emerged victorious. Although discretion must be used in dealing with these reports, yet it is quite intelligible that elegant verses on hackneyed themes might be supplanted by others less graceful, but composed for the glorification of Allah, and real or imaginary self-sacrifice in the service of his prophet. Their strength lay in their idealism, though the proportion of this may have been but small. Muhammed thus inaugurated a new era in the songs of the Arabs, and became indirectly tho father of Arabic sacred poetry, which boasts of more than a few fine compositions. Great and small events, which concerned the Moshm community, were immortalised in verse, and although not all of these are authentic or of great poetic value, they have no slight claim on our interest. Entire phrases are borrowed from the Qoran. This being the case not only in the verses of Ka'b b. Zuheir*^ and the Medinian Hassan b. Thabit^s and many others^o but even in the celebrated and glowing panegyric the "Burda" of AlBusiri,^! written six hundred years afterwards. The following few quotations from this poem show how thoroughly it is impregnated with the spirit as well as with the language of the Qoran : "How many an impetuous opponent in dispute about Muhammed have the words of Allah overpowered, and how many an ardent htigant has been convinced by his evidence. Regard as satisfactory signs" that the Ignorant at the time of universal nescience" possessed knowledge, and also that he acquired education in the desolate age. I have devoted to him this poem of praise in the hope of obtaining forgiveness for the sins of a life spent in writing songs and courting the great." Although the Moslim liturgy, in contradistinction to the Jewish and Christian prayers, did not lend itself to the chanting of songs during service,?* the Burda is looked upon as inspired by the ^ The famous poem styled after its beginoing jU*» CJlj has frequently been printed, lastly in Noldeke-MuUer, Delectus, p. 110. Cf. Brockelmann, I. c. p. 39. «9 The best part of the polemical poetry of early Islam was attributed to IJassan, who was made its chief representative, although many poems handed down under his name are of doubtful authenticity. I reproduce one of these poems in translation, because its language is in such close touch with the diction of the later portions of the Qoran, that Hassan, provided he is the author, could only haye composed it in his declining years. The song runs as follows (Diwan, ed. Tunis, p. 23) : — He (Allah) has crowned him with glory in order to exalt him ; yea, the Occupant of the TJirone is praised, but this one is extolled (Muhammed). A prophet is come to us after we had lost hope in the long absence of messengers, whilst idols were worshipped on earth. He is a brilliant, guiding light, and shines like a polished sword from India. He has warned us against the fire of hell, and has promised paradise, and taught us [the doctrines of] Islum now we praise Allah. And thou art the God of creation, my Lord and Creator ; this I will declare as long as I live among men. Thou art extolled , Lord of mankind, above the praise of those who worship other gods beside thee; thou art the highest and most revered. Thy nature is benevolence, and omnipotence, to thee we pray for guidance and thee we serve. For Allah's recompense, for every one who adores Him alone, is the shelter of Paradise where ho shall live eternally. The last verse but one contains an almost literal quotation from Q. i. 4. — A versification of the tenets of Islam by Muh. b. Al Ilasan Al Shaibani (died 189 H.) is without poetic value. The work exists in numerous MSS. and has been printed, Cairo, 1863. "> See Delectus, pp. 3, 4, 18 sj., 51 sq., etc. " Ed. Eahlfs, Vienna, 1860, vv. 138-140 (p. 16-17). '' C/. chapters IV. to VI. '3 On the term j'3,/ii!»i/i/a see Goldziher, Muhammadan. Studien, p. 219 s?. » See 6'a(