e^^ J^i cz^ //. ^r^/un^ T c^^Tx^lx^^/tsi^ c^T^^^v^/z^i Unin/»»»i4^ A^ (I^My€»»«^ m '^■■.^■:-<>'- . W-^i- TheJTrue View of the Present Persecution in France AN APPEAL TO THE UNBIASED JUDGMENT OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE \ Lecture by REV. JOSEPH C[SASIA, S. J. /I SECOND EDITION {For Free Distribution) SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA 1907 THE MYSELLROLLINS €Q., 12 i'.4 '' ST. 'PXiS3d /fo7 LECTURE Extracts from the French Separation Law Encyclical Letters of Pius X Letter of the French Bishops The Facts Appendix 865948 Approved by the Ecclesiastical Authority Imprimatur, PATRICK W. RIORDAN Archbishop of San Francisco, California February, 1907 The True View of the Present Persecution in France Lecture by Rev. JOSEPH G. Sasia, S. J. [Delivered in St. Ignatius Church January 13, 1907.] Jesus Christ says in His Gospel : '"Blessed are they that suffer persecution for justice sake : for theirs is the kingdom of Heaven." Matthew V. 10 et seq. The false reports studiously sent forth by the French Govern- ment, both through the telegraphic cable and the mail, in order to mislead public opinion regarding the present conflict between the Catholic Church and the State in France, and which have been published broadcast by not a few secular journals of this country, make it imperative, in the interests of truth and justice, that a correct statement of the real situation be laid before our Catholic people, to enable them to form a just idea of the present persecution in that unhappy land, and to arouse their sympathy on behalf of our sutl'ering brethren. As we shall see in the sequel, the whole truth is reduced to this, that whilst on the one hand, the French Government and its abettors represent the present crisis as a war of the Pope against France, on the other hand facts prove beyond all doubt that it is in reality the war of the French despotic Rulers against the Catholic Church. To understand well the character of this struggle and to justify the attitude of the Sovereign Pontift' toward thfe present iniquitous legislation, we must briefl}^ recall some Catholic principles regarding the constitution of the Church, as established by Jesus Christ her Founder, and which no earthly potentate can abolish, change or modify. God has divided the government of mankind between two powers: the spiritual authority of the Church, and the temporal power of civil rulers. The former is chiefly de- signed for the spiritual welfare of men : for their heavenly inter- ests ; the latter is particularly intended for an earthly end. the temporal and material prosi)erity of society in this world. The two powers are indeed essentially distinct, but they are by no means hostile to each other; far from it: they have reciprocal duties, the performance of which affords them a mutual support, so long as they work harmoniously together. Thus, if the tem- poral power, which is in duty bound to protect the liberty of its citizens in the conscientious discharge of their religious obligations, causes the spiritual authority to be respected, and refrains from meddling with the things beyond its competence, the spiritual authority on its side recognizes in the temporal rulers a power that comes from God, and, by imposing on its subjects both interior and exterior submission, vindicates the majesty of the law, secures the triumph of social order, and the stability of kingdoms, empires and republics. Hence, the Catholic Church, true to her mission, never ceases to preach 3 and inculoate ithosfclesgoD? of obedience to civil princes, which the Apostle St. Paiil enjoins in his letter to the Romans, ch. 13 : V. 1. 2. : "Let every soul be subject to higher powers for there is no power but from God, and those that are, are ordained of God. Therefore, he that resisteth the power, resisteth tlie ordi- nance of God. And they that resist, purchase to themselves damna- tion." The undeniable superiority of the spiritual power over the temporal can easily be perceived by considering its end. Whilst civil society has for its direct object the securing to men of material prosperity, and the development of their natural faculties in the physical, intellectual. and moral order, Religious Society, viz: the Church, has for its special end to enable men to reach perfect and eternal happiness. To establish and spread the kingdom of God upon earth, to labor for the moral and supernatural perfection of man, to lead him to his supreme destiny, submission to God's holy will in this life, and ever- lasting happiness in the next; all this evidently constitutes a mission immensel}'^ superior to that which belongs to civil power; a mission as superior to that of the State as Heaven is above earth and eternity is above time, a divine mission entrusted to the Church by her Founder, the Eternal Son of God. Hence, to attempt to subject the Church to any other power than that v,hich God has established, would be to strive to frustrate the divine plan and overthrow the work of God Himself. Now, this is exactly what the French Government is attempting to do : to invert and upset the divine order by subjecting the spiritual authority of the Church to the temporal power of the State, by subjecting God to Caesar. In the face of this unwarrantable usurpation, it is plain that neither the Supreme Pontitl", nor the French Bishops, nor, in fact, any Catholic could submit to become the slaves of Caesarism, and surrender their sacred rights of spiritual independence in what belongs to the eternal interests of their soul. Outsiders talk very glibly of the duty of obej'ing the law of the land, and French Catholics are represented as rebels to the State and consi)irators against the Republic. But here let me ask, is every law, that an unscrupulous government chooses to make, to be obeyed? Is (hero to be no limit to the exercise of civil authority in legislating over its subjects? Yes, there is a limit: it has been placed by God Him- .self, the Supreme Lawgiver of the Universe, and it is this: No law, that is opposed to the Supreme law of right and wrong, to the Divine commandments, has any binding force, and as no legislator has power to command what is wrong, so no citizen has, under sucjh circumstances, the obligation to obey. For the sake of social order, and l^ecause there is no possibility of legal redress, we may be compelled, as the martyrs of old, to suffer wrong, but no human power has (he right to force us to do wrong. Neither the French Ciuimbers, nor the Parliament of Enghmd, nor the Congress of (he United States, have the power to enac( hiws contrary (o (he siipicme rule and s(:indar(l of right and jusdcc, (lie liighci' law of God, inimu(ubk' as God Himself. A distinf,Miislu'd American jui'ist thus tletined civil law: "Law is a rule of conduct prescribed by the S(ate to its citizens, command- inf( what is right, and prohii)itinf; what is wrouj^:. " According (o (his definition, which is perfectly conformable to ethical 4 principles, to determine in practice wiiat is right and what is wrong- we have but to compare human prescriptions, or commands, with the supreme hvw of rectitude, the divine hiw. With this standard before us we learn wliat to think of the French Separa- tion Law enacted by legishitors, wliose openly avowed purpose, as we sha'll see in the sequel, is to crush Catholicism, and banish Christianity itself from the land, thus opposing tlie most ])eremp- tory injunctions of God Himself, the Supreme Lawgiver of mankind. So long as the civil government confines itself within its legitimate sphere, it will find no more loyal and devoted subjects than Catholics, Avhose Church imposes upon them in God's name the sacred duty of docility and submission to civil authority in ever\'thing that is not contrary to the Law of God. But when political rulers break through their boundaries and attempt to trample under foot the rights of conscience and the Law of God, then all upright men must admit that obedience would, in such cases, be mere cringing slavery, perfidy and apostasy, to which death itself must, at all times, be preferred. This is precisely what the Rulers, or rather Misrulers of the French Republic have done during the last thirty-five years, and the climax of tyranny and iniquity was reached by the recent enactment of the so-called Separation LaAv, another name for the official oppression and spoliation of the Church of God. By this law the Bishops and Priests are ordered to give up all control and management of everything connected with Church property and religious worship. But let us see more in detail what the Law of Separation and the Associations of Worship resulting from its enforcement were intended to accomplish. 1. The members of these Associations shall be chosen chiefly from the laity and they might be at heart hostile to the Church, such as Atheists, Socialists, Freemasons, for the law grants this privilege to all its citizens. Bishops and Priests, it is true, are not excluded from membership, but, besides being placed on a level with lay associates, by the very fact of becoming members, they would seal their own doom of slavery and spoliation, as they will then be stripped of all authority. 2. These Associations or Committees will have complete con- trol over the finances, emoluments and property of each parish, church and diocese, being responsible" for their administration only to the State. (Docuuient I.. Articles 4, 7, 18.) 3. Thej'^ are moreover authorized to choof;e and appoint Ministers of Avorship, to determine their functions, to designate the time and condition of religious worship, to regulate the administration of the Sacraments, and everything else concerning discipline and doctrine itself, thus ignoring the existence of the Bishops' authority, who alone have, by divine appointment, the right to govern the Church of God according to the inspired words of St. Paul, who thus speaks in the Acts of the Apostles, ch. XX. 28.: "Take heed 'to yourselves, and to the whole flock, over which the Holy Ghost hath placed you Bishops, to rule the Church of God, which He (Christ) hath purchased with His own Blood." (Articles 18, 19.) 4. Wnen rival Associations shall claim the right to use the same Church — a contingency foreseen by the Law — , the council of State is to be the Supreme Tribunal appointed to settle all such disputes without appeal. Hence the Catholic law-abiding members of a given Association approved by the Government, may, at any time, be ousted and driven from the Church to make place for their rivals, a Committee of men bitterly opposed to Catholicism and Christianity itself. (Article 8.) 5. What provision did the Law make if the Church sliould refuse to submit, and should reject the Associations of Worships? In that case no public worship would be allowed, and all Church property would be seized by the State. With consummate skill the framers of this iniquitous law strove to make it read like another Magna Carta — a charter of liberty for the Church, — but all, except the willfully blind, see that it is but an instrument of slavery. To the surprise and amazement of the French Govern- ment the whole Hierarchy of France, 86 Bishops, in obedience to the Vicar of Christ refused to accept the Separation Law; hence of the 40,000 Associations, for which the Bill provided, not one has been attempted by any French Priest in good stand- ing, and the wicked scheme of the Lawgivers of creating schisms by setting the laity against the clergy has utterly failed. The Government never expected that the Church Avould meet the situation so courageously and with such self-restraint. The civil power was prepared to fight and put down with severe coercive measures, hostilities that failed to appear, as the Catholics under the leadership of their Bishops confined them- selves to protests and passive resistance insisting on their rights as French citizens to have a law that will not deny to them in practice the assurance it gives them in principle. In other words, the Catholic clergy and people insist on the honest interpreta- tion and execution of the firs,t article of the Separation Law, which reads as follows: "The Republic assures liberty of con- science. It guarantees the free exercise of religion with no restriction save such only as public order requires." "The Republic assures liberty of conscience," a trumped up rhetorical phrase, whose meaning, in the light of present facts, we are at a loss to comprehend. For we ma}' ask, "Does the Republic intend to assure to the French people interior, or ex- terior liberty of conscience? If it means the interior, then the expression is a mere stupidity, for, everybod}^ knows that internal acts are entirely beyond the control of any created power. Avhat- ever it be. If, on the contrary, external liberty is meant, then those legislators have uttered a barefaced lie, as it appears t'rom the next sentence, which guarantees the free exercise of worship under the sole restrictions required by public order. Pray, how many, think you, are the sole restrictions? Not less than 44, that is as many as are the articles of the law itself. Is not this an unpardonable insult to the whole nation? i^nabh' to extricate themselves from the absurd and chaotic condition, to which they have reduced tbeii* country, and too proud to report to a submission, that would bring about the (h»\vn- fall of the ministry, in order to make tlieir stupid and unjust hnv work, they had hitely recourse to another subterfuge. They framed a new Bill, by which it is ])rovi(led that if any two per- sons applied for permission to hold jmblic religious service, according to the law of 1881 and 18!)1, leave would be granted for a year on certain specified conditions. Moreover the notoi'ious 6 Minister of Worship took it upon himself to issue a circular containing what he calls liberal concessions intended to pacify the Catholics. But in conformity to instructions received from the Supreme Pontiff, these so-called concessions were positively rejected b}^ the French Bishops; first, because they are absolutely illegal, as Briand had no authority whatever from the French Constitution to modify, change, or annul any Parliamentary Law ; secondly, on account of their precarious condition, as his successor or he himself, in a different frame of mind, may send out another circular abrogating the one of today ; thirdly, because the conditions required for divine Avorship in said circular are absolutely intolerable, as it evidently appears from the following supposition, that may be verified any da3^ Suppose, for instance, that two Socialists are present during Mass at Notre Dame Cathedral, or in any other church in France, and create a disturb- ance. What happens? Just this. There is a policeman present to represent the Government. He notices the trouble, rises to his feet, and proclaims in a loud voice that the assembly must dissolve in order to protect public order. Then the Bishop or Priest must leave the altar, and the people have to disperse, a scene that may be repeated at any time, and during any other religious function. Would not this be a gross outrage to religion, and could the Catholics of France submit to such indignities? With the exception of the anti-Catholic Legislation in England under Henry VIII and Queen Elizabeth, I do not think that ever a national Parliament deliberately proceeded to perpetrate, in the name of the law so colossal a crime, an infamy deserving the stern rebuke of all lovers of freedom and justice throughout the world. All admit that the most odious and contemptible creature is the bully, who plays the tyrant toward the weak. But still more intolerable is a bullying nation that picks a quarrel with defenseless citizens with the base intent of seizing their possessions, if they refuse to submit to its iniquitous bidding. This is what the Rulers of the French Republic are now doing against the clergy and Catholics in France. The American people, at least a large number of them, believe that the French Separation Law is merely intended to place the Church in France in the same position as the Church in the United States. This is a gross mistake. The French law means slavery to the Catholic Church, and liberty on the part of the Government to hold her under its heel and tyrannize over her Ministers. In other Avords, Separation of the Church from the State in America means liberty and justice, in France it means servitude and oppression. It is not separation that the Holy Father is repudi- ating, but tyranny in the guise of liberty. Hence it Avas imperative for him to resist, and order the French clergy not to submit to a law derogatory alike to divine and human rights; a law striking at the very root of Christianity, and which has shocked the moral sense of every righteous man in the civilized Avorld. (See Appendix Notes A. B. C.) The persecutors sought to conquer the Ciiu.rch by confronting her with the dilemma, either en- slavement to the State, or confiscation. The French Hierarchy, Bishops and Priests in obedience to Rome chose the latter alter- native, and faced persecution rather than to betray their trust and sacrifice the inalienable rights of God and His Church. 7 All honor to the brave clergy of F'rance who, as the Saturday Review of London writes, "are fighting the battle of Christen- dom."* On this aeeo.unt the whole world is witnessing today outrages, that should earn for the present Rulers of France the unmitigated scorn and contempt of all mankind. The condi- tion of affairs in France, Avhen once properly understood in America, cannot fail to arouse feelings of the greatest indignation throughout the length and breadth of the land. Large meetings are now held in the principal cities of the LTnion to protest in the name of justice against the persecuting policy of the French Govennnent. New York. **R<)stou. Phihidelpliia. Wasliiiiirton, Chicago, in large public assemblies, consisting both of Catholics and non-Catholics, have raised their voice and passed resolutions condemnatory of the high-handed iniquities of the French Re- public. The Knights of Columbus, the brave sons of Erin, the Hibernians, the Young Men's Institute, and other Catholic Societies are to be put on record as uncompromising adversaries of the religious persecution now raging against the Catholic Church in France. The American people, irrespective of religious creeds, love liberty and grant to all perfect freedom to worship God according to the dictates of their conscience. In France there is indeed a loud profession of freedom, but stern facts prove that it is mere empty sound and a cloak of the most cruel oppression. On the granite pillars of the great Cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris, now confiscated by the State, I saW' myself emblazoned in large letters the motto, '"Liberty, Fraternity and Equalitj^" but in the light of present events those words are a- sheer mockery, and find no echo in the hearts of those unprincip- led legislators, worthy imitators of the revolutionary Jacobins, that engraved them 114 years ago. As interpreted by recent facts, if they mean anything, they stand for slavery, tyranny and terrorism. We are now- prepared to justify the attitude of the Sovereign Pontiff, his uncompromising refusal to submit. The Pope is a great lover of peace, for he is the Vicar of Him, who is the Prince of Peace; but there is one thing he loves far more and that is justice, and loyalty to Him, whose Vicar he is. He has done all that it was possible to do to conciliate the French Government and smooth the way; but when asked to do wrong, to sacrifice the essential liberties of the Church, to sanc- tion iniquitous laws by his pontifical authority, he did not hesitate to reply, — Non possumus — we cannot do it. In England, 750 years ago, St. Thomas of Canterbury died a martyr in defense of the lil^erties of the Church; and Pope Pius X. breathes the same splendid magnanimous spirit today. Whatever turn events may take in France, of this we nuiy be quite sure that the reign- ing Pontifi' will never betray his charge, for if he is as gentle as a lamb, he is, at the same time, as firm as a rock. Moreover, in this attitude of manly resistance to usurping despots the Pope is but following a very ancient precedent, the example of St. Peter, Christ's first Vicar. The Jewish magistrates, as wc read in the Acts of the Apostles, ch. IV., had forbiddcyi the Ajiostles to preach the Gospel of Jesus ("!hi-ist on the i)lea that by so doing they were disturbing the j)ublic peace. A\niat did Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, do? Did he quietly subnnt to that im- ♦(Seo .\pi)eiuli.\ Note V.) "iSi-c Ai>|>oiiilix Ndlc K.i 8 warranted exercise of authority? Did he meekly obey the law of the land? No — he replied, as every true Christian should — , "We ought to obey God rather than man." And he continued to preach the Gospel of Christ till the close of his glorious career by the martyrdom of the cross. A large volume would be needed to recount the iniquities perpetrated by that Republic unworthy of the name in the last thirty-five years, during which long series of legislative measures were framed against the Church, not one in her favor. One of the first steps in the sacrilegious policy of spoliation and plunder was the abolition and expulsion of all religious orders and congregations comprising not less than KiO.OOO members. Then followed, as a conseciiience, the closing of 1G,000 Catholic schools taught by Religious, which were replaced by Atheistic State Institutions, Avhere the French youths of both sexes are receiving an infidel education consisting mainly in the hatred of Christ and His Church, and totally devoid of all moral influence. To throw dust into the eyes of the people, the Government announced that the Religious Com- munities would be allowed to resume their position and be recognized as legitimate bodies if they applied to the State for official authorization. Nearly r)00 of them, allured by such promises, presented their aj)plication in due form. What was the result? They were all rejected in a lump without discussion; the Priests and Brothers, men and women, were all turned out into the street, with no provision made for a crust of bread, a shelter from the storm or a night's lodging. The gentle Sisters ministering to the sick, the poor and unfortunate of every class of society were expelled from the country because, as it was said in Parliament, they are enemies of the Republic and a peril to the nation, that is bound to defend itself. How feeble, how powerless must be that boastful Republic which is in dread of a downfall from an army of defenseless nuns ! The harmless, innocent, virtuous nuns, veritable angels of mercy, are driven out from their homes and country at any cost, whilst the hundreds of thousands of vile prostitutes, that infect the great cities of France and make it a cesspool of national corruption, remain unmolested to continue their diabolical work of moral destruction. Thus was perpetrated one of the most brutal governmental crim>es of modern times. One iniquity followed another in rapid suc- cession. It was ordered that the nan)e of God should be stricken out of official oaths in the courts, thus depriving them of all sanction and significance; all religious emblems, crucifixes, holy pictures, were removed from the cemeteries, the halls of justice and public schools; and, to shoAV their cynical contempt and satanical hatred, the order of those profanations was issued on Good Friday, a few years ago, in 1804. Then came the abolition of the Concordat concluded between Napoleon and Pius VII., in 1801, a solemn bilateral contract, which could not in justice be abolished without the knowledge and consent of both contract- ing parties. AVith an impudence setting at defiance all the prin- ciples of international law, the French law-givers tore it to pieces without condescending to give official notice to the Sovereign Pontiir. In consequence of the abolition of that national pledge there followed the withdrawal of State support from the clergy, another high-handed robbery, an official repudiation of a just 9 debt. The Revoliitionaiy Government of 1789 had confiscated four hundred million worth of projDert}', fully equal to $80,000,- 000, possessed by the Church of France, being bequests and foun- dations for religious worship, for the help of the poor, and the Christian education of youth, gathered during the space of more than 1000 years. Most of this property wa^ sold to the highest bidder to fill the coffers of the State. Napoleon Bonaparte, who had seized the reins of government, seeing that he could not ni1o .lie people without rolicrion. nddro^^f^d himself to the Pope in order to have the Catholic religion reestablished. As it was practically impossible for tlic Church to recover the property confiscated and sold, the Concordat between Napoleon and Pius VII. included a just, though unequal restitution, the paying to the Church by the nation of a perpetual annuity as a compensa- tion, or indemnity, though small indeed, for the confiscated property taken from her. Ou this account the withdrawal of State support from the Church is a flagrant act of injustice and a repudiation of a just debt; an act unworthy of any civilized nation, and which can find no parallel except in the wholesale seizure of the churches, convents and other properties of the Catholic Church in Germany and England at the time of the Reformation. (See Appendix Note F.) In this historical fact is contained a sufficient answer, I think, to those who, ignoring the real condition of affairs in France, have said and written that the Church had no right to receive salaries from the State. Here it is not question of salaries, as the clergy are no Government employes, but it is a question of restitution of stolen goods. Sup- pose that the Sacramento Legislature should pass a bill confis- cating the property of the Catholic Church in California, and then agree to pay an annuity of one per cent on the stolen capital to enable the clergy to carry on, as best they can, their spiritual ministrations, Avhat would you think of our law-givers, if, after perpetrating this outrage, they were to -pass another bill sup- pressing even that small pittance? If such things could and did happen in this countr}', there would be resistance here too, but so effective and so vigorous that such laws would be instantly repealed and would never be attempted again. But we need not entertain any fear of State legislation hostile to the Church so long as the Articles of the Federal Constitution remain in force. The recent decisions of the United States Courts in Cuba, the Philippines and Porto llico, by which the legitimate claims of the Catholic Church over her projDerty are ofHciall}' recognized, whilst highly honoral)le to the Rulers of this country, at the same time teach a lesson of justice and fair dealing to all civili/ed countries, and particularly to the i)resent French Parliauient that needs it )nost. (See Appendix Note J.) The Catholic Church was founded by Jesus Ciiri.st, the Son of God; fi-om llim alone are dci-ived her authority, her powers and her rights. Hence She is neither the servant nor the slave of any earthly potentate nor of any political government, be it a Monarchy or a RejMiblic; and no Catholic, who resj^ects iiim- self, will give up his religious freedom at the bidding of any crowned despot. Rather than to do so, if he be true to his Faith, he will do what ('ardinal Fisher, Thonuis More, and the aged Countess of Salisl)ury and thousand other heroic souls ilitl in 10 England, Ireland and Scotland in the 16th century, Avho died martyi's in the defense of truth, justice and right and are now honored on our altars. Pie will likewise shed his blood rather than to bow to tyranny, and prove faithless to God, and a traitor to his Church. The officials of the French Government are but imitators of the early Roman emperors, who persecuted the Christians on the very plea put forward in our day by the French Ministers, that Catholicism is a menace and danger to the State, an enemy of the Republic. By a strange, but not unforeseen coincidence, this was the very charge brought by the Jewish Synagogue against Jesus Christ, when they led Him before the Roman Governor, This man, said they, is a rebel, and an enemy of Caesar; a striking coincidence that reminds us of Christ's prediction: ''The servant is not greater than his Master; if they have persecuted me, they Avill also persecute you." John XV. 20. By refusing to submit to the Separation Law, and the Associa- tions of Worship, the Church simply declined to sign her own death warrant in France, and she took her stand for religious liberty on the principle of common law. She was bidden to sub- mit to a lay organization, which she could not accei:)t without imperiling her very existence as a divine institution. YvHiat did then the professedly pacific Government do ? Defeated in their attempt to enslave the Church, they have resorted to brute force. Priests, Bishops, Cardinals were evicted from their homes; clerical students were driven out of their seminaries and thous- ands of them will soon be forcibly enrolled in the army and compelled to spend their days in military barracks in the midst of a licentious soldiery. Not less than 40,000 churches were seized and declared national property. (Article 12.) Behold here a most disgusting evidence of a cruel and mean revenge, a tem- porary triumph of might over right ! This is the spectacle that the French Government, domineered by Masonic lodges, presents to the civilized world. Divine worship made almost impractic- able. Bishops and Priests prosecuted, fined and imprisoned for celebrating Holy Mass in a public church, and the Faithful sub- jected to vexatious measures for assisting at it ; millions of souls deprived of the spiritual ministrations, and speeding to eternity without the consolations of religion. The whole land is in a grip of a terror none the less criminal and hideous, because it masque- rades in the name of the law, and under the garb of liberty. Throughout the length and breadth of that unhappy land, as we learn from the Catholic journals, horrible scenes of sacrilege and desecrations are witnessed on all sides. Here is one specimen out of many of the incitement and official encouragement, if any were needed, to sacrilegious profanations given to apostates and atheists by the civil authority in France. The Prefect of Police of St. Ferdinand des Ternes sent to his subordinate officers the order: "Not to prevent any demonstrations that freethinkers might make in. the churches." (Paris Univers — Sunday, Dec. 16, 1906.) We are not surprised at this attitude of the police force in provincial towns, when we recall what the gendarmes did in Paris under the instruction of the Clemenceau Cabinet. They forcibly broke into the palace of the papal Nuncio, expelled his secretar}^ Mgr. Montagnini, from French territor}-^ and seized all the diplomatic correspondence and documents they could 11 lay tlieir hands on; and the Government rejoiced at having in their hands what they chiim to be proofs of the plots and con- spiracies of the Vatican against the Republic. Neither Rome, nor the Catholics throughout the world need be in dread of any compromising revelations from the publication of these docu- ments, if they will at all see the light of day. Meanwhile the Papal Secretar}' of State, Cardinal Merry Del Val, as in duty bound, has sent to all the diplomatic representatives of the Holy See, for communication to their respective Government, a vienalties singly. Article 35. — If a discourse delivered or a document placarded or publicly distributed in the places in which worship is held, contains a direct i)ro vocation to resist the execution of the laws or the legal acts of ])ul)lic authority, or tends to arouse or arm one section of the citizens against the others, the minister of religion who shall be guilty of it shall be punished with an imprisonment of 3 months lo 2 years, without jirejudice to the penalties of comi)licil}' in the cases wherein the provocation sliould be followed by sedition, revolt or civil war. Ai'ticic 40.- -For eight yeai's from tlie pi-ouiulgati(»n of the present F/iw. ministers of religion shnll not be eligible foi- the 18 " municipal councils in the communes in which they exercise their ecclesiastical functions. Article 44. — A\\ provisions connected with the public organ- ization of the religions previously recognized by the State, as well as all provisions contrar}^ to the present Law, are and remain abrogated, and notably: 1. The Law of Germinal 18, Year X., providing that the Convention passed on Messidor 26, Year IX., between the Pojje and the French Government, together with the Organic Articles of the said Convention and of the Protestant wor- ship, shall be carried out as Laws of the Republic ; 2. The decree of March 26, 1852, and the Law of August 1, 1879, on Protestant worship ; 3. The decrees of March 17, 1808, the Law of February 8, 1831, and the ordinance of May 25, 1844, on Jewish wor- ship ; 4. The decrees of December 22, 1812, and March 19, 1859 ; 5. Articles 201 to 208, 260 to 264, and 294 of the Penal Code. 6. Articles 100 to 101, paragraphs 11 and 12 of Article 126 and Article 167 of the Law of April 5, 1884 ; 7. The decree of December 30, 1809, and Article 78 of the Law of January 26, 1892. (From the London Tablet.) Document II. The Separation Law and the Associations of Worship con- demned and rejected by the Holy See. ENCYCLICAL LETTER OF OUR HOLY FATHER POPE PIUS X. TO THE ARCHBISHOPS, BISHOPS, CLERGY AND PEOPLE OF FRANCE. To Our Well-Belowed Sons, Fra'ncois Marie Richard, Cardinal Priest of Holy Roman Church, Archbishop of Paris/ Victor Lucien Lecot, Car- dinal Priest of Holy Roman Church, Archbishop or Bordeaux/ Pierre Hector Couillie^ Cardinal Priest of Holy Roman Church, Archbishop of Lyons/ Joseph Guil- lau:me Laboure,' Cardinal Priest of Holy Roman Church, Archbishop of Rennes, and to all Our Venerable Breth- ren, the Archbishops and Bishops and to all the Clergy and People of France. PIUS X., POPE. Venerable Brethren, Well-Beloved Sons, Health and Apostolic Benediction. Our soul is full of sorrowful solicitude and Our heart over- flows with grief, when Our thoughts dwell upon you. How, in- deed, could it be otherwise, immediately after the promulgation of that law which, by sundering violently the old ties that linked 19 3^our nation with the xVpostolic See, creates for the Catholij Church in France a situation unworthy of her and ever to be lamented? That is, beyond question, an event of the gravest import, and one that must be dej^lored b}' all right-minded men, for it is as disastrous to society as it is to religion; but it is an event which can have surprised nol>ody who has paid any atten- tion to the religious policy followed in France of late years. For you. Venerable Brethren, it will certainly have been nothing new or strange, witnesses as you have been of the many dreadful blows aimed from time to time at religion by the public author- ity. You have seen the sanctity and the inviolability of Christian marriage outraged by legislative acts in formal contradiction with them; the schools" and hospitals laicised; clerics torn from their studies and from ecclesiastical discipline to be subjected to military service; the religious congregations dispersed and despoiled, and their members for the most part reduced to the last stage of destitution. Other legal measures which you all know have followed : the law ordaining public prayers at the beginning of each Parliamentary Session and of the assizes has been abolish- ed; the signs of mourning traditionally observed on board the ships on Good Friday sup]n-essed; the religious character effaced from the judicial oath; all actions and emblems serving in any way to recall the idea of religion banished from the courts, the schools, the army, the navy, and in word, from all public estab- lishments. These measures and others still which, one after an- other, really separated the Church from the State, were but so many steps designedly made to arrive at complete and official separation, as the authors of them have publicly and freciuently admitted. On the other hand, the Holy See has spared absolutely no means to avert this great calamity. While it was untiring in warning those who were at the head of affairs in France, and in conjuring them over and over again to Aveigh well the immensity of the evils that would infallibly result from their separatist policy, it at the same time lavished upon France the most striking proofs of indulgent aft'ection. It had then reason to hope that gratitude would have stayed those politicians on their downward path, and brought them at last to relinquish their designs. But all has been in vain — the attentions, good offices, and efforts of Our Predecessor and Ourself. The enemies of religion have succeeded at last in efl'ecting by violence what they have long desired, in defiance of your riglits' as a Catholic nation and of the wishes of all who think rightly. At a moment of such gravity for the Church, therefore, filled with the sense of Our Apostolic responsibility, We have considered it Our duty to raise Our voice and to open Our heart to you. Venerable breth- ren, and to your clergy and people — to all of you whom We have ever cherished with special aU'ection, but wlioui AA'e now. as is only right, love more tendei-ly than ever. That the State must be separated from (he Church is a thesis absolutely false, a most pernicious error. Based, as it is, on the. principle that the State must not recognize any religious cult, it is in the first place guilty of a great injustice to God ; for the Creator of man is also the Founder of human societies, and pre- serves (heir existence as ITo pi-eserves our own. Wi> owe Him, 20 therefore, not only a private cult, but a public and social worship to honor Him. Besides, it is an obvious negation of the super- natural order. It limits the action of the State to the pursuit of jDublic prosperity during this life only, which is but the prox- imate object of political societies; and it occupies itself in no fashion (on the plea that this is foreign to it) with their ultimate object, which is man's eternal happiness after this short life shall have run its course. But as the present order of things is tem- porary and subordinated to the attainment of man's supreme and absolute Avelfare, it follows that the civil power must not only place no obstacle in the wa}^ of this object, but must aid us in effecting it. It also upsets the order providentially established b}^ God in the world, which demands a harmonious agreement between the tAvo societies, the civil and the religious, although each exercises its authority in its OAvn sphere. It follows neces- sarily that there are many things belonging to them in common in wdiich both societies must have relations with one another. Remove the agreement between Church and State, and the result will be that from these common matters will sjDring the seeds of disputes which will become acute on both sides ; it will become more difficult to see where the truth lies, and great confusion is certain to arise. Finally, it inflicts great injury on society itself, for it cannot either prosper or last long when due place is not left for religion, which is the supreme rule and the sovereign mistress in all questions touching the rights and the duties of men. Hence the Roman Pontiffs have never ceased, as circum- stances required, to refute and condemn the doctrine of the separation of Church and State. Our illustrious predecessor, Leo XIII., especially, has frequently and splendidly expoinided Catholic teaching on the relations which should subsist between the two societies. "Between them," he says, "there must neces- sarily be a suitable union, which may not improperly be compared w^ith that existing between body and soul. — Quaedam intercedat necesse est ordinata coUigatio {inter illas) quae quidem conjunc- tio non immeinto comparatur, per quam anima et corjms in homine copvlantiiry He proceeds: "Human societies cannot, without becoming criminal, act as if God did not exist or refuse to concern themselves with religion, as though it were something foreign to them, or of no purpose to them. ... As for the Church, which has God Plimself for its author, to exclude her from the active life of the nation, from the laws, the education of the young, the family, is a great and pernicious error. — Civitatcs non possunt citra scelus, gerere se tamquam si Deus omnino non csset, aut curam religionis velut alienam nihilque profuturam abjicere. . . . Ecclesimn vera, quam Deus ipse constituit, ab actione vitae excludere, a legibus, ah institutione adolesccntium, a societate domestica, magniis et perniciosus est errors (Encyclical "Immortale Dei," Nov., 1885.) And if it is true that any Christian State does something which is eminently disastrous and reprehensible in separating itself from the Church, how much more deplorable is it that France, of all nations in the world, should have entered on this policy; France, which has been during the course of centuries the object of such great and special predilection on the part of the Apostolic See, whose fortunes and glories have ever been 21 closely bound up with the practice of Christian virtue and respect for religion. Leo XIIL had truly good reason to say: "P'rance cannot forget that Providence has united its destiny with the Holy See by ties too strong and too old that she should ever wish to break them. And it is this union that has been the source of her re.il greatness and her purest glories. . . . To disturb this traditional union Avould be to deprive the nation of part of her moral force and her great influence in the world." (Allocu- tion to the French Pilgrims, April 13, 1888.) And the ties that consecrated this union should have been doubly inviolable from the fact that they were sanctioned by oath-bqund treaties. The Concordat entered upon by the Sover- eign Pontiff and the French Government was, like all treaties of the same kind, concluded between States, a bilateral contract binding on both j^artios to it. The Roman Pontiff on the one side and the Head of the French Nation on the other solemnly stii)ulated both for themselves and their successors to maintain inviolate the pact they signed. Hence the same rule applied to the Concordat as to all international treaties, viz., the law of nations, which prescribes that it could not be in any way annulled by one alone of the contracting parties. The Holy See has always oijserved with scrui^ulous fidelity the engagements it has made, and it has always required the same fidelity from the State. This is a truth which no impartial judge can deny. Yet today the State, by its sole authority, abrogates the .solemn pact it signed. Thus it violates its sworn promise. To break with the Church, to free itself from her friendship, it has stopped at nothing, and has not hesitated to outrage the Apostolic See by this viola- tion of the laws of nations, and to disturb the social and political order itself — for the reciprocal security of nations in their relations with one another depends mainly on the inviolable fidelity and the sacred respect with which they observe their treaties. The extent of the injury inflicted on the Apostolic See by the unilateral abrogation of the Concordat is notably aggravated by the manner in which the State has effected this abrogation. It is a princij^le admitted without controversy, and universally observed by all nations, that the breaking of a treaty should be previously and regularly notified in a clear and explicit manner, to the other contracting party by the one which intends to put an end to the treaty. Yet not only has no notification of this kind been made to the Holy See but no indication whatever on the subject has been conveyed to it. Thus the French Governuient has not hesitated to treat the Apostolic See without ordinary respect and without the courtesy that is never omitted even in dealing with the smallest States. Its officials, representatives though they were of a Catholic nation, have heaped contemj^t on the dignity and power of the Sovereign ]*ontiff. the Sui)r(Mne Head of the Church, whereas they should have shown more respect to this power than to any other political power — and a respect all the greater from the fact that the Holy See is con- cerned with the etermil welfare of souls, and that its mission extends everywhere. If Wo now proceed to examine in itself the law that has just been j^ronndgated, We find, therein, fresh reason for protesting 22 still more energetically. AVhen the State broke the bonds of the Concordat, and separated itself from the Church, it ought, as a natural consequence, to have left her her independence, and allowed her to enjoy peacefully that liberty, granted by the common law, which it pretended to assign to her. Nothing of the kind has been done. We recognize in the law many exceptional and odiously restrictive provisions, the effect of which is to place the Church under the domination of the civil power. It has been a source of bitter grief to Us to see the State thus en- croach on matters which are within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Church; and We bewail this all the more for the reason that the btate, dead to all sense of equity and justice, has thereby created for the Church of France a situation grievous, crushing, and oppressive of her most sacred rights. For the provisions of the new law^ are contrary to the con- stitution on which the Church was founded by Jesus Christ. The Scripture teaches us, and the traditions of the Fathers con- firm the teaching, that the Church is the mystical body of Christ, ruled by the Pastors and Doctors (Ephes. iv. 11 seq.) — a society of men containing within its own fold chiefs avIio have full and perfect powers for ruling, teaching and judging (Matt, xxviii. 18-20; xvi. 18, 19; xviii. IT; Tit. ii. 15; II. Cor. x. C; xiii. 10, etc.) It follows that the Church is essentially an luicqual society, that is, a society comprising two categories of persons, the pastors and the flock, those who occupy a rank in the different degrees of the hierarchy and the multitude of the faithful. So distinct are these categories that with the pastoral body only rests the necessary right and authority for promoting the end of that society and directing all its members towards its end; the one duty of the multitude is to allow themselves to be led, and, like a docile flock, to follow the pastors. St. Cyprian, Martyr, ex- presses this truth admirably w^hen he writes : ''Our Lord, whose precepts we must revere and observe, in establishing the episcopal dignity and the nature of the Church, addresses Peter thus in the gospel : Er/o cUco tibi, quia tit es Petrus, etc. Hence, through all the vicissitudes of time and circumstance, the plan of the episcopate and the constitution of the Church have always been found to be so framed that the Church rests on the Bishops, and that all its acts are ruled by them. — Dominus Nostei\ ciijus praecepta metuere et servare dehemus, episcopi honorem et ec- clesiae suae rationem disponens., in evangelio loquitur et dicit Pctro : Ego dico tibi quia tu es Pettnis, etc. . . . Inde per temporum et successionum vices Episcoporum ordinatio et Ec- clesiae ratio deciirrit^ ut Ecclesia per cosdetii praepositos guber- netur'''' (St. Cyprian, Epist. xxvii.-xxxiii. ad Lapsos ii. i.). St. Cyprian affirms that all this is based on divine law, divina lege fundatum. The Law of Separation, in opposition to these j^rin- ciples, assigns the administration and the supervision of public worship not to the hierarchical body divinely instituted by Our Savior, but to an association formed of laymen. To this associa- tion it assigns a special form and a juridical personality, and considers it alone as having rights and responsibilities in the eyes of the laAv in all matters appertaining to religious worship. It is this association which is to have the use of the churches and sacred edifices, which is to possess ecclesiastical property, real 23 and personal, which is to have at its disposition (though only for a time) the residences of the bishops and priests and the seminaries; which is to administer the property, regulate collec- tions, and receive the alms and the legacies destined for religious worship. As for the hierarchical body of pastors, the law is completely silent. And if it does prescribe that the associations of worship are to be constituted in harmony with the general rules of organization of the cult, whose existence they are designed to assure, it is none the less true that care has been taken to declare that in all disputes which may arise relative to their property, the Council of the State is the only competent tribunal. These associations of worship are therefore placed in such a state of dependence on the civil authority that the ecclesiastical authority will, clearly, have no power over them. It is obvious at a glance that all these provisions seriously violate the rights of the Church, and are in opposition with her divine constitution. Moreover, the law on these points is not set forth in clear and precise terms, but is left so vague and so open to arbitrary decisions that its mere interpretation is well calculated to be productive of the greatest trouble. Besides, nothing more hostile to the liberty of the Church than this Law could well be conceived. For, with the existence of the association of worship, the Law of Separation hinders the pastors from exercising the i:)lenitude of their authority and of their office over the faithful, when it attributes to the Council of State supreme jurisdiction over these associations and submits them to a whole series of prescriptions not contained in common law, rendering their formation difficult and their continued existence more difficult still ; Avhen, after proclaiming the liberty of public worshij), it proceeds to restrict its exercise by numerous exceptions; when it despoils the Church of the internal regulation of the churches in order to invest the State with this function; when it thwarts the preaching of Catholic faith and morals and sets up a severe and exceptional penal code for clerics — when it sanctions all these provisions and many others of the same kind in which wide scope is left to arbitrary ruling, does it not place the Church in a i)osition of humiliating subjection and, under the pretext of protecting public order, deprive peaceable cititzens, who still constitute the vast majority in France, of the sacred right of practicing their religion? Hence it is not merely by restricting the exercise of worship (to which the Law of Separa- tion falsely reduces the essence of religion) that the State injures the Church, but In' putting obstacles to her influence, always a beneficent influence over the people, and by paralyzing her activity in a thousand dillerent ways. Thus, for inslanco, the State has not been satisfied with the depriving the Church of the Religious Orders, those precious auxiliaries of hers in her .sacred mission, in teaching and education, in charitable works, but it must also deprive her of the resources, which constitute the human means necessary for her existence and the accomijlish- ment of her mission. In addition to the wrongs and injuries to which we luive so far referred, the Law of Sei)aration also violates and tramples under foot the rights of properly of the Church. In defiance of all justice, it despoils the Church of a great portion of a patri- 24 mony Avhicli belongs to her .by titles as niiinerous as they are sacred; it suppresses and annuls all the pious foundations con- secrated,' with perfect legality, to divine worship and to suffrages for the dead. The resources furnished by Catholic liberality for the maintenance of Catholic schools, and the working of various charitable associations connected with religion, have been trans- ferred to lay associations in which it would be idle to sock for a vestige of religion. In this it violates not only the rights of the Church, but the formal and explicit purpose of the donors and testators. It is also a subject of keen grief to Us that the law, in contempt of all right, proclaims as ]oroperty of the State, Departments or Communes the ecclesiastical edifices dating from before the Concordat. True, the Law concedes the gratuitous use of them, for an indefinite period, to the associations of wor- shi}?, but it surrounds the concession with so many and so serious reserves that in reality it leaves to the public powers the full disposition of them. Moreover, We entertain the gravest fears, for the sanctity of those temples, the august refuges of the Divine Majesty and endeared by a thousand memories to the piety of the French people. For the}'^ are certainly in danger of profana- tion if they fall into the hands of laymen. When the law, by the suppression of the Budget of Public Worship, exonerates the State from the obligation of providing for the expenses of worship, it violates an engagement contracted in a diplomatic convention, and at the same time commits a great injustice. On this point there cannot be the slightest doubt, for the documents of history offer the clearest confirmation of it. When the French Government assumed in the Concordat the obligation of suj)pl3'ing the clergy with a revenue sufficient for their decent subsistence and for the requirements of public wor- ship, the concession was not a merely gratuitous one — it was an obligation assumed by the State to make restitution, at least in part, to the Church whose propert}'^ had been confiscated dur- ing the first Revolution. On the other hand, when the Roman Pontiff' in this same Concordat bound himself and his successors, for the sake of peace, not to disturb the possessors of property thus taken from the Church, he did so only on one condition: that the French Government should bind itself in perpetuity to endow the clergy suitably and to provide for the expenses of divine worship. Finally, there is another point on which We cannot be silent. Besides the injuries it inflicts on the interests of the Church, the new law is destined to be most disastrous to your country. For there can be no doubt but that it lamentably destroys union and concord. And yet without such union and concord no nation can live long or prosper. Especially in the present state of Europe, the maintenance of ])erfect harmony must be the most ardent wish of everybody in France who loves his country and has its salvation at heart. As for Us, following the example of Our Predecessor and inheriting from him a special predilection for your nation. We have not confined Ourself to striving for the preservation of all the rights of the religion of your forefathers, but We have always, with that fraternal peace of which religion is certainly the strongest bond ever before Our eyes, endeavored to promote unity among you. We cannot, therefore, without 25 the keenest sorrow observe that the J^'rench Government has just done a deed which inflames on religious grounds passions already tod dangerously excited, and which, therefore, seems to he cal- culated to plunge the whole country into disorder. Hence, mindful of Our Apostolic charge and conscious of the imperious duty incumbent upon Us of defending and pre- serving against all assaults the full and absolute integrity of the sucred and inviolable rights of tlu' Church. We do, by virtu« of the sujDreme authority which God has confided to Us, and on the grounds above set forth, reprove and condemn the law voted in France for the separation of Church and State, as deeply unjust to God whom it denies, and as laying down the principle that the Eepublic recognizes no cult. We reprove and condemn it as violating the natural law, the law of nations and fidelity to treaties; as contrary to the Divine constitution of the Church, to her essential rights and to her liberty; as destroying justice and trampling under foot the rights of property which the Church has acquired by many titles and, in addition, b}' virtue of the Concordat. We reprove and condemn it as gravely ort'ens- ive to the dignity of this Apostolic See, to Our own })erson. to the Episcopacy, and to the clergy and all the Catholics of France. Therefore, We jDrotest soleunily and with all Our strength against the introduction, the voting and the jDromulgation of this law, declaring that it can never be alleged against the imprescriptible rights of the Church. We had to address these grave words to you. Venerable Breth- ren, to the people of France and of the Avhole Christian world, in order to make known in its true light what has been done. Deep indeed is Our distress when AVe look into the future and see there the evils that this law is about to bring upon a people so tenderly loved by Us. And We are still more grievously affected by the thought of the trials, sufferings and tribulations of all kinds that are to be visited on you. Venerable Brethren, and on all your clergy. Yet, in the midst of these crushing cares, We are saved from excessive aiHiction and discouragement when Our mind turns to Divine Providence, so rich in mercies, and to the hope, a thousand times verified, that Jesus Christ will not abandon His Church or ever deprive her of His unfailing sup- port. We are, then, far from feeling any fear for the Church, Her strength and her stability are divine, as the exi^eriem-e of ages triumphantly proves. The world knows of the endles-^ calamities, each more terrible than the last, that have fallen upon her during this long course of time — but where all purely huuian institutions must inevitably have succumbed — the Church has drawn from her trials only fresh strength and richer fruitfulness. As to the persecuting laws passed against her, history teaches, even in recent tiuies, and France itself confirms the lesson, that though forged by hatred, lliey are always at last wisely abro- gated, when they are found to be prejudicial to the interests of the State. Ciod grant that those wiio are at present in power in France may soon follow the exauijjle set for them in this matter by their i)i-edecessors. (Jod grant that they may, amid the applau.se of all good people, make haste to restore to religion, the source of civilization and pi'ospcrity. the lionor which is due to her together with lu^r liberty. 20 Meanwhile, and as long as oppressive persecution continues, the children of the Church, puttinr/ on the armor of lir/Jit^ must act with all their strength in defence of Truth and Justice — it is their duty always, and today more than ever. To this holy contest you, Venerable Brethren, who are to be the teachers and guides, v7 Bishops, comprising the whole hierarchy in France. Document V. THE THIRD ENCYCLICAL LETTER. It is mainly intended to refute the calumnious charges made against the Holy See in the question at issue, and to state the reasons why other recent legislative measures, regulating relig- ious worship, cannot be accepted by the Catholic Hierarchy in France. Venerable Brethren and Beloved Sons, Health and Apostolic Benediction : Once again the serious events which have been precipitated in your noble country compel Us to write to the Church of France to sustain her in her trials, and to comfort her in her sorrow. When the children are suffering the heart of the Father ought more than ever to go out to them. And so, now that We see you suffer, from the depths of our fatherly heart, floods of ten- derness break forth more copiously than ever, and flow to you with the greater comfort and sweetness. These suft'erings. Ven- erable Brothers and beloved sons, now find a poAverful echo throughout the whole Catholic Church; but We feel them more deeply still and We sympathise with a pity which grows with your trials and seems to increase day by day. But Avith these cruel sorroAvs the Master has, it is true, mingled a consolation than Avhich none can be dearer to our heart. It springs from 35 your unshakable attachment to the Church, and from your un- failing fidelity to this Apostolic See, and from the firm and deeply founded unity that reigns among you. On this fidelity and union "We confidentl}'^ reckoned from the first, for We were too well aware of the nobleness and generosity of the French heart to have any fear that on the field of battle disunion would find its wa}^ into your ranks. Equally great is the joy we feel at the magnificent spectacle 3'^ou are noAv giving to the world ; and with our high praise of you before the whole Church, We give thanks from the depths of Our heart to the Father of mercies, the Author of all good. Recourse to God, so infinitely good, is all the more necessary because, far from abating, the struggle grows fiercer and expands unceasingly. It is no longer only the Christian faith that they would uproot at all costs from the hearts of the people ; it is any belief which lifting man above the horizon of this world would supernaturally bring back his wearied eyes to heaven. Illusion on the subject is no longer possible. War has been declared against everything supernat- ural, because behind the supernatural stands God, and Ijecause it is God that they want to tear out of the mind and heart of man. The war will be bitter and without respite on the part of those who Avage it. That, as it goes on, harder trials than those you have hitherto known await you, is possible and even probable. .Common prudence calls upon each of you to prepare for them, and this you will do simply, valiantl}^, and full of confidence, sure that however fiercely the fight may rage, victory will in the end remain in your hands. The pledge of this victory is your union first of all among j'ourselves, and secondly with this Apos- tolic See. This twofold union will make you invincible, and against it all efforts will break. Our enemies have on this been under no misapprehensions. From the outset, and with the greatest clearness of vision, they determined on their objective: First to separate you from Us and the Chair of Peter, and then to sow disorder among you. From then till now tliey have made no change in their tactics; the}'' have pursued their end without rest and by every means; some with comprehensive and catching phrases; others Avith the most brutal cynicism, threats and vio- lence; all these have been brought into play and employed. But your clear-sighted fidelity has Avrecked all these attempts. There- upon, thinking that the best Avay to separate you from Us was to shatter your confidence in the Apostolic See, they have not hesitated from the tribune and in the press, to throw discredit upon Our acts by misrepresenting and sometime^ cvon by cal- umniating Our intentions THE CHURCH NOT SEEKING REIJGIOUS WAU. The Church, they said, is seeking to arouse religious war in France, and is summoning lo her aid the violent iKTsecution Avhich has been the object of her prayers. What a strange accu- sation! Founded by llim, who came to bring peace upon earth, the Church could only seek religious Avar by repudiating her high mission and belying it before the eyes of all. To this mis- sion of patient sweetness and love she rests and Avill remain always faithful. Besides, the Avhole Avorld noAv knows that if ]ien((" of conscience is broken in France, that is not (he Avork 36 of the Church, but of her enemies. Fair-minded men, even though not of our faith, recognise that if there is a struggle on the question of religion in j'our beloved country, it is not because the Church Avas the first to unfui-l the flag, but because war was declared against her. During the last twenty-five years she has had to undergo this warfare. That is the truth ; and the proof of it is seen in the declarations made and repeated over and over again in the Press, at meetings, at Masonic congresses, and even in Parliament, as well as in the attacks which have been pro- gressively and systematically directed against her. These facts are undeniable, and no argument can ever make away with them. The Church then does net wish for war, and religious war least of all. To ainrm the contrary is an outrageous calumny. NO PERSECUTION. Nor has she any desire for violent persecution. She knows what persecution is,, for she has suffered it in all times and in all places. Centuries passed in bloodshed gave her the right to say with a holy boldness that she does not fear it, and that as often as may be necessary she will be able to meet it. But per- secution is in itself an evil, for it is injustice and prevents man from w'orshipping God in freedom. The Church then cannot desire it, even with a view to the good w^hich Providence in its infinite wisdom ever draws out of it. Besides, persecution is not only evil, it is also suffering, and there we have a fresh reason why the Church, who is the best of mothers, wall never seek it. This persecution which she is reproached as having provoked, and which they declare the}^ have refused, is now being actually inflicted upon her. Have they not within these last days evicted from their houses even the Bishops who are most venerable by their age and virtues, driven the seminarists from the large and small seminaries, and entered upon the expulsion of the eurats from their presbyteries? The whole Catholic world has watched this spectacle with sadness, and has not hesitated to give the name which they deserved to such acts of violence. CHURCH PROPERTY. As for the ecclesiastical property, which we are accused of aban- doning, it is important to remark, that this property w'as partly the patrimony' of the jDoor and the patrimony, more sacred still, of the dead. It is not permissible to the Church to aban- don or surrender it; she only lets it be taken from her by vio- lence. Nobody will believe that she has deliberately abandoned, except under the pressure of the most overwhelming motives, what w^as confided to her keeping, and what was so necessary for the exercise of worship, for the maintenance of sacred edifices, for the instruction of her clergy, and for the support of- her ministers. It was only Avhen perfidiously placed in the positioii of having to choose between material ruin and consent to the violation of her Constitution, which is of divine origin, that the Church refused, at the cost of poverty, to allow tlie work of God to be touched in her. Her property, then, has been wrested from her; it was not she who abandoned it. Consequently, to declare ecclesiastical property unclaimed on a given date unless the Church had by then created within herself a new organism; 37 to subject this creation to conditions in rank opposition to the divine Constitution of the Church, which was thus compelled to reject them; to transfer this proijcrty to third i)arli(*s as if it had become ownerless, and finally to assert that in thus acting there was no spoliation of the Church, but onl}' a disposal of property abandoned by her — this is not merely argument of transpar- ent soi)histry, but adding insult to the most cruel spoliation. This spoliation is undeniable in spite of vain attempts at palliat- ing it by declaring that no moral person existed to whom the property might be handed over; for the State has power to confer civil personality on whomsoever the public good de- mands that it should be granted to, establishments that are Cath- olic as Avell as others. In any case it would have been easy for the State not to have subjected the formation of cultural associations to conditions in direct opposition to the divine constitution of the Church which they are supposed to serve. And yet this is precisely what was done in the matter of the cultural associa- tions. They were organised in such a w'ay that its dispositions on this subject ran directly counter to those rights which, derived from her constitution, are essential to the Church, notably as affecting the ecclesiastical hierarchy, the inviolable base given to His Avork by the Divine Master himself. Moreover, the law conferred on these associations powers which are the exclusive prerogative of ecclesiastical authority both in the matter of the exercise of worship and of (he proprietorship and administra- tion of property. And/lastly, not only are these associations Avithdrawn from ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but they are made judicially answerable to the civil authority. These are the rea- sons which have driven Us in Our previous Encyclicals to con- demn these cultural associations in spite of the heavy sacrifices which such condemnation involved. We have also been accused of prejudice and inconsistency. It has been said that AVe had refused to approve in France what We had approved in Ger- many. But this charge is equally lacking in foundation and justice. For although the German law was blamable on many points, and has been merely tolerated in order to avoid greater evils, the cases were quite different, for that law contained an express recognition of the Catholic hierarchy, which the French law does not. (See Appendix, Note B.) THE ANNUAL DECLARATION. As regards the annual declaration demanded for the exercise of worship, it did not offer the full legal security which one had a right to desire. Nevertheless — though in principle gatherings of the faithful in church have none of the constituent elements proper to ])ublic meetings, and it would, in fact, be odious to assimilate them — the Cliui'ch could, in order to avoid gre:iter evils, have brought herself to tolerate this declaration. But by providiug that Ihe ''curate or olliciating priest would no louger," in his church, "be anything more than an occupier without any judicial title or power to perform any acts of administration,'* there has been imposed on ministers of religion in the very exercise of their ministry a situation so humiliating and vague that, under such conditions, it was impossible to accept the dec la rati on. 38 THE NEW LAW. There remains for consideration the law recently voted by the tAvo Chambers. From the point of view of ecclesiastical prop- ert}'^, this law is a law of spoliation and confiscation, and it has completed the stripping of the Church. Although her Divine Founder was born poor in a manger, and died poor upon the Cross, although she herself has known poverty from her cradle, the property that came to her was none the less hers, and no one had the right to deprive her of it. Her ownership, indisputa- ble from every point of view, had been, moreover, officially sanc- tioned by (he State, which could not consequentlj^ violate it. From the point of view of the exercise of worship, this law has organised anarchy; it is the consecration of uncertainty and caprice. Uncertainty whether places of worship, always liable to be diverted from their purpose, are meanwhile to be placed, or not placed, at the disposal of the clergy and the faithful; uncertainty whether they shall be reserved to them or not, and for how long; whilst an arbitrary administration regulates the condition of their use, which is rendered unusuall}^ precarious. Public Avorship will be in as many diverse situations as there arc parishes in France ; in each parish the priest will be at the discre- tion of the municipal authority. And thus ah opening for con- flict has been organised from one end of the countrj'^ to the other. On the other hand, there is an obligation to meet all sorts of heav}' charges, whilst at the same time there are clraconian re- strictions upon the resources by which they are to be met. Thus, though of but yesterday, this law has evoked already manifold and severe criticisms from men belonging indiscriminately to all political jonrties and all shades of religious belief. These criticisms alone are sufficient judgment of the law. It is easy to see, Venerable Brethren and beloved sons, from what We have just recalled to you, that this law is an aggravation of the Law of Sei^aration, and We cannot therefore do otherwise than con- demn it. The vague and ambiguous wording of some of its arti- cles places the end pursued by our enemies in a new light. Their object is, as we have already pointed out, the destruction of the Church and the dechristianisation of France, but without peo- ple's attending to it or even noticing it. If their enterprise had been really popular, as they pretend, they would not have hesi- tated to pursue it with visor raised, and to take the whole respon- sibilit3^ But, far from assuming this responsibility, they try to clear themselves of it and deny it, and, in order to succeed the better, fling it upon the Church, their victim. This is the most striking of all the proofs that their evil work does not respond to the wishes of the counUy, It is in vain that after driving us to the cruel necessity of rejecting the hnvs that have been made — seeing the evils they have drawn upon the countrj^, and feeling the uni- versal reprobation which, like a slow tide is rising around them — they seek to lead public opinion astraj^ and to make the respon- sibility for these evils fall upon Us. Their attempt will not succeed. AN APPEAL TO IIISTOKY. As for Ourselves, We have accomplished Our duty, as every other Roman Pontiff would have done. The high charge with 39 which it has pleased Heaven to invest Us, in spite of Our un- worthiness. as also the Christian faith itself, which yon profess with Us, dictated to Us Our conduct. We could not have acted otherwise withou trampling under foot Our conscience, without being false to the oath, which "We took on mounting the chair of Peter, and without violating the Catholic hierarchy, the founda- tion given to the Church by our Savior Jesus Christ. We await, then, without fear the verdict of history. History will tell how We, with Our eyes fixed immutably upon the defence of the higher rights of God. have neither wished to liumiliate the civil power nor to combat a form of government, but to safeguard the inviolable work of our Lord and Master Jesus Christ. It will say that We have defended 5>ou, Our beloved sons, with all the strength of Our great love; that what we have demanded and now demand for the Church, of which the French Church is the elder daughter and an integral part, is respect for its hierar- chy and inviolability of its property and liberty; that if Our demand had been granted religious peace would not have been troubled in France, and that the day it is listened to, that peace so much desired will be restored to the country. And, lastly, history will say that if sure beforehand of your magnanimous generosity, We have not hesitated to tell you that the hour of sacrifice had struck, it is to remind the world, in the name of the Master of all things, that men here below should feed their minds upon the thoughts of a higher sort than those of the j^erishable contingencies of this life, and that the supreme and intangible joy of the human soul on earth is that of duty supernaturally carried out, cost what it may, and so God honored, served and loved, in spite of all. Confident that the Immaculate Virgin, Daughter of the Father, Mother of the Word, and Spouse of the Holy Ghost, will obtain for you fromthe most holy and adorable Trinity better days, and as a token of the calm which We firmly hope will follow the storm, it is from the depths of Our heart that We impart Our Apostolic Blessing to you. Venerable Breth- ren, as well as to your clergy and the whole French people. Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, on the Feast of the Epiphany, January G, 1907, the fourth year of our Pontificate. PIUS X., Pope. Appendix — Note A. The Church and the State in the American Republic: Those who profess to see in the "Separation Law" of France a parallel to the relations of Church and State in the United States will discover their uiistnke in reading the i)oints of contrast indicated by jVf. Boyer de Bouillac in a lecture recently given in Paris. He pointed out that — 1. The word Creator occurs at the very beginning of the Dec- laration of Independence. 2. Public blasphemy is an indictable offense punished by law. 3. In moments of national i)eril or disaster the President may prescribe a day of fasting and praj^er, 4. Each 5'ear a day of thanksgiving to the Deity is proclaimed. 40 5. Most of the States prescribe rest from manual labor on Sunday. G. Clergymen are exempt from service in the militia, and from military service in time of war. Insults to clergymen in the exer cise of their functions are severel}^ punished. 7. Dioceses, parishes, hospitals, colleges, religious congrega- tions may be civilly incorporated, and in that case, although limits may.be set to their real property, no limit is set to their personal property. 8. Churches, hospitals, and asylums are very commonly ex empt from taxation. 9. Freedom of speech is as sacred in the pulpit as on the hustings. 10. The right of association is full and entire for the laity, diocesan priests, and religious orders. 11. Nothing prevents the meetings of Bishops, or their rela tions with the Pope. All these points are diametrically opposed to the Separation Law passed by the French Chambers on De- cember 9, 1905, and like the organic articles added by Napoleon to the Concordat without the consent of the Holy See. This law is either separatist unto apostas}^, or meddlesome unto oppression. The United States Laws and customs respect natural and revealed religion, while the French rulers aim at exterminating them. Appendix — Note B. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE GERMAN AND THE FRENCH ASSOCIATIONS OF WORSHIP. From the Pastoral Letter of Monsignor Touchet, Bishop of Orleans, on the French Associations of Worship : Here a difficulty presents itself; one which the Holy Father himself in his letter to the French Bishops, August 10, 190G, inti- mates, will be urged against us, and which we, as shepherds of the people, have to answer. Our enemies are very busy just now, thrusting it in our faces. It is this: Why does not the Pope tolerate in France what he tolerates in Prussia? Is he not prompted by hatred of the Republic? To this we answer: One must be extremely ignorant, or be guilty of bad faith, if he finds any resemblance between the Associations of Worship in Ger- many and those of France. 1. The German Association is composed of many persons, over whom in the first place and by right, the parish priest pre- sides. 2. The Bishop has the right to convoke the Association when- ever he judges fit. 3. When the parishes are too small the Bishop can decide that there will be no parochial Association. 4. When the Associations neglect or refuse obstinately to do their dut}', the Bishop can dissolve them. 5. The Bishop has right to communicate his views to the parochial Associations on the conduct of their business. 6. The parochial Associations (and this is particularly note- worthy) are so devised as to be able to receive and expend money for benevolent and educational work. 7. The Bishop can dismiss every member of the Association 41 whom he judges to have been faithless in the discharge of his duty. 8. The Bishop exercises the right of surveilhince and of ap- proval over the greatest number of the administrative acts of the Associations. Minor matters he leaves to others. 9. The Priests receive from these German Associations an average salary of at least 2,500 francs, equal to $500. 10. The Bishop's salary exceeds 30.000 francs, eqiral to $0,000. 11. The accounts of the several Associations are inspected yearly by the State. I now ask what resemblance is there between the Law of our French Associations of Worship, which is as mute as death about Bishops and priests, which is a plunderer of charitable, educational, and ecclesiastical funds, and the Law of the Prus- sian Associations of Worship? The German parish priests have in their Associations the joosition Avhich the Catholic Church de- mands, and they are there \)\ right, 'lliov convoke, they counsel, they revoke, they watch over the parochial assemblies and they dismiss unworthy members. I am almots tempted, although my authority does not count for much, to risk this suggestion : I^et them give us the German xVssociations, and we will arrange things with the Pope. 12. Then it is only through an unpardonable ignorance or willful malice that the Holy See can be charged with criminal partialitj^ and inconsistency, because it has now rejected the Asso- ciations of Worship in France, while it approved those estab- lished in Germany in 1875. Here there can be no parallel be- tween the two legislations, as they are diametricallj^ opposed to each other. The Prussian Law of June 20 concerning the ad- ministration of ecclesiastical endowments guaranteed to the Cath- olic Church her full right over all her property, and only aimed at supervising its administration, which was left nearly entirely in her hands. Appendix — Note C. FRANCE AND BRAZIL. In 1889 when Don Pedro was dethroned and a Republic was formed, the union which had formerly existed between the Church and the monai'chy was dissolved. That the dissolution was not the effect of an anti-religious campaign is seen from the fact that a Brazilian Minister is still accredited to the Vatican. The Church tolerated the situation and adapted herself to it. The following is the Decree of January 7, 1890, by which the separation was bj-ought about. What a difference there is be- tween it and the French ''Separation Law!" Article 1. The Federal Government and the Confederate^ States shall not promulgate laws, regulations or administrative orders which establish or prescribe a religion, or which create differences between the inhabitants of the country or in the services sup- ported by the budget, because of beliefs or of philosophical and religious opinions. Article 2. All religious confessions have equal rights to prac- tice their cult and to govern themselves in accoi'dance with their beliefs, without being disturbed in private or public actions ■which concern the exercise of this right. 42 Article 3. This liberty does not extend only to persons for their individual actions, but also to churches, associations and institutions of which they form a part, giving each the full right to constitute itself and continue as a body following its confession and its discipline, without interference from the public authority. Article 4. Patronage, Avith all its accessories, powers and privileges is suppressed. Article 5. All churches and religious confessions have legal powers to acquire and administer property subject to the law of mortmain, allowing each its actual possessions as well as the buildings connected with the cult. Article 6. The Federal Government continues to support the present titularies of the Catholic confession, and it will sub- vention seminary chairs for a year, giving each State every freedom to support the future ministers of this or of any other denomination subject to the disposition of the preceding Articles. Article 7. Every preceding enactment contrary to this law is repealed. Appendix — Note D. THE STOLEN DOCUMENTS. Apparently the French Government is preparing to publish a part of the documents found in the Pontifical archives in Paris. . The fact is not very surprising, for the Government is now dead to all sense of public honor. But it suggests some significant reflections. The documents were seized originally on the specific pretext that Mgr. Montagnini, in whose keej^ing they w^ere, was accused of inciting three j^arish priests of Paris to violate the Separation Law. Nothing has since been heard of that charge from the French Government — in fact, everybody knows now that it was a trumped-up accusation, on all fours with the fan- tastic 'plot against the Republic' Avhich are invented, exploited, and forgotten all in the course of a few days, whenever a French ministry wishes to create a pretext to win a vote. Under the circumstances even those papers which regard Mgr. Montagnini personally should have been returned to the owner before this. But besides these papers there is a vast collection -^f documents with which Mgr. Montagnini had no more relation than the English Ambassador in Paris. They affect prominent person- ages both living and dead, and foreigners as well as Frenchmen, just as there are probably at this moment in the English Em- bassy at Paris (unless the present Ambassador has been wise enough to remove them to some safe place in view of recent events) many diplomatic documents which intimately concern the political adversaries of MM. Briand and Clemenceau. Sup- pose the British Ambassador were for any reason obliged to leave Paris tomorrow, and that the French Government took occasion from that fact to arrest his secretary on a bogus charge, and to seize all the papers — not of the secretary, but of the Embassy, what would happen ? It would mean one thing at any rate; that the editors of all the newspapers in the country would lash with scorpions the authors of this outrage on international honor. 43 Meanwhile it is well to emphasize this fact: There is not a document or a scrap of paper in all the archives thus violently seized which compromises the Holy See in any way. The Govern- ment organs made a shifty confession of this last week when they insinuated that the most important documents had been removed before the raiders had been able to laj'^ liands on them. That is absolutely false. Had the Holj^ See had the slightest inkling of a danger to the documents it might very easily have removed or destroyed the key to the most important of them. The fact that it did not do even this much shows that it never suspected that M. Briand would have turned l>urglar and used a jimmy. It is important also to remember that the seizure of the docu- ments was carried out in a most irregular manner — the piracy was so flagrant that the authors of it did not think it worth while to make the usual inventory on the spot, of the documents sequestrated. Thus there are four particularly significant feat- ures in this deplorable incident. The custodian of these docu- ments was arrested on a false charge; no inventory was taken of his papers; a veiled confession w^as made that the documents seized failed to inculpate the Holy See; yet the Government intends to publish some of them. One wonders if M. Briand really imagines that the public will accept as authentic any alleged document he may like to print. — The Roman Correspond- ent London Tablet^ January 12, 1907. Appendix — Note E. THE PERSECUTION IN FRANCE. THE FACTS. (By William Poland, S. J., of St. Louis, Mo.) As there is much misinformation regarding the Persecution of the Church in France, the following facts will be of interest to those who care for tnith and justice. 1. This misinformation has come from the newspapers. The newspapers do not print the truth because the truth is not sent to them. For thirty-five years the facts have been suppressed or falsified. This has been done in the German Persecution, in the Italian Persecution and in the French Persecution. During this present ■week the news agency has represented the war of France against the Church as the war of the. Pope against France. 2. The fact is that there is a real and hitter Persecution of the Church in France; that this Persecution has been going on since 1879; and that it is carried on by anti-Christian organ- izations. 3. To understand the present Persecution aright we must look back one hundred and fifteen years to the time of the Reion of Terror, in 1791, 1792, and 1793. After the dethronement of the good King Louis XVI., Franco was ruled by revolutionary bodies: first, "Constituent Assembly," then "Legislative As- sembly," and next, "National Convention." After the King had been beheaded and thousands of persons had been put to death, it was found that the killing went on too slowly. To make 44 it go faster forty- four thousand guillotines, that is slaughter hloel's, were set up through the land and then the chopping off of heads went on very briskly. Altogetlicr two million persons were slaughtered. A government decree was passed against Christianity. And then all property of every kind connected with the Church, — the convents, the hospitals, the asylums, the schools, the churches, the bequests and foundations for the poor and sick that had gathered during more than a thousand years, — all was seised ; and then religion Avas replaced by putting a de- praved woman, on the altar of the Cathedral of Notre Dame of Paris. 4. Before that century closed, Napoleon Bonaparte had seized the reins of government in France. Seeing that he could not rule a people without religion, he addressed himself to the Pope to have religion re-established. The Pope was willing to enter into an agreement. In 1801 there was signed the CONCORDAT or ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT. By the Concordat the Pope allowed such of the stolen property of the Church as had been sold by the government during the ten years, to remain undisturbed in the hands of the holders. He tiius relinquished the ownership of such churches, hospitals, monasteries, schools, etc., as had heen sold. But he relinquished no right to any other of the stolen property which had not been sold. With few ex- ceptions, the churches had not been sold. These churches were to be put at the disposition of the bishops. By way of making a little restitution, a slight support was to be given to the pastors, - — not even a small fraction of the interest due upon the property stolen and sold b}^ the government. 5. In a short time, then, the churches again had pastors. Very soon new colleges, seminaries, academies, lyceums, hospitals, or- phanages, homes for the poor and the aged, etc., were once more provided by the zeal and charity of the people; so that in the course of the hundred years, up to the present time, more than one hundred million dollars have been contributed and put in tnist with private citizens, with the bishops and the pastors, for purposes of education, of charity, and of religious services. 6. Now, in this our Twentieth Century, one hundred j'ears from the signing of the CONCORDAT, the reins of government have again fallen into the hands of men who represent the Reign or Terror. 7. These men set about their Avork as early as 1879, and in the next year, 1880, hundreds of Catholic churches, colleges and schools were closed by force, and the religious teachers were driven out of their homes. 8. Within the last three years, especially, at least sixteen thousand Catholic schools, academies and colleges have been closed. The religious conducting these establishments were told that they could ask for an authorization, and when they asked for an authorization, their requests were thrown in the waste basket. Between one and two hundred thousand religious con- victed of no crime, and without trial, were then put upon the street. Priests and brothers, aged and feeble nuns, were all turned out into the hightcay as so many cattle, with no provision made for a crust of hrcad, a shelter from the storm or a nighfs lodging. 45 9. Of course, the terrible scenes of these three years were 7iot allowed to be sent in the telegraphic dispatches. 10. The Catholic schools have been replaced everj^where by atheistic schools of every grade, for the purj^ose of bringing up the children and the young men and women to a hatred for Chnst and without Christian morality. 11. Finally, as the last step, just now, all the bishops and parish priests are being driven from their homes; and these homes together with the thirty thousand churches and all proper- ties are being seized by the government. 12. This is being done under a law passed last year, the no- torious law of "Associations for Worship" {Associations cultu- elles.) By this law the bishops and priests are ordered to give up all control and management of everything connected with the church property and church services. Everything must be put into the hands of Committees {Associations) of laymen, who will manage everything — churches, property, residences, bequests, the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, Confession, Holy C ommunion, Bapt- ism, the Sacraments for the dying, etc. — all according to the dictates of the atheistic government. 13. It is easy to see that no man with half a conscience could thus 3'ield up his trust and his obligation before God and man. And so the Pope and the Bishops and the Pastors with one voice have said NON POSSUMUS, we cannot. And this is the pretext under which the entire Episcopate and the whole body of the secular clerg}^, the pastors of the churches, are being turned into the streets, as the hundred or two hundred thousand religious teachers and servants of the poor have been turned into the street before them. 14. During the 7>as^ twelve months, the government of TER- ROR, in order to be sure of the plunder, has sent its agents to each of the thirty thousand parishes, and these agents have made a complete list of every so-ap of property connected with each church. This list includes everything, even to the vestments and chalices used for the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, and the vessels in which the Sacred Body of Christ is preserved in the Tabernacle on the Altar. All this is now being seized as each Bishop and Pastor is being put upon the street. 15. And, finally, this law of ''Associations" is so worded that if any Bishop or Pastor should — which God forbid — so forget his conscience as to consent to the sacrilege, and betray his trust, — the law is so worded that no Committee could possibly avoid one or another of a multitude of acts on account of any one of which confiscation would imniediately follow. 16. But the whole case is made plain by the words of M. Briand, wlio is a member of the French Cabinet, aud is the framer of the law. M. Briand, as the Minister of Education, in addressing the school teachers of the new atheistic schools, said : "The time has come to root up from the minds of French chil- dren the ancient faith which has served its purpose, and replace it with the light of free thought. It is time to get rid of the Chris- tian idea. We have hunted Jesus Christ out of the army, the navy, the schools, the hospitals, the insane asylums, the orphan 46 asylums and the law courts; and now we must hunt him out of the state altogether." There is no need of further testimony. Appendix — Note F. WHAT PEINCIPLE IS AT STAKE. The Saturday Review of London in a January issue, referring to the brave attitude of the French Bishops toward their relent- less persecutors, eloquently said that they are "fighting the battle of Christendom," a very suggestive expression, which has been cleverly developed by another English journal, The Birmingham Daily Post, of January 12, 1907. "In this warfare," says that editor, "at the root of many other political issues, lies the funda- mental question whether modern States shall continue to be or- ganized on the basic ideas of Christianity, that is, on a system of morals, and civic legislation deriving its sanction from a super- natural source, or whether the State shall be completely divorced from religion, and moulded on the pattern of the pagan repub- licanism of 1793 or of imperial Caesarism. In other words, the great principle at issue is which conception of the State is to prevail in the future; that which declares that civil society is a divinely ordered organism, whose preservation, development and perfection depend upon conformity with a system of thought and morals, that links man to the Supreme Being, or that which asserts that such a system, though justified by centuries of success- ful results among Christian nations, is now to be held as a sheer delusion, of which modern society should rid itself, a task which Governments should assist in accomplishing by assaults on the rights and liberties of the Church? This is the issue as it pres- ents itself to the Pope and the Catholics of France. On such an issue the Papacy, and indeed religious men of any and every com- munion can form but one conclusion and it is this. Any concep- tion of the St^.te destructive of religion, and any manifestation of political forces with this end in view (whether that end be avowed or concealed) must be met with uncompromising resist- ance, if we wish to save society from utter ruin." Appendix — Note G. A WORD TO THE EDITORS OF THE SECULAR JOURNALS. Though there are signs that the long campaign of calumny in the English and American press against the Supreme Pontitf and the Catholic Church in France is coming to an end, yet some few rem.arks on this subject will not be considered out of place and may produce some good results. What has been the attitude of the secular press regarding the present conflict in France? What have been the views expressed by its editors, the men, who pose as leaders of public opinion, the stalwart defenders of sound ethical principles, and the staunch advocates of the people's rights? I am sorry to have to state that with few laudable ex- ceptions, the English and the American journals, have, from the very beginning of the crisis, pursued a course, which is both 47 heartless and unjudicious, and which throws no little discredit on the noble function of the jMihlic press. Their power for good, either through prejudice or unpardonable ignorance, has been turned into an instrument of evil. The line of thoughts, which with more or less bitterness they have been striving to impress on their readers, is reduced to this: "We have studied," they editoriallj' say, "the whole question and this is our verdict. Rome has been unwise, reactionary, impolitic, unjust in its dealings with France. The French Government, on the contrary, has merely asserted the rights of every civil State against the en- croachments of the Church; it has been invariably on the side of liberty; it has been moderate, just, nay, even generous, throughout the succeeding phases of this controversy. And as to the churches, cathedrals, and other property, there Avas no con- fiscation, for, from the date of the Concordat in 1801, up to the present time, they belonged to the State who put them at the disposal of the clergy; hence by taking possession of them the State only rivendicates wdiat was its ow^n from the beginning." Now, this is, in general terms, the way the}- handled that most serious and delicate question. Have they done justice to it? Have the}' presented to their readers the true state of affairs? WTioever has taken the trouble to read this pamphlet and the Documents and Notes illustrating the Lecture cannot fail to conclude that their view is utterly misleading. The churches, cathedrals, and other eccleciastical appurtenances in France are no more the proi:)erty of the Republic than they are of the Czar of Russia, or of the Sultan of Turke3^ They are Church proper- ty, held in trust by the clergy for the benefit of the people. And as to the conduct of the Poj)e in the present conflict, here is what Combes, a late Prime Minister, the predecessor of Clemenceau, and himself a bitter enemy of the Church, published in the Neue Freie Presse of Vienna, on January 5, 1907: "Pius X. is not act- ing as an obstinate man by ordering the French Bishops not to accept the Separation Law. He is acting as Pope conscious of his office, and conscious too of the fundamental doctrine he is conimissioiied to uphold. His irrceonciiahlcncss is not that of a man, but of a doctrine, which he is not at libcrt}' to mutilate or suppress. Justly and rightly has he held it to be a duty and a point of honor to proclaim this doctrine from the height of the papal chair under pain of incurring the guilt of neglect of duty in the matters of Catholic teachings.'' Returning now^ to the editors, let them, I say, look at the actual facts scpiarely in the • face, and what will they behold? But yesterday the Chiirch of France appeared in all her grandeur before the world. She was bearing the light of the Gosj)el and Christian civilization through tens of thousands of lier devoted sons and daughters to the re- motest heathen lands. She was fighting against the inroads of sin and vice, and ministering to every human need and infiiinity. Look at her now. Her activity has been well nigh completely paralyzed. She has been stri|)ped of all her means of subsistence. All her bishops and priests have been forcibly ejecteil from their homes; her seininaries, devoted to the education of candidates for the pi-iesthood, have been seized, and all hci- churches, hospi- 48 tals for the sick, asylums for the poor, and her establishments for the education of youths, have been declared property of the State. The Government abolished all religious organizations, disbanded them, and confiscated their goods; and after perpe- trating all these iniquities in the light of day, that same Govern- ment had the effrontery to proclaim in Parliament, and announce in its official organs, that it had given liberty to the Church. These illfated rulers claim to have secured religious peace; but the world knows that the only results accomplished have been desolation, disunion, anarchy and ruin throughout the length and breadth of that unhappy land. They have made a desert, and call it peace. Here we may ask our learned editors : Can you deny the perpetration of these and other iniquities in the name of the law ? I have too much respect for your honesty to insinu- ate the belief that you are the hired minions of the French Prime Minister Clemenceau, as the Reptile Press of Germany of 1870 — 1880 was of the iron chancellor Bismarck. What interest had you then in taking sides against the w-eak, the innocent and the oppressed ? The times of bigotry and narrowmindedness, gentle- men, are passed, never, we hope, to return. After all, the highest aim of the press as you yourselves hold and proclaim, is to tell the truth, and give fair play to all irrespective of their religious creeds or political views. Keep to your promise, and we ask for nothing more. See that your correspondents supply you with genuine facts and not with inventions, and have the courage to put the facts before us in their true light. Then you will not have the mortification of being obliged to retract what you hast- ily wrote against the Catholic Church and her institutions. For in these days of telegraphic communication open to all, and other quick and reliable means of information, truth will soon make its way to men's minds, and historical events appear in their true light. Abraham Lincoln uttered a great truth when he said: "You can fool all people some time, and some people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time." Appendix — Note H. THE HEROISM OF THE FRENCH CLERGY AND A STRH<:iNG CONTRAST. The unanimity of the Episcopate, the embarrassment of the French Government, the sympathy of all civilized nations and the useless and abortive attempt to create a schism, by setting the laity against the clergy, form already around the throne of the Vatican the first conquests of right over might, ^'^liat a splendid sight is now presented by the Bishops and Priests compelled by the sword of their persecutors to abandon their homes, their seminaries, yet remaining with their flocks, amidst which they continue to labor, and with which they divide the morsel of bread, that Christian charity never fails to provide for them ! The Church of France had no choice but to stand before her per- secutors poor, but free, and the sacrifice was resqlutely faced for conscience sake; privations and poverty are accepted and cheer- 49 fully endured to safeguard the essential liberties, independence and autonomy of God's Holy Church. Hence the whole civilized world cannot but admire the faithfulness to principle, the devo- tion to duty, the obedience to conscience, and submission to eccle- ciastical authority, which have led the P'rench Bishops and Priests to face ills, which, by compliance with an unjust law, they could have avoided, and to encounter a poverty, which for many of ii:ein means i'Jniost utter destitution. This spectacle shows that loyalty and heroism have not disappeared from among men, and that no earthly consideration should make men desert the path of duty when religious principles are at stake. This fact naturally reminds the reader of a striking contrast. As we read in the Literary Digest for January 19, 1007, also the Protestant churches were affected by the French Separation Law of Decem- ber, 1905, and people are naturally anxious to know what has been their attitude in the present crisis. It can be stated in a few words. Six hundred and eighty-six Protestant ministers, em- bracing several denominations, without a solitary exception, have submitte(;l to the law, and formed the so-called associations of worship subject to a Board of Trustees, under State control. By so doing they were allowed to retain their churches, presbyteries and property and to pursue their course unmolested. At the bid- ding of the political highwaymen Briand, Clemen ceau and Co., demanding from them either submission or the purse, they have at once thrown up their hands; they forfeited their honor, their liberty and independence, it is true, but they saved their purse. This fact needs no comment at our hands. We supply the readers with the premises, it is for them to draw the conclusion. Appendix — Note I. After witnessing, during the last years, so many instances of bad faith and chicanery on the part of the French Government in its dealings with Catholics, we feel fully justified in endorsing the sharp rebuke with which Mr. l*aul Bakewell of the IMissouri bar concludes his recent address on the "Separation Law:" "Need I ask. Ladies and Gentlemen, whether such a sham re- public, false to all republican ideas, can make anj' claim to re- spect or demand that any official statement of hers be believed? On the other side, we see the Church wronged, oppressed, in- sulted, having yielded all for peace sake that she could conscienti- ously yield, now standing calm and dignified, fearless in the pres- ence of her relentless foes. Never perhaps in modern times has her Catholicity shone forth so brightly as now, when she stands the representative of God and religion, of virtue, honesty, truth and justice against legalised robbery, iniquity and blaspheming anarchy. No need to ask American Catholics which side they will take. I ask whether any decent man, be his religion what it may, can hesitate for a moment." As we were going to press, the mail brought to us the Feb- ruary Messenger, published by the Jesuit Fathers in New York, from whose pages we glean the following passages, Avhich, we are sure, will -interest our readers: "Day by day the Church gains in the struggle. So far her losses, serious as they are, be- 50 come insignificant when compared with her gains. The loss is matez'ial only, the seminaries, charitable institutions, rectories, pious funds, etc. . . . The gain is the moral conquest of public opinion, the recovery of liberty for Bishops to assemble in coun- cil, and for the priests to own their own soids, and to exercise their ministry rescued from servitude to anticliristian authorities; and the still greater gain of unity of the liierarchy with the Pope, and the unity of the people with their Bishops and priests. What the laAV has most plainly achieved is to consolidate the unity of the Church in France in a way that for more than a century was practically impossible. The outside world does not grasp the fact that the Pope's protest against the wholesale confiscation of Church property is an appeal to -every man who owns a house, or has a coat of his own to his back, to comprehend the conse- quences of this spoliation, namely, that it implies social and na- tional ruin; that it is the abrogation of all law and justice; that it is anarchy, and that the framer of the Separation Law, so called, has arrogantly spoken of it as "legalized anarchy." The Government's cowardice in selectino- as its prey an unresisting victim, the rapaciousness with which it clutches at ever3'thing and the blind indiscriminatness with which it robs the very man of all the world who loves the poor and oppressed, and who pours out all he has for their benefit, ought to warn rulers and people alike of what this movement, which has been in active prepara- tion for twenty-five years, portends. The action of the Pope in rejecting the offers of the French Government has revealed to the world the real mind of the Church in a way that cannot easily be forgotten. It is conscience scorning sin. It is magnificent ; it is sublime ; and the world, which finds it hard to understand such a condition of mind, is staggered. Over and above the clamor raised by its own teachers it has heard what amounts almost to a dogmatic declaration from the Vicegerent of Christ himself that there is something beyond the realms of matter ; that there is a spiritual world ; that there is a God ; that there is a heaven ; that there is a hell, and it has nothing to reply except that the Pontiff is a peasant, and a ""mystic" another word in their minds for a fool. Never in modern times was a sublime lesson so sublimely taught to a hard-hearted and incredulous generation. Catholics, who have been always reminded that it is necessary to make any sacrifice rather than commit sin, now understand their faith bet- ter. Perhaps the rest of the world will one day grasp Avhat has occurred. Appendix — Note J. LEGAL OPINION ON THE FRENCH SPOLIATION. An extract from the lecture of Hon. Morgan J. O'Brien, former Presiding Justice of the Supreme Court of New York : The deeds of 1905 I shall summarize briefly. The French government declares that the Concordat sliall no longer exist. It undertakes to break a treaty without consulta- tion with the other party to it. It undertakes to annul a contract. That cannot be done without a reason. No lack of considera- 51 tion is alleged. No denial is made that the bargain was equitable to the French government. Xo accusation is made that any clause oi" that contract has not been rigidly observed by the Church. But this is only the beginning. The government does not say: "I cancel this mortgage and return the principal because I re- fuse to pay interest longer." It retains the principal and asserts that the title to all the ante-revolutionary Church property vested absolutely in the state by the provisions of the Concordat, ■without regard to the liability which was the condition of that investiture. Since 1801, 40,000 churches have been built, of which less than 300 were erected as the result of State aid. Endowments and leg- acies from foreign as well as French sources have caused an ac- cumulation of property entirely distinct from that confiscated dui'ing the revolution. This ]u-operty now amounts to more than $100,000,000. The French government says: "This, too, is mine." "The reason?" "Because I say it is mine.'' To say to the Pope that the Catholics of France may continue to occupy and use their own property if they submit to the com- mands of the separation law is not the offer of a fair alternative. It is confiscating property by a subterfuge. Under these conditions consent would eventually and logically sanction the regulation of worship by the police, and the control of churches and charities by atheists and socialists not in sym- pathy with the Catholic masses. I ask the American. Protestant, Hebrew and agnostic alike, whether this is religious freedom? Does separation of Church and State mean that a government can seize and control all churches and regulate public worship? Is this a recognition of the principle of either civil or religious liberty? Casting aside bias and bitterness; removing from our minds all thought of spiritual things: basing a simple ethical proposi- tion upon the l)elief in right and Avrong common to all classes of American citizens. I ask if this is not a fair condensation of the question at issue in France today: I take possession of your property during a period of public disorder and sell it. Later on I sign a contract agreeing to pay you a fixed annual sum, provided that you do not contest my title to your propert3^ After some years I say to you: "I cancel that contract. You have kept your agreement, but I am tired of pay- ing. I shall retain the i)i"operty I took originally and confiscate all you have since acquired, and in addition I shall take every penny that you have earjied : every legacy willed to you; every gift that .you luive received since we entered into oiu* original agreement. Stripped ol" llie tine plii-;ises of Clemenceau and his ;issociates; stripped of diplomatic and theological compl(\\ities; stripped to the bai'e, basic (|uestion of honesty, I have (Mideavored to formu- late briefly tln^ fpieslion which is agitating France today. — New York .Mail and Mxpress, December 27. lf)06. 52 Appendix — Noi'e K. NEW YORICS GREAT PROTECT. "TFe register Before the ^Vodd Our Solemn Protest Against an Act of Injustice Perpetrated in the Name of the Governnient of France^ an Act that has for Its Object the Avowed Destruction of Christianity^ by Attempting to Crash Out the Life of the Catholic Churchy the Form of Christianity Professed by the Vast Majority of Its People — Tlw Noblest Spectacle Before tlie Eyes of the W arid is the Entire Body of the French Clergy Standing Side by Side^ Their Churches Plundered, Their Seminaries and floiiies Closed, Tal-ing up the Work of Spreading the (rospel Without Serij) or Stuff, as Poor as the Apostles After Pentecost.''^ ARC IIBI SHOP FARLEY. P'roni the Arduliocese of New York, the hirgest Catholic, diocese in the Avorkl, was sent forth Sunday nii^lit, January '27th, a cry of ])i'()te.st to the French Republic a<>'ainst the oppression of the Catholics of France. More than twenty-five thousand persons assembled in and around the Hippodrome. A conservative estimate of the number present was seven thousand persons, and while the meetin<>: was in pr()<>ress fully ei<>ht(HMi thousand storm- ed the police lines that had been formed in Forty-third and Forty-fourth streets and Sixth avenue. The auditorium of the Hi])podrome was crowded fully an hour before, the meeting was called to order at 8 o'clock, and the great crowd extended blocks awp.y from the building. Dkmoxstkation 1'X)r Aitciimsiior P\vi{lev. When Archbishop Farley appeared \\\,o\\ the stage, escorted by ex-flustice Morgan J. O'Brien, a wave of cheering greeted him that lasted for the better part of ten minutes. Men and women arose and shouted themselves hoarse, while the band played the Star Spangled Banner. Then, when the cheering had all but subsided, some one proposed three cheers for the Archbishop of New York, and it began afresh and lasted several minutes. Ivesolutions were adoi)te(l unauiuiously denouncing the (lovern- ment of France for its stand in the matter of enforcing the F^aw of Separation enacted in 15)05, upholding the French Bishoj)s and clergy in their stand against the law, and sympathizing with the Poj)e in his refusal to compromise with the French Ministry upon the question at issue. Before the meeting adjourned a motion was carried, recpiesting Archbishop P'arley to send a cablegram to Pope Pius X. setting forth that upward of 2.''»,000 Catholics assembled in New York City i)roteste(l against the acts of the French Ministry, and "extended their loving sym- ])athy and loyal sui)|)ort" to him "in the hour of his dire distress." Ol TBI HST OF l*ATUIOTlSM. Every reference to the Pope was the signal foi- prolonged cheers. AN^Ikmi in reading the resolutions John G. Agar came to the pai-agrn])h that read: "From the hearts of fi-ee men we send an ex])ressi()n of admiration and encouragement to the Sovereign Pontirt' for his brave stand and fatherly advice to the Church of France in its distress and deprivation," the enthusiasm of the 53 crowd reached its climax. The entire audience aroi^e. and the band struck up "Yankee Doodle." American patriotism wa.« conspicuous throue. and repeated references were made to the United States as the "real republic." A very large number of priests from the sevi'ral dioceses of the State were i)resent on the eventful occasion. Amon<^ the speakers were the Hon. ^lorgan J. OTirien. former l*residing Justice of the Supreme Court of New York, who acted as chair- man at the meeting; Judge Fitzgerald of the Sui)reme Court, U. S.; Senator Carter of Montana: Congressman Cioulden of Xew York: Hon. Joseph F. Daly; Hon. John 0. Agar; Hon. John J. Dehmey. The IvEsoiATioNs Adopted. llie resolutions, passed unanimously, follow: WiiKUEAs, The various laws enacted in France in recent years, encroaching upon the essential rights antl liberties of the Cath- olic Church, such as the violent dissolution of the religious orders and congregations, the treacherous spoliation of all their proi)er- ties devoted to religion, teaching and charity, have resulted in depriving thousands of orphans, the aged, the sick, the infirm, the helpless, the destitute of the ministrations of their most de- voted and self-sacrificing guarilians, helpers and comforters in temporal and spiritual needs, and in the eviction from their homes of 1()(),00() men and women, loyal citizens of the French Republic, whose only crime was their devotion to their re- ligious convictions, thereby throwing them upon the world as outcasts and jiariahs; and. VriiEKEAs, This series of attacks upon Christian organization has reached its culmination in tlie so-called Law of Separation, which is in every respect a law of domination and persecution, by which the property restored by the Concordat of 1801 to the possession of its rightful owner, the Church, as well as all the ])ro])erty donated to the Church by the faithful from that time, has been secpiestered and confiscated by the State: by which the seminaries have been closed, and the youthful aspirants for the priesthood drafted into the army and sent to the life of the bar- rack and camp, while the funds intended for their education and supi)ort have been turned into the French treasury; by which the lil)erty of ])ublic worship has been denied to the faithfid except upon conditions, which inxolve a repudiation of the Catholic hierarchy and its I'ightfid government of the Church, and which were imposed with the knowledge that tlu>y were imi)ossible of acceptance: and, WiiEui;.\H, This so-called Law of Septiration was born in fraud and deceit, involving the inexcusabl(> violation of a solenni com- pact l)etween France and the Holy vSec. wjiich l;:'.s stood unchal- lenged for over one hundred yetirs through changing nationnl vicissitudes and nine constitutional renovati<>ns. iuNolviug the rei)udiation of national obligations contracted toward the Cath- olic Church, and accom|)anied by the internatioiv'l crime of rifling the archives of the accredited re|)re>^entati\e of the \'ati- can ; and, 54 ^^'iiEREAS, This unparalleled injustice was carried out by ene- mies of Christ and Christianity in temporary control of the gov- ernmental authority in France, under the pi'etense of accordin*; to the Churcli the same freedom which is guaranteed to it in the United States, Avhile in reality the i)iirp()se and etfect was the si)oliation of Church property and the domination of Church autonomy to such an extent that even these ruthless despoilers were compelled to placate an aroused public opinion by amend- ments to the law. intended to convey the impression of liberal concessions while really fasteninir the shackles more firmly upon the Church; and. Whereas, Such enactments and the manner of their execution constitute an invasion of human rights, and are destructive of all liberty; now, therefore, be it Resolved^ That in upholding their right to freedom of public worship according to conscience the Catholics in France are en- titled to the approbation and support of all free men ; and That we, American citizens, living in a land where all churches are truly free — none being b}'' law established and none by laAV oppressed — do hereby denounce the arbitrary use of an e[)hemeral l)ower to crush out the right of French citizens to worship freely, according to their conscience, and we do hereby offer to the Catholics in France assurance of our hearty sympathy and our hope that the sacrifices which they have chosen to make in de- fense of principle may soon seciu'e for them that full measure of religious liberty which is guaranteed to all people in the I'^nited States of America, and That we appreciate the attitude of the French Bishops and clergy who are prepared to sacrifi(;e ever}' earthly advantage rather than submit to an injustice which imperils the religious security of their jjeople; we commend their unity in the cause of right and their loyalty to the Church, wherein they set an example which will hereafter sustain others suffering from des])otic interference with the liberty of conscience and the freedom of man to worship the Almighty in his own way, making sacrifices which will prove a glory to religion and in the end a blessing to their beloved France. From the hearts of free men we send an expression of admira- tion and encouragement to the SoA'ereign Pontiff for his brave -tand and fatherly advice to the Church of France in its distress and deprivation; and we urge the French people to support vig- orously the efforts of their Bishops for the welfare of their oAvn republic and the cause of freedom everj^where. ARCiimsiTOP Farley's Address. At this late hour I feel that it would I)e ungenerous on my part to detain you with a long address, esj)ecially as the whole case between the Government of France and the Church in that ccmntry has been so clearly and so forcibly set forth l)y the elo- quent speakers whom j'ou had the good fortune to listen to this evening. We have a right to feel, therefore, that not only Catholics l)ut all the Christian people of this great nation are Avith us in spirit and unite their sympathy with ours as we send it across the 55 ocean to our suffering bicthivn. for we are but performing an act of coiuuion huiiiauity. not to say of Christian charity. I thank you. uiy dear fi-ienression of the Catholic citizens of this great city, is a condemnation of the first persecution of the Church in the twentieth century. A. M. D. G. 56 *' Through many tribulations we must enter into the Kingdom of God.'* Acts XIV. 21. ms^mm THIS BOOK IS DTJE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO 50 CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $1.00 ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. M i b I. [/ ' ^ n^Sl^lA Sm REC D LP I SEP 5 1956 IN STACKS g^fi'Sgpy Rrn--: .,-^.,.w»> ^ec MC- '^-c ■^^^ BUI ^iv 'i 19n7 2lOct'62GR OCr? 1962 TO ti. 8G3948 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY