-O. % INSTITUTIONS. WITH THOUGHTS UPON A HEALTHY IMPERIAL POLICY FOE THE GOLD COAST AND ASHANTL BY CASELY HAYFOKD, OF THE INNER TEMPLE, ESQUIRE, BARRISTER-AT-LAW, AND OF THE GOLD COAST BAR. LONDON : SWEET AND MAXWELL, LIMITED, 3, CHANCERY LANE, W.C. 1903. BRADBURY, AONEW, & CO. LD., PRINTERS, LONDON AND TONBRIDGK. r THE LIVING INFLUENCE OF BEATRICE 'MADELINE CASELY HAYFORD, MY LATE WIFE AND DEVOTED FRIEND, THIS WOEK IS REVERENTLY AND AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED. 1273589 TABLE OF CONTENTS. TABLE OF CASES. PRELIMINARY. CHAPTER I. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. CHAPTER II. NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. 1. The Native State 2 (A). The King 2 (B). The King's Para- monntcy 3. The Chief 4. The Linguist 5. The Councillors 6. The Headman 7. The People 8. The Company System 9. The Judicial System 10. The Commercial System 11. The Fetish System 12. The Municipal System. CHAPTER III. THE CONFLICT OF SYSTEMS. CHAPTER IV. THE STATUS OF THE GOLD COAST. 1. The Gold Coast Settlements denned : their Nature and Extent 2. Early Jurisdiction of the King : its Nature and Extent 3. Bearing of Ashanti Affairs upon the British Position on the Gold Coast 4. Bearing of Treaty Relations and Acts of Parliament upon the British Position on the Gold Coast. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. LANDMARKS. 1. Early Political Movements, and the Rise and Progress of Journalism 2. The Constitution of the Fanti Confederation 3. The Debate on the Second Reading of the Lands Bill 4. The Concessions Ordinance 5. Native Jurisdiction. CHAPTER VI. THE CONFLICT OF SENTIMENTS. CHAPTER VII. IMPERIAL GOLD COAST AND ASHANTI. 1. Building the Empire 2. Wrecking the Empire. APPENDICES. A. DECIDED CASES. 1. Oppon v. Ackinie 2. Regina v. Cudjoe Imbrah 3. The* Chidda Concession Enquiry 4. The Chidda Certificate of Validity. B. COLONY OE PROTECTORATE ? C. 1. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 2. THE FANTI NATIONAL EDUCATION SCHEME. D. OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE AND OTHER INFORMATION. 1. Draft of an Order of the Queen in Council 2. Lord Stanley to Lieutenant- Governor Hill 3. The Earl of Carnarvon to Governor Strahan 4. Draft of a Proclamation defining the Nature and Extent of the Jurisdiction of the Queen on the Gold Coast 5. Bond, March 6th, 1844 6. British Charter providing for the Government of Her Majesty's Settlements on the Gold Coast, &c. 7. Palaver held at Government House, Cape Coast, May 10th, 1865. E. OTHER MATTER. 1. The Sale of Land at Sekondi 2. List of some principal Native States, with the Names of the Paramount Kings. TABLE OF CASES. PAGE 1. Homia v. Hurna, C. C. Apps 22 2. Coffie Yammoah v. Abban Cooma. ..... 88 3. Opposed Concession Enquiries, Nos. 150 and 343, Axiui (Esubankassa and Indumsuasu) 39, 58, 59 4. Enima v. Pai .......... 41 5. Bayaidee v. Mensah ........ 41 6. The African (West) Exploitation and Development Syndicate, Ltd., v. Sir Alfred Kirby and the Princes River Gold Mines, Ltd 41, 42, 45, 74 7. Opposed Concession Enquiries, Nos. 164 and 169, Axiin (Impatassi) 49, 50, 58, 59 8. Appenquah's Case ........ 53 9. Quarnin Dansue v. Tchibu-Darcoon and Cancarn ... 53 10. Concession Enquiry No. 136, Axim (Essarman) ... 71 11. Hima Dicki v. Anansu Mensah ...... 74 12. Oppon v. Ackinie 94, 208, 273281 13. Hutton v. Kutah 202 14. Bolton v. Madden, L. E. 9 Q. B. 55 . . . . . 205 15. Begina v. Cudjoe Inibrah 260, 281288 16. Concession Enquiry No. 5, Cape Coast (Chidda) . 203, 289310 17. Le Neve v. Le Neve, White and Tudor's Leading Cases . 301 18. Punchard v. Tomkins, 31 Weekly Reports, 286 . . . 301 19. Yates Bros, and Shattuck v. Garshong ..... 301 PKELIMINAEY. IN the present work I have indicated, or attempted to indicate, the true nature of the problem which Great Britain has to face in her administration of the Gold Coast and her hinterland. To find out what that problem is, and the way successfully to deal with it, it has been necessary, on theone hand, to examine the aboriginal State System, holding, as I do, that apari from the .Natives of the soil any attempt at statesmanlike adminis tration is doomed to failure^ On the other hand, I \ n T i have collected and preserved the most important of the evidence available as to the political relations, past and present, of Great Britain with the Gold Coast. I consider that there can be no greater safe- guard to British administration on the Gold Coast than in the free dissemination of the historical facts embodied in this book. Further, I have ventured to suggest a key to the solution of the problem. It is none other than the imperialisation of the Gold Coast and of Ashanti on purely aboriginal lines, leading ultimately to the imperialisation of West Africa. x PEELIMINAEY. The propositions in the chapter on Native Institu- tions have generally been supported by decided cases ; and they may be taken, on the whole, as a statement of the law as it exists at present. I have also in this chapter given a sketch of the Native State in Ashanti, as embodying the highest development thereof, since both the Fantis and the Ashantis come from the same stock, and may be regarded as cousins, if not brothers, the difference in character arising merely from their respective local environments. In the chapter dealing with early British relations with the Gold Coast, and the bearing of Ashanti affairs upon such relations, is embodied a deal of evidence of a highly important character. It forms essentially the Constitutional History of the Gold Coast, and indicates her status. In the Appendices I have collected a deal of important matter which could not conveniently find room in the body of the work. No earnest student of the Constitutional History of the Gold Coast can afford to pass them by. The events to which this work relates mostly happened during the reign of Her late Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria. Little does the world know how great was her influence in allaying irritation and preserving peace among her dusky subjects and allies on the Gold Coast. Long will PEELIMINAEY. xi be remembered the solicitude which she showed for the good government of this country and the welfare of its people in the dark days of 1898. I take this opportunity, therefore, of recording most respectfully the high regard all Aborigines of the Gold Coast had for her person and character. It is the desire of the author that the ministers of His Most Gracious Majesty King Edward VII. may have some means of ascertaining the true relations of Great Britain with the Gold Coast, and the nature of the difficulties with which they have to contend ; and if this book should be the means of even merely promoting earnest and intelligent inquiry in proper channels for information to guide future conduct, I shall not have laboured in vain. Kow,J,he sources of information in regard to the Gold Coast are so meagre and, in parts, so unreliable, that the intelligent reader may justifiably enquire how I have come by the facts recorded in this book. I shall satisfy that curiosity; and I do so the more willingly, as I am desirous thalTthe reader should. I have the opportunity of testing thp truths stated for himself. In the fall of 1897, I was requested professionally by the Executive Committee of the Gold Coast Aborigines' Eights Protection Society to prepare a brief for the Western Tribes of the Gold Coast Pro- tectorate, dealing with the new line of legislation then xii PRELIMINARY. introduced by the Colonial Government, with par- ticular reference to fundamental grounds of objection to the famous " Lands Bill " of 1897. Early in that year, the public mind of the country had been deeply agitated by reason of the introduc- tion into the Legislative Council of the said Bill, and it was sought to prevent its becoming law by appealing to Her Majesty in Council in the most effective way. In order to meet the general argument of a claim of right on the part of the Government to legislate away the lands of the Aborigines, I had to examine carefully into the past history of the country, as disclosed, among other materials acknowledged in this work, in tomes of official reports and Govern- ment Blue Books, and was in the end able to form a clear, and, I flatter myself, a correct idea the result of the evidence I had collected as to the true position of the Gold Coast in her relation to Great Britain. Some result of my labours was to enable the Executive Committee of the Society to place in the hands of counsel in England, through the Society's solicitors, a clear case for the country, which formed the basis of the petitions to Her Majesty in Council, which were submitted after the same, I believe, had been settled by Mr. Asquith, K.C., M.P. The fate of the " Lands Bill, 1897," is a matter of history. The PRELIMINARY. xiii Colonial Office yielded to the logic of facts, and the lands of the Aborigines of the Gold Coast were preserved unto them. It occurred to me, in the course of my critical examination of the issues raised and the evidence necessary to throw light upon them, that ample data existed, if only one would search for them, for a concise statement of the political past and present of the Gold Coast 'Aborigines, which would be useful in the future, not only to the Aborigines anxious to know the Constitutional History of their country, but also to the official of the Government, seeking for precedents to guide his conduct. I have endeavoured, therefore, in the present work, to embody the evidence collected by me, which was partly unused in the preparation of the brief ; and my object has been to present the facts in the most authentic way in order that the results arrived at may be obvious to the intelligent reader. Nor can a charge of partisanship be levelled at me, since the matters with which the historical parts of this book deal have, by the imprimatur of the Colonial Office, passed from the province of con- troversy to that of history. It only remains for me to add that the other general propositions of law contained in this work are based upon materials collected by me in the course of over six years' extensive practice at the xiv PBELIMINAEY. Gold Coast Bar, such propositions being generally supportable by decided cases in the Supreme Court. The following Blue Books have been referred to in the. course of this work: .(1) Papers relating to the Gold Coast, 1864 to 1878 ; (2) Eeport from the Select Committee on Africa (Western Coast), together with the Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence and Appendix, ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 26th June, 1865. With kind permission, reference has also been made to " Fanti Customary Laws," the able work of my learned friend, the Honourable John Mensah Sarbah, and to other works, which will be duly acknowledged in the text. It is my settled conviction that, unless the administration of the Gold Coast and her hinter- bhe -"1 L.'/ land is based upon sound moral principles, ' it is doomed to failure. It is for this reason that in tne last chapter 1 have ventured to indicate the moral duty of Great Britain to the country and the hinterland. Now, I know of no more thankless task under the sun than that of criticism. Why a sensible man should criticise at all, it is sometimes difficult to tell. Surely, it is far more agreeable to take things as they come than to be called a fool by one's friends by assuming the role of a critic. PRELIMINARY. xv Yet, what would become of Government, Politics, and even Keligion itself without criticism, fair and fearless ? But as regards criticism on the Gold Coast in public matters, a greater than I has written : " English merchants cannot afford to offend the Governor; they may tender for Government contracts, or they may be guilty of some technical violation of the Customs regulations and have to beg for the remission of a penalty. They look on with approval while some more reckless man expresses his and their mind in the press. They may bring their grievances to him to be ventilated, but they carefully abstain from all overt acts of opposition to the powers that be." 1 If the truth may be told, English merchants on the Gold Coast are by no means singular in a policy of self-preservation. Personally, I confess, I cannot see any reason why the powers that be should object to fair and open comment upon public matters. There is, on the contrary, good ground for assuming that an enlightened Government would welcome fair and intelligent criticism, however much such criticism may expose administrative weakness. Be that as it may, no matter what the personal inconvenience to myself may be, I shall be well 1 Ernest Eiloart, Barrister-at-Law, in " The Land of Death." xvi PEELBIINARY. satisfied if, by stating the truth and my honest convictions, I am able in some slight degree to promote the successful administration of the Gold Coast and of Ashanti, and to help the cause of the Fatherland ! My acknowledgments are due to Mr. E. Haigh Chalmers, the Editor of West Africa, for his courtesy in allowing the reproduction of matter indicated in the Appendix ; to the Kev. Attoh Ahuma, formerly Editor of The Gold Coast Methodist Times, for kindly giving me leave to use the article, " Colony or Pro- tectorate " ; and to the Rev. Dr. Mark Christian Hayford, whose assistance in connection with the correcting of the proof-sheets has been invaluable. C. H. THE LIBRARY, INNER TEMPLE, July, 1903. GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS, CHAPTER I. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. G.C. ... In dealing with Crown Colonies people at home are apt, on the whole, to take a very narrow and material view indeed, deliberately or unconsciously. And yet these Colonies, even the smaller ones, are countries often as large and as full of people as many a place in Europe which holds a niche of its own in the world's history, and whose movements are watched and recorded by the public press of the world. These latter countries, however small they may be, are deemed important as the homes of a people who are, or have been, factors in the political and social questions of the day. Of imports there may be none beyond those necessary for the civilised wants of a frugal race, and the exports may be equally unnoticeable, because the people are of more importance in the world than the productions they have to dispose of. With the Crown Colonies it is different ; they are apt to be written and spoken of as if their productions, actual or potential, were of more importance than the inhabitants ; and yet it is a fact that imports and exports, and revenues and debts, may all show an increase, and the condition of the people may not be advanced, or may even have retrograded amidst all this show. All this is so obvious to those acquainted with these Colonies that it gives rise to a conviction in many minds that the only people fit to judge of internal affairs in any country whatever are the people who inhabit it. C. S. SALMON, Ex- Administrator of the Gold Coast, in "The Crown Colonies of Great Britain," pp. 1, 2 and 3. CHAP. i. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. CHAPTER I. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. AFRICA, I believe, has been compared somewhere by Dr. Blyden in his writings to the Sphinx of old, which, sitting by the wayside, calmly propounded riddles. Trouble and great confusion to the nation, European or otherwise, which would attempt to read them without her aid. It could only mean disappointment bitterer than Jordan apples. The analogy holds good with regard to the attempt on the part of Great Britain successfully to ad- minister the Gold Coast and Ashanti without the co- operation of the sons of the soil. Indeed, the very difficulties which beset the path of the British Administrator can be correctly indicated sometimes only by the intelligent ones of the country, and the method, if not the means, of solution must also be with them. I venture here to indicate the problem. It is desirable, at the outset, to clear our minds of certain impressions which recent writers upon the Gold Coast have sought to create. It has been assiduously inculcated that the only object of Great Britain on the Gold Coast is trade legitimate trade, 12 4 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. i. if you please. It is then urged that, since trade follows the Flag, and civilisation trade, the Aborigines of the Gold Coast cannot but be benefited by the presence of the British upon their soil. This is true to a certain extent ; but let me point out in what way it is not wholly true. There is a keen pleasure in the sense of posses- sion. My land, my house, as contradistinguished from your land, your house, will remain, till the end of time, worthy objects of ambition. As with the individual man, so with the individual nation. That being so, when you come across professions on the part of writers upon the Gold Coast and others that Great Britain is on the Gold Coast for trade and no more, do not take them seriously. You may assent to the proposition, if you please, that her only reasonable ground of occupation is the free expan- sion of her trade. But that is a different matter. Whether you call them spheres of influence, terri- tories, possessions, protectorates, or colonies, there is hardly a European power which will not fight for their acquisition, even though there is derived from holding them not one farthing's worth of profit, taking the outlay it involves into consideration. I believe Mr. Andrew Carnegie has shown conclusively in an able article 1 how comparatively unprofitable for purposes of trade are some of the colonies and 1 Nineteenth Century, May, 1901. CHVP. i. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. 5 protectorates of Great Britain, let alone the so-called possessions or spheres of influence. There is, in some cases, an insane thirst for territorial acqui- sition, cost what it may. To state the proposition broadly, it is simply the primitive instinct of acquisitiveness in man which operates in the case of nations, no matter the extent of their boasted civilisation. Primitive ma.n in/ primitive society says : " I will have your land, 01 your hut, if you will ffive it to me. If not. I take it. When I have taken it, and yon cannot ; retake it, of p.onrsp^ T will frgfip it." The civilised nations of the world are to-day like unto primitive man, else international courts of arbitration would more frequently be sitting in one European capital or another, and the weak nations of the earth would have a little peace, if not a little justice. If you are inclined to deny the foregoing propo- sition, then I ask you to accept this, that commonly, there are two ethical sanctions to the fact of posses- sion. In the first place, you must come by your possession honestly, and secondly, you must bear manfully its responsibilities ; which two sanctions are generally not observed, if recognised at all, by the great nations of the earth. Since, however, the world is as we know it to be ; since the weak must go to the wall, and the fittest survive, irrespective of what is right or wrong, fair 6 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. i. or unfair ; it is, I confess, but practical philosophy that the weak should side with the strong. From this point of view, always remember, the Aborigines of the Gold Coast triumph in the wave of imperialism which at present sways the public sentiment of Great Britain. It may overwhelm them, and play havoc with all that is dear to them of law, custom and practice ; it may reduce them to the condition of bondsmen and captives in their own fair domains ; it may denationalise them and make them a people of no reputation, a by-word and a reproach among men ; but, for all these things, they would rather have the ills that they know of than fly to others that they know not of. It is nothing but common sense. What is more, they know what evils there are, are such that they can, cope w r ith, and that, truth being on their side, they will triumph in the end. Now, since we have the British with us, and the object of an enlightened Government should be to promote the healthy national development of the governed by conserving and not destroying the institutions of the people ; and since in the past the tendency has been toward disintegration rather than toward conservation we have the right to say to them : " You have disorganised our institutions, you shall help to reorganise them ; you have enriched your homes with the luxury that the CHAP. i. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. 7 Gold Coast has afforded, 3*011 shall help us to rebuild. our homes ; you have made here princely fortunes*. you shall help us to live peaceably in our own vineyards and under our own fig trees " it is about time, I hold, that the Authorities at Downing Street confined themselves more to external administration, leaving the internal government of the people to develop upon the natural lines of their own institu- tions.___Will the public opinion of Great Britain insist upon this being done, or will it allow the work of spoliation to proceed ? This is the problem in its naked form. The people of the Gold Coast observe that for nearly a century you i\ / have been trying to mould for them their insti- tutions, and that you have most signally failed. They see in the civilisation you offer much that is fair, but cannot fail to perceive the weak spots and blemishes in the same. They say to you, " We are anxious to take part in the race of nations towards the attainment of higher ideals, if you will only give us a chance to work out our ow r n salvation." But no, you will continue to regard them as inno- cents, and they, the pigmies, must march with you, the Colossus, whether it is expedient or not. This is not right or fair. It is not even common sense. Therefore, with all earnestness, I humbly urge that henceforth the Aborigines and their Protectors should adjust themselves respectively to their proper spheres 8 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. i. of work. Let them do this, and the problem of a century will readily be solved. But how about this adjustment ? you will ask. Permit me to ask you to go to history and to science, and they will teach you what to do. Science will tell you that there can be no healthy growth except from within ; and the history of the Gold Coast will disclose to you the facts and circumstances which must guide such internal growth. This has been the stumbling-block all along, this want of adjust- ment of the proper spheres of work of the parties concerned. It must be removed now. Let us see how. Truly, the present is a critical moment in the constitutional history of the Gold Coast and her hinterland. He who runs may see that the time has come to determine what policy shall govern the administration of the country by the Colonial Office in the commercial interests of Great Britain and in the practical uplifting of the native tribes in the scale of civilisation. But unhappy recollections surround the name of the Colonial Office in the mind of the historian. That hoar-headed institution, generally dormant and leth- argic, occasionally erratic and irrepressible, if not irresponsible, will have much to answer for in the day when the public intelligence of Great Britain will awaken to the golden opportunities which the CHAP. i. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. 9 Empire has lost on the Gold Coast and in Ashanti through its blunders. Let me at once clear this matter, namely, the blunders of the Colonial Office, of all misconcep- tions. The custom has grown up, within recent years, that the moment the Colonial Office is men- tioned the mind of the reader instinctively flies back to the right honourable gentleman who at present presides over that institution. He is at once fixed, rightly or wrongly, with all the blame, past and present, attributable to that office. This is not. fair ; and I will say this, that the Aborigines of the Gold Coast, in their criticism of the methods of the Colonial Office, disclaim the propriety of attacking any particular Cabinet Minister who, in past, present, or future Administrations,was, is, or will be, Secretary of State for the Colonies. But, without apportioning blame, one can pretty accurately indicate the line Colonial Office policy has taken under the guiding genius of a particular Colonial Minister. Bear in mind, if you please, that there is a Colonial Office policy, which may be allowed to droop, or pursued to its logical objective, according as the Colonial Minister for the time being is a weak or a strong man. And, remember, the world always admires a strong man who has the courage of his convictions. If, therefore, you complain of Mr. Chamberlain, 10 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAF. i. you only complain of the circumstance that the Unionist Government, for once, has done the Colonies the unique honour of placing at the head of their affairs and the direction of their destinies a first-rate man, who has the courage of his con- victions, and who presses such convictions home to their logical conclusions. Hence the crisis. Here is a man of nerve, who has schooled himself inta the belief that his objective is the right goal. Will he wreck the ship, or will he save it ? Men of local experience and knowledge think it looks like ruin ; and it becomes necessary to sound the alarm if, haply, the steersman will heed, correct the chart, change the course, and save the ship. For, pray, remember that, whatever the capacity of a Colonial Minister, and with the best of intentions in the world, he cannot be expected to be fully acquainted with local conditions, native peculiarities, and the past constitutional history of the Gold Coast. Unlike Australia, Canada, and other Colonies of Great Britain rightly so denominated, here, on the Gold Coast, you have to deal with an aboriginal race with distinctive institutions, customs, and laws, which, now and again, European writers may attempt to portray, but which they can never fully interpret to the outside world. It follows, therefore, that a Colonial Minister has to gather information, as guide for his conduct, CHAP. i. THE ADMINISTBATIVE PEOBLEM. 11 second-hand. Now, what are the sources of infor- mation open to a Colonial Minister ? There is principally the Colonial Governor, whose tenure of office is so uncertain, and who, during his adminis- tration, be it long, or be it short, -is somehow generally surrounded with officials not always the best qualified to inform him accurately concern- ing the significance and hidden meaning of Native institutions. He, the Colonial Governor, sometimes supplements the erroneous ideas he thus acquires by desultory reading of authors who, in writing, seek not the making of history, but that of their own ephemeral fame. In his despatches he freely makes use of such information ; and the Colonial Minister, when pressed for a division in the House of Commons, presses into his service the ill-digested lesson he has learnt from the despatches. Thus, between the Colonial Minister and the local Governor, ignorance at times reigns supreme as to the real merits of a given issue. This adds to the difficulty of the problem under consideration. What, for example, could have been more pitiable than the excuses put forward by the Colonial Secre- tary in the " Golden Stool " debate in the House of Commons on the 19th of March, 1901 ? Speaking of the cause of the rising in Ash'anti, the right honour- able member for West Birmingham said : " The earlier expedition was so far successful that it was 12 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. i. concluded without a single drop of blood having been shed. And when you ask what is the cause of the subsequent disturbance, I have no hesitation in saying that it was the bloodlessness of the previous expedition. The people of Ashanti, in common with every savage tribe, hold it to be a point of honour to fight for their chief, and to fight for their cause. They are ready to accept defeat, but they are not ready to accept the consequences of defeat without being actually defeated." l (Sic.) Unhappy Ashanti, a nation steeped in grossest barbarism, addicted to human sacrifices, slave-raiding, and the breaking of treaties! You must be thankful for small mercies ; for, until the Colonial Secretary spoke, we,, your brethren on the Gold Coast, could not believe that you could be guilty of such a thing as a point of honour ! But there it is in black and white. Who told Mr. Cham- berlain this ? Did he read it in books, or in Sir F. M. Hodgson's despatches ? I have never seen this in any authentic book on savage tribes, and so it is just possible it was from the despatches. Or, again, take this bit : " Sir Frederick Hodgson did not ask my permission to go for the golden stool, but, speaking now after the event, I entirely approve of his attempt to secure it. The golden stool is of very great moral and intellectual value (laughter). 1 Times report, March 19th, reproduced in West Africa, March 30th, 1901. CHAP. i. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. 13 It is not loot in the sense the honourable member supposes. It has no great pecuniary value. But in the opinion of the tribe, and according to the custom of the tribe, the possession of the stool gives supre- macy. And if, therefore, we should secure this stool, we would be doing mure for the peace of Ashanti than, probably, by any armed expedition. Therefore, it was of the greatest importance to get hold of this symbol of sovereignty, if we could possibly do it." 1 Again, how came the Colonial Secretary by this ex post facto explanation ? This time I have read somewhere something very similar. Here it is : " The stool appears among the Ashantis and neigh- bouring peoples to be the emblem of possession, for the expression ' to succeed to the stool ' is applied not only to a king on his accession, but also to private persons when they inherit property. Hence a conquered country is not considered to be fully subjugated until the royal stool has passed into the hands of the conqueror. It was for this reason, no doubt, that King Ajiman of Jaman exhibited such eagerness when he spoke to me of his desire to invade Ashanti and recover the Gold Stool, and this is also the probable explanation of the fact that in neither of the British invasions of Ashanti has this stool been allowed to fall into the hands of the invaders." 2 1 Times report, reproduced in West Africa, March 30th, 1901. Dr. Freeman's " Travels and Life in Ashanti and Jaman," pp. 442443. 14 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. i. The first point to note in reading these two passages is that, from Dr. Freeman's account of the King of Jaman's eagerness to recover the " gold stool," the said stool must once have been the stool of Jaman, otherwise there could be no need to "recover " it. That being so, the reflection is reasonable that, upon Jaman losing her " gold stool," she did not cease to be a nation, or to possess a stool, "gold" or otherwise, upon which .subsequent kings sat, down to the time of Ajiman. The second point to note is that the Colonial Secretary disclaims having directed Sir Frederick Hodgson to go for the golden stool. It is very unlikely, therefore, that Mr. Chamberlain knew till "after the event" of the great "moral and intel- lectual value" of the golden stool. But Sir Frederick Hodgson must have known of it, or he would not have, unsolicited, gone in quest of it. I am sure he did not get his information from any of his advisers, for his conduct in this matter has received the severest condemnation alike of officials and the general public of the Gold Coast. It is charitable to assume that the good Governor probably misread Dr. Freeman. Dr. Freeman, like the -careful writer that he is, speaks of " appears," " no doubt," "probable explanation." He kept an open mind in the matter. Perhaps later observation and experience might show that, after all, there was no CHAP. i. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEM. 15 virtue in the " golden stool." But when these tentative propositions pass through the official mill, they come out in a debate in the House of Commons as positive facts. This sort of thing, or anything like it, is a source of danger, and adds to the difficulty of the problem before us. We want an intelligent and scientific study of Native Institutions, and a right under-' standing of the nature of the work Great Britain is called upon to do in the Gold Coast and Ashanti, and the limit of her capacity to carry out such work apart from the Aborigines of the country. When once this principle has been .fully grasped and an attempt made to work it out, we shall, at last, be on the way to a successful administration of the Gold Coast and Ashanti. CHAPTER II. NATIYE INSTITUTIONS. G.C. I had asked him how the more intelligent of the peasantry and workmen regard those constitutional reforms which the educated non-official classes demanded with almost one voice. " What do you mean by reforms ? " he interrupted. " Western institutions generally a Parliament, liberty of the press, legal guarantees." " What on earth have we to do with legal guarantees and Western institutions?" he interrupted, seemingly astonished that any one should ask such a question. " Your mistake is always assuming that Western institutions are a stereotyped model upon which all forms should be based. It is this delusion that is at the bottom of half the wars and predatory aggressions carried on by Europeans against men of other races. If reforms are wanted in Eussia, it is not either Western or Eastern reforms, but measures suited for the people, and not other peoples. The assumption that reforms so-called must be constructed upon Western models is a pure product of Western exclusiveness, and is opposed both to Christianity and to common sense." COUNT TOLSTOY, Eeview of Reviews, May 15th, 1901. CHAP. ii. THE NATIVE STATE. 19 CHAPTEK II. NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. 1. THE NATIVE STATE. THE Native State, in its highest development, is to be found where a number of considerably important communities combine and own allegiance to one central paramount Authority. Such Authority is the King, properly so called. Thus in Ashanti, before the breaking up of the Court at Kumasi, there were the Manpons, the Juabins, the Kokofus, the Beckwas, the Adansis, and several other large and important communities, owning allegiance to the stool of Kumasi as the paramount stool of all Ashanti. Each of these important communities, when regarded with respect to the entire State, was a sort of imperium in Imperio in fact, several distinct native states federated together under the same laws, the same customs, the same faith and worship, the people speaking the same language, and all owning allegiance to a paramount king or president, who represented the sovereignty of the entire Union. The greater the number of such states in one 22 20 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. great native federal Union, the greater the import- ance of such Union. Hence the supreme influence which the occupants of the golden stool exerted in the nineteenth century, and the efforts they made, by war or otherwise, to keep the federal States together. This natural process of self-preservation, instinct with high statesmanship, has been, by ill- informed writers, set down for a slave-raiding propensity. You may as well call the war of the North and the South of the United States, or the struggle in the British Isles to preserve the inte- grity of Great Britain, slave-raiding wars. Having arrived at the zenith of her power about the first quarter of the last century, the central Authority in Ashanti, represented by the occupants of the golden stool, which had its seat at Kumasi, strove steadily to keep the Union together up to the last quarter of the century, when Her Majesty's Government, consciously or unconsciously, set to work to disintegrate the Union. Mr. Fox Bourne seems to think that Great Britain undertook this work consciously, and with a light heart. For he says in a recent pamphlet : " The desire to assert control over natives far away from the seat of government, and for whose conduct the authorities were in no way responsible, had striking exemplifi- cation in the treatment of the Ashantis, which, for the time being, culminated in the occupation CHAP. ii. THE NATIVE STATE. 21 of Kumasi in January, 1896. Ever since the Ashanti War of 1873-74, by which the powerful dominion of King Kwofi Kara Kari and his pre- decessors was broken clown, it had been the policy of the British administrators on the Gold Coast to coax away from allegiance to the occupant of the 1 golden stool ' at Kumasi all its former adherents, and especially those nearest to the coast." 1 This passage is, unfortunately, strikingly in accord with facts. Here we find a civilised Christian Power, the professed Protector of native races, doing unto a people struggling to maintain its national integrity that which she would not be done by. It is as if America should steadily set to work to coax Ireland away from her allegiance to the British Crown. The wrong being clear, will Great Britain make repara- tion by helping now to restore the integrity of Ashanti, or will she say, it is but a weak, savage nation, and pass by on the other side ? In^ the Gold Coaat J>roper we have, for example, the native states of Fanti, Ahanta, Insima, Ga, Wassa, and others, having more or less the same laws and customs, and ^sneaking generally the same language, or dialects of the same language. Each federal State takes rank in the order of its importance in the native States Union, and its com- position and constitution is the same as that of the 1 " Blacks and Whites in West Africa," p. 36. 22 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. principal or premier State, which is usually the State of the paramount King. Next in importance to a federal State is a province of such a State. A province is the district of a Head- Chief. Thus, taking Ahanta as a native State, the district over which Atta, the Head-Chief of Axirn, in Ahanta, rules would be a province. A province may be a large or a small one, but every province consists of a number of towns and villages whose principal town or capital is the town of the Head- Chief. The same principles guide the constitution of a province as that of a federal State. Then come the other towns, villages, and hamlets of the province, the government of the smallest hamlet being more or less on the same lines as that of a town. I may now usefully trace the beginnings of the Native State from the hamlet to its highest develop- ment, a union of Native States under one King or President. Let me make use of the facts of a con- crete case. In the case of Homia v. Huma, which went up to appeal, the facts were as follow : l A man named Inkertsia, a huntsman, had asked per- mission to squat near a village called Ankraku for the purpose of hunting elephants, and founded there a hamlet which was called after him Inkertsia Krom, that is, Inkertsia's hamlet. Now, Ankraku, according 1 Homia v. Huma, Cape Coast Appeals, November, 1900. Coram Griffiths, C.J., and Nicoll, J. CHAP. ii. THE NATIVE STATE. 23 to the evidence, was a village of the district whose chief town was Ayenasi, the district of Ayenasi being in the province of which Attuabu was the capital, which province was the premier province of the State of Appolonia. It was stated that cases arising in Inkertsia Krom, and not disposed of, were first referred to Ankraku, thence to Ayenasi, and thence to Attuabu. Here you have complete the links uniting the lowest to the highest native community. There is hardly a native of the Gold Coast, where- ever he may roam, who will not tell you, when you ask him, the name of his paramount King. I shall long remember the air of self-satisfaction and pride with which a body of Fanti labourers I once had for clients gave me to understand that they were the subjects of Okra Kwa, King of Mankessim. And well might they, for the King of Mankessim, before the disintegrating influence of the Government upon Native Institutions, was the premier paramount King of the entire Fanti Union. The authority of the King of the paramount State is no mere shadowy matter. The Head of each pro- vince pays him the highest deference. He is the arbiter in cases of dispute between two provinces within his State, and his ruling was always, and even now is, generally obeyed. He never directly inter- feres in the internal government of a province, but he can bring external pressure to bear in suitable cases. 24 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. Thus, with a strong central government, directed by a strong personality, the Native State has all the elements of progress, liberty, and enlightened good government in its composition. 1 How light would have been the task of Great Britain if she had learnt this elementary truth when Governor Maclean sought to press it home by the wise policy which he adopted. 2 But let me now, in further illustration of the principles which govern the formation of the native state, attempt a sketch of the Native State in Ashanti. It is idle to suppose that the national spirit has been crushed out of existence since the expedition of Sir William Willcocks. You may destroy a nation, but it is another thing to destroy the spirit, of nationality. Without going into the vexed question as to the original habitat of the Ashantis and Fantis, it is enough, for practical purposes, to state that they, in common with other tribes, once lived in the neigh- bourhood of the Kong Mountains, and were pressed southwards by external conflicts, and, subsequently, by inter-tribal warfare. Nor is any ingenious argu- ment necessary in proof of this. Nature supplies all the argument necessary. They speak the sjimejan- guage with only a difference of accent, such j|iffe_reruie being a refinement upon whichever form of speech 1 See Appendix E (2) for a list of the principal Native States with the names of the Paramount Kings, chiefly based upon information given by Mr. Annaman in his book " The Gold Coast Guide." 2 For Governor Maclean's policy, see pp. 243, 244. CHAP. n. THE NATIVE STATE. 2j was the original type. It is probable the Ashanti type is the original, since it is reasonable to suppose that the coast tribes were detached from the Ashantis, and not -rice versa. There is no tradition showing that the Fantis were ever a distinct and separate people from the Ashantis. On the other hand, there is historical evidence that, at the dawn of European intercourse with the Gold Coast, the Ashanti Union fully recognised the existence and independence of the Fanti Union ; and the current of immigration southwards from the north of tribes now dwelling between Ashanti proper and Fanti proper, all of whom have in common the same language with the Ashantis and Fantis, lends weight to this striking fact. At the present moment the guardian to the King Kwamina Enimil, of Eastern Wassaw, in the protectorate, is one Kojo Buaful, an Ashanti man, who is charged with the training of the young and intelligent King. In tracing, then, the Ashanti Native State I am but tracing the Native State of the Gold Coast in its highest development and applicability. The reader must be prepared to disabuse his mind of all prejudice in this matter. If you once start with the premises that the Ashantis are a bar- barous, bloodthirsty people, whose only lot is to be gradually wiped off the face of the earth, you naturally take a different standpoint from the historian, whose object is the ascertainment of truth 26 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. from facts as they are, and not as they are supposed or wished to be for purposes of argument or invec- tive. Sensible writers are beginning to think that the Ashanti has been greatly misjudged. Let us be fair to him for once, and follow me calmly, if you please, while I attempt to examine his institutions. The premier State of the Ashanti Union was, before the expedition of Sir Francis Scott, the State of Kumasi, where the King paramount of all Ashanti sat upon the golden stool. In Kumasi proper there were seventy-seven stools, representing seventy-seven public functionaries, as, for example, the Bantuma Chief, or the Chief of the Eoyal Burial Grove, the Ateni Chief, or the Chief of the Lamplighters. The King's household was controlled by a number of captains. There were the Captain of the Sword- bearers, the Captain of the Stool-bearers, the Captain of the Elephant's Tail-bearers, the Captain of the Court Criers, the Captain of the Koyal Butlers, the Captain of the Eoyal Huntsmen, the Captain of the Koyal Farmers, and the Captain of the Koyal Physicians. The local government of Kumasi was in the hands of the Kwaintsirs, a body of men who were the keepers of the golden stool. They formed the Department of War, and the great General Amankwatsia was formerly their Chief. The fact that the Department of War held in its keeping the royal stool illustrates CHAP. ii. THE NATIVE STATE. 27 vividly the origin of the kingly office in the Native State, which will be explained later on. The Akwnamus were the aristocrats of Kumasi, from which body a King was selected to sit upon the stool. Not that the King was selected haphazardly, but the family from which the selection was made belonged, as a matter of course, to the best blood in the land. The Akwuamus were consulted in all internal matters. Assafubuaki was formerly at the head of the Akwuamus. I write in the past tense, not because the Native State idea has been destroyed for that can never be while there are living any Ashanti women to keep alive in the minds of their sons the ancient traditions of the nation but because the Native State itself has been disorganised liv British aggression and interference. The King's sons, although they do not succeed to the stool, have a distinct rank in the nobility of Ashanti. They are known by the title of " Sai " or ' ' Osoo." Thus, Sai Bonso, a son of King Kweku Dua, was the father of Osoo Ansah, the father of Prince John Osoo Ansah and Prince Albert Osoo Ansah, whom the Colonial Office, a few years back, attempted to discredit in the eyes of the world, but, happily, without success. The title "Sai" or "Osoo" exactly corresponds to the title "prince." Much ingenuity was used at one time to prove that the Ansahs were not princes. 28 . GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. The Inkidoms or Akempims were the King's bodyguard. Their Chief was Subir. There were other minor bodies, as the King's scouts, -and keepers of the royal arsenals, who properly came under the Department of War. It is obvious why there should have been a Department of War in the local government of Kumasi, since the premier State of the Union must have been strong in order to command the respect of, and keep together, the several States of the Union. Every fortieth day the Adayi custom fell. It was a time of national festival and general rejoicing. The King on this occasion distributed among his several chiefs, according to their rank, large sums of money. They were not supposed to use the money for their own self-indulgence, but they were expected, like the stewards in the parable, to trade with the money of their master, so that he who had received seven peregwans might add seven peregwans thereto, and render a due account when called upon to do so ; though, as a matter of fact, it was seldom that an account was called for. In this way the State naturally encouraged thrift, and in olden days it was quite common to see thousands of Ashantis coming down regularly to the coast and buying goods for their masters, which in turn found their way into the very heart of Africa. Kumasi then was the centre of a state system which directly fostered the CHAP. ii. THE NATIVE STATE. 39 trade of the coast and connected it with the trade of the hinterland. It is curious to note that most of the early wars between the Fantis and Ashantis, prior to British advent, were due to the Ashantis wishing to trade directly with the coast, and the Fantis wishing to act as middle-men, and, therefore, sometimes ill-treating the Ashantis when they came down to the coast. There were, besides, actual gifts to different persons in the State by the Sovereign on these State occasions. Kumasi being the capital of the premier State of the Union, it formed the central convict establish- ment. Thither, month by month, were brought from the tributary towns persons who had been convicted of different offences and w r ere sentenced to be executed. There was a chief of tne execu-~ turners, and it was his duty to act as head-gaoler'. But the criminals were not executed as soon as they were brought to Kumasi. Some were never killed at all, and, in course of time, were reprieved. On state occasions, when all the people from the tribu- tary provinces would flock to Kumasi, it was usual to execute a large number oi tnose who had been condemned to die. Such public execution s"wouffi; of course, have a deterrent effect upon the people of the State in general. And when we consider that not only murder but offences like stealing from a farm, rape, swearing an oath upon the King's life, 30 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. selling a real-born Ashanti, kidnapping, immorality of a certain kind, were all punished with death, it is conceivable the large number of criminals that would be in the convict settlement at a given time. Let the enlightened reader, before moralising on the depravity of the Ashanti, recall to mind the fact that persons were hanged in England for sheep stealing, and witches burnt at Smithneld, not so very long ago. The Ashanti does not boast of being a civilised man in the sense of the European. He is only yet feeling his way out of darkness. But, surely, he is not the savage that he is painted. Nor is it true that the Ashantis waged war for the sake of securing prisoners to immolate at the fetish customs. They had a better eye to business. They sold the prisoners of war, most of whom, until Europe suddenly turned convert, found their way to European forts and settlements on the coast, and thence to the plantations of the New World. Could not those who participated in the offences of the Ashantis against humanity have had a little patience with them, since they could not help thinking that the work of regeneration in the European was too sudden to be true ? Let me clear this matter of all doubt. The Ashantis waged war among themselves either to preserve the integrity of the Union, or to ward off external attack, where the conflict was with a power CHAP. ii. THE NATIVE STATE. 31 outside the Union. The heads of the enemy killed in battle were considered a portion of the trophies of war ; but yon may be sure that not all the heads that were brought to Kumasi were the heads of executed prisoners. The ghastly practice existed of cutting off the head of a fallen foe, which was brought up to the capital to swell the number of skulls in the public arenas of Kumasi, over which ill-informed writers have waxed eloquent. Now, I have said that Kumasi was the premier State of the Union. The other principal federal States were Mampon, Beckwa, Insuta, Juabin, Kokofu, Adansi, Akropong Manasu, Asanti Akim, Awiku, and Mamponsu, who were all several thou- sands strong, with internal governments similar to that of Kumasi, which is, again, simply an elabora- tion of the Fanti State System, but who were all subject to and owed allegiance to the paramount stool of the Union, namely, the golden stool of Kumasi. 32 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. 2 (A). THE KING. At the head of the Native State stands prominently the Oldn (King), who is the Chief Magistrate and Chief Military Leader of the State. He is first in the councils of the country, and the first Executive Officer . His influence is only measured by the strength of his character. He it is who represents the State in all its dealings with the outside world ; and, so long as he keeps within constitutional bounds, he is supreme in his own State. The term " Ohin" is applied to the head of any con- siderable community of Aborigines, but all kings are not of the same degree. Hence the distinction which is sometimes made of applying the term "king" to the paramount ruler of a state, and the term " chief " to subordinate rulers under the King paramount. Thus the Head of the State of Ahanta is the King Baidoe Bonso, whose capital is Busua, near Dixcove, while the Head of the Province of Axim, in the State of Ahanta, is also known as Ohin Atta among all natives. Nor is this in any way strange, since each native community, be it small or be it large, is a composite whole, having its form and method of CHAP. ii. THE KING. government the same in all essentials. The entire fabric in either case may be analysed into the same elements. The term " Calboceer" was at one time employed to mark chiefs of first importance from minor chiefs, but it has fallen into disuse. It will be good policy to revive the title, and generally to enhance the dignity of the native Chiefs, as their influence for good in a well regulated system of government will be simply incalculable. The office of king is elective. No king, that is to say, is born a king. There are a number of circum- stances which may prevent the nearest to the stool from ever sitting thereon. A junior heir to the stool may be selected to sit upon the stool, if a senior heir is a profligate, or otEerwise incapable of maintaining the kingly_jlignity. Nor does a king acquire an indefeasible title to the stool when once he has sat upon it. It is the right of those who placed him thereon to put him off the stool for any just cause. But no other authority can rightly inter- fere with his position, if his people are satisfied with him. He holds such position for life, and, upon his death, his younger uterine brother, cousin, or eldest nephew, is selected to succeed him. During his life the King often indicates who such successor shall be, jrally, his wishes are respected. 1 1 Coffie Yammoah v. Abban Cooma, " Fanti Customary Laws," p. 83. G.C. 3 34 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. In the case of Hinui Diki v. Acjiman and others, decided as recently as the 7th of February, 1901, by His Honour Mr. Justice Nicoll, in the Divisional Court at Axim, Hima Diki, the King of Dixcove, had been deposed by the people of Dixcove, and replaced by Anansu Mensah, his uncle. The ex-king sought to recover from the defendants, as representing the Chiefs and Elders of Dixcove, the stool and the paraphernalia thereof. Said His Honour in giving judgment: "I find (1) that the plaintiff was King of Dixcove and duly instooled ; (2) that he was deposed according to native custom about a year ago." Nothing daunted, the ex-King next brought an action to test the legality of his destoolment. It came before the same learned judge on the 21st day of October, 1901, when evidence of a highly im- portant character as to the Customary Law thereto appertaining was given. Kweku Atta, King of Axim, was called as an expert witness. "Question: In the case of a town chief would you tell the procedure in taking him off the stool first when the family complain ? "Answer : The family complain to the townspeople, who put me on the stool, and we meet, and I am found to be in the wrong, I ask the townsmen to beg my family. They beg my family to forgive me. I satisfy them. If I do it again a second time, again CHAP. ii. THE KING. 85 forgiveness. The third time, yon must go, yon ninst have opportunity of defending yourself. "Question: Now when the townspeople complain? "Answer : Your family accompany you to the meet- ing of the townsmen, and the townsmen put before the family what you have done, and after you have made your defence, and your family found that you are in the wrong the family and yourself beg the town to forgive you. They forgive you, and you pacify them. If you repeat it four times, then, they tell the family they don't want you any more, and that ends it. That is the native law and practice." The Court in giving judgment in this case said : " I find that the plaintiff was Chief of Dixcove, and that he has never been properly deposed, and is now Chief of Dixcove, sitting on Dixcove stool ; and I order the stool to be given up to plaintiff, or some one for him." The case of Kweku Inkruma, ex-King of Peppissa District, is in point. In April, 1901, the King Kwamina Enimil of Eastern Wassaw being in Axim, the Councillors and Elders of the stool charged Kweku Inkruma with divers acts unbecoming the kingly office, and, the facts being proved to the satis- faction of the King's Court, he was put off the stool. From the foregoing cases the following principles are clearly deducible as to the destoolment of a king. 3-2 36 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. Firstly : the authority which, in accordance with the Customary Law, called the King to the stool, is the only authority which can call for his destool- ment. .- Secondly : To render the destoolment of a king valid, he. must have been properly destooled ; and before he can be properly destooled, he must have had full opportunity of showing cause why he should not be destooled. Thirdly : It is not for every petty act of mis- conduct that a king's destoolment can be called for. He must have been convicted of acts seriously detri- mental to the State, or otherwise gravely unbecoming the kingly dignity. The Customary Law herein carries out the spirit of the direction to pardon your brother, if he sins against you seventy times seven. Fourthly : The proper tribunal, in accordance with the Customary Law, must try the King, and the law is jealous of the procedure on such occasions. It is obvious why the Customary Law keeps a wakeful eye over the proceedings affecting a king's destoolment. The kingly office is, as we have seen, of the highest importance in the State, and the person of the King is, indeed, sacred. If it were possible for every trifling cause to arraign the first Magistrate of the State before his peers, or to deprive him of power by the merest whim of his people, there would be little or no stability in the State itself.. So CHAP. ii. THE KING. 37 that, to some extent, it may be said that the people are ever indulgent to their King, and cast around his person a halo of dignity and prerogative which cannot be lightly broken through. Now, what does it mean when a native king is said to be put on, or off, the stool ? What is the idea conveyed by the stool in its concrete sense upon which the King is said to sit ? I have said that the King is the First Magistrate of the State, essentially the fountain of justice, and the allusion to him as sitting upon a stool bears out this principle more than anything else. For, you see, in a native state every matter is settled by the "bringing together of stools." When there is a big "palaver" coming on, the people say they are going to bring together stools u-o ri bobo ingwu. What actually takes place at the appointed hour of the meeting is, that you observe a number of attendants carrying to the public arena a number of native stools of the pattern generally seen in public pictorial prints after a military expedition in the hinterland of the Gold Coast. Each of these stools represents an ancient house in the community, and the King's stool would, naturally, be the most important and the most ancient stool present. They are now going to hold a "palaver," and the owners of the several stools will be the Councillors, and the occu- pant of the kingly stool will be the President of the 88 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. Council. It is the King's Linguist who will open the proceedings. It is he who will announce to the assembled people the decision of the Council, thus clearly showing the King to be the first Magistrate of the State. But what is the origin of the native kingly office, and what are the principles which govern the election of a king ? The kingly office springs from a period in native history when there was continual warfare among the different tribes inhabiting the country. The choice of a king was most probably determined by the personal valour, intelligence, and capability of the individual to lead the forces of the community in time of war. Such individual was undoubtedly the best man the community could produce. The suc- cessful leader would in time of peace be the first man of the community and naturally its head. He would come in for a larger proportion of the lands that had been acquired by the strength of his arms, and when he died, in accordance with the Customary Law, his nephew would succeed him. So also where the community settled in a new country whose virgin forest they cleared, pressed down, probably, after a disastrous war. All the native communities on the Gold Coast proper settled in the country in this way. The old war chiefs came to unoccupied land and X settled thereupon, first clearing the virgin forest. The principle of partition would be the same as in CHAP. ii. THE KING. . 39 the case of settlement after conquest. In all my several years of active practice at the Bar, I have not come across a case where title to land has been based upon a right of conquest. It is perfectly safe to say that it is more the exception than the rule. It is a well-known fact that Kwantabissa, King of Denkira, as late as 1901, claimed the right to lease, and actually did lease, land on the other side of the Offin Eiver from which his ancestors had been driven by the Ashantis in ancient times. The usage of war among the Aborigines would seem to be that after the conclusion of peace the vanquished still retained their lands. 1 So long as the nephew was a man of character and capacity he would not be disturbed in his leadership of the people, and, gradually, the kingly office would become an institution, and remain in a given family. But still the community would continue to possess the power of veto in case a given member of the royal family was found incapable of performing the kingly functions. They would say, in effect, to the incom- petent aspirant, " We appointed your ancestor to the kingly office as a reward for uncommon abilities, and we are prepared to honour his family by seeking election to the kingly office from and by it ; but 1 Opposed Enquiries, Nos. 150 and 343, Axirn, July, 1902. Corarn Xicoll, J. ; Williams for Aka Ayiina, Hayford for Yaniike Kweku and Blay, Ribeiro and Addo for Vanderpuye. 40 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. we must object to being ruled by any unfit person. We will, through the family council, decide which member of the family shall govern us, if we are dissatisfied with the family's own selection." And thus we arrive at the principles which govern the election of a king. Now, how comes it about that there are so many kings in a given native state ? The reason is obvious. Before the country was settled in a peaceful way there were many independent chiefs, each a king in his own province. Intertribal strife then began, and, gradually, the weaker kings went to the wall, and the fittest and strongest became the paramount king of a number of provinces in a given state. Upon the demise of a king, the Councillors meet and demand of the royal family a successor. The royal family then nominates a successor, who may be the uterine brother, the cousin, or nephew of the deceased King. Descent being traced through the female line, such a cousin would be the son of the sister of the deceased King's mother ; and such a nephew would be the son of the sister of the late King. The person nominated is next presented to the Councillors, and, upon being approved, is placed by them upon the stool. This is the strict theory of the law; but, as a matter of fact, during the lifetime of the King, there is an heir apparent CHAP. ii. THE KING. 41 upon whom both the Councillors and the royal family cast an eye, so that the power 'of veto is seldom exercised by the Councillors. But that such a power exists is a clearly established principle. In the case of Emma v. Pai l the plaintiff sought, inter alia, to be declared the rightful successor to the Assankra Breman or Kwinbontu's stool in the Wassaw district to which the Werempims, or Councillors, of Assankra Breman had elected Pai, and upon which they had actually placed him. The plaintiff and the defendant being cousins, the question was as to the right of selection by the Wercmpims, which the Court had no difficulty in upholding. The King is the Chief Executive Officer of the State, but not the Executive Council of the State. Such a council exists, and any acts done by the King without its concurrence are liable to be set aside. In the case of The African (West) Exploitation and Development Syndicate, Ltd., v. Sir Alfred Kirby ami the Princes Ptirer Gold Mines, Ltd., 2 the Head-Chief of Princes had granted a lease of the lands in dispute to the plaintiff company without the concurrence of his Chiefs, and his successor, Kofi Ainibah, had granted the same lands to the defendants with such 1 Coram Morgan, J. ; Renner and Ribeiro for plaintiff, Sarbah and Hayford for the defendants : Axim Records, April, 1900. 3 Coram Nicoll, J. ; Sarbah for plaintiff, Hayford for defendants : Axim Records', July, 1898. Compare the case of Baijaidee v. Mensah, " Fanti Customary Laws," p. 79. 42 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. concurrence. After taking a deal of expert evidence, the Court decided 'that the subsequent lease should prevail, and judgment was entered for the defendants. Upon appeal 1 the point as to the right of the Councillors to concur in the lease was upheld. The King is the President of the Legislative Board, but he seldom, if ever, initiates any legislative act. It is the province of the people through their repre- sentatives, the Councillors, to introduce legislation, and say what law shall direct their conduct. Hence, when a law is to be promulgated, which is done by the "beating of the gong-gong," the formula, in the mouth of the Linguist is, " The King and his ^f Councillors and Elders say I must inform you " ; then follows the particular command and the words, "PAR HI," an emphatic exclamatory phrase, and a loud rattle of the gong, by way of a general procla- mation. Such a law, once thus promulgated, lives from generation to generation, within the memory of the community, and the command is never without its sanction. Any other way of enacting laws for the people is not in accordance with the Customary Law of the people. The King is the Chief Military Officer of his forces. In time of war, he directs the operations ; and if he 1 Coram Griffith, C.J., Smith, J., and Richards, J. ; Sarbah for appellants, and Hayford for respondents : Axim Appeal Records, February, 1899. See also Sarbah's " Fanti Customary Laws," pp. 75, 96 and 253, where the principle is ably discussed. CHAP. ii. THE KING. 43 is a man of capacity, he has the leading place in the councils of war. There is generally a Tufu Hin, or Captain-General, of the forces ; but his authority is subordinate to that of the King, and he is, in every essential, an officer of the King. The King is also, as we have seen, the first Magistrate of his people. In the Native State System the people have not yet arrived at the stage when the King is merely the fountain of justice and appoints officers to dispense it merely in his name. He himself presides over the hearing of all important cases, supported by his principal Chiefs, Councillors, and Linguists. There are other important Chiefs in a state, who are empowered to decide cases ; but the courts of such Chiefs are subsidiary to the King's Court, and not independent of it. 44 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. 2 (B). THE KING'S PAKAMOUNTCY. To the student of jurisprudence, fresh from the law schools of Great Britain, the doctrines of Para- mountcy in the Customary Law must be bewildering and difficult of comprehension. Hence it is that there is so much haziness of view upon the subject. The principles involved are of supreme importance alike to the Administrator and to the occupant of the judicial bench. A mistake here may involve hard- ships which to the European mind may seem trifling, but which to the Aborigines may affect the very core of Native Institutions. Now, what are the rights of the King in M / O V- J respect of the lands of a community ? The King, qua king, does not own all the lands of the State. The limits of his proprietary rights are strictly defined. There are first of all lands which are the ancestral property of the King. These he can deal with as he pleases, but with the sanction of the members of his family. Secondly, there are lands attached to the stool CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PARAMOUNTCY. 45 which the King can deal with only with the consent of the Councillors. 1 Thirdly, there are the general lands of the State over which the King exercises paramountcy. It is a sort of sovereign oversight which does not carry with it the ownership of any particular land. It is not even ownership in a general way in respect of which, per se, the King can have a locus standi in a court of law. To him, indeed, belongs the power of ratifying and confirming what the subject grants, though he may not himself grant that which is given. Such ratification is not even absolutely essential to make the transaction valid, though as being evidence of good faith, such ratification or confirmation is resorted to and is, indeed, becoming quite common in modern grants. Nor is it difficult to see the reason of this. In the early stages of the Native State System, upon the acquisition of lands by con- quest or settlement by members of a given com- munity, the lands so acquired or settled upon would be apportioned among those worthy of them in the order of merit. Upon that basis, the Chief Military Commander, who subsequently becomes the King, would have his requisite share, and so would every member of the community down to the lowest ranks of the fighting men. Thus, each man's land would be 1 The African (West) Exploitation and Development Syndicate, Ltd., v. Sir Alfred Kirby and the Princes River Gold Mines, Ltd., ante, pp. 41 and 42. 46 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. his own special property and that of his family though the King, as overlord of all, would, un- doubtedly, exercise sovereignty over the whole land, every inch of which, however, would have an individual family owning it. Bearing in mind the foregoing preliminary obser- vations, we may now proceed to discuss the funda- mental principles of Paramountcy. At the outset we must rid our minds of mis- conceptions. And here we must carefully distin- guish between Paramountcy and Ownership. But is Ownership in the Customary Law the same as Ownership in Koman Law ? If we examine the incidents thereof in the two systems, we shall find that there is an important difference. In the time of Justinian, at all events, Koman society had advanced beyond the communistic stage. It was possible even then to speak of the owner's right to possess as a right against all the world, a, right in reni. Indeed, so far had the notion of exclusive possession gone, that a person, sui juris, could pass his property by will. In the early stage of testamentary disposition, it is true, the appoint- ment of an heir to continue the legal personality of the testator was the primary idea ; but later, we come to find the Roman will making the heir a mere trustee for the distribution of property. But, in the Customary Law, we find no trace of CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PARAMOUNTCY. 47 individual ownership. What the head of a family acquires to-day in his own individual right will, in the next generation, be quite indistinguishable from the general ancestral property of which he was a trustee. Even during his lifetime the person on the stool scarcely makes a difference in his own mind between what he received as family property and what he adds thereto by his exertions. And the law of succession furnishes the best reason for the pheno- menon. Both what came to the head of the family and what he has made pass, at his death, to his uterine brother, cousin, or nephew, as the case may be, who being the only possible and legitimate suc- cessor to the stool-holder, the latter gladly regards as the trustee in one sense, and one of the beneficiaries in another sense, of all after his death. With this important qualification, namely, that the family in the Customary Law is the unit for the purpose of ownership, we may now proceed to distinguish Ownership from Paramountcy. The notion is somewhat common that where a chief pays tribute to another, the latter is necessarily the paramount Chief of the former. But this is only a loose way of applying the term " paramount." Tribute is not only payable to a chief, but to any person holding land in the country, say, as head of a family, by whose leave another person works upon the family lands. It would be absurd to call the licensor 48 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. in such a case the paramount Chief of the licensee. Take an extreme case, and the absurdity will appear all the clearer. A. has a portion of the family lands allotted her for the purpose of growing ground nuts thereon. A. allows B., her friend, to till a portion of the ground, on the understanding that B. will give her one-third share of the ingathering crop. In what possible sense is A. " paramount " to B. ? It is clear, therefore, that the payment of abusa, one-third share, is not the test of Paramountcy : it merely indicates the person having the right to possess. Indeed, the custom of the paramount Chief to receive an occasional contribution, be it small or be it large, is in respect of allegiance due to him by a subordinate chief. Where a paramount chief happens to receive abusa, that is, one-third share, of the proceeds of land, then it is by reason of the fact that the right to possess is ultimately traceable to his stool. Thus, we have the case where a person receives a portion, usually a third, abusa, of the pro- ceeds of a sale of land by a licensee of that person ; and the case where a paramount Chief receives a customary present, the extent of it depending upon circumstances, upon the happening of any event in respect of which the subordinate may suitably mark his allegiance to the superior Chief. The latter may be called the custom of occasional contribution to the superior Chief ; the former, the right of the owner, CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PARAMOUNTCY. 49 or the person having the right to possess, to abusa, one-third share. Much confusion of ideas would be saved by confining the term "tribute" to the case where a licensee is under obligation to make one- third payment to a licensor, and "allegiance fee" to the case where a vassal is expected to acknow- ledge the sovereignty of a paramount chief by the customary present. In Ashanti, where a stranger kills big game on another's land, the licensee takes to the licensor a portion of the meat, the latter, in turn, taking to the Head-Chief a leg of the animal killed. Again, where a nugget is found in mining, the licensee brings to the licensor a portion of the gold with the nugget, the licensor sending the nugget to the King. In the two cases, the licensor would be the person having the right to possess, the Head-Chief or King merely having a claim to the allegiance of the licensor. Hence the importance of using "tribute" to denote what is contributed to the licensor, and the phrase " allegiance fee" to what the licensee offers to the overlord. Tribute would thus be an incident of Ownership, while allegiance would be an incident of Paramountcy. In the Impatassi case * expert evidence was given 1 Opposed Enquiries, Nos. 164 and 169, Axirn. Coram Morgan, J. ; Eenner and "Williams for claimants, Hayford for grantors, Ribeiro for opposer : Axim Records, February, 1902. G.C. 4 50 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. by Atta, King of Axim. The question was asked : "Was tribute ever instituted in respect of the sovereignty of one stool over the other ? " Answer: "The person on whose land you have settled, although his stool may be small, can claim tribute. Tribute is paid in respect of ownership." In giving judgment, the learned judge remarked : " Now, from the evidence of the King of Axim, it appears that the right to demand and receive tribute on land is based on ownership, and I am of opinion that on ownership also must be based the right to give or withhold consent to dealings with land. It may possibly be that by custom in some cases a chief can claim tribute from his sub-chiefs in respect of their lands apart from the question of ownership of such land, but in such cases I do not think that his consent would be necessary to render valid deal- ings with land the right to hold and occupy which was not derived from his family or town stool." This case went up to the Court of Appeal which sat at Cape Coast in October, 19O2, 1 which affirmed the judgment of the Court below, declaring the con- cessions, the subject of the enquiries, to be invalid on the ground that the consent of the opposer had neither been asked for nor obtained, the right of 1 Coram Sir Brandford Griffith, C.J., Smith, J., and Nicoll, J. ; Hayford for grantors, Renner and Williams for claimants, Savage for opposer : Cape Coast Appeal Records, October, 1902. CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PAEAMOUNTCY. 51 the grantors of the concessions, the subject of the enquiries, to hold and occupy the lands comprised therein being derived through and from the stool on which the opposer was now sitting, and that the opposer's consent was necessary for the valid leasing of the said lands. On the 6th of .October, 1902, counsel for the claimants moved ex parte " for leave to appeal from judgment of the Full Court, dated 1st October, 1902, refusing to grant special leave to appeal from the judgment of the Divisional Court of 28th April, 1902, at Axim," and the Full Court, in ruling upon the motion, took opportunity to emphasise the point that in its opinion the judgment of the Court below "is right," and "is supported by the evidence." The Full Court, therefore, clearly supported the proposition that " the right to demand and receive tribute on land is based on ownership . . . and that on ownership also must be based the right to give or withhold consent to dealings with land." Having shown that tribute pure and simple is really an incident of Ownership in the Customary Law, and that the obligation of a vassal to render allegiance fee to his superior lord is erroneously termed tribute, it will be interesting now to discuss "allegiance" the bond which unites the superior chief,, usually a king, to his vassal. Allegiance, then, is that personal relationship 4 2 52 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. between the occupants of two stools whereby the inferior acknowledges the authority of the superior over him. Such acknowledgment may take the form of military or other service, and occasionally an allegiance fee. Such relationship has nothing to do with the lands of the vassal. It may happen that the superior lord is at the same time the licensor of the vassal in respect of his holding, but that will be merely accidental. That allegiance is personal and not territorial is seen from a number of instances in the history of certain communities of the country. Take for example the case of the Akataki people, known as the Commendas. Now, it is an historical fact that the people of ATcataki originally came from Akatakiiva in the Inkusukum district, the present Head being the well-known King Essandor. Now, if you trace the etymology of the two words Akataki and Akatakiiva, you will find that the one is the feminine form of the other. Whether it be that Akataki, the masculine form of the word, was chosen by the people of Commenda to indicate their origin, or whether Akataki, the brother of Akatakiiva, founded the present town of Commenda, matters little ; but there can be no doubt about it that the two branches of the Inkusukum people have always recognised the same origin, the Akataki people owning allegiance to the paramount King,. CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PARAMOUNTCY. 53 Essandor. Such relation is personal, and has no territorial significance ; but it is, nevertheless, as vital in the conceptions of Native Institutions as Succession is to property in the Customary Law. The case of Apenquah 1 is in point. It came before His Excellency Governor E. B. Andrews in Council at Cape Coast, on the 7th of February, 1861. The main point in the case was whether or not Apenquah, being a subject of the stool of King Chibbo of Assin, could rid himself of his allegiance to the 'Stool or transfer his allegiance to another stool. Said the Court: "It has been decided long since that Apenquah was not a private slave to any person, but that he was a subject of the stool of Assin Chibboo, and at this day is con- sequently a subject of Amba Danquah, Kegent of Southern Assin, and, according to strict law, he cannot rid himself of the allegiance to the stool. "The Court has taken into its serious considera- tion the importance of this case. There are grave questions involved ; the most important, and that which in this peculiar country might be practised with the most serious consequences to the well- being and tranquillity of the protectorate, is a pro- ceeding similar to that which the Court is now called upon to decide as to its legality, it being 1 See Sarbah's " Fanti Customary Laws," p. 203 ; also, idem, the case of Qiiamin Dansue v. Tchibu-Darcoon and Cancan, p. 130. 54 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. whether a man occupying a considerable position, as does Apenquah, can suddenly march off with a number of his prince's lawful subjects, and deliver himself, and them to a rival chief. " The Court is of opinion that Apenquah does not possess the right to leave his sovereign Amba Danquah, with all his people, and place himself under Inkee, and that he has not been able to show any grounds on which he could complain of bad treatment towards him by his sovereign. . . . " For the future, it is to be distinctly laid down that a headman, captain, or chief shall not be suffered to transfer his allegiance with his followers to the chief or prince of another country. Neither shall he be allowed to domicile in another country as a captain with his followers, though he may not have removed his allegiance to his former prince. " To act thus shall be held to be treason, the punishment being the loss of all property and degradation of rank within the protectorate, such headman, captain, or chief to be given up with his followers, it being a high crime, the prince harbour- ing them to be deposed from his stool. But where a headman, captain, or chief is of full age, and wishes to domicile in another country, and is a free man, he shall be permitted to do so, taking with him his one wife and children by that wife ; at the CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PARAMOUNTCY. 55 same time he shall not transfer his allegiance to the prince of his adopted country as a captain, but retire to live under that prince as a private man, leaving all his possessions, which become forfeited to the sovereign whose country he has quitted." Our early Administrators and the Judicial Asses- sors somehow always managed to get to the core of Native Institutions. It may be because they took the precaution not to decide a given point without collecting the opinions of native Councillors, compe- tent to advise upon the point in issue. Thus, it happens that Apenquah's case states the doctrines of Allegiance in a form at once intelligible and scientific. We gather the essential features of. Allegiance, then, to be : ' 1. That it is a personal relationship which has nothing to do with property rights. 2. That a subject holding any public position in a country cannot transfer his allegiance at will with- out forfeiting his rank and "all his possessions to the sovereign whose country he has quitted." And the doctrines of Allegiance have the sanction of sound common sense. But what happens where the subjects of a native king found a colony in another district with the sanction of such king, as in the case of the Akatakiwa colonists settling at Akataki, Commenda ? It would 56 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. follow, as a matter of course, that they would carry with them the protection of their King, and, conse- quently, they would remain loyal to him and owe him allegiance. Here they would pay tribute for the land they have settled upon to the owner of that land ; while they would repair occasionally to their ancient and mother country with suitable presents to the paramount King, and which we have called " allegiance fee." If the paramount King went to war, he would call for the services of his children over sea or over country. Hence you have the phenomenon in a given war of seeing the people of even a small town dividing themselves under the banners of contesting paramount Kings. When the reason of things begins to dawn upon one, one is moved to pity the helplessness of present- day Administrators of the country, who are in the dark as to why, for example, Essandor, King of all the Inkusitkums, should tenaciously cling to the tie of allegiance which unites Akataki with Akatakiwa ; or why people in the far west end of the country should wish to preserve their allegiance to one paramount King instead of to another. In further illustration of the principles we are discussing, take the case of the community of Esiama, in the state of Elmina, who, nevertheless, own allegiance to the state of Anamaboe. In the Gold Coast Leader of September 13, 1902, the Anamaboe CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PARAMOUNTCY. 57 Correspondent, writing on the "stool festival " of King Amonoo V., says : " The arrival of the Klanamonoos and other vassals in full force from Amonoo Ekroful, Eshroa, Mpredwi, Fomina, Abonu, and other villages on the evening of the 1st announced the beginning of the festival. . . . Chief Kofi Nyam, of Esiam (Elmina district), whose distance was rather long, arrived in the nick of time with his retinue to offer presents and participate in the ceremony." Now, note carefully the colonist, Chief Kofi Nyam, of Esiama, 1 coming all the way from the state of Elmina to "offer presents," but not to "pay tribute" to his paramount King. If you enquire to whom he pays tribute, the answer, of course, is to the person who gave his ancestors leave to settle upon Esiama lands in other words, the person having the right to possess the colonial lands. Other instances of colonists maintaining alle- giance to the paramount stool are found in the Imperegus of Abura, who acknowledge the stool of Anamaboe, and the King of Agimaku's vassals in the Akem country. We may now usefully and satisfactorily address ourselves to the question, whether the paramount King's consent is necessary to the validity of a grant of land ? If you confine the term " paramount " to 1 The name of the town is Esiama and not Esiam, and the dropping of the final " a " was probably a typographical omission. 58 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. its legitimate and appropriate use in the way I have above explained, we can answer the question only in the negative. It is clear that by no stretch of imagination could Amonoo Y. claim tribute, qua tribute, from his vassal at Esiama, the relation between him and his vassal being purely personal and not territorial. And it is equally certain that Amonoo Y.'s consent would not be necessary before Kofi Nyam could deal with Esiama lands. The only authority whose consent is necessary is that of the stool having the right to possess Esiama lands, the stool, that is, whose occupant originally allowed the Esiamas to live on Esiama lands. "I am of opinion that on ownership also must be based the rights to give or withhold consent to dealings with land." 1 In the Esubankassa and Indumsuasu Opposed Enquiries, 2 which raised the important issue of Para- mountcy, expert evidence as to consent was given. The Court examined Quamina Annobil, the principal Linguist of the King of Lower Wassaw. Said he : " The under chief can sell his land without the head-chief's consent ; he only gives him a share of the money." This evidence coming from the Lin- guist of the King of Lower Wassaw, where almost 1 Per Morgan, J. Impatassi Opposed Enquiry, ante, p. 49. 2 Opposed Enquiries, Nos. 150 and 343. Coram Nicoll, J. ; Williams for Aka Ayima, Hayford for Yamike Kweku and Blay ; Klbeiro and Addo for Vanderpuye : Axiru Records, June, 1902. CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PARAMOUNTCY. 59 every chief pays tribute to the King, or, in substitu- tion thereof, has handed to the King a portion of his lands, is remarkable. But it denotes clearly the general rule of which the particular tenure of lands in the Wassaw country is, perhaps, the sole exception. The Court, in its judgment, found " that the King of Beyin is not the owner of any of these lands. The owners of these lands must, however, report to the King before they dispose thereof." The italics are mine. This case also went up to the Court of Appeal, 1 which sat at Cape Coast on the 6th October, 1902, the same Court which decided the Impatassi case; and the judgment of the Court below was upheld. Let us now recall the express words of the judgment of the Court below in the Impatassi 2 case. They are : "I am of opinion that on ownership also must be based the right to give or withhold consent to dealings with land," from which proposition the Full Court did not dissent. Clearly, the two judg- ments are in conflict with one another. Assuming that the owner of land only has the right to give or withhold consent, why must a person who is not such owner be informed before the owner of land disposes 1 Opposed Enquiries, Nos. 150 and 343. Coram Sir Brandford Griffith, C.J., Smith, J., and Nicoll, J. ; Hayford for appellants, Yamike Kweku and Blay ; Benner and Williams for respondent, Aka Ayirna : Cape Coast Appeal Records, October, 1902. 2 Ante, p. 49. 60 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. thereof ? One can only come to the conclusion that the Full Court failed to draw the distinction between "tribute" payable to a landowner, and a customary present, " allegiance fee" rendered to a paramount chief after the owner, it may be, has disposed of his land, and not necessarily in respect of such disposal. The point is an important one, and it is to be hoped that some day the Appeal Court will patiently hear it argued out, and the full weight of its learning and authority be brought to bear upon a vital point in Native Institutions. The learned author of " Fanti Customary Laws " has remarked upon this matter thus : " Where the concession is made by a subordinate chief, enquiries should be made to find out whether the concurrence of his paramount chief is necessary or no, for whatever lawful grant or permission is so given by a person de facto chief with the concurrence of men de facto members of the village council or stool, is good and valid according to Customary Law, and the grantee by taking possession of the land and working thereon becomes a tenant of the stool, village council, or family, as the case may be, and not of a specific individual." l Here we find one of the best authorities on the subject making it clear that the "concurrence" of the paramount Chief may or may not be necessary. 1 P. 57. CHAP. ii. THE KING'S PABAMOUNTCY. 61 As I have before shown, the only possible case in which the paramount Chief's "concurrence" or consent will be necessary is where such para- mount Chief's stool is the root of the licensee's title, while, at the same time, the licensee owes allegiance to the stool of the licensor. If care is taken, as suggested, to use the terms " tribute " and " allegiance fee" in their proper connections, there need be no confusion of ideas. Ownership, then, must be carefully distinguished from Paramountcy. The principles involved in the foregoing discussion may be embodied in a few simple rules : 1. A. gives permission to B. to settle on Daman Land. The permissee becomes a tenant at will, who, so long as he does not claim adversely to the permissor, will be supported by the permissor in his holding. But the moment the permissee sets up adverse title to the land, the permissor's ownership or right to possess revives as against the permissee' s right of possession. 2. While the permission subsists, the permissee would be liable to contribute one-third, alusa, of the proceeds of the land to the permissor, whose consent would be absolutely necessary before the permissee could validly deal with the land. 3. A. is B.'s paramount King. B. holds lands, the title to which is not derived from A.'s stool. 62 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. A. has only a right to B.'s allegiance; and the customary present (which I have called " allegiance fee") which B. brings to A. from time to time is certainly not tribute in the sense that A. can exact it as of right. Such personal relation between A. and B. is Paramountcy pure and simple, which has nothing to do with property rights. 4. The paramount King, as such, has no right to exact tribute, nor is his consent necessary to make a grant valid. 5. Tribute is an incident of Ownership, in other words, of the relationship subsisting between land- lord and tenant. 6. Allegiance is an incident of Paramountcy, indicated sometimes by the rendering of "allegiance fee." CHAP. ii. THE CHIEF. 63 NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. 3. THE CHIEF. The term "chief" is in the present day used indiscriminately to represent a king, a chief, or even a headman of a village. It is a careless use of the word. The foreigner, unable or lacking the patience to discern between one native authority and another, groups them all under the designation " chief." Let me try to bring order out of chaos. The Chief properly so called is that important personage next to a king in the Native State. When he is a principal chief of a king, he is properly called a head-chief. In a township, a province, or a state there may be several chiefs, who will rank among themselves in the order of their importance and influence. Chieftainships in the country spring from the same circumstances which originate the office of a king. In early times, when the King led his men to battle, the most valiant and intelligent among his men would be selected to carry out his orders, and to lead portions of the army. In times of peace, naturally, the king's lieutenants in the field would 64 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. be rewarded with portions of the lands of the van- quished, and when internal civil disputes arose the King would, of course, call in the war Chiefs to settle them.- Hence it happens that we have the same term sarfuhim, primarily meaning a war chief, used as a designation for both a captain or a war chief as well as for a civil chief. The term brempon is. sometimes used to designate a civil chief, but it is by no means general. It appears to be confined to chiefs who have been so created by reason of their immense wealth or civic services. A chief is generally a captain of a company. In fact, every male member of the community is liable to military service in time of war, and during peace he has to drill every year with his company. A fortiori, a chief is the natural leader of the men of his company. There are cases known, however,, where civil chiefs hold no military command in their companies. It is the duty and privilege of a chief to hold court and decide cases arising in the community according to his influence, character, and import- ance. Whether his court will be regularly resorted to by the entire community, or only by his imme- diate dependents and the people of his ward, is purely a question as to what extent his court com- mands respect in the community. In fact, it may be stated generally and broadly that the judicial CHAP. ii. THE CHIEF. 65 function appertains to the head of every ward and every family in the country. But the Chief whose position entitles him beyond all question or doubt to the full exercise of the judicial function after the King is the Tufu Hin, who is next in rank to the King. He holds regular courts, and is entitled to receive court fees and fines, which form to him a source of revenue. There is a right of appeal from a minor chief's court to the court of the Tufu Hin, and from the latter to the King's Court, although there may be a direct appeal from the court of a minor chief to the King's Court. The important position of the Tufu Hin, or the Captain-General, in the community arises from the same circumstances as I have described in the case of a chief. Being the King's right-hand man in time of war, it is only natural he should hold rank next after the King when the community has settled down to peaceful pursuits. The Tufu Hin is at the head of the Military System of the community. He it is who regulates the affairs of the seven companies of the community. He is present at their annual general drill to inspect the men, and to satisfy himself how far the Head-Captains of the several companies have done their work during the year. In time of war he leads the van of the army, the King in person bringing up the rear. He G.C. 5 66 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. is, in brief, the King's principal military Councillor and executive officer. The Tufu Hin is, ex ojfieio, also the principal civil Councillor of the King. All the Chiefs of the com- munity have a right to sit in the King's Council. The same order of chiefs we shall find in a com- munity whose head is a king or a head-chief. It is only a matter of degree as to the importance of the respective chiefs of the two communities. Where the paramount King of a state summons the Head-Chiefs of provinces and chiefs of minor communities to attend a State Council, it is the privilege of the Councillors of the several com- munities composing the State, according to their rank and importance, to accompany their several Heads to the capital and to join in the " palaver," or discussion, that will take place, the King in person presiding over the deliberations, supported by his own Councillors and principal Linguists. This is the full Parliament of the people, who are thus fully and duly represented in every way from the highest to the lowest. The commands which go forth from this assembly are binding upon every individual family of the entire State, from the most important province to the most insignificant hamlet, and the sanction operates equally upon all. In time of war, the Chiefs share in the delibera- tions of the King as to the means of defence or CHAP. ii. THE CHIEF. 67 offence as the case may be, and the terms of peace are discussed with them before being submitted to the enemy. To put it generally, the Chief is the right-hand man of the King. By the oath of allegiance which he swears to the King upon his enstoolment he undertakes to be always loyal to the King, to attend to the latter 's summons by night or by day, anafo-o, au-ia-o, as the native expression runs; and, supported by a religious sanction, it is remarkable how faithful he is to the King, and how harmoniously the Native State System works together in its different parts. The succession to a chief's stool is regulated by the same principles which govern the succession to a king's stool, and the like statement is true in the case of his destoolment. 52 68 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP n. NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. 4. THE LINGUIST. The Linguist is a most important personage in the Native State. He is in some cases more influential than the Chief. But he must not be taken literally. He is not a person skilled in the tongues of men ; he generally speaks but one language. He was called a linguist first by a half-educated native inter- preter, tasked to explain his position to the white man, and as "linguist" he has been known ever since in the language of law and politics on the Grold Coast. We might correct the term and substitute "spokesman" for it, but it will be going dead against all precedent, so I shall content myself with the explanation that the so-called "linguist" is the spokesman of his lord and master. But he is more than a spokesman. He is by no means a mere figure- head : he is one of the main props in the Native State System. Both the King and the Head-chief have their Linguists, and so have the Tufu Hin and even subordinate Chiefs. He is a sort of confidential officer, who is always about the person of the King or Chief, and is his mouthpiece in every public CHAP. ii. THE LINGUIST. 69 function, as well as in judicial proceedings. He is, generally speaking, an intelligent, bright, and witty individual, skilled in the use of language, smoothing down an angry word of his master, or putting a keen edge to a retort, when the occasion demands it. If he is a right down capable man, he often attains to a position of great influence in the community. The Linguist's place is not filled by his successor to the ancestral stool. It is filled by his son if he follows in the steps of his father, and has his capa- bilities. The son, living in his father's house, and often carrying his stool to the public meetings and to the King's Court, would, if he were intelligent, pick up the knowledge which would qualify him to become a linguist after his father. The Linguist is generally the repository, or, if you like, a walking encyclopaedia, of all traditional knowledge and information in connection with the stool under which he serves. He is supposed to be acquainted with the etiquette of the Court, and, in case of a new succession, it will be his duty to instruct the new monarch in the functions of the Crown. As a reward for valuable services, he may occasionally be promoted to the King's Council, in which capacity he will practically be the ruling voice, warranted by his great experience. The Linguist, as we have seen, comes by his know- ledge from his very early acquaintance with Court 70 GOLD COAST NATIVE INSTITUTIONS. CHAP. n. functions, history, and tradition, continuing his education or training throughout the greater portion of his life, and often extending the field of his enquiries till his knowledge embraces the political history of the whole State, as well as of sister States. When he speaks, therefore, he does so as one having authority, and is listened to with the greatest respect. When the Linguist rises up to speak in public, he leans upon the King's gold cane, or a subordinate linguist holds it in front of him. He is going to make a speech now, and it is sure to be a happy effort. It will sparkle with wit and humour. He will make use freely of parables to illustrate points in his speech. He will indulge in epigrams, and all the while he will seem not to possess any nerves so cool, so collected, so self-complacent 1 He comes of a stock used to public speaking and public functions. The art of "linguistic" oratory is at its best in Ashanti, where, coupled with acuteness of a high order, it makes the members of the linguistic body about the most enlightened men of the kingdom. Boatsin, the Linguist of the King of Ashanti, being once pressed with questions about the indemnity in a "palaver" between the Governor and some Ashanti ambassadors, calmly said : " tie yen lo inkoro, na sc ijaiisa na yen (hi k('i ascni