UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 ADDITIONAL COPIES of this book and 
 COMPLETE SETS OF THESE OFFICIAL PRO- 
 CEEDINGS including 1856, 1860, 1864, 1868, 1872, 
 1876, 1880, 1884, 1888, 1892, 1896, 1900 and 1904, 
 can be obtained at any time from 
 
 CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 
 
 Minneapolis, Minn.
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 THIRTEENTH 
 
 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION, 
 
 HELD IN THE CITY OF 
 
 Chicago, June 21, 22, 23, 
 1904 
 
 RESULTING IN THE NOMINATION OF 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York, for President 
 
 AND THE NOMINATION OF 
 
 CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, for Vice-President. 
 
 Reported by M. W. BLUMENBERG, Official Reporter. 
 
 HARRISON & SMITH CO. 
 MINNEAPOLIS.
 
 THE OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby directed to pre- 
 pare and publish a full and complete report of the official proceedings of this 
 Convention, under the direction of the National Committee, co-operating with 
 the local committee. 
 
 The following resolution was adopted at the National Convention held in 
 Philadelphia in 1900: 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be requested to republish 
 the official proceedings of preceding Republican National Conventions now out 
 of print, under the direction of the National Committee. 
 
 CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 
 
 SECRETARY. 
 
 COPYRIGHT 
 1904 
 
 v:
 
 JK 
 
 ^353 
 19040, 
 
 OFFICERS OF THE CONVENTION. 
 
 VICE-CHAIRMAN OF THE NA TIONAL COMMITTEE- 
 
 g HON. HENRY C. PAYNE, 
 
 \ OF WISCONSIN. 
 
 ^ SECRETARY OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE 
 
 t HON. ELMER DOVER, 
 
 O 
 
 OF OHIO. 
 
 U 
 
 Q TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION- 
 
 HON. ELIHU ROOT, 
 
 OF NEW YORK. 
 PERMANENT CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION 
 
 HON. JOSEPH G. CANNON, 
 
 OF ILLINOIS. 
 GENERAL SECRETARY 
 
 CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 
 
 O OF MINNESOTA. 
 
 
 
 SERGE ANT- A T-ARMS 
 
 WILLIAM F. STONE, 
 
 OF MARYLAND.
 
 3ln 
 
 The National Committee at its session 
 prior to the meeting of the Convention 
 adopted the following reports relative to 
 the death of Senator Hanna and Senator 
 Quay, former Chairmen of the National 
 Committee. The Secretary of the Con- 
 vention was directed to embody the same 
 in the volume of Official Proceedings.
 
 Senator PENROSE, of Pennyslvania, reported as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the members of the Republican National 
 Committee have learned with profound sorrow of the death 
 of our late colleague, Matthew Stanley Quay. For many 
 years he represented the great State of Pennsylvania in this 
 Committee. In several campaigns he served as member of 
 the Executive Committee. As Chairman of the Republican 
 National Committee he achieved by his skill, sagacity, 
 courage and ability, one of the most brilliant victories in 
 the splendid history of the Republican party. He was ever 
 found to be a genial friend and a sagacious counselor. His 
 ripe political experience, matured and well-balanced judg- 
 ment, and extraordinary knowledge concerning political 
 affairs, will be greatly missed in the councils of the party. 
 
 In his death the country has lost one of the ablest and 
 best equipped statesmen of his time. He was one of the 
 most influential, trusted and forceful members of the Senate 
 of the United States. His many and great public services 
 to his party and his country are recognized and admitted 
 by all. 
 
 Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to his 
 family; to the Governor of the State of Pennsylvania; and 
 that they be printed in the official proceedings of the Con- 
 vention. 
 
 Senator PENROSE moved the adoption of the report. 
 Report adopted.
 
 
 The Late HON. MATTHEW STANLEY QUAY, of Pennsylvania, 
 
 Former Chairman of the Republican National Committee (1888). 
 
 Died May 28, 1904.
 
 Mr HERRICK, of Ohio, made the following report: 
 
 Resolved, That the members of this Republican National 
 Committee bow their heads in profound sorrow over the loss 
 of Marcus A. Hanna, distinguished throughout his active 
 and honorable life by his devotion to principle, his person- 
 ality, his splendid courage, his sound judgment, his quick 
 sympathy and spirit of helpfulness, his masterful power of 
 organization, and his noble qualities of mind and heart. 
 
 He touched society and government, labor and capital at 
 every point. His success was won by industry, consistent 
 purpose, economy and sacrifice, by loyalty to friends, and 
 consideration of the rights of his fellowmen. In his great 
 work on this Committee we learned to lean and rely on him, 
 to trust him with great labors and responsibility; and he 
 proved equal to every demand upon him. 
 
 In the Senate, in the ranks of labor, in the conferences of 
 the masters of commerce, in the councils of political leaders 
 of his country, he was wise, just and patriotic. He was a 
 statesman in the true sense, an honorable man of affairs, a 
 helper in the world's work, and we mourn his death at the 
 very summit of his power and influence with a depth beyond 
 the strength of *ny ordinary words of ours to express. 
 
 Resolved, That a copy of this tribute be sent to his family, 
 to the Governor of the State of Ohio, and be printed in the 
 Official Proceedings of the Convention. 
 
 Mr. HERRICK moved the adoption of the report. 
 Report adopted.
 
 The Late HON. MARCUS A. HANNA, of Ohio, 
 
 Former Chairman of the Republican National Committee (1896-1900). 
 Died February 15, 1904.
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT, unanimously nominated for the Presidency by the 
 National Republican Convention at Chicago on June 23, 1904, is without 
 doubt, of all men living in the United States in these opening years of the 
 twentieth century, the man best qualified by training and experience for the 
 high duties of the office of Chief Executive. Training for great and varied 
 responsibilities in life is of two kinds : first, training in those qualities of 
 mind, character, and personality that go to make up the man himself; and 
 second, training in the subjects and the methods that relate to the business 
 of the office in question. In both of these forms of preparation Theodore 
 Roosevelt meets every test of fitness. Measured along the line of the first 
 test, namely, that of personal qualities, the speakers at the Chicago conven- 
 tion were not wrong in the tributes they paid to Mr. Roosevelt as to quote 
 from ex-Governor Black "the highest living type of the youth, the vigor, 
 and the promise of the great country and a great age." Senator Beveridge 
 was right in characterizing Theodore Roosevelt as one "whose sympathies 
 are as wide as the Republic ; whose courage, honesty, and vision meet all 
 the emergencies, and the sum of whose qualities makes him the type of 
 twentieth century Americanism." Mr. Knight, of California, eulogized Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt's embodiment of American ideals, aspirations, and character, 
 whose so-called "impulsiveness" is but the frank, decisive habit that comes 
 to be the very essence of the character of a man in whose make-up "dis- 
 honesty, cowardice, and duplicity have no part." Mr. Root closed his great 
 speech as temporary chairman of the convention with a tribute to Mr. 
 Roosevelt's personal qualities, and these are the concluding sentences of 
 that memorable address. 
 
 No people can maintain free government who do not In their hearts value 
 the qualities which have made the present President of the United States con- 
 spicuous among the men of his time as a type of noble manhood. Come what 
 may here, come what may in November, God grant that those qualities of 
 brave, true manhood, shall have honor throughout America, shall be held for 
 an example in every home, and that the youth of generations to come may 
 grow up to feel that it is better than wealth, or office, or power, to have the 
 honesty, the purity, and the courage of Theodore Roosevelt. 
 
 HIS CHARACTER NO TOPIC FOR DIFFERENCE OF OPINION. 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt's character is no topic for difference of opinion 
 or for party controversy. It is without mystery or concealment. It has 
 the primary qualities that in all ages have been admired and respected : 
 physical prowess, great energy and vitality, straightforwardness, and moral
 
 12 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 courage, promptness in action, talent for leadership. But besides exhibiting 
 these bolder constituents of manhood that one finds in the best of Plutarch's 
 men, and in the approved figures of all historic periods, Theodore Roose- 
 velt has in his life of forty-six years, a life lived openly and without any 
 dark or hidden or regretted chapters, in the presence of a host of friends 
 and fellow-citizens remained constant and true in the possession and exer- 
 cise of an added set of virtues, namely, those that the best American fathers 
 and mothers must prize and desire for their own children. Thus Theodore 
 Roosevelt, as a typical personality, has won the hearty confidence of the 
 American people; and he has not shrunk from recognizing and using his 
 influence as an advocate of the best standards of personal, domestic, and 
 civic life in the country. He has made these things relating to life and con- 
 duct a favorite theme in speech and essay, and he has diligently practiced 
 what he has constantly preached. Thus he has become a power for whole- 
 someness in every department of our life as a people. 
 
 A TRAINING FOR HIGH PUBLIC DUTIES. 
 
 But President Roosevelt is not merely the man of trained and mature 
 personality, with a physical and mental capacity for continuous work, with 
 a power of concentration that never fails or flags, with a vitality that never 
 needs artificial stimulant, and with a strength of will as well as of body 
 that is equal to any emergency. Another man might have these splendid at- 
 tributes of personal manhood, yet be lacking in the kinds of knowledge and 
 experience demanded by the highest executive office in the gift of any nation. 
 A locomotive engineer, a soldier, or the captain of a lake schooner all 
 men, by the way, whom Theodore Roosevelt cordially respects might pos- 
 sess an equal measure of Theodore Roosevelt's physical and moral courage, 
 his native intelligence and his tempered self-control, but might lack alto- 
 gether the knowledge of public affairs that would be requisite for high 
 political office. On the other hand, there are men whose information regard- 
 ing American history, public policy, and statecraft might in some directions 
 be even wider than President Roosevelt's, while lacking that rounded de- 
 velopment of personal character that the people of this country earnestly 
 wish to find in the man who occupies the White House and stands before 
 the world as their foremost citizen and representative. Mr. Roosevelt is 
 without question the highest authority in this country to-day upon the ap- 
 plication of our laws and our system of government to the varied tasks of 
 the Chief Executive. 
 
 He has been before the public for almost a quarter of a century, always 
 destined to great influence. Yet he has never been a conscious climber 
 up the ladder of public preferment. He has never used one office as if it 
 were a stepping-stone on the way to another. He has never taken up any 
 public task without putting his whole energy into its performance as if it 
 afforded the supreme opportunity for usefulness to his fellow-citizens.
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 13 
 
 AS BOY AND MAN. 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt was born in New York October 27, 1858. His 
 father was a greatly respected citizen of New York City, and his mother 
 was from the State of Georgia. He graduated at Harvard University in 
 1880. His health had not been good as a boy, but systematic physical train- 
 ing through the school and college period brought him out strong and well. 
 He was always interested in American history and politics, and entered 
 almost immediately on leaving college upon the career which, without the 
 slightest turning or deviation, he has pursued ever since. He found himself 
 a Republican by inheritance and tradition, by association, and by his own 
 independent study of the course of our country's affairs. He determined 
 to work within that party, believing it to be an organization designed to 
 promote the country's good, within which men might find sufficient free- 
 dom for the advocacy from time to time of their own convictions, as 
 policies might develop and new questions might arise. His first public serv- 
 ice was in the New York Legislature, to which he was elected in 1881, and 
 where he served for three consecutive terms. 
 
 HIGH IDEALS IN REGARD TO PUBLIC SERVICE. 
 
 He attained, almost immediately, a leading position through his frankness 
 and courage. He saw dawning upon the horizon of practical politics two 
 new and essential reforms. One was the substitution in place of the spoils 
 system of a business-like and efficient civil service, and the other, in view 
 of the rapid growth of our town life, was the improvement of the methods 
 and character of city government. With intelligence, courage, and convic- 
 tion he threw himself into both of these lines of active reform work. Thus 
 he wrote the original civil service law of the State of New York, and as a Re- 
 publican carried it through the Legislature. He instituted an investigation 
 into the conditions of municipal government in the metropolis of the country, 
 and headed the committee that made the inquiry. 
 
 Young Republicans all over the United States took note of this resolute 
 new leader in the great Empire State, and said to one another, if he shows 
 staying power we shall some day make him President. In 1884, young as 
 he was, he appeared at the National Republican Convention as one of the 
 four delegates at large from his State. Some of his most trusted and re- 
 spected friends in New York and Massachusetts who had been prominent 
 in the cause of civil service reform did not concur in the Republican choice 
 of Mr. Elaine for President, and launched an independent movement. Mr. 
 Roosevelt, however, adhered to the Republican party and supported the ticket, 
 although Mr. Edmunds, rather than Mr. Elaine, had been his convention 
 preference ; and he set forth his position in a statement so clear and final 
 upon the obligations and duties of party allegiance, that he would not to-day 
 alter a single word.
 
 14 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 SOME DETAILS OF A BUSY LIFE. 
 
 In the twenty years from this conspicuous appearance of his at the con- 
 vention of 1884 to the convention which nominated him in 1904 his position 
 in the Republican party and in the country has been one of steady growth, 
 until he has now become firmly established as the highest authority in the 
 party and the foremost public man of the Nation. From his early days in 
 College he had been a devoted student of the history, the geography, the 
 development, and the life in all phases of this great country. While still a 
 member of the New York Legislature he had acquired a ranch near the 
 Montana line of North Dakota, where for several years he spent much of his 
 time, participating actively in pioneer life, and gaining in practical ways an 
 invaluable knowledge of the processes of evolution through which all Ameri- 
 can commonwealths have had to pass. His work as a student of books, 
 meanwhile, was never dropped, even while he was most busily engaged in 
 the affairs of current politics or in frontier activity. In 1886 he was the Re- 
 publican nominee for mayor of New York City, but was defeated by Mr. 
 Abram Hewitt as the Tammany Democratic nominee, around whom certain 
 conservative interests rallied in the fear that otherwise the third candidate, 
 Mr. Henry George, might be elected. 
 
 It was not until 1889 that Mr. Roosevelt again held an office; but he was 
 meanwhile in more than one way an active and influential figure in the busy 
 life of the American people. In 1882 he had published his work on the sec- 
 ond war with Great Britain, entitled "The Naval Operations of the War Be- 
 tween Great Britain and the United States, 1812-1815." This at once gave 
 him a place among writers on American history and also among students of 
 naval strategy. His next book, which appeared in 1886, was called "Hunting 
 Trips of a Ranchman." During the following three years, when he had no 
 official duties, he gave his best energy to the study of the history and de- 
 velopment of the United States, and embodied that study in a series of 
 volumes. So industrious was he, indeed, that he brought out in the years 
 1886-1889 (inclusive) no fewer than seven volumes that will stand perma- 
 nently to his credit. It was in this period that he entered upon those re- 
 markable studies of the conquest and settlement of the Mississippi Valley 
 which have taken form in his four-volume work entitled "The Winning of 
 the West," of which the first two volumes were given to the public in 1889. 
 He had meanwhile in 1887 and 1888 contributed two volumes to the "Ameri- 
 can Statesman" series, one a life of Thomas H. Benton, the other a life of 
 Gouveneur Morris. In 1888, moreover, appeared his volume entitled "Essays 
 on Practical Politics," which has more recently been brought out with addi- 
 tional essays in the volume called "American Ideals." His second book on 
 frontier life also appeared in 1888 under the title "Ranch Life and Hunting 
 Trail."
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 15 
 
 AS CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSIONER. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt had always been interested in our foreign relations, and 
 was proposed for Assistant Secretary of State when President Harrison's 
 administration began in 1889; but he was offered instead what seemed the 
 less attractive position of civil service commissioner. He took the position 
 cheerfully and held it for six years. During that period, serving under 
 President Cleveland as well as President Harrison, he saw the methods of ap- 
 pointment in the United States almost completely transformed. His activity 
 and energy in this great work of putting business-like method into the detail 
 of the public services brought him into close contact with the machinery of 
 government in all the departments, and into relationship with cabinet of- 
 ficers, senators, members of Congress, and the whole personnel of administra- 
 tion. For a young man capable of taking on training, there could have been 
 no better school than this for subsequent personal direction of that great 
 administrative machine. And when Roosevelt left the office Commission 
 he had served his full apprenticeship and was fit for any public work, no 
 matter what its responsibilities, that might be assigned to him. 
 
 AS POLICE COMMISSIONER OF NEW YORK. 
 
 He was in his thirty-seventh year when, early in 1895, Mayor Strong 
 called him from Washington to take the presidency of the Police Board of 
 New York City. He will be in his forty-seventh year when, early in 1905, 
 the victor in the pending Presidential campaign will be inaugurated at Wash- 
 ington. In these ten years his career has led him upward and onward by 
 swift bounds almost unprecedented in our political history ; but the secret of 
 his advancement is to be found in the thoroughness of his previous training. 
 As New York Police Commissioner he was called upon to show great 
 strength of character in the observance of his oath of office by enforcing un- 
 popular laws. He left a permanent impress upon the administration of the 
 great metropolis. He helped to solve some of the most difficult police prob- 
 lems for all the cities of the country. 
 
 AS ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. 
 
 He was one of the first to foresee the inevitability of the war with Spain. 
 He had done what he could for the Police Department of New York, and 
 meanwhile a Republican administration was coming into power at Washing- 
 ton. He was appointed by Mr. McKinley as Assistant Secretary of the 
 Navy, Hon. John D. Long, of Massachusetts, being head of that department. 
 We were wholly unprepared for war either on land or by sea. Of all men 
 connected with the administration Roosevelt most clearly perceived the fact 
 that although armies may be made ready after war breaks out, navies must 
 be prepared in advance or be worse than useless. When he began to enforce 
 the necessity of training in marksmanship upon the navy, our standing in 
 that regard was below that of all the leading naval powers. In less than
 
 16 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 two years, through the efforts of Theodore Roosevelt, our naval gunners led 
 the world in skill and accuracy. 
 
 HIS SERVICE IN THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 
 
 When the war broke out Roosevelt felt that his place was at the front, 
 and that there was no longer need of his services in the Navy Department. 
 He enlisted as a volunteer, was commissioned with Dr. Leonard Wood to 
 form the First Regiment of Volunteer Cavalry, known as "the Rough Rideis," 
 won honor at Santiago, and with fresh laurels returned from Cuba in the 
 summer of 1898 as a colonel, recommended by President McKinley for a 
 brevet brigadier-generalship for gallantry on the field of action. 
 
 AS GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK. 
 
 The political pendulum was swinging strongly toward the Democratic 
 side in the affairs of New York State. A large sum of money had been 
 spent to deepen the Erie Canal without effective results, and public opinion 
 had condemned the Republican party. In this emergency Roosevelt was the 
 only man in sight who offered the Republicans any chance at all. He was 
 nominated without conditions, promised the people to investigate the canal 
 situation thoroughly and to expose and punish whatever wrong-doing he 
 might find, and carried the State triumphantly because the people had faith 
 in him. His administration as governor was noteworthy for its efficiency in 
 managing the affairs of the Empire State, and for its promotion of several 
 needed reforms. He appointed the charter commission which gave the 
 metropolis its present revised system of government; he selected the tene- 
 ment house commission which extended the housing reforms that he had 
 begun as police commissioner ; he undertook to unify the control of public 
 educational work in the State; he secured the passage of the far-reaching 
 franchise tax law ; he presented to the Legislature the most statesmanlike 
 messages upon the regulation of trusts and corporations and various taxing 
 reforms that were produced in any State during that period, and he had 
 before him the certain prospect of a triumphant re-election as governor for 
 a second term in the autumn of 1900. 
 
 AS VICE-PRESIDENT. 
 
 His victory of 1898, however, had everywhere attracted attention to his 
 availability for the national ticket two years later. Mr. McKinley's renomina- 
 tion was conceded, and the Republicans of the country, especially in the 
 West, were already talking of Theodore Roosevelt as their probable candi- 
 date for 1904. He appeared at the Philadelphia convention at the head of 
 the New York delegation just as he had appeared sixteen years previously 
 at Chicago. Not only was he the most popular personal figure in the con- 
 vention, but he was regarded by a large proportion of the delegates, for a 
 series of reasons, as the most desirable man to be associated with Mr. Mc- 
 Kinley on the ticket. Hence the nomination which he sought to avoid, but
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 17 
 
 accepted when it came as the mandate of the party. He entered upon the 
 work of the campaign with great enthusiasm, and his work as a speaker was 
 more effective than that of any other member of his party. The campaign 
 over, he quietly resumed his literary work (he had already written in 1898 
 his famous book, "The Rough Riders," and while governor wrote a char- 
 acteristic life of Oliver Cromwell), visited the Rocky Mountains and wrote 
 a remarkable description of the hunting of the cougar, and so in place of 
 K'., expected second term in the intense activities of the governorship of 
 New York he reconciled himself to the prospects of four years of quiet, 
 self-repressed, observant, and studious life in the dignified office of Vice- 
 President. 
 
 TAKING UP THE WORK LAID DOWN BY PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 
 
 A brief extra session had given him opportunity in his new official capacity 
 to preside over the Senate. The first regular session of Congress was not 
 to begin until December, 1901. In September, however, the bullet of the 
 assassin made vacant the great office so ably and honorably filled by President 
 McKinley, and on September 14, 1901, at Buffalo, Theodore Roosevelt took 
 the oath of office as President of the United States, informing the country 
 that it was his purpose to take up the work as Mr. McKinley had laid it 
 down. He has been unfailingly true to that promise. No previous Vice- 
 President ever came into power through the death of the President without 
 almost immediately calling about him a new cabinet and adopting methods 
 and policies of his own. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt, with an individuality as strong as that of any other man 
 of his day, was able to adjust himself at once to the personnel and to the 
 policies of the McKinley administration, while sacrificing not one whit of his 
 own personality, and while fixing in every direction the impress of his own 
 distinctive methods. Mr. McKinley's cabinet remained with him to a man, 
 one or two of them who had expected to retire Mr. Gage, Mr. Long, and Mr. 
 Smith, for example keeping their places longer than they otherwise would 
 have done. Mr. Root, Mr. Hay, and Mr. Knox had the same freedom of 
 opportunity to carry on their great departments as under Mr. McKinley 
 himself. Mr. Hitchcock and Mr. Wilson held steadily on their respective 
 courses. There was unity in the cabinet, there was good-will between the 
 Administration and both Houses of Congress, and there was harmony and 
 enthusiasm in the party at large. Senator Hanna, as chairman of the Na- 
 tional Committee and an influential figure in Congress, remained in close 
 and confidential relations with the new President to the day of his lamented 
 death. 
 
 HIS NOMINATION IN 1904 A FOREGONE CONCLUSION. 
 
 Under these circumstances, with the unshaken confidence of the masses 
 of the people and with the enthusiastic support of the unofficial rank and file 
 of the Republican voters, President Roosevelt's nomination at Chicago in
 
 18 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 1904 was a foregone conclusion, even though it had never happened before 
 that a President who had come into office to fill an unexpired term had 
 been his party's choice for re-election. 
 
 SOME OF THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S 
 ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Under President Roosevelt's administration a series of great achieve- 
 ments can be named, and these will constitute a large part of the claim that 
 the Republican party makes in this year's campaign for another lease of power. 
 
 CUBA. 
 
 President McKinley had undertaken to create a new and stable republic in 
 the island of Cuba, having intimate relations with this country, for our own 
 advantage and for the best welfare of the people of the island. President 
 Roosevelt completed that task ; insured the prosperity of Cuba by a mutually 
 advantageous treaty of commercial reciprocity; established on the south 
 coast of Cuba a great naval station commanding the Caribbean Sea, and 
 thus put the stamp of completion upon one of the most brilliant and highly 
 creditable chapters in the statesmanship of any nation. We had not gone 
 to Cuba to make war, but to establish peace ; and it has been Theodore 
 Roosevelt's good fortune to play a leading part in the beginning and the end- 
 ing of that proud episode. 
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 Again, through Secretary Root, Judge Taft, and their associates and suc- 
 cessors President Roosevelt has given permanence to the lines of humane 
 and progressive policy for the Philippines, promoting education and self- 
 government by every possible means, and working steadily towards the pros- 
 perity of the islands. His remarkable knowledge of army affairs enabled 
 him to co-operate the more successfully with Secretary Root in the reor- 
 ganization of 'our military system. His intimate knowledge of naval affairs 
 has given the country as well as Congress a very general confidence in the 
 policy of naval enlargement and efficiency that has been adhered to through 
 his administration. 
 
 THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 
 
 No one understands so well as President Roosevelt the manner in which 
 a strong navy insures peace for this country. It was the strength of our 
 navy which made it comparatively easy for the President to prevail upon 
 Germany and England to withdraw from their blockade of Venezuela and 
 to submit all points in controversy to settlement by arbitration. In dealing 
 with the various aspects of this Venezuela question the principles of the 
 Monroe Doctrine were accepted and strengthened, and the prestige of the 
 United States as a just and disinterested arbiter in Western Hemisphere af- 
 fairs was advanced to a point never before reached. President Roosevelt
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 19 
 
 was besought to take upon himself the arbitration of certain phases of the 
 Venezuela dispute, but he sent the case to The Hague, thereby contributing 
 the greatest practical aid to the cause of a permanent tribunal. The settle- 
 ment of the Alaska boundary on the basis of the findings of an Anglo- 
 American commission was also a great triumph of statesmanship for which 
 President Roosevelt is entitled to the highest credit. 
 
 THE ISTHMIAN CANAL. 
 
 The Venezuela and Alaska situations exemplified talent of the highest 
 order in the settlement of critical foreign questions. But, to many minds, 
 the crowning achievement of Mr. Roosevelt and his administration has been 
 the removal of all the series of vexatious obstacles that lay in the way of 
 beginning the construction of the Isthmian Canal. No man in the United 
 States has been more strongly impressed for many years than President 
 Roosevelt himself with the necessity of keeping the Isthmian Canal under 
 the political soverignty and control of the United States Government. His 
 views on this subject were frankly expressed and highly influential in the 
 final shaping of the negotiations with England for the abrogation of the 
 Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. When it seemed best to give up the Nicaragua 
 route, President Roosevelt stood firmly for a proper measure of American 
 jurisdiction over the Panama zone. At every step of the negotiations, first 
 with Colombia and then with Panama, his course was marked by good faith in 
 the highest degree and disinterested statesmanship without a flaw or stain. 
 The final outcome, that of an independent republic at Panama closely allied 
 with the United States, was the best solution, probably, that could have been 
 found, whether for North America, South America, or the commercial na- 
 tions of Europe ; and the citizens of Colombia itself are already perceiving 
 that this was the best solution for them, and that they are now certain to 
 have all the benefits of a canal on the most favored terms, without any of 
 the dangers, costs, or responsibilities. With his characteristic foresight and 
 intelligence, the President has already provided for the thorough sanitation 
 of the canal zone, has appointed a splendidly qualified board of commis- 
 sioners to construct the canal, and has arranged for the effective policing and 
 government of the ten-mile strip. If re-elected, he will astonish the world 
 by the vigor, efficiency, and essential economy with which he will prosecute 
 this greatest of all engineering tasks. 
 
 FOREIGN RELATIONS. 
 
 In his proclamations enjoining neutrality in the war between Russia and 
 Japan, President Roosevelt has shown great tact as well as a correct sense of 
 our position under international law. His leadership in securing from all 
 great powers, including the combatants themselves, the territorial restriction 
 of the war, will go upon the record as one of the most beneficent services in 
 the history of American diplomacy. His promptness in defending American 
 rights, whether in Turkey, Morocco, Santo Domingo, or elsewhere, has
 
 20 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 promoted peace and good-will rather than animosity. Under his administra- 
 tion our relations with all nations, foreign governments, and peoples have 
 been advanced to the highest point of friendliness and mutual respect ever 
 attained since the beginning of our national life. 
 
 INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 In the work of internal administration President Roosevelt has shown 
 himself, on the one hand, thorough in routine and a master of detail ; on 
 the other hand, strong and constructive in policy. His whole training had 
 made him pre-eminently fit for the direction of the machinery of the im- 
 mense executive business of government. Under him the departments have 
 reached their highest pitch of efficiency. Never before has the work of 
 skilled and competent men been so much in demand or so heartily appre- 
 ciated. Never before have the unworthy and the incompetent been so un- 
 sparingly shut out from the governmental services. In the Postoffice De- 
 partment there had survived and developed in certain special parts of the 
 vast organization some favoritism, some fraud, and some flagrant dishonesty 
 as the bad fruitage of a spoils system for which both parties must share the 
 blame. These evil conditions had escaped the vigilance of two or three 
 Congressional investigations ; but President Roosevelt has brought them to 
 the light, sparing no culprit, however well connected or influentially sur- 
 rounded. Thus the people know that in him they have an executive un- 
 equalled in the reduction of the public service to a basis of honesty, efficiency, 
 and intelligent economy. 
 
 It is a great thing to be able to grasp details as well as to formulate 
 principles ; and to know how to select men as well as to understand the tasks 
 to which they are assigned. But President Roosevelt, who excels in acting 
 as Uncle Sam's foreman in running every branch of his great business, 
 has also shown a remarkable talent for domestic statesmanship and for the 
 initiating of new and better methods. Thus he has thrown himself into the 
 task of improving Uncle Sam's physical domain, and as a result we have the 
 new irrigation policy which is to add to the Nation's wealth, population, and 
 contentment more than any man can now well estimate. We have also the 
 new forestry policy, and many other matters of note belonging in particular 
 to the departments of Secretary Wilson and Secretary Hitchcock, having to 
 do with the country's material welfare and progress. 
 
 THE NEW DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR. 
 
 One of the greatest constructive achievements of President Roosevelt's 
 administration has been the setting up of a new cabinet department, that 
 of Commerce and Labor. This department groups together in a convenient 
 way a number of public services already existing, and in addition it enables 
 the Government to utilize more effectively its constitutional power to regulate 
 commerce between the States for the well-being of the people and, further,
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 21 
 
 to promote not only the country's prosperity in industry and commerce, but 
 also its harmony in the relations between the different factors of production. 
 
 DIFFICULT PROBLEMS WELL SOLVED. 
 
 In everything let it be said that, wherein it has fallen to the President's 
 lot to deal with problems affecting the relations of capital and labor, he has 
 not failed to show the highest qualities of courage and the highest sense of 
 justice, but he has at all times upheld the dignity and the supremacy of the 
 national Government. The anthracite coal strike reached a point where it 
 became a grave national emergency, and the President found a way to settle 
 it which did not strain in the slightest degree his official prerogative, while 
 it contributed greatly to the prestige of the Government, reassured the public, 
 and fixed a noble precedent in favor of arbitration at a moment when the 
 strain between labor and capital was the greatest ever known in this country. 
 
 ENFORCEMENT OF THE SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST LAW. 
 
 The measures taken by the President through the Attorney-General's of- 
 fice for the enforcement of the Sherman anti-trust law, however important 
 they were as respects the particular matters in dispute, found their greatest 
 importance, after all, in the assurance they gave that the law is still supreme 
 in this land, that the President as Chief Magistrate will enforce the law 
 against the greatest corporation as well as against the criminal who breaks 
 open a letter-box, and that the highest courts, when entered under the 
 President's instruction by an energetic Department of Justice, will interpret 
 the laws without fear or favor. 
 
 UNFAILING IN HIS SENSE OF JUSTICE, 
 
 President Roosevelt has been unfailing in his sense of public dignity and 
 justice. He has reposed the fullest confidence in his associates in executive 
 office, and has gloried in their effective devotion to their work, relying upon 
 them and leaving them unhampered, while himself always in the fullest 
 sense the President and the leader. His has been an administration without 
 fads, without favorites, and without scandals. In army and navy promo- 
 tions, as well as in all appointments to civil office, he has performed his duty 
 with sole regard to the country's welfare, and with a freedom from bias or 
 mere personal leaning that has never been surpassed if ever before equalled 
 in the administration of any American President. 
 
 HE KNOWS THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE. 
 
 He knows the country and all its interests and resources from North to 
 South and from East to West. He knows the plain people, in person and in 
 type, as well as he knows their leaders in industry and education, in church 
 and state. He has no quarrels ; he bears no grudges ; he is willing and 
 anxious to work with all men who will deal honorably and faithfully. He
 
 22 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 knows the history of labor, recognizes the services that have been rendered 
 by associations of working men for mutual benefit, and is so confident in 
 his sense of good faith in all his dealing with the problems of labor and 
 capital, that he has no fear of being misunderstood when he speaks with 
 perfect frankness upon questions as they arise. He knows the Indians and 
 sees that they have justice. He knows the difficulties that beset the race 
 problem in the South, but he also holds that in ethics, as under the Constitu- 
 tion and laws of the United States, a man is a man, no matter what the 
 color of his skin. 
 
 HE HOLDS THE MAN HIGHER THAN THE DOLLAR. 
 
 While believing that the rights of property must be regarded and con- 
 served, he holds the man higher than the dollar. He sees that in a country 
 like ours, the radical and the conservative alike must demand of their chief 
 executive that he maintain the law as first and supreme over rich and poor 
 alike. 
 
 AN EXAMPLE TO THE YOUNG MEN OF THE COUNTRY. 
 
 To the young men of the country, President Roosevelt sets an example 
 of the value of a sound mind in a sound body. His career helps them to see 
 the practical worth of industry, of system, of temperate living ; and helps 
 them to perceive that faith in the highest public and private ideals still holds 
 sway in our places of highest honor and power.
 
 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS 
 
 BY JAMES P. HORNADAY. 
 
 Charles Warren Fairbanks, senior Senator from Indiana, comes from a 
 long line of New England ancestry. About a dozen years after the town of 
 Boston was settled a ship from England brought to the colony one Jonathan 
 Fayerbanke, his wife, four sons and two daughters. They were Puritans 
 and their ancestors for many generations had been farmers, a part of the 
 yeomanry of England. In the struggle between the crown and the people 
 the Fayerbankes' followed Cromwell. 
 
 They came to America like the other Puritans, in search of greater re- 
 ligious liberty than they had enjoyed in the mother country. Jonathan Fayer- 
 banke was a type of the New England Puritan of strong mind, strong preju- 
 dices and an iron determination. His name is identified with the foundation 
 of the town of Dedham. 
 
 Nothing better illustrates the strong-willed character of this pioneer than 
 an entry in the church record : 
 
 "Jonathan Fayerbanke, notwithstanding he has long stood off from ye 
 church upon some scruples about publik p'fession of faith and ye covenant, 
 yet after divers loving conferences with him, he made such a declaration of 
 his faith and conversion to God and p'fession of subjection to ye ordinances 
 of XT in this Xyt he was readily and gladly received by ye whole church 
 I4d 6m. 1664." 
 
 The Fayerbanke family became well known in the early annals of the 
 Massachusetts colony. The house in which Jonathan lived near Dedham was 
 occupied by his descendants until a few years ago, when it became the prop- 
 erty of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 
 
 Charles Warren Fairbanks, senior Senator from Indiana, is eighth in 
 descent from Jonathan Fayerbanke, who settled at Dedham, Mass., in 1636. 
 The Senator's father, Loriston Monroe Fairbanks, was a native of Vermont, 
 but before reaching manhood, emigrated to Massachusetts. At Ware, in 
 the Bay State, he worked in the woolen mills, but later he learned the 
 wagon-maker's trade, and when he emigrated from Massachusetts to Union 
 county, Ohio, it was to set up in the wagon-making business and farming. 
 
 The Senator's mother, Mary Adelaide Fairbanks, came of a New York 
 family, the Smiths, of Columbia county, New York. They were early emi- 
 grants to Union county, Ohio. Her brother, the late William Henry Smith, 
 founded the Associated Press, and another brother, Charles W. Smith, now 
 a resident of Pasadena, Cal., was a pioneer in railroad building.
 
 24 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks' earliest recollections date from the log cabin in which 
 he was born May n, 1852, which stood on the edge of a farm of 216 acres 
 in Union county, Ohio. His father's neighbors were emigrants from New 
 England and Pennsylvania, the latter, Pennsylvania Germans, predomi- 
 nating. 
 
 The log house in which the Senator was born was the scene of the first 
 and only tragedy of his life, and came near ending him at the age of four. 
 Workmen were engaged in building a new frame house, and were occupying 
 the old log house as a workshop. The place was filled with shavings, and 
 the future Senator strayed into the building in the absence of the workmen, 
 and while replenishing the fire in the stove, he ignited the shavings on the 
 floor. The flames cut off his retreat and his escape was almost a miracle. 
 
 The Senator's boyhood life was such as fell to the average farmer boy. 
 He was early taught the value of industry and frugality. He worked at 
 farm work and attended the country schools during the brief terms until he 
 reached the age of fifteen, when he went to the Ohio Wesleyan College at 
 Delaware, Ohio, a few miles away. He learned his earliest lessons in Re- 
 publican party principles under inspiring conditions. His father was an in- 
 tense anti-slavery man, and gave employment and food and shelter to fugitive 
 slaves. Charles was only eight years old when the presidential campaign 
 which resulted in the election of Abraham Lincoln occurred. A year later 
 he witnessed the uprising of volunteers from among the farmers of the 
 neighborhood in response to impassioned orations and the roll of the muster 
 drum. With boyish wonder he saw the great panorama of war unfold. He 
 heard the enthusiasm attending the enrollment of volunteers. He saw 
 neighbor after neighbor step forward and subscribe his name to the scroll 
 of immortal fame. He followed the crowd of enthusiastic advocates of the 
 Union and haters of human slavery, as they marched to the railroad sta- 
 tion, and he heard the last farewell shouts which inspired the raw volunteers 
 as they climbed into box cars and were borne away to the battle fields of the 
 republic. 
 
 The career of young Fairbanks at college was distinguished for sincere 
 and diligent application to his studies. As a student he won and has since 
 held the respect and confidence of classmates and faculty. Some of his 
 closest friends to-day are of the alumni of the Ohio Wesleyan College. It 
 was as a student there that he met Miss Cornelia Cole, daughter of Judge 
 Cole, of Marysville, Ohio. They were co-editors of the college paper. The 
 friendship thus formed ripened into love and as soon as Mr. Fairbanks had 
 graduated from college and prepared himself for his profession, they were 
 married. 
 
 In college Mr. Fairbanks enjoyed such meager advantages as a farmer 
 in moderate circumstances could extend to his son. He and a fellow-student 
 shared a room and did their own cooking. Economy and self-reliance were, 
 in a measure, necessary, and had they not been, would have been encouraged 
 by parents who knew the value of them as a foundation for character.
 
 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 25 
 
 Young Fairbanks and his room-mate secured much of their supplies from 
 their parents on the farm, who came Saturday, bringing baskets. They aug- 
 mented their financial resources by working out of school hours. Young 
 Fairbanks engaged to do carpenter work and roofing, and in that way secured 
 a fair education in manual training and the use of carpenter's tools. With 
 money saved from his earnings as a carpenter he purchased his first law 
 books that were to serve him is a student of law after leaving college. The 
 impression made upon his college mates by young Fairbanks was that of a 
 typical country lad, six feet tall, a little awkward in his movements, slow 
 of speech, very slim, sincerely devoted to the task of getting through college 
 and becoming a lawyer, and ambitious. He took a serious view of life, was 
 not given to college pranks and seldom joked. He graduated with the re- 
 spect of all and his college life was free from moral blemish. It is not re- 
 corded that he distinguished himself specially in the matter of scholarship 
 or prizes, but he was rated as a "good student." After leaving college, young 
 Fairbanks went to Pittsburg, Pa., where for a time he acted as agent of the 
 Associated Press, then in its infancy as a news collecting and distributing 
 agency. 
 
 In the campaign of 18/2 he reported the great Democratic and liberal 
 'Republican rally at Pittsburg, at which Horace Greely made a remarkable 
 speech. 
 
 After remaining in Pittsburg for a year or more, during which he applied 
 himself assiduously to the study of law, he went to Cleveland, Ohio, com- 
 pleted his studies, and was admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court of that 
 State, after attending a term at the Cleveland Law School. 
 
 Having secured his admission to the bar, Mr. Fairbanks was married to 
 Miss Cornelia Cole, the object of his college love, and decided to locate in 
 Indianapolis for the practice of law. He hung out his shingle in 1874. 
 
 Prior to going to Indianapolis, it was suggested that he accept the nom- 
 ination as member of the Ohio Legislature of his home county in Ohio, and 
 enter politics. But young Fairbanks had no political ambitions at that time 
 and elected to follow a professional career. 
 
 The early professional career of Charles W. Fairbanks was much the 
 same as that of the average young lawyer. His first clients were some of 
 his Ohio neighbors. He had no money except what came to him from his 
 profession and it came slowly at first. He and his young wife began life in a 
 boarding house. As the young lawyer's practice grew they furnished a 
 modest home, and later moved into one of more pretentious architecture and 
 costlier furnishings. Their present home, into which they moved about three 
 years ago, is located at 1522 North Meridian street. It is a modest but com- 
 fortable two-story frame, with a porch extending along the south side, 
 beautifully shaded and overlooking a large lawn which affords one of the 
 handsomest building sites in Indianapolis. The Senator's nearest neighbors 
 are ex-Minister Addison C. Harris and Governor Durbin.
 
 26 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 
 
 The years from 1874, when he first commenced the practice in Indian- 
 apolis, until he was elected to the Senate, were devoted by Mr. Fairbanks to 
 law. His law library grew with his practice until it became one of the most 
 extensive, best selected and most used of any in the middle West. Mr. Fair- 
 banks' clientage grew proportionately. It included some of the leading busi- 
 ness men of Boston, New York and the large Eastern cities. His fees were 
 unusually large for the lawyer of that day. Always a zealous Republican, 
 Mr. Fairbanks found time from a busy professional career to take active part 
 in every Republican campaign in Indiana. His counsel and assistance were 
 sought by party leaders. Before he ever held office he had spoken in every 
 county in Indiana, and was known personally to the voters throughout the 
 State. He contributed freely of his time and money to the Republican cause. 
 His speeches, like his other political services, were much in demand. Among 
 the strong political friendships he made in his early career in Indiana and 
 which continued unbroken, was that with the Hon. Walter Q. Gresham. 
 Judge Gresham formed a strong liking for the young lawyer who frequently 
 appeared in the federal court. He admired his ability, positive qualities and 
 sincerity, and when in 1888 Judge Gresham's name was taken up by leading 
 Republicans of the country for the Presidency, Mr. Fairbanks became one 
 of the judge's enthusiastic advocates. Just prior to the Chicago convention 
 of that year, Judge Gresham asked Mr. Fairbanks who was at the head of 
 the Gresham forces in Indiana, to take charge of the Gresham candidacy dur- 
 ing the convention and direct it 
 
 Mr. Fairbanks returned to Indiana and at once actively entered into the 
 campaign in behalf of the presidential nominee, General Harrison. The strong 
 personal friendship with Judge Gresham remained up to the time of the lat- 
 ter's death as Secretary of State in President Cleveland's cabinet. The 
 mutations of politics did not break or lessen it. Among the treasured posses- 
 sions of Senator Fairbanks are portraits of his late friend, one of which 
 adorns the walls of his home library, and the other a conspicuous place in 
 his office. 
 
 While the personal friendship formed in the early political struggles in 
 Indiana remained unbroken until Judge Gresham's death, the two friends 
 had nothing in common in their political views during Judge Gresham's later 
 years. Judge Gresham entertained certain political views which one of his 
 independent spirit and sympathetic and candid nature found it impossible to 
 conceal. Once they were known he found a door open and an hospitable 
 welcome awaiting him in the Democratic party. Mr. Fairbanks shared none 
 of these views. He was an ardent believer in maintaining the Republican 
 policy of protection, being in hearty accord with William McKinley. He did 
 more than any other one person to commit the Republican party in Indian? 
 to the gold standard in its platform of 1896, preceding the St. Louis con- 
 vention. In fact, it is generally understood that the money plank in the 
 State platform was his work, and coming at a critical time, it had a strong
 
 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 27 
 
 impression on Republican thought and in moulding a sentiment which led to 
 the adoption of the sound money platform of 1896. 
 
 Major John M. Carson, dean of the Washington correspondents, and 
 clerk to the ways and means committee when Major McKinley was chair- 
 man, wrote to the Philadelphia Public Ledger, under date of March 26, 
 1904, on this point : 
 
 "Fairbanks was placed at the head of the Indiana delegation to the St. 
 Louis convention, and was made temporary chairman of that body, deliver- 
 ing a speech that attracted wide attention and contributed to fixing the status 
 of the party on the money question. That convention declared against the 
 free coinage of silver, and it was largely due to the persistent efforts of Mr. 
 Fairbanks and a few other sagacious and conservative men that that declara- 
 tion was made. It has been claimed that the action of the Indiana Republi- 
 can State convention in 1896 had a very salutary influence on the Republi- 
 can National convention of the same year in declaring for the gold standard." 
 Senator Fairbanks' entry as a positive force in national Republican politics 
 may be said to date from the St. Louis Republican convention of 1896, and 
 the events leading up to it. While he enjoyed a wide professional and busi- 
 ness acquaintance from his legal career, having practiced in the leading courts 
 of the country, and at the same time having enjoyed an acquaintance with 
 national Republican leaders on account of his participation in the Republican 
 national conventions of 1888 and 1892, his friends regard the stirring political 
 events of 1896 as the real signal for the suspension of the professional and 
 the beginning of the official political career. 
 
 Mr. Fairbanks and Major McKinley had been friends of many years' 
 standing. Both were Ohio born, both ardent members of the Methodist 
 Episcopal Church, and in exact accord in their political views. In tempera- 
 ment their mutual friends believe they were much alike. 
 
 Mr. Fairbanks had many clients in Ohio and knew the State and its Re- 
 publican leaders and traditions appealed to him. It was most natural, there- 
 fore, that Mr. Fairbanks should attach himself to the fortunes of Major Mc- 
 Kinley in the preliminary organization leading up to the campaign of 1896. 
 He took charge of the work in Indiana and was influential in organizing the 
 State. He impressed his personality upon the convention and its declaration 
 of principles. He was chosen as a delegate-at-large to the St. Louis con- 
 vention, and soon afterward it was announced that Major McKinley, whose 
 nomination was then a foregone conclusion, had invited Mr. Fairbanks to be 
 temporary chairman of the convention. His speech as temporary chairman 
 attracted wide attention. It was a keynote for the approaching campaign, 
 which was to be one of the most important in its results on the financial and 
 industrial condition of the American people in the country's history. 
 
 Mr. Fairbanks' personality was everywhere in evidence in the St. Louis 
 convention, and his counsel was eagerly sought. In the campaign that fol- 
 lowed he was invited to speak in nearly all the Northern States, and re- 
 sponded as far as was consistent with his duty to his party in Indiana. In
 
 "28 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 
 
 that campaign and the national campaigns that have followed, he has ac- 
 cepted invitations to speak, and addressed audiences in nearly every Northern 
 State from Maine to California. His speeches have always been much in 
 demand, his audiences for the most part large and enthusiastic. 
 
 The State of Indiana which in recent years had developed great indus- 
 trial activity, particularly in the natural gas belt, showed an interest in the 
 restoration of the protective tariff. The State was the center, also, of a 
 strong gold Democratic propaganda. "Sound money and protection" were 
 the watch-words employed by the Republicans that year to wrest the State, 
 which had a Democratic Governor and two Democratic United States Sena- 
 tors, from the Democratic party. In this fight, which was made on the basis 
 of a thorough political organization of the State, Mr. Fairbanks was easily 
 leader. He returned from the St. Louis convention with additional political 
 prestige, if possible, and his friends began the work of organizing the State 
 in behalf of his Senatorial candidacy. The Republicans carried Indiana on 
 national and State tickets that year by about 20,000, a surprising victory in 
 view of the alternating currents of political victory that had characterized 
 Hoosier political performances for years previously. The Legislature was 
 safely Republican. In the Republican caucus which followed in January, 1897, 
 Mr. Fairbanks was nominated for United States Senator on the first ballot 
 over a field of strong candidates. 
 
 Thus Mr. Fairbanks achieved, without serious struggle and with the best 
 of party feeling, his first ambition to hold office. It was the third time his 
 name had been before the party for office in Indiana. The first time his 
 friends brought forward his name Governor Hovey was given the honor 
 of the caucus nomination. The party was in the minority, and Senator 
 Daniel W. Voorhees, destined to be defeated by Mr. Fairbanks six years 
 later, was elected. The second time Senator Fairbanks' name was presented 
 for the office he received the caucus nomination but was defeated by Senator 
 Turpie, the Legislature being Democratic. At that time Mr. Fairbanks re- 
 ceived the unanimous vote of his party in the joint assembly, as he did in 
 the winter of 1897, which resulted in his election. 
 
 Few men have entered the United States Senate under more favorable 
 conditions than those which attended Senator Fairbanks' advent, March 4, 
 1897. The day marked the restoration of the Republican party to power 
 after four years of Democratic rule, accompanied by an industrial and finan- 
 cial blight that had prostrated American energy. In the White House sat 
 a President who took his oath of office at the same hour with Senator Fair- 
 banks, and between whom and the Senator had existed a friendship of many 
 years' standing. The new Senator wore the distinction of having redeemed 
 a Democratic State. He was destined by circumstances and ability to play 
 a conspicuous part in the new administration which was to restore the pro- 
 tective tariff policy, place the country's finances on a sound basis, wage a 
 successful war with the kingdom of Spain in the interest of humanity and 
 play a part in administrative policies, connected with the accession of the 
 United States to the foremost rank of world powers.
 
 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 29 
 
 Mr. Fairbanks took a high rank in the Senate from the day he entered. 
 He entered actively into the work of the extra session which passed the 
 Dingley tariff bill, thus increasing the revenues, restoring the surplus and in- 
 cidentally reinstating the gold reserve redemption fund, the steady diminu- 
 tion of which during the four years previous, had been of serious concern 
 to the financial and business interests of the country. He was equally prom- 
 inent in the legislation revising the currency laws which followed the Dingley 
 bill as a restorative measure. He had been one of the first to raise his voice 
 in behalf of maintaining the national credit inviolate, and to that end placing 
 the currency of the country upon a single gold standard. His early views 
 on the question are known and the important part he played in committing 
 the Republican party to a sound money policy. His early zeal for the cause 
 found expression later in speeches and wise counsel while currency legislation 
 was being shaped. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks went at once to the head of the Senate committee on 
 immigration. The subject was one which had interested him for years. 
 He felt there could be no more profitable study than that which concerned 
 the character of immigration yearly pouring into this country to enter into 
 the national life and be assimulated with its customs and habits into the 
 nation's citizenship. To the study of this subject he gave the most earnest 
 consideration, visiting the immigration stations of the country, and putting 
 himself in daily touch with the officers charged with the responsibility of ad- 
 ministering the immigration laws. The results of his research and labors took 
 the form of a speech which was widely read and commended. 
 
 Although Senator Fairbanks afterward took a step higher to the chair- 
 manship of the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds, his interest in 
 the immigration question has never abated. In the last Congress he was 
 second on the Committee of Immigration. 
 
 In the agitation which preceded the declaration of war with Spain, aroused 
 by reports of Spanish cruelty in Cuba, and brought to a crisis by the blowing 
 up of the battleship Maine, Senator Fairbanks was one of the President's 
 closest advisers. He was at the White House almost daily, participating, with 
 other members of the administration, in conferences that lasted not infre- 
 quently far into the night, the purpose of which was, if possible, to devise 
 some way to secure the amelioration of conditions in Cuba without blood- 
 shed. The cloud of anxiety and care which hung like a pall over these de- 
 liberations was best expressed in President McKinley's words, uttered on 
 one of these occasions : 
 
 "I do not care for the money that will be wasted, or the property de- 
 stroyed, but the thought of the human agony and distress that must come to 
 countless homes almost overwhelms me." 
 
 Through this period of popular unrest, which at one time even threatened 
 to overwhelm Congress, Senator Fairbanks stood with the cool-headed con- 
 servatives in support of President McKinley's policy.
 
 30 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 
 
 In May, 1897, he introduced a resolution, supposed to have had the sanc- 
 tion of the President, and submitted after careful consideration, as a solution 
 of the trouble in Cuba. It requested the President to tender his good of- 
 fices toward securing a cessation of hostilities in Cuba and an amelioration 
 of the conditions there. Later, when all pacific measures failed, and the Presi- 
 dent, in a special message to Congress, called attention to his inability to 
 bring about order through peaceful overtures, and asked Congress to act, 
 Senator Fairbanks advocated a speedy prosecution of the war. He was 
 thoroughly in sympathy with the President's policy throughout. The war 
 over, he vigorously supported the peace measures and voted for the Presi- 
 dent's policies looking to peace and the holding of the Philippines. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks conceived the idea of extending aid to the stricken 
 inhabitants of the island of Martinique after the volcanic eruption. As soon 
 as the news of the disaster was confirmed, he prepared and introduced a bill 
 authorizing the expenditure of $100,000 for relief. The bill promptly passed 
 the Senate without a reference to a committee. In the House there was 
 mild opposition raised from the Democratic side, but the bill passed without 
 serious delay. Senator Fairbanks was thanked by the French Government. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks was named by President McKinley as one of the 
 American Commissioners of the United States and British Joint High Com- 
 mission, and was Chairman of the American Commissioners. His services 
 on that Commission is regarded by many as one of the most important and 
 useful of his public acts. Lord Herschel was President of the British 
 Canadian Joint High Commission. This Commission held one session at 
 Quebec, and later a protracted session in Washington, D. C., and practically 
 reached a conclusion on most of the questions before that Commission ex- 
 cept the Alaska boundary question, which, within the last year, was referred 
 to a special Commission, of which ex-Secretary of War Elihu Root, Senator 
 Lodge, of Massachusetts, and ex-Senator George Turner, of Washington, 
 were the Commission on behalf of the United States. 
 
 The principal questions before the United States and British Joint High 
 Commission, aside from the Alaska boundary question, were the proposed 
 abrogation of the Rush-Bagot treaty of 1817, which prohibited the building or 
 maintaining of war vessels above a certain tonnage on the Great Lakes, the 
 lake fisheries question and Canadian reciprocity. Since the death of Lord 
 Herschel, Chairman of the British-Canadian Commission, Sir Wilfrid Laurier 
 has been the most active member. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks has been much in demand throughout the country as a 
 public speaker. Aside from his political speeches, which have been a feature 
 of every national and biennial congressional campaign since and including 
 the campaign of 1896, he has spoken at numerous celebrations and anni- 
 versaries, and at college commencements, state fairs, and political clubs. His 
 most notable addresses of this class were his speech to the graduates of Baker 
 University, Kansas, the address before the monster Labor Day celebration 
 at Kansas City, in 1902, an address at the Minnesota State Fair, in 1903, a
 
 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 31 
 
 speech on the occasion of the celebration of the 25Oth anniversary of the 
 founding of the town of Lancaster, Mass., and his address on the I25th anni- 
 versary of the battle of Monmouth. 
 
 On account of his close friendship for the late President McKinley, he was 
 invited to deliver the address at the unveiling of the McKinley monument 
 at Toledo, Ohio, last year. 
 
 He has been the guest and has delivered addresses at the principal 
 political clubs in New York, Boston, Chicago, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, St. 
 Louis, and all the other large cities of the country. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks was a delegate-at-large to the Philadelphia convention 
 of 1900, and was Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, which reported 
 the national platform that year. 
 
 He has been chosen a delegate-at-large from Indiana to the convention of 
 1904 at Chicago. He was re-elected to the Senate in 1903, at the expiration 
 of his first term, without opposition in his own party. He received in the 
 joint assembly of the Indiana Legislature that year a larger majority than was 
 ever given before to any Republican candidate for the United States Senate in 
 the history of the State. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks was invited by President McKinley at one time to be- 
 come a member of his cabinet. 
 
 From the time Mr. Fairbanks entered the Senate, in March, 1897, until 
 the present time, he has refrained from engaging in any law practice. He 
 has given his time absolutely and exclusively to the government service. 
 
 Senator and Mrs. Fairbanks have always retained a lively interest in the 
 prosperity of their alma mater, and the Senator has been for a number of 
 years one of the trustees. His eldest son and his only daughter are of the 
 alumni of this institution. Senator and Mrs. Fairbanks are members of the 
 Meridian Street M. E. Church, of Indianapolis, and the Senator is a Trustee 
 in the Church. 
 
 The children, in the order of their ages, are, the daughter, Adelaide, wife 
 of Ensign John W. Timmons, of the U. S. S. Kearsarge; Warren C, who 
 recently married Miss Ethel Cassidy, of Pittsburg, and who is a director of 
 the Oliver Typewriter Works, in Chicago ; Frederick C., a graduate of 
 Princeton University, Class of 1903, and who is now a student at the Co- 
 lumbian University Law School in Washington, D. C. The third son, Rich- 
 ard, is in the junior year at Yale College, and the fourth son, and youngest 
 child, Robert, is a student at Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass., preparing 
 for Princeton. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks' mother is still living, and is nearly seventy-five years 
 of age. She spends her winters with the Senator's family in Washington, 
 and the rest of the season is generally spent with her daughter, Mrs. M. L, 
 Milligan, of Springfield, Ohio. The Senator's father died in the winter of 
 1900, and is buried at Springfield, Ohio. Senator Fairbanks' only sister is the 
 wife of ex-Mayor M. L. Milligan, of Springfield, Ohio, President of the 
 Springfield Foundry Company and other manufacturing plants. He has a
 
 32 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS. 
 
 brother, Newton H. Fairbanks, who is also connected with the same com- 
 panies. Another brother, W. D. Fairbanks, is President of the First National 
 Bank of Mansfield, Illinois, and a wealthy landowner and farmer. Another 
 brother, Luther M., is a capitalist and real estate dealer in Mansfield, Illinois. 
 
 He was called to be one of the Trustees of the McKinley Memorial As- 
 sociation, of which Associate Justice Day, of the Supreme Court, is President, 
 and was made a member of the Executive Committee of the Trustees. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks is President of the Benjamin Harrison Monument 
 Association of Indianapolis. This Association has raised about $50,000, and 
 proposes to erect a monument to General Harrison on the site of the new 
 public building in course of construction in Indianapolis. 
 
 Senator Fairbanks' life in Washington is characterized by a generous but 
 unostentatious hospitality. His family occupies the Van Wyck house, near 
 Dupont Circle in the residence section of the city. The house is admirably 
 adapted for entertaining. 
 
 Mrs. Fairbanks occupies a social leadership in Washington because of 
 her charming qualities as hostess, and by virtue of her position as President 
 General of the Daughters of the American Revolution.
 
 HON. GEORGE B. CORTELYOU, of New York, 
 Chairman of the Republican National Committee (1904).
 
 REPUBLICAN 
 
 NATIONAL COMMITTEE 
 
 GEO. B. CORTELYOU, New York, Chairman. 
 
 ELMER DOVER, Ohio, Secretary. 
 
 C. N. BLISS, New York, Treasurer. 
 
 WILLIAM F. STONE, Maryland, Sergeant-at-Arms. 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 EASTERN HEADQUARTERS 
 
 No. I Madison Avenue, New York 
 
 CHARLES F. BROOKER, Connecticut. 
 N. B. SCOTT, West Virginia. 
 
 FRANKLIN MURPHY, New Jersey. 
 
 WILLIAM L. WARD, New York. 
 
 C. N. BLISS, New York. 
 
 WESTERN HEADQUARTERS 
 
 Auditorium Hotel, Chicago. 
 
 HARRY S. NEW, Indiana. 
 
 FRANK O. LOWDEN, Illinois. 
 
 R. B. SCHNEIDER, Nebraska. 
 
 DAVID W. MULVANE, Kansas. 
 
 GEO. A. KNIGHT, California. 
 ELMER DOVER, Ohio.
 
 HON. ELMER DOVER, of Ohio, 
 Secretary of the National Republican Committee.
 
 Republican National Committee 
 
 STATE. NAME. P. O. ADDRESS. 
 
 Alabama CHAS. H. SCOTT Montgomery. 
 
 Arkansas POWELL. CLAYTON Eureka Springs and City of 
 
 Mexico. 
 
 California GEORGE A. KNIGHT San Francisco. 
 
 Colorado A. M. STEVENSON Denver. 
 
 Connecticut CHARLES F. BROOKER. . . Ansonia. 
 
 Delaware JOHN EDWARD ADDICKS. Wilmington. 
 
 Florida J. N. COOMBS Apalachicola. 
 
 Georgia JUDSON W. LYONS Augusta and Washington, D. C. 
 
 Idaho W. B. HEYBURN Wallace. 
 
 Illinois FRANK O. LOWDEN Chicago. 
 
 Indiana HARRY S. NEW Indianapolis. 
 
 Iowa ERNEST E. HART Council Bluffs. 
 
 Kansas DAVID W. MULVANE Topeka. 
 
 Kentucky JOHN W. YERKES Danville and Washington, D. C. 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine JOHN F. HILL Augusta. 
 
 Maryland LOUIS E. McCOMAS Hagerstown. 
 
 Massachusetts W. MURRAY CRANE Dalton. 
 
 Michigan JOHN W. BLODGETT Grand Rapids. 
 
 Minnesota FRANK B. KELLOGG St. Paul. 
 
 Mississippi L. B. MOSELE Y Jackson. 
 
 Missouri THOMAS J. AKINS St. Louis. 
 
 Montana JOHN D. WAITE Lewistown. 
 
 Nebraska CHAS. H. MORRILL Lincoln. 
 
 Nevada PATRICK L. FLANIGAN. . . Reno. 
 
 New Hampshire ...FRANK S. STREETER Concord. 
 
 New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY Newark. 
 
 New York WM. L. WARD Port Chester. 
 
 North Carolina E. C. DUNCAN Raleigh. 
 
 North Dakota ALEXANDER McKENZIE . . Bismarck. 
 
 Ohio MYRON T. HERRICK Cleveland. 
 
 Oregon CHAS. H. CAREY Portland. 
 
 Pennsylvania BOIES PENROSE Philadelphia and Washington, 
 
 D. C. 
 
 Rhode Island CHARLES R. BRAYTON. .. Providence. 
 
 South Carolina JOHN G. CAPERS Charleston. 
 
 South Dakota J. M. GREENE Chamberlain. 
 
 Tennessee WALTER P. BROWNLOW. Jonesboro and Washington, 
 
 D. C. 
 
 Texas CECIL A. LYON Sherman. 
 
 Utah C. E. LOOSE Provo. 
 
 Vermont JAMES W. BROCK Montpelier. 
 
 Virginia GEORGE E. BOWDEN Norfolk. 
 
 Washington LEVI ANKENY Walla Walla and Washington, 
 
 D. C. 
 
 West Virginia N. B. SCOTT Wheeling and Washington, D. C. 
 
 Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE Milwaukee and Washington, 
 
 D. C. 
 Wyoming GEO. E. PEXTON..._. Evanston. 
 
 Territories, District of Columbia, Hawaii, Porto Rico 
 and Philippine Islands 
 
 Alaska JOHN J. HEID : Juneau. 
 
 Arizona W. S. STURGES Phoenix. 
 
 New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA Los Lunas. 
 
 Oklahoma C. M. CADE Shawnee. 
 
 Indian Territory. .. P. L. SOPER Vinita. 
 
 Dist. of Columbia. ROBERT REYBURN Washington, D. C. 
 
 Hawaii A. G. M. ROBERTSON Honolulu. P. O. Box 303. 
 
 Porto Rico R. H. TODD San Juan. 
 
 Philippine Islands.. HENRY B. McCOY
 
 ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN CON= 
 GRESSIONAL COMMITTEE FOR 1904 
 
 Headquarters Republican Congressional Committee, 
 1135 Broadway, New York 
 
 OFFICERS 
 
 Chairman JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, of Wisconsin. 
 Vice-Chairman JAMES S. SHERMAN, of New York. 
 Secretary JESSE OVERSTREET, of Indiana. 
 Treasurer WM. B. THOMPSON, of Washington, D. C. 
 
 Speakers Bureau HENRY CASSON. Manager. 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
 
 JOHN A. T. HULL, of Iowa. E. C. BURLEIGH, of Maine. 
 
 H. C. LOUDENSLAGER, of New Jersey. J. A. TAWNEY, of Minnesota. 
 WILLIAM CONNELL, of Pennsylvania. J. R. MANN, of Illinois. 
 VICTOR H. METCALF, of California. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH, of Ohio. 
 
 GEO. L. LILLEY, of Connecticut. 
 
 Members. 
 
 California Representative VICTOR H. METCALF, Oakland. 
 
 Colorado Representative FRANKLIN E. BROOKS, Colo. Springs. 
 
 Connecticut Representative GEORGE L. LILLEY, Waterbury. 
 
 Delaware Senator J. FRANK ALLEE, Dover. 
 
 Idaho Representative BURTON L. FRENCH, Moscow. 
 
 Illinois Representative JAMES R. MANN Chicago. 
 
 Indiana .Representative JESSE OVERSTREET, Indianapolis. 
 
 Iowa Representative J. A. T. HULL, Des Moines. 
 
 Kansas Representative J. D. BOWERSOCK, Lawrence. 
 
 Kentucky Representative W. G. HUNTER. Burkesville. 
 
 Maine Representative E. C. BURLEIGH, Augusta. 
 
 Maryland Representative SIDNEY E. MUDD, La Platte. 
 
 Massachusetts Representative WILLIAM C. LOVERING. Taunton. 
 
 Michigan Representative JOSEPH W. FORDNEY Saginaw. 
 
 Minnesota Representative JAMES A. TAWNEY, Winona. 
 
 Missouri Representative RICHARD BARTHOLDT, St. Louis. 
 
 Montana Representative JOSEPH M. DDCON, Missoula. 
 
 Nebraska Representative JOHN J. MCCARTHY, Ponca. 
 
 New Hampshire Representative CYRUS A. SULLOWAY, Manchester. 
 
 New Jersey Representative H. C. LOUDENSLAGER, Paulsboro. 
 
 New York Representative JAMES S. SHERMAN. Utica. 
 
 North Dakota Representative B. F. SPALDING, Fargo. 
 
 Ohio Representative NICHOLAS LONGWORTH, Cincinnati. 
 
 Oregon Senator J. H. MITCHELL, Portland. 
 
 Pennsylvania Representative WILLIAM CONNELL, Scranton. 
 
 Rhode Island Representative ADIN B. CAPRON, Stillwater. 
 
 South Dakota Representative CHARLES H. BURKE. Pierre. 
 
 Tennessee Representative H. R. GIBSON, Knoxville. 
 
 Utah Representative JOSEPH HOWELL, Logan. 
 
 Vermont Representative KITTREDGE HASKINS. Brattleboro. 
 
 Virginia Representative CAMPBELL SLEMP. Big Stone Gap. 
 
 Washington Representative W. E. HUMPHREYS, Seattle. 
 
 West Virginia Representative B. B. DOVENOR, Wheeling. 
 
 Wisconsin Representative JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, Necedah. 
 
 Wyoming Representative FRANK W. MONDELL, Newcastle. 
 
 Hawaii Delegate J. K. KALANIANAOLE Honolulu. 
 
 New Mexico Delegate B. S. RODEY, Albuquerque. 
 
 Oklahoma Delegate BIRD S. McGUIRE, Guthrie.
 
 CHAIRMEN AND SECRETARIES OF REPUBLI- 
 CAN STATE AND TERRITORIAL 
 COMMITTEES 
 
 Alabama JOSEPH O. THOMPSON. .. Birmingham. 
 
 N. L. STEELE Birmingham. 
 
 Arkansas . . .H. L. REMMEL Little Rock. 
 
 W. S. HOLT Little Rock. 
 
 California GEORGE STONE Palace Hotel, San Francisco. 
 
 E. F. WOODWARD Palace Hotel, San Francisco. 
 
 Colorado . ..D. B. FAIRLEY 1625 Champa St., Denver. 
 
 CHAS. W. COCHRAN 1625 Champa St., Denver. 
 
 Connecticut ...MICHAEL KENEALY Allyn House, Hartford. 
 
 GEO. E. HINMAN Allyn House, Hartford. 
 
 Delaware J. FRANK ALLEE 716 Market St., Wilmington. 
 
 WILLIAM D. DENNEY 716 Market St., Wilmington. 
 
 Florida . ..HENRY S. CHUBB Gainesville. 
 
 JOSEPH E. LEE Gainesville. 
 
 Georgia W. H. JOHNSON Columbus. 
 
 J. H. DEVEAUX Savannah. 
 
 Idaho .. ..J. H. BRADY Boise. 
 
 ROBERT HAYES Boise. 
 
 Illinois ROY O. WEST Great Northern Hotel, Chicago. 
 
 J. A. WHEELER Great Northern Hotel, Chicago. 
 
 Indiana JAMES P. GOODRICH English Hotel, Indianapolis. 
 
 FRANK A. SIMS English Hotel, Indianapolis. 
 
 Iowa R. H. SPENCE Observatory Bldg., Des Moines. 
 
 GEO. R. ESTABROOK Observatory Bldg., Des Moines. 
 
 Kansas W. R. STUBBS National Hotel, Topeka. 
 
 CLYDE MILLER National Hotel. Topeka. 
 
 Kentucky RICHARD P, ERNST 317 Gait House, Louisville. 
 
 THOS. L. WALKER 317 Gait House, Louisville. 
 
 Louisiana F. B. WILLIAMS 117 St. Charles St., New Orleans. 
 
 M. J. McFARLANE 117 St. Charles St., New Orleans. 
 
 Maine F. M. SIMPSON Bangor. 
 
 BYRON BOYD Bangor. 
 
 Maryland JOHN B. HANNA 622 N. Calvert St., Baltimore. 
 
 JOHN C. SIMERIXG 622 N. Calvert St., Baltimore. 
 
 Massachusetts . THOMAS TALBOT 194 Washington St., Boston. 
 
 H. H. ATHERTON, JR 194 Washington St., Boston. 
 
 Michigan GERRIT J. DIEKEMA 1040 Majestic Bldg., Detroit. 
 
 DENNIS E. ALWARD 1040 Majestic Bldg., Detroit. 
 
 Minnesota CONDE HAMLIN 218 Manhattan Bldg., St. Paul. 
 
 W. E. VERITY 218 Manhattan Bldg., St. Paul. 
 
 Mississippi FREDERICK W. COLLINS. Jackson. 
 
 T. v. MCALLISTER Jackson. 
 
 Missouri THOS. K. NIEDRINGHAUS. Commercial Bldg., St. Louis. 
 
 Montana LEE MANTLE Butte. 
 
 J. B. COLLINS Butte. 
 
 Nebraska H. C. M. BURGESS Murray Hotel, Omaha. 
 
 W. B. ALLEN Murray Hotel, Omaha 
 
 Nevada GEO. T. MILLS Musser St., Carson City. 
 
 E. D. VANDERLIETH Musser St., Carson City. 
 
 New Hampshire. JACOB H. GALLINGKR White's Opera House, Concord. 
 
 THOMAS F. CLIFFORD White's Opera House, Concord. 
 
 New Jersey FRANK O. BRIGGS 144 W. State St., Trenton. 
 
 J. HERBERT POTTS 144 W. State St., Trenton. 
 
 New York WILLIAM BARNES, JR Fifth Ave. Hotel, New York City. 
 
 REUBEN L. FOX Fifth Ave. Hotel, New York City.
 
 No. Carolina. ..THOMAS S. ROLLINS Benbow Hotel, Greensboro. 
 
 ROBERT H. McNEILL Benbow Hotel, Greensboro. 
 
 North Dakota . . L. B. HANNA Grand Forks. 
 
 M. H. JEWELL Grand Forks. 
 
 Ohio CHARLES DICK Columbus. 
 
 JOHN R. M ALLOY Columbus. 
 
 Oregon FRANK C. BAKER Hamilton Bldg., Portland. 
 
 E. R. BRYSON Hamilton Bldg., Portland. 
 
 Pennsylvania ..BOIES PENROSE 1417 Locust St., Philadelphia. 
 
 W. R. ANDREWS 1417 Locust St., Philedalphia. 
 
 Rhode Island... FRANK E. HOLDEN 123 Westminster St. Providence. 
 
 NATHAN M. WRIGHT 123 Westminster St., Providence. 
 
 So. Carolina E. H. DEAS Darlington. 
 
 J. H. JOHNSON 2029 Marion St., Columbia. 
 
 South Dakota. . FRANK CRANE Pierre. 
 
 E. A. WARNER Pierre. 
 
 Tennessee J. C. R. McCALL Maxwell House, Nashville. 
 
 HARRY A. LUCK Maxwell House, Nashville. 
 
 Texas CECIL A. LYON Sherman. 
 
 R. L. HOFFMAN Galveston. 
 
 Utah . WM. SPRY City & County Bldg., Salt Lake City. 
 
 TOM PITT City & County Bldg., Salt Lake City. 
 
 Vermont THAD M. CHAPMAN Middlebury. 
 
 ALFRED E. WATSON Hartford. 
 
 Virginia PARK AGNEW Alexandria. 
 
 ASA ROGERS Petersburg. 
 
 Washington E. B. PALMER Seattle. 
 
 J. W. LYSONS Seattle. 
 
 West Virginia. . ELLIOTT NORTHCOTT Parkersburg. 
 
 W. E. GLASSCOCK Parkersburg. 
 
 Wisconsin THEO. W. GOLDIN ..Hotel Pfister, Milwaukee. 
 
 F. R. BENTLEY Hotel Pfister, Milwaukee. 
 
 Wyoming J. A. VAN ORSDEL Cheyenne. 
 
 R. P. FULLER Cheyenne. 
 
 Alaska JOHN T. SPICKETT Juneau. 
 
 A. V. R. SNYDER Wrangel. 
 
 Arizona W. F. NICHOLS Phoenix. 
 
 GEORGE U. YOUNG Phoenix. 
 
 Indian Terr CYRUS G. KEAN Wynnewood. 
 
 MIKE CONLAN Atoka. 
 
 New Mexico. . . . F. A. HUBBELL Albuquerque. 
 
 J. J. SHERIDAN Albuquerque. 
 
 Oklahoma CHAS. H. FILSON.., . . Guthrie. 
 
 VERNON W. WHITING Enid. 
 
 Hawaii CLARENCE L. CRABBE. .. Honolulu. 
 
 W. W. HOOGS Honolulu. 
 
 Porto Rico MANUEL F. ROSSY San Juan. 
 
 ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL 
 LEAGUE FOR 1904 
 
 OFFICERS 1903-4 
 
 President J. HAMPTON MOORE. Union Republican Club, Philadelphia. 
 
 Vice-President JAMES JAY SHERIDAN, Hamilton Club, Chicago. 
 
 Secretary ELBERT W. WEEKS. Guthrie Centre, Iowa. 
 
 Treasurer SID. B. REDDING, Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 Natiortal League Conventions have been held as follows: December 15, 1887, 
 TJew York City; February 28, 1889, Baltimore; March 4, 1890, Nashville; April 23, 
 1891, Cincinnati; September 16, 1892, Buffalo; May 10, 1893, Louisville; June 26, 
 1894, Denver; June 19. 1895, Cleveland; August 25, 1896, Milwaukee; July 15, 
 1897, Detroit; Omaha, Neb., July 13, 1898; St. Paul, Minn., July 16, 1900; Chicago, 
 111., October 2-3, 1902. 
 
 Next Convention Indianapolis October, 1904
 
 HON. F. E. COYNE, Postmaster of Chicago, 
 Chairman of the Local Committee.
 
 THE LOCAL COMMITTEE AND ITS WORK 
 
 BY JOHN A. ROWLAND. 
 
 Chicago Republicans began early in December to lay plans to secure the 
 National Convention. The preliminary work was done under the auspices of 
 the Hamilton Club. It was decided early that Chicago's claims should be 
 presented by a delegation made up of the leading members of this club, as 
 well as by the Illinois Congressmen. 
 
 Graeme Stewart, Republican National Committeeman for Illinois, accom- 
 panied by Samuel B. Raymond and Fred W. Upham, left Chicago for Wash- 
 ington on December 8th to prepare the way for the Hamilton Club dele- 
 gation, which followed next day. Among those who made up the Hamilton 
 Club delegation which left for the National Convention on December the 10th, 
 were: 
 
 F. E. COYNE, JUDGE Z. R. CARTER, 
 
 E. S. CONWAY, JUDGE C. C. KOHLSAAT, 
 
 J. J. SHERIDAN, J. S. RUNNELLS. 
 
 H. C. LYTTON, VOLNEY W. FOSTER, 
 
 E. A. MUNGER, COL. J. H. STRONG, 
 
 W. F. ROLLA, ALD. YOUNG, 
 
 ELBRIDGE HANECY, E. J. MURPHY, 
 
 FRED M. BLOUNT, A. H. JONES, 
 
 J. M. SMYTH. J. T. LENFESTY, 
 
 GALE BLOCKI, GEO. B. SWIFT, 
 
 JOHN B. PORTER, 
 
 Among other prominent men of the city and nation who had promised 
 assistance were Judge Peter A. Grosscup, George R. Peck, Secretary of the 
 Treasury Leslie M. Shaw, Speaker Cannon and Senators Cullom and Hopkins. 
 
 Arriving at Washington the National Committee opened headquarters at 
 the Arlington Hotel. On December the loth the entire delegation headed by 
 Graeme Stewart called upon President Roosevelt at the White House. 
 James J. Sheridan, President of the Hamilton Club, addressed the President 
 briefly, outlining the purpose of the Hamilton Club's visit to the National 
 Capitol. He assured the President that he would be nominated, and that the 
 convention would be held at Chicago. 
 
 President Roosevelt responded briefly, saying that as President of the 
 United States he must of necessity maintain a neutral attitude but he added 
 significantly : "I would be a poor American if I were not a good Chicagoan." 
 
 When the National Committee met on December I2th it was so certain 
 
 J1G19G9
 
 38 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 that Chicago would be chosen as the convention city that the National 
 Committee booked headquarters at the Chicago hotels before the vote was 
 taken. 
 
 Chicago's proposals for entertaining the convention were presented to 
 the National Committee by Samuel B. Raymond. He stated that Chicago 
 would guarantee the expenses of the convention, supply a convention hall 
 with a seating capacity of 12,000, with eleven entrances. Chicago's hotel ac- 
 commodations he guaranteed to be of the best. 
 
 St. Louis and Pittsburg delegations were on hand with proposals. Na- 
 tional Committeeman Richard C. Kerens introduced ex-Mayor Walbridge of 
 St. Louis who offered on behalf of St. Louis a bonus of $40,000 in cash and 
 to defray all the expenses of the convention. Ex-Mayor Walbridge resented 
 the fact that Missouri had been referred to as hopelessly Democratic. There 
 were, he said, 360,000 Republicans who wanted the label "hopeless" removed 
 and "available" substituted. 
 
 Senator Boise Penrose of Pennsylvania, presented the claims of Pitts- 
 burg. He said that a committee of Pittsburg Republicans were outside with 
 the cash to pay for the convention. "If $100,000 is not enough," he said, "we 
 will give $500,000, and that would be but a small matter. I understand the 
 Pittsburg delegation has the cash with them, but they have not taken me into 
 their confidence to show it to me. They came by the way of Harrisburg, 
 and I hope the fund is intact." 
 
 Only one ballot was necessary. Chicago received 43 votes, Pittsburg 7, 
 and St. Louis i. 
 
 The Chicago committee returned home and the Hamilton Club at once 
 organized itself into a committee of the whole to perfect the plans for the 
 convention. 
 
 Few difficulties presented themselves to the men who had guaranteed 
 to meet all the requirements of the National Committee. 
 
 In the first place no effort was necessary to make any ostentatious can- 
 vass for funds. The members of the Hamilton Club knew where the money 
 to make their pledges to the National Committee good was coming from. 
 The funds were forthcoming. In the second place the convention hall, a 
 massive structure of steel, brick and stone was standing ready. No building 
 had to be transformed or evolved. The fact that the Chicago Coliseum was 
 ready for the great National Convention simplified the problem. 
 
 Only two committees were appointed by the President of the Hamilton 
 Club. The Political Action Committee was made up as follows : 
 
 MARQUIS EATON. Chairman. A. W. BUCKLEY. 
 
 KEENE H. ADDINGTON FRANK G. GARDENER. 
 
 CLARK S. REED. 
 
 The Entertainment Committee consisted of the following members of the 
 Club: 
 
 E. C. WETTEN. Chairman. GEORGE A. MASON. 
 
 J. HOWARD HOLBROOK. GEORGE E. SHIPMAN. 
 
 J. M. McCONAHEY.
 
 HON. FRED. W. UPHAM, of Illinois, 
 Treasurer of the Local Committee.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 39 
 
 Larger committees were not necessary for in reality the Hamilton Club, 
 with its hundreds of members, many of them prominent in national life, 
 and constituting as a whole one of the most influential Republican organiza- 
 tions in the country, constituted itself one great committee to see that the 
 necessary funds were forthcoming, that the convention hall was ready, that 
 every convention facility was supplied. Then too, the entire membership of 
 the Hamilton Club constituted itself a reception and entertainment commit- 
 tee to welcome the party leaders and delegates and to see that their every 
 want was supplied. 
 
 The work of preparing the convention hall for the sessions of the con- 
 vention was begun early in May. Contracts were let for seats, railings, desks, 
 decorations, and lights. 
 
 The plans for the convention hall included comfortable opera chairs with 
 hat, cane and umbrella racks for delegates, alternates and spectators. The 
 delegates were to occupy the space immediately in front of the speakers' 
 stand. Back of them and separated by a polished rail, were the seats for the 
 alternates, which in turn were separated from the spectators by another rail. 
 
 The press was cared for by seats and desks for 400 men, all on the 
 speakers' rostrum. Immediately back of the press seats, in a large enclosed 
 room was the telegraph room with facilities for 200 operators and from which 
 the Western Union and Postal Telegraph Companies were radiated to every 
 city and town in the United States. 
 
 Other features of the convention hall plans were hospital rooms in charge 
 of physicians and trained nurses, police and fire headquarters, a telephone 
 exchange with a dozen booths for long distance service. 
 
 Every seat in the building was to be numbered. The aisles were broad 
 and the stairways leading to the galleries not only numerous but easy of 
 ascent. 
 
 There was no delay in placing the convention hall in readiness. In fact, 
 the great auditorium was practically ready for the decorators two weeks 
 before the date fixed for the convention's opening. 
 
 The finishing touches on the convention hall were made on June ipth. 
 On that date the building was ready and the convention could have been 
 called to order on that day if it had been necessary. 
 
 The interior decorations of the great hall excited the admiration of every 
 visitor. 
 
 Everywhere there was a harmony of color and design. The heroic like- 
 ness of Marcus Alonzo Hanna, draped in the national colors, hung above the 
 speakers' platform. There was bunting, but this was not overdone. There 
 were flags, a dozen groups on each side of the hall, and two larger groups 
 on each end, just enough of bright color to give life to the yellow of the 
 vaulted roof and the grey of the iron girders. 
 
 Looking down from the balcony, the effect was again pleasing. The 
 crimson carpet of the speakers' platform stood out like a damask rose in a 
 bunch of lilies, for all around it were groups, the desks and chairs of the
 
 40 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 representatives of the press, and these were painted a light yellow. The con- 
 trast was startling and effective. Add to this the light green chairs of dele- 
 gates and alternates, separated from each other and from the darker ma- 
 hogany of the spectators' seats by yellow railings, and it was seen that the 
 color effect was pleasing. 
 
 Up above the balconies were rows of live oak branches, which were also 
 used effectively against the windows at the sides, and at each end of the hall. 
 From the girders were suspended scores of hanging baskets containing huge 
 sword plants, while the main floor was banked with palms. Not even in 
 its greatest gala did Madison Square Garden ever present as beautiful a 
 picture as did Chicago's Coliseum on the morning as it awaited the gathering 
 hosts. 
 
 Members of the National Committee, Senators, Congressmen and many 
 delegates paid the convention hall a visit on June i8th. They all united in 
 pronouncing it the best arranged audience-room they had ever seen and 
 unstinted in their praises of the Chicago Committee and S. B. Raymond, its 
 Chairman, and of the work of Sergeant-at-Arms Stone. 
 
 Senator N. B. Scott of West Virginia, Chairman of the sub-committee on 
 arrangements, who arrived in the city late the night before saw the big 
 convention hall for the first time. He left the Auditorium Annex for the 
 Coliseum shortly after two o'clock and was soon joined there by R. B. 
 Schneider, National Committeeman from Nebraska, and Postmaster General 
 Payne. 
 
 At the Coliseum the three men were met by the members of the local 
 committee which had for weeks been working to make the convention hall 
 the nearest perfect in arrangements of any in which a national convention 
 was ever held. 
 
 As the members of the party left the Sergeant-at-Arms' room and en- 
 tered the Republican National Committee room they expressed many favor- 
 able comments upon the delicate lemon-colored tinting of the room, upon 
 its good light and cheerfulness. Hundreds of flags were placed in groups 
 at the ends of the hall and among the beams by the decorators, who were 
 completing the work the local committee had in hand. 
 
 "The hall is admirably arranged," declared Senator Scott. "Everything 
 is ready for the convention. It could be held tomorrow. Sergeant-at-Arms 
 Stone is the right man in the right place. The local committee has done 
 its work most satisfactorily." 
 
 Secretary Dover said the convention hall was the best he had ever seen 
 for the purpose. 
 
 "I don't believe a national convention was ever in a better arranged hall. 
 The on'y criticism I have ever heard was that it is not large enough. The 
 work has never been so far advanced, I am told, as it is in this hall. The 
 convention might be held tomorrow, so far as the hall is concerned."
 
 HON. SAMUEL B. RAYMOND, of Chicago, 
 Member Local Committee.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 41 
 
 CHAIRMAN RAYMOND IS PROUD OF HIS WORK. 
 
 "It is the best hall in which a national convention has ever been held," 
 he said. "Some people say it is too small, but I predict that in the future 
 national conventions will be held nowhere else. Chicago will not have to 
 ask them to come here. They'll come because we have the best convention 
 hall in the country." 
 
 Members of the local and national sub-committees on arrangements were 
 working together all day on the minor details of the hall. The party of 
 local and visiting committeemen lingered about the hall until late in the aft- 
 ernoon inspecting the big structure which was to seat more than 8,000 Repub- 
 licans the next week. 
 
 In the group of local committee members who were at the building were 
 Samuel B. Raymond, chairman of the local committee; Volney W. Foster, 
 sub-treasurer of the national committee, who has been active in raising funds 
 to defray convention expenses ; George R. Peck, a member of the local com- 
 mittee, and Graeme Stewart, a member of the Republican National Executive 
 Committee. 
 
 All sweeping was ended early on June igth ; after the broom brigade had 
 ended its work and the smoke of the affray had settled over chairs and rail- 
 ings in the form of fine dust, a second brigade was sent into action with 
 damp cloths, and every spot within the walls of the huge structure was pol- 
 ished as though it were a ladies' drawing room. So it was that the Coliseum 
 was not only beautiful as a picture, but it was immaculate as well, and this 
 meant much to those ladies who wished to witness the gathering. 
 
 At 3 o'clock on the afternoon of June 20, Sergeant-at-Arms Stone gath- 
 ered all the appointees in the delegates' section, 400 if there was a man, 
 and gave them a short exhortation. He insisted that there must be nothing 
 in their minds for the next few days but work. 
 
 The men were separated into divisions and were given heart-to-heart 
 talks by Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms Owen. He explained in detail what 
 was to be done by each set of men. He explained not only the routine work, 
 but went into every possible contingency of fire, panic, and accident, urging 
 each one to become thoroughly acquainted with the exits and hospital ar- 
 rangements. 
 
 "Find a seat and sit down, on the floor if you can't find any better 
 place," said Owen. "Remember that everyone who stands in the aisle blocks 
 the view of someone behind him. The hardest thing of all is to keep your 
 patience. We will have but thirty policemen inside the building. The re- 
 sponsibility for making this a model convention rests on you." 
 
 Then he formed the men into columns of twos, marched them about the 
 hall, and distributed them at their respective stations. 
 
 Inspector Lavin smiled when he was told that but thirty officers would be 
 required within the Coliseum.
 
 42 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Sergeant-at-Arms Stone appointed seventy-five doorkeepers from appli- 
 cants outside Chicago. The object in appointing out-of-Chicago men was to 
 prevent Chicago people packing the convention through friendship with the 
 doorkeepers. David C. Owen was Mr. Stone's chief assistant. He had 
 charge of the doorkeepers. 
 
 Mr. Stone had 500 assistant sergeant-at-arms, 300 doorkeepers, ushers, 
 messengers and pages, and 100 telegraph operators under his supervision. 
 He had also made arrangements for a dozen physicians and two trained 
 nurses to look after persons who may become ill or be injured in any way 
 during the sessions of the convention. Dr. Frank B. Earle was in charge 
 of the medical staff and hospital arrangements. 
 
 Chairman Raymond's friends on the local committee presented him with 
 a handsome badge. It consisted of the conventional red, white and blue 
 ribbon, with two chased silver bars at the top containing the words, "Chi- 
 cago Committee of Arrangements," and "S. B. Raymond, Chairman." Sus- 
 pended from the lower bar over the ribbon is an American eagle with out- 
 stretched wings in silver, and a shield of gold below, surrounded with a 
 laurel wreath. On the shield are the words, "Republican National Conven- 
 tion, 1904." 
 
 The Chicago Committee on Arrangements wore badges consisting of the 
 patriotic ribbon over a broader ribbon of white satin with gilt edges and a 
 gilt fringe. A bronze medallion fastened to the smaller ribbon contains on 
 a blue enamel center the words, "Republican National Convention, Chicago, 
 June 21, 1904."
 
 The Late HON. HENRY C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin, 
 
 Vice-Chairman of the Republican National Committee, and Acting Chairman 
 
 after Senator Hanna's Death. 
 
 Died Oct. 4, I9O4.
 
 PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OK THE 
 
 Republican National Convention 
 
 HEI.D IN 
 
 CHICAGO, ILL. 
 June 21st, 22d and 23d, 1904 
 
 THE FIRST DAY 
 
 OPENING EXERCISES THE CALL PRESENTATIONS ELEC- 
 TION OF TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN, HON. ELIHU ROOT, OF 
 NEW YORK, AND HIS ADDRESS REVIEW OF THE M'KINLEY- 
 ROOSEVELT ADMINISTRATION TEMPORARY OFFICERS- 
 STANDING COMMITTEES LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSI- 
 TION. 
 
 CONVENTION HALL 
 
 CHICAGO, ILL., Tuesday, June 21, 1904. 
 
 Mr. HENRY C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin, Vice-Chairman of the Republican 
 National Committee (at 12:14 o'clock p. m.). The Convention will come to 
 order. The proceedings will be begun by prayer by the Rev. Dr. Frost, of 
 Evanston, 111. 
 
 PRAYER OF REV. TIMOTHY PRESCOTT FROST, D. D. 
 
 Rev. TIMOTHY PRESCOTT FROST, D. D., of Evanston, 111., offered the fol- 
 lowing prayer : 
 Almighty God, 
 
 "Our help in ages past, 
 Our hope for years to come," 
 
 We thank Thee for Thy goodness to the people of this land. 
 
 Our sins have been many, but Thy mercies have been great. Thou hast 
 poured out Thy gifts without measure.
 
 44 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 The opening years of a new century have been freighted with wealth for 
 hand, and mind, and heart. Best of all, Thou art giving Thyself in a per- 
 petual offering of Thy life for the life of man. 
 
 We do not forget that in the hour of deep sorrow, when the heart of 
 the nation was darkened by the murder of the nation's chief, there was no 
 break in the march of Thy purpose, the orderly administration of our gov- 
 ernment, or the faith of the people in their God. Under the guidance of 
 Thy Holy Spirit we were brought by our national woes nearer to Thee. 
 
 Surely Thou wilt never forsake this people. 
 
 May no dominance of greed, no riot of passion, no weakening of religious 
 conviction or enthronement of matter over spirit, cause the people to forsake 
 Thee. 
 
 May the heritage of honor coming to us from the fathers in memories of 
 noble sacrifices and valiant deeds, be at once our glad possession and our 
 sacred trust. 
 
 While we are grateful for the past, may we remember that today is bet- 
 ter than yesterday, and so act that the morrow shall be greater than today. 
 
 Wherever our country's flag floats as the symbol of government, even 
 unto the isles of the sea, may we cleave to the righteousness that exalteth 
 a nation and cast out the sin that is a reproach to any people. 
 
 Save our nation, we beseech Thee, from all the evil things which defile 
 the home, impair civil liberty, corrupt politics or undermine the integrity of 
 commercial life. 
 
 Bring to naught the schemes of men who would debauch or oppress 
 human life for the gratification of lust or for personal enrichment or power. 
 
 May exaltation come only to men who despise the gain of oppressions 
 and shake the hands from holding of bribes. 
 
 May all sections and races, all sentiments and creeds, all occupations and 
 interests become united through the Spirit of the Highest into a citizenship 
 with a passion for righteousness, wherein each individual shall look up to 
 God as the Father of all, and upon every man as a brother. 
 
 We pray Thee to overrule the deliberations, conclusions and issues of this 
 convention for the good of the American people, and the welfare of man- 
 kind. 
 
 Bless Thy servant, the chief magistrate of our nation. May he and all 
 others clothed with authority by the sovereign people, be protected by the 
 powers of Thy Kingdom, and contribute to its ultimate triumph and con- 
 summation in all the earth. 
 
 All nations are Thy children. Guide and keep them by Thy gracious 
 providence, and hasten the coming of the day when love shall have conquered 
 hate, and wars shall have ceased, and all people shall dwell together in unity. 
 
 For thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever, Amen!
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 45 
 
 PRESENTATION OF GAVEL. 
 
 Mr. N. B. SCOTT, of West Virginia. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of Hon. 
 Samuel B. Raymond and his associates of the local committee of Chicago, 
 who have so ably and so willingly assisted your sub-committee in discharg- 
 ing its duties in preparing this hall for this convention, I present to you, as 
 Vice-Chairman of the Republican National Committee, this gavel. 
 
 Mr. H. C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin. Senator Scott, through you I wish, on 
 behalf of the Republican National Committee, to congratulate Mr. Raymond 
 and his associates on the very successful outcome of their labors, and beg 
 you to convey to them my grateful appreciation of their courtesy in present- 
 ing this gavel. 
 
 CALL FOR THE CONVENTION. 
 
 Mr. H. C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin. Gentlemen, the call under which you are 
 assembled will now be read by the Secretary of the Republican National 
 Committee. 
 
 Mr. ELMER DOVER, of Ohio, secretary of the Republican National Com- 
 mittee, read the call for the convention, as follows : 
 
 OFFICIAL CALL FOR REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION, 
 
 JUNE 21, 1904. 
 To the Republican Electors of the United States : 
 
 In accordance with established custom and in obedience to instructions of 
 the National Convention of 1900, the National Republican Committee directs 
 that a National Convention of delegated representatives of the Republican 
 party be held at the City of Chicago, in the State of Illinois, for the pur- 
 pose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-President to be voted 
 for at the Presidential election Tuesday, November 8, 1904, and for the 
 transaction of such other business as may properly come before it, and that 
 said Convention shall assemble at 12 o'clock noon on Tuesday, the 2ist day 
 of June, 1904. 
 
 The Republican electors of the several States and Territories, the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, Alaska, and Indian Territory, and all other electors, with- 
 out regard to past political affiliations, who believe in the principles of the 
 Republican party and endorse its policies, are cordially invited to unite under 
 this call in the selection of candidates for President and Vice-President. 
 
 Said National Convention shall consist of a number of delegates-at-large 
 from each State, equal to double the number of United States Senators to 
 which each State is entitled, and for each Representative-at-large in Con- 
 gress, two delegates-at-large. From each Congressional district and the 
 District of Columbia, two delegates. From each of the Territories of Ari- 
 zona, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and Hawaii and Indian Territory, six dele- 
 gates. From Alaska, four delegates. For each delegate elected to said Con- 
 vention an alternate delegate shall be elected to act in case of the absence 
 of the delegate, such alternate delegate to be elected at the time and in the 
 manner of electing the delegate.
 
 46 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 All delegates shall be elected not less than thirty days before the meet- 
 ing of the National Convention. Delegates-at-large shall be elected by pop- 
 ular State and Territorial Conventions, of which at least thirty days' notice 
 shall have been published in some newspaper or newspapers of general cir- 
 culation in the respective States and Territories. 
 
 The Congressional district delegates shall be elected by conventions 
 called by the Congressional Committee of each district, in the manner of 
 nominating the candidate for Representative in Congress in said district, 
 provided that in any Congressional district where there is no Republican 
 Congressional Committee, the Republican State Committee shall appoint 
 from among the Republican residents in such district, a committee for the 
 purpose of calling a district convention to elect delegates to represent said 
 district. 
 
 The election of delegates from the District of Columbia shall be held 
 under the direction and supervision of an electional board composed of Mr. 
 Chapin Brown, Mr. George H. Harris and Mr. John F. Cook. Such board 
 shall have authority to fix the date of such election and to arrange all details 
 and regulations incident thereto, and shall provide for a registration of the 
 votes as cast, such registration to include the name and residence of each 
 voter. 
 
 The Territorial delegates shall be elected in the manner of nominating 
 candidates for delegates in Congress, and delegates from Alaska and Indian 
 Territory shall be elected by popular convention. 
 
 All notices of contest shall be submitted in writing, accompanied by a 
 printed statement setting forth the grounds of contest, which shall be filed 
 with the Secretary of the National Committee twenty days prior to the meet- 
 ing of the National Convention. Contests will be acted on by the National 
 Convention in the order of the date of filing of notice and statement with the 
 Secretary. 
 
 M. A. HANNA, Chairman. 
 
 PERRY S. HEATH, Secretary. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C, January 16, 1904. 
 
 (When Mr. Hanna's name was read, the assemblage burst into prolonged 
 applause. Ed.) 
 
 PRESENTATION OF TABLE. 
 
 Mr. S. R. VAN SANT, of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman 
 
 Mr. H. C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin. I have the pleasure of introducing Gov. 
 Van Sant, of Minnesota. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. VAN SANT. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention : I 
 have been delegated to present this historic table to the Convention. It was 
 made by the manual training class of the South Minneapolis high school. 
 Your acceptance will honor them and encourage industrial education through- 
 out the United States. The table was first used in 1892 in Minneapolis, 
 where Indiana's honored son and one of America's greatest statesmen, Ben-
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 47 
 
 jamin Harrison, was renominated for President of the United States. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 In 1896 it was again used in connection with the nomination of that be- 
 loved President, whose election dispelled Democratic gloom and inaugurated 
 Republican policies, which gave us the greatest era of prosperity our country 
 has ever known. (Applause.) This will continue as long as the party of 
 progress is in power. 
 
 Then at Philadelphia the same honor was conferred for a second time 
 upon that distinguished citizen, soldier and statesman. There also this table 
 was used. We ask you to use it now and make it more historic, for you will 
 nominate, without a dissenting vote, that fearless, invincible leader, Theodore 
 Roosevelt. (Applause.) Minnesota not only presents this table, but with 
 an unbroken record will give her electoral votes to the nominees of this 
 convention. 
 
 Mr. H. C. PAYNE of Wisconsin. I take great pleasure in accepting, on 
 behalf of the Convention, the table which is before me. 
 
 SELECTION OF TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 
 
 Mr. H. C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin. The Republican National Committee 
 has selected for your Temporary Chairman the Honorable Elihu Root, of 
 New York (applause), and presents his name for your acceptance. 
 
 Mr. BENJAMIN B. ODELL, Jr., of New York. I move that the action of 
 the Republican National Committee in the selection of a temporary chairman 
 be approved. 
 
 Mr. PAYNE. The question is on agreeing to the motion of the gentleman 
 from New York, that the action of the Republican National Committee in 
 the selection of the Honorable Elihu Root, of New York, as Temorpary 
 Chairman, be approved by the convention. 
 
 The motion was unanimously agreed to. 
 
 Mr. PAYNE. Gentlemen of the convention, I have the honor to present 
 the Honorable Elihu Root, your Temporary Chairman. (Applause.) 
 
 ADDRESS OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN (Mr. Elihu Root, of New York) I am deep- 
 ly grateful, my brethren of the Republican party, for the honor you do me. 
 I esteem it most highly, and I thank you from my heart. 
 
 The responsibility of government rests upon the Republican party. The 
 complicated machinery through which the 80,000,000 people of the United States 
 govern themselves, answers to no single will. The composite government 
 devised by the framers of the Constitution to meet the conditions of national 
 life, more than a century ago, requires the willing co-operation of many 
 minds, the combination of many independent factors, in every forward step 
 for the general welfare. 
 
 The President at Washington with his Cabinet, the 90 Senators repre- 
 senting 45 sovereign States, the 386 Representatives in Congress, are re-
 
 48 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 quired to reach concurrent action upon a multitude of questions involving 
 varied and conflicting interests and requiring investigation, information, dis- 
 cussion and reconciliation of views. From all our vast territory with its 
 varieties of climate and industry, from all our great population active in pro- 
 duction and commerce and social progress and intellectual and moral life 
 to a degree never before attained by any people, difficult problems press upon 
 the National Government. 
 
 Within the past five years more than sixty-six thousand bills have been 
 introduced in Congress. Some method of selection must be followed. There 
 must be some preliminary process to ascertain the general tenor of public 
 judgment upon the principles to be applied in government, and some organ- 
 ization and recognition of leadership which shall bring a legislative majority 
 and the executive into accord in the practical application of those principles ; 
 or effective government becomes impossible. 
 
 The practical governing instinct of our people has adapted the machinery 
 devised in the i8th to the conditions of the 2Oth century by the organization 
 of national political parties. In them men join for the promotion of a few 
 cardinal principles upon which they agree. For the sake of those principles 
 they lay aside their differences upon less important questions. To represent 
 those principles and to carry on the government in accordance with them, 
 they present to the people candidates whose competency and loyalty they 
 approve. The people by their choice of candidates indicate the principles and 
 methods which they wish followed in the conduct of their government. They 
 do not merely choose between men ; they choose between parties between 
 the principles they profess, the methods they follow, the trustworthiness of 
 their professions, the inferences to be drawn from the records of their past, 
 the general weight of character of the body of men who will be brought 
 into participation in government by their ascendency. 
 
 When the course of the next administration is but half done the Repub- 
 lican party will have completed the first half century of its national life. Of 
 the eleven administrations since the first election of Abraham Lincoln, nine 
 covering a period of thirty-six years have been under Republican presidents. 
 For the greater part of that time, the majority in each House of Congress 
 has been Republican. History affords no parallel in any age or country for 
 the growth in national greatness and power and honor, the wide diffusion 
 of the comforts of life, the uplifting of the great mass of the people above 
 the hard conditions of poverty, the common opportunity for education and 
 individual advancement, the universal possession of civil and religious lib- 
 erty, the protection of property and security for the rewards of industry 
 and enterprise, the cultivation of national morality, respect for religion, sym- 
 pathy with humanity and love of liberty and justice, which have marked the 
 life of the American people during this long period of Republican control. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 With the platform and the candidates of this Convention, we are about 
 to ask a renewed expression of popular confidence in the Republican party.
 
 HON. ELIHU ROOT, of New York, 
 Who was Temporary Chairman of the Convention.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 49 
 
 We shall ask it because the principles to which we declare our adherence 
 are right, and the best interests of our country require that they should be fol- 
 lowed in its government. 
 
 \Ye shall ask it because the unbroken record of the Republican party in 
 the past is an assurance of the sincerity of our declarations and the fidelity 
 with which we shall give them effect. Because we have been constant in 
 principle, loyal to our beliefs and faithful to our promises, we are entitled to 
 be believed and trusted now. 
 
 We shall ask it because the character of the party gives assurance of 
 good government. A great political organization, competent to govern, is 
 not a chance collection of individuals brought together for the moment as 
 the shifting sands are piled up by wind and sea, to be swept away, to be 
 formed and re-formed again. It is a growth. Traditions and sentiments 
 reaching down through struggles of years gone, and the stress and heat of 
 old conflicts, and the influence of leaders passed away, and the ingrained 
 habit of applying fixed rules of interpretation and of thought, all give to a 
 political party known and inalienable qualities from which must follow, in 
 its deliberate judgment and ultimate action, like results for good or bad gov- 
 ernment. We do not deny that other parties have in their membership men 
 of morality and patriotism ; but we assert with confidence that above all 
 others, by the influences which gave it birth and have maintained its life, 
 by the causes for which it has striven, the ideals which it has followed, the 
 Republican party as a party has acquired a character which makes its ascend- 
 ency the best guarantee of a government loyal to principle and effective in 
 execution. (Applause.) Through it more than any other political organ- 
 ization the moral sentiment of America finds expression. It cannot depart 
 from the direction of its tendencies. From what it has been may be known 
 certainly what it must be. Not all of us rise to its standard; not all of us 
 are worthy of its glorious history: but as a whole this great political organ- 
 ization the party of Lincoln and McKinley cannot fail to work in the 
 spirit of its past and in loyalty to great ideals. 
 
 We shall ask the continued confidence of the people because the candi- 
 dates whom we present are of proved competency and patriotism, fitted to fill 
 the offices for which they are nominated, to the credit and honor of our 
 country. 
 
 We shall ask it because the present policies of our government are bene- 
 ficial and ought not to be set aside ; and the people's business is being well 
 done, and ought not to be interfered with. 
 
 Have not the American people reason for satisfaction and pride in the 
 conduct of their government since the election of 1900, when they rendered 
 their judgment of approval upon the first administration of President Mc- 
 Kinley? Have we not had an honest government? Have not the men se- 
 lected for office been men of good reputation who by their past lives had 
 given evidence that they were honest and competent? Can any private busi- 
 ness be pointed out in which lapses from honesty have been so few and so
 
 50 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 trifling proportionately, as in the public service of the United States? And 
 when they have occurred, have not the offenders been relentlessly prosecuted 
 and sternly punished without regard to political or personal relations? 
 
 Have we not had an effective government? Have not the laws been en- 
 forced? Has not the slow process of legislative discussion upon many seri- 
 ous questions been brought to practical conclusions embodied in beneficial 
 statutes? and has not the Executive proceeded without vacillation or weak- 
 ness to give these effect? Are not the laws of the United States obeyed 
 at home? and does not our government command respect and honor through- 
 out the world? 
 
 Have we not had a safe and conservative government? Has not property 
 been protected? Are not the fruits of enterprise and industry secure? What 
 safeguard of the constitution for vested right or individual freedom has not 
 been scrupulously observed? When has any American administration ever 
 dealt more considerately and wisely with questions which might have been 
 the cause of conflict with foreign powers? When have more just settle- 
 ments been reached by peaceful means? When has any administration 
 wielded a more powerful influence for peace? and when have we rested more 
 secure in friendship with all mankind? 
 
 Four years ago the business of the country was loaded with burdensome 
 internal taxes, imposed during the war with Spain. By the Acts of March 
 2, 1901, and April 12, 1902, the country has been wholly relieved of that 
 annual burden of over one hundred million dollars ; and the further accumu- 
 lation of a surplus which was constantly withdrawing the money of the 
 country from circulation has been prevented by the reduction of taxation. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 Between the 3Oth of June, 1900, and the ist of June, 1904, our Treasury 
 Department collected in revenues the enormous sum of $2,203,000,000 and 
 expended $2,028,000,000, leaving us with a surplus of over $170,000,000 after 
 paying the $50,000,000 for the Panama canal and loaning $4,600,000 to the 
 St. Louis Exposition. Excluding those two extraordinary payments, which 
 are investments from past surplus and not expenditures of current income, 
 the surplus for this year will be the reasonable amount of about $12,000,000. 
 
 The vast and complicated transactions of the Treasury, which for the last 
 fiscal year show actual cash receipts of $4,250,290,262 and disbursements of 
 $-4,113,199,414, have been conducted with perfect accuracy and fidelity and 
 without the loss of a dollar. Under wise management the Financial Act of 
 March 14, 1900, which embodied the sound financial principles of the Repub- 
 lican party and provided for the maintenance of our currency on the stable 
 basis of the gold standard, has wrought out beneficent results. On the ist 
 of November, 1899, the interest-bearing debt of the United States was $i,- 
 046,049,020. On the ist of May last the amount of that debt was $895,157,440, 
 a reduction of $150,891,580. By refunding, the annual interest has been still 
 more rapidly reduced from $40,347,884 on the ist of November, 1899, to 
 $24,176,745 on the ist of June, 1904, an annual saving of over $16,000,000.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 51 
 
 When the Financial Act was passed the thinly settled portions of our coun- 
 try were suffering for lack of banking facilities because the banks were in 
 the large towns, and none could be organized with a capital of less than 
 $50,000. Under the provisions of that Act, there were organized down to 
 the ist of May last, 1,296 small banks of $25,000 capital, furnishing, under 
 all the safeguards of the National Banking system, facilities to the small 
 communities of the West and South. The facilities made possible by that 
 Act have increased the circulation of national banks from $254,402,730 on the 
 I4th of March, 1900, to $445,988,565 on the ist of June, 1904. The money of 
 the country in circulation has not only increased in amount with our growth 
 in business, but it has steadily gained in the stability of the basis on which 
 it rests. On the ist of March, 1897, when the first administration of Mc- 
 Kinley began, we had in the country, including bullion in the Treasury, 
 $1,806,272,076. This was $23.14 per capita for our population, and of this 
 38.893 per cent was gold. On the ist of March, 1901, when the second 
 administration of McKinley began, the money in the country was $2,467,295,- 
 228. This was $28.34 P er capita, and of this 45.273 per cent was gold. On 
 the ist of May last the money in the country was $2,814,985,446, which was 
 $31.02 per capita, and of it 48.028 per cent was gold. This great increase 
 of currency has been arranged in such a way that the large government 
 notes in circulation are gold certificates while the silver certificates and 
 greenbacks are of small denominations. As the large gold certificates 
 represent gold actually on deposit, their presentation at the Treasury in 
 exchange for gold can never infringe upon the gold reserve. As the small 
 silver certificates and greenbacks are always in active circulation, no large 
 amount of them can be accumulated for the purpose of drawing on the gold 
 reserve; and thus, while every man can get a gold dollar for every dollar of 
 the government's currency, the endless chain which we were once taught to 
 fear so much, has been effectively put out of business. The Secretary of 
 the Treasury has shown himself mindful of the needs of business and has 
 so managed our finances as himself to expand and contract our currency 
 as occasion has required. When in the fall of 1902 the demand for funds 
 to move the crops caused extraordinary money stringency, the Secretary 
 exercised his lawful right to accept state and municipal bonds as security for 
 public deposits, thus liberating United States bonds which were used for 
 additional circulation. When the crops were moved and the stringency was 
 over he called for a withdrawal of the state and municipal securities, and 
 thus contracted the currency. Again, in 1903, under similar conditions, he 
 produced similar results. The payment of the $50,000,000 for the Panama 
 canal made last month without causing the slightest disturbance in finance, 
 showed good judgment and a careful consideration of the interests of busi- 
 ness upon which our people may confidently rely. (Applause.) 
 
 Four years ago the regulation by law of the great corporate combinations 
 called "trusts" stood substantially where it was when the Sherman Anti-
 
 62 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Trust Act of 1890 was passed. President Cleveland, in his last message of 
 December, 1896, had said: 
 
 "Though Congress has attempted to deal with this matter by legisla- 
 tion, the laws passed for that purpose thus far have proved ineffective, 
 not because of any lack of disposition or attempt to enforce them, but 
 simply because the laws themselves as interpreted by the courts do not 
 reach the difficulty. If the insufficiencies of existing laws can be remedied 
 by further legislation, it should be done. The fact must be recognized, 
 however, that all Federal legislation on this subject may fall short of its 
 purpose because of inherent obstacles and also because of the complex 
 character of our governmental system, which, while making Federal au- 
 thority supreme within its sphere, has carefully limited that sphere by 
 metes and bounds that cannot be transgressed." 
 
 At every election, the regulation of trusts had been the football of cam- 
 paign oratory and the subject of many insincere declarations. 
 
 Our Republican administration has taken up the subject in a practical, 
 sensible way as a business rather than a political question, saying what it 
 really meant, and doing what lay at its hand to be done to accomplish ef- 
 fective regulation. (Applause.) The principles upon which the government 
 proceeded were stated by the President in his message of December, 1902. 
 He said: 
 
 "A fundamental base of civilization is the inviolability of property; 
 but this is in no wise inconsistent with the right of society to regulate the 
 exercise of the artificial powers which it confers upon the owners of 
 property, under the name of corporate franchises, in such a way as to 
 prevent the misuse of these powers. * * * 
 
 "We can do nothing of good in the way of regulating and supervising 
 these corporations until we fix clearly in our minds that we are not at- 
 tacking the corporations, but endeavoring to do away with any evil in 
 them. We are not hostile to them; we are merely determined that they 
 shall be so handled as to subserve the public good. We draw the line 
 against misconduct, not against wealth. * * * 
 
 "In curbing and regulating the combinations of capital which are or 
 may become injurious to the public we must be careful not to stop the 
 great enterprises which have legitimately reduced the cost of production, 
 not to abandon the place which our country has won in the leadership of 
 the international industrial world, not to strike down wealth with the 
 result of closing factories and mines, of turning the wage-worker idle in 
 the streets and leaving the farmer without a market for what he 
 grows. 
 
 "I believe that monopolies, unjust discriminations, which prevent or 
 cripple competition, fraudulent over-capitalization, and other evils in 
 trust organizations and practices which injuriously affect interstate trade, 
 can be prevented under the power of the Congress to 'regulate com- 
 merce with foreign nations and among the several States' through regu- 
 lations and requirements operating directly upon such commerce, the 
 instrumentalities thereof, and those engaged therein." 
 
 After long consideration, Congress passed three practical statutes : on 
 the nth of February, 1903, an act to expedite hearings in suits in enforce- 
 ment of the Anti-Trust Act ; on the I4th of February, 1903, the act creating
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 53 
 
 a new Department of Commerce and Labor with a Bureau of Corporations, 
 having authority to secure systematic information regarding the organiza- 
 tion and operation of corporations engaged in the interstate commerce; 
 and on the igth of February, 1903, an act enlarging the powers of the Inter- 
 state Commerce Commission and of the courts, to deal with secret rebates 
 in transportation charges, which are the chief means by which the trusts crush 
 out their smaller competitors. 
 
 The Attorney General has gone on in the same practical way, not to talk 
 about the trusts, but to proceed against the trusts by law for their regulation. 
 In separate suits fourteen of the great railroads of the country have been re- 
 strained by injunction from giving illegal rebates to the favored shippers, 
 who by means of them were driving out the smaller shippers and monopo- 
 lizing the grain and meat business of the country. The beef trust was put 
 under injunction. (Applause.) The officers of the railroads engaged in the 
 cotton carrying pool, affecting all that great industry of the South, were 
 indicted and have abandoned their combination. The Northern Securities 
 Company which undertook by combining in one ownership the capital stocks 
 of the Northern Pacific and Great Northern Railroads to end traffic com- 
 petition in the Northwest, has been destroyed by a vigorous prosecution 
 expedited and brought to a speedy and effective conclusion in the Supreme 
 Court under the act of February nth, 1903. (Applause.) The Attorney 
 General says : 
 
 "Here, then, are four phases of the attack on the combinations in 
 restraint of trade and commerce the railroad injunction suits, the cotton 
 pool cases, the beef trust cases, and the Northern Securities case. The 
 first relates to the monopoly produced by secret and preferential rates 
 for railroad transportation; the second to railroad traffic pooling; the 
 third to a combination of independent corporations to fix and maintain 
 extortionate prices for meats; and the fourth to a corporation organized 
 to merge into itself the control of parallel and competing lines of railroad 
 and to eliminate competition in their rates of transportation." 
 
 The right of the Interstate Commerce Commission to compel the produc- 
 tion of books and papers has been established by the judgment of the Su- 
 preme court in a suit against the coal carrying roads. Other suits have been 
 brought and other indictments have been found and other trusts have been 
 driven back within legal bounds. No investment in lawful business has 
 been jeopardized, no fair and honest enterprise has been injured; but it is 
 certain that whenever the constitutional power of the national government 
 reaches, trusts are being practically regulated and curbed within lawful 
 bounds as they never have been before, and the men of small capital are find- 
 ing in the efficiency and skill of the national Department of Justice a pro- 
 tection they never had before against the crushing effect of unlawful com- 
 binations. (Applause.) 
 
 We have at last reached a point where the public wealth of farm land 
 which has seemed so inexhaustible is nearly gone, and the problem of utiliz-
 
 54 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 ing the remainder for the building of new homes has become of vital im- 
 portance. 
 
 The present administration .has dealt with this problem vigorously and 
 effectively. Great areas had been unlawfully fenced in by men of large 
 means, and the home-builder had been excluded. Many of these unlawful 
 aggressors have been compelled to relinquish their booty, and more than 
 2,000,000 acres of land have been restored to the public. (Applause.) Ex- 
 tensive frauds in procuring grants of land, not for homesteads but for spec- 
 ulation, have been investigated and stopped, and perpetrators have been 
 indicted and are being actively prosecuted. A competent commission has 
 been constituted to examine into the defective working of the existing laws 
 and to suggest practical legislation to prevent further abuse. That com- 
 mission has reported, and bills adequate to accomplish the purpose have 
 been framed and are before Congress. The further denudation of forest 
 areas, producing alternate floods and dryness in our river valleys, has been 
 checked by the extension of forest reserves, which have been brought to 
 aggregate more than 63,000,000 acres of land. The reclamation by irriga- 
 tion of the vast arid regions forming the chief part of our remaining public 
 domain, has been provided for by the National Reclamation Law of June 
 I7th, 1903. The execution of this law, without taxation and by the appli- 
 cation of the proceeds of public land sales alone, through the construction 
 of storage reservoirs for water, will make many millions of acres of fertile 
 lands available for settlement. Over $20,000,000 from these sources have 
 been already received to the credit of the reclamation fund. Over 33,000,000 
 acres of public lands in fourteen States and Territories have been embraced 
 in the sixty-seven projects which have been devised and are under exam- 
 ination, and on eight of these work of actual construction has begun. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 The Postal service has been extended and improved. Its revenues have 
 increased from $76,000,000 in 1895 to $95,000,000 in 1899, and $144,000,000 
 in 1904. In dealing with these vast sums, a few cases of peculation, trifling 
 in amount and by subordinate officers, have occurred there as they occur 
 in every business. Neither fear nor favor, nor political or personal influ- 
 ence has availed to protect the wrong-doers. Their acts have been detected, 
 investigated, laid bare; they have been dismissed from their places, prose- 
 cuted criminally, indicted, many of them tried, and many of them convicted. 
 The abuses in the carriage of second-class mail matter have been remedied. 
 The Rural Free Delivery has been widely extended. It is wholly the crea- 
 tion of Republican administration. The last Democratic Postmaster Gen- 
 eral declared it impracticable. The first administration of McKinley proved 
 the contrary. At the beginning of the fiscal year 1899 there were about 200 
 routes in operation. There are now more than 25,000 routes, bringing a 
 daily mail service to more than 12,000,000 of our people in rural communi- 
 ties, enlarging the circulation of the newspaper and the magazine, increas- 
 ing communication, and relieving the isolation of life on the farm.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 55 
 
 The Department of Agriculture has been brought to a point of efficiency 
 and practical benefit never before known. The Oleomargarine Act of May 
 9, 1902, now sustained in the Supreme Court, and the Act of July I, 1902, to 
 prevent the false branding of food and dairy products protect farmers 
 against fraudulent imitations. The Act of February 2, 1903, enables the 
 Secretary of Agriculture to prevent the spread of contagious and infectious 
 diseases of live stock. Rigid inspection has protected our cattle against in- 
 fection from abroad, and has established the highest credit for our meat prod- 
 ucts in the markets of the world. The earth has been searched for weapons 
 with which to fight the enemies that destroy the growing crops. An insect 
 brought from near the Great Wall of China has checked the San Jose scale 
 which was destroying our orchards ; a parasitic fly brought from South Af- 
 rica is exterminating the black scale in the lemon and orange groves of Cali- 
 fornia ; and an ant from Guatemala is about offering battle to the boll weevil. 
 Broad science has been brought to the aid of limited experience. (Ap- 
 plause.) Study of the relations between plant life and climate and soil has 
 been followed, by the introduction of special crops suited to our varied con- 
 ditions. The introduction of just the right kind of seed has enabled the Gulf 
 States to increase our rice crop from 115,000,000 pounds in 1898 to 400,- 
 000,000 pounds in 1903, and to supply the entire American demand, with a 
 surplus for export. The right kind of sugar beet has increased our annual 
 production of beet sugar by over 200,000 tons. Seed brought from countries 
 of little rain fall is producing millions of bushels of grain on lands which 
 a few years ago were deemed a hopeless part of the arid belt. 
 
 The systematic collection and publication of information regarding the 
 magnitude and conditions of our crops is mitigating the injury done'by spec- 
 ulation to the farmer's market. 
 
 To increase the profit of the farmer's toil, to protect the farmer's product 
 and extend his market, and to improve the conditions of the farmer's life; 
 to advance the time when America shall raise within her own limits every 
 product of the soil consumed by her people, as she makes within her own 
 limits every necessary product of manufacture, these have been cardinal 
 objects of Republican administration; and we show a record of practical 
 things done toward the accomplishment of these objects never before ap- 
 proached. (Applause.) 
 
 Four years ago we held the Island of Cuba by military occupation. The 
 opposition charged, and the people of Cuba believed, that we did not intend 
 to keep the pledge of April 20, 1898; that when the pacification of Cuba was 
 accomplished we should leave the government and control of the Islands to 
 its people. The new policy towards Cuba which should follow the fulfill- 
 ment of that pledge was unformed. During the four years it has been worked 
 out in detail and has received effect. It was communicated by executive or- 
 der to the Military Governor. It was embodied in the Act of Congress 
 known as the Platt Amendment. It was accepted by the Cuban Constitu- 
 tional Convention on the I2th of October, 1901. It secured to Cuba her 
 liberty and her independence, but it required her to maintain them. It for-
 
 56 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 bade her ever to use the freedom we had earned for her by so great a sac- 
 rifice of blood and treasure, to give the island to any other power ; it re- 
 quired her to maintain a government adequate for the protection of life and 
 property and liberty, and should she fail, it gave us the right to intervene 
 for the maintenance of such a government. And it gave us the right to 
 naval stations upon her coast for the protection and defense alike of Cuba 
 and the United States. (Applause.) 
 
 On the 2Oth of May, 1902, under a constitution which embodied these 
 stipulations, the government and control of Cuba were surrendered to the 
 President and Congress elected by her people, and the American army 
 sailed away. The new Republic began its existence with an administration 
 of Cubans completely organized in all its branches and trained to effective 
 service by American officers. The administration of President Palma has 
 been wise and efficient. Peace and order have prevailed. The people of 
 Cuba are prosperous and happy. Her finances have been honestly admin- 
 istered, and her credit is high. The naval stations have been located and 
 bounded at Guantanamo and Bahia Honda, and are in the possession of our 
 navy. The Platt Amendment is the sheet anchor of Cuban independence and 
 of Cuban credit. (Applause.) No such revolutions as have afflicted Cen- 
 tral and South Africa are possible there, because it is known to all men that 
 an attempt to overturn the foundations of that government will be confronted 
 by the overwhelming power of the United States. The treaty of reciprocity 
 and the Act of Congress of December 6, 1903, which confirmed it, completed 
 the expression of our policy towards Cuba; which with a far view to the 
 future aims to bind to us by ties of benefit and protection, of mutual inter- 
 est and genuine friendship, that island which guards the Caribbean and the 
 highway to the Isthmus, and must always be, if hostile, an outpost of attack, 
 and, if friendly, an outpost of defense for the United States. Rich as we 
 are, the American people have no more valuable possession than the senti- 
 ment expressed in the dispatch which I will now read : 
 
 "Havana, May 20, 1902. 
 Theodore Roosevelt, 
 
 President, "Washington. 
 
 The government of the Island having been just transferred, I, as 
 Chief Magistrate of the Republic, faithfully interpreting the sentiment of 
 the whole people of Cuba, have the honor to send you and the American 
 people testimony of our profound gratitude and the assurance of an en- 
 during friendship, with wishes and prayers to the Almighty for the wel- 
 fare and prosperity of the United States. 
 
 T. Estrada Palma." 
 
 When the last National Convention met the Philippines also were under 
 military rule. The insurrectos from the mountains spread terror among the 
 peaceful people by midnight foray and secret assassination. Aguinaldo 
 bided his time in a secret retreat. Over seventy thousand American sol- 
 diers from more than five hundred stations, held a still vigorous enemy in 
 check. The Philippine Commission had not yet begun its work.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 57 
 
 The last vestige of insurrection has been swept away. (Applause.) With 
 their work accomplished, over 55,000 American troops have been brought 
 back across the Pacific. Civil government has been established through- 
 out the Archipelago. Peace and order and justice prevail. The Philippine 
 Commission, guided at first by executive order and then by the wise legislation 
 of Congress in the Philippine Government Act of July i, 1902, have estab- 
 lished and conducted a government which has been a credit to their coun- 
 try and a blessing to the people of the islands. The body of laws which 
 they have enacted upon careful and intelligent study of the needs of the 
 country challenges comparison with the statutes of any country. The per- 
 sonnel of civil government has been brought together under an advanced 
 and comprehensive civil service law, which has been rigidly enforced. A 
 complete census has been taken, designed to be there, as it was in Cuba, 
 the basis for representative government ; and the people of the islands will 
 soon proceed under provisions already made by Congress to the election of a 
 representative assembly, in which for the first time in their history they 
 may have a voice in the making of their own laws. In the meantime the local 
 and provincial governments are in the hands of officers elected by the Fili- 
 pinos ; and in the great central offices, in the Commission, on the Bench, in 
 the executive departments, the most distinguished men of the Filipino race 
 are taking their part in the government of their people. A free school sys- 
 tem has been established and hundreds of thousands of children are learning 
 lessons which will help fit them for self-government. The seeds of religious 
 strife existing in the bitter controversy between the people and the religious 
 orders have been deprived of potency for harm by the purchase of the Friars' 
 lands, and their practical withdrawal. By the Act of Congress of March 2, 
 1903, a gold standard has been established to take the place of the fluctuating 
 silver currency. The unit of value is made exactly one-half the value of 
 the American gold dollar, so that American money is practically part of their 
 currency system. To enable the Philippine government to issue this new 
 currency, $6,000,000 was borrowed by them in 1903 in the city of New York ; 
 and it was borrowed at a net interest charge of i^ per cent per annum. 
 The trade of the islands has increased, notwithstanding adverse conditions. 
 During the last five years' of peace under Spanish rule, the average total 
 trade of the islands was less than $36,000,000. During the fiscal year end- 
 ing June 30, 1903, the trade of the islands was over $66,000,000. There is 
 but one point of disturbance, and that is in the country of the Mohamme- 
 dan Moros, where there is an occasional fitful savage outbreak against the 
 enforcement of the law recently made to provide for adequate supervision and 
 control to put an end to the practice of human slavery. 
 
 When Governor Taft sailed from Manila in December last to fill the 
 higher office where he will still guard the destinies of the people for whom 
 he has done such great and noble service, he was followed to the shore by 
 a mighty throng, not of repressed and sullen subjects, but of free and peace- 
 ful people, whose tears and prayers of affectionate farewell showed that
 
 58 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 they had already begun to learn that "our flag has not lost its gift of bene- 
 diction in its world-wide journey to their shores." (Applause.) 
 
 None can foretell the future ; but there seems no reasonable cause to 
 doubt, that under the policy already effectively inaugurated, the institutions 
 already implanted, and the processes already begun, in the Philippine Islands, 
 if these be not repressed and interrupted, the Philippine people will follow in 
 the footsteps of the people of Cuba ; that more slowly indeed, because they 
 are not as advanced, yet as surely, they will grow in capacity for self-gov- 
 ernment, and receiving power as they grow in capacity, will come to bear sub- 
 stantially such relations to the people of the United States as do now the peo- 
 ple of Cuba, differing in details as conditions and needs differ, but the same 
 in principle and the same in beneficent results. (Applause.) 
 
 In 1900 the project of an isthmian canal stood where it was left by the 
 Clayton-Bulwer treaty of 1850. For half a century it had halted, with 
 Great Britain resting upon a joint right of control, and the great undertaking 
 of de Lesseps struggling against the doom of failure imposed by extrava- 
 gance and corruption. On the i8th of November, 1901, the Hay-Pauncefote 
 treaty with Great Britain relieved the enterprise of the right of British con- 
 trol and left that right exclusively in the United States. Then followed 
 swiftly the negotiations and protocols with Nicaragua ; the Isthmian Canal 
 Act of June 28, 1902; the just agreement with the French Canal Company to 
 pay them the value of the work they had done ; the negotiation and ratifi- 
 cation of the treaty with Colombia; the rejection of that treaty by Colombia 
 in violation of our rights and the world's right to the passage of the isth- 
 mus ; the seizure by Panama of the opportunity to renew her oft-repeated 
 effort to throw off the hateful and oppressive yoke of Colombia and resume 
 the independence which once had been hers and of which she had been de- 
 prived by fraud and force ; the success of the revolution ; our recognition 
 of the new republic, followed by recognition from substantially all the civ- 
 ilized powers of the world ; the treaty with Panama recognizing and confirm- 
 ing our right to construct the canal ; the ratification of the treaty by the 
 Senate ; confirmatory legislation by Congress ; the payment of the $50,000,000 
 to the French Company and to Panama; the appointment of the Canal Com- 
 mission in accordance with law ; and its organization to begin the work. 
 
 The action of the United States at every step has been in accordance with 
 the law of nations, consistent with the principles of justice and honor, in 
 discharge of the trust to build the canal we long since assumed, by denying 
 the right of every other power to build it, dictated by a high and unselfish 
 purpose, for the common benefit of all mankind. (Applause.) That action 
 was wise, considerate, prompt, vigorous and effective ; and now the greatest 
 of constructive nations stands ready and competent to begin and to accom- 
 plish the great enterprise which shall realize the dreams of past ages, bind 
 together our Atlantic and Pacific coasts, and open a new highway for that 
 commerce of the Orient whose course has controlled the rise and fall of 
 civilizations. Success in that enterprise greatly concerns the credit and 
 honor of the American people, and it is for them to say whether the build-
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 59 
 
 ing of the canal shall be in charge of the men who made its building possible, 
 or of the weaklings whose incredulous objections would have postponed it 
 for another generation. (Applause.) 
 
 Throughout the world the diplomacy of the present administration has 
 made for peace and justice among nations. Clear-sighted to perceive and 
 prompt to maintain American interests, it has been sagacious and simple and 
 direct in its methods, and considerate of the rights and of the feelings of 
 others. 
 
 Within the month after the last National Convention met, Secretary Hay's 
 circular note of July 3, 1900, to the Great Powers of Europe had declared 
 the policy of the United States 
 
 "to seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace 
 to China, preserve China's territorial and administrative entity, protect 
 all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, 
 and safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade 
 with all parts of the Chinese Empire." 
 
 The express adherence of the Powers of Europe to this declaration was 
 secured. The open recognition of the rule of right conduct imposed its lim- 
 itations upon the conduct of the Powers in the Orient. It was made the 
 test of defensible action. Carefully guarded by the wise statesman who had 
 secured its acceptance, it brought a moral force of recognized value to pro- 
 tect peaceful and helpless China from dismemberment and spoliation, and 
 to preserve the Open Door in the Orient for the commerce of the world. 
 Under the influence of this effective friendship, a new commercial treaty 
 with China, proclaimed on the 8th of October last, has enlarged our oppor- 
 tunities for trade, opened new ports to our commerce, and abolished internal 
 duties on goods in transit within the Empire. There were indeed other na- 
 tions which agreed with this policy of American diplomacy, but no other 
 nation was free from suspicion of selfish aims. None other had won con- 
 fidence in the sincerity of its purpose, and none other but America could 
 render the service which we have rendered to humanity in China during 
 the past four years. High evidence of that enviable position of our coun- 
 try is furnished by the fact that when all Europe was in apprehension lest 
 the field of war between Russia and Japan should so spread as to involve 
 China's ruin and a universal conflict, it was to the American government 
 that the able and far-sighted German Emperor appealed, to take the lead 
 again in bringing about an agreement for the limitation of the field of action, 
 and the preservation of the administrative entity of China outside of Man- 
 churia ; and that was accomplished. 
 
 Upon our own continent a dispute with Canada over the boundary of 
 Alaska had been growing more acute for thirty years. A multitude of min- 
 ers, swift to defend their own rights by force, were locating mining claims 
 under the laws of both countries in the disputed territory. At any moment 
 a fatal affray between Canadian and American miners was liable to begin 
 a conflict in which all British Columbia would be arrayed on one side and all 
 our Northwest upon the other. Agreement was impossible. But the Alas-
 
 60 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 kan Boundary Treaty of January 24, 1903, provided a tribunal for the deci- 
 sion of the controversy ; and upon legal proofs and reasoned argument, an 
 appeal has been had from prejudice and passion to judicial judgment; and 
 under the lead of a great Chief Justice of England, who held the sacred 
 obligations of his judicial office above all other considerations, the dispute 
 has been settled forever and substantially, in accordance with the American 
 contention. (Applause.) 
 
 In 1900 the first administration of McKinley had played a great part in 
 establishing The Hague Tribunal for international arbitration. The pre- 
 vailing opinion of Europe was incredulous as to the practical utility of the 
 provision, and anticipated a paper tribunal unsought by litigants. It was 
 the example of the United States which set at naught this opinion. The first 
 international case taken to The Hague Tribunal was under our protocol with 
 Mexico of May 22, 1902, submitting our contention for the rights of the 
 Roman Catholic Church in California to a share of the church moneys held 
 by the Mexican Government before the cession, and known as the Pious 
 Fund ; and the first decision of the Tribunal was an award in our favor upon 
 that question. (Applause.) 
 
 When in 1903 the failure of Venezuela to pay her just debts led England, 
 Germany and Italy to warlike measures for the collection of their claims, an 
 appeal by Venezuela to our government resulted in agreements upon arbi- 
 tration in place of the war, and in a request that our President should act as 
 arbitrator. Again he promoted the authority and prestige of The Hague 
 Tribunal, and was able to lead all the powers to submit the crucial question 
 in controversy to the determination of that court. It is due greatly to sup- 
 port by the American government that this agency for peace has disappointed 
 the expectations of its detractors, and by demonstrations of practical useful- 
 ness has begun a career fraught with possibilities of incalculable benefit to 
 mankind. 
 
 On the nth of April, 1903, was proclaimed another convention between 
 all the Great Powers agreeing upon more humane rules for the conduct of 
 war; and these in substance incorporated and gave the sanction of the civ- 
 ilized world to the rules drafted by Francis Lieber and approved by Abraham 
 Lincoln for the conduct of the armies of the United States in the field. 
 
 All Americans who desire safe and conservative administration which shall 
 avoid cause of quarrel, all who abhor war, all who long for the perfect sway 
 of the principles of that religion which we all profess, should rejoice that 
 under this Republican administration their country has attained a potent 
 leadership among the nations in the cause of peace and international justice. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 The respect and moral power thus gained has been exercised in the inter- 
 ests of humanity, where the rules of diplomatic intercourse have made formal 
 intervention impossible. When the Roumanian outrages and when the ap- 
 palling massacre at Kishineff, shocked civilization, and filled thousands of 
 our own people with mourning, the protest of America was heard through
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 61 
 
 the voice of its government, with full observance of diplomatic rules, but 
 with moral power and effect. (Applause.) 
 
 We have advanced the authority of the Monroe Doctrine. Our adherence 
 to the convention which established The Hague Tribunal was accepted by the 
 other powers, with a formal declaration that nothing therein contained should 
 be construed to imply the relinquishment by the United States of its tradi- 
 tional attitude toward purely American questions. The armed demonstra- 
 tion by the European powers against Venezuela was made the occasion for 
 disclaimers to the United States of any intention to seize the territory of 
 Venezuela, recognizing in the most unmistakable way the rights of the 
 United States expressed in the declaration of that traditional policy. 
 
 In the meantime, mindful that moral powers unsupported by physical 
 strength do not always avail against selfishness and aggression, we have 
 been augmenting the forces which command respect. (Applause.) 
 
 We have brought our navy to a high state of efficiency and have exer- 
 cised both army and navy in the methods of seacoast defense. The joint 
 Army and Navy Board has been bringing the two services together in good 
 understanding and the common study of the strategy, the preparation and 
 the co-operation which will make them effective in time of need. Our 
 ships have been exercised in fleet and squadron movements, have been im- 
 proved in marksmanship and mobility, and have been constantly tested by 
 use. Since the last National Convention met we have completed and added 
 to our navy 5 battleships, 4 cruisers, 4 monitors, 34 torpedo destroyers and 
 torpedo boats ; while we have put under construction 13 battleships and 13 
 cruisers. 
 
 Four years ago our army numbered over 100,000 men regulars and vol- 
 unteers 75 per cent of them in the Philippines and China. Under the oper- 
 ation of statutes limiting the period of service, it was about to lapse back 
 into its old and insufficient number of 27,000, and its old and insufficient 
 organization under the practical control of permanent staff departments at 
 Washington, with the same divisions of counsel and lack of co-ordinating 
 and directing power at the head, that led to confusion and scandal in the war 
 with Spain. During the past four years the lessons taught by that war have 
 received practical effect. The teachings of Sherman and of Upton have 
 been recalled and respected. Congress has fixed a maximum of the army 
 at 100,000, and a minimum at 60,000, so that maintaining only the minimum 
 in peace, as we now do, when war threatens the President may begin prep- 
 aration by filling the ranks to the maximum, without waiting until after war 
 has begun, as he had to wait in 1898. Permanent staff appointments have 
 been changed to details from the line, with compulsory returns at fixed in- 
 tervals to service with troops, so that the requirements of the field and the 
 camp rather than the requirements of the office desk shall control the de- 
 partments of administration and supply. A corps organization has been 
 provided for our artillery, with a chief of artillery at the head, so that there 
 may be intelligent use of our costly seacoast defenses. Under the Act of 
 February 14, 1903, a general staff has been established, organized to suit
 
 62 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 American conditions and requirements and adequate for the performance of 
 the long-neglected but all-important duties of directing military education 
 and training, and applying the most advanced principles of military science 
 to that necessary preparation for war which is the surest safeguard of 
 peace. The command of the army now rests where it is placed by the Con- 
 stitution in the President. His power is exercised through a military chief 
 of staff, pledged by the conditions and tenure of his office to confidence and 
 loyalty to his commander. Thus civilian control of the military arm, upon 
 which we must always insist, is reconciled with that military efficiency which 
 can be obtained only under the direction of the trained military expert. 
 
 Four years ago we were living under an obsolete militia law more than 
 a century old, which Washington and Jefferson and Madison, and almost 
 every president since their time, had declared to be worthless. We pre- 
 sented the curious spectacle of a people depending upon a citizen soldiery 
 for protection against aggression, and making practically no provision what- 
 ever for training its citizens in the use of warlike weapons or in the ele- 
 mentary duties of the soldier. The mandate of the Constitution which re- 
 quired Congress to provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia 
 had been left unexecuted. In default of national provisions, bodies of state 
 troops, created for local purposes and supported at local expense, had grown 
 up throughout the Union. Their feelings towards the regular army were 
 rather of distrust and dislike than of comradeship. Their arms, equipment, 
 discipline, organization, and methods of obtaining and accounting for sup- 
 plies were varied and inconsistent. They were unsuited to become a part 
 of any homogeneous force, and their relations to the army of the United 
 States were undefined and conjectural. By the Militia Act of January 20, 
 I QO3> Congress performed its duty under the Constitution. Leaving these 
 bodies still to perform their duties to the States, it made them the organized 
 militia of the United States. It provided for their conformity in armament, 
 organization and discipline to the army of the United States ; it provided 
 the ways in which, either strictly as militia or as volunteers, they should be- 
 come an active part of the army when called upon; it provided for their 
 training, instruction and exercise conjointly with the regular army; it im- 
 posed upon the regular army the duty of promoting their efficiency in many 
 ways. In recognition of the service to the nation which these citizen soldiers 
 would be competent to render, the nation assumed its share of the burden of 
 their armament, their supply and their training. The workings of this sys- 
 tem have already demonstrated, not only that we can have citizens outside 
 of the regular army trained for duty in war, but that we can have a body of 
 volunteer officers ready for service, between whom and the officers of the 
 regular army have been created by intimate association and mutual helpful- 
 ness, those relations of confidence and esteem without which no army can be 
 effective. (Applause.) 
 
 The first administration of McKinley fought and won the war with Spain, 
 put down the insurrection in the Philippines, annexed Hawaii, rescued the 
 legations in Pekin, brought Porto Rico into our commercial system, enacted
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 63 
 
 a protective tariff, and established our national currency on the firm foun- 
 dations of the gold standard by the financial legislation of the s6th Congress. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 The present administration has reduced taxation, reduced the public debt, 
 reduced the annual interest charge, made effective progress in the regula- 
 tion of trusts, fostered business, promoted agriculture, built up the navy, re- 
 organized the army, resurrected the militia system, inaugurated a new policy 
 for the preservation and reclamation of public lands, given civil government 
 to the Philippines, established the Republic of Cuba, bound it to us by ties of 
 gratitude of commercial interest and of common defense, swung open the 
 closed gateway of the Isthmus, strengthened the Monroe Doctrine, ended 
 the Alaskan boundary dispute, protected the integrity of China, opened wider 
 its doors of trade, advanced the principle of arbitration, and promoted peace 
 among the nations. (Applause.) 
 
 We challenge judgment upon this record of effective performance in leg- 
 islation, in execution and in administration. 
 
 The work is not fully done; policies are not completely wrought out; 
 domestic questions still press continually for solution ; other trusts must be 
 regulated ; the tariff may presently receive revision, and if so, should receive 
 it at the hands of the friends and not the enemies of the protective system; 
 the new Philippine government has only begun to develop its plans for the 
 benefit of that long-neglected country; our flag floats on the Isthmus, but 
 the canal is yet to be built; peace does not yet reign on earth, and consid- 
 erate firmness backed by strength are still needful in diplomacy. 
 
 The American people have now to say, whether policies shall be reversed 
 or committed to unfriendly guardians ; whether performance, which now 
 proves itself for the benefit and honor of our country, shall be transferred 
 to unknown and perchance to feeble hands. 
 
 No dividing line can be drawn athwart the course of this successful ad- 
 ministration. The fatal I4th of September, 1901, marked no change of pol- 
 icy, no lower level of achievement. The bullet of the assassin robbed us 
 of the friend we loved ; it took away from the people the President of their 
 choice ; it deprived civilization of a potent force making always for righteous- 
 ness and for humanity. But the fabric of free institutions remained un- 
 shaken. The government of the people went on. The great party that 
 William McKinley led, wrought still in the spirit of his example. His true 
 and loyal successor has been equal to the burden cast upon him. Widely dif- 
 ferent in temperament and methods, he has approved himself of the same 
 elemental virtues the same fundamental beliefs. With faithful and rever- 
 ing memory, he has executed the purposes and continued unbroken the policy 
 of President McKinley for the peace, prosperity and honor of our beloved 
 country. And he has met all new occasions with strength and resolution and 
 far-sighted wisdom. (Applause.) 
 
 As we gather in this convention, our hearts go back to the friend the 
 never to be forgotten friend whom when last we met we acclaimed with 
 one accord as our universal choice to bear a second time the highest honor
 
 64 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 in the nation's gift ; and back still, memory goes through many a year of 
 leadership and loyalty. 
 
 How wise and how skillful he was! how modest and self-effacing! how 
 deep his insight into the human heart! how swift the intuitions of his sym- 
 pathy ! how compelling the charm of his gracious presence ! He was so 
 unselfish, so thoughtful of the happiness of others, so genuine a lover of his 
 country and his kind. And he was the kindest and tenderest friend who 
 ever grasped another's hand. Alas, that his virtues did plead in vain against 
 cruel fate ! 
 
 Yet we may rejoice, that while he lived he was crowned with honor; that 
 the rancor of party strife had ceased ; that success in his great tasks, the 
 restoration of peace, the approval of his countrymen, the affection of his 
 friends, gave the last quiet months in his home at Canton repose and con- 
 tentment. 
 
 And with McKinley we remember Hanna with affection and sorrow his 
 great lieutenant. (Applause.) They are together again. 
 
 But we turn as they would have us turn, to the duties of the hour, the 
 hopes of the future; we turn as they would have us turn, to prepare our- 
 selves for struggle under the same standard borne in other hands by right of 
 true inheritance. Honor, truth, courage, purity of life, domestic virtue, love 
 of country, loyalty to high ideals all these combined with active intelligence, 
 with learning, with experience in affairs, with the conclusive proof of com- 
 petency afforded by wise and conservative administration, by great things al- 
 ready done and great results already achieved, all these we bring to the 
 people with another candidate. Shall not these have honor in our land? 
 Truth, sincerity, courage ! these underlie the fabric of our institutions. 
 Upon hypocrisy and sham, upon cunning and false pretense, upon weakness 
 and cowardice, upon the arts of the demagogue and the devices of the mere 
 politician, no government can stand. No system of popular government 
 can endure in which the people do not believe and trust. Our President has 
 taken the whole people into his confidence. Incapable of deception, he has 
 put aside concealment. Frankly and without reserve, he has told them what 
 their government was doing, and the reasons. It is no campaign of appear- 
 ances upon which we enter, for the people know the good and the bad, the 
 success and failure, to be credited and charged to our account. It is no 
 campaign of sounding words and specious pretenses, for our President has 
 told the people with frankness what he believed and what he intended. He 
 has meant every word he said, and the people have believed every word he said, 
 and with him this convention agrees because every word has been sound 
 Republican doctrine. No people can maintain free government who do not 
 in their hearts value the qualities which have made the present President 
 of the United States conspicuous among the men of his time as a type of 
 noble manhood. (Applause.) Come what may here come what may in 
 November. God grant that those qualities of brave, true manhood shall have 
 honor throughout America, shall be held for an example in every home, and 
 that the youth of generations to come may grow up to feel that it is better
 
 HON. GRAEME STEWART, of Illinois, 
 Member of the Executive Committee.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 65 
 
 than wealth, or office, or power, to have the honesty, the purity, and the cour- 
 age of Theodore Roosevelt. (Applause.) 
 
 PRESENTATION OF GAVEL. 
 
 Mr. GRAEME STEWART, of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, at the request of the 
 local committee, it is my pleasure to present to you, on behalf of the city 
 of Chicago, this symbol of authority, which I hope you will use during 
 the sessions of this convention. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair thanks the local committee for 
 its kindness. 
 
 TEMPORARY OFFICERS. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention: By direc- 
 tion of the Republican National Committee, the Chair submits to the con- 
 vention a list of temporary officers proposed by the committee, which the 
 clerk will read. 
 
 Mr. JOHN R. MALLOY, of Ohio, read as follows : 
 
 General Secretary, Charles W. Johnson, Minnesota. 
 
 Chief Assistant Secretary, John R. Malloy, Ohio. 
 
 Assistant Secretaries : James G. Cannon, New York ; Thomas F. Clifford, 
 New Hampshire ; Lucien Grey, Illinois ; Willet M. Spooner, Wisconsin ; T. 
 Larry Eyre, Pennsylvania ; J. T. Wilson, Kentucky ; Rome C. Stephenson, 
 Indiana ; John H. King, South Dakota ; T. St. John Gaffney, New York ; 
 Walter S. Melick, California ; Edgar O. Silver, Vermont ; Frank D. Water- 
 man, New York; George W. Armstrong, Minnesota; James H. Paddock, Illi- 
 nois; Franklin Murphy, Jr., New Jersey; Edwin W. Sims, Illinois. 
 
 Reading Clerks : W. H. Harrison, Nebraska ; Dennis E. Alward, Mich- 
 igan ; E. L. Lampson, Ohio ; T. W. B. Duckwall, West Virginia. 
 
 Clerk at President's Desk, Asher C. Hinds, Maine. 
 
 Official Reporter, Milton W. Blumenberg, Illinois. 
 
 Tally Clerks: Fred B. Whitney, Illinois; John W. Dixon, Nebraska; 
 Lucien Swift, Jr., Minnesota. 
 
 Messenger to Secretary, Henry F. Daniels, Wisconsin. 
 
 Messenger to Chairman, Gurley Brewer, Indiana. 
 
 Sergeant-at-Arms, William F. Stone, Maryland. 
 
 First Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms, David C. Owen, Wisconsin. 
 
 Chief of Doorkeepers, Charles S. Montell, Maryland. 
 
 Mr. CHARLES DICK, of Ohio. I move that the recommendations of the 
 National Committee as submitted, be approved by the convention. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the motion 
 of the gentleman from Ohio that the recommendations of the National Com- 
 mittee as submitted be approved by the convention. 
 
 The motion was unanimously agreed to.
 
 66 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 RULES. 
 
 Mr. T. H. CARTER, of Montana. In the interest of the orderly procedure 
 of business, I offer the resolution which I send to the desk. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Montana submits a 
 resolution which will be read. 
 
 The resolution was read and agreed to, as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That until a permanent organization is affected this convention 
 be governed by the rules of the last Republican National Convention. 
 
 COMMITTEES. 
 
 Mr. L. E. McCoMAS, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I submit for present 
 consideration the resolutions which I send to the desk. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Maryland offers a 
 resolution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be now called, and that the 
 chairman of each delegation announce the names of the persons selected to 
 serve on the several committees, as follows: Permanent Organization, Rules 
 and Order of Business, Credentials, Resolutions; And further, that the chair- 
 man of each delegation send to the Secretary's desk in writing the names of 
 the persons selected from his delegation to serve on the aforesaid committees. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the resolu- 
 tion submitted by the gentleman from Maryland. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, before direct- 
 ing the call of the roll the Chair wishes the instruction of the convention 
 upon the question which he will now state. The National Committee has 
 recommended placing upon the roll and has placed upon the temporary roll 
 the names of delegates from Porto Rico and the Philippines. (Applause.) 
 The Chair does not feel authorized to direct the calling of those names 
 upon the roll without the instruction of the convention. Will the convention 
 take action upon the question? 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. I move that the action of the National 
 Committee in making the direction which has just been stated by the Chair, 
 be approved by the convention. 
 
 Mr. W. B. HEYBURN, of Idaho. I second the motion. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Foraker) 
 moves, and that motion is seconded by the gentleman from Idaho (Mr. 
 Heyburn), that the recommendation of the National Committee be ap- 
 proved by the convention. That recommendation means that two delegates 
 from Porto Rico and two delegates from the Philippine Islands shall have 
 seats in this convention, with the power of voting. Are you ready for the 
 question ? 
 
 Mr. L. E. McCoMAS, of Maryland. Pardon me, Mr. Chairman ; there will 
 be six delegates from the Philippines, with two votes.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 67 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair will restate the proposition. It 
 means two delegates from Porto Rico, with two votes, and six delegates 
 from the Philippines, with two votes. Gentlemen, are you ready for the 
 question, which is on agreeing to the motion of the gentleman from Ohio, 
 that the recommendation of the National Committee be approved by this 
 convention ? 
 
 The motion was agreed to. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will call the roll in accordance 
 with the resolution offered by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Mc- 
 Comas). 
 
 Mr. OSCAR R. HUNDLEY, of Alabama. I should like to ask what commit- 
 tee is being called for, or does it embrace all the committees named? 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will again read, for the informa- 
 tion of the convention, the resolution submitted by the gentleman from Mary- 
 land (Mr. McComas). 
 
 The READING CLERK read "as follows : 
 
 Besolred. That the roll of States and Territories be now called, and that the 
 chairman of each delegation announce the names of the persons selected to 
 serve on the several committees, as follows: Permanent Organization. Rules 
 and Order of Business, Credentials, Resolutions; And further, that the chairman 
 of each delegation send to the Secretary's desk in writing the names of the 
 persons selected from his delegation to serve on the aforesaid committees. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The roll-call will be proceeded with. 
 
 The CLERK proceeded to call the roll. 
 
 Mr. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. I ask unanimous consent that as the 
 States, Territories, etc., are called, the Chairmen of the respective delega- 
 tions send the list to the desk without reading them, and they can be tab- 
 ulated later. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Illinois asks unani- 
 mous consent that as the States are called, the list of names be sent by the 
 Chairmen of the delegations to the desk without reading. Is there objection? 
 The Chair hears none, and that course will be pursued. 
 
 The committees as constituted are as follows :
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 
 
 Alabama G. B. DEANS 
 
 Arkansas FERD HAVIS 
 
 California C. E. CLINCH 
 
 Colorado S. S. DOWNER 
 
 Connecticut MICHAEL KENEALY 
 
 Delaware FRANCIS S. BRADLEY 
 
 Florida WILLIAM H. NORTHUP 
 
 Georgia W. H. MATTHEWS 
 
 Idaho DREW M. STANDROD 
 
 Illinois WILLIAM A. COLEMAN 
 
 Indiana FINLEY C. CARSON 
 
 Iowa J. H. HENDERSON 
 
 Kansas H. B. MILLER 
 
 Kentucky BRUTUS J. CLAY 
 
 Louisiana GIRRAULT FARRAR 
 
 Maine VORAMUS L. COFFIN 
 
 Maryland WILLIAM S. BOOZE 
 
 Massachusetts A. H. GOETTING 
 
 Michigan C. C. VAUGHN 
 
 Minnesota L. O. THORPE 
 
 Mississippi THOMAS RICHARDSON 
 
 Missouri C. W. CLARKE 
 
 Montana JAMES W. FREEMAN 
 
 Nebraska W. P. MILES 
 
 Nevada P. L. FLANIGAN 
 
 New Hampshire SUMNER WALLACE 
 
 New Jersey WILLIAM M. JOHNSON 
 
 New York GEORGE W. ALDRIDGE 
 
 North Carolina T. T. HICKS 
 
 North Dakota HUGH H. PEOPLES 
 
 Ohio THEODORE E. BURTON 
 
 Oregon N. C. RICHARDS 
 
 Pennsylvania JAMES A. DALE 
 
 Rhode Island FRANK W. TILLINGHAST 
 
 South Carolina A. A. GATES 
 
 South Dakota C. E. WARNER 
 
 Tennessee L. W. DUTRO 
 
 Texas C. M. FERGUSON 
 
 Utah JAMES H. ANDERSON 
 
 Vermont H. W. ALLEN 
 
 Virginia J. M. MCLAUGHLIN 
 
 Washington CHARLES M. SWEENY 
 
 West Virginia VIRGIL L. HIGHLAND 
 
 Wisconsin J. W. COCHRAN 
 
 Wyoming J. G. OLIVER 
 
 District of Columbia JOHN F. COOK 
 
 Alaska OSCAR FOOTE 
 
 Arizona F. L. WRIGHT 
 
 Indian Territory CHARLES W. RAYMOND 
 
 New Mexico W. G. SARGENT 
 
 Oklahoma W. C. TETIRICK 
 
 Hawaii GEORGE R. CARTER 
 
 Philippine Islands J. S. STANLEY 
 
 Porto Rico R. H. TODD
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 69 
 
 COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 
 
 Alabama J. W. DAVIDSON 
 
 Arkansas OSCAR DAVIS 
 
 California A. RUEF 
 
 Colorado E. L. SMITH 
 
 Connecticut JOHN T. ROBINSON 
 
 Delaware G. LAYTON GRIER 
 
 Florida MARK S. WHITE 
 
 Georgia S. S. HUMBERT 
 
 Idaho JAMES M. STEVENS 
 
 Illinois CHARLES E. PERKINS 
 
 Indiana CAREY E. COWGILL 
 
 Iowa W. S. ELLIS 
 
 Kansas W. S. FITZPATRICK 
 
 Kentucky JOHN M. BOWLING 
 
 Louisiana M. G. BOBE 
 
 Maine WOODBURY K. DANA 
 
 Maryland RENO S. HARP 
 
 Massachusetts JOHN L. HOBSON 
 
 Michigan F. A. ROETHLISBERGER 
 
 Minnesota GUSTA F. WVDELL 
 
 Mississippi E. H. McKISSICK 
 
 Missouri H. A. SMITH 
 
 Montana W. F. MEYER 
 
 Nebraska F. I. FOSS 
 
 Nevada H. B. MAXON 
 
 New Hampshire WINSTON CHURCHILL 
 
 New Jersey MARK FAGAN 
 
 New York S. FRED NIXON 
 
 North Carolina J. Y. HAMRICK 
 
 North Dakota H. M. WHEELER 
 
 Ohio H. M. DAUGHERTY 
 
 Oregon IRA B. SMITH 
 
 Pennsylvania H. H. BINGHAM 
 
 Rhode Island ALBERT B. CRAFTS 
 
 South Carolina J. W. TOLBERT 
 
 South Dakota F. H. DAVIS 
 
 Tennessee H. S. CHAMBERLAIN 
 
 Texas E. H. TERRELL 
 
 Utah L. W. SHURTLIFF 
 
 Vermont HENRY S. BINGHAM 
 
 Virginia ASA ROGERS 
 
 Washington A. W. PERLEY 
 
 West Virginia GEO. W. ATKINSON 
 
 Wisconsin J. W. BABCOCK 
 
 Wyoming J. E. COSGRIFF 
 
 District of Columbia ROBERT REYBURN 
 
 Alaska J. G. HEED 
 
 Arizona E. W. CHILDS 
 
 Indian Territory VICTOR M. LOCKE, JR. 
 
 New Mexico W. E. DAME 
 
 Oklahoma A. H. JACKSON 
 
 Hawaii WM. T. ROBINSON 
 
 Philippine Islands CHARLES A. WILLARD 
 
 Porto Rico. . .
 
 70 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 
 
 Alabama N. H. ALEXANDER 
 
 Arkansas SID B. REDDING 
 
 California GEO. W. REED 
 
 Colorado JOHN W. SPRINGER 
 
 Connecticut GEORGE L. CHENEY 
 
 Delaware J. FRANK ALLEE 
 
 Florida HENRY S. CHUBB 
 
 Georgia CHAS. ADAMSON 
 
 Idaho WILLIAM E. BORAH 
 
 Illinois GRAEME STEWART 
 
 Indiana WINF1ELD J. DURBIN 
 
 Iowa J. P. DOLLIVER 
 
 Kansas S. H. HAMILTON 
 
 Kentucky JOHN W. LEWIS 
 
 Louisiana WALTER L. COHEN 
 
 Maine SANFORD L. FOGG 
 
 Maryland LOUIS E. McCOMAS 
 
 Massachusetts EVERETT C. BENTON 
 
 Michigan ANDREW B. DAUGHERTY 
 
 Minnesota C. H. MARCH 
 
 Mississippi WESLEY CRAYTON 
 
 Missouri B. F. RUSSEL 
 
 Montana JOSEPH M. DIXON 
 
 Nebraska C. B. DEMPSTER 
 
 Nevada B. H. REYMERS 
 
 New Hampshire DANIEL C. REMICK 
 
 New Jersey JOHN J. GARDNER 
 
 New York GEORGE R. MALBY 
 
 North Carolina W. S. O. B. ROBINSON 
 
 North Dakota ALEXANDER McKENZIE 
 
 Ohio CHARLES B. DICK 
 
 Oregon J. M. KEENE 
 
 Pennsylvania A. S. L. SHIELDS 
 
 Rhode Island ALPHONSE GAULIN 
 
 South Carolina J. F. ENSOR 
 
 South Dakota R. H. DRISCOLL 
 
 Tennessee F. A. RAHT 
 
 Texas R. B. HAWLEYv 
 
 Utah WILLARD F. SNYDER 
 
 Vermont W. SEWARD WEBB 
 
 Virginia PARK AGNEW 
 
 Washington C. E. BINGHAM 
 
 West Virginia W. L. ARMSTRONG 
 
 Wisconsin S. S. BARNEY 
 
 Wyoming M. C. NICHOLS 
 
 District of Columbia JNO. F. COOK 
 
 Alaska C. S. JOHNSON 
 
 Arizona A. O. BRODIE 
 
 Indian Territory EUGENE E. MORRIS 
 
 New Mexico W. H. H. LLEWELLYN 
 
 Oklahoma SEYMOUR FOOSE 
 
 Hawaii W. H. HOOGS 
 
 Philippine Islands THEO. C. REISER 
 
 Porto Rico JOSE GORNEZ BRIOSO
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 71 
 
 COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 Alabama A. N. JOHNSON 
 
 Arkansas CHAS. T. DUKE 
 
 California FRANK H. SHORT 
 
 Colorado CLYDE C. DAWSON 
 
 Connecticut EDWIN W. HIGGINS 
 
 Delaware CALEB R. LAYTON 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia H. L. JOHNSON 
 
 Idaho WELDON B. HEYBURN 
 
 Illinois ALBERT J. HOPKINS 
 
 Indiana ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE 
 
 Iowa J. W. BLYTHE 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky GEORGE W. LONG 
 
 Louisiana J. MADISON VANCE 
 
 Maine ELMER P. SPOFFORD 
 
 Maryland PHILLIPS L. GOLDSBOROUGH 
 
 Massachusetts HENRY CABOT LODGE 
 
 Michigan RALPH LOVELAND 
 
 Minnesota KNUTE NELSON 
 
 Mississippi W. E. MOLLISON 
 
 Missouri BOYD DUDLEY 
 
 Montana THOS. H. CARTER 
 
 Nebraska FRANK WILLIAMS 
 
 Nevada E. S. FARINGTON 
 
 New Hampshire JACOB H. GALLINGER 
 
 New Jersey JOHN F. DRYDEN 
 
 New York EDWARD LAUTERBACH 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 North Dakota H. C. HANSBROUGH 
 
 Ohio J. B. FORAKER 
 
 Oregon J. U. CAMPBELL, 
 
 Pennsylvania JOHN DALZELL 
 
 Rhode Island WILLIAM L. HODGMAN 
 
 South Carolina E. J. DICKERSON 
 
 South Dakota N. L. FINCH 
 
 Tennessee DANA HARMON 
 
 Texas A. J. ROSENTHAL 
 
 Utah GEO. SUTHERLAND 
 
 Vermont W. P. DILLINGHAM 
 
 Virginia D. LAWRENCE GRONER 
 
 Washington J. S. McMILLAN 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 Wisconsin JOHN C. SPOONER 
 
 Wyoming C. D. CLARK 
 
 District of Columbia ROBERT REYBURN 
 
 Alaska J. W. IVEY 
 
 Arizona 
 
 Indian Territory WILLIAM H. BARROUGH 
 
 New Mexico H. O. BURSON 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 Hawaii JONAH K. KALANIANAOLI 
 
 Philippine Islands JOHN M. SWITZER 
 
 Porto Rico
 
 72 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 PETITIONS AND RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 Mr. CHARLES W. THOMAS, of Illinois. I present a resolution which I 
 ask to have referred to the Committee on Resolutions without debate. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The resolution will be received and referred 
 as indicated. 
 
 Mr. WILLIAM E. MASON, of Illinois. I have been requested to present a 
 petition, which I do, and I ask that it be referred to the Committee on Reso- 
 lutions. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The resolution will be referred to the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions. 
 
 Mr. ROBERT REYBURN, of the District of Columbia. I submit a resolution, 
 which I ask may follow the course of the resolutions heretofore presented 
 that it may be referred without debate. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The resolution presented by the gentleman 
 from the District of Columbia will be received and referred to the Committee 
 on Resolutions. 
 
 LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION. 
 
 Mr. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, of New York. The Louisiana Purchase Ex- 
 position has sent an invitation to visit the exposition, and I call for its read- 
 ing. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read as requested. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 To the Republican National Convention, 
 
 Gentlemen: The Louisiana Purchase Exposition respectfully invites the dele- 
 gates and alternates to the Republican National Convention now assembled, 
 and the representatives of the Press attending, to visit the World's Fair, now 
 in progress in St. Louis, when the deliberations of the convention shall have 
 ended. Transportation and admission to the World's Fair Grounds will be 
 provided. 
 
 The participation of the States and Territories and possessions of the United 
 States, and of over fifty foreign countries, contribute to make this Exposition 
 thoroughly representative of the progress of civilization and the development 
 of the human race. 
 
 The exhibit of the United States and that of the Philippine Islands are, of 
 themselves, well worth the visit. The aid extended by the general govern- 
 ment, through two Congresses, and the interest manifested in the enterprise 
 by President McKinley and President Roosevelt, establish its National char- 
 acter. It is held to commemorate the Louisiana Purchase, the acquisition of an 
 Empire by peaceful negotiations, and to enlighten the people in the progress 
 and advancement of the world. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 DAVID R. FRANCIS. 
 President Louisiana Purchase Exposition. 
 
 Mr. DEPEW, of New York. I offer the resolution I send to the desk. 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York submits a 
 resolution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows:
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 73 
 
 Resolved. That the thanks of this Convention be extended to the Louisiana 
 Purchase Exposition Company for their invitation; and that the Chair appoint 
 a committee of five to ascertain and report at the next session of the Conven- 
 tion arrangements for going to St. Louis and return. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN". Gentlemen, you have heard the resolution. 
 Are there any remarks to be made upon it? 
 
 Mr. DEPEW. Mr. Chairman, I do not think any remarks are necessary. 
 The invitation itself is eloquent. Nor do I think any remarks are in order 
 at the present time, when we are still under the spell of one of the few 
 great orations that we are permitted to listen to in a life time. 
 
 Still, as the United States has invested twenty-five million dollars in this 
 exposition, has invited all the other countries of the world, and they have 
 come, I think the convention should accept the invitation. It is certainly a 
 graceful as well as a gracious privilege which is extended to us by the Ex- 
 position Company. 
 
 I know that the educational, the religious, the agricultural, the manufac- 
 turing, and the scientific interests are all going to St. Louis to see what has 
 been accomplished up to the present time in their several departments ; and 
 we can go there and see what has been done in the development of the 
 United States during this period and what share Republican policies had in 
 bringing it about. (Applause.) 
 
 I am quite sure a similar invitation will be extended to the Democratic 
 convention when it meets next month. Its members will accept, because 
 they will be in St. Louis anyway, and they will go there having the only 
 gratification they have had for half a century, in saying "through Thomas 
 Jefferson we bought the land." (Laughter.) But it will be our privilege 
 to say "we cultivated the soil ; we ploughed it ; we planted the seed ; and 
 the harvest which makes the United States what it is today is ours as well 
 as yours." (Applause.) 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the resolu- 
 tion submitted by the gentleman from New York. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN appointed as the committee under the resolu- 
 tion Mr. Depew, of New York; Mr. Carter, of Montana; Mr. Foraker, of 
 Ohio; Mr. Van Sant, of Minnesota, and Mr. Parker, of Missouri. 
 
 Mr. RICHARD P. ERNST, of Kentucky. I move that the convention adjourn 
 until 12 o'clock tomorrow. 
 
 The motion was agreed to, and (at 2 o'clock and 10 minutes p. m.) the 
 convention adjourned until tomorrow, Wednesday, June 22, 1904, at 12 
 o'clock meridian.
 
 THE SECOND DAY 
 
 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS THE WISCONSIN 
 CASE OTHER CONTESTED CASES THE ROLL OF THE CON- 
 VENTION LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION PETER 
 JOSEPH OSTERHAUS REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PER- 
 MANENT ORGANIZATION AND OTHER COMMITTEES HA- 
 WAIIAN REPRESENTATION. 
 
 CONVENTION HALL 
 
 THE COLISEUM, CHICAGO, ILL., Wednesday, June 22, 1904. 
 
 The convention was called to order at 12:25 o'clock p. m., by Hon. Elihu 
 Root, Temporary Chairman, who said: 
 
 The proceedings of this day will be begun by prayer by the Rev. Thomas 
 E. Cox, of Chicago, 111. 
 
 PRAYER OF REV. THOMAS E. COX. 
 
 Rev. THOMAS E. Cox, of Chicago, offered the following prayer : 
 Our Father Who art in Heaven, we thank Thee for the opportunities of 
 this day. In all humility we adore Thy sovereign majesty. To Thee we 
 look for grace and guidance. In Thy hands are the destinies of nations. 
 Thy Providence enters into the careers of men. There is no just power but 
 from Thee. Thy will is the sole source of law and good government. 
 
 Bless the deliberations of this Convention. Let us not forget those who 
 have bequeathed to us a glorious history. Give us wisdom and understand- 
 ing. Drive far from us all self-seeking. Fill us with a love of country, of 
 peace, of forbearance and of justice. For "Justice exalteth a nation, but 
 when the wicked bear rule peoples perish." Hasten the day when it shall 
 be said : "The kingdom of this world is become our Lord's and His Christ's, 
 and He shall reign for ever and ever." Amen.
 
 HON. LOUIS E. McCOMAS, of Maryland, 
 Who was Chairman of the Committee on Credentials.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 75 
 
 THE CONTESTED CASES. 
 
 [Pursuant to the usual practice, the National Committee, prior to the day 
 of meeting of the convention considered all questions of contest submitted 
 within the rule embodied in the call, and made up the Temporary Roll of 
 delegates to the convention. 
 
 A formal report of the proceedings and findings of the National Committee 
 respecting contests was submitted to the Committee on Credentials. 
 
 The Committee on Credentials appointed a subcommittee consisting: of 
 Winfield T. Durbin, J. J. Gardner and E. C. Benton, to examine and report 
 on the Wisconsin case. 
 
 The report of this subcommittee was duly made, and embodied in the report 
 of the Committee on Credentials and subsequently reported with other recom- 
 mendations to the convention, and adopted by the convention. These several 
 reports as made, appear in their proper order below. Ed.] 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Is the Committee on Credentials ready to 
 report ? 
 
 Mr. L. E. McCoMAS, of Maryland. The Committee on Credentials have 
 instructed me to submit their report: 
 
 June 22, 1904. 
 
 Your Committee on Credentials submit the following report in the matter 
 of the seating of the contested delegations : 
 
 They met immediately after the adjournment of the session of the Conven- 
 tion on Tuesday, June 21, 1904, and organized by the selection of the officers 
 of the committee. Since that time they have, day and night, almost continu- 
 ously considered the cases before them until they completed the roll of mem- 
 bership. In the contests in the Fourth District of Alabama, respecting the 
 delegates and their alternates, in the contest respecting all the delegates and 
 alternates from the State of Delaware, in the Second District of Georgia, 
 the Third District of Mississippi, the First District of South Carolina, the 
 Thirty-third District of New York, the Second District of Virginia, the 
 delegates-at-large and their alternates from Texas, the Second and Seventh 
 Districts of Texas, in the Twenty-first District of Illinois, the Fourth, Sixth 
 and Twentieth Districts in Ohio, this committee recommend that the action 
 of the National Committee in making a temporary roll shall be the action of 
 the Convention. 
 
 In the matter respecting the delegates-at-large and delegates from all of 
 the seven Congressional districts of Louisiana, your committee recommend
 
 76 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 that the delegates-at-large of the contestants and the contestees with their 
 alternates be admitted to seats in the convention, and that in each of the seven 
 districts of Louisiana, the delegates of the contestants and contestees with 
 their respective alternates be also admitted to seats in the convention, and 
 that each delegate when seated shall have one-half of a vote. And your 
 committee, therefore, recommend that the aforementioned delegates from 
 Louisiana with their alternates be placed on the permanent roll of the con- 
 vention. 
 
 In the Fifth District of Missouri your committee recommend that the 
 delegates, Joseph H. Harris and Wallace Love, and the alternates, Joseph P. 
 Fontron and W. H. Waggoner, be placed on the permanent roll. 
 
 In the case of the contest for delegates-at-large from the State of Wis- 
 consin your committee unanimously concur with the National Committee in 
 its unanimous action and recommend that the sitting delegates, John C. 
 Spooner, J. V. Quarles, Joseph W. Babcock and Emil Baensch, with their 
 alternates, be placed on the permanent roll of this convention. 
 
 Your committee consider it unnecessary to recite the reasons for the de- 
 cisions in the several cases before mentioned. In the Wisconsin case, how- 
 ever, your committee believe some additional statement is appropriate. To 
 the contest over the delegates-at-large and their alternates from Wisconsin, 
 unusual consideration has been given. 
 
 The said contest was patiently heard by the National Committee for six 
 hours, being argued on behalf of both sides by counsel before said commit- 
 tee. The books and printed arguments being supplied by both sides to the 
 individual members of that committee, and at the end of such presentation 
 that committee being fully advised as to the material facts and the merits 
 of the controversy, unanimously voted to place on the temporary roll as 
 delegates-at-large John C. Spooner, J. V. Quarles, Joseph W. Babcock and 
 Emil Baensch, and M. G Jeffris, D. E. Riordan, Richard Meyer and John 
 Kehler, alternates. 
 
 Your committee after completing its organization took a recess until 4 
 o'clock and gave notice to the various contestants to appear at that hour. 
 Soon thereafter your committee decided to take up the Wisconsin contest 
 over the delegates-at-large from that State. Thereupon Mr. Gilbert E. Roe, 
 who had submitted to the National Committee an elaborate argument on 
 behalf of Isaac Stephenson, Robert M. La Follette, J. H. Stout and W. D. 
 Connor and their alternates, appeared before your committee and submitted 
 a communication from the contesting delegation, represented in part by him. 
 This communication is appended to the report of your committee. Your 
 committee, resenting the false imputation which said communication placed 
 upon the entire National Committee and upon your committee by its im- 
 peachment of the good faith of said committees, and upon the National Con- 
 vention of the Republican party by its assumption that said contesting dele- 
 gation could not secure a fair and impartial hearing and a determination 
 according to the truth and right of the case from your committee or by 
 appeal to this convention, proceeded, notwithstanding the withdrawal of said
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 77 
 
 contest by said communication upon the grounds therein stated, in justice 
 to itself after notice to both sides .to appear, to investigate thoroughly the 
 facts of said case. By its sub-committee during yesterday, last night and 
 today, and by the full committee yesterday and today, it investigated the 
 facts of said case as disclosed by the proofs, documents and briefs of both 
 sides, availing itself of the proofs, documents and briefs presented by both 
 sides before the National Committee, and heard also oral arguments by the 
 counsel of the contestees, to the end that the facts might be fully ascertained 
 and a just decision reached in said case; and, having fully considered the 
 same, your committee report it to be their final judgment that the convention 
 which elected said John C. Spooner, J. V. Quarles, Joseph W. Babcock and 
 Emil Baensch as delegates at large and their alternates to this convention 
 from the State of Wisconsin, was the regular convention of the Republican 
 party in Wisconsin, and that the delegates elected by it are the regularly 
 elected delegates at large from the State of Wisconsin to the Republican 
 National Convention, and as such are entitled to seats in this convention. 
 The report of the sub-committee, which was unanimously approved by your 
 committee, is appended to and made part of this report. 
 
 A copy of the roll of delegates and alternates adopted by your committee 
 making the permanent roll of this convention, is herewith submitted as part 
 of their report, and the adoption of the report is recommended. 
 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 L, E. McCOMAS, Chairman. 
 SID B. REDDING, Secretary. 
 
 CONTESTS AS DECIDED BY THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 FOURTH DISTRICT. 
 
 W. F. Aldrich. W. F. Tebbetts. 
 
 V,'. A. Cook. F. O. Dudley. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 J. Edward Addicks. John E. Taylor. 
 
 J. Frank Alice. George W. Marshall. 
 
 John Hunn. Walter Hoffecker. 
 
 Caleb R. Layton. Joseph E. Cahall. 
 
 Francis S. Bradley. Abrarn E. Frantz. 
 
 G. Layton Grier. John C. Townsend. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 SECOND DISTRICT. 
 
 J. C. Styles. J. L. Reddlck. 
 
 C. G. Ward. E. B. Brown.
 
 78 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 TWENTY-FIRST DISTRICT. 
 
 Theodore Koch. John R. Challacombe. 
 
 H. N. Schuyler. Charles E. Selby. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 (Each delegate given a half vote.) 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 Walter L. Cohen. 
 Emile Kuntz. 
 Girrault Farrar. 
 H. B. N. Brown. 
 Pearl Wight. 
 H. C. Warmouth. 
 W. J. Behan. 
 L. F. Suthon. 
 
 Joseph Fabacher. 
 J. Madison Vance. 
 Hugh S. Suthon. 
 Felix Berhel. 
 
 H. W. Robinson. 
 M. G. Bobe. 
 Charles W. Godchaux. 
 W. J. Waguespack. 
 
 J. M. Haggerty. 
 A. J. Jones 
 F. B. Williams. 
 Jules Godchaux. 
 
 A. H. Leonard. 
 S. P. Brown. 
 
 B. F. Oneal. 
 
 C. J. Green. 
 
 J. W. Cook. 
 S. W. Green. 
 W. T. Insley. 
 H. B. Taliaferro. 
 
 L. J. Souer. 
 B. V. Baranco. 
 H. W_ Robinson. 
 F. J. Webb 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 James E. Porter. 
 P. H. Segura. 
 
 D. A. Lines. 
 John Marks. 
 J. W. Porch. 
 S. A. Knapp. 
 Andrew Hero. 
 Gus Lehmann. 
 
 FIRST DISTRICT. 
 
 C. W. Boothby. 
 I. G. Wynn. 
 A. B. Kennedy. 
 F. R. Tenneret. 
 
 SECOND DISTRICT. 
 
 A. C. Fowler. 
 
 E. F. R. Augustus. 
 E. J. Thilborger. 
 W. P. Luck. 
 
 THIRD DISTRICT. 
 
 Mayer Cahen. 
 John Tregle. 
 Jules Dreyfus. 
 Honore Dugas. 
 
 FOURTH DISTRICT. 
 
 J. W. Walker. 
 J. B. Green. 
 S. Herold. 
 ,W. J. Tatum. 
 
 FIFTH DISTRICT. 
 
 George W. Stewart. 
 John W. Robinson. 
 Henry E. Hardtner. 
 Leopold Elgutter. 
 
 SIXTH DISTRICT. 
 
 George J. Duffy. 
 John Brown. 
 George J. Reiley. 
 J. B. Churchill.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 79 
 
 LOUISIANA Contin ned. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 SEVENTH DISTRICT. 
 
 C. C. Duson. J. S. Thomas. 
 J. A. Spencer. Henry Erlich. 
 G. L. Lasalle. Joseph A. Block. 
 W. R. Wright. H. Dupuy. 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 (Each delegate given a half vote.) 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 THIRD DISTRICT. 
 
 R. A. Simmons. L. T. Marcus. 
 
 Charles Banks. R. L. Flagg. 
 
 Louis Waldauer. N. L. Lackey. 
 
 D. W. Gary. G. A. Lee. 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 FIFTH DISTRICT. 
 
 Joseph H. Harris. Joseph P. Fontron. 
 
 Wallace Love.. W. H. Waggoner. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 THIRTY-THIRD DISTRICT. 
 
 J. Sloat Fassett William H. Prangen. 
 
 Arthur E. Valois. William H. Nichols.. 
 
 OHIO. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 FOURTH DISTRICT. 
 
 O. E. Harrison. David Oldham. 
 
 W. L. Russell. Julius Boesel. 
 
 SIXTH DISTRICT. 
 
 George W. McMurchy. H. M. Brown. 
 
 Frank M. Couden. Walter Remley. 
 
 TWENTIETH DISTRICT. 
 
 J. B. Zerbe. D. C. True. 
 
 A. T. Spitzer. George Steele. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 FIRST DISTRICT. 
 
 A. P. Prioleau. Samuel B. Butler. 
 
 William F. Myers. A. Collins.
 
 80 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 TEXAS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Cecil A. Lyon. R. A. Hannay. 
 
 R. B. Hawley. Thomas Hall. 
 
 C. M. Ferguson. H. G. Goree. 
 
 N. M. Rodgers. David Abner. 
 
 SECOND DISTRICT. 
 
 J. H. Kurth. Fred Deremus. 
 
 B. F. Wallace. J. M. Moore. 
 
 SEVENTH DISTRIQT. 
 
 A. J. Rosenthal. C. W. Ellis. 
 
 H. L. Price. Waldo Mathews. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 SECOND DISTRICT. 
 
 George E. Bowden. A. Aronheim. 
 
 A. H. Martin. Fred Read. 
 
 WISCONSIN. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John C. Spooner. M. G. Jeffris. 
 
 J. V. Quarles. D. E. Riordan. 
 
 Joseph W. Babcock. Richard Meyer. 
 
 Emil Baensch. John Kehler. 
 
 ALASKA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John G. Held. G. M. Irwin. 
 
 Oscar Foote. John W. Steadman. 
 
 C. S. Jackson. Albert Fink. 
 
 W. T. Perkins. G. B. Baldwin. 
 
 W. D. Grant. P. C. McCormick. 
 
 J. W. Ivey. Frank J. Kinghorn. 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John T. McDonough. John S. Leech. 
 
 Charles A. Willard. D. W. Smith. 
 
 Grant T. Trent. J. L. Pierce. 
 
 John S. Stanley. T. C. Reiser. 
 
 J. M. Swltzer. W. W. Lewis. 
 
 E. C. McCullough. M. W. Creach.
 
 HON. NATHAN B. SCOTT, of West Virginia, 
 Who was Chairman of the Executive Committee for the Convention.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 81 
 
 REPORT ON CONTESTS BEFORE THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL 
 
 COMMITTEE. 
 
 Chicago, Illinois, June 17, 1904. 
 Chairman, Committee on Credentials, 
 
 Republican National Convention, Chicago, Illinois. 
 
 My Dear Sir: In the matter of the contest for seats in the Republican Na- 
 tional Convention, the National Committee, at its meeting in Chicago, Juno 
 16th and 17th, decided to place upon the temporary roll the following: 
 
 Delegates. 
 J. Edward Addicks. 
 J. Frank Allee. 
 John Hunn. 
 Caleb R. Layton. 
 Francis S. Bradley. 
 G. Layton Grier. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 W. F. Aldrich. 
 W. A. Cook. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 J. C. Styles. 
 C. G. Ward. 
 
 Delegates. 
 Walter L. Cohen. 
 Emil Kuntz. 
 Girrault Farrar. 
 H. B. N. Brown. 
 
 Joseph Fabacher. 
 J. Madison Vance. 
 
 H. W. Robinson. 
 M. G. Bobe. 
 
 J. H. Haggerty. 
 A. G. Jones. 
 
 A. H. Leonard. 
 S. P. Brown. 
 
 John W. Cook. 
 S. W. Green. 
 
 L. J. Souer. 
 
 B. V. Baranco. 
 
 C. C. Duson. 
 S. A. Spencer. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 Alternates. 
 John E. Taylor. 
 Geo. W. Marshall. 
 Walter Hoffecker. 
 Joseph E. Cahall. 
 Abram E. Frantz. 
 John G. Townsend. 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 FOURTH DISTRICT. 
 
 W. F. Tebbetts. 
 F. O. Dudley. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 SECOND DISTRICT. 
 
 J. L. Reddick. 
 E. B. Brown. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 AT LARGE. Alternates. 
 
 James E. Porter. 
 P. E. Segura. 
 
 D. A. Lines. 
 John Marks. 
 
 FIRST DISTRICT. 
 
 C. W. Boothby. 
 
 I. G. Wynn. 
 SECOND DISTRICT. 
 
 A. C. Fowler. 
 
 E. F. R. Augustus. 
 THIRD DISTRICT. 
 
 John Stregle. 
 Mayer Chane. 
 FOURTH DISTRICT. 
 
 W. J. Walker. 
 J. B. Green. 
 
 FIFTH DISTRICT. 
 
 George W. Stewart. 
 John W. Robinson. 
 
 SIXTH DISTRICT. 
 
 Geo. Duffey. 
 John Brown. 
 
 SEVENTH DISTRICT. 
 
 H. C. Edwards. 
 Henry Erlick.
 
 82 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 Delegates. A Iterna tes. 
 
 THIRD DISTRICT. 
 
 R. A. Simmons. L. T. Marcus. 
 
 Chas. Banks. R. L. Flagg. 
 
 Louis Waldauer. N. L. Lackey. 
 
 D. W. Gary. G. A. Lee. 
 
 (Each delegate given a half vote.) 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 FIRST DISTRICT. 
 
 A. P. Prioleau. Samuel B. Butler. 
 
 Wm. F. Myers. A. Collins. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 J. Sloat Fassett. 
 Arthur E. Valois. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD DISTRICT. 
 
 Wm. H. Prangen. 
 Wm. H. Nichols. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 George E. Bowden. 
 A. H. Martin. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 John C. Spooner. 
 J. V. Quarles. 
 Joseph W. Babcock. 
 Emil Baensch. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Cecil A. Lyon. 
 R. B. Hawley. 
 C. M. Ferguson. 
 N. M. Rodgers. 
 
 J. H. Kurth. 
 B. F. Wallace. 
 
 A. J. Rosenthal. 
 H. L. Price. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 Theodore Koch. 
 H. N. Schuyler. 
 
 SECOND DISTRICT. 
 
 A. Aronheim. 
 Fred. Read. 
 
 WISCONSIN. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 M. G. Jeffris. 
 D. E. Riordan. 
 Richard Meyer. 
 John Kehler. 
 
 TEXAS. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 R. A. Hannay. 
 Thomas Hall. 
 H. G. Goree. 
 David Abner. 
 SECOND DISTRICT. 
 
 Fred Deremus. 
 J. M. Moore. 
 SEVENTH DISTRICT. 
 
 C. W. Ellis. 
 Waldo Mathews. 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 TWENTY-FIRST DISTRICT. 
 
 John R. Challacombe. 
 Chas. E. Selby.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 83 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 FIFTH DISTRICT. 
 
 Jos. H. Harris. Jos. P. Fontron. 
 
 Wallace Love. W. H. Waggoner. 
 
 A. C. Kinneard. Geo. J. Baer. 
 
 J. A. McLane. Jos. Reed. 
 
 (Each delegate given a half vote.) 
 
 OHIO. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 FOURTH DISTRICT. 
 
 O. E. Harrison. David Oldham. 
 
 W. L. Russell. Julius Boesel. , 
 
 SIXTH DISTRICT. 
 
 Geo. W. McMurchy. H. M. Brown. 
 
 Frank M. Couden. Walter Remley. 
 
 TWENTIETH DISTRICT. 
 
 J. N. Zerbe. D. C. True. 
 
 A. T. Spitzer. Geo. Steele. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 H. C. PAYNE, 
 
 Chairman Republican National Committee. 
 ELMER DOVER, 
 
 Secretary Republican National Committee. 
 
 REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON CRE- 
 DENTIALS ON THE WISCONSIN CASE. 
 
 To the Committee on Credentials: 
 
 Your sub-committee to whom was referred the Wisconsin case respectfully 
 report that after listening to statements made by counsel for John C. Spooner, 
 Joseph V. Quarles, Joseph W. Babcock and Emil Baensch before the Com- 
 mittee on Credentials, reviewing the printed arguments made by counsel for 
 Isaac Stephenson, Robert M. LaFollette, James H. stout and W. D. Connor and 
 the other papers filed in the case, find John C. Spooner, Joseph V. Quarles, 
 Joseph W. Babcock and Emil Baensch were the regularly elected delegates at 
 large for the State of Wisconsin and are entitled to seats in the Convention 
 as such. 
 
 WINFIELD T. DURBIN, 
 J. J. GARDNER, 
 E. C. BENTON. 
 
 Mr. L, E. McCoMAs, of Maryland. I move the adoption of the report of 
 the Committee on Credentials. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the motion of 
 the gentleman from Maryland that the report of the Committee on Creden- 
 tials be adopted. 
 
 The report was agreed to.
 
 84 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Roll of Delegates and Alternates. 
 
 The roll of delegates and alternates referred to in the report is as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Oscar R. Hundley Huntsville F. H. Lathrop Birmingham 
 
 Leander J. Bryan Montgomery Rivers Carter Birmingham 
 
 T. H. Aldrich Birmingham Henry F. Irwin Montgomery 
 
 A. N. Johnson Mobile S. S. H. Washington Montgomery 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 James T. Peterson Mobile 
 
 G. B. Deans Mobile 
 
 2 Chas. H. Scott Montgomery 
 
 Nathan H. Alexander. .Montgomery 
 3 S. M. Murphy Eufaula 
 
 M. W. Garden (Alt.) Opelika 
 
 4_W. F. Aldrich Aldrich 
 
 W. A. Cook Nottingham 
 
 5 Joseph O. Thompson, 
 
 John W. Jones. 
 6 Daniel N. Cooper Birmingham 
 
 Pope M. Long Cordova 
 
 7 H. G. Ashley Asheville 
 
 Geo. L. Malone Fort Payne 
 
 8 H. V. Cashin Decatur 
 
 Wm. T. Hutchens Huntsville 
 
 9 James W. Hughes, Sr., 
 
 J. W. Davidson, 
 
 G. H. Wilkerson Mobile 
 
 A. N. McEwen Mobile 
 
 W. S. Reese Montgomery 
 
 A. J. Collier Brundidge 
 
 A. C. Walters Eufaula 
 
 W. F. Tebbets Anniston 
 
 F. O. Dudley Clanton 
 
 Joseph C. Manning. 
 W. V. Chambliss, 
 
 J. D. Fowler Bankston 
 
 C. C. Beverly Greensboro 
 
 J. F. Sloan Cedarbluff 
 
 R. R. McClesky Boaz 
 
 J. H. McWilliams Athens 
 
 Seaborn E. York Athens 
 
 Joseph H. Montgomery. 
 N. L. Wilson. 
 
 ARKANSAS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 H. L. Remmel Little Rock G. A. A. Deane Little Rock 
 
 Sid B. Redding Little Rock E. J. Mason Portia 
 
 Charles N. Rix Hot Springs J. B. Page Hot Springs 
 
 M. W. Gibbs... ..Little Rock A. M. Middlebrooks Pine Bluff 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 T. O. Fitzpatrick Colt 
 
 Jacob Shaul Marianna 
 
 2 Chas. F. Cole Batesville 
 
 James W. Grubbs Newport 
 
 3 J. F. Henley Marshall 
 
 F. S. Baker Eureka Springs 
 
 4 E. A. Schicker Texarkana 
 
 Louis Friedman Fort Smith 
 
 6 Oscar Davis Little Rock 
 
 John W. White Russellville 
 
 6 Charles T. Duke Monticello 
 
 Ferd Havis Pine Bluff 
 
 7 A. A. Tufts Camden 
 
 W. E. Yaeger Beirne 
 
 Henry McPherson Paragould 
 
 C. B. Brown Marianna 
 
 J. E. Ford Mammoth Springs 
 
 E. C. Kinney Judsonia 
 
 E. F. Paine Yellville 
 
 A. M. Cole Winslow 
 
 George Legate Mena 
 
 J. A. Foster Harris 
 
 W. A. Singfield Little Rock 
 
 David G. Hill Little Rock 
 
 R. C. Thompson Pine Bluff 
 
 Henry Thane Arkansas City 
 
 Jeff Russell Hope 
 
 Morris Holmes Camden
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 85 
 
 CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Delegates. AT LARGE. Alternates. 
 
 George C. Pardee Oakland E. A. Forbes Marysville 
 
 John D. Spreckels San Francisco Abraham Ruef San Francisco 
 
 J. W. McKinley Los A ngeles F. K. Rule Los Angeles 
 
 George A. Knight San Francisco W. R. Porter Watsonville 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 John C. Bull, Jr Eureka D. D. Dodson Tehama 
 
 C. E. Clinch Nevada City F. P. Tuttle Auburn 
 
 2 Joseph Steffens Sacramento C. C. Donovan Santa Rosa 
 
 W. P. Hammon Oroville William Van Allen Ukiah 
 
 3 George W. Reed Oakland T. Olmstead Oakland 
 
 W. L. Crooks Benicia J. P. Stow Walnut Creek 
 
 4 M. A. Gunst San FYancisco D. D. Sullivan San Francisco 
 
 A. D. Porter San Francisco H. G. W. Dinkelspiel. . . .San Francisco 
 
 5 Mitchell Phillips San Jose C. B. Braslan San Jose 
 
 R. H. Countryman. . .San Francisco J. H. Soper San Francisco 
 
 6 Frank H. Short Fresno J. H. Fox Kings 
 
 J. G. Priestly Lockford A. W. Wyman Santa Cruz 
 
 7 Oscar Lawlor Los Angeles Willis Booth Los Angeles 
 
 J. H. Norton Los Angeles G. K. Woodword Los Angeles 
 
 8 D. F. Hunt Santa Barbara D. W. Hasson Buena Park 
 
 E. D. Roberts San Bernardino A. P. Johnson Riverside 
 
 COLORADO. 
 Delegates. AT LARGE. Alternates. 
 
 E. O. Wolcott Walhurst Daniel M. Sullivan Cripple Creek 
 
 James H. Peabody Canon City George L. Hodges Denver 
 
 Archie M. Stevenson Denver Mrs. O. E. Le Fevre Denver 
 
 Thomas F. Walsh Ouray Spencer Penrose Colorado Springs 
 
 N. Walter Dixon Pueblo Mrs. C. A. Eldridge. .Colorado Springs 
 
 Sylvester S. Downer Boulder William B. Gobin Rocky Ford 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 John W. Springer Denver R. W. Wright, Jr Denver 
 
 W. B. Minor Fort Collins E. L. Smith Greeley 
 
 2 Charles F. Caswell. .Grand Junction James M. Downing Aspen 
 
 Clyde C. Dawson Canon City Percy S. Ryder Rico 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 Delegates. AT LARGE. Alternates. 
 
 Charles F. Brooker Ansonia Charles M. Jarvis Berlin 
 
 John T. Robinson Hartford John W. Atwood Plainfield 
 
 Francis T. Maxwell Rockville Charles A. Thompson Melrose 
 
 Frederick De Peyster Portland William H. Lyons Meriden 
 
 Frank B. Brandegee New London Fayette L. Wright Pomfret 
 
 Michael Kenealy Stamford James A. Doughty Torrington 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 Charles C. Blssell Suffield Adgar F. Burndam Hartford 
 
 W. H. Hall Wellington Fred O. Vinton Mansfield 
 
 2 Charles S. Mellen New Haven William J. Leavens worth. .Wallingford 
 
 George L. Cheney .JEssex B. E. Harwood Chester 
 
 3 Edwin W. Higgins Norwich Angus Park Hanover 
 
 Edwin Milner Moosup George A. Hammond Putnam 
 
 4 George L. Rockwell Rideefield Matthew H. Rogers Bridgeport 
 
 Donald T. Warner Salisbury Charles M. Beach New Milford
 
 86 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 J. Edward Addicks. John E. Taylor. 
 
 J. Frank Allee. Geo. W. Marshall. 
 
 John Hunn. Walter O. Hoffecker. 
 
 Caleb R. Layton. Joseph H. Cahall. 
 
 Francis S. Bradley. Abram E. Frantz. 
 
 G. Layton Grier. John G. Townsend. 
 
 FLORIDA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 James N. Coombs Apalachicola William H. Lucas Jacksonville 
 
 Joseph E. Lee Jacksonville Edward Livingston Marianna 
 
 Henry S. Chubb Winter Park William H. Northup Pensacola 
 
 Mark S. White Pensacola William A. Fleming St. Augustine 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 George W. Allen Key West M. G. Gibbons. 
 
 Henry W. Chandler Ocala George R. McFarlane Tampa 
 
 2 W. G. Robinson Gainesville John W. Howell Fernandina 
 
 Thomas S. Harris Live Oak J. C. Willie Green Cove Springs 
 
 3 Charles F. Buffum Apalachicola A. B. Osgood Madison 
 
 W. H. Northup Pensacola P. A. Davidson Pensacola 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 W. H. Johnson Atlanta N. H. Swayne Cedartown 
 
 J. W. Lyons Augusta A. Akerman Macon 
 
 H. S. Edwards Macon H. M. Porter Augusta 
 
 H. L. Johnson Atlanta B. J. Davis Dawson 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 John H. Deveaux Savannah S. Schwarzweiss Waynesboro 
 
 Henry Blun, Jr Savannah W. H. Styles Thebes 
 
 2 J. C. Styles Dawson J. L. Reddick Shellman 
 
 C. G. Ward Hartsfleld E. B. Brown Tifton 
 
 3 S. S. Humbert Montezuma G. W. Humphrey Perry 
 
 F. P. Mitchell Americus S. H. Hulin Cordele 
 
 4 J. S. Garrett Columbus A. A. Douglas Talbotton 
 
 Payton A. Allen Newnan E. J. Hlnton Woodbury 
 
 5 E. F. Blodgett Atlanta W. E. Hyatt Douglasville 
 
 H. A. Rucker Atlanta Thomas Austin Jonesboro 
 
 6 R. L. Williams Griffin G. L. Braswell Clinton 
 
 P. S. Arnold Fayetteville J. A. Smith Forsythe 
 
 7 Charles Adamson Cedartown D. C. Cole Marietta 
 
 A. Maxwell Marietta J. F. Leigh Cedartown 
 
 8 M. B. Morton Athena J. E. Tate Elberton 
 
 J. E. Porche Washington George Cunningham Lexington 
 
 9 William H. C. Tate Dahlonega J. R. Smith Winder 
 
 A. J. Spence Nelson William Wilson Blueridge 
 
 10 A. W. Wimberly Augusta E. D. Smythe Augusta 
 
 B.C. May Sandersville C. A. Culpepper Warrenton 
 
 11 W. H. Mathews Brunswick W. C. Terrell Ocilla 
 
 S. S. Mincey Alley H. Brunner Fitzgerald
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 87 
 
 IDAHO. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Weldon B. Heyburn Wallace A. A. Crane 
 
 Drew M. Standrod Pocatello 
 
 James M. Stevens Blackfoot 
 
 W. E. Borah Boise 
 
 C. J. Hall Grangeville 
 
 Frank R. Gooding Shoshone 
 
 Harrison 
 
 George C. Parkinson Preston 
 
 M. M. McPherson Salmon 
 
 B. L. Steeves Welser 
 
 Mrs. J. B. West Lewiston 
 
 William T. Riley Holley 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 S. M. Cullom Springfield W. A. Northcott Greenville 
 
 Albert J. Hopkins Aurora Asa C. Mathews Pittsfield 
 
 Joseph G. Cannon Danville Paul Morton Chicago 
 
 Richard Yates Springfield Samuel Insull Chicago 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 Frank O. Lowden Chicago 
 
 Thos. J. Dixon Chicago 
 
 2 Wm. A. Coleman Chicago 
 
 D. A. Pierce Chicago 
 
 3 William H. Webber Blue Island 
 
 Edgar F. Olson Chicago 
 
 4 Thomas J. Finucane Chicago 
 
 M. G. Walsh Chicago 
 
 5 John C. Righiemer Chicago 
 
 John A. Cook Chicago 
 
 6 Fred M. Blount Chicago 
 
 William Lorimer Chicago 
 
 7 James Reddick Chicago 
 
 William E. Mason Chicago 
 
 8 Isidore H. Himes Chicago 
 
 Frederick Midgely Chicago 
 
 9 Graeme Stewart Chicago 
 
 John M. Smythe Chicago 
 
 10 James Pease Chicago 
 
 James A. Patten Evanston 
 
 11 Geo. W. Brown Wheaton 
 
 C. H. Smith Aurora 
 
 12 Walter Reeves Streator 
 
 Isaac L. Ellwood De Kalb 
 
 13 
 
 Edward E. Wilson Chicago 
 
 Frank X. Cloidt Chicago 
 
 John Hales Chicago 
 
 John S. Hair Chicago 
 
 George C. Flanner Chicago Heights 
 
 Alfred Anderson Chicago 
 
 David E. Shanahan Chicago 
 
 Peter J. Wendling Chicago 
 
 A. W. Miller Chicago 
 
 Jas. D. Banks Chicago 
 
 William H. Baker Chicago 
 
 W. H. Bennett Chicago 
 
 Henry J. Sievert Chicago 
 
 Frederick Lundin Chicago 
 
 Albert W. Lange Chicago 
 
 Adolph Herman Chicago 
 
 Charles Catlin Chicago 
 
 John C. Updegrove Chicago 
 
 Amos Pettibone Chicago 
 
 William F. Lipps Chicago 
 
 H. T. Rockwell St. Charles 
 
 W. E. Hall Harvard 
 
 Frank N. Enrietto. 
 Lars M. Noting. 
 
 14 Chas. H. Deere Moline 
 
 J. D. Diffenbaugh Monmouth 
 
 15 Theodore Becker Geneseo 
 
 L. A. Jarman Rushville 
 
 16 
 
 17 Chas. E. Perkins Lincoln 
 
 Isaac Hammers El Paso 
 
 18 Chas. C. Hitch Paris 
 
 Fenton W. Booth Marshall 
 
 Wm. M. Graham Aledo 
 
 T. C. Allen Oquawka 
 
 F. R. Jelliff Galesburg 
 
 G. L. Miller Canton 
 
 Arthur J. Scrogin Lexington 
 
 H. J. Clarke Pontiac 
 
 THIRTEENTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT OF ILLINOIS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 Franc Bacon Oregon E. W. Montgomery Galena 
 
 A. G. Harris Dixon W. W. Gillespie Savanna 
 
 SIXTEENTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT OF ILLINOIS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 C. A. Pervier Sheffield J.B.Thornton Magnolia 
 
 E. I,. Monscr Wenona Prank I,iggett Bradford
 
 88 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 ILLINOIS Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT I,ARGE. 
 
 19 Vespasian Warner Clinton 
 
 Rowland J. Hamlin Shelbyville 
 
 20 Marion Stauff er Barry 
 
 E. E. Caldwell Havana 
 
 21 Theodore Koch Carlinville 
 
 H. N. Schuyler Hanna 
 
 22 Chas. W. Thomas Belleville 
 
 H. F. Reuter Nashville 
 
 23 Charles L. Wade Vandalia 
 
 Geo. L. Pittinger Centralia 
 
 24 Thos. W. Scott Fairfield 
 
 Asa Pixley West Salem 
 
 26 C. O. Patier Cairo 
 
 W. O. Potter... ..Marion 
 
 Wiley DeWeese Deland 
 
 W. J. Cochran Sullivan 
 
 Andrew Russell Jacksonville 
 
 Frank Rowden Fielden 
 
 John R. Challacombe Hillsboro 
 
 Chas. E. Selby Springfield 
 
 W. W. Lewis Greenville 
 
 Edward Schoening Columbia 
 
 George G. Gilbert Mt. Vernon 
 
 James B. Jack Robinson 
 
 Ross Graham Carmi 
 
 W. C. Thompson Golconda 
 
 George A. Bell Cobden 
 
 C. R. Davis Pinckneyville 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 Chas. W. Fairbanks Indianapolis 
 
 Albert J. Beveridge Indianapolis 
 
 Winfleld T. Durbin Anderson 
 
 James P. Goodrich Winchester 
 
 Eph. Marsh Greenfield 
 
 Erastus P. McClure Marion 
 
 Howard Maxwell Rockville 
 
 J. L. C. McAdams Red Key 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 John H. Osborne Evansville 
 
 Joseph Hudspeth Boonville 
 
 2 Joseph Voris Bedford 
 
 Harve E. Cushman Linton 
 
 3 Samuel H. Wulfman. .Huntingburg 
 
 Harry McCrain Corydon 
 
 4 Jacob M. Bauer Lawrenceburg 
 
 Otis W. Olcott Patriot 
 
 5 W. R. McKeen Terre Haute 
 
 H. C. Robinson Martinsville 
 
 6 John J. Wingate Shelbyvilla 
 
 Francis T. Roots Connersville 
 
 7 John B. Cockrum Indianapolis 
 
 William Kothe Indianapolis 
 
 8 S. E. Clark Elwood 
 
 L. C. Davenport Bluffton 
 
 9 George T. Dinwiddie Frankfort 
 
 William H. Marker Tipton 
 
 10 Finley C. Carson Michigan City 
 
 William C. Vanatta Fowler 
 
 11 Carey E. Cowgill Wabash 
 
 Hood Loveland Peru 
 
 12 Isaac Strauss Ligonier 
 
 John W. Orndorf Churubusco 
 
 13 D. C. Knott Plymouth 
 
 Elmer W. Smith Winamac 
 
 W. B. Anderson Velpen 
 
 George Walters Poseyville 
 
 Joseph H. Campbell Bloomington 
 
 Milton S. Hastings Washington 
 
 John W. Martin Scottsburg 
 
 John A. Lingle Peoli 
 
 Thomas Wood Franklin 
 
 Lewis Tracy Whiteland 
 
 William Dorsey Terre Haute 
 
 Benjamin F. Davis North Salem 
 
 Benjamin F. Koons New Castle 
 
 John C. Shirk Brooksville 
 
 Marshall Pugh Indianapolis 
 
 James E. Twiname Indianapolis 
 
 R. K. Allison Decatur 
 
 Ora Williamson Red Key 
 
 Rankin C. Walkup Crawfordsville 
 
 Chas. W. Pigman Delphi 
 
 Harry A. Strohm Kentland 
 
 Fremont Goodwine AVilliamsport 
 
 Edmund M. Wasmuth Roanoke 
 
 B. G. Shinn Hartford City 
 
 E. C. Rurode Fort Wayne 
 
 Norman T. Jackman Auburn 
 
 Chas. J. Danielson Knox 
 
 F. H. Wurzer ,.. South Bend
 
 HON. R. B. SCHNEIDER, of Nebraska, 
 Treasurer of the Executive Committee.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 89 
 
 IOWA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 TV. B. Allison Dubuque D. H. Bowen Waukon 
 
 J. P. Dolliver Ft. Dodge C. W. Grim Estherville 
 
 A. B. Cummins Des Moines F. R. Crocker Chariton 
 
 J. W. Blythe Burlington F. W. Simmons Ottumwa 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 M. W. Bailey Washington E. H. Skinner Keosanqua 
 
 C. A. Carpenter. .Columbus J'ction 
 2 G. W. French Davenport 
 
 George M. Curtis Clinton 
 
 3 E. S. Ellsworth Iowa Falls 
 
 O. M. Gillett Independence 
 
 4 A. H. Gale Mason City 
 
 Harry Green Decorah 
 
 5 J. W. Doxsee Monticello 
 
 E. E. Clark Cedar Rapids 
 
 6 H. L. Waterman Ottumwa 
 
 John A. De Muth Melrose 
 
 7 John H. Henderson Indianola 
 
 John I. Hostetter Colo 
 
 8 W. M. Peatman Centerville 
 
 H. F. Jaqua Bedford 
 
 9 George S. Wright Council Bluffs 
 
 W. S. Ellis Red Oak 
 
 10 M. Head Jefferson 
 
 E. K. Winne Humboldt 
 
 11 R. L. Cleaves Cherokee 
 
 A. Van der Meide Orange City 
 
 C. W. Payne Mt. Pleasant 
 
 G. M. Titus Muscatjne 
 
 M. A. Raney Marengo 
 
 Berton R. Sweet Waverly 
 
 I. L. Stuart Hampton 
 
 William Smythe Rockford 
 
 J. A. Kepler North Wood 
 
 S. S. Sweet Belle Plaine 
 
 E. G. Penrose Tama 
 
 John T. Brooks Hedrick 
 
 Ham W. Robinson Colfax 
 
 J. H. Wintrode Winterset 
 
 T. J. Caldwell Adel 
 
 C. T. Hardinger Osceola 
 
 J. D. Brown Leon 
 
 M. McDonald Guthrie Center 
 
 L. F. Potter Harlan 
 
 A. J. Cole Britt 
 
 S. L. Moore Boone 
 
 R. Lipton Ida Grove 
 
 J. W. Crum ...Sheldon 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 KANSAS. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 M. A. Low Topeka 
 
 Joseph H. Richards Ft. Scott 
 
 W. S. Fitzpatrick Sedan 
 
 Hiram B. Miller Osage City 
 
 William H. Mitchell Beloit 
 
 Fred D. Smith Kinsley 
 
 Albert Sarbach Holton 
 
 Richard W. Blue Columbus 
 
 B. J. Britton Piedmont 
 
 Harry E. Richter Council Grove 
 
 William Mackey, Jr Junction City 
 
 Carr W. Taylor Hutchinson 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 W. T. F. Donald Atchison 
 
 J. W. Fleming Soldier 
 
 2 Samuel J. Stewart Humbolt 
 
 Frank R. Ogg Olathe 
 
 3 George D. Boon Chetopa 
 
 Thomas Scurr, Jr Coffeyville 
 
 4 J. W. Johnson Hamilton 
 
 William Martindale Emporia 
 
 5 S. H. Hamilton Clifton 
 
 B. Rockwell Junction City 
 
 6 Charles E. Hall Russell 
 
 Elmer E. Ames Norton 
 
 7 W. J. Fitzgerald Dodge City 
 
 O. Z. Smith.., ..Wichita 
 
 W. E. McCandless Horton 
 
 D. A. Hook Leavenworth 
 
 John Francis. 
 Joe Eddy. 
 
 William H. Kramer Neodesha 
 
 W. A. Elstun Moline 
 
 J. B. Carlisle. 
 H. J. Floersch. 
 
 Gomer Davies Concordia 
 
 L. B. McChesney Clay Center 
 
 G. W. Cross Ellis 
 
 N. A. Turner Colby 
 
 A. C. Jordan Lyons 
 
 Thomas Jackson ..Newton
 
 90 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 William O. Bradley Louisville John P. Haswell, Jr Hardinsburg 
 
 George W. Long Leitchfield Henry L. Howard Harlan 
 
 Richard P. Ernst Covington James M. DeWeese Hartford 
 
 Edward E. Underwood Frankfort W. H. Parker Beattyville 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 Phillip H. Darby Princeton R. R. Morgan Princeton 
 
 J. C. Speight Mayfield 
 
 2 James Breathitt Hopkinsville 
 
 Elijah G. Sebree Henderson 
 
 3 T. J. Sparks Central City 
 
 Walter Wilkins Elkton 
 
 4 John W. Lewis Springfield 
 
 H. F. Troutman Shepardsville 
 
 5 Augustus E. Wilson Louisville 
 
 Henry L. Stone Louisville 
 
 6 William H. Dyer Newport 
 
 Henry Scheurman Carrollton 
 
 7 Leslie Combs Lexington 
 
 W. L. Cannon Midway 
 
 8 Brutus J. Clay Richmond 
 
 George W. Welsh Danville 
 
 9 Charles F. Weaver Ashland 
 
 W. G. Dearing Flemingsburg 
 
 10 H. Green Garrett Winchester 
 
 John M. Bowling Pikesville 
 
 11 James Denton Somerset 
 
 J. G. Forrester Harlan 
 
 D. L. Redden Murray 
 
 J. M. Peters Owensboro 
 
 Wilbur Cromwell Morganfield 
 
 Earl Huntsman Scottsville 
 
 J. T. Doores Bowling Green 
 
 John W. Downard West Point 
 
 W. T. Hawkins Lebanon 
 
 B. Bernheim '. Louisville 
 
 J. Wheeler McGee .....Louisville 
 
 M. C. Ridgeway Falmouth 
 
 R. H. Lucky Williamstown 
 
 Thomas J. Hardin Monterey 
 
 Miles J. Williams Eminence 
 
 G. M. Ballard Mt. Vernon 
 
 Frank P. James Harrodsburg 
 
 John D. Little John Graysoii 
 
 H. C. Metcalfe Brooksville 
 
 John H. Hardwick Stanton 
 
 James P. Adams Slayersville 
 
 R. W. Cole Barbourville 
 
 W. T. Davis.., ...Pineville 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Walter L. Cohen. 
 Emile Kuntz. 
 Girrault Farrar. 
 H. B. N. Brown. 
 Pearl Wight. 
 H. C. Wannouth. 
 W. J. Behan. 
 L. F. Suthon. 
 
 1 Joseph Fabacher. 
 
 J. Madison Vance. 
 
 Hugh S. Suthon. 
 
 Felix Berhel. 
 2 H. W. Robinson. 
 
 M. G. Bobe. 
 
 Charles W. Godchaux. 
 
 W. J. Waguespack. 
 3 J. M. Haggerty. 
 
 A. J. Jones. 
 
 F. B. Williams. 
 
 Jules Godchaux. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 ONE-HALF VOTE EACH. 
 
 James E. Porter. 
 P. H. Segura, 
 
 D. A. Lines. 
 John Marks. 
 J. W. Porch. 
 S. A. Knapp. 
 Andrew Hero. 
 Gus Lehmann. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 ONE-HALF VOTE EACH. 
 
 C. W. Boothby. 
 I. G. Wynn. 
 A. B. Kennedy. 
 F. R. Tenneret. 
 A. C. Fowler. 
 
 E. F. R. Augustus. 
 E. J. Thllborger. 
 W. P. Luck. 
 Mayer Cahen. 
 John Tregle. 
 Jules Dreyfus. 
 Honore Dugas.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 91 
 
 LOUISIANA Continued. 
 Delegates, DISTRICTS. Alternates. 
 
 ONE-HALF VOTE EACH. 
 
 4 A. H. Leonard. J. W. Walker. 
 
 S. P. Brown. J. B. Green. 
 
 B. F. Oneal. S. Herold. 
 
 C. J. Green. W. J. Tatum. 
 
 5 J. W. Cook. George W. Stewart. 
 
 S. W. Green. John W. Robinson. 
 
 W. T. Insley. Henry E. Hardtner. 
 
 H. B. Taliaferro. Leopold Elgutter. 
 
 6 L. J. Souer. George J. Duffy. 
 
 B. V. Baranco. John Brown. 
 
 H. W. Robinson. George J. Reiley. 
 
 F. J. Webb. J. B. Churchill. 
 7 C. C. Duson. J. S. Thomas. 
 
 J. A. Spencer. Henry Erlich. 
 
 G. L. Lasalle. Joseph A. Block. 
 W. R. Wright. H. Dupuy. 
 
 MAINE. 
 Delegates. AT LARGE. Alternates. 
 
 F. E. Boothby Portland Wm. Dobson Pittsfield 
 
 Edwin Riley Livermore E. J. Mayo Foxcroft 
 
 John F. Hill Augusta Henry H. Chamberlain Bristol 
 
 F. M. Simpson Bangor Richard Webb Portland 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 Ernest M. Goodall Sanford Henry P. Cox Portland 
 
 Woodbury K. Dana Westbrook James O. Bradbury Saco 
 
 2 Sanford L. Fogg Bath A. G. Staples Auburn 
 
 Harry B. Austin Phillips A. H. Shaw Bath 
 
 3 A. G. Blunt Skowhegan Byron Boyd Augusta 
 
 Elmer P. Spofford Deer Isle Wm. H. Davis Bar Harbor 
 
 4 V. L. Coffin Harrington N. M. Jones Bangor 
 
 Albert A. Burleigh Houlton H. W. Blanchard Eastport 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 L. E. McComas Hagerstown Gist Blair Silver Spring 
 
 Stevenson A. Williams Bel Air William B. Baker Aberdeen 
 
 William H. Jackson Salisbury James H. Baker Pamona 
 
 Felix Angus Baltimore Martin M. Mulhall Baltimore 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 Henry M. McCullough Elkton William J. Vannort. 
 
 Phillips L. Goldsborough. Cambridge William A. Day. 
 
 2 Jas. E. Ingraham, Jr Pikesville Thomas V. Richardson Phoenix 
 
 Chas. C. Gorsuch Westminster E. E. Reindollar Westminster 
 
 3 D. W. Jones. Caleb F. Bond. 
 
 William S. Booze. John Kronmiller. 
 
 4 William H. Green. William T. Conn. 
 
 Harry S. Cummings. Alexander Williams. 
 
 5 Albert A. Blakeney Savage Richard N. Ryan Upper Marlboro 
 
 Thos. Parran Annapolis C. B. Henken Annapolis 
 
 6 Thos. C. Noyes Tacoma Park W. M. Nihiser. 
 
 Reno S. Harp Frederick John R. Rouzer.
 
 92 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 H. C. Lodge Nahant 
 
 W. Murray Crane Dalton 
 
 John D. Long Hingham 
 
 Everett C. Benton Boston 
 
 Graf ton D. Gushing Boston 
 
 Arthur B. Daniels Adams 
 
 Frank B. Stevens Newton 
 
 Walter B. Hopkinson. . . .Newberryport 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 James W. Toole Holyoke 
 
 William A. Gallup ... North Adams 
 2 A. H. Goetting Springfield 
 
 Henry P. Field Northampton 
 
 3 Charles G. Washburn Worcester 
 
 Samuel E. Hull Millbury 
 
 4 L. Dewart Apsley Hudson 
 
 George R. Wallace Fitchburg 
 
 5 Frank E. Dunbar Lowell 
 
 Geo. E. Kunhardt. .North Andover 
 6 John L. Hobson Haverhill 
 
 James F. Shaw Manchester 
 
 7 William Shepherd Lynn 
 
 Edward C. Mead Everett 
 
 8 Hans L. Carstein Cambridge 
 
 William B. Lawrence Medford 
 
 9 John Marno Boston 
 
 A. G. Ratshesky Boston 
 
 10 Robert G. Proctor Quincy 
 
 Harrison H. Atwood Boston 
 
 11 William W. Davis Boston 
 
 James N. Thompson Boston 
 
 12 William M. Flanders Newton 
 
 Leslie C. Wead Brookline 
 
 13 David L. Parker New Bedford 
 
 Robert T. Davis Fall River 
 
 14 David G. Pratt Middleborough 
 
 Sidney O. Bigney Attleboro 
 
 John H. C. Church. .Great Barrington 
 
 Clifton L. Field Greenfield 
 
 "Wilson H. Fairbank Warren 
 
 John W. Wheeler Orange 
 
 John P. Munroe Worcester 
 
 Joseph G. E. Page Southbridge 
 
 Elisha M. Whitney Winchendon 
 
 Wellington E. Parkhurst Clinton 
 
 Charles H. Nowell Reading 
 
 Walter E. Parker Lawrence 
 
 Walter H. Trumbull Salem 
 
 James E. Tolman Gloucester 
 
 Frank A. Bayrd Maiden 
 
 Joseph T. Wilson Nahant 
 
 Jacob Bitzer Arlington 
 
 Fred. L. Ripley Winchester 
 
 John R. Neal Winthrop 
 
 Edward B. Newton Winthrop 
 
 William L. Terhune Boston 
 
 Frederick W. Bliss Boston 
 
 Jacob H. Mock Boston 
 
 George W. Phipps Boston 
 
 Cornelius R. Day Blackstone 
 
 Albert Totten North Attleboro 
 
 William A. Andrew Marion 
 
 Herbert A. Dean Berkeley 
 
 John S. Kent Brockton 
 
 Robert A. Hammond.. ...Sandwich 
 
 MICHIGAN. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Dexter M. Ferry Detroit James O. Murfin Detroit 
 
 Thomas J. O'Brien Grand Rapids E. T. Rowley Bay City 
 
 Ralph Loveland Saginaw D. B. K. Van Raalte Holland 
 
 Thomas Walters Ishpeming Whitney Watkins Jackson 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 Allen H. Frazer Detroit 
 
 E. W. Haas Detroit 
 
 2 Charles Lewis Jackson 
 
 George D. Jones Wyandotte 
 
 3 L. M. Wing Coldwater 
 
 F. A. Roethlisberger Hillsdale 
 
 4 Charles E. Sweet Dowagiac 
 
 A. O. Duncombe Paw Paw 
 
 Charles F. Bielman. 
 Paul F. Bagley. 
 R. L. Warren. 
 E. C. Dienzer. 
 
 S. S. French 
 
 Otto Ihling 
 
 R. T. French. 
 Charles Davidson. 
 
 .Battle Creek 
 . .Kalamazoo
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 93 
 
 MICHIGAN Continued. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 5 William Judson Grand Rapids 
 
 H. F. Harbeck Grand Haven 
 
 6 F. P. Sayre Flushing 
 
 W. C. Huntington Howell 
 
 7 William B. Williams Lapeer 
 
 Dwight N. Lowell Macomb 
 
 8 Coleman C. Vaughn St. Johns 
 
 Alonzo B. Markham Caro 
 
 9 Thomas Monroe Muskegon 
 
 Calvin A. Palmer Manistee 
 
 10 Lemeul G. Defoe Alpena 
 
 William Reardon Midland 
 
 11 Theodore Schmidt Reed City 
 
 Andrew B. Dougherty. .Elk Rapids 
 12 John H. MacLean Ironwood 
 
 John W. Wells Menominee 
 
 F. P. Hicks Lowell 
 
 Brenton F. Hall Belding 
 
 O. C. Trask Williamston 
 
 Alfred Rice Dearborn 
 
 William Dawson Sanilac 
 
 John Maywood Huron 
 
 Charles T. Reynick. 
 George T. Campbell. 
 
 Gardner T. Sands Pentwater 
 
 Frank P. Dunwell Ludington 
 
 A. L. Deuel Harbor Springs 
 
 Benjamin Bennett West Branch 
 
 David Holmes Lake City 
 
 J. H. Gibbs Edmore 
 
 William J. Galbraith Calumet 
 
 Thomas B. White Escanaba 
 
 MINNESOTA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Knute Nelson Alexandria E. J. Herringer Ada 
 
 Moses E. Clapp St. Paul Frank T. White Elk River 
 
 S. R. Van Sant St. Paul A. R. McGill St. Paul 
 
 Thomas Lowry Minneapolis T. W. Hugo Duluth 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 E. B. Collester Waseca 
 
 John M. Rowley Rochester 
 
 2 Gustav F. Widell Mankato 
 
 H. C. Grass Slayton 
 
 3 W. W. Sivright Hutchinson 
 
 J. A. Gates Kenyon 
 
 4 F. B. Kellogg St. Paul 
 
 E. G. Rogers St. Paul 
 
 5 W. W. Heffelfinger Minneapolis 
 
 C. A. Smith Minneapolis 
 
 6 Frank C. Rice Park Rapids 
 
 C. H. Marsh Litchfleld 
 
 7 V. B. Seaward Marshall 
 
 L. O. Thorpe Willmer 
 
 8 Joseph B. Cotton Duluth 
 
 Charles P. DeLaittre Aitkin 
 
 9 A. D. Stephens Crookston 
 
 Amos Marckel Perham 
 
 A. S. Campbell Austin 
 
 S. A. Langum Preston 
 
 E. T. Smith Lakefield 
 
 F. L. Humiston Worthington 
 
 G. A. McKensie Gaylord 
 
 Wm. Hodgson Hastings 
 
 P. H. Stolberg Paris 
 
 Frank J. Lake Stillwater 
 
 Stewart Gamble Minneapolis 
 
 T. E. Burns Minneapolis 
 
 S. L. Frazier Verndale 
 
 George Hanscom Foley 
 
 H. Thorson Elbow Lake 
 
 C. H. Colyer Wheaton 
 
 J. E. Lynds Cloquet 
 
 W. R. Gillis Anoka 
 
 N. M. Watson Red Lake Falls 
 
 Geo. E. Perley Moorehead 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 L. B. Moseley Jackson E. P. Jones Vicksburg 
 
 F.W.Collins Summit B. F. Lacey Shilo 
 
 Wesley Crayton Vicksburg W. F. Elgin Corinth 
 
 G. C. Cranberry Raymond J. C. Hill Meridian
 
 94 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 MISSISSIPPI Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 J. T. Wood Columbus F. H. Powers... 
 
 M. A. Blanchard Muldrow 
 
 2 S. M. Howry Oxford 
 
 E. H. McKissick Holly Springs 
 
 3 R. A. Simmons. "I 
 
 Charles Banks. i One-half vote 
 
 Lewis Waldauer. ea.cb. 
 
 D. W. Gary. 
 4 J. W. Bell Pontotoc 
 
 C. A. Buchanan West Point 
 
 5 W. J. Price Meridian 
 
 J. W. Holmes Meridian 
 
 6 W. A. Collins. Hattiesburg 
 
 L. J. Piernas Bay St. Louis 
 
 7 W. O. Ligon Gloster 
 
 Thomas Richardson Port Gibson 
 
 8 W. E. Mollison Vicksburg 
 
 J. B. Tellowly Ridgeland 
 
 One-half vote each. 
 
 Starkville 
 
 D. W. Sherrod Macon 
 
 J. O. Askew Sardis 
 
 J. W. Avant Oxford 
 
 L. T. Marcus. "| 
 
 R. L. Flagg. 
 N. L. Lackey. 
 G. A. Lee. J 
 
 W. H. Jernagin Jackson 
 
 Dudley Johnson Carrollton 
 
 J. W. Smith Meridian 
 
 T. J. Wilson Meridian 
 
 J. C. Tyler Biloxi 
 
 E. D. Howell Hattiesburg 
 
 J. M. Tyler Bogue Chitto 
 
 James S. McCusker Macomb 
 
 E. W. Jones Jackson 
 
 E. W. Barnes Canton 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 L. F. Parker St. Louis J. C. Moore Arbella 
 
 Robert C. Day St. Louis Walter F. Farmer St. Louis 
 
 W. C. Pierce Marysville A. L. Thomas California 
 
 C. W. Clarke Kansas City Nelson Crews Kansas City 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 Lee T. Robison Unionville 
 
 Ed. S. Brown Edina 
 
 2 Ed. F. Daly Chillicothe 
 
 Forrest G. Ferris Moberly 
 
 3 Boyd Dudley Gallatin 
 
 B. P. Seigler Bethany 
 
 4 E. M. Birkes St. Joseph 
 
 Ed. F. Smith Savannah 
 
 5 Joseph H. Harris Kansas City 
 
 Wallace Love Kansas City 
 
 6 J. R. Hales Rich Hill 
 
 O. L. Houts Warrensburg 
 
 7 D. A. Murphy Humansville 
 
 S. P. Houston Malta Bend 
 
 8 Sid C. Roach. 
 
 Alfred G. Baker. 
 9 Taylor Frier Louisiana 
 
 A. Kramolowskl Union 
 
 10 Louis P. Aloe St. Louis 
 
 Fred Essen Clayton 
 
 11 Charles H. Witthoeff t . . . . St. Louis 
 
 Thomas K. Neidringhaus.St. Louis 
 12 George C. R. Wagoner. 
 
 A. L. Shapleigh. 
 
 John S. Newlan Lewistown 
 
 J. S. Baker Lancaster 
 
 G. D. Vlles Norborne 
 
 W. E. Flanders Paris 
 
 J. L. Tilton Grant City 
 
 Fred W. Coon Princeton 
 
 George R. Jones Phelps City 
 
 W. T. Clements. 
 
 Joseph Fontron Kansas City 
 
 W. H. Waggoner Independence 
 
 Charles Boisseau Greenfield 
 
 C. W. Hight Harrisonville 
 
 C. S. Blackmar New Franklin 
 
 W. H. Carter Sedalia 
 
 Walter Harris. 
 George G. Sullivan. 
 
 Theodore Heege Clayton 
 
 Fred H. Smith St. Louis 
 
 Hy. Pins, Jr St. Louis 
 
 E. W. Moeller St. Louis 
 
 W. H. Ludwig. 
 Clarence T. Case.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 95 
 
 MISSOURI Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 13 V. V. Ing Greenville Leo Yount Frederickstown 
 
 John H. Reppey Hillsboro R. W. Gay Ironton 
 
 14 H. A. Smith West Plains C. G. Shepard Caruthersville 
 
 H. D. Williams Poplar Bluff G. W. Peck ,. Maiden 
 
 15 W. J. Sewall Carthage G. W. Smith South West City 
 
 J. W. Coleman Marionville C. W. Curtis Neosho 
 
 16 Ben F. Russell Steeleville William H. Lynch Salem 
 
 James T. Moore Lebanon Charles H. Covert Houston 
 
 MONTANA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Joseph M. Dixon Missoula Nelson Story, Jr. 
 
 Lee Mantle. W. F. Meyer. 
 
 James W. Freeman. Charles M. Pray. 
 
 Thomas H. Carter. W. J. Brennen. 
 
 Conrad Kohrs. W. P. Baker. 
 
 J. E. Edwards. B. E. Calkins. 
 
 NEBRASKA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John F. Piper Lyons Shelby Hastings. 
 
 Harry C. Brome Omaha I. M. Raymond. 
 
 E. F. Leflang Lexington C.E.Adams. 
 
 C. B. Dempster Beatrice E. K. Valentine. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 Frank Helvey Nebraska Jesse L. Root. 
 
 W. J. CrandaU Firth Chas. H. Halstedt. 
 
 2 G. W. Wattles Omaha S. K. Spaulding. 
 
 Herman Aye Blair E. A. Benson. 
 
 3 Frank Williams Albion Homer Hansen Columbus 
 
 Frank Nelson Niobrara William P. Warner Dakota City 
 
 4 F. I. Foss Crete William Cook. 
 
 Harry M. Childs York O. P. Baker. 
 
 5 Alexander Campbell McCook R. L. Keester Alma 
 
 Adam Breede Hastings N. C. Rogers Minden 
 
 6 W. P. Miles Sidney Harvel J. Ellis Alliance 
 
 E. C. Harris Chadron Thomas Wright Ansley 
 
 NEVADA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 P. L. Flannigan. L. J. Cohn Reno 
 
 E. S. Farington. O. J. Smith Reno 
 
 S. L. Lee. H. A. Springmeyer Gardnerville 
 
 Barney Reymers. M. L. Roeder Hawthorn 
 
 P. R. McNamee. H. B. Maxson Reno 
 
 R. S. Meacham. H. Burrell . . .Elko
 
 96 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Jacob H. Gallinger : Concord James M. Lavin Berlin 
 
 Henry E. Burnham Manchester Eugene Quirin Manchester 
 
 Sumner Wallace Rochester Lycurgus Pitman Conway 
 
 Daniel C. Remich Littleton Seth M. Richards Newport 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 Edwin C. Bean Belmont William R. Clough Alton 
 
 Rosecrans W. Pillsbury Derry Thomas H. Dearborn Dover 
 
 2 Bertram. Ellis Keene Lester F. Thurber Nashua 
 
 Winston Churchill Cornish Charles H. Long Claremont 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Franklin Murphy Newark Samuel D. Dickinson Hoboken 
 
 John Kean Elizabeth Wood McKee Paterson 
 
 John F. Dryden Newark C. E. Breckenridge Maywood 
 
 David Baird Camden Griffith W. Lewis. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 J. A. Van Sant Camden Frank B. Ridgeway Woodbury 
 
 William Plummer, Jr. Wm. H. Chew Salem 
 
 2 John J. Gardner Egg Harbor L. N. Cresse Ocean City 
 
 Bloomfield H. Minch Millville Howard Burr Pemberton 
 
 3 Andrew Church. S. S. Taylor Lakewood 
 
 Edmund Wilson Red Bank B. S. Crosby Tuckerton 
 
 4 James B. Duke. John A. Shields Flemington 
 
 C. Edward Murray. Harry A. Garfield Princeton 
 
 5 James H. McGraw Madison Alex. Gilbert Plainfleld 
 
 A. Blair Kelsey. Frank H. Davis Elizabeth 
 
 6 William M. Johnson. . .Hackensack Peter Quackenbush Paterson 
 
 William Barbour Paterson Jas. P. T. Tonking. .Franklin Furnace 
 
 7 Henry M. Doremus Newark Benj. Graham Montclair 
 
 Thomas D. Webb Orange John B. Wood Newark 
 
 8 Leslie D. Ward Newark H. C. H. Herold Newark 
 
 Ira D. Kipp South Orange Chas. Starr East Orange 
 
 9 W. G. Nelson Jersey City T. M. Tenbroeck Bayonne 
 
 William J. Davis Harrison Fred'k Dieffenbach Jersey City 
 
 10 Aaron F. Baldwin Hoboken Herman Walker Guttenburg 
 
 Mark Fagan Jersey City Philip J. Dandt Jersey City 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Thomas C. Platt Owego Jacob S. Fassett Elmira 
 
 Chauncey M. Depew. . . .New York City Louis Stern New York City 
 
 Benjamin B. Odell, Jr Newburgh Erastus C. Knight Buffalo 
 
 Frank S. Black Troy Henry C. Brewster Rochester 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 John J. Bartlett Greenport George M. Vail Riverhead 
 
 Fred P. Morris Flushing Henry Willetts Jamaica 
 
 2 Philip T. Williams Brooklyn Wm. E. F. Behrens Brooklyn 
 
 George A. Owens Brooklyn George H. Nason Brooklyn
 
 HON. HARRY S. NEW, of Indiana, 
 Member of the Executive Committee.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 97 
 
 NEW YORK Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 3_Alfred T. Hobley Brooklyn 
 
 John Wirth Brooklyn 
 
 4 John K. Neal Brooklyn 
 
 Wm. C. Rosenkranz Brooklyn 
 
 5 Robert A. Sharkey Brooklyn 
 
 Fred'k J. H. Kracke Brooklyn 
 
 6 Timothy L. Woodruff Brooklyn 
 
 William Berri Brooklyn 
 
 7 Michael J. Dady Brooklyn 
 
 Jacob Brenner Brooklyn 
 
 8 James G. Timolat..New York City 
 
 William -Halpin New York City 
 
 9 Charles H. Murray. New York City 
 
 Edward Lauterbach New York City 
 10 Thos. Rothmann. Sr.Xew York City 
 
 Thos. L. Hamilton New York City 
 11 John P. Windolph..New York City 
 
 Charles B. Page New York City 
 
 12 C. N. Bliss New York City 
 
 F. Norton Goddard.New York City 
 13 Elihu Root New York City 
 
 Nicholas Murray Butler. N. Y. City 
 14 Ambrose O. Neal.. New York City 
 
 John W. Bennett. Long Island City 
 15 Lemuel E. Quigg...New York City 
 
 Alexander T. Mason N. Y. City 
 
 16 Nathaniel A. Elsberg..N. Y. City 
 
 William N. Cohen.. New York City 
 17 Julius M. Mayer... New York City 
 
 William M. K. Olcott N. Y. City 
 
 18 William H. Ten Eyck..N. Y. City 
 
 Edward H. Healy..New York City 
 19 Wm. L. Ward Port Chester 
 
 Wm. Archer Mt. Vernon 
 
 20 John P. Roosa Monticello 
 
 Edward H. Harriman Arden 
 
 21 Louis F. Payn Chatham 
 
 John R. Yale Brewster 
 
 22 C. V. Collins Troy 
 
 James S. Parker Salem 
 
 23 Wm. Barnes, Jr Albany 
 
 John N. Parker Schenectady 
 
 24 George I. Wilber Oneonta 
 
 G. D. B. Hasbrouck Kingston 
 
 25 E. T. Brackett. ..Saratoga Springs 
 
 L. N. Littauer Gloversville 
 
 26 George R. Malby Ogdensburg 
 
 H. Wallace Knapp Mooers 
 
 27 Wm. E. Lewis Utica 
 
 J. J. Gilbert Little Falls 
 
 28 Patrick W. Cullinan Oswego 
 
 Elon R. Brown.., . .Watertown 
 
 Wm. H. Caldwell Brooklyn 
 
 Isaac Meseritz Brooklyn 
 
 George Wolf Brooklyn 
 
 Jacob D. Remsen Brooklyn 
 
 Richard M. Bennett Brooklyn 
 
 John J. Barrett Brooklyn 
 
 Alexander Robb Brooklyn 
 
 John F. Geis Brooklyn 
 
 D. H. Ralston Brooklyn 
 
 Wm. J. Seattle Brooklyn 
 
 Michael Hines New York City 
 
 Louis J. Hoenninger...New York City 
 
 Otto A. Rosalsky New York City 
 
 Jacob A. Newstead. . . .New York City 
 
 Fred L. Marshall New York City 
 
 Max Hahn New York City 
 
 Joseph T. Hackett New York City 
 
 George W. Wanmaker. .New York City 
 
 Jacob Kahn New York City 
 
 Harry E. Bedell New York City 
 
 George B. Agnew New York City 
 
 James Stewart New York City 
 
 Jastrow Alexander New York City 
 
 William H. Williams, Jr....N. Y. City 
 
 John Reisenweber New York City 
 
 William J. Rogers, Jr. . . New York City 
 
 Isaac Newman New York City 
 
 Seabury C. Mastick New York City 
 
 James Y. Watkins New York City 
 
 Ernest F. Eilert New York City 
 
 Thomas W. Whittle New York City 
 
 George T. Adee New York City 
 
 John E. Andrus Yonkers 
 
 John J. Brown White Plains 
 
 John D. Wilson Newburgh 
 
 Arthur S. Tompkins Nyack 
 
 George M. Hine Poughkeepsie 
 
 Samuel K. Phillips Matteawan 
 
 Alba M. Ide Troy 
 
 John B. Davis Granvil'e 
 
 Henry M. Sage Albany 
 
 Thomas W. Winne Niskayuna 
 
 E. Reed Ford Oneonta 
 
 Martin Cauline Kingston 
 
 Jacob Snell Fonda 
 
 L. W. Emerson Warrensburg 
 
 Royal Newton Parishville 
 
 Ben. L. Orcutt Dickinson 
 
 Van R. Weaver Utica 
 
 Chas. J. Palmer Little Falls 
 
 James A. Outterson Carthage 
 
 John S. Koster Port Leyden
 
 98 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 NEW YORK Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 29 Francis Hendricks Syracuse 
 
 Henry B. Coman Morrisville 
 
 30 John W. Dwight Dryden 
 
 George W. Dunn Binghamton 
 
 31 S. E. Payne Auburn 
 
 John Raines Canandaigua 
 
 32 George W. Aldridge Rochester 
 
 James Breck Perkins. .. .Rochester 
 33 J. Sloat Fassett Elmira 
 
 Arthur E. Valois Valois 
 
 34 James W. Wadsworth Geneseo 
 
 Fred C. Stevens. 
 35 John Grimms, Jr Buffalo 
 
 Charles Mosier Buffalo 
 
 36 William C. Warren Buffalo 
 
 Clark H. Timerman Buffalo 
 
 37 S. Fred Nixon Westfield 
 
 N. V. V. Franchot.. ... Clean 
 
 O. W. Burhyte Brookfield 
 
 Howard Newton Norwich 
 
 Wm. A. Smyth Owego 
 
 Jean L. Burnett Canandaigua 
 
 Morris F. Sheppard Penn Yan 
 
 James L. Hotchkiss Rochester 
 
 Selden S. Brown Rochester 
 
 Wm. H. Pranger Hornellsville 
 
 Wm. H. Nichols Bath 
 
 Francis T. Miller. 
 Stanislaus P. Franchot. 
 
 Charles F. Susdorf Buffalo 
 
 Nicholas J. Mock Buffalo 
 
 John G. Wallenmeier Tonawanda 
 
 Horace F. Hunt Hamburg 
 
 Julius Lincoln Jamestown 
 
 Frank Utter Friendship 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Thomas S. Rollins Ashevllle Mark W. Brown Asheville 
 
 E. Spencer Blackburn Raleigh Robert H. McNeill Jefferson 
 
 B. F. Mebane Shray Claudius Dockery Raleigh 
 
 E. C. Duncan Raleigh Louis N. Grant Goldsboro 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 Harry Skinner Greenville 
 
 I M. Meekins Elizabeth City 
 
 2 H. P. Cheatham. 
 
 S. H. Vick Wilson 
 
 3 W. S. O'B. Robinson Goldsboro 
 
 George E. Butler Clinton 
 
 4 Thomas T. Hicks Henderson 
 
 C. T. Bailey Raleigh 
 
 6 W. T. O'Brien Durham 
 
 R. D. Douglas Breensboro 
 
 6 A. H. Slocomb Fayettevllle 
 
 W. M. King. 
 7 D. M. Kimbrough Mocksville 
 
 John P. Cameron Rockingham 
 
 8 Clint Wagoner Slatesville 
 
 C. H. Cowles Wilkesboro 
 
 9 J. Y. Hamrick Shelby 
 
 C. B. Mashburn Marshall 
 
 . 8. Lusk Asheville 
 
 Thomas Settle Asheville 
 
 I. Q. A. Wood Elizabeth City 
 
 T. G. Stilley Washington 
 
 S. G. Newsome. 
 M. F. Thornton. 
 
 C. B. Hill Newbern 
 
 Charles C. Vann. 
 
 J. A. Giles Pittsboro 
 
 J. J. Reynolds. 
 R. J. Petree. 
 
 C. D. Turner Hillsboro 
 
 Fred Rice Wilmington 
 
 J. B. Holland Dunn 
 
 A. M. Clarke Southern Pines 
 
 W. S. Bouges. 
 
 Geo. L. Patterson Concord 
 
 W. S. Miller Jefferson 
 
 T. F. Roland Burnsville 
 
 J. J. George Cherryville 
 
 James J. Britt Asheville 
 
 James A. Logan Asheville
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 99 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 NORTH DAKOTA. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 H. C. Hansbrough Devils' Lake 
 
 P. J. McCumber Wahpeton 
 
 Alexander McKenzie Bismarck 
 
 H. M. Wheeler Grand Forks 
 
 L. B. Hanna Fargo 
 
 H. Peoples New Rockford 
 
 B. Prom Milton 
 
 V. B. Noble Bottineau 
 
 J. S. Metcalf Lakota 
 
 C. F. Wagner Rolla 
 
 Alvin Schmidt Hillsboro 
 
 Andrew Sandager Lisbon 
 
 A. H. Gray Valley City 
 
 S. M. Ferris Medora 
 
 J. F. Mager Pembina 
 
 P. P. Lee... ..Minot 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Myron T. Herrick Cleveland Chas. H. Grosvenor Athens 
 
 George B. Cox Cincinnati Warren G. Harding Marion 
 
 Charles Dick Akron John B. Clingerman Springfield 
 
 Joseph B. Foraker Cincinnati H. T. Eubanks Cleveland 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 August Herrman Cincinnati 
 
 Julius Fleischmann Cincinnati 
 
 2 Louis Schwab Cincinnati 
 
 Henry W. Hamman Cincinnati 
 
 3 J. E. Lowes Dayton 
 
 Isaac Hale Middletown 
 
 4 E. O. Harrison Greenville 
 
 W. L. Russell Lima 
 
 5 William Kirtley, Jr Defiance 
 
 N. E. Ma thews Ottawa 
 
 6 Geo. W. McMurchy.New Richmond 
 
 Frank M. Couden Morrow 
 
 7 H. M. Daugherty Washington C. H. 
 
 Chas. H. May Circleville 
 
 8 W. R. Warnock Urbana 
 
 Arthur H. Jones Delaware 
 
 9 George P. Waldorf Toledo 
 
 M. L. Case Bowling Green 
 
 10 S. L. Patterson Waverly 
 
 H. A. Marting Ironton 
 
 11 A. I. Vorys Lancaster 
 
 J. P. Bradbury Pomeroy 
 
 12 E. O. Randall Columbus 
 
 Chas. B. Burr Columbus 
 
 13 J. C. F. Hull Bucyrus 
 
 Robert Carey Upper Sandusky 
 
 14 J. F. Laning Norwalk 
 
 John G. Russell Mt. Gilead 
 
 15 W. D. Guilbert Caldwell 
 
 James Joyce Cambridge 
 
 16 Henry Gregg Steubenville 
 
 D. O. Rutan Carrollton 
 
 17 M. L. Smyser Wooster 
 
 S. M. Snyder Coshocton 
 
 R. K. Hynicka Cincinnati 
 
 Louis Kruckemeyer Cincinnati 
 
 Peter W. Durr Cincinnati 
 
 Christian Bardes Cincinnati 
 
 W. B. Marsh. 
 James L. Sayler. 
 
 David Oldham Sidney 
 
 Julius Boesel New Bremen 
 
 J. D. Hill Montpelier 
 
 W. C. Lawrence Van Wert 
 
 H. M. Brown Hillsboro 
 
 Walter Ramley Mt. Orab 
 
 M. L. Williams Springfield 
 
 J. W. Means.. 1 Troy 
 
 Howard D. Manington Urbana 
 
 H. W. Jewell Delaware 
 
 Chas. L. Allen Fayette 
 
 Ellsworth Dolph. 
 
 Ira A. Sternberger Jackson 
 
 C. W. Henkin Gallipolis 
 
 Edward D. Ricketts Laurelville 
 
 John Ozier McArthur 
 
 Frank R. Shinn Columbus 
 
 James Miller Marble Cliff 
 
 Henry Graef e Sandusky 
 
 J. D. Bemis Fremont 
 
 A. B. Beaverstock Mansfield 
 
 Prof. Andrews Ashland 
 
 N. H. Barber Cambridge 
 
 Chas. S. Dana Marietta 
 
 G. A. Colpritts Barnesville 
 
 J. F. McMath. 
 
 H. B. Bertolette Shreve 
 
 J. J. Rose Coshocton
 
 100 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 OHIO Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 18 J. W. McClymonds Massillon W. C. Watson East Liverpool 
 
 J. S. McNutt Salem John Stanbaugh Toungstown 
 
 19 H. T. Sheldon Windham W. I. Metcalf Chardon 
 
 L. E. Sisler Akron C. M. Wilkins Warren 
 
 20 J. B. Zerbe Euclid D. C. True Lakewood 
 
 A. T. Spitzer Medina George Steele Painesville 
 
 21 Theo. E. Burton Cleveland Louis Smithnight Cleveland 
 
 E. Bayard Cleveland Joseph Carabelli Cleveland 
 
 OREGON. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Chas. H. Carey Portland H. W. Coe Portland 
 
 H. W. Scott Portland Geo. F. Heusner Portland 
 
 W. B. Ayer Portland Sig Sichel Portland 
 
 Ira B. Smith Vale H. W. Goode Portland 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 N.C.Richards Sumpter E. F. Riley Portland 
 
 J. M. Keene Medford Leslie Scott Portland 
 
 2 J. U. Campbell Oregon City W. E. Thomas Portland 
 
 S. J. Kline Corvallis C. W. Hodson Portland 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Samuel W. Pennypacker. . .Harrisburg O. S. Hershman Pittsburg 
 
 James Elverson Philadelphia D. H. Thomas Hokendauqua 
 
 Francis L. Robbins Pittsburg Jesse L. Hartman Hollidaysburg 
 
 O. D. Bleakley Franklin Samuel B. Dick Meadville 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 Israel W. Durham Philadelphia George A. Vare Philadelphia 
 
 Henry H. Bingham. . .Philadelphia Wm. J. Milligan Philadelphia 
 
 2 Boise Penrose Philadelphia James L. Miles Philadelphia 
 
 David H. Lane Philadelphia John K. Myers Philadelphia 
 
 3 John C. Bell Philadelphia Joseph H. Klemmer Philadelphia 
 
 David Martin Philadelphia Samuel G. Maloney Philadelphia 
 
 4 John Weaver Philadelphia George Steer, Jr Philadelphia 
 
 A. Lincoln Acker Philadelphia Peter E. Smith Philadelphia 
 
 5 John M. Mack Torresdale Peter E. Costello Philadelphia 
 
 Horatio B. Hackett. . .Philadelphia John B. Lukens Philadelphia 
 
 6 A. S. L. Shields Philadelphia E. W. Paton Philadelphia 
 
 Frank Caven Philadelphia Joseph M. Adams Philadelphia 
 
 7 Wm. L. Mathues Media Fred T. Chandler Lansdowne 
 
 P. J. Lynch West Grove Richard Darlington West Chester 
 
 8 Jonas S. Harley Quakertown John T. Fish Fallsington 
 
 J. Elwood Lee Conshohocken Israel H. Supplee Bryn Mawr 
 
 9 J. Gust Zook Lancaster J. F. Mentzer Ephrata 
 
 W. W. Grlest Lancaster H. 8. Stauffer Columbia 
 
 10 Reese A. Phillips Scranton John F. Reynolds Carbondale 
 
 W. L. Connell Scranton Frank Hummler Scranton 
 
 11 H. W. Palmer Wilkesbarre W. S. Tompkins West Pittston 
 
 A. C. Leisenring Upper Lehigh L. N. Hammerling Wilkesbarre
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 101 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 12 George R. Patterson Ashland 
 
 Heister S. Albright Orwigsburg 
 
 13 A. M. High Reading 
 
 Harry C. Trexler Allentown 
 
 14 E. B. Hardenbergh Honesdale 
 
 C. F. Wright Susquehanna 
 
 15 A. C. Hopkins Lockhaven 
 
 Robert K. Young Wellsboro 
 
 16 E. E. White Mt. Carmel 
 
 James Foster Danville 
 
 17 David McClay Chambersburg 
 
 Horace E. Shelby.. New Bloomfield 
 18 Chas. H. Mullin.Mt. Holly Springs 
 
 G. Dawson Coleman Lebanon 
 
 19 A. G. Morris Tyrone 
 
 Thos. Edward Murphy. .Johnstown 
 20 James A. Dale York 
 
 Solomon D. Mehring. . Llttlestown 
 21 Americus H. Woodward .. Clearfield 
 
 Wilbur F. Reeder Bellefonte 
 
 22 Wm. H. Lusk Butler 
 
 John M. Jamison Greenburg 
 
 23 Frank M. Fuller Uniontown 
 
 Thos. S. Crago Waynesburg 
 
 24 M. S. Quay Beaver 
 
 George W. Johnson New Castle 
 
 25 Clark Olds Erie 
 
 John J. Carter Titusville 
 
 26 Frank Reeder Easton 
 
 A. R. Brittain...East Stroudsburg 
 27 N. E. Graham East Brady 
 
 M. C. Watson Indiana 
 
 28 W. E. Rice Warren 
 
 Alexander McDowell Sharon 
 
 29 Charles F. Kirschler Allegheny 
 
 James H. Willock Sewickley 
 
 30 John Dalzell Braddock 
 
 Samuel Harden Church. .Pittsburg 
 31 Wm. Flinn Pittsburg 
 
 D. L. Gillespie Pittsburg 
 
 32 John A. Bell Pittsburg 
 
 George T. Oliver Pittsburg 
 
 David R. James Shenandoah 
 
 August Knecht Pottsville 
 
 Charles W. Potteiger Reading 
 
 Alexander N. Ulrlch Catasauqua 
 
 D. W. Sturdevant Laceyville 
 
 M. E. Simmons Honesdale 
 
 Elias Deemer Williamsport 
 
 John Ormerod Coudersport 
 
 Fred P. Vincent Laporte 
 
 C. M. Clement Sunbury 
 
 Robert K. Moore McAllisterville 
 
 John C. Taylor Shade Gap 
 
 Frank E. Hollar Shippensburg 
 
 Chas. Z. Weiss Avon 
 
 John G. Anderson Tyrone 
 
 Jesse E. Dale Patton 
 
 Samuel S. Lewis York 
 
 Charles E. Deatrick Hunterstown 
 
 James P. Coburn Bellefonte 
 
 George Paton Bradford 
 
 Porter W. Lowry Butler 
 
 Harry S. Denny Ligonier 
 
 Samuel A. Kendall Myersdale 
 
 N. B. Critchfield Critchfleld 
 
 J. J. Zimmerman Rochester 
 
 J. B. Donaldson Washington 
 
 Frank L. Bliss Corry 
 
 A. W. McCoy Meadville 
 
 Thos. M. Whilden Lansford 
 
 W. A. H. Mitchell Milford 
 
 Ira J. Campbell Punxsutawney 
 
 James G. Mitchell Hamilton 
 
 George Lewis Oil City 
 
 Leon Watson Kellettville 
 
 George A. Chalfant Etna 
 
 Robert K. Cochran Allegheny 
 
 Thos. W. Patch Wilmerding 
 
 R. W. Cummins Wilkinsburg 
 
 Ernest F. Ruesch Pittsburg 
 
 A. M. Barr Pittsburg 
 
 John F. Cox Homestead 
 
 George F. Murray Pittsburg 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Charles Alexander Barrington George Batchelor Woonsocket 
 
 H. Martin Brown Providence Fred W. Allen Providence 
 
 Frank W. Tillinghast Johnston George L. Pierce Providence 
 
 Alphonse Gaulin, Jr Woonsocket J. Fred Gibson Providence
 
 102 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 RHODE ISLAND Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 Samuel L. Peck Warren John J. Watson, Jr Jamestown 
 
 Charles H. Child Providence Nathan M. Wright Providence 
 
 2 Albert B. Crafts Westerly Henry B. Kane Narragansett 
 
 Wm. L. Hodgman Warwick M. J. E. Legris Warwick 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 E. H. Deas Darlington Robert Smalls. 
 
 John G. Capers Charleston R. R. Tolbert. 
 
 L. W. C. Blalock Goldville George W. Murray. 
 
 W. D. Crum Charleston Wm. T. Smith. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 A. P. Prioleau Prioleau P. O. Samuel B. Butler. 
 
 Wm. F. Myers Walterboro A. Collins. 
 
 2 B. J. Dickerson Aiken G. G. Butler Barnwell 
 
 W. S. Dixson Barnwell J. M. Jones Saluda 
 
 3 Ernest F. Cochran Anderson R. K. Moon Pickens 
 
 Joseph W. Tolbert Greenwood J. W. Lee Abbeyville 
 
 4 A. A. Gates Greenville 
 
 P. S. Suber Laurens 
 
 5 W. E. Boykin Camden F. R. Massey Lancaster 
 
 J. C. Atkinson Loweryville John F. Jones Blacksburg 
 
 6 J. R. Levy Florence P. S. Moseley Henry 
 
 J. A. Baxter Georgetown G. W. Johnson Marvin 
 
 7 A. D. Webster Orangeburg M.J.Frederic Sumter 
 
 J. F. Ensor ....Columbia Green Jackson Columbia 
 
 SOUTH DAKOTA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 R. H. Driscoll. John L. Jolly. 
 
 Q. E. Andrews. A. J. Lockhart. 
 
 A. O. Ringsrud. E. 6. Essenhuth. 
 
 C. E. Warner. T. W. Delicate. 
 
 F. H. Davis. Ira S. Blewett. 
 N. L, Finch. C. W. Lane. 
 John R. Hughes. Henry C. Smith. 
 Henry Goddard. W. S. Hamilton. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 W. J. Brownlow Jonesboro D. C. Shwab Hartranft 
 
 H. C. Evans Chattanooga William Rule Knoxville 
 
 F. A. Raht Tullahoma John W. Grant Nashville 
 
 L. W. Dutro Memphis J. T. Settle Memphis 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 Dana Harmon Greenville S. H. Gault Rogersville 
 
 George E. Boren Bristol W. B. Bachman Bluff City 
 
 2 N. W. Hale Knoxville F. W. Galbraith Jefferson City 
 
 Harvey M. La Follette.La Follette J. E, Casaidy Loudon
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 103 
 
 TENNESSEE Contin ued. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 3 F. L. Mansfield Athens 
 
 H. S. Chamberlain. .. .Chattanooga 
 4 B. W. Burford Lebanon 
 
 John E. Oliver Cookeville 
 
 6 Robert H. Hayes Lewisburg 
 
 Ernest Caldwell Shelbyville 
 
 6 J. C. Napier Nashville 
 
 John T. Lattin Nashville 
 
 7 James C. Hickman Lynnville 
 
 William K. Sheddan Columbia 
 
 8 T. A. Lancaster Lexington 
 
 A. A. Watson Savannah 
 
 9 A. A. Hornsby Martin 
 
 H. E. Austin Alamo 
 
 10 S. B. Anderson Memphis 
 
 C. H. Trimble Memphis 
 
 R. M. Copeland Benton 
 
 Gus Gate Cleveland 
 
 John Hall Wartburg 
 
 A. N. Derossett Cumberland 
 
 R. H. Davenport Woodbury 
 
 J. M. Eakin Fayetteville 
 
 S. A. Dabney Clarksville 
 
 Joe Stewart Dover 
 
 J. S. Beasley Centerville 
 
 D. W. Starnes Lawrenceburg 
 
 J Samuel Johnson Huntingdon 
 
 Abernathy Terry Selmer 
 
 Rives Giles Brownsville 
 
 F. W. E. Flowers Rutherford 
 
 Charles Wilson Memphis 
 
 John W. Boyd Mason 
 
 TEXAS. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Cecil A. Lyon Sherman R. A. Hannay. 
 
 R. B. Hawley -. Galveston Thos. Hall. 
 
 C. M. Ferguson. H. G. Goree. 
 
 M. M. Rodgers. David Abner. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 G. M. Guest Harris 
 
 Will E. Singleton Jefferson 
 
 2 J. H. Kurth Keltys 
 
 B. F. Wallace. 
 
 3 William M. McDonald Terrell 
 
 R. H. Mitchell Tyler 
 
 4 C. A. Gray Bonham 
 
 Frank Johnson Sherman 
 
 6 Ammon S. Wells Dallas 
 
 J. J. Cypert Itasca 
 
 6 J. Allen Meyers Bryan 
 
 G. W. Sledge Cameron 
 
 7 A. J. Rosenthal Galveston 
 
 H. L. Price. 
 8 Max Urwitz Houston 
 
 F. S. Benson Hempstead 
 
 9 O. S. York Edna 
 
 N. I. Henderson Galveston 
 
 10 Webster Flanagan Austin 
 
 John Cain Brenham 
 
 11 Charles A. Boynton Waco 
 
 Jesse Washington Morlin 
 
 12 L. M. Barkley Fort Worth 
 
 C. Dickson Cleburne 
 
 13 W. S. Simpson Bovine 
 
 R. S. Houssells Childress 
 
 14 Edwin H. Terrell San Antonio 
 
 G. N. Harrison Brownwood 
 
 15 Eugene Nolte Saguin 
 
 C. G. Brewster Laredo 
 
 16 James G. Lowdon Abilene 
 
 James A. Smith El Paso 
 
 W. T. Hughes Clarksville 
 
 R. A. Caldwell Newsom 
 
 Fred Deremus. 
 J. M. Moore. 
 J. C. Henderson. 
 S. W. Younger. 
 
 W. S. Smith Greenville 
 
 Joe Thompson Denison 
 
 R. S. Jenkins Dallas 
 
 A. M. Morrison Ennis 
 
 C. J. Hostrasser Hearns 
 
 L. K. Waggoner Groesbeck 
 
 C. W. Ellis. 
 Waldow Mathews. 
 
 W. C. Rollins Prairie View 
 
 U. W. Allen '. Huntsville 
 
 S. C. Autrey Hallettsville 
 
 Theodore Baughman Victoria 
 
 C. H. Turney Smithville 
 
 John Hickey Giddings 
 
 A. Wurts Evant 
 
 R. E. L. Holland Temple 
 
 C. S. Taylor Arlington 
 
 C. A. Dickson Cleburne 
 
 J. L. Hickson Gainesville 
 
 J. E. Lutz Vernon 
 
 Henry Terrell San Antonio 
 
 George G. Cifford San Antonio 
 
 G. W. Smith Kingsbury 
 
 Ed. Hunt Floresville 
 
 Major Smith Haskell 
 
 D. G. Hunt Eastland
 
 104 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 UTAH. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 James H. Anderson Salt Lake City Mrs. Jennie B. Nelson Ogden 
 
 George Sutherland Salt Lake City E. D. Woolley Kanab 
 
 Willard F. Snyder Salt Lake City Frank W. Fishburn Brigham City 
 
 C. B. Loose Provo George Austin Lehi 
 
 L. W. Shurtliff Ogden John W. Seeley Mt. Pleasant 
 
 H. Bullen, Jr Logan W. P. Colthorpe Vernal 
 
 VERMONT. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 -W. P. Dillingham Waterbury H. C. Whitehill Waterbury 
 
 W. Seward Webb Shelburne Thomas Mack Vergennes 
 
 Hiram N. Turner St. Johnsbury Harley E. Folsom Lyndonville 
 
 Henry S. Bingham Bennington Frank L. Greene St. Albans 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 Heman W. Allen Burlington Edward S. Fleury Isle La Motte 
 
 James F. Manning Rutland Roger W. Hulburd Hyde Park 
 
 2 Charles Downer Sharon George F. Leland Springfield 
 
 James Fisk Hooker Brattleboro Frank E. Miles Newport 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Park Agnew Alexandria J. B. Stovall Danville 
 
 S. Brown Allen Staunton A. C. Peachy Newport News 
 
 D. Lawrence Groner Norfolk C. N. Keezle Harrisonburg 
 
 Campbell Slemp Big Stone Gap Stuart F. Lindsey Bristol 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 C. G. Smithers Cape Charles R. S. Bristow. 
 
 Josephus Trader Fittchetts A. S. West. 
 
 2 G. E. Bowden Norfolk A. Aronheim Norfolk 
 
 A. H. Martin Berkley Fred. Read Newport News 
 
 3 Morgan Treat West Point M. J. Enright Sabot 
 
 James H. Hayes Richmond J. R. Pollard Richmond 
 
 4 Asa Rogers Petersburg George Richardson. 
 
 A. W. Harris Dinwiddie John W. Smith. 
 
 6 John R. Brown Martlnsville M. O. Cornett. 
 
 S. A. Reynolds Vashti John B. Anglin. 
 
 6 James M. McLaughlin. .Lynchburg R. I. Roop. 
 
 W. Lee Brand Salem Adolphus Humbles Lynchburg 
 
 7 John Acker Edom H. L. Lyman. 
 
 Charles T. Holtzman Luray A. C. Brown. 
 
 8 M. K. Lowry Brooke Joseph L, Crupper Alexandria 
 
 W. H. Eggborn Epgbornville F. M. Brooks S wetnan 
 
 9 James S. Browning Pocahontas John Eckman Pulaski 
 
 J. D. Honaker Rocky Gap M. F. Bowers Bristol 
 
 10 J. H. Buhrman Gale R. A. Fulwiler Staunton 
 
 William H. Goodwin.. ..Avon H. L. Garrett.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 105 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Charles M. Sweeney Spokane George B. Kandle Tacoma 
 
 James M. Ashton Tacoma F. C. Harper Seattle 
 
 John G. Lewis Montesano C. F. Miller Dayton 
 
 George Donald North Takima Alonzo S. Taylor Everett 
 
 A. B. Eastham Vancouver E. G. Ames Port Ludlow 
 
 Chas. E. Brigham Mt. Vernon J. R. Welty Chehalis 
 
 Levl Ankeny Walla Walla Philip Hilltz Olympia 
 
 Erastus Brainard Seattle Geo. W. Dilling Seattle 
 
 W. A. Pruder Colfax J. M. Hart Seattle 
 
 John S. McMillan Roche Harbor R, F. Johnson Seattle 
 
 A. W. Perley. 
 
 WEST VIRGINIA 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 A. L. Mallory Parkersburg Byrd Phillerman Charleston 
 
 A. N. Pr ichard Manington R. L. Gordon Fayetteville 
 
 J. L. Caldwell Huntington S. W. Willey Hinton 
 
 George W. Atkinson Charleston S. M. Steele Moundsville 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 1 John Bodley Wheeling S. C. Gist Wellsburg 
 
 Virgil L. Highland Clarksburg Chas. B. Goodwin Weston 
 
 2 F. S. Landstreet Davis O. A. Hood Keyser 
 
 Charles Lamar Martinsburg Neil J. Fortney Kingwood 
 
 3 Enoch Carver Charleston Phil Waters Charleston 
 
 Samuel Dixon Macdonald S. C. Dice Lewisburg 
 
 4 C. H. Shattuck Parkersburg G. B. Gibbens Parkersburg 
 
 W. L. Armstrong Sistersville Porter Stout West Union 
 
 5 G. W. Atkinson Bluefleld C. V. White Logan 
 
 T. E. Houston Welch Chas. M. Buck Huntington 
 
 WISCONSIN. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John C. Spooner. M. G. Jeffris. 
 
 J. V. Quarles. D. E. Riordan. 
 
 J. W. Babcock. Richard Meyer, Jr. 
 
 Emil Baensch. John M. Kehler. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 1 Ogden H. Fethers Janesville Dwight B. Barnes Delavan 
 
 George A. Yule Kenosha Nathaniel B. Treat Monroe 
 
 2 W. D. Hoard Ft. Atkinson W. E. Moore Doylestown 
 
 Frank Hall Madison G. W. Bingham Friendship 
 
 3 John G. Clark Lancaster John Knight Mineral Point 
 
 R. P. Perry Reedsburg W. R. Graves Prairie du Chien 
 
 4 C. F. Pfister Milwaukee J. E. Wildish Milwaukee 
 
 E. L. Phillips Milwaukee F. C. Winkler Milwaukee 
 
 5 A. W. James Waukesha Curtis Schafer Oconomowoc 
 
 W. I. Greene Milwaukee Henry Hinkamp Milwaukee 
 
 6 G. A. Knapp Fond du Lac W. E. Talmadge. 
 
 Samuel S. Barney West Bend D. B. Doty.
 
 106 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 WISCONSIN Continued. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 7 W. T. Sarles. Geo. B. Parker. 
 
 E. J. Foster. John O. Melby. 
 
 8 Wm. Rahr Manitowoc J. G. Griem Chilton 
 
 G. A. Whiting Neenah W. B. Angelo Wautoma 
 
 9 Frank S. Bradford Appleton William Larson Green Bay 
 
 H. P. Bird Wausaukee George Washburn Sturgeon Bay 
 
 10 J. W. Cochran Ashland M. J. Walrieh Shawano 
 
 L. N. Anson Merrill J. W. Malloy. 
 
 11 A. W. McLeod Washburn J. C. Saxton Clear Lake 
 
 D. C. Coolidge Downing B. J. Price Hudson 
 
 WYOMING. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 F. E. Warren Cheyenne E. W. Stone Cheyenne 
 
 C. D. Clark Evanston F. H. Smith Lander 
 
 Frank W. Mondell New Castle Melvin Nichols Sundance 
 
 James E. Cosgriff Rawlins C. H. King Casper 
 
 N. K. Boswell Laramie E. W. Burke Evanston 
 
 J. G. Oliver Buffalo Thos. G. Smith Buffalo 
 
 ALASKA. 
 Delegates. , Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John G. Held Juneau G. M. Irwin Juneau 
 
 Oscar Foote Juneau John W. Steadman Ketchikan 
 
 C. S. Johnson Nome Albert Fink Nome 
 
 W. T. Perkins Nome G. B. Baldwin Council City 
 
 W. D. Grant Wrangel P. C. McCormick Wrangel 
 
 J. W. Ivey Kyack Frank J. Kinghorn Valdez 
 
 ARIZONA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Alex. O. Brodie Phoenix J. S. Van Gorder Morencl 
 
 W. H. Brophy Bisbee John T. Hogue St. Johns 
 
 Jos. H. Kibbey Phoenix E. W. Childs Mammoth 
 
 H. B. Tenney Tucson Ben Daniels Nogales 
 
 J. X. Woods Winslow W. S. Head Camp Verde 
 
 Frank L. Wright Prescott J. W. Dorrington Tuma 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Robert Reyburn Washington E. G. Wescott Washington 
 
 John F. Cook Washington James L. Turner Washington 
 
 "HAWAII. 
 
 Delegates. AT LARGE. Alternates. 
 
 George R. Carter. Stephen L. Desha. 
 
 Jonah K. Kalanianaoli. Robert W. Breckons. 
 
 Wm. H. Hoogs. J. K. Nahale. 
 
 Alex. G. M. Robertson. Lincoln L. McCandless. 
 
 Wm. T. Robinson. C. H. Dickey. 
 
 Eric A. Knudsen. H. H. Brodie. 
 
 * Six delegates for this convention only.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 107 
 
 INDIAN TERRITORY. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 P. L. Soper Vinlta D. H. Shawnee Wewoka 
 
 W. H. Darrough Vinita E, L.. Cookson Cookson 
 
 C. W. Raymond Muskogee J. A. Roper Okmulgee 
 
 V. M. Locke, Jr Hamden Wm. Busby South McAlester 
 
 Eugene E. Morris Ryan J. H. Leatherman Pauls Valley 
 
 George W. Bigham Miami Wm. Mayse Peoria 
 
 NEW MEXICO. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Miguel A. Otero. W. H. Greer. 
 
 W. G. Sargent. Geo. W. Armigo. 
 
 W. E. Dame. Clark M. Carr. 
 
 D. J. Leahy. J. Van Houten. 
 W. H. H. Llewellyn. W. H. Newcomb. 
 H. O. Burson. H. J. Hagerman. 
 
 OKLAHOMA. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John H. Cotteral Guthrie J B.Dudley Norman 
 
 "W. D. Fossett Guthrie O. K. Benedict Hobart 
 
 R. A. Lowry Stillwater Geo. Carr Stone 
 
 W. C. Tetirick Blackwell J. L. Hoover Elk City 
 
 Seymour Foose Watonga O. P. Elliott Mangum 
 
 A. H. Jackson ..El Reno E. N. Yates Pawhuska 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 
 
 Delegates. AT LARGE. Alternates. 
 
 John T. McDonough. John S. Leech. 
 
 Charles A. Willard. D. W. Smith. 
 
 Grant T. Trent. J. L. Pierce. 
 
 John S. Stanley. T. C. Riser. 
 
 J. M. Switzer. W. W. Leurs. 
 
 E. L. McCullough. M. W. Creach. 
 
 PORTO RICO. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Jose Gomez Brioso. Santiago Veve. 
 
 R. H. Todd. Pedro J. Besosa. 
 
 LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION. 
 
 Mr. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, of New York. On behalf of the committee 
 appointed in reference to the invitation of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, 
 I submit the report which I send to the desk. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The report submitted by the gentleman from 
 New York will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 The committee to whom was referred the invitation of the Louisiana 
 Purchase Exposition to delegates and alternates and members of the press 
 to visit the Exposition, respectfully reports that no formal action by the
 
 108 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 convention is necessary in the premises, the invitation having been extended 
 to delegates, alternates and members of the press. 
 
 For the information of those accepting the invitation, the committee has 
 ascertained and reports the following: 
 
 The Chicago & Alton, the Illinois Central and the Wabash Railroads 
 tender the courtesies of special trains from Chicago to the Union Station at 
 St. Louis, carrying delegates and alternates of the Republican National Con- 
 vention and representatives of the press attending. 
 
 These trains will leave at 9 o'clock Thursday night, and arrive in St. 
 Louis at 6 o'clock Friday morning. The cars direct to the World's Fair 
 Grounds can be taken at the Union Station, St. Louis. 
 
 The Chairman or Secretary of each delegation is requested to report 
 Thursday morning, the names of those delegates and alternates who desire 
 transportation, in accordance with the following assignment : 
 
 Illinois Central H. J. Phelps, City Passenger and Ticket Agent, 99 
 Adams street : Alabama, California, Florida, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, 
 Massachusetts, Mississippi, Montana, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North 
 Carolina, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee. 
 
 Chicago & Alton R. Somerville, General Agent, 101 Adams street : 
 Colorado, Connecticut, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Missouri, North Da- 
 kota, Pennsylvania, Texas, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wyoming. 
 
 Wabash Railway H. Keeran, City Passenger and Ticket Agent, 97 
 Adams street : Arkansas, Delaware, Georgia, Indiana, Maine, Maryland. 
 Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New York, Ohio, South Dakota, Utah, Ver- 
 mont, Wisconsin. 
 
 Sleeping-car accommodations can be purchased at the respective ticket 
 offices up to 6 p. m. Thursday, and after that at the respective stations. Re- 
 clining-chair cars will be furnished to those not desiring to purchase berths. 
 
 Delegates and alternates will be identified at the station by the respective 
 Chairman or Secretary of the delegation immediately previous to departure 
 of special trains, and transportation to St. Louis will be furnished those who 
 have not such transportation. 
 
 Those finding it necessary to return to Chicago from St. Louis, in order 
 to use their transportation to their homes, will be provided such transporta- 
 tion to Chicago on application to C. L. Hilleary, Traffic Manager of the Ex- 
 position, office : Administration Building, World's Fair Grounds. 
 
 Members of the press, credited to the Press Section of the Convention, 
 will be furnished transportation on presentation of their credentials to Rob- 
 ert Sommerville General Agent, Chicago & Alton Railway, 101 Adams 
 street. 
 
 Delegates, alternates and members of the press requiring further infor- 
 mation, are requested to call at the Missouri Headquarters, Auditorium 
 Hotel. 
 
 Admission to World's Fair Grounds will be furnished on arrival of trains 
 at St. Louis. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The report of the committee will be placed 
 on file.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 109 
 
 GENERAL PETER JOSEPH OSTERHAUS. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I have a note informing 
 me that General Osterhaus is at the main entrance to the convention hall, 
 and that he would be pleased to attend this session of the convention. 
 
 I need not tell the convention who General Osterhaus is, for all know 
 that he was one of the most distinguished, gallant and heroic German sol- 
 diers of the Union Army during the Civil War. (Applause.) 
 
 On one occasion when General Sherman directed him to make a move- 
 ment with his division for the purpose of dislodging the enemy, he made 
 himself famous by answering and making good his answer, "I will undertake 
 the execution of your order, and if I find the enemy I will make him hell- 
 smell." (Laughter.) Since the war General Osterhaus has resided abroad. 
 He is now about eighty years of age, but his love of this country is as strong 
 as ever. I move that he be invited to a seat on the stage. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the motion 
 of the gentleman from Ohio, that General Osterhaus be invited to a seat on 
 the platform. 
 
 The motion was unanimously agreed to. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair will appoint Senator Foraker, 
 of Ohio, and General Bingham, of Pennsylvania, a committee to escort Gen- 
 eral Osterhaus to the platform. 
 
 General Osterhaus was escorted to the platform by the committee ap- 
 pointed for that purpose. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention, I have the 
 honor and the pleasure to present to you Major General Osterhaus, Corps 
 Commander of Sherman. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. PETER J. OSTERHAUS. Gentlemen of the convention, allow me to 
 thank you most heartily for the honor conferred upon me in giving me 
 permission to appear before you. Having voted for Abraham Lincoln in 
 1860 and again in 1864, at the moment when Sherman's Army was prepar- 
 ing for the march to the sea, I can have no other wish than the greatest suc- 
 cess of your assembly, and the continuance, as the result of your nomina- 
 tion, of that eminent, able and righteous course which the present Presi- 
 dent of the United States has pursued. (Applause.) 
 
 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the report 
 of the Committee on Permanent Organization. Is the committee ready to 
 report ? 
 
 Mr. WILLIAM M. JOHNSON, of New Jersey. On behalf of the Committee 
 on Permanent Organization, I have the honor to present the following re- 
 port:
 
 110 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 
 
 To the HON. ELIHU ROOT, Temporary Chairman : 
 
 The Committee on Permanent Organization begs leave to report the fol- 
 lowing, for the permanent officers of the convention : 
 
 Permanent Chairman, Hon. Joseph G. Cannon, Illinois, Speaker of the House 
 of Representatives. 
 
 General Secretary, Colonel Charles W. Johnson, Minnesota. 
 Chief Assistant Secretary, John R. Malloy, Ohio. 
 Assistant Secretaries, James G. Cannon, New York. 
 
 Thomas F. Clifford, New Hampshire. 
 Lucien Grey, Illinois. 
 Willet M. Spooner, Wisconsin. 
 T. Larry Eyre, Pennsylvania. 
 J. T. Wilson, Kentucky. 
 Rome C. Stephenson, Indiana. 
 John H. King, South Dakota, 
 T. St. John Gaffney, New York. 
 Walter S. Melick, California. 
 Edgar O. Silver, Vermont. 
 Frank D. Waterman, New York. 
 George W. Armstrong, Minnesota. 
 James H. Paddock, Illinois. 
 Franklin Murphy, Jr., New Jersey. 
 Edward C. Simms, Illinois. 
 Reading Clerks, W. H. Harrison, Nebraska. 
 
 Dennis E. Alward, Michigan. 
 E. L. Lampson, Ohio. 
 T. W. B. Duckwall, West Virginia. 
 Clerk at President's Desk, Asher C. Hinds, Maine. 
 Official Reporter, Milton W. Blumenberg, Illinois. 
 Tally Clerks, Fred B. Whitney, Illinois. 
 John W. Dixon, Nebraska, 
 Lucien Swift, Jr., Minnesota. 
 
 Messenger to Secretary, Henry F. Daniels, Wisconsin. 
 Messenger to Chairman, Curley Brewer, Indiana. 
 Sergeant-at-Arms, William F. Stone, Maryland. 
 First Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms, David C. Owen, Wisconsin. 
 Second Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms, Chas. H. Henning, West Virginia. 
 Third Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms, Eugene F. Cummings, Indiana. 
 Fourth Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms, T. H. Matters, Nebraska. 
 Fifth Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms, Albert Ferguson, New York. 
 Chief Doorkeeper, C. S. Montell, Maryland. 
 Chief Clerk, L. G. Hechinger, Maryland. 
 
 We also recommend as honorary Vice-Presidents for each State, the follow- 
 ing, as selected by the delegations thereof: 
 
 Alabama J. W. HUGHES 
 
 Arkansas CHAS. W. RDX 
 
 California E. D. ROBERTS 
 
 Colorado JAMES H. PEABODY 
 
 Connecticut DONALD T. WARNER 
 
 Delaware JOHN HUNN 
 
 Florida WALTER G. ROBINSON 
 
 Georgia J. S. GANETT 
 
 Idaho C. J. HALL 
 
 Illinois... ...CHARLES H. DEERE
 
 HON. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. 
 Who was Permanent Chairman of the Convention.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. Ill 
 
 Indiana ISAAC STRAUSS 
 
 Iowa A. B. CUMMINS 
 
 Kansas J. H. RICHARDS 
 
 Kentucky HENRY L. STONE 
 
 Louisiana B. V. BARANCO 
 
 Maine ALBERT A. BURLEIGH 
 
 Maryland STEVENSON A. WILLIAMS 
 
 Massachusetts JOHN D. LONG 
 
 Michigan DEXTER M. FERRY 
 
 Minnesota C. A. SMITH 
 
 Mississippi F. W. COLLINS 
 
 Missouri WILLIAM WARNER 
 
 Montana LEE MANTLE 
 
 Nebraska FRANK E. HELVEY 
 
 Nevada R. S. MEACHAM 
 
 New Hampshire BERTRAM ELLIS 
 
 New Jersey DAVID BAIRD 
 
 New York JOHN RAINES 
 
 North Carolina T. S. ROLLINS 
 
 North Dakota L. D. HANNA 
 
 Ohio J. E. LOWES 
 
 Oregon C. W. HODSON 
 
 Pennsylvania W. M. GRIEST 
 
 Rhode Island CHARLES H. CHILD 
 
 South Carolina L. W. C. BLALOCK 
 
 South Dakota J. R. HUGHES 
 
 Tennessee N. W. HALE 
 
 Texas WEBSTER FLANNAGAN 
 
 Utah HERSCHEL BULLER, JR. 
 
 Vermont HIRAM N. TURNER 
 
 Virginia JOHN ACKER 
 
 Washington GEORGE DONALD 
 
 West Virginia C. H. SHATTUCK 
 
 Wisconsin EMIL BAENSCH 
 
 Wyoming N. K. BOSWELL 
 
 District of Columbia JOHN F. COOK 
 
 Alaska W. D. GRANT 
 
 Arizona W. H. BROPHY 
 
 Indian Territory WILLIAM M. MELLETTE 
 
 New Mexico FRANK A. HUBBELL 
 
 Oklahoma JOHN H. COTTERAL 
 
 Hawaii W. H. HOOGS 
 
 Philippines J. S. STANLEY 
 
 Porto Rico JOSE GOMEZ BRIOSO 
 
 Respectfully submitted this 22d day of June, 1904. 
 
 G. R. CARTER, Secretary. WILLIAM M. JOHNSON, Chairman. 
 
 I move the adoption of the report. 
 
 Mr. SHELBY M. CULLOM, of Illinois. I take great pleasure, sir, in second- 
 ing the motion of the gentleman from New Jersey, who submitted the report, 
 that it be now adopted. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention, you have 
 heard the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. The question 
 is on agreeing to the report. 
 
 The report was agreed to.
 
 112 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE TO ESCORT THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair appoints the Hon. John D. Long, 
 of Massachusetts ; the Hon. Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, and the Hon. 
 Theodore E. Burton, of Ohio, a committee to escort the Permanent Chairman 
 to the platform. 
 
 The committee appointed by the Temporary Chairman escorted Mr. Jo- 
 seph G. Cannon, of Illinois, to the platform. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention, I present to 
 you as your Permanent Chairman, the man who holds the gavel of the great 
 popular legislative body of America with a grip so firm, directs it with a 
 brain so clear and a heart so sound and fair that he will wield it for many 
 and many a year to come. (Applause.) 
 
 ADDRESS OF THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Joseph G. Cannon, of Illinois). Gen- 
 tlemen of the convention, for the first time in my life I put in black and 
 white to say to you enough sentences to contain twenty-five hundred words. 
 I have tried to memorize it (laughter), but I cannot. I have given it out 
 through the usual channels to the great audience, and now I must either beg 
 to be excused entirely or I must do like we do in the House of Represen- 
 tatives under the five-minute rule, make a few feeble remarks. (Cries 
 of "Go on!") But that no man shall say that I have not made a great 
 speech, I will say that from beginning to end I heartily endorse every state- 
 ment of fact and every sentiment given you yesterday by the Temporary 
 Presiding Officer in the greatest speech I ever heard delivered at a conven- 
 tion. (Applause.) 
 
 Now let me go on and ramble (laughter). And first it is said that there 
 is no enthusiasm in this convention. Gentlemen, the great river which has 
 its thirty feet of water, rising in the mountains and growing in depth and 
 breadth as it flows down to the ocean, bears upon its bosom the commerce 
 of that section of the land which it drains ; and it bears it out to the world. 
 It is a silent river, and yet the brawling river that is like unto the River 
 Platte out in Nebraska, which is fourteen miles wide and four inches deep, 
 can make more noise than all the rivers in the world. (Applause.) 
 
 Enthusiasm! When we were young folks, twenty years ago (laughter), 
 and went to see our best girl, one of us was awfully enthusiastic if she 
 would give us the glance of the eye, the nod of the head, or the "trip-away- 
 catch me if you can" (laughter), to enter upon the chase. That was awfully 
 strenuous and awfully enthusiastic. (Laughter.) But, when she said "yes," 
 then good relations were established, and we went on evenly throughout 
 the balance of our lives. (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 It is a contest which makes enthusiasm. In 1904, as in 1900, everybody 
 has known for twelve months past who is to be our standard-bearer in 
 this campaign. (Applause.) We are ready for business. (Laughter.) I 
 wonder if our friends, the enemy, would not be glad of a little of our kind 
 of enthusiasm. (Applause.)
 
 HON. WILLIAM F. STONE, of Maryland, 
 Sergeant-at-Arms of the Convention and of the National Committee.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 113 
 
 I might illustrate it further, although I do not know that it is necessary. 
 I see before me some of my farmer friends my colleague, Col. Lowden, and 
 various others as well as some New York agriculturists. (Laughter.) 
 Now there is not one of you who raises chickens as I do who does not under- 
 stand that when the hen comes off the nest with one chicken, she does more 
 scratching and makes more noise than the motherly hen which is blessed 
 with twenty-three. (Laughter.) Our friends, the enemy, will have the 
 enthusiasm; we will take the votes in November. (Applause.) 
 
 Let us be serious for a moment. Ours is a government through parties 
 and through organizations. You once in a while find people who do not 
 want any parties. But so long as you have eighty million people compe- 
 tent for self-government, they will organize and will call the organization 
 a party. 
 
 The Republican party, born of the declaration that slavery is sectional 
 and freedom national (applause), achieved its first success in 1860 with 
 Abraham Lincoln. (Applause.) Then followed secession; the war for the 
 Union. You older men recollect it well. We have one of the survivors 
 here, and I was glad to see this body give him the courtesies of the con- 
 vention. He helped to make it possible for us to have this convention. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Forty-four years ago just about now; today, 1904. What a contrast! A 
 divided country ; a bankrupt treasury ; no credit. The Republican party had 
 power, and under its great leadership wrote revenue legislation upon the 
 statute books. It went back to the principles of Washington and Hamilton, and 
 wrote legislation that would yield revenue, fixing duties upon imports which 
 were so adjusted as to encourage every American citizen to take part in the 
 diversification of the industries and the development of the resources of the 
 country. 
 
 Will you bear with me for five minutes while I make a comparison of 
 the facts then with the condition today? In 1860 we had been substantially 
 dominated for many years by the free trade party. We were insignificant 
 in manufactures, great in agriculture. Under our policy, which, with the 
 exception of four years, has been followed from that time to this, the United 
 States remains first in agriculture, but by leaps and bounds it has diversi- 
 fied and increased its industrial enterprises, until today we are the greatest 
 manufacturing country on God's foot-stool. (Applause.) Today one-third 
 of all the world's products that come from the factory are made in the 
 United States, by the operation and co-operation of American capital and 
 American labor and skill. (Applause.) 
 
 Let me make one other statement. Our manufactured product every 
 year is greater than the entire combined manufactured product of Great 
 Britain, of Germany and of France. Where do we get the market for it? 
 Ninety-seven per cent of this great product, which constitutes one-third of 
 the world's product, finds a market amongst ourselves in the United States. 
 And yet, of this manufactured product we last year sold to foreign countries 
 over $400,000,000 worth, twenty-nine per cent of our total exports; and our
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 total exports made and make us the greatest exporting nation on earth. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 Made by labor? Yes. Made by labor that works less hours than any 
 other labor on earth. Made by labor that, conservatively stated, receives one 
 dollar and three-quarters as against the average for the competitive labor 
 in the world of one dollar. (Applause.) 
 
 Gentlemen, a few rich men do not make markets. Nay, nay. It is the 
 multiplied millions on farm, in mine and in factory, that work today and 
 consume tomorrow, who with steady employment and good wage, give us, 
 with eighty millions of people, a market equal to two hundred millions of 
 consuming people anywhere else on earth. The farmer buys the artisan's 
 product. The artisan, being employed, buys the farmer's product. The 
 wheels go round. You cannot strike one great branch of labor in the 
 Republic without the blow reacting on all producers. 
 
 Are you satisfied with the comparison from the manufacturing stand- 
 point? If not, let me give you another illustration which perhaps will go 
 home to the minds of men more quickly than the illustration I have given. 
 
 Take the Postoffice Department, which reaches all of the people and 
 for the support of which no man is taxed a penny. It is voluntary taxation. 
 In the year ended March, 1861, the year Lincoln came into power, the total 
 revenues of the Postoffice Department in all the United States were eight 
 and a half million dollars. Keep that in your minds eight and a half mil- 
 lion dollars. How much do you suppose it cost to run the service? Nine- 
 teen million ! It took all the revenue and as much more, and nearly one- 
 quarter as much more from the Treasury to pay for that postal service. 
 Gentlemen, the city postoffice of Chicago last year collected more revenues 
 by almost one million of dollars than was collected by the whole depart- 
 ment of the United States in 1860. (Applause.) 
 
 How is it now? We have on the average reduced postage over one- 
 half since 1860. Last year the postal revenues were $134,000,000 as against 
 eight and a half millions in 1860. Keep that in your minds $134,000,000. 
 And the whole service cost only $138,000,000. We had a deficit of four mil- 
 lion three per cent and we would not have had that deficit had it not been 
 that the Republican party, looking out for the welfare of all the people and 
 conducting the government from a business standpoint, under the lead of 
 McKinley, followed by Roosevelt, established rural free delivery which cost 
 $10,000,000. (Applause.) Great Heavens! The Republican party as it 
 has done from 1860 until this moment, moves forward and does what good 
 common business sense dictates, and the country grows to it. I will now 
 drop that department. 
 
 The Republican party is a national party and believes in the further 
 diversification of our industries and in the protection of American capital 
 and American labor as against cheaper labor elsewhere on earth. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 What do the other people believe in? For sixty years went out the cry, 
 "free trade throughout the world, and free ships upon the sea." On other
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 115 
 
 occasions, "a tariff for revenue only." First one and then the other. It 
 has always denounced as robbery the Republican policy of protection, and 
 whenever clothed with power, whatever its pretences, it has thrust the dag- 
 ger into the very heart of protection. 
 
 Are they not going to change? Let us see. Just before the close of 
 the last session of Congress, New York's eloquent son, Bourke Cochran. 
 a member of the House of Representatives, got the floor and preached an 
 old-fashioned Democratic sermon free trade and all that kind of thing 
 and he did it well ; and there came from the minority side of that House, 
 without exception, such cheering and crying and hurrahing and applauding 
 as I never witnessed before in the House of Representatives, because at 
 last they had the pure Democratic faith delivered to them. (Laughter.) 
 
 They were all winter trying, under the lead of Gorman in the Senate 
 and Williams in the House, to draw together people from Nebraska and 
 New England and New York and the South and the rest of the country, 
 and to impress them with the notion that the Democracy should be given 
 power in this country. They were trying to give the country Dovers pow- 
 ders. 
 
 "Oh," said my distinguished colleague in the House, the minority leader, 
 following the astute Senator Gorman, "if we come into power, while pro- 
 tection is robbery, and while we will journey in the direction of free trade 
 when you clothe us with power, we will not destroy your industries over 
 night." Great God ! Think of it ! They will not kill you outright, but they 
 will starve you to death day by day. (Laughter and applause.) They want 
 to be put on guard to protect the people who are dwelling in peace and pros- 
 perity under Republican policies. 
 
 It reminds me of a fable of Aesop. You know he records in one of his 
 fables that the wolves said to the sheep, "discharge the dogs" (who were 
 their natural protectors) "and employ us, and we will take care of you." 
 (Laughter.) Does the capital of this country and the labor of this country 
 want to go under the care of the wolf Gorman and Williams and their fel- 
 lows? I think not. 
 
 What a country it is ! And Republicans,, we have to outline the policy 
 and lead the people in caring for it. We are like the women. We not only 
 have to take care of ourselves, but as one very bright woman said, "we 
 have to take care of the men at the same time." (Laughter and applause.) 
 The Republican party not only has to care for itself, but it has to care for 
 the minority by wise policies. 
 
 How has it been doing it? We preserved the Union under the policy 
 and leadership of this party. Do you recollect that the opposition party, on 
 a demand for an armistice and negotiations and compromise, nominated Mc- 
 Clellan in 1864 and moved heaven and earth to defeat Lincoln? Do you 
 recollect that when the amendments were adopted they said "nay," "nay," and 
 even after they were ratified, when the Democrats came into power tem- 
 porarily in Indiana and Ohio, they passed acts taking back the assent of the 
 Stales? When, in the seventies, the first battle was fought against green-
 
 116 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 back or fiat money, whatever the Democrats were on the Atlantic coast they 
 were fiatists out in the Middle West. Step by step through all these forty- 
 four years, during which if you measure time by events, we have lived two 
 centuries as compared with any other period of the world's history, they have 
 pulled back and pulled back ; and when we accomplished an end and it is 
 necessary to march forward and try to accomplish other objects they have 
 moved into our old quarters and squatted down and made faces and said, 
 "You are going to send the country to hell." (Applause.) But we do not 
 mind it. We move on. (Applause.) 
 
 Why multiply words about ancient or recent conditions? Take the coun- 
 try under the administration of Grover Cleveland, and compare it to the 
 country under the administration of William McKinley and Theodore Roose- 
 velt. (Applause.) If a man who will consider conditions and dwell in 
 recollection for a moment and make a fair comparison, does not endorse the 
 policies of the Republican party, he would not "be persuaded, though one 
 rose from the dead." (Laughter.) McKinley; Roosevelt; the passage of 
 the Dingley act which restored us economic prosperity; the gold standard 
 act that settled for all time the matter of sound currency; the short trium- 
 phant war with Spain ; the Philippines and Porto Rico coming under our 
 flag, with freedom to Cuba, constitute a record that will stand in the future 
 second only to the record made by George Washington and Abraham Lin- 
 coln. (Applause.) 
 
 When imported anarchy struck down our,great President at a time when 
 partisan strife had almost ceased, the world paused in wonder and in in- 
 dignation, not in fear, because, as life went from our great leader and our 
 great President, there was a young, active, honest, courageous man standing 
 by the bed-side, who, under the Constitution, was his successor, and he 
 there said : "I am to be President, to carry out the policies of the Repub- 
 lican party, and I will journey in the footsteps of William McKinley;" and 
 the country believed him. (Applause.) 
 
 Becoming President, great things have happened in the last three years. 
 In the old world a single great policy in a generation is the exception. We 
 have more than that in our progressive country. I have given you the great 
 achievements under McKinley, his worthy and great predecessor. We had 
 the consummation of freedom to Cuba wrought out by superior statesman- 
 ship. Imperialism that was talked about under McKinley has disappeared 
 as a cry from the face of the earth, with growing civil government and peace 
 in the Philippines. Did I say from the face of the earth ? I will stick to it, 
 because the doctrinaire here and the doctrinaire there, whether it be in New 
 York or in Boston, draws his toga about him and says, "I am wiser than 
 thou," and after this great question is setttled by the consciences and the 
 intelligence of all the people, he still cries "Wolf, wolf." Well, under the 
 Constitution of the United States he has a right to. (Laughter.) Let them 
 cry. (Applause.) 
 
 Greatly bothered, they asked, "What is going to become of the Philip- 
 pines?" At last we have peace; at last we have growing civil government,
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 117 
 
 and as our eighty millions in this twentieth century shall increase from 
 eighty to two hundred and fifty millions, as we shall go out with production 
 and commerce, in the fullness of time that territory will be useful to the 
 United States, whereas in the meantime we will be like a benediction to them. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 The United States is great in production and in wealth. How great in 
 wealth? In 1850, three hundred dollars in round numbers was the per capita 
 wealth. In 1900 twelve hundred and thirty-five dollars was the per capita 
 wealth. In 1860 the wealth was measured by sixteen billion dollars ; in 1900, 
 ninety-four billions ; now a hundred billions, whereas Great Britain has an 
 aggregate wealth of only sixty billions, and she has been living and gather- 
 ing it for the last five hundred years, while in a generation we spring from 
 sixteen billions to one hundred billions. The world's wealth is four hundred 
 billion dollars. The United States has one-fourth of it. 
 
 But our friends, the enemy, some of whom are little politicians, vex the 
 air crying "trusts," "trusts," "trusts." Oh, they come out strong with good 
 lungs as trust-busters. They have been at it ever since 1890. Did they ever 
 do any busting? (Laughter.) Oh, no. There is no Jericho now, and if 
 there were, it would never happen again that they would march about its 
 walls blowing rams' horns seven times until the walls fell down. That is 
 what the Democrats seem to have been trying to do. (Laughter.) 
 
 Trusts? Yes. Great combinations of capital against public policy? Yes. 
 But the Republican party, always true to the people and its traditions, made 
 haste to provide under the Constitution legislation that would prohibit these 
 combinations. 
 
 The "Do-Something" party! It slept under Cleveland. Under McKinley 
 we had the war with Spain and the restoration of prosperity, and the young, 
 enthusiastic, true man who succeeded McKinley took the oath to see to it 
 that the laws were executed ; and he has executed the law. By the de- 
 cisions of the courts such trusts are unlawful, and they are being dissolved. 
 That is the difference between the two parties. One busts by wind, and the 
 other busts by law. (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 But that is not all. There is no country on earth that has so much 
 wealth as ours, while interest rates are cheapening and cheapening until today 
 the credit of the United States commands money at a premium at two per 
 cent, which is one per cent lower than any other nation on earth can com- 
 mand it. 
 
 Forming combinations? Yes. But all the while, with this great wealth 
 in individual hands desiring favorable investment, month by month and year 
 by year enterprising citizens desiring gain establish additional industries. 
 Take the census of 1900. It is a great thing to have the figures correctly 
 tabulated. According to the facts, and the census of 1900 shows it, only 
 fourteen per cent of the factory product came from the establishments of 
 the so-called trusts in the United States, while eighty-six per cent of the 
 factory product came from their competitors in individual and smaller 
 ownership. And it is bound to be that way, as you will see if you will stop
 
 118 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 and think. There are eighty million of our people. If some man conceives 
 the idea that when he dies wisdom will have departed, and that he can 
 corner the air and the water and the sun light, he will find eighty million 
 people, who compose our civilization, who will not only make the law go 
 into force, but by competition and enterprise will demonstrate that the 
 declaration of the enemy is a falsehood. 
 
 Can you prove it? Yes. Just a minute. In the last two years the wind 
 and the water that came from over-capitalization in forming the so-called 
 trusts have been squeezed out. There are people who make "motithbets" 
 about the price of the securities of watered companies and companies that 
 have gas on top of the water, made by the printing press, who stand around 
 and say, "it is the most extraordinary shrinkage in values that was ever 
 known." "How much?" "Oh, a good many hundreds of millions." The Wall 
 Street Journal says over a billion six hundred million. And yet every dollar 
 of property, every particle of property that was represented by this over- 
 capitalization two years ago is still with us. (Applause.) The fools who 
 bet the stock to go down and the fools who bet it to go up can fight it out. 
 It does not make one particle of difference to the eighty million people who 
 live in the sweat of their faces and do a legitimate business. (Applause.) 
 They move right on. 
 
 Gentlemen, we have the protection that comes from the law, from a sound 
 and healthful public opinion, from an active and righteous public sentiment, 
 and we have the protection growing out of the desire of our people to in- 
 vest hi enterprises in which a dollar of securities represents a dollar of in- 
 vestment or a dollar of capital ; and when such a factory comes into com- 
 petition with one which has cost a hundred cents, and is burdened with 
 another hundred cents common, and another hundred cents gas, and another 
 hundred cents moonshine, we know the inevitable result looked at from the 
 inexorable laws of trade and commerce. (Applause.) It is working out. 
 It is all right. 
 
 But says our enemy, "My God ; look at the strikes you are having in 
 this country." That is their strong suit strikes ; strikes. (Laughter.) Now, 
 what is a strike? There is first an effort by the employer and the employee 
 to agree how the profit shall be divided. If the employee does not get as 
 much as he thinks he ought to get, after arbitration has been tried he strikes. 
 They quarrel about something or the division of something. It is absolutely 
 necessary, in order to have a strike, that there should be a profit. Great 
 God, how many strikes were there under Cleveland when the Democrats had 
 the running of the country? (Laughter and applause.) Not many, because 
 the profits were scarce. There is the whole story. 
 
 "But," say our enemies, "outrageous things are done by the employer when 
 he oppresses the laborer, and outrageous things are done by some laborers 
 when they go on a strike." Yes, outrageous things are done in some of our 
 best governed churches, as well as amongst those who do not belong to any 
 church.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 119 
 
 Once in a while a citizen commits larceny. Once in a while a man com- 
 mits arson. Once in a while a man is guilty of homicide. The law is made 
 to protect society against the man who will not obey the law and who makes 
 war on his neighbors. (Applause.) That is what it is for. Yes, there are 
 law breaking and disorder law breaking in the formation of trusts ; law 
 breaking at times in the organizations of labor when they go on strike. But 
 the great body of the American people who own the wealth are not for the 
 trusts, and the great body of labor, honest men who live in the sweat of their 
 faces, are not for law breaking in strikes. (Applause.) The law, the 
 sheet anchor of civilization, is strong enough to pull down the strongest and 
 strong enough to curb the weaker and the vicious. It is strong enough, like 
 the grace of God, to throw its arms about the weakest and the poorest and 
 bring him under its protection. (Applause.) All must obey the law under 
 Theodore Roosevelt. (Applause.) He has seen and is seeing and will con- 
 tinue to see that without favor or affection the law shall be supreme and uni- 
 versal within our borders. 
 
 A few more words and I shall have concluded. Our government is of the 
 people. It is divided into co-ordinate branches the courts, the judges of 
 which hold office for life or during good behavior; the executive; the Con- 
 gress, which consists of two co-ordinate branches, the House and the Senate, 
 great legislative bodies. They could not be otherwise, born as they are of 
 eighty million people who are competent for self government. (Applause.) 
 In the Senate the tenure is for six years. The great popular body, near to the 
 people, that reflects the sentiment of the people, is chosen every two years. 
 
 You know that under our form of government the party in power is held 
 responsible. The function of the minority is to put the majority on good be- 
 havior by being ever ready to appeal to the people. Let me tell you some- 
 thing. If our government has a fault, it is that, at times, after an election, 
 a party is only partially placed in power ; in other words, it is in power on 
 only on leg in only one or at most two departments of the government. It 
 may have the Senate ; it may have the Presidency ; or it may have the House. 
 It goes along on crutches. Yet you want to hold it responsible to public 
 sentiment. If I had the power I would so change our Constitution that at 
 every quadrennial election the party that received the popular approval would 
 go fully into power and let the public have a government according to the 
 sentiment expressed at the ballot box. (Applause.) But we have not got 
 it arranged quite that way. 
 
 What is the next best thing? You like Theodore Roosevelt? Yes. 
 Stronger than his party, he will be triumphantly elected. (Applause.) You 
 like the Senate of the United States? Yes. It is a great body. It will be 
 Republican for two years more. It cannot be changed short of that time. 
 The people could change it at the end of four years, electing a third of the 
 body every two years. You like the policies of the great popular body, three 
 hundred and eighty-six strong, coming with warrants of attorney from the 
 people to cast their votes for them.
 
 120 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 If you approve of Roosevelt, if you approve of the Republican policies, 
 you are short-sighted if you refuse a working Republican majority in the 
 House of Representatives, because you cannot keep Republican house with- 
 out it. 
 
 I am done. I have already detained you longer than I expected. In 
 conclusion, let me again say that we are proud of the present ; we are hope- 
 ful of the future. The twentieth century is to bring more of good or evil 
 to the human race than the nineteenth century brought. Under what party 
 banner will you enlist? Under that of the reactionists? Under that of the 
 people who will sit still or tear down? Or will you take service with the 
 party of Lincoln, and Grant, and Garfield, and Harrison, and McKinley, and 
 Roosevelt, and help us march on? (Applause.) 
 
 Speaking to the living in the presence of the dead, tears for them and 
 admiration for the great things that they accomplished, the glory of our race 
 and of our civilization is that each generation works out its own salvation 
 and marches forward to success and the betterment of the condition of man- 
 kind, and as they drop into the grave, their successors move on to the stage 
 of action, holding fast all that the past has given us and going in turn a gen- 
 eration's march further on for the benefit of the race and of civilization. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 PRESENTATION OF GAVEL. 
 
 Mr. VOLNEY W. FOSTER, of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, the pleasant duty has 
 been assigned me to present to you this emblem of authority. The firmness 
 of its wood and the purity of the imposed metal are symbols of the charac- 
 teristics which you possess in such an eminent degree. I hope you may 
 live long and that your life may be devoted to the best uses of the Republic. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. I accept the gavel with thanks, and appre- 
 ciate the kindly sentiment expressed toward me by the citizens of my own 
 State. 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF 
 
 BUSINESS. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next order of business is the report of 
 the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. Is the committee ready to 
 report ? 
 
 Mr. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. I am directed by your Com- 
 mittee on Rules and Order of Business to submit their unanimous report for 
 the approval of the convention. 
 
 In 1888 the rules that had governed the preceding conventions of the 
 party were gone over with great care and thoroughness. The convention 
 of that year adopted a set of rules, and from that day to this, the body of the 
 order of procedure has been changed but in a limited number of its rules or 
 provisions. Your committee has followed the action of like committees in 
 preceding conventions, but several changes are made in the rules because of 
 the inclusion of the Philippine Islands and Porto Rico, and there has been 
 inserted a rule recommended by the Secretary of the National Committee,
 
 COLONEL CHARLES W. JOHNSON, of Minnesota, 
 
 General Secretary Republican National Conventions of 1892, 1896, 1900 and 
 
 1904.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 121 
 
 in order that in making up the roll of delegates and alternates and contested 
 seats, a better submission may be made than has heretofore been made in 
 the absence of any rule. 
 
 In full recognition of the fairness and familiarity of your Presiding Offi- 
 cer today, in order that he may feel perfectly at home in this convention, as 
 he always does in the Speaker's chair in the House, we have adopted the 
 rules of the House of Representatives of the Fifty-eighth Congress, when 
 not inconsistent with the rules submitted for this convention. 
 
 If I can invoke the generous patience of this convention I understand 
 that copies of the rules have been distributed for the convenience of dele- 
 gates I will proceed to read the report of the committee. 
 
 Mr. BINGHAM proceeded to read the report. 
 
 Mr. SHELBY M. CULLOM, of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I rise to make a 
 suggestion. Copies of the report which my friend, the gentleman from Penn- 
 sylvania, is reading are in the hands of the whole convention, and I suggest 
 whether it is necessary for the gentleman to proceed further with its reading. 
 
 Mr. BINGHAM. If the further reading of the report can be dispensed with; 
 it will be very agreeable to me. 
 
 Mr. CULLOM. I ask unanimous consent that that course may be pursued. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Illinois asks unani- 
 imous consent of the convention, the gentleman from Pennsylvania yielding 
 for that purpose, that the further reading of the report be dispensed with. 
 Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. 
 
 The report in full is as follows : 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF 
 
 BUSINESS. 
 
 The Committee on Rules and Order of Business have attended to the du- 
 ties assigned them, and respectfully report the following rules : 
 
 Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each 
 State equal to double the number of each Senator and Representative in Con- 
 gress; six delegates each from the Territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, 
 New Mexico and Oklahoma; six from Alaska, two from the District of Columbia, 
 two from Hawaii,* two from Porto Rico, and two from the Philippine Islands; 
 provided, that during this convention only the order already made as to the 
 aforesaid delegates from the Philippine Islands, giving them six seats with two 
 votes, shall continue. 
 
 Rule II. The rules of the House of Representatives of the Fifty-eighth 
 Congress shall be the rules of the Convention, so far as they are applicable 
 and not inconsistent with the following rules: 
 
 Rule III. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority of 
 the delegates from any State, and the demand is seconded by two or more 
 States, and the call is sustained by a majority of the Convention, the question 
 shall then be proceeded with, and disposed of according to the rules of the 
 House of Representatives in similar cases. 
 
 For this convention only was, by special vote, allowed six delegates. See 
 page 129.
 
 122 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Rule IV. A motion to suspend the rules shall be In order only when made 
 by authority of a majority of the delegates from any State, and seconded by a 
 majority of the delegates from not less than two other states. 
 
 Rule V. It shall be in order to lay on the table a proposed amendment to a 
 pending measure, and such motion, if adopted, shall not carry with it, or preju- 
 dice such measure. 
 
 Rule VI. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States shall be called 
 in alphabetical order and next the Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia, 
 Hawaii, Porto Rico, and the Philippine Islands. 
 
 Rule VII. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed 
 of before the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted upon, and the 
 report of the Committee on Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Con- 
 vention proceeds to the nomination of a candidate for President and Vice- 
 President. 
 
 Rule VIH. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall de- 
 mand that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, 
 Alaska, the District of Columbia, Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippine 
 Islands, the Secretary calling the roll of the States and Territories, Alaska, the 
 District of Columbia, Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands in the 
 order heretofore established. 
 
 Rule IX. In making the nomination for President and Vice-President, in 
 no case shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it appears at 
 the close of any roll-call that any candidate has received the majority of votes 
 to which the Convention is entitled, the President of the Convention shall 
 announce the question to be: "Shall the nomination of the candidate be made 
 unanimous?" If no candidate shall have received such majority, the Chair 
 shall direct the vote to be taken again, which shall be repeated until some 
 candidate shall have received a majority of the votes; and when any State 
 ha announced its votes it shall so stand, unless in case of numerical error. 
 
 Rule X. In the record of the votes, the vote of each State, Territory, 
 Alaska, the District of Columbia, Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands 
 shall be announced by the Chairman, and in case the vote of any S.tate, Terri- 
 tory, Alaska, the District of Columbia, Hawaii, Porto Rico or the Philippine 
 Islands shall be divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes 
 for any candidate, or for or against any proposition, but if exception is taken 
 by any delegate to the correctness of such announcement by the Chairman of 
 his delegation, the President of the Convention shall direct the roll of mem- 
 bers of such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded in accord- 
 ance with the vote individually given. 
 
 Rule XL No member shall speak more than once upon the same question, 
 nor longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the Convention, except in the 
 presentation of the names of candidates. 
 
 Rule Xn. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist 
 of one member from each State, Territory, Alaska, the District of Columbia, 
 Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. The roll shall be called and 
 the delegation from each State, Territory, Alaska, the District of Columbia, 
 Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands shall name, through its Chair- 
 man, a person who shall act as member of said committee. Such committee 
 shall Issue the call for the meeting of the National Convention within sixty 
 days at least before the time fixed for said meeting, and each Congressional 
 District in the United States shall elect its delegates to the National Conven- 
 tion In the same way as the nomination of a member for Congress is made in 
 said District, and in Territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected 
 In the same way as the nomination of a delegate to Congress is made, and 
 said National Committee shall prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for 
 the District of Columbia, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. An alternate 
 delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in case of the
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 123 
 
 absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at the same 
 time as a delegate is elected. Delegates-at-large for each State and their 
 alternates shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective States. 
 Twenty days before the day set for the meeting of the National Convention 
 the credentials of each delegate and alternate shall be forwarded to the Secre- 
 tary of the National Committee, for use in making up the temporary roll of the 
 Convention. Notices of contests shall be forwarded in the same manner and 
 within the same limits of time. And when the Convention shall have as- 
 sembled and the Committee on Credentials shall have been appointed, the 
 Secretary of the National Committee shall deliver to the said Committee on 
 Credentials all credentials and other papers forwarded under this rule. 
 
 Rule XIII. The Republican National Committee is authorized and empow- 
 ered to select an executive committee to consist of nine members, who may or 
 may not be members of the National Committee. 
 
 Rule XIV. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the 
 Committee on Resolutions without debate. 
 
 Rule XV. No person except members of the several delegations and officers 
 of the Convention shall be admitted to that section of the hall apportioned to 
 delegates. 
 
 Rule XVI. The Convention shall proceed in the following order of business: 
 First. Report of the Committee on Credentials. 
 Second. Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 
 Third. Report of the Committee on Resolutions. 
 Fourth. Naming members of the National Committee. 
 Fifth. Presentation of names of Candidates for President. 
 Sixth. Balloting. 
 
 Seventh. Presentation of names of Candidates for Vice-President. 
 Eighth. Balloting. 
 
 Ninth. Call of the roll of States, Territories, Alaska, the District of 
 Columbia, Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippines, for names of dele- 
 gates to serve respectively on Committees, to notify the nominees for 
 President and Vice-President of their selection for said offices. 
 All of which is respectfully submitted. 
 
 HENRY H. BINGHAM (Pa.), Chairman. 
 H. B. MAXSON (Nev.), Secretary. 
 RENO S. HARP (Maryland) 
 J. M. STEVENS (Idaho) 
 
 Assistant Secretaries. 
 
 Mr. BINGHAM. I move you, sir, the adoption of the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Rules and Order of Business. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves 
 the adoption of the report. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman from 
 Ohio rise? 
 
 Mr. FORAKER. To offer an amendment to the report. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will send the amendment to 
 the desk. 
 
 Mr. FORAKER. I offer it at the request of the delegation from Hawaii. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The amendment, which is in the form of a 
 resolution, will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows :
 
 124 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Resolved, That the report of the Committee on Rules be amended so as to 
 allow the six delegates from Hawaii six votes, in conformity with her sister 
 Territories of Arizona, New Mexico. Oklahoma, Indian Territory and Alaska. 
 
 Mr. FORAKER. In support of the amendment I call attention to the fact 
 that Hawaii is a Territory, made so by legislative enactment, and is entitled 
 to the same treatment that is accorded every other Territory. Each of the 
 other Territories is given six delegates. In the call of the National Com- 
 mittee Hawaii as a Territory was asked to send six delegates, and Alaska, 
 which is not a Territory, but only a district, was asked to send four dele- 
 gates. This committee has reported that Alaska shall have six delegates, 
 and Hawaii, which is a Territory, shall have only two delegates, and that 
 every other Territory shall have six delegates. We do not object to Alaska 
 having six delegates if the committee see fit so to provide, but that Hawaii 
 should be discriminated against is what is complained of on the part of the 
 Hawaiian delegation, and I think justly. 
 
 Governor Carter, who represents that delegation, is on the platform, and 
 I would be glad to have the convention hear him. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. GEORGE R. CARTER, of Hawaii. Gentlemen of the convention of the 
 Republican party, there seems to be an impression in some quarters that 
 Hawaii is not a Territory. I rise to assure you that Hawaii is on the map 
 of the United States and among the Territories of America, and not in the 
 list of its possessions. (Applause.) Twelve good, stalwart Republicans 
 have traveled five thousand miles to show our allegiance to this party. (Ap- 
 plause.) We are too good American citizens to sit still in the face of dis- 
 crimination, and too loyal Republicans to see this convention take action 
 which will injure it even in the isles beyond the sea; those emerald isles,, 
 the paradise of the Pacific. (Applause.) God grant that it may not occur, 
 but in the struggle of the future if there should arise a contest on the Pacific 
 Ocean, Hawaii will be necessary to America, and the people of Hawaii will 
 not be found wanting. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. A. J. HOPKINS, of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I trust that the amend- 
 ment offered by the gentleman from Ohio will not be adopted by this con- 
 vention, and that the enthusiasm which was displayed by the delegate from 
 the Hawaiian Islands will not carry the members of this convention away 
 from what is just and proper in determining the personnel of a great na- 
 tional convention. I do not yield even to the delegate from Hawaii in my 
 admiration for those islands, and in my zeal to support any legislation that 
 will benefit the people of the islands. 
 
 It was my province and my pleasure by my vote to assist in making the 
 Hawaiian Islands a part of the United States, and ever since that time I 
 have voted always for legislation that would benefit their people. But when 
 we come to a great national convention, we should not treat the people of 
 the islands any better than we treat the people in a congressional district in 
 the State of Illinois, or in the Empire State of New York. 
 
 Under the rules which have been proposed here by this committee, the 
 great congressional district in Illinois that the Speaker of the House of
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 125 
 
 Representatives represents, having a population of two hundred thousand 
 people, is entitled to only two delegates in this convention. The Islands of 
 Hawaii have a population of only one hundred and fifty thousand. I wish 
 to know whether we are prepared now to give one hundred and fifty thou- 
 sand people in that little Territory, greater privileges in this convention than 
 we give a congressional district in the State of Illinois, or in the State of 
 New York, or any of the other great States that form this mighty Republic? 
 
 The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Foraker) has stated that Hawaii is a 
 Territory, but I do not recognize that she is entitled, simply by reason of 
 that fact, to the same representation that we would give a million people 
 in the Territory of Oklahoma, or that we would give two hundred thousand 
 people in one of the congressional districts in the State which he so ably 
 represents in part in the Senate of the United States. If it be a question 
 of Territory, then I should be in favor of cutting down the representation 
 from the Territories rather than to give the one hundred and fifty thousand 
 people in the Hawaiian Islands a representation of six delegates in a na- 
 tional convention. 
 
 You must remember, gentlemen, that we are establishing a precedent here 
 today. We have only one candidate now, and the net result will be the same 
 whether we have two delegates or six delegates from the Hawaiian Islands. 
 But if we once establish the precedent, the time may come when the six 
 delegates representing the one hundred and fifty thousand people of the Ha- 
 waiian Islands may determine who our standard-bearer shall be. (Applause.) 
 And that is one of the reasons why I am opposed today to the increase of 
 the representation from Hawaii. You must remember that this is an act of 
 grace upon our part. When the campaign comes upon us, when we are 
 fighting the common enemy, and seeking to carry to triumphant success Re- 
 publican principles, to elect a Republican President, these people in the Ter- 
 ritories and the Hawaiian Islands cannot give us any aid. They may by 
 their votes give us a candidate who would imperil an electoral ticket in one 
 of the great States of the Republic. Hence, without taking up your time 
 further, I trust the amendment offered by the gentleman from Ohio will 
 be voted down. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. WILLIAM M. K. OLCOTT, of New York. How about the six votes 
 from Alaska? 
 
 Mr. HOPKINS. I said I should be willing to cut down that representation 
 rather than to increase this. 
 
 Mr. J. W. BABCOCK, of Wisconsin, obtained the floor. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio, addressed the Chair. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Bab- 
 cock) is recognized. If he does not press recognition at this time 
 
 Mr. BABCOCK. I will withhold for the present. 
 
 Mr. J. W. MCKINLEY, of California. California desires to press for rec- 
 ognition. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin was first 
 recognized; does he withdraw his request?
 
 126 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Mr. BABCOCK. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Under the rules, the gentleman from Ohio 
 (Mr. Foraker) having spoken once, he cannot speak again, although the Chair 
 will submit a request for unanimous consent in his behalf, if desired. 
 
 Mr. A. J. HOPKINS, of Illinois. I ask unanimous consent that the gentle- 
 man from Ohio be heard. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the 
 gentleman from Illinois? The Chair hears none. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Giairman, and gentlemen of the con- 
 vention, there is much in what was said by the distinguished gentleman from 
 Illinois (Mr. Hopkins) with which we all sympathize, and when the proper 
 time comes for making another precedent, we will all listen to his reason- 
 ing. But I submit that it is too late to raise the objection which in this case 
 has been made. 
 
 I call attention again to the fact that Hawaii is a Territory of the United 
 States. (Applause.) She has been given a territorial government, and that 
 action of the Congress of the United States was in accordance with the pro- 
 visions of the law annexing Hawaii. Hawaii, therefore, stands before us 
 when it comes to the matter of representation, in precisely the same light 
 that every other Territory stands before us. (Applause.) 
 
 New Mexico, Arizona, Oklahoma and the Indian Territory were all by the 
 call of the National Committee allowed six delegates. I think they might 
 perhaps have lessened that representation without giving cause to anybody 
 to make just complaint, but they did not do it. They gave each six dele- 
 gates, and recognizing that Alaska is not a Territory, but only a district, they 
 provided that Alaska should have four delegates. 
 
 The population of Hawaii is as great as the population of Alaska, and 
 greater. The population of Hawaii is as great as the population of Arizona, 
 and greater. The population of Hawaii is almost as great as the popula- 
 tion of New Mexico. There is not, therefore, I submit, any just reason for 
 saying now, after Hawaii has sent here at great expense six delegates all the 
 way from the Islands to represent her in response to our call, that we will 
 draw the line and cut her down to two. 
 
 The committee has given, and the convention will be giving, if it approves 
 the action of the committee, six delegates to Alaska, a district, when only 
 four were authorized; and six delegates to New Mexico and Arizona, each, 
 when Hawaii, a Territory with substantially equal population, is to get but 
 two. That is a discrimination against which we complain. What we want 
 is that all shall be treated alike, and when the next call is issued the matter 
 can be considered, and if it shall then be deemed wise to make a change 
 in representation, it can be made at that time on some basis just to all. But 
 we ought not to make it now, as an act of discrimination, after Hawaii, in 
 response to our invitation, has sent six delegates all the way from Hawaii. 
 We should not now exclude four and admit only two of the six. (Applause.)
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 127 
 
 Mr. J. W. BABCOCK, of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, as a member of the 
 Committee on Rules I wish to say that the delegates from Hawaii have al- 
 ready been seated in this convention and occupy seats on this floor at the 
 present time. The National Committee and the Committee on Rules re- 
 ported identically the same, that the six delegates should cast two votes. The 
 Committee on Rules desires to deal equitably as far as possible, and in this 
 case gave Porto Rico, Hawaii, the Philippine Islands and the District of 
 Columbia two votes each. 
 
 I appeal to the delegates of this convention, and call their attention to the 
 character of the population in the respective political subdivisions. The Dis- 
 trict of Columbia with three hundred thousand intelligent American people 
 has but two delegates. The gentleman has stated that Hawaii has one hun- 
 dred and fifty thousand people. The records show that but a short time 
 ago Hawaii had more than two hundred thousand ; that the population de- 
 creased to about one hundred and twenty-five thousand, and today is prob- 
 ably one hundred and forty thousand, according to the best information we 
 can get. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, as has been well stated by the gentleman from Illinois 
 (Mr. Hopkins), are we to give territory, far distant from the shores of our 
 mainland, which was not a part of the Louisiana purchase, as much repre- 
 sentation as other Territories which form a part of the mainland here? Are 
 we to give a population of one hundred and twenty-five thousand in those 
 islands the same representation as a Territory in the United States? I do 
 not wish, gentlemen, to make any criticism of the character of the population 
 of the respective localities, but I suggest that gentlemen make a mental 
 comparison of the population of the islands, to which it is asked that we 
 give six delegates, with three Representative districts in the great State of 
 New York, which would be entitled to an equal number of delegates dis- 
 tricts inhabited by strong, intelligent American citizens. And yet this amend- 
 ment proposes to give those islands the same representation in the great 
 national convention ; that their delegates are to come here, representing one 
 hundred and twenty-five thousand people, with the same voice that six hun- 
 dred thousand people in the great State of New York have. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, if the convention purposes seriously to consider this 
 amendment, I want to add another political subdivision. I want the District 
 of Columbia to have six representatives ; I want the State of Wisconsin, in 
 which I reside, to have seventy-eight. We have just as good Republicans 
 there as in any other State in the Union, and I can not see, Mr. Chairman, 
 why we are not entitled to the same representation as any other equal area of 
 territory. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. J. W. McKiNLEY, of California. Mr. Chairman, those who are seek- 
 ing the adoption of this amendment have not complained of any bad faith or 
 unfairness on the part of the committee, but they do say that the theories 
 upon which the committee have acted are not in accordance with those upon 
 which representation is to be determined according to the precedents and 
 according to the other portions of this report.
 
 128 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Babcock) raises the question not 
 only as to population, but also as to the character of that population. Both 
 of those matters as to representation from the Territories are false quantities 
 because, as far as the population. is concerned, they are not applicable to the 
 rules under which the representation of Territories is determined. Character 
 of population has no bearing whatever upon the representation of either 
 States or Territories. (Applause.) Time after time the Republican party 
 has turned down the proposition to determine anything with reference to 
 representation upon the basis of the character of the population. They have 
 recognized the fact that in the Southern States the numbers that largely go 
 to make up the population belong to a party which is not to be represented 
 in the halls of a Republican gathering. They have laid down the proposition 
 ' that Republicans wherever they are are entitled to adequate representation, 
 and that the character of the population is not to be considered and is not 
 a proper element for consideration in this matter. 
 
 The State of California, which I represent, standing at the gateway 
 through which come the Hawaiian representatives, recognizing the importance 
 of the extension of our interests throughout the Orient, recognizing the fact 
 that the Republican party in determining representation from the Territories 
 looks to the future as well as to the present, believes that, in recognition of 
 our great policy, we should extend our hands to the Hawaiians coming here 
 from their homes over five thousand miles distant, nearly three thousand of 
 which are across the sea. We believe they should have such representation 
 as will enable them to go home to their people and say that from a Repub- 
 lican convention they received a welcome and a God-speed which encourages 
 them to feel that in the future, as in the past, the great Republican party 
 extends its protecting power to the islands of the sea and to all people, what- 
 ever their character may be. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, in order that 
 there may be no misunderstanding as to the action of your Committee on 
 Rules, I will state that the matter of the increase of representation from 
 Hawaii was considered by your committee, and it was determined that they 
 should have the same representation in this convention, as well as in the 
 future, as they have had in the past. We increased the representation of 
 Alaska from four to six. Alaska has been on the roll of national conven- 
 tions for many years, and her original increase was from two to four, and for 
 the last sixteen years her representation has been four. Alaska has poured 
 into the industries and treasury of the country millions upon millions of 
 dollars, and in recognition of that industry and tribute to the Republic, we 
 increased the representation from four to six. (Applause.) 
 
 Now further, it must not be forgotten that perhaps in the future the 
 contests may be closer in determination than they are in this convention, 
 where it seems to be an easy line of expression to determine who shall be 
 our standard bearers. Had the Territories in the convention in Cincinnati 
 which nominated President Hayes had the representation that they have in
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 129 
 
 this convention, they could have changed and perhaps would have changed 
 the determination of that convention. 
 
 There are now from the Territories, from Oklahoma, Porto Rico, the 
 District of Columbia, Hawaii, etc., all told, thirty-eight representatives in 
 this convention ; they have nine members of the National Committee ; and 
 in defense of your Committee on Rules, I submit that we were acting in per- 
 fect fairness when we continued, as we did, the rule giving two as the repre- 
 sentation from Hawaii. 
 
 Now a word as to the action of the National Committee. In their call 
 for this convention they called for six delegates and alternates from Hawaii. 
 The National Committee went beyond their authority. The authority under 
 which the National Committee in the organization of the next convention will 
 operate is the rules adopted by this convention. The National Committee in 
 existence a few days ago operated under the rules of the convention of 1900 
 at Philadelphia. That convention determined that Hawaii should have two 
 delegates. 
 
 Now, with full recognition of the patriotic and the party sentiment that 
 has brought here this representation thousands of miles from Hawaii, and 
 in consonance with the action of the convention yesterday in giving represen- 
 tation to the Philippines, I offer to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Foraker) 
 and would ask his acceptance of a substitute, which I think will cover future 
 policy as well as meet the sentiment expressed with reference to the credit- 
 able performance on the part of the delegates from Hawaii in journeying to 
 this convention. The substitute, which I will now read, follows the action 
 of the convention yesterday with reference to the Philippine Islands : 
 
 "That the representation of Hawaii shall be two delegates ; provided, that 
 this shall not impair the rights and privileges of the six delegates already 
 seated in this convention." 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves 
 an amendment, by way of substitute, to the amendment of the gentleman 
 from Ohio. The substitute will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 "That the representation of Hawaii shall be two delegates ; provided, that 
 this shall not impair the rights and privileges of the six delegates already 
 seated in this convention." 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. I wish to say in answer to the question 
 propounded to me by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Bingham) that 
 I do not see why, if this substitute is to be now adopted, it should not be 
 made to apply to Alaska, Arizona and New Mexico as well, because they 
 have no greater population, and neither New Mexico nor Arizona has any 
 advantage over Hawaii, all being Territories alike. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the substi- 
 tute offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Bingham) for the 
 amendment submitted by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Foraker). (Putting 
 the question.) : The "ayes" seem to have it.
 
 130 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. A division. 
 
 Mr. M. G. WALSH, of Illinois. A roll call. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Under the rule a roll call can be ordered 
 on the demand of two States. Does any State demand a roll call? 
 
 Mr. J. W. McKiNLEY, of California. California demands a roll call. 
 
 Mr. H. C. HANSBROUGH, of North Dakota. North Dakota seconds the 
 demand. 
 
 The demand was also seconded by Mr. J. B. Foraker on behalf of Ohio 
 and by Mr. John W. Springer on behalf of Colorado. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will call the roll of States, and 
 the chairman of each delegation will report the yeas and nays. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. It is requested that the substitute be again 
 read. Some delegates wish to hear it again. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the absence of objection, the Clerk will 
 again read the substitute. 
 
 Mr. FORAKER. If it is not too late, I move to amend the substitute by in- 
 cluding Alaska, Arizona and New Mexico. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. That can not be done, as the roll call has 
 been ordered. 
 
 It has been requested that the substitute be again read. The Clerk will 
 read it. 
 
 The READING CLERK again read the substitute. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will call the roll on the question 
 of agreeing to the substitute offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
 (Mr. Bingham) for the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Ohio 
 (Mr. Foraker). 
 
 The Clerk proceeded to call the roll. 
 
 Mr. SHELBY M. CULLOM, of Illinois (when Illinois was called). I ask the 
 convention to allow Illinois to be passed for the moment. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the absence of objection, Illinois will be 
 passed for the time being. 
 
 Mr. GEORGE R. CARTER, of Hawaii (when Hawaii was called). Hawaii 
 does not vote. 
 
 The roll call was concluded. 
 
 Mr. SHELBY M. CULLOM, of Illinois. Illinois is now prepared to vote. 
 She casts 34 yeas and 20 nays. 
 
 Mr. M. G. WALSH, of Illinois. I challenge the vote of Illinois, and call 
 for a poll of the delegation. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The vote of Illinois is challenged. Upon 
 what ground does the gentleman challenge the vote ? 
 
 Mr. EDGAR F. OLSON, of Illinois. Upon the ground that I do not think the 
 poll of the delegation has been completed. 
 
 Mr. SHELBY M. CULLOM, of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, the report made to 
 the chairman of the delegation was as I stated it to be. If there is any mis- 
 take about it 
 
 Mr. M. G. WALSH, of Illinois. I withdraw the challenge.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 131 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Illinois withdraws his 
 challenge, and the vote will stand as recorded. 
 
 The result was announced, Yeas 495, Nays 490, as follows : 
 
 States or Whole Number 
 
 Territories. Delegates. Yeas. Nays. 
 
 Alabama 22 4 18 
 
 Arkansas 18 1 17 
 
 California 20 .. 20 
 
 Colorado 10 . . 10 
 
 Connecticut 14 .. 14 
 
 Delaware 6 1 6 
 
 Florida 10 .. 8 
 
 Georgia 26 .. 26 
 
 Idaho 6 .. 6 
 
 Illinois 54 34 20 
 
 Indiana 30 28 2 
 
 Iowa 26 .. 26 
 
 Kansas 20 20 
 
 Kentucky 26 18 8 
 
 Louisiana 18 9 9 
 
 Maine 12 4 8 
 
 Maryland 16 16 
 
 Massachusetts 32 32 
 
 Michigan 28 14 14 
 
 Minnesota 22 . . 22 
 
 Mississippi 20 .. 20 
 
 Missouri 36 14 22 
 
 Montana 6 4 2 
 
 Nebraska 16 14 2 
 
 Nevada 6 6 
 
 New Hampshire 8 2 5 
 
 New Jersey 24 10 14 
 
 New York 78 71 7 
 
 North Carolina 24 12 12 
 
 North Dakota 8 . . 8 
 
 Ohio 46 2 44 
 
 Oregon 8 . . 8 
 
 Pennsylvania 68 68 
 
 Rhode Island 8 8 
 
 South Carolina 18 9 9 
 
 South Dakota 8 .. 8 
 
 Tennessee 24 17 7 
 
 Texas 36 1 35 
 
 Utah 6 1 5 
 
 Vermont 8 8 
 
 Virginia 24 24 
 
 "Washington 10 . . 10 
 
 West Virginia 14 14 
 
 Wisconsin 26 26 
 
 Wyoming 6 1 5 
 
 District of Columbia 2 2 
 
 Alaska 6 6 
 
 Arizona 6 6 
 
 Indian Territory 6 6 
 
 New Mexico 6 6 
 
 Oklahoma 6 2 4 
 
 Hawaii *6 
 
 Philippine Islands 2 2 
 
 Porto Rico 2 2 
 
 Totals 994 495 490 
 
 *This Convention only.
 
 132 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 So Mr. Bingham's substitute for the amendment offered by Mr. Foraker 
 was agreed to. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is upon agreeing to the 
 amendment as amended. 
 
 The amendment as amended was agreed to. 
 
 Mr. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. I call for a vote on the adop- 
 tion of the report. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the report 
 of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business as amended. 
 
 The report as amended was agreed to. 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the report 
 of the Committee on Resolutions. Is the committee ready to report? 
 
 Mr. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts, rose. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Mr. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, I am in- 
 structed by the Committee on Resolutions, by a unanimous vote, to make the 
 following report: 
 
 Fifty years ago the Republican party came into existence dedicated among 
 other purposes to the great task of arresting the extension of human slavery. 
 In 1860 it elected its first President. During twenty-four of the forty-four 
 years which have elapsed since the election of Lincoln the Republican party 
 has held complete control of the government. For eighteen more of the 
 forty-four years it has held partial control through the possession of one 
 or two branches of the government, while the Democratic party during the 
 same period has had complete control for only two years. This long tenure 
 of power by the Republican party is not due to chance. It is a demonstra- 
 tion that the Republican party has commanded the confidence of the Amer- 
 ican people for nearly two generations to a degree never equaled in our his- 
 tory, and has displayed a high capacity for rule and government which has 
 been made even more conspicuous by the incapacity and infirmity of purpose 
 shown by its opponents. 
 
 The Republican party entered upon its present period of complete su- 
 premacy in 1897. We have every right to congratulate ourselves upon the 
 work since then accomplished, for it has added luster even to the traditions 
 of the party which carried the government through the storms of Civil War. 
 
 We then found the country after four years of Democratic rule in evil 
 plight, oppressed with misfortune and doubtful of the future. Public credit 
 had been lowered, the revenues were declining, the debt was growing, the 
 administration's attitude toward Spain was feeble and mortifying, and stand- 
 ard of values was threatened and uncertain, labor was unemployed, busi- 
 ness was sunk in the depression which had succeeded the panic of 1893, hope 
 was faint and confidence was gone.
 
 HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts, 
 Who was Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 133 
 
 We met these unhappy conditions vigorously, effectively, and at once. 
 We replaced a Democratic tariff law based on free trade principles and gar- 
 nished with sectional protection by a consistent protective tariff; and indus- 
 try, freed from oppression and stimulated by the encouragement of wise laws, 
 has expanded to a degree never before known, has conquered new markets, 
 and has created a volume of exports which has surpassed imagination. Un- 
 der the Dingley tariff labor has been fully employed, wages have risen, and all 
 industries have revived and prospered. 
 
 We firmly established the gold standard which was then menaced with' 
 destruction. Confidence returned to business, and with confidence an unex- 
 ampled prosperity. 
 
 For deficient revenues, supplemented by improvident issues of bonds, we 
 gave the country an income which produced a large surplus and which en- 
 abled us only four years after the Spanish war had closed to remove over 
 one hundred millions of annual war taxes, reduce the public debt, and lower 
 the interest charges of the government. 
 
 The public credit which had been so lowered that in time of peace a 
 Democratic administration made large loans at extravagant rates of interest 
 in order to pay current expenditures, rose under Republican administration 
 to its highest point and enabled us to borrow at 2 per cent even in time of 
 war. 
 
 We refused to palter longer with the miseries of Cuba. We fought a 
 quick and victorious war with Spain. We set Cuba free, governed the island 
 for three years, and then gave it to the Cuban people with order restored, 
 with ample revenues, with education and public health established, free from 
 debt, and connected with the United States by wise provisions for our 
 mutual interests. 
 
 We have organized the government of Porto Rico, and its people now 
 enjoy peace, freedom, order, and prosperity. 
 
 In the Philippines we have suppressed insurrection, established order, and 
 given to life and property a security never known there before. We have 
 organized civil government, made it effective and strong in administration, 
 and have conferred upon the people of those islands the largest civil liberty 
 they have ever enjoyed. 
 
 By our possession of the Philippines we were enabled to take prompt and 
 effective action in the relief of the legations at Peking and a decisive part 
 in preventing the partition and preserving the integrity of China. 
 
 The possession of a route for an isthmian canal, so long the dream of 
 American statesmanship, is now an accomplished fact. The great work of 
 connecting the Pacific and Atlantic by a canal is at last begun, and it is due 
 to the Republican party. 
 
 We have passed laws which will bring the arid lands of the United States 
 within the area of cultivation. 
 
 We have reorganized the army and put it in the highest state of efficiency. 
 
 We have passed laws for the improvement and support of the militia.
 
 134 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 We have pushed forward the building of the navy, the defense and protec- 
 tion of our honor and our interests. 
 
 Our administration of the great departments of the government has been 
 honest and efficient, and wherever wrongdoing has been discovered, the Re- 
 publican administration has not hesitated to probe the evil and bring offend- 
 ers to justice without regard to party or political ties. 
 
 Laws enacted by the Republican party which the Democratic party failed 
 to enforce and which were intended for the protection of the public against 
 the unjust discrimination or the illegal encroachment of vast aggregations 
 of capital, have been fearlessly enforced by a Republican President, and new 
 laws insuring reasonable publicity as to the operations of great corporations, 
 and providing additional remedies for the prevention of discrimination in 
 freight rates, have been passed by a Republican Congress. 
 
 In this record of achievement during the past eight years may be read the 
 pledges which the Republican party has fulfilled. We promise to continue 
 these policies, and we declare our constant adherence to the following prin- 
 ciples : 
 
 Protection, which guards and develops our industries, is a cardinal policy 
 of the Republican party. The measure of protection should always at least 
 equal the difference in the cost of production at home and abroad. We insist 
 upon the maintenance of the principle of protection, and, therefore, rates of 
 duty should be readjusted only when conditions have so changed that the 
 public interest demands their alteration, but this work cannot safely be com- 
 mitted to any other hands than those of the Republican party. To intrust 
 it to the Democratic party is to invite disaster. Whether, as in 1892, the 
 Democratic party declares the protective tariff unconstitutional, or whether 
 it demands tariff reform or tariff revision, its real object is always the 
 destruction of the protective system. However specious the name, the pur- 
 pose is ever the same. A Democratic tariff has always been followed by 
 business adversity: a Republican tariff by business prosperity. To a Repub- 
 lican Congress and a Republican President this great question can be safely 
 intrusted. When the only free trade country among the great nations agitates 
 a return to protection the chief protective country should not falter in main- 
 taining it. 
 
 We have extended widely our foreign markets, and we believe in the adop- 
 tion of all practicable methods for their further extension, including com- 
 mercial reciprocity wherever reciprocal arrangements can be effected con- 
 sistent with the principles of protection and without injury to American ag- 
 riculture, American labor, or any American industry. 
 
 We believe it to be the duty of the Republican party to uphold the gold 
 standard and the integrity and value of our national currency. The main- 
 tenance of the gold standard, established by the Republican party, cannot 
 safely be committed to the Democratic party, which resisted its adoption 
 and has never given any proof since that time of belief in it or fidelity to it. 
 
 While every other industry has prospered under the fostering aid of Re-
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 135 
 
 publican legislation, American shipping engaged in foreign trade in compe- 
 tition with the low cost of construction, low wages and heavy subsidies of 
 foreign governments, has not for many years received from the government 
 of the United States adequate encouragement of any kind. We therefore 
 favor legislation which will encourage and build up the American merchant 
 marine, and we cordially approve the legislation of the last Congress which 
 created the Merchant Marine Commission to investigate and report upon this 
 subject. 
 
 A navy powerful enough to defend the United States against any attack, to 
 uphold the Monroe Doctrine, and watch over our commerce, is essential to the 
 safety and the welfare of the American people. To maintain such a navy 
 is the fixed policy of the Republican party. 
 
 We cordially approve the attitude of President Roosevelt and Congress 
 in regard to the exclusion of Chinese labor, and promise a continuance of 
 the Republican policy in that direction. 
 
 The civil service law was placed on the statute books by the Republican 
 party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our former declarations 
 that it shall be thoroughly and honestly enforced. 
 
 We are always mindful of the country's debt to the soldiers and sailors of 
 the United States, and we believe in making ample provision for them and in 
 the liberal administration of the pension laws. 
 
 We favor the peaceful settlement of international differences by arbitra- 
 tion. 
 
 We commend the vigorous efforts made by the administration to protect 
 American citizens in foreign lands, and pledge ourselves to insist upon the 
 just and equal protection of all our citizens abroad. It is the unquestioned 
 duty of the government to procure for all our citizens, without distinction, 
 the rights of travel and sojourn in friendly countries, and we declare our- 
 selves in favor of all proper efforts tending to that end. 
 
 Our great interests and our growing commerce in the Orient render the 
 condition of China of high importance to the United States. We cordially 
 commend the policy pursued in that direction by the administrations of Pres- 
 ident McKinley and President Roosevelt. 
 
 We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether by special 
 discriminations the elective franchise in any State has been unconstitutionally 
 limited, and, if such is the case, we demand that representation in Congress 
 and in the electoral colleges shall be proportionally reduced as directed by the 
 Constitution of the United States. 
 
 Combinations of capital and of labor are the results of the economic 
 movement of the age, but neither must be permitted to infringe upon the 
 rights and interests of the people. Such combinations, when lawfully formed 
 for lawful purposes, are alike entitled to the protection of the laws, but 
 both are subject to the laws and neither can be permitted to break them. 
 
 The great statesman and patriotic American, William McKinley, who was 
 re-elected by the Republican party to the Presidency four years ago, was
 
 136 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 assassinated just at the threshold of his second term. The entire nation 
 mourned his untimely death and did that justice to his great qualities of 
 mind and character which history will confirm and repeat. 
 
 The American people were fortunate in his successor, to whom they turned 
 with a trust and confidence which have been fully justified. President Roose- 
 velt brought to the great responsibilities thus sadly forced upon him a clear 
 head, a brave heart, an earnest patriotism, and high ideals of public duty and 
 public service. True to the principles of the Republican party and to the 
 policies which that party had declared, he has also shown himself ready for 
 every emergency and has met new and vital questions with ability and with 
 success. 
 
 The confidence of the people in his justice, inspired by his public career, 
 enabled him to render personally an inestimable service to the country by 
 bringing about a settlement of the coal strike, which threatened such disas- 
 trous results at the opening of winter in 1002. 
 
 Our foreign policy under his administration has not only been able, vig- 
 orous, and dignified, but in the highest degree successful. 
 
 The complicated questions which arose in Venezuela were settled in such 
 a way by President Roosevelt that the Monroe doctrine was signally vin- 
 dicated and the cause of peace and arbitration greatly advanced. 
 
 His prompt and vigorous action in Panama, which we commend in the 
 highest terms, not only secured to us the canal route, but avoided foreign 
 complications which might have been of a very serious character. 
 
 He has continued the policy of President McKinley in the Orient, and 
 our position in China, signalized by our recent commercial treaty with that 
 empire, has never been so high. 
 
 He secured the tribunal by which the vexed and perilous question of the 
 Alaskan boundary was finally settled. 
 
 Whenever crimes against humanity have been perpetrated which have 
 shocked our people, his protest has been made, and our good offices have been 
 tendered, but always with due regard to international obligations. 
 
 Under his guidance we find ourselves at peace with all the world, and 
 never were we more respected or our wishes more regarded by foreign na- 
 tions. 
 
 Pre-eminently successful in regard to our foreign relations, he has been 
 equally fortunate in dealing with domestic questions. The country has known 
 that the public credit and the national currency were absolutely safe in the 
 hands of his administration. In the enforcement of the laws he has shown 
 not only courage, but the wisdom which understands that to permit laws 
 to be violated or disregarded opens the door to anarchy, while the just en- 
 forcement of the law is the soundest conservatism. He has held firmly to 
 the fundamental American doctrine that all men must obey the law; that 
 there must be no distinction between rich and poor, between strong and 
 weak, but that justice and equal protection under the law must be secured 
 to every citizen without regard to race, creed, or condition.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 137 
 
 His administration has been throughout vigorous and honorable, high- 
 minded and patriotic. We commend it without reservation to the considerate 
 judgment of the American people. 
 
 (The reading of the report was received with great applause.) 
 
 Mr. LODGE. Mr. Chairman, I move the adoption of the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions which I have just read. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the report 
 of the Committee on Resolutions. 
 
 The report was unanimously agreed to. 
 
 ION PERDICARIS. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. With the consent of the convention the 
 Chair will direct the Clerk to read a dispatch from Washington, which has been 
 verified, received through the courtesy of the Scripps-McRae Newspaper 
 Association. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 "The following message was sent in consequence of a dispatch received 
 from Admiral Chadwick, which intimated very strongly that the Moroccan 
 government was not acting in good faith. The exact hitch in the negotia- 
 tion has not been made public. 
 
 "Bulletin. 
 
 "Washington, June 22. 
 
 "Secretary of State Hay has sent instructions to Consul General Samuel 
 R. Gummer, as follows : 
 
 "We want either Perdicaris alive or Raisuli dead." (Applause.) 
 
 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next order of business is the calling 
 of the roll by States for the presentation of names of persons chosen mem- 
 bers of the Republican National Committee, and also for the presentation 
 of names of persons chosen honorary Vice-Presidents. The Chair is in- 
 formed that the Secretary has a full report as to both of these rolls, and if 
 there be no objection he will read the same, and if they are not proper, cor- 
 rections can be made as they are read. 
 
 The Reading Clerk proceeded to read the list of names presented by the 
 various delegations for members of the Republican National Committee. 
 
 Mr. H. W. ROBINSON, of Louisiana (when the nomination of Louisiana 
 was read). Mr. Chairman 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman rise? 
 
 Mr. ROBINSON. I rise to make a correction for Louisiana. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will state it. 
 
 Mr. ROBINSON. We ask permission to withdraw the nomination already 
 made by us, and that Louisiana be passed until tomorrow morning. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Is such the request of the delegation? If 
 so, in the absence of objection, it is so ordered. 
 
 The Reading Clerk concluded the reading of the list, which, as finally made 
 up, is as follows :
 
 138 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 GEORGE B. CORTELYOU, New York, 
 
 Chairman. 
 
 ELMER DOVER, Ohio, 
 Secretary. 
 
 CORNELIUS BLISS, New York, 
 
 Treasurer. 
 
 WILLIAM F. STONE, Maryland, 
 Sergeant-at Arms. 
 
 State. Name. 
 
 Alabama CHAS. H. SCOTT 
 
 Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON 
 
 California GEORGE A. KNIGHT 
 
 Colorado A. M. STEVENSON 
 
 Connecticut CHAS. F. BROOKER 
 
 Delaware JOHN EDWARD ADDICKS 
 
 Florida J. N. COOMBS 
 
 Georgia JUDSON W. LYONS 
 
 Idaho W. B. HEYBURN 
 
 Illinois FRANK O. LOWDEN 
 
 Indiana HARRY S. NEW 
 
 Iowa ERNEST E. HART 
 
 Kansas DAVID W. MULVANE 
 
 Kentucky .JOHN W. YERKES 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine JOHN F. HILL 
 
 Maryland LOUIS E. McCOMAS 
 
 Massachusetts W. MURRAY CRANE 
 
 Michigan JOHN W. BLODGETT 
 
 Minnesota FRANK D. KELLOGG 
 
 Mississippi L. B. MOSELEY 
 
 Missouri THOMAS J. AKIN 
 
 Montana JOHN D. WAITS 
 
 Nebraska CHAS. H. MORRILL 
 
 Nevada PATRICK L. FLANIGAN 
 
 New Hampshire FRANK S. STREETER 
 
 New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY 
 
 New York WM. L. WARD 
 
 North Carolina E. C. DUNCAN 
 
 North Dakota ALEXANDER McKENZIE 
 
 Ohio MYRON T. HERRICK 
 
 Oregon CHAS. H. CAREY 
 
 Pennsylvania BOIES PENROSE 
 
 Rhode Island CHAS. R. BRAYTON 
 
 South Carolina JOHN G. CAPERS 
 
 South Dakota J. M. GREENE 
 
 Tennessee WALTER P. BROWNLOW 
 
 Texas CECIL A. LYON 
 
 Utah C. E. LOOSE 
 
 Vermont JAMES. W. BROCK 
 
 Virginia GEORGE E. BOWDEN 
 
 Washington LEVI ANKENY 
 
 West Virginia N. B. SCOTT 
 
 Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE 
 
 Wyoming GEORGE E. PEXTON
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 139 
 
 TERRITORIES, ETC. 
 
 Alaska JOHN G. HEID 
 
 Arizona W. S. STURGES 
 
 New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA 
 
 Oklahoma C. M. CADE 
 
 Indian Territory P. L. SOPER 
 
 District of Columbia ROBERT REYBURN 
 
 Hawaii A. G. M. ROBERTSON 
 
 Porto Rico R. H. TODD 
 
 Philippine Islands HENRY B. McCOY 
 
 HONORARY . VICE-PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will now read the list of hon- 
 orary Vice-Presidents. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 States or Territories Name. 
 
 Alabama J. W. HUGHES, SR. 
 
 Arkansas CHAS. N. RIX 
 
 California E. D. ROBERTS 
 
 Colorado JAMES H. PEABODY 
 
 Connecticut DONALD T. WARNER 
 
 Delaware JOHN HUNN 
 
 Florida WALTER G. ROBINSON 
 
 Georgia J. S. GARRETT 
 
 Idaho C. J. HALL 
 
 Illinois CHARLES H. DEERE 
 
 Indiana ISAAC STRAUSS 
 
 Iowa A. B. CUMMINS 
 
 Kansas J. H. RICHARDS 
 
 Kentucky HENRY L. STONE 
 
 Louisiana B. V. BARANCO 
 
 Maine ALBERT A. BURLEIGH 
 
 Maryland STEVENSON A. WILLIAMS 
 
 Massachusetts JOHN D. LONG 
 
 Michigan DEXTER M. FERRY 
 
 Minnesota C. A. SMITH 
 
 Mississippi F. W. COLLINS 
 
 Missouri WM. WARNER 
 
 Montana LEE MANTLE 
 
 Nebraska FRANK HELVEY 
 
 Nevada R. S. MEACHAM 
 
 New Hampshire BERTRAM ELLIS 
 
 New Jersey DAVID BAIRD 
 
 New York JOHN RAINES 
 
 North Carolina T. S. ROLLINS 
 
 North Dakota L. B. HANNA 
 
 Ohio J. E. LOWES 
 
 Oregon C. W. HODSON 
 
 Pennsylvania W. W. GRIEST 
 
 Rhode Island CHARLES ALEXANDER 
 
 South Carolina L. W. C. BLALOCK 
 
 South Dakota J. R. HUGHES 
 
 Tennessee N. W. HALE 
 
 Texas WEBSTER FLANAGAN 
 
 Utah HERSCHEL BULLEN, JR.
 
 140 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 States or Territories Name. 
 
 Vermont HIRAM N. TURNER 
 
 Virginia JOHN ACKER 
 
 Washington GEO. DONALD 
 
 West Virginia C. H. SHATTUCK 
 
 Wisconsin EMIL BAENSCH 
 
 Wyoming N. K. BOSWELL 
 
 District of Columbia JOHN F. COOK 
 
 Alaska W. D. GRANT 
 
 Arizona W. H. BROPHY 
 
 Indian Territory WILLIAM M. MELLETTE 
 
 New Mexico FRANK A. HUBBELL 
 
 Oklahoma JOHN H. COTTERAL 
 
 Hawaii W. H. HOOGS 
 
 Philippine Islands J. S. STANLEY 
 
 Porto Rico 
 
 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 Mr. J. H. GALLINGER, of New Hampshire. Mr. Chairman, I offer a res- 
 olution for the. consideration of the convention. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Hampshire sub- 
 mits a resolution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 "Resolved, That the Republican National Committee be, and it is hereby, 
 empowered to fill all vacancies in its membership." 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the resolu- 
 tion presented by the gentleman from New Hampshire. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to. 
 
 ADJOURNMENT. 
 
 Mr. JOHN KEAN, of New Jersey. I move, Mr. Chairman, that the con- 
 vention adjourn until tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock. 
 
 Mr. GRAEME STEWART, of Illinois. I second the motion. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the motion 
 of the gentleman from New Jersey, which the gentleman from Illinois sec- 
 onds, that the convention adjourn until tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock. 
 
 The motion was agreed to; and (at 3 o'clock and 50 minutes p. m.) the 
 convention adjourned until tomorrow, Thursday, June 23, 1904, at 10 o'clock 
 a. m.
 
 THIRD DAY 
 
 ADDRESS OF HON. FRANK S. BLACK, NOMINATING THEODORE 
 ROOSEVELT FOR PRESIDENT SECONDING SPEECH BY HON. 
 A. J. BEVERIDGE HISTORIC FLAG OTHER ADDRESSES BY 
 HON. GEO. A. KNIGHT, HON. H. S. EDWARDS, HON. WM. O. 
 BRADLEY, HON. JOSEPH B. COTTON, HON. HARRY S. CUM- 
 MINGS ROOSEVELT UNANIMOUSLY NOMINATED ADDRESS 
 OF HON. J. P. DOLLIVER NOMINATING CHARLES W. FAIR- 
 BANKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT SECONDING SPEECH BY 
 HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW OTHER ADDRESSES BY HON. 
 J. B. FORAKER, HON. S. W. PENNYPACKER, HON. THOMAS H. 
 CARTER FAIRBANKS UNANIMOUSLY NOMINATED FOR VICE 
 PRESIDENT NOTIFICATION COMMITTEES RESOLUTIONS- 
 ADJOURNMENT. 
 
 CONVENTION HALL 
 
 THE COLISEUM, CHICAGO, ILL., Thursday, June 23, 1904. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (at 10 o'clock and 30 minutes a. m.) The 
 convention will be opened with prayer by Rev. Thaddeus A. Snively. 
 
 PRAYER OF REV. THADDEUS A. SNIVELY. 
 
 Rev. THADDEUS A. SNIVELY, of Chicago, 111., offered the following prayer: 
 Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, Infinite and Eternal, Creator and 
 Preserver of all mankind, with profound reverence we acknowledge Thee 
 as the source of life and strength, the Giver of every good and perfect gift. 
 Blessed Lord, we pray Thee for our country, the dear land for which our 
 fathers fought in the long strife for human liberty. Tftou hast made it the 
 land of the free and the home of the brave. We pray so to guide us by Thy 
 power and wisdom that our liberty may never degenerate into license, and 
 that our people may be brave, not simply with brute courage to face force and 
 violence, but with the higher moral power which makes us strong to battle 
 for truth and honor and noble principle. 
 
 We beseech Thee to give to our whole nation the strong desire and pur- 
 pose to uphold law and order and to seek noble character and true integrity 
 as the most sublime achievements of the race. Grant, we pray Thee, that
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 the benumbing touch of material possessions, or the lust of power, may never 
 blind us to the true greatness and glory of moral advancement. Help us 
 ever to remember that the fathers of this government were patriots of 
 never-dying fame because they believed that poverty and defeat with unsul- 
 lied honor are far better than vast wealth and world-wide influence purchased 
 at the cost of shame. We beseech Thee, O Thou God of love and peace, to 
 keep from us all those who would overthrow the old standards of peace and 
 harmony and brotherhood; and grant that the sense of true brotherly love 
 and mutual respect may prevail among all classes and conditions of our peo- 
 ple; that peace and justice may be our aim and ambition both within and 
 beyond our borders. 
 
 In this seedtime of the year, we pray to bless the harvest. May abundant 
 crops be the reward of the husbandmen, whose labors make possible the 
 feeding of the vast multitudes of Thy children abundant increase of grain 
 and fruits to keep in busy movement the mighty engines of commerce and 
 the looms and machines of human industry that thus hunger and idleness 
 and want may be kept far away from our people and prosperity dwell within 
 our country. 
 
 Our Heavenly Father, we pray Thee to send Thy blessing upon all our 
 country and all our people, and especially upon all those in authority, upon 
 the President of the United States, upon the Governors of all the States, 
 upon the Congress of the Nation, and upon the Legislatures of the different 
 Commonwealths, and upon all who occupy places of trust and responsibility; 
 that they, knowing whose ministers they are, may above all things seek Thy 
 honor and glory. 
 
 Upon this great multitude here gathered, we ask Thy blessing. Keep before 
 us, we pray Thee, high motive and lofty aim, and grant, in Thy infinite good- 
 ness, that this convention may have its part in holding aloft the highest ideals 
 and most glorious standards of true citizenship. Wilt Thou so direct their 
 deliberations that the best results for our dear country may be advanced by 
 their work, that thus they may do their part in helping to the ordering and 
 settling of all things upon the surest foundations, that peace and happiness, 
 truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all 
 generations. 
 
 Finally we pray for all the people of this land, that Thou wouldst direct 
 us, O Lord, in all our doings with Thy most gracious favor and further us 
 with Thy continual help ; that in all our works begun, continued, and ended in 
 Thee, we may glorify Thy Holy Name, and finally, by Thy mercy, obtain 
 everlasting life, through Him who hast taught us to say 
 
 Our Father, Who art in Heaven, Hallowed be Thy Name, Thy Kingdom 
 come, Thy will be done on earth as it is in Heaven. Give us this day our 
 daily bread. And forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass 
 against us. And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil : 
 for Thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, forever and ever. 
 Amen.
 
 HON. FRANK S. BLACK, of New York, 
 
 Who Made the Address Placing Theodore Roosevelt in Nomination for the 
 
 Presidency.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 143 
 
 FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF THE REPUBLICAN 
 
 PARTY. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read an announcement. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 "On the 6th day of July at Jackson, Mich., will be celebrated the fiftieth 
 anniversary of the birth of the Republican party, the time and place where 
 it received its name. Secretary Hay will deliver the principal address and 
 Senator Fairbanks and others will be present and speak. A cordial invita- 
 tion is extended to all." 
 
 NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the calling 
 of the roll of States for the presentation of names of candidates for Presi- 
 dent of the United States. 
 
 The Clerk proceeded to call the roll. 
 
 Mr. OSCAR R. HUNDLEY, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). The 
 State of Alabama requests the privilege and the distinguished honor of yield- 
 ing its place upon the call to the State of New York. (Applause.) 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Alabama yields to New York. 
 
 Mr. Frank S. Black, of New York, was escorted to the platform. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. It is my privilege and great pleasure to 
 introduce to this convention my ex-colleague in the House of Representatives 
 from the great Empire State, one cf the most magnificent orators, and a 
 Republican by nature ex-Governor Black. (Applause.) 
 
 NOMINATING SPEECH OF MR. FRANK S. BLACK, OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Mr. BLACK, of New York. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Conven- 
 tion : We are here to inaugurate a campaign which seems already to be 
 nearly closed. So wisely have the people sowed and watched and tended, 
 there seems little now to do but to measure up the grain. They are rang- 
 ing themselves not for battle but for harvest. In one column reaching from 
 the Maine woods to the Puget Sound are those people and those states 
 which have stood so long together, that when great emergencies arise the 
 nation turns instinctively to them. In this column, vast and solid, is a ma- 
 jority so overwhelming that the scattered squads in opposition can hardly 
 raise another army. The enemy has neither guns nor ammunition, and if 
 they had they would use them on each other. (Applause.) Destitute of the 
 weapons of effective warfare, the only evidence of approaching battle is in 
 the tone and number of their bulletins. There is discord among the generals ; 
 discord among the soldiers. Each would fight in his own way, but before as- 
 saulting his Republican adversaries he would first destroy his own com- 
 rades in the adjoining tents. Each believes the weapons chosen by the 
 other are not only wicked but fatal to the holder. That is true. This is the 
 only war of modern times where the boomerang has been substituted for the
 
 144 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 gun. (Laughter.) Whatever fatalities may occur, however, among the dis- 
 cordant hosts now moving on St. Louis, no harm will come this fall to the 
 American people. There will be no opposition sufficient to raise a conflict. 
 There will be hardly enough for competition. There are no Democratic 
 plans for the conduct of the fall campaign. Their zeal is chiefly centred 
 in discussion as to what Thomas Jefferson would do if he were living. 
 (Laughter and applause.) He is not living, and but few of his descendants 
 are among the Democratic remnants of to-day. Whatever of patriotism or 
 wisdom emanated from that distinguished man is now represented in this 
 convention. (Applause.) 
 
 It is a sad day for any party when its only means of solving living issues 
 is by guessing at the possible attitude of a statesman who is dead. (Laugh- 
 ter and applause.) This condition leaves that party always a beginner and 
 makes every question new. The Democratic party has seldom tried a prob- 
 lem on its own account, and when it has its blunders have been its only 
 monuments, its courage is remembered only in regret. (Laughter and ap- 
 plause.) As long as these things are recalled that party may serve as ballast, 
 but it will never steer the ship. (Applause.) 
 
 When all the people have forgotten will dawn a golden era for this new 
 Democracy. But the country is not ready yet to place a party in the lead 
 whose most expressive motto is the cheerless word "forget." That motto 
 may express contrition, but it does not inspire hope. (Applause.) Neither 
 confidence nor enthusiasm will ever be aroused by any party which enters 
 each campaign uttering the language of the mourner. (Applause.) 
 
 There is one fundamental plank, however, on which the two great parties 
 are in full agreement. Both believe in the equality of men. The difference 
 is that the Democratic party would make every man as low as the poorest, 
 while the Republican party would make every man as high as the best. (Ap- 
 plause.) But the Democratic course will provoke no outside interference 
 now, for the Republican motto is that of the great commander, ''never in- 
 terrupt the enemy while he is making a mistake." (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 In politics as in other fields, the most impressive arguments spring from 
 contrast. Never has there been a more striking example of unity than is now 
 afforded by this assemblage. You are gathered here not as factions torn by 
 discordant views, but moved by one desire and intent, you have come as the 
 chosen representatives of the most enlightened party in the world. You meet 
 not as strangers, for no men are strangers who hold the same beliefs and 
 espouse the same cause. You may separate two bodies of water for a thou- 
 sand years, but when once the barrier is removed they mingle instantly and 
 are one. The same traditions inspire and the same purposes actuate us all. 
 Never in our lives did these purposes stand with deeper root than now. At 
 least two generations have passed away since the origin of that great move- 
 ment from which sprang the spirit which has been the leading impulse in 
 American politics for half a century. In that movement, which was both a 
 creation and an example, were those great characters which endowed the
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 145 
 
 Republican party at its birth with the attributes of justice, equality and prog- 
 ress, which have held it to this hour in line with the highest sentiments of 
 mankind. From these men we have inherited the desire, and to their memory 
 we owe the resolution, that those great schemes of government and humanity, 
 inspired by their patriotism, and established by their blood, shall remain as 
 the fixed and permanent emblem of their labors, and the abiding signal of 
 the liberty and progress of the race. (Applause.) 
 
 There are many new names in these days, but the Republican party needs 
 no new title. It stands now where it stood at the beginning. Memory alone 
 is needed to tell the source from which the inspirations of the country flow. 
 A drowsy memory would be as guilty now as a sleeping watchman when 
 the enemy is astir. The name of the Republican party stands over every door 
 where a righteous cause was born. Its members have gathered around every 
 movement, no matter how weak, if inspired by high resolve. Its flag for 
 more than fifty years has been the sign of hope on every spot where liberty 
 was the word. (Applause.) That party needs no new name or platform 
 to designate its purposes. It is now as it has been, equipped, militant and in 
 motion. The problems of every age that age must solve. Great causes 
 impose great demands, but never in any enterprise have the American people 
 failed, and never in any crisis has the Republican party failed to express the 
 conscience and intelligence of that people. (Applause.) 
 
 The public mind is awake both to its opportunities and its dangers. No- 
 where in the world, in any era, did citizenship mean more than it means to- 
 day in America. Men of courage and sturdy character are ranging themselves 
 together with a unanimity seldom seen. There is no excuse for groping in 
 the dark, for the light is plain to him who will but raise his eyes. The 
 American people believe in a man or party that has convictions and knows 
 why. They believe that what experience has proved it is idle to resist. A 
 wise man is any fool about to die. But there is a wisdom which with good 
 fortune may guide the living and the strong. That wisdom springs from 
 reason, observation and experience. Guided by these this thing is plain, and 
 young men may rely upon it, that the history and purposes I have described, 
 rising even to the essence and aspirations of patriotism, find their best con- 
 crete example in the career and doctrines of the Republican party. (Applause.) 
 
 But not alone upon the principles of that party are its members in accord. 
 With the same devotion which has marked their adherence to those principles, 
 magnificent and enduring as they are, they have already singled out the 
 man to bear their standard and to lead the way. No higher badge was ever 
 yet conferred. But great as the honor is, the circumstances which surround 
 it make that honor even more profound. You have come from every state 
 and territory in this vast domain. The country and the town have vied with 
 each other in sending here their contributions to this splendid throng. Every 
 highway in the land is leading here and crowded with the members of that 
 great party which sees in this splendid city the symbol of its rise and power. 
 Within this unexampled multitude is every rank and condition of free men, 
 every creed and occupation. But to-day a common purpose and desire have
 
 146 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 engaged us all, and from every nook and corner of the country rises but a 
 single choice to fill the most exalted office in the world. (Applause.) He 
 is no stranger waiting in the shade to be called suddenly into public light. 
 The American people have seen him for many years and always where the 
 fight was thickest and the greatest need was felt. He has been alike con- 
 spicuous in the pursuits of peace and in the arduous stress of war. No man 
 now living will forget the spring of '98, when the American mind was so 
 inflamed and American patriotism so aroused ; when among all the eager 
 citizens surging to the front as soldiers, the man whom this convention has 
 already in its heart was among the first to hear the call and answer to his 
 name. Preferring peace but not afraid of war; faithful to every private obli- 
 gation yet first to volunteer at the sign of national peril ; a leader in civil 
 life and yet so quick to comprehend the arts of war that he grew almost in a 
 day to meet the high exactions of command. There is nothing which so 
 tests a man as great and unexpected danger. He may pass his life amid ordi- 
 nary scenes and what he is or does but few will ever know. But when the 
 crash comes or the flames break out, a moment's time will single out the hero 
 in the crowd. A flash of lightning in the night will reveal what years of 
 daylight have not discovered to the eye. And so the flash of the Spanish War 
 revealed that lofty courage and devotion which the American heart so loves 
 and which you have met again to decorate and recognize. His qualities do 
 not need to be retold, for no man in that exalted place since Lincoln has been 
 better known in every household in the land. He is not conservative, if con- 
 servatism means waiting till it is too late. (Applause.) He is not wise, if 
 wisdom is to count a thing a hundred times when once will do. (Applause.) 
 There is no regret so keen, in man or country, as that which follows an 
 opportunity unembraced. Fortune soars with high and rapid wing, and who- 
 ever brings it down must shoot with accuracy and speed. Only the man with 
 steady eye and nerve and the courage to pull the trigger brings the largest 
 opportunities to the ground. (Applause.) He does not always listen while 
 all the sages speak, but every day at nightfall beholds some record which if 
 not complete has been at least pursued with conscience and intrepid resolu- 
 tion. He is no slender flower swaying in the wind, but that heroic fibre which 
 is best nurtured by the mountains and the snow. (Applause.) He spends 
 little time in review, for that he knows can be done by the schools. A states- 
 man grappling with the living problems of the hour he gropes but little in the 
 past. He believes in going ahead. He believes that in shaping the destinies 
 of this great republic, hope is a higher impulse than regret. He believes that 
 preparation for future triumphs is a more important duty than an inventory 
 of past mistakes. (Laughter and applause.) A profound student of history, 
 he is to-day the greatest history maker in the world. (Applause.) With 
 the instincts of the scholar, he is yet forced from the scholar's pursuits by 
 those superb qualities which fit him to the last degree for those great world 
 currents now rushing past with larger volume and more portentous aspect 
 than for many years before. The fate of nations is still decided by their 
 wars. You may talk of orderly tribunals and learned referees ; you may
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 147 
 
 sing in your schools the gentle praises of the quiet life ; you may strike from 
 your books the last note of every martial anthem, and yet out in the smoke 
 and thunder will always be the tramp of horses and the silent, rigid, up- 
 turned face. Men may prophesy and women pray, but peace will come here 
 to abide forever on this earth only when the dreams of childhood are the 
 accepted charts to guide the destinies of men. (Applause.) Events are 
 numberless and mighty, and no man can tell which wire runs around the 
 world. The nation basking to-day in the quiet of contentment and repose 
 may still be on the deadly circuit and to-morrow writhing in the toils of war. 
 This is the time when great figures must be kept in front. If the pressure 
 is great the material to resist it must be granite and iron. Whether we wish 
 it or not, America is abroad in this world. Her interests are in every street, 
 her name is on every tongue. Those interests so sacred and stupendous 
 should be trusted only to the care of those whose power, skill and courage 
 have been tested and approved. (Applause.) And in the man whom you 
 will choose, the highest sense of every nation in the world beholds a man 
 who typifies as no other living American does, the spirit and the purposes of 
 the twentieth century. (Applause.) He does not claim to be the Solomon 
 of his time. There are many things he may not know, but this is sure, that 
 above all things else he stands for progress, courage and fair play, which are 
 the synonyms of the American name. 
 
 There are times when great fitness is hardly less than destiny, when the 
 elements so come together that they select the agent thy will use. Events 
 sometimes select the strongest man, as lightning goes down the highest rod. 
 And so it is with those events which for many months with unerring sight 
 have led you to a single name which I am chosen only to pronounce: Gen- 
 tlemen, I nominate for President of the United States the highest living type 
 of the youth, the vigor and the promise of a great country and a great age, 
 Theodore Roosevelt of New York. (Applause.) 
 
 A HISTORIC FLAG. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read an announcement. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 "This flag, staff and all, just as you see it, save the wear and tear, was 
 carried in the Republican National Convention held in Chicago in 1860, and 
 was waved at the moment of the nomination of Abraham Lincoln for Presi- 
 dent, and was hoisted on the platform of the convention. 
 
 "It has been waved in every Republican National Convention since 1860 
 at the moment of the nomination of the Republican candidate for President. 
 It is the property of the Lincoln-McKinley Association of Veteran Voters 
 of the United States. 
 
 "Capt. F. L. Withaupt, of Willow Springs, Mo., the bearer hereof, who 
 is a nephew of the late Judge Arnold Krekel, who was a delegate to the Re- 
 publican National Convention of 1860, is hereby commissioned to carry the 
 priceless gem and souvenir to the Republican National Convention to be held 
 forty-four years after in the same city on June 21, A. D. 1904, and wave it at
 
 148 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 the moment of time the nominee shall be named by the convention." (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (holding the flag in his hand). It prophesied 
 victory in 1860 ; its like has been baptized on a hundred battlefields since ; and 
 it is as safe today under the leadership of the Republican party, headed 
 by Theodore Roosevelt, as it ever was. (Applause.) 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention : I have the 
 pleasure of introducing to you a man whom you know and whom all know 
 of, one of Indiana's favorite and favored sons, who always when he has a 
 message insists on a hearing, and in the hearing the people are gratified, en- 
 tertained, informed and enthused. (Applause.) 
 
 SECONDING SPEECH OF MR. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, OF 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention : One difference between the opposition 
 and ourselves is this : They select their candidate for the people, and the 
 people select our candidate for us. (Cheers.) 
 
 This was true four years ago when we accepted the people's judgment and 
 named William McKinley (applause), whose perfect mingling of mind and 
 heart, of wisdom and of tenderness, won the trust and love of the Nation 
 then and makes almost holy his memory now. (Applause.) His power was 
 in the people's favor, his shrine is in the people's hearts. (Applause.) 
 
 It is true today when we again accept the people's judgment and name 
 Theodore Roosevelt (cheers), whose sympathies are as wide as the Republic, 
 whose courage, honesty and vision meet all emergencies, and the sum of 
 whose qualities make him the type of 2Oth century Americanism. (Applause.) 
 And the 2Oth century American is nothing more than the man of '76 facing a 
 new day with the old faith. (Cheers.) 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt, like William McKinley, is the nominee of the 
 American fireside. (Cheers.) So were Washington and Jefferson in the 
 early time ; so was Andrew Jackson when he said "The Union : It must be 
 preserved;" so was Abraham Lincoln (applause) when, the Republic saved, he 
 bade us "bind up the Nation's wounds;" and Grant (applause) when, from 
 victory's very summit his lofty words, "let us have peace" voiced the spirit of 
 the hour and the people's prayer. When nominated by parties, each of these 
 great Presidents was, at the periods named, already chosen by the public 
 judgment. And so today, the Republican party, whose strength is in its 
 obedience to the will of the American people, merely executes again the 
 decree which comes to it from the American home in naming Theodore Roose- 
 velt as our candidate. (Cheers.) 
 
 The people's thought is his thought, American ideals, his ideals. This is 
 his only chart of statesmanship and no other is safe. (Applause.) For the 
 truest guide an American President can have is the collective intelligence and 
 massed morality of the American people. (Applause.) And this ancient 
 rule of the fathers is the rule of our leaders now. (Applause.)
 
 HON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE. of Indiana, 
 
 Who Seconded the Nomination of Hon. Theodore Roosevelt for the 
 Presidency.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 149 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt is a leader (applause) who leads (applause) ; because 
 he carries out the settled purposes of the people. Our President's plans, 
 when achieved, are always found to be merely the nation's will accom- 
 plished. And that is why the people will elect him. 
 
 They will elect him because they know that if he is President we will get 
 to work and keep at work on the Canal. (Cheers.) After decades of delay 
 when the people want a thing done, they want it done. (Applause.) 
 
 They know that while he is President the Flag will "stay put" (cheering), 
 and no American advantage in the Pacific or the world be surrendered. 
 Americans never retreat. (Cheers.) 
 
 While he is President no wrong-doer in the service of the Government 
 will go unwhipped of justice. (Applause.) Americans demand honesty and 
 honor, vigilant and fearless. (Applause.) 
 
 While he is President, re-adjustment of tariff schedules will be made only 
 in harmony with the principle of protection. (Cheers.) Americans have 
 memories. (Applause.) 
 
 While he is President peace with every nation will be preserved at any cost, 
 excepting only the sacrifice of American rights ; and the vigor with which he 
 maintains these will be itself a guarantee of peace. (Cheers.) 
 
 The American people will elect him because, in a word, they know that he 
 does things the people want done ; does things, not merely discusses them 
 does things only after discussing them but does things ; and does only those 
 things the people would have him do. (Applause.) This is characteristically 
 American; for wherever he is, the American is he who achieves. (Cheers.) 
 
 On every question all men know where he stands. Americans, frank them- 
 selves, demand frankness in their servants. No mystery was ever made 
 President of the United States, or ever will be. (Great cheering, renewed.) 
 Uncertainty is the death of business. The people can always get along if 
 they know where they are and whither they are going. (Applause.) 
 
 His past is his proof. Every great measure of his administration was 
 so wise that, enthusiastically sustained by his own party, it won votes even 
 from the opposition. 
 
 Do you name Cuban reciprocity? The opposition resisted and then oppo- 
 sition votes helped to ratify it. (Applause.) 
 
 Do you name corporate legislation? The opposition resisted and then 
 opposition votes helped to enact it. (Applause.) 
 
 Do you name the Canal that largest work of centuries, the eternal wed- 
 ding of oceans, shrinking the circumference of the globe, making distant 
 peoples neighbors, advancing forever civilization all around the world? This 
 historic undertaking in the interest of all the race, planned by American 
 statesmanship, to be wrought by American hands, to stand through the ages 
 protected by the American flag (cheers) ; this vast achievement which will 
 endure when our day shall have become ancient, and which alone is enough 
 to make the name of Theodore Roosevelt illustrious through all time this 
 fulfillment of the Republic's dream accomplished by Republican effort, finally 
 received votes even from an opposition that had tried to thwart it. (Cheers.)
 
 150 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Of what measure of Theodore Roosevelt's administration does the oppo- 
 sition dare even to propose the repeal? And when has the record of any 
 President won greater approval? 
 
 And so the people trust him as a statesman. (Applause.) Better than 
 that, they love him as a man. (Cheers.) He wins admiration in vain who 
 wins not affection also. In the American home that temple of happiness 
 and virtue where dwell the wives and mothers of the Republic, cherishing 
 the beautiful in life and guarding the morality of the Nation in the 
 American home the name of Theodore Roosevelt is not only honored but 
 beloved. (Cheers.) And that is a greater triumph than the victory of battle- 
 fields, greater credit than successful statesmanship, greater honor than the 
 Presidency itself would be without it. (Cheers.) Life holds no reward so 
 noble as the confidence and love of the American people. (Applause.) 
 
 The American people ! The mightiest force for good the ages have 
 evolved. (Cheers.) They began as children of liberty. They believed in 
 God and His providence. They took truth and justice and tolerance as their 
 eternal ideals and marched fearlessly forward. Wildernesses stretched before 
 them they subdued them. Mountains rose they crossed them. Deserts ob- 
 structed they passed them. Their faith failed them not and a continent was 
 theirs. (Applause.) From ocean to ocean cities rose, fields blossomed, rail- 
 roads ran; but everywhere church and school were permanent proof that 
 the principles of their origin were the life of their maturity. (Cheers.) 
 
 American methods changed, but American character remained the same. 
 They outlived the stage coach, but not the Bible. (Applause.) They 
 advanced but forgot not their fathers. Applause.) They delved in earth, 
 but remembered the higher things. (Applause.) They made highways of 
 the oceans, but distance and climate altered not their Americanism. (Ap- 
 plause.) They began as 1 children of liberty, and children of liberty they re- 
 main. They began as servants of the Father of Lights, and His servants they 
 remain. And so into their hands is daily given more of power and oppor- 
 tunity that they may work even larger righteousness in the world and scatter 
 over ever widening fields the blessed seeds of human happiness. (Cheers.) 
 
 Wonderful beyond prophecy's forecast their progress ; noble beyond the 
 vision of desire their future. In 1801 Jefferson said that the United States 
 (then) had "room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thou- 
 sandth generation ;" three generations behold the oceans our boundaries. 
 (Cheers.) Washington never dreamed of railways. Today electricity and 
 steam make Maine and California household neighbors. '(Applause.) This 
 advance, which no seer could have foretold, we made because we are 
 Americans because a free people with unfettered minds and unquestioning 
 belief joyfully faced the universe of human possibilities. (Applause.) These 
 possibilities are not exhausted ; we have hardly passed their boundaries. (Ap- 
 plause.) The American people are not exhausted; we have only tested our 
 strength. (Applause.) God's work for us in the world is not finished; His 
 future missions for the American people will be grander than any He has 
 given us, nobler than we now can comprehend. And these tasks as they come
 
 HON. GEORGE W. KNIGHT, of California, 
 Who Seconded the Nomination of Hon. Theodore Roosevelt for President.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 151 
 
 we will accept and accomplish as our fathers accomplished theirs. (Ap- 
 plause.) And when our generation shall have passed and our children shall 
 catch from our aging hands the standard we have borne, it will still be the 
 old flag of Yorktown and Appomattox and Manila Bay (cheers) ; the 
 music to which they in their turn will then move onward will still be the 
 strains that cheered the dying Warren on Bunker Hill and inspired the men 
 who answered Lincoln's call (cheers) ; and the ideals that will be in them 
 triumphant as they are in us, will still be the old ideals that have made the 
 American people great and honored among the nations of the earth. (Cheers). 
 This is the Republican idea of the American people (cheers) ; this the 
 thought we have when we nominate today our candidate for the Nation's 
 chief; this the quality of Americanism a Republican standard-bearer must 
 possess. (Applause.) And this is just the Americanism of Theodore Roose- 
 velt. (Cheers.) Full of the old-time faith in the Republic and its destiny; 
 charged with the energy of the Republic's full manhood ; cherishing the ordi- 
 nances of the Republic's fathers and having in his heart the fear of God ; 
 inspired by the sure knowledge that the Republic's splendid day is only in its 
 dawn. (Applause.) Theodore Roosevelt will lead the American people in 
 paths of safety to still greater welfare for themselves, still broader better- 
 ment of the race and to the added honor of the American name. (Cheers.) 
 Indiana seconds the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt. (Demonstration, 
 etc.) 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. GEORGE A. KNIGHT, OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. We will now receive a message from the 
 Golden Gate, delivered by that great civilian, lawyer and orator, whose speech 
 is "like apples of gold in pictures of silver." 
 
 Mr. KNIGHT. Gentlemen of the Convention : Geography has but little to 
 do with the sentiment and enthusiasm that are today apparent in favor of the 
 one who is to be given all the honors and duties of an elected President of 
 the United States of America. However the Pacific slope and the islands 
 (those ocean buoys of commerce moored in the drowsy tropical sea) send to 
 this Convention words of confident greeting with discreet assurance that your 
 judgment will be endorsed by the American voter and our country continue 
 its wonderful progress under Republican success. 
 
 The time is ripe for brightening up Americanism ; to teach with renewed 
 vigor the principles of individual liberty for which the minute men of the 
 Revolution fought. The Lincoln liberty, and individual liberty for the man, 
 not a black man alone, any man, all men. The right to labor in the air 
 of freedom unmolested, and be paid for his individual toil and with it build 
 his cottage home. 
 
 From the press, the pulpit, the school house, the platform and the street, 
 let the true history of our country be known, that the young men and women 
 of America, and many old ones, may know what a price has been paid for the 
 liberty, peace and union they enjoy through the devoted patriotism of our
 
 152 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 silent heroes of the past. (Applause.) Deprivation and sacrifice were 
 endured for many years before the old bell in the statehouse was given voice 
 to speak the glorious sentiment of the age, and proclaim liberty throughout all 
 the land, and they were made the instruments by which the principles produc- 
 tive of our national grandeur were set as jewels in our Republic's coronet. 
 What we prayed for, fought for, bled for and died for we want cared for. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 Telegraph the world that the Republican party was the first organization 
 that beckoned the laboring man to his feet, and made him know the quality 
 and equality of his true self. (Applause.) It showed him the possibilities 
 of honest poverty and has withheld nothing from his worthy ambition. It 
 took a railsplitter from the ground floor of a log cabin and set him with the 
 stars. 
 
 Protection to American labor, and our natural resources, climate, soil, 
 agricultural and mineral wealth, navigable rivers and safe harbors, wise laws 
 and clean public men, have made us the greatest nation of earth today. In 
 territory, we have outgrown the Continent ; we are peopling the isles of the 
 sea. 
 
 When I look over this Convention and see representatives from Alaska 
 carrying as their banner an American Eagle it brings to my mind the words 
 of sacred writ that seem prophetic : "A great eagle with great wings, long 
 winged, full of feathers, which had divers colors, came unto Lebanon, and 
 took the highest branch of the cedar. He cropped off the top of his young 
 twigs and carried it into a land of traffic ; he set it in a city of merchants. He 
 took also of the seed of the land and planted it in a fruitful field ; he placed it 
 by great waters and set it as a willow tree." 
 
 How like unto our emblem of freedom, he has cropped off the young 
 twigs of our cedar of liberty and carried them across the ocean to the land 
 of traffic and set them in the city of merchants. The seed of our land is 
 there among fruitful fields, beside great waters and set as a willow tree. 
 
 With our growth as a nation we are satisfied but there are some things 
 that require more than a passing glance. Far back in the time of the Revo- 
 lutionary War when the dark clouds of oppression and losses in battle seemed 
 to shut out the last glimmering spark of day, upon the bold prominent height 
 of the White, Allegheny and Blue Ridge Mountains could be found standing 
 alone the Patriot Beacon Watch of the Revolution, while our armies slept 
 under the darkness he kept watch and from crag to crag and peak to peak 
 his watch fire was a signal to warn the sleeping army of approaching danger, 
 and from every mountain top within the thirteen colonies those patriots' 
 watch fires lighted up the dark pathway of their future destiny. 
 
 While today we struggle not with an obstinate soldiery, nor hear the ex- 
 citing drum beat of war, dark clouds of a social disorder have settled over a 
 portion of our beloved country. The poisonous virus of Socialism is among 
 us, and the vicious anarchist seeks to lead his fellow by the torch of the 
 incendiary. Three times our flag has drooped ; three times the muffled drum 
 was heard.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 153 
 
 Socialism can never live in this Republic (applause), and the anarchist has 
 no home with us ; he must put out the torch, for standing upon the mountain 
 top of our historic past, the beacon watches of old signal to us to follow their 
 light and fear not follow the light of a Washington for its purity of pur- 
 pose follow the light of Jefferson and Seward and Sherman and Lincoln, 
 Grant and McKinley, and all the other great ones who built for us this 
 perament home. 
 
 Our country is big and broad and grand ; we want a President typical of 
 the country, one who will preserve her history, enforce her law, teach 
 Americanism and fight the wrong. Theodore Roosevelt, "thou art the man!" 
 (Applause.) Well may he be proud, he is young, the prime of life is his, 
 and time is on his side ; he loves the whole country and knows no favorite 
 section ; he has performed his sacred promise, he has kept the faith with 
 McKinley's memory and now faces responsibilities his own. He hypnotizes 
 obstacles, looks them in the eye, and overpowers with self-conscious honesty 
 of purpose. (Applause.) 
 
 Dishonesty, cowardice and duplicity are never impulsive ; Roosevelt is 
 impulsive (applause), so be it, he is different. The party needs him more 
 than he needs the party. 
 
 From a Democratic point of view, he is a weird magician of politics. 
 They charged him with disrupting a government on the Isthmus, creating a 
 republic and unlawfully conniving at a canal. (Laughter.) They awoke one 
 fine morning to find the Republic of Panama an entity, its existence recognized 
 by foreign nations and Congress paying out millions of dollars to ratify his 
 strategetic promptness. (Applause.) 
 
 He wanted to give Uncle Sam a job, and he did it ; and Uncle Sam wanted 
 the job and he took it. He belongs to the union. We see him standing today 
 with his foot upon the spade, his garments are made of his flag, there is a 
 smile on his face, and his heart is gladdened as he looks at the golden 
 sunrise of his commercial future. 
 
 Barnacle bottomed ships of the great salt sea will greet the Great Father 
 of Waters and make every town on his banks a maritime city. (Applause.) 
 The owner of the farm, factory, and mine will become familiar with names 
 he never knew, and write strange addresses on the exports he sends across 
 the unharvested ocean. Australia New Zealand Yokohoma Hong Kong 
 Manila Honolulu and Corea, will be some of the new names the new South 
 will be glad to know, and their children will bless the President that gave 
 them their wonderful opportunities for trade. 
 
 The blessings of this great work cannot be told in words, and figures will 
 get wabbily and unsteady with their load when you chalk them on the black- 
 board of time. 
 
 We want this younger Lincoln the Keeper of our great eagle we want 
 him with his hands on the halyards of our flag, we want him the Defender of 
 our Constitution and the Executive of our Law, and when we have used 
 him and the best years of his young manhood for the good of the nation, he 
 will still be holding the banner of liberty with stars added to its azure field,
 
 154 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 its history sacred, its stripes untarnished, and by command of the majority 
 hand it to the American partiot standing next in line. (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. H. S. EDWARDS, OF GEORGIA. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, it is a com- 
 paratively easy matter to keep the Republican faith in the State of Illinois 
 where we have local success. The policies of the party spread over the 
 whole country, bringing prosperity to those who do not support us politically 
 as well as to those who do. It is my great pleasure to introduce to you one 
 of those who come from the State of Georgia, that keep the leaven and 
 fight the fight, although from time to time they fail. But they will live, and 
 even these old eyes will live, to see Georgia give an electoral vote for a 
 Republican President. (Applause.) 
 
 MR. EDWARDS. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention : It is 
 eminently fit and proper that a Georgian should on this occasion second the 
 eloquent speaker from New York, that the voice of the Motherland should 
 blend with the voice of the Fatherland to declare that the destinies of 
 America shall for four years more be entrusted to the great son born of the 
 union of the two Empire states. (Applause.) 
 
 I do not belittle the influence of a father when I say that if the iron in 
 a son's nature be derived from him, the gold is coined from the heart of the 
 mother whose lap has cradled him. And because I believe this, because the 
 lesson at the mother's knee is the seed that sends a stalk toward heaven and 
 opens far up its axillary blossoms in the morning light, because the lofty 
 ideals of manhood are rooted deeper than youth, because that which a man 
 instinctively would be has been dreamed for him in advance by a Mother, 
 I claim for Georgia the larger share in the man you have chosen your leader. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 The childhood of the good woman who bore him was cast near where the 
 Atlantic flows in over the marsh and the sand. There she first built her a 
 home in the greatness of God. Womanhood found her within the uplifting 
 view of the mountains in a land over which the Almighty inverts a Sapphire 
 cup by day and sets his brightest stars on guard by night. And there, 
 fellow countrymen, the soul of your President was born. Those of us who 
 know and love him catch in the easy flow of his utterance, and feel in its 
 largeness of thought and contempt of littleness the rythm of the ocean on 
 the Georgian sands and the spirit of the deep. In his lofty ideals and hope- 
 fulness, in his fixedness of purpose and unchanging rockribbed honesty we 
 hear the mountains calling. In his daring, his impulsive courage, his uncon- 
 querable manhood, we see his great brother the Georgia volunteer in the 
 hand to hand fights of the Wilderness, the impetuous rush up the heights of 
 Gettysburg and the defiance of overwhelming odds from Chattanooga to 
 Atlanta. We look on him as a Georgian abroad, and if in the providence of 
 God it may be so we shall welcome him home some day, not as a prodigal 
 son who has wasted his gifts but as one who on every field of endeavor has 
 honored his great mother and worn the victor's wreath. (Applause.)
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 155 
 
 Coming into the position of the martyred McKinley, the youngest Chief 
 Magistrate that has ever filled the Presidential chair, without the privilege 
 and advantage of preliminary discussion and consultation, he gave the coun- 
 try a pledge that he would carry out the policies of his predecessor. It was 
 a master stroke of genius, applauded alike North and South. His conception 
 of the duties of his high office as enunciated by him at Harvard was, "to 
 serve all alike, well: to act in a spirit of fairness and justice to all men; and 
 to give to each man his rights." He has kept this pledge; he has lived up to 
 this fine conception of his duty. The pledge involved a completion of the 
 work begun in Cuba and an honorable discharge of the promises made to our 
 struggling neighbor. The flag of an independent Republic floats over Havana 
 today and all men know that we have kept faith with the Cuban people. 
 Leaving the details to engineers, he has cut as by a single stroke, the Panama 
 Canal through mountains of prejudice and centuries of ignorance! In the far 
 Philippines our flag floats, a guarantee of redemption, pacification and de- 
 velopment. His conception of duty has led him into difficult places in 
 dealing with the internal affairs of our own country; he has met every issue 
 bravely and ably and demonstrated not only that prompt and decisive action is 
 often the highest expression of conservatism but that it is safe to trust the 
 impulse of a man who is essentially and instinctively honest. (Applause.) 
 
 Fellow Countrymen, after nearly four years of Theodore Roosevelt, we 
 find the army and navy on a better footing, our trade expanded, the country 
 at peace and prosperous and our flag respected in every quarter of the globe. 
 The American people will not withhold from him the applause of manly 
 hearts. I am proud that my great State, the Empire state of the South, 
 shares in the glory of his achievements, as it will share in their benefits ! 
 (Applause.) 
 
 It is not pretended that the section from which I come to you, is, as 
 a section in sympathy with your political party. But I am as sure as that 
 I stand here, that the great majority of intelligent business men in the South 
 are in sympathy with the controlling principles of your platform and op- 
 posed to those of your opponents as last declared. And I am equally sure 
 that they recognize and respect the fearless honesty of your leader! Head- 
 lines are not history, nor does the passionate partisan write the final verdict 
 of a great people. History, despite the venom of the small politician, will do 
 him the justice to record that he has gone further than any man who has 
 occupied the White House since the civil war, to further the vital interests of 
 the South. The standard of appointments has been the same for Georgia as 
 for New York. He has insisted on efficiency and integrity as the chief 
 tests, North and South alike. Of the thousand or more original post office 
 appointments in Georgia under his administration not one has within my 
 knowledge been criticized by even the unfriendly and partisan press of the 
 State. A Southern man, General Wright, by his appointment holds the 
 honor of this country in trust in the far Philippines, and on him your Presi- 
 dent relies for the advancement and development of the 7,000,000 people who 
 are there working out their destinies. Two judges of first instance, one a
 
 156 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Democrat and one a Republican and both from Georgia, are there by his 
 appointment to administer the laws. In the army there and here in the navy 
 and in all the divisions of the civil government Southern men have felt 
 the friendly touch of his hand. The character of these appointments and his 
 whole policy give the lie to those designing knaves who charge him with 
 stirring up strife between races and arraying section against section. "I am 
 proud of your great deeds: for you are my people!'' This was his greeting to 
 a Southern audience, and no honest man doubts that he meant it. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 The South shares in the magnificent prosperity which our great country 
 has achieved under the Republican party. Especially has she felt the benefi- 
 cent effect of your policies during the last eight years ; and the hardest fact 
 your opponents have to contend with is the fact that your financial policy 
 has been tested and found to be sound and efficient. They have sufficed for 
 eight years at least, and the Democratic partisan who has twice in that time 
 been led captive behind the silver car of Bryan must be optimistic beyond 
 expression if he believes that the country will suffer alarm over the prospect 
 of four years more of prosperity. The South deals in cotton goods, cotton 
 seed products, coal, iron, oil and lumber, and business enterprises in connec- 
 tion with these and other industries have increased and multiplied. Traveling 
 from Washington to Macon, one is never off a first class railroad nor long 
 out of sight of the smoke of a mill. The people who conduct these and 
 kindred enterprises, who are raising cotton at from ten to sixteen cents per 
 pound, wheat at from seventy-five cents to a dollar per bushel, whose coal, 
 iron and lumber are in demand throughout the world, whose home market is 
 assured and whose lands are rapidly increasing in value, are not yet alarmed 
 over the prospect of another Republican victory, under Roosevelt. They are 
 not alarmed over the digging of a canal at Panama that will give them direct 
 communication with five or six hundred millions of people who need the 
 products of their fields and factories. Nor are they alarmed that increased 
 railway and river transportation will be required to move these products to 
 Southern ports, or that from these ports, under a Republican administration, 
 yellow fever, the South's dread enemy has been banished, millions saved an- 
 nually to the taxpayers and the business year raised from nine months to 
 twelve. 
 
 The prosperity of the South is wrapped up in the policies of the Republi- 
 can party and Southern people are beginning to realize it. Southern business 
 sentiment indicates an increasing distrust of the policies of the Democratic 
 party. In 1896 Georgia, accustomed to enormous Democratic majorities, gave 
 94,000 votes for Bryan and 60,000 for McKinley. North Carolina cast 174,000 
 votes for Bryan and 155,000 for McKinley. Virginia gave 154,000 for Bryan 
 and 135,000 for McKinley. And this was according to Democratic counts. 
 Maryland and West Virginia cast Republican majorities in both 1896 and 
 1900. In Virginia, Georgia and North Carolina in 1900 twelve to fifteen per 
 cent of the people who had voted in '96 stayed away from the polls and sacri- 
 ficed their last opportunity to worship the "popular idol." An analysis of
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 157 
 
 election returns shows that the distrust of Democracy was most pro- 
 nounced and conspicuous in centers of trade, manufactures, and commerce. 
 
 Fellow Countrymen, we of the South believe in Roosevelt, and in his 
 ability to meet every issue at home and abroad, triumphantly. We believe 
 that he is animated by a spirit of patriotism as broad and as bright as has 
 ever streamed from the White House over our beloved country ; and we 
 believe that when he has fulfilled his mission, he, the son of the North and 
 South, will carry with him the consciousness that Fatherland and Motherland, 
 once divorced in sadness, through him and because of him have been drawn 
 together again in the bonds of the old affection. And we believe that when 
 he goes at length into the retirement of private life, he will go beloved of all 
 patriotic Americans, from Canada to the Gulf and from Ocean to Ocean. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, in behalf of the Motherland I second the nomination of 
 Theodore Roosevelt. (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF WILLIAM O. BRADLEY, OF KENTUCKY. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Why introduce a man whom every one 
 knows. Suffice it to say that he comes from that State and of that people 
 who take their politics like their whiskey straight. (Laughter and ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Mr. BRADLEY. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention : The 
 Republican Party has made no mistakes ; therefore, it has no apologies to 
 offer. It has broken no promises ; therefore, it enters no plea of confession 
 and avoidance. It offers no guaranty for the future save the record of its 
 past. (Applause.) 
 
 It points to an enormously increased commerce, at home and abroad. 
 To free homes given to free people. To a war waged to drive the tyrant from 
 Cuba, and a promise faithfully kept to give to the people of the island a stable 
 form of government. To an improved army and navy whose deeds of valor 
 have added imperishable glory to American arms. To the erection of 
 churches and school-houses, and the inaguration of civil government in the 
 Philippines. To the best financial system on the globe. To a system of 
 protection which has given to our people the best home and foreign market 
 in the world. To the universal prosperity now prevailing throughout the 
 Republic. To a generous system of pensions, provided for those who fought, 
 and the families of those who died, that the Union might be preserved. To 
 the most gigantic rebellion of all time courageously met and completely sub- 
 dued. To the shackles of bond-men melted in the red flames of war, and to 
 stars preserved, and yet others fixed, in the firmament of freedom. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 We can not stand at the base of Bunker Hill Monument, as prophesied by 
 Toombs, and call the roll of our slaves ; but we can stand on any spot of the 
 earth and call the long roll of Republican statesmen and soldiers the most 
 distinguished and illustrious that the Nation has produced, who rendered im- 
 possible the fulfillment of that prediction. (Applause.)
 
 158 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 For nearly half a century, the record of the Republican Party has been 
 so interwoven with the country's history that each is a part of the other, and 
 neither can be written without including the other. Indeed, during that time 
 the Republican Party has been the country. 
 
 In diplomacy, in progress, in the arts and sciences, in prosperity and ad- 
 versity in peace and war, at home and abroad, on land and sea, the Republican 
 Party has been true to every trust, equal to every emergency, has continually 
 elevated and advanced the standard of American honor and glory, and now 
 proclaims to the world that in the lexicon of patriotic endeavor and achieve- 
 ment there is no such word as "fail." (Applause.) 
 
 And during all these eventful years, the Democratic Party has resisted 
 every step of advancement and progress. It has been a stupid objector, a 
 miserable malcontent and a common scold. For two Presidential terms it 
 administered public affairs, and during each, crippled commerce, unsettled 
 and decreased values, paralyzed industry, closed manufactories and made it 
 necessary for public charity to provide food for the starving unemployed. It 
 has exchanged its time-honored principles for dangerous heresies, and be- 
 trayed its leaders, until it is without a leader and in anxious search of a plat- 
 form. It has abandoned its Moses and is unable to discover a Joshua. It 
 does not certainly know what it wants ; and if it did, would not know where 
 to find it. It does not know what it is for; and if it did, would not know how 
 to express it. It does not know what to do ; and if it did, would not know how 
 to do it. (Applause.) 
 
 Men of the North, we come from the battle-fields consecrated to free- 
 dom with the blood of your brave sons. We are the custodians of your pa- 
 triot dead, and each year commemorate their deeds and decorate their graves 
 with flowers. In their names, and by their memories, the disfranchised South 
 appeals to you for justice. Shall it be said that your sons marched, and fought 
 and died in vain? Shall it be said that a nation can exist part slave and part 
 free? Are people free who are forced to bear the burden and yet denied 
 the highest privilege of citizenship? If it be true that warrant may not 
 be found in the Constitution to prevent disfranchisement, then we beg 
 that you no longer permit the disfranchised and oppressed to be estimated for 
 the purpose of increasing the electoral strength of their oppressors. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Though the grape is crushed, and the grain is ground, they produce neither 
 wine nor bread for the persecuted men of the South. 
 
 Surrounded by difficulties, striving in vain to be free, they instinctively 
 turn to the brave, true man who has said that he would not close the door of 
 hope on a struggling race. The Southern Republicans are devoted to him 
 and will follow him with all the affection and enthusiasm with which the 
 "Old Guard" followed Napoleon. They have unshaken faith in his superb 
 courage, even-handed justice and unsullied honor. (Applause.) 
 
 We have not forgotten how, when the war clouds hung dark in the na- 
 tion's horizon, he sacrificed office, and left a happy home, and a beloved 
 wife and children, to bare his bosom in the storm of battle. The same pa-
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 159 
 
 triotism and courage that inspired him then has animated him throughout 
 his administration. When others stood appalled in the presence of the great 
 strike, he cheerfully, and with alacrity, assumed a responsibility not officially 
 incumbent upon him, and bravely springing into the breach, succeeded in 
 procuring a settlement that brought tranquillity to the representatives of 
 capital, and smiles and sunshine into the faces and homes of the humble 
 laborers. (Applause.) 
 
 He unhesitatingly measured swords with the giant corporation, which 
 threatened the people with wrong and oppression, and brought it into sub- 
 jection. 
 
 He knows how and when to plan, and, better still, how and when to exe- 
 cute. Alert of mind, he has quickly seized every opportunity. In the pro- 
 curement of concessions for the Panama Canal, he accomplished more in a 
 few hours than his predecessors accomplished in more than a hundred 
 years. He did not attempt to unloose, he cut the Gordion knot. 
 
 His enemies say, that he can not be trusted ; but the people know that one 
 who always does the right thing, at the right time and in the right way, is en- 
 titled to their implicit confidence. (Applause.) 
 
 His enemies say, that he is unsafe. His record proves that he is unsafe 
 only to the lawless, the trickster, the grafter and those who deny equal pro- 
 tection of the law to any class of American citizens. But in the discharge of 
 the great trusts devolved upon him, he has proven a harbor of safety. 
 
 His enemies predicted, that he would involve the Nation in war ; but 
 all his victories have been those of diplomacy and peace, and today he enjoys 
 the respect and friendship of every foreign power. 
 
 He has not been the pliable instrument of any man, or set of men. He 
 is the creator, not the creature of public sentiment. He is not controlled by 
 popular clamor, but hews to the line, let the chips fall where tney may. He 
 is not a laggard, a time server or an idle dreamer. He loses no opportunity on 
 account of timid doubt or annoying hesitation He is not a follower, but every 
 inch a leader. He is not an imitator, but thoroughly original, guided alone by 
 a clear conception of right and the genius of common sense. 
 
 He boldly and fearlessly advances ; he never sounds the retreat. Im- 
 bued with never-failing courage, tempered with sound and conservative 
 judgment; brilliant as a meteor, yet steady and certain as the sun in its 
 course ; gifted with broad and intelligent statesmanship ; fixed in lofty pur- 
 pose, he is the embodiment of American ideas, American vigor and the most 
 exalted type of American manhood. 
 
 He was born to fulfill a mission. That mission in part accomplished will 
 be completed in coming years, and his name shall go ringing down the cen- 
 turies with those of the immortal few "who were not born to die." 
 
 In Kentucky we-have "contended against principalities and powers and the 
 rulers of darkness." We have, in truth, fought with all manner of beasts, not 
 at Ephesus but at Frankfort. We are nerving ourselves for the coming 
 conflict, and in November next hope to break the chains which partisan legis- 
 lation has thrown around us and restore freedom to the State which gave
 
 1GO OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 birth to Abraham Lincoln and holds within its bosom the ashes of Henry 
 Clay. (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. JOSEPH B. COTTON, OF MINNESOTA. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen, I take great pleasure in intro- 
 ducing to you one of those young men who are doing things in the Republic. 
 He comes from Duluth, at the head of the "unsalted sea." 
 
 Mr. COTTON. Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention: Re- 
 sponsive to the swelling chorus of millions of voices from all over the Re- 
 public, we are here to name as our standard bearer the gifted son of the 
 Empire State, who bas in his make-up all the resolute spirit and vigor of the 
 imperial West and in whose veins courses the rich, warm blood of the daunt- 
 less South-land. Nominating and seconding speeches here are of no mo- 
 ment, for his nomination has already been made by the American people them- 
 selves. We have only to select his running mate, proclaim the doctrines of 
 our faith, and go forth and overwhelm once more the cohorts of a distracted, 
 distempered and dismembered Democracy. 
 
 Our Democratic friends in this year of grace are destined to be mere idle 
 dreamers and only seers of visions. Dissentious, they lack faith and have no 
 issue. Why, just now they are trying to let go of the "Orator of the Platte" 
 and his fustian "Cross of Gold." They now say that "Free Silver" is dead 
 because the Almighty put too much gold in the lap of Old Mother Earth. 
 Concealing their real purpose, they no longer openly champion Free Trade. 
 They clamor only for a Republican revision of the Dingley Tariff. Has 
 it come to this, that with Chamberlain of England they are at last openly be- 
 come Protectionists? Overwhelmed by the rebuke of the people, they now 
 profess to be really anxious to keep the American Flag where it is, regard- 
 less and unmindful of whether the Constitution follows the Flag, or the Flag 
 follows the Constitution. Truly, can any good thing come out of this Demo- 
 cratic chaos and reluctant acquiescence in the triumph of Republican poli- 
 cies? In fifty history-making, creative years what policies, domestic or for- 
 eign, fiscal or industrial, expansive or constructive, has the Democratic Party 
 embodied into the National thought or woven into the fabric of the Republic? 
 An obstructionist always, it has been a participant, in spite of itself, in a 
 national glory and a greatness to which it has long since ceased to con- 
 tribute. Our virile young nation presses on with undying energy. Its foot- 
 prints are everywhere. It impresses its character upon every land. It is 
 unthinkable that at the very threshhold of our world-work the American 
 citizen will again experiment and imperil our all by turning over the reins of 
 Government to an inconstant, incapable and inert Democracy? To fulfil the 
 Republic's mighty destiny, the guiding, shaping, controlling spirit must and 
 will be the Republican Party. 
 
 The Republican Party has had and will ever have a glorious mission. It 
 has always been a party of action. Its promises have always been crystallized 
 into exact performance. For fifty years it has labored to advance the sub-
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 161 
 
 stantial progress of all the American people. It is making of America the 
 dominant world power. It has written into law the promises of fifty years in 
 respect of an Isthmian Canal. It has built up and firmly established by pro- 
 tective policies a nation which must eventually secure, for the surplus prod- 
 ucts and industry of her people, the markets of all the earth. Its thought is 
 along constructive lines and for the expansion requisite to meet the Nation's 
 industrial needs rather than for Democratic isolation. It has built up 
 American industries, protected American labor and safeguarded the American 
 home. It has permanently secured the nation upon the gold standard, the 
 standard of stability and enlightened civilization. In the olden day the 
 Crusader, armor-clad, rode valiantly away to rescue the Holy Land from 
 ruthless devastation. So, in this our day, the Republican party is carrying 
 forward the Stars and Stripes for the uplifting of mankind and the suprem- 
 acy of a civilization which finds its highest type in our glorious American 
 Republic. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the great Northwest, whence I hail, teems with hundreds of 
 thousands of enthusiastic Republicans. You know their worth and their 
 fealty. On their behalf I am commissioned to second the nomination of 
 their choice for President of these United States. We need and demand today 
 a wise and dauntless mariner to take our soundings and shape our course. In 
 this history-making hour, at the dawn of a century big with the potentialities 
 of individual and national life, when the Republic advances full speed upon 
 a future we cannot know, in all the excitement of the individual struggle for 
 wealth and self-aggrandizement, in the midst of tendencies toward municipal 
 and governmental corruption, and when keenest minds seem largely bent 
 upon profit without recompense, all born of an inherent weakness which can- 
 not be ignored but must be met, we have only to name our cnoice for Presi- 
 dent for all the world to know that his name is a synonym for courage, for 
 untiring energy, for loyalty to principle, for uprightness, for rugged honesty. 
 No words of any man are needed to tell you that he is pre-eminently qualified 
 to be our inspiring leader. We are proud of his distinguished career and of 
 his great service to the nation. We endorse his unswerving devotion to the 
 hiehest ideals of government and his stalwart Americanism. We support him 
 for his lofty character ; for his manifest genius ; for his splendid personality, 
 and for his superb moral courage. Four years ago, the Republican Party 
 placed him beside the immortal McKinley and with such standard bearers, 
 with such a cause, we marched to a glorious victory- When the assassin's 
 ignoble work was accomplished, and amidst the Nation's tears, showered with 
 the Nation's love, the gentle McKinley passed to the Ages and was crowned 
 with the wreath of immortal fame, the intrepid and aggressive Roosevelt 
 faced and was equal to the grave responsibilities of the Presidency. He has 
 kept the faith. By force of his character and his works he has extended, at 
 home and abroad, the influence and greatness of the Republic. His name has 
 come to be a symbol everywhere of American manhood, American valor, 
 American honesty and American supremacy.
 
 162 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Obeying a mandate both pleasing and supreme, on behalf of the great 
 State of Minnesota and the mighty Empire of the Northwest, whose growth 
 and prosperity will ever keep full pace with the giant tread of the Nation 
 itself, I desire to second the nomination of that intrepid leader, that potent 
 statesman, that master workman upon the greater Republic, that tried, trust- 
 ed and incomparable public servant, the President now, the President again 
 to be, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. HARRY S. CUMMINGS, OF MARYLAND. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention : God's 
 chosen people dwelled in bondage four hundred years. They wandered in the 
 desert forty years. It was a long reach from Pharaoh to Solomon's temple. 
 It is my privilege to introduce an American citizen whose people were 
 brought from a servile condition forty years ago to freedom, and who, with 
 equality before the law, have learned to live in the sweat of their faces, and 
 have made better progress in one generation than any servile race ever made 
 before in the history of the world. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. CUMMINGS. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have been admonished 
 that the greatest service I can do the great American people today, and the 
 opportunity of my life to make a hero of myself, is to speak as briefly as 
 possible. (Applause.) 
 
 For the distinguished honor of seconding the nomination of that grand 
 type of the American citizen, Theodore Roosevelt, I am profoundly grateful. 
 
 Fortunate indeed is it for this government that it has had during the eight 
 years just passed a political organization such as ours to meet face to face 
 with undaunted courage and determination, the many perplexing questions 
 which have arisen during that period. 
 
 Equally fortunate has been our party to have had within its ranks during 
 this crucial period such men as our able, wise and patriotic McKinley of be- 
 loved memory and our capable, courageous and aggressive Roosevelt upon 
 whose young though ample shoulders the mantle of the great McKinley fell. 
 
 Whether the questions affected our internal or external relations, they have 
 been boldly met and wisely solved. 
 
 We have carried to the Filipino, the Porto Rican, and the Cuban the torch 
 of light and intelligence, relieved them from the burdens and oppressions of 
 despotic rule, established civil government among them and are teaching them 
 the blessings of liberty and independence. (Applause.) 
 
 The Panama Canal, "The Key of the Universe," the construction of which 
 has for centuries been the dream and fancy of more than one government, 
 has under the prompt and decisive action of this administration been taken 
 from the realm of cloudland and dreamland and its completion in the near fu- 
 ture has become a certain and fixed fact. (Applause.) 
 
 The wise leadership of our party has kept so well adjusted our tariff and 
 currency legislation, that prosperity abounds in the land, labor is plentiful, the 
 laborer is well paid and contented, capital multiplies and seeks additional out- 
 lets for investments and enterprises.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 163 
 
 In a word, we have given a full and complete report of the stewardship 
 committed to our care during the past four years. It becomes the duty of this 
 convention to name a general who we hope and believe will lead the great 
 republican host to victory in the coming election. A man who will in every 
 way measure up to the responsibilty of the high office of President of this 
 country. Such an one in the person of our Chief Executive has been ably 
 and eloquently placed before you and heartily do we all endorse what has 
 been said. (Applause.) 
 
 "By their fruits ye shall know them." Theodore Roosevelt brings to this 
 party and the nation at the close of his administration the precious fruits of 
 three years of able and faithful service. 
 
 The solemn promise made by him when gloom and distress o'ershadowed 
 the nation, when stout hearts grew faint, when fears and misgivings were 
 abroad in the land, when the nation bowed in tears for her fallen hero, that 
 promise, made at a most trying time in our country's life, has been kept 
 to the letter, and he brings as an evidence of such, the plans and purposes 
 of his martyred predecessor fully developed and completed. 
 
 He is above all things, a true, honest, earnest and patriotic American citi- 
 zen. (Applause.) 
 
 He is a leader of unflinching courage, a man of wisdom, a man of action. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 He is open and frank, free from intrigue and concealment, in his life and 
 walk and conduct, he stands unapproached and unapproachable. (Applause.) 
 
 He is a broad man ; broad in intellect, broad in sympathies ; broad in 
 soul ; he lends a listening ear to the cry of the down trodden and oppressed, 
 and with strong and ready arm encircling the weak and helpless he bids them 
 rise and hope and live. (Applause.) 
 
 He is a just man, and believes that a man should be judged by merit and 
 merit alone; and that the just rewards of faithful and patriotic service should 
 be withheld from no one for any cause whatever. (Applause.) 
 
 With a vision unclouded by bias or prejudice, he sees through the outer 
 clay clad in different hues, the man within and there beholds the image of the 
 Divine Master, indicating the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of 
 Man. (Applause.) 
 
 Criticism, bitter, severe, unreasonable, has only served to make him the 
 more devoted to his country's welfare. 
 
 He believes that corruption and dishonesty in private life and in public 
 office should be unearthed and exposed and punished, no matter who the 
 guilty party may be or how high in official life he may stand. 
 
 He believes that respect for and obedience to law are the foundation upon 
 which this government must rest and that the violation of the oath of office 
 is little less than treason. 
 
 He believes that the Constitution of the United States and every amend- 
 ment thereof should be rigidly enforced and that its violation by whatever 
 subterfuges or undirectness of expression should be condemned and remedied.
 
 164 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 He is for these good and sufficient reasons, the man whom the people of 
 every section and in every walk of life, want for this high office. 
 
 First of all, the powerful Christian and moral sentiment of the nation 
 demands his nomination, and every Christian and moral agency will be exer- 
 cised for his election. (Applause.) 
 
 The laboring interest demands him. 
 
 The farmer as with happy heart he gathers in his bounteous harvest 
 stands ready to do battle for his return. The miner who in contentment 
 digs away in the bowels of the earth sees in him his salvation from op- 
 pression and encroachment. 
 
 The business man, and the capitalist to whom this administration has 
 brought abundant success eagerly await his nomination. So surely as he is 
 nominated by this Convention today, so surely will he be elected by the people 
 in November. 
 
 With his nomination and election, what an inspiring prospect opens up be- 
 fore the party and the Nation? With it will come new efforts to promote a 
 greater prosperity and a larger measure of happiness to all who dwell within 
 our borders. 
 
 With it will come that calm and peaceful assurance that while prosper- 
 ous, happy and contented at home, a wise, safe and skillful diplomacy guards 
 and protects our every interest throughout the civilized world. 
 
 And finally with it will come an advanced step towards the fulfillment of 
 the great mission of the Republican Party. 
 
 And that mission will not be performed until every section of our Con- 
 stitution and every amendment thereof shall be respected and made effective, 
 and until every citizen of every section, of every race and of every religion 
 shall proclaim in one grand chorus of that Constitution, "Thou art my shield 
 and my buckler." 
 
 God grant that in our party's struggle to reach that time, it may ever have 
 a man to place before the American people, for their suffrage, who has the 
 courage, the honesty, and the aggressiveness of Theodore Roosevelt. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 VOTE FOR CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If there are no other nominations of candi- 
 dates for President, the Clerk will call the roll. 
 
 The Clerk proceeded to call the roll. 
 
 MR. FRANKLIN MURPHY, of New Jersey (when New Jersey was called) : 
 Mr. Chairman, New Jersey asks unanimous consent that the further calling 
 of the roll be dispensed with, and that Theodore Roosevelt be chosen by ac- 
 clamation. 
 
 Cries of "No, No." 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. There is objection to the request of the 
 gentleman from New Jersey. 
 
 MR. MURPHY. I withdraw the request. 
 
 The roll call was concluded, and resulted as follows :
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 165 
 
 Whole For 
 
 Number of Theodore 
 Delegates. Roosevelt. 
 
 Alabama 22 22 
 
 Arkansas 18 18 
 
 California 20 20 
 
 Colorado 10 10 
 
 Connecticut 14 14 
 
 Delaware 6 6 
 
 Florida 10 10 
 
 Georgia 26 26 
 
 Idaho 6 6 
 
 Illinois 54 54 
 
 Indiana 30 30 
 
 Iowa 26 26 
 
 Kansas 20 20 
 
 Kentucky 26 26 
 
 Louisiana 18 18 
 
 Maine 12 12 
 
 Maryland 16 16 
 
 Massachusetts 32 32 
 
 Michigan 28 28 
 
 Minnesota 22 22 
 
 Mississippi 20 20 
 
 Missouri 36 36 
 
 Montana 6 6 
 
 Nebraska 16 16 
 
 Nevada 6 6 
 
 New Hampshire 8 8 
 
 New Jersey 24 24 
 
 New York . ..78 78 
 
 Whole For 
 
 Number of Theodore 
 Delegates. Roosevelt. 
 
 North Carolina 24 24 
 
 North Dakota 8 8 
 
 Ohio 46 46 
 
 Oregon 8 8 
 
 Pennsylvania 68 68 
 
 Rhode Island 8 8 
 
 South Carolina 18 18 
 
 South Dakota 8 8 
 
 Tennessee 24 24 
 
 Texas 36 36 
 
 Utah 6 6 
 
 Vermont 8 8 
 
 Virginia 24 24 
 
 Washington 10 10 
 
 West Virginia 14 14 
 
 Wisconsin 26 26 
 
 Wyoming 6 6 
 
 District of Columbia... 2 2 
 
 Alaska 6 6 
 
 Arizona 6 6 
 
 Indian Territory 6 6 
 
 New Mexico 6 6 
 
 Oklahoma 6 6 
 
 Hawaii *6 6 
 
 Philippines 2 2 
 
 Porto Rico 2 2 
 
 Totals .. ...994 994 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The total number of votes in the convention 
 is 904. Theodore Roosevelt has received 994 votes ; and it only remains for 
 me to announce that Theodore Roosevelt, of the State of New York, is 
 your candidate for the Presidency for the term commencing on the 4th 
 of March, 1905. (Applause.) 
 
 NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the nomina- 
 tion of a candidate for Vice President. The Clerk will call the roll of States 
 for the presentation of candidates. 
 
 The CLERK proceeded to call the roll. 
 
 Mr. OSCAR R. HUNDLEY, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). The 
 State of Alabama requests the privilege and the honor of yielding its place on 
 the roll call to the State of Iowa. 
 
 *This convention only.
 
 166 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 NOMINATING SPEECH OF MR. J. P. DOLLIVER, OF IOWA. 
 
 Mr. J. P. DOLLIVER, of Iowa, was escorted to the platform. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair presents Senator Jonathan P. 
 Dolliver, of the State of Iowa. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. DOLLIVER. Gentlemen of the Convention : The National Republican 
 Convention, now nearly ready to adjourn, has presented to the world a moral 
 spectacle of extraordinary interest and significance. It is a fine thing to see 
 thousands of men, representing millions of people, fighting in the political 
 arena, for their favorite candidates, and contending valiantly for the success 
 of contradictory principles and conflicting doctrines. Out of such a contest, 
 with its noise and declamation, its flying banners, its thunder of the captains 
 and the shouting, the truth often secures a vindication, and the right man 
 comes out victorious. Sometimes, however, wisdom is lost in the confusion, 
 and more than once we have seen the claims of leadership swallowed up in 
 contention and strife. 
 
 We have the honor to belong to a convention whose constituency in every 
 state and territory, and in the islands of the sea, has done its thinking by quiet 
 firesides, undisturbed by clamor of any sort, and has simplified our responsi- 
 bilities by the unmistakable terms of the credentials which we hold at their 
 hands 
 
 At intervals of four years I followed the banner of James G. Elaine 
 through the streets of our convention cities, from Cincinnati to Minneapolis, 
 and did my full share to see that nobody got any more applause than the 
 great popular leader who had captured my enthusiasm long before I was 
 old enough to vote. 
 
 Not even his defeat served to diminish the hold which our champion had 
 upon the hearts of those who followed him, and it has required a good deal 
 of experience to enable them to understand the lesson of his defeat. Other 
 conventions have met to settle the fate of rival chieftains ; we meet to record 
 the judgment of the Republican millions of the United States. 
 
 They have based their opinion upon the facts of the case. They have 
 not concluded that we have the greatest President of the United States since 
 Washington. They know how to measure the height and depth of things 
 better even than Professor Bryce, when he deals with the superlatives which 
 find their way into all well-regulated banquets after midnight. They have 
 not forgotten the grave of Lincoln, which has become a shrine for the pil- 
 grimage of the human race. They remember still the day when the Canon 
 of Westminster opened the doors of that venerable monument to admit the 
 name of the silent American soldier into the household of English-spoken 
 fame. 
 
 They have passed no vainglorious judgment upon the career of Theodore 
 Roosevelt. They have studied it with sympathetic interest from his boy- 
 hood, as he has risen from one station of public usefulness to another, until 
 at length, before the age of 45, he stands upon the highest civic eminence 
 known among men. Their tears fell with his as he stood in the shadow of
 
 HON. J. P. DOLLIVER, of Iowa, 
 
 Who Made the Address Placing Senator Fairbanks in Nomination for 
 Vice- President.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 167 
 
 poor McKinley's death, and as a part of his oath of office, asked the trusted 
 counsellors who stood by the side of the fallen President to help him carry 
 forward the work which he had left unfinished, and while his administration 
 deserved the tribute which it received in this convention from the eloquent 
 lips of our temporary chairman, it is because he has executed in a manly 
 way the purpose of the Republican party, and interpreted aright the aspira- 
 tions of the American people. Nor can there be a doubt that, if in the years 
 to come, he shall walk steadfastly in the same path, he will be numbered 
 among the great leaders of the people who have given dignity and influence 
 to their highest office. 
 
 But the judgment of the Republican party is not only united upon its 
 candidate it is unanimous also upon the fundamental principles for which 
 it stands. I think the convention has been fortunate in harmonizing the 
 minor differences which unavoidably arise in a country like ours, where 
 speech is free, and where printing is free. We stand together on the propo- 
 sition that the industrial system of the United States must not be undermined 
 by a hostile partisan agitation and that whatever changes are necessary in 
 our laws, ought to be made by the friends, or at least the acquaintances, of 
 the protective tariff system. The things upon which we are agreed are so 
 great, and the things about which we differ are so small, that we are able, 
 without sacrificing sincere Republican convictions anywhere, to unite as one 
 man in defense of our common faith. 
 
 The roll-call of this convention is a reminder, not without its melancholy 
 suggestion, that the veterans of Republican leadership are transferring the 
 responsibilities which they have borne, to the generation born since 1850. 
 The children of the men who laid the foundations of the Republican party 
 are here to begin the celebration of its fiftieth anniversary. A heavy hand 
 has been laid since we met at Philadelphia upon the men who guided the 
 counsels of the party. Nelson Dingley, whose name is associated in im- 
 mortal reputation with the industrial and commercial miracles which opened 
 the new century, is gone, and within the borders of the same state lies all 
 that is mortal of Thomas B. Reed, who put an end to anarchy in the American 
 house of representatives ; dear old uncle Mark Hanna, whose face has looked 
 down with the benediction of an old friend upon our deliberations, we shall 
 see no more ; within the past few days we buried Matthew Stanley Quay in 
 the bosom of the commonwealth which he loved, and which, in spite of the 
 malice and calumny which pursued him while he lived, never failed in its 
 affectionate confidence in him, while over the whole four years has hung the 
 shadow of the national affliction which left the American people in sackcloth 
 and ashes. 
 
 We stand at the beginning of the new era, and while the Republican party 
 leans upon the counsel of its old leaders, it has not hesitated to summon to 
 the responsibilities of public life the young men who have been trained under 
 their guidance to take up the burdens which they are ready to lay down, and 
 finish the work which comes to them as an inheritance of patriotism and 
 duty. That is the significance of the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, and
 
 168 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 that is the explanation of the call which has been made by the Republican 
 party without a dissenting voice, upon Charles W. Fairbanks, to stand by the 
 side of the President in the guidance and leadership of the Republican party. 
 While he has not sought to constrain the judgment of the convention, 
 directly or indirectly, he has kept himself free from the affectation which 
 undervalues the dignity of the second office in the gift of the American peo- 
 ple, and I do not doubt that his heart has been touched by the voluntary ex- 
 pression of universal good will which has already chosen as one of the 
 standard-bearers of the Republican party of the United States. The office 
 has sought the man and he will bring to the office the commanding person- 
 ality of a statesman equal to any of the great responsibilities which belong 
 to our public affairs. A leader of the senate, the champion of all the' great 
 policies which constitute the invincible record of the Republican party dur- 
 ing the last ten years, his name will become a tower of strength to our cause, 
 not only in his own state, but everywhere throughout the country. A man 
 of affairs, the whole business community shares the confidence which his 
 political associates have reposed in him from the beginning of his public life. 
 The quiet, undemonstrative, popular opinion which has given the Republican 
 party a platform upon which all Republicans can stand with no dissenting 
 voice, here or anywhere, has long since anticipated the action of this con- 
 vention in adding to the national Republican ticket the name of Senator Fair- 
 banks of Indiana. I take pleasure in presenting his name, honored every- 
 where throughout the United States, as our candidate for Vice President. 
 
 FIFTY YEARS OF EMANCIPATION. 
 
 SENATOR DEPEW'S RATTLING SPEECH SECONDING NOMINATION OF FAIRBANKS. 
 
 Senator Chauncey M. Depew made the first speech seconding the nomina- 
 tion of Senator Fairbanks for vice-president at the Republican national con- 
 vention held in Chicago, on June 23. A remark coming from a delegate, 
 "Have you had your dinner ?" was used by the Senator as a text. He said : 
 
 My friend wants to know if I have had my dinner, but what I am about 
 to say is in behalf of dinners for the American people. [Laughter and 
 cries of "Good."] 
 
 I cannot help thinking, in listening to the eloquence with which we have 
 been entertained this morning, what will be the difference when our Demo- 
 cratic friends meet on July 6 to go through with their duty of nominating 
 candidates and adopting a platform. We here have been unanimous upon 
 our candidates, all agreed upon our principles, all recognizing and applauding 
 our great statesmen, living and dead, and agreeing with them, while on the 
 other hand in that convention there will be the only two living exponents 
 of Democratic principles. 
 
 On the one side will be their only president, rising and saying, "Be sane," 
 while on the other side, in opposition will come their last candidate for presi- 
 dent saying, "Be Democrats." The two are incompatible. [Laughter and 
 applause.]
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 169 
 
 I present two thoughts which it seems to me in the flood of our oratory 
 have been passed by. There has been criticism of this convention that it was 
 without enthusiasm and perfunctory and would occupy little place in history. 
 But this convention is an epoch making convention because it marks the 
 close of fifty years of the life of the Republican party. 
 
 That fifty years if we should divide recorded time into periods of half a 
 century the fifty years from 1854 to IO 4 would concentrate more that has 
 been done in this world for the uplifting of humanity than all the half cen- 
 turies which have preceded. 
 
 While this half century has done so much in electricity, so much in steam, 
 so much in inventions, so much in medicine, so much in surgery and in 
 science, its one distinguishing characteristic will be that it was the half cen- 
 tury of emancipation emancipation all over the world, led mainly by the 
 American thought and the success of the American experiment. 
 
 But when for our purpose we look back over the accomplishment of this 
 half century we find that the best part of it, that which has made most for 
 the welfare of the country, most for emancipation, has been done by the 
 Republican party. 
 
 Just one word to throw the picture on the wall. In 1854 the Missouri 
 compromise was repealed and the territory whose purchase is now being cele- 
 brated at St. Louis was dedicated to slavery, and in 1863 Abraham Lincoln 
 freed the slaves. [Applause.] 
 
 In 1854 Jarnes Buchanan at Ostend issued the manifesto to buy or con- 
 quer Cuba for slavery, and in 1900 William McKinley set up Cuba as an in- 
 dependent republic. [Applause.] In 1854 the first cable flashed under the 
 Atlantic ocean, and the use of this tremendous discovery came from a Re- 
 publican president who was the only president since the formation of the 
 country who had presided over the destinies of a free people, with freedom 
 in the constitution, and the Declaration of Independence no longer a living 
 lie. 
 
 AMERICA'S COMMERCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 So it is also in diplomacy. Fifty years ago those of our people who were 
 located among the semi-civilized nations of Asia and Africa placed them- 
 selves under the protection of the consuls of Great Britain or the Euro- 
 pean government most influential in that territory. Today an American 
 fleet appears in the harbor of Tangier, and the secretary of state sends the 
 thrilling message, "We want Perdicaris alive or Raisuli dead." [Cheers.] 
 
 Now, it was only sixty years ago, ten years preceding the birth of the 
 Republican party, when that great wit and great writer, Sydney Smith, asked, 
 In the four quarters of the globe who reads an American book or goes to 
 an American play or looks at an American picture or statue? What does 
 the world yet owe to American physicians and surgeons? What new sub- 
 stances have their chemists discovered or what old ones have they analyzed? 
 What new constellations have been discovered by the telescopes of Ameri-
 
 170 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 cans? What have they done in mathematics? Who drinks out of American 
 glasses or eats from American plates or wears American coats or gowns or 
 sleeps in American blankets? 
 
 The answer is that from the figures coming yesterday from the Depart- 
 nient of Commerce and Labor we discovered that this year $450,000,000 of 
 manufactured articles from American looms and factories go into European 
 markets to compete with the highly organized industrial nations of the world 
 in their own market places. [Applause.] 
 
 An American can start and go around the world and not leave his coun- 
 try. He can cross the Pacific to Yokohama in a Northern Pacific steamer. 
 He rides through Japan and China on American electrical appliances. He 
 goes 6,000 miles across the Siberian railway in American cars, drawn by 
 American locomotives. In Spain, alongside of their orange groves, he finds 
 California and Florida oranges. In France he drinks wine labeled French 
 which has come from San Francisco. [Laughter and applause.] 
 
 He crosses the Nile upon a bridge made in Pittsburg. [Applause.] In 
 an English hotel he goes to his room near the roof in an elevator manufac- 
 tured in New York. His feet are in carpets made in Yonkers. On the 
 banks of the Ganges he reads his cables by an electric light run by an Ameri- 
 can and made in America. He goes under old London in tunnels dug and 
 run by American machinery and American genius, and then he goes to New- 
 castle and finds that the impossible has been profitably accomplished, and 
 coals American coals are carried to Newcastle. [Laughter and applause.] 
 
 Now, my friends, while we represent the positive, the convention which 
 meets on the 6th of July represents that element unknown heretofore in 
 American politics, the opportunist. It is waiting for bankruptcy, waiting for 
 panic, waiting for industrial depression, waiting for financial distress. 
 
 There was an old farmer upon the Maine coast who owned a farm with 
 a rocky ledge running out into the ocean and called Hurricane Point; on it 
 ships were wrecked, and he gathered his harvest from the wreckage, and, in 
 his will, he wrote, "I divide my farm equally among my children, but Hur- 
 ricane Point shall be kept for all of you forever, for while the winds blow 
 and the waves roll the Lord will provide." [Great laughter.] But we have 
 put a lighthouse on Hurricane Point, a lighthouse of protection, with a re- 
 volving light shedding golden beams over the ocean, and American com- 
 merce in going and coming is absolutely safe. [Applause.] 
 
 Time eliminates reputations. One or two men represent a period. There 
 are very few statesmen who are remembered by succeeding generations. 
 The heroes of the civil war on both sides are reduced in popular recollection 
 to two names. Issues and events, which make history, bring out qualities 
 of greatness in those specially gifted for statesmanship and government. 
 The constructive genius of the country was first in the Federal, then in the 
 Democratic, then in the Whig and for the past half century in the Repub- 
 r .can party. This is the result : In our first era the leaders were Washing- 
 ton, Hamilton and Adams, Federalists ; in the second era, Jefferson and
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 171 
 
 Jackson, Democrats ; in the third era, Webster and Clay, Whigs ; in the 
 fourth and most productive era of all that makes life worth living and citi- 
 zenship valuable, Lincoln, Grant and McKinley, all Republicans. [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 We love Roosevelt because of his "indiscretions." When everybody else 
 thought it foolish his foresight provided powder and ball for Dewey. When 
 the financial world said it was folly to enforce the laws the supreme court of 
 the United States justified the wisdom of the president. Who calls him rash, 
 impetuous and tumultuous? It is the statesmen who enacted the Wilson bill, 
 with its attendant distress, bankruptcy and ruin ; the statesmen who would 
 have given us silver at 16 to i, with the inevitable collapse of our home in- 
 dustries and our foreign markets ; it is the statesmen who would give up the 
 Philippines and would have lost the opportunity to build the isthmian canal 
 while discussing questions of international law and constitutional preroga- 
 tives. [Applause.] 
 
 To Roosevelt's "impulsiveness," "rashness" and "indiscretions" we owe the 
 settlement of the coal strike, which, if continued, would have produced 
 among a freezing people in the great cities and among millions thrown out of 
 employment, because of manufactories shut down, suffering, riot and revolu- 
 tion. We owe to Roosevelt's "indiscretions," "rashness" and "impetuosity" 
 the removal of the fear and the perils of gigantic trusts by proving that they 
 are the creatures of and within the power of the law. We owe to Roose- 
 velt's "indiscretions," "rashness" and "impetuosity" the solution of the prob- 
 lem of 400 years, the realization of the hope of the statesmen of this coun- 
 try for more than a half of a century, the fruition of the dream of Columbus 
 and the welding of the east and the west and gaining of the Pacific ocean 
 and the Orient for our commerce, in the concession of the right and the 
 beginning of the work of the construction of the isthmian canal. If, as our 
 opponents say, the campaign is Roosevelt, we follow the fortunes of our 
 young leader, confident of victory. [Applause.] 
 
 OFFICE OF VICE-PRESIDENT. 
 
 And now, gentlemen, it seems to me we have not attached enough impor- 
 tance to the office of vice-president of the United States. [Applause.] It 
 was not so among the fathers. Then of the two highest potential presi- 
 dential possibilities one took the presidency, the other the vice-presidency. 
 But in the last forty years ridicule and caricature have placed the office 
 almost in contempt. 
 
 Let us remember that Thomas Jefferson, let us remember that old John 
 Adams, let us remember that John C. Calhoun and George Clinton and 
 Martin Van Buren were vice-presidents of the United States. Eighty mil- 
 lion people want for vice-president a presidential figure of full size. 
 
 He presides over the senate, but he does more than that. He is the 
 confidant of the senators. He is the silent member of every committee. He 
 is influential in that legislation which originates and which is shaped in the
 
 172 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 senate, and now that we have become a world power, now that treaties make 
 for either our prosperity, our open door or closed harbors, he is necessarily 
 an important factor in the machinery of the government. 
 
 By the tragic death of McKinley the vice-president was elevated to the 
 presidency, and today for the first time we have renominated the vice- 
 president who thus came to be the president. [Applause.] 
 
 All that has been said here about Theodore Roosevelt is true, but the 
 highest tribute to him is that the American people for the first time unani- 
 mously demand that a vice-president shall be the elect of their choice for 
 the presidency of the United States. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, it is my privilege in looking for vice-presidential pos- 
 sibilities to announce what you all know that we have found a vice-presi- 
 dential candidate of full presidential size. [Applause.] Everybody knows 
 that if the towering figure of Theodore Roosevelt had been out of this 
 canvass one of the promising candidates before this convention for president 
 of the United States would have been Charles W. Fairbanks. [Applause.] 
 
 And New York, appreciating his great ability as a lawyer, appreciating 
 the national name he has made for himself as a senator, appreciating his 
 dignity, his character and his genius for public affairs, seconds the nomina- 
 tion of Charles W. Fairbanks for vice-president of the United States. [Pro- 
 longed applause and cheering.] 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. J. B. FORAKER, OF OHIO. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, we have come here to do 
 three things : Make a platform, name the next president of the United 
 States, and also name the next vice president of the United States. 
 
 We have done two of these things, and are about to do the third. We 
 have done both of the things we have done well. The platform we adopted 
 yesterday has already met the favorable judgment of the American people. 
 It is the counterpart of the best the Republican party has ever adopted, and, 
 if you would know how high is that tribute, recall the fact of which every 
 Republican may justly feel proud that, of all the many platforms we 
 have made in the fifty years of our party life, we would not today strike one 
 of them from our record if we could. 
 
 Further than that, there is not a plank, or a declaration, or a thought, or 
 an idea in one of them that we would erase if we had the power. From the 
 platform of 1856 down to the one adopted yesterday, all are as sound as a 
 gold dollar. If you would know what a tribute is here to Republican patriot- 
 ism, wisdom and statesmanship, recall the great questions with which the 
 Republican party has dealt in making these platforms. They are all im- 
 perishable contributions to our political literature. 
 
 If you would further know the measure of our success, read also of the 
 lamentable failure our Democratic friends have met with in making their 
 platforms. While we are today proud of the success of ours, they cannot 
 find one platform they have made in all this period that does not have some
 
 HON. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio, 
 
 Who Seconded the Nomination of Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks for 
 Vice- President.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 173 
 
 features at least of which they are now ashamed. Not all of them, perhaps, 
 because there are apparently some Democrats who can hardly be ashamed 
 of anything. (Laughter.) 
 
 On the platform made yesterday we have placed our candidate who is to 
 head the ticket. It was not as easy to some of the conventions that have 
 gone before to name a Republican candidate for the presidency, as it was for 
 us to name our candidate here today. In former years, when we have been 
 called upon to choose between such great leaders as Conkling and Morton 
 and Elaine and Garfield and Harrison and McKinley, they have been matched 
 so evenly, their claims for merit were so nearly equal, that it was a hard 
 task. But this time one man stood head and shoulders above all others of 
 our Republican leaders, nominated, as has been well said, from this platform 
 by the American people before we took our seats in this convention. We 
 could choose only him. 
 
 On the ticket with him, as his associate for the vice presidency, we want 
 now to place a man who represents in his personality, in his beliefs, in his 
 public services, in his high character, all the splendid record the Republican 
 party has made ; all the great declarations of all our platforms ; a man who 
 will typify, as the leader of our ticket will, the highest ambitions and the 
 noblest purposes of the Republican party of the United States. (Applause.) 
 
 I shall not detain you with a eulogy of Senator Fairbanks beyond simply 
 saying that to all who know him personally, as those of us do who have been 
 closely associated with him in the public service, he meets all the require- 
 ments so eloquently stated by Senator Depew. He, indeed, is of presidential 
 calibre. He has all the qualifications for the high office for which he has 
 been named, ancj, by all of these tokens and considerations, in the name of 
 the 46 delegates of Ohio, I second the nomination of Senator Fairbanks. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. SAMUEL W. PENNYPACKER, OF PENN- 
 SYLVANIA. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention, to every 
 arch there must be a keystone. In the Republican arch Pennsylvania by name 
 and in fact is the keystone. (Applause.) I had three of a kind, and now I 
 take great pleasure in introducing the fourth, Governor Pennypacker, of the 
 State of Pennsylvania. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. PENNYPACKER, of Pennsylvania. Gentlemen of the convention : The 
 first national convention of the Republican party was held in that city in west- 
 ern Pennsylvania which rivals in wealth, in enterprise, in energy, the great 
 mart along the shores of the inland lakes wherein, after the lapse of nearly 
 half a century, we meet today. Pennsylvania may well claim to be the leader 
 among Republican States. The principles which are embodied in the platform 
 of the party as we have adopted it are the results of the teachings of her 
 scholars and statesmen. Her majorities for the nominees of that party are 
 greater and more certain than those of any other State. (Applause.) She
 
 174 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 alone of all the States since the election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860, has 
 never given an electoral vote against a candidate of the Republican party for 
 the Presidency. (Applause.) She is generous and unselfish in her devo- 
 tion. During the period of half a century that has gone no son of hers has 
 been either President or Vice President. She has been satisfied, like the Earl 
 of Warwick, to be the maker of kings. (Applause.) She has been content 
 that you should have regard to the success of the party and the welfare of 
 the country rather than to the personal interests of her citizens. 
 
 The waters of the Ohio, rising in the mountains of Pennsylvania, roll 
 westward, bearing fertility and men to the prairie lands of Indiana. The 
 thought of Pennsylvania turns with kindred feeling toward the State which 
 has produced Oliver P. Morton, Benjamin Harrison and the brave Hoosiers 
 who fought alongside of Reynolds on the Oak Ridge at Gettysburg. (Ap- 
 plause.) She recalls that Abraham Lincoln and Uncle Joe Cannon, both of 
 them wanderers from the South to reach distinction in the North, before 
 they came to Illinois had a preliminary training in Indiana. (Applause.) 
 
 She well remembers that when her own Senator, he who did so much 
 for the Republican party, and whose wise counsels, alas ! are missing today, 
 bore a commission to Washington, he had no more sincere supporter than the 
 able and distinguished statesman who then, as he does now, represented In- 
 diana in the United States Senate. (Applause.) 
 
 Pennsylvania with the approval of her judgment and with glad anticipa- 
 tion of victory in her heart, following a leader, who, like the Chevalier of 
 France, is without fear and without reproach, seconds the nomination for the 
 Vice Presidency of Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana. 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. THOMAS H. CARTER, OF MONTANA. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention, we have had 
 four of a kind. Wonderful to relate, here is a fifth ace Tom Carter, of 
 Montana. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. CARTER, of Montana. Gentlemen of the convention, it will be at 
 once consoling and reassuring to you for me to announce that I do not rise 
 to make a speech, but merely to deliver a message. 
 
 You will all recall how upon a historic day eight years ago the inter- 
 mountain country, theretofore solidly Republican, became tempest tossed and 
 disconcerted. It will be remembered with regret that since 1892 Republican 
 electoral votes in the Rocky Mountain country have been few and far be- 
 tween. I am here today to say to you that from the Canadian line to the 
 south line of Colorado, and from the Missouri river to the Pacific Ocean each 
 and every vote will be cast for Theodore Roosevelt in the Electoral Col- 
 lege. (Applause.) 
 
 The manner in which this happy result has been brought about is well 
 worth a moment's consideration. We all recall the kind, considerate and wise 
 administration of affairs by William McKinley and his successor as Presi- 
 dent guided, aided and assisted by the venerated Mark Hanna, of Ohio. (Ap-
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 175 
 
 plause.) Of all those who have been sympathetic through good and evil re- 
 port, while standing inflexible for the cardinal principles of the party, one 
 of the strongest and most comforting who have helped has been Charles W. 
 Fairbanks, of Indiana, whose nomination I second. With Roosevelt and 
 Fairbanks the West will be secure. (Applause.) I thank you. (Applause.) 
 
 WITHDRAWAL OF MR. R. R. HITT'S NAME. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Are there further nominations? (Cries 
 of "No, No.") If not, by unanimous consent, the further call of the States 
 will be dispensed with. 
 
 Mr. SHELBY M. CULLOM, of Illinois. Before any vote shall be taken, 
 Mr. Chairman, I desire to say one word. Illinois had the great honor of 
 having a candidate for the office of Vice-President, the Honorable Robert 
 R. Hitt. (Applause.) A day or two ago I received a telegram from that 
 distinguished gentleman stating that as the sentiment of the country seemed 
 so unanimous for Senator Fairbanks, he desired that I should withdraw his 
 name from consideration in connection with the great offce. 
 
 Therefore, Mr. Chairman, the Illinois delegation met together, accepted 
 the suggestion of Robert R. Hitt, and determined to give its solid vote to 
 Charles W. Fairbanks for Vice-President of the United State. (Applause.) 
 
 NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 
 
 Mr. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I ask unani- 
 mous consent that the roll call be dispensed with and that Senator Fair- 
 banks' nomination be made by an unanimous viva 1'oce vote. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York asks 
 unanimous consent that the roll call of the States be dispensed with, and that 
 Senator Fairbanks be chosen unanimously by this convention as our candi- 
 date for the vice presidency. 
 
 Mr. W. P. MILES, of Nebraska. Mr. Chairman, the Nebraska delegation 
 withholds for just a moment its consent to that request. 
 
 On behalf of Nebraska's candidate for the Vice-Presidency, the Nebraska 
 delegation extends greeting to Indiana. It .recognizes that in Roosevelt and 
 Fairbanks we have a combination of character and intelligence worthy of the 
 aspirations and traditions of the Republican party, and we, therefore, second 
 the nomination. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. L. F. PARKER, of Missouri. I am unanimously instructed by the 
 delegation from Missouri to say that Missouri recognizes, and cheerfully rec- 
 ognizes, the practically unanimous will of this convention, and withdraws the 
 name of Cyrus Walbridge as its candidate for the Vice Presidency of the 
 United States. It further instructs me to cast its unanimous vote for Charles 
 W. Fairbanks for that honor. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. HENRY BLUN, JR., of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, Georgia instructed 
 her delegation to cast her ballot for one of her sons, but realizing that sound 
 money makes sound banks, and that sound banks make certain Fairbanks
 
 176 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 (laughter), she withdraws, and Georgia seconds the nomination of the gen- 
 tleman from Indiana, Mr. Charles W. Fairbanks. (Applause.) 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the 
 gentleman from New York (Mr. Depew) that the roll call on the question of 
 nominating a candidate for Vice President be dispensed with, and that the 
 nomination of Mr. Fairbanks be made by acclamation. The Chair hears none. 
 All those who are in favor of the nomination of Charles W. Fairbanks, will 
 say "aye." 
 
 The vote was unanimous in the affirmative. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. It only remains for the Chair to declare by 
 the unanimous choice of the convention Charles W. Fairbanks of the State of 
 Indiana, is our candidate for Vice President for the term commencing on 
 the 4th of March, 1905. (Applause.) 
 
 (There were calls for Mr. Fairbanks.) 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Senator Fairbanks is not in the hall. 
 
 COMMITTEES TO NOTIFY THE NOMINEES. 
 
 Mr. J. P. DOLLJVER, of Iowa. Mr. Chairman I offer the resolution which 
 I send to the desk. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Iowa offers a reso- 
 lution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That the Permanent Chairman of this Convention, Hon. Joseph 
 G. Cannon, of Illinois, be appointed chairman of the committee to notify Hon. 
 Theodore Roosevelt of his nomination for President; and that Temporary 
 Chairman, Hon. Elihu Root, of New York, be appointed chairman of the 
 committee to notify Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks of his nomination for Vice- 
 President; and that the committee notify the candidate for President on July 
 27th, and the candidate for Vice-President on August 3rd. 
 
 The GENERAL SECRETARY (Mr. C. W. Johnson). The question is on 
 agreeing to the resolution offered by the gentleman from Iowa. 
 The resolution was unanimously agreed to. 
 
 PUBLICATION OF PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 Mr. KNUTE NELSON, of Minnesota. I submit for consideration the reso- 
 lution which I send to the desk. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Minnesota presents a 
 resolution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby directed to prepare 
 and publish a full and complete report of the official proceedings of this con- 
 vention, under the direction of the National Committee, co-operating with the 
 local committee. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 177 
 
 THANKS TO CONVENTION OFFICERS. 
 
 Mr. W. B. HEYBURN, of Idaho. I offer the resolution which I send to 
 the desk. 
 
 The resolution was read, and unanimously agreed to, as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are tendered to the Temporary 
 Chairman, the Permanent Chairman, the Secretary and his Assistants, the 
 Sergeant-at-Arms, and his Deputies, Clerk at the Chairman's desk, the Reading 
 and Tally Clerks, the Official Reporter, and the Messengers. 
 
 THANKS TO THE CITY OF CHICAGO, ETC. 
 
 Mr. FRANKLIN MURPHY, of New Jersey. I offer a resolution and ask for 
 its present consideration. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey offers a 
 resolution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are hereby tendered to the Hon. 
 Samuel B. Raymond, Chairman, and the members of the Chicago Committee on 
 Arrangements; the members of the sub-committee of the Republican National 
 Committee, the citizens of Chicago, etc., for the hospitable and perfect pro- 
 vision made for the sessions of the convention, and the entertainment of the 
 delegates, alternates and visitors. 
 
 The resolution was unanimously agreed to.
 
 178 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY HONORABLE THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will now read the names of the 
 members of the committee appointed to notify Honorable Theodore Roosevelt 
 of his nomination. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 States or Territories Name. 
 
 Alabama J. O. THOMPSON 
 
 Arkansas H. L. REMMEL. 
 
 California GEORGE C. PARDEE 
 
 Colorado CHARLES F. CASWELL 
 
 Connecticut CHARLES S. MELLEN 
 
 Delaware FRANCIS S. BRADLEY 
 
 Florida JAMES N. COOMBS 
 
 Georgia H. S. EDWARDS 
 
 Idaho WELDON B. HEYBURN 
 
 Illinois ISAAC L. ELLWOOD 
 
 Indiana W. R. McKEEN 
 
 Iowa GEORGE M. CURTIS 
 
 Kansas W. T. F. DONALD 
 
 Kentucky CHARLES F. WEAVER 
 
 Louisiana EMIL KUNTZ 
 
 Maine ERNEST M. GOOD ALL 
 
 Maryland FELEX ANGUS 
 
 Massachusetts CHARLES G. WASHBURN 
 
 Michigan CHARLES E. SWEET 
 
 Minnesota WALTER W. HEFFELFINGER 
 
 Mississippi L. B. MOSELEY 
 
 Missouri W. C. PIERCE 
 
 Montana CONRAD KOHRS 
 
 Nebraska GURDON W. WATTLES 
 
 Nevada E. S. FARINGTON 
 
 New Hampshire ROSECRANS W. PILLSBURY 
 
 New Jersey LESLIE D. WARD 
 
 New York CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 
 
 North Carolina I. M. MEEKINS 
 
 North Dakota V. B. NOBLE 
 
 Ohio GEORGE P. WALDORF 
 
 Oregon S. J. KLEIN 
 
 Pennsylvania FRANCIS L. ROBBINS 
 
 Rhode Island H. MARTIN BROWN 
 
 South Carolina A. D. WEBSTER 
 
 South Dakota G. E. ANDREWS 
 
 Tennessee T. A. LANCASTER 
 
 Texas W. S. SIMPSON 
 
 Utah WILLARD F. SNYDER 
 
 Vermont JAMES F. HOOKER 
 
 Virginia S. BROWN ALLEN 
 
 Washington J. G. LEWIS 
 
 West Virginia J. L. CALDWELL 
 
 Wisconsin O. H. FETHERS 
 
 Wyoming C. D. CLARK 
 
 District of Columbia JOHN F. COOK 
 
 Alaska J. W. IVEY 
 
 Arizona.. A. O. BRODIE
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 179 
 
 Indian Territory GEORGE W. BIGHAM 
 
 New Mexico M. A. OTERO 
 
 Oklahoma W. D. BOSSETT 
 
 Hawaii ERIC A. KNUDSON 
 
 Philippines E. C. McCULLOUGH 
 
 Porto Rico R. H. TODD 
 
 COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY HONORABLE CHARLES W. FAIR- 
 BANKS. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will now read the names of the 
 members of the committee appointed to notify Honorable Charles W. Fair- 
 banks of his nomination. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows : 
 
 State or Territory. Name. 
 
 Alabama L. J. BRYAN 
 
 Arkansas T. O. FITZPATRICK 
 
 California M. A. GUNST 
 
 Colorado THOMAS P. WALSH 
 
 Connecticut CHARLES C. BISSELL 
 
 Delaware G. LAYTON GRIER 
 
 Florida JOSEPH E. LEE 
 
 Georgia E. F. BLODGETT 
 
 Idaho C. J. HALL 
 
 Illinois VESPASIAN WARNER 
 
 Indiana JOSEPH HUDSPETH 
 
 Iowa J. W. DOXSEE 
 
 Kansas O. Z. SMITH 
 
 Kentucky JAMES BREATHITT 
 
 Louisiana C. C. DUSON 
 
 Maine EDWIN RILEY 
 
 Maryland JAMES E. INGRAM, JR. 
 
 Massachusetts WM. SHEPHERD 
 
 Michigan THOMAS WALTERS 
 
 Minnesota AMOS MARCKEL 
 
 Mississippi R. A. SIMMONS 
 
 Missouri E. S. BROWN 
 
 Montana J. E. EDWARDS 
 
 Nebraska H. M. CHILDS 
 
 Nevada H. B. MAXSON 
 
 New Hampshire EDWIN C. BEAN 
 
 New Jersey EDMUND WILSON 
 
 New York ELIHU ROOT 
 
 North Carolina B. F. MEBANE 
 
 North Dakota B. PROM 
 
 Ohio GEO. W. McMURCHY 
 
 Oregon N. C. RICHARDS 
 
 Pennsylvania W. L. CONNELL 
 
 Rhode Island SAMUEL L. PECK 
 
 South Carolina W. D. CRUM 
 
 South Dakota H. GODDARD 
 
 Tennessee A. A. HORNSBY 
 
 Texas C. DICKSON 
 
 Utah.. L. W. SHURTLIFF
 
 180 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Vermont JAMES F. MANNING 
 
 ' Virginia C. G. SMITHERS 
 
 Washington A. B. EASTHAM 
 
 West Virginia ENOCH CARVER 
 
 Wisconsin A. W. McLEOD 
 
 Wyoming F. W. MONDELL 
 
 District of Columbia ROBERT REYBURN 
 
 Alaska W. D. GRANT 
 
 Arizona J. X. WOODS 
 
 Indian Territory CHAS. W. RAYMOND 
 
 New Mexico D. J. LEAHY 
 
 Oklahoma JNO. H. COTTERAL 
 
 Hawaii A. G. M. ROBERTSON 
 
 Philippine Islands JOHN M. SWITZER 
 
 Porto Rico JOSE GOMEZ BRIOSO 
 
 FINAL ADJOURNMENT. 
 
 Mr. GRAEME STEWART, of Illinois. I move that the convention do now 
 adjourn sine die. 
 
 The motion was agreed to; and (at 2 o'clock and 22 minutes p. m.) the 
 Chair declared the convention adjourned without day.
 
 Official Notification of Candidates 
 
 ADDRESS OF HON. JOSEPH G. CANNON 
 
 Notifying President Roosevelt of his Nomination for President 
 at Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 27, 1894. 
 
 Mr. President : The people of the United States, by blood, heredity, edu- 
 cation and practice, are a self-governing people. We have sometimes been 
 subject to prejudice and embarrassment from harmful conditions, but we 
 have outgrown prejudice and overcome conditions as rapidly as possible, 
 having due regard to law and the rights of individuals. We have some- 
 times made mistakes, from a false sense of security or from a desire to 
 change policies instead of letting well enough alone, merely to see what 
 would happen, but we have always paid the penalty of unwise action at 
 the ballot box and endured the suffering until, under the law, through the 
 ballot box, we have returned to correct policies. Tested by experience, no 
 nation has so successfully solved all problems and chosen proper policies 
 as our nation. Under the lead of the Republican party for over forty years, 
 the United States, from being a third-class power among the nations, has 
 become in every respect first. The people rule. The people ruling, it is 
 necessary that they should be competent to rule. Competency requires not 
 only patriotism but material well-being, education, statecraft. 
 
 The people, under the lead of the Republican party, wrote upon the statute 
 books revenue laws, levying taxes upon the products of foreign countries 
 seeking our markets, which replenished our treasury, but were so adjusted 
 as to encourage our people in developing, diversifying and maintaining our 
 industries, at the same time protecting our citizens laboring in production 
 against the competition of foreign labor. Under this policy, our manufac- 
 tured product today is one-third of the product of the civilized world, and 
 our people receive almost double the pay for their labor that similar labor 
 receives elsewhere in the world, thereby enabling us to bear the burdens of 
 citizenship. 
 
 Liberal compensation for labor makes liberal customers for our prod- 
 ucts. Under this policy of protection, our home market affords all our peo- 
 ple a better market than has any other people on earth, and this, too, even if 
 we did not sell any of our products abroad. In addition to this, we have 
 come to be the greatest exporting nation in the world. For the year ending 
 the 3Oth of June, 1904, our exports to foreign countries were valued at $i,- 
 460,000,000, of which $450,000,000 were products of the factory. The world 
 fell in our debt last year $470,000,000, an increase of $75,000,000 over the 
 preceding year.
 
 182 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 This policy of protection has always been opposed by the opponents of 
 the Republican party, and is opposed by them today. In their last national 
 platform, adopted at St. Louis, they denounce protection as robbery. They 
 never have been given power but they proceeded by word and act to destroy 
 the policy of protection. Their platform is as silent as the grave touching 
 the gold standard and our currency system. Their chosen leader, after his 
 nomination, having been as silent as the sphynx up to that time, sent his 
 telegram, saying in substance that the gold standard is established, and that 
 he will govern himself accordingly if he should be elected. 
 
 I congratulate him. It is better to be right late than never. It is better 
 to be right in one thing than wrong in all things. I wonder if it ever 
 occurred to him that if his vote and support for his party's candidate in 
 1896 and 1900 had been decisive we would now have the silver standard. I 
 wonder what made him send that telegram after he was nominated, and why 
 he did not send it before! When did he have a change of heart and judg- 
 ment? And does he at heart believe in the gold standard and our currency 
 system, or does he try now to reap where he has not sown? If, perchance, 
 he should be elected by forcing together discordant elements, I submit that, 
 with a democratic House of Representatives or House and Senate, there 
 would be no harmonious action in legislation or administration that would 
 benefit the people, but that doubt and discontent would everywhere distress 
 production and labor. Consumption would be curtailed. In short, we would 
 have an experience similar to that from 1893 to i%97- If this chosen leader 
 and his friends are converts to Republican policies, should not they "bring 
 forth fruits meet for repentance" before they ask to be placed in the highest 
 positions to affect the well-being of all ; or, if they profess all things to all 
 men, then they are not worthy the confidence of any man. If clothed with 
 power, will they follow in the paths of legislation according to their loves 
 and votes as manifested by their action always heretofore, or will they stand 
 by, protect and defend the gold standard and our currency system that 
 have been created under the lead of the Republican party? 
 
 Correct revenue laws, protection or free trade, the gold standard and 
 our currency system, all depend upon the sentiment of the majority of our 
 people as voiced at the ballot box. A majority may change our revenue 
 laws ; a majority may change our currency laws ; a majority may destroy 
 the gold standard and establish the silver standard ; or, in lieu of either or 
 both, make the treasury note, non-interest-bearing and irredeemable, the sole 
 standard of value. 
 
 Sir, let us turn from the region of doubt and double-dealing, the debatable 
 land, to the region of assured certainty. The Republican party stands for 
 protection. It stands for the gold standard and our currency system. All 
 these dwell in legislation enacted under the lead of the Republican party 
 and against the most determined opposition of the Democratic party, includ- 
 ing its leader and candidate. These being our policies, and having been 
 most useful to the country, we have confidence in and love them. If it be
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 183 
 
 necessary from time to time that they should be strengthened here and con- 
 trolled there, the Republican party stands ready, with loving, competent 
 hands, to apply the proper remedy. I say "remedy." Being our policies, 
 we will not willingly subject them to their enemies for slow starvation on 
 the one hand or to sudden destruction on the other. 
 
 Since the Republican party was restored to power, in 1897, under the lead 
 of McKinley, our country has prospered in production and in commerce as it 
 has never prospered before. In wealth, we stand first among all the nations. 
 Under the lead of William McKinley, the war with Spain was speedily 
 brought to a successful conclusion. Under the treaty of peace and our 
 action, Cuba is free ; and, under guaranties written in her constitution and 
 our legislation, it is assured that she will ever remain free. We also acquired 
 Porto Rico, Guam and the Philippines, by a treaty, the ratification of which 
 was only possible by the votes of Democratic Senators. Civil government 
 has been established in Porto Rico, and we are journeying towards civil 
 government in the Philippines as rapidly as the people of the archipelago 
 are able to receive it ; and this, too, notwithstanding the false cry of "im- 
 perialism" raised by the Democratic party and still insisted upon, which led 
 to insurrection in the Philippines and tends to lead to further insurrection 
 there. The record of the Republican party under the lead of William Mc- 
 Kinley has passed into history. Who dares assail it? 
 
 In the history of the Republic, in time of peace, no executive has had 
 greater questions to deal with than yourself, and none have brought greater 
 courage, wisdom and patriotism to their solution. You have enforced the 
 law against the mighty and the lowly without fear, favor or partiality. Un- 
 der the constitution, you have recommended legislation to Congress from 
 time to time, as it was your duty to do, and when it was passed by Congress, 
 have approved it. You have, under the constitution, led in making a treaty 
 which was ratified by the Senate and is approved by the people, which not 
 only assures, but, under the law and appropriations made by Congress, pro- 
 ceeds with the construction of the Panama Canal. 
 
 The Republican party} under your leadership, keeps its record from the 
 beginning under Lincoln of doing things, the right thing at the right time 
 and in the right way, notwithstanding the opposition of those who oppose 
 the right policies from the selfish or partisan standpoint. They dare not 
 tell the truth about your official action or the record of the party and then 
 condemn it. They can, for selfish or partisan reasons, abuse you personally 
 and misrepresent the party which you lead. It is true, however, that, so far, 
 their abuse of your action and their alleged fear of your personality is in- 
 significant as compared with the personal and partisan carpings against Lin- 
 coln, Grant and McKinley when they were clothed with power by the peo- 
 ple. Those whose only grievance is that you have enforced the law and 
 those who carp for more partisan capital will not, in my judgment, reap the 
 harvest of success. The Republican party for you and under your leader- 
 ship appeals to the great body of the people who live in the sweat of their
 
 184 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 faces, make the civilization, control the Republic, fight its battles and deter- 
 mine its policies, for approval and continuance in power. 
 
 The office of President of the United States is the greatest on earth, and 
 many competent men in the Republican party are ambitious to hold it, yet 
 the Republican convention met at Chicago, June last, and cordially, with one 
 accord, nominated you as the candidate of the party for President. I am 
 sure all Republicans and a multitude of good citizens who do not call them- 
 selves Republicans, said "Amen." 
 
 In pursuance of the usual custom, the convention appointed a committee, 
 of which it honored me with the chairmanship, to wait upon you and inform 
 you of its action, which duty, speaking for the committee, I now cheerfully 
 perform, with the hope and the confident expectation that a majority of the 
 people of the Republic will, in November next, approve the action of the 
 convention by choosing electors who will assure your election to the Presi- 
 dency as your own successor. 
 
 PRESIDENT ROOSEVELTS REPLY 
 
 The President replied, as follows : 
 Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Notification Committee : 
 
 I am deeply sensible of the high honor conferred upon me by the repre- 
 sentatives of the Republican party assembled in convention, and I accept 
 the nomination for the Presidency with solemn realization of the obligations 
 I assume. I heartily approve the declaration of principles which the Re- 
 publican National Convention has adopted, and at some future day I shall 
 communicate to you, Mr. Chairman, more at length and in detail a formal 
 written acceptance of the nomination. 
 
 Three years ago I became President because of the death of my lamented 
 predecessor. I then stated that it was my purpose to carry out his principles 
 and policies for the honor and the interest of the country. To the best of 
 my ability I have kept the promise thus made. If next November my coun- 
 trymen confirm at the polls the action of the convention you represent, I 
 shall, under Providence, continue to work with an eye single to the welfare 
 of all our people. 
 
 A party is of worth only in so far as it promotes the national interest, and 
 every official, high or low, can serve his party best by rendering to the peo- 
 ple the best service of which he is capable. Effective government comes 
 only as the result of the loyal co-operation of many different persons. Th- 
 members of a legislative majority, the officers in the various departments of 
 the Administration, and the Legislative and Executive branches as towards 
 each other, must work together with subordination of self to the common 
 end of successful government. We who have been entrusted with power 
 as public servants during the past seven years of administration and legisla-
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 185 
 
 tion now come before the people content to be judged by our record of 
 achievement. In the years that have gone by we have made the deed 
 square with the word ; and if we are continued in power we shall unswerv- 
 ingly follow out the great lines of public policy which the Republican party 
 has already laid down ; a public policy to which we are giving, and shall 
 give a united, and therefore an efficient, support. 
 
 In all of this we are more fortunate than our opponents, who now appeal 
 for confidence on the ground, which some express and some seek to have 
 confidentially understood, that if triumphant they may be trusted to prove 
 false to every principle which in the last eight years they have laid down 
 as vital, and to leave undisturbed those very acts of the administration be- 
 cause of which they ask that the administration itself be driven from pow- 
 er. Seemingly their present attitude as to their past record is that some of 
 them were mistaken and others insincere. We make our appeal in a wholly 
 different spirit. We are not constrained to keep silent on any vital ques- 
 tion ; we are divided on no vital question : our policy is continuous, and is 
 the same for all sections and localities. There is nothing experimental about 
 the government we ask the people to continue in power, for our performance 
 in the past, our proved governmental efficiency, is a guarantee as to our 
 promises for the future. Our opponents, either openly or secretly, according 
 to their several temperaments, now ask the people to trust their present 
 promises in consideration of the fact that they intend to treat their past 
 promises as null and void. We know our own minds and we have kept of the 
 same mind for a sufficient length of time to give to our policy coherence and 
 sanity. In such a fundamental matter as the enforcement of the law we do 
 not have to depend upon promises, but merely to ask that our record be 
 taken as an earnest of what we shall continue to do. In dealing with the 
 great organizations known as trusts, we do not have to explain why the 
 laws were not enforced, but to point out that they actually have been en- 
 forced and that legislation has been enacted to increase the effectiveness of 
 their enforcement. We do not have to propose to "turn the rascals out," for 
 we have shown in very deed that whenever by diligent investigation a pub- 
 lic official can be found who has betrayed his trust he will be punished to 
 the full extent of the law without regard to whether he was appointed under 
 a Republican or a Democratic administration. This is the efficient way to 
 turn the rascals out and to keep them out, and it has the merit of sincerity. 
 Moreover the betrayals of trust in the last seven years have been insignifi- 
 cant in number when compared with the extent of the public service. Never 
 has the administration of the government been on a cleaner and higher 
 level ; never has the public work of the nation been done more honestly and 
 efficiently. 
 
 Assuredly it is unwise to change the policies which have worked so well 
 and which are now working so well. Prosperity has come at home. The 
 national honor and interest have been upheld abroad. We have placed the 
 finances of the nation upon a sound gold basis. We have done this with
 
 186 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 the aid of many who were formerly our opponents, but who would neither 
 openly support nor silently acquiesce in the heresy of unsound finance; 
 and we have done it against the convinced and violent opposition of the mass 
 of our present opponents who still refuse to recant the unsound opinions 
 which for the moment they think it inexpedient to assert. We know what 
 we mean when we speak of an honest and stable currency. We mean the 
 same thing from year to year. We do not have to avoid a definite and con- 
 clusive committal on the most important issue which has recently been be- 
 fore the people, and which may at any time in the near future be before 
 them again. Upon the principles which underlie this issue the convictions 
 of half of our number do not clash with those of the other half. So long 
 as the Republican party is in power the gold standard is settled, not as a 
 matter of temporary political expediency, not because of shifting conditions 
 in the production of gold in certain mining centers, but in accordance with 
 what we regard as the fundamental principles of national morality and wis- 
 dom. 
 
 Under the financial legislation which we have enacted there is now ample 
 circulation for every business need ; and every dollar of this circulation is 
 worth a dollar in gold. We have reduced the interest-bearing debt and in 
 still larger measure the interest on that debt. All of the war taxes imposed 
 during the Spanish war have been removed with a view to relieve the peo- 
 ple and to prevent the accumulation of an unnecessary surplus. The result 
 is that hardly ever before have the expenditures and income of the govern- 
 ment so closely corresponded. In the fiscal year that has just closed the 
 excess of income over the ordinary expenditures was nine millions of dol- 
 lars. This does not take account of the fifty millions expended out of the 
 accumulated surplus for the purchase of the Isthmian Canal. It is an ex- 
 traordinary proof of the sound financial condition of the nation that instead 
 of following the usual course in such matters and throwing the burden 
 upon posterity by an issue of bonds, we were able to make the payment out- 
 right and yet after it to have in the treasury a surplus of one hundred and 
 sixty-one millions. Moreover, we were able to pay the fifty millions of dol- 
 lars out of hand without causing the slightest disturbance to business con- 
 ditions. 
 
 We have enacted a tariff law under which during the past few years the 
 country has attained a height of material well-being never before reached. 
 Wages are higher than ever before. That whenever the need arises there 
 should be a readjustment of the tariff schedules is undoubted ; but such 
 changes can with safety be made only by those whose devotion to the prin- 
 ciple of a protective tariff is beyond question ; for otherwise the changes 
 would amount not to readjustment but to repeal. The readjustment when 
 made must maintain and not destroy the protective principle. To the farmer, 
 the merchant, the manufacturer this is vital ; but perhaps no other man is 
 so much interested as the wage-worker in the maintenance of our present 
 economic system, both as regards the finances and the tariff. The standard
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 187 
 
 of living of our wage-workers is higher than that of any other country, 
 and it can not so remain unless we have a protective tariff which shall al- 
 ways keep as a minimum a rate of duty sufficient to cover the difference 
 between the labor cost here and abroad. Those who, like our opponents, 
 "denounce protection as a robbery," thereby explicitly commit themselves 
 to the proposition that if they were to revise the tariff, no heed would be 
 paid to the necessity of meeting this difference between the standards of 
 living for wage-workers here and in other countries : and therefore on this 
 point their antagonism to our position is fundamental. Here again we ask 
 that their promises and ours be judged by what has been done in the imme- 
 diate past. We ask that sober and sensible men compare the workings of 
 the present tariff law, and the conditions which obtain under it, with the 
 workings of the preceding tariff law of 1894 and the conditions which that 
 tariff of 1894 helped to bring about. 
 
 We believe in reciprocity with foreign nations on the terms outlined in 
 President McKinley's last speech, which urged the extension of our foreign 
 markets by reciprocal agreements whenever they could be made without 
 injury to American industry and labor. It is a singular fact that the only 
 great reciprocity treaty recently adopted that with Cuba was finally op- 
 posed almost alone by the representatives of the very party which now 
 states, that it favors reciprocity. And here again we ask that the worth of 
 our words be judged by comparing their deeds with ours. On this Cuban 
 reciprocity treaty there were at the outset grave differences of opinion 
 among ourselves ; and the notable thing in the negotiation and ratification of 
 the treaty, and in the legislation which carried it into effect, was the highly 
 practical manner in which without sacrifice of principle these differences 
 of opinion were reconciled. There was no rupture of a great party, but an 
 excellent practical outcome, the result of the harmonious co-operation of 
 two successive Presidents and two successive Congresses. This is an illus- 
 tration of the governing capacity which entitles us to the confidence of the 
 people not only in our purposes but in our practical ability to achieve those 
 purposes. Judging by the history of the last twelve years, down to this 
 very month, is there justification for believing that under similar circum- 
 stances and with similar initial differences of opinion, our opponents would 
 have achieved any practical result? 
 
 We have already shown in actual fact that our policy is to do fair and 
 equal justice to all men, paying no heed to whether a man is rich or poor; 
 paying no heed to his race, his creed, or his birthplace. 
 
 We recognize the organization of capital and the organization of labor as 
 natural outcomes of our industrial system. Each kind of organization is to 
 be favored so long as it acts in a spirit of justice and of regard for the 
 rights of others. Each is to be granted the full protection of the law, and 
 each in turn is to be held to a strict obedience to the law; for no man i; 
 above it and no man below it. The humblest individual is to have his rights 
 safeguarded as scrupulously as those of the strongest organization, for each
 
 188 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 is to receive justice, no more and no less. The problems with which we 
 have to deal in our modern industrial and social life are manifold ; but the 
 spirit in which it is necessary to approach their solution is simply the spirit 
 of honesty, of courage, and of common sense. 
 
 In inaugurating the great work of irrigation in the West the Administra- 
 tion has been enabled by Congress to take one of the longest strides ever 
 taken under our Government toward utilizing our vast national domain for 
 the settler, the actual home-maker. 
 
 Ever since this continent was discovered the need of an Isthmian Canal 
 to connect the Pacific and the Atlantic has been recognized ; and ever since 
 the birth of our nation such a canal has been planned. At last the dream 
 has become a reality. The Isthmian Canal is now being built by the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States. We conducted the negotiation for its con- 
 struction with the nicest and most scrupulous honor, and in a spirit of the 
 largest generosity toward those through whose territory it was to run. 
 Every sinister effort which could be devised by the spirit of faction or the 
 spirit of self-interest was made in order to defeat the Treaty with Panama 
 and thereby prevent the consummation of this work. The construction of 
 the canal is now an assured fact ; but most certainly it is unwise to entrust 
 the carrying out of so momentous a policy to those who have endeavored to 
 defeat the whole undertaking. 
 
 Our foreign policy has been so conducted that, while not one of our 
 just claims has been sacrificed, our relations with all foreign nations are now 
 of the most peaceful kind ; there is not a cloud on the horizon. The last 
 cause of irritation between us and any other nation was removed by the 
 settlement of the Alaskan boundary. 
 
 In the Caribbean Sea we have made good our promises of independence 
 to Cuba, and have proved our assertion that our mission in the island was 
 one of justice and not of self-aggrandizement; and thereby no less than by 
 our action in Venezuela and Panama we have shown that the Monroe Doc- 
 trine is a living reality, designed for the hurt of no nation, but for the pro- 
 tection of civilization on the western continent, and for the peace of the 
 world. Our steady growth in power has gone hand in hand with a strength- 
 ening disposition to use this power with strict regard for the rights of oth- 
 ers, and for the cause of international justice and goodwill. 
 
 We earnestly desire friendship with all the nations of the New and Old 
 Worlds ; and we endeavor to place our relations with them upon a basis of 
 reciprocal advantage instead of hostility. We hold that the prosperity of 
 each nation is an aid and not a hindrance to the prosperity of other nations. 
 We seek international amity for the same reasons that make us believe in 
 peace within our own borders ; and we seek this peace not because we are 
 afraid or unready, but because we think that peace is right as well as advan- 
 tageous.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 189 
 
 American interests in the Pacific have rapidly grown. American enter- 
 prise has laid a cable across this, the greatest of oceans. We have proved 
 in effective fashion that we wish the Chinese Empire well and desire its integ- 
 rity and independence. 
 
 Our foothold in the Philippines greatly strengthens our position in the 
 competition for the trade of the East ; but we are governing the Philip- 
 pines in the interest of the Philippine people themselves. We have already 
 given them a large share in their government, and our purpose is to increase 
 this share as rapidly as they give evidence of increasing fitness for the task. 
 The great majority of the officials of the islands, whether elective or ap- 
 pointive, are already native Filipinos. We are now providing for a legis- 
 lative assembly. This is the first step to be taken in the future ; and it 
 would be eminently unwise to declare what our next step will be until this 
 first step has been taken and the results are manifest. To have gone faster 
 than we have already gone in giving the islanders a constantly increasing 
 measure of self-government would have been disastrous. At the present 
 moment to give political independence to the islands would result in the 
 immediate loss of civil rights, personal liberty and public order, as regards 
 the mass of the Filipinos, for the majority of the islanders have been given 
 these great boons by us, and only keep them because we vigilantly safe- 
 guard and guarantee them. To withdraw our government from the islands 
 at this time would mean to the average native the loss of his barely-won civil 
 freedom. We have established in the islands a government by Americans 
 assisted by Filipinos. We are steadily striving to transform this into self- 
 government by the Filipinos assisted by Americans. 
 
 The principles which we uphold should appeal to all our countrymen, 
 in all portions of our country. Above all they should give us strength with 
 the men and women who are the spiritual heirs of those who upheld the 
 hands of Abraham Lincoln; for we are striving to do our work in the spirit 
 with which Lincoln approached his. During the seven years that have just 
 passed there is no duty, domestic or foreign, which we have shirked ; no 
 necessary task which we have feared to undertake, or which we have not 
 performed with reasonable efficiency. We have never pleaded impotence. 
 We have never sought refuge in criticism and complaint instead of action. 
 We face the future with our past and our present as guarantors of our 
 promises ; and we are content to stand or to fall by the record which we 
 have made and are making.
 
 190 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 ADDRESS OF HON. ELIHU ROOT 
 
 Notifying Senator Fairbanks of his Nomination for 
 Vice-President 
 
 Elihu Root, in delivering his notification speech, said : 
 
 "Senator Fairbanks The committee which now waits upon you was ap- 
 pointed by the National Convention of the Republican party held in Chicago 
 in June, and its agreeable duty is to notify you of your nomination as the 
 Republican candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States 
 for the term to begin on the 4th day of March, 1905. 
 
 "We give you formal notice of that nomination, with assurance of the 
 undivided and hearty support of the great party which has executed the peo- 
 ple's will in the government of this country for the better part of the last 
 half century. The nomination comes to you in accordance with the best 
 methods and practices of representative government. It was the result of 
 long and earnest consideration and discussion by the members of the con- 
 vention. It was not the chance product of an excited hour, and it was not 
 upon the demand of any powerful influence political or otherwise con- 
 straining the judgment of the delegates. It was not made for the purpose 
 of conciliating possible malcontents or of swelling the campaign fund of the 
 party. No bargains or intrigues contributed to it. No suppressions of the 
 truth or misleading of the convention as to your principles and opinions were 
 necessary to bring it about. It was the deliberate, informed and intelligent 
 judgment of the delegates from every State and Territory, and it was their 
 unanimous judgment. 
 
 IMPORTANCE OF OFFICE. 
 
 "It is a great office to which you are called. John Adams, and Thomas 
 Jefferson, and George Clinton, and John C. Calhoun, and Martin Van Buren 
 and many others whose names are illustrious in the history of our country, 
 have filled it. It is an office of high dignity and immediate, ever-present 
 importance. The credit and honor of our country are greatly concerned in 
 the character and conduct of the man who presides over the Senate of the 
 United States that powerful and august body, of which you are already so 
 experienced, so useful and so honored a member. 
 
 "But the Vice-President has other grave duties of imperative obligation. 
 When the people elect a President under our political system they do not 
 merely select the man for the office ; they give their approval to certain con- 
 trolling principles and policies of government ; and the administration of 
 which the Vice-President is a part is bound to give effect to these principles 
 and policies. The primary duty of the Vice-President, to be always ready 
 to take up the burden of the Presidency if occasion requires, carries with it 
 the duty to be always ready to continue unbroken the policies which the 
 people have entrusted to the administration for execution. For the due
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 191 
 
 performance of this duty the Vice-President should be familiar with the 
 conduct of affairs by the administration as it proceeds, a part of its coun- 
 sels, and imbued with a knowledge of its labors, its perplexities and its 
 motives, that can come only from intimate association and confidence and 
 sympathy. 
 
 IN SYMPATHY WITH THE PRESIDENT. 
 
 "Too often it has happened that after excited contests for the Presiden- 
 tial nomination the candidate for Vice-President has been selected from the 
 defeated faction for the purpose of appeasing their resentment, and that 
 after election he has remained antagonistic in spirit and a stranger to 
 the counsels of the President whom he may be called upon to succeed. Hap- 
 pily we are now in no such case. The people would fain see again such 
 relations of sympathy and loyal helpfulness for the public good as existed 
 between President McKinley and Vice-President Hobart ; and the personal 
 relations between President Roosevelt and yourself, your mutual esteem and 
 good understanding assure us that these happy conditions will come again 
 after the 4th of next March. We count upon your wisdom and experience 
 and loyal aid as an element of ever-present strength in the coming adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 "As to the supreme responsibility of the Vice-Presidency in case of suc- 
 cession to the Presidency, we shall all pray, and no one more earnestly than 
 yourself, that it may not come to you. But we are not at liberty to ignore 
 the possibility that it may come. Sad and bitter experience admonishes us 
 that provision for succession to the Presidency is no idle form. Of the last 
 twelve Presidents elected by the people of the United States five nearly one- 
 half have died in office and have been succeeded by Vice-Presidents. A 
 serious obligation rests upon the political parties which select the candidates 
 between whom the people must choose, to see to it that they nominate men 
 for this possible succession who have the strength of body and mind and 
 character which shall enable them, if occasion comes, to take up the burdens 
 of the great Presidential office, to endure its trying and exhausting demands, 
 to meet its great responsibilities, and with firm hand and clear vision to 
 guide the Government of the country until the people can express their 
 choice again. 
 
 "Our opponents of the Democratic party have signally failed to perform 
 this duty. They have nominated as their candidate for the Vice-Presidency 
 an excellent gentleman, who was born during the Presidency of James Mon- 
 roe, and who before the 4th of March next will be in the eighty-second 
 year of his age. Before the next administration is ended, he will be ap- 
 proaching his eighty-sixth birthday. It is no disparagement of this gen- 
 tleman, for whom I believe we all have the highest respect, to say that he 
 shares the common lot of mortals, and that the election of any man of such 
 great age would furnish no safeguard to the American people against dis- 
 aster which would ensue upon the death of a President with a successor 
 not competent to perform the duties of the Presidential office. It is com-
 
 192 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 mon experience that very aged men, however bright and active they may 
 appear for brief periods, can not sustain long-continued, severe exertion. 
 The demands of the Presidential office upon the mental and physical vitality 
 are so great, so continuous and so exhausting as to be wholly beyond the 
 capacity of any men of eighty-five. 
 
 SUCCESSION OF PRESIDENCY. 
 
 "The attempt by such a man to perform the duties of the office would 
 with practical certainty be speedily followed by a complete breakdown, both 
 of body and of mind. In contemplating the remote possibility of the elec- 
 tion of the Democratic candidate for Vice-President, the people of the coun- 
 try are bound to contemplate also as a necessary result of such an election in 
 the case of the President's death, that others, not chosen by the people, and 
 we know not who, would govern in the name of a nominal successor unable 
 himself to perform the constitutional duties of his office ; or worse still, that 
 serious doubt whether the Vice-President had not reached a condition of 
 "inability" within the meaning of the constitution would throw the title to 
 the office of President into dispute. 
 
 EFFECT OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 "The serious effect of such an event upon the Government and upon the 
 business interests and general welfare of the country, and the serious effect 
 even of the continual menace of such an event, must be apparent to every 
 thoughtful mind. 
 
 "In your election, on the other hand, this chief requirement will be fully 
 met. In the full strength of middle life you are prepared for the exhausting 
 duties of the Presidency. Your successful and distinguished career, the abil- 
 ity and probity with which you have already discharged the duties of high 
 office, the universal respect and esteem of the people of Indiana who have 
 delighted to honor you, the attachment of hosts of friends throughout the 
 Union all assure us that you have the character and the ability to govern 
 wisely and strongly, should you become President. Many indeed among 
 our people have already turned toward you as a suitable candidate to be 
 elected directly to that great office. 
 
 "It is the earnest wish of your party and of many good citizens who have 
 no party affiliations, that you shall accept this nomination, and that you shall 
 be elected in November to be the next Vice-President of the United States. 
 In expressing to you this wish, we beg to add an assurance of our own per- 
 sonal respect, esteem and loyalty."
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 193 
 
 SENATOR FAIRBANK'S REPLY 
 
 Senator Fairbanks made a brief reply to Elihu Root's address, accepting 
 the Republican Vice- Presidential nomination. He spoke as follows : 
 
 "Mr. Root and Gentlemen of the Committee : I thank you for the very 
 generous terms in which you have conveyed the official notification of my 
 nomination for Vice-President of the United States. The unsolicited and 
 unanimous nomination by the Republican party is a call to duty which I am 
 pleased to obey. 
 
 "I accept the commission which you bring with a profound sense of the 
 dignity and responsibilities of the exalted position for which I have been 
 nominated. My utmost endeavor will be to discharge in full measure the 
 trust, if the action of the convention shall meet the approval of the American 
 people. 
 
 "The platform adopted by the convention is an explicit and emphatic dec- 
 laration of principles in entire harmony with those policies of our party which 
 have brought great honor and prosperity to our common country, and which, 
 if continued, will bring us like blessings in the future. 
 
 FOUNDATION OF NATIONAL STRENGTH. 
 
 "The monetary and economic policies which have been so forcibly rean- 
 nounced, lie at the very foundation of our industrial life, and are essential 
 to the fullest development of our national strength. They give vitality to 
 our manufactures and commerce, and if impaired or overthrown, there would 
 inevitably ensue a period of industrial depression, to the serious injury of 
 the vast interests of both labor and capital. 
 
 "The Republican party, since it preserved the integrity of the Republic 
 and gave freedom to the oppressed, never rendered a more important service 
 to the country than when it established the gold standard. Under it we have 
 increased our currency supply sufficiently to meet the normal requirements 
 of business. It is gratifying that the convention made frank and explicit 
 declaration of the inflexible purpose of the party to maintain the gold stand- 
 ard. It is essential not only that the standard should be as good as the best 
 in the world, but that the people should have the assurance that it will be 
 so maintained. 
 
 ENEMIES OF SOUND MONEY. 
 
 "The enemies of sound money were powerful enough to suppress men- 
 tion of the gold standard in the platform lately adopted by the Democratic 
 national convention. The leader of Democracy in two great national cam- 
 paigns has declared since the adjournment of the convention that as soon as 
 the election is over, he will undertake to organize the forces within the 
 Democratic party for the next national contest, for the purpose of advanc- 
 ing the radical policies for which his element of the party stands. He 
 frankly says that the money question is for the present in abeyance. In 
 view of these palpable facts, it is not the part of wisdom to abandon our
 
 194 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 vigilance in safeguarding the integrity of our monetary system. We must 
 have not only a President who is unalterably committed to the gold stand- 
 ard, but both Houses of Congress in entire accord with him upon the subject. 
 "In Congress and not with the President rests the supreme power to 
 determine the standard of our money. Though the chief executive should 
 oppose, the Congress, acting within its independent constitutional authority, 
 could at any time overthrow or change the monetary standard. 
 
 PROTECTIVE POLICY. 
 
 "The wisdom of our protective policy finds complete justification in the 
 industrial development of the country. This policy has become a most vital 
 part of our industrial system and must be maintained unimpaired. When 
 altered conditions make changes in schedules desirable, their modification can 
 be safely entrusted to the Republican party. If they are to be changed by 
 the enemies of the system along free trade lines, uncertainty would take the 
 place of certainty and a reaction would surely follow, to the injury of the 
 wage-earners and all who are profitably employed. Uncertainty undermines 
 confidence, and loss of confidence breeds confusion and distress in commercial 
 affairs. 
 
 "The convention was wise not only in its enunciation of party policies, 
 but in its nomination of a candidate for the Presidency. During the last 
 three years President Roosevelt has been confronted with large and serious 
 questions. These he has met and solved with high wisdom and courage. 
 The charges made against him in the Democratic platform find an irrefutable 
 answer in his splendid administration, never surpassed in all the history of 
 the Republic, and never equaled by the party who seeks to discredit it. 
 
 ROOSEVELT'S RE-ELECTION DEMANDED. 
 
 "The election of the President is imperatively demanded by those whose 
 success depends upon the continuance of a safe, conservative and efficient 
 administration of public affairs. We have an ample record of deeds done, 
 of beneficent things accomplished in the public interest. The vast business 
 of the Government has been well administered. The laws have been en- 
 forced fearlessly and impartially. The treasury has been adequately supplied 
 with revenue, and the financial credit of the Government was never better. 
 Our foreign trade balance continues to increase our national wealth. We 
 have adopted an irrigation policy which will build homes in the arid regions 
 of the West. The Panama Canal, the hope of centuries, is in course of con- 
 struction under the sole protection of the American flag. 
 
 "We have peace and great prosperity at home and are upon terms of good 
 neighborhood to the entire world. The conditions constitute the strongest 
 possible assurance for the future. 
 
 "Later I shall avail myself of a favorable opportunity to submit to you, 
 and through you to my fellow-citizens, a fuller expression of my views con- 
 cerning the questions now in issue. 
 
 "Permit me again to thank you and to express the belief that we may 
 confidently submit our cause to the candid and patriotic judgment of our 
 countrymen."
 
 The Letters of Acceptance 
 
 THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER 
 
 Oyster Bay, N. Y., Sept. 12. President Roosevelt's letter accepting the 
 Republican nomination for the Presidency was given out today It follows 
 in full: 
 Hon. J. G. Cannon, Chairman Notification Committee : 
 
 My Dear Sir: I accept the nomination for the Presidency tendered me 
 by the Republican National Convention, and cordially approve the platform 
 adopted by it. In writing this letter, there are certain points upon which I 
 desire to lay especial stress. 
 
 It is difficult to find out from the utterances of our opponents what are 
 the real issues upon which they propose to wage this campaign. It is not 
 unfair to say that, having abandoned most of the principles upon which they 
 have insisted during the last eight years, they now seem at a loss, both as to 
 what it is that they really believe, and as to how firmly they shall assert their 
 belief in anything. In fact, it is doubtful if they venture resolutely to press 
 a single issue ; as soon as they raise one they shrink from it and seek to 
 explain it away. Such an attitude is the probably inevitable result of the 
 effort to improvise convictions ; for when thus improvised, it is natural that 
 they should be held in a tentative manner. 
 
 The party now in control of the Government is troubled by no such diffi- 
 culties. We do not have to guess at our own convictions, and then correct 
 the guess if it seems unpopular. The principles which we profess are those 
 in which we believe with heart and soul and strength. Men may differ 
 from us ; but they cannot accuse us of shiftiness or insincerity. The policies 
 we have pursued are those which we earnestly hold as essential to the 
 national welfare and repute. Our actions speak even louder than our words 
 for the faith that is in us. We base our appeal upon what we have done and 
 are doing, upon our record of administration and legislation during the last 
 seven years, in which we have had complete control of the Government. We 
 intend in the future to carry on the Government in the same way that we 
 have carried it on in the past. 
 
 A party whose members are radically at variance on most vital issues, and 
 if united at all, are only united on issues where their attitude threatens wide- 
 spread disaster to the whole country, cannot be trusted to govern in any 
 matter. A party which, with facile ease, changes all its convictions before 
 election, cannot be trusted to adhere with tenacity to any principle after 
 election. A party fit to govern must have convictions. In 1896 the Repub- 
 lican party came into power, and in 1900 it retained power on certain definite
 
 196 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 pledges, each of which was scrupulously fulfilled. But in addition to meet- 
 ing and solving the problems which were issues in these campaigns, it also 
 became necessary to meet other problems which arose after election ; and it 
 is no small part of our claim to public confidence that these were solved with 
 the same success that had attended the solution of those concerning which 
 the battles at the polls were fought. In other words, our governmental 
 efficiency proved equal, not only to the tasks that were anticipated, but to 
 doing each unanticipated task as it arose. 
 
 ENABLING QUALITIES. 
 
 When the contest of 1896 was decided the question of the war with Spain 
 was not an issue. When the contest of 1900 was decided the shape which 
 the Isthmian Canal question ultimately took could not have been foreseen. 
 But the same qualities which enabled those responsible for making and 
 administering the laws at Washington to deal successfully with the tariff 
 and the currency enabled them also to deal with the Spanish war; and the 
 same qualities which enabled them to act wisely in the Philippines and in 
 Cuba also enabled them to do their duty as regards the problems connected 
 with the trusts and to secure the building of the Isthmian Canal. 
 
 We are content to rest our case before the American people upon the fact 
 that to adherence to a lofty ideal we have added proved governmental effi- 
 ciency. Therefore, our promises may surely be trusted as regards any issue 
 that is now before the people ; and we may equally be trusted to deal with 
 any problem which may hereafter arise. 
 
 So well has the work been done that our opponents do not venture to 
 recite the facts about our policies or acts, and then oppose them. They 
 attack them only when they have first misrepresented them; for a truthful 
 recital would leave no room for adverse comment. 
 
 Panama offers an instance in point. Our opponents can criticise what we 
 did in Panama only on condition of mis-stating what was done. The admin- 
 istration behaved throughout not only with good faith, but with extraordi- 
 nary patience and large generosity toward those with whom it dealt. It was 
 also mindful of American interests. It acted in strict compliance with the 
 law passed by Congress. Had not Panama been promptly recognized and 
 the transit across the isthmus kept open, in accordance with our treaty rights 
 and obligations, there would have ensued endless guerilla warfare, and pos- 
 sibly foreign complications ; while all chance of building the canal would have 
 been deferred, certainly for years, perhaps for a generation or more. Criti- 
 cism of the action in this matter is simply criticism of the only possible action 
 which could have secured the building of the canal ; as well as the peace and 
 quiet which we were, by treaty, bound to preserve along the line of transit 
 across the isthmus. 
 
 The service rendered this country in securing the perpetual right to con- 
 struct, maintain, operate and defend the canal was so great that our opponents
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 197 
 
 do not venture to raise the issue in straightforward fashion ; for if so raised 
 there would be no issue. 
 
 The decisive action which brought about this beneficent result was the 
 exercise by the President of the powers vested in him, and in him alone, by 
 the Constitution; the power to recognize foreign governments by entering 
 into diplomatic relations with them, and the power to make treaties which, 
 when ratified by the Senate, become under the Constitution part of the su- 
 preme law of the land. Neither in this nor in any other matter has there 
 been the slightest failure to live up to the Constitution in letter and in spirit. 
 But the Constitution must be observed positively as well as negatively. The 
 President's duty is to serve the country in accordance with the Constitution ; 
 and I should be derelict in my duty if I used a false construction of the 
 Constitution as a shield for weakness and timidity, or as an excuse for gov- 
 ernmental impotence. 
 
 MISREPRESENTATION WEAPON. 
 
 Similar misrepresentation is the one weapon of our opponents in regard to 
 our foreign policy, and the way the navy has been made useful in carrying out 
 this policy. Here again ail that we ask is that they truthfully state what has 
 been done, and then say whether or not they object to it; for if continued 
 in power we shall continue our foreign policy and our handling of the navy 
 on exactly the same lines in the future as in the past. To what phase of 
 our foreign policy, and to what use of the navy, do our opponents object? 
 Do they object to the way in which the Monroe doctrine has been strength- 
 ened and upheld? Never before has this doctrine been acquiesced in abroad 
 as it is now; and yet, while upholding the rights of the weaker American 
 republics against foreign aggression, the administration has lost no oppor- 
 tunity to point out to these republics that those who seek equity should come 
 with clean hands, and that whoever claims liberty as a right must accept the 
 responsibilities that go with the exercise of the right. Do our opponents 
 object to what was done in reference to the petition of American citizens 
 against the Kishinef massacre? or to the protest against the treatment of 
 the Jews in Roumania ? or to the efforts that have been made in behalf of 
 the Armenians in Turkey? 
 
 No other administration in our history, no other Government in the world, 
 has more consistently stood for the broadest spirit of brotherhood in our 
 common humanity, or has held a more resolute attitude of protest against 
 every wrong that outraged the civilization of the age, at home and abroad. 
 
 Do our opponents object to the fact that the international tribunal at The 
 Hague was rescued from impotence, and turned into a potent instrument for 
 peace among the nations ? The Government has used that tribunal, and advo- 
 cated its use by others, in pursuance of its policy to promote the cause of 
 international peace and good will by all honorable methods. In carrying 
 out this policy, it has settled dispute after dispute by arbitration or by friendly 
 agreement. It has behaved towards all nations, strong or weak, with cour- 
 tesy, dignity and justice ; and it is now on excellent terms with all.
 
 198 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 OPPONENTS' OBJECTIONS. 
 
 Do our opponents object to the settlement of the Alaska boundary line? 
 Do they object to the fact that after freeing Cuba we gave her reciprocal 
 trade advantages with the United States, while at the same time keeping 
 naval stations in the island and providing against its sinking into chaos, or 
 being conquered by any foreign power? Do they object to the fact that our 
 flag now flies over Porto Rico? Do they object to the acquisition of Hawaii? 
 Once they "hauled down" our flag there ; we have hoisted it again ; do 
 they intend once more to haul it down? Do they object to the part we played 
 in China? Do they not know that the voice of the United States would now 
 count for nothing in the Far East if we had abandoned the Philippines and 
 refused to do what was done in China? Do they object to the fact that this 
 Government secured a peaceful settlement of the troubles in Venezuela 
 two years ago? Do they object to the presence of the ship-of-war off 
 Colon when the revolution broke out in Panama, and when only the pres- 
 ence of this ship saved the lives of American citizens, and prevented insult 
 to the flag? Do they object to the fact that American warships appeared 
 promptly at the port of Beirut when an effort had been made to assassinate 
 an American official, and in the port of Tangier when an American citizen 
 had been abducted? and that in each case the wrong complained of was 
 righted and expiated? and that within the last few days the visit of an 
 American squadron to Smyrna was followed by the long-delayed concession 
 of their just rights to those Americans concerned in educational work in 
 Turkey? Do they object to the trade treaty with China, so full of advantage 
 for the American people in the future? Do they object to the fact that the 
 ships carrying the national flag now have a higher standard than ever before 
 in marksmanship and in seamanship, as individual units and as component 
 parts of squadrons and fleets? If they object to any or all of these things, 
 we join issue with them. Our foreign policy has been not only highly advan- 
 tageous to the United States, but hardly less advantageous to the world as 
 a whole. Peace and good will have followed in its footsteps. The Govern- 
 ment has shown itself no less anxious to respect the rights of others than 
 insistent that the rights of Americans be respected in return. As for the 
 navy, it has been and is now the most potent guarantee of peace ; and it is 
 such chiefly because it is formidable and ready for use. 
 
 OLD-AGE PENSION ORDER. 
 
 When our opponents speak of "encroachments" by the executive upon 
 the authority of Congress or the judiciary, apparently the act they ordi- 
 narily have in view is pension order No. 78, issued under the authority of 
 existing law. This order directed that hereafter any veteran of the Civil 
 War who had reached the age of 62 should be presumptively entitled to the 
 pension of $6 a month given under the dependent pension law to those 
 whose capacity to earn their livelihood by manual labor has been decreased 
 50 per cent, and that by the time the age of 70 was reached, the presumption
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 199 
 
 should be that the physical disability was complete ; the age being treated 
 as an evidential fact in each case. This order was made in the perform- 
 ance of a duty imposed upon the President by an act of Congress, which re- 
 quires the executive to make regulations to govern the subordinates of the 
 pension office in determining who are entitled to pensions. President Cleve- 
 land had already exercised this power by a regulation which declared that 
 75 should be set as the age at which total disability should be conclusively 
 presumed. Similarly President McKinley established 65 as the age at which 
 half disability should be conclusively presumed. The regulation now in ques- 
 tion, in the exercise of the same power, supplemented these regulations made 
 under Presidents Cleveland and McKinley. 
 
 SAVED NATION FROM RUIN. 
 
 The men who fought for union and for liberty in the years from 1861 
 to 1865 not only saved this nation from ruin, but rendered an inestimable 
 service to all mankind. We of the United States owe the fact that today 
 we have a country to what they did ; and the nation has decreed by law that 
 no one of them, if disabled from earning his own living, shall lack the pen- 
 sion to which he is entitled, not only as a matter of gratitude, but as a mat- 
 ter of justice. 
 
 It is the policy of the Republican party, steadily continued through many 
 years, to treat the veterans of the civil war in a spirit of broad liberality. The 
 order in question carried out this policy, and is justified not merely on legal 
 grounds, but also on grounds of public morality. 
 
 It is a matter of common knowledge that when the average man who 
 depends for his wages upon bodily labor has reached the age of 62 his 
 earning ability is in all probability less by half than it was when he was 
 in his prime ; and that by the time he has reached the age of seventy he has 
 probably lost all earning ability. If there is doubt upon this point let the 
 doubter examine the employees doing manual labor in any great manu- 
 factory or on any great railroad and find out how large is the proportion 
 of men between the ages of 62 and 70, and whethef these men are still em- 
 ployed at the highly paid tasks which they did in their primes. As a matter 
 of fact, many railroads pension their employees when they have reached 
 these ages, and in nations where old age pensions prevail, they always begin 
 somewhere between the two limits thus set. It is easy to test our oppon- 
 ents' sincerity in this matter. The order in question is revokable at the 
 pleasure of the executive. 
 
 If our opponents come into power they can revoke this order and an- 
 nounce that they will treat the veterans of 60 to 70 as presumably in full 
 bodily vigor and not entitled to pensions. Will they now authoritatively 
 state that they intend to do this? If so, we accept the issue. If not, then 
 we have the right to ask why they raise an issue which, when raised, they 
 do not venture to meet.
 
 200 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 In addition to those acts of the administration which they venture to 
 assail only after misrepresenting them, there are others which they dare 
 not overtly or officially attack, and yet which they covertly bring forward 
 as reasons for the overthrow of the party. In certain great centers and with 
 certain great interests our opponents make every effort to show that the 
 settlement of the anthracite coal strike by the individual act of the President 
 and the successful suit against the Northern Securities Company the 
 merger suit undertaken by the department of justice, were acts because of 
 which the present administration should be thrown from power. Yet they 
 dare not openly condemn either act. They dare not in any authoritative or 
 formal manner say that in either case wrong was done or error committed in 
 the method of action, or in the choice of instruments for putting that action 
 into effect. But what they dare not manfully assert in open day they seek 
 to use furtively and through special agents. It is perhaps natural that an 
 attack so conducted should be made, sometimes on the ground that too much, 
 sometimes on the ground that too little, has been done. 
 
 Some of our opponents complain because under the antitrust and inter- 
 state commerce laws suits were undertaken which have been successful ; 
 others, because suits were not undertaken which would have been unsuc- 
 cessful. The Democratic state convention in New York dealt with the 
 anthracite coal strike by demanding in deliberate and formal fashion that the 
 national government should take possession of the coal fields ; yet cham- 
 pions of that convention's cause now condemn the fact that there was any 
 action by the President at all though they must know that it was only this 
 action by the President which prevented the movement for national owner- 
 ship of the coal fields from gaining what might well have been an irre- 
 sistible impetus. Such mutually destructive criticisms furnish an adequate 
 measure of the chance for coherent action or constructive legislation if our 
 opponents should be given power. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC POLICIES. 
 
 So much for what our opponents openly or covertly advance in the way 
 of an attack on the acts of the administration. When we come to con- 
 sider the policies for which they profess to stand we are met with the dif- 
 ficulty always arising when statements of policy are so made that they can 
 be interpreted in different ways. On some of the vital questions that have 
 confronted the American people in the last decade our opponents take the 
 position that silence is the best possible way to convey their views. They 
 contend that their lukewarm attitude of partial acquiescence in what others 
 have accomplished entitles them to be made the custodians of the financial 
 honor and commercial interests which they have but recently sought to ruin. 
 
 But being unable to agree among themselves as to whether the gold 
 standard is a curse or a blessing, and as to whether we ought or ought not 
 to have free and unlimited coinage of silver, they have apparently thought 
 it expedient to avoid any committal on these subjects, and individually each
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 201 
 
 to follow his particular bent. Their nearest approach to a majority judg- 
 ment seems to be that it is now inexpedient to assert their convictions one 
 way or the other, and that the establishment of the gold standard by the 
 Republican party should not be disturbed unless there is an alteration in the 
 relative quantity of production of silver and gold. Men who hold sincere 
 convictions on vital questions can respect equally sincere men with whose 
 views they radically differ; and men may confess a change of faith without 
 compromising their honor or their self-respect. But it is difficult to respect 
 an attitude of mind such as has been fairly described above ; and where there 
 is no respect there can be no trust. A policy with so slender a basis of prin- 
 ciple would not stand the strain of a single year of business adversity. 
 
 We, on the contrary, believe in, the gold standard as fixed by the usage 
 and verdict of the business world, and in a sound monetary system as 
 matters of principle ; as matters not of monetary political expediency, but 
 of permanent organic policy. In 1896 and again in 1900 far-sighted men, 
 without regard to their party fealty in the past, joined to work against what 
 they regarded as a debased monetary system. The policies which they cham- 
 pioned have been steadfastly adhered to by the administration ; and by the 
 act of March 14, 1900, Congress established the single gold standard as the 
 measure of our monetary value. This act received the support of every 
 Republican in the house and of every Republican except one in the senate. 
 Of our opponents, eleven supported it in the house and two in the senate; and 
 one hundred and fifty opposed it in the house and twenty-eight in the 
 senate. The record of the last seven years proves that the party now in 
 power can be trusted to take the additional action necessary to improve 
 and strengthen our monetary system, and that our opponents cannot be so 
 trusted. The fundamental fact is that in a popular government such as ours 
 no policy is irrevocably settled by law unless the people keep in control of 
 the government men who believe in that policy as a matter of deep-rooted 
 conviction. Laws can always be revoked ; it is the spirit and the purpose 
 of those responsible for their enactment and administration which must be 
 fixed and unchangeable. 
 
 It is idle to say that the monetary standard of the nation is irrevocably 
 fixed so long as the party which at the last election cast approximately 46 
 per cent of the total vote, refuses to put in its platform any statement that 
 the question is settled. A determination to remain silent cannot be accepted 
 as equivalent to a recantation. Until our opponents as a party explicitly adopt 
 the views which we hold and upon which we have acted and are acting, in 
 the matter of a sound currency, the only real way to keep the question from 
 becoming unsettled is to keep the Republican party in power. 
 
 As for what our opponents say in reference to capital and labor, indi- 
 vidual or corporate, here again all we need by way of answer is to point to 
 what we have actually done, and to say that if continued in power we shall 
 continue to carry out the policy we have been pursuing, and to execute the
 
 202 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 laws as resolutely and fearlessly in the future as we have executed them in 
 the past. In my speech of acceptance I said : 
 
 "We recognize the organization of capital and the organization of labor ' 
 as natural outcomes of our industrial system. Each kind of organization is 
 to be favored so long as it acts in a spirit of justice and of regard for the 
 rights of others. Each is to be granted the full protection of the law, and 
 each in turn is to be held to a strict obedience to the law; for no man is 
 above it and no man below it. The humblest individual is to have his rights 
 safeguarded as scrupulously as those of the strongest organization, for each 
 is to receive justice, no more and no less. The problems with which we 
 have to deal in our modern industrial and social life are manifold; but the 
 spirit in which it is necessary to approach their solution is simply the spirit of 
 honesty, of courage, and of common sense." 
 
 FIRST GOVERNMENT OPPORTUNITY. 
 
 The action of the attorney general in enforcing the antitrust and inter- 
 state commerce laws, and the action of the last Congress in enlarging the 
 scope of the interstate commerce law, and in creating the department of com- 
 merce and labor, with a bureau of corporations, have for the first time opened 
 a chance for the national government to deal intelligently and adequately 
 with the questions affecting society, whether for good or for evil, because of 
 the accumulation of capital in great corporations, and because of the new rela- 
 tions caused thereby. These laws are now being administered with entire 
 efficiency, and as, in their working, need is shown for amendment or addi- 
 tion to them whether better to secure the proper publicity, or better to 
 guarantee the rights of shippers, or in any other direction this need will 
 be met. It is now asserted "that the common law, as developed, affords a 
 complete legal remedy against monopolies." But there is no common law 
 of the United States. Its rules can be enforced only by the state courts and 
 officers. No federal court or officer could take any action whatever under 
 them. It was this fact, coupled with the inability of the states to control 
 trusts and monopolies, which led to the passage of the federal statutes known 
 as the Sherman antitrust act and the interstate commerce act ; and it is only 
 through the exercise of the powers conferred by these acts, and by the 
 statutes of the last Congress supplementing them, that the national govern- 
 ment acquires any jurisdiction over the subject. To say that action against 
 trusts and monopolies should be limited to the application of the common law 
 is equivalent to saying that the national government should take no action 
 whatever to regulate them. 
 
 FAILURE TO PROSECUTR 
 
 Undoubtedly, the multiplication of trusts and their increase in power has 
 been largely due to the "failure of officials charged with the duty of en- 
 forcing the law to take the necessary procedure." Such stricture upon the 
 failure of the officials of the national government to do their duty in this
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 203 
 
 matter is certainly not wholly undeserved as far as the administration pre- 
 ceding President McKinley's is concerned ; but it has no application at all 
 to Republican administration. It is also undoubtedly true that what is 
 most needed is "officials having both the disposition and the courage to en- 
 force existing law." This is precisely the need that has been met by the 
 consistent and steadily continued action of the department of justice under 
 the present administration. 
 
 So far as the rights of the individual wageworker and the individual 
 capitalist are concerned, both as regards one another, as regards the public, 
 and as regards organized capital and labor, the position of the administration 
 has been so clear that there is no excuse for misrepresenting it, and no 
 ground for opposing it unless misrepresented. 
 
 Within the limits denned by the national constitution the national admin- 
 istration has sought to secure to each man the full enjoyment of his right to 
 live his life and dispose of his property and his labor as he deems best, so 
 long as he wrongs no one else. It has shown in effective fashion that in 
 endeavoring to make good this guaranty, it treats all men, rich or poor, 
 whatever their creed, their color, or their birthplace, as standing alike before 
 the law. 
 
 Under our form of government the sphere in which the nation as dis- 
 tinguished from the state can act is narrowly circumscribed ; but within that 
 sphere all that could be done has been done. All thinking men are aware of 
 the restrictions upon the power of action of the national government in 
 such matters. Being ourselves mindful of them, we have been scrupulously 
 careful on the one hand to be moderate in our promises, and on the other 
 hand to keep these promises in letter and in spirit. Our opponents have been 
 hampered by no such considerations. They have promised, and many of 
 them now promise action which they could by no possibility take in the 
 exercise of constitutional power, and which, if attempted, would bring busi- 
 ness to a standstill; they have used, and often now use, language of wild 
 invective and appeal to all the baser passions which tend to excite one set of 
 Americans against their fellow-Americans ; and yet whenever they had 
 power they have fittingly supplemented this extravagance of promise by abso- 
 lute nullity in performance. 
 
 This government is based upon the fundamental idea that each man, no 
 matter what his occupation, his race or his religious belief, is entitled to be 
 treated on his worth as a man, and neither favored nor discriminated against 
 because of any accident in his position. Even here at home there is painful 
 difficulty in the efforts to realize this ideal; and the attempt to secure from 
 other nations acknowledgment of it sometimes encounters obstacles that are 
 well nigh insuperable; for there are many nations which in the slow pro- 
 cession of the ages have not yet reached that point where the principles 
 which Americans regard as axiomatic obtain any recognition whatever. 
 
 One of the chief difficulties arises in connection with certain American 
 citizens of foreign birth, or of particular creed, who desire to travel abroad.
 
 204 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Russia, for instance, refuses to admit and protect Jews. Turkey refuses to 
 admit and protect certain sects of Christians. This government has con- 
 sistently demanded equal protection abroad for all American citizens, whether 
 native or naturalized. On March 27, 1899, Secretary Hay sent a letter of 
 instructions to all the diplomatic and consular officers of the United States, 
 in which he said: "This department does not discriminate between native- 
 born and naturalized citizens in according them protection while they are 
 abroad, equality of treatment being required by the laws of the United 
 States." These orders to our agents abroad have been repeated again and 
 again, and are treated as the fundamental rule of conduct laid down for 
 them, proceeding upon the theory "that all naturalized citizens of the United 
 States while in foreign countries, are entitled to and shall receive from this 
 government the same protection of persons and property which is accorded to 
 native-born citizens." In issuing passports the state deparment never dis- 
 criminates, or alludes to any man's religion ; and in granting to every Amer- 
 ican citizen, native or naturalized. Christian or Jew, the same passport, so 
 far as it has power it insists that all foreign governments shall accept the 
 passport as prima facie proof that the person therein described is a citizen of 
 the United States and entitled to protection as such. It is a standing order 
 to every American diplomatic and consular officer to protect every American 
 citizen, of whatever faith, from unjust molestation ; and our officers abroad 
 have been stringently required to comply with this order. 
 
 IGNORANCE OR INSINCERITY. 
 
 Under such circumstances, the demand of our opponents that negotia- 
 tions be begun to secure equal treatment of all Americans from those gov- 
 ernments which do not now accord it, shows either ignorance of the facts 
 or insincerity. No change of policy in the method or manner of negotiation 
 would add effectiveness to what the state department has done and is doing. 
 The steady pressure which the department has been keeping up in the past 
 will be continued in the future. This administration has on all proper occa- 
 sions given clear expression to the belief of the American people that dis- 
 crimination and oppression because of religion, wherever practiced, are acts 
 of injustice before God and man ; and in making evident to the world the 
 depth of American convictions in this regard, we have gone to the very 
 limit of diplomatice usage. 
 
 It is a striking evidence of our opponents' insincerity in this matter that 
 with their demand for radical action by the state department they coupled 
 a demand for a reduction in our small military establishment. Yet they must 
 know that the heed paid to our protests against ill-treatment of our citizens 
 will be exactly proportionate to the belief in our ability to make these pro- 
 tests effective should the need arise. 
 
 Our opponents have now declared themselves in favor of the civil serv- 
 ice law, the repeal of which they demanded in 1900 and in 1896. If con- 
 sistent, they should have gone one step further and congratulated the coun-
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. '205 
 
 try upon the way in which the civil service law is now administered, and the 
 way in which the classified service has been extended. The exceptions from 
 examinations are fewer by far than ever before, and are confined to indi- 
 vidual cases, where the application of the rules would be impracticable, un- 
 wise, unjust, or unnecessary. The administration of the great body of the 
 classified civil service is free from politics, and appointments and removals 
 have been put upon a business basis. Statistics show that there is little 
 difference between the tenure of the federal classified employees and that of 
 the employees of private business corporations. Less than i per cent of the 
 classified employees are over 70 years of age, and in the main the service ren- 
 dered is vigorous and efficient. Where the merit system was of course most 
 needed was in the Philippine islands ; and a civil service law of very ad- 
 vanced type has there been put into operation and scrupulously observed. 
 Without one exception every appointment in the Philippines has been made in 
 accordance with the strictest standard of fitness, and without heed to any 
 other consideration. 
 
 WHERE ISSUES ARE DEFINITE. 
 
 Finally, we come to certain matters upon which our opponents do in their 
 platform of principles definitely take issue with us, and where, if they are 
 sincere, their triumph would mean disaster to the country. But exactly as it 
 is impossible to call attention to the present promises and past record of our 
 opponents without seeming offensive, so it is impossible to compare their 
 platform with their other and later official utterances and not create doubt as 
 to their sincerity. In their private or unofficial utterances many of them 
 frankly advance in this insincerity as a merit, taking the position that as re- 
 gards the points on which I am about to speak they have no intention of 
 keeping their promises or of departing from the policies now established, and 
 that therefore they can be trusted not to abuse the power they seek. 
 
 When we take up the great question of the tariff we are at once con- 
 fronted by the doubt as to whether our opponents do or do not mean what 
 they say. They say that "protection is robbery," and promise to carry them- 
 selves accordingly if they are given power. Yet prominent persons among 
 them assert that they do not really mean this and that if they come into 
 power they will adopt our policy as regards the tariff; while others seem 
 anxious to prove that it is safe to give them partial power, because the 
 power would be only partial, and therefore they would not be able to do 
 mischief. The last is certainly a curious plea to advance on behalf of a 
 party seeking to obtain control of the government. 
 
 TARIFF AND TRUSTS. 
 
 At the outset it is worth while to say a word as to the attempt to identify 
 the question of tariff revision or tariff reduction with a solution of the trust 
 question. This is alwa3'S a sign of desire to avoid any real effort to deal
 
 206 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 adequately with the trust question. In speaking on this point at Minneapolis 
 on April 4, 1903, I said : 
 
 "The question of tariff revision, speaking broadly, stands wholly apart 
 from the question of dealing with the trusts. No change in tariff duties 
 can have any substantial effect in solving the so-called trust problem. Cer- 
 tain great trusts or great corporations are wholly unaffected by the tariff. 
 Almost all the others that are of any importance have as a matter of fact 
 numbers of smaller American competitors; and of course a change in the 
 tariff which would work injury to the large corporation would work not 
 merely injury but destruction to its smaller competitors; and equally of 
 course such a change would mean disaster to all the wageworkers connected 
 with either the large or the small corporations. From the standpoint of those 
 interested in the solution of the trust problem such a change would there- 
 fore merely mean that the trust was relieved of the competition of its weaker 
 American competitors, and thrown only into competition with foreign competi- 
 tors ; and that the first effort to meet this new competition would be made by 
 cutting down wages and would therefore be primarily at the cost of labor. 
 In the case of some of our greatest trusts ?uch a change might confer upon 
 them a positive benefit. Speaking broadly, it is evident that the changes in 
 the tariff will affect the trusts for weal or for woe simply as they affect 
 the whole country. The tariff affects trusts only as it affects all other in- 
 terests. It makes all these interests, large or small, profitable, and its benefits 
 can be taken from the large only under penalty of taking them from the 
 small also." 
 
 There is little for me to add to this. It is but ten years since the last at- 
 tempt was made, by means of lowering the tariff, to prevent some people from 
 prospering too much. The attempt was entirely successful. The tariff law 
 of that year was among the causes which in that year and for some time after- 
 wards effectually prevented anybody from prospering too much, and labor 
 from prospering at all. Undoubtedly it would be possible at the present time 
 to prevent any of the trusts from remaining prosperous by the simple ex- 
 pedient of making such a sweeping change in the tariff as to paralyze the in- 
 dustries of the country. The trusts would cease to prosper; but their 
 smaller competitors would be ruined, and the wageworkers would starve, 
 while it would not pay the farmer to haul his produce to market. 
 
 The evils connected with the trusts can be reached only by rational ef- 
 fort, step by step, along the lines taken by Congress and the executive dur- 
 ing the past three years. If a tariff law is passed under which the coun- 
 try prospers, as the country has prospered under the present tariff law, then 
 all classes will share in the prosperity. If a tariff law is passed aimed at 
 preventing the prosperity of some of our people, it is as certain as anything 
 can be that this aim will be achieved only by cutting down the prosperity of 
 all of our people. 
 
 Of course, if our opponents are not sincere in their proposal to abolish 
 the system of a protective tariff, there is no use in arguing the matter at
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 207 
 
 all, save by pointing out again that if on one great issue they do not 
 mean what they say, it is hardly safe to trust them on any other issue. But 
 if they are sincere in this matter, then their advent to power would mean 
 domestic misfortune and misery as widespread and far-reaching as that 
 which we saw ten years ago. When they speak of protection as "robbery," 
 they, of course, must mean that it is immoral to enact a tariff designed (as 
 is the present protective tariff) to secure to the American wageworker the 
 benefit of the high standard of living which we desire to see kept up in 
 this country. Now, to speak of the tariff in this sense as "robbery," thereby 
 giving it a moral relation, is not merely rhetorical ; it is on its face false. 
 The question of what tariff is best for our people is primarily one of expedi- 
 ency, to be determined not on abstract academic grounds, but in the light of 
 experience. It is a matter of business ; for fundamentally ours is a business 
 people manufacturers, merchants, farmers, wageworkers, professional men, 
 all alike. Our experience as a people in the past has certainly not shown us 
 that we could afford in this matter to follow those professional counselors 
 who have confined themselves to study in the closet ; for the actual working 
 of the tariff has emphatically contradicted their theories. From time to time 
 schedules must undoubtedly be rearranged and readjusted to meet the shift- 
 ing needs of the country, but this can with safety be done only by those who 
 are committed to the cause of the protective system. To uproot and destroy 
 that system would be to insure the prostration of business, the closing of 
 factories, the improverishment of the farmer, the ruin of the capitalist and 
 the starvation of the wageworker. Yet, if protection is indeed "robbery," 
 and if our opponents really believe what they say, then it is precisely to the 
 destruction and uprooting of the tariff, and therefore of our business and in- 
 dustry, that they are pledged. When our opponents last obtained power it 
 was on a platform declaring a protective tariff "unconstitutional ;" and the 
 effort to put this declaration into practice was one of the causes of the gen- 
 eral national prostration lasting from 1893 to 1897. If a protective tariff is 
 either "unconstitutional" or "robbery," then it is just as unconstitu- 
 tional, just as much robbery, to revise it down, still leaving it protective, as it 
 would be to enact it. In other words, our opponents have committed them- 
 selves to the destruction of the protective principle in the tariff, using words 
 which if honestly used forbid them from permitting this principle to ob- 
 tain in even the smallest degree. 
 
 AS TO RECIPROCITY. 
 
 Our opponents assert that they believe in reciprocity. Their action on the 
 most important reciprocity treaty recently negotiated that with Cuba does 
 not bear out this assertion. Moreover, there can be no reciprocity unless 
 there is a. substantial tariff; free trade and reciprocity are not compatible. 
 We are on record as favoring arrangements for reciprocal trade relations 
 with other countries, these arrangements to be on an equitable basis of 
 benefit to both the contracting parties. The Republican party stands pledged
 
 208 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 to every wise and consistent method of increasing the foreign commerce of 
 the country. That it has kept its pledge is proven by the fact that while 
 the domestic trade of this country exceeds in volume the entire export and 
 import trade of all the nations of the world, the United States has in addi- 
 tion secured more than an eighth of the export trade of the world, stand- 
 ing first among the nations in this respect. The United States has exported 
 during the last seven years nearly ten billions of dollars' worth of goods 
 on an average half as much again annually as during the previous four 
 years, when many of our people were consuming nothing but necessaries, 
 and some of them a scanty supply even of these. 
 
 Two years ago, in speaking at Logansport, Ind., I said : 
 "The one consideration which must never be omitted in a tariff change is 
 the imperative need of preserving the American standard of living for the 
 American workingman. The tariff rate must never fall below that which will 
 protect the American workingman by allowing for the difference between the 
 general labor cost here and abroad, so as at least to equalize the conditions 
 arising from the difference in the standard of labor here and abroad a dif- 
 ference which it should be our aim to foster in so far as it represents the 
 needs of better educated, better paid, better fed, and better clothed work- 
 ingmen of a higher type than any to be found in a foreign country. At 
 all hazards, and no matter what else is sought for or accomplished by changes 
 of the tariff, the American workingman must be protected in his standard 
 of wages, that is, in his standard of living, and must be secured the fullest 
 opportunity of employment. Our laws should in no event afford advantage 
 to foreign industries over American industries. They should in no event 
 do less than equalize the difference in conditions at home and abroad." 
 
 PROTECTION MORE THAN A THEORY. 
 
 It is a matter of regret that the protective tariff policy, which, during the 
 last forty odd years, has become part of the very fiber of the country, is not 
 now accepted as definitely established. Surely we have a right to say that it 
 has passed beyond the domain of theory, and a right to expect that not only 
 its original advocates but those who at one time distrusted it on theoretic 
 grounds, should now acquiesce in the results that have been proved over and 
 over again by actual experience. These forty odd years have been the most 
 prosperous years this nation has ever seen ; more prosperous years than any 
 other nation has ever seen. Beyond question this prosperity could not have 
 come if the American people had not possessed the necessary thrift, en- 
 ergy, and business intelligence to turn their vast material resources to ac- 
 count. But it is no less true that it is our economic policy as regards the 
 tariff and finance which has enabled us as a nation to make such good use 
 of the individual capacities of our citizens, and the natural resources of our 
 country. Every class of our people is benefited by the protective tariff. Dur- 
 ing the last few years the merchant has seen the export trade of this coun- 
 try grow faster than ever in our previous history. The manufacturer could
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 209 
 
 not keep his factory running if it were not for the protective tariff. The 
 wage-worker would do well to remember that if protection is "robbery," and 
 is to be punished accordingly, he will be the first to pay the penalty; for 
 either he will be turned adrift entirely, or his wages will be cut down to 
 the starvation point. As conclusively shown by the bulletins of the bureau 
 of labor, the purchasing power of the average wage received by the wage- 
 worker has grown faster than the cost of living, and this in spite of the 
 continual shortening of working hours. The accumulated savings of the 
 workingmer* of the country as shown by the deposits in the savings banks, 
 have increased by leaps and bounds. At no time in the history of this or any 
 other country has there been an era so productive of material benefit alike to 
 workingman and employer, as during the seven years that have just passed. 
 
 FARMER BENEFITED. 
 
 The farmer has benefited quite as much as the manufacturer, the mer- 
 chant and the wage-worker. The most welcome and impressive fact, estab- 
 lished by the last census is the wide and even distribution of wealth among 
 all classes of our countrymen. The chief agencies in producing this dis- 
 tribution are shown by the census to be the development of manufacturers, 
 and the application of new inventions to universal use. The result has been 
 an increasing interdependence of agriculture and manufactures. Agriculture 
 is now, as it always has been, the basis of civilization. The six million 
 farms of the United States, operated by men who, as a class, are steadfast, 
 single-minded and industrious, form the basis of all the other achievements 
 of the American people and are more fruitful than all their other resources. 
 The men on those 6,000,000 farms receive from the protective tariff what 
 they most need, and that is the best of all possible markets. All other 
 classes depend upon the farmer, but the farmer in turn depends upon the 
 market they furnish him for his produce. The annual output of our agri- 
 cultural products is nearly four billions of dollars. Their increase in value 
 has been prodigious, although agriculture has languished in most other 
 countries ; and the main factor in this increase is the corresponding increase 
 of our manufacturing industries. American farmers have prospered because 
 the growth of their market has kept pace with the growth of their farms. 
 The additional market continually furnished for agricultural products by 
 domestic manufacturers has been far in excess of the outlet to other lands. 
 An export trade in farm products is necessary to dispose of our surplus and 
 the export trade of our farmers, both in animal products and in plant 
 products, has very largely increased. Without the enlarged home market 
 to keep this surplus down, we should have to reduce production or else feed 
 the world at less than the cost of production. In the forty years ending 
 in 1900 the total value of farm property increased $12,500,000,000; the farmer 
 gaining even more during this period than the manufacturer. Long ago 
 over-production would have checked the marvelous development of our 
 national agriculture, but for the steadily increasing demand of American
 
 210 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 manufacturers for farm products required as raw materials for steadily ex- 
 panding industries. 
 
 DEPENDENT ON MANUFACTURE. 
 
 The farmer has become dependent upon the manufacturer to utilize that 
 portion of his produce which does not go directly to food supply. In 1900, 
 52 per cent, or a little over half, of the total value of the farm products of 
 the nation was consumed in manufacturing industries as the raw materials 
 of the factories. Evidently the manufacturer is the farmer's best and most 
 direct customer. Moreover, the American manufacturer purchases his farm 
 supplies almost exclusively in his own country. Nine-tenths of all the raw 
 materials of every kind and description consumed in American manufac- 
 tories are of American production. The manufacturing establishments tend 
 steadily to migrate into the heart of the great agricultural districts. The 
 center of the manufacturing industry in 1900 was near the middle of Ohio, 
 and it is moving westward at the rate of about thirty miles in every decade; 
 and this movement is invariably accompanied by a marked increase in the 
 value of farm lands. Local causes, notably the competition between new 
 farm lands and old farm lands, tend here and there to obscure what is hap- 
 pening; but it is as certain as the operation of any economic law, that in the 
 country as a whole, farm values will continue to increase as the partner- 
 ship between manufacturer and farmer grows more intimate through further 
 advance of industrial science. 
 
 The American manufacturer never could have placed this nation at the 
 head of the manufacturing nations of the world if he had not had behind him, 
 securing him every variety of raw material, the exhaustless resources of 
 the American farm, developed by the skill and the enterprise of intelligent 
 and educated American farmers. On the other hand, the debt of the farm- 
 ers to the manufacturers is equally heavy, and the future of American agri- 
 culture is bound up in the future of American manufactures. The two in- 
 dustries have become, under the economic policy of our government, so 
 closely interwoven, so mutually interdependent, that neither can hope to 
 maintain itself at the high-water mark of progress without the other. What- 
 ever makes to the advantage of one is equally to the advantage of the other. 
 
 So it is as between the capitalist and the wage-worker. Here and there 
 there may be an unequal sharing as between the two in the benefits that have 
 come by protection ; but benefits have come to both ; and a reversal in policy 
 would mean damage to both, and while the damage would be heavy to all, it 
 would be heaviest, and it would fall soonest, upon those who are paid in 
 the form of wages each week or each month for that week's or that month's 
 work. 
 
 Conditions change and the laws must be modified from time to time to 
 fit new exigencies. But the genuine undelying principle of protection, as it 
 has been embodied in all but one of the American tariff laws for the last 
 forty years, has worked out results so beneficent, so evenly and widely
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 211 
 
 spread, so advantageous alike to farmers and capitalists and workingmen, to 
 commerce and trade of every kind, that the American people, if they show 
 their usual practical business sense, will insist that when these laws are 
 modified they shall be modified with the utmost care and conservatism, and 
 by the friends and not the enemies of the protective system. They cannot 
 afford to trust the modification to those who treat protection and robbery as 
 synonymous terms. 
 
 In closing what I have to say about the system of promoting American 
 industry, let me add a word of cordial agreement with the policy of in some 
 way including within its benefits, by appropriate legislation, the American 
 merchant marine. It is not creditable to us as a nation that our great ex- 
 port and import trade should be well-nigh exclusively in the hands of for- 
 eigners. 
 
 REDUCTION OF ARMY. 
 
 It is difficult to know if our opponents are really sincere in their demand 
 for the reduction of the army, li insincere, there is no need for comment, 
 and if sincere, what shall we say in speaking to rational persons of an ap- 
 peal to reduce an army of 60,000 men which is taking care of the interests of 
 over eighty million people? The army is now relatively smaller than it 
 was in the days of Washington, when on the peace establishment there were 
 3,600 soldiers, while there were a little less than four millions of population ; 
 smaller than it was in the peaceful days of Jefferson, when there were 
 5,100 soldiers to 5,300,000 population. 
 
 There is now one soldier to every fourteen hundred people in this 
 country less than one-tenth of one per cent. We cannot be asked seriously 
 to argue as to the amount of possible tyranny contained in these figures.. The 
 army as it is now is as small as it can possibly be and serve its purpose as 
 an effective nucleus for the organization, equipment and supply of a vol- 
 unteer army in time of need. 
 
 It is now used, as never before, for aiding in the upbuilding of the organ- 
 ized militia of the country. The war department is engaged in a systematic 
 effort to strengthen and develop the National Guard in the several states, 
 as witness, among many other instances, the great field maneuvers at 
 Manassas, which have just closed. If our opponents should come into 
 power they could not reduce our army below its present size without greatly 
 impairing its efficiency and abandoning part of the national duty. In short, 
 in this matter, if our opponents should come into power they would 
 either have to treat this particular promise of the year 1904 as they now 
 treat the promises they made in 1896 and 1900, that is, as possessing no bind- 
 ing force; or else they would have to embark on a policy which would be 
 ludicrous at the moment, and fraught with grave danger to the national honor 
 in the future.
 
 212 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 EXTRAVAGANCE CHARGED. 
 
 Our opponents contend that the government is now administering extrava- 
 gantly, and that whereas there was a "surplus of $80,000,000 in 1900" there is 
 "a deficit of more than $40,000,000 in the year that has just closed." 
 
 This deficit is imaginary, and is obtained by including in the ordinary cur- 
 rent expenses the sum of $50,000,000, which was paid for the right of way 
 of the Panama canal out of the accumulated surplus in the treasury. Com- 
 paring the current or ordinary expenditures for the two years, there was a 
 surplus of nearly eighty million dollars for the year 1900, and of only a little 
 more than eight millions for the year that has just closed. But this diminu- 
 tion of the annual surplus was brought about designedly by the abolition of 
 the war taxes in the interval between the two dates. The acts of March 2, 
 1901, and April 12, 1902, cut down the internal revenue taxes to an amount 
 estimated at one hundred and five millions a year. In other words, the 
 reduction of taxation has been considerably greater than the reduction in 
 the annual surplus. Since the close of the war with Spain there has been 
 no substantial change in the rate of annual expenditures. As compared with 
 the fiscal year ending in June, 1901, for example, the fiscal year that has 
 just closed showed a relatively small increase in expenditure (excluding the 
 canal payment already referred to), while the year previous showed a rela- 
 tively small decrease. 
 
 The expenditures of the nation have been managed in a spirit of economy 
 as far removed from waste as from niggardliness ; and in the future every 
 effort will be continued to secure an economy as strict as is consistent with 
 efficiency. Once more our opponents have promised what they cannot or 
 should not perform. 
 
 The prime reason why the expenses of the government have increased of 
 recent years is to be found in the fact that the people, after mature thought, 
 have deemed if} wise to have certain new forms of work for the public un- 
 dertaken by the public. This necessitates such expenditures, for instance, as 
 those for rural free delivery, or for the inspection of meats under the depart- 
 ment of agriculture, or for irrigation. But these new expenditures are neces- 
 sary; no one would seriously propose to abandon them; and yet it is idle to 
 declaim against the increased expense of the government unless it is in- 
 tended to cut down the very expenditures which cause the increase. The 
 pensions to the veterans of the civil war are demanded by every sentiment 
 of regard and gratitude. The rural free delivery is of the greatest use and 
 convenience to the farmers, and a body of men who live under conditions 
 which make them ordinarily receive little direct return for what they pay 
 toward the support of the government. The irrigation policy in the arid 
 and semi-arid regions of the west is fraught with the most beneficient and 
 far-reaching good to the actual settlers, the home-makers, whose encourage- 
 ment is a traditional feature in America's national policy. Do our opponents 
 grudge the fifty millions paid for the Panama canal? Do they intend to
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 213 
 
 cut down on the pensions to the veterans of the civil war? Do they intend 
 to put a stop to the irrigation policy? or to the permanent census bureau? 
 or to immigration inspection? Do they intend to abolish rural free de- 
 livery? Do they intend to cut down the navy? or the Alaskan telegraph 
 system? Do they intend to dismantle our coast fortifications? If there is to 
 be a real and substantial cutting down in national expenditures it must be in 
 such matters as these. The department of agriculture has done service of 
 incalculable value to the farmers of this country in many different lines. Do 
 our opponents wish to cut down the money for this service? They can do it 
 only by destroying the usefulness of the service itself. 
 
 The public work of the United States has never been conducted with a 
 higher degree of honesty and efficiency than at the present time, and a 
 special meed of praise belongs to those officials responsible for the Philip- 
 pines and Porto Rica, where the administrations have been models of their 
 kind. Of course, wrong has occasionally occurred, but it has been relent- 
 lessly stamped out. We have known no party in dealing with offenders, and 
 have hunted down without mercy every wrongdoer in the service of the 
 nation whom it was possible by the utmost vigilance to detect ; for the public 
 servant who betrays his trust and the private individual who debauches 
 him stand as the worst of criminals, because their crimes are crimes against the 
 entire community, and not only against this generation but against the gen- 
 erations that are yet to be. 
 
 PHILIPPINE POLICY. 
 
 Our opponents promise independence to the Philippine islands. Here 
 again we are confronted by the fact that their irreconcilable differences of 
 opinion among themselves, their proved inability to create a constructive 
 policy when in power, and their readiness, for the sake of monetary political 
 expediency, to abandon the principles upon which they have insisted as es- 
 sential, conspire to puzzle us as to whether they do or do not intend in 
 good faith to carry out this promise if they are given control of the gov- 
 ernment. In their platform they declare for independence, apparently 
 for their language is a little obscure without qualification as 
 to time, and indeed a qualification as to time is an absurdity, 
 for we have neither right nor power to bind our successors when 
 it is impossible to foretell the conditions which may confront them ; while 
 if there is any principle involved in the matter, it is just as wrong to deny 
 independence for a few years as to deny it for an indefinite period. But 
 in later and equally official utterances by our opponents the term self-govern- 
 ment was substituted for independence; the words used being so chosen 
 that in their natural construction they described precisely the policy now 
 being carried on. The language of the platform indicated a radical change of 
 policy; the latter utterances indicated a continuance of the present policy. 
 But this caused trouble in their own ranks ; and in a still later, although less
 
 214 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 formal, utterance, the self-government promise was recanted, and independ- 
 ence at some future time was promised in its place. 
 
 They have occupied three entirely different positions within fifty days. 
 Which is the promise they really intend to keep? They do not know their 
 own minds ; and no one can tell how long they would keep of the same mind, 
 should they by any chance come to a working agreement among themselves. 
 If such ambiguity affected only the American people it would not so 
 greatly matter; for the American people can take care of themselves. But 
 the Filipinos are in no such condition. Confidence is with them a plant of slow 
 growth. They have been taught to trust the word of this government be- 
 cause this government has promised nothing which it did not perform. If 
 promised independence they will expect independence ; not in the remote 
 future, for their descendants, but immediately, for themselves. If the promise 
 thus made is not immediately fulfilled they will regard it as broken, and 
 will not again trust to American faith ; and it would be indeed a wicked 
 thing to deceive them in such fashion. 
 
 Moreover, even if the promise were made to take effect only in the 
 distant future, the Filipinos would be thrown into confusion thereby. In- 
 stead of continuing .to endeavor to fit themselves for moral and material 
 advancement in the present, they would abandon all effort at progress and 
 begin factional intrigues for future power. 
 
 To promise to give them independence when it is "prudent" to do so, 
 or when they are "fit"' for it, of course implies that they are not fit for it 
 now, and that it would be imprudent to give it to them now. But as we 
 must ourselves be the judges as to when they become "fit," and when it 
 would be "prudent" to keep such a promise if it were made, it necessarily fol- 
 lows that to make such a promise now would amount to a deception upon the 
 Filipinos. 
 
 It may well be that our opponents have no real intention of putting their 
 promise into effect. If this is the case, if, in other words, they are insin- 
 cere in the promise they make, it is only necessary to say again that it is 
 unwise to trust men who are false in one thing to deal with anything. The 
 mere consciousness of broken faith would hamper them in continuing our 
 policy in the islands ; and only by continuing unchanged this policy can the 
 honor of the country be maintained, or the interests of the islands subserved. 
 If, on the other hand, our opponents came into power and attempted to carry 
 out their promises to the Filipinos by giving them independence, and with- 
 drawing American control from the island, the result would be a frightful 
 calamity to the Filipinos themselves, and in its larger aspect would amount to 
 an international crime. Anarchy wouid follow ; and the most violent anarchic 
 forces would be directed partly against the civil government, partly against all 
 forms of religious and educational civilization. Bloody conflicts would in- 
 evitably ensue in the archipelago, and just as inevitably the island would 
 become the prey of the first power which, in its own selfish interest, took up 
 the task we had cravenly abandoned
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 215 
 
 SCUTTLE POLICY. 
 
 Of course the practical difficulty in adopting any such course of action 
 such a "policy of scuttle," as President McKinley called it would be found 
 well nigh insuperable. If it is morally indefensible to hold the archipelago 
 as a whole under our tutelage in the interest of our own people, then it is 
 morally indefensible to hold any part of it. In such case what right have 
 we to keep a coaling station? What right to keep control over the Moro 
 peoples? What right to protect the Igorrotes from their oppressors? 
 What right to protect the law-abiding friends of America in the islands 
 from treachery, robbery and murder? Yet, to abandon the islands com- 
 pletely, without even retaining a coaling station, would mean to abandon 
 the position in the competition for the trade of the orient which we have 
 acquired during the last six years ; and what is far more important, it would 
 mean irreparable damage to those who have become the wards of the na- 
 tion. To abandon all control over the Moros would amount to releasing 
 these Moros to prey upon the Christian Filipinos, civilized or semi-civil- 
 ized, as well as upon the commerce of other peoples. The Moros are in 
 large part still in the stage of culture where the occupations of the bandit 
 and the pirate are those most highly regarded ; and it has not been found 
 practical to give them self-government in the sense that we have been 
 giving it to the Christian inhabitants. To abandon the Moro country, as 
 our opponents propose in their platform, would be precisely as if twenty- 
 five years ago we had withdrawn the army and the civil agents from 
 within and around the Indian reservations in the west at a time when the 
 Sioux and the Apache were still the terror of our settlers. It would be a 
 criminal absurdity; and yet our opponents have pledged themselves thereto. 
 If successful in the coming election they would either have to break faith, 
 or else to do an act which would leave an indelible stain upon our na- 
 tional reputation for courage and for good sense. 
 
 During the last five years more has been done for the material and 
 moral well-being of the Filipinos than ever before since the islands first 
 came within the ken of civilized man We have opened before them a 
 vista of orderly development in their own interest, and not a policy of ex- 
 ploitation. 
 
 Every effort is being made to fit the islanders for self-government, and 
 they have already in large measure received it, while for the first time in 
 their history their personal rights and civil liberties have been guaranteed. 
 They are being educated ; they have been given schools ; they have been 
 given libraries; roads are being built for their use; their health is being 
 cared for; they have been given courts in which they receive justice as 
 absolute as it is in our power to guarantee. Their individual rights to life, 
 liberty and the pursuits of happiness are now by act of Congress jealously 
 safeguarded under the American flag; and if the protection of the flag were 
 withdrawn their rights would be lost, and the islands would be plunged
 
 216 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 back under some form of vicious tyranny. We have given them more self- 
 government than they have ever before had ; we are taking steps to in- 
 crease it still further by providing them with an elected legislative assembly ; 
 and surely we had better await the results of this experiment for it is a 
 wholly new experiment in Asia before we make promises which as a na- 
 tion we might be forced to break, or which they might interpret one way 
 and we in another. It may be asserted without fear of successful contra- 
 diction that nowhere else in recent years has there been as fine an example 
 of constructive statesmanship and wise and upright administration as has 
 been given by the civil authorities, aided by the army, in the Philippine 
 islands. We have administered them in the interest of their own people ; 
 and the Filipinos themselves have profited most by our presence in the 
 islands; but they have also been of very great advantage to us as a nation. 
 
 SPREAD KNOWLEDGE OF FREEDOM. 
 
 So far from having "sapped the foundations" of free popular govern- 
 ment at home by the course taken in the Philippines, we have been spread- 
 ing its knowledge, and teaching its practice, among peoples to whom it had 
 never before been more than an empty name. Our action represents a great 
 stride forward in spreading the principles of orderly liberty throughout the 
 world. "Our flag has not lost its gift of benediction in its world-wide jour- 
 ney to their shores." We have treated the power we have gained as a 
 solemn obligation, and have used it in the interest of mankind ; and the 
 peoples of the world and especially the weaker peoples of the world are 
 better off because of the position we have assumed. To retrace our steps 
 would be to give proof of an infirm and unstable national purpose. 
 
 Four years ago, in his speech of acceptance, President McKinley said : 
 
 "We have been moving in untried paths, but our steps have been guided 
 by honor and duty. There will be no turning aside, no wavering, no re- 
 treat. No blow has been struck except for liberty and humanity, and none 
 will be. We will perform without fear every national and international 
 obligation. The Republican party was dedicated to freedom forty-four 
 years ago. It has been the party of liberty and emancipation from that 
 hour; not of profession, but of performance. It broke the shackles for four 
 million slaves, and made them free, and to the party of Lincoln has come 
 another supreme opportunity which it has bravely met in the liberation of 
 ten millions of the human family from the yoke of imperialism. In its 
 solution of great problems, in its performance of high duties, it has had 
 the support of members of all parties in the past, and it confidently in- 
 vokes their co-operation in the future." 
 
 This is as true now as four years ago. We did not take the Philip- 
 pines at will, and we cannot put them aside at will. Any abandonment of 
 the policy which we have steadily pursued in the islands would be fraught 
 with dishonor and disaster; and to such dishonor and disaster I do not be- 
 lieve that the American people will consent.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 217 
 
 BENEFITS RECEIVED. 
 
 Alarm has been professed lest the Filipinos should not receive all the 
 benefits guaranteed to our people at home by the fourteenth amendment 
 to the constitution. As a matter of fact, the Filipinos have already secured 
 the substance of these benefits. This government has been true to the 
 spirit of the fourteenth amendment in the Philippines. Can our oppon- 
 ents deny that here at the home the principles of the fourteenth and fif- 
 teenth amendments have been in effect nullified? In this, as in many other 
 matters, we at home can well profit by the example of those responsible for 
 the actual management of affairs in the Philippines. In our several com- 
 monwealths here in the United States we as a people now face the com- 
 plex problem of securing fair treatment to each man regardless of his 
 race or color. We can do so only 1 if we approach the problem in the spirit 
 of courage, common sense and high-minded devotion to the right, which 
 has enabled Governor Taft, Governor Wright and their associates to do so 
 noble a work in giving to the Philippine people the benefit of the true 
 principles of American liberty. 
 
 APPEAL TO GOOD CITIZENS. 
 
 Our appeal is made to all good citizens who hold the honor and the 
 interests of the nation close to their hearts. The great issues which are at 
 stake, and upon which I have touched, are more than mere partisan issues, 
 for they involve much that comes home to the individual pride and indi- 
 vidual well-being of our people. Under conditions as they actually are, 
 good Americans should refuse, for the sake of the welfare of the nation, 
 to change the national policy. We, who are responsible for the adminis- 
 tration and legislation under which this country, during the last seven 
 years, has grown so greatly in well-being at home and in honorable re- 
 pute among the nations of the earth abroad, do not stand inertly upon this 
 record, do not use this record as an excuse for failure of effort to meet new 
 conditions. On the contrary, we treat the record of what we have done in 
 the past as incitement to do even better in the future. 
 
 We believe that the progress that we have made may be taken as a 
 measure of the progress we shall continue to make if the people again en- 
 trust the government of the nation to our hands. We do not stand still. 
 We press steadily forward toward the goal of moral and material well- 
 being for our own people, of just and fearless dealing toward all other 
 peoples in the interest not merely of this country but of mankind. 
 
 There is not a policy, foreign or domestic, which we are now carry- 
 ing out which it would not be disastrous to reverse or abandon. If our 
 opponents should came in and should not reverse our policies, then they 
 would be branded with the brand of broken faith, of false promise, of in- 
 sincerity in word and deed, and no man can work to the advantage of the 
 nation with such a brand clfnging to him. If, on the other hand, they
 
 218 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 should come in and reverse any or all of our policies, by just so much would 
 the nation as a whole be damaged. 
 
 Alike as lawmakers and as administrators of the law, we have endea- 
 vored to do our duty in the interest of the people as a whole. We make 
 our appeal to no class and to no section, but to all good citizens, in what- 
 ever part of the land they dwell, and whatever may be their occupation or 
 worldly condition. We have striven both for civic righteousness and for 
 national greatness, and we have faith to believe that our hands will be 
 upheld by all who feel love of country and trust in the uplifting of man- 
 kind. We stand for enforcement of the law and for obedience to the law ; 
 our government is a government of orderly liberty equally alien to tyranny 
 and to anarchy, and its foundation stone is the observance of the law, alike 
 by the people and by the public servants. We hold ever before us as 
 the all-important end of policy and administration the reign of peace at 
 home and throughout the world; peace, which comes only by doing jus- 
 tice. Faithfully yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 219 
 
 SENATOR FAIRBANKS' LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE 
 
 The Hon. Elihu Root, Chairman of Notification Committee : 
 
 MY DEAR SIR : In accordance with the promise made when you formally 
 notified me of my nomination for Vice-President, I avail myself of this oppor- 
 tunity to submit to you, and through you, to my fellow-citizens, some further 
 views with respect to the questions in issue before the people. 
 
 The principles which are so frankly and felicitously expressed in the plat- 
 form adopted by the Republican National Convention meet with my hearti- 
 est approval. In the main they have been subjected to the test of actual 
 experience and have been found to be well suited to our industrial and 
 national needs. They have brought us to a high state of material develop- 
 ment, and have made the nation's name respected among the powers of the 
 earth. 
 
 The utterances of political parties must be interpreted in the light of that 
 practical construction which they have put upon them when intrusted with 
 power. It is not alone what they say, but what they will do, which should 
 weigh in determining their capacity to administer public affairs. 
 
 We have had two administrations in the last seven years which have been 
 governed by the same policies. We may consult the trade reports in vain to 
 discover when the one ended and the other began. Both were obliged to 
 make vast expenditures for much-needed public works. The rapidly ex- 
 panding needs of the government business must be met. The national 
 equipment must keep pace with our national growth, yet always with due 
 regard to the principles of sound economy in public expenditure. We have 
 pursued no parsimonious policy on the one hand nor indulged in extrava- 
 gance on the other. We have measured the public expense by the public 
 necessity. 
 
 The convention did well in its hearty commendation of the administration 
 of President Roosevelt. This is sharply challenged by the opposition. We 
 accept the issue with confidence. The President assumed the responsibilities 
 of chief executive with a pledge to carry out the policy of his beloved and 
 lamented predecessor. He kept the Cabinet of President McKinley, com- 
 posed of statesmen of eminent ability, in whom the country placed entire 
 confidence. He carried forward the uncompleted work faithfully and suc- 
 cessfully. The pledge has been kept scrupulously; the promise has been ful- 
 filled. Peace and good order have been maintained. Domestic and foreign 
 trade have increased and relations of amity have been preserved with foreign 
 powers. 
 
 The foreign policy of the administration has been conservative, just and 
 firm, and has made for the advancement of peace. Time and events have 
 given us a larger place in international affairs. While we have enlarged our 
 foreign commerce, we have increased our prestige abroad, not with the sword, 
 but through the peaceful agency of enlightened diplomacy.
 
 220 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Thirty treaties have been concluded and proclaimed, and stand to the 
 credit of the administration. Some of these are of far-reaching importance. 
 Among the number are the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, superseding the Clayton- 
 Bulwer convention, which stood in the way of the construction of an Isth- 
 mian canal ; the Panama Canal treaty, the Alaskan boundary treaty, and 
 commercial treaties with China and with Cuba. 
 
 Events in the Far East suggest the wisdom and necessity of a continuance 
 of the present foreign policy. We have maintained exact neutrality between 
 Russia and Japan. At the beginning of the war between them, they assented 
 to the suggestion made by the administration, limiting the zone of hostilities. 
 This tends to preserve the open door in the Orient, so important and so 
 much desired in the expansion of our commerce. It is the policy of the 
 administration, predicated upon the soundest national prudence, to settle and 
 remove by treaty, so far as possible, those international differences which 
 might lead to future friction. 
 
 We favor the adjustment of international disagreements by an appeal to 
 reason, rather than to arms. A great majority of the questions which arise 
 between nations may, without compromising the national honor, be sub- 
 mitted to arbitration. The administration of President McKinley did well 
 to aid in the creation of The Hague tribunal, and President Roosevelt is 
 entitled to great credit for being the first to invoke its jurisdiction in the 
 settlement of the Pious Fund cases. 
 
 Our relations with the world were never better. We have avoided all 
 entangling alliances, and, in the language of the eminent Secretary of State, 
 "We are without an ally and without an enemy." 
 
 The convention wisely declared in favor of "protection which guards and 
 develops our industries," and that "the measure of protection should always 
 at least equal the difference in the cost of production at home and abroad.'' 
 This principle was embodied in the platform of the convention which first 
 nominated Abraham Lincoln, and it has continued to be one of the cardinal 
 doctrines of the Republican party during the forty-four years which have 
 elapsed since then. It has been incorporated into the public law and has 
 become the foundation of our industrial system. It has been regarded by 
 the Republican party as a reasonable and appropriate exercise of the legis- 
 lative power when imposing duties upon imports to discriminate in favor of 
 American industries. This principle is dictated by a due regard for our own 
 enterprise and industry, and is founded upon the highest considerations of 
 national interest. 
 
 The Democratic convention which lately assembled at St. Louis denounced 
 "protection as a robbery of the many to enrich the few," and favored a 
 "revision and gradual reduction of the tariff." 
 
 The issue is thus distinctly made. It is by no means a new one, for while 
 the] Republican party has uniformly adhered to the policy of protection, the 
 Democratic party has been consistent in its opposition. It has held to the
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 221 
 
 doctrine of a revenue tariff, and during all the years of the contest has 
 maintained that the protective system was opposed to good morals, in con- 
 travention of the constitution, and in violation of sound economics. The 
 objections which are now urged against it are only a repetition of those 
 which have found utterance for many years. The difference between the 
 parties is radical and fundamental. It involves the principle of protection 
 and not simply the measure of the duties to be laid. 
 
 A revision of duties should be made only when conditions have so 
 changed that the public interest demands their alteration, and they should 
 be so revised as to preserve and not destroy the protective principle. 
 
 A revision and reduction by those who regard the tariff as a robbery 
 must awaken serious apprehension among all whose capital is employed or 
 who are engaged at labor in the various enterprises throughout the country, 
 which depend in large measure upon the maintenance of the protective sys- 
 tem. A revision of the tariff along revenue lines means the increased 
 importation of the products of foreign manufacture which come into compe- 
 tition with our domestic production. It means a loss to the American wage- 
 earners and to American; capital. This is, therefore, not a theoretical ques- 
 tion which is presented to them, but is one of immediate and practical 
 moment. It can be settled by them, and by them only. 
 
 History abundantly shows that the greatest industrial development of 
 the country has occurred during the period when the protective tariff has 
 been maintained, and that during this time labor has received its largest 
 rewards and capital has been most profitably engaged. 
 
 The development of the country during the last forty-four years is a 
 complete vindication of the virtue and efficacy of a protective system. Its 
 benefits have been diffused through all sections of the country and among 
 all our people. It has enlarged our home market until it has become the 
 greatest in the world. This we should not unnecessarily surrender. We 
 have believed it to be a wise national policy to preserve the American mar- 
 ket for American producers and to secure to our workingmen an increased 
 wage scale. 
 
 In 1860 the value of our exports and manufactures was $40,345,892. 
 Twenty years later it was $102,856.015, and last year $452,445,629. The 
 pretention of its opponents that the protective tariff is inconsistent with the 
 extension of our foreign commerce is thus denied by actual results. In 
 considering the effect of the respective tariff policies of the Republican and 
 Democratic parties, we are fortunately able to consult past experience. 
 What a revenue tariff will accomplish we know, for we have hitherto seen 
 how it has arrested industrial development and embarrassed enterprise to 
 the injury of both labor and capital. Neither escapes its blighting effects. 
 
 Commercial reciprocity with foreign countries "consistent with the prin- 
 ciples of protection," has long been one of the well recognized policies of 
 the Republican party. The present administration, in the face of serious
 
 222 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Democratic opposition, secured a treaty of reciprocity with Cuba, which 
 promises to give us control of a large share of the commerce of that island. 
 
 Both Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt attempted to negotiate a treaty 
 of reciprocity with Canada. That subject, together with the Alaskan 
 boundary and other matters, was submitted to a joint high commission for 
 consideration, but the differences which arose between the American and the 
 British commissioners with respect to the boundary made it impossible for 
 the commission to agree upon any of the remaining subjects submitted for its 
 determination. 
 
 The American commissioners desired to remit the boundary dispute to 
 the two governments and to proceed with the consideration of all other ques- 
 tions, including reciprocity, but the British commissioners declined to proceed 
 further while the boundary remained undetermined. Subsequently the bound- 
 ary commission was created and the boundary line has been settled, but no 
 agreement has been reached for further consideration of the remaining ques- 
 tions embraced in the protocol. It is hoped that the two governments may 
 be able to agree in due course to take up the subject of reciprocity with 
 Canada according to the principles laid down in the Republican national 
 platform. 
 
 The platform appropriately recognizes combinations of capital and labor 
 as the outgrowth of our economic development, and as entitled to the equal 
 protection and subject to the like restrictions of the law. 
 
 The administration has enforced the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, which was 
 of Republican origin, in cases where combinations tave been formed in vio- 
 lation of its provisions. The law, which was regarded as ineffective by a 
 Democratic administration, has been invoked by the President against com- 
 binations in restraint of wholesome commerce, and it has been upheld by the 
 courts 
 
 The Congress last year enacted a law to expedite the hearing and deter- 
 mination of suits arising under the Anti-Trust and Inter-State Commerce 
 Acts, so that tho ends of justice might not be defeated by delay. It created 
 the Department of Commerce and Labor, with authority to obtain necessary 
 information with respect to the creation and operation of corporations en- 
 gaged in inter-state commerce. It also amended the inter-state commerce 
 law so as effectually to abolish the pernicious system of rebates under which 
 large shippers could crush their smaller competitors. These are important, 
 practical steps taken by a Republican President and a Republican Congress 
 for the protection of the people against the encroachments of combined 
 capital. 
 
 The Democratic party has done nothing towards safeguarding legitimate 
 interests and restraining combinations effected for extortion or other improper 
 purposes. It proposes as a principal remedy for unjust combinations to re- 
 move the tariff from trust-made goods, thereby inviting the foreign producer 
 to occupy our home market in an attempt to regulate our own industries. 
 It has assumed that the so-called trusts are either created or fostered by
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 223 
 
 the tariff. The assumption is fallacious. Trusts are found in free-trade 
 countries, and they control commodities in this country which are upon the 
 free list. 
 
 The Republican party is more direct and rational. It does not strike 
 down good and bad alike. It invokes the authority of Congress and the 
 power of the courts to deal with specific, well-defined combinations in re- 
 straint of the rights and interests of the people. It is as insistent" upon the 
 protection of capital employed in wholesome enterprise as in preventing its 
 use in contravention of the public interests. 
 
 The convention very properly declared it "to be the. duty of the Repub- 
 lican party to uphold the gold standard." There is no more important duty 
 than to maintain the stability and the character of the money of the people. 
 Their manifold exchanges should be effected in a currency as free from 
 blemish as the national integrity. The Republican party has been essentially 
 the guardian of the financial credit of the country, and the steadfast sup- 
 porter of a sound currency. It has maintained the national credit and pre- 
 served the soundness of our monetary system against persistent and powerful 
 opposition. 
 
 The money question has seemed to be settled at various times, but the 
 contest has been revived by the enemies of sound money whenever they 
 have thought that they might be successful. We should not relax our vigi- 
 lance in upholding the integrity of our currency so long as a considerable 
 element of our country are at war with it. When Democratic candidates 
 cannot hope to win preferment in a national convention without industri- 
 ously concealing their monetary views, and when Democratic national and 
 state conventions dare not declare their faith in the virtue of the gold 
 standard, the hour has not arrived when the forces of sound money should 
 disband and leave the field. 
 
 We not only established the gold standard, but we provided such safe- 
 guards as will maintain our silver and paper currency at a parity with it. 
 But all of this may be changed at any time by a hostile Congress, or endan- 
 gered by an unfriendly Secretary of the Treasury. Our past experience 
 warns us that it is only a question of time when those who are always 
 opposed to a sound monetary policy will again seek to overthrow it. 
 
 The Republican convention did well not only to pledge anew our fidelity 
 to the gold standard, but to declare its purpose to uphold "the integrity 
 and value of our national currency." There should be no equivocation or 
 doubt as to our inflexible purpose, not only to maintain the gold standard, 
 but to keep all silver and paper currency at a parity with it 
 
 The assumption that the gold standard is "irrevocably established" does 
 violence to the law .It was established by an Act of Congress, but the 
 Congress may alter, amend or repeal that act at any time. It is no more 
 irrevocably established than are our tariff schedules. The one may be 
 changed as readily as the other.
 
 224 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Sound money is so vital to our welfare, so important to our industrial 
 development, that we should let its open enemies or negative friends know 
 that we abate nothing of our determination to uphold and defend it. 
 
 Since 1896 we have improved the system as well as increased the volume 
 of our currency. We have now in circulation $2,521,151,527, or $880,942,008 
 more than we had seven years ago. The increase has not been due alone 
 to the larger yield of gold, for $262,659,559, or nearly thirty per cent of the 
 increase is composed of silver and national bank notes, which, under the Re- 
 publican policy, are essentially the equivalent of gold. 
 
 If in the future the exigencies of business, which no wisdom can now 
 foresee, should make additional monetary or financial legislation advisable, 
 the Republican party may be intrusted to enact it along rational lines. 
 
 The President's course in Panama merits the most generous approval. 
 He dealt with a delicate and difficult situation, clearly within our national 
 rights, in such a way as to make possible the early completion of an isthmian 
 canal which has long been demanded in the interest of our commerce and the 
 national defense. 
 
 He concluded the negotiations with Great Britain for the abrogation of 
 the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. He negotiated a treaty with the Republic of 
 Colombia for the requisite rights and franchises for the construction and 
 operation of a canal. Its ratification was contemptuously refused by the 
 Colombian government. Thereupon the people of Panama renounced their 
 allegiance to the parent government and declared their independence. The 
 President, acting within the limits of his executive authority, and in con- 
 formity with well-established precedent, promptly recognized their independ- 
 ence. He negotiated a treaty with Panama, whereby the United States 
 obtained the necessary rights and franchises for building and operating the 
 canal. 
 
 When the insurrection occurred upon the Isthmus, the President safe- 
 guarded American interests. He acted promptly but deliberately ; prudently, 
 not rashly; firmly, not unlawfully. He usurped no authority. He only 
 exercised that executive power which is clearly vested in him by the con- 
 stitution, and which his predecessors had employed under similar circum- 
 stances. If he had failed to appreciate our rights, or to act firmly and 
 promptly, blood would have been shed and the rights of American citizens 
 would have been sacrificed, and the construction of the canal would have been 
 indefinitely delayed. 
 
 The President in due time appointed a commission composed of eminent 
 engineers and men of practical experience to undertake the work of con- 
 structing the canal as speedily as practicable. There is no longer any doubt 
 or uncertainty as to the enterprise. Its completion is now an assured fact, 
 and it will stand as one of the memorable achievements of the new century. 
 
 The completion of this great work should be left to the administration 
 which has done so much to carry it forward against formidable obstacles 
 abroad and vexatious opposition at home.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 225 
 
 The administration in the Philippines has been dictated by a broad sense 
 of duty. It has not been subversive of our national ideals, but has been 
 in conformity with the best traditions of the Republic. 
 
 The archipelago came to the United States as the result of a war, and it 
 became the duty of the administration to enforce the laws there as else- 
 where, to maintain the national sovereignty, and to inaugurate civil gov- 
 ernment. Before the insurrection had ceased President McKinley admirably 
 expressed our purpose. Said he : 
 
 "No effort will be spared to build up the waste places desolated by war 
 and by long years of mis-government. We shall not wait for the end of 
 strife to begin the beneficent work. We shall continue as we have begun, to 
 open the schools and the churches, to set the courts in operation, to foster 
 industry and trade and commerce, and in every way in our power to make 
 these people whom Providence has brought within our jurisdiction feel that 
 it is their liberty and not our power, their welfare and not our gain which 
 we are seeking to enhance. Our flag has never waived over any community 
 but in blessing. I believe the Filipinos will soon recognize the fact that it 
 has not lost its gift of benediction in its world-wide journey to their shores." 
 
 President Roosevelt has continued the work in the same just and gener- 
 ous spirit which inspired President McKinley. 
 
 Military rule was quickly succeeded by the civil authority. The people 
 of the islands have been invited as fast as possible to participate in the work 
 of government. The judicial system has been improved, corruption has 
 been driven out, public schools have been established, and the people are 
 already enjoying a large measure of self-government. 
 
 Congress has authorized a representative assembly to be chosen in due 
 time by the people of the islands. The ballot-box is not the sign of imperial- 
 ism. No one need have any grave concern with respect to the future of the 
 archipelago if the United States goes forward as heretofore, inspired by the 
 same lofty purpose which has characterized the administrations of President 
 McKinley and President Roosevelt. We may safely trust to the future to 
 deal with the Filipinos in a manner consistent with their highest and best 
 interest, and with the duty and honor of the United States. 
 
 The people of the islands have had abundant evidence of the exalted pur- 
 pose of the United States. The various degrees of civilization among them, 
 their unfamiliarity with civic duties, make it inadvisable to indulge in any 
 declaration as to the future policies which may lead to misunderstanding. 
 The people of the Philippines do not distrust us. We need not distrust our- 
 selves. 
 
 Our opponents say the Philippine policy does not pay. They should not 
 forget that the United States did not go to war with Spain for dollars and 
 cents. They should remember that when it comes to a matter of duty, the 
 United States does not consider the cost. When the history of our country 
 is written, it will be found that there is no brighter page, or one which will
 
 226 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 yield more pleasure and satisfaction in its contemplation than the one which 
 tells of our discharge of the responsibilities growing out of the war with 
 Spain. The archipelago belongs to the United States. Its title is vested in 
 this government by virtue of the treaty of peace negotiated and ratified ac- 
 cording to the requirements of the constitution, and the responsibility of 
 administration rests upon us, not as a matter of sentiment, but as a duty im- 
 posed by the obligations of the law. 
 
 The application of the proceeds of public land sales to the reclamation of 
 irrigable portions of our arid and semi-arid public domain, meets my cordial 
 approval. Through the enlightened policy thus established under the pres- 
 ent administration, the long-deferred hopes of the struggling settlers of the 
 great arid and semi-arid West, will be realized in the upbuilding of substan- 
 tial communities in places hitherto waste or comparatively unproductive. 
 At the same time a vast area of the public domain will be opened, upon 
 which the industrious homeseekers, now residing in over-crowded Eastern 
 centers, may find homes. The sum of over twenty millions of dollars, now 
 available in the reclamation fund, to which additions are constantly being 
 made, guarantees, under the wise administration, great progress in the work 
 of irrigation, and the settlement of the arid region within a few years. 
 
 The development of trade with the Orient promises to absorb the increased 
 production of cereals in the; far West, so as tq leave the market conditions 
 on the Atlantic seaboard undisturbed. The settlement of the present unpro- 
 ductive regions will open a new market for the manufacturers of the East. 
 
 Only by unduly extending this letter could I consider all the declarations 
 embraced in the platform of the convention. Further reflection but strength- 
 ens my opinion of their wisdom, and I shall give them my earnest support. 
 We are gratified that sectional differences have disappeared and that a fra- 
 ternal spirit pervades the people of all sections of our country. We rejoice 
 in a national inheritance which is our common pride. Republican policies are 
 as broad as our country's needs. They are neither sectional nor racial in 
 their generous design. 
 
 We are inspired with one high purpose, and that is, under divine guid- 
 ance, to promote peace and good order, virtue and knowledge, justice, patri- 
 otism and prosperity among our countrymen, and to increase to the utmost 
 the strength and honor of the great Republic. 
 
 Very respectfully yours, 
 
 CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 THE PRESS 
 
 The following newspapers were represented and made telegraphic special 
 daily reports of the proceedings of the Convention and had seats assigned to 
 them in the press department. 
 
 CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 Los Angeles . 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 San Francisco.. 
 San Francisco. , 
 San Francisco. . 
 San Francisco. . 
 
 The Times. 
 The Express. 
 The Examiner. 
 The Examiner. 
 The Call. 
 The Chronicle. 
 The Bulletin. 
 
 COLORADO. 
 Colo. Springs. . . The Gazette. 
 
 Denver The Times. 
 
 Denver The Post. 
 
 Denver The Republican. 
 
 Denver The Rocky Mountain 
 
 News. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Hartford The Courant. 
 
 New London... The Evening, Day. 
 Morning Telegram. 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 
 "Washington . . . The Star. 
 Washington . . . The Post. 
 Washington . . . The Times. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 Atlanta The Constitution. 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 Aurora The Beacon. 
 
 Aurora The News. 
 
 Chicago The Staats-Zeitung. 
 
 Chicago The Swedish Tribun- 
 
 en. 
 
 Chicago The Fosterlandet. 
 
 Chicago Chronicle. 
 
 Chicago The Inter Ocean. 
 
 Chicago The Post. 
 
 Chicago The Record Herald. 
 
 Chicago The Tribune. 
 
 Chicago The Associated Press. 
 
 Chicago The Examiner. 
 
 Chicago The American. 
 
 Chicago The Journal. 
 
 Chicago The News. 
 
 Ottawa The Journal. 
 
 Peoria The Star. 
 
 Peoria The Journal. 
 
 Quincy The Herald. 
 
 Quincy The Journal. 
 
 Rockford The Register Gazette. 
 
 Springfield The Herald. 
 
 Springfield The State Register. 
 
 Evansville . . 
 Evansville . . 
 Ft. Wayne . . 
 Indianapolis 
 Indianapolis 
 Indianapolis 
 Indianapolis 
 Indianapolis 
 Logansport . 
 Logans port . 
 Lafayette . . , 
 Lafayette . . . 
 Lafayette. . . . 
 
 Madison 
 
 New Albany. 
 Terre Haute. 
 Terre Haute. 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 . The Journal. 
 
 . The Courier. 
 
 . The News. 
 
 . The Journal. 
 
 . The News. 
 
 . The Sun. 
 
 . The Sentinel. 
 
 . The Star. 
 
 . The Journal. 
 
 . The Reporter. 
 
 . The Journal. 
 
 . The Call. 
 
 .The Courier. 
 
 . The Courier. 
 . . . The Tribune. 
 ...The Tribune. 
 . . . The Gazette. 
 
 IOWA. 
 
 Clinton The Herald. 
 
 Council Bluffs.. The Nonpareil. 
 
 Davenport The Republican. 
 
 Des Moines The Register Leader. 
 
 Des Moines The Capitol. 
 
 Iowa City The Republican. 
 
 Abilene 
 Topeka 
 Topeka 
 
 KANSAS. 
 
 . . The Reflector. 
 
 . . The Capital. 
 
 . . The State Journal. 
 
 Lexington 
 Louisville 
 Louisville 
 Louisville 
 Louisville 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 The Leader. 
 The Times. 
 The Herald. 
 The Post. 
 The Courier Journal. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 New Orleans... The Picayune. 
 New Orleans. .. The Times Democrat. 
 
 MAINE. 
 Lewlston The Journal. 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 Baltimore The American. 
 
 Baltimore The News. 
 
 Baltimore The Sun. 
 
 Baltimore The Herald.
 
 228 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Boston The Journal. 
 
 Boston The Traveller. 
 
 Boston The Transcript. 
 
 Boston The Herald. 
 
 Boston The Globe. 
 
 Boston The American. 
 
 Springfield The Union. 
 
 Springfield The Journal. 
 
 New Bedford. ..The Standard. 
 
 MICHIGAN. 
 
 Detroit The Tribune. 
 
 Detroit The News. 
 
 Detroit The Journal. 
 
 Detroit The Times. 
 
 Detroit The Free Press. 
 
 Grand Rapids. . . The Herald. 
 Grand Rapids. . . The News. 
 
 Kalamazoo The Telegraph. 
 
 Jackson The Patriot. 
 
 Saginaw The News. 
 
 MINNESOTA. 
 
 Minneapolis . . . The Tribune. 
 Minneapolis . . . The Journal. 
 Minneapolis . . . The Times. 
 
 St. Paul The Dispatch. 
 
 St. Paul The Pioneer Press. 
 
 St. Paul The Globe. 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 
 St. Louis The Globe Democrat. 
 
 St. Louis The Republic. 
 
 St. Louis The Post Dispatch. 
 
 St. Louis The Chronicle. 
 
 Kansas City The Times. 
 
 Kansas City The Journal. 
 
 Kansas City The Star. 
 
 NEBRASKA. 
 
 Lincoln The Journal. 
 
 Lincoln The Star. 
 
 Omaha The Bee. 
 
 Omaha The World Herald. 
 
 Nebraska City.. The Tribune. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 Newark The Advertiser. 
 
 Newark The News. 
 
 Trenton The Times. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Nashua The Telegram. 
 
 Portsmouth The Chronicle. 
 
 NEW MEXICO. 
 
 Albuquerque ...The Citizen. 
 Sante Fe ... The New Mexican. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Albany The Journal. 
 
 Buffalo The Commercial. 
 
 Buffalo The Courier. 
 
 Buffalo The Express. 
 
 Buffalo The Inquirer. 
 
 Buffalo The News. 
 
 Binghampton . . The Press. 
 Brooklyn The Citizen. 
 
 Brooklyn The Eagle. 
 
 Brooklyn The Standard. 
 
 Brooklyn The Times. 
 
 New York City. The American. 
 
 New York City. The Herald. 
 
 New York City. The Mail. 
 
 New York City. Th News. 
 
 New York City. The Post. 
 
 New York City. The Press. 
 
 New York City. The Staats-Zeitung. 
 
 New York City. The Sun. 
 
 New York City. The Tribune. 
 
 New York City. The Times. 
 
 New York City. The World. 
 
 New York City. The Wall Street Jour- 
 nal. 
 
 Rochester The Post Express. 
 
 Rochester The Democrat and 
 
 Chronicle. 
 
 Rochester The Evening Times. 
 
 Syracuse The Herald. 
 
 Troy The Budget. 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 Akron The Beacon- Journal. 
 
 Cincinnati . The Tribune. 
 Cincinnati . The Times Star. 
 Cincinnati . The Post. 
 Cincinnati . The Inquirer. 
 Cincinnati . The Volksblatt. 
 
 Cleveland The Press. 
 
 Cleveland The Plain Dealer. 
 
 Cleveland The Leader. 
 
 Columbus The Journal. 
 
 Columbus The Dispatch. 
 
 Mariette The Register. 
 
 Toledo The News-Bee. 
 
 Toledo The Express. 
 
 Toledo The Blade. 
 
 OREGON. 
 Portland The Oregonlan. 
 
 OKLAHOMA. 
 Guthrie The Courier. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Johnston .... 
 
 The Tribune 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The Press. 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The Ledger. 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The Record. 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The Inquirer. 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The North American. 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The Item. 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The News. 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The Bulletin. 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The Telegraph. 
 
 Pittsburg .... 
 
 The Leader. 
 
 Pittsburg .... 
 
 The Press. 
 
 Pittsburg .... 
 
 The Post. 
 
 Pittsburg .... 
 
 The Times. 
 
 Pittsburg .... 
 
 The Dispatch. 
 
 Pittsburg 
 
 .The Gazette. 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 Providence 
 Providence 
 
 The Journal. 
 
 The Telegram. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 Charleston The News & Courier.
 
 THIRTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 229 
 
 TEXAS. 
 
 Galveston The News. 
 
 Galveston The Times. 
 
 Houston The Post. 
 
 Houston The Chronicle. 
 
 Dallas The News. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 Nashville The American. 
 
 UTAH. 
 
 Salt Lake City. The Herald. 
 Salt Lake City. The Tribune. 
 Salt Lake City. The Telegram. 
 Ogden The Standard Exami- 
 ner. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 Richmond The News Leader. 
 
 Richmond The Times Dispatch. 
 
 Lynchburg The News. 
 
 VERMONT. 
 Rutland The News. 
 
 WEST VIRGINIA. 
 Wheeling The Intelligencer. 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 Seattle The Post-Intelligencer 
 
 Seattle The Journal. 
 
 Tacoma The News. 
 
 WISCONSIN. 
 
 Fond du Lac. 
 Milwaukee . . 
 Milwaukee . . . 
 Milwaukee . . . 
 Milwaukee . . . 
 
 Milwaukee . . . 
 Milwaukee . . . 
 Oshkosh 
 
 . . The Commonwealth; 
 ..The Journal. 
 . . The Sentinel. 
 . . The News. 
 . . The Evening Wiscon- 
 sin. 
 
 . . The Herald. 
 . . The Free Press. 
 . . The Northwestern. 
 
 Collier's Weekly. 
 Publisher's Press. 
 Scripps McRay Press Assn. 
 Western Press Assn. 
 Long Distance Telephone. 
 The W. U. Telegraph Co.
 
 INDEX 
 
 A 
 
 Acclamation, Charles W. Fairbanks nominated for Vice-President by. 175 
 
 Adjournment, Motion for Final, by Graeme Stewart 180 
 
 Alexander, Charles, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Assistant Secretaries, appointed 65 
 
 Armstrong, Geo. W., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Alward, Dennis E., Reading Clerk 65 
 
 B 
 
 Beveridge, Albert J., address of seconding nomination of Theodore 
 
 Roosevelt 148-151 
 
 Black, Frank S., address of, nominating Theodore Roosevelt for 
 
 President 143-148 
 
 Brophy, W. H., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Boswell, N. K., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Baensch, Emil, chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Bullen, Herschel, Jr., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Blalock, L. W. C, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Baird, David, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Burleigh, Albert A., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Baranco, B. V., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Brewer, Gurley, Messenger to Chairman 65 
 
 Blumenberg, Milton W., Official Reporter 65 
 
 Burton, Theodore E., appointed on Committee to Escort Permanent 
 
 Chairman 112 
 
 Bingham, H. H., substitute by, on Hawaii 129 
 
 remarks by, on Hawaii 129 
 
 Bradley, William O., seconding nomination of Theodore Roosevelt. . 157 
 
 Babcock, J. W., remarks by, on Hawaii 125-127
 
 INDEX. 231 
 
 C 
 
 Call, Official, read by Elmer Dover, Secretary of the National Com- 
 mittee 45 
 
 Cannon, Joseph G., Permanent Chairman 
 
 chosen Permanent Chairman no 
 
 address of, as Permanent Chairman 112 
 
 address of, notifying Theodore Roosevelt of his nomination for 
 
 President 181-184 
 
 unanimous nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, declared by 165 
 
 unanimous nomination of Charles W. Fairbanks for Vice-Presi- 
 dent declared by 176 
 
 appointed Chairman of Committee to notify the President 176 
 
 Cannon, James G., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Carter, Thomas H., resolution by, relative to rules 66 
 
 George R., remarks by, on Hawaii 124 
 
 Carter, Thomas H., address of, seconding the nomination of Charles 
 
 W. Fairbanks for Vice-President 174 
 
 Chairman, Temporary, Elihu Root 3 
 
 address of 47-65 
 
 Chicago, Local Committee of 37-42 
 
 gavel presented by Local Committee of 45 
 
 Clerk, at President's desk, Asher C. Hinds 65 
 
 Clifford, Thomas F., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Collins, F. W., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Committee, Republican National 33 
 
 Republican Congressional / 34 
 
 The Local, and its work 37~42 
 
 on Permanent Organization 68 
 
 Committees, Chairmen and Secretaries Republican State 35 
 
 Resolutions by, L. E. McComas, relative to 66 
 
 on Rules and Order of Business 69 
 
 on Credentials 7 
 
 on Resolutions 7 1 
 
 appointment of Committee on Louisiana Purchase Exposition.... 73 
 
 to escort the Permanent Chairman 1 12 
 
 Republican National 138 
 
 to notify the President 178 
 
 to notify candidate for Vice-President 179 
 
 Convention, call for, read by Elmer Dover, Secretary of National 
 
 Committee 45 
 
 Contests, report of, before the National Committee 81-83 
 
 Contested cases, note by the editor on 75 
 
 Cook, John F., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140
 
 232 INDEX. 
 
 Cotteral, John H., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Colton, Joseph B., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore 
 
 Roosevelt 160 
 
 Cox, Rev. James E., of Chicago, prayer by 74 
 
 Credentials, contests decided by Committee on 7/-8o 
 
 report of the Committee on 75-107 
 
 report of Committee on, adopted 83 
 
 Cullom, Shelby M., remarks withdrawing R. R. Hitt as a candidate 
 
 for Vice-President "" 175 
 
 appointed on Committee to Escort Permanent Chairman 112 
 
 Cummins, A. B., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Cummings, Eugene F., Third Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms no 
 
 Harry S., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore Roosevelt 162 
 
 D 
 
 Daniels, Henry F., Messenger to Secretary 65 
 
 Depew, Chauncey M., presentation of invitation by 72 
 
 remarks by 73 
 
 resolutions by, relative to Louisiana Purchase Exposition 73 
 
 report by, on Louisiana Purchase Exposition 107 
 
 address of, seconding Charles W. Fairbanks' nomination 168 
 
 motion of, that Charles W. Fairbanks be nominated by acclama- 
 tion 175 
 
 Deere, Chas. H., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Delegates and Alternates, roll of 84-107 
 
 Dick, Charles, motion to adopt temporary organization 65 
 
 Dixon, John W., Tally Clerk 65 
 
 Dolliver, J. P., address of, seconding nomination of Charles W. Fair- 
 banks for Vice-President 166 
 
 resolution by, relative to Notification Committees 176 
 
 Donald, George, chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Doorkeepers, Chief of, Charles S. Montell 65 
 
 Dover, Elmer, Secretary National Committee 3 
 
 call for the Convention read by 45 
 
 Duckwall, T. W. B., Reading Clerk 65 
 
 Durbin, W. T., report of sub-committee made by, on Wisconsin case. 83 
 
 E 
 
 Edwards, H. S., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore 
 
 Roosevelt 154 
 
 Ellis, Bertram, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Eyre, T. Larry, Assistant Secretary 65
 
 INDEX. 233 
 
 Fairbanks, Charles Warren, biographical sketch of 23-32 
 
 address of Hon. J. P. Dolliver nominating, for Vice-President. . . 166 
 
 nomination of, seconded by Chauncey M. Depew 168 
 
 nomination of, seconded by Joseph B. Foraker 172 
 
 nomination of seconded by Samuel W. Pennypacker 173 
 
 nomination of, seconded by Thomas H. Carter 174 
 
 notification of 100-192 
 
 reply of, to address of Elihu Root at Indianapolis 193-194 
 
 letter of acceptance of 219-226 
 
 Ferry, Dexter M., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Ferguson, Albert, appointed Fifth Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms no 
 
 Flanagan, Webster, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Foraker, Joseph B., address of, seconding nomination of Charles W. 
 
 Fairbanks for Vice-President 172 
 
 remarks by, on Hawaii 123-130 
 
 motion of, that Porto Rico and the Philippines be placed on the 
 
 loll 66 
 
 motion by, relative to General Peter Joseph Osterhaus 109 
 
 Foster, Volney W., presentation of gavel by 120 
 
 Frost, Rev. Timothy Prescott, D. D., prayer by 43 
 
 G 
 
 Gaffney, T. St. John, Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Gallinger, J. H., resolution by, empowering National Committee to 
 
 fill vacancies 141 
 
 Garrett, J. S., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Gavel, presentation of, by Volney W. Foster 120 
 
 presentation of, by Hon. N. B. Scott 45 
 
 presentation of, by Graeme Stewart 65 
 
 Grant, W. D., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Grey, Lucien, Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Griest, W. W., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 H 
 
 Hale, N. W., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Hall, C. J., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Hanna, Marcus A., report relative to the death of 
 
 Hanna, L. B., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Harrison, W. H., Reading Clerk 65 
 
 Hawaii, vote on representation of I3 1 
 
 representation of 124-132 
 
 Hay, John, instructions sent by 137 
 
 Hechinger, L. G., appointed Chief Clerk no 
 
 "Hellsmell" . 109
 
 234 INDEX. 
 
 Helvey, Frank, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Henning, Charles H., appointed Second Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms. no 
 Herrick, Myron T., report relative to the death of Senator Hanna 
 
 made by 8 
 
 Hinds, Asher C, Clerk at President's desk 65 
 
 Hitt, Robert R., withdrawal of, as a candidate for Vice-President.. 175 
 
 Hodson, C. W., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Honorary Vice-Presidents I IQ-I 1 1 
 
 Hoogs, W. H., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Hopkins, A. J., remarks by, on Hawaii 124-126 
 
 Howland, John A 37 
 
 Hubbell, Frank A., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Hughes, Sr., J. W., chosen 'Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Hunn, John, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 I 
 
 In Memoriam 5 
 
 Invitation to attend Louisiana Purchase Exposition 72 
 
 J 
 
 Johnson, Charles W., chosen Temporary Secretary 65 
 
 chosen Permanent General Secretary no 
 
 Johnson, William M., report of Committee on Permanent Organiza- 
 tion made by . 109 
 
 K 
 
 King, John H., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Knight, George A., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore 
 
 Roosevelt 15! 
 
 L 
 
 Lampson, E. L., Reading Clerk 65 
 
 League, Republican National 36 
 
 Letter of acceptance of Theodore Roosevelt 195-218 
 
 of Charles W. Fairbanks 210-226 
 
 Lodge, Henry Cabot, resolutions and platform reported by 132 
 
 Long, John D., appointed on Committee to Escort Permanent Chair- 
 man 112 
 
 chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Lowes, J. E., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Louisiana Purchase Exposition, invitation to 72 
 
 resolution of thanks to, by Chauncey M. Depew 73 
 
 report by Chauncey M. Depew on 107
 
 INDEX. 235 
 
 M 
 
 McComas, Louis E., resolution by, relative to committees 66 
 
 report of the Committee on Credentials by 75-107 
 
 McKinley, J. W., remarks by, on Hawaii 128 
 
 Malloy, John R., chosen Temporary Chief Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 chosen Chief Assistant Secretary no 
 
 Mason, William K, resolution by 72 
 
 Matters, T. H., appointed Fourth Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms no 
 
 Mantle, Lee, chosen Honorary Vice- President 139 
 
 Meacham, R. S., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Melick, Walter S., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Mellette, Wm. M., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Messenger, Daniels, Henry F 65 
 
 Montell, Charles S., Chief of Doorkeepers 65 
 
 Murphy, Jr., Franklin, Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Murphy, Franklin, Sr., motion of, that nomination of Theodore Roose- 
 velt be made by acclamation 164 
 
 N 
 
 National Committee, contests before, report on 81-83 
 
 resolution by J. H. Gallinger relative to vacancies in 140 
 
 Nelson, Knute, resolution by, relative to publication of official pro- 
 ceedings 176 
 
 Notification of Theodore Roosevelt 181-190 
 
 Notification of Charles W. Fairbanks 190-194 
 
 Notification Committees, resolution by J. P. Dolliver relative to 176 
 
 Nominations 143 
 
 o 
 
 Odell, Benj. B., motion by, that Elihu Root be made Temporary 
 
 Chairman 47 
 
 Officers of the Convention 3 
 
 Officers, temporary 65 
 
 Official notification of Theodore Roosevelt by Joseph G. Cannon 181-190 
 
 Official notification of Charles W. Fairbanks by Elihu Root 19 
 
 Official Proceedings, resolutions relative to .2 
 
 resolution by Knute Nelson relative to 176 
 
 Osterhaus, General Peter Joseph, motion by J. B. Foraker relative to. 109 
 
 Owen, David C, First Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 65 
 
 P 
 
 Paddock, James H., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Payne, Henry C., Vice-Chairman National Committee 3 
 
 Convention called to order by 43 
 
 Peabody, James H., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Pennypacker, Samuel W., address of, nominating Charles W. Fair- 
 banks for Vice-President 173
 
 236 INDEX. 
 
 Penrose, Boies, report relative to the death of Senator Quay made by. 6 
 
 Perdicaris, instruction of John Hay relative to 137 
 
 Permanent Chairman Joseph G. Cannon chosen no 
 
 address of Joseph G. Cannon as 112 
 
 Permanent Organization, Committee on 68 
 
 report of Committee on 109 
 
 adoption of report of Committee on in 
 
 Philippines, the representation of 66 
 
 Platform, report of, by Henry Cabot Lodge 132 
 
 adoption of 137 
 
 Porto Rico, representation of 66 
 
 Presentations 45-46 
 
 President, nomination of Theodore Roosevelt for 165 
 
 Q 
 
 Quay, Matthew Stanley, report relative to the death of 6 
 
 R 
 
 Raines, John, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Raymond, Samuel B., gavel presented by 45 
 
 resolution of thanks to 177 
 
 Reading Clerks 65 
 
 Reporter, Official, Milton W. Blumenberg 65 
 
 Republican Party, Fiftieth Anniversary of birth of 143 
 
 Resolutions, Committee on 71 
 
 report of Committee on, by Henry Cabot Lodge 132 
 
 Reyburn, Robert, resolution by 72 
 
 Richards, J. H., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Rix, Charles N., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Roberts, E. D., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Robinson, Walter G., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Roll of Delegates and Alternates 84-107 
 
 Rollins, T. S., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, biographical sketch of 1 1-22 
 
 address of Frank S. Black nominating 143 
 
 address of Albert J. Beveridge, seconding nomination of 148 
 
 address of George A. Knight, seconding nomination of 151 
 
 address of H. S. Edwards, seconding nomination of 154 
 
 address of William O. Bradley, seconding nomination of 157 
 
 address of Joseph B. Cotton, seconding nomination of 160 
 
 address of Harry S. Cummings, seconding nomination of 162 
 
 unanimous nomination of i&5 
 
 vote on nomination of 1 &S 
 
 notification ot 181-190 
 
 reply of, to address of Joseph G. Cannon at Oyster Bay 184-150 
 
 letter of acceptance of 195-218
 
 INDEX. 237 
 
 Root, Elihu, Temporary Chairman 3 
 
 chosen Temporary Chairman 47 
 
 opening address by, as Temporary Chairman 47-65 
 
 appointed Chairman of Committee to notify candidate for Vice- 
 President ^6 
 
 address of, notifying Charles W. Fairbanks of his nomination for 
 
 Vice-President 190-192 
 
 Rules, amended 131 
 
 report of Committee on, made by H. H. Bingham 120 
 
 resolution by T. H. Carter relative to 66 
 
 and Order of Business, Committee on 69 
 
 s 
 
 Secretary, Temporary, Charles W. Johnson, chosen 65 
 
 Secretary, Permanent, Charles W. Johnson, chosen no 
 
 Secretary, Assistant Chief, John R. Malloy appointed no 
 
 Sergeant- at-Arms, Wm. F. Stone 3 
 
 First Assistant, David C. Owen 65 
 
 Second Assistant, Charles H. Henning appointed no 
 
 Third Assistant, Eugene F. Cummings appointed no 
 
 Fourth Assistant, T. H. Matters appointed no 
 
 Fifth Assistant, Albert Ferguson appointed no 
 
 Shattuck, C. H., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Silver, Edgar O., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Sims, Edwin W., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Smith, C. A., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Snively, Rev. Thaddeus A., prayer by 133 
 
 Spooner, Willet M., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Stephenson, Rome C, Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Stewart, Graeme, presentation of gavel by 65 
 
 motion for final adjournment by 180 
 
 Stanley, J. S., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 Stone, William F., Sergeant-at-Arms 65 
 
 Stone, Henry L., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Strauss, Isaac, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Sub-Committee, report of W. T. Durbin on Wisconsin case 83 
 
 Swift, Jr., Lucien, Tally Clerk 65 
 
 T 
 
 Tally Clerks 6 S 
 
 Table, presentation of, by Gov. S. R. Van Sant, of Minnesota 46
 
 238 INDEX. 
 
 Thanks, resolution by W. B. Heyburn relative to officers of Conven- 
 tion 177 
 
 resolution relative to City of Chicago and committees by Franklin 
 
 Murphy, 177 
 
 Thomas, Charles W., resolution by 72 
 
 Turner, Hiram N., chosen Honorary Vice-President 140 
 
 V 
 
 Van Sant, Gov. S. R., presentation of table by 46 
 
 Vice-Presidents, Honorary 139 
 
 Vice-President, address of Hon. J. P. Dolfiver nominating Charles 
 
 W. Fairbanks for 166 
 
 Vote on Hawaiian amendment 131 
 
 on nomination of Theodore Roosevelt 165 
 
 W 
 
 Warner, Donald T., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Warner, William, chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Whitney, Fred B., Tally Clerk 65 
 
 Waterman, Frank D., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Williams, Stevenson A., chosen Honorary Vice-President 139 
 
 Wilson, J. T., Assistant Secretary 65 
 
 Wisconsin Case, report of Sub-Committee on 83
 
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