UC-NRLF 
 
 
LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 University of California. 
 
 Class 
 
ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2008 with funding from 
 
 IVIicrosoft Corporation 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/englishseamenhawOOsoutrich 
 
ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 HAWKINS, GREENVILLE, DEVEREUX 
 RALEIGH 
 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT SOUTHEY 
 
 EDITED, WITH AN INTRODUCTION 
 BY 
 
 DAVID HANNAY 
 
 METHUEN & CO. 
 
 36 ESSEX STREET, W.C. 
 LONDON 
 
This Edition was first Published in ig04 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Sir Richard Hawkins ......] 
 
 Sir Richard Greenville 42 
 
 Robert Devereux, Second Earl of Essex - - - 53 
 
 Sir Walter Raleigh 284 
 
 Notes 487 
 
 224172 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 SOUTHEY'S Lives of these four Elizabethans, Sir 
 R. Hawkins, Sir R. Grenville, the Earl of Essex and 
 Sir Walter Raleigh, are marked by all his usual qualities 
 — sanity of j udgement, excellence of English, and copious 
 use of the Spanish authorities. All four men wei-e in 
 various ways typical of their time. 
 
 Of Sir Richard Hawkins little need be said. His 
 character is simple, his merits as a seaman and careful 
 thinker on questions of organisation, sanitation, armament 
 and discipline are so conspicuous in his own naiTative 
 of his voyage that there is no need to insist upon them. 
 His limitations are equally easy to leam fi-om the same 
 source, and may be left to speak for themselves, with this 
 one brief word of comment — that when the romance and 
 glory of the Elizabethan age had passed away, the solid 
 business capacity, the practical instincts, and the interest 
 in exploration as a means of obtaining material good, 
 represented by Sir Richard, remained to be employed all 
 thi*ough the seventeenth century in laying the founda- 
 tions of oui- naval power wide and deep by maritime 
 commerce. 
 
 Sir Richard Grenville stands for ever as the representative 
 of the Glory and Romance. The Elizabeth epic would 
 want its most purple patch if there had been no fight at 
 Flores, in the Azores. Southe/s telling of the tale suffers 
 somewhat from the influence of the prosaic eighteenth 
 century, which thought a Bei-serk only barbarous, and 
 Amadis of Gaul ridiculous altogether. But at least it 
 
viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 compares very favourably in point of sanity with the 
 version of Mr Froude, and Tennyson's adaptation of that 
 vei-sion. It is utterly impossible to accept the Richard 
 Grenville whom they have drawn as a credible human 
 being. To i-emain behind for the puipose of rescuing 
 the sick, and then to insist upon sacrificing them on a 
 point of honour, which is what Mr. Froude and Lord 
 Tennyson would have us believe that Grenville did, would 
 have been the action of a most hysterical and foolish man. 
 Of all the lines of conduct open to him this was the most 
 certain to condemn the crew of the Revenge to those very 
 " devildoms of Spain " from which Grenville is supposed to 
 have wished to rescue them. His decision to force to 
 windward of the Spaniards can only be explained on the 
 gi'ound that he meant to compel them to render him a 
 mark of respect by giving way for him. It can only be 
 justified on the supposition that it was in the good old 
 sense a "rodomontade'' — not a mere piece of bluster, but 
 a vehement explosion of arrogant courage and self-assertion. 
 The Berserks, who were possibly among Grenville's ancestors, 
 had done such things out of a raging passion for battle and 
 their hopes of Valhalla. Of care for his men he can have 
 had none, but it is clear enough that he thought a great 
 deal of triumphing superbly, and of dying in a blaze of 
 glory, leaving behind him that reputation which the 
 Renaissance world cherished as a species of prolongation 
 of life. Sir Richard deserves the fame he sacrificed his 
 life, his crew and the queen's ship to earn — but he deserves 
 it because he became a Berserk at the end and a Rodo- 
 monte, who was ready to die if only his bier would be " a 
 sword-sated heap of the slain," and his name was to dwell 
 for ever in the memory of men. Raleigh's fiery naiTa- 
 tive of the loss of the Revenge has been included by Mr. 
 Arber in his English reprints, together with Gervase 
 Markham's poem, "The most honourable Tragedie of Sii' 
 Richard Grinvill Knight," and an extract from Linschoten. 
 Mr. Arber has not followed Southey's scholarly example in 
 this quotation. He does not replace the passage suppressed 
 in the English translation of Sir Richard's Quixotic speech 
 
INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 (1 use the adjective honoris causa), wherein the dying knight 
 accuses his fellow admiral, and the captains, of cowardice. 
 
 It was only by stretching the word to the utmost extent 
 of its capacity that Southey was able to include Essex in 
 the list of British admirals. He sailed once in command 
 of "an island voyage," but his other services even in the 
 famous expedition to Cadiz were military. His memory 
 lives as that of a courtier and would-be general and states- 
 man. I am pei-suaded that Southey wrote of him at such 
 disproportionate length in a naval history simply because 
 of the abundance of the printed evidence for his career, 
 and the profound interest of much of it. Only want of 
 access to the State papei-s, which were then hidden con- 
 fusedly in various places, prevented him from giving us a 
 gi-eat deal about the unfortunate Earl Walter, the father 
 of the favourite, his adventures and death in Ireland. 
 The subject none the less cannot have been quite congenial 
 to Southey. With the life of Essex we are brought into 
 close and repellent contact with all that was most unpleas- 
 ant in the court and the character of Queen Elizabeth. 
 Scandal about the gi-eat queen has been long condemned 
 as at least out of date. But we cannot help an instinctive 
 rising of the gorge at the spectacle which she left in her 
 old age to the ridicule, if not the disgust, of posterity. It 
 is absolutely necessary either to keep silence, or to clear 
 our minds of cant, with this story of Elizabeth and Essex 
 before us. Silence is impossible when the life of Essex is 
 the subject, and everything is cant which we can say — 
 except that the queen chose to play the shameful part 
 of an old woman who pays for the love of a young man, 
 and Essex was not ashamed to figure as the juvenile 
 favourite who is paid. The question is not whether foreign 
 diplomatists, who found themselves stopped at her door by 
 ladies-in-waiting and were told that Her Majesty was 
 private with the Earl of Essex, were, or were not, right 
 in the gross conclusions they formed. They were justified 
 in what they said by the queen's unabashed ostentation 
 of immorality. The fashion of the day is an excuse for 
 much, and pei^sonal eccentricities cultivated by the ser- 
 
X INTRODUCTION 
 
 vility of her courtiers account for a good deal. But there 
 never was a time when what Elizabeth pretended to be 
 doing was other than ignoble. Neither can we dismiss 
 it all as the folly of an old woman pretending to be in 
 love with a boy. The queen gave Essex great commands 
 at the very beginning of his career at court and continued 
 to employ him after he had proved his unfitness in France. 
 She acted precisely as other besotted sovereigns have done 
 when under the influence of a passion for an unworthy 
 favourite. Godoy rose no otherwise than Essex. If in- 
 deed she was play-acting then the case is one for quoting 
 Mary Lamb's great saying, " I would not think better of 
 her if she were what you call innocent," applied to another 
 queen. There is that in human nature which accounts 
 for and partially excuses guilt, but what combination of 
 coarseness, cold-blooded shamelessness and folly must there 
 be in the man or woman who assumes the appearance of 
 guilt gi'atuitously ? 
 
 As for Essex his account is soon sped. He played the 
 ugly part of mercenary young lover of an old woman. It 
 was Godoy and nothing else. It is true that he was 
 capable of fits of petulance which have been counted to 
 him for independence. To me they look much more like 
 the outbreak of the pampered young woman who is kicking 
 over the table in Hogarth's plate. He could take up the 
 cause of followers who wanted places, and strain his credit 
 on their behalf. But it is the regular policy of the Piei-s 
 Gavestons, Buckinghams, Pompadours and Godoys to fill 
 all the places with their own foUowei-s. He was lavish 
 with the wealth which came to him from his mistress 
 — and so were they all. He had the large gesture and 
 ready word of the Renaissance — ^and so had the Imperia 
 and Tullia d'Aragona, of whom all may read easily enough 
 in the chronicles of the age of Lorenzo the Magnificent. 
 When after the dismal Irish failure he might have shown 
 his independence by submitting manfully to poverty he 
 wrote erotic lettei*s to the angi*y old queen, now thoroughly 
 disabused, who sneered at his transparent manoeuvre to 
 secure a renewal of his monopoly of sweet wines, and 
 
INTRODUCTION xi 
 
 ruthlessly cut off his supplies. It is perhaps doubtful 
 whether he provoked her into boxing his eai*s by telling 
 her that " her conditions were as crooted as her carcase ". 
 We have only Raleigh's word for this vile taunt, and 
 for my part I like not the security. But he had deeply 
 offended her and had been chastised with contempt. A 
 minimum of manly pride would have shown him that his 
 only respectable refuge was silent obscurity. He plunged 
 into a brainless rebellion in the company of a few foolish 
 gentlemen and a mob of swashbucklers. Instant collapse 
 was the inevitable consequence, and he ended in a grovel 
 of maundering repentance. His life shows, even more fully 
 than the life of his enemy Raleigh, that if the court of 
 Queen Elizabeth was less openly disordered than Whitehall 
 in the reign of Charles II., it was not essentially less gi-oss 
 nor less immoral. The Restoration has nothing much 
 worse to show than the picture of Essex hiding his wife 
 away at home at the contemptuous order of the fierce old 
 queen, and meanwhile caiTying on intiigues with the maids 
 of honour, who were duly thrashed by theii* mistress when 
 she caught them intercepting her sei*vant. His fits of 
 repentance, which led to nothing but "diseased introspec- 
 tion " and gushings of maudlin piety, do not make the 
 picture less nauseous. They are the exact equivalent 
 of the prayerful entries in the diary of Laurence Hyde, 
 the Earl of Rochester, of the Revolution of 1688 — entries 
 made while he was eagerly forwarding an intrigue, having 
 for its object the control of James II., with the help of 
 his mistress. The stately trappings of the Tudor court 
 covered no small portion of common vulgarity. Pepys and 
 Evelyn had little better in this kind to tell us than the 
 story of the game of primero in 1598. Raleigh, South- 
 ampton, the poet's friend, and one Mr. Parker were noisy 
 over their game outside Her Majesty's bedchamber. Mr. 
 Willoughby, "Esquire of the body," rebuked their in- 
 decency. Raleigh characteristically pocketed his winnings, 
 and went home. Southampton, beloved of the muses, 
 resented dictation by a mere esquire. On this quarrel 
 they fought not with the knightly sword, but as fishwives 
 
xii INTRODUCTION 
 
 do, and the peerage suffered shame. Master Willoughby 
 "polled off some of the EarPs locks" — pulled his hair 
 out by the roots. Zimri Buckingham had the easier task 
 when he snatched off the periwig of Shrewsbury, and gave 
 His Majesty King Charles II. a hearty laugh. Elizabeth 
 applauded her esquire's manful resolution to enforce the 
 respect due to the queen's officers. 
 
 The name of Raleigh is for ever linked with Essex. If 
 one were in search of a theme wherewith to play the game 
 of making a parallel in the manner of Plutarch, a better 
 could not easily be found, so many, and so obvious, are 
 the points of comparison and unlikeness. Both rose by 
 the court and the queen's favour. Both lost her regard, 
 and suffered from her anger. Each offended her by 
 marriage. They bore arms against the Spaniard, and in 
 Ireland. It was the fate of both to lay their heads on a 
 bloody pillow as traitors. Nothing would be easier than 
 to go on multiplying similarities which are after all not 
 similar except in the separable accidents. The two men 
 were essentially different. Of Essex we can only say that 
 he was weak, endowed with a share of purely external 
 cleverness and magnanimity, but without any foundation 
 of character. Raleigh was an independent force, and 
 would most assuredly have left his mark on his time even 
 if he had not found favour in the queen's eyes when he 
 brought her Zouch's dispatches from Ireland in 1581. 
 For it was given to him to be in every way representative 
 of his age. If a man is to be judged only by what he 
 actually achieved in the way of work done then Raleigh 
 may be said to have been oveiTated. Enterprises adopted 
 from othei-s, pursued for a time with zeal and then dropped, 
 schemes which met with no application or only a half 
 one, work begun and left unfinished, drafts of books, fi-ag- 
 ments of histories, dreams of conquest and of colonization 
 in Ireland and Virginia, tried and abandoned, scientific 
 experiment which led to nothing but the concoction of a 
 quack medicine — the wreckage of an activity which had no 
 bounds, and of an intellectual curiosity which was insatiable, 
 lie scattered all along his path from boyhood to the scaffold. 
 
INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 Yet the instinct of mankind which judges without appeal 
 has assuredly not been wrong when it has singled out 
 Raleigh to make him a hero. 
 
 Not on the vulgar mass 
 
 Called " work," must sentence pass, 
 Things done, that took the eye and had the price ; 
 
 O'er which, from level stand. 
 
 The low world laid its hand, 
 Found straightway to its mind, could value in a trice. 
 
 Saving the reverence of the Rabbi Ben Ezia, the low 
 world can detect the '* instincts immatui-e " and the " pur- 
 poses unsure," and will allow when making up the man's 
 account for more than it can take between its coai-se thumb 
 and finger. It will value a man for what he was rather 
 than for what he did. We can deduct Raleigh from the 
 gi-eat queen's reign, and make no diminution of the sum 
 of its achievements. Burleigh, Walsingham, Drake, Mar- 
 lowe, Spenser, Hooker, and a score of othei-s, left something 
 done without which their time had been much the poorer 
 in government, in action, in thought and in literature. 
 But what was there which Raleigh found for himself and 
 finished ? Nothing — not even the colonization of Virginia, 
 for in that field his haii-brother. Sir Humphrey Gilbeit, was 
 his leader, and his colony perished. None the less we can- 
 not imagine him away without knowing how great the 
 loss would be to us, and that because he was the most 
 complete representative of his generation, the most Eliza- 
 bethan of Elizabethan Englishmen. 
 
 The type is capable of being precisely defined — the true 
 Elizabethan was he in whom the Humanism of the Re- 
 naissance was the inspiring influence. For its morality 
 Humanism had the Abbey of Thelema, with its belief that 
 pleasure is the one good worth seeking, and its theory 
 that there is an instinct in rightly constituted men and 
 women, which will lead them to live nobly without the 
 control of religion — if we ought not rather to say that 
 the religion of Humanism was the pureuit of pleasure for 
 the intellect, the eye, and the flesh, gi'acefuUy, and with 
 avoidance of the gi-oss excesses which brutalize and stupefy. 
 It is an ideal which has always had, and has, its admirers. 
 
xir INTRODUCTION 
 
 What became of the Abbey of Thelema when inhabited 
 not by the imaginary men and women of noble nature, but 
 by actual sons and daughters of Adam, let Italy testify 
 and France, Brantome and our own Nash ; for we also can 
 bring our contribution to the testimony. The court of 
 Elizabeth was our Abbey of Thelema. Leicester lived 
 there, and there was much else congenial to him and his 
 like. It was the function of the Reformation to launch 
 the dart at the head of the lie, and teach once more 
 "original sin, the coiTuption of men's hearts". But the 
 day of the Reformation was not to come in England till 
 the seventeenth century. In the meantime the Humanists 
 themselves could frankly allow that the Abbey of Thelema 
 was not for all men, but for the aristocratic few. Outside 
 was the gross herd of which Giordano Bruno, a genuine 
 spokesman of Humanism, wrote so scornfully, and Raleigh, 
 his contemporary, perhaps his friend, and certainly his 
 partisan, not otherwise than the Nolan. Much might be 
 said of this Utopia, particularly as touching the difficulty 
 of defining the notes of the real aristocracy. But one of its 
 aspects can be fixed with confidence. Since it was to live 
 for refined pleasure of mind, taste, and corporeal appetite, 
 and therefore required leisure, fine buildings, rich clothing, 
 costly hoi-ses, still more costly jewels, and treasures of art 
 only to be bought at a great price, it had a peremptory 
 need for large sums of money. Given now a select world 
 claiming to be a law to itself, and quite unable to dispense 
 with a full pui-se ; remembering, too, that its members, little 
 as they wei-e prepared to confess the truth, shared the 
 human nature of the despised herd, washed and perfumed, 
 but not altered in essentials ; and not forgetting that a 
 man might belong thereto, and yet be the son of a gentle- 
 man of Devon of modest estate, there is a result of these 
 conditions which will at once present itself. It is that the 
 Abbey of Thelema of brick and stone, of warm-blooded 
 men and women, might instantly reveal itself as no moi-e 
 nor less than the scene of a fierce absorbing struggle for 
 money and money's-worth, as well as the abode of pleasures 
 which are quite elementary. 
 
INTRODUCTION xv 
 
 Such, when the glamour is stripped off them, were 
 Raleigh's theatre and his life. The noble life interpreted 
 itself into a tough scramble for places and monopolies, for 
 the pay given to professions of love, for forfeitures. Mr. 
 Walter Raleigh makes himself useful to the unspeakable 
 Earl of Oxford, Sir Walter Raleigh goes about caiTying 
 in his bosom the jewels which are to be his security for his 
 fees as broker of the equally unspeakable Cobham, who 
 seeks a " fee farm " from the Crown. 
 
 The Abbey of Thelema did not become the Whitehall 
 of the Restoration all at once. In the sixteenth century 
 it still cared for more than money and stimulants. Ad- 
 venture, war, romantic and poetic deliveries of a man's 
 self were much to the Renaissance. The will to live by 
 every faculty of mind and body was strong in the world 
 around Sir Walter Raleigh, and in no man did it strain 
 more vigorously than in him. Therefore he touched what- 
 ever his time was doing, from efforts to found colonies, to 
 experiments in chemistry — passing by literature on the 
 way. It is not by this squandering of a man's energies 
 that excellence as a workman is reached. "Unstable as 
 water thou shalt not excel " is the law for him, and 
 he must learn how to limit himself. Raleigh never could, 
 and therefore of things finished and perfected he achieved 
 a small bunch of lyi'ics, while all the rest is fi-agment, 
 plan unexecuted and dream unrealised. And for that too 
 he is the fittest representative of an age which forgot too 
 much the bounds of man's capacity. 
 
 In nothing does he speak for it better than in his failure 
 to keep himself clean from the defilement of lies, and to 
 avoid ending in blood and shame. The Abbey of Thelema 
 recognises no obligation to others but only to yourself, and 
 to your claim to live your life to the full. It is only in 
 the dreams of the Humanist that any community can exist 
 cleanly in an anarchy, be it ever so much gilded with art 
 and poetry, ever so maj^nanimous in its bearing. The Re- 
 formers gave one set of reasons for believing Rabelais' 
 eai-thly paradise to be impossible. Another of the mighty 
 spirits of the Renaissance found a different ai'gument 
 b 
 
xvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 which, as being more secular, may be more acceptable to 
 our time. " It would be," said Machiavelli, " ' laudabilis- 
 sima cosa ' if our great man could be wholly made of the 
 virtues, but that cannot be ' per le condizioni umane che 
 non lo consentono '." Human conditions are not to be 
 escaped, and since the man of the Humanist Renaissance 
 was resolved to live for himself in disregard of accepted 
 moral obligations, he inevitably became cruel and a liar. 
 Raleigh was both. In Ireland he used and defended 
 assassination. At all times and everywhere he was in- 
 different to the truth. Wealth he would have and must 
 have, and if falsehood or ferocity seemed the only means 
 of attaining his wish he would use them. He could be 
 kind to humble people dependent on him, the tin-workei-s 
 of Cornwall, or townsmen of Jersey whom he could rule 
 from afar. But I find his tone to his sailors in the Dis- 
 coverie of Guiana unpleasant. He speaks of them as 
 mere tools, and shows a snobbish consciousness of his own 
 refinement of habits, which made the boat on the Orinoco 
 so intolerable. His aiTogant bearing to the vulgar herd 
 made him hateful to his countrymen, and they must really 
 be pardoned for resenting the contempt of a gentleman 
 who sold himself for money to a mistress, and was for 
 ever scheming to get gold. As for the lies they accom- 
 panied him all through life. The Discover k, brilliant as 
 it is, has the falsity of a prospectus. No human credulity 
 can accept his loquacious and plausible Indian chiefs. 
 Words with Sir Walter were pawns in a game and baits 
 for the unwary. By dint of living in an imaginary higher 
 sphere and of looking on the mass of men as raw material 
 to be coerced or fooled, he ended by overdoing the trick- 
 ery. The vulgar herd was intelligent enough to see that 
 it was being played on when Antonio de Benio was pre- 
 sented to it on one page as a monster of cruelty and 
 treachery, because the purpose was to secure shareholders 
 for a venture in Guiana, and introduced on the next as a 
 gentleman very valiant and liberal, of great assuredness 
 and a gi'eat heart, because he was now to be quoted as a 
 witness for the existence of Manoa. What could they 
 
INTRODUCTION xvii 
 
 think of the sincerity of a man who, after declaiming 
 against the cruelty of the Spaniards to the Indians, says 
 that if the Emperor of Manoa, El Dorado, will not pay 
 a large body of English younger sons and captains out of 
 employment handsomely, for settling themselves on him as 
 protectors, he has no iron and can be conquered ? What 
 they did think we know from the history of the Cobham 
 conspu-acy and the Winchester trial. It was that he was 
 a man of boundless insolence, in-eligious, eager for war in 
 which he saw his profit, and contemptuous of all truth 
 and duty. When he had fallen the manly instinct of that 
 same common English herd turned it from hatred to pity. 
 The king's subservience to Spain gave Raleigh a popularity 
 he had never had before, and he became the representative 
 of a national sentiment. The story of his last cruise and 
 his death was an atonement for all — and it was right it 
 should be. Death paid all debts in his case, and his own 
 miserable intrigues with Savoy and France, his schemes of 
 piracy, and his pitiful manoeuvres to preserve life, are not 
 woi-se than the meanness of the king. They are awful when 
 we look at them as the end to which a gentleman, valiant 
 and liberal, of gi-eat assuredness and a great heart, was 
 brought, simply because he had been taught in his Hu- 
 manist Abbey of Thelema that to be splendid in life and 
 superb in deliveries of yourself, to love pleasure and beauty, 
 is finer than the homespun rule that it is best to be an 
 honest man. Also he lives as the martyr of the insolent 
 faith of Humanism that what is meant by having the fear 
 of God before your eyes is good only for the herd. 
 
ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 
 
 WHILE the great seamen of Elizabeth's age were in- 
 fluenced, some by the love of enterprise, and others 
 by the hope of plunder, the queen's ministers had in view the 
 discovery of distant countries, the opening a trade with them 
 by just and peaceful means, and the establishment of better 
 discipline in the ships. These objects were distinctly declared 
 in the instructions to Mr. Edward Fenton for an intended 
 voyage to the East Indies and Cathay, which was planned 
 after Drake's return from his circumnavigation. He was 
 charged not to receive "any disordered or mutinous person " ; 
 and if any were found to be such, to remove him before he 
 sailed, or by the way as soon as could conveniently be done. 
 The extent of the captain -general's authority was defined, and 
 eight assistants were named, with whom he was to consult in 
 all cases not provided for in his instructions. They were 
 "straightly enjoined, as they would answer the contrary by 
 the laws of the land, that neither going, tarrying abroad, nor 
 returning, they should spoil or take anything from any of the 
 queen's friends, or any Christians, without paying justly for 
 the same, nor to use any manner of violence or force against 
 any such, except in their own defence". Item, it was said, 
 *'we will that you deal altogether in this voyage like good 
 and honest merchants, trafficking and exchanging ware for 
 ware, with all courtesy to the nations you shall deal with, as 
 well Ethnicks as others ; and for that cause you shall instruct 
 all those that shall go with you, that whensoever you or any 
 of you shall happen to come in any place to conference with 
 1 
 
2 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 the people of those parts, that in all your doings and theirs, 
 you so behave yourselves towards the said people, as may 
 rather procure their friendship and good liking by courtesy, 
 than move them to oiFence or misliking, and especially you 
 shall have great care of the performance of your word and 
 promise to them ". 
 
 Where they succeeded in settling " a beginning of further 
 trade," they were charged to bring home, if they might, some 
 few men and women, leaving one, two, or more well-chosen 
 persons as pledges for them, and ''to learn the tongue and 
 secrets of the country ; having diligent care that in thus 
 giving hostages they should not deliver personages of more 
 value than they received, but rather mean persons under 
 colour of men of value, as the infidels do for the most part 
 use ". None were to traffic on their own account, nor make 
 any charts or descriptions of the voyage, except those whom 
 the general deputed, and these on their return were to be 
 delivered to the queen's council, no copies being kept. " And 
 to the end that God might bless their voyage with happy and 
 prosperous success, especial care was to be taken that reverence 
 and respect were had to the ministers appointed to accompany 
 them, as appertaining to their place and calling ; and that 
 such good order as they should set down for reformation of 
 life and manners should be duly obeyed, and enforced by 
 severely punishing the transgressors and contemners of the 
 same. The ministers were sometimes to remove from one 
 vessel to another." * 
 
 As ^his expedition was planned before there was open 
 war with Spain, and as the object, indeed, on the part of 
 Government, appears to have been altogether pacific, Fenton 
 was ordered not to pass by the Straits of Magellan, either 
 going or returning, except upon great occasion, and by the 
 advice of his assistants. They, however, determined upon 
 taking that course, and persisted in it for awhile after they 
 had learnt on the coast of Brazil that the Spanish fleet had 
 sailed from Rio de Janeiro for the purpose of securing that 
 passage. Drawing nearer they began to weigh the danger of 
 encountering a very superior force, in disobedience of their 
 explicit orders : this made them abandon the intention. They 
 returned to Brazil, hoping there to obtain provisions ; fell in 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii. 754-757, 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 8 
 
 at St. Vicente with three of the Spanish ships, and, after 
 an indecisive action with them, made for England, *' without 
 having attempted anything creditable to themselves or bene- 
 ficial to their employers ". A pinnace, commanded by John 
 Drake, was cast away on their return near the Plata : the 
 captain was one of those who escaped from the Indian to the 
 Spanish settlements ; and nothing more is known of his fate 
 than that he was sent to Peru. That, and many other par- 
 ticulars relating to the relations between Spain and England, 
 and the treatment of English prisoners in Spanish America, 
 would have been made known if Sir Richard Hawkins had 
 lived to complete the narrative of his own adventures. 
 
 Sir John Hawkins's father bred this son to the sea-service; 
 and it is evident that his education, in other respects, had not 
 been neglected, but that his mind was well stored with 
 various and useful knowledge. After distinguishing himself 
 in what was then called (in Spanish idiom) the journey against 
 the Spanish Armada, he, who with his father's counsel, con- 
 sent, and help, had resolved upon a voyage for the islands of 
 Japan, of the Philippines, and Moluccas, and the kingdoms 
 of China and the East Indies, by the way of the Straits of 
 Magellan and the South Sea, caused a ship to be built for it 
 on the Thames, of between 300 and 400 tons. The work was 
 finished to his entire content ; " for she was pleasing to the 
 eye, profitable for stowage, good of sail, and well conditioned ". 
 — " The day of her launching," he says, " being appointed, the 
 Lady Hawkins, my mother-in-law, craved the naming of the 
 ship, which was easily granted her ; and she, knowing what 
 voyage was pretended to be undertaken, named her the Re- 
 pentance. What her thoughts were was kept secret to herself ; 
 and although many times I expostulated with her to declare 
 the reason for giving her that uncouth name, I could never 
 have any other satisfaction than that ' Repentance was the 
 safest ship we could sail in to purchase the haven of Heaven '. 
 Well I know she was no prophetess, though a religious and 
 most virtuous lady, and of a very good understanding. Yet 
 too prophetical it fell out by God's secret judgments, and was 
 sufficient for the present to cause me to desist from the enter- 
 prise, and leave the ship to my father, who willingly took her, 
 and paid the entire charge of the building and furnishing of 
 her, which I had concerted or paid. And this I did, not for 
 any superstition I have in names, or for that I think them 
 
4 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 able to further or hinder anything ; for that all immediately 
 dependeth upon the providence of Almighty God, and is 
 disposed by Him alone. Yet advise I all persons ever (as 
 near as they can) by all means, and on all occasions, to pre- 
 sage unto themselves the good they can." * 
 
 It chanced, however, that when the Repentance had been 
 " put in perfection," and was riding at Deptford, the queen, 
 passing by on her way to the palace of Greenwich, '^com- 
 manded her bargemen to row round about her, and viewing 
 her from post to stem disliked nothing but her name, and 
 said she would christen her anew, and that thenceforth she 
 should be called the Dainty". Under that name she made 
 many prosperous voyages in the queen's services ; and when 
 her owner. Sir John, resolved to sell her, though with some 
 loss, because she "never brought but cost, trouble, and care 
 to him," his son. Sir Richard, whose forebodings concerning 
 her had been removed when she was anabaptised, and who 
 ever had had "a particular love unto her, and a desire that 
 she should continue in the family," repurchased her from him, 
 with all her furniture, at the price for which he had formerly 
 disposed of her. And having " waged a competent number 
 of men," and purchased sufficient stores for his journey ''so 
 often talked of, and so much desired," he was ready, at the 
 beginning of April, 1 593, to sail from Blackwall to Plymouth, 
 there to join the other two vessels destined for this expedi- 
 tion, the one a ship of 100 tons, the other a pinnace of 60, 
 both his own. An expectation that the lord high admiral 
 with Sir Robert Cecil, principal secretary to the queen, and 
 Sir Walter Raleigh, would honour him and his ship with their 
 presence and farewell, detained him some days. But rain 
 and " untemperate " weather deprived him of the favour 
 which he hoped to have received at their hands ; and the 
 
 * The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knight, in his Voyage 
 into the South Sea, a.d. 1593. London, 1622. He advises them also, 
 " in giving names to terrestrial works (especially to ships), not to give 
 such as merely represent the celestial character ; for few had he known 
 or seen come to a good end which have had such attributes". He in- 
 stances the Revenge, in which Sir Richard Greenville was taken, as 
 "ever the unfortunatest ship" in Elizabeth's service, being even a ship 
 loaden and full fraught with ill success ; and the Thunderbolt of London, 
 which had, first, her mast split by lightning; secondly, had her poop 
 blown up ; and, lastly, was burnt with all her crew in the river at Bour- 
 deaux. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 5 
 
 wind serving, according to his wish, he caused the pilot to 
 "wayle down to Gravesend, took an unhappy last leave of 
 his father, and followed in his barge ". * 
 
 Coming to Barking he saw the Dainty at anchor in the 
 midst of the channel, and soon learnt that he had been in 
 no small peril of losing both ship and goods. They had 
 sailed with an E. N. E. wind, which veered southerly, and 
 forced them, in doubling a point, to tack aboard and luff up ; 
 just then the wind freshened, and the ship heeled ; she was 
 very deeply laden, and her ports open ; the water began to 
 enter at them ; the crew paid no regard to this, thinking 
 themselves safe in the river, till the weight of water, more 
 than the wind, began to press down the side, and when the 
 danger was perceived, and the sheets flown, she could hardly 
 be brought upright. " The peril," he observed, " from which 
 it pleased God that with the exertions of his people she es- 
 caped, might be a gentle warning to all such as take charge 
 of shipping, even before they sail, either in river or harbour, 
 to have an eye to their ports, and see those shut and calked, 
 which might cause danger, for avoiding the many mishaps 
 that daily chance through the neglect thereof." He called 
 to mind, upon this occasion, the loss of the Mary Rose, as in 
 this age, and in ages to come, that of the Royal George will 
 be remembered. t 
 
 The men now refused to proceed, unless the ship were 
 lightened. Sir Richard thought this needless, and that there 
 would have been no danger but for their negligence. Mariners, 
 however, he said, ''are like a stiff-necked horse, who takes 
 the bridle between his teeth " ; and he was obliged to con- 
 tent them by engaging a hoy, into which he ''loaded some 
 six or eight tons ". Untoward weather delayed them on the 
 way to Plymouth ; and in the course of a month after his 
 arrival there, by his " continual travail, the help of his good 
 friends, and excessive charge, which none," he says, "could 
 easily believe but those who had proved it," he was ready to 
 set sail with his three ships, drawn out into the sound, and 
 began to gather his company aboard. But then "began a 
 storm of wind westerly," in which the Dainty was hardly 
 saved by cutting away her mainmast, and the pinnace sunk. 
 A " well- willing friend " forewarned him that these mischances 
 
 * Observations^ 4, 5. t Ibid.^^. 
 
6 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 were presages of bad success, and endeavoured to dissuade 
 him from proceeding with an adventure which had begun so 
 ill ; yet " the hazard of his credit, and danger of disreputa- 
 tion, to take in hand that which he should not prosecute by 
 all means possible, was more powerful to cause him to go 
 forward than this grave good counsel to make him desist". 
 The pinnace was raised : his own credit, with the help of his 
 wife's father, enabled him, in ten days, to put all in as good 
 a state as before ; "and once again," says he, " in God's name, 
 I brought my ships out into the sound, and began to take 
 leave of my friends, and of my dearest friend,* my second 
 self, whose unfeigned tears had wrought me unto irresolution, 
 and sent some other in my room, had I not considered that 
 he that is in the dance must needs dance on, though he do 
 but hop, except he will be a laughing-stock to all the lookers 
 on. So remembering that many had their eyes set upon me, 
 with diverse affections, as also the hope of good success (my 
 intention being honest and good), I shut the door to all im- 
 pediments, and mine ear to all contrary counsel, and gave 
 place to voluntary banishment from all that I loved and 
 esteemed in this life." -|- 
 
 The account of his departure J is beautifully given in his 
 
 * Lope de Vega introduced in his Dragontea a parting scene between 
 Hawkins and 
 
 — " su esposa, 
 Que avia sido de la Reyna Daraa, 
 Mas que se puede encarecer hermosa 
 Si fe se deve a la estrangera fama." 
 Hawkins, whose name is transformed into Achines, he describes as 
 " Mozo de treyuta y tres anos gallardo 
 Que Richart en su lengua se dezia, 
 Y que nuestro Espanol llama Ricardo." — Canto ii. 
 f Observations, 6-14. 
 
 X His friends, and the justices of the town, were employed two days in 
 searching all lodgings, taverns, and ale-houses, before his people could 
 be got aboard: "for some would ever be taking their leave and never 
 depart ; some drank themselves so drunk, that, except they were carried 
 aboard, they of themselves were not able to go one step ; others, knowing 
 the necessity of the time, feigned themselves sick ; others, to be indebted 
 to their hosts, and forced me to ransom them ; one his chest, another his 
 sword, another his shirts, another his card and instruments for sea ; and 
 others, to benefit themselves of the imprest given them, absented them- 
 selves, making a lewd living in deceiving all whose money they could lay 
 hold of, which is a scandal too rife among our seamen, and an abuse in 
 our commonwealth necessary to be reformed. In what sort they dealt 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 7 
 
 own narrative. All being come aboard, and all put in order, 
 in the afternoon of the 12th of June, " I looft near the shore 
 to give my farewell to all the inhabitants of the town, where- 
 of the most part were gathered together upon the Howe, to 
 show their grateful correspondency to the love and zeal which 
 I, my father, and predecessors have ever borne to that place 
 as to our natural and mother town. And first with my noise 
 of trumpets, after with my waytes, and then with my other 
 music, I made the best signification I could of a kind farewell. 
 This they answered with the waytes of the town, and the 
 ordnance on the shore, and with shouting of voices, which, 
 with the fair evening and silence of the night, were heard a 
 great distance off." * 
 
 When they were near the line, his men began to fall sick 
 of the scurvy, which, "though in all seas it is wont to help 
 and increase the misery of man, reigned especially in that 
 climate" ; and he thought the English were more subject to 
 
 with me is notorious, and was such that if I had not been provident to have 
 had a third part more of men than I had need of, I had been forced to go 
 to sea unmanned, or to give over my voyage. And many of my company 
 at sea vaunted how they had cousined the Earl of Cumberland, Master 
 Cavendish, Master Raymond, and others, some of five pounds, some of 
 ten, some of more, and some of less ; and truly I think my voyage pros- 
 pered the worse for theirs and other lewd persons' company," 
 
 This evil he thought " might be redressed by some extraordinary, 
 severe, and present justice to be executed on the offenders by the justice 
 in that place where they should be found. And for finding them it were 
 good that all captains and masters of ships at their departure out of the 
 port should give unto the head justice the names and signs of all their 
 runaways, and they presently to despatch to the nigher ports the advice 
 agreeable, where meeting with them, without further delay or process to 
 use martial law." He thought also that the custom of making imprests 
 to the sailors, which had lately crept into the commonwealth, " was of 
 much more hurt than good, experience having shown that the men for 
 the most part consumed the money lewdly before they departed, and 
 returned more beggarly than when they went forth, having received and 
 spent their portion. All which go to the sea now-a-days," he adds, " are 
 provided of food and house-room, and all things necessary during the 
 time of the voyage, and in all long voyages, of apparel also ; so that 
 nothing is to be spent during the voyage. That money which is wont 
 to be cast away in imprests might be employed in apparel and necessaries 
 at sea, given to those that have need, at the price it was bought, to be 
 deducted out of their shares or wages at their return, which is reasonable 
 and charitable." Imprests to married men, made in the form of a monthly 
 allowance to their wives during their absence, he thought useful (pp. 
 14-16). 
 
 * Observations, 16. 
 
8 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 it than any other people. " I wish/' said he, " some learned 
 man would write of it, for it is the plague of the sea, * and 
 the spoil ot mariners. Doubtless it would be a meritorious 
 work with God and man, and most beneficial for our country ; 
 for in twenty years, since I have used the sea, I dare take 
 upon me to give account of 10,000 men consumed with this 
 disease." Having stood to the westward some hundred 
 leagues and more, the wind continuing contrary, and the 
 sickness so fervent that every day there died more or less, 
 the men lost heart, and desired to return homeward. He 
 represented to them that to hold on was the surest way of 
 soon finding relief, " for every night they might see the reach 
 go contrary to the wind, verifying the mariner's old proverb, 
 that he who will sail by the reach hath need of a long mast ". 
 The speediest refreshing they could look for was the coast of 
 Brazil ; and were they to put all their sick in one ship, and 
 send her homeward, it would be making her their grave ; for 
 they could spare but few sound men, and those also were 
 liable to take the disease. So leaving all to their choice, 
 they assented to his opinion, and resolved to continue their 
 course till God should please to look upon them with his 
 fatherly eyes of mercy. Hawkins, who was a religious man 
 himself, endeavoured to encourage in his people those re- 
 ligious feelings which they had rather disregarded than des- 
 pised ; and after they had solemnly returned thanks to God 
 for their deliverance when the ship was on fire and in imminent 
 danger of being consumed, he took occasion, with their general 
 consent, " to banish swearing out of the three ships". This 
 was effected by ordaining that in every ship there should be a 
 ferula, or palmer, given to the keeping of the first who was 
 " taken with an oath ". He could be rid of it only by taking 
 another in the same offence, when he was to give him a 
 I, or stroke on the palm, and transfer to him the 
 
 * His own observations upon it, both as to the causes and remedies, 
 are very sensible. What he had found most profitable, he says, were 
 "sour oranges and lemons, and a water which amongst others (for my 
 particular provision) I carried to the sea, called Dr. Stevens his water, of 
 which, for that his virtue was not then well known unto me, I carried 
 but little, and it took end quickly ; but it gave health to those that used 
 it. The oil of vitry is beneficial for this disease, taking two drops of it 
 mingled in a draught of water, with a little sugar. But the principal of 
 all is the air of the land, for the sea is natural for fishes, and the land for 
 men " (p. 37). 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 9 
 
 instrument of punishment. Whoever had it in his possession 
 at the time of evening or morning prayer was to receive three 
 palmadas from the captain or master, and still bear it, till he 
 could make a transfer agreeable to the law. This in a few 
 days "brought both swearing and ferulas out of use. And, 
 certainly," he adds, " in vices custom is the principal susten- 
 ance ; and for their reformation it is little available to give 
 good counsel or make good laws and ordinances, except they 
 be executed." * 
 
 When they were about twenty degrees south of the line, 
 an unfavourable wind and the sickness of the people, for there 
 were not more than four and twenty sound men in the three 
 ships, induced Hawkins to seek the shore ; and anchoring 
 two leagues off the port of Santos, he endeavoured to procure 
 there by policy what he was too weak to obtain by force. 
 He sent, therefore, his captain with a flag of truce, " a piece 
 of crimson velvet and a bolt of fine holland, with divers other 
 things," as a present to the governor, and a letter written in 
 Latin, saying, that being bound to the East Indies to traffic 
 in those parts, contrary winds had forced him upon that coast, 
 and proposing to exchange some of his goods for the com- 
 modities which that country yielded in abundance. There 
 were sixteen well armed men in the boat, guided by one who 
 " two years before had been captain in that place, and so was 
 a reasonable pilot". The officer in command of the garrison, 
 near the mouth of the harbour, received them courteously, 
 and detained them while the letter was sent to the governor, 
 who was in the town some twelve miles off. As the boat did 
 not return during that day, and there were no signs of it at 
 nine the following morning, Hawkins became uneasy, manned 
 a light horseman and his pinnace, the best he could, " showing 
 strength where was weakness and infirmity," and went with 
 these toward the port, piloted by the gunner who had been 
 there some years before. When they were within the harbour, 
 the boat came aboard, bringing a few fowls, and 200 or 300 
 oranges and lemons which they had been allowed to purchase 
 from the women, and which were what Hawkins principally 
 sought for, "as the remedy for his diseased company". He 
 now anchored right against the village where the garrison 
 was stationed, to wait the governor's reply : a flag of truce 
 
 * Observations, 35-41. 
 
10 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 was soon seen from the shore, indicating that it was come ; 
 the boat went for it, and brought an unwelcome, but be- 
 coming reply. The Portuguese Governor said he was sorry 
 he could not consent to so reasonable a request ; but that in 
 consideration of the war between Spain and England he had 
 received orders not to suffer any English to trade within his 
 jurisdiction, no, nor to land, nor take any refreshments upon 
 the shore. He craved pardon, therefore, and desired Hawkins 
 to take this for a decisive answer, and to quit the port within 
 three days, which time, he said, was given him in acknowledg- 
 ment of his courteous manner of proceeding. But if any of 
 his people approached the shore they would be treated as 
 enemies.* 
 
 Before this answer came Hawkins had " determined to be 
 packing " with the first fair wind ; but the wind sufficed him 
 not all that night, nor the next day. "In which time," he 
 says, " I lived in a great perplexity, for that I knew our own 
 weakness, and what they might do unto us if they had known 
 so much. Any man that putteth himself into an enemy's port 
 hath need of Argus's eyes, and the wind in a bag, especially 
 where the enemy is strong, and the tides of any force ; for 
 with either ebb or flow those who are on the shore may thrust 
 upon him inventions of fire, and with swimming or other devices 
 may cut his cables, — a common practice in all hot countries. 
 The like may be effected with rafts, canoes, boats, or pin- 
 naces, to annoy and assault him ; and if this had been 
 practised against us our ships must of force have yielded, 
 for they had no other people in them but sick men : but 
 many times opinion and fear preserveth the ships and not 
 the people in them." That the ships should not be dismayed 
 at his tarriance, he sent off the light horseman with part of 
 the refreshment, and the next night came out of the harbour 
 sounding as he went. When he came aboard "there was 
 great joy among the company, and many with the sight of 
 the oranges and lemons seemed to recover heart". And 
 though when all were " reparted among the sick, there came 
 not above three or four to a share," yet these, with a prosper- 
 ous wind, so much recruited them, that without any more 
 deaths they reached some islets not far from Cape Frio, 
 where it was his intention to refresh his men. Fresh water 
 
 * Observations f 49-51. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 11 
 
 had failed them many days before they made the land, by 
 reason not only of their long passage, but of the excessive 
 thirst of the sick ; "yet," says he, "with an invention I had 
 in my ship, I easily drew out of the water of the sea sufficient 
 quantity of fresh water to sustain my people with little ex- 
 pense of fuel, for with four billets I stilled a hogshead of 
 water, and therewith dressed the meat for the sick and 
 whole: the water so distilled is found to be wholesome and 
 nourishing ". * 
 
 Having providentially -f escaped shipwreck on the way, they 
 reached these islets, which, he says, some called Santiago's, and 
 some St, Anne's ; they set up tents and booths for the sick ; 
 upon some smaller isles they found great store of young gan- 
 nets in their nests, which "being boiled with pickled pork, 
 well watered and mingled with oatmeal, made reasonable 
 pottage ; they found also abundance of purslane, which 
 boiled, and made into salads, with oil and vinegar, refreshed 
 the sick stomachs, and gave appetite ". What with the air 
 
 * Observations, 51, 52. 
 
 t Sir Richard Hawkins's own relation may show how justly this escape 
 is called providential. " The night coming on, and directions given to 
 our other ships, we set the watch, having a fair fresh gale of wind and 
 large. Myself, with the master of our ship, having watched the night past, 
 thought now to give nature that which she had been deprived of, and so 
 recommended the care of steerage to one of his mates ; who with the like 
 travel past, being drowsy, or with the confidence which he had of him at 
 the helm, had not that watchful care which was required. He at the 
 helm brought us in a little time close upon the shore. Doubtless he had 
 cast us all away, had not God extraordinarily delivered us ; for the master, 
 being in his dead sleep, was suddenly awaked, and with such a fright, 
 that he could not be in quiet : whereupon, waking his youth, which ordin- 
 arily slept in his cabin by him, he asked him how the watch went on, who 
 answered that it could not be above an hour since he laid himself to rest. 
 He replied, his heart was so unquiet that he could not by any means 
 sleep ; and so taking his gown came forth upon the deck, and presently 
 discovered the land hard by us ; and, for that it was sandy and low, those 
 who had their eyes continually fixed on it, were dazzled with the reflec- 
 tion of the stars, being a fair night, and so were hindered from the true 
 discovery thereof. But he coming out of the dark had his sight more 
 forcible to discern the difference of the sea and the shore. So that forth- 
 with he commanded him at the helm to put it close a-starboard, and tacking 
 our ship we edged off, and sounding, found scant three fathom water, 
 whereby we saw evidently the miraculous mercy of our God, that if He 
 had not watched over us, as He doth continually over his, doubtless we 
 had perished without remedy : to whom be all glory and praise ever- 
 lastingly, world without end." 
 
12 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 of the shore and good cherishing, many recovered, but some 
 died away quickly, and others continued at a stand, so that 
 having lost more than half his people by sickness, Hawkins 
 burnt one of his ships. He tarried here more than a month, 
 then set sail once more, having only six men sick. A few 
 days after they chased and captured a Portuguese ship, laden 
 with mandioc meal {farinha de pao), and bound for Angola, 
 there to load negroes for the Plata, from whence they were 
 to be sent to the mines at Potosi. A Portuguese was on 
 board, going out to be Governor of Angola, with his wife and 
 daughter, fifty soldiers, and arms for 150. '' He was old, and 
 complained that, after many years' service for his king, with 
 sundry mishaps, he was brought to that poor estate, as for 
 the relief of his wife, his daughter, and himself, he had no 
 other substance but what he had in that ship. It moved 
 compassion, so as nothing of his was diminished, which, 
 though to us it was of no great moment, in Angola it was 
 worth good crowns ; only we disarmed them all, and let them 
 depart." They took out of their prize some chests of sugar 
 and a good quantity of the meal. The men were much ani- 
 mated with this unlooked-for supply, and "praised God for 
 his bounty, providence, and grace extended toward them".* 
 When they were in the latitude of the Plata, some fifty 
 leagues off the coast, a storm came on from the south, and 
 endured forty-eight hours ; and on the first day, " about the 
 going down of the sun," Tharlton, the master of the pinnace, 
 bore up before the wind, without making any sign of distress. 
 Hawkins, seeing her continue this course, bore up after her ; 
 and night coming on, he carried a light. The light was never 
 answered ; and Tharlton, keeping his course directly for Eng- 
 land, "in this shameless manner deserted his commander ".-[- 
 " But," says Hawkins, " I was worthy to be deceived that 
 trusted my ship in the hands of a hypocrite, and a man which 
 had left his general before on the like occasion, and in the 
 self-same place ; for being with Master Thomas Cavendish, 
 master of a small ship, in the voyage wherein he died, this 
 captain being aboard the Admiral, in the night-time forsook 
 his fleet, his general and captain, and returned home. De- 
 sertions such as these," he observes, "have been the prime 
 cause of many lamentable losses and overthrows, to the dis- 
 
 * Observations, 54-64. t Burney, 122. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 13 
 
 honour of the nation, and the frustrating of many good and 
 honourable enterprises ; and many times the offenders went 
 unpunished, for that there is none to follow the cause, the 
 principal being either dead with grief, or drowned in the 
 gulf of poverty, and so not able to wade through with the 
 burden of that suit, which in Spain is prosecuted by the 
 king's attorney." Suspecting no such baseness, he and his 
 people made account that their comrades had gone down in 
 the storm, and ''much lamented them". During the gale 
 " certain great fowls, as big as swans, soared about the vessel, 
 and when the wind calmed they settled themselves, and fed 
 upon the sweepings of the ship". These were albatrosses; 
 and Hawkins, wishing to examine them, "because they 
 seemed far greater in truth than they were," threw out a 
 fishing-line baited with pilchard.* This sort of angling 
 succeeded well ; and enough were caught to give all the 
 crew good refreshment for that day.-|- 
 
 The ship Dainty, now without a companion, pursued her 
 course toward the straits ; and falling in with the Falkland 
 Islands, which Davis had discovered eighteen months before. 
 Sir Richard, to whom this was not known, | supposed that 
 this Terra Australis had not been seen by any European 
 navigator, and in that belief, and " for that it was discovered," 
 says he, " in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, my sovereign lady, 
 and a maiden queen, and at ray cost, in perpetual memory of 
 her chastity, and of my endeavours, I gave it the name of 
 
 * " Our ship driving with the sea, the float in a little time was a good 
 space from us, and one of the fowls presently seized upon it and the hook 
 in his upper beak. It is like to a falcon's bill, but that the point is more 
 crooked, in that manner as by no means he could clear himself, except 
 that the line brake, or the hook righted. Plucking him toward the ship, 
 with the waving of his wings he eased the weight of his body, and being 
 brought to the stern of our ship, two of our company went down by the 
 ladder of the poop, and seized on his neck and wings ; but such were the 
 blows he gave them with his pinions, that both left their hand-fast, 
 being beaten black and blue. We cast a snare about his neck, and so 
 tryced him into the ship" (p. 68). 
 
 t Observations, 66-68, 
 
 I Davis arrived at Bearhaven in Ireland on the nth of June, 1593, on 
 his return from this voyage, and Hawkins sailed from Plymouth on the 
 13th. It is certain, therefore, that he could not have received any com- 
 munication of Davis's discovery. But Admiral Burney justly observes, 
 " It cannot easily be imagined that a man so curious as he was after 
 maritime knowledge, should have remained unacquainted with Jane's 
 account of Mr. Cavendish's last voyage, in which it is related ", 
 
14 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Hawkins's Maiden Land ". On the 1 9th of February he 
 entered the straits ; and having doubled the point on the 
 starboard, and opened a fair bay, discovered there the hull 
 of a ship beaten upon the beach, one of the fleet which had 
 carried thither Sarmiento's unfortunate colonists. At the 
 Penguin Islands they stored themselves with these birds ; 
 which were prepared by first cutting off the head that they 
 might bleed well, then splitting them, washing them in sea 
 water, letting them lie some six hours in salt, then pressing 
 them for eight hours, and "the blood being soaked out, 
 salting them again in the casks like beef; instead of which 
 they served for about two months". All parts of the island 
 where they haunted were undermined with their burrows, 
 "save only one valley, which it seemed they reserved for 
 their food, for it was as green as any meadow in the month 
 of April, with a most fine short grass ". The hunting of them 
 he describes as " a great recreation to his company, and worth 
 the sight. Good store of people were required, each with a 
 cudgel in his hand, to compass them round about, and bring 
 them as it were into a ring. If they chanced to break out, 
 then was the sport ; for the ground being undermined, at 
 unawares it failed, and as they ran after them one fell here, 
 another there ; another, offering to strike at one, lifting up 
 his hand, sunk up to the arm-pits in the earth ; another, 
 leaping to avoid one hole, fell into another. After the first 
 slaughter, on seeing us on the shore, they shunned us, and 
 procured to recover the sea ; yea, many times, seeing them- 
 selves persecuted, they would tumble down from such high 
 rocks as it seemed impossible to escape with life. Yet, as 
 soon as they came to the beach, presently we should see 
 them run into the sea, as though they had no hurt. Where 
 one goeth the other followeth, like sheep after the bell- 
 wether ; but in getting them once within the ring close 
 together few escaped, save such as by chance hid themselves 
 in the burrows ; and ordinarily there was no drove which 
 yielded us not a thousand or more." * 
 
 The ducks, which were very numerous, " had a part of the 
 island to themselves several : it was the highest hill there, 
 and more than a musket-shot over. In all the days of my 
 life," says this observant seaman, " I have not seen greater art 
 
 * Observations, 73. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 15 
 
 and curiosity in creatures void of reason than in the placing 
 and making of their nests ; all the hill being so full of them 
 that the greatest mathematician could not devise to place 
 one more than there was, leaving only one pathway for a 
 fowl to pass betwixt. The hill was all level as if it had been 
 smoothed by art ; the nests made only of earth, and seeming 
 to be of the self-same mould : for the nests and the soil is all 
 one, which with water that they bring in their bills they 
 make into clay, and after fashion them round as with a 
 compass. In the bottom they contain the measure of a foot ; 
 in the height about eight inches ; and in the top the same 
 quantity over ; there they are hollowed in, somewhat deep, 
 wherein they lay their eggs without other prevention ; and I 
 am of opinion that the sun helpeth them to hatch their young. 
 Their nests are for many years, and of one proportion, not one 
 exceeding another in bigness, in height, nor circumference ; 
 and in proportionable distance one from another. In all this 
 hill, nor in any of their nests, was to be found a blade of 
 grass, a straw, a stick, a feather, a mote, no, nor the filing of 
 any fowl ; but all the nests and passages betwixt them were 
 so smooth and clean, as if they had been newly swept and 
 washed." * 
 
 Still hoping that the pinnace might be following, he here 
 wrote instructions where she was to seek him, enrolled them 
 in many folds of paper, put them into the barrel of an old 
 musket, carefully secured against the wet, and placed it on 
 end upon one of the highest hills, and the most frequented 
 of the island. Before he left the straits, finding his decks 
 open, with the long lying under the line and on the coast of 
 Brazil, he calked the ship "within board and without, above 
 the decks, from post to stern". And he repaired his water 
 casks, into which it was found that the worm had got when 
 they were taken ashore in Brazil to be trimmed and filled : 
 the manner of sheathing which his father had invented f 
 
 * Observations, 74. 
 
 + Half-inch plank sheathing, lined with tar, half a finger thick, and 
 nailed upon "another half-finger thickness of hair, such as the white- 
 limers use. Some hold opinion that the tar killeth the worm, others that 
 the worm passing the sheathing, and seeking a way through, the hair and 
 the tar so involve him, that he is choked therewith ; which, methinks, is 
 most probable. This manner experience hath taught to be the best, and 
 of least cost" (p. 80). 
 
16 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 seems to have preserved the ship from this evil. He had, 
 however, many difficulties to encounter before he could clear 
 the straits. After he had the mouth open, and was in full 
 hope of entering the South Sea on the morrow, a sudden 
 storm carried him back, the current aiding it, above four and 
 twenty leagues in twelve hours, " lying a-hull ". From the 
 manner of some Indians with whom he had spoken in the 
 morning, he now concluded that they intended to forewarn 
 him of this, "for they have great insight in the change of 
 weather; and, moreover," he thought, "have secret dealings 
 with the prince of darkness, who many times declareth unto 
 them things to come ". Some fortnight after, the ship, with 
 a flaw from the shore, drove off in the channel, struck upon 
 a rock, and hung there, having deep water both ahead and 
 astern ; so that when the tide fell, her planks, in the midst, 
 upon the upper deck, began to open. All efforts to warp her 
 off were in vain, till the flood came, and she was then found 
 to have beaten off great part of her sheathing, and " wrested 
 across, like unto a hog's yoke, some four foot long and a foot 
 square of her false stem, joining to the keel, which hindered 
 her sailing very much". Of five anchors which he had brought 
 from England he had now lost two, and two were disabled : 
 bitter weather came on, with blustering and sharp winds, 
 accompanied with rain and sleeting snow ; and his men mani- 
 fested their wish to return to Brazil, and winter there, and so 
 shoot the straits in the spring. But this he would not hear 
 of, having Fenton's fortune in mind, and that of Cavendish 
 in his last voyage, and knowing, by their experience and that 
 of others, that if he consented to turn but one foot back, 
 more than was of mere force, he should overthrow his voyage 
 and lose his reputation ; " wherefore he resolved rather to 
 lose his life than give ear to such counsel".* 
 
 It was his wise policy to find amusement for his people at 
 such times when they were not necessarily employed ; and 
 this he did both during his long passage to Brazil and while 
 he was detained in the straits. At leisure times, he trained 
 them on the shore : one day there was the west-country sport 
 of hurling, in which the bachelors played against the married 
 men ; one day they were engaged in wrestling, another in 
 shooting, "so that they were never idle," he says, "neither 
 
 * Observations, 76-87. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 17 
 
 did they think the time long". One day they attempted to 
 steal upon a great company of ursine seals, which he calls sea 
 wolves,* as they lay sleeping on the shore, and enjoying the 
 hot sun. Under -cover of a hill the men were even close upon 
 them, when the seal centinel wakened the whole herd with 
 his cry of alarm : the sailors got between a part of them and 
 the sea ; but, instead of shunning the invaders, they came 
 directly upon them, and ''not a man that withstood them 
 escaped the overthrow; and after they had recovered the 
 water, they did, as it were," he says, "scorn us, defied us, 
 and danced before us ". Sometimes they collected pearls in 
 considerable quantity from muscles : the pearls were small 
 anr' of a bad colour, but the muscles exceeding good, and in 
 great plenty, and proved a great refreshing. They gathered, 
 also, the bark and fruit of a certain tree common in those 
 parts : the seeds were much like good pepper but hotter, 
 and the bark had " the savour of all kinds of spices together, 
 most comfortable to the stomach, and was held to be better 
 than any spice whatsoever ".j- 
 
 At length, on the 28th of March, the evening being calm, 
 and "a goodly clear on the eastern-board," Sir Richard ordered 
 the anchor to be weighed, against the opinion of all his men, 
 who were desirous to see the wind settled before they put 
 out of harbour ; and he admitted that in part they had reason, 
 "considering how they had been canvassed from place to 
 place". He, however, made himself deaf to their murmur- 
 ings ; having got into the channel, within an hour the wind 
 came good : they sailed merrily on their voyage ; by daybreak 
 the mouth of the straits was open, and in the afternoon they 
 entered the South Sea, Hawkins congratulating himself upon 
 having thus overcome the contradictions and murmurs of his 
 own people, which he considered " of all calamities the greatest 
 that can befall a man of discretion and valour, and the most 
 difficult to be overcome ; for to require reason of the common 
 sort is, as the philosopher saith, to seek counsel of a madman. 
 The best remedy he could propound," he said, was " to wish 
 our nation in this point to be well advised, and, in especial, all 
 those that follow the sea, ever having before our eyes the 
 ancient discipline of our predecessors ; who, in conformity 
 
 * They are beneficial to man in their skins for many purposes, in their 
 mostaches for picktooths, and in their fat to make train oil. 
 t Observations, 75, 82, 88. 
 2 
 
18 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 and obedience to their chiefs and commanders, have been 
 a mirror to lall other nations; with patience, silence, and 
 suffering, putting in execution what they have been com- 
 manded, and thereby gaining the blessings due to such 
 virtues, and leaving to posterity perpetual memories of their 
 glorious victories : a just recompense for all such as conquer 
 themselves, and subject their most specious wills to the will 
 of their superiors." * 
 
 On Easter-eve they anchored under the island of Mocha. f 
 Hawkins was on his guard against the Indians here, because 
 Drake had suffered severely by trusting them. It was neces- 
 sary to communicate with them for the sake of obtaining 
 refreshments ; but he would only confer with them upon a 
 rock, compassed with water, and suffered none to be present 
 with arms. While he was communing with the chiefs, some 
 of the Indians came to the heads of his boats, and incautiously 
 were allowed to enter them : there was a bad surf, so that the 
 men, in order to keep the boats off, were forced to lay down 
 their muskets, and the Indians perceiving this endeavoured to 
 pour water into the barrels, taking it out of the sea in the 
 hollow of their hands. Hawkins saw this in good time, and 
 the caciques followed his example in speedily chastising them ; 
 but he having obtained refi-eshments would hold no farther 
 dealings with them. They were a prudent people, who would 
 part with no hens among the poultry which they sold, and 
 could not be induced to sell any of their llamas or sheep 
 of burden, though they willingly disposed of those of the 
 European breed. They were at war with the Spaniards, and 
 therefore reasonably supposing that all who came in ships 
 must be enemies, kindled fires at first sight of the Dainty, 
 which were repeated upon the mainland to alarm the 
 country. \ 
 
 It was Hawkins's purpose not to discover himself upon this 
 coast till he should have passed Lima ; but his company urged 
 him to depart from this intention: their greediness of spoil 
 
 * Observations^ gr, 92. 
 
 t " Here our beef began to take end, and was then as good as the day 
 we departed from England. It was preserved in pickle, which, though 
 it be more chargeable, yet the profit payeth the charge, in that it is made 
 durable, contrary to the opinion of many, which hold it impossible that 
 beef should be kept good passing the equinoctial line " (p. 96). 
 
 \ Observations, 96-99. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 19 
 
 "blinded them from forecasting the peril to which they ex- 
 posed themselves by such a premature discovery " ; and he 
 did not venture upon such a point, to assume an authority 
 which he might not have been able to support. They made, 
 therefore, for the port of Valparaiso ; and descrying at evening 
 four ships at anchor there manned their boat : the Spaniards 
 immediately ran the ships ashore ; they were taken possession 
 of, and the captors longed for morning that they might ex- 
 amine their supposed treasure, and also rifle the storehouses in 
 the port. To their great disappointment they found nothing 
 but stores of various kinds for Lima, good merchandise there, 
 but to them of Uttle account. The owners proposed to ransom 
 them, and he consented for a small price ; only he refused to 
 part with the largest, because his people had taken it into 
 their heads that there was much gold hidden in her. A fifth 
 ship entered the harbour and fell into their hands ; and here 
 " some good quantity of gold was found " : this put them in 
 good humour ; insomuch, that they restored the vessel and the 
 greater part of its loading to the two owners who were on 
 board ; and though they detained one of them as a pilot 
 on that coast, yet they soon set him ashore, "moved with 
 compassion, for that he was a man charged with wife and 
 children".* Here he supplied his want of anchors, though 
 none of sufficient size were to be procured at that time in the 
 ports of the South Sea, none larger, indeed, than could be 
 brought across the isthmus upon negroes' backs ; and here, 
 too, he furnished his ship with "a shift of cotton sails, far 
 better in that sea where they have little rain and few storms 
 than any of our double sails, though not good where rain and 
 storms are frequent, for with the wet they grow so stiff that 
 they cannot be handled ". 
 
 The person with whom Hawkins negotiated for the ransom 
 of the ships was an ancient captain of noble blood, who was 
 about to sail for Lima, and carry his daughter thither to serve 
 Do&a Teresa de Castro, sister to Don Beltran de Castro, and 
 wife to the viceroy. Their apparel and divers other things 
 were embarked in the larger ship ; but Hawkins restored the 
 whole, in return for his good offices, and the confidence which 
 he had shown, coming and going only in reliance on his word. 
 In this as in a former instance he afterwards felt the benefit 
 
 * This person proved thankful when Hawkins was a prisoner in Lima. 
 
20 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 of having acted generously towards a generous enemy. Some 
 six or eight days he spent in this port, treating of the ransom 
 and lading provisions ; during which time he and the master 
 of his ship, Hugh Cornish, "a most careful, orderly, and 
 sufficient man," took little rest, because they knew their own 
 weakness ; for when he entered the harbour, his ship's com- 
 pany amounted to no more than seventy-five men and boys ; 
 with which he had five ships to guard, each moored apart. 
 And the Governor of Chili, Don Alonso de Sotomayor, an 
 old soldier of much experience, who had served in the Low 
 Countries, was on the shore in sight of them, with 300 horse 
 and foot (as was afterwards known) in ambush, if they had 
 landed, and with balsas ready to have taken advantage of any 
 unwariness in guarding the ships. Hawkins, though ignorant 
 of this, well knew that all his vigilance was needed ; but he 
 feared not the enemy so much as the wine, which, notwith- 
 standing all the diligence and precaution he could use night 
 and day, overthrew, he says, many of his people. He calls 
 it a foul fault, " being too common among seamen ; and de- 
 serving some rigorous punishment with severity to be executed, 
 as being daily the destruction of many good enterprises" ; and 
 he declares that, if he might be hired with many thousands, 
 he would not carry with him a man known to put his felicity 
 in that vice. His own vigilance, however, preserved him here 
 from danger ; and when all was done they set sail, " with 
 reputation among their enemies, and a good portion toward 
 their charges, and their ship as well stored and victualled as 
 the day they departed from England ".* 
 
 From Valparaiso he sailed for Coquimbo and entered the 
 port, hoping to find some shipping there ; but in this he was 
 disappointed, and was not strong enough to make any attempt 
 upon the town which was half a league inland. Leaving 
 Chili now for the coast of Peru, his men demanded their third 
 of the gold that had been taken. He represented to them 
 that it was not easy to divide the bars, but if divided very 
 easy to be robbed of them ; that many would play away their 
 portions, and return home as beggarly as they came out ; and, 
 moreover, that the shares could not well be apportioned be- 
 fore they reached England, because every man's deserts could 
 not be appreciated and rewarded till the end of the voyage. 
 
 * Observations^ 100-103. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 21 
 
 With much difficulty they were brought to consent that the 
 gold and silver should be deposited in chests with three keys 
 to each, of which he was to have one in his keeping, the 
 master another, and the third, some person whom they should 
 nominate. Frauds were so commonly practised upon the 
 seamen, that there was but too much reason for the suspicion * 
 which they manifested at this time ; but they made too sure 
 of their booty, in reckoning their shares before it was safely 
 brought home. 
 
 Sir Richard ascribed the misfortune which soon befell him 
 
 * •• The bad correspondence used by many captains and owners with their 
 companies upon their return, defrauding them, or diminishing their rights, 
 hath hatched many jealousies, and produced many disorders, with the 
 overthrow of all good discipline ; for where the soldier and mariner is 
 unpaid or defrauded, what service or obedience can be required at his 
 hands ? The greatest robbery of all, in my opinion, is the defrauding or 
 detaining of the company's thirds, or wages, accursed by the just God 
 who forbiddeth wages to sleep with us. To such I speak as either abuse 
 themselves in detaining it, or else to such as force the poor man to sell it 
 at vile and low prices; and, lastly, to such as upon feigned cavils and 
 suits do deter the simple and ignorant sort from their due prosecutions ; 
 which being too much in use amongst us, hath bred in those that follow 
 the sea a jealousy in all employments, and many times causeth mutinies 
 and infinite inconveniences " {Sir R. Hawkins's Observations, etc., log, 
 no). 
 
 He then speaks of the abuses committed under the colour of lawful 
 pillage, and shows that in this respect many captains and governors were 
 as bad as the men. " Some of these cause the bills of lading to be cast 
 into the sea, or so to be hidden that they never appear. Others send 
 away their prisoners (who sometimes are more worth than the ship and 
 her lading), because they should not discover their secret stolen treasure ; 
 for many times that which is left out of the register, or bills of lading, 
 with purpose to defraud the prince of his customs (in their conceits held 
 to be excessive), is of much more value than that which the ship and 
 lading is worth. Yea, I have known ships worth 200,000/. and better, 
 clean swept of their principal riches, nothing but the bare bulk being 
 left unsacked. To prevent these mischiefs my father. Sir John Hawkins, 
 in his instructions, in actions under his charge, had this particular article ; 
 that whosoever took any ship should be bound to exhibit the bills of 
 lading, to keep the captain, master, merchants, and persons of account, 
 and to bring them to him to be examined, or into England, if they should 
 be by any accident separated from him. Whatsoever was found wanting, 
 the prisoners being examined, was to be made good by the captain and 
 company which took the ship, and this upon great punishments. I am 
 witness that this course did redound much to the benefit of the general 
 stock, to the satisfaction of her majesty and counsel, the justification of 
 her government, and' the content of her followers" {Sir R. Hawkins's 
 Obstrvationst etc., 113). 
 
22 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 to his having steered for Valparaiso * in compliance with the 
 wishes of his people.-|- The Spaniards ascribed it to his own 
 imprudence in ransoming the ships which he found there, 
 instead of following Drake's example, who burnt the shipping 
 along the coast, that no intelligence of him might be con- 
 veyed by sea ; but in imputing this to any over-confidence J 
 in his own strength they did him wrong. Advices were 
 despatched with all possible speed both by sea and land to 
 the Viceroy of Peru, Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Marques 
 de Canete. The first arrived by sea. The marquis, who was 
 confined to his bed by the gout, rose immediately upon re- 
 ceiving them, and gave orders for protecting the port of 
 Callao : for this purpose three captains were ordered to levy 
 a hundred men each, wherewith to man three ships, that 
 with all speed were to be sent in pursuit of the pirate, for 
 by that appellation the English commander was called, though 
 the two countries were now at open war. His next care was to 
 send the alarm to all the ports upon the coast, to Guatimala 
 also, and to Mexico, and to Panama. His brother-in-law, 
 Don Beltran de Castro, was appointed to the command of the 
 
 * Admiral Burney observes upon this, that •• if he had kept at a distance 
 from the coast till to the north of Lima, other prudential reasons might 
 then have occurred for preserving that distance in their farther progress 
 northward, and the object of their undertaking have been defeated, with- 
 out any opportunity of success. With so small a force as Sir Richard 
 Hawkins commanded, it seems evident that an expeditious scouring of 
 the coast would have been the most proper plan to have pursued. Cele- 
 rity, however, was neglected" (ii., 127). 
 
 \ Arauco Domado, 307. Hechos de D. Garcia Hurtado, 212. 
 I " Vino a concierto con el pueblo en razon del rescate de las naves, sin 
 reparar en si era acertado, o no, dexar libre aquien pudiesse dar aviso de 
 su venida; tal era la estimacion en que tenia su vaxel, (por extremo 
 armado y guarnecido de gente platico, y de hecho), y tampoco el caso 
 que hazia de las fuerzas maritimas de todo el Peru " (Suarez de Figueroa, 
 202). 
 
 The Chilese poet, Pedro de Ona, censures him with more justice for 
 having wasted time there after he had taken 
 
 ♦• La rica pesca ; 
 Porque ser^ de veyute mil dorados, 
 Con otras deferencias de pescados. 
 Mas no sabra el Ingles lo que se pesca, 
 Que alii estara perdiendo el aura fresca, 
 Y dando larga cuerda a sus soldados ; 
 Que no la dar le fuera mas cordura, 
 Pues desto ha de nacer su desventura " 
 
 — Arauco Domado, f. 307. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 88 
 
 squadron : public opinion answered so well to his exertions, 
 that many volunteers presented themselves, and there were 
 two hidalgos who embarked each with ten men raised at his 
 own cost. In eight days the three galleons were ready for 
 sea, two of them carrying twenty brass guns, and the third 
 thirty-four. The marquis went to visit them himself before 
 their departure, well pleased at so fair an opportunity of 
 signalising his administration. They were scarcely out of 
 sight before intelligence came that Hawkins had been seen 
 with three ships off Arica : it was thought, therefore, that he 
 had been joined by his comrades which had been supposed 
 to be lost, and farther preparations were deemed necessary, 
 seeing that in the port of Callao there were some thirty 
 vessels which any armed boat might have captured. The 
 guards on the shore accordingly were strengthened, and 
 another galleon, a brigantine, and a galizabra equipped, as 
 well for the defence of the ships, as to reinforce the squadron, 
 if it should put back in need of repairs.* 
 
 The ships which had been seen in Hawkins's company were 
 the prize which he had brought from Valparaiso, and a smaller 
 vessel captured near Arica. The former was found very leaky, 
 and his people being "satisfied that their hope to find any- 
 thing of worth in her was vain, having searched her from port 
 to stem," they burnt her, their number not being enough to 
 bear any division, more than of mere necessity : the other 
 they kept, intending to make her serve as a pinnace. With 
 this pinnace and their boat they ranged the bay of Pisco 
 without success ; and shortly afterwards, about the middle of 
 May, at daybreak, Hawkins came in sight of the Spanish 
 squadron, being some two leagues to windward of it, but 
 with little or no wind. The pinnace being furnished with 
 oars came to him, and though his first thought had been to 
 abandon her, it was held more advisable to keep her as long 
 as they could, and that if it came " to likelihood of boarding," 
 she should lay the boat aboard, enter all her men, and from 
 thence enter the ship, and so to be forsaken. They then 
 prepared for action, "praying," says Sir Richard, "unto the 
 Lord God of battles for his help and our deliverance, and 
 putting ourselves wholly into his hands. About 9 a.m. the 
 breeze began to blow, and we to stand off into the sea, the 
 
 * Observations, 21^-215, 
 
24 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Spaniards cheek by jowl with us, ever getting to the wind- 
 ward upon us, for that the shipping of the South Sea is 
 moulded sharp under water and long, all their voyages de- 
 pending upon turning to windward, and the breeze blowing 
 ever southerly." * 
 
 The Spanish squadron consisted of three galleons, ■[• and 
 three smaller vessels. As the sun rose the wind freshened, 
 which coming from the west, together with the swell that 
 ever beats upon that coast, caused a chopping sea, "where- 
 with," says Hawkins, "the admiral of the Spaniards snapt 
 his mainmast asunder, and so began to lag astern, and with 
 him other two ships. The vice-admiral split her mainsail, 
 being come within shot of us upon our broadside, but to 
 leewards : the rear-admiral cracked her mainyard asunder 
 in the midst, being ahead of us ; one of the Armada which 
 had gotten upon the broadside of us to windward durst not 
 assault us. With these disgraces upon them, and the hand 
 of God helping and delivering us, we began to consult what 
 course was best to be taken to free ourselves. The admiral 
 with other two were astern of us some four leagues ; the 
 rear-admiral in a manner right ahead, within culverine shot ; 
 and one upon our luff within shot also ; the moon was to rise 
 within two hours. After much debating, it was concluded 
 that we should bear up before the wind, and seek to escape 
 between the admiral and the vice-admiral, which we put in 
 execution, not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them, 
 but that of the rear-admiral, till after our surrender. In 
 the morning, at break of day, we were clear of all our 
 enemies, and so shaped our course along the coast for the 
 bay of Atacames, where we purposed to trim our pinnace, 
 and to renew our wood and water, and so to depart upon our 
 voyage with all possible speed." J 
 
 It does not appear that the Dainty suffered anything from 
 
 * Observations, 107. 
 
 t Six ships, Sir Richard says, with well near 2000 men. Suarez de Fi- 
 gueroa mentions only the three galleons ; but the Chilese poet confirms 
 Sir Richard's statement : — 
 
 " Apercibio en tres fuertes galeones 
 Quanto era menester para el intento, 
 Poniendo en orden otros tres patajes, 
 Que puedan yr sirviendoles de pages." 
 
 — Arauco Domado, f. 316. 
 X Observations, 218, 219. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 25 
 
 the weather, though the Spanish ships sustained so much 
 injury that they put back to Callao, and the gale which dis- 
 abled them was represented as one of the most violent storms 
 that had ever been known in those parts.* The condition 
 in which they returned might have convinced any reasonable 
 persons that no blame could fairly be imputed to them for 
 having failed in the object of their pursuit ; but expectation 
 had been raised so high by the unusual spirit which the 
 Government had manifested, and the still more unusual ac- 
 tivity of its preparations, that the women of Callao and Lima 
 reviled the soldiers, as cowards, when they landed : those of 
 the lower order insulted them by strutting about with daggers 
 and pistols at their sides ; they even asked the viceroy to let 
 them embark instead of those poltroons, and engaged that 
 they would bring in the English pirate.f These unmerited 
 reproaches wrought such an effect upon the men that they 
 vowed to follow Hawkins to England, rather than return 
 again without him, and be exposed to such dishonour.]: As 
 it had now been ascertained that Hawkins had only his own 
 ship, so large a squadron was not thought necessary : one of 
 the galleons, therefore, was refitted forthwith, and, with the 
 galizabra, which was an excellent vessel though small, and a 
 launch, was deemed force sufficient. The preparations were 
 made with such haste lest the enemy should escape, that 
 many boats were staved upon the stony beach, and many 
 persons killed or maimed, and more would have been lost, 
 if the viceroy had not personally set the example of going 
 into the water to assist them.§ 
 
 * The Spaniards say that Hawkins was obliged to throw his booty 
 overboard in this storm. (Pedro de Ona, f. 333). He says no such thing 
 himself, — but it may very possibly have been convenient to his captors to 
 say so (Suarez de Figueroa, 216). 
 
 t This is twice remarked by Pedro de Ona. 
 
 " Con una brevedad jamas pensada, 
 (A lo que de esta tierra se entendia, 
 Y aun a lo que en Espana ser podia) 
 Se puso a punto, y orden el armada." 
 
 — Arauco Dontado, f. 321. 
 And again, 
 
 *' Buelvo a dezir que es cosa estraiia y nueva, 
 El ver aca en las Indias despachada, 
 No mas que a buelta de ojos una armada, 
 Como esta, con la maquina que Ueva." — Ibid., f. 322. 
 X Observations, 118. § Figueroa, 217. 
 
26 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Hawkins, meantime, holding on his course, captured a ship 
 some fifty leagues north of Lima, took what provisions he 
 required out of her, and then burnt her : the crew he put 
 ashore near Truxillo, reserving only their pilot and a Greek, 
 both at their own request ; for they were afraid to land, 
 having broken the law by weighing anchor from the port 
 of Santa before it was known that the coast was clear. He 
 had manned his pinnace and boat to search the port of Payta, 
 when he had sight of a tall ship : this vessel having heard 
 that he was on the coast, thought herself safer at sea than in 
 the harbour, and had got under sail for that reason. Hawkins 
 chased her all night and all the next day, but finally she es- 
 caped, for the Dainty was but a slow sailer; "a very bad 
 quality for a ship engaged in such an expedition". Two 
 other vessels in like manner outsailed him, and one of them 
 "entreated his pinnace badly," when it was seen that the 
 Dainty could not get up to support her; yet the Spaniards 
 were so alarmed that they threw their despatches into the 
 sea, and cast out great part of their lading, " for the ships in 
 the South Sea, presuming upon the security from storms, load 
 themselves like lighters or sand barges". On the 10th of 
 June, he put into the bay of Atacames, about 260 leagues 
 from Lima ; and supposing themselves safe from any im- 
 mediate pursuit, they stopped there to take in wood and 
 water, and to repair the pinnace : this being done, they 
 proposed to depart on the morning of the 18th, but on the 
 preceding evening a sail was seen in the offing, and Hawkins 
 at the importunity of his captain and company allowed the 
 pinnace to give her chase, "which I should not have done," 
 says he, "for it was our destruction". He gave the men 
 precise orders, that if they did not return the same night, 
 they should seek him at Cape San Francisco, seven leagues 
 off. Accordingly, at nine on the following morning he 
 weighed anchor and stood for that cape: after beating on 
 and off two days without sight of the pinnace, he returned to 
 the bay, where he descried her turning in without a mainmast, 
 which had been carried away by their imprudent management 
 in a squall. Nor was this their only misfortune ; for standing 
 in with the shore after the accident, they had mistaken the 
 land, and, fancying themselves to windward of the bay, bore 
 up, and put into the bay of St. Matthew, from whence, when 
 they discovered their error, they had to "bring their tacks 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 27 
 
 aboard, and turn and tide it up as they could ". Two days 
 were lost in repairing the damage, and on the morrow they 
 were to set sail, and "leave the coast of Peru and Quito".* 
 At daylight, the Dainty and her pinnace began to weigh 
 their anchor, " to quit a station in which they had remained 
 too long". As they were loosing their sails, a man from the 
 mast-head descried two large ships and a small barque, near 
 the cape, steering toward the bay. By the course they 
 kept, Hawkins presently understood who they were : his men 
 made them to be the fleet bound for Panama, and laden with 
 treasure, and importuned him to "cut sail in all haste, and 
 stand with them " ; but he well knew that no shipping would 
 stir upon that coast till they were sure he had left it, unless 
 they were sent to seek him, and that this was not the time 
 of year for the treasure ships. Moreover he represented that 
 in remaining at anchor he kept the weather-gage ; whereas if 
 he got under sail, it being ebb tide, he should give them the 
 advantage which was now his, by reason of the point of the 
 bay : nothing was lost if they should prove to be merchant- 
 men, for they were standing directly toward him ; and should 
 it prove to be the Armada, time was gained for preparing 
 themselves the better to fight. Thus he reasoned with them ; 
 but they, " altogether without reason, or against reason, broke 
 out, some into vaunting and bragging, some into reproaches 
 for want of courage, others into wishings that they had never 
 come out of their country, if they should refuse to fight with 
 any two ships whatsoever. And to mend the matter," says 
 Sir Richard, "the gunner for his part assured me, that with 
 the first tire of shot he would lay one of them in the suds ; 
 and our pinnace that she would take the other to task. One 
 promised that he would cut down their mainyard, another 
 that he would take their flag. To some I turned the deaf 
 ear ; with others I dissembled, soothing and animating them 
 to the execution of what they promised : and to give them 
 better satisfaction, I condescended that our captain, with a 
 competent number of men, should go with the pinnace to 
 discover them, giving them strict orders that they should not 
 engage themselves in that manner, as they might not be able 
 to come to us, nor we to succour them. In all these divisions 
 and opinions, our master, Hugh Cornish (who was a most 
 
 * Observations ^ 119-125. Burney, 129, 130. 
 
28 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 sufficient man for government and valour, and well saw the 
 errors of the multitude), used his office as became him ; and 
 so did all those of best understanding." * 
 
 The pinnace soon discovered what they were, and they 
 chased her back, " gunning at her " all the way. Sir Richard 
 then stood out of the bay to meet them, that he " might have 
 sea-room to fight ". He hoped to keep the weather-gage ; 
 " but the wind," says he, " scanting with us and larging with 
 them, we were forced to leeward ; and the admiral,-]- weather- 
 ing us, came down upon us ; which, being within musket- 
 shot, we hailed first with our noise of trumpets, then with our 
 waytes, and after with our artillery, which they answered 
 with artillery, two for one ; for they had double the ordnance 
 we had, and almost ten men for one. Immediately they came 
 shoring aboard of us, upon our lee-quarter, contrary to our ex- 
 pectation and the custom of men-of-war ; and, doubtless, had 
 our gunner been the man he was reputed to be, and as the 
 world sold him to me, she had received great hurt by that 
 manner of boarding: but, contrary to all expectation, our 
 stern pieces were unprimed, and so were all those which we 
 had to leeward. Hereby all men are to take warning by me, 
 not to trust any man in such extremities when he himself may 
 see it done : this was my oversight, this my overthrow. For 
 I, and all my company, had that satisfaction of the sufficiency 
 and care of our gunner, as not any one of us ever imagined 
 there would be any defect found in him. For my part, I, 
 with the rest of our officers, occupied ourselves in clearing 
 our decks, lacing our nettings, making of bulwarks, arming 
 our tops, fitting our waste- clothes, tallowing our pikes, slinging 
 our yards, doubling our sheets and tacks, placing and ordering 
 our people, and procuring that they should be well fitted and 
 provided of all things ; leaving the artillery and other instru- 
 ments of fire to the gunner's disposal and order, with the rest 
 of his mates and adherents ; which (as I said) was part of our 
 perdition. For bearing me ever in hand that he had 500 
 cartridges in readiness, within one hour's fight we were forced 
 to occupy three persons only in making and filling cartridges ; 
 and of 500 ells of canvass and other cloth given him for that 
 
 * Observations, 125, 126. Burney, 130. 
 t " Aviendola ganado el barlovento, 
 Ganancia en estos juegos de momento." 
 
 — Arauco Dotnado, f. 337. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 29 
 
 purpose at sundry times, not one yard was to be found. For 
 this we had no excuse ; and, therefore, could not avoid the 
 danger to charge and discharge with the ladle, especially in 
 so hot a fight. Those instruments of fire wherein he had 
 made me to spend excessively before our going to sea now 
 appeared not, neither the brass balls of artificial fire, to be 
 shot with slurbows (whereof I had six bows and 200 balls, 
 and which are of great account and service, either by sea or 
 land) : he had stowed them in such manner (though in double 
 barrels) as the salt water had spoiled them all ; so that coming 
 to use them, not one was serviceable." In fine, the man 
 proved as inefficient in action as he had been negligent in 
 his office before ; and was either so conscious of his incapacity, 
 so cowardly, or so false,* that Sir Richard himself, and the 
 master of the ship, "were forced to play the gunners ".f. 
 
 The pinnace had advanced so far that she was in danger of 
 being cut off: coming to lay the Dainty aboard, the vice- 
 admiral was close up with her, and some of the men entered 
 their own ship over the enemy's bowsprit. Hawkins says 
 they were not a little comforted when they got their people 
 on board, for they were but three score and fifteen in all, men 
 and boys, when the action began, and the Spaniards were 
 1300, "little more or less, and those of the choice of Peru". 
 The Spanish commander, Don Beltran de Castro, had had no 
 naval experience, but Don Miguel Angel Felipon, who had for 
 many years had the command at sea | on that coast, was 
 associated with him. Twice in the course of the day the 
 enemy were beaten off; towards evening they made a 
 third attempt, having concerted that the capitana (or admiral) 
 
 * " Some of our company," says Hawkins, " had him in suspicion to 
 be more friend to the Spaniards than to us, for that he had served some 
 years in the Terceras as gunner, and that he did all this of purpose. Few 
 of our pieces were clear when we came to use them, and some had the 
 shot first put in, and after the powder. Besides, after our surrendry, it 
 was laid to his charge that he should say he had a brother that served 
 the king in Peru, and that he thought he was in the armada, and how he 
 would not for all the world he should be slain. Whether this were true 
 or no, I know not ; but I am sure all in general gave him an ill report, 
 and that he in whose hands the chief execution of the whole fight con- 
 sisted, executed nothing as was promised and expected." 
 
 i Observations, 126, 127. 
 
 X Hawkins calls him general of the South Sea, for the carriage and 
 waftage of the silver from Lima to Panama. No doubt this is the person 
 whose name was used by Drake in the harbour of Callao (see p. 147). 
 
so ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 should approach upon the weatherbow, and fall aboard the 
 Dainty upon her broadside ; and that the vice-admiral should 
 lay his ship upon the capitana's weather-quarter, and reinforce 
 her with men, or act otherwise, as occasion might require. 
 Not waiting to observe this order, the vice-admiral, eager to 
 secure the credit for his own company, came to windward on 
 the English ship's broadside : he paid dearly for this rashness ; 
 for " being utterly without fights or defences, the English, what 
 with their muskets and what with their fireworks, cleared his 
 decks in a moment " ; and Hawkins says, that if he had then 
 had but a dozen men to have entered her, she might have 
 been carried : " but our company," he adds, " being few, and 
 the principal of them slain or hurt, we durst not ; neither 
 was it wisdom to adventure the separation of those which 
 remained " : so it was held for the best and soundest resolu- 
 tion to keep their force together in defence of their own. In 
 this attempt the vice-admiral lost six and thirty men, including 
 his pilot. The admiral came to his assistance, and brought him 
 off, not without loss himself; and this third lesson made the 
 enemy determine upon the course which from the first they 
 ought to have taken, — to make use of their artillery only, and 
 either sink the Dainty ^ or compel her to strike. This they " put 
 in execution, placing themselves within a musket-shot of her 
 weather-quarter, and sometimes on her broadside," and thus 
 continually playing upon her without intermission, "which 
 was, doubtless, the best and securest determination they could 
 take".* 
 
 Meantime the English had lost many men. Of the two 
 persons on whom Hawkins principally relied for the prosecu- 
 tion of the voyage, in case of his own sickness or death, one 
 was mortally wounded, the other slain ; and he himself had 
 received six wounds, " one in the neck, very perilous ; another 
 through the arm, perishing the bone, and cutting the sinews 
 close by the arm-pit ".f At times, the Spaniards parleyed, 
 
 * Observations, 132, 135, 136. 
 
 + The Chilese poet says that Hawkins himself seized the admiral's 
 standard, and that Don Diego de Avila, from whose hand Mars himself 
 could not have wrested it, defended it, with five others, so well that the 
 Englishmen came badly off. 
 
 " Supo con otros cinco defendello 
 De suerte que el Ingles salio mal dello." 
 
 — Arauco Domado. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 31 
 
 and invited them to surrender, promising them the usages of 
 good war. The captain of the Dainty "came, with some 
 other," to Sir Richard, and, in the whole company's name, 
 urged him to accept of these terms, saying that "scarcely 
 any men were left to traverse the guns, or oppose themselves 
 for defence, if the enemy should board with them again". 
 Hawkins was in a state of extreme suffering, believing himself 
 to be at the point of death : he roused himself, however, so as 
 to protest * against any such opinion, and to entreat his people 
 that they would not commit themselves to the mercy, or trust 
 the promises of the Spaniards, who had so often broken their 
 faith, and who either put their English prisoners to death as 
 pirates, or, which was worse, delivered them over to the In- 
 quisition. This argument had its due weight with them : the 
 captain declared that he entirely agreed in opinion with him, 
 " and had only made the proposal in condescension to others ; 
 and all who were present vowed either to remain freemen, 
 or sell their lives at a price which the enemy would not be 
 
 There were various reports concerning this, some saying that it was 
 another English officer who laid hold of the standard, rather by chance 
 than design, others that Hawkins 
 
 " El mismo por las suyas le echa mano 
 
 Valiendose de un lazo." — Ibid. 
 I am not sure that 1 interpret this rightly in supposing it to mean that he 
 threw a noose (the Indian lasso) over it ; but the anecdote, as relating to 
 Sir Richard, is altogther false ; and this circumstance, which, if the rest 
 were true, might seem to cast a suspicion over it, is likely enough to have 
 been reported and believed in Peru. Suarez de Figueroa gives the same 
 account, p. 218. The poet admits that all his details here are doubtful. 
 
 " Fuera de que ninguno niega en ello 
 
 Que padeciesse fuerza el estandarte, 
 
 Y que esto fue en el tiempo que Richarte 
 Saco de un arcabuz herido el cuello : 
 
 Y aunque se alabasse menos dello, 
 Un fiero pedreiial por otra parte, 
 
 A la misma sazon le dio en un brazo, 
 Dexandole sin carne gran pedazo." 
 
 — Arauco Domado^ f. 339, 340. 
 Pedro de Oiia concludes his poem in the middle of this action. He 
 promised a second part, but it never appeared. Two editions of the first 
 were published, both at Madrid, in 1596 and 1608. Both are exceedingly 
 scarce. My copy (which has the arms of the Gana family on the bind- 
 ing) is of the later edition. 
 
 * In his book he has given what he said in the form of an oration. It 
 is remarkable that so judicious a man should not have perceived that no 
 oration could ever have been more unfitly introduced. 
 
32 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 willing to pay for them. With this resolution," says Sir 
 Richard, ''both captain and company took their leave of me, 
 every one particularly, and the greater part with tears and 
 embracings, as though we were forthwith to depart this world, 
 and never see one the other again, but in heaven, — promising 
 never more to speak of surrendry." * 
 
 True to this determination, they continued the action 
 through the night : an hour before daybreak, the enemy 
 edged off ''to breathe, and to remedy such defects as were 
 amiss". This "time of interdiction" the English employed 
 in "repairing their sails and tacklings, stopping their leaks, 
 fishing and wolling their masts and yards, mending their 
 pumps, and fitting and providing themselves for the day to 
 come ". Little as the interval was wherein so much was to 
 be done, " yet gave it great relief and comfort to them, and 
 made them better able to endure the defence ; for, otherwise, 
 the ship must have sunk before its surrender, having many 
 shot under water, and the pumps shot to pieces ". When the 
 action was renewed on the second day, the vice-admiral came 
 upon their quarter, and a shot from one of the stern pieces 
 carried away his mainmast close by the deck: this brought 
 the admiral to his assistance. If the Dainty had been a 
 better sailer she might at this time have escaped ; "I- and if 
 Hawkins had not been incapable of giving any directions, 
 good use might have been made of the time while one of the 
 enemy was thus disabled : but he knew nothing of what 
 passed; "neither," he says, "was I able to direct, though I 
 had known it, being in a manner senseless, what with my 
 wounds, and what with the agony of the surrendry proposed ; 
 for that I had seldom known it spoken of but that it came 
 afterwards to be put in execution. And so we stood away 
 from them, which we should not have done, but have prose- 
 cuted the occasion, and brought ourselves close upon her 
 weather-gage, and with our great and small shot have hindered 
 them from repairing their harms : if we had thus done, they 
 had been forced to cut all by the board ; and, it may be, 
 lying a-hull, or to leeward of us, we might have sunk her. 
 At the least it would have declared to our enemies that we 
 had them in little estimation, when, able to go from them, 
 we would not ; and, perhaps, have been a cause to have made 
 
 * Observations, 143-147. f Burney, 130. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 33 
 
 them leave us. But this occasion was let slip:" so was the 
 opportunity of getting the weather-gage ; and while they 
 vainly endeavoured to make off, the Spaniards had time to 
 ^ repair their damage, so as again to come up with them, and 
 renew the fight.* 
 
 The action continued through the second night : before 
 daybreak there was the same intermission as on the preced- 
 ing day ; but there had been no interval for rest, nor had the 
 men on either side taken any other refreshment than bread 
 and wine, of which latter the English took too largely. Ip 
 other respects they behaved like Englishmen ; and had they 
 been under better discipline, and not deprived of their best 
 officers, it seems probable that, even against so great a superi- 
 ority of force, they might have proved victorious ; their 
 artillery, ''being of greater bore, was of better effect for 
 sinking and spoiling". But the enemy had the weather- 
 gage : his guns, therefore, told with terrible effect ; and, on 
 the afternoon of the third day, ''the Dainty had fourteen 
 shot under water, seven or eight foot of water in the hold, 
 the sails all torn, the masts all perished, and the pumps shot 
 to pieces " : many of her crew had fallen, and most of the 
 survivors were wounded ; for under the excitement of wine 
 they had exposed themselves madly -j- to the Spanish mus- 
 
 * Observations, 147-149. 
 
 t Sir Richard mentions '• two things, which were most prejudicial unto 
 us, and the principal causes of our perdition, the errors and faults of late 
 days, crept in among those who follow the sea, and learned from the 
 Flemings and Easterlings. The one is to fight unarmed where they may 
 fight armed; the other is, on coming to fight, to drink themselves drunk. 
 Yea, some are so mad, that they mingle powder with wine, to give it the 
 greater force ; imagining that it giveth spirit, strength, and courage, and 
 taketh away all fear and doubt. The latter is, for the most part, true ; but 
 the former is false and beastly, and altogether against reason. In fights, 
 all receipts which add courage and spirit are of great regard to be allowed 
 and used ; and so is a draught of wine to be given to every man before he 
 come to action : but more than enough is pernicious ; for, exceeding the 
 measure, it offendeth and enfeebleth the senses, converting the strength, 
 which should resist the force of the enemy, into weakness : it dulleth and 
 blindeth the understanding, and consequently depriveth any man of true 
 valour ; for that he is disenabled to judge and apprehend the occasion 
 which may be offered to assault and retire in time convenient, the reins 
 of reason being put into the hands of passion and disorder. After I was 
 wounded this nimium bred great disorder and inconvenience in our ship : 
 the pot continually walking, infused desperate and foolish hardiness in 
 many, who, blinded with the fume of the liquor, considered not of any 
 3 
 
34 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 keteers. The Spaniards still offered "good war, life and 
 liberty, and an embarkation to England ". All were now of 
 opinion that it was best to accept these terms before the ship 
 sunk, seeing that unless a miracle were wrought in their ^ 
 behalf by God's almighty power, it was impossible by any 
 other way to expect deliverance or life. Hawkins could no 
 longer refuse his assent : he had nothing to hope from the 
 surrender, desperate as his wounds appeared to be, but for 
 that very reason he might the better consent to it, having 
 done his duty to the uttermost. A flag of truce was, there- 
 fore, hoisted in place of the ensign ; and a Spanish prisoner, 
 who had kept in the hold during the action, was despatched 
 to tell Don Beltran de Castro that if he would give his 
 word and oath for the observance of these terms, the ship 
 should be surrendered ; otherwise every man would die 
 fighting."^ 
 
 Some difficulty occurred before this message could be 
 delivered. Upon sight of the flag of truce the Spaniards 
 wished the Dainty to hoist out her boat; but it had been 
 
 danger, but thus and thus would stand at hazard ; some in vainglory 
 vaunting themselves ; some other railing upon the Spaniards ; another 
 inviting his companion to come and stand by him, and not to budge a 
 foot from him ; which cost the lives of many a good man, slain by our 
 enemies' musketeers, who suffered not a man to show himself, but they 
 presently overthrew him with speed and watchfulness." 
 
 He says also that though he had " great preparation of armour, as well of 
 proof, as of light corselets, not a man would use them " ; and this he calls 
 " great madness and a lamentable fault, worthy to be banished from among 
 all reasonable people, and well to be weighed by all commanders". In 
 his opinion armour was more necessary by sea than by land; for on 
 shore the bullet only hurteth, but in a ship he had seen the splinters kill 
 and hurt many at once, when the shot passed without touching any per- 
 son. The greatest care of the Spaniards was to be well armed : "he who 
 cannot come to the price of a corselet will have a coat of mail, a jacket, 
 at least a buff jerkin, or;a privy coat; and hardly v^ill they be found with- 
 out it, albeit they live and serve in extreme hot countries ". 
 
 Had it not been for these errors, he thought that the Dainty might, 
 perhaps, have freed here, "for our close fights were such as we were 
 secure, and they open to us ; and what with our cubridge heads, one 
 answering the other, our hatches upon bolts, our brackes in our decks and 
 gunner-room, it was impossible to take us as long as any competent 
 number of men had remained : twenty persons would have sufficed for 
 defence ; and for this such ships are called impregnable, and are not to 
 be taken but by surrender, nor to be overcome but with boarding or sink- 
 ing, as in us by experience was verified " (pp, 150, 151). 
 
 * Observations, iSy^SS- 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 35 
 
 shot all to pieces, and so had theirs. They then called to 
 the English to amain their sails, which could not be done 
 because they were slung, and there were not men enough 
 left to hand them. Meantime the vice-admiral coming upon 
 the Daifiti/s quarter, and not knowing what had passed, 
 fired two of his chase pieces, wounded the captain very sore 
 in the thigh, and maimed one of the master's mates. He 
 ceased to fire as soon as he knew that the flag of surrender 
 had been hoisted ; and when the Spaniards understood that 
 the English could neither hoist out a boat nor strike their 
 sails, the admiral laid them aboard. Before any man entered 
 the Spanish prisoner made his way to the general. He was 
 received with great courtesy ; and Don Beltran, in answer 
 to his message, said that he received the commander and his 
 people a buena guerra, to the laws of fair war and quarter : he 
 swore, by the Almighty's name, and by his habit of Alcantara, 
 the green cross of which order he wore upon his breast, that 
 he would give them their lives with good treatment, and send 
 them as speedily as he could to their own country. Hawkins 
 had required some pledge for confirmation, and, as such, Don 
 Beltran took off his glove and sent it to him.* 
 
 Sir Richard always believed that it was Don Beltran's in- 
 tention honourably and faithfully to perform all that he had 
 engaged for. "Lest some insolency," he says, "might be 
 offered to me by the common soldiers, who seldom have 
 respect to any person on such occasions, especially in the 
 case I was, he sent a principal captain, brought up long time 
 in Flanders, called Pedro Alvares de Pulgar, to take care of 
 me, and while the ships were on aboard the other to bring 
 me into his ship, which he accomplished with great humanity 
 and courtesy, despising the bars of gold that were shared be- 
 fore his face, which he might alone have enjoyed if he would ; 
 and truly he was, as after I found by trial, a true captain, — a 
 man worthy of any charge, and of the noblest condition that 
 I have known any Spaniard. The general received me with 
 great courtesy and compassion, even with tears in his eyes, 
 and words of great consolation, and commanded me to be 
 accommodated in his own cabin, where he sought to cure 
 and comfort me the best he could. The like he did with 
 all our hurt men." The number killed Sir Richard has not 
 
 * Observations, 156. 
 
36 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 mentioned : the wounded, who survived the first day, were 
 nearly forty, and of these every man recovered.* 
 
 The Spaniards were so eagerly employed in ransacking 
 their prize that they had nearly lost her : her mainmast fell 
 by the board ; and the water increased so fast in the hold, 
 that it was necessary immediately to send a large party of 
 able men, who, by great exertion, saved her from sinking, 
 and in six and thirty hours so far repaired her that they 
 could make with her for Perico, the port of Panama, that, 
 though more than 200 leagues distant, being the nearest 
 place to leeward where their wants could be supplied. They 
 anchored there, some two leagues from the town, about 
 three weeks after the action : as soon as Don Beltran had 
 advised the audience of his success, orders were given that 
 '^bonfires should be made, and every man put luminaries in 
 their houses, according to the fashion used by the Spaniards 
 on their great holydays, or for glad tidings ; so that with 
 the lights in their churches, in their windows and galleries, 
 and in the corners of their houses, the city, being close by 
 the sea-shore, appeared in the distance, when night came on, 
 to those on board, as though it had been in flames". 
 
 During their passage f to this place Sir Richard heard 
 
 *"The thing," says Hawkins, "that ought to move us to give the 
 Almighty especial thanks and praises was that they were cured in a man- 
 ner without instruments or salves." Considering what the instruments 
 and salves in those days were, this explains why the wounded recovered : 
 — " For the chests were all broken to pieces, and many of their simples 
 and compounds thrown into the sea ; those which remained were such as 
 were thrown about the ship in broken pots and bags ; which, at the end 
 of three days, were, by the general's orders, sought and gathered together. 
 These, with some instruments of small moment procured from those who 
 had reserved them to a different end, did not only serve for our cure, but 
 also for the curing of the Spaniards, being many more than those of our 
 company" (p. 159). 
 
 Suarez de Figueroa says, that the English were 120 in number ; of 
 whom twenty-seven were killed, and seventeen wounded. The loss of 
 the Spaniards he states at twenty-eight killed and twenty-two wounded. 
 
 + Miguel Angel one day asked Sir Richard " for what purpose the little 
 short arrows served, which were found aboard his ship in so great quantity. 
 I satisfied him that they were for our muskets. They are not as yet in 
 use among the Spaniards, yet of singular effect and execution, as our 
 enemies confessed ; for the upper work of their ships being musket proof, 
 in all places they passed through both sides with facility, and wrought ex- 
 traordinary disasters, which caused admiration to see themselves wounded 
 with small shot, when they thought themselves secure, and by no means 
 could find where they entered, nor come to the sight of any of the shot. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 37 
 
 enough to make him fear that the terms on which he had 
 surrendered were hkely to be disregarded. There were some 
 who censured the general for giving such good treatment to 
 Lutherans, with whom they said no faith was to be kept. 
 And there were some who maintained that men, who had 
 fought like good soldiers, deserved good quarter, even these ; 
 and Don Beltran himself held all English men of war to be 
 pirates. He flattered himself that he had succeeded in satis- 
 fying them on this point ; and establishing that men, acting 
 under their sovereign's commission against an enemy, with 
 whom there was open war, were entitled to all the honourable 
 usages comprehended under the title of good war. A discus- 
 sion afterward arose upon what that term imported, and Sir 
 Richard's opinion was required, which he, not without some 
 apprehension that a bait might be laid to entrap him, at length 
 gave to this eifect ; that he had ever understood it to secure 
 for the prisoner not only his life and good treatment, but 
 also that he should not be urged to anything contrary to his 
 conscience as touching religion, nor be seduced or menaced 
 from his allegiance, but rather to be ransomed for his month's 
 pay, this being what he had known practised in his time among 
 all civil and noble nations. And the English had enlarged it 
 in one point more toward those Spaniards who had rendered 
 them upon the terms of buena gueira, delivering them without 
 ransom : " but the covetousness of our age," he pursued, " hath 
 brought on many abuses, and excluded the principal officers 
 from partaking the benefit of this privilege, in leaving them 
 to the discretion of the victor, being many times poorer than 
 the common soldiers, their qualities considered, whereby they 
 are commonly put to more than the ordinary ransom ; and not 
 being able of themselves to accomplish it, are forgotten of 
 their princes, and sometimes suffer long imprisonment, which 
 they should not". Don Beltran bade him not trouble him- 
 self concerning the last point ; and gave him his word that if 
 the king left him to his disposal, as of right he belonged, his 
 
 Hereof they proved to profit themselves after ; but for that they wanted 
 the tampkins, which are first to be driven home before the arrow be put 
 in ; and as they understood not the secret, they rejected them as uncer- 
 tain, and therefore not to be used. But of all the shot used now-a-days, 
 for the annoying of an enemy in fight by sea, few are of greater moment 
 for many respects, which I hold not convenient to treat of in public ". 
 (p. 164). 
 
38 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ransom (if any were thought due) should be only a couple of 
 greyhounds for himself, and another couple for his brother the 
 Conde da Lemos.* 
 
 Don Beltran showed Sir Richard a letter from the King of 
 Spain to the viceroy, giving him an accurate account of his 
 intended voyage, the ships, their burthen, and their force, 
 artillery and men. Hereby the Spaniard told him he might 
 discern whether the king had friends in England, and good 
 and speedy advice of all that concerned him there. Sir 
 Richard replied it was no wonder, for he had plenty of gold, 
 which worked stranger effects than this, and his expedition 
 was public and notorious to all the kingdom. ■(- He learnt 
 here that the Viceroy of Mexico had fitted out an armada to 
 seek him and to defend the coast. Here, too, he had the 
 mortification to hear that his poor ship, which had received 
 her Dainty name from the lips of Queen Elizabeth herself, 
 had imposed on her, with all solemnity, the Spanish and 
 Roman Catholic name of La Visitacion, having been captured 
 on the day of that festival, by the Roman style. She was 
 shored up at the time ; and in the midst of the ceremony the 
 props on one side gave way, and she fell over, "entreating 
 many of them that were in her very badly". 
 
 Here Sir Richard ends the account of his unfortunate 
 voyage. What happened to him and to the rest during 
 their imprisonment, with the rarities and particularities of 
 the Peru and Tierra-firma, his voyage to Spain, and what 
 happened to him in prison both in Peru, Tercera, Seville, 
 and Madrid ; these things, " I leave," said he, " for a second 
 part of this discourse, if God give life and convenient place 
 and rest, necessary for so tedious and troublesome a work ; 
 desiring God that is Almighty to give his blessing to this and 
 the rest of my intentions, that it and they may be fruitful to 
 his glory and the good of all : then shall my desires be accom- 
 plished, and I account myself most happy ".| This intention 
 he had delayed too long ; for having some business in the 
 year 1622, while the first part was in the press, to attend the 
 privy council, he died suddenly of an apoplectic stroke, in one 
 of the outer rooms.§ It may seem remarkable that he should 
 have postponed this duty so long, for as a duty he regarded 
 
 * Observations, 162, 163. flbid.^ 168. 
 
 Xlhid., 169. § Prince. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 89 
 
 it,* The cause, probably, was not merely that it was a painful 
 task, and there was a part of it in which, however satisfied in 
 his own conscience, it would have been difficult for him to 
 have justified himself in the eyes of his countrymen. 
 
 The terms on which the Dainty had surrendered were 
 grossly violated. Don Beltran, himself, is said to have sent 
 most of the ship's company to serve in the galleys at Car- 
 thagena ; \ and some few to Spain, where they were not likely 
 to experience better treatment. Sir Richard, and twenty 
 others, he took with him to Lima. That much kindness was 
 shown them by individuals there is more than once declared 
 in Sir Richard's narrative ; but in a despatch from the King of 
 Spain to the viceroy, in reply to the details of the victory, 
 this notable passage occurs : — " Inasmuch as relates to the 
 punishment of the English general, and the others who were 
 taken in the said ship, whom you say the Inquisition had 
 demanded, and that having no order there concerning my 
 will as to what should be done with them, you had procured 
 with the holy office that it should defer bringing out the said 
 general in an auto (da fe), because it was understood that he 
 is a person of quality : that which appears good to us in this 
 matter is, that justice should be done conformably to the 
 quality of the persons ".| 
 
 * This he declared in his dedication to Prince Charles : — " Amongst other 
 neglects prejudicial to this state, I have observed that many the worthy 
 and heroic acts of our nation have been buried and forgotten; the actors 
 themselves being desirous to shun emulation in publishing them ; and 
 those which overlived them, fearful to add or to diminish from the actor's 
 worth, judgment,^and valour, have forborne to write them ; by which suc- 
 ceeding ages have been deprived of the fruits which might have been 
 gathered out of their experience had they been committed to record. To 
 avoid this neglect, and for the good of my country, I have thought it my 
 duty to publish the Observations of my South Sea Voyage ; and for that 
 unto your highness, your heirs and successors, it is most likely to be ad- 
 vantageous (having brought on me nothing but loss and misery), I am 
 bold to use your name, a protection unto it, and to offer it, with all 
 humbleness and duty, to your highness's approbation ; which if it pur- 
 chase, I have attained my desire, which shall ever aim to perform duty." 
 + " A Cartagena los Ingleses luego 
 A las galeras Don Beltran destierra, 
 Esta la chusma fue, que otros embia 
 A Espana por memoria de aquel dia." 
 
 Lope de Vega, Dragontea, f. 382. 
 J This is stated on Spanish authority, and I subjoin here the original : 
 — ** En quanto al castigo del general Ingles, y los demas que se tomaron 
 
40 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Here, then, it appears that the pretension of treating the 
 prisoners as pirates was dropped ; but that the justice of the 
 Inquisition was " to take its course with all who were not of a 
 certain quality " : that is, the Spaniards thought they might 
 bum with impunity such common men as resisted the ordinary 
 and extraordinary means of conversion; but that if they 
 martyred a person of distinction the English Government and 
 the English nation might be roused to vengeance. What was 
 the fate of Sir Richard's companions is not known ; but he 
 himself changed his religion * It ought to be presumed that 
 he was sincere in the change, because the king's letter makes 
 it apparent that he was not in the same danger as his people ; 
 but it would not have been easy to persuade the English of 
 this, even if there had been religious liberty enough at home 
 to have allowed him to enter upon his vindication. This may 
 explain why it was so long before he began to publish his 
 narrative, and why it was found at his death not to have been 
 continued farther. 
 
 en el dicho navio, que dices los pidio la inquisicion, y que por no tener 
 orden alia de lo que es mi voluntad se haga dellos, procurarias con el santo 
 oficio que se fuesse dilatando el sacar al dicho general al auto, por aver 
 entendido que es persona de calidad, lo que en esto ha parecido es, que 
 se haga justicia conforme a la calidad de las personas " {Suarez de 
 Figueroa, p. 222). 
 
 * Lope de Vega affirms this in his Dragontea (Canto iii., ff. 383, 384.). 
 I have not seen it mentioned anywhere else : but it is not a circumstance 
 that he would have invented; and if it had not been true Sir Richard 
 would certainly have contradicted it, for it can hardly be supposed that he 
 had not seen this poem (which was first published in 1598), nor that (even 
 in that unlikely case) he should not have heard that he was represented 
 in it as one who had deplored his heresy, and 
 
 " A quien mo via un pensamiento santo 
 
 El corazon, del misma Dios movido ; 
 
 Y no fue vano el fruto de aquel llanto, 
 Que su esteril terreno humedecido, 
 La simiente evangelica recibe, 
 
 Y en el gremio Catholico se escrive." 
 
 Something concerning it might, perhaps, be found in Lima Fundada, a 
 poem by the many-named doctor Don Pedro de Peralta Barnuevo Rocha 
 y Benavides, printed in that city in 1732. The first part of this poem I 
 have never seen : but I see by the second that the fifth canto contains an 
 account of all the viceroys down to the accession of Philip IV. ; and in 
 what he says of their successors there is much relating to the Buccaneers. 
 The Spaniards have many historical poems relating to their conquests : 
 the poetry in them is of little value, and the fiction of less, but many facts 
 are preserved there which have been nowhere else recorded. 
 
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 41 
 
 The change, though it prevented the Inquisition from renew- 
 ing its claims upon him, did not secure his personal freedom ; 
 for the Spaniards raised a question whether Don Beltran, who 
 derived his commission mediately from the viceroy and not 
 directly from the king, could grant terms by which the king's 
 Government should be bound : and though this was at length 
 conceded, and though Don Beltran earnestly solicited that 
 they should frilly be observed in Sir Richard's case, he was, 
 nevertheless, sent to Spain as a prisoner, and kept in prison 
 some years, with the view of deterring others by this severity 
 from entering the South Sea. At length, the Conde de 
 Miranda, as president of the council, delivered a peremptory 
 sentence that he was to be discharged; "for no enemy," he 
 said, "would ever yield himself, unless terms, deliberately 
 granted by the king's captains, were faithfully kept".* 
 
 * Camden, 489. 
 
SIR RICHARD GREENVILLE 
 
 SIR RICHARD HAWKINS and Sir Richard Greenville 
 were the only naval commanders during Elizabeth's 
 reign who were compelled to strike their flag to the 
 Spaniards ; and in both cases the circumstances were such, 
 that no victory ever tended to raise the reputation of the 
 English for courage more than these defeats. 
 
 Richard, the son of Sir Roger Greenville, was born about 
 the year 1 540, somewhere, it is supposed, in the west of Eng- 
 land, of a family lineally descended from Rollo of Normandy. 
 He was one of those adventurers who in 1566 obtained the 
 queen's permission to serve in Hungary against the Turks ; 
 and it has been said, that he was on board the Christian fleet 
 in the great battle of Lepanto. Serving afterwards in Ireland, 
 Sir Henry Sydney was so well satisfied with his conduct, that 
 upon his recommendation the queen appointed him sheriff 
 of the city of Cork during her pleasure. In 1571 he was 
 elected one of the members for the county of Cornwall, and 
 was knighted when he became high sheriff of that county. 
 In 1584 Raleigh obtained a patent to discover, have, hold, 
 and occupy such remote heathen and barbarous lands, not 
 actually possessed by any Christian prince, as to him, his heirs 
 and assigns, should seem good. Sir Richard Greenville is 
 said to have been of the co-partners with him in the first 
 voyage to Virginia ; and when upon the report made of that 
 country, it was determined to plant a colony there, he com- 
 manded the squadron, consisting of seven sail, in which the 
 adventurers were taken out. 
 
 They sailed in April, 1585, and on the 12th of May anchored 
 in Mosquito Bay, in the island of Puerto Rico, within falcon 
 shot of the shore. Sir Richard landed, and fortified himself 
 in a position where one side was protected by the sea, another 
 by a river, and the remaining parts environed with woods. 
 
 (42) 
 
SIR RICHARD GREENVILLE 43 
 
 There he felled timber, and built a pinnace with it, "the 
 Spaniards not daring to make or offer resistance". After 
 some days a party of twenty horsemen appeared on the oppo- 
 site bank : they showed a flag of truce, and two from either 
 side met on the sands. The Spaniards saluted the invaders 
 courteously, but began, "according to their Spanish-proud 
 humours (says the English relater), to expostulate with our 
 men about their arrival, and fortifying in their country. 
 They were told in reply, that our intention was only to 
 furnish ourselves with water and other necessaries whereof we 
 stood in need, which we craved might be yielded us with fair 
 and friendly means, otherwise our resolution was to relieve 
 ourselves by the sword." The Spaniards, we are told, upon 
 "this discreet answer," made "large promises of all courtesy 
 and favour". On the morrow the pinnace was finished and 
 launched ; and Sir Richard marched some four miles into the 
 country, expecting the coming of the Spaniards, according to 
 their promise, to furnish us with victuals : " but they, keeping 
 their old custom for perjury and breach of promise, came not ; 
 whereupon the general fired the woods thereabouts. The 
 same day he fired his fort also, and re-embarked his men." * 
 
 No suspicion seems to have been entertained that the 
 Spaniards might have alleged a better reason for being late 
 with their supplies, than the adventurers could have given for 
 so hastily acting as enemies. Greenville, however, proceeded 
 as if there had been open war. On the night after he set 
 sail, he took a Spanish frigate, which the Spaniards wisely 
 forsook upon sight of the squadron ; and the next day he 
 captured another, "with good and rich freight, and divers 
 persons of account in her, whom he ransomed for good round 
 sums, and afterwards landed on the island ". One of these 
 prizes was sent to Roxo Bay, on the south-west of the island, 
 where Ralph Lane, the intended commander of the colony, 
 landed and intrenched himself, while a party in sight, and in 
 defiance of the Spaniards, carried off as much salt from one of 
 their salt hills as was required for the use of the fleet. This 
 done, they sailed for Hispaniola, and anchored at Isabella. -I" 
 
 Here a friendly intercourse took place. The governor came 
 to tlie sea-side, and Greenville landed. Due precautions were 
 taken on both parts, and due faith observed ; and while they 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii., 251. -^ Ibid., 252. 
 
44 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 conferred, the English "provided two banquetting houses, 
 covered with green boughs, one for the gentlemen, the other 
 for the servants, and a sumptuous banquet was brought in, 
 served all in plate, with the sound of trumpets and concert 
 of music, wherewith the Spaniards were more than delighted ". 
 In recompense for this banquet, the Spaniards, " caused a great 
 herd of white bulls and kine to be brought together from the 
 mountains, and appointed for every gentleman and captain 
 that could ride a horse ready saddled, and then singled out 
 three of the best of the herd to be hunted by horsemen after 
 their manner". "The pastime grew very pleasant," and in 
 the course of three hours the three beasts were killed : one of 
 them having taken to the sea, was there shot with a musket. 
 " After the sport many rare presents and gifts were bestowed 
 on both parts ; and the next day we played the merchants, in 
 bargaining with them by way of truck and exchange of divers 
 of their commodities, as horses, mares, kine, bulls, goats, swine, 
 sheep, bull-hides, sugar, ginger, pearl, tobacco, and such like 
 commodities of the island." * 
 
 They departed from the Spaniards with great goodwill ; 
 yet they imputed the courtesy with which they had been 
 entertained rather to their own vigilance and strength than 
 to any hearty goodwill. Had they been weaker, doubtless, 
 they said, " they might have looked for no better treatment 
 than Hawkins had received at St. Juan de Ulloa, or Oxen- 
 ham on the isthmus of Darien". Sailing from thence on the 
 7th of June, they reached their destined harbour in Virginia 
 by the end of the month. Greenville, in an eight days' ex- 
 pedition, " first discovered the towns of Pomeioc, Aguascogoc, 
 and Secotan, and the great lake called Paquipe. One of those 
 towns he burnt, and spoiled the corn about it, because an 
 Indian had stolen from him a silver cup ; and having remained 
 about two months to settle the colony, he sailed for England. 
 On the way he captured a Spanish ship of 300 tons, richly 
 laden, boarding her with a boat made from the materials of 
 some chests, and so ill, or hastily put together, that it opened 
 and sunk at the ship's side, as soon as he and his men were 
 out of it." f In the following year he returned with three 
 well-appointed ships, to visit and reinforce the settlers ; but 
 he found the settlement deserted. The colonists, who had 
 
 * Hakluyt, 252. t Ihid., 253. 
 
SIR RICHARD GREENVILLE 45 
 
 declared it to be " the goodliest soil under the cope of heaven, 
 and a country to which, if it had but horses and kine in some 
 reasonable proportion, and were inhabited by Englishmen, no 
 realm in Christendom would be comparable," * had gladly 
 accepted -j- Drake's offer of a passage, and forsaken it, leaving 
 all things confusedly, as if they had been chased from thence 
 by a mighty army. "And no doubt," says a contemporary, 
 " so they were ; for the hand of God came upon them for the 
 cruelties and outrages committed by some of them against 
 the native inhabitants." After seeking them in vain, and 
 not being able to obtain any tidings concerning them. Sir 
 Richard, unwilling to lose the right of possession, landed 
 fifteen men in the isle of Roanoak, supplied them plentifully 
 for two years, and so departed. On his way homewards, he 
 landed on some of the Azores, " and spoiled the towns of all 
 such things as were worth carriage," carrying away also some 
 Spaniards as prisoners. " With these and many other exploits 
 done by him in this voyage, as well outward as homeward, he 
 returned into England." J 
 
 A man of Sir Richard Greenville's daring disposition was 
 not likely to remain inactive in those stirring times : but 
 nothing is related of him till five years afterwards, when he 
 was sent out as vice-admiral, with seven sail of the queen's 
 ships, under the Lord Thomas Howard. The object of this 
 expedition was to intercept the Spanish fleet from the West 
 Indies, which had wintered in the Havannah the preceding 
 year, lest it should fall into the hands of Hawkins and Fro- 
 bisher. It was now open war between Spain and England ; 
 and on this occasion both nations gave proof of vigour and 
 perseverance in their designs. Philip caused this West India 
 fleet to delay sailing till so late in the season, that it en- 
 dangered their shipwreck, "choosing rather to hazard the 
 perishing of ships, men, and goods, than that they should be- 
 come the prize of the English ". There were two motives for 
 this delay : he wanted time for fitting out a far superior naval 
 force, and he hoped that the Lord Thomas would have con- 
 sumed his provisions, and, therefore, return home : but ships 
 and stores were sent from England to the squadron, which was 
 thus enabled to keep the sea ; and the Spaniards were not less 
 disappointed in their expectation of coming upon the English 
 
 * Hakluyt, 255. t See p. 197. J Hakluyt, 265, 
 
46 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 by surprise : for the Earl of Cumberland was then off the 
 coast of Spain ; and he having obtained intelligence of their 
 designs, despatched advice to Lord Thomas.''^ 
 
 When this advice arrived, the English fleet was riding at 
 anchor near the island of Flores : it consisted then of six 
 queen's ships, six victuallers of London, the barque Raleigh, 
 and two or three other pinnaces. Many of the men were on 
 shore, some providing ballast, some filling their casks, and 
 others " refreshing themselves with such things as they could 
 either for money or by force recover ". The news had scarcely 
 been delivered before the enemy's fleet hove in sight. It was 
 the first time, except in the case of the great Armada, that the 
 King of Spain had '' shown himself strong at sea " ; -f- and his 
 force amounted to about fifty sail. | They were " filled with 
 companies of soldiers, in some 200, besides the mariners, in 
 some 500, in others (it is said) 800 ; whereas in ours there 
 were none beside the seamen, except the servants of the 
 commanders, and some few voluntary gentlemen only ". The 
 English ships, too, were '^ all pestered and romaging ; every- 
 thing out of order ; very light for want of ballast ; and what 
 was most to their disadvantage, half the men of every ship 
 sick, and utterly unserviceable ". § Some of them had not 
 time to weigh anchor, but '^were driven to slip their cables 
 and set sail". Greenville was the last that remained, "choos- 
 ing," says Sir Richard Hawkins, |I "rather to sacrifice his life, 
 and to pass all danger whatsoever, than to fail in his obligation, 
 by gathering together those who were ashore ; though with 
 the hazard of his ship and company ".51 
 
 * See p. II. Monson, 163. fMonson, 321. 
 
 J The account in Hakluyt (p. 173) says fifty-three. Monson says fifty- 
 five (p. 163). Linschoten states it at thirty great ships, Biscayan, 
 Portuguese, and Spanish, ten Dutch fly-boats, which had been embargoed 
 at Lisbon for the king's use, and other small yachts and pataxas for the 
 service of the fleet; "om af en aen te loopen, ende alle dinghen te out- 
 decken ". 
 
 § Hakluyt, 170. |i Observations^ 10. 
 
 IT The account in Hakluyt agrees with this. Sir William Monson, on 
 the contrary, says, "that when the Lord Thomas warily, and like a 
 discreet general, weighed anchor, and made signs to the rest of his fleet 
 to do the like, with a purpose to get the wind of them. Sir Richard Green- 
 ville, being a stubborn man, and imagining this fleet to come from the 
 Indies, and not to be the armada of which they were informed, would by 
 no means be persuaded by his master or company to cut his cable, to 
 follow his admiral ; nay, so headlong and rash he was, that he offered 
 
SIR RICHARD GREENVILLE 47 
 
 The Lord Thomas and the other ships " very hardly re- 
 covered the wind," which Sir Richard was not able to do. 
 Seeing this, the master and others advised him to cut his 
 mainsail and cast about, and trust to the sailing of the ship, 
 for the Seville squadron was on his weather-bow. His ship, 
 the Revenge, was noted as one of the " best for sail in Eng- 
 land " ; but he refused to turn from the enemy, declared that 
 he chose rather to die than dishonour himself, his country, 
 and Her Majesty's ship, and threatened that if any man laid 
 hand upon the sail, he would cause him to be hanged. " He 
 would pass through the two squadrons in spite of them," he 
 said, "and enforce that of Seville to give him way." And 
 this " he performed upon divers of the foremost who sprang and 
 fell under the lee of the Revenge ; but the other course," he 
 who relates this adds, " had been the better, and might right 
 well have been answered in so great an impossibility of pre- 
 vailing ". While he in this determination prepared for battle, 
 the great St. PhiLipe, " being in the wind of him, and coming 
 toward him, becalmed his sails in such sort that his vessel 
 could neither make way nor feel the helm, so huge and high 
 carged was the Spanish ship, being of 1500 tons, which after 
 laid the Revenge aboard ". This great galleon "carried three 
 tier of ordnance on a side, and eleven pieces in every tier; 
 and she shot eight forth right out of her chase, besides those 
 of her stern ports ". The ships that were under her lee 
 luffing up, also laid him aboard, two on his larboard, and two 
 on his starboard. 
 
 In the beginning of the action, the George Noble of Lon- 
 don, which had received some shot through her, fell under 
 the lee of the Revenge, and asked Sir Richard "what he 
 would command him, being but one of the victuallers, and 
 of small force .'' " Sir Richard bade him save himself, and 
 leave him to his fortune. It was said, as if in excuse for the 
 other ships, that "the Lord Thomas would have entered 
 
 violence to those that advised him so to do. But the old saying, that a 
 wilful man is the cause of his own woe, could not be more truly verified 
 than in him ; for when the armada approached, and he beheld the great- 
 ness of the ships, he began to see and repent of his folly, and when it was 
 too late, would have freed himself of them, but in vain " (p. 163). 
 
 The better motive may fairly be ascribed to Greenville in this part of 
 his conduct. That he sacrificed himself and his ships afterwards, in a 
 spirit of obstinate and desperate bravery, seems certain. 
 
48 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 between the squadrons, but the rest would not condescend, 
 and his master offered to leap into the sea rather than con- 
 duct Her Majesty's ships to be a prey to the enemy, where 
 there was no hope or possibility either of defence or victory. 
 Master Thomas Vavisor in the Foresight stayed two hours as 
 near the Revenge as the weather would permit, not forsaking 
 the fight, till he was like to be encompassed by the Spaniards, 
 and with great difficulty cleared himself." The others "gave 
 divers volleys of shot, and entered as far as their own necessity 
 to keep the weather-gage allowed, until they were parted by 
 night". From three in the afternoon, "the fight continued 
 very terrible all that evening : the Spaniards made many 
 attempts to carry their enemy by boarding, but were still 
 repulsed again and again, and beaten back into their own 
 ships or into the sea". The great St. Philipe having received 
 the lower tier of the Revenge, discharged with cross-bar shot, 
 shifted herself with all diligence from her side, utterly mis- 
 liking her first entertainment. It is said that one of the 
 great galleons and the admiral of the hulks were sunk ; but 
 as fast as the Spanish ships were disabled or beaten off others 
 supplied their place, the Revenge never having less than two 
 aboard her, and that thus before morning she had been en- 
 gaged with fifteen opponents. By that time the English 
 had suffered severely. An hour before midnight Sir Richard 
 received a musket-shot in the body, and was obliged to leave 
 the upper deck : while his wound was being dressed, his 
 surgeon was mortally wounded, and he himself received a 
 second wound in the head. "As the day increased, so our 
 men decreased, and (in the words of the old relation) as 
 the light grew more and more, so by much more grew our 
 discomforts. All the powder of the Revenge to the last 
 barrel was now spent; all her pikes broken, forty of her 
 best men slain, and the most part of the rest hurt." The 
 Spaniards had reinforcements of soldiers from the other 
 squadrons, "all manner of arms and powder at will. Unto 
 our there remained no comfort at all, no hope, no supply 
 either of ships, men, or weapons ; the masts all beaten over- 
 board, all her tackle cut asunder, her upper work altogether 
 raised ; and, in effect, evened she was with the water, but 
 the very foundation or bottom of a ship, nothing being left 
 overhead, either for flight or defence." 
 
 Sir Richard finding himself in this distress, the Revenge not 
 
SIR RICHARD GREENVILLE 49 
 
 able to move one way or other, but as she rolled with the 
 waves, called upon the company to yield themselves unto 
 God and to the mercy of none else, and commanded the 
 master gunner, whom he knew for a most resolute man, to 
 split and sink the ship, " that thereby nothing might remain 
 of glory or victory to the Spaniards ". The gunner readily 
 consented ; but the captain and the master were of another 
 opinion : the enemy, they said, would be as ready to enter- 
 tain a composition as they were to offer it ; there were many 
 brave men yet living, and whose wounds were not mortal, who 
 might live to do their country and their prince acceptable 
 service ; they besought Sir Richard to have some considera- 
 tion for them : and told him, that as for any triumph which 
 the Spaniards could have in taking one of Her Majesty's ships, 
 she was so much injured that they could not save her from 
 sinking, and there was at this time six feet water in the hold. 
 Sir Richard continued obstinate in his purpose. Leaving the 
 captain, therefore, to use his influence with the men, and 
 prevent him from effecting it, the master went on board the 
 Spanish general, and easily obtained from a noble enemy that 
 all their lives should be saved, and the company sent to Eng- 
 land, the better sort paying such reasonable ransom as their 
 estate would bear ; and in the mean season to be free from 
 the galleys or imprisonment. The gunner, finding himself 
 and Sir Richard thus prevented and mastered by the greater 
 number, was only by force withheld from killing himself; and 
 many of the people fearing Sir Richard's disposition, "shot 
 away" aboard the Spanish ships. 
 
 Don Alonso Bazan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, 
 was the general of this fleet. He granted the more readily 
 the terras which were asked, for the great desire he had to 
 save Sir Richard, "whom, for his notable valour he seemed 
 greatly to admire," and he sent for him into his own ship the 
 St. Paul, the Revenge " being filled with blood, and slain and 
 wounded men, like a slaughter-house". Sir Richard said the 
 general might do with his body what he listed ; and fainting 
 as he was carried out, when he was brought to himself, he 
 desired the company to pray for him. His wounds were 
 immediately dressed by the Spanish surgeons. Don Alonso 
 did not come near him ; but the other captains and men of 
 rank came to visit and comfort him in his misfortune, wonder- 
 ing at his steadfastness and stout heart, for he showed no 
 4 
 
50 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 sign of faintness nor any change of countenance ; and feeling 
 that his death was at hand he spake these memorable words 
 in Spanish, that all who heard them might bear witness to 
 their tenour : — " Here die I, Richard Greenville, with a joyful 
 and a quiet mind, for that I have ended my life as a good 
 soldier ought to do, who has fought for his country, queen, 
 religion, and honour. Wherefore my soul joyfully departeth 
 out of this body, and shall always leave behind it an ever- 
 lasting fame of a true soldier, who hath done his duty as he 
 was bound to do. But the others of my company have done 
 as traitors and dogs, for which they shall be reproached all 
 their lives, and leave a shameful name for ever." * He died 
 on the second or third day after his capture. -f- 
 
 It was a dear-bought victory : the Spaniards lost two ships 
 in the action, and 400 men : of the English, about 100 were 
 slain.l But the Spaniards triumphed in it greatly, because it 
 
 * This latter sentence is omitted in Hakluyt's extract from Linschoten. 
 I find it in the original ; so necessary is it to refer to the original autho- 
 rities whenever they are accessible. It is evident that Greenville thought 
 himself basely abandoned by the lord admiral and the rest of the fleet, 
 and that they thought he had obstinately exposed himself, and would 
 have exposed them to certain destruction. 
 
 Linschoten, who honestly relates what he heard, both from the Spaniards 
 and the English prisoners, says that Sir Richard was of a restless spirit, 
 and greatly affected to war and violence. But he had performed many 
 valiant acts, and was much feared in those islands, and known of every 
 man, but very severe of nature, so that his own people hated him for his 
 fierceness, and spake very hardly of him for his tyranny. " He was of so 
 hard a complexion, that often, when he had other captains for his guests, 
 he would carouse three or four glasses of wine, and then in a bravery take 
 the glasses between his teeth and crush them in pieces, and swallow them, 
 so that the blood sometimes ran out of his mouth, but without any farther : 
 this," says Linschoten, "was told me by divers credible persons, who had 
 many times seen him do it." This brutal exhibition of drunken bravery 
 was not quite obsolete in the last generation. 
 
 t Hakluyt, 170-173, 185. 
 
 I The relation in Hakluyt says, that in the beginning of the fight the 
 Revenge had but 100 free from sickness, and ninety sick, " laid in hold 
 upon the ballast, a small troop to man such a ship, and a weak garrison 
 to resist so mighty an army " (p. 171). But Sir Richard Hawkins gives 
 a very different account, and, as it appears, upon official documents. " I 
 account," he says (p. 10), "that he (Greenville) and his country got 
 much honour on that occasion ; for one ship, and of the second sort of 
 her majesty's, sustained the force of all the fleet of Spain, and gave them 
 to understand that they be impregnable; for having bought dearly the 
 boarding of her, divers and sundry times, and with many jointly, and 
 with a continual fight of fourteen or sixteen hours, at length leaving her 
 
SIR RICHARD GREENVILLE 51 
 
 was the first queen's ship* that they had ever taken, and 
 some of the English fugitives persuaded them that it was the 
 very best in the service. On the day after the action the 
 India fleet, for which the Lord Thomas had waited the whole 
 summer, came in sight, and joined the Armada, so narrowly 
 was this great prize saved from the English cruisers. Their 
 joy for their deliverance was of short continuance. The 
 Spanish general waited at Corvo till the whole were col- 
 lected, to the number of 1 40 sail ; then as they were about 
 to make for Terceira, and so to the Tagus and the coast of 
 Spain, a hurricane arose, and of the whole fleet and convoy 
 not above forty vessels escaped destruction. Among others, 
 the Revenge was driven upon a rock near Terceira, and dashed 
 to pieces, all on board, who were about seventy Spaniards, 
 and a few only of the prisoners, perishing. Some of the 
 superstitious islanders imputed it to Greenville's ghost : the 
 devils loved him, they said, because he was of a devilish 
 religion : therefore, as soon as his body was thrown overboard, 
 he presently sunk to the bottom, and so down to hell, and there 
 raised up the devils to revenge him ; and they brought these 
 storms, more terrible than any that ever were remembered, 
 upon the Spaniards, because they maintain the holy Catholic 
 and Apostolic faith ! f 
 
 without any mast standing, and like a log in the sea ; she made, notwith- 
 standing, a most honourable composition of life and liberty /or above 260 
 men, as by the pay-book appeareth ; which her majesty, of her free grace, 
 commanded, in recompense of their service, to be given to every one his six 
 months' wages." 
 
 * Sir William Monson (p. 202) says, " We may partly judge by that 
 ship the Revenge's precedent misfortunes, that she was designed, from 
 the hour she was built, to receive some fatal blow ; for to her, above all 
 other her majesty's ships, there happened these unfortunate accidents. 
 In 1582, in her return out of Ireland, where she was admiral, she struck 
 upon a sand, and escaped by miracle. In 1586, at Portsmouth, being 
 bound upon a southern expedition, coming out of the harbour, she ran 
 aground, and, against the expectation of all men, was saved ; but was 
 not able to proceed upon her voyage. The third disaster was in 1589, as 
 she was safely moored at Chatham, where all the queen's ships lay, and as 
 safe one would think as the queen's chamber ; and yet, by the extremity 
 of a storm, she was unluckily put ashore, and there overset, a danger 
 never thought on before, or much less happened. And to make this 
 misfortune the more strange and remarkable, the same night (before 
 twelfth-night) it was my chance to be at Cork, in Ireland, and I passed 
 down from thence in a boat to Cross Haven, in the greatest calm I have 
 seen." 
 
 t Linschoten. Hakluyt, 187. 
 
52 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Though Sir Richard Greenville cannot be justified for en- 
 tering into the action in which he lost his life, he supported 
 it so bravely, that he raised the character of the British navy, 
 and thereby well entitled himself to the place which he 
 continues to hold in its annals. His death-scene stamped 
 his character in the minds of his contemporaries and of pos- 
 terity ; so great is the effect of any one virtue, when displayed 
 in an eminent degree, even though it be that virtue which is 
 the commonest, as belonging sometime wholly, and generally 
 in great part, to our animal nature, and which may exist with 
 little to ennoble, and nothing to adorn it. At that time, too, 
 a better moral feeling began to prevail between Spain and 
 England. As soon as it was open war between the two 
 countries, the feeling of hatred gradually softened into that 
 of hostility. On the part of the English it was no longer a 
 private quarrel, in which individuals engaged for the strong 
 desire of plunder, or the stronger appetite for revenge ; and 
 on the part of the Spaniards it was felt that they were not 
 now engaged with pirates, but with national enemies, who 
 were entitled to the usages of fair warfare. On both sides 
 it became a public quarrel and a public cause. And though 
 there was still too much opportunity and scope for the ex- 
 ercise of evil passions, generous feelings also were called into 
 action; and each nation learnt to respect the characteristic 
 virtues of the other. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX, SECOND EARL OF ESSEX 
 
 1567-1601 
 
 WALTER DE EWRUS, Earl of Rosmar, came over with 
 the Conqueror, and obtained the lordships of Salisbury 
 and Amesbury, as his portion of the spoils. Those honours 
 passed away with his eldest son. The family name, some- 
 times written D'Ebrois, sometimes D'Evereux, was continued 
 in the descendants of a younger son, one of whom. Sir Walter 
 Devereux, in the reign of Henry VL, married the sole daughter 
 and heiress of Lord Ferrers de Chartley ; laying, by that mar- 
 riage, the foundation of those honours to which his family 
 afterwards attained. His son, John Lord Ferrers, married 
 the sister and heiress of Henry Bourchier, Earl of Essex, 
 maternally descended from Thomas Plantagenet, Duke of 
 Gloucester. Their successor was rewarded with the title of 
 Viscount Hereford, for his services at the siege of Boulogne ; 
 and his grandson, who succeeded him in that title, and stood 
 high in Elizabeth's favour, was created Earl of Essex, for his 
 conduct in the northern rebellion of 1569: his other titles 
 were Earl of Eu, Lord Ferrers of Chartley, Bourchier, and 
 Lovaine, and knight of the garter. This able and excellent 
 man died in Ireland, desiring, on his death-bed, that his son 
 might be admonished to have alway before his eyes the six- 
 and-thirtieth year of his age, which neither he nor his father 
 had passed. The old military feeling of barbarous ages was 
 so strong in him, that when his case was known to be hopeless, 
 and his prayer was to be dissolved, he was yet loth to die in 
 his bed; and, "at the last yielding up of his breath," his 
 intellect being unimpaired and his speech firm, his words 
 were, " Courage ! courage ! I am a soldier that must fight 
 
 (53) 
 
54 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 under the banner of my Saviour Christ ! " * His death was 
 imputed to poison, and laid to Leicester's charge, who had 
 used him invidiously, and who married his widow under 
 circumstances reproachful to himself; but the imputation 
 was beyond all doubt j- calumnious. 
 
 Robert, his eldest son, was born on the 10th of November, 
 1567, at Nethwood (or Netherwood), in Herefordshire. When 
 he had just completed his sixth year, his father, who had the 
 greatest confidence in Lord Burleigh, offered that eminent 
 statesman the direction, education, and marriage of this his 
 eldest son, as " the most sufficient pledge of his goodwill ; 
 whom," said he, "if you can like to match with your daughter, 
 I will presently assure him 2000 marks by year, in England, 
 besides my houses, domaines, and parks ; I will give to your 
 lordship 100/., or 200 marks by year for his education; I 
 will assure to your daughter 500/. by year in jointure ; and, 
 upon the marriage, depart with a convenient portion for 
 their maintenance during my life. If, at years of discretion, 
 the match shall not go forward, I will give to the gentlewoman 
 to her marriage 2000/. There is equality sufficient in their 
 years, and no great distance in neighbourhood between Theo- 
 balds and Bonington : such an occasion might make me like 
 well of my lands in Essex, where, if God send me life, I 
 might hereafter show all offices of friendship to the good 
 countess your daughter, of whose match, I mistrust not but 
 your lordship shall in the end receive singular :{: comfort." 
 In a letter, which was the earl's last act in worldly affairs, he 
 requested that Hereford, as he called him, might be brought 
 up by Burleigh ; and in Burleigh the orphan found a kind 
 and upright guardian. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth manifested her sense of his father's ser- 
 vices, by remitting a debt incurred in the course of those 
 services, and bestowing upon him " his marriage, and all his 
 father's rules in Wales ". "I protest," said a faithful servant 
 of the family, " I do not think that there is at this day so 
 
 * Ellis's Original Letters, ii., 282. The circumstance is related in a 
 letter to Burleigh, describing the earl's death; and the writer says it 
 "made me rememljer your lordship's tale of your father ". 
 
 f He died of " a mere flux, a disease appropriated to this country," says 
 Sir Henry Sydney, writing from Ireland {Sydney Papers, i., 88). In a 
 subsequent letter (pp. 140-142), is a minute account of the earl's illness, 
 and of his edifying death. 
 
 X Ellis's Original Letters, second series, iii., 32. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 55 
 
 strong a man in England of friends as the little Earl of Essex ; 
 nor any man more lamented than his father, since the death 
 of King Edward. The lords do generally favour and further 
 him, some for the trust reposed, some for love to the father, 
 others for affinity with the child, and some for other causes." * 
 When he was about twelve years of age, Burleigh placed 
 him at Trinity College, Cambridge, under the care of its 
 then master,f Whitgift, afterwards archbishop. Having been 
 
 * Sydney Papers^ i., 147. 
 
 t It is remarkable that neither Strype nor Sir George Paul mention 
 Essex among the distinguished persons who were educated under Whit- 
 gift. •• He had divers earls and noblemen, sons to his pupils (says Sir 
 George) ; namely, the Earls of Worcester and Cumberland, the Lord 
 Zouch, the Lord Dunboy of Ireland, Sir Nicholas and Sir Francis Bacon : 
 in whom he took great comfort, as well for their singular towardliness, 
 as for their observance of him, and performance of many good offices 
 towards him." Essex must have designedly been pretermitted in this 
 enumeration, not because of his unhappy fate, but because of those per- 
 verse principles which had weaned him from his tutor. The encomiastic 
 biographer of his son says, " I have heard grave men and of great judg- 
 ment say, that he was the less inclined to Dr. Whitgift, a reverend divine, 
 and his tutor also, because he was a bishop" [Harl. MSS., vol. vi., p. 
 8, octavo edition). And he observes that the parliamentary general 
 " received by inheritance those opinions which led him to be the instru- 
 ment of pulling down the established church ". Sir George Paul says 
 that the archbishop had still a vigilant eye over Essex, so '• that he could 
 not, though he would, do any great hurt" {Wordsworth's Ecc. Biog., iv., 
 
 367) 
 
 In Mr. Ellis's most valuable selection of Original Letters (second 
 series, iii., 73), is printed an inventory of " the parcells which my Lord of 
 Essex bought at his entrance on his chamber at Cambridge " ; curious, 
 says the editor, as affording a complete notion of the college rooms of 
 a young nobleman at that time. The sum total amount, jl. os. lod. 
 There is also his tutor's bill of expenses for a quarter, amounting to 
 45/. 105. 2d.; among the items are, 6s. 8d. for his lordship's washing; 
 2/. to the barber for his trimming ; 2s. 4(f . for the carriage of his trunk 
 with his apparel from London ; and lod. for two dozen of trenchers. The 
 books included in this account are Ramus's Logic, 2od ; Ramus on Tully^s 
 Orations, 45. ; Sturmius de Elocutione, 45. ; Grimalius de Optimo Sena- 
 tore, 25. 4^. ; and Isocrates in Greek, 45. 
 
 In the same collection is a letter from his tutor, Mr. R. Wright, to 
 Mr. R. Broughton, who must have held some situation under Burleigh, 
 requesting that the young earl's outfit might not be delayed. " I need 
 not," he says, " write unto you of my lord his extreme necessity of ap- 
 parel, when you yourself was an eye-witness. But this I say, as you know 
 it, so other men marvail that his great want is not supplied, sith the time 
 of the year (June), beside the consideration of his estate, doth require 
 great change. Therefore, as you tender his health, I pray you solicit the 
 matter to my lord treasurer ; for unless you do not only remember my 
 
56 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 " strictly educated " there, it is said, and having applied him- 
 self to learning with more diligence than was usual in persons 
 of his rank, he took the degree of master of arts in 1582. 
 But though he profited well by the pains bestowed upon his 
 education, he had shown a disposition for lavish expenditure 
 which drew upon him a monitory reproof from his careful 
 guardian, and for which he requested pardon on the score of 
 his youth, "if he had, through want of experience, in some 
 things passed the bounds of frugality ; and he prayed his 
 guardian, notwithstanding this elapse of his youth, still to 
 continue his loving friend ". Leaving Cambridge, he went to 
 his own house * in Wales, meaning there, it is said, to lead a 
 retired and contented life, in obedience to his father's dying 
 advice, that he should " refrain from the court, and not trust 
 his ear with the flatteries, nor his eye with the splendour of 
 it ".-j- '' Here," says Sir Henry Wotton, " after the academical 
 life, he had taken such a taste of the rural, as I have heard 
 him say (and not upon any flashes or fumes of melancholy, or 
 traverses of discontent, but in a serene and quiet mood), that 
 he could well have bent his mind to a retired course." From 
 "this kind of resolved privateness he was," not without diffi- 
 culty, drawn by his father-in-law, Leicester. The court, how- 
 ever, was a scene to which his inclination, as well as his rank, 
 invited him; and he entered upon it, says Fuller, | "with 
 four great advantages, — of pity, kindred, favour, and merit. 
 Pity, on the account of his father lately dead (to say no 
 more), and generally lamented ; kindred, by his mother's side, 
 
 lord, but see his commandment put in execution, he shall not only be 
 threadbare, but ragged. I write earnestly, not so much to stir up you, 
 whom I know to be very forward in my lord his causes, but because his 
 lordship's necessity cryeth out onus." 
 
 Inclosed was a list of what was wanting. "A fair gown for my lord 
 his holidays ; two doublets ; three pair of hose ; two pair of nether socks ; 
 a velvet cap, and a hat ; a silver plate ; a basin and ewer ; pots or goblets; 
 spoons; plates; a salt and candlesticks; besides the pots which they 
 looked for to be given to the college, according to the manner." For 
 the young lord's attendant, or confidential servant Montgomery, a gown 
 was wanted, two pair of hose, two doublets, two pair of nether socks, and 
 a cap. "There is consideration to be had of him," it is added, "sith he 
 is to be maintained as a gentleman, and the place doth require the same " 
 (Ibid., 75, 76). 
 
 * At Lampsie, in South Wales, Campbell says ; but Codrington says 
 Anglesea. 
 
 t Codrington, Harl. MSS., vi., 7. J Worthies, i., 451. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 67 
 
 Lettice Knowles, near allied to the queen ; favour, being 
 son-in-law to Leicester, and so was a favourite's favourite 
 at the first day, though he quickly stood on his own legs 
 without holding ; merit, being of a beautiful personage, 
 courteous nature, noble descent, fair (though much impaired) 
 fortune". 
 
 He had, however, to overcome his own dislike of Leicester, 
 and the unfavourable light in which the queen regarded him 
 for his mother's sake. Both prepossessions were ill founded, 
 and both gave way, — his own to the real desire which Leicester 
 felt for his welfare and advancement, the queen's to those 
 endowments of art and nature which rendered the young 
 earl as amiable as he was accomplished. With these endow- 
 ments, and his high parentage, no influence was needed for 
 his advancement : " that the son of a Lord Ferrers of Chart- 
 ley, Viscount Hereford, and Earl of Essex, who was of the 
 ancient nobility, and formerly in the queen's good graces, 
 could not have won in her favour without the assistance of 
 Leicester, was (says Sir Robert Naunton) beyond the rule of 
 her nature. Sure it is, that he no sooner appeared in court, 
 but he took with the queen and the courtiers." In 1585 
 he accompanied his father-in-law to Holland, where he was 
 appointed general of the horse ; and, for his gallant conduct 
 in that fatal action, in which Sir Philip Sydney received his 
 mortal wound, Leicester conferred upon him the honour of 
 a knight banneret in his camp. On his return he was made 
 master of the horse in place of Leicester, who was advanced 
 to the office of high steward ; and when the camp at Tilbury 
 was formed, the queen appointed him general of the horse, 
 showing rather her favour than her wisdom in nominating an 
 inexperienced young man to what, if an invasion had been 
 effected, must have become so arduous a charge. The favour 
 thus openly shown him, in view of the soldiers and people. 
 Sir Henry Wotton observes, was " the very poison of all that 
 followed, seeing that from thenceforth he fed too fast ". So 
 much, indeed, was he now regarded as a rising personage in 
 the State, that the University of Oxford incorporated him 
 master of arts this year, with the view of better capacitating 
 him to be their chancellor, when that office should become 
 vacant, as it shortly afterwards did by Leicester's death. But 
 it was not the queen's pleasure that this high honour should 
 
58 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 be conferred upon him, and therefore Hatton was elected in 
 his stead. ^ 
 
 After the failure of the Armada an expedition to Portugal 
 was undertaken, in aid of Antonio, the pretender to the 
 crown of that kingdom. Essex put himself into this journey 
 against the opinion of the world, and, as it seemed, at the 
 hazard of his fortune. But the desire of glory was not the 
 only impulse that urged him at this time. The queen's 
 bounty, lavish as it was, had not sufficed for his prodigal 
 expenditure. In a letter written to his friend, the vice- 
 chamberlain, he says : " Sir, — What my expenses have been 
 I need not repeat, for no man knoweth them better than 
 yourself. What my state now is I will tell you : my revenue 
 is no greater than it was when I sued my livery ; my debts at 
 the least two or three and 20,000/. Her Majesty's goodness 
 hath been so great as I could not ask more of her. No way 
 left to repair myself but mine own adventure, which I had 
 much rather undertake than to offend Her Majesty with suits 
 as I have done heretofore. If I speed well, I will adventure 
 to be rich ; if not, I will never live to see the end of my 
 poverty." f In this temper, without the knowledge of the 
 queen, because he had reason to apprehend that her consent 
 would not have been given ; and without concert, as it appears, 
 with Norris and Drake, the commanders by land and sea, or 
 knowledge of their plans, he embarked at Falmouth with his 
 only brother Sir Walter, Sir Philip Butler, Sir Roger Williams, 
 and Sir Edward Wingfield, and put to sea with an unfavourable 
 wind, because he would " avoid the importunity of messengers 
 that were daily sent for his return, and some other causes more 
 secret to himself "4 The expedition sailed on the same day 
 from Falmouth for Coruna ; but Essex not knowing whither 
 they were bound, . . . and not inferring, as he might and 
 ought to have done, from Antonio's embarking in the fleet, 
 that it must be designed for Portugal, . . . made for Cadiz, 
 and lay up and down about the South Cape, where he took 
 some ships laden with corn, and carried them with him in 
 
 * Wood's Fast. Ox. (Bliss's edition), 244. The persons incorporated 
 at the same time with Essex, were called the Essexian creation : among 
 them are the distinguished names of Sirs John and Henry Norris, Sir 
 Robert Sydney, brother of Sir Philip, and Fulke Greville, afterwards Lord 
 Brooke {Ibid., 248). 
 
 t Ellis, iii., 82. X Hakluyt, ii., 140. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 59 
 
 quest of the fleet. He fell in with it on the western coast of 
 Galicia, and distinguished himself soon after this junction, 
 when the troops landed at Peniche. On the march from 
 thence to Lisbon, he won the hearts of the soldiers by his 
 humanity ; for means of conveyance being scarce, he ordered 
 his own baggage to be thrown off and left by the way, that 
 the sick and wounded might be laid in the carriages ; and 
 these means being insufficient, he and Sir John Norris hired 
 people "to carry men upon mules".* In the affairs which 
 took place before Lisbon and in the suburbs, Essex was con- 
 spicuous ; and when the futility of Antonio's hopes had been 
 proved, and it became necessary for the troops to withdraw, 
 Essex and Sir Roger Williams " remained with the stand that 
 was made in the high street," till the whole army was drawn 
 out of the field. From Cascaes the general sent a trumpet, 
 offering battle to the enemy ; and the earl took that oppor- 
 tunity of sending a particular cartel in his own name, chal- 
 lenging any one of his own quality ; or proposing that, if this 
 were declined, '^six, eight, ten, or as many as they would 
 appoint, should meet an equal number of theirs in the head 
 of our battle, to try their fortunes ; and engaging that they 
 should have assurance of their return and honourable en- 
 treaty". No answer was vouchsafed; and, before the troops 
 re-embarked and sailed for Cascaes, letters from the queen 
 arrived, in consequence whereof he returned to England.f 
 
 The queen had been much J displeased by his joining the 
 expedition without her leave ; that fault, however, was soon 
 
 * Hakluyt, 138. ^ Ibid., 148, 149. 
 
 X Sir Henry Wotton says, " all his hopes of advancement had like to 
 be strangled almost in the very cradle," by his throwing himself into this 
 voyage without the queen's consent ; " whereby he left his friends and 
 dependants near six months in desperate suspense what would become of 
 him, — and, I speak truth, not without good reason. For first, they might 
 well consider that he was himself not well plumed in favour for such a 
 flight ; besides that he wanted a Lord of Leicester at home (for he was 
 dead the year before), to smooth his absence, and to quench the practices 
 at court. But, above all it lay open to every man's discourse, that though 
 the bare offence to his sovereign and mistress was too great an adventure ; 
 yet much more when she might (as in this case) have fairly discharged her 
 displeasure upon her love. Notwithstanding, a noble report coming home 
 before him, at his return all was clear, and this excursion was esteemed 
 but a sally of youth. Nay, he grew every day more and more in her 
 gracious conceit : whether such intermissions as these do sometimes 
 foment affection ; or that having committed a fault, he became more ob- 
 sequious and pliant to redeem it" (Reliq. Wot., 165). 
 
60 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 forgiven ; neither did she long resent his marriage with the 
 widow of Sir Philip Sydney, Walsingham's daughter, though 
 her consent would have been refused, because she looked upon 
 the connection as disparaging the house of Essex.* But, with 
 many generous qualities, Essex had some dangerous ones ; he 
 was rash, irascible, and arrogant. " When," says his contem- 
 porary, Camden, " he had now got not only an appearance and 
 show, but a real interest in the queen's favour, he presently 
 made it his business (as the wiser sort of the courtiers com- 
 plained) to go beyond both his equals and superiors ; to 
 disparage and dispraise all that were not at his devotion, and 
 frown upon those who had any power or grace with the 
 queen. He began, also, out of the greatness of his spirit, 
 rather than real pride, to use some contumacious carriage 
 towards the queen, especially after she had more than once, 
 out of her bounty and goodness, restored him to her lost 
 favour, and thereby opened a way for conferring new kind- 
 nesses upon him." But Elizabeth was not a sovereign over 
 whom a favourite could domineer ; she could forgive faults, 
 but she was never blind to them. It happened one day 
 that Sir Charles Blount, then newly come to court, ran so 
 successfully at tilt in her presence, that she sent him a 
 chess-queen in gold, richly enamelled, in token of her favour. 
 He wore it next day fastened to his arm with a crimson 
 riband, and passed through the privy chamber with his cloak 
 cast under his arm, that it might be the better perceived. 
 Essex observed it ; and learning what it was, and wherefore 
 it was so worn, in reply to his inquiries, contemptuously said, 
 "Now I see every fool must have a favour!" This "bitter 
 and public affront" came to Sir Charles's ear, and brought 
 on a challenge. They met near Marybone Park, and Essex 
 was hurt in the thigh, and disarmed. The queen, "missing of 
 the men, was very anxious to learn the truth ; but at last it 
 was whispered out, and she then sware by God's death, that 
 it was fit some one or other should take him down and teach 
 him better manners, otherwise there would be no rule with 
 him ".-|- The parties were reconciled by her command ; but 
 the reconciliation in this, as in most cases, appears to have 
 been more sincere on the part of the offended person than of 
 the aggressor. 
 
 * Camden, 624. t Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia, 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 6l 
 
 Still, however, the queen regarded Essex with kindness 
 and with hope ; and on every occasion he received proofs 
 both of her confidence and her good will. He was not less 
 fortunate in retaining his popularity, than in holding his place 
 in the queen's favour. From his first appearance in public 
 life, "he took, as it were, a charter of the people's hearts, 
 which was never cancelled". "As if," says Clarendon,* 
 " they had looked only on the boldness, not the success of his 
 enterprises, he was sure to return with triumph, though the 
 voyage miscarried. For amongst all his foreign undertakings, 
 if they be weighed in the people's usual scale, the cost, though 
 there was not above one or two prosperous returns, and as 
 many that had sad and calamitous issues, yet he never suffered 
 the least public imputation or murmur, but was received with 
 that joy as if the fleet or army were sent out to bring him 
 home, not any spoil or conquest." So far was the queen 
 from taking umbrage at this popularity, that upon occasions 
 when most honour was to be obtained, Essex was always 
 appointed to the command. Such an opportunity seemed 
 to be presented when Henri IV., upon the murder of his 
 predecessor, became the legitimate King of France. 
 
 The alliance between France and England, strongly united 
 as they were by a sense of their common interest, when they 
 regarded the power and the designs of Spain, was not cordial 
 on either side. The French bore in mind how often they had 
 been defeated in battle, the English how often they had been 
 outwitted in negotiation. The French cherished a rankling 
 remembrance of the evils which the English had brought 
 upon them when they were enemies ; and the English could 
 not forget the usage they had recently received from that 
 part of the nation with whom, on the score of their common 
 religion, they had been acting as friends ; for the Huguenots 
 having obtained assistance from them in men and money, and 
 put them in possession of Havre de Grace, to be retained till 
 Calais should, in conformity to treaty, be restored, had no 
 sooner made terms with the king, than they joined their 
 forces with his, and besieged them in that town ; upon which 
 occasion the Catholics boasted that the English were expelled 
 from France by aid of the very Protestants who had invited 
 
 * Disparity between Buckingham and Essex, written in his younger 
 days. 
 
62 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 them thither, and whom they came to help. The loss of lives 
 during the siege had been great ; more perished by the plague 
 than by the sword ; and that fatal disease being brought into 
 England by the remainder of the garrison, carried off more 
 than 21,000 persons in London, and spread over the whole 
 kingdom. This, which was early in Elizabeth's reign, was 
 bitterly remembered by the nation ; but the queen, who be- 
 lieved that Henri sincerely held the Protestant faith which 
 he still professed, thought that for the interests of that faith, 
 and the security of her own dominions, it was expedient at 
 this time to assist him.^ 
 
 Accordingly, when Cardinal de Bourbon had been pro- 
 claimed king, the Guisards and the Spaniards consenting in 
 the choice, because each regarded him as a puppet who might 
 fill the station till their own schemes were mature, the Due 
 de Mayenne, taking the new title of lieutenant-general of 
 the crown, boasted that he would either take the Beamois, as 
 he scornfully called him, or drive him out of France. His 
 strength appeared to warrant this confidence ; for while great 
 efforts were made by the allies and abettors of the League to 
 supply him with troops, the royal army was diminishing in 
 numbers. There was a strong party in Paris, who, when the 
 contest lay between the Catholics and a Catholic king, pre- 
 ferred in their hearts the king, and held secret intelligence 
 with him ; but upon his murder, some of these thought the 
 papal was politically the safer side, and there were still more 
 who conscientiously believed that it had become the lawful 
 and right one. Henri IH., at the time when he was assassin- 
 ated, might have entered his capital either upon an accord or 
 by force ; -|- neither way was it possible for Henri IV. He 
 found it expedient to retire, and divide his army into three 
 corps : the one he sent into Picardy ; another into Champagne ; 
 and with the third, consisting of 1200 horse, 3000 French 
 infantry, and two regiments of Swiss, he marched into Nor- 
 mandy, with the double object of there receiving succour 
 from England and of drawing Mayenne after him by a feigned 
 intention of besieging Rouen, whereby he hoped to prevent 
 him from attacking those places near Paris which maintained 
 the royal cause. But Mayenne came against him with not 
 less than 25,000 men ; and Henri, calling in the two other 
 
 * Camden, 6o, 65, 67. f Cayet, Coll. des Mem., Ivi., 135. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 63 
 
 divisions, and giving up his feint against Rouen, encamped 
 near Dieppe, and there fortified himself in a strong position.* 
 There Elizabeth supplied him with 22,000/. of English money 
 in gold, lest his mercenary Swiss and Germans should revolt 
 for want of pay — (a larger sum, he is said to have declared, 
 than he had ever seen together before), f There too she sent 
 him provisions and arms, and 4000 men under Peregrine Lord 
 Willoughby. Before they arrived, and before his own troops 
 from Picardy and Champagne rejoined him, he defeated an 
 attack which Mayenne made upon his camp at Arques ; the 
 duke retired into Picardy with some loss of reputation, and 
 Henri with his succours marched against Paris. There he 
 attacked and carried all the fauxbourgs on the left side of 
 the Seine ; those of St. Marcel and St. Victor were the parts 
 where the English were employed : they forced the trenches, 
 and some thought the city might that day have been entered 
 if the king had thought proper to follow his success ; but he 
 either doubted his own strength, or perhaps thought that in 
 an assault upon his own capital the success was almost as 
 much to be dreaded as the failure. Retreating from thence, 
 he left the English to keep the Leaguers in check, while he 
 compelled Estampes to surrender (an unfortunate town which 
 had already been thrice taken in the course of four months !). 
 These troops served him afterwards well in reducing Mans, 
 Alen9on, Falaise, Luxon, and Honfleur ; where after a winter 
 expedition and a march of 500 miles, they were dismissed with 
 commendations for their services, and as many as survived re- 
 turned to England. J 
 
 It was against the queen's judgment that Henri sent back 
 these troops, and he himself soon found that he had presumed 
 too soon upon his own resources and success. Among the 
 
 * Cayet, Coll. des Mem., Ivi., 141-143, 154. 
 
 t Camden, 436. 
 
 :J Camden, 436. In this expedition Sir William Drury, "a noble and 
 accomplished gentleman, was slain in a duel by Sir John Boroughs, he, 
 being a knight of the garter, having contended with Boroughs, a baron's 
 younger son, for the more honourable place and precedency, contrary to 
 the method settled in the ranking of the English nobility ". A more re- 
 markable person was in this army, and died in it of sickness, that true 
 Englishman, John Stubbs, whose right hand was cut off for writing against 
 the queen's projected marriage with the Duke of Anjou, — an act which has 
 left an ineffaceable stain upon that queen and her ministers. Camden 
 says he " was very much missed when he was gone ". 
 
64. ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 various schemes of profligate ambition to which the spirit of 
 the times gave rise, was that of partitioning France ; some of 
 those chiefs who could advance no pretension to the crown, 
 either on the score of birth or of right, thinking themselves 
 strong enough to secure a portion in the division of the king- 
 dom. The Due de Mercceur, whom Henri III. had appointed 
 Governor of Bretagne, relying upon his friendship, upon his 
 gratitude for many favours, and upon the attachment of a 
 near family tie (the queen being his sister), had chosen the 
 side of the League, taking upon himself the title of Protector 
 of the Roman Catholic Religion in that province ; and he 
 made war upon those towns which persisted in their allegiance. 
 After the king's murder, he set up a claim to the duchy in 
 right of his wife, and applied for aid to Spain, which was 
 readily promised, but with no friendly intention towards the 
 due ; for the King of Spain also claimed the duchy as belong- 
 ing to the infanta, his daughter, in right of her late mother. 
 Madam Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Henri II. The Salic 
 law precluded her succession to the crown of France ; but 
 Bretagne was a feminine fee ; and though it had been united 
 to that kingdom in the reign of Francis I., Philip was as far 
 as the duke from submitting to the opinion of the French 
 lawyers, that whatever has been once annexed to that crown 
 is inseparable from it for evermore."^ 
 
 Accordingly 3000 Spaniards, under Don Juan de Aguilar, 
 were embarked for Bretagne, upon an understanding, ex- 
 pressed or implied, that the duke and they were to co-operate 
 in driving the king's forces out of that duchy, and settle their 
 own claims afterwards. They sailed in August ; but were 
 encountered by some English ships off the coast of Biscay, 
 and found it necessary to put back. When the coast was 
 clear, they set forth again with better fortune, and arrived 
 at Nantes, where they had been long and anxiously expected. 
 With this aid the due again took the field, secured his own 
 towns, and captured Blavet, owing to the misconduct of the 
 governor, who had neglected to strengthen the fortifications. 
 The Spaniards immediately made it a strong place. f Upon 
 this the Prince de Dombes, who commanded for the king in 
 Bretagne, finding himself in more imminent danger than Henri 
 
 * Cheverny, Coll. des Mem., Ivi., 13. 
 
 t Et par cette chef desmembrent quasi toute cette province reunie la 
 couronne sous Charles VIII. [De Sevres, iii., 504). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 65 
 
 in his circumstances was likely to avert, solicited assistance 
 from England. It was not immediately granted, because the 
 application came from a subject, without the authority or ap- 
 parent knowledge of the sovereign. Nevertheless the business 
 appeared to the queen of great moment : that the Spaniards 
 should possess themselves of so rich a country, from whence 
 they could with facility annoy England, Holland, and Zealand, 
 was what England ought not supinely to permit, being more 
 concerned in preventing it now, than in that contest for the 
 duchy wherein Edward III. had expended so much blood and 
 treasure in support of John de Montfort's claim. Some there 
 were who advised her to husband her resources, and not to 
 trust the French, who, out of an inbred and inveterate hatred, 
 were still as hostile to the English when acting as their 
 friends, as they had ever been heretofore when at war with 
 them ; and who had so often deceived them in borrowing 
 money, that, adding contempt to injury, it was become pro- 
 verbial among them to call those creditors whom they never 
 meant to pay les Afiglois.* Neither were they more faithful 
 to their own king or their own country. They had recently 
 murdered a popish king, and made rejoicings for his murder, 
 and justified it ; they were now in arms against a Protestant 
 one, whom they persecuted with papal fulminations ; and in 
 their hatred to their own sovereign they had invited the 
 Spaniards into their towns and strong places. The queen 
 considered such remarks injurious to a noble and powerful 
 nation ; yet they were probably more repugnant to her well- 
 weighed policy, than to her sense of truth ; and when certain 
 statesmen, French as well as English, suggested to her that 
 while the Leaguers and the Spaniards were sharing France 
 between them as a prey, she might seize upon the maritime 
 countries of Picardy and Normandy, and when they supported 
 the suggestion by reminding her how Charles the Bold was 
 wont to say, it would be well for the neighbouring nations 
 when France should be subject, not to one sceptre, but to 
 twenty petty kings, she manifested her impatience and dislike 
 of such counsels, and said, ''whenever the last day of the 
 kuigdom of France cometh, it will be the eve of the des- 
 truction of England ! " "1- 
 
 Meantime Henri had obtained a great victory over the 
 
 *Caye', Iv., 368. Camden, 443. flbid., 444. 
 
 5 
 
66 ENGL|ISH SEAMEN 
 
 Leaguers at Yvry, had again besieged his rebellious capital, 
 and reduced it to the greatest distress for food. It was re- 
 lieved by the Prince of Parma, who, entering France for that 
 purpose, accomplished it with complete success, and baffling 
 with consummate skill all Henri's endeavours to bring him 
 to an action, returned into the Low Countries.* The queen 
 had soon reason to apprehend that he was preparing for a 
 second entrance, with the intent of uniting his forces to the 
 Spaniards in Bretagne ; she therefore expostulated with the 
 French king in friendly terms for the silence which of late 
 he had observed towards her, warned him of the impending 
 danger, and offered him succours both by sea and land, if he 
 would assign for them a port and place of retreat, and bring 
 into the field a competent force to act with her. He named 
 in reply Cherbourg, Granville, or Brest, but recommended 
 Blavet -f as the most commodious ; — perhaps with a latent 
 hope that England might be induced to attempt the recon- 
 quest of that stronghold. It was agreed that 3000 English 
 should be sent to Picardy and Bretagne, Henri repaying 
 within a year the amount of their pay, transport, and pro- 
 visioning. Accordingly Sir Roger Williams sailed with 600 
 men for Dieppe, and Sir John Norris with the rest of the 
 force for Bretagne. Sir Roger's orders confined him to the 
 vicinity of Dieppe ; but having with the French troops in that 
 town routed the Leaguers who infested that part of the country, 
 he disregarded his instructions, and not only accompanied the 
 
 * " With greater commendations," says Camden (442), " for his military 
 skill in casting up trenches by his soldiers' hands, after the Roman manner 
 and in wisely forbearing to fight, than for his good discipline in restraining 
 his soldiers' licentiousness, who sacrilegiously violated the very churches." 
 If De Serres might be believed, this excellent general made his retreat, 
 " couru, harel^, batu, harasse, disme de jour a autre : pour legon aux es- 
 trangers, que le France ne se peut prendre n'y ruiner que par elle mesme ". 
 (iii., 501). He described with more truth the gentry of his own country, 
 when speaking of them as men whom "une simple apparence de combat 
 emporte tousjours plus gayement au champ de bataille, qu'a quelque 
 heureuse journee de nopces" (498). And elsewhere he renders justice 
 to the prince : " Ce due faisoit plus d'estat de sauver un des siens, que de 
 tuer une dixaine d'ennemis. Ainsi prenant resolution de ne rien hazarder, 
 il change les espees et lances de ces gents en baches et pioches : et se 
 retranchant dedans le marest, evita le hazard, conserva son arm^e ; et ny 
 pour escarmouches, ny pour allarmes aucunes n'abandonna son re- 
 tranchement " (499). 
 
 t Camden says, " whether he jested or no I know not ". 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 67 
 
 king to the suburbs of Paris, but obeyed his summons after- 
 wards, and joined him at the siege of Noyon.* At the same 
 time Henri solicited a further succour of 4000 English, with 
 whom he proposed to reduce Rouen and Newhaven (as Havre 
 was then called), before the Prince of Parma should re-enter 
 France. He asked the queen to allow them two months' 
 pay, promising withal most religiously that he would be ready 
 to join them upon their landing, and saying that meantime he 
 would tarry in Picardy to prevent any suspicion of his designs 
 upon Rouen. The force was immediately raised, and the com- 
 mand given to Essex. Sir Thomas Leighton and Sir Henry 
 Killegrew, who were men of great experience, were to supply 
 the want of any on his part, by assisting him with their advice, -j- 
 Essex, when he landed at Dieppe, learnt that Henri was 
 far oft* at Noyon, saw no preparations in Normandy, and found 
 no one who could inform him how he was to employ his men. 
 At first this disrespect, as well as evident negligence, excited 
 his anger ; but this was appeased when Sir Roger Williams 
 came posting to him, with an urgent request that he would 
 repair with all speed to Noyon, and there consult with the 
 king concerning the management of the war. The journey in 
 those times was both difficult and dangerous. Essex performed 
 it with a retinue of sixty gentlemen, and made his entrance into 
 Compeigne (whither the Comte de Chaune was sent to meet 
 him) in a style of magnificence that astonished the French. 
 Six pages on fine horses, and in liveries of orange velvet em- 
 broidered with gold, led the way. He was in velvet of the 
 same colour, covered with jewelry. The saddle and all the 
 trappings of his horse were of the same material, and so 
 costlily adorned, that his own dress and the equipments of his 
 horse were estimated at more than 60,000 crowns. Twelve 
 footmen and six trumpeters preceded him. This sort of os- 
 tentation would have been more suitably exhibited at a court 
 festival, than in a country which was the seat of war. Essex 
 was a man easily flattered, easily excited, and therefore easily 
 persuaded and led ; yet nothing could be more contrary to 
 his temper and to his instructions, than to while away time 
 in inactivity, which was what Henri proposed, urging that he 
 
 * " Where, being prodigal," says Camden, " of other men's blood, he 
 hazarded many English in the assault, without acquainting the queen 
 with it, who therefore was offended with him " (p. 449). 
 
 t Camden, 447, 449. 
 
68 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 must needs go into Champagne, there to form a junction with 
 his German auxiliaries,* and promising to send Marshal Biron 
 and the Due de Montpensier without delay to besiege Rouen. 
 The earl was persuaded ; returned with much difficulty to his 
 men, who lay encamped at Arques ; and being as prodigal of 
 honours as he was of everything else, he knighted many per- 
 sons who had little pretensions to be so distinguished : this 
 he did as a means of winning the affections of the army ; but 
 it was to the offence of those upon whom that honour had 
 been conferred before they left England ; and he was justly 
 censured by judicious men for having debased a title which 
 had "till then been of high esteem among the English, and 
 which the queen had bestowed very sparingly, and only upon 
 men of good note and merit ".-|- 
 
 While Essex lay fretting in his camp, Montpensier, instead 
 of joining him according to the king's promise, went to a 
 wedding in Champagne ; and Biron turned aside to the castle 
 of Pierrefons, which he besieged in vain. Meantime the Sieur 
 de Villars, a man qualified by strength of character for evil 
 times, had been made Lieutenant-Governor of Normandy and 
 Governor of Rouen by the Due de Mayenne. The League had 
 purchased his services at a great price, and they were worth 
 purchasing. He had previously been Governor of Havre, and 
 had there also enriched himself by the success of his cruisers ; 
 and Mayenne had now only appointed him to a command, of 
 which he was on the point of taking possession, that he might 
 make his own terms with one party or the other. Upon the 
 first rumour of Henri's intention to besiege the city, he stored 
 it with provisions ; introduced troops ; garrisoned all the strong 
 places with men on whom he could rely ; demolished the 
 suburbs ; repaired and strengthened the fortifications ; made 
 the people swear after a solemn procession, a high mass, and 
 an inflammatory sermon, that they would rather die than ac- 
 knowledge Henri for their king ; enacted the punishment of 
 death against any who should communicate with him, and 
 erected gallowses in the market-places ^nd principal crossings 
 of the town.;^ Biron at length, abandoning his vain attempt 
 upon Pierrefons, joined Essex, who, eager to be in action, took 
 
 * Cayet, t. Ivii., 143. " He counted upon these auxiliaries," De Serres 
 says (503), "as a force with which he should give the League check- 
 mate." 
 
 f Camden, 449. X Cayet, 227, 230, 265. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 69 
 
 the first opportunity of appearing before Rouen with a party 
 of cavalry ; he fired a culverin upon the town, as if to invite 
 a skirmish, the French sallied in some force, and in this 
 bravado Essex lost his only brother.* 
 
 The queen reproved him by her letters, both for going 
 to confer with Henri, without acquainting her, and for his 
 rashness in provoking this misadventure. As little was she 
 satisfied with Henri, who now desired of her that Essex might 
 march into Champagne, — as if he had no longer any intention 
 of besieging Rouen, and had only held out the promise of such 
 an undertaking for the purpose of drawing over an English 
 force. Elizabeth resented this, and complained that he had 
 deluded her ; that her troops had been at first neglected, 
 then hurried hither and thither, and everywhere exposed to 
 dangerous attempts ; that his promises of pay had been as ill 
 kept as of besieging Rouen, — not without some taint of levity 
 and inconstancy on his side ; and she said that unless he kept 
 his engagements better, she would recall her troops from Nor- 
 mandy -f Yet neither Essex nor Henri found any difficulty in 
 appeasing her: the one, because she regarded him with so 
 much favour that she was almost desirous to excuse him ; the 
 other, because she knew how injurious it would be to England 
 and to the Protestant cause, if the Spaniards should establish 
 themselves in Bretagne. At length, in the beginning of 
 November, Henri began the siege, but with a force which 
 was inadequate after the enemy had had sufficient time for 
 preparation. On Christmas Eve he attacked the fort of St. 
 Catharine on four sides, and on three of them exposed the 
 English to the slaughter; upon which occasion the queen 
 expressed her opinion, that the English ought not always to 
 be placed where they must bear the brunt of the danger.^ 
 
 * Cayet, 229. Sir Henry Wotton says of Essex, in his parallel between 
 him and Buckingham, " I must not smother what I have received by con- 
 stant information, that his own father died with a very cold conceit of 
 him, some say through his affection for his second son, Walter Devereux, 
 who was indeed a diamond of the mine, and both of an hardy and delicate 
 temper and mixture. But it seems this earl, like certain vegetables, did 
 bud and open slowly ; nature sometimes delighting to play an after-game 
 as well as fortune" (Reliquia Wottoniana, 173). 
 
 t Camden, 450. 
 
 Ij: Camden says he leaves these things to the French historians, "who 
 hitherto have either been ignorant of them, or have purposely taken no 
 notice of them" (p. 451). 
 
70 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 At his repeated request, however, for further aid, she sent 
 him 2000 men more ; but he still found himself too weak 
 to carry the city by assault, and when Essex offered to 
 attempt it with the English force, was too wise to permit of 
 an attempt which, whether it had succeeded or failed, would 
 have brought upon him a great reproach. 
 
 Essex had addressed a letter to the Chevalier Picard, who 
 was in the garrison, saying, that having known him in Eng- 
 land, he regarded him, under other circumstances, as his friend ; 
 but that in this war he should be well pleased to find him at 
 the head of his regiment, pike in hand. Villars took upon 
 himself to answer this letter. The Chevalier Picard, he said, 
 would always be found ready to satisfy his desire in this re- 
 spect, either man to man, or with such numbers as might be 
 agreed upon ; and he offered to make arrangements for such 
 a meeting. To this Essex replied, ^^I have the command of 
 an army in which there are many persons of the Chevalier 
 Picard's rank ; and I am the lieutenant of an absolute sover- 
 eign. But if you will undertake the combat yourself, either 
 on horseback or on foot, in armour or in a doublet, I will 
 maintain against you that the king's quarrel is more just than 
 that of the League ; that I am better than you ; and that my 
 mistress is fairer than yours. If you refuse to meet me singly, 
 I will bring with me twenty, the meanest of whom shall be 
 equal to a colonel ; or threescore, the lowest of whom shall 
 be a captain." The Sieur de Villars answered this challenge 
 in these terms : " As for that article of your letter in which 
 you defy me to a combat, you know well enough that at 
 present it is not in my power to accept it, and that the 
 charge, wherein I employed, takes from me the liberty of 
 disposing of myself. But I accept it right willingly when 
 the M. due de Mayenne shall be here, and will combat you 
 on horseback with the arms customary for gentlemen. Not 
 wishing, however, to fail in replying to the conclusion of your 
 said letter, in which you choose to maintain that you are better 
 than me, I say to you that therein you lie, and will lie as often 
 as you maintain it ; and you lie also in saying that the quarrel 
 in which I am engaged for the defence of my religion is not 
 better than that of those who are endeavouring to destroy it. 
 As for the comparison of your mistress to mine, I believe you 
 are not more veracious in that article than in the other two : 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 71 
 
 this, however, is not an affair which concerns me much for the 
 present." * 
 
 Shortly after this correspondence Essex was recalled : he 
 was advertised at the same time that his enemies, taking 
 advantage of his absence, were intriguing to injure him in 
 the queen's favour ; and he was not sorry to withdraw from a 
 scene in which he had no longer any hope of distinguishing 
 himself by some brilliant exploit. He left his men, much 
 wasted, under Sir Roger Williams's command ; and by this 
 timely departure he was saved from the mortification of re- 
 treating before the Prince of Parma, who, a few days after- 
 wards, compelled Henri to raise the siege. Again Henri 
 applied to Elizabeth for succour in his danger, and she sent 
 him 4000 men, on condition that he should not make peace 
 with the Leaguers unless they submitted and assisted him to 
 expel the Spaniards, nor with the Spaniards unless with her 
 consent ; that he should assign to her troops, while they were 
 employed in Bretagne, a fortified town and harbour for a 
 place of retreat ; and that he should send an equal number 
 of French foot and 1000 horse to join them, and within a 
 year reimburse her for the pay of her troops and the cost of 
 transporting them.-f* So far were these conditions from being 
 observed, that, instead of being joined by a French force in 
 Bretagne to act against the Spaniards, the English were 
 withdrawn from Rouen, posted hither and thither, and em- 
 ployed in petty services ; so much to Elizabeth's displeasure, 
 that she would have recalled them, had there not been certain 
 information that the Prince of Parma was preparing to reinforce 
 the Spaniards in Bretagne, and occupy the ports there. His 
 death averted that danger. But though Spain lost in him the 
 greatest man in her service, a prince accomplished with all 
 virtues befitting a commander, and who had deservedly gained 
 both love and honour even among his enemies, the Spanish 
 counsels were still wisely directed and vigorously pursued. J 
 
 * Cayet, 233. " Ces lettres coururent de main et main en ce temps Ik ; 
 sur les quelles plusieurs firent divers jugements, selon I'affection des partis 
 qu'ils tenoient. On remarquoit en I'une le natural ancien des vieux cheva- 
 liers Anglois, qui couroient le monde pour maintenir la beauts de leur 
 maistresses. Et en I'autre, un dementy donnd promptement, pour lequel 
 maintenir on s'excusoit sur I'absence de M. de Mayenne. Aussi toutes 
 ces choses ne furent que des paroUes " {Ibid., 235). 
 
 t Camden, 463. + Ibid., 464. 
 
72 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Elizabeth was more distressed by the insincerity of the 
 French king than by the enmity of PhiUp, deep and well 
 founded as that was, and formidable as were the preparations 
 of the Spaniard, and the means which he did not scruple to 
 employ. When Henri forsook the Reformed profession of faith, 
 and publicly declared himself a Romanist, he excused himself 
 to the Queen of England's agent by saying that when he was 
 admitted King of France, it was only upon his swearing that 
 he would, within a certain time, be instructed in the Roman 
 Catholic religion ; that a powerful party, comprising the princes 
 of the blood, the great officers of the realm, and the prelates, 
 and the governors of the provinces and chief cities, were ready 
 to abandon him as a heretic, and cantonise the kingdom among 
 themselves ; that by his conversion he had gained to himself 
 this party, and prevented the election of the Due de Guise as 
 king, acquired the love of the nation, made the great Duke 
 of Florence his fast friend in matters of the greatest concern- 
 ment, and, moreover, saved the Reformed religion from the 
 disgrace with which it must have been branded had his con- 
 version been wrought either by instruction or disputation, 
 instead of proceeding from his own free will.* 
 
 How little these reasons of policy satisfied Elizabeth, who 
 was thoroughly sincere in her religion, appears by a letter to 
 the King of France, written with her own hand, immediately 
 after the tidings of his transition to the Romish Church had 
 been officially communicated to her: — "Oh, what grief! oh, 
 what regret ! oh, what groanings have I felt in my heart at 
 the report of the news which Morlan has related to me ! My 
 God, is it possible that any worldly consideration can efface 
 the fear of the Divine displeasure ! Can we ever by reason 
 expect any good sequel from so iniquitous an act ? Could you 
 imagine that He who has upholden and preserved you by His 
 hand would leave you alone in your greatest need ? Ah, it is 
 dangerous to do evil for the sake of doing good ! Still I will 
 hope that a holier inspiration will come upon you. Meantime 
 I will not cease to place you in the first rank of my devotions, 
 and to pray that the hands of Esau may not mar for you the 
 blessing of Jacob. Whereas you promise me so much friend- 
 ship and fidelity, I know that I have dearly deserved it ; and 
 I shall not repent of the cost, provided you do not change 
 
 * Camden, 474, 475. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 73 
 
 your father. Otherwise I can only be your half-sister, at 
 least on the father's side ; for I love always more dearly the 
 natural than the adopted one, as God best knows, who, I 
 beseech Him, bring you into the right way, and a better 
 path. — Your sister, if it be after the old manner: with the 
 new I can have no part." * 
 
 No change was produced by this event in the relations 
 between France and England, momentous as it was in other 
 respects. An alliance, the most thankless in which England 
 ever had been engaged, was renewed. The Catholic part of 
 the French nation, and they were the great majority, regarded 
 the English with a religious hatred, which the spiritual agents 
 of the League fomented by means of all those artifices that 
 the Romish Church, during many centuries, has success- 
 fully employed. They circulated a prophecy that the English 
 Jezebel, the name by which Elizabeth was usually designated 
 in their libels, was to suffer death as a criminal, upon the 
 block ; and they drew from their demoniacs a declaration 
 that a host of evil spirits, more than 15,000 in number, who 
 had been ejected from America by the Romish missionaries, 
 had arrived in France to assist the Huguenots there, while 
 another division of the same Inferno- American army crossed 
 the channel to halloo the English dogs against the Catholics. 
 The bitter enmity which was inflamed by such artifices was 
 fostered as a national feeling by the chiefs of that party. 
 When the Due de Guise was about to assault Rouen, in the 
 last orders which he gave his soldiers, he recommended to 
 them these three things — to respect the honour of the women ; 
 to spare the lives of those good Catholics who had been forcibly 
 detained in the town ; and to show no mercy to the English, 
 the old enemies of France.f If the designs of that family 
 against England had succeeded, the days of Queen Mary 
 would not have been the most horrible in English history. 
 That this feeling was not reciprocated by the English 
 
 * There is a translation by Camden, 475. Mr. Turner has printed the 
 original from a MS. 
 
 " This her great grief," says Camden, '* she sought to allay by reading 
 the sacred scriptures, and the writings of the holy fathers ; likewise by 
 frequent conferences with the archbishop ; and whether out of the philo- 
 sophers' books also, I know not. Sure I am, that at this time she had 
 Boethius his books De Consolatione daily in her hands, and translated 
 them very handsomely into the English tongue." 
 
 t Brantome, t. viii., 10 1. 
 
74 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 people, must be explained by the strong hold which religious 
 opinions had then taken of the public mind. The war, in 
 which merchants embarked capital as in any other concern, 
 and adventurers engaged with no better principles or dis- 
 positions than the Vitalians or the Buccaneers, was regarded 
 by the nation as a contest in which their religious liberties 
 were at stake ; the question at issue being not the succession 
 of the crown alone, nor the national independence, but also 
 whether they were to have the Bible or the Inquisition. All 
 minor considerations were merged in this ; and that of national 
 enmity against the French was as a thing out of mind. To 
 vulgar understandings indeed the great body of the nation 
 was not confounded with the Leaguers, a faction acting in 
 subservience to the policy of Spain ; and exaggerating the 
 numbers, and mistaking in many respects the character of the 
 Huguenots, they looked upon them as the French people, 
 who stood to them in the relation of allies and fellow-Pro- 
 testants. It was only the Government, and the unhappy 
 soldiers appointed to serve with them, who knew that this 
 approximation of belief produced no confidence, no friendship, 
 no good- will ; scarcely even a semblance of respect, or an in- 
 termission of injurious treatment. The English auxiliaries 
 were left to bear the weight of the war in Bretagne ; and 
 when winter came and a place of retreat was required, to the 
 reasonable condition that they should not quarter themselves 
 in the houses of the clergy, the unreasonable one was added 
 which excluded them also from the houses of the gentry, 
 and restricted them from fortifying themselves. They were 
 thus '^dispersed in villages, and exposed to the enemy and 
 the bad weather, enduring a miserable winter". Yet the 
 States of Bretagne entreated Elizabeth not to recall them ; 
 and indignant as she was at the treatment which her troops 
 were enduring, urgent State reasons induced her to comply.^ 
 Those reasons had been stated a year before Henri's pro- 
 fession of the Romish faith, by Burleigh, in the House of 
 Lords ; whose patience he entreated " in suffering an old 
 man, beside his years, decayed in his spirits with sickness, to 
 declare some part of his knowledge of the dangers and perils 
 imminent. In former wars between the kings of France and 
 Spain, none of them intended anything more than to be re- 
 
 * Camden, 476. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 75 
 
 venged of supposed injuries, by burning or winning of some 
 frontier towns ; and after such revenges, mutually had to the 
 satisfaction of their appetites, wherein neither party had any 
 special advantages, they fell to truces, and in the end with 
 knots sometimes of intermarriages. And by these kinds of 
 war none of them did increase in greatness to be dangerous 
 to their enemies. But now the case is altered. The King of 
 Spain maketh these his mighty wars, by the means only of his 
 Indies, not purposely to burn a town in France or England, 
 but to conquer all France, all England, and Ireland. He 
 hath invaded Bretagne, taken the port, built his fortresses, 
 carried in his army, waged a navy there, and a great number 
 of the subjects as rebels to France. And there he keepeth a 
 navy armed, to impede all trade of merchandise from England 
 to Gascony and Guienne. Besides this his possessing a great 
 part of Bretagne towards Spain, he hath at his commandment 
 all its best ports towards England : so as he is now become as 
 a frontier enemy to all the west of England. And by his 
 commandment and his waged troops in Newhaven, he hath 
 enlarged his frontiers now against all the south parts in 
 Sussex, Hampshire, and the Isle of Wight. Yea, by means 
 of his interest in St. Maloes, a port full of shipping for the 
 war, he is a dangerous neighbour to the queen's isles of Jersey 
 and Guernsey, ancient possessions of this crown, and never 
 conquered in the greatest war with France. Of this matter 
 of Bretagne, the danger might appear so great, if he had 
 attempted nothing in Normandy and France, as ought to 
 induce England to spare no cost to withstand it. But he 
 destines all his forces to conquer the kingdom of France, 
 the principal kingdom of Christendom. He intendeth to be 
 the king of that realm, or to make his daughter the queen, 
 and to appoint her a husband to be as his vassal. 
 
 " These are the dangers in France, and must of consequence 
 draw England into like peril, without God's special goodness, 
 and the speedy support to be given to Her Majesty for pre- 
 vention thereof. None ought to think, because he was dis- 
 appointed of his intention for the conquest of England, by 
 his huge navy, therefore he will put that disgrace up and 
 leave off with that loss. It is certain he hath the two last 
 years builded a great number of ships of war, as near as he 
 can to the mould and quantity of the English navy, — finding, 
 by experience, his monstrous great ships not meet for our 
 
76 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 narrow seas. He hath lately armed a number of galleys on 
 the coast of Bretagne, which he intendeth to send this summer 
 to Newhaven ; he hath also, these two years day, bought and 
 built great ships in Eastland. He hath, both from thence, 
 and by corruption of our faint and covetous neighbours in 
 Holland, recovered, with silver hooks, both mariners, ships, 
 cordage, and all provisions. These being now on the point 
 of readiness, a good argument may be made that this navy is 
 for England ; for now that he hath all the maritime coast of 
 Bretagne, and that he hath in Normandy Newhaven, there 
 is no service by sea to enter into any part of France with it. 
 " How he and the Pope ply themselves to win a party in 
 England, to be ready to second his invasion, I am sorry and 
 loath to relate ; and how far they have prevailed herein to 
 gain so great a multitude of vulgar people, yea, of some that 
 are of wealth and consequence, to adhere to these invaders 
 at their entry, and with vain hopes to attain to the places, 
 honours, and livelihoods of such as are now known true 
 natural Englishmen, and good subjects." * 
 
 He added, that the court of Spain had entered into an 
 agreement with certain Scottish noblemen, to send 25,000 
 men in the ensuing summer to the west of Scotland : 20,000 
 of these were to invade England, with the aid of 10,000 
 Scotch, whom these nobles were to raise, and to be supplied 
 with money for their wages by Spain ; and the other 5000 
 were to be kept in Scotland to assist them to overrule the 
 King of Scots, and to change the religion. This accord had 
 been perfected by the Earls Arroll, Huntley, and Angus, 
 promising their own assistance, besides assurance, in general 
 words, of divers more not yet discovered. These earls had, 
 for an earnest penny, received good sums of money from the 
 Low Countries ; and the messenger had been taken on ship- 
 board with their bonds, those of every earl apart in French 
 and Latin, and some signed and sealed by them all. 
 
 The Lord Admiral Howard, in letters which were indorsed, 
 " Haste, haste, post haste — haste, haste, with all speed," wrote 
 at this time to Burleigh that there was one fleet of Spaniards 
 at St. Maloes, and another, consisting of very great ships, at 
 sea, bearing eastward. He could not imagine, if they passed 
 Newhaven, whither they should go, unless it were for some 
 
 * Strype's Annals, Appendix, No. 66, vol. iv., pp. 149, 156. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 77 
 
 enterprise against England, or in Scotland. Nevertheless, he 
 thought letters should be written to Flushing, that they might 
 have warning there, to prevent the worst ; and he also gave 
 directions, meantime, that the beacons might be well kept on 
 our own sea-side. He was very soriy that Her Majesty was 
 then so far from him. " My lord," he added, " I see the King 
 of Spain is determined to block up England, and so to weary 
 us with time ; since, by experience, he sees he can prevail no 
 other way. We have heretofore looked for a summer war 
 from Spain, but now we shall taste of it in winter." * In 
 another despatch he says, that ''such of the queen's ships as 
 were at sea were ever kept as passengers to waft over men, 
 or something else, and not as men-of-war : he would see her 
 hand, however, before any should go on waftage again. But 
 three ships, and a pinnace or two, could not guard the narrow 
 seas, the western seas, the northern seas, the coast of France, 
 and the coast of England and all. I pray God it may here- 
 after be as well defended as it hath been hitherunto ! . . . 
 My lord, as you write, it is fitter Her Majesty were at some 
 standing house near, than wandering so far off to see but that 
 she hath already seen in her progress, and not much worth the 
 labour. God bless Her Majesty, and send her well home, and 
 that these grave and weighty causes may be weightily con- 
 sidered ; for every year will grow more dangerous than other. 
 The enemy hath the start of us too much already ; let us meet 
 with it in some time. The plot is great and dangerous that 
 is laid ; and, although it hath been once checked " (in the 
 year '88), "the malice is not gone, nor the game ended: we 
 must look for more play, and God send us no worse luck. 
 And so I command you to the protection of the Almighty, 
 to keep you in health ; for, by the Lord, we cannot spare you 
 in this world." f 
 
 The Scilly Isles were at this time strengthened with a fort 
 built on St. Mary's, " which, in respect of the plot thereof, 
 being fashioned like a star, the queen named Stella Maria ". J 
 This was well garrisoned. Guernsey and Jersey also were 
 fortified, and other places, with great charge and diligence. 
 The lieutenants in the several counties were required to 
 
 * Strype, No. 77. 
 
 t " From Byflete the first of April (1592), at eleven of the clock at 
 night" {Ibid., No. 74). 
 X Camden, 477. 
 
78 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 make a review of all the bands, both of horse and foot, that 
 had been enrolled and trained ; seeing that there had been 
 an intermission for two or three years, in which time it was 
 likely that they were greatly decayed by death, or departing 
 away of captains, officers, and private soldiers ; and that there 
 would be a diminution, also, of the horses, armoury, and 
 weapons decayed. The number of merchants* and subjects' 
 ships that were fit to accompany the navy was to be taken, 
 and none permitted to go upon any long voyage. The 
 armoury in the Tower and in other places was to be looked 
 to, and better order than in former times to be taken, in 
 bargaining for culvers and muskets, and such like, for which 
 greater prices than were reasonable had been allowed, upon 
 pretence that the makers did forbear their money. Certain 
 engines, which had been made by Engelbert and his brother, 
 were to be looked after, where they remained, and in whose 
 charge, and how they might be used. All the bishops were 
 to send in reports concerning the recusants ; that the number 
 of such ill-contented persons might be known, and that they 
 might be disfurnished of any force of armour."^ 
 
 By his change of profession, Henri attached to himself 
 those Catholics in whom religion had not been made the 
 instrument or the pretext of faction ; but when the Spaniards 
 were dismissed from Paris, and were disappointed in the hope 
 of marrying an infanta to the Due de Guise, they strengthened 
 themselves in Bretagne. The dowager queen endeavoured in 
 vain to reconcile her brother, the Due de Mercoeur, to what 
 had now undeniably become the national cause. Persisting 
 in his short-sighted views of ambition, he still hoped to secure 
 Bretagne for himself by the aid of Spain ; and England could 
 not allow the Spaniards to establish themselves upon that coast, 
 engaged as they were in plots for the destruction of Elizabeth, 
 and in preparations for invasion. Marshal d' Aumont, with the 
 assistance of an English force under Sir John Nori'is, besieged 
 and took Morlaix. It had been agreed with the French am- 
 bassador in England, that if this town were taken it should 
 be delivered to the English as a place of retreat ; but Henri's 
 new religion was, on this occasion, made the plea for a breach 
 of faith, and the marshal inserted an article in the capitula- 
 tion that none but Roman Catholics should be admitted there. 
 
 * Strype, No. 103. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 79 
 
 This injury also was brooked by the English Government, and 
 borne by the troops, who knew that, while it was for the 
 Government to consult its own interest and honour, it was 
 their part to do their duty in the field. Quimpercorentin was 
 next taken by the allied forces, who then proceeded against 
 Crodon, the fortress by which the Spaniards commanded Brest 
 Harbour. It was encompassed on two sides with water, and 
 defended by two high and large forts, which were connected 
 by a wall having a thick earthwork within ; the forts them- 
 selves were protected on each side by rocks, upon which 
 cannon were planted. Sir Martin Frobisher, with a squadron 
 of ten sail, was riding at anchor off the place, ready to co- 
 operate with the besiegers ; battering-pieces were landed, 
 mounds thrown up, and a breach opened. The Spaniards 
 sallied to interrupt the works, and were beaten back ; but 
 Sir Anthony Wingfield, a famous old soldier, who was ser- 
 jeant-major of the English, was slain by a cannon-shot: he 
 had made his will the preceding day, as if with a presentiment 
 of this event. 
 
 The queen charged Norris to be careful of his men, and 
 not allow their lives to be squandered in a war wherein others 
 were principally concerned. Soldiers who were seeking glory, 
 she said, ought rather to be restrained than excited ; and the 
 more care he took of her people, the less would he be cen- 
 sured for rashness and a merciless disregard of life, and the 
 better she should be pleased with him. But the admonition 
 came too late. A small breach had been made, and the 
 counterscarp brought down; the English, not content with 
 establishing themselves there, pushed eagerly on, and were 
 repulsed with the loss of some of their best officers. At 
 length the eastern bulwark, against which the French were 
 posted, was mined and blown up ; a general assault was given ; 
 and, after four hours' severe contest, the English entered on 
 their side, and opened an entrance for the rest. The Spanish 
 commander, Don Thomas de Paredes, had fallen in the attack ; 
 the garrison were put to the sword, 400 in number ; and Don 
 Juan de Aguilar, who was marching to relieve them, learned 
 on the way that the fort had been levelled to the ground. 
 But the English lost many brave men in the assault, and, 
 among others, Frobisher received a mortal wound. He lived 
 to bring the fleet back to Plymouth, and there died. "A 
 valorous and stout man he was," says Camden, "and to be 
 
80 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 reckoned among the most famous of that age, for counsel and 
 conduct, and glory gotten by naval exploits." * Soon after- 
 wards Norris was recalled, upon intelligence that Spanish 
 officers had arrived in Ireland, there to raise a rebellion. 
 The ships which went for him were refused entrance into the 
 port of Morlaix, though it was by English aid that Morlaix 
 had been taken ; and, in bad weather, they were compelled 
 to make for an unsafe roadstead. 
 
 This treatment Elizabeth remembered and complained of, 
 when Henri, alarmed at the progress of the Spaniards in 
 Picardy, again solicited aid. Yet she ordered a levy of men, 
 and signified that if need were, they should be sent to Calais, 
 Boulogne, Dieppe, and other maritime towns. But when 
 the French ambassador complained that she looked with 
 complacency at his master's reverses, and that he might, in 
 consequence, be compelled to make peace with Spain, she 
 answered him promptly upon the spot ; and then, in a letter 
 to the king, represented that it would be no wisdom in 
 her to expose her subjects at manifest disadvantage in his 
 country, when they were threatened with invasion in their 
 own. France itself could testify how many Englishmen had 
 manfully and faithfully shed their blood in assisting him, and 
 many more were ready to serve as bravely in the same cause ; 
 but at this time the popular feeling was, that whatever blood 
 and treasure had been expended in the aid of France had 
 been wasted ; and mourners lamented that their sons and 
 brethren, who had fallen there, had not been reserved for the 
 dangers which now menaced them at home. 
 
 Essex had not raised himself in the estimation of wise men 
 by his campaign in France, j- but he was not lowered in the 
 queen's favour. He had been warned that his adversaries took 
 advantage of his absence to disparage him in her eyes ; and, 
 indeed, he was better qualified to retain her favour by his 
 presence at the court, than by his conduct in command. His 
 invention in one of those shows which contributed in no slight 
 degree to the refinement of the age was much commended at 
 
 * Camden, 486, 487. 
 
 t In an Anti-Spanish pamphlet (1624), entitled " Robert Earl of Essex's 
 Ghost," the author has either the effrontery or the ignorance to say, that 
 " the end of this service was to free the maritime parts of Normandy from 
 the hands of the League, and power of the Spaniards " {Harl. MSS. 
 (8vo edit.), iii., 567). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 81 
 
 the time, and doubtless as much envied by his rivals. It was 
 on the anniversary of Elizabeth's accession ; and a contem- 
 porary * thus describes it : " Some pretty while before he came 
 in himself to the tilt, he sent his page with some speech to 
 the queen, who returned with Her Majesty's glove. And 
 when he came himself, he was met by an old hermit, a 
 secretary of state, a brave soldier, and an esquire. The first 
 presented him with a book of meditations ; the second, with 
 politic discourses ; the third, with orations of brave-fought 
 battles ; the fourth was his own follower. And then came 
 into the tilt-yard, unthought upon, the ordinary post-boy of 
 London, a ragged villain, all bemired, upon a poor lean jade, 
 galloping and blowing for life, and delivered the secretary a 
 packet of letters, which he presently offered my Lord of 
 Essex." The dumb show ended there ; but, at the after- 
 supper, the four pei-sonages of the drama appeared before the 
 queen, and the squire offered the complaint and petition of 
 his master, Erophilus, to Her Majesty, — his complaint that, 
 coming thither to celebrate her most happy day, he was 
 tormented with the importunity of a melancholy dreaming 
 hermit, a mutinous brainsick soldier, and a busy tedious secre- 
 tary, — his petition, that he might be as free as the rest, and 
 at least, while he was then troubled with nothing but with 
 care how to please and honour her. Each then delivered in 
 his turn a speech composed by Bacon. The hermit exhorted 
 this knight to leave turning over the book of fortune, which 
 is but a play for children, and offer his service to the Muses. 
 They give alms continually at their gate, but few they have 
 ever admitted into their palaces. There should he find friends 
 not dangerous to know, sides and parties not factious to hold, 
 'precepts and commandments not penal to disobey. The 
 gardens of Love, wherein he now placeth himself, are fresh 
 to-day and fading to-morrow, as the sun comforts them, or is 
 turned from them : but the gardens of the Muses keep the 
 privilege of the golden age ; they never flourish and are in 
 league with time. The monuments of art survive the monu- 
 ments of power. He is now upon a hill, as a ship is mounted 
 upon the ridge of a wave : but the hill of the Muses is above 
 tempests, always clear and calm, a hill of the goodliest dis- 
 covery that man can have, being a prospect upon all the errors 
 
 t Rowland Whyte, Sydney Papers, i., 362. 
 
82 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 and wanderings of the present and former times. Yea, in 
 some cliff it leadeth the eye beyond the horizon of time, and 
 giveth no obscure divinations of times to come. So that if he 
 will indeed lead vitajn vitalem, a life that unites safety and 
 dignity, pleasure and merit ; if he will win admiration without 
 envy ; if he will be in the feast, and not in the throng ; in the 
 light, and not in the heat, let him embrace the life of study 
 and contemplation. The hermit concluded with a compliment 
 to the queen, urging this reason, if no other might avail, that . 
 the gift of the Muses would enworthy him in love ; and where 
 he now looked on his mistresses outside with the eyes of sense, 
 which are dazzled and amazed, he shall then behold her high 
 perfections and heavenly mind with the eyes of judgment, 
 which grow stronger by more nearly and more directly view- 
 ing such an object. 
 
 The soldier in reply affirmed that it was better to be a 
 falcon, or bird of prey, than a singing-bird in a cage ; that 
 the Muses were to sing the actions of martial men, not to be 
 served by them ; that the truest and perfectest practice of all 
 virtues is in the military profession : that all which in any 
 other profession can be wished for, is but to live happily; 
 but, in the field of war, death itself doth crown the head with 
 glory. If, then, the knight was resolved on the pursuit of 
 love, let him aspire to it by the noblest means ; for ladies 
 quickly discern a champion fit to wear their favours from a 
 person not worthy to carry their pantofle. The statesman 
 then delivered his advice. "Contemplation," said he, "is a 
 dream ; love a trance ; and the humour of war is a raving. 
 But what, squire, is thy master's end ? If to make the prince 
 happy he serves, let the instructions to employ men, the 
 relations of ambassadors, the treaties between princes, and * 
 actions of the present time, be the books he reads ; let the 
 orations of wise princes, or experimented counsellors in council 
 or parliament, and the fine sentences of grave and learned 
 judges in weighty and doubtful causes, be the lecturers he 
 frequents. Let the holding of affection with confederates 
 without charge, the frustrating of the attempt of enemies 
 without battles, the entitling of the crown to new posses- 
 sions without show of wrong, the filling of the prince's coffers 
 without violence, the keeping of men in appetite without 
 impatience, be the inventions he seeks out. Let him not 
 trouble himself too laboriously to sound into any matter 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 83 
 
 deeply, or to execute anything exactly ; but let him make 
 himself cunning rather in the humours and drifts of persons, 
 than in the nature of business and affairs. Of that it sufficeth 
 to know only as much as may make him able to make use of 
 other men's wits, and to make again a smooth and pleasing 
 report ; let him entertain the proposition of others, and ever 
 rather have an eye to the circumstances than to the matter 
 itself; for then shall he ever seem to add somewhat of his 
 own : and besides, when a man doth not forget so much as a 
 circumstance, men do think his wit doth superabound for the 
 substance. In his councils let him not be confident, for that 
 will rather make him obnoxious to the success : but let him 
 follow the wisdom of oracles, which uttered that which might 
 ever be applied to the event. And ever rather let hira take 
 the side which is likeliest to be followed, than that which is 
 soundest and best, that everything may seem to be carried by 
 his direction. And if he will needs pursue his affection, what 
 can so much advance in his own way ? When his mistress 
 shall perceive that his endeavours are become a true support 
 of her, a discharge of her care, a watchman of her person, a 
 scholar of her wisdom, an instrument of her operation, and 
 a conduit of her virtue ; this with his diligence, accesses, 
 humility, and patience, may move her to give him further 
 degrees and approaches to her favour." 
 
 The squire then answering these orators of Philautia, as he 
 called them, in behalf of his Master Erophilus, rejected their 
 serious advice with scorn, and asked " whether his master might 
 not enjoy his own felicity, and have all that they proposed 
 to boot .'' — because, said he, all these are in the hands of his 
 mistress more fully to bestow, than they can be attained by 
 your addresses, knowledge, fame, fortune. For the Muses, 
 they are tributary to Her Majesty for the great liberties they 
 have enjoyed in her kingdom during her most flourishing 
 reign ; in thankfulness whereof, they have adorned and ac- 
 complished Her Majesty with the gifts of all the sisters. 
 What library can present such a story of great actions, as 
 Her Majesty carrieth in her royal breast by the often return 
 of this happy day ? What worthy author, or favourite of the 
 Muses, is not familiar with her ? Or what language, wherein 
 the Muses have used to speak, is unknown to her? There- 
 fore the hearing of her, the observing of her, the receiving 
 instructions from her, may be to Erophilus, a lecture exceeding 
 
84 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 all dead monuments of the Muses. For fame, can all the 
 exploits of the war win him such a title, as to have the name 
 of favoured and selected servant of such a queen ? For 
 fortune, can any senseless politique promise to himself such 
 a fortune by making his own way, as the excellency of her 
 nature cannot deny to a careful, obsequious, and dutiful 
 servant ? And if he could, were it equal honour to obtain 
 it by a stroke of cunning, as by the gift of such a hand ? 
 Therefore, Erophilus's resolution is fixed. He renounceth 
 Philautia and all her enchantments. For her recreation, he 
 will confer with the Muses ; for her defence and honour, he 
 will sacrifice his life in the wars, hoping to be embalmed in 
 the sweet odours of her remembrance. To her service will he 
 consecrate all his watchful endeavours, and will ever bear in 
 his heart the picture of her beauty, in his actions of her will, 
 and in his fortune of her grace and favour." * 
 
 This device was much admired ; and though the queen said, 
 that " if she had thought there would have been so much said 
 of her, she would not have been present," the concluding 
 compliment, which was thought by a judicious auditor to be 
 conveyed in excellent but too plain English, -j- was not too 
 glaring for her. Such flattery did not diminish her favour for 
 Essex ; though that she should be accessible to it, may have 
 lessened his respect for her. 
 
 The Spaniards were still in possession of Blavet ; and the 
 Leaguers, with their aid, were the stronger party in Bretagne. 
 Marshal d' Aumont was mortally wounded J there in besieging 
 Comper, and the Spaniards had leisure to make a descent upon 
 England; but it was only with four galleys, which entered 
 Mountsbay, burned Penzance, with two other fishing towns, 
 and the solitary church of St. Pol, and presently returned, not 
 a man having been slain or taken in the expedition. The land 
 operations of the Spaniards were upon a very different scale, 
 and excited a very different emotion in the English Govern- 
 ment. While Henri was engaged in besieging La F^re, the 
 
 * Bacon, vol. xiii., 114, 122. 
 
 t Rowland Whyte, Sydney Papers, i., 362. " The old man was he that 
 in Cambridge played Gireldi ; Morley played the Secretary ; and he that 
 played Pedantique was the Soldier, and Toby Matthew was the Squire's 
 part. The world makes many active constructions of these speeches, 
 comparing the Hermit and the Secretary to two of the lords, and the 
 Soldier to Sir Roger Williams!" 
 
 jPalma Cayet, ColL des Mem., t. Ix., 85. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 85 
 
 Archduke Cardinal Albert, with an army which had been 
 raised as if it were intended for the relief of that place, 
 marched suddenly upon Calais, occupied the fort of Risbank, 
 which the governor had neglected to strengthen, and thus 
 obtained the command of the harbour. Henri hastened, with 
 a part of his cavalry, to Boulogne : before he arrived, the 
 cardinal had forced the suburb. Messengers were, in all 
 speed, despatched to England with tidings that Calais was 
 in danger; and the tidings seemed of such importance to 
 Elizabeth, that on the very day of their arrival, ''being 
 Sunday, and during Divine service," she gave orders for 
 raising a force to assist the French king, and to provide 
 withal for the safety of England, which it was thought would 
 be nearly endangered if the Spaniards should obtain possession 
 of Calais. The Spanish guns, indeed, were heard in her palace 
 of Greenwich, cannonading the town. Essex was appointed 
 to the command of the intended expedition : before it could 
 be embarked, intelligence arrived that the place had sur- 
 rendered. Visdossein, the governor, who, though he had been 
 warned in time, had neglected to provide against the attack, 
 retired into the castle ; and there, as if in atonement for that 
 neglect, refusing to capitulate when he had no adequate 
 means of defence, and after breaches which were more than 
 practicable had been opened, he sacrificed his life, being put 
 to the sword and some 800 men with him. Ships came from 
 Dunkirk to secure the harbour against the English and the 
 Dutch ; and Henri, having reinforced Ardres, Montreuil, and 
 Boulogne, returned to prosecute the siege of La Fere.* 
 
 The cardinal lost no time in following up his success. 
 Having captured some castles on the side of Guisnes, he 
 invested Ardres, at that time a strong though small place, 
 garrisoned by 1500 men. A grandson of Montluc fell in a 
 successful sally against the besiegers : he had broken the 
 corps du garde, cleared great part of the trenches, and won 
 some of the guns, when a cannon-shot carried off both his hips. 
 It was said that if he had lived the place would not have 
 been taken ; so much had he inherited of his ancestor's spirit. 
 But the fate of Calais had intimidated the inhabitants : their 
 fears were aided by the governor's wife, who was more careful 
 of her husband's wealth than of his honour ; and he, who till 
 
 * Palma Cayet, 236, 240. Camden, 516. 
 
86 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 then had ever borne the reputation of a brave and prudent 
 soldier, listening to her persuasions, capitulated before the 
 works had received any injury.* 
 
 The rumours that the Spaniards were preparing for another 
 invasion grew every day stronger ; it was not doubted that 
 this object would be greatly facilitated by their possession of 
 Calais ; and they were elated by the failure of that great 
 expedition to the West Indies at this time, in which Hawkins 
 and Drake died. Neither of the contending powers contented 
 themselves in this war with defensive operations : each knew 
 that the surest mode of defending themselves was by carrying 
 the war to the enemy's gates, and thus striking at the roots 
 of their strength ; and with this view it was proposed that an 
 armament should be fitted out against the ships at Cadiz. 
 No persons were more earnest in advancing this than the 
 Lord Admiral Howard, and Essex, who was then at the 
 height of his favour with the queen. They assured Elizabeth 
 that the great profit of such an expedition would defray all 
 its charges : without such assurances, compelled as she was 
 by necessary prudence to observe the strictest economy, she 
 never would have yielded to the voyage ; but their persuasions 
 induced her to hazard what was then the great outlay of fifty 
 thousand pounds. The fleet consisted of one hundred and 
 fifty sail ; seventeen of these were of the navy royal, eighteen 
 men of war, and six store ships, supplied by the State ; the 
 rest were pinnaces, victuallers, and transports : the force was 
 1000 gentlemen volunteers, 6368 troops, and 6772 seamen, 
 exclusive of the Dutch. f There were no hired troops in any 
 of the queen's ships ; all were gentlemen volunteers, chosen 
 by the commanders. In numbers and strength the armament 
 was superior to any that this country had sent forth since the 
 introduction of cannon. | Essex and Lord Howard, who both 
 
 * Brantome, vii., 294. Palma Cayet, 240, 242. 
 
 fLediard, i., 336. Peter Bor, iv., 232. 
 
 JCharnock, ii., 151, 155. The author infers, from a list of the fleet 
 which he has printed from a manuscript in the museum, that the vessels 
 belonging to private adventurers were engaged merely as transports, and 
 were protected by the ships belonging to the royal navy ; and therefore 
 that the Earl of Sussex, Sir Christopher Blunt, and others, were not 
 captains of those ships against which their names are placed, but only of 
 the soldiers embarked in them. Many of the vessels, however, he says, 
 appear to have been as completely fitted for war, in respect to cannon 
 and other points of equipment, as the queen's ships, and in force and 
 build little inferior to them. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 87 
 
 contributed largely toward the outfit at their own hazard, 
 were appointed lords-general, with equal authority both by 
 sea and land ; and as their council of war the Lord Thomas 
 Howard and Raleigh were nominated for the naval service. 
 Sir Francis Vere and Sir Conyers Clifford for the military, 
 and, as a fifth. Sir George Carew, lieutenant of the ordnance : 
 before any matter was put in execution, or any resolution 
 taken, these persons were to give their opinions, without any 
 private respect for love or fear, as they would answer before 
 God. Jn difficult cases the two generals might add to the 
 council eight counsellors, each in equal number, as they 
 might think good ; and Anthony Ashley, one of the clerks 
 of the privy council, was appointed to keep a register of the 
 voyage and of all consultations, together with their concur- 
 rence in opinion, or their difference, with the causes thereof. 
 
 In their instructions it was stated that the first intention of 
 setting forth this fleet was in consequence of the common 
 report that the Spaniards were preparing a greater armada 
 than that of 1588, intending with one part thereof to invade 
 England, and with the other to assist the rebels in Ireland. 
 A good number, however, of the ships made ready with that 
 design had been sent to pursue Drake and Hawkins in their 
 expedition, and some others despatched to the Indies ; so 
 that there was not a probable cause to apprehend any great 
 attempt at invasion, but still a likelihood that some number 
 of ships would be sent with men and money to Ireland ; and 
 the most certain means of preventing this was by burning the 
 King of Spain's men-of-war in his havens, and destroying his 
 magazines of victuals, and his munitions for arming his navy. 
 The queen expressed her grief for adventuring the persons of 
 the two commanders, and for want of their attendance on 
 her as principal counsellors ; and she charged them to avoid 
 manifest danger to her ships or her people by hazarding them 
 in any desperate action : they should be spared for service in 
 defending their own country, rather than spend their lives in 
 doubtful actions of offence abroad, without any public benefit 
 answerable to such loss ; and to these admonitions she hoped 
 the lords-general would have the more regard, seeing they 
 well knew how loth she was to have her subjects wasted or 
 hazarded in any foreign actions. 
 
 This attempt upon the said ships, staples, and magazines, 
 was only to be in ports that had great richeSj and where they 
 
88 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 should probably understand that the town was not able to 
 defend itself, and that the riches had not been removed into 
 the interior : in such case an attack might be ventured, provided 
 it was by good deliberation of council found sperable to be 
 achieved, without hazarding their own lives, or the lives of 
 those serving under them ; but they were jointly and severally 
 charged not to attempt any doubtful action in hope of gain. 
 And in the execution they were to take care that no slaughter 
 should be made of any people, except they should by force 
 withstand, and put them in manifest danger ; and the slaughter 
 of any women, children, and aged men not able to bear arms, 
 was absolutely forbidden. Such a prohibition was not un- 
 necessary in that age."^ 
 
 Early in May the lords -general repaired to Plymouth, 
 "there to complete the full number of all such companies, 
 both for sea and land, as was in their noble and deep wisdom 
 thought meet and agreed upon". "At the time of their 
 abode there," says one who was in the expedition, "there 
 was a most zealous and diligent care had for the holy service 
 of God daily and reverently to be frequented ; and also for 
 other good and civil orders of military discipline to be observed, 
 to the exceeding great comfort and rejoicing of all the hearts 
 of the godly and well-disposed." To show that there was small 
 hope of pardon to be expected by offenders, one man was ex- 
 ecuted for beginning a mutiny in his company, another for de- 
 sertion ; and a soldier in the Dutch regiment who had killed one 
 of his comrades in a quarrel about their drink, was, by order of 
 martial law, presently tied to the party so murdered, and cast 
 into the sea. Another for theft was set in the bilboes, after- 
 wards ducked from the yard-arm ; and then having been 
 presented with a can of beer, a pound of bread, and a pound 
 of candles, was set ashore to shift as he could, according, as it 
 seems, to the usage of his own country. "I- A certain lieutenant, 
 
 * Lediard, i., 320, 323. 
 
 t Malcolm's Londinum Redivivum, iii., 295. Malcolm seems not to 
 have known that the account of the Cadiz voyage, which he describes as 
 a most elegantly written manuscript in the British Museum, is printed in 
 Hakluyt. But Hakluyt has not stated the author's name. It was written 
 by Dr. Marbeck (M.D,), who attended upon the person of the right honour- 
 able the Lord High Admiral of England all the time of the said action. 
 There seems, however, to be passages in the manuscript which were 
 omitted in the printed copy, or, possibly, inserted in a later transcript by 
 the author. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 89 
 
 being convicted of taking monies from some pressed men, and 
 substituting others of less sufficiency in their stead, " was, by 
 sound of drum, publicly in all streets disgraced ; or rather," 
 says the writer, "after a sort, disgraded and cashiered from 
 bearing any further office at that time. This severe exacting 
 of justice at the very first did spread such a deep terror in the 
 hearts of the whole army, that it seemed to cut off all occasion 
 of the like disorder for ever afterwards to be attempted." * 
 
 Essex soon found himself in a more difficult situation than 
 any wherein he had yet been placed. In a letter to Bacon 
 he says, " I have thought the contemplation of the art military 
 harder than the execution ; but now I see, when the number 
 is great, compounded of sea and land forces, the most tyrones, 
 and almost all voluntaries, the officers equal almost in age, 
 quality, and standing in the wars, it is hard for any man to 
 approve himself a good commander. So great is my zeal to 
 omit nothing, and so short my sufficiency to perform all, as, 
 besides my charge, myself doth afflict myself. For I cannot 
 follow the precedents of our dissolute armies ; and my helpers 
 are a little amazed with me when they are come from govern- 
 ing a little troop to a great ; and sometimes I am as much 
 troubled with them as with all the troops." f 
 
 The lords -general, indeed, found it neither easy to raise 
 the intended force, nor to rely upon the men when raised. 
 The queen complained that their despatches were very strange, 
 and filled with commonplace doubts and fears, which were as 
 easily answered as made. They had doubted their powers in 
 some points. "When you had digested our army in such 
 form as you had liked," said the queen, "then if you had 
 advertised me simpliciter only, that you must have better 
 warrant, you should not have wanted it ; and we should then 
 have thought that which you use now a substantial reason, 
 not to be only a formality, as now we hold it, and as all your 
 arguments discover it. For that other material reason which 
 you insist, that you must use swords to compel them, our 
 letter answered it, we hope : that for the gentlemen that 
 would go willingly, and that do go out ot voluntary spirits 
 to accompany you, you might use your discretions ; and for 
 the rest that would tarry, you might of our monies pay them. 
 And for the payment of volunteers, we trust they would as 
 
 * Hakluyt, i., 607. f Bacon (Montague's edition), xiii., 91. 
 
90 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 soon have taken our assurance as yours. So as they that are 
 desirous to go in the action, if the meanest, for their own 
 particular need not be deprived of their hopes, if they will 
 follow it ; and the rest have nullum arhitrium. For your 
 mutinies or such disobediences feared, we that make armies 
 know that we can dissolve them at our pleasure ; and though 
 not without charge and some difficulty, yet far from such ex- 
 tremities. If we had meant to have done anything abruptly, 
 without caution, or without almost to seek your own opinions, 
 and to descend always to conditions, to satisfy you, we could 
 long ere this have directly untied this knot, made by you so 
 intricate. And this we further will say, that though we meant 
 to drive it to the last consideration and uttermost debate, as 
 much as could be, yet we compared times so sufficiently, as a 
 prince who knows what belongs to such a matter, that nothing 
 should be done to retard you (being ready) one hour. And 
 therefore, seeing no harm is done by us, and that all our 
 injury to you hath been to over-tender you, we will now leave 
 you to God's providence, and wish you all happiness, conclud- 
 ing with David, liberavi animam meam. We do also require 
 you to make known to the army how dearly we wish them 
 the favour of Almighty God, as sent by that prince whose 
 trust is in His providence, and whose precious care for their 
 preservation is beyond our tongue to utter." * 
 
 The conscientious feeling with which Elizabeth conducted 
 the whole course of her foreign policy was expressed in a 
 prayer which she composed at this time upon the setting 
 forth of the present armament, and which was justly esteemed 
 to be most excellent, as well for the matter as the manner. 
 It was in these words: — "Most Omnipotent Maker and Guide 
 of all our world's mass, that only searchest and fathomest the 
 bottom of all our hearts' conceits, and in them seest the true 
 originals of all our actions intended ; Thou that by thy fore- 
 sight dost truly discern how no malice of revenge, nor quittance 
 of injury, nor desire of bloodshed, nor greediness of lucre, hath 
 bred the resolution of our now set out army ; but a heedful 
 care, and wary watch, that no neglect of foes nor over- surety 
 of harm might breed either danger to us, or glory to them : 
 these being the grounds wherewith Thou dost inspire the 
 mind, we humbly beseech Thee with bended knees prosper 
 
 * Lediard, 323, 324. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 91 
 
 the work, and with best fore winds guide the journey, speed 
 the victory, and make the return the advancement of Thy 
 glory, the triumph of their fame, and surety to the realm, 
 with the least loss of English blood. To these devout peti- 
 tions. Lord, give thou thy blessed grant ! " * 
 
 Another feature of Elizabeth's character is curiously dis- 
 played in a letter which she wrote at this time with her own 
 hand to Essex ; she says in this, " Though all the careful heed 
 that can be poured on one, and thoughts full bent to save 
 from ill that may befall in the scorning all good hopes, and 
 treading on all charge, be not enough to graceless thankful- 
 ness, to yield but gratias for such uncouched, yea unheard of 
 goodness ; (I cannot but wonder how our soil ever brought 
 forth such fruit, and could not till now have believed to find 
 such guerdon for such meat ; — but passi graviora) ; yet, for 
 all this, to verify that our revenge is so likened to earthly 
 gods', who show more benignity than they find cause, I make 
 this humble bill of request to Him that all makes and does, 
 that with His benign hand He will shadow you so as all harm 
 may light beside you, and all that may be best hap to your 
 share ; that your return may make you better, and me gladder. 
 Let your companion, my most faithful Charles, be sure that 
 his name is not left out in this petition. God bless you both, 
 as I would be, if I were there ; which, whether I wish or not. 
 He alone doth know." f Great anxiety indeed was expressed 
 for Essex, as if much depended upon his single life. The 
 lord high admiral was charged not to let him expose him- 
 self to danger, unless it were upon great necessity ; | and 
 Bacon, presenting in a letter to the earl his deepest and most 
 bounden duty, in the fulness whereof he mourned for his 
 absence, added, "I mitigate it as I can, with the hope of 
 your happy success ; the greatest part whereof, be it never 
 so great, will be the safety of your most honourable person ; 
 for the which, in the first place, and then for the prosperity 
 of your enterprise, I frequently pray".§ 
 
 In the instructions issued to the captains of ships, the 
 captain was required to give advice that the ship's way was 
 kept clean daily, and sometimes washed, which, with God's 
 favour, would preserve from sickness and avoid many other 
 
 * Hakluyt, i., 608. Strype's Annals^ Appendix cl. 
 
 fLediard, 323. Xlhid., 331. % Bacon, xiii., 90. 
 
92 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 inconveniences : in case of sickness they were to distribute 
 among the men such good things as were to be had, that 
 were needful for them. And first of all things, special care 
 was enjoined to serve God by using of common prayers twice 
 every day, except urgent cause enforced the contrary; and 
 that no man, soldier or mariner, do dispute of matters of 
 religion, unless it were to be resolved of some doubts, and 
 in such case that he confer with the ministers of the army. 
 ''For it is not fit," said the lords-general, ''that unlearned 
 men should openly argue of so high and mystical matters. 
 And if any person shall forget himself and his duty herein, 
 he shall, upon knowledge thereof, receive due punishment to 
 his shame, and after be banished the army. And if any shall 
 hear it, and not reveal it to our generals or to his captain, or 
 some other especial officer, by whom the knowledge thereof 
 may come to us, he shall likewise receive punishment and be . 
 banished the army." The watch was to be set every night, 
 with saying the Lord's Prayer and some of the Psalms. No 
 report or talk was to be raised in the fleet whereby any 
 officer or gentleman in it might be touched in reputa- 
 tion ; nor any matter of importance spoken, without naming 
 the author, who should be surely punished as an evil 
 number."^ 
 
 Before the expedition sailed, a manifesto drawn up by 
 Burleigh, and addressed to all Christian people, showing the 
 great and urgent reasons wherefore the queen at that time 
 set forth so great a navy, was published in Latin, French, 
 Italian, Dutch, and Spanish, "to the intent that it might 
 appear to the world that Her Majesty avowed only to defend 
 herself and offend her enemies, and not to offend any other 
 that should forbear to strengthen her enemy, but to use 
 them with all lawful favour". All persons who, not being 
 natural subjects of the King of Spain, had given him aid with 
 ships and stores, were required herein to withdraw all their 
 said ships prepared for war, and all their provisions of hostility 
 out of any haven of Spain or Portugal, or from the company 
 and service of the King of Spain's ships : so doing they should 
 be used in all sorts as friends ; but all who refused this reason- 
 able request, tending to their good and liberty, should justly 
 and by the law of arms be treated as manifest aiders of the 
 
 * Lediard, 324, 328. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 93 
 
 Spaniard to invade Her Majesty's dominions, and so manifest 
 enemies.* 
 
 "Thus then," says Marbeck, "all things being in very good 
 order and well appointed, the most holy name of our omni- 
 potent God being most religiously and devoutly called upon, 
 and his blessed and sacred communion being divers times 
 most reverently and publicly celebrated, these two most 
 noble personages, with all their honourable associates, and 
 most famous worthy knights, gentlemen, captains, leaders, and 
 very willing and expert soldiers and mariners, being furnished 
 with 450 good sail of ships, or thereabouts, in the name of 
 the most high and everlasting God, and with all true and 
 faithful obedience to Her Sacred Majesty, to the infinite good 
 and tranquillity of our country, and to the perpetual glory and 
 triumphant renown of the eternal memory of their honourable 
 names to all posterity, the first day of June embarked them- 
 selves, weighed anchor, and hoisted up sail, and put to sea 
 onward their journey from the sound of Plymouth." Their 
 departure was expedited by the great exertions of the com- 
 manders of the queen's ships, who in their own persons 
 laboured the night before to get out some of the vessels 
 riding at Catwater, which otherwise had not been easily 
 effected. The wind presently scanted, and they were fain 
 to come again to anchor till the morning of the third.f The 
 wind then, which when they weighed was at west and by 
 south, instantly came up to the north-east ; and this was the 
 first happiness of the voyage, putting them in great hopes of a 
 lucky success to ensue ; " for our soldiers being shipt and in 
 harbour," says Monson,J "would have consumed their victuals, 
 and have been so pestered, that it would have endangered a 
 sickness amongst them ". 
 
 This favourable wind brought them on the 9th near to the 
 North Cape of Spain. They kept, however, out of sight of 
 land ; and bearing them more to the west, sealed instructions 
 were delivered to every master and captain of the ships, thus 
 indorsed under the superscription, " Open not these letters 
 on pain of your lives, unless you chance to be scattered by 
 tempest ; and in that case open them, and execute the con- 
 tents thereof. But if by mishap you fall into your enemies' 
 
 * Lediard, 329. Strype, Appendix cxciii. 
 
 t Hakluyt, 605. X Ibid., i6g. 
 
94 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 handS; then in any case cast them into the sea, sealed as they 
 are." Accordingly to Marbeck, no man in the fleet suspected 
 whither they were bound. " If there was ever/' he says, ''any 
 great designment in this our age and memory, discretely, faith- 
 fully, and closely carried, I assure myself it was this ; and though 
 it were but in respect of that point only, yet for such faithful 
 secrecy it deserve th immortal praise." ^ This, indeed, is the 
 most remarkable circumstance in the expedition ; the Spaniards, 
 who on other occasions obtained timely intelligence of all the 
 English plans, received no information from any of their agents 
 at this time. The fleet was divided into five squadrons, under 
 Essex, the lord high admiral, the Lord Thomas Howard, 
 Raleigh, and the Dutch admiral, the Jonkheer Johan van 
 Duvenvoorde, Heer van Warmont. "All which squadrons, 
 albeit they did every day separate themselves by the distance 
 of certain leagues, as well to look out for such ships as were 
 haply under sail, as also for the better procuring of sea room, 
 yet always, commonly either that day or the next, toward 
 evening, they came all together, with friendly salutations and 
 congratulations one to another, which they term by the name 
 of hailing ; a ceremony done solemnly and in very good order, 
 with sound of trumpets and noise of cheerful voices ; and in 
 such sort performed as was no small encouragement one to 
 the other, besides a true report of all such accidents as had 
 happened in their squadrons. Thus spreading the whole sea 
 over a mighty way, there could not so much as the least pink 
 pass but she was espied and brought in." 
 
 The three best sailers of the fleet were appointed to run 
 ahead, suspecting the Spaniards would have sent out some 
 caravels of advice, as they usually did upon any rumour of 
 naval preparations in England. The first vessels that were 
 brought in were a French barque and a Fleming, coming from 
 the Barbary coast ; they were very honourably and well used 
 by the lords -general, and after a few days' tarrying, when 
 they had conferred with them about such matters as were 
 thought good in their honourable wisdoms, were peaceably 
 sent away. Two days afterwards. Sir Richard Levison and 
 Sir Christopher Blunt brought in three Hamburg hers, but not 
 without a fight, in which two of the Germans were killed and 
 eleven wounded. "And this," says Marbeck, "was the very 
 
 * Hakluyt, 609. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 95 
 
 first hansell of any matter of importance, or exploit worthy 
 observation, that was done in the way outward of this honour- 
 able voyage, and was so well performed of those most worthy 
 gentlemen, as every man highly commended them for their 
 great valour and discretion." The next day a Fleming refused 
 to vail his foretop to Sir Richard Weston in the Swan. An 
 action ensued, and continued very hot between them for a good 
 space ; in the end, the Swan had her forebeak stricken off, 
 and having spent before in fight the one side of her tier of 
 ordnance, while she prepared to cast about and to bestow on 
 him the other side, the Fleming, taking that opportunity, made 
 his escape : but on the morrow, when he had got to the very 
 mouth of the Tagus, he was taken and brought in by Master 
 Darrel, captain of the John and Francis of London. This, 
 Monson * says, was the most fortunate of all the propitious 
 circumstances in this voyage ; for if that vessel " had reached 
 Lisbon, she had been able to make report of the number and 
 greatness of our ships, and might have endangered the loss 
 of the whole design, she seeing the course we bore, and that 
 we had passed Lisbon, which was the place the enemy most 
 suspected, and made there his greatest preparation for defence. 
 Had he been freed of that doubt, he had then no place to 
 fear but Andalusia, and Cadiz above the rest, which, upon the 
 least warning, might have been strengthened, and we put to 
 great hazard. He might also have secured his ships by towing 
 them out with galleys, and howsoever the wind had been, 
 might have sent them into the straits, where it had been in 
 vain to have pursued them ; or over the bar of San Lucar, 
 where there had been no attempting of them." 
 
 Another and "little less happiness" was the capture of 
 some fly-boats from Cadiz. f From these they learned that 
 
 * Hakluyt, 169. 
 
 t In one of these " was a young beggarly friar, with a great packet of 
 letters for Lisbon. The poor wretches were marvellously well used by 
 the lords-general ; and the friar, being utterly unlearned, made pretty 
 mirth to the company." 
 
 " About this time," says Marbeck, " and in this place it was, that first 
 in all my life I saw the flying fishes ; for standing with that most sweet 
 virtuous gentleman, Sir William Howard, upon the upper deck of the Ark, 
 we took great delight to see the dolphins and bonetoes, coursing one of 
 another in manner of our playing at bars." He describes their wings as 
 being •• shaped of nature very cunningly, and with great delight to behold ; 
 in all the world much like to our gentlewomen's Dutch fans, that are made 
 either of paper, or parchment, or silk, or other stuff, which will with 
 
96 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 there was no apprehension in that city of an attack ; and that 
 the galleons from San Lucar were daily expected there, and 
 what merchantmen were lying there ready bound for the 
 Indies. "These intelligences were of great moment, and 
 made the generals presently to contrive their business both 
 by sea and land, which otherwise would have taken up longer 
 time after their coming thither." "And whether," says 
 Monson, "all men would have consented to attempt their 
 ships in harbour, if they had not known the most part of 
 them to consist of merchants, I hold very doubtful." "Lord 
 God!" says Marbeck, ''what a sudden rejoicing there was 
 throughout the whole navy, and how nimble every man was 
 to prepare himself! " * 
 
 On the 20th, being Sunday, they came before Cadiz very 
 early in the morning, and sooner than the masters had made 
 reckoning of They presented themselves before the town, 
 riding about a league from it, or somewhat less. No fleet 
 ever arrived at its intended scene of action in better condi- 
 tion, both as to the state of the ships, and the health of the 
 men.*)- The sea at that time "went marvellous high, and 
 the wind was exceeding large; nevertheless, after holding a 
 council, the lords-general attempted, with all expedition, 
 to land some companies at the west side of the town, by 
 certain long-boats, light-horsemen, pinnaces, and barges made 
 for the purpose. But they could not compass it ; and in at- 
 tempting thereof, they chanced to sink one of their barges, 
 with some fourscore good soldiers, well appointed, in her ; 
 yet by good luck and great care the men were all saved 
 excepting eight, f As soon as the English had presented 
 
 certain plaits easily run and fold themselves together. One of these 
 flying fishes was presented to my lord admiral, by a fisherman, newly 
 taken, on his return from Cadiz, and then I had good leisure and oppor- 
 tunity to view it " (Malcolm's Londinum, iii., 296. Hakluyt, i., 610). 
 
 * Malcolm, iii., 296. 
 
 f Being all in good plight and strong. In all this time as yet, the 
 whole navy had not lost either by sickness, or by any other manner of 
 way, six men to my knowledge. As for the Dutch company, I am not 
 able precisely to say what happened them, for that they were no part of 
 our charge to be looked unto, but were a regiment entire of themselves, 
 and by themselves to be provided for, either for their diet, or for the pre- 
 servation of their health by physic (Hakluyt, i., 610). 
 
 J Hakluyt, i., 610. "That morning, very timely, there lighted a very 
 fair dove upon the mainyard of the lord admiral's ship ; and there she 
 sate very quietly for the space of three or four hours, being nothing dis- 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 97 
 
 themselves, a goodly sort of tall Spanish ships came out of the 
 mouth of the bay, the galleys accompanying them, in such 
 good order, and so placed, as all of them might well succour 
 each other, and therewithal they kept themselves close to 
 their town, the castles, and the forts, for their better guard 
 and defence, abiding there, and expecting our further deter- 
 mination. All that day passed, being very rough and boister- 
 ous ; and little or nothing could be done, more than that 
 about evening there passed some friendly and kind salutation 
 sent from one to the other in warlike manner, by discharging 
 certain great pieces ; but to my knowledge," says the doctor, 
 "no hurt done at all, or else very little." 
 
 During the day, messengers were continually passing be- 
 tween the two lords-general ; and in the end they concurred 
 in the advice which Monson, who was Essex's captain, had 
 offered in the morning : this was, that they should attack 
 the ships, and obtain possession of the harbour before they 
 attempted to land. But when this was resolved on, there 
 arose a great question who should have the honour of first 
 going in. Essex claimed it for himself: he was withstood by 
 the lord admiral, who knew that if he miscarried it would 
 hazard the overthrow of the action ; and who, moreover, had 
 been charged by the queen not to let the earl expose himself, 
 except upon great necessity. The whole council having, upon 
 this point, agreed against Essex, Monson was sent by him that 
 night on board the Ark Royal (the lord admiral's ship) to 
 resolve who should be appointed for that service.* It was 
 assigned at first to Raleigh, and Raleigh received advice ac- 
 cordingly ; but Lord Thomas Howard hearing this, insisted 
 that, as vice-admiral, it was his right to lead the van ; and 
 as a matter of right it was allowed. -j- 
 
 mayed all that while ; every man gazed and looked much upon her, and 
 spake their minds and opinions, yet all concluding by no means to disquiet 
 her. I, for my part, took it for a very good omen and boding, as in truth 
 (God be thanked !) there fell out nothing in the end to the contrary. And 
 as at our first coming to Cadiz this chanced, so likewise, on the very last 
 day of our departing from the same town, another dove presented herself 
 in the self-same order to the same ship, and presently grew wonderful 
 tame and familiar to us all ; and did so still keep us company, even till 
 our arrival here in England." 
 
 * Monson, i6g. 
 
 t Marbeck represents this as an acknowledgment of Howard's superior 
 seamanship, — not of his right. He says, " In most men's opinions it seemed 
 that the enemy had a wonderful advantage of us, all circumstances being 
 7 
 
98 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 "On Monday, between five and six in the morning, wind 
 and weather having become moderate and favourable, our ships 
 moved forward, in name of Almighty God, and in defence of 
 the honour of England. When they had been first perceived 
 on the yesterday, the Spaniards singled out their four galleons 
 to guard the merchantmen, and placed their galleys to flank 
 the enemy with their prows ; but now when the English were 
 seen approaching, the merchants ran up the river, the galleys 
 betook themselves to the guard of the town, and the men-of- 
 war brought themselves into a good order of fight, mooring 
 their ships ahead and astern to have their broadside upon 
 us." Notwithstanding the order which had been appointed, 
 Raleigh came first to anchor ; not, as it appears, in disrespect 
 
 well weighed, but especially the straightness of the place, and the natural 
 form and situation of the bay itself being rightly considered. For albeit 
 the bay itself is very large and exceeding beautiful, so that from Cadiz to 
 Port St. Mary is some six or seven English miles over, or thereabouts, yet 
 be there many rocks, shelves, sands, and shallows in it, so that the very 
 channel and place for sea room is not above two or three miles, yea, and 
 in some places not so much, for the ships of any great burthen to make 
 way in, but they must either be set on ground, or else constrained to run 
 foul one on another ; wherefore, upon a great consultation, held by a 
 select council, what great dangers might ensue upon so mighty a disad- 
 vantage as appeared, in all probability, if it were not by good and sound 
 judgment prevented : and therewith all in their singular wisdom foreseeing 
 that some great stratagem might be practised by the enemy, either by fire- 
 works, or by some other politic design, for the hazarding of her majesty's 
 ships of honour in so narrow a place — that, with all expedition, they con- 
 cluded that the vice-admiral, the Lord Thomas Howard (that most 
 noble Lord Howard, whose exceeding great magnanimity, courage, and 
 wisdom, joined with such an honourable kind of sweet courtesy, bounty, 
 and liberality, as is not able by me and my weakness to be expressed, 
 hath won him all the faithful loving hearts of as many as ever have had 
 any manner of dealing with him) — this Lord Thomas, I say, in the Non- 
 pareille for that time, and the rear-admiral Sir Walter Raleigh (a man 
 of marvellous great worth and regard, for many his exceeding singular 
 great virtues, right fortitude, and great resolution in all matters of im- 
 portance), in the War spite, associated with divers most famous worthy 
 knights — namely, Sir Francis Vere, the lord marshal, in the Rainbow ; 
 Sir George Carey, master of the ordnance, in the Mary Rose ; Sir Robert 
 • Southwell, in the Lion (gentlemen for all laudable good virtues, and for 
 perfect counsel and discretion in all military actions, of as great praise 
 arid good desert as any gentlemen of their degree whatsoever) ; having 
 with them some of the ships of London, and some of the Dutch squadron 
 of reasonable burthen, — should lead the dance and give the onset: and 
 that the two most noble lords-general, and some others of their com- 
 panions should, in their convenient time and order, second the main 
 battle" (Hakluyt, 6ii). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 99 
 
 of authority, but from some misapprehension, having had orders 
 over night to ply in ; by some mishap he anchored at such a 
 distance from the Spaniards that he could not annoy them, 
 and therefore found it necessary to go himself on board the 
 Repulse, and explain in his own justification to Essex that he 
 had been obliged to anchor there for want of water to go 
 higher. This would have been an unfortunate circumstance 
 for any man of questionable courage ; and it was thought 
 strange at the time that the Spanish vessels, which drew 
 much more water than the Warspite, and had no more ad- 
 vantage of tide, could pass where he could not. But Sir 
 Francis Vere, in the Rainbow, whose orders were to second 
 the Warspite, passed her ; and Raleigh then weighed a second 
 time, and went higher, taking his course directly against the 
 Spanish men-of-war, which presently fell back.* 
 
 Essex had promised to keep in the midst of the fleet ; but 
 no sooner was the action becoming hot, than he "whose in- 
 finite princely virtues with triumphant fame," says Marbeck, 
 "deserve to be immortalised, upon a sudden, and unlooked 
 for of others, thrust himself among the foremost into the main 
 battle. It was his captain. Sir William Monson, who, pro- 
 bably out of eagerness to be in the heat of action himself, 
 excited him to this, by observing to him that the greatest 
 service would depend upon three or four ships ; and telling 
 him to be mindful of his honour, for many eyes beheld him." 
 He had thrown up his hat for joy when the orders for attack 
 were given ; and pressing forward now, came in good time to 
 the support of Vere, whom the galleys were entertaining 
 roughly from their foredecks, while they themselves lay 
 under protection of the town. His colleague, the lord 
 admiral, seeing this, and understanding from his master 
 that his own ship, the Ark Royal, could not get into action 
 because of its draft, went with his son aboard the Mere 
 Honour.-^ This brought him nearer the scene, but not into 
 the action ; for there was not water enough for the ship to go 
 up. Lord Thomas Howard therefore had left her, and got on 
 board Sir Robert Dudley's ship, the Non-pareille ; but with 
 no better success than his noble kinsman. Essex, Vere, and 
 Raleigh had taken up the best part of the channel where 
 
 * Monson, 170. 
 
 t So, in sailors' English, Monson always calls the Honour de la Mer. 
 
100 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 they anchored, and it was so narrow that no other of the 
 queen's ships could pass. Few as the ships were that were 
 engaged, there must have been the most complete assurance 
 of success ; for Monson says orders were given that none but 
 the queen's ships should shoot, making account that the 
 honour would be the greater if the victory were obtained 
 with so few.* 
 
 One who beheld it says that the fight was very terrible, 
 and most hideous to the beholders by the continual dis- 
 charging of those roaring thundering great pieces on all 
 sides, and so continued doubtful till about one or two of 
 the clock. During that time the loss of the English in 
 killed and wounded did not much exceed one hundred, 
 "notwithstanding divers of our ships were many times shot 
 through and through, yea, and some of them, by credible 
 report of the captains and masters themselves, no less than 
 two and twenty times. In the heat of the action one of the 
 Dutch fly-boats, who had in all the conflict carried himself 
 very well and valiantly, was, through great negligence and 
 misfortune, fired by his own powder, and blown up. There 
 could not, by all supposal, have been fewer in him than 100 
 fighting men, and in the very twinkling of an eye both ship 
 and men were all cast away, except some seven or eight, who 
 by great care and diligence of some other ships were saved. 
 On board this unfortunate vessel, the Dolphin of Rotterdam, 
 the captain, Willem Hendrickszoon, and his two sons, perished. 
 This greatly encouraged the Spaniards, and was hailed with 
 shouts of exultation from the town.-j- Their joy was of no 
 long continuance. The St. Philip, the Spanish admiral, of 
 1500 tons, early I in the afternoon had suffered so severely 
 that the men lost heart, and sought to save themselves by 
 swimming to shore. Whether they set fire to the ship before 
 they left it, or whether it was blown up by a Moorish slave in 
 revenge for his own sufferings, and perhaps his wrongs, was 
 
 *Hakluyt, 6ii. Monson, 169, 170. f Hakluyt, 612. 
 
 X " About four," according to Monson, " the Spaniards set sail, thinking 
 either to run higher up the river, or else to bring their other broadsides to 
 us, because of the heat of their ordnance. But, howsoever it was, in their 
 floating they came aground, and the men began to forsake the ships, 
 whereupon it was ordered that all the hoys and vessels that drew least 
 water should go to them." It was then, he says, that the Philip and 
 Thomas fired themselves. I have preferred the contemporary account to 
 his recollections, which were written some forty years afterwards. 
 
ROBERT DEVEHEtrX ' 101 
 
 never ascertained ; but an argosi and another great ship took 
 fire in consequence, and were both destroyed. Two galleons, 
 the Si. Matthejv and St. Andrew, of 1^200 tons each, were 
 captured ; the rest ran ashore, and most of the galleys creep- 
 ing along the coast made the best of their way towards the 
 Puente de Zuazo." 
 
 " Immediately, upon this notable victory, without any farther 
 stay in all the world, the lord general, the Earl of Essex, put 
 to shore, and landed about 3000 shot and pikemen." Essex's 
 measures were, indeed, taken as promptly, and with as little 
 deliberatio-n as the author of his "honourable voyage" implies 
 in these words. He landed in a sandy bay, commanded by 
 the fort Puntal, which the garrison abandoned without at- 
 tempting either to oppose his landing, or to defend their 
 post. Taking possession of this, he then considered what 
 was to be done ; and as he could be annoyed from the main- 
 land only by the Puente de Zuazo, he despatched half of his 
 force under Sir Conyers Clifford, Sir Christopher Blunt, and Sir 
 Thomas Barrett, to win that bridge. He sent a messenger also 
 to the lord admiral entreating him to give orders for attempting 
 the merchant ships in Puerto Real, lest the Spaniards should 
 convey away their wealth, and, perhaps, after the example of 
 the St. Philip, set fire to them : a night's respite, he said, was 
 dangerous. When the lord admiral received this message 
 he was in his boat, about to land with his seamen ; lest the 
 earl, who had only three regiments with him, should be dis- 
 tressed by a superior force. The queen having so particularly 
 charged him to have especial care for Essex's safety, he Iboked 
 upon that as the object of most moment ; and hastened to 
 support him, leaving orders to attack the ships on the following 
 day. The evil of a divided command was felt now. Monson 
 had advised Essex to attempt the ships instead of the town, 
 whether he regarded wealth or honour. For the riches in the 
 ships could not be concealed, or carried away, as in towns they 
 might ; and the ships themselves being brought to England 
 would be always before men's eyes there, and put them in 
 mind of the greatness of the exploit. As for the town, 
 perhaps it might be soon won, but probably not long enjoyed, 
 and so quickly forgotten. ''To speak indifferently," he says, 
 "though the earl's carriage and forwardness merited much, 
 yet if it had been with less haste it would have succeeded 
 better. By his sudden landing without the lord admiral's 
 
102 ' ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 privity, and his giving advice by a messenger to attempt the 
 ships, which should have been resolved upon mature deliber- 
 ation, no doubt the lord admiral found his honour a little 
 eclipsed ; which, perhaps, hastened his landing for his reputa- 
 tion's sake, whereas he thought it more advisable to have 
 possessed himself of their ships." * 
 
 Having sent this message, which his own conduct rendered 
 unavailing, Essex, with about 1500 men, advanced towards 
 the town. It was about three miles' march ; " the time of 
 the day hot and faint, and the way all of dry, deep, sliding 
 sand, in a manner ; and beside that very uneven, and by that 
 means so tiresome and painful as might be". The Spaniards, 
 a reasonable number both of horse and foot, some distance 
 without the town, were drawn up in readiness to encounter 
 them, but they gave way when the English came fiercely on, 
 and in good order, though rather running than marching ; 
 
 * Monson, 470. Essex, in a defence of his conduct, which Lediard 
 has printed from the Cotton MSS., complains that his opinion had thus 
 far always been disregarded. "If," he says, "I had been followed the 
 first morning of our coming before that harbour, when I bore with it ; or, 
 if we had entered the same Sunday in the afternoon, when we were under 
 sail, and within cannon-shot of the enemy's fleet ; or, after the men-of-war 
 were taken, and burnt the next day, if any of our shipping had gone up, 
 as I urged by my own speech, by message sent to Sir Anthony Ashley 
 (who, being secretary of war, was to record every man's services or 
 omissions ) ; if any of these had been done, then I say had that fleet 
 been easily possessed. For, the first morning, they had neither their men 
 on board (as it was since confessed by our prisoners), nor were they pro- 
 vided of any counsel what to do for their preservation. In the afternoon 
 of the same day, we had found the men-of-war and the merchant ships 
 all together in one body, and engaged them both at once ; so as, at the 
 same time as we had defeated the one, we had possessed the other. And 
 the next day, presently upon the fight and victory against the king's ships, 
 we had found them all so amazed and confounded, as they would have 
 thought of nothing but saving themselves, and we had taken the ships, 
 and the riches in them, without striking a blow ; as our prisoners, and 
 captives redeemed out of the said galleys, have assured us. But the first 
 morning, when I bore with the harbour, almost all the fleet came to an 
 anchor by the point of St. Sebastian, a league wide of me, and gave the 
 enemy leisure to send men and all necessaries aboard. When I was 
 going in, in the afternoon, I could neither get my company to weigh 
 their anchors, nor most of those that were weighed to go in with us ; and 
 the next day I had much ado to make our ships fight at all. And, when 
 God had given us victory, neither my persuasions nor protestations could 
 make them that were sea- commanders go up or send to possess the fleet 
 of the Indies whilst we assailed the town, so as that the enemy had almost 
 forty-eight hours to burn his own ships." 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 103 
 
 and their retreat was made with such expedition, that before 
 the assailants could come up with the enemy the gates were 
 closed. By means of an unfinished work near the gate some 
 of them got upon the walls, and leapt down, " about a pike's 
 length". Evans, the Earl of Sussex's lieutenant, Arthur 
 Savage, captain of Essex's company, and Pooly, who carried 
 his red ensign, were among the first who thus entered the 
 town. At the same time the gate was forced ; Essex and 
 Sir Francis Vere broke in, and made their way towards the 
 market-place, with sword and shot, being still fought withal 
 at every turn. Here most resistance was made, the houses 
 being so built that every one served for a platform ; thus, 
 wheresoever the assailants moved, they were sorely flanked, 
 and annoyed with stones from the flat roofs. But there had 
 been httle preparation for this kind of defence.* "One 
 house, more than the rest, seemed most dangerous." Monson 
 asked for fifty old soldiers of the Low Countries, that he might 
 assault it : they were granted. In the attack the pummel of 
 his sword was shot from his side ; as he stooped for it. Sir John 
 Wingfield, who was beside him on horseback, and who had 
 just been wounded in the thigh, asked him if he was hurt ; and 
 " they were the last words that that bravest of commanders ever 
 spoke, for at the same instant he received a ball in the head ". -j* 
 At this time the lord admiral came up, having marched 
 on foot with great speed, "notwithstanding his many years, 
 the intolerable heat for the time, and the overtiring, tedious, 
 deep sands". His colours were advanced before him "by 
 
 * Marbeck says (614), " Every house was in a manner a kind effort or 
 castle, altogether flat-roofed on the top, after the Turkish manner ; so 
 that many men together, and that at ease, might walk thereon, having 
 upon the house-top great heaps of weighty stones, piled up in such good 
 order, as they were ready to be thrown down by every woman, most easily, 
 upon such as past her ; and the streets for the most part so exceeding 
 narrow (I think to avoid the excessive great heat of the sun) as but two 
 men, or three at the most, together, can in any serviceable sort march 
 through them ; no street being wider commonly than I suppose Watling 
 Street in London to be". This mode of defence has been practised 
 wherever there are flat-roofed houses, and is as old as the days of Abime- 
 lech. But the people of Cadiz never expected to be attacked on shore ; 
 and it does not appear that of the little loss which the conquerors sus- 
 tained any part of it was occasioned in this manner. 
 
 t "By the way," says Monson, "this I note, that as the sword is the 
 death of many a man, so it hath twice been the preserver of my life ; once 
 at the island of St. Mary's, in 1589, and now at Cadiz, in 1596 " (p. 470). 
 
104 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 that valiant resolute gentleman (a man beautified with many 
 excellent rare gifts of learning and understanding), Sir Edward 
 Hobby ". Raleigh and the seamen were with this division. 
 Before eight o'clock all mustered in the town. " The loss had 
 been about 200 killed and wounded of the English ;"* of the 
 enemy, "not very many to speak of" ; an expression which 
 seems to imply that their loss had been less. Only the castle 
 held out, and for a while fired upon the invaders at times 
 from some battering-pieces. It was signified to the garrison 
 that they must look for no mercy unless they surrendered 
 before morning ; and that summons produced a kind of in- 
 termission,- while they deliberated. Nevertheless there are 
 many alarms given during the night which bred great outrages 
 and disorder in the town. "At every which alarm," says 
 Marbeck, "the lords-general showed themselves marvellous 
 ready and forward ; insomuch, that scarce well furnished with 
 any more defence than their shirts, hose, and doublets, and 
 those too altogether in a manner untied, they were abroad 
 in the streets themselves, to see the uttermost of it " — it 
 may seem strange that they should have even partially un- 
 dressed. Before daybreak a flag of truce was hung out from 
 the castle ; and the place was yielded upon the humiliating 
 terms, — that the inhabitants should depart in safety with the 
 garments which they had on, leaving everything else for the 
 conquerors ; f that a certain sum should be paid as their 
 ransom ; J and that forty of the principal citizens should be 
 sent to England as hostages for the payment. "Present 
 proclamation was then made, that all men should surcease 
 from all manner of bloody and cruel dealing, and that there 
 should no kind of violence or hard usage be offered to any, 
 either man, woman, or child, upon pain of death." § The 
 
 * Strype, No. 209. " God make us all thankful to him," says Sir 
 Anthony Ashley. " He did mightily defend us, otherwise we had been 
 all slain that entered first into the forts of the town walls." 
 
 t Camden, 530. 
 
 Jin Hakluyt and Camden it is stated at 520,000 ducats. Lediard 
 follows them ; and Stowe says 620,000. Stowe's, no doubt, is an acci- 
 dental error. But Peter Bor and Monson agree in stating it at 120,000 ; 
 and this is likely to be the true account, when we remember that nothing 
 valuable except the ornaments of the women was allowed to be taken 
 away. 
 
 § Marbeck says (613), *' This honourable and merciful edict, I am sure, 
 was straightly and religiously observed of the English. But how well it 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 105 
 
 inhabitants were conveyed to Puerto Santa Maria in English 
 vessels. The ladies, it is said, were suffered to depart in their 
 richest* apparel and jewels, and while they were going on 
 board the generals stood by the water side, to protect them 
 from any insult or injury. "The noble treating of the 
 prisoners," says Monson, "has gained everlasting honour to 
 our nation, and the generals in particular." The spoil of so 
 much of the city as the generals thought meet, was then 
 permitted to the soldiers for a certain number of days.-f But 
 neither those who adventured for the hope of gain in this 
 expedition, or for the love of adventure and the desire of 
 glory, were the persons who had most reason to rejoice in the 
 victory. Eight and thirty Turks, who had long laboured at 
 the oar as galley slaves, escaped from that most miserable 
 state of captivity by swimming ashore : they presented them- 
 selves to the English commanders and craved their mercy. 
 "It pleased their most honourable lordships with all speed 
 to apparel them, and to furnish them with money and all 
 other necessaries, and to bestow on them a barque and a pilot, 
 to see them freely and safely conveyed into Barbary ; telling 
 them to let that country understand what was done, and what 
 they had seen." X 
 
 Raleigh had been wounded in the leg by a splinter; he 
 was nevertheless carried ashore on men's shoulders. The lord 
 admiral sent him a horse ; but after an hour's endurance he 
 
 was kept by the Dutch I will neither affirm nor yet deny. For, I per- 
 ceive, between them and the Spaniards there is an implacable heart-burn- 
 ing. And therefore, as soon as the Dutch squadron was espied in the fight, 
 immediately thereupon both they of Seville and St. Lucar, and also of 
 some other places, did not only arrest all such Dutch ships as dealt with 
 them friendly by the way of traffic and merchandise, and so confiscated 
 their goods, but also imprisoned the merchants and owners of the same, 
 and, as report goeth, did entreat many of them with extreme cruelty there- 
 upon." 
 
 * " A hundred or more of the better sort of ancient gentlewomen and 
 merchants' wives were suffered to put upon themselves, some of them two, 
 yea, some three suits of apparel, with some convenient quantity of many 
 jewels, chains, and other ornaments belonging to their estate and degree. 
 Such was the heroical liberality and exceeding great clemency of these 
 most honourable lords-general, thereby, as it should seem unto us, beating 
 down that false-conceived opinion which hath been hitherto commonly 
 spread abroad, and settled among the Spaniards ; which is, that the Eng- 
 lish do trouble them and their countries more for their gold, riches, and 
 pearls, etc., than for any other just occasion " (Marbeck), 
 
 t Hakluyt, 613. Z^bid., 617. 
 
106 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 was no longer able to remain in the town, partly owing to 
 extreme pain, and the danger of being shouldered in the 
 press by the tumultuous soldiers, who, he says, "being then 
 given to spoil and rapine, had no respect". He went, there- 
 fore, on board that night, '^ chiefly for that there was no 
 admiral left to order the fleet, and, indeed, few or no people 
 in the navy, all running headlong to the sack ; and secondly, 
 because he was unfit for aught but rest at that time". At 
 daybreak he sent to the general, requesting an order to attack 
 the Indian fleet, which lay in Puerto Real Road, and could 
 not escape. But he received no answer, and seems hardly to 
 have expected one, for the town, he says, being new taken, 
 and the confusion great, it was hardly possible for them to 
 order many things at once. The Spaniards managed better, 
 both those whose sole motive was their own interest, and 
 those who acted according to the spirit of their Government. 
 The merchants offered 2,000,000 ducats as a ransom for their 
 fleet ; its value was guessed at by the English to be twelve. 
 Raleigh is said to have objected to the Spaniards* offer, and 
 to have urged that they should take the ships first, and 
 ransom them afterwards ; for they who now offered 2,000,000 
 would gladly give four to redeem them from the enemy's 
 hands. "^ It is very possible that when free licence had been 
 given to plunder in such a town as Cadiz, men enough could 
 not have been brought together in a state for them to man 
 the vessels for this enterprise ; a measure of such obvious 
 prudence could otherwise not have been overlooked. 
 
 It is said that the lord admiral objected -|- to any negotia- 
 tion, saying he was sent to destroy the enemy's ships, not to 
 release them for money. Yet the offer was entertained ; and 
 while the terms were in dispute, the Spaniards unshipped 
 with all possible alacrity the most valuable part of the goods. 
 The Duque de Medina then gave orders to burn the ships : 
 this measure offended and injured the owners more even than 
 it disappointed those who were already in expectation of 
 dividing the spoil. Three and thirty great ships laden for 
 India were thus destroyed, besides five from St. Lucar. When 
 some of the hostages went to Seville in order to raise the sum 
 which had been agreed upon for the ransom of the prisoners 
 
 * Triumphs of Nassau, igi. 
 
 t Camden, 521. But Marbeck says, " their offer was not misliked, and 
 would in all probability have been accepted" (p. 614). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 107 
 
 at Cadiz, they were told that all Seville was not able to answer 
 such a demand, so great was the loss which that city suffered 
 in the destruction of the fleet.* 
 
 The detachment which had been sent to occupy the Puente 
 de Zuazo behaved in a manner which shows how little sub- 
 ordination could at that time be expected either from officers 
 or men. They had been ordered upon that service for the 
 twofold object of preventing the galleys from making their 
 way to the sea, and of guarding against the entrance of forces 
 from the mainland. The people, who were assembled in 
 great numbers on the side of the mainland, dispersed at their 
 appearance ; and, contenting themselves with this dispersion, 
 the English, as soon as they knew that Cadiz was taken, 
 hastened to the spoil. Without waiting for orders, or taking 
 possession of a fort near the bridge,-]- or occupying the bridge 
 itself, back they sped, that they might not be too late for the 
 pillage ; and the only good which resulted from this move- 
 ment was that it accelerated the surrender of the castle, for 
 the garrison supposed that the bridge was occupied by an 
 enemy's force and that thus they were cut off from succour 
 by land, as well as by sea. But the galleys, which it was the 
 object of the commanders to intercept, passed the bridge in 
 safety, breaking down some of the arches by means of a 
 machine, and were conveyed through a narrow channel into 
 the sea, on the south side of the peninsula. | Essex was 
 standing with Vere and Monson on the castle of Cadiz, and 
 saw these vessels making their way to Rota; and Monson 
 told him, that by their escape his opportunity of keeping the 
 town was lost. It was to have been supplied from Barbary, 
 and Sir Edward Hobby was to have undertaken an embassy 
 to Morocco, for the purpose of negotiating on that subject. 
 These galleys, had they been captured, as they should have 
 been, might have transported all the supplies from thence, 
 whereas they would now be employed in cutting off such 
 single and small ships as should be sent thither for relief. § 
 
 * Monson. f Triumphs of Nassau, 191. 
 
 X Camden says that the service upon which this detachment was sent 
 was carefully and thoroughly performed (520). But Monson confirms 
 the statement which I have followed. "At their first coming," he says, 
 ••they were encountered by the enemy, but possessed themselves of the 
 bridge with the loss of seven men ; but whether it was for the want of 
 order, or for what other reasons they quitted it, I know not; and the 
 galleys by this means escaped " (p. 170). § Monson, 243. 
 
108 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 The town had been so cheaply won, that the English 
 despised their enemies ; * but that they used their victory 
 with more than what, in those times, was ordinary humanity, 
 seems certain. The Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, were 
 chiefly employed in transporting the inhabitants to Puerto St. 
 Maria, especial care being taken that the religious of either 
 sex should receive no injury. On the Saturday, Sir John 
 Wingfield was buried in the "cathedral in honourable and 
 warlike manner," the ships firing on the occasion. His re- 
 mains might better have been committed to the deep, more 
 than probable as it was that they would not be allowed to 
 rest in a Roman Catholic church. That church was farther 
 desecrated in the opinion of the Spaniards by an English 
 service on the Sunday, "when a learned sermon was made 
 there by Master Hopkins, the Earl of Essex his preacher, a 
 man of good learning and sweet utterance". Before the 
 sermon the two generals conferred the honour of knighthood 
 upon about threescore persons who had distinguished them- 
 selves -f either in the naval action, or in the capture of the 
 town ; a few others had previously received it while they 
 were dying of their wounds, as some consolation to their 
 friends, and probably some satisfaction to themselves. 
 
 * *' Thus much," says Marbeck (614), •' I can boldly affirm, that if the 
 English had been possessed of this or the like town, and had been but half 
 so well provided as they were, they would have defended it for two months 
 at least, against any power in Christendom. Whether their hearts were 
 chilled at the mighty overthrow by sea, or whether they were amazed at 
 the invincible courage of the English, which was more than ordinary, 
 caring no more for either small-shot or grape than in a manner for so 
 many hailstones ; or whether the remorse of a guilty conscience towards 
 the English nation, for their dishonourable and devilish practices against 
 her sacred majesty and the realm ; or what other thing there was in it, I 
 know not ; but be it spoken, to their perpetual shame and infamy, that 
 there was never thing more resolutely performed of the courageous Eng- 
 lish, nor more shamefully lost of the bragging Spaniards." 
 
 t The honour was thought to have been lavishly bestowed ; and so 
 indeed it seems, for so cheap a service. Hence the well-known 
 rhymes : — 
 
 " A gentleman of Wales, 
 
 A knight of Cales, 
 And a laird of the North Country ; 
 
 But a yeoman of Kent, 
 
 With his yearly rent. 
 Can buy them out all three." 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 109 
 
 The lord admiral on his first* leisure took measures for 
 procuring the deliverance of such of his countrymen as were 
 prisoners among the Spaniards. He wrote a letter, which 
 being translated into Latin was sent to the Duque de Medina, 
 reminding him of the humane and generous treatment which 
 the Spaniards who had fallen into the hands of the English, 
 when he had the command in 1588, had received from the 
 English Government, many thousands having been dismissed 
 without ransom ; and trusting that the same spirit of honourable 
 humanity would now be shown on the part of the Spaniards, 
 he proposed an immediate exchange for his countrymen. The 
 proposal was received as courteously as it was made, and thirty- 
 nine Englishmen accordingly obtained their liberty : some of 
 these had been lately taken in Drake's last voyage, but others 
 had been there six, eight, or ten years, and some twenty-two 
 and upwards, f 
 
 The great object of the expedition had been accomplished. 
 The Spanish treasury must be replenished and another navy 
 constructed before England could again be disquieted by 
 threat of an invasion. If Drake when he entered the bay 
 of Cadiz had seized the King of Spain's beard, Essex had 
 taken him by the throat ; and the earl was not willing to 
 loose his hold : he was for keeping the town and island, a 
 position which in our own days has been found tenable 
 against any land force. Vere and many of the soldiers 
 agreed with him. With 3000 troops, they said, the place 
 might be maintained ; it would be a thorn, not in the foot 
 of the Spaniard, but in his side ; supplies might be brought 
 from opposite Barbary, from the Mediterranean and the Levant 
 on one side, from England and the Netherlands on the other; 
 the Spaniards would find it necessary to direct all their eiforts 
 hitherward ; to this nook therefore would the brunt of the 
 
 •"Which was when he returned on board the Ark, minding there 
 to remain for a space, upon the advice of his physician (to wit, the relator, 
 Dr. Marbeck), as indeed he did, to deal something in physic, for that his 
 lordship found his body something out of frame." 
 
 t Hakluyt, 6i8, 619. The English understood that there were fifty-one 
 of their countrymen in captivity. " If you demand," says Marbeck, '* why 
 there were no more delivered, I presuppose, and I think it true too, that 
 at that time the residue were farther off, in some remote places of Spain 
 bestowed, and so by that means not able to be at this time in readiness ; 
 but yet near enough that there is some good order taken for them here- 
 after to be redeemed, and sent over to England," 
 
110 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 war be directed ; if it were thought good, Calais might be 
 obtained in exchange for it ; at the worst, with the sea open 
 to them, they could always obtain honourable terms. The 
 lord admiral was of a different opinion, and he was supported 
 by the naval commanders. The armament, they said, had 
 been supplied with hardly two months' provisions, and the 
 place could not be victualled in less than six from England 
 and the Netherlands ; from Italy nothing could be looked for, 
 that country being wholly subservient to the policy of the 
 King of Spain ; nothing from Barbary in any reasonable time, 
 for the Emperor of Morocco's abode was 100 miles inland, 
 and nothing could be obtained from his dominions without 
 his permission. They protested against lightly adventuring 
 the reputation of the English arms. To this it was replied, 
 that supplies might be expedited from home in much less 
 time ; and that Don Christoval (son of the Prior D. Antonio), 
 who was in the expedition, could go to Morocco, and by his 
 influence procure them also from thence. The Dutch admiral 
 offered to remain there with his fleet, and to land a month's 
 provision for 2000 men ; if the English could contribute in 
 the same proportion, the place would be victualled for three 
 or four months. He urged this with a Dutchman's feeling, 
 hoping to relieve his own country by making this the seat of 
 war : that feeling was partaken by Vere ; and inquiry, alike 
 at the instigation of those who agreed with them, and of the 
 more numerous party whose only desire was to return with 
 their booty, was made into the quantity of provisions in the 
 town. It then appeared that no resources there could be 
 taken into the account. In the wantonness of drunken 
 havoc ^ oil jars had been broken, wine barrels staved, and 
 
 * " Of what wealth this town should be," Dr. Marbeck says, " I am not 
 able to resolve the asker. For I confess that, for my own part, I had not 
 so much good luck as to be partaker so much as of one penny, or penny- 
 worth. Howbeit, my ill fortune maketh that town never a whit the poorer. 
 But, as it shall appear by the great pillage by the common soldiers, and 
 some mariners too ; and by the goodly furniture that was defaced by the 
 baser people, and thereby utterly lost and spoiled, as not worth the carrying 
 away ; and by the over-great plenty of wine, oil, almonds, olives, raisins, 
 spices, and other rich grocery wares, that by the intemperate disorder of 
 some of the rasher sort were knocked out, and lay trampled underfoot in 
 every highway, — it should appear that it was of some very mighty great 
 wealth to the first owners ; though perchance not of any such great com- 
 modity to the last subduers : for this I judge, that the better part was most 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 111 
 
 fruit and grain thrown into the streets and trodden under- 
 foot. Still Essex* persisted in his opinion that they ought to 
 keep their conquest; but he was overruled by the authority 
 of his wiser colleagues, and the voice of all those who had 
 enriched themselves with the spoil.f 
 
 It was determined, therefore, to lay waste the island, raze 
 the forts, and destroy the town as far as that could be done 
 by fire ; " the fair cathedral church, and the religious houses 
 only being spared and left unblemished ". Yet the studious 
 respect which had been shown to the clergy and their edifices 
 did not prevent the Spaniards from saying, that in sacred 
 things the English had shown themselves heretics : they gave 
 them, however, this commendation, that in other matters they 
 had approved themselves stout soldiers, wise, and truly noble. 
 They deemed it a miracle | that the enemy having won Cadiz, 
 should neither attempt to hold it, nor make an attack upon 
 any other place ; and their joy at seeing the expedition depart 
 after its work of destruction was done, was in proportion to 
 the danger which they had apprehended. At that time the 
 Spaniards knew not how little the English treasury was able 
 to bear the charge of a distant war ; and perhaps England 
 was not better acquainted with the internal weakness of 
 Spain, where the Moriscoes, though not long before sup- 
 pressed, were still formidable by their numbers and by the 
 remembrance of their intolerable wrongs ; and where the 
 troops, when brought into the field, displayed none of the 
 discipline and little of the courage which in other countries 
 had deservedly obtained for them the highest reputation.§ 
 
 They carried with them the two galleons which they had 
 taken, some few of the wealthier prisoners, and forty hostages 
 for the general ransom. The galleys which had been allowed 
 
 riotously and intemperately spent and consumed ; a disorder, in my opinion, 
 very much to be lamented, and if it could be by any good measure remedied, 
 in my conceit it were a most honourable device " (Hakluyt, 615). 
 
 * Camden says, and Lediaid unsuspiciously repeats, that Essex offered 
 to stay with only 400 men, arM provisions for three months. This, in the 
 first instance, must have been'%n error in the MS. or in the press; but to 
 repeat it almost implies as little sense as Essex must have had if he did 
 indeed make so absurd a proposal. 
 
 Camden says (521), '• Being every man sufficiently enriched, their minds 
 were on their own country, so as they would not grant him so much as 
 his ship, nor victuals for a month or two ". 
 
 t Peter Bor, iv., 233, 234. Triumphs 0/ Nassau, 193. 
 
 X Strype, ccii. Letter from P. Ribadaneira, § Bleda, 754, 755. 
 
112 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 to escape through the bridge of Zuazo were on the alert ; 
 they harassed the rear of the fleet, and captured a Dutch 
 vessel with horses and baggage on board, which being a 
 heavy sailer lagged behind.* 
 
 The question now was what next should be attempted ; for 
 the lords-general had still the hope and intent of performing 
 some farther great service before their return. But " such 
 was the covetousness of the better sort who had enriched 
 themselves, and such the fear of hunger in others who com- 
 plained for want of victuals, that they could not willingly be 
 drawn to any further action". Essex, however, with a party 
 of English and most of the Hollanders, landed at Faro, at 
 that time "a place of no wealth," and of no resistance. 
 They burnt it, nevertheless, and spoiled the beautiful country 
 thereabout. And they brought away the library which had 
 belonged to Osorio, late bishop of the adjacent city of Sylves, 
 whose Latinised name is still well known, and was then familiar 
 to the English because of the letter which he had addressed 
 to Queen Elizabeth, and his controversy with Haddon. Mon- 
 son says that Faro was famous only for his library, and that 
 many of the books were bestowed upon the newly erected 
 one at Oxford. -|- There, therefore, the remains of this collec- 
 tion are preserved ; but it is probable that those books which 
 would now be the most valuable, were thought by the captors 
 not worthy of preservation. 
 
 They learned from the prisoners that the strength of the 
 country was in Lagos, then the largest place in Algarve, and 
 still the seat of Government ; it was represented as strong in 
 itself, and well prepared for defence, most part of the gentry 
 thereabout having gone thither "to make it good," expecting 
 an attack. This news was acceptable to Essex, who preferred 
 honour before wealth ; and having re-embarked his men, he 
 proposed to proceed against it. But the lord admiral alleged 
 that the place was strong, and contained nothing that could 
 compensate for the probable loss in taking it ; that it belonged 
 to the Portuguese, who were our friends at heart ; that the 
 winning of it, after so eminent a place as Cadiz, could add no 
 honour ; and that if it should be carried, yet it would be with 
 the loss of his best troops and gentlemen, who would rather 
 
 * Peter Bor, 234. Triumphs of Nassau, 194. 
 t Monson, 171. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX US 
 
 desire to die than receive the indignity of a repulse. Much 
 against his will, Essex yielded to these reasons.* 
 
 There was at this time a general complaint for want of 
 victuals ; upon inquiry, however, it was found that there were 
 seven weeks' provision on board, drink excepted ; and there 
 would have been no difficulty in watering, commanding as 
 their force was. The best service that could be thought of 
 was to lie in wait for the Indian ships, this being the usual 
 time of their return. Essex, therefore, when the fleet had 
 doubled Cape St. Vincent, proposed that they should make 
 for the Azores, "founding myself," he says, "upon these two 
 reasons : first, that it was more certain to attend there at the 
 land, where we were assured they must touch, than to seek 
 them on the wide sea ; and next, that the advices sent out of 
 Spain and Portugal since our being on the coast might meet 
 them amongst the islands, and make them alter their usual 
 course from thence, but could hardly find them beyond, and 
 divert them from coming thither. Besides, the Spaniards 
 after they saw us engaged at Cadiz, would never suspect or 
 dream of our going to the islands." This was overruled. 
 They proceeded till they came off the mouth of the Tagus : 
 there they had been forbidden to enter by their instructions ; 
 "and if it had been free for us to have gone," says Essex, 
 " yet our seamen were made of the same stuff that Sir Francis 
 Drake and his company were, when they lost the occasion of 
 taking Lisbon from fear of passing by the castle of St. Julians". 
 The opposition which the earl met with in his projects from 
 the naval officers must have made him very sore, or he would 
 not have cast this reflection upon as brave a man as ever 
 carried an English ship into action. •]- 
 
 Then he proposed to wait for the carracks, sending home 
 the land forces, and all such ships as want of victuals, leaks, 
 sickness, or anything else whatsoever, had made unfit to stay 
 out at sea. The Lord Thomas Howard heartily agreed with 
 him in thinking that this was the course which ought now to 
 be taken, and they asked for twelve ships furnished out of 
 the rest The lord admiral objected, and Raleigh joined 
 in the opposition, alleging the scarcity of provisions, and the 
 infection of his men. The Dutch, showing themselves as 
 before ready for any enterprise, offered to stay. But the 
 
 * Monson, 171. +Lediard, 338. 
 
114 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 lord admiral refused to leave two of the queen's ships, and 
 eight or ten merchantmen; and Lord Thomas was the only 
 captain who of his own accord would have stayed. "The riches 
 of Cadiz," says Monson, " kept them that had got much from 
 attempting more, as if it had been pure want and not honour 
 that would have enforced them to greater enterprises." Thus 
 Essex's hopes were frustrated, to the grievous disappointment 
 of the Hollanders, who made sure of these prizes, if they had 
 either made for the islands, or kept cruising oiF the coast. In 
 fact, the fleet safely arrived within a fortnight : it was sup- 
 posed to be worth 7,000,000 ducats ; and a Spanish Jesuit 
 considered its escape as miraculous, when it would have been 
 such a scourge to all Christendom, if in that necessitous season 
 it had fallen into the hands of the heretics.* 
 
 The lord admiral and the other commanders were now for 
 hastening homeward ; but Essex proposed that they should 
 make for Coruna,-]- and thither, says he, "with cart-ropes I 
 drew them ; for I both vowed and protested against their 
 refusal, and parted company with them when they offered 
 to hold on their course". A caravel, with its men apparelled 
 in Spanish clothes, looked into that harbour, and into Ferrol, 
 and ascertained that there were no ships in either. This 
 being ascertained, they held their last council. Essex would 
 have proceeded to Santander, Passages, St. Sebastians, "and 
 the good ports all along the coast ; but my associate," he says, 
 "absolutely refused to go farther, complaining of wants, and 
 objected our being embayed, and I know not what, in which 
 opinion Sir Walter Raleigh strengthened him ; and they were 
 both desirous to take upon them the honour of breaking the 
 design. And of landing at the Groyne, or attempting the 
 town, they would not hear by any means." They were un- 
 doubtedly right in not making an attack upon Coruna, where 
 Drake and Norris had been repulsed, and where no advantage 
 could have been obtained in any degree commensurate to the 
 risk. Here, therefore, the fleet broke up ; the other commanders 
 making the best of their way to England, while Essex tarried 
 to bring home the galleons taken at Cadiz, and the fly-boat that 
 carried the artillery. The Dutch squadron and a few small 
 
 * Lediard, 338. Monson, 172. Peter Bor, 234. Strype, ccii. 
 t He says, " from Lisbon to the Groyne (Coruna), there is no port to 
 hold the king's or any other great shipping," — forgetting Vigo. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 115 
 
 ships kept company with him ; and on the way he drew up, 
 in no amicable temper, towards his colleague and Raleigh, a 
 vindication* of himself against the objections which he fore- 
 saw would be made to the conduct of the expedition. 
 
 Before the armament returned a prayer of thanksgiving was 
 set forth by authority. It was composed by Burleigh, and 
 thanked the Lord of Hosts for having so favourably conducted 
 a force which had been sent out, not for any other worldly 
 respect, but only for the defence of the realm and people 
 against the mighty preparations of the enemy, seeking their 
 ruin. It praised the Lord for strengthening the governors 
 and leaders of the same with counsel and resolution, and 
 blessing them with notable victories both by sea and land ; 
 whereby the insolence and pride of our enemies, which sought 
 our conquest and subversion, had been daunted, repulsed, and 
 abated, "Grant unto us," it said, "the grace with due thank- 
 fulness to acknowledge Thy fatherly goodness extended upon 
 us, by Thy singular favour showed to Thy servant and minister, 
 our sovereign lady and queen. And for Thy holy name 
 continue these Thy wonderful blessings upon us, to defend us 
 from our enemies ; and bless us with Thy graceful hand, to 
 the endless praise of Thy holy name, and to our lasting joy. 
 And direct our armies by Thy providence, so as the noblemen, 
 and all others serving in the same army and navy in their 
 charge, may with much honour, triumph, and safety, return 
 home to their countries, and to give Thee due thanks for Thy 
 special favours marvellously showed unto them, in preserving 
 of them all this summer time from all contagion and mortality, 
 by sword or sickness ; notwithstanding their force and violence 
 most manfully exercised to the vanquishing great numbers both 
 by sea and land ; and to the destruction of their most mighty 
 ships, that heretofore have attempted to invade this realm ; 
 and of their forts and castles, and waste of their notable sub- 
 stances of their churches, without hurting any person that did 
 yield, or any women, or children, or religious persons, to whom 
 all favour was showed that they did require." f War, in those 
 days, was conducted in such a spirit, that for the troops not 
 to have committed, and with the sanction of their leaders. 
 
 * Lediard (i., 337, 339), has printed this from the original in the Cotton 
 Library. 
 
 t Strype, Appendix, No. cxciv. 
 
116 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 any outrage upon humanity, was deemed a point of special 
 honour to the commanders, and calling for an especial ex- 
 pression of gratitude to the Almighty. 
 
 It was regarded as one of the most remarkable circumstances 
 of this successful expedition, that the forces returned in health ; 
 so large a force never having been known to suffer so little 
 from sickness before."^ The queen addressed a letter of thanks 
 to the two lords-general, in language not less characteristic of 
 herself than it must have been grateful to the soldiers and 
 sailors and the English nation. " If my pen," says Elizabeth, 
 " had as many tongues as the flock of its owner had feathers, 
 they could scarce express the laud that my soul yieldeth to the 
 Highest for the great victory which His graceful hand hath 
 given us ; and that you, as His instruments, have so admirably, 
 in so few hours, with such valour, order, and resolution, per- 
 formed so great an action, of which sort, I suppose, has not 
 been seen a fellow. You have made me famous, dreadful, and 
 renowned, not more for your victory than for your courage ; 
 nor more for either than for such plentiful liquor of mercy, 
 which may well match the better of the two. You have so 
 pleased my mind therewith, as if I had a great treasure I 
 would leave it for it. Never was there heard in so few days 
 so great a gain obtained ; which, though I do attribute most 
 to the forerunners, yet I charge you let the army know, both 
 of sea and land, that I care not so much for being queen, 
 as that I am the sovereign of such subjects that blast my 
 fame with their worth. Their queen wisheth not more days 
 to breathe than while such people may flourish, and desires 
 to end before any disaster or dishonour fall on such a nation. 
 This tell them from her whose thoughts and words never 
 disagreed ; and yield them such due praise, as paper cannot 
 utter, but my heart while it lasteth shall keep from oblivion. 
 Among all Divine blessings I count it not the least, that your 
 healths nor your harms may slack your safe return : for which 
 whoso hath prayed most hath never gained a strawbreadth of 
 me." f 
 
 The queen addressed a letter of thanks also to the Dutch 
 admiral, wherein she particularly acknowledged the honour- 
 able and faithful friendship he had shown to her cousin the 
 Earl of Essex, in tarrying by him when he was separated by 
 
 * Monson. f Lediard, 338. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 117 
 
 night from the fleet, and left without all assistance. " The Dutch 
 commander," she said, "by convoying him to Plymouth had pre- 
 vented a misfortune which, if it had fallen on one of the generals 
 of the expedition, would have cast a shade over the victory."* 
 Essex hastened to London on his arrival, and is said to have 
 proposed that an immediate attempt should be made upon 
 Calais. The opportunity was favourable for recovering a 
 place which we had so long possessed that in public opinion 
 it was still regarded as part of the ancient patrimony of 
 England. But, according to Monson,-|- " the King of France 
 withstood it, thinking with more ease to regain it from the 
 Spaniards that were his enemies, than from us who were his 
 friends". But such an enterprise would at that time have 
 been as little consonant with the policy of the English Govern- 
 ment as of the French. Elizabeth had engaged that the troops 
 which had been withdrawn from the Low Countries for this 
 service should be remanded thither as soon as it was accom- 
 plished ; and, of the 3000 which remained, half were pressingly 
 required for Ireland. The results of the voyage were thus 
 summed up by Essex : — " For matter of glory, the English 
 had not waited for the King of Spain, the most powerful 
 monarch in the world, when he threatened a formidable war 
 against England, but defied him in his own ground ; they 
 defeated a fleet of his completely equipped, and in it the 
 largest of his ships ; they no sooner saw the strongest fortified 
 city in that part of Spain than they conquered it, and they 
 had remained thirteen days in the enemy's country. For 
 profit, they had brought home two galleons, wherewith to 
 strengthen the English navy, and about one hundred great 
 pieces of brass ordnance, as well as other spoils ; and the men 
 had returned flushed with money and courage for another ex- 
 pedition. For damage done to the Spaniard, he had lost 
 thirteen of his best ships for service, forty Indian merchant 
 ships, and four others ; great quantity of warlike stores both 
 for sea and land, and of provisions ; so that it seemed im- 
 possible for him soon to set forth another fleet for service. 
 He had also lost all opportunity of sending any merchandise 
 that year to Mexico, or receiving any from thence ; and the 
 English (which was of no small moment) had learnt how 
 easily the sea-towns of Spain might be taken." | 
 
 * Peter Bor, 235. f Lediard, 672. :J: Camden, 523. 
 
118 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 But it was presently found that the advantage to the Eng- 
 lish Government was in small proportion to the injury which 
 had been inflicted upon the Spaniards. An assured hope of 
 great profit and gain had been held out by the lord admiral 
 to the queen, upon which hope she had very hardly been 
 drawn to disburse about 50,000/. ; and when she was now 
 called upon for the wages of the soldiers and seamen, the 
 answer of the council was, that if she should now be driven 
 to farther expenses, she should be greatly deceived in her 
 expectation, and in the assurances which the lord admiral 
 had made her, without which she would never have yielded 
 to the voyage. "You must give us leave to remember you," 
 said they to the lord admiral, "like as Her Majesty hath 
 objected it here to the Earl of Essex, that when that great 
 reckoning was suspected to prove burdensome, you both made 
 so light of any such suspicion, as you in a manner warranted 
 the defraying of all such reckonings. And, therefore, as Her 
 Majesty had objected this to the Earl of Essex, so are we 
 commanded to do to you, — that, if good search be made, it 
 will be found that both the captains, masters, and officers of 
 all the ships, have pillage enough to bear each ship's charge, 
 which, if it be thus, there is no reason the queen should give 
 them wages, and suffer them to carry such pillage too, beyond 
 all reason and order. And, therefore, it is Her Majesty's 
 pleasure, that upon good search and view thereof, it be con- 
 sidered which way will be most profitable for the queen, 
 either to pay them, or take* that which is so indirectly 
 embezzled by them : wherein Her Majesty meaneth not any 
 such trash and petty matters as garments and other things 
 fit for soldiers and mariners in like cases, but gross commodities, 
 wares, and other merchandise, of which money may be made 
 toward the common charge." Sixty of the brass guns had 
 been given to the Hollanders ; this the council said Her 
 Majesty thinks very much, considering, for ought she hears, 
 that is the best reckoning she must look for toward her so 
 insupportable charge. •[• 
 
 The queen was displeased that Essex's proposal to go in 
 quest of the carracks had been overruled, this having been 
 " one of the principalest things to be performed in the end of 
 the voyage ". " And for the not tarrying sail for them," said 
 
 * Query, " Let them take ? " f Lediard, 336, 343, 345. 
 
 I 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 119 
 
 the council, " Her Majesty remains fully unsatisfied, neither 
 will almost hear any contrary argument ; especially because 
 she thinks that amongst so many ships returned victualled 
 for so long time, two at the least of Her Majesty's ships and 
 some half-score others, might have been victualled well enough 
 out of the remains. Although it will be said that so few 
 could hardly serve the turn, yet Her Majesty commandeth us 
 to write that it was strange if they should not serve to gather 
 up some of them, considering how they return, scattered and 
 weak, homeward always." * 
 
 In England it was the Government alone that was dis- 
 appointed ; the nation seemed to think that the glory which 
 had been gained was well worth the cost. But in the Low 
 Countries, a more sinister view of the expedition was taken 
 by that party which always regarded the English with dislike 
 and distrust. They complained that the Hollanders had been 
 treated with insolence and injustice at the capture of Cadiz, 
 the English, who kept watch at the gates, having violently 
 despoiled them of their booty. This probably was an exag- 
 gerated representation of a few cases, for which justice would 
 have been done upon the spot had they been made known to 
 the English generals : and it appears indeed that some of the 
 Hollanders returned with a good share of spoils, the whole of 
 which was seized by the admiralty, that it might be publicly 
 sold, and the produce distributed according to the rules of 
 their service. The cost of the armament of the States had 
 been 500,000 florins ; but it was now complained that this 
 was far from being all the cost to the people, for a large part 
 of the destruction which had been committed at Cadiz fell 
 upon the Dutch themselves ; they had their factors at Cadiz, 
 their goods in that city, their ships in the harbour, and more 
 than 300,000 florins' worth of Dutch property had been burnt, 
 wasted, or carried off in the sack. There were men who hated 
 England enough to report, and perhaps to believe, that the 
 object of the English Government in this expedition had been 
 to make the Dutch so odious in Spain, that they should no 
 longer be permitted or able to trade thither, and Holland 
 would by the loss of that trade be reduced to poverty. 
 Whatever effect these villainous representations may have 
 had in fostering that animosity which some of the Dutch 
 
 * Lediard, 344. 
 
120 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 manifested against their allies, and which the conduct of a 
 fierce soldiery was but too likely sometimes to provoke, the 
 States saw that there had been no just cause of complaint for 
 anything that had occurred during the voyage ; and giving 
 their admiral an authenticated copy of his letter of thanks 
 from the queen, they deposited the original in their archives.* 
 
 The Spaniards have been ever more active in repairing 
 their disasters than in endeavouring to avert them. They 
 recovered good part of the guns which had been sunk with 
 their ships, repaired their fleet at Lisbon, embargoed all foreign 
 vessels in their ports, brought together others from all parts, 
 and collected an armada at Ferrol. Many Irish fugitives 
 embarked in it. These preparations were made with such 
 celerity and secrecy that the first certain news which the 
 English Government had of their having put to sea-|- told 
 also of their having sustained such loss and damage in a 
 tempest, that the purport of their expedition was entirely 
 frustrated, more than forty ships being lost. It was thought 
 necessary, nevertheless, to strengthen the south coast with 
 new works, and store them for defence. | 
 
 Essex's favour with the queen had not been diminished by 
 his absence ; and though Elizabeth was too sagacious to agree 
 with him that Cadiz ought to have been maintained, she cer- 
 
 * Peter Bor, 234, 235. 
 
 t Mr. Secretary Lake writes to Sir Robert Sydney (4th Nov.), *• We 
 have been much awakened with the alarms of the enemy's preparations, 
 and partly as I hear from you, the like out of France, and every day from 
 such shipping as cometh from the seas. The last is very pregnant, that 
 the fleet was met coming from Lisbon to the Groyne, and that there they 
 are assembled, eighty sail and upwards. Our judgments here are divided 
 in discoursing thereof, the ground chiefly : both sides applying all things 
 to that which is most suitable to particular ends, but yet not without 
 good colour of reason. On the one side, it seemeth improbable that so 
 much shipping can suddenly be ready with provision to attempt any great 
 matter ; the season of the year unfit for our seas, subject to change of 
 weather : on the other, is alleged the continual advertisements from divers 
 parts ; the nature of the enemy, so lately stung with disgrace, and longing 
 for revenge ; the mightiness of his means. And these arguments are rife 
 in each man's mouth, as he is affected to either party ; and the worst is, 
 that it falleth out into some effects, stopping or furthering of resolutions 
 necessary ; which indifferent judgments, that look with even eye to the 
 chiefest aim, cannot but mislike, though vulgarly it doth not appear " 
 (Sydney Papers, i., 5). 
 
 JFerreras, 1596, § 15. Camden, 524. The places specified are Sands- 
 fort, Portland, Hurst, Southsea, Calshot, St. Andrews, and St. Maudits. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 121 
 
 tainly thought that his opinion concerning the subsequent 
 employment of the fleet should have been followed. But he 
 presumed too much upon her favour, and exposed himself 
 thereby to some deserved mortification. He opposed the 
 appointment of Sir Francis Vere to the command of the 
 Briel, though his eminent services in the Low Countries, and 
 the reputation which he enjoyed there, rendered him the 
 fittest of all men for that post. Essex had recommended 
 others for it, and did not dissemble his discontent that his 
 recommendations should have been disregarded. He had also 
 recommended Sir Thomas Bodley for the office of secretary of 
 state, upon the ground of his conversance with the affairs of 
 the Low Countries, and his great knowledge and his wisdom. 
 His influence was such, and Bodley was so far worthy of the 
 character thus given him, that he would have been appointed 
 to the office jointly with Sir Robert Cecil, if Essex had not 
 so invidiously and unjustly attempted to depreciate Cecil, 
 that the queen manifested her displeasure ; and Cecil, who 
 was appointed sole secretary, in consequence became his 
 enemy, not without just cause.* 
 
 The queen also was displeased at his conduct, and made 
 some attempt *'to pull down his great heart," saying, "he 
 held it from the mother's side ".-f- Still, however, the kind- 
 ness with which she really regarded him was such, that the 
 most ambitious of his enemies deemed it advisable to court 
 a reconciliation, and avail themselves of his favour. The 
 advances which Cecil himself made "took not that success 
 which was looked for," but Raleigh intermediated ; and Essex, 
 weary of the uneasy position in which he found himself, 
 listened not unwillingly \ to proposals which were to promote 
 
 * Camden, 525. •\ Sydney Papers, ii., 19, 22, 24. 
 
 X The Sydney Papers (ii., 42), calls this "a treaty of peace," confirmed 
 between Cecil, Essex, and Raleigh, after dining together, and being all 
 three " very private for two hours ". " It is true that Sir Walter Raleigh 
 hath taken upon him to provide victuals for three months for 6000 men, 
 at the allowance of nine pence a man per diem. There is imprested unto 
 him 3000/. a week for six weeks ; he shall have Bridewell, Winchester 
 House, and Durham House, to be the magazines for the victuals. He 
 protests he shall be a loser by it ; but few are of that opinion besides him- 
 self. Mr. Secretary's turn is next for the chancellorship of the duchy ; he 
 will surely have it, for there will be no opposition, but all assistance and 
 furtherance given unto him." 
 
 In a subsequent letter (55), where the victualling of the land forces by 
 
122 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 the public good, and the interest of both parties. Raleigh 
 had been suspended from his post of captain of the guard, 
 and hoped to be reinstated by Cecil's means, if Essex were 
 not opposed to him ; both were desirous that an expedition 
 against the Spaniards should be set forth, and their united 
 interests were required for this object. For though it was 
 urged upon the queen as a measure necessary for her safety, 
 she was opposed to it : at that time there appeared no such 
 danger as to call for preventive hostilities, and her principle 
 was not to make war, but to prepare for defence. When, 
 however, it was ascertained that the Spaniard, who was never 
 cast down by disasters, but always indefatigable in repairing 
 them, had, with the wreck of his own fleet, and all the ships 
 that he could hire in all quarters, fitted out another armament, 
 for a new attempt upon Ireland, she then, with her wonted 
 spirit, determined to prevent the attack. At first ten ships 
 of the navy royal were made ready, and as many Hollanders ; 
 but as greater objects than those at first intended were con- 
 templated, the armament was increased to 120 sail; of which 
 seventeen were queen's ships, forty-three smaller men-of- 
 war, and the rest victuallers. They were divided into three 
 squadrons : one under Essex, who had the chief and un- 
 divided command ; one under Lord Thomas Howard ; and 
 the third under Raleigh.* Lord Mountjoy commanded the 
 land forces, consisting of 5000 men raised for the occasion, 
 and 1000 old soldiers whom Sir Francis Vere brought from 
 the Low Countries. Vere was appointed marshal. Sir George 
 Carew lieutenant of the ordnance, and Sir Christopher Blunt 
 serjeant-major, or chief colonel. Raleigh was restored to 
 his post as captain of the guard, with Essex's "liking and 
 furtherance," the earl's mind, it is said, " being full, and only 
 carried away with the business he hath in his head, of over- 
 coming the enemy ".f He himself was made master of the 
 ordnance. 
 
 His whole heart | was in this expedition. He was resolved, 
 
 Raleigh is mentioned, the writer says, '•! hear it is very well done, and 
 that he hath let the earl have much for his private provision. They are 
 grown exceeding great ; and Essex often goes to Cecil's house, very private, 
 where they meet." 
 
 * Camden, 530. t Sydney Papers, 37. 
 
 X " The earl is so busy that a man can have no time to speak with him 
 to any purpose. I will attend, and spy out some time to put him in mind 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX J23 
 
 he said, either to destroy that Spanish fleet which threatened 
 England, or sacrifice his life in his country's service. It was 
 given out that the force was intended for Ireland ; but though 
 that was the common report, it could not have been believed 
 by the numerous volunteers of better note and quality, who 
 embarked in it with their feathers waving, and richly habited 
 in gaudy clothes ; a vanity, says Camden, peculiar to the Eng- 
 lish when they go to the wars.* No man went willingly to 
 the barbarous Irish wars. The Earls of Rutland and South- 
 ampton, and Lords Grey, Cromwell, and Rich, were among the 
 adventurers. Their instructions were to make for Ferrol and 
 Coruna, there to surprise the Spanish armament in harbour ; 
 then to take and keep the island of Tercera, and endeavour 
 to intercept the homeward-bound Indian fleet. 
 
 They sailed from Plymouth on Sunday, 10th July. Next 
 evening they " felt a contrary wind, and overblowing ". This 
 increased : the fleet was dispersed, and the scattered ships 
 put back each where it could ; Raleigh to Plymouth on the 
 18th, Essex to Falmouth on the 20th.f The ships suffered 
 severely, but none appear to have foundered. One knight 
 (Sir Richard Ruddale) died of sea-sickness ; and the storm 
 "killed the hearts" of many gentlemen volunteers, who, as 
 soon as they got to shore, took leave of the expedition.! 
 
 of doing something for you before he go ; and seeing he suffers others to 
 advance their friends, methinks he should do the like for you. But it is 
 not your case only, but all those that truly love him, who, indeed, are in a 
 mutiny against these late courses he holds ; but he answers them all with 
 silence. ' He is so full of this business now in hand, that everybody,' said 
 Sir Gilly Merick unto me, ' must have patience till his return, and then he 
 will be able to do for his friends.' ' As much as he did,' said I, ' when he 
 came last home ' " (to Sir Robert Sydney, Sydney Papers, 55). 
 
 * " Arthur Champernon goeth in a little bark of his own this journey, 
 as neat as himself; and the ship, for burthen, as little as he for a man." 
 {Sydney Papers, 58). 
 
 f Monson says (303), " We may blame the unadvisedness of my Lord of 
 Essex, in keeping the sea with a contrary wind, foul weather, and a press 
 sail, till his fleet were scattered, when in three hours he might have har- 
 boured in Falmouth, and avoided the rigour of the storm ". 
 
 t In a letter of the 26th, Cecil writes to Essex, '• Till Friday, in the 
 morning, we heard nothing of your safe arrival ; of which, to tell you 
 truth, till I was well advertised, I took little pleasure to think of answer- 
 ing the Remaine, but wished the action dissolved ; and knew, if you had 
 Eerished, it had been vanity to have dreamed any farther of aught else 
 ut passion here and confusion there " (Ellis's Original Letters, iii., 42). 
 Cecil's opinion of Raleigh appears in his letter ; and his knowledge also 
 
124 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Essex and Raleigh posted to London after this mishap, leaving 
 Mountjoy, Howard, and Vere at Plymouth. The soldiers were 
 lodged in the adjacent villages, taking with them provisions 
 from the fleet. Some of the ships had reached the Spanish 
 coast, and shown themselves off Ferrol : the Spaniards had 
 not put to sea against them, because of the weather ; but 
 having this intimation that an enemy's expedition had been 
 sent out, they had time to prepare against it.* A whole 
 month the winds continued so contrary, that when the fleet 
 had been refitted they could not get out of harbour. By this 
 time their provisions were far spent ; and, strange as it must 
 now seem, they could only be supplied from the eastern parts 
 of England, and that in no short time. It became necessary, 
 therefore, to disband the new levies, and retain only the 
 thousand old soldiers. The land force being thus greatly 
 diminished, it was the general opinion that no attempt should 
 be hazarded upon Coruna or Ferrol, but that they should make 
 at once for the islands, and Vere objected even to this ; he 
 said it would neither be for the queen's profit nor honour; 
 with so diminished an armament nothing could be done that 
 would satisfy men's expectations, and meantime the Spaniards 
 might invade England while the best commanders and part 
 of the queen's army were absent. Vere's well-established 
 character enabled him to deliver such an opinion without 
 fear of reproach, but Essex abated nothing of his haughty 
 hopes.f Though disabled from landing in Galicia and beat- 
 that Essex partook the same feeling of ill-will, notwithstanding their 
 tripartite alliance. He says, "And for good Mr. Raleigh, who wonders 
 at his own diligence, because diligence and he are not familiars, it is true 
 that on Wednesday night, I being at Greenwich, and the queen at Mr. 
 Walsingham's, his letter found me, which I imparted on Thursday as 
 soon as the queen was ready unto her ; and do confess that, in expecta- 
 tion to hear of you, we did defer answer to you until Friday, of which 
 day I trust divers despatches are with you long before this time. Thus 
 do you see that a man whose fortune scants him of means to do you ser- 
 vice, will not bear coolly to be accused of dulness, especially by your 
 rere-admiral, who making haste but once in a year to write a letter in 
 port, gave date from Weymouth to his last despatch, which, by the cir- 
 cumstances, I knew was written from Plymouth " (Ellis's Original 
 Letters, iii., 42). 
 
 * Sydney Papers, 57-59. Camden, 530. 
 
 t Camden says, that "out of his high magnanimity and courage and 
 spirit, he propounded many and great matters he would do if he might 
 be permitted, with one half the fleet and army, to go to I know not what 
 place" (531). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 125 
 
 ing the land forces there, he offered to send fireships into 
 Ferrol, and to second them with the St. Matthew and St. 
 Andrew, and some large fly-boats and merchantmen, leaving 
 all the queen's own English-built ships at the mouth of the 
 harbour to secure his retreat. Thus he should hazard only 
 the two great carracks which he had taken at Cadiz, for the 
 chance of defeating the enemy's whole navy. Leave was 
 given him to make the attempt ; but he was positively for- 
 bidden to go himself with these carracks, or to hazard any 
 other ships.* 
 
 On the 17th of August they put to sea. A storm again 
 scattered them before they got sight of the Spanish coast: 
 the St. Matthefv "having spent her cross-yards and main- 
 mast," struck upon a rock ; but by the great exertion of her 
 commander. Sir George Carew, the crew were prevented from 
 abandoning her, and both men and ship were saved. The St. 
 Andrew was missing when the remainder of the fleet reas- 
 sembled. They were censured for vain ostentation in sailing 
 now within view of the shore, as if the detriment which former 
 commanders had suffered in consequence of a like imprudence 
 had been no warning to them ; but it seems rather that the 
 attempt appeared impracticable even to Essex himself, when 
 neither carrack could be employed in it ; and after hovering 
 for some time off the coast in hope of enticing the Spanish 
 fleet out, it was determined to make for the Azores. Every 
 captain received his directions to steer his course into lat. 36°, 
 and thence to spread themselves north and south, that being 
 the height in which the Spaniards usually sailed from the 
 Indies.-]- 
 
 On the second night after this resolution had been taken, 
 Essex "brought himself upon the lee" to stop a leak in his 
 ship; and "through this unadvised working," Raleigh and 
 some other vessels who were too far ahead to perceive it at 
 such a time, parted company from the fleet. The next day 
 Raleigh fell in with a pinnace, which told him that the Armada, 
 instead of being at Ferrol and Coruna, was gone to the islands 
 to protect the Indian fleet. The pinnace with this advice, 
 which proved to be false, was sent to look for Essex ; he upon 
 receiving it altered his plans accordingly, made sail for the 
 islands, and despatched some small vessels to Raleigh, order- 
 
 * Lediard, 355. f Monson, 173. 
 
126 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ing him to repair to Flores. Upon arriving there it was found 
 that the Armada was neither there nor expected to come. 
 Raleigh had not arrived, who, Essex thought, should have 
 been there before him ; and Essex hastily giving ear to some of 
 his own hangers-on, was persuaded that his newly reconciled 
 enemy had purposely separated from the fleet, and had de- 
 coyed a number of ships and tenders to follow him ; and 
 under this persuasion he despatched a complaint against him 
 to England. The first hour he anchored he called a council, 
 and Monson advised him as soon as he watered to run west, 
 and spread his ships north and south, as far as the east wind 
 which then blew would carry them ; for if the Indian fleet, 
 he said, came home that year, they could not be above 200 
 leagues west of that island, and whenever the wind should 
 chop up westerly, he bearing a slack sail, they would in a 
 few days overtake him. Essex seemed willing to follow this 
 advice ; but he was diverted from it by some of those persons 
 who " coming principally from land service, found themselves 
 tired by the tediousness of the sea".* By the time the ships 
 had watered and refreshed Raleigh arrived. Essex then, witli 
 that generosity which it is a sin to fail in, and which yet is 
 so seldom found that it is accounted a virtue whenever it is 
 displayed, acknowledged his fault, and promised ample amends. 
 "He seemed," says Raleigh's captain. Sir Arthur Gorges, "to 
 be the joyfullest man living for our arrival," acquainted Sir 
 Walter with "the many conjectures and surmises that had 
 been vented of his absence, and withal named to him some 
 of those who had taxed him secretly with strange reports, yet 
 pretended to love him, which he protested he never believed, 
 but thereby the better observed their cankered dispositions. 
 For though the earl had many doubts and jealousies buzzed 
 into his ears against Sir Walter, yet," says Gorges, "I have 
 often observed that both in his greatest actions of service and 
 at the times of his cheerful recreations, he would ever accept 
 of his counsel and company before many others who thought 
 themselves more in his favour." -|- 
 
 At this time the English were much cast down. They had 
 met divers Englishmen who came from the Indies and could 
 give no assurance of the Indian fleet, nor could they obtain 
 any information concerning it on shore, and this made them 
 
 * Monson, 175. f Purchas, vol. iv. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 127 
 
 half in despair.* A council of war was held, and according 
 to Sir Arthur Gorges it was resolved that Fayal should be 
 attacked by Essex and Raleigh ; Graciosa by Howard and 
 Vere ; St. Michael's by Mountjoy and Blunt ; Pico by the 
 Dutch squadron ; and last of all Tercera by their united 
 force. Raleigh was taking in wood and water when he re- 
 ceived the earl's orders to follow him to Fayal. He obeyed 
 with all alacrity, but missed him on the way, and when he 
 arrived at Fayal Essex was not there. Two days elapsed, and 
 no appearance of the general's squadron ; the enemy mean- 
 time were making all possible preparation for defence ; and 
 Raleigh, than whom no man had studied more thoughtfully 
 the art of war, knew well how much was lost in losing time. 
 A council was held, and he proposed landing. "There were 
 some," says Raleigh, "who advised me not to undertake it, 
 and I hearkened unto them somewhat longer than was re- 
 quisite, especially when they desired me to reserve the title 
 of such an exploit, though it were not great, for a greater 
 person." Sir Gilly Merrick was the man who urged with 
 most warmth that they should wait for the general. The 
 majority agreed with Raleigh in opinion ; they agreed, how- 
 ever, to wait another day ; that day also elapsed ; and when 
 Essex's partisans, or creatures, as they might without injustice 
 be called, found it no longer fitting to press for delay in 
 deference to him, they began to tell Raleigh of difficulties. 
 "Then," says he, "I gave them to understand that it was 
 more difficult to defend a coast than to invade it ; " and from 
 a sense of pride he determined upon making the attempt, not 
 in the easiest, but in the most daring way.j- 
 
 He had persuaded himself that in the present case it was 
 the best policy to act so. "The truth is," he says, "I could 
 have landed my men with more ease, yea, without finding 
 any resistance, if I would have rowed to another place ; yea, 
 even there where I landed, if I would have taken more com- 
 pany to help me. But without fearing any imputation of 
 rashness, I may say that I had more regard of reputation in 
 that business than of safety. For I thought it to belong unto 
 the honour of our prince and nation, that a few islanders 
 should not think any advantage great enough against a fleet 
 set forth by Queen Elizabeth ; and further, I was unwilling 
 
 • Monson, 173. f History of the World, 5, i, g 9, 307. 
 
128 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 that some Low Country captains, and others not of my own 
 squadron, whose assistance I had refused, should please them- 
 selves with a sweet conceit (though it would have been short, 
 when I had landed in some other place), that for want of their 
 help I was driven to turn tail. Therefore I took with me 
 none but men assured, commanders of mine own squadron, 
 with some of their followers, and a few other gentlemen, 
 voluntaries, whom I could not refuse ; as Sir William Brooke, 
 Sir William Harvey, Sir Arthur Gorges, Sir John Scot, Sir 
 Thomas Ridge way. Sir Henry Thinne, Sir Charles Morgan, 
 Sir Walter Chute, Marcellus Throckmorton, Captain Lawrence 
 Keymis, Captain William Morgan, and others, such as well 
 understood themselves and the enemy." * This passage alone 
 might show, was there no other proof, what heartburnings 
 there were among the commanders and officers in this arma- 
 ment, notwithstanding the formal -j- reconciliation that had 
 taken place. 
 
 It required English courage to effect a landing at such a 
 spot, in the face of a well-prepared enemy ; and our seamen 
 had not then acquired that never-failing confidence which, 
 from the days of Drake and Raleigh, they have possessed as 
 their assured and indefeasible inheritance. The landing-place 
 was protected first by a ledge of rocks, extending about forty 
 paces in length into the sea, and afterwards trenched and 
 flanked with earth and stones, the entrance being by a narrow 
 way between two walls. These works were manned with be- 
 tween 500 and 600 men. The landing party consisted of 
 260. Raleigh stationed some pinnaces before him, as close 
 along the shore as they could lie, to keep up a fire of ordnance 
 upon the trenches, while the boats made, fast as oars could 
 ply, to the landing-place. But the islanders shot so fast upon 
 the boats, and with such well-directed aim, that not the men 
 alone, but leaders of tried courage, betrayed symptoms of dis- 
 may ; nor were Raleigh's loud and sharp exhortations sufficient 
 for rousing them to a sense of the disgrace as well as increased 
 
 * History of the World, 5, i, § 9, 307. 
 
 t While some of the land forces were at Weymouth, Sir Francis Vera 
 says, " The general called myself and Sir Walter Raleigh before him, and 
 for that he thought there remained some grudge of the last year's falling 
 out, would needs have us shake hands ; which we did both the willinglier 
 because there had nothing passed betwixt us that might blemish reputa- 
 tion". 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 129 
 
 danger which they were bringing upon themselves, till he 
 ordered the watermen to row his own barge full upon the 
 rocks, and called upon as many as were not afraid to follow 
 him. Then, indeed, they who before were quailing recollected 
 themselves, and pressed forward.* They ran upon the rocks, 
 clambered over them, waded through the water, reached the 
 narrow entrance in spite of the enemy's fire, and pushed on 
 to the assault with such resolution, that the islanders, after a 
 short resistance, abandoned their works and fled.-]- " I could 
 have done this," says Raleigh, "with less danger; but the 
 reasons before alleged, together with other reasons well known 
 to some of the gentlemen above named, though more private 
 than to be here laid down, made me rather follow the way of 
 bravery, and take the shorter course, having it still in mine 
 own power to fall off when I should think it meet. It is 
 easily said that the enemy was more than a coward, (which 
 yet was more than we knew) ; neither will I magnify such a 
 small piece of service by seeking to prove him better, whom, 
 had I thought equal to mine followers, I would otherwise have 
 dealt with." | 
 
 A weightier motive with common minds than the desire of 
 glory had made the men desirous that the attack should be no 
 longer delayed ; for they knew that while the enemy's troops 
 were fortifying themselves, the inhabitants were carrying away 
 their effects. They thought all danger was past when they 
 had won good footing ; but more loss was sustained on the 
 march to the town than in the landing, and those who hastened 
 after Raleigh that they might not lose their part in the spoil, 
 were attacked at vantage by the Spaniards, and driven to 
 forsake the pace of a man-of-war, and betake themselves 
 to a hasty trot.§ Less plunder was found than had been 
 expected ; the garrison retired into the fort, and on the 
 morrow Essex arrived. It was represented by his creatures 
 that Raleigh had hastened the attack for no other reason than 
 that he might prevent him, and gain the honour for himself. 
 
 •Campbell, i., 117. 
 
 + " As for the working of the sea, the steepness of the cliffs, and other 
 troubles that were not new to us, we overcame them well enough ; and 
 these notwithstanding, made five or six companies of the enemy that 
 sought to impeach our landing, abandon the wall whereon their musket- 
 eers lay on the rest for us, and won the place of them without any great 
 loss " (History of the World, 307). 
 
 X History of the World, 307. § Ibid. 
 
 9 
 
ISO ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Sir Gilly Merrick is named as foremost in these malicious 
 insinuations ; some urged the commander to bring Raleigh 
 before a council of war, and cashier him for having acted with- 
 out orders in so important an affair ; others went further, and 
 advised that he should be put to death, observing that Essex 
 might never again have so fair an opportunity of removing an 
 adversary out of his way. '^The act," says Monson,* '^was 
 held such an indignity to my lord, and urged with such 
 vehemence by those who hated Raleigh, that if the earl 
 (though naturally kind and flexible) had not feared how it 
 would have been taken in England, I think Sir Walter had 
 smarted for it." But they who thought thus did not give 
 Essex credit for the magnanimity which he possessed ; " for 
 ''being pressed by one, whose name," says Sir Henry Wotton,-j- 
 "I need not remember, that at the least he would put him 
 upon a martial-court ; he let fall a noble word on that occa- 
 sion, and replied, ^That I would do if he were my friend' ". 
 Sydney, Bret, Berry, and others who accompanied Raleigh, 
 were cashiered and committed to custody. Raleigh was sent 
 fbr before the council and " entertained with sour looks by 
 all men " ; and Essex severely reprimanded him for a breach 
 of discipline, and acting contrary to what had been established 
 under pain of death. Sir Walter replied, that the captains, 
 pilots, and others under command, were bound by that order, 
 but not the three chief generals, of whom he was one ; that he 
 had waited a long while for the arrival, and would have 
 waited longer, if the enemy had not refused to let him take 
 in water ; and of this he was so greatly in want that it was 
 necessary for him to land and take it by force. Howard 
 mediated, and persuaded Raleigh to make some apology, and 
 thereupon the officers were released and restored : " for Essex," 
 says Camden, "being a man of a mild nature in respect of 
 taking or forgetting offences, passed by these growing en- 
 mities and discontents for the commonwealth's sake ; yet on 
 both sides they were rather laid asleep than removed " .\ 
 
 Meantime the garrison abandoned the fort, conscious that 
 if they had been taken there they might expect as little 
 mercy as they deserved ; for the bodies of an English gentle- 
 man and of a Fleming, taken probably at the landing, were 
 found with their throats cut. After this the island was in 
 
 * P. 173. t R^liquicF, 180, X Camden, 533. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 131 
 
 part pillaged, the ordnance from the forts carried on board, 
 and the town burnt to the ground. The fleet then went to 
 Graciosa : the inhabitants submitted without resistance, and 
 supplied the wants of the ships as far as they could ; "yet with 
 humble entreaty to forbear landing, especially because they 
 understood there was a squadron of Hollanders, who did not 
 use to forbear cruelty wherever they came".* Essex assured 
 them that no injury should be offered them, and sent some 
 persons of authority ashore to see that his orders in this 
 respect were observed. These persons advertised him, late 
 in the evening, that they could descry from the shore four 
 sail, one of which being greater than the rest, seemed to be 
 a carrack. Rejoiced at this, he ordered Monson in the Rain- 
 bow f to steer away south that night ; and if he should fall in 
 with any fleet, to follow it, carrying lights, or firing guns, or 
 making any other sign that he could ; if he met with none, 
 he was to direct his course next day to St. Michael's ; but 
 twelve ships should be sent after him that night. Monson, 
 by the pinnace that brought him these orders, besought the 
 earl, above all things, to despatch a squadron to Angra Road 
 at Tercera, for it was certain, he said, that if the ships which 
 had been seen were Spaniards, thither they would resort. | 
 
 While Essex was ordering his squadron, a small barque came 
 in, and assured him that the ships which had been seen were 
 some of his own : this made him countermand his orders ; but 
 Monson was gone too far to be recalled. That officer fell in, 
 about midnight, with a fleet of twenty sail : it happened that 
 precisely that number were missing from the English fleet. 
 "Here he was in a dilemma and great perplexity with him- 
 self ; for, in making signs as he was directed, if the ships proved 
 English, it was ridiculous, and he should be exposed to scorn ; 
 and to respite it till morning, were as dangerous if they were 
 the Indian fleet, for then Essex might be out of view, or of 
 
 * Monson, 173. 
 
 t It was while the fleet were at Flores that Taylor, the Water Poet, who 
 was serving on board the Rainbow, being one of a small party that landed, 
 •' stowed away twelve loaves in his breeches and sleeves, with one of which, 
 out of the lower pantry, he relieved a hungry gentleman of the party. 
 Two and twenty years afterwards, when the merry old Water Poet was 
 on his penniless pilgrimage, that gentleman, then the noble knight Sir 
 Henry Witherington, requited him at Newcastle with a bay mare for that 
 loaf" (Taylor's Works, 131, 139). 
 
 X Monson, 174. 
 
132 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 the hearing of his ordnance." He resolved, therefore, rather 
 to put his person than his ship in peril ; and, ordering his 
 master to keep the weather-gage of the fleet, whatever might 
 become of him, got into his boat, rowed up to this fleet, hailed 
 them, and demanded whence they were. Of Seville, they 
 answered, and returned the question. He replied, of Eng- 
 land ; that his ship was a galleon of the queen's, single and 
 alone, and much honour they might get by taking her if they 
 could, — his drift being to entice them into the wake of the 
 English fleet. They were too wary to be so deceived; and 
 returning him some shot, and some ill language, continued 
 their course to Tercera. He, when he got on board his ship, 
 made signs and light, and fired his guns in vain ; for Essex, 
 having changed his intended course, was standing that night 
 for St. Michael's, passing by the north side of Tercera, which 
 was a farther way than if he had gone by Angra, where he 
 would have found the Indian fleet.* 
 
 At daylight, when Monson hoped to have seen the twelve 
 ships that were to have followed him, he saw the Spanish 
 fleet some two miles ahead, a galleon astern, and betwixt 
 these a pinnace. The galleon put forth her flags, by which 
 she was known to be the Garland, a queen's ship, the Earl of 
 Southampton ; the pinnace was a Spaniard, which had mis- 
 taken the two English vessels for some of her companions, 
 and was pursued and sunk by a shot from the Garland. While 
 Southampton's men were rifling the pinnace before she went 
 down, Vere and Sir William Brooke hove in sight in the Mary 
 Rose, and the Dreadnought; and the four English ships then 
 joined in pursuit of the Spanish fleet. They being now far 
 ahead, and having little way to sail, recovered the road of 
 Tercera ; thither they were followed, and Monson led the 
 way into the harbour. He found " sharp resistance from the 
 castle there ; but yet so battered the ships, that he might see 
 the masts of some shot by the board, and the men quit the 
 ships ; so that there wanted nothing but a gale of wind to 
 enable him to cut the cables of their hawsers and bring them 
 oif ". He sent to his companions, desiring that they should 
 attempt this. Vere objected, and wished rather that he would 
 come off and consult with them ; and though Monson sent 
 word; that if he quitted the harbour then, the Spaniards would 
 
 * Monson, 174. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 133 
 
 tow near the castle, and as night drew on, the wind would 
 freshen and come more off the land, Vere's opinion prevailed ; 
 and in the morning, as Monson had foreseen, the English 
 found themselves above a league from the road. Backward- 
 ness could not be imputed to a man of Vere's known intre- 
 pidity ; but it was felt by old seamen,* that his want of 
 experience in the sea-service had occasioned his error of 
 judgment on this occasion. f 
 
 Raleigh's example, however, might make this council 
 cautious how they ventured upon any considerable enter- 
 prise in the general's absence. They resolved, therefore, to 
 send advices to him, desiring his presence with them, to see 
 if there was any possibility to attempt the shipping, or to 
 surprise the island, and so possess the treasure. Essex was 
 on the point of making a descent upon St. Michael's, when 
 these despatches reached him. Giving up that intention, he 
 " presently cast about for Tercera," and met on the way with 
 the only fortunate accident in the expedition; for he fell 
 in with and captured three ships that had sailed from the 
 Havannah a day after the fleet ; and these prizes " almost 
 countervailed the expenses of the whole voyage ".J Upon 
 his arrival, " there was a consultation how the enemy's ships 
 might be fetched off or destroyed as they lay". Some of the 
 soldiers thought that both the ships and the town might be 
 easily taken ; and in this opinion Essex concurred : the seamen, 
 with one consent, agreed in the impossibility of it. There 
 
 * Camden says that Southampton attempted, with great boats, to 
 enter the haven by night, and to cut the cables of the nearest ships, that 
 they might be forced to sea by the winds blowing from the lands ; but 
 the Spaniards keeping diligent watch, they lost their labour (p. 533). 
 
 t " We may say," says Monson, " and that truly, there was never that 
 possibility to have undone the state of Spain as now ; for every royal of 
 plate we had taken in this fleet had been two to them, by our converting 
 it by war upon them. . . . None of the captains could be blamed in this 
 business ; all is to be attributed to the want of experience in my Lord 
 (Essex), and his flexible nature to be overruled. . . . Certain it is, if he 
 had followed the advice given him at Flores, within less than forty hours 
 he had made the queen owner of that fleet. For, by the pilot's card, 
 which was taken in the pinnace, the Spanish fleet was but fifty leagues in 
 traverse with that eastern wind when my lord was at Flores ; which made 
 my lord wish, the first time Sir William Monson repaired to him after the 
 escape of the fleet, that he had lost his hand, so he had been ruled by 
 him " (p. 175). 
 
 X Monson, 175. 
 
134 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 was not only the difficulty of the landing to be considered, 
 but that the strength of the island was reinforced with 1400 
 or 1500 soldiers from the fleet, and that their own stores were 
 not enough for them to undertake a siege."* The general, 
 therefore, went with Mountjoy and a few others to take a 
 nearer view ; and when it was seen that the ships were drawn 
 up under the forts ; that the haven was well secured by works, 
 natural situation, and a strong garrison ; that great guns were 
 everywhere mounted ; and that owing to a contrary wind 
 their wildfire balls could do them no service, they who before 
 had been the forwardest for the adventure admitted that it 
 was impracticable. •[■ Thus disappointed in the great object 
 of the expedition, he resumed his intention of landing on St. 
 Michael's, sailed thither accordingly, and anchored before its 
 chief city, Ponta Delgada. 
 
 That place, like most Portuguese and Spanish towns, pre- 
 sented at a distance an appearance of beauty and grandeur, 
 to which there is nothing in the interior that corresponds. 
 The sight ''made the soldiers eager for the pillage thereof". 
 Essex himself, "forgetting the quality of a general," went 
 in a boat to discover where he might best effect a landing. 
 The surf was high, and the shore was lined with troops ; he 
 however embarked his men in boats, and ordered Raleigh 
 to remain there with the ships, and occupy the attention of 
 the enemy. He rowed to Villa Franca, some three leagues 
 distant, a little thriving town, "rich in merchandise, wine, 
 wood, and corn". He expected to have marched from thence 
 to the capital, but was informed that the march was impos- 
 sible "by reason of the high and craggy mountains on the 
 way ". Perhaps he doubted the truth of this information ; 
 for, as if undetermined how to proceed, he remained six days 
 there, much to the satisfaction of the soldiers, who found 
 there good wine as well as good pillage. Meantime a Brazil- 
 man, mistaking the fleet for friends, came in among them, 
 and was captured. A carrack of 1400 tons was bearing in 
 with all sail, under a like mistake, when, notwithstanding 
 Raleigh's orders, a " loggerheaded Hollander," either mis- 
 taking or disregarding the signals, fired a shot at her, upon 
 
 * Monson. Camden, 134. 
 
 f This was but a sorry occasion for conferring honours ; yet it appears 
 that at this time he knighted the Earls of Rutland and Southampton, Wil- 
 liam Evers, William Brodon, and Henry Docwray. Camden, 534. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 135 
 
 which the captain ran ashore under the castle. As soon as 
 the wind lessened, Monson weighed with his ship, thinking 
 to gain an attempt upon her, notwithstanding the fort ; but, 
 perceiving this, the crew set her on fire. Raleigh then en- 
 deavoured to reach her, in hopes of boarding time enough to 
 extinguish the flames ; an attempt " not without great danger," 
 says Sir Arthur Gorges, " to his own barge where he was, the 
 surge being very outrageous. But before he could get up to 
 her, she was all over thunder and lightning ; her ordnance 
 discharging from every port ; and her whole hulk, masts, 
 cordage, and furniture, overrun with such a thorough, yet 
 distinct and unconfused blaze, as represented the figure of a 
 ship more perfectly in fire, than could be done by any painter 
 with all his art and colours. And when she was consumed 
 even to the surface of the water, she exhaled as her last 
 breath such clouds from her spicy entrails, as for a great way 
 and for many hours perfumed the air and coast around." * 
 
 Provisions were now becoming short, and Essex began 
 "discreetly to foresee the danger in abiding towards winter 
 upon these coasts, which could afford him no harbour, only 
 open roads subject to southerly winds, and where upon every 
 such wind he must put to sea for safety".-]- Should this 
 happen when the troops were ashore, and the ships not be 
 able to reach land in a fortnight or more, which was an 
 ordinary thing, he considered in what a desperate case he 
 should put himself; and so "concluding that he had seen 
 the end of all his hopes," he re-embarked himself and army, 
 though not without difficulty, the seas having grown high.| 
 "In all this expedition," says Camden, "the English found 
 fortune so adverse, that she might seem to have deluded and 
 mocked them. And though chances and accidents are no- 
 where more ordinary than at sea, yet their errors may seem to 
 have been voluntary and wilful, and their disappointments 
 wrought by some mean emulations among themselves, while 
 they endeavoured to prevent each other of a little glory." 
 
 The third day after they had set sail homeward, a heavy 
 gale came on from the north, and " scattered the ships all the 
 sea over ". Not one, however, was cast away ; and that storm 
 was their providential means of deliverance from a great and 
 unforeseen danger. The Spanish armament under the ade- 
 
 * Monson, 175. Purchas. f Oct., 9. + Monson, 534. 
 
136 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 lantado mayor of Castille, D. Martin de Padilla, instead of 
 following the English from Ferrol, and venturing upon a sea 
 fight, had at this time sailed for England, intending to land 
 at Falmouth : they meant to fortify that place ; and having 
 occupied it with a sufficient force, to put to sea and intercept 
 Essex's fleet, as it returned scattered and unsuspicious of 
 danger. Thus they hoped to cripple the naval strength of 
 England, and with a reinforcement in a fleet of seven and 
 thirty Levantine ships, to maintain themselves in Cornwall, 
 and give the English occupation enough in their own country 
 and their own seas, to prevent any farther attempt upon the 
 Indies and upon Spain. When they were within a few 
 leagues of the Scilly Islands, the adelantado commanded all 
 his captains to board him and receive his directions. The 
 storm came on while they were thus assembled ; the captains 
 with great difficulty recovered their ships, but in no case were 
 able to save their boats. The loss of the boats might alone 
 have frustrated their design ; but the storm continued so furi- 
 ous, that happy was he who could reach a Spanish port. Some 
 got into Cadiz, others to Santander, Ribadeo or Muros. One 
 put into Dartmouth when the men were almost famished. 
 Eighteen foundered, two of their best galleons being of that 
 number, — "God permitting," says Ferreras, "in his deep 
 judgments, that all the efforts which were made by Spain 
 against England should prove vain".* "We may say, and 
 that truly," says Monson, "that God fought for us; for cer- 
 tainly the enemy's designs were dangerous, and not diverted 
 by our force, but by His will, who from time to time would 
 not suffer the Spaniards in any one of their attempts to set 
 footing in England." f " Thus Almighty God," says Camden, 
 " the umpire of wars, kept asunder the two nations, who were 
 hastening to the slaughter of one another, and their designs 
 were on both sides at this time disappointed." J 
 
 Essex reached England safely about the end of October, his 
 ships leaky and weather-beaten, but with "no small booty". 
 Not one of the objects for which the expedition was under- 
 taken had been effected ; and the general and Raleigh, in 
 their official account to the council, concluded by apologising 
 for the failure thus : — " As we would have acknowledged 
 that we had done but our duties if we had defeated the 
 
 * Vol. XV., 401. t P. 176. X P. 535- 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 137 
 
 adelantado, taken the Spanish treasures, and conquered the 
 islands of the Azores ; so, we having failed of nothing that 
 God gave us the means to do, we hope Her Majesty will 
 think our painful days, careful nights, cool diet, and many 
 hazards, deserve not now to be measured by the event. The 
 like honourable and just construction we promise ourselves 
 at the hands of all my lords. As for others who have sat 
 warm at home, and descant upon us, we know they wanted 
 strength to perform more, and believe they wanted courage 
 to adventure so much."* 
 
 The expedition, however, had disappointed the Government 
 as well as the people. It was thought that more than was 
 attempted might have been done, and the proceedings against 
 Raleigh were "greatly misliked". Raleigh was happy in 
 having constant friends, who were able by their wisdom and 
 authority to support him. These friends, who were great 
 at court, "mightily graced his doings, and commended his 
 experience at sea ".j- Essex had the mortification to see that 
 his enemy, in which light he now again regarded him, stood 
 high in the queen's favour. It mortified him also that, during 
 his absence, the mastership of the wards had been given to 
 Cecil ; and still more that the lord admiral had been advanced 
 to the honour of Earl of Nottingham, the patent expres- 
 sing that it was for his services against the Spanish Armada, 
 in 1588, and also for his having, jointly with the Earl of 
 Essex, valiantly and nobly taken, by main force, the isle and 
 strongly fortified city of Cadiz. Essex, who challenged that 
 glory wholly to himself, took this very heinously, as done in 
 his disparagement. He held it also for a wrong, because this 
 creation placed Nottingham in the same rank of nobility, and 
 thereby gave him precedence, according to an Act of Henry 
 VIII., by virtue of his office as lord admiral. Essex so 
 stomached this, that he demanded an inquiry into his right 
 by a commission appointed for that purpose, or that he might 
 defend it by combat against Nottingham himself or any of 
 his sons or name who would take up the cause, or that the 
 queen would take the affair into her own hands, and then he 
 would submit to whatever she might please to determine. 
 Rash as he was, he would not have made this theatrical dis- 
 play of displeasure unless and he had presumed largely on 
 
 * Lediard, 364. f Sydney Papers, ii., 68, 75. 
 
138 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Elizabeth's good graces ; indeed the queen soon contented 
 him by creating him earl marshal,* which appointment had 
 been vacant for seven years. This gave him precedence over 
 Nottingham ; and the old admiral, being then offended in 
 his turn, resigned his staff of lord steward, and retired to 
 his house at Chelsea, pretending sickness. As a farther proof 
 of kindness to Essex, the queen signed a privy seal for 7000/., 
 to be paid him out of the cochineal, as her free gift.f 
 
 At this time France made a separate peace with Spain, 
 leaving England to shift for herself. It then became a serious 
 question in Elizabeth's council whether, having thus been 
 deserted by their great ally, it did not behove them to treat 
 for peace also. Burleigh was of this advice, "knowing the 
 chance of war to be uncertain, the charges infinite, the 
 treasury exhausted, and the common people inclinable to 
 sedition if they were oppressed with extraordinary imposts ". 
 He argued that there was an inbred disaffection in the vulgar 
 towards the nobility ; that there was small hope of assistance 
 from the States ; that our neighbours round about were to be 
 suspected ; that there were many traitors at home ; that the 
 Spaniard's wealth was not to be drawn dry ; and that the 
 only good which could accrue to England by continuing the 
 war was only to avert evil, which, of good consequences, is 
 reputed the least. Essex, on the contrary, argued that no 
 peace could be made but what would be dishonourable on 
 the part of England, and fraudulent on that of Spain, where 
 it was held as an undisputed axiom, that faith is not to be 
 kept with heretics. This opinion he maintained with so 
 much heat, that Burleigh took the Psalter and put it into his 
 hand, silently pointing to these words, — ''The bloodthirsty 
 shall not live out half their days".| 
 
 The earl had a wise counsellor in Bacon, who endeavoured, 
 
 * Lord Henry Howard, congratulating Essex on this appointment, says, 
 " Though my Lord of Shrewsbury that last was could make no other use 
 of the staff than by measuring the breadth of his fat oxen between the 
 horns, yet if, against the judgment of the philosopher, there be a kind of 
 cornutorum animantium that have denies in superiore mandibulo, they 
 shall meet, I doubt not, with a marshal that can rule the staff, and knows 
 how to marshal men of very good conditions in that latitude " {Birch, ii., 
 366). 
 
 t Sydney Papers, ii., 77, 89. Birch's Memoir of Queen Elizabeth, ii., 
 365. Camden, 536. 
 
 X Psalm Iv., 25. Camden, 555. Birch, 384. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 139 
 
 by all means possible, to divert him from the course of the 
 war and popularity ; and, upon seeing actions of charge and 
 provocation put forth every spring, once said to him, "My 
 lord, when I came first unto you 1 took you for a physician, 
 that desired to cure the diseases of the State ; but now I 
 doubt you will be like those physicians which can be content 
 to keep their patients low, because they would always be in 
 request". Bacon says he took this plainness "very well, as 
 he had an excellent ear, and was paiieniissimus veri " ; but 
 good counsel was lost upon him. With all his opportunities 
 of knowing the queen's character, he mistook it in one great 
 point, and '^had a settled opinion that she could be brought 
 to nothing, but by a kind of necessity and authority " ; whereas 
 Bacon warned him that the only course to be held with her 
 was by obsequiousness and observance. The earl, when by 
 violent ways at any time he had obtained his object, would 
 ask him, " Now, sir, whose principles be true } " And Bacon 
 answered, " My lord, these courses be like to hot waters ; 
 they will help at a pang, but if you use them you shall spoil 
 the stomach ; and shall be fain still to make them stronger 
 and stronger, and yet in the end they will lessen their opera- 
 tion".* A question arose who should be sent as lord-deputy 
 to Ireland : it was debated at a council at which Essex, the 
 lord admiral, Cecil, and the clerk of the signet, Windebank, 
 were the only persons present. The queen was of opinion 
 that Essex's uncle, Sir William Knollys, was the fittest man 
 for the employment. Essex advised that Sir George Carew 
 should be appointed ; his object was to remove him from 
 court ; and he persisted pertinaciously in this opinion, against 
 the queen, till, finding he could make no impression on her, 
 he turned his back upon her contemptuously. This insolence 
 *' exasperated her to so high a degree, that she gave him a 
 box on the ear, and bade him go and be hanged". Stung, 
 in his turn, to a not less unbecoming anger, he laid his hand 
 on his sword hilt ; and when the lord admiral interposed, 
 swore that he neither could nor would bear such an indignity, 
 and that he would not have taken it even from Henry VlII.j- 
 And with that he left the court. 
 
 The lord keeper Egerton wrote to him upon this occasion, 
 
 * Bacon, vi., 252, 258. 
 
 t Camden, 556. Whitlocke, 274. Birch, ii., 384. 
 
140 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 in a strain as judicious as it was friendly. He observed to 
 him that "for the most part any man in his own cause 
 standeth in his own light, and seeth not so clearly as he 
 should " ; and he said to him, " If you hold still your course, 
 which hitherto you find worse and worse (and the longer you 
 tread this path the farther you are still out of the way), there 
 is little hope or likelihood that the end will be better than 
 the beginning. You are not so far gone but you may well 
 return. The return is safe ; but the progress dangerous and 
 desperate in this course you hold. If you have any enemies, 
 you do that for them which they could never do for them- 
 selves ; whilst you leave your friends to open shame and 
 contempt, forsake yourself, overthrow your fortunes, and 
 ruinate your honour and reputation ; giving that comfort to 
 our foreign foes as greater they cannot have. For what can 
 be more welcome and pleasing news to them, than to hear 
 that Her Majesty and the realm are maimed of so worthy a 
 member, who hath so often and so valiantly quailed and 
 daunted them } You forsake your country when it hath most 
 need of your help and counsel ; and lastly, you fail in your in- 
 dissoluble duty which you owe to your most gracious sovereign, 
 a duty not imposed upon you by nature and policy only, but 
 by the religious and sacred bond in which the Divine majesty 
 of God hath, by the rule of Christianity, obliged and bound 
 you. My good lord, I want wisdom, and lack judgment to 
 advise you ; but I will never want an honest and true heart to 
 will and wish you well ; nor, being warranted by a good 
 conscience, forbear to speak what I think. I have begun 
 plainly : I hope your lordship will not be offended if I proceed 
 still after the same fashion. The best remedy is not to con- 
 tend and strive, but humbly to submit. Have you given 
 cause, and yet take scandal to yourself.^ Why then, all you 
 can do is too little to make satisfaction. Is cause of scandal 
 given to you .'' Yet policy, duty, and religion enforce you to 
 sue, yield, and submit to your sovereign, between whom and 
 you there can be no proportion of duty ; and God himself 
 requireth it as a principal bond of service to himself. When 
 it is evident that great good may ensue of it to your friends, 
 your country, and sovereign, and extreme harm by the contrary, 
 there can be no dishonour or hurt to yield ; but in not doing 
 it is dishonour and impiety. The difficulty, my good lord, is 
 to conquer yourself, which is the height of all true valour and 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 141 
 
 fortitude ; whereunto all your honourable actions; have tended. 
 Do it in this, and God will be pleased, Her Majesty well 
 satisfied, your country will take good, and your friends comfort 
 by it ; yourself (I mention you last, for 1 know of all these you 
 esteem yourself least) shall receive honour ; and your enemies 
 (if you have any) shall be disappointed of their bitter sweet 
 hope." 
 
 "My very good lord," said Essex in reply, "although there 
 is not that man this day living, whom I would sooner make 
 judge of any question that did concern me than yourself, yet 
 must you give me leave to tell you, that in such a case I must 
 appeal from all earthly judges ; and, if in any, then surelv in 
 this, where the highest judge on earth hath imposed upon me, 
 without trial or hearing, the most heavy judgment that ever 
 hath been known. But since I must either answer your lord- 
 ship's argument, or forsake my just defence, I will force mine 
 aching head to do me some service for a small hour or two, 
 although against my will." After touching then upon his 
 discontentment, his enemies, his friends, and his fortune, he 
 came to the point of his duty, which the lord keeper had 
 pressed upon him. " I am tied unto my country," said he, " by 
 two bands : in public peace to discharge carefully, faithfully, 
 and industriously the trust which is committed unto me ; and 
 the other private, to sacrifice for it my life and carcass, which 
 hath been nourished in it. Of the first I am freed, being 
 dismissed, discharged, and disabled by Her Majesty. Of the 
 other nothing can free me but death ; and therefore no occasion 
 of my performance shall offer itself but I will meet it half way. 
 The indissoluble duty which I owe to Her Majesty is only the 
 duty of allegiance, which I never will, nor never can fail in. 
 The duty of attendance is no indissoluble duty. I owe Her 
 Majesty the duty of an earl, and of Lord Marshal of England. 
 I have been content to do Her Majesty the service of a clerk, 
 but can never serve her as a villain or slave. But yet you say 
 I must give way unto the time. So I do ; for now I see the 
 storm come, I put myself into the harbour. Seneca saith we 
 must give place unto fortune. I know that fortune is both 
 blind and strong, and therefore I go as far out of her way as I 
 can. You say the remedy is not to strive. I neither strive 
 nor seek for remedy. But, say you, I must yield and submit. 
 I can neither yield myself to be guilty, nor this imputation 
 laid upon me to be just. I owe so much to the Author of all 
 
142 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 truth, that I can never yield falsehood to be truth, nor truth 
 to be falsehood. Have I given cause, ask you, and take 
 scandal when 1 have done ? No ; I give no cause to take so 
 much as Fimbria's complaint against me, for I did totum telum 
 corpore recipere. I patiently bear all, and sensibly feel all that 
 I then received, when that scandal was given me. Nay, more, 
 when the vilest of all indignities was done unto me, doth 
 religion enforce me to sue, or doth God require it? Is it 
 impiety not to do it .^ What ! cannot princes err } cannot 
 subjects receive wrong ? Is an earthly power or authority 
 infinite } Pardon me, pardon me, my good lord, I can never 
 subscribe to these principles. Let Solomon's fool laugh when 
 he is stricken ; let those that mean to make their profit of 
 princes strive to have no sense of princes' injuries ; let them 
 acknowledge an infinite absoluteness on earth that do not 
 believe in an infinite absoluteness in heaven. As for me, I 
 have received wrong, and feel it. My cause is good ; I know 
 it ; and whatsoever come, all the powers on earth can never 
 show more strength and constancy in oppressing, than I can 
 show in suffering whatsoever can or shall be imposed upon me. 
 Your lordship, in the beginning, maketh yourself a looker-on, 
 and me a player of my own game, so you can see more than 
 I can : yet must you give me leave to tell you, in the end of 
 my answer, that since you do but see, and I suffer, I must of 
 necessity feel more than you do. I must crave your lordship's 
 patience, to give him that hath a crabbed fortune licence to 
 use a crabbed style. And yet, whatsoever my style is, there 
 is no heart more humble to his superior, nor any more affected 
 towards your lordship than that of your honour's poor friend, 
 Essex."* 
 
 Unfortunately Essex took no counsel with Bacon at this time, 
 his advice was too prudent to be acceptable ; and still more 
 unfortunately, he allowed his injudicious friends to publish 
 this letter. It did not prevent his submission after a few 
 weeks, nor stand in the way of a reconciliation with the 
 queen ; but when grave offences were laid to his charge, the 
 general principles which, upon slight occasion he had thus 
 brought forward, were alleged against him as indications of 
 a presumptuous temper and of dangerous doctrine. The queen, 
 however, received him now again into favour, retaining no 
 
 * Birch, ii., 384-388. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 143 
 
 resentment for what had passed. Yet, it is said, his friends 
 began shrewdly to fear his ruin, having observed that fortune 
 is seldom reconciled to her foster-children when she hath once 
 forsaken them, and princes more seldom to those whom they 
 have offended. It is certain that they wronged Elizabeth Jby 
 that opinion ; but it is probable that they possessed Essex 
 with it, and thereby contributed to his ruin.* The discovery, 
 at this time, of an attempt to take away the lives of Essex and 
 the queen, may have moved Elizabeth to regard him more 
 kindly, as proving in what estimation he was held by her 
 enemies. The man who was accused of this intended crime 
 (Squire by name) had been taken in Drake's last expedition, 
 and carried prisoner into Spain, where he was converted to 
 popery, and engaged, according to his dying declaration, by 
 Walpole the Jesuit, to return to his own country and commit 
 this treason. It was to be effected by poisoning the queen's 
 saddle and the earl's chair. Squire protested that though he 
 had consented to do this, his heart had failed. He suffered, 
 however, upon his own full confession ; and though the Jesuits 
 as usual denied in this case the specific application of their 
 own doctrines, nothing is more notorious than that the Romish 
 Church proclaimed and acted upon the opinion that " to take 
 away the lives of excommunicated princes, was weeding the 
 wicked out of the Lord's field ".j- 
 
 England lost this year her greatest statesman in Burleigh, 
 and in Philip II. her most formidable enemy. But the war 
 with Spain continued still, and assumed a more dangerous 
 character in Ireland than at any former time. In that worse 
 than barbarous country it was that "the Roman locusts, who 
 to maintain the Pope's usurped power, breathed everywhere 
 fire and sword," | made their most successful efforts, " whether 
 encouraged by the blind zeal of the ignorant Irish to popery, 
 or animated by an old prophecy, saying, 
 
 ' He that will England win, 
 Must with Ireland first begin.' " 
 
 The Reformation at first met with no opposition there. The 
 nobles, not those of the pale only, but the most turbulent 
 heads of the Irish tribes, and those of old English race, who 
 having adopted the manners of the land, had become Hibernis 
 
 * Camden, 556. ilbid.,s6i. % Fynes Moryson, part ii., p. 3. 
 
144 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ipsis Hibemiores — more Irish than the Irishry — united in pro- 
 claiming Henry VIII. King of England, instead of lord, which 
 was the only title the Pope had allowed to be assumed ; 
 they signed indentures, in which they acknowledged him as 
 the supreme head on earth, immediately under Christ, of the 
 Church of England and Ireland ; and pledged themselves 
 that as far as lay in their power they would jointly and 
 separately exert themselves to annihilate the usurped primacy 
 and authority of the Bishop of Rome, and expel and eradicate 
 all his favourers, abettors, and partisans. * Ignorant as they 
 were, they knew enough of their own history to know that 
 the pretended rights of the Pope were so many usurpations 
 upon the prerogatives of royalty ; and in humiliating a crafty 
 and ambitious priesthood, they expected that most of the 
 power and influence which the hierarchy had exercised would 
 devolve upon themselves. The terrible thundering bull (as 
 an honest friar ■]- calls it) which pronounced Henry to be 
 dethroned, declared him infamous, cut him off from Christian 
 burial, and devoted him to eternal damnation, was fulminated 
 in vain. In vain were curses denounced against all who should 
 acknowledge his impious claims, and the gates of heaven 
 ordered to be thrown open as widely for those who should 
 resist as the gates of hell for those who obeyed him. In spite 
 of excommunications and indulgences, not a sword in Ireland 
 was drawn in behalf of the Romish Church till the nobles 
 perceived that it was the purpose of the English Government 
 to curb their tyranny, and emancipate the people from the 
 bondage in which they were held by them. Then they 
 veered round, united with the priests ; and at the entreaties 
 of Rome, and with the promised aid of the Spaniards, raised 
 those rebellions which disturbed Elizabeth more than all 
 other incidents of her eventful reign, and occasioned a greater 
 expenditure of life than all her foreign wars. 
 
 Insurrection after insurrection was suppressed, and one 
 formidable rebellion was crushed; but a barbarous land was 
 made more barbarous by the character of the war, and a 
 ferocious people were rendered more ferocious by the spirit 
 of malignant bigotry with which the emissaries of Rome 
 
 * Phelan's History of the Policy of the Church of Rome in Ireland^ 
 83-86. 
 
 + Peter Walsh- 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 145 
 
 imbued them, and which they then first thoroughly imbibed. 
 Elizabeth's council was continually occupied with " the matters 
 and miseries of Ireland". Upon the death of the lord 
 deputy Burgh, the military command was given to the Earl 
 of Ormond, with the title of lord lieutenant of the army. 
 Tyrone, who had been the leader in the late insurrection, 
 found treachery was then a safer course than rebellion ; he 
 submitted ; most humbly acknowledged, in writing, the 
 queen's "great mercy in giving him and his associates their 
 pardons upon former submissions ; and upon the knees of his 
 heart (a favourite phrase in those days), professed most 
 heartily penitence for his disloyalty, and especially his foul 
 relapses thereinto".* Upon this submission his pardon was 
 drawn and sealed ; but having served his purpose by gaining 
 time, he continued his old courses, with more confidence than 
 ever, and with more formidable means. Thirty years had now 
 brought the Irish kerns to some sort of discipline suited to 
 the nature of the country. They had been at first so rude 
 and inexpert, that two or three were required to discharge 
 one piece ; they had now become skilful in managing such 
 arms, and in bog and bush fighting. The English had a fort 
 called Blackwater, which " lying on the chief passage into his 
 country, was a great eyesore to him ". Tyrone assaulted this ; 
 it was only a field work, garrisoned by a hundred men, who, 
 under Captain Thomas Williams, repulsed a numerous body 
 of assailants with great slaughter. Tyrone then blockaded it 
 at safe distance, knowing that they were ill stored. But 
 Williams "and his few warders did, with no less courage, 
 suffer hunger; and having eaten the few horses they had, 
 lived upon herbs growing on the ditches and walls, suffering 
 all extremities," till Sir Henry Bagnall, Marshal of Ireland, 
 was sent with some choice companies of foot and horse to 
 their reUef. They marched from the camp, near Armagh, in 
 three bodies, at too great distance apart, and with too little 
 caution, having a boggy place on one hand, and woods on the 
 other. Bagnall led the van ; and when he was out of sight 
 of the other divisions, by reason of a hill between them, 
 Tyrone with his whole force attacked him, slew him, fighting 
 in the midst of his enemies, and bore down this body by dint 
 of numbers. The middle body was at the same time thrown 
 
 * Fynes Moryson, 24. 
 10 
 
146 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 into confusion by their powder blowing up ; and endeavouring 
 after this to bring off the remains of the van, they also were 
 defeated, for losing their best captains they lost heart also. 
 It was the greatest defeat that the English had ever received 
 in Ireland, thirteen valiant captains being slain, and 1500 
 men, many of whom were of the old companies which had 
 served under Norris in Bretagne ; but now being scattered in 
 shameful flight, they were miserably slaughtered. Charles 
 Montacute, with the horse, and not without great hazard, 
 collected and brought off those who escaped. The fort sur- 
 rendered. Captain Williams being ordered to join the remains 
 of the force at Armagh, as all their safety depended upon the 
 junction. It was a glorious victory to the rebels, and of 
 special advantage. They got by it plenty of arms and pro- 
 visions. Tyrone was celebrated over Ireland as the deliverer 
 of his country. " All Ulster was in arms, all Connaught re- 
 volted, and the rebels of Leinster swarmed in the English 
 pale," while the English lay in their garrisons, in continual 
 fear of being surprised therein. Elated with success, Tyrone 
 wrote to the King of Spain, requesting that though the king 
 might hear that he had solicited peace of the English, it 
 might not be believed, for he had stopped his ears against all 
 conditions, however reasonable, and would keep faith with 
 the Spaniards. At the same time, with his wonted duplicity, 
 he ceased not to profess the loyalty of his intentions ; and 
 sent another proposal of submission, * accompanied with most 
 unreasonable demands. To be lord deputy in Ireland was no 
 desirable post at any time : f the disorders there were so great, 
 of such long standing, and so difficult of cure, that even in that 
 age statesmen seemed in despair to conclude that there was 
 a curse upon the country. Nevertheless when the queen and 
 
 * Camden, 565, 566. Fynes Moryson, 25, 26. " Will you think," says 
 Moryson, " that Carthage ever bred such a dissembling fcedifragous wretch 
 as Tyrone ? " 
 
 t Rowland Whyte, writing a little before this to Sir Robert Sydney, 
 says, " Sir William Russell, or Sir Walter Raleigh, was nominated to 
 go lord deputy: but Russell hath absolutely refused to go; the other 
 doth little like it. I pray God it fall not to your lot to go when you are 
 here: a fair way to thrust you on to your own destruction" {Sydney 
 Papers, ii., 96). 
 
 Rowland Whyte knew that Sydney's father had found it " a purgatory," 
 and that, while he held it, his constant prayer was to be recalled from 
 that " miserable and accursed island 1 " 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 147 
 
 most of the council thought of appointing Charles Blunt, then 
 Lord Mountjoy, Essex opposed the choice ; not that he now 
 entertained any resentment of an old quarrel, but that he 
 desired the office for himself Upon this occasion, though he 
 had for some while been averse to consult with Bacon, he 
 sent for him, and "in a set manner," desired his opinion. 
 " I did not only," says that wise man, " dissuade, but protest 
 against his going ; telling him with as much vehemency and 
 asseveration as 1 could, that absence in that kind would ex- 
 ulcerate the queen's mind, whereby it would not be possible 
 for him to carry himself so as to give her sufficient content- 
 ment, nor for her to carry herself so as to give him sufficient 
 countenance ; which would be ill for her, ill for him, and ill 
 for the State. And because I would omit no argument, I 
 stood also upon the difficulty of the action, setting before 
 him out of histories that the Irish were such as the ancient 
 Gauls, or Britons, or Germans were ; and that we saw how 
 the Romans, who had such discipline to govern their soldiers, 
 and such donatives to encourage them, and the whole world 
 in a manner to levy them, yet when they came to deal with 
 enemies who placed their felicity only in liberty and the 
 sharpness of their sword, and had the natural elemental ad- 
 vantages of woods, and bogs, and hardness of bodies, they 
 ever found they had their hands full of them ; and therefore 
 I concluded that going over with such expectation as he did, 
 and through the churlishness of the enterprise not like to 
 answer it, would mightily diminish his reputation. And 
 many other reasons I used, so as I am sure I never in any- 
 thing in my lifetime dealt with him in like earnestness by 
 speech, by writing, and by all the means I could devise. For 
 I did as plainly see his overthrow chained as it were, by 
 destiny, to that journey, as it is possible for any man to 
 ground a judgment upon future contingents. But howsoever 
 his ear was open, yet his heart and resolution were shut 
 against that advice, whereby his ruin might have been pre- 
 vented." * 
 
 Bacon was a faithful counsellor ; but Essex gave ear to rash 
 friends and covert enemies. He objected that Mountjoy had 
 no experience in war more than the little he might have 
 acquired in commanding a company in the Low Countries, 
 
 * Bacon, vi., 253. 
 
148 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 and again in Bretagne ; that he was too much given to book- 
 ishness for a soldier ; and moreover that he had too mean an 
 estate, and too few followers to undertake an office which 
 required some prime man of the nobility, considerable for his 
 power, dignity, and estate, who had before commanded an 
 army, and who was both agreeable to the soldiers and re- 
 spected by them. Herein he was thought to point himself 
 out ; yet when the queen resolved upon appointing him, " he 
 made a feigned show of refusing, praying her to confer so 
 weighty a charge upon some abler person, though if any other 
 were named, he had something ready to object". And he 
 behaved himself, says Camden, * after such a manner, that his 
 adversaries verily believed he wished nothing more than to 
 have an army at his command, and to engage the sword-men 
 to him ; f yea so eager was he about the business, that divers 
 feared he was hatching some dangerous design, especially see- 
 ing he showed himself more and more contumacious against 
 her who had been so bountiful to him, and that his followers 
 made great boasts of his descent from the royal family of the 
 Scots, and of the blood royal of England, pretending that on 
 this ground he had a better title to the succession than any of 
 the other claimants, whose titles, except that of the Infanta of 
 Spain, Persons the Jesuit, under the name of Doleman, had in 
 a book dedicated to him invalidated. At any time it would 
 have been dangerous to touch upon that point, and especially 
 when Elizabeth's years were fast drawing to their close. Her 
 faculties, however, and her brave spirit were unimpaired ; and 
 
 * P. 568. 
 
 t " He had of late lain so open to his enemies, as he had given them 
 power to make his embracing of military courses, and his popular estima- 
 tion, so much suspected of his sovereign, that his greatness was now 
 judged to depend as much on her majesty's fear of him as her love to 
 him. And, in this respect, he might seem to the queen most unfit for 
 this service. But surely the earl was persuaded that his honour could 
 not stand without embracing this action ; and, since he affected it, no 
 man durst be his rival. Besides that, his enemies gladly put forward his 
 design, that they might have him at more advantage by his absence from 
 court. Finally, the vulgar gave ominous acclamations to his enterprise ; 
 but the wiser sort rather wished than hoped happy effects, either to his 
 private or the public good, in regard to the powerful enemies he left at 
 court (whence all seconds were to come to him), and of his own distracted 
 ends, though inclined to the public good, yet, perhaps, in aiming at the 
 speedy end of this war and some other particulars, not fully concurring 
 with the same " (Fynes Moryson, 26). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 149 
 
 if her judgment may be arraigned for appointing Essex to 
 this command, it must be not because it was dangerous to 
 trust him thus at the head of an army, but because his abilities 
 were not of the kind which were pecuharly required in such 
 circumstances. She had never judged more wisely than when 
 she would have preferred Mountjoy. 
 
 The army assigned him was "as great as himself required," 
 1300 horse, and 16,000 foot; the number was afterwards 
 raised to 20,000. It was such as Ireland had never before 
 seen. "There was nothing which he wished for, but the 
 officious (I will not, says Camden, say guileful) help of his 
 rivals did obtain it for him. More ample authority was granted 
 him than had been vested in most of his predecessors ; and he 
 was to command the ships upon the Irish station, unless the 
 lord admiral went himself to sea, and orders should be given 
 for them to join his fleet. The more particular instructions 
 were, that he should not confer the dignity of knighthood on 
 any but worthy and well-deserving subjects (the imprudence 
 which he had twice committed in this respect required this 
 check) ; and that, disregarding all minor objects, he should 
 direct his whole force against Tyrone, and his confederates, 
 the Ulster rebels, planting garrisons at Loughfoyle, and Bali- 
 shannon to straighten them. This course he had always 
 insisted upon as necessary in both points, and had censured 
 the former lord-deputies in general for neglecting to do both, 
 and for protracting the war by frequent parleys with the 
 enemy." * A proclamation was sent before him, declaring 
 that the queen was at length constrained to make use of her 
 power against rebels who had so long abused her clemency 
 and patience, but disclaiming any such intention of conquering 
 Ireland -f as was falsely imputed to her : that, she said, was 
 not needed, the far greater part of the nobility and commonalty 
 continuing constant in their allegiance. She offered mercy to 
 those rebels who would return to their duty ; otherwise, they 
 were threatened with destruction. 
 
 Before his departure, he addressed this characteristic epistle 
 to the queen : " From a mind delighting in sorrrow, from spirits 
 wasted with passion, from a heart torn in pieces with care, 
 grief and travel, from a man that hateth himself and all 
 
 * Camden, 569. Fynes Moryson, 30. 
 
 t Tyrone had spread about a report, that the queen had resolved to 
 conquer the Irish nation and utterly extirpate it. Camden, 567. 
 
150 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 things else that keep him alive, what service can your majesty 
 expect, since any service past deserves no more than banish- 
 ment and prescription to the cursedest of all islands ? It 
 is your rebels pride and succession must give me leave to 
 ransom myself out of this hateful prison, out of my loathed 
 body ; which, if it happen so, your majesty shall have no 
 cause to mistake the fashion of my death, since the course 
 of my life could never please you. — 
 
 ' Happy if he could finish forth his fate 
 
 In some unhaunted desart, most obscure, 
 From all society, from love and hate 
 
 Of worldly folk ; then should he sleep secure ; 
 Then wake again and yield God ever praise, 
 
 Content with hips and haws and brambleberry. 
 In contemplation passing out his days, 
 
 And change of holy thoughts to make him merry ; 
 Who when he dies his tomb may be a bush, 
 Where harmless robin dwells with gentle thrush.' 
 
 ''Your Majesty's exiled servant, 
 
 " Robert Essex."* 
 
 In the latter end of March, Essex departed from London, 
 " with happy acclamations of the people, who to so worthy a 
 general at the head of so strong an army did ominate nothing 
 but victory". He was conducted on his way by many of the 
 nobility, and accompanied with the flower of the English 
 realm ; but it was remarked that at his setting forth it 
 thundered in a clear sky, and that a violent shower presently 
 followed.-[- His passage was stormy ; the Earl of Kildare and 
 some gallant gentlemen, accompanying him in a little barque 
 chosen for its swift sailing, were cast away. He soon found 
 that he had been too confident of his own success, when he 
 put himself forward for the command ; and his first despatches 
 were in no hopeful strain. | The rebels in Munster, he said, 
 had solemnly sworn at a public cross to be steadfast in their 
 
 * Biographia Brifannica. f Camden, 569. 
 
 J He might have remembered what his father-in-law, Walsingham, 
 said of Essex, his father, and of Sir Henry Sydney, in a despatch to the 
 latter, when the one was commander of the forces in Ireland, and the 
 other lord deputy. " When I fall into consideration of the soundness of 
 both your judgments, then do I shake off all fear ; but when I call to 
 mind the cursed destiny of that island, I cannot put off all dread " {Sydney 
 Papers, i., 74). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 151 
 
 cause. No traitors came in, and the insolence of their be- 
 haviour proved that they had no thought of submitting. Even 
 those who professed obedience were so disaffected on religious 
 as well as political grounds, that men who upon their private 
 quarrels could bring an hundred horse and thrice as many 
 foot, would protest that they could not bring five men to serve 
 the State. Every active borderer had an agent with the rebels, 
 and almost every one of the greatest in the State had some 
 rebel for his client. Little or no assistance therefore, he said, 
 could be looked for from the Irish ; and for the queen's army, 
 large as it was, he must say that the plaister would do no 
 more than cover the wound.* 
 
 His first actions gave no proof of vigour or ability. Instead 
 of striking at the head of the rebellion, according to his own 
 advice in England, and the queen's express command, he was 
 induced by some of the council who had their own interest in 
 view to march against some rebels in Munster, where, taking 
 Cahir Castle, and making a great prey of cattle, " he cast the 
 terror of his forces on the weakest enemies, driving them into 
 the woods and mountains, thereby impairing his reputation, 
 and mispending his strength, with little injury to the enemy". 
 During this expedition he wrote to the queen. " I dare begin," 
 said he, ''to give your majesty some advertisement of the 
 state of this kingdom, not, as before, by hearsay, but as I 
 beheld it with my own eyes. The people in general have 
 able bodies by nature, and have gotten by custom ready use 
 of arms, and by their late successes boldness to fight with 
 your majesty's troops. In their pride they value no men but 
 themselves ; in their affections they love nothing but idleness 
 and licentiousness ; in their rebellion they have no other end 
 but to shake off the yoke of obedience to your majesty, and 
 to root out all remembrance of the nation English in this king- 
 dom. I say this of the people in general ; for I find not only 
 the greater part thus affected, but that it is a general quarrel 
 of the Irish, and they who do not profess it are either so few, 
 or so false, that there is no account to be made of them. The 
 Irish nobility and lords of countries do not only in their hearts 
 affect this plausible quarrel, and are divided from us in religion, 
 but have an especial quarrel to the English Government, be- 
 cause it limiteth and tieth those who ever have been and ever 
 
 • Fynes Moryson, 33, 
 
152 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 would be, as absolute tyrants as any are under the sun. The 
 towns being inhabited by men of the same religion and birth 
 as the rest, are so carried away with the love of gain, that for 
 it they will furnish the rebels with all things that may arm 
 them, or enable them against the State or against themselves. 
 The wealth of the kingdom, which consisteth in cattle, oat- 
 meal, and other victuals, is almost all in the rebels' hands, 
 who, in every province, till my coming, have been masters of 
 the field. The expectation of all these rebels is very present 
 and very confident that Spain will either so invade your 
 majesty that you shall have no leisure to persecute them 
 here ; or so succour them, that they will get most of the 
 towns into their hands ere your majesty shall relieve and 
 reinforce your army. So that now if your majesty resolve 
 to subdue these rebels by force, they are so many and so 
 famed to be soldiers, that the war of force will be great, 
 costly, and long. If your majesty will seek to treat them by 
 factions amongst themselves, they are covetous and mercenary, 
 and must be purchased ; and their Jesuits and practising priests 
 must be hunted out and taken from them, which now do 
 solder them so fast and so close together. If your majesty 
 will have a strong party in the Irish nobility, and make use of 
 them, you must hide from them all purpose of establishing 
 English Government, till the strength of the Irish be so 
 broken that they shall see no safety but in your protection. 
 If your majesty will be assured of the possession of your 
 towns, you must have garrisons brought into them able to 
 command them, and make it a capital oifence for any merchant 
 in Ireland to trade with the rebels, or buy or sell any arms 
 or munition whatsoever." 
 
 He then advised that forces should be enrolled and trained 
 in England, which would be no charge to her coffers ; that 
 magazines of provisions should be formed on the west and 
 north-west coasts, which would never be any loss, for in using 
 them a kingdom might be secured, and if they were not used 
 the old store might, if well handled, be sold to Her Majesty's 
 profit ; and that ships both of war and transport might be held 
 in readiness to waft over men and stores on the first alarm of a 
 descent : to have ships thus armed being agreeable to her own 
 provident and princely courses, and to the policy of all States. 
 Having shown the dangers and disadvantages which were 
 to be encountered in the great work of reducing Ireland, he 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 15S 
 
 proceeded to show the strength and advantages which counter- 
 vailed them. "First," said he, "these rebels are neither 
 able to force any walled town, castle, or house of strength, 
 nor to keep any that they get ; so that while your majesty 
 keeps your army in strength and vigour, you are undoubt- 
 edly mistress of all towns and holds whatsoever. By which 
 means (if your majesty have good ministers) all the wealth 
 of the land shall be drawn into the hands of your subjects ; 
 your soldiers in the winter shall be carefully lodged and 
 readily supplied of any wants ; and we that command may 
 make the war offensive and defensive, may fight and be in 
 safety, as occasion is offered. Secondly, your majesty's horse- 
 men are so incomparably better than the rebels, and their foot 
 are so unwilling to fight in battle or gross (however they may 
 be desirous to skirmish and fight loose), that your majesty may 
 be always mistress of the champaign countries, which are the 
 best parts of this kingdom. Thirdly, your majesty victualling 
 your army out of England, and with your garrisons burning and 
 destroying the country in all places, shall starve the rebels in 
 one year, because no place else can supply them." Fourthly, 
 he hoped soon to make them bankrupt of their old store of 
 arms and munitions, and that her seamen would keep them 
 from receiving any new. " Fifthly, your majesty," he said, 
 " hath a rich store of gallant colonels, captains, and gentlemen 
 of quality, whose example and execution are of more use than 
 all the rest of your troops ; whereas the men of best quality 
 among the rebels, which are their leaders and their horsemen, 
 dare never put themselves to any hazard, but send their kerns 
 and their hirelings to fight with your troops ; so that although 
 their common soldiers are too hard for our new men, yet are they 
 not able to stand before such gallant men as will charge them. 
 Sixthly, your majesty's commanders, being advised and exer- 
 cised, know all advantages, and by the strength of their order 
 will in all great fights beat the rebels. For they neither 
 march, nor troop, nor fight in order ; but only by the benefit 
 of their footmanship can come on and go off at their pleasure, 
 which makes them attend a whole day, still skirmishing and 
 never engaging themselves ; so that it hath ever been the 
 fault and weakness of your majesty's leaders, whensoever you 
 have received any blow ; for the rebels do but watch and attend 
 upon all gross oversights. Now if it please your majesty to 
 compare your advantages and disadvantages, you shall find 
 
154 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 that though these rebels are more in number than your 
 army, and have (though I do unwilUngly confess it) better 
 bodies, and perfecter use of their arms than those men which 
 are sent over, yet, commanding the walled towns, holds of 
 champaign country, and having a brave nobility and gentry, a 
 better discipline, and stronger order than they, and such 
 means to keep from them the maintenance of their life, and 
 to waste the country which should nourish them, your majesty 
 may promise yourself that this action will in the end be success- 
 ful, though costly ; and that your victory will be certain, 
 though many of us your honest servants must sacrifice our- 
 selves in the quarrel, and that this kingdom will be reduced, 
 though it will take (besides cost) a great deal of care, industry, 
 and time." 
 
 Thus far he had written as a general and a statesman : he 
 concluded his despatch as a courtier, and in a strain which no 
 man but Essex would have addressed to Elizabeth. "But 
 why do I talk of victory or success ? Is it 'not known that 
 from England I receive nothing but discomforts and soul's 
 wounds ? Is it not spoken in the army that your majesty's 
 favour is diverted from me, and that already you do bode ill 
 both to me and it ? Is it not lamented of your faithfullest 
 subjects both there and here, that a Cobham, or a Raleigh (I 
 will forbear others for their place's sake), should have such 
 credit and favour with your majesty, when they wish the 
 ill success of your majesty's most important action, the decay of 
 your greatest strength, and the destruction of your faithfullest 
 servants ? Yes, yes, I see both my own destiny and your 
 majesty's desires, and do willingly embrace the one and obey 
 the other. Let me honestly and zealously end a wearisome 
 life : let others live in deceitful and inconstant pleasure. Let 
 me bear the brunt and die meritoriously : let others achieve 
 and finish the work and live to erect trophies. But my prayer 
 shall be, that when my sovereign loseth me, her army may not 
 lose courage, or the kingdom want physic, or her dearest self 
 miss Essex ; and then I can never go in a better time, nor in 
 a fairer way. Till then I protest before God and His angels, 
 that I am a true votary, that is, sequestered from all things 
 but my duty and my charge. I perform the uttermost of my 
 body's, mind's and fortune's ability, and more should, but that 
 a constant care and labour agree not with an inconstant health, 
 in an unwholesome and uncertain climate. This is the hand 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 155 
 
 of him that did live your dearest, and will die your majesty's 
 faithfullest servant, 
 
 " Essex." * 
 
 He complained in the same strain to the lords of the council 
 when sending them a journal of this unprofitable expedition. 
 "The only gloss/' said he, "that I can make upon the plain 
 and true text I send is, that if so much hath not been here 
 performed as is there by Her Majesty expected, either it hath 
 been because she hath made choice of an insufficient minister, 
 or because it hath pleased her to match him with a weak and 
 insufficient council. But as I ever said, and ever must say, I 
 provided for this service a breastplate, and not a cuirass ; that 
 is, I am armed on the breast, but not on the back. I armed 
 myself with confidence that rebels in so unjust a quarrel 
 could not fight so well as we could in a good. Howbeit, if 
 they shall but once come to know that I am wounded on the 
 back, not slightly, but to the heart, . . . as I fear me they have 
 too true and too apparent advertisement of this kind, . . . 
 then what will be their pride and the State's hazard your lord- 
 ships in your wisdom may easily discern." j- 
 
 Towards the end of July he brought back his forces into 
 Leinster, " weary, sick, and incredibly diminished in number". 
 He had the mortification presently to find, what he ought to 
 have foreseen, that the Irish lords whom he had, as he sup- 
 posed, brought to obedience by this rash expedition, had 
 served their purpose by a simulated submission, and were 
 again acting with the rebels. Six hundred men also in the 
 meantime had suffered one of those disasters which, as he 
 truly said, never could occur but through misconduct and 
 gross oversight. Having the advantage of numbers, and the 
 disadvantage of ground, they were put to the rout, and many 
 cut to pieces without striking a blow. This was imputed to 
 the unskil fulness of some young captains and soldiers, and 
 the ill affection of some Irish officers ; and it was severely 
 punished. The lieutenant, who gave the first example of 
 cowardice, was condemned and suffered death. The other 
 officers, though they forsook not their place assigned them, 
 but were forsaken by their soldiers, yet because in such an 
 extremity and distress they had not done something very 
 
 * Fynes Moryson, 34-37. f Birch, ii., 420. 
 
156 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 extraordinary to encourage the soldiers and acquit them- 
 selves, were all cashiered and imprisoned. The men were all 
 sentenced to suffer death ; and when mercy was extended, it 
 was by lot, and every tenth was executed. The commander. 
 Sir Henry Harrington, was reserved till the queen's pleasure 
 concerning him should be known. 
 
 When Essex communicated this unwelcome intelligence to 
 the queen's council, he replied to a reprimand which he had 
 received for having appointed a Southampton to the command 
 of the horse. The queen was displeased with that nobleman, 
 because, disregarding what was then the custom, he had, 
 without imparting his intention to her and obtaining her 
 permission, married a kinswoman of Essex ; and she now, 
 through her council, reminded the earl that she had expressly 
 forbidden him to give him any command, and gave orders that 
 he should be displaced. The earl alleged that there had been 
 no prohibition. "1 remember," said he, "that Her Majesty 
 in the privy chamber at Richmond, I only being with her, 
 showed a dislike of his having any office ; but my answer was, 
 that if Her Majesty would revoke my commission, I would 
 cast both it and myself at Her Majesty's feet ; but if it 
 pleased Her Majesty that I should execute it, I must work 
 with my own instruments. And now, my lords, were it now 
 as then it was, that I were to choose, or were there nothing 
 in a new choice but my Lord of Southampton's disgrace and 
 my discomfort, I should easily be induced to displace him. 
 But when, in obeying this command, I must discourage all my 
 friends, who now seeing the days of my suffering draw near, 
 follow me afar off, and are some of them tempted to renounce 
 me ; when I must dismay the army, which already looks sadly, 
 as pitying both me and itself in this comfortless action ; when 
 I must encourage the rebels, who doubtless will think it time 
 to hew upon a withering tree, whose leaves they see beaten 
 down, and the branches in part cut off; when I must disable 
 myself for ever in the course of this service, the world now 
 perceiving that I want either reason to judge of merit, or 
 freedom to right it, disgrace being thus heaped where in my 
 opinion rewards are due : — Give just grief leave even to com- 
 plain ! Oh ! miserable employment, and more miserable 
 destiny of mine, that make it impossible for me to please 
 and serve Her Majesty at once ! Was it treason in my Lord 
 of Southampton to marry my poor kinswoman, that neither 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 157 
 
 long imprisonment, nor any punishment besides that hath been 
 usual in like cases, can satisfy or appease ? Or will no kind of 
 punishment be fit for him, but that which punisheth not 
 him, but me, this army, and this poor country of Ireland ? 
 Shall I keep the country when the army breaks ? Or shall 
 the army stand when all the volunteers leave it ? Or will any 
 voluntaries stay when those whom they have will and cause to 
 follow are thus handled ? No, ray lords ; they already ask 
 passports, and that daily. Yea, I protest before God, they 
 that have best conditions here are as weary of them as prisoners 
 of fetters. They know, their people know, yea the rebels 
 know, my discomforts and disgraces. It is a common de- 
 mand, how shall he long prosper to whom they that have Her 
 Majesty's ear wish worse than to Tyrone or O'Donnel? My 
 good lords, I do prostrate myself at Her Majesty's feet I 
 will humbly and contentedly suffer whatsoever she will lay 
 upon me ; I will take any disgraceful displacing of me, or 
 after-punishing of me, dutifully and patiently : but I dare not, 
 whilst I am her minister in this great action, do that which 
 shall overthrow both me and it." * 
 
 He displaced Southampton, however, when the queen's 
 orders were repeated, at a time when (in his own words) he 
 was so distracted with the misery of Connaught, the wants of 
 Munster, the mutiny of Leinster, and the want of men able 
 to take charge, that if he had not borne these frowns of 
 fortune and torture of mind for Her Majesty's service, he 
 should quickly have found a fair way to free himself. " Shall 
 I cut them off," said he, " by the sword } Our only English 
 soldiers partly sicken and partly run away, finding this the worst 
 of all countries ; our new men are unserviceable, and the Irish 
 unfaithful. Shall I reduce the kingdom by composition } I 
 might justly have conceived great hope of effecting it, had 
 Her Majesty's wonted favour towards me continued, and had 
 it shone over me in such brightness as this service requireth. 
 But now who will be desirous to come under a roof that 
 threateneth ruin ? or who will make his way to safety by him 
 that is no way safe himself? Whilst I hve and last let me be 
 put to all painful tasks, for now all former delights have 
 abandoned me, and left me this only comfort, the meditation 
 of my only martyrdom. In the meantime, for my dear 
 
 * Birch, ii., 421, 422. 
 
158 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 sovereign's sake, for my country's sake, for your own interest 
 as sworn counsellors of State, advise Her Majesty what in 
 reason may be expected, if she lose one of her two kingdoms, 
 her best forces, and (which I would boldly add, however 1 
 assure myself it will be least regarded) her true servant, who 
 hath faithfully, and for Her Majesty not unfortunately, 
 managed the latest and greatest actions." * 
 
 Essex complained with more justice of the persons with 
 whom he had to act in Ireland, than of his enemies at court. 
 "If I," said he, "employ my utmost means and use all 
 possible industry, yet others may be drones. If I follow the 
 service with that zeal and integrity which my duty to my 
 dread sovereign requireth at my hands, yet others may, nay, 
 others do, cunningly treat and patch compositions, and make 
 their way with the rebels. Neither are these a few, but 
 almost all who have anything to lose ; gentlemen and noble- 
 men. Irishmen and Englishmen, captains and pensioners, 
 governors and privy counsellors. My instances are ready ; 
 and themselves, when I charge them with it, cannot deny it. 
 What war shall the body of this estate be able to sustain that 
 hath no part in it sound ? Or what hope is there that I shall 
 make a speedy end of the war ? " f In this representation 
 there was nothing overcharged ; but the complaints which he 
 addressed to the queen were those of a jealous favourite, or if 
 less charitably interpreted, of a designing malcontent. He 
 had had no cause to think himself ill-treated, or his army 
 neglected, when he wrote thus to Elizabeth : — 
 
 "Let me fall as low and as soon as destiny and yourself 
 have decreed, — I am prepared for all things. But, dear 
 sovereign, when you are weary of me, let me die as a private 
 man. Take care of your honour ; take pity of your brave 
 army, whereof, for the time, I am the head and soul ; and 
 take to heart that our success imports your estate. Value 
 such honest men as we that undergo all hazards and miseries 
 for your safety and greatness, and cherish such gallant and 
 worthy servants as this bearer, who will take it for as great hap- 
 piness to be sacrificed for you, as others whom you favour most 
 will do to be made great and happy by you. Cherish them, I 
 humbly beseech you, upon the knees of my heart, for they 
 must sweat and bleed for you, when a crew of those which 
 
 * Birch, 423. t Ibid., 424. 
 
ROBEIRT DEVEREUX 159 
 
 now more delight you will prove but unprofitable servants. 
 And if your majesty, — if you, I say, whose parting with me so 
 pierced my very soul, can be transformed by those sirens that 
 are about you, then think that you shall quickly hear that a 
 brave death shall ransom from scorn and misery, 
 
 " Your majesty's humblest servant, 
 
 " Essex." * 
 
 The discontent which this letter implies was aggravated by 
 his hearing that the mastership of the wards, a lucrative office, 
 which he had promised to himself, had been conferred on 
 Cecil. Soured by disappointment, by the success of one 
 whom he considered as an intriguing enemy, by the loss of 
 time which he had incurred, the diminution of his forces, the 
 falsehood of the Irish who had fooled him with their feigned 
 submission, the want of cordiality in his official counsellors, 
 and . . . what, perhaps, he now first felt, . . . the want of 
 confidence in himself, his conduct was now marked by that 
 vacillation which always marks the policy of those who are 
 unfit for the situation wherein they are placed, and unequal to 
 the difficulties wherewith they are surrounded. Scarcely had 
 he despatched advices to England that he was about to march 
 upon Ulster, against Tyrone, than he changed his purpose and 
 went against the O'Connors and O'Haras near Dublin. Here 
 his success was easy and unimportant, and on his return he 
 found it necessary to ask for a reinforcement of 3000 foot 
 before he could undertake the Ulster journey. Meantime he 
 ordered Sir Conyers Clifford, the Governor of Connaught, to 
 march towards Bellike, with the view of drawing some of 
 Tyrone's forces upon that side, while he should assail him on 
 the other. Clifford accordingly set forth with 1400 foot, and 
 Southampton's troop of 100 horse under Captain Jephson. 
 Coming to the Carlow Mountains, he left the munition and 
 carriages under Jephson's guard, while he advanced with the 
 foot to try the passage ; there he found some 200 Irishry under 
 O'Rourke, who, having the advantage of woods, bogs, and a 
 stony causey, attacked him, harassed him till his powder 
 began to fail, and his men, wearied before with a long march, 
 to faint, and then they presently took flight. In this shame- 
 ful defeat some 120 men fell, including their commander, and 
 
 ♦ Birch, 415. 
 
160 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 as many more were wounded ; and the rest must all have per- 
 ished if the Lord of Dunkellyn, who that day had most valiantly 
 behaved himself, had not sent word to Jephson of their dis- 
 tress : he forthwith charged upon the causey, and to the very 
 skirts of the wood, with such resolution, that the rebels, either 
 thinking horse could not have served there, or expecting ad- 
 vantage in that boggy place, gave way without any resistance, 
 thus giving the broken infantry leisure to retire upon their 
 carriages, and thence to the abbey of the Boyle, which was near 
 at hand. The governor being slain, and the troops utterly 
 dismayed, it was thought fit that they should retreat to their 
 garrison. So Jephson kept the ford, while the foot in the 
 silent night retired, and in the morning he with the horse 
 went softly after them to the castle of Athlone.* 
 
 By this time the reinforcement had arrived ; but even with 
 this succour Essex was fain to signify that he could do no more 
 than draw 1300 foot and 300 horse to the borders of Ulster. 
 He was now reduced to send home a vindication of his con- 
 duct. •)* To these letters, which he sent by his secretary Mr. 
 Cuffe, a person deeply implicated in the subsequent tragedy, 
 the queen herself replied, — "Having," she said, *^' sufficiently de- 
 clared unto you before this time how little the manner of your 
 proceedings hath answered either our direction or the world's 
 expectation, and finding now a course more strange, if stranger 
 may be, we are doubtful what to prescribe you at any time, or 
 what to build upon by your own witness to us in anything. 
 For we have clearly discerned of late that you have ever to 
 this hour possessed us with expectations that you would pro- 
 ceed as we directed you ; but your actions show always the 
 contrary, though carried in such sort as you were sure we had 
 no time to countermand." 
 
 Reminding him then of the plan which he had laid down in 
 England, and how entirely he had departed from it, drawing 
 her on by little and little to expense, and by protestations of 
 great resolutions in generalities, till they came to particular 
 execution, — "of all which courses," said she, " whosoever shall 
 examine any of the arguments used for excuses, shall find that 
 your own proceedings begot the difficulties, and that no just 
 
 * Moryson, 37, 38. Camden, 570. Birch, 425, 426. 
 
 f Sydney Papers, ii., 118. Rowland Whyte says, " I' saw an apology 
 he made of his own doings ; and your lordship may judge in what state 
 a man stands that is forced to do that ". 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX l6l 
 
 causes do breed the alteration. If lack of numbers, if sickness 
 of the army be the causes, why was not the action undertaken 
 when the army was in better state ? If winter's approach, 
 why were the summer months of July and August lost ? If 
 the spring was too soon, and the summer that followed other- 
 wise spent, — if the harvest that succeeded was so neglected 
 that nothing hath been done, then surely must we conclude 
 that none of the four quarters of the year will be in season for 
 you and that council to agree of Tyrone's prosecution, for 
 which all our charge was intended. Further we require you 
 to consider, whether we have not great cause to think that the 
 purpose is not to end the war, when yourself have so often 
 told us that all the petty undertakings in Leinster, Munster, 
 and Connaught are but loss of time, consumption of treasure, 
 and waste of our people, until Tyrone himself be first beaten, 
 on whom the rest depend. Do you not see that he maketh 
 the war with us in all places by his ministers, seconding all 
 places where any attempts be offered? Who doth not see 
 that if this course be continued, the wars are like to spend us 
 and our kingdom beyond all moderation, as well as the report 
 of the success in all parts hath blemished our honour, and en- 
 couraged others in no small proportion ? We know you cannot 
 so much fail in judgment as not to understand that all the 
 world seeth how time is dallied, though you think the allow- 
 ance of that council, whose subscriptions are your echoes, 
 should serve and satisfy us. How would you have derided any 
 man else that should have followed your steps ! How often 
 have you told us that others which preceded you had no intent 
 to end the war ! How often have you resolved us that until 
 Loughfoyle and Ballishannon were planted, there could be no 
 hope of doing service upon the capital rebels ! We must, 
 therefore, let you know, that as it cannot be ignorance, so it 
 cannot be want of means ; for you had your asking : you had 
 choice of times, — you had power and authority, more ample 
 than ever any had, or ever shall have. It may well be judged 
 with how little contentment we search out this and other 
 errors ; for who doth willingly seek for that which they are so 
 loth to find? But how should that be hidden which is so 
 palpable?" 
 
 The queen then admonished him that his despatches ought 
 not to be filled with impertinent arguments, and savour of 
 humours that concerned only himself. "We," said she, "do 
 11 
 
162 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 tell you plainly, that are of that council, that we wonder at 
 your indiscretion, to subscribe to letters which concern our 
 public service, when they are mixed with any man's private, 
 and directed to our council table, which is not to handle things 
 of small importance." What followed must have been worm- 
 wood to one who had so long presumed upon his own fortune 
 and the queen's favour : — '' To conclude, if you will say, though 
 the army be in list 20,000, that you have them not, we answer 
 then to our treasurer that we are ill served, and that there 
 need not so frequent demands of full pay. If you will say the 
 muster-master is to blame, we must muse then why he is not 
 punished ; though say we might to you our general, if we 
 would, ex jure propriojudicare, that all defects by ministers, yea, 
 though in never so remote garrisons, have been affirmed to us 
 to deserve to be imputed to the want of care of the general. 
 For the small proportion you say you carry with you of the 
 3500 foot, when lately we augmented you 2000 more, it is 
 to us past comprehension, except it be that you have left still 
 too great numbers in unnecessary garrisons, which do increase 
 our charge and diminish your army, which we command you 
 to reform ; especially since you, by your continual reports of 
 the state of every province, describe them all to be in worse 
 condition than ever they were before you set foot in that 
 kingdom. So that whosoever shall write the story of the 
 year's action must say, that we were at great charges to 
 hazard our kingdom, and you have taken great pains to pre- 
 pare for many purposes which perish without undertaking.* 
 We have seen a writing, in form of a cartel, full of challenges 
 that are impertinent, and of comparisons that are needless, 
 such as hath not before this time been presented to a State, 
 except it be done now with a hope to terrify all men from 
 censuring your proceedings. Had it not been enough to have 
 sent us the testimony of the council, but that you must call so 
 many of those that are of slender experience, and none of our 
 council, to such a form of subscription ? Surely, howsoever 
 you may have warranted them, we doubt not but to let them 
 know what belongs to us, to you, and to themselves, "-j- 
 
 Bacon meantime saw in the evident alteration of the queen's 
 
 * Moryson has understanding, and Birch follows him. I have ventured 
 to substitute what I suppose to have been the original word, 
 t Moryson, 39-41. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX l68 
 
 mind towards Essex, how true a prophet he had been, and was 
 still in watch, he says, to find the best occasion that in the 
 weakness of his power he could either take or minister to put 
 him out of the fire if it had been possible. One day, when 
 Elizabeth had shown a passionate distaste of the earl's pro- 
 ceedings in Ireland, as if they were unfortunate, without 
 judgment, contemptuous, and not without some private end 
 of his own, Bacon, to whom she had spoken thus, replied 
 to this effect : " Madam, I know not the particulars of estate ; 
 and I know this, that princes' actions must have no abrupt 
 periods or conclusions ; but otherwise I would think that if 
 you had my Lord of Essex here with a white staff in his hand, 
 as my Lord of Leicester had, and continued him still about 
 you for society to yourself, and for an honour and ornament 
 to your attendance and court in the eyes of your people and 
 in the eyes of foreign ambassadors, then were he in his right 
 element : for to discontent him as you do, and yet to put arms 
 and power into his hands, may be a kind of temptation to 
 make him prove cumbersome and unruly ".* 
 
 Even Bacon, it seems, thought that Essex might become 
 dangerous,-)- and that, in his present state of mind, the com- 
 mand of an army could not safely be entrusted to him. He 
 was the last of those nobles who believed themselves strong 
 enough to brave the crown, and in case of extremities to try 
 the chance of arms. He knew not that the roots of that 
 power had been cut which rendered the last generation of 
 barons formidable to the throne. Because he was popular, he 
 
 * Bacon, vi., 254. 
 
 t Shakespeare bears incidental testimony to the popularity of Essex at 
 
 this time, when, in the last act of Henry V., the chorus describes his 
 
 return to the metropolis after the battle of Agincourt. 
 
 " But now behold 
 In the quick forge and working-house of thought, 
 How London doth pour out her citizens I 
 The mayor and all his brethren in best sort, 
 Like to the senators of the antique Rome, 
 With the plebeians swarming at their heels, 
 Go forth and fetch their conquering Caesar in : 
 As by a lower, but a loving likelihood, 
 Were now the general of our gracious empress, 
 (As in good time he may) from Ireland coming. 
 Bringing rebellion broached on his sword, 
 How many would the peaceful city quit 
 To welcome him ! " 
 
164 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 fancied himself powerful; and before he had conceived, or 
 perhaps even dreamt of any perilous designs, unlucky connec- 
 tions had rendered him an object of suspicion. While on the 
 one hand the papists courted his favour, the Puritans on the 
 other availed themselves of his protection, and he gave them 
 secretly all the encouragement he durst ; and though he held 
 back when he perceived the danger which their "heady 
 courses " were likely to bring upon the State, his old tutor 
 Whitgift always deemed it necessary to keep a vigilant eye 
 over him.* He had taken Antonio Perez under his patronage, 
 an able, but vainglorious and unscrupulous adventurer, whom, 
 though he was persecuted by Philip II., Elizabeth regarded 
 with abhorrence, as a bad subject and bad man. Lest Philip 
 should demand him, she declared that he had been sent over 
 by the French king to his ambassador here, and that she 
 neither did nor would relieve him with pension or protection. 
 "Verily," says Camden,-]- "she detested J the man, who had, 
 contrary to his allegiance, divulged his king's secrets. Bur- 
 leigh scarce vouchsafed him a conference or speaking to ; but 
 Essex entertained him in his house, and supplied him largely 
 with money, using him as his counsellor, yea as an oracle." 
 Perez fed Essex with the grossest flatteries,§ and foiled not to 
 represent that his attachment to his benefactor was regarded 
 in England as a crime. His letters to the earl were inter- 
 cepted ; and the suspicions entertained of Essex were so strong, 
 that when a large force by land and sea was made ready at this 
 time with unexampled celerity, it was believed to have been 
 
 * Sir G. Paul, Life of Whitgift. f Camden, 485. 
 
 X Henri IV. was at one time inclined to employ him in Holland. 
 Through Essex's means he was recommended to Prince Maurice, and 
 to the French minister at the Hague. But when Elizabeth was asked 
 for a passport, she demanded in reply whether he wanted to do mischief 
 in that country as he had done in this ? And she added, that at the 
 Dutch ambassador's table he had asserted and maintained that one king 
 might, with a safe conscience, procure the assassination of another with 
 whom he was at war (Peter Bor, iii., 884). 
 
 §"Mylorde, mi millies my lorde ! — quid tu Romanam tuam excusas 
 linguam, qui excellis Romanos eloquentia, et virtute animi ? Discant, 
 discant critici isti Sabelli, Smythi, Hammondi, et glorientur te praeceptorem 
 sicut dominum habere ; et me in hoc imitentur et sequantur. Vale, prae- 
 ceptor et domine. — Quis enim, cum te invenerit, requiescere poterit in 
 hie vel in ilia, in una vel in altera tuarum mille virtutum ; quum earum 
 quaedam trahant, quaedam inebrient, dominatrices omnes et sensuum cor- 
 poris et facultatum animi " {Obras, 646, 647, 650). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX l65 
 
 intended as a measure of precaution against his dangerous 
 designs.* 
 
 Before the queen's letter was written, Essex had marched 
 against Tyrone, had come in sight of him, offered him battle, 
 parleyed with him on that offer being refused, and agreed to a 
 cessation of arms for six weeks, and so from six weeks to six 
 more, till May-day, either party being at liberty at any time, 
 upon fourteen days' warning, to renew the war. Tyrone 
 retired with all his forces into the heart of his country, ready 
 to break his recent oath whenever there should be an op- 
 portunity of gaining by breaking as much as he had gained by 
 pledging it ; and Essex dismissed his army and went to take 
 physic at Dredah ! Disordered no doubt he was in body and 
 in mind ; and well he might have been, if nothing worse had 
 been transacted than what was public and notorious in the 
 disgraceful termination of a campaign which had been con- 
 ducted throughout either with great incapacity or ill intent. 
 But the suspicions which had been entertained of his designs 
 were not without foundation. Early in the campaign, a certain 
 Henry Lee, of Reban Castle, had opened a treasonable com- 
 munication with Tyrone, who assured the earl through him 
 that, if he would follow his counsel, he would make him the 
 greatest man that ever was in England. Tyrone's friends 
 affirmed the agreement between them was, that Essex should 
 be King of England, and Tyrone Viceroy of Ireland, from 
 whence he was to assist him at any time with 8000 men. 
 Essex did not communicate these designs to Sir Christopher 
 Blunt, who had married his mother (Leicester's widow), and 
 who was then confined by a wound at Lee's castle ; but he 
 had advised with him how to proceed against his enemies at 
 court, saying he intended to land a choice part of his army at 
 Milford, or thereabouts, and so securing his descent, gather 
 such other forces as might enable him to march to London. 
 
 * Monson, 178. "One benefit," he says, "which we received by this 
 preparation was, that our men were now taught suddenly to arm, every 
 man knowing his command, and how to be commanded, which before 
 they were ignorant of; and who knows not that sudden and false alarms 
 in an army are sometimes necessary ? To say truth, the expedition which 
 was then used in drawing together so great an army by land, and rigging 
 so great and royal a navy to sea, in so little a space of time, was so 
 admirable in other countries, that they received a terror by it : and many 
 that came from beyond sea said the queen was never more dreaded abroad 
 for anything she ever did." 
 
l66 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Blunt had known for the last three years that Essex was of an 
 ambitious and discontented mind, and that this discontent was 
 growing dangerous ; but, connected as he was with the earl, 
 his choice lay only between treason and misprision. To secure 
 his own safety by betraying him was not to be thought of; 
 and there was the possibility always of persuading him to a 
 better mind, — till he had advanced too far for retreat. Then, 
 indeed. Blunt entered fully into his schemes ; but wishing to 
 avoid the danger and the consequence of an open rebellion, 
 he represented these strongly to Essex, and advised him, in- 
 stead of taking over the army, to go himself with a good train, 
 and make sure of the court, and then make his own conditions.* 
 
 Upon this advice Essex acted as soon as he received the 
 queen's letter. He committed the Government to the Arch- 
 bishop of Dublin and the treasurer at war, and embarked 
 without delay. He took with him Southampton and " certain 
 of his choice friends," with other captains and some gentlemen 
 of his household, who, as soon as they landed, departed, some 
 one way, some another ; while he, with only six persons in his 
 company, rode post to Westminster. The court was then 
 at Nonesuch ; taking oars at Westminster, he crossed to Lam- 
 beth, and there took such horses as he saw waiting for their 
 masters. Sir Thomas Gerard overtook him ; and hearing that 
 Lord Gray of Wilton, who was one of his most declared 
 enemies, had passed him on the road without saluting him, he 
 rode hard to overtake him, and requested that he would slacken 
 his pace, and let my Lord of Essex bring the first news of his 
 return himself. *' Doth he desire it .f* " said Lord Gray. 
 ** No," replied Sir Thomas ; "nor I think will desire anything 
 at your hands." "Then," said he, "I have business," and 
 made greater haste than before. f It is said that when this 
 was told Essex, one of his Irish friends. Sir Christopher St. 
 Laurence, offered his services to kill both Lord Gray and Cecil 
 in the court; but the earl, who "from his soul hated such 
 impiety " — and ought to have hated such counsellors, — re- 
 jected the insane proposal. 
 
 Gray reached court a quarter of an hour before the earl, and 
 went forthwith to Cecil, who probably thought it the best 
 policy on so unexpected an occurrence to see what course 
 
 * State Triahj i., 1432-1433, 1415. 
 
 t Sydney Papers, 128. Camden, 575. Birch, 433. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX l67 
 
 things would take. It was about ten in the morning when 
 Essex arrived post at the court gate, " and made all haste up 
 to the presence, and so to the privy chamber, and stayed not 
 till he came to the queen's bed-chamber, where," says Rowland 
 Whyte, "he found the queen newly up, the hair about her 
 face. He kneeled unto her, kissed her hands, and had some 
 private speech with her, which seemed to give him great con- 
 tentment ; for coming from Her Majesty to go shift himself 
 in his chamber, he was very pleasant, and thanked God, 
 though he had suffered much trouble and storms abroad, he 
 found a sweet calm at home. 'Tis much wondered at here 
 that he went so boldly to Her Majesty's presence, she not being 
 ready, and he so full of dirt and mire that his very face was 
 full of it. About eleven he was ready, and went up again 
 to the queen, and conferred with her till half an hour after 
 twelve. As yet all was well, and her usage very gracious 
 towards him. He went to dinner, and during all that time 
 discoursed merely of his travels and journeys in Ireland ; of 
 the goodness of the country, the civilities of the nobility that 
 are true subjects, of the great entertainment he had in their 
 houses, of the good order he found there. He was visited 
 frankly by all sorts here of lords, and ladies, and gentlemen : 
 only strangeness is observed between him and the leaders of 
 that party." After dinner "he went up to the queen, but 
 found her much changed in that small time ; for she began 
 to call him to question for his return, and was not satisfied 
 in the manner of his coming away, and leaving all things at 
 so great hazard ". She appointed the lords to hear him : 
 *' they went to council in the afternoon ; and between ten 
 and eleven at night a command came from the queen that 
 he should keep his chamber".* 
 
 * Sydney Papers, 127, 128. 
 
 " As God help me," says Rowland Whyte, *• it is a very dangerous time 
 here ; for the heads of both factions being here, a man cannot tell how 
 to govern himself towards them. For here is such observing and prying 
 into men's actions, that I hold them happy and blessed that live away" 
 (29th September, 1599). 
 
 Next day he says, " It is a world to be here to see the humours of the 
 times. Blessed are they that can be away and live contented. ... I must 
 beseech your lordship to burn my letters, else shall I be afraid to write, 
 the time is now so full of danger. ... If you write by post, take heed 
 what you write, for now letters are intercepted and stayed" {Sydney 
 Papers, 128, 129). 
 
168 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 On the morrow, after the forenoon had been spent in 
 council, Essex was summoned before the lords : they rose and 
 saluted him when he entered ; but when they resumed their 
 seats he stood bareheaded at the upper end of the board, and 
 answered all that was objected against him. The examina- 
 tion, which continued three hours, was very private. " I 
 heard," says Rowland Whyte, " that never man answered with 
 more temper, more gravity, or discretion, to those matters laid 
 to his charge : his contemptuous disobedience of Her Majesty's 
 letters and will in returning ; his presumptuous letters written 
 from time to time ; his proceedings in Ireland, contrary to the 
 points resolved upon here ere he went ; his rash manner of 
 coming away ; his overbold going yesterday to Her Majesty's 
 presence, to her bed-chamber ; his making of so many idle 
 knights." This was on the Saturday : he was remanded to 
 his chamber, and on Monday was committed to his lord 
 keeper's custody at York House. During the interval Bacon, 
 on being asked by the earl in a short private conference what 
 was his opinion of the course taken with him, replied, " My 
 lord, nubecula est, cito transihit ; it is but a mist. But shall I 
 tell your lordship, it is as mists are : if it go upwards, it may 
 perhaps cause a shower ; if downwards, it will clear up. And 
 therefore, good my lord, carry it so as you take away by all 
 means all umbrages and distastes from the queen ; and especi- 
 ally, if I were worthy to advise you (as I have been by your- 
 self thought, and now your question imports the continuance 
 of that opinion), observe three points : first, make not this 
 cessation or peace which is concluded with Tyrone as a service 
 wherein you grlory, but as a shuffling up of a prosecution which 
 was not very fortunate. Next, represent not to the queen any 
 necessity of state whereby, as by a coercion or wrench, she 
 should think herself enforced to send you back to Ireland, but 
 leave it to her. Thirdly, seek access importune opportune, seri- 
 ously, sportingly, every way." The earl heard him patiently, 
 but spake few words, and sometimes shook his head as if in 
 dissent. "Sure I am," says Bacon, "he did just contrary in 
 every one of these three points.""^ 
 
 At his going from court few or none of his friends ac- 
 companied him. Rowland Whyte says, " I hear he takes all 
 things very patient, and endures this affliction like a wise 
 
 * Bacon, vi., 256. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 169 
 
 man. It seems that his offence^ towards Her Majesty are 
 great, seeing it is her will to hati s this done unto him. He 
 is a most unfortunate man, to give so gracious a queen cause to 
 disfavour or disgrace him. But God, I trust, in time will 
 turn her heart again towards him ; for it will not enter into 
 my soul or conscience but that he is an honest true subject to 
 Her Majesty and her proceedings, though in some things he 
 may have erred in his courses in Ireland."* Some of Essex's 
 friends endeavoured now to conciliate Cecil, who objected that 
 the earl was too violent in his passions, and that there was no 
 constancy in his love : yet he said he could be content not to 
 act as his enemy at this time, though it was admitted that he 
 had good cause for resentment, having heard what Essex had 
 said, and seen what he had intended concerning him.-|- There 
 was no suspicion at this time that there had been anything 
 treasonable in his transactions with Tyrone ; but the queen 
 was greatly displeased that in consequence of his return so 
 many persons had been suffered to leave their charge and 
 follow him to London, the most parts of the gallants having 
 quitted their commands, places, and companies, because they 
 did not choose to stay there after him ; so that the town was 
 said to be full of " all sorts of knights, captains, officers, and 
 soldiers". I No evil design was inferred from this concourse, 
 nor indeed connected with it ; for few indeed if any of these 
 persons were in tlie earl's confidence, and it seems as if at this 
 time he could have been contented with a return to favour. 
 But it was evident that the state of Ireland was rendered more 
 dangerous by this kind of authorised desertion. Essex him- 
 self acted warily and wisely : he refused to see a visitor, unless 
 he came with commands from the queen, declaring that he re- 
 solved to continue a true prisoner ; and he received none of the 
 many packets which came to him from Ireland, but sent them 
 away unopened. " Never," says Rowland Whyte, " could man 
 with more discretion govern his business, than he hath done 
 in this disgrace contrary to the opinion of the world." But 
 
 * Sydney Papers^ 130. 
 
 \Ihid., 135. " It is strange," Rowland Whyte says, " how I came to 
 know this much of so secret a matter. If it were not to please you, as 
 God help me, I would shut my ears, and be a stranger to all things, 
 but follow and attend the service of my place ; but I know to whom I 
 write, else would I not write." 
 
 Xlbid., 131. 
 
170 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 his partisans were not equally discreet. Pamphlets, which 
 could not but do him hurt, were issued by these rash persons, 
 and suppressed. Sir Christopher St. Laurence, who had been 
 for resorting at once to courses which, though of ordinary 
 occurrence in his own country, would have been murder and 
 treason here, drank at an ordinary to the health of Essex and 
 confusion to his enemies ; and when he was called in question 
 for this before the lord treasurer, he offered to justify his 
 words if any enemy of Essex would call him to account for 
 them. He was dismissed with an admonition : * but such 
 indiscretions counteracted the effect which might otherwise 
 have been produced by his own submissive demeanour. 
 
 He was now ill both in body and in mind, and one of his 
 letters to the queen touched her. It was in these words : — 
 " My dear, my gracious, and my admired sovereign, is semper 
 eadem. It cannot be but that she will hear the sighs and 
 groans, and read the lamentations and humble petitions of 
 the afflicted. Therefore, O paper, whensoever her eyes 
 vouchsafe to behold thee say that death is the end of all 
 worldly misery, but continual indignation makes misery per- 
 petual ; that present misery is never intolerable to them that 
 are stayed by future hope, but affliction that is unseen is 
 commanded to despair ; that nature, youth, and physic have 
 had many strong encounters ; but if my sovereign will forget 
 me, I have nourished these intentions too long, for in this 
 exile of mine eyes, if mine humble letters find not access, no 
 death can be so speedy as it shall be welcome to me." "j- But 
 her anger was rekindled by a letter from Tyrone to Essex, 
 wherein the rebel expressed his surprise at his sudden departure 
 from Ireland, and said that he could not prevail on his con- 
 federates to agree to such articles of peace as he and the earl 
 had concluded on. Upon this proof that the negotiations on the 
 part of the Irish had been as illusory as they were inconsiderate 
 in Essex (nothing worse being then surmised in his motives), 
 the queen asked if there were not good reason to criminate 
 him } Tyrone, indeed, proclaimed that as the earl, in whom 
 he had put his hopes of life and safety, was under confinement 
 in England, there was a just cause for him to renew the war. 
 Accordingly he let his people loose ; rumours were spread 
 
 * Sydney Papers, 133. 
 
 t Birch, 436. Sydney Papers, 132. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 171 
 
 among them that England would soon be in a state of combus- 
 tion ; and for their further encouragement a cargo of indulgences 
 arrived from the Pope, the extraordinary present of a phcenix 
 plume for Tyrone himself, and a full and plenary remission of 
 all their sins for all who should serve under him or assist him 
 in any way.* 
 
 He soon proceeded without resistance, and as in triumph, 
 from one end of Ireland to the other. The danger in that 
 ill-fated country had never before been so great. Mountjoy 
 was the man whom the queen thought the fittest person to be 
 sent as lord deputy in so perilous a conjuncture. There were 
 some who fancied that Essex was not likely to obtain his en- 
 largement by any other means so surely or so soon as by the 
 necessity that they supposed would be felt for sending him to 
 resume the command : and it was interpreted as a mark of 
 affection to the earl in Mountjoy that he sought to excuse 
 himself from the charge on the score of ill-health.-|- That 
 objection (being indeed but a pretext) was overruled, and 
 Mountjoy had the honour of concluding this destructive war in 
 that miserable island, by effectually suppressing the rebellion ; 
 and he had the happiness also to take with him, in Fynes 
 Moryson, a faithful follower, who has recorded his difficulties, 
 his actions, and his worth. 
 
 Essex, meantime, suffered grievously in mind, eating little, 
 sleeping less, and sustaining life only by continual drinking. J 
 It was believed that Cecil did all good and honest offices for 
 him at this time, and was sorry that they availed so little. § 
 If Elizabeth's conduct had sometimes been capricious towards 
 him, it was now unfeeling, for there was no such suspicion of 
 treason as to have raised a thought of proceeding against him 
 on that ground. She permitted a physician to visit him, and 
 
 * Camden, 575, 581. Moryson, 44. 
 
 i Sydney Papers, ii., 134. Xlbid,, 135. 
 
 %Ibid., 143. 
 
 "I must give this testimony to my Lord Cecil," says Bacon, "that 
 one time in his house in the Savoy he dealt with me directly, and said 
 to me, ' Cousin, I hear it, but I believe it not, that you should do some 
 ill office to my Lord of Essex. For my part, I am merely passive, and 
 not active in this action ; and I follow the queen, and that heavily; and 
 I lead her not. My Lord of Essex is one that in nature I could consent 
 with as well as with any one living. The queen, indeed, is my sovereign, 
 and I am her creature : I may not lose her, and the same course I would 
 wish you to take ' " {Works, vi., 257). 
 
172 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 allowed him the liberty of the garden ; * but his wife, who 
 was just risen from child-bed, was not suffered to go to him. 
 "I see her go from one to another," says Rowland Whyte, 
 " and small comfort f can she receive by such as are in 
 authority, who will not trouble the queen at her desire. | 
 What is wrought for his good is done by the ladies who have 
 access to the queen. It is marvelled at greatly why Her 
 Majesty's indignation is so extreme towards him ; it may be 
 it is to make the world see her power here is so sovereign, that 
 greatness in any can no longer be than during her pleasure. "§ 
 Bacon continued at this time to render him whatever good 
 offices could warily be attempted. He represented to the 
 queen that this proceeding against Essex ''was a thing 
 towards the people very unplausible," and wished her to 
 intermix some immediate grace from herself, that the world 
 might take knowledge of her princely nature and goodness, 
 lest it should alienate their hearts. He dwelt upon this, 
 knowing that if she once relented so far as to send and visit 
 him, those demonstrations would prove matter of substance 
 and of good. He dealt with the queen in the earl's behalf 
 as he had exhorted the earl himself to deal, seriously, sport- 
 ingly, and every way. Though he professed not to be a poet^ 
 
 * Raleigh was said to have •' fallen sick upon this, and her majesty 
 very graciously sent to see him" {Sydney Papers, 139). 
 
 t •' My Lady of Essex is a most sorrowful creature for her husband's 
 captivity. She wears all black of the meanest price, and receives no 
 comfort in anything. She is most desirous to see her lord ; but he is 
 resolved, as they say, to see no creature, but such as come from the 
 queen. . . . My Lord of Essex is very sick ; it is given out he cannot 
 live ; the world do pray that God may move her majesty's kind pity to 
 him " (Rowland Whyte, 23rd November, 1599). 
 
 " Upon Sunday in the afternoon, my Lady of Essex came to the court 
 all in black, and all she wore was not valued at five pounds. She came 
 to the Countess of Huntingdon's chamber, who came not to her ; but by 
 a second means her desire was made known, that it would please her to 
 move her majesty to give her leave to go see the earl, whom she heard 
 had been the night before in very great extremity. This was all she 
 desired ; and answer was returned that she must attend her majesty's 
 pleasure by the lords of her council, and come no more to court. It was 
 ill taken that she presumed to come, having been denied it long since ; 
 but surely it was the violence of her passion that moved her to it. The 
 earl is extreme ill of the stone, stranguillon, and grinding of the kidneys, 
 which take from him his stomach and rest" (Rowland Whyte, 29th 
 November). 
 
 X Sydney Papers, 139. %Ibid., 146. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 173 
 
 he composed a sonnet " directly tending and alluding to draw 
 on her reconcilement " ; and a jest which he employed with 
 better success in his favour was fortunate enough to be re- 
 peated in history. Heyward (afterwards Sir John) had printed 
 this year the first part of the Life and Reign of Henry IV., 
 and dedicated it to Essex. In those uneasy times a book 
 which related the deposition of Richard II. was regarded as 
 a seditious prelude to put into the people's head boldness and 
 faction ; and there was a passage in the dedication which, 
 though harmless in itself, easily admitted of a dangerous 
 construction — magnus siquidem es, et prcesente judicio, et futuri 
 temporis expectatione. The author was committed to prison ; 
 and the queen having an opinion herself that the book had 
 been published with a treasonable intention, asked Bacon if 
 he could not find passages in it that might be drawn within 
 case of treason. " I answered," says Bacon, " for treason 
 surely I found none, but for felony very many. And when 
 Her Majesty hastily asked me, wherein.^ I told her the 
 author had committed very apparent theft ; for he had taken 
 most of the sentences of Cornelius Tacitus and translated 
 them into English, and put them into his text." * 
 
 When Bacon was asked by the queen his opinion of the 
 earl's case, he represented to her that the faults he had com- 
 mitted were what the law might term contempts, because they 
 were the transgression of her particular instructions ; but that 
 the earl might allege in his defence the ampleness of his 
 commission ; the nature of war, which in common cases can- 
 not be tied to strictness of instruction ; the distance of the 
 place, and the interruptions by wind and weather, whereby his 
 communication with her was impeded ; the approval of his 
 actions by the council of State upon the spot ; and his own 
 good intention, " which," says Bacon, " I told her, in some 
 religions was held to be a sufficient dispensation for God's 
 commandments, much more for princes' ". He besought her 
 
 * Bacon, Works, vi., 259. " And another time," he continues, " when 
 the queen would not be persuaded that it was his writing whose name 
 was to it, but that it had some more mischievous author, and said with 
 great indignation that she would have him racked to produce his author, 
 I replied, 'Nay, madam, he is a doctor; never rack his person, but rack 
 his style. Let him have pen, ink, and paper, and help of books, and be 
 enjoined to continue the story where it breaketh off, and I will undertake, 
 by collating the styles, to judge whether he were the author or no.' " 
 
174 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 not to bring the cause into any public question. "The earl," 
 he said, " was an eloquent and well-spoken man ; and besides 
 his eloquence of nature or art, he had an eloquence of accident 
 which passed them both, which was the pity and bene- 
 volence of his hearers. The effect which this was likely to 
 produce might not be for Her Majesty's honour. He wished 
 therefore, in conclusion, that they might wrap it up privately 
 between themselves, and that she would restore him to his 
 former attendance, with some addition of honour to take 
 away discontent." * 
 
 At this time seditious libels were dispersed in court, city, 
 and country, imputed by some to the desperate followers of 
 Essex, by others to his crafty enemies : f most probably both 
 parties were at work in the same wicked way, for opposite 
 intents. Elizabeth thought that as it was deemed necessary 
 to notice these in some proclamation from the Star Chamber, 
 the opportunity might be taken to introduce into it something 
 for the satisfaction of the world concerning Essex's confine- 
 ment, without calling upon him to be present. When she 
 propounded this to Bacon, he told her plainly that the people 
 would say the earl was wounded in his back, and that justice 
 had her balance taken from her, which ever consisted of an 
 accusation and a defence. | Many other " quick and sig- 
 nificant terms " he used to the same purpose, telling Elizabeth 
 that in foro famce, the earl was too hard for her ; but patient 
 as the queen generally was of his advice, in this instance she 
 was offended by it, and pursued her own course. A great 
 assembly of privy counsellors and judges was held in the Star 
 Chamber, and a public declaration was made by the council. 
 They began by touching upon the seditious table and ale- 
 house talk which was then rife, and the many dangerous 
 libels which were cast abroad ; and as by the ancient laws of 
 this realm, all persons that go about to sow any such sedition 
 were traitors, all judges, justices, and other officers were 
 straitly charged to make diligent inquiry after such persons 
 as were makers of such libels, and talkers of such seditious 
 speeches, and after all those who kept company with them, 
 
 * Bacon, vi., 260. 
 
 t Rowland Whyte (13th December, 1599), says of Raleigh, " the world 
 suspects him about the libels ; how justly I may not judge of, for God 
 knows best all men's doings, and will, when it please him, reveal it ". 
 
 X Bacon, 262. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 175 
 
 to the intent that not only they might receive due punish- 
 ment, but that thereby the authors thereof might be the better 
 boulted out. As these libels related to the proceedings of 
 the queen and her council, both concerning Ireland and the 
 earl's commitment, the lords of the council, each in turn, 
 justified the Government by a clear statement of its proceed- 
 ings and of the earl's misconduct. * 
 
 Essex's condition at this time was truly pitiable. The 
 bodily diseases, which seemed to be rapidly consuming him, 
 were more tolerable than the consciousness of how greatly his 
 guilt exceeded the accusations which were brought against 
 him. This was known only to his few confidants ; to the 
 public he was an object of just commiseration : the loss of the 
 queen's favour, the rigour of his confinement, and the un- 
 certainty when his cause might be finally determined, were 
 enough to break a generous spirit and a haughty heart. His 
 sisters, the Ladies Northumberland and Rich, went " all in black 
 to the queen, humble suitors that he might be removed to a 
 better air, and a more convenient place than the lord keeper's 
 house, where he was somewhat straitly, by reason that the 
 lord keeper's household was great". They had no good 
 success ; and his poor countess, who was not permitted access 
 at court, rose almost every morning at daybreak, to solicit those 
 who were in power to befriend him. Any small favour that 
 the queen was disposed to show, any relenting speech con- 
 cerning him, was matter of mortification and trouble to the 
 adverse party, ... so hateful is the spirit of faction, even 
 when, as in this case, nothing but personal feelings and the 
 hope of personal advancement were concerned, A fortnight 
 after the declaration in the Star Chamber, he received the 
 communion, and sent to the queen his patents of the horse 
 and the ordnance, but the queen sent them back ; that of the 
 marshal he kept, meaning to do so while he lived ; for though 
 his life was in imminent danger, the punctilio on which he had 
 stood with Nottingham still retained its importance in his 
 mind.f Lady Essex had leave now to visit him ; ^' she found 
 him so weak, that when he was removed out of his bed, he 
 was laid on sheets, his own strength being decayed and gone ". 
 
 When this was made known to Elizabeth, eight physicians 
 of the best experience were assembled by her command ; after 
 
 * Sydney Papers, 146, 148. f Ibid., 149, 150. 
 
176 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 consulting together, they sent in writing their opinion to the 
 queen that his recovery was more to be wished than hoped 
 for . . . salus magis optanda quam speranda fuit. These things 
 were required, they said, — that he should have his mind 
 quieted, and that he should change the air, for the sake of 
 rest and recreation. Understanding thus the state he was in, 
 " Her Majesty was very pensive and grieved, and sent Dr. 
 James unto him with some broth. Her message was that he 
 should comfort himself, and that she would, if she might with 
 her honour, go to visit him ; and it was noted," says Rowland 
 Whyte, " that she had water in her eyes when she spoke it. 
 Some comfort it brought to the earl ; but it is thought and 
 feared that it comes very late, for nature is decayed. . . . 
 Her Majesty commanded he should be removed from that 
 chamber he was in, to my lord keeper's own chamber in the 
 same house. But this afternoon a general opinion is held that 
 he cannot live many days." * 
 
 Elizabeth soon had reason to suspect that the earl's illness 
 was not so dangerous as it was represented to be. One day 
 it was reported that he was dead, and the bell tolled for him ; 
 he was prayed for in the churches, and not in the ordinary 
 manner which the liturgy permits, but from the pulpits. 
 Faction, indeed, was so strongly manifested in the concern 
 shown for him, that many ministers who had thus distinguished 
 themselves were commanded to silence ; *' some, indeed, 
 foolishly forgetting themselves, their doubtful speeches tend- 
 ing to sedition "."I- The Puritans had long looked to him as 
 their patron ; and the more daring spirits among them were 
 supposed to carry their views farther. Some of their divines 
 watched with him ; and when the report was that it had 
 pleased God to restore him to some little amendment, it was 
 believed at court, that though ill, he had not been in any 
 danger. The queen sent him no more messages now, think- 
 ing all to be cunning. '' The abuse," says Rowland Whyte, 
 "must be great, that keeps away pity and mercy, which were 
 wont to be shown to him and all men." His New Year's 
 gift was not accepted ; and when his sister, the Lady Rich, 
 wrote many letters to the queen soliciting leave to see him, 
 and sent many jewels and many presents, her letters were read, 
 and her presents received, but no leave granted. | 
 
 * Sydney Papers, 151, +/6td., 153-156. Xlhid., 158, 159. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 177 
 
 He had now, on his farther amendment, the liberty of the 
 gallery and garden allowed him. It was no trifling annoyance 
 to the lord keeper that his house should be made a prison of 
 so long continuance ; and he became greatly * discontented 
 when, after four months, and the earl's complete recovery, there 
 was neither leave given for his removal, nor any means taken 
 for bringing his cause to an end. About this time the earl 
 wrote a remarkable letter to his friend Southampton, apparently 
 upon his departure for Ireland, and designed (there seems 
 reason to suspect) as much for the Puritan party as the 
 person to whom it was addressed. " My lord," it began, "as 
 neither nature nor custom ever made me a man of compli- 
 ment, so now I shall have less will than ever for to use such 
 ceremonies, when I have left with Martha to be soUicitus 
 circa multa, and believe with Mary uniim sufficit. But it is 
 no compliment or ceremony, but a real and necessary duty, 
 that one friend oweth to another in absence, and especially 
 at their leave-taking, when in man's reason many accidents 
 may keep them long divided, or perhaps bar them ever 
 meeting, till they meet in another world." Then, after some 
 pious expressions, and intimations of sincere regard, he says, 
 " These things only I will put your lordship in mind of ; first, 
 that you have nothing that you have not received ; secondly, that 
 you possess them, not as lord over them, but as an accomptant 
 for them ; thirdly, if you employ them to serve the world, or 
 your own worldly delights (which the prince of this world 
 will seek to entertain you with), it is ingratitude, it is in- 
 justice, yea, it is perfidious treachery ". 
 
 After enforcing these warnings, Essex proceeded in this 
 extraordinary manner : " I know your lordship may say to 
 yourself, and object to me, this is but a vapour of melancholy, 
 and the style of a prisoner ; and that I was far enough from 
 it when I lived in the world as you do now, and may be so 
 again when my fetters be taken from me. I answer, though 
 your lordship should think so, yet cannot I distrust the good- 
 ness of my God, that His mercy will fad me, or His grace 
 forsake me. I have so deeply engaged myself, that I should 
 be one of the most miserable apostates that ever was ; I have 
 so avowed my profession, and called so many from time to 
 time to witness it, and to be watchful over me, that I should 
 
 * Sydney Papers, 164. 
 12 
 
178 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 be the hollowest hypocrite that ever was bom. But though I 
 should perish in my own sin, and draw upon myself my own 
 damnation, should not you take hold of the grace and mercy 
 of God which is offered unto you, and make your profit of my 
 fearful and wretched example ? I was longer a slave and ser- 
 vant to the world and the corruptions of it, than you have been ; 
 and therefore could hardly be drawn from it. I had many calls, 
 and answered some of them slowly, thinking a soft pace fast 
 enough to come to Christ, and myself forward enough when I 
 saw the end of my journey, though I arrived not at it ; and 
 therefore I have been, by God's providence, pulled, haled, and 
 dragged to the marriage feast, as the world hath seen. It was 
 just with God to afflict me in this world, that he might give 
 me joy in another. I had too much knowledge when I per- 
 formed too little obedience, and was therefore to be beaten 
 with double stripes. God grant your lordship may feel the 
 comfort I now enjoy in my unfeigned conversion, but that 
 you never feel the torments I have suffered for my too long 
 delaying it ! I had none but divines to call upon me, to 
 whom I said, if my ambition could have entered into their 
 narrow hearts, they would not have been so humble ; or if my 
 delights had been tasted by them, they would not have been 
 so precise. But you lordship hath one to call upon you, that 
 knows what it is you now enjoy, and what the greatest fruit 
 and end is of all the contentments that this world can afford. 
 Think, therefore, dear earl, that I have staked and bounded 
 all the ways of pleasure to you, and left them as sea marks for 
 you to keep the channel of religious virtue : for, shut your 
 eyes never so long, they must be open at last, and then you 
 must say with me, ' there is no peace to the wicked '. I will 
 make a covenant with my soul, not to suffer my eyes to sleep 
 in the night, nor my thoughts to attend the first business of 
 the day, till I have prayed to my God that your lordship may 
 believe and make profit of this plain but faithful admonition ; 
 and then I know your country and friends shall be happy in 
 you, and yourself successful in all you take in hand, which 
 shall be an unspeakable comfort to 
 
 " Your Lordship's cousin and true friend, whom no worldly 
 cause can divide from you, 
 
 "Essex."* 
 
 * Scott's Somers' Tracts, i., 502-505. This remarkable epistle was 
 published during the civil wars (1643), with this title : " A Precious and 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 179 
 
 He was now sufficiently recovered to walk in the garden at 
 York House, " in a cloth gown, cloth jerkin, cloth hose, cloth 
 stockings, and cloth mittens " ; * affecting, perhaps, a plainness 
 of dress in accord with his profession of repentance and con- 
 version. His mother. Lady Leicester, the wife of Sir Walter 
 Blount, had come to London on purpose to be a petitioner for 
 his liberty ; and such was the rigour used towards those who 
 stood in any danger of the law, or had incurred the sovereign dis- 
 pleasure, that mislike was taken because she and Southampton, 
 and many other of his friends, had been in a house that looked 
 into the garden, and saluted him out of a window. •]• The 
 queen was still undetermined how to proceed with him, 
 retaining some deep remains of old regard ; yet having seen 
 in his conduct much to condemn, and feeling perhaps a vague 
 presageful apprehension of something worse. She inclined to 
 have him brought before the Star Chamber, and had resolved 
 on this course, when he addressed a most submissive letter to 
 her, which Cecil delivered,! and seconded it with all the good 
 offices he could, to remove this resolution. His representations 
 succeeded for the time ; the proceedings were stopped ; and 
 it was supposed that " by little and little the queen would be 
 won to give him the liberty of his own house " ; and, in this 
 expectation, the earl appeared to recover his spirits § as well 
 as his health. But some displeasure was taken because copies 
 of a letter, which the Lady Rich had written to the queen in 
 his behalf, had got abroad ; — an unwise letter, in which Essex's 
 
 most Divine Letter, from that famous and ever-to be renowned Earl of 
 Essex, (Father to the now Lord General his Excellence,) to the Earl of 
 Southampton, in the latter time of Queen Elizabeth's Reign ". Sir Walter 
 Scott observes, that it was doubtless designed to increase the popularity 
 of the parliamentary general ; and that much was probably expected from 
 its devotional turn of expression. 
 
 * Sydney Papers, i66. fibid., 171. 
 
 X " Mr. Secretary hath won much honour and love by it. who in my 
 conscience hath not been so adverse to the earl as was supposed ; it is 
 her majesty that was wounded by the earl's contemptuous courses, as was 
 said, who was not easily to be satisfied " (Rowland Whyte, 14th February, 
 
 1599). 
 
 " The world thinks that there is a reconcilement between the earl and 
 Mr. Secretary, who was held more his enemy than was cause ; for when 
 it came to the very point, none did deal more truly or honourably than 
 he did with the earl, which hath gained him great honour" (Rowland 
 Whyte, i6th February). 
 
 ^Sydney Papers, i6g. 
 
180 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 supposed enemies were called "a faction that cared not on 
 whose necks they unjustly built the walls of their own 
 fortunes " ; * and in which the expressions concerning Eliza- 
 beth's beauty must have appeared fulsome to her, when they 
 came from a woman's pen. The Countess of Leicester, being 
 about to return into the country, sent the queen "a most 
 curious fine gown, which was presented by Lady Scudamore. 
 Her Majesty liked it well," but neither accepted, nor refused 
 it : she only answered, '' that things standing as they did, it 
 was not fit for her to desire what she did " ; which was to 
 come to Her Majesty's presence and kiss her hands, upon her 
 now going to her poor home. The hope of the earl's enlarge- 
 ment seemed at this time lost ; and he was *' much troubled 
 at the indiscretion of his friends and servants," to whose rash 
 speeches he imputed this renewed displeasure. f 
 
 This cloud also passed over; but it did not leave a clear 
 sky. He was permitted to remove to his own house ; but its 
 inmates were previously required to leave it, except such as 
 "ordinarily must attend him for his diet and chamber" : and 
 he was to remain there under the custody of Sir Richard 
 Berkeley, who had all the keys of the house, and one of his 
 own servants for a porter. Sir Richard slept in the next 
 chamber to him. The countess was allowed to visit him by 
 day, and none else admitted to speak with him, unless by the 
 queen's special leave, f This, however, seemed like the dawn 
 of returning favour, and he wrote in characteristic language to 
 express his gratitude : — 
 
 "Vouchsafe, most dear and most admired sovereign, to 
 receive this humblest acknowledgment of your majesty's most 
 faithful vassal. Your majesty's gracious message stayed me 
 from death, when I gasped for life. Your princely and com- 
 passionate increasing of my liberty hath enabled me to wrestle 
 with my many infirmities, which else, long ere this, had made 
 an end to me. And now this further degree of goodness, in 
 favourably removing me to mine own house, doth sound in 
 mine ears as if your majesty spake these words : — Die not, 
 Essex ; for though I punish thine offences, and humble thee for thy 
 good, yet I mil one day be served again by thee. And my pros- 
 trate soul makes this answer : / hope for that blessed day ! All 
 
 * Birch, 442. i Sydney Papers, 174-176. 
 
 Xlbid., 186. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 181 
 
 my afflictions of body or mind are humbly, patiently, and 
 cheerfully borne by 
 
 " Your majesty's humblest vassal, 
 
 "Essex."* 
 
 His affairs had now ceased to be the talk of the court: 
 there, indeed, to be out of sight was to be out of mind ; but 
 not with the queen and her counsellors. A little more liberty 
 in his own house was given him ; he " walked often upon the 
 open leads, and in the garden, with his wife ; now he, now 
 she," says Rowland Whyte, "reading one to the other". 
 He had leave to celebrate Easter by himself at his own house ; 
 and this seems to have been thought an indulgence ! The 
 countess was a humble^,' suitor to Her Majesty, through the 
 lords, that his keeper might be removed, and that she might 
 be allowed to live with her husband ; as her mother. Lady 
 Walsingham, with whom she then resided, was about to leave 
 London. " To see her clad as she was, was a pitiful spectacle." 
 This petition was not granted ; and, not venturing to take a 
 lodging near Essex House, as she had purposed, lest the queen 
 might take offence at it, the countess went with her mother to 
 Bamelms.j- Essex's rash friends continued to minister fresh 
 offence to the queen : they now printed the Lady Rich's letter, 
 which, when circulated in manuscript, had been so greatly 
 resented ; and they printed also an apology which he had 
 written two years before, in the form of a letter to Sir Anthony 
 Bacon, " against those which falsely and maliciously took him 
 to be the only hindrance of the peace and quiet of his 
 country ". It was an argument against negotiating a peace with 
 Spain, chiefly founded upon the insincerity of the Spanish 
 court. The publication of a State paper, as this might be 
 deemed, was a heinous offence : two persons were committed 
 to close prison for it ; and Essex, being apprehensive of the 
 consequences to himself, called upon the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury and the stationers' company to suppress it, as 
 having been published without his procurement or know- 
 ledge.l 
 
 Knowing that the queen's anger had been thus rekindled, 
 and now by no new fault on his part, he wrote to her another 
 
 • Birch, 443, 444. f Sydney Papers, 185-193. 
 
 Xlbid., 194. Birch, ^^^. 
 
182 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 of those letters, in which his character appears perhaps more 
 truly than in his public conduct ; because in public life he 
 was surrounded always by advisers and flatterers, and in these 
 he had no one to consult with. "Before," said he, '^all 
 letters written with this hand be banished, or he that sends 
 this enjoin himself eternal silence, be pleased, I humbly be- 
 seech your majesty, to read over these few lines. At sundry 
 times, and by several messengers, I received these words as 
 your majesty's own ; — that you meant to correct, but not to 
 ruin. Since which time, when I languished in four months' 
 sickness, forfeited almost all that I was able to engage, felt the 
 very pangs of death upon me, and saw that poor reputation, 
 whatsoever it was, that I had heretofore enjoyed, not suffered 
 to die with me, but buried, and I alive ; — I yet kissed your 
 majesty's fair correcting hand, and was confident in your royal 
 words. For, I said unto myself, between my ruin and my 
 sovereign's favour there is no mean ; and if she bestow favour 
 again, she gives with it all things that in this world I either 
 need or desire. But now the length of troubles, and the 
 continuance, or rather the increase, of your majesty's indigna- 
 tion, hath made all men so afraid of me, as mine own state 
 is not only ruined, but my kind friends and faithful servants 
 are like to die in prison, because I cannot help myself with 
 mine own. Now I do not only feel the intolerable weight 
 of your majesty's indignation, and am subject to their wicked 
 information, that first envied me for my happiness in your 
 favour, and now hate me out of custom ; but, as if I were 
 thrown into a corner like a dead carcass, I am gnawed on 
 and torn by the vilest and basest creatures upon earth. The 
 tavern-haunter speaks of me what he lists. Already they print 
 me, and make me speak to the world ; and shortly they will 
 play me, in what forms they list, upon the stage. The least 
 of these is a thousand times worse than death. But this is not 
 the worst of my destiny ; for your majesty, that hath mercy 
 for all the world but me, that hath protected from scorn and 
 infamy all to whom you once vowed favour but Essex, and never 
 repented you of any gracious assurance you had given till now, 
 — your majesty, I say, hath now, in this eighth month of my 
 close imprisonment (as if you thought my infirmities, beggary, 
 and infamy, too little punishment for me), rejected my letters, 
 — refused to hear of me, which to traitors you never did. 
 What therefore remaineth for me ? Only this : to beseech 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 183 
 
 your majesty, on the knees of my heart, to conclude my 
 punishment with misery and ray life together ; that I may go 
 to my Saviour, who hath paid himself a ransom for me, and 
 whom, methinks, I still hear, calling me out of this unkind 
 world, in which I have lived too long, and once thought 
 myself too happy. 
 
 " From your majesty's humblest servant, 
 
 "Essex."* 
 
 This letter was well received. The queen " used good and 
 gracious speeches of him " ; saying that her purpose was to 
 make him know himself, and his duty to her ; and that she 
 would again use his services. f She sent him also a message 
 of encouragement, couched in figurative language ; to which 
 he thus replied : — " Four whole days have I meditated, most 
 dear and most admired sovereign, on these words, — that there 
 are two kinds of angels . . . the one good, the other evil ; 
 and that your majesty wisheth your servant to be accompanied 
 with the good. And thus my meditation teacheth me to 
 understand mine oracle. She that may as easily make me 
 happy as wish me happy, doth vouchsafe to wish me threefold 
 happiness ; that is, angels that have three excellent offices, 
 who may be good to me in all ; as good messengers, they may 
 bring good tidings ; as good watchmen, they may secure their 
 charge ; and as good executioners, they may exercise me with 
 nothing but for my good. Other offices or virtues than these, 
 (for anything that I can conceive) angels have not ; and other 
 influence than from your majesty, no angel that will be good 
 unto me in this world can give. For if your majesty send me 
 gracious comforts, though all the world besides should ring 
 alarums and threatenings in mine ears, I should not weigh 
 them. While your majesty and grace and goodness watcheth 
 over me, no earthly power shall make me feel harm, nor 
 apprehend danger. Since your majesty was pleased to say, 
 that what you did was ad correctionem, non ad ruinatn, and that 
 you stayed all proceedings that might disable me from your 
 service hereafter, I have been confident that your bright, 
 powerful, and gracious beams will break forth, and disperse 
 all the clouds that now overshadow 
 
 "Your majesty's humblest vassal, 
 
 "Essex." I 
 
 * Birch, 444, 445. f Sydney Papers, 196. I Birch, 445. 
 
184 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Though much of the rigour which had hitherto been used 
 in these proceedings must now appear tyrannical, seeing that 
 no suspicion was then entertained of the earl's treason, Eliza- 
 beth's intention was to show him all the favour which could 
 consist with the maintenance of her own authority, and with 
 that appearance of justice which it was her conscientious 
 desire that all the proceedings of her Government should carry 
 with them to the people. In this she might have succeeded, 
 if Essex had been guilty, as she believed, of nothing more 
 than errors in judgment ; and if his partisans had not, either 
 from rash zeal or some sinister purpose, frustrated her inten- 
 tion. Essex often complained of his enemies ; but it was by 
 his friends that he was undone. Their complaints, that he 
 had not been heard in his own defence, made the declaration 
 of the council fail to produce its designed effect ; and the 
 queen, telling Bacon that she had found his words true, for 
 this " had rather kindled factious bruits than quenched them," 
 said she was determined now, for the satisfaction of the world, 
 to proceed against him in the Star Chamber, by an infor- 
 mation ore tenus, and have him brought to his answer : yet 
 she repeated the assurance which she had frequently made, 
 that whatsoever she did to him should be ad castigationem, et 
 non ad destructionem. In hopes utterly to divert her. Bacon 
 made answer, " Madam, if you will have me speak to you in 
 this argument, I must speak to you as Friar Bacon's head 
 spake, that said first. Time is, and then Time was, and Time 
 will never be. For certainly it is now far too late ; the matter 
 is cold, and hath taken too much wind." The reply seemed 
 to offend her ; and when some weeks had elapsed, and she 
 spake again to Bacon, in the same mind, he, "seeing," he 
 says, "no other remedy," said to her slightly, "Why, madam, 
 if you will needs have a proceeding, you were best have it 
 in some such sort as Ovid spake of his mistress : ' est aliquid 
 luce patente minus ' ; — make a council- table matter of it, and 
 there an end ".* And though this Silso was taken in ill part, 
 he thought it helped to divert the course of proceeding by 
 information in the Star Chamber, which could only have ended 
 in a ruinous sentence. 
 
 When it was determined what course should be taken, one 
 of the council told Bacon that Her Majesty was not yet re- 
 
 * Bacon, vi., 261-263. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 185 
 
 solved whether she would have him forborne in the business 
 or not. He, who had no easy course to steer, and suspected 
 crooked intentions when there were few whose dealings were 
 straightforward, thought there was some stratagem in this inti- 
 mation, arising from some particular emulation. " Wherefore," 
 says he, " I writ to her two or three words of compliment, signi- 
 fying to Her Majesty, that if she would be pleased to spare 
 me in my Lord of Essex's cause, out of the consideration she 
 took of my obligation towards him, I should reckon it for one 
 of her greatest favours : but otherwise, desiring Her Majesty 
 to think that I knew the degrees of duties ; and that no par- 
 ticular obligation whatsoever to any subject could supplant or 
 weaken that entireness of duty that I did owe and bear to her 
 and her service." This, he says, was "a respect no man that 
 had his wits could have omitted ; but, nevertheless, I had a 
 farther reach in it. For I judged that day's work would be a 
 full period of any bitterness or harshness between the queen 
 and my lord ; and therefore, if I declared myself fully accord- 
 ing to her mind at that time, which could not do my lord any 
 manner of prejudice, I should keep my credit with her ever 
 after, whereby to do my lord service." * 
 
 The queen's council were ere long sent for ; and all having 
 their parts in the business according to their pleasure, it was 
 allotted to Bacon that he should set forth the earl's undutiful 
 carriage in giving countenance to Hayward's History of 
 Henry IF., which was termed a seditious pamphlet. Upon this, 
 he represented "that it was an old matter, and had no manner 
 of coherence with the rest of the charge, being matters of Ire- 
 land : and that, having been wronged by reports already, this 
 would expose him to them still more ; for it would be said that 
 he gave as evidence his own tale ". It was answered with good 
 show, that, considering his obligations to Essex, that part was 
 thought fittest for him, which did least hurt ; for whereas all 
 the rest was matter of charge and accusation, this only was 
 matter of caveat and admonition. " Wherewith," says Bacon, 
 "though I was in mine own mind little satisfied, because I 
 knew well a man were better to be charged with some faults, 
 than admonished of some others, yet the conclusion bending 
 upon the queen's pleasure directly, volens nolens I could not 
 avoid that part that was laid upon me."f 
 
 * Bacon, vi., 264, 265. f Ibid., 265. 
 
186 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Accordingly, eighteen commissioners assembled at York 
 House to hear this cause. They were, Archbishop Whitgift, 
 under whose care he had been placed at Cambridge ; the lords 
 keeper, treasurer, and admiral ; the Earls of Worcester, Shrews- 
 bury, Cumberland, Huntingdon, and Derby ; the Lord Zouch ; 
 Sir William KnoUys, comptroller of the household ; Master 
 Secretary Cecil ; Sir John Fortescue ; the two chief justices, 
 Popham and Anderson ; the Lord Chief Baron Periam ; and 
 the justices Gawdy and Walmesley. At eight in the morning 
 they were assembled, ''all at a long table, in chairs " ; and at 
 the earl's coming in, " none of them stirred cap, nor gave any 
 kind of courtesy ". He knelt at the upper end of the table, 
 and a good while without any cushion ; till at length the 
 archbishop moved the lord treasurer, and they jointly the lord 
 keeper and lord admiral, who sat opposite them, and then he 
 was permitted a cushion. The lord keeper opened the cause 
 of their meeting, and then called upon the law officers to 
 inform against the earl. Yelverton began, with a short and 
 prefatory speech, touching upon the queen s gracious dealings, 
 in discharging 10,000/. of his debts before he went for Ireland, 
 and giving him almost as much more to buy horses and provide 
 himself ; her princely provision for the war ; the consump- 
 tion of the army under his command; the waste of treasure 
 to an enormous amount ; his contempt and disobedience of 
 her commands ; and her bounty in not proceeding against him 
 in a court of justice, but only in this private sort by way of 
 mercy and favour.* 
 
 The attorney-general Coke followed. His speech, which 
 contained the body and substance of the accusation, was sharp 
 and stinging ; — charging him with many faults of contempt 
 and disobedience ; and shrewdly inferring a dangerous dis- 
 position and purpose, which he aggravated to the full. Dividing 
 his discourse into three parts, — quomodo ingressus, quomodo 
 progressus, quomodo regressus, — he concluded that the ingress 
 had been proud and ambitious, the progress disobedient and 
 contemptuous, the regress notorious and dangerous. It seemed 
 as if that sagacious lawyer divined the treason of which there 
 was no proof. The earl's conference with Tyrone, he said, 
 was aggravated, in that it was an equal and secret conference, 
 dishonourable to Her Majesty for him that sustained her royal 
 
 * Fynes Moryson, 69. Birch, 447, 448. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 187 
 
 person to confer in equal sort with the basest and vilest 
 traitor that ever lived ; suspicious also, in that it was private, 
 no man suffered to approach, but especially no Englishman ; 
 and he added that, before this parley, a messenger went 
 secretly from the earl's camp to the traitor, if not sent by the 
 earl, at least by his connivance, or by that of the marshal, 
 whom the earl did not punish. The end of the conference 
 was most shameful : that a traitor should prescribe conditions 
 to his sovereign, — abominable and odious conditions, — a public 
 toleration of idolatrous reUgion, pardon for himself and all the 
 traitors in Ireland, and full restitution of lands and possessions 
 to all the sort of them. " This was the sum of the accusation ; 
 every part interlaced with most sharp and bitter rhetorical 
 amplifications." For the punishment, he was fain, he said, 
 to seek far for a precedent gentle enough, — that of William 
 of Britten, Earl of Richmond, who, refusing to come home out 
 of France upon the king's letter, was adjudged to lose all 
 his goods, lands, and chattels, and to endure perpetual im- 
 prisonment. "The earl," said Master Attorney, "exclaimeth 
 in his letter, ' tempora, mores ! ' Let me also say with 
 the orator concerning him, Hoec regina intelligit, hcec senatus 
 videt, hie lamen vivit." 
 
 The solicitor-general Fleming dwelt upon the unhappy 
 success which had ensued in Ireland, where Tyrone had grown 
 stronger and more insolent than ever, vaunting that he was 
 the upholder of the Romish faith and religion ; and there 
 were some even who gave out that he would follow Essex 
 to England, — little to England's good. It was now Bacon's 
 turn. He began by saying he hoped Essex himself, and all 
 who heard him, would consider, that the particular bond of 
 duty which he then did, and ever would, acknowledge to owe 
 unto the earl, was now to be sequestered and laid aside. He 
 then extolled the queen's singular grace, in that, upon the 
 earl's humble suit, she was content not to prosecute him in 
 her court of justice the Star Chamber, but, according to his 
 own desire, to remove that cup from him (these were his own 
 words), and suffer his cause to be heard inter privatos parieies, 
 by way of mercy and favour only, where no manner of dis- 
 loyalty was laid to his charge. He dwelt upon the earl's letter 
 to the lord keeper, written very boldly and presumptuously, 
 in derogation of Her Majesty, and published by the earl's 
 own friends ; and he concluded with the matter of Dr. Hay- 
 
188 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ward's book, ... a dangerous pamphlet, he called it, con- 
 cerning the first years of Henry IV.'s reign, but, indeed, the 
 end of Richard II. 's ; — "and who was thought fit to be the 
 patron of that book, but my Lord of Essex, who, after it had 
 been out a week, wrote a cold, formal letter to my Lord of 
 Canterbury, to call it in again, . . . knowing, belike, that 
 forbidden things are most sought after".* 
 
 The speech is said to have been very eloquent. Bacon 
 knew how certainly he should incur the note of ingratitude. 
 "The part which was laid on me," says he, ''if in the delivery 
 I did handle not tenderly (though no man did in so clear 
 terms clear my lord from all disloyalty as I did), that must 
 be ascribed to the superior duty I did owe to the queen's 
 fame and honour in a public proceeding ; and partly to the 
 intention I had to uphold myself in credit and strength with 
 the queen, the better to be able to do my lord good offices 
 afterwards." "|- 
 
 The special points of accusation were proved by the earl's 
 own letters, by some from the queen and council, and others 
 from the Earl of Ormond and the council in Ireland, — which 
 were all openly read by tiie clerk. 
 
 Essex listened to all with perfect self-command. He never 
 offered to leave kneeling, till the archbishop, when the queen's 
 Serjeant had ended his speech, moved that he might stand, 
 and afterwards that he might lean, and at length that a stool 
 might be given him. Such indulgence was, indeed, needed ; 
 for the proceedings began at nine in the morning, and con- 
 tinued without intermission till eight in the evening. "I 
 hear," says Rowland Whyte, "it was a most pitiful and 
 lamentable sight, to see him that was the minion of Fortune, 
 now unworthy of the least honour. Many that were present 
 burst out in tears at his fall to such misery." J Nevertheless, 
 the lords did all admire at his discretion and carriage ; who 
 never was moved at any speech spoken against him, but with 
 patience heard all that was said. Being now to speak for 
 himself, he knelt down, and began by saying, that ever since 
 it pleased Her Gracious Majesty to change the intended 
 course of proceeding in the Star Chamber, and to remove that 
 cup from him, he had laid aside all thought of justifying him- 
 
 *Fynes Moryson, 69-71. f Bacon, vi,, 266, 
 
 X Sydney Papers, 200, 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 189 
 
 self in any of his actions, and never to make any contestation 
 with his sovereign. He had made a divorce betwixt himself 
 and the world, if God and his sovereign would give him leave 
 to hold it : his inward sorrow for the great offence against Her 
 Majesty was more than any outward cross or affliction that 
 could possibly befall him. He would never excuse himself, 
 neither d toto nor a tanto, from whatsoever crimes of error, 
 negligence, or inconsiderate rashness, his youth, folly, or 
 manifold infirmities might lead him into ; only he must ever 
 profess a loyal and unspotted heart, an unfeigned affection, 
 and desire ever to do Her Majesty the best service he could ; 
 which rather than he would lose, he would, if Christianity 
 and charity did permit, first tear his heart out of his breast 
 with his own hands. But this being always preserved un- 
 touched, he was willing to confess whatsoever errors and 
 faults it pleased Her Majesty to impute to him. 
 
 This " first part of his speech drew tears from many of the 
 hearers ; for it was uttered with great passion, and the 
 words excellently ordered ; and it might plainly appear that 
 he had intended * to speak no more for himself. But being 
 touched (as it seemed) with the over-sharp speeches of his 
 accusers, he humbly craved that, whereas he had perceived 
 many rhetorical inferences and insinuations given out by his 
 accusers, which might argue a disloyal, malicious, wicked, and 
 corrupt affection in him, they would give him leave, not in 
 any sort to excuse himself, but only, by way of explanation, 
 to lay down unto them those false guides, which had misled him 
 into all his errors." And then he began to answer Coke's 
 speech from point to point. \ Before he had waded through 
 half, the lord keeper interrupted him, saying, thnt all extenu- 
 ating of his offence was but the extenuating of Her Majesty's 
 mercy in pardoning ; they cleared him from all suspicion of 
 disloyalty, and therefore he would do well to spare the rest 
 
 * " He came, however, prepared to enter upon a defence, for Rowland 
 Whyte says he held a bundle of papers in his hand, which sometimes he 
 laid in his hat, that was upon the ground by him " {Sydney Papers, 199). 
 
 t One part of his speech would have been reprehensible enough, even 
 if Essex had been as innocent of disloyalty as he was then supposed to 
 be. ♦' The council in Ireland," he said, " had dealt most falsely in 
 excusing themselves to charge him the deeper ; and it seemeth that God, 
 in his just revenge, hath overtaken two of them already, — the Earl of 
 Ormond by blindness, and Sir Warham St. Leger by violent death" 
 (Fynes Moryson, 72). 
 
190 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 of his speech, and save time, and commit himself to Her 
 Majesty's mercy. And when the earl replied, that he sought 
 only to clear himself from a malicious, corrupt affection ; the 
 lord keeper said he was not charged with it ; and if he 
 intended to persuade them that he had disobeyed in deed, 
 but not with a purpose of disobeying, it was frivolous and 
 absurd. 
 
 The lord treasurer then spoke, and clearing the earl from 
 any suspicion of disloyalty, " did very soundly control divers 
 of his other excuses". Cecil came next, "by reason of his 
 place," before his turn. He too cleared him from disloyalty ; 
 but fully satisfied the auditors that in all his Irish proceedings 
 the earl did nothing else but make, as it were, circles of errors, 
 which were all bound up in the unhappy knot of his disobedient 
 return. He showed more courtesy than any other of the 
 speakers, did everywhere justice to the accused, and gave him 
 free liberty to interrupt him at any part of his speech. Of 
 this liberty Essex availed himself only twice, and then by 
 reason of some questions moved by the archbishop and the 
 lord admiral. Whitgift's question was concerning the tolera- 
 tion of religion, which it was said had been yielded to Tyrone. 
 " The earl thanked him for moving that doubt, and protested 
 that it was a thing, which had been mentioned to him indeed, 
 but to which he had never yielded ; nor had that traitor stood 
 upon it when he said to him plainly, ' Hang thee ! thou carest for 
 religion as much as my horse'." Cecil also declared that the 
 earl had never " yielded to that foul condition"; though by 
 Tyrone's after- vaunting, it might have some show of proba- 
 bility. The lord admiral's question was one which led him to 
 say he had returned from Ireland upon a false ground of hope, 
 that he might be pardoned as the Earl of Leicester had been, 
 in a like case, when he returned from the Low Countries con- 
 trary to Her Majesty's express letter: "then I thought with 
 myself," quoth the earl, "if Leicester was pardoned, whose 
 end was only to save himself^ why might not Essex, whose 
 end was to save a kingdom } " But Cecil replied to this, — 
 " that upon his knowledge, no letter had ever passed from the 
 queen to Leicester, forbidding him to return ".* 
 
 *Fynes Moryson, 71-73. "Judge Walmesley his speech was more 
 blunt than bitter. ' Prisoners at our bars,' said he, ' are more graceless ; 
 they will not confess their faults.' He compared my lord's coming home 
 to a shepherd that left his flock to the keeping of his dog." 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 191 
 
 In conclusion, the earl protested, that all he sought for was 
 to be held a true and loyal subject ; he yielded himself wholly 
 to Her Majesty's mercy and favour ; and was ready to offer up 
 his poor carcass, he would not say to do (for, alas, he had no 
 faculties !) but to suffer whatsoever she should inflict upon 
 him ; and so he requested them all to make a just, honourable, 
 and favourable report of his disorded speeches, which had 
 fallen from him in such sort, as his aching head, and body 
 weakened with sickness, would give him leave. They then 
 proceeded to the censure ; the lord keeper, beginning with a 
 "good, powerful, and eloquent speech, said that by justice 
 and mercy the throne is established : mercy. Her Majesty 
 had reserved to herself; but, for the satisfying of her justice, 
 she had appointed them to inquire into the faults of contempts 
 and disobedience laid unto the earl ; and to censure him ac- 
 cordingly. With her mercy they had nothing to do : God was 
 to work it in her princely breast." Then going through the 
 course of the proceedings in Ireland, "he amplified to the 
 uttermost" all the earl's errors, that Her Majesty's mercy 
 might appear the more. Touching the precedent which the 
 earl had adduced for his unlicensed return, the lord keeper 
 said, — " Example is better than imitation ; he that doth well 
 of his own head, doth best ; and he that doth well by imita- 
 tion, doth commendably in a less degree : but in bad things 
 the proportion is otherwise ; the example being naught, the 
 imitation is worse. Therefore, if my Lord of Leicester did 
 evil in coming over contrary to the queen's commandment, 
 my Lord of Essex did worse in imitating him, and is so much 
 the more to be punished." Coming at last to the censure, 
 "If," quoth he, "this cause had been heard in the Star 
 Chamber, my sentence must have been so great a fine as ever 
 was set upon any man's head in that court ; and perpetual 
 imprisonment in that place which belongeth to a man of his 
 quality, . . . that is, the Tower: but now that we are in 
 another place, and in a course of fevour, my censure is, that 
 he is not to execute the office of a counsellor, nor to hold 
 himself for a counsellor of State, nor to execute the office of 
 Earl Marshal of England, nor of the master of the ordnance ; 
 and to return to his own house, there to continue a prisoner 
 as before, till it shall please Her Majesty to release both this 
 and all the rest ". 
 
 The others, each in order, accorded to this censure — for so 
 
192 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 they called it, and not a sentence ; yet some of the noblemen 
 were inclined to excuse him. The Earl of Worcester cited 
 these verses of Ovid : — 
 
 " Scilicet a Superis etiam fortuna luenda est, 
 Nee veniam, laeso numine, casus habet." 
 
 The Earl of Cumberland said, " if he thought this censure 
 should stand, he would crave longer time ; for it seemed to 
 him somewhat hard and heavy " ; intimating how easily a 
 general commander might incur the like : " but, in confidence," 
 said he, " of Her Majesty's mercy, I agree with the rest ". The 
 Lord Lovel would give no other censure that what he believed 
 the earl would lay upon himself, namely, that he would re- 
 strain himself from executing his offices, and keep in his house, 
 till Her Majesty should release him. Of this they all seemed 
 by their speeches to conceive sure hope.* Essex himself, it is 
 said, was reasonably cheerful, only his body seemed weak and 
 distempered with sickness ; and now and then he showed 
 most manifest tokens of sorrow for his offence to Her Majesty, 
 by tears in his eyes. He besought their honours to be a mean 
 unto Her Majesty for grace and mercy, seeing there appeared 
 in his offences no disloyalty towards Her Highness, but ignor- 
 ance and indiscretion in himself f 
 
 The queen was " very much quieted and satisfied to see that 
 the lords of her council, her nobility, and the grave judges of 
 the land held him worthy of far more punishment than had 
 been inflicted". Though it was uncertain what course she 
 would pursue, many expected that he would now be restored 
 to favour, because the queen had expressly commanded that 
 he should not be suspended from his mastership of the horse J 
 (as if she intended to use his service again) ; and also because 
 she had ordered that no record should be made of the pro- 
 ceedings. On the day following. Bacon attended Her 
 Majesty; "and knowing, as I supposed at least," he says, 
 "how the queen was to be used, I thought that to make her 
 conceive the matter went well then, was the way to make 
 her leave off there ; and I remember well I said to her, ' You 
 have now, madam, obtained victory over two things, which 
 the greatest princes in the world cannot at their wills subdue : 
 the one is — over fame ; the other is — over a great mind. For 
 
 * Fynes Moryson, 74. f Sydney Papers, 200. % Camden, 599. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 19S 
 
 surely, the world is now, I hope, reasonably well satisfied ; 
 and for my lord, he did show that humiliation towards your 
 majesty, as I am persuaded he was never in his lifetime more 
 fit for your majesty's favour than he is now. Therefore, if 
 your majesty will not mar it by lingering, but give over at the 
 best, and now you have made so good a full point, receive him 
 again with tenderness, I shall then think that all that is past 
 is for the best." Elizabeth took "exceeding great content- 
 ment " at this ; and reminded Bacon how she had ever said 
 that her proceedings should be ad reparationem, and not ad 
 ruinam ; and she willed him to set down in writing all that 
 had passed that day. This he did, and read it to her in two 
 several afternoons; '^and when," said he, "I came to that 
 part that set forth my lord's own answer, which was my 
 principal care, I do well bear in mind that she was extra- 
 ordinarily moved with it, in kindness and relenting towards 
 my lord ; and told me afterwards, speaking how well 1 had 
 expressed my lord's part, that she perceived old love would 
 not easily be forgotten ; whereunto I answered suddenly, that 
 I hoped she meant that by herself". * He advised her not 
 to let the narrative which he had prepared at her command ^o 
 further ; seeing that by her express direction no record had 
 been taken ; and it would be inconsistent to do that popularly, 
 which she could not allow to be done judicially. 
 
 The queen followed this council, and was undoubtedly 
 inclined to restore the earl to favour : but impediments con- 
 tinually appeared, caused either by his own incaution, or the 
 mischievous practices of his partisans, by whom, and not by 
 his enemies, his ruin was brought on. 'The ablest and most 
 inveterate of these (as, indeed, he was the one who had 
 received most provocation) had never power or influence 
 enough to inflict any lasting injury upon a person who had 
 an equal hold upon the favour of the queen and of the people. 
 Essex had formed a juster opinion of Raleigh's enmity, than 
 he did of Bacon's desire to serve him. A letter has been pre- 
 served, written by Sir Walter to Cecil about this time. " Sir," 
 it began, " I am not wise enough to give you advice ; but if 
 you take it for a good counsel to relent towards this tyrant, 
 you will repent it, when it shall be too late. His malice is 
 fixt, and will not evaporate by any of your mild courses ; for 
 
 * Bacon's Works, vi., 266. 
 13 
 
194 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 he will ascribe the alteration to Her Majesty's pusillanimity, 
 and not to your good nature, knowing that you work but 
 upon her humour, and not out of any love towards him. The 
 less you make him, the less he shall be able to harm you and 
 yours ; and if Her Majesty's favour fail him, he will again 
 decline to a common person. For after revenges, fear them 
 not. For your own father that was esteemed to be the con- 
 triver of Norfolk's ruin, yet his son followeth your father's son, 
 and loveth him. Humours of men succeed not, but grow by 
 occasions and accidents of time and power. Somerset made 
 no revenge on the Duke of Northumberland's heirs ; Nor- 
 thumberland that now is, thinks not of Hatton's issue ; Kello- 
 way lives, that murdered the brother of Horsey, and Horsey 
 let him go by all his lifetime. I could name a thousand of 
 those ; and, therefore, after fears are but prophecies, or rather 
 conjectures from causes remote. Look to the present, and 
 you do wisely. His son shall be the youngest Earl of Eng- 
 land but one ; and if his father be now kept down. Will Cecil 
 shall be able to keep as many men at his heels as he, and 
 more too. He may also match in a better house than his, 
 and so that fear is not worth the fearing. Bnt if the father 
 continue, he will be able to break the branches, and pull up 
 the tree, root and all. Lose not your advantage ; if you do, 
 I rede your destiny. — Let the queen hold Bothwell while she 
 hath him ; he will ever be the canker of her estate and safety. 
 Princes are lost by security, and preserved by prevention. I 
 have seen the last of her good days, and all ours, after his 
 liberty." * 
 
 On the first Star Chamber day, the lord keeper, in his usual 
 speech to the country gentlemen, touched upon Essex's affair, 
 who had acknowledged his errors, he said, and was sorry for 
 them ; yet some wicked persons intermeddled by libelling to 
 find fault with Her Majesty's doings : and against such 
 persons a proclamation was published, that they might be 
 severely punished according to the laws, f The displeasure 
 which had justly been taken at making so many knights 
 during his unfortunate command in Ireland, was now in- 
 cidentally aggravated. The queen had signed a warrant for 
 a proclamation degrading them from a dignity which had 
 been conferred on them contrary to her commands, and for- 
 
 * Biog. Brit.f v., 151. i Sydney Papers, 202. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 195 
 
 bidding the ancient gentlemen of the kingdom to give them 
 place. The proclamation was stayed by Cecil's " special care 
 and credit " ; but when the queen sent to Essex for her own 
 letter wherein she had enjoined him not to repeat the fault 
 which he had committed at Cadiz, he returned for answer, 
 that he had lost or mislaid it, for it could not be found. This 
 was said in very submissive terms ; but EUzabeth was hurt 
 that so little care should be taken of her letters ; and her dis- 
 pleasure was manifested in revoking an order which she had 
 given for the removal of his keeper. * 
 
 It was manifested also in a manner characteristic of the 
 woman, and on an occasion characteristic of the times. The 
 queen honoured the marriage of the Lord Herbert and Mrs. 
 Anne Russel with her presence : a memorable mask was pre- 
 pared for the nuptials, and a strange newly invented dance. 
 After supper, eight ladies came in their characters as masquers, 
 apparelled alike, " in a skirt of cloth of silver, a rich waist- 
 coat wrought with silks and gold and silver, a mantle of 
 carnation taffeta cast under the arm, and their hair loose 
 about the shoulders, curiously knotted and interlaced ". They 
 danced to Apollo's music; and, in "a fine speech, mention 
 was made of a ninth, much to her honour and praise ". 
 "Dehcate it was," says Rowland Whyte, "to see eight ladies 
 so prettily and richly attired." After they had done all 
 their own ceremonies, they chose eight other ladies to dance 
 the measures ; and the lady who led the mask went to the 
 queen, and wooed her to dance. Her Majesty asked what 
 she was, "Affection," was the reply. "Affection!" said the 
 queen; "Affection is false !" f Yet Her Majesty rose and 
 danced. She was then in the sixty-seventh year of her age. 
 Elizabeth's conduct concerning Essex is perfectly intelligible, 
 without casting upon her the imputation of a weakness which 
 would have been not less preposterous at her age, than unbe- 
 coming in her station. She was ill satisfied with herself for 
 having lavished her bounty on one who had shown himself 
 neither worthy of it, nor grateful. 
 
 The keeper, however, was removed in the course of the 
 month. Essex meantime made a show of extraordinary 
 humility ; protesting, both in his discourse and letters, that 
 he had renounced the vanities of the world ; had quenched 
 
 * Sydney Papers, 204. flbid., 201-203. 
 
196 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 the burning heat of his ambition with tears flowing from his 
 heart, and desired nothing more than that the queen would 
 let her servant depart in peace : * these were his own words. 
 About two months after he was sent for to York House, where 
 the lord keeper, the lord treasurer, and Cecil, who had sincerely 
 endeavoured to serve him throughout these proceedings, signi- 
 fied to him that he was at liberty : but he was admonished to 
 make himself and his own discretion his keeper ; and neither 
 to come to court, nor near the queen's person. He besought 
 them to be his mean to Her Majesty, that he might once come 
 to her presence and kiss her hands, for then he could with 
 some contentment betake himself to his solitary life.-j* Of 
 this no hope was held out ; and he was fain to express his 
 thanks by the Lord Henry Howard. They were couched in 
 language which, as it was not deemed abject then, might pass 
 uncensured now, if it could be supposed to be sincere. The 
 Lord Henry Howard was charged to say for him, " that he 
 kissed her royal hand, and the rod which had corrected, not 
 ruined him ; but he could never be possessed of his wonted 
 joy till he beheld again those benign looks of hers, which had 
 been his star to direct and guide him, and by the conduct 
 whereof he sailed most prosperously whilst he held his course 
 in a due latitude. But he was now determined to repent him 
 of his fault, and to say with Nebuchadnezzar, ' Let my dwell- 
 ing be with the beasts of the field, to eat grass as an ox, and 
 to be wet with the dew of heaven, till it shall please the 
 queen to restore my understanding unto me'." She is said 
 to have rejoiced at these expressions, and to have returned 
 this answer : — '' Would God his deeds may be answerable to 
 his words! He hath a long time tried my patience, and I 
 must have some time to make proof of his humility. My 
 father would never have endured such perverseness. But I 
 will not look back, lest, with Lot's wife, I be turned into a 
 pillar of salt. All is not gold that glisteneth. If this could 
 be brought to pass by the furnace, I should be more favour- 
 able to the profession of alchemy." % 
 
 While Bacon endeavoured thus to reconcile the queen to 
 Essex, he had to clear himself from the imputation of having 
 behaved ungratefully toward the earl, by appearing against 
 him in his official capacity. That imputation, if it were de- 
 
 ^ Camden, 6oi. i Sydney Papers, 213. J Camden, 602. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 197 
 
 served, would fix upon Bacon a deeper stain than the mis- 
 demeanours for which he was afterwards disgraced ; but though 
 he found it necessary to apologise for himself, it was without 
 feeling any cause for self-reproach. He addressed him at 
 this juncture in a manner which showed an equal confidence 
 in his own upright intentions, and in the earl's generosity and 
 sense of justice. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " No man can expound my doings better than 
 your lordship, which makes me need to say the less. Only I 
 humbly pray you to believe that I aspire to the conscience 
 and commendation of bonus civis, and bonus vir ; and that 
 though I love some things better, I confess, than I love your 
 lordship, yet I love few persons better, both for gratitude's sake, 
 and for your virtues, which cannot hurt but by accident : of 
 which my good affection it may please your lordship to assure 
 yourself, and of all the true effects and offices I can yield. 
 For as I was ever sorry your lordship should fly with waxen 
 wings, doubting Icarus's fortune ; so, for the growing up of 
 your own feathers, be they estridge's or other kind, no man 
 shall be more glad. And this is the axle-tree whereon I have 
 turned, and shall turn ; which having already signified to you 
 by some near mean, having so fit a messenger for mine own 
 letters, I thought good also to redouble by writing. And so 
 I commend you to God's protection." 
 
 The earl returned this answer : — 
 
 "Mr. Bacon, 
 
 "I can neither expound nor censure your 
 late actions, being ignorant of all of them save one, and liaving 
 directed my sight inward only to examine myself. You do 
 pray me to believe that you only aspire to the conscience and 
 commendation of bonus civis and bonus vir ; and I do faithfully 
 assure you, that while that is your ambition (though your 
 course be active, and mind contemplative), yet we shall both 
 convenire in eodem tertio, and convenire inter nos ipsos. Your 
 profession of affection, and offer af good offices, are welcome to 
 me. For answer to them I will say but this, — that you have 
 believed that I have been kind to you ; and you may believe 
 that I cannot be other, either upon humour or mine own 
 
198 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 election. I am a stranger to all poetical conceits, or else I 
 would say somewhat of your poetical example : but this I must 
 say, — that I never flew with other wings than desire to merit, 
 and confidence in, my sovereign's favour; and when one of 
 these wings failed me, I would light nowhere but at my 
 sovereign's feet, though she suffered me to be bruised with my 
 fall. And till Her Majesty, that knows I was never a bird of 
 prey, finds it to agree with her will and her service, that my wings 
 should be imped again, I have committed myself to the mue. 
 No power but my God's and my sovereign's can alter this 
 resolution of 
 
 " Your retired friend, 
 
 " Essex." * 
 
 Unhappily for himself and many others, Essex had received 
 Henry Cuffe into his service as secretary ; a man of great 
 abilities, considerable learning, and inordinate ambition. He 
 was of a good family in Somersetshire, which has been about 
 two centuries extinct. Having obtained a fellowship at Trinity 
 College, Oxford, he was expelled from it for some indiscretion, 
 which left so little impeachment upon his character, that by 
 Sir Henry Savile's means he was elected at Merton, upon the 
 first occasion that offered after Sir Henry's appointment to the 
 wardenship. Savile, Camden, and Owen the epigrammatist, 
 were at that time his intimate friends ; and he held the Greek 
 professorship, when in evil hour he forsook his academical 
 pursuits, to attach himself to Essex, whom he accompanied in 
 the Cadiz expedition, and who made him his secretary when 
 he went to Ireland. Cuffe had always inclined rather to a 
 busy than a retired life ; and held the true worldling's opinion, 
 that learning was of little service to any man, if it did not 
 render him fitter for being employed in matters of importance ; 
 a way of thinking which recommended him to Essex. He is 
 represented as "a man of secret ambitious ends of his own, 
 and of proportionate counsels, smothered under the habit of a 
 scholar, and slubbered over with a certain rude and clownish 
 fashion, that had the semblance of integrity ".•]- Cuffe, while 
 the proceedings against the earl were pending, always advised 
 him not to acknowledge that he had done wrong ; but re- 
 solutely to stand upon his honour, and justify himself. J He 
 
 * Birch, 457. t Sir Henry Wotton, 180. t Camden, 602. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 199 
 
 is said also to have reproached him for his submission, as 
 low-spirited and faint-hearted ; and contemptuously to have 
 reflected upon those to whom Essex had listened. The earl 
 musing upon this, "out of an inward displeasure then taken 
 against his sharp and importune infusions, and out of a 
 glimmering oversight that he would prove the very instru- 
 ment of his ruin," determined to dismiss him from his service ; 
 and when this discharge was notified to CufFe, so little was he 
 prepared for it, that " he was stricken therewith into a swoon, 
 almost dead to the earth, as if he had fallen from some high 
 steeple ; such turrets of hope he had built in his own fancy ".* 
 
 At this time the Countess of Warwick (a lady powerful in 
 the court, and indeed a virtuous user of her power), advised 
 him to take an out-lodging, privately at Greenwich ; and 
 sometimes when the queen went abroad in a good humour, 
 of which she promised to give him notice, to come forth and 
 humble himself before her on the field. This, which Sir Henry 
 Wotton j- thought the best advice that was ever given him by 
 either sex, he resolved to follow : but the resolution was of 
 short continuance ; for CufFe, prevailing on Southampton to 
 intercede for him, was restored, and "so working advantage 
 upon his disgraces, and upon the vain foundation of vulgar 
 breath, he spun out the final destruction of his master and 
 himself, and almost of his restorer, — if his pardon had not 
 been won by inches ".% 
 
 Bacon, meantime, took every opportunity to speak in the 
 earl's favour. One day, when the queen inquired how his 
 brother fared under the treatment of a fellow who had under- 
 taken to cure, or at least to ease, him of the gout ; and he 
 had made answer, that at the first he had received some good, 
 but afterwards found himself at a stay, or rather worse ; " I 
 will tell you, Bacon, the error of it," said the queen. "The 
 manner of these physicians, and especially these empirics, is, 
 to continue one kind of medicine, which at the first is proper, 
 being to draw out the ill humours ; but after, they have not 
 
 * Camden (602) says that Merrick, the earl's steward, did not strike 
 Cuffe's name out of the list of his servants, as he had been commanded 
 to do, because he was secretly of Cuffe's opinion, and because he was 
 afraid that out of revenge he might join the earl's enemies. But Sir 
 Henry Wotton says he had the whole and true report by infallible means 
 from the person himself who carried the discharge to Cuffe (p. 181). 
 
 fP. 181. Xlbid. 
 
200 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 the discretion to change the medicine, but apply still drawing 
 medicines, when they should rather intend to cure and cor- 
 roborate the part/' . . " Good Lord ! madam," said Bacon, 
 "how wisely and aptly can you speak and discern of physic 
 ministered to the body, and consider not that there is the 
 like occasion of physic ministered to the mind ; as now in the 
 case of my Lord of Essex. Your princely word ever was, that 
 you intended ever to reform his mind, and not ruin his fortune. 
 I know well you cannot but think you have drawn the humour 
 sufficiently ; and therefore it were more than time, an it were 
 but for doubt of mortifying or exulcerating, that you did apply 
 and minister strength and comfort unto him : for these same 
 gradations of yours are fitter to corrupt than correct any mind 
 of greatness." * 
 
 On the anniversary of her accession,-]- Essex wrote to the 
 queen in these words : — " Vouchsafe, dread sovereign, to know 
 there lives a man, though dead to the world, and in himself 
 exercised with continual torments of body and mind, that doth 
 more true honour to your thrice blessed day than all those 
 that appear in your sight. For no soul had ever such an 
 impression of your perfections, no alteration showed such an 
 effect of your power, nor no heart ever felt such a joy of your 
 triumph. For they that feel the comfortable influence of your 
 majesty's favour, or stand in the bright beams of your presence, 
 rejoice partly for your majesty's, but chiefly for their own 
 happiness. Only miserable Essex, full of pain, full of sick- 
 ness, full of son*ow, languishing in repentance for his offences 
 past ; hateful to himself that he is yet alive, and importunate 
 on death, if your favour be irrevocable, — he joys only for your 
 majesty's great happiness and happy greatness : and were the 
 rest of his days never so many, and sure to be as happy as they 
 are like to be miserable, he would lose them all to have this 
 happy l7th day many and many times renewed with glory 
 to your majesty, and comfort of all your faithful subjects ; of 
 whom none is accursed but 
 
 " Your majesty's humblest vassal, 
 
 " Essex." | 
 
 The queen told Bacon that she had been moved by some 
 very dutiful letter which the earl had written to her; but 
 when she took it to be the abundance of his heart, she found 
 
 * Bacon, vi., 269. f 17th November. X Birch, 462. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 201 
 
 it to be but a preparative to a suit for the renewing his farm 
 of sweet wines.* "O madam," replied Bacon, "how doth 
 your majesty construe these things, as if these two could not 
 stand well together, which indeed Nature hath planted in all 
 creatures ! For there are but two sympathies, — the one towards 
 perfection, the other towards preservation: that to perfec- 
 tion, as the iron tendeth to the loadstone ; that to preservation, 
 as the vine will creep towards a stake or prop, that stands by 
 it, — not for any love to the stake, but to uphold itself. And 
 therefore, madam, you must distinguish : my lord's desire to 
 do you service is, as to his perfection, that which he thinks 
 himself to be bom for ; whereas his desire to obtain this thing 
 of you, is but for a sustentation." f The queen, however, 
 upon this point, was not to be entreated : she gave Essex 
 hopes of her favour both by word and letters ; but touching 
 the favour, her reply was, that she must first understand of 
 what value it was, for benefits were not to be bestowed 
 blindfold. After a month's suspense, it was put into the 
 hands of commissioners, to husband it for the queen. If the 
 earl was mortified at this, much more was he hurt by certain 
 of her "nipping expressions" which were reported to him, . . 
 that an unruly horse must be abated of liis provender, to the 
 end that he may be more easily managed ; and that it was a 
 wise aphorism of the physicians, that the more you feed corrupt 
 bodies the more hurt you do them. | These were bitter words 
 for one who, even by his truest friends, was " noted for too 
 bold an engrosser, both of fame and favour " ; and it was re- 
 ported and believed, that in his anger he said the queen was 
 grown as crooked in her disposition as in her carcass. "If 
 ever that uncouth speech fell from him," says ClarendoD,§ 
 "all my wonder at his destruction is taken from me." 
 
 * Camden says that all wines except French and Rhenish were called so. 
 
 t Bacon, vi., 270. t Birch, 459. Camden, 603. 
 
 % Disparity between Buckingham and Essex, in the Reliquia Wotton- 
 iancB. '• The speech as delivered to me," he says, " by one that was 
 much conversant then in the secrets of the court, . . ' Haply there was 
 a little unevenness in her shoulders ! ' " (p. 192). Camden says that this 
 affront which he did her, in undervaluing her personal shape, inflamed her 
 most of all (p. 605). He committed the further fault of overvaluing his 
 own. "One cause of his presumption," says Osborn, "was the fond 
 opinion he had that she would not rob her eyes of the great delight she 
 took in his person ; a fantastical overweening of himself and woman's 
 affection, to whom no single man's perfection was ever yet found con- 
 tinually grateful " (ii., 68). 
 
202 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Bacon says, the issue of all the earl's dealing came to this, — 
 that the queen liked him worse and worse, and became more 
 incensed toward him. He also had incurred her displeasure 
 by speaking so frequently in Essex's behalf; and he received 
 such marks of it, that, presuming upon the good sense in 
 which Elizabeth was never found wanting when an appeal 
 was made to it, he requested to speak with her, and being 
 admitted, dealt with her plainly, saying, " Madam, I see you 
 withdraw your favour from me ; and now I have lost many 
 friends for your sake, I shall lose you too. You have put me 
 like one of those that the Frenchmen call enfans perdus, that 
 serve on foot before horsemen. So have you put me into 
 matters of envy, without place, or without strength ; and I 
 know at chess, a pawn before the king is ever much played 
 upon. A great many love me not, because they think I have 
 been against my Lord of Essex ; and you love me not, because 
 you know I have been for him. Yet will I never repent me 
 that I have dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both, 
 without respect of cautions to myself; and, therefore, vivus 
 vidensque pereo. If I do break my neck, I shall do it in a 
 manner as Mr. Dorrington* did it, which walked on the 
 battlements of the church many days, and took a view and 
 survey where he should fall. And so, madam, I am not so 
 simple but that I take a prospect of mine overthrow : only I 
 thought I would tell you so much, that you may know that it 
 was faith, and not folly, that brought me into it. And so I 
 will pray for you." . . "Upon which speeches of mine," 
 says he, "uttered with some passion, it is true Her Majesty 
 was exceedingly moved, and accumulated a number of kind 
 and gracious words upon me, and willed me to rest upon this, 
 * Gratia mea sufficit,' and a number of other sensible and 
 tender words and demonstrations, such as more could not be ; 
 but as touching my Lord of Essex, ne verhum quidem. Where- 
 upon I departed, resting then determined to meddle no more 
 in the matter, as that, that I saw would overthrow me, and not 
 be able to do him any good. And thus I made mine own 
 peace with mine own confidence at that time." f 
 
 * Rowland Whyte, in a letter of 12th April, 1600, says, '* Dorrington, 
 rich Dorrington, yesterday morning went up to St. Sepulchre's steeple, 
 and threw himself over the battlement, and broke his neck. There was 
 found a paper sealed about him, with this superscription ; — Lord, save my 
 soul, and I will praise thy name " {Sydney Papers, ii., 187). 
 
 t Bacon, vi., 271. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 208 
 
 Apart from all personal provocation, and as yet not even sus- 
 pecting the actual treason which had been plotted with Tyrone, 
 Elizabeth had now sufficient reason to look upon Essex, not 
 merely as a discontented man, but as a dangerous subject. 
 While his worst counsellors were goading him with repre- 
 sentations that he was scorned and triumphed over by his 
 enemies ; that a resolution had been taken to thrust him to 
 that extremity of poverty that he should be fain to live upon 
 the alms-basket, and gather up crumbs from under the table ; 
 that he would be forsaken by his friends, insulted by his foes, 
 and slighted by all men ; open house was kept for all comers, 
 and Merrick entertained at his table such men as at all times 
 are found ready to take part in any mischief that promises 
 advantage to their sect or party, or present profit to them- 
 selves ; '' swordsmen, bold confident fellows, men of broken 
 fortunes, discontented persons, and such as saucily used their 
 tongues in railing against all men ". Sermons were preached 
 there every day by zealous ministers, whom the citizens flocked 
 to hear. And while he thus courted the Puritans, he held out 
 hopes of encouragement to the papists also, — commiserating 
 their situation under the restrictive laws, and intimating that 
 in his opinion they were entitled to indulgences, which from 
 the present Government were never to be looked for. Among 
 the Romanists who frequented his house there were two whom 
 Elizabeth's well-informed minister deemed it necessary to place 
 under custody * when the Spanish invasion was expected ; and 
 who afterwards proved that their character had not been mis- 
 taken, by engaging in the gunpowder plot.-}- Essex, the 
 while, seemed to give himself wholly " to the service of God, 
 the entertainment of his friends, and hearing of sermons ".| 
 It happened about this time that Lord Grey of Wilton met 
 Southampton on horseback in the street, and attacked him 
 with his sword ; and this, though he was committed to the 
 Fleet prison for it by the queen's orders, exasperated Essex. 
 
 * Strype's Whitgi/t, i., 530. Oxford edition. 
 
 fUpon Captain Lee's trial, the lord chief justice, after saying that 
 Mr. Attorney would of his own knowledge affirm that all the associates 
 and complices of the earl in this practice were either atheists, papists, or 
 men of broken estates, for he had looked into them all particularly, 
 specified among the known papists, Catesby and Tresham, — " the last of 
 which," he said, " was a stock that was genere minax Dei " {State Trials, 
 i,, 1407, last edit.). 
 
 X Camden, 603. 
 
204 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 It occurred on a Sunday ; and he who had intended, he said, 
 to have received the communion that day, in testimony that 
 he was far from bearing malice to any, not even to his enemies, 
 " found his affections, when he heard of this, to stir on it so 
 exceedingly, that it hindered his intent ".* 
 
 Thus far he had taken no measures which could bring him 
 within the law of treason (far as that law could in those days 
 be stretched), so long as his practices in Ireland remained 
 undiscovered. It has never been known at what his ambition 
 aimed, — probably he had no certain aim beyond that of re- 
 moving those enemies from the Government by violence, whom 
 he could no longer hope to supplant by favour. One who 
 bore a part in his most secret counsels (and suffered in conse- 
 quence), affirmed of him, that religion and fidelity were inherent 
 in his nature. f That religion, however, did not withold him 
 from calumniating those persons whom he looked upon as his 
 enemies, or whom he had made such. For he began now to 
 court the King of Scots, whom he was thought before to have 
 offended ; and represented to him that Cecil, who had the 
 administration in his own hands, and had gained the lord 
 treasurer, Buckhurst, and the lord admiral, Nottingham, was 
 preparing to resist his right of succession in favour of the 
 infanta ; and that for this purpose Raleigh had been made 
 governor of Jersey, Cobham warden of the Cinque Ports, 
 Burleigh lord president of the north, and Sir George Carew 
 president of Munster, — these being the most convenient places 
 for receiving the Spaniards. Wherefore he advised the king 
 to send ambassadors, and press for an immediate declaration 
 of his title. James, who was in secret correspondence with 
 Cecil himself, was too well informed, as well as too wary, to 
 act upon such advice, and Essex's restless counsellors were too 
 impatient to wait for the result of such proceedings. | 
 
 Cuffe's advice was, that many should be got together for 
 action, but the design communicated to few : those few were, 
 Southampton ; Sir Charles Dan vers, who, in gratitude for 
 some signal benefits received from Southampton, thought 
 himself bound to engage with him in any cause, however 
 
 * Camden, 605. Birch, 463. State Trials, 1354. 
 
 t Osborn (ii., 67), says, '♦ This is what I have often heard averred by the 
 friends of Sir Charles Danvers, whose youngest sister married my eldest 
 brother ". 
 
 J Camden, 605. Birch, 663. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX S05 
 
 desperate ; Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Governor of Plymouth ; 
 Sir John Davis, surveyor of the ordnance, — a person singularly 
 well skilled in the mathematics; and John Lyttelton, of 
 Frankley in Worcestershire, who in the Parliament of 1585 
 had been knight of the shire for that county, — a man of great 
 resolution and ability. * Essex counted upon 120 earls, 
 barons, and gentlemen, who participated, he said, in his dis- 
 contented humour, and would join with him : he held himself 
 indifferently affected by the citizens of London, and hoped 
 to have a good party in Wales, f The chief conspirators 
 having met at Drury House, thinking to avoid suspicion there, 
 it was taken into consideration whether they should seize 
 upon the palace or the Tower, or both at once : and what 
 should be done afterwards. All were of opinion that the 
 palace was the point which they must secure : and for this 
 purpose it was determined that Blount, with a chosen body, 
 should secure the gate ; Davis occupy the court, Danvers the 
 great chamber (where the guard kept but a careless watch), 
 and the presence chamber ; and that Essex, when the way 
 had thus been made ready for him, should, with certain 
 chosen persons, hasten from the neighbouring mews, fall upon 
 his knees before the queen, and desire her to remove his 
 enemies from her person. This done, the intention was to 
 admit those enemies all to an honourable trial, and to call 
 a Parliament for the reformation of disorders and private 
 grievances. The Romanists of the party expected a toleration. 
 The more daring conspirators dreamed of altering the form of 
 the commonwealth. But for Essex himself, who was "befated 
 with a strong opinion of success in all his actions," it was 
 believed that he carried no evil meaning towards the State, 
 and that his ambition was to act the part of Warwick the 
 king-maker, and bring in King James on his own score, f 
 
 A conspiracy in which so many noted persons were con- 
 cerned, could hardly have escaped discovery even under a 
 less vigilant Government. The more than usual resort to 
 Essex House, under pretence of hearing sermons, afforded just 
 cause for suspicion ; and that suspicion was increased by some 
 words which had dropped from the preachers' mouths, as if the 
 superior magistrates of the realm had power to restrain kings 
 
 •Camden, 606. Birch, 463. -f State Trials, 1345. 
 
 t Camden, 606. Birch, 464. State Trials, 1346-1349. Osbome, ii., 
 70. 65. 
 
206 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 themselves. The lord treasurer, Sackville, in consequence, 
 sent his eldest son to visit the earl, and under the show of 
 courtesy, observe what he saw there ; and shortly after one 
 of the secretaries summoned him to appear before the council, 
 then assembled at the lord treasurer's house, that he might be 
 admonished to use the liberty which had been granted him 
 discreetly ; at the same time a paper was privately conveyed 
 to him, which warned him to look to himself. He hereupon 
 apprehending that something had been discovered, and that if 
 he went before the council he should be committed to custody, 
 excused himself on the score of illness ; and summoning with- 
 out delay those in whom he confided most, gave them to 
 understand that some of them were in danger of being carried 
 to prison ; and consulted them whether they should at once 
 seize on the court, or try the Londoners, if by their help 
 they might effect their object ; or give up all, and save them- 
 selves by flight. The first of these alternatives was thought 
 desperate, unprepared as they were for such an immediate 
 blow, and having heard also that the guards had been 
 strengthened. While they debated upon the second, and 
 some represented how uncertain any reliance is upon the 
 disposition of the populace, a lower agent in the plot, who 
 had been instructed to play this part, came in, and, as if he 
 had been sent by the leaders of their friends in the city, made 
 large promises of assistance on their part. Essex himself is 
 said to have believed that Sir Thomas Smith, who was one 
 of the sheriffs, and had the command of 1000 train-bands, 
 would support him with that force. Forasmuch, therefore, 
 as delay was now not less dangerous than rashness, he resolved 
 that the next day, being Sunday, he would enter the city with 
 200 gentlemen, a little before the end of the sermon at St. 
 Paul's, and inform the aldermen and common council, who 
 would be attending service there, of the reason which moved 
 him to that step, and ask their assistance against his enemies. 
 If he found them unwilling to support him, he would im- 
 mediately withdraw to some other part of the realm ; but if 
 they answered his wishes, with their help he would make 
 himself away to the queen's presence.* 
 
 That afternoon Sir Gilly Merrick bespoke the play of 
 Richard the Second f ; and when one of the players objected, 
 
 •Camden, 607. Birch, 464. i State Trials^ 1412. Bacon, vi., 363. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 207 
 
 because the play was old, and so few would come to it, that 
 they should be losers if they played it, he gave them 40s. extra- 
 ordinary, and thereupon played it was before him and a great 
 company, all of whom were afterwards in what is called " the 
 action ". All that night emissaries were sent about to stir up 
 the earl's friends with intelligence that Cobham and Raleigh 
 were lying in wait for his life. Betimes on the morrow, 
 Rutland and Southampton repaired to him. Lord Sandys, Lord 
 Monteagle, and some 300 gentlemen of good quality, all whom 
 he courteously welcomed and embraced ; telling some, that 
 as his over-potent enemies abused the queen's name to her 
 prejudice and plotted against her life, he was resolved to go 
 to her himself, and represent the danger she was in. To 
 others he represented that he would betake himself to the 
 city, and with the aid of the citizens, of whose affections he 
 was assured, take vengeance for his injuries. The gates of 
 his house meantime were kept close shut, and no man ad- 
 mitted unless he were known to be a friend ; nor was any 
 person allowed to go out except Sir Ferdinando Gorges, for 
 whom Raleigh sent, saying that he waited for him on the 
 river. Blount was for profiting by the opportunity, and urged 
 him to seize Raleigh ; but there was a better understanding 
 between Sir Ferdinando and Sir Walter : whether the former 
 revealed the whole design at this time is uncertain ; but he 
 received a warning to take heed that he were not imprisoned 
 for being absent from his Government without leave, and on 
 his part he intimated to Raleigh that a confederacy had been 
 formed against him and others who abused the queen's 
 authority.* 
 
 Meantime the lord mayor received orders to look to the 
 city, and take care that the citizens should be ready every 
 man in his house to execute the queen's commands. Using 
 authority before she would use force, however, Elizabeth sent 
 the lord keeper, the Earl of Worcester, the lord chief justice, 
 and Sir William Knolles, the comptroller of her household, to 
 Essex House : the latter was the earl's uncle, and all four had 
 been chosen, not only because of their merit, but also because 
 they were persons whom he was supposed both to respect, 
 and to regard as friends. They found the gates shut ; and 
 when they were let in at the wicket, their servants were shut 
 
 * Camden, 6o8. Birch, 465. 
 
208 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 out, except the purse-bearer with the seal. The leaders and 
 their company were in the courtyard, and thronged about 
 them as they advanced toward the earl, to whom the lord 
 keeper in an audible voice delivered the queen's message, 
 that they were sent to understand the cause of this so great a 
 concourse of people, and let them know that if they had any 
 particular griefs to allege, they should have hearing and justice. 
 Essex loudly and angrily answered, that he knew there was 
 a design against his life ; that he was to have been murdered 
 in his bed ; that he had been perfidiously used, and letters 
 counterfeited under his hand ; and that, seeing neither his 
 sufferings nor his patience could assuage the malice of his 
 enemies, unless they might drink his blood, he and his friends 
 were assembled there to defend themselves. To this the lord 
 chief justice replied, that if any such matters were attempted 
 or intended against him, it was fit that he should declare it ; 
 they would report it faithfully to Her Majesty, and he could 
 not fail of finding a princely indifferency and justice on her 
 part. Southampton then, for want of any other grievance, 
 mentioned that Lord Grey had assaulted him with his sword : 
 the lord chief justice answered, that in that matter justice 
 had been done, and the party was in prison for it. The lord 
 keeper then required Essex to explain his griefs privately, if 
 he would not in public, adding, that they doubted not either 
 to give or procure him satisfaction. He was interrupted by a 
 great clamour, with cries of " Away, my lord ! they abuse 
 your patience ! they betray you ; they undo you ; you lose 
 time ! " Whereupon the lord keeper put on his hat, and said 
 with a louder voice, " My lord, let us speak with you privately, 
 and understand your griefs ; and (turning to the multitude) 
 I command you all upon your allegiance to lay down your 
 weapons and depart ". 
 
 At this Essex and the rest disdainfully put on their hats ; 
 the earl abruptly went into the house, and the counsellors 
 followed him, thinking he would confer with them as they 
 required. As they passed through several rooms they heard 
 some exclaim, " Kill them, kill them ! " and others, " Shop 
 them up ! cast that great seal out of the window ! keep them 
 as pledges ". When they were come into his book-chamber, 
 he gave orders to keep them fast there. The persons to whom 
 he gave them in charge were Sir John Davis, Tresham, and 
 Owen Salisbury, "one of the most seditious and wicked 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 209 
 
 persons of the number, having been a notorious robber, and 
 one that had served the enemy under the Romish traitor Sir 
 William Stanley, and that bore a special spleen against the 
 lord chief justice". A guard was set by these persons at the 
 door with muskets charged and matches lighted. This done, 
 Essex left Merrick in charge of the house, and saying to the 
 lord keeper, " Have patience for a while ; I will go take order 
 with the mayor and sheriffs for the city, and be with you again 
 by and by ! " he and his followers sallied forth like demented 
 men.* 
 
 The unexpected coming of the queen's counsellors confused 
 Essex in the execution of his ill-arranged plan. He went 
 forth with about 200 men, "choice men for hardiness and 
 valour" — bold enough, indeed, for any enterprise, however 
 desperate ; but in such haste, that they were not provided 
 like soldiers, most of them having their cloaks wrapped about 
 their arms, and only swords by their sides. The Earl of Bed- 
 ford, the Lord Cromwell, and a few other persons of some 
 consideration, joined them. Entering the city by Ludgate, 
 the earl attempted to raise the people by crying, "For the 
 queen ! for the queen ! a plot is laid for my life ! England is 
 bought and sold to the Spaniards ! " and repeating these cries 
 as he hastened along Cheapside to Sheriff Smith's house, which 
 was near Fenchurch ; many came to gaze, but none to join 
 him, though he told them to take their weapons, for otherwise 
 they did him hurt instead of good. "Nevertheless," says 
 Camden, "in all the city, though then well trained to arms, 
 and populous, and much devoted to him, not so much as one 
 man of the meanest quality took arms for him : for the 
 citizens, though, according to the temper and disposition of 
 the vulgar, they were desirous of change and innovation, yet 
 by reason of their wealth they were fearful withal, and un- 
 shaken in their fidelity to their sovereign. And, indeed, 
 poverty, of all other things, is that which soonest plungeth 
 the English into rebellion." As he drew near the sheriff's 
 he called for him, saying, "Where is the sheriff .> Let him 
 bring muskets and pistols. It is for the good of the queen, 
 and of you all, my masters ; for I am credibly informed out 
 of Ireland, that the kingdom of England is sold to the 
 Spaniards!" But the sheriff, of whom he thought himself 
 
 ♦ Camden, 608. Birch, 465. Bacon, vi., 333-337- 
 14 
 
210 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 sure, withdrew by a back door, and hastened to the lord 
 mayor. Essex went into the house ; his countenance changed 
 as he now became sensible of his own madness ; and struggling 
 against such emotions as he had never felt before, he called 
 for refreshments, and for linen to shift himself, — for the sweat 
 started at every pore.* 
 
 Meantime, Cecil's elder brother, Lord Burleigh, and Dethick, 
 Garter king-at-arms, with some ten horse, came into the city, 
 and, though some opposition was attempted, and some violence 
 offered, proclaimed the earl and his adherents traitors. The 
 Earl of Cumberland, and Sir Thomas Gerard, knight marshal, 
 made the like proclamation in other parts of the city. As 
 soon as Essex was informed of this, he hastened out of the 
 sheriffs house, and in a state of hopelessness which had none 
 of that resolution that so often accompanies despair, crying 
 out that England was sold to the Infanta of Spain, he called 
 again upon the citizens to arm. Not a man was found mad 
 enough to stake his life upon a game that was already lost ; 
 even his own deluded followers were beginning to slink away : 
 and when he heard that the lord admiral was coming with a 
 strong party of men to suppress the insurrection, he could 
 devise no other course than that of returning to his own house, 
 and endeavouring to obtain pardon by means of the four 
 counsellors whom he had left there in durance. But Ludgate 
 was guarded now by Sir John Levison with a competent force ; 
 and when he found that he should not have leave to pass, he 
 authorised Gorges to go alone and release the lord chief 
 justice, and by his means intercede for pardon, while, as he 
 fancied, there was still room and hope for it, . . no blood 
 having been shed, the queen being as yet doubtful of the 
 success, and the citizens' minds uncertain. Gorges's object 
 was to take the best care he could for himself; and as the 
 chief justice refused his liberty unless the lord keeper also 
 were released, he set all the four counsellors free, and went 
 with them by water to the court. ■]- 
 
 While Gorges thus provided for his own safety, Essex was 
 too much agitated to act consistently with his last intentions. 
 Finding a chain, as he returned home, drawn across the street 
 near the west gate of St. Paul's, and pikemen and musketeers 
 
 * Camden, 609. Birch, 466. 
 
 + Camden, 610. Birch, 466, 467. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 211 
 
 stationed by the bishop's care to defend it, he drew his sword 
 and ordered Blount to fall on. It is possible that at this 
 moment a feeling of old enmity may have impelled Blount 
 eagerly to obey that order; for the person immediately op- 
 posed to him (Waite by name) was one whom Leicester, being 
 jealous of Blount (who afterwards married his widow), had 
 sent, it is said, into Holland to assassinate him. This man 
 Blount attacked fiercely, and killed him ; but he was presently 
 forsaken by his own people, sore wounded, and taken prisoner. 
 Henry Tracey was slain, a young gentleman whom Essex loved 
 dearly ; and on the other part, two or three citizens. Essex 
 was shot through the hat; being repulsed and not pursued, 
 he turned aside to Queenhithe with the few who would not 
 forsake him, and procuring boats there returned to his house. 
 Arriving there, and finding that the counsellors were released, 
 he was irritated, as seeing that Gorges had thought only of 
 himself: he burnt several papers, that they might tell no 
 tales (he said) ; and clinging to a forlorn hope that the 
 Londoners might yet come to his succour, he prepared to 
 defend his house, and fortified it as well as the time would 
 allow on all sides. It was soon invested by the lord admiral ; 
 and the Earls of Cumberland and Lincoln, the Lords Thomas 
 Howard, Grey, Burleigh, and others, were stationed with 
 horse and foot on the land side. The lord admiral himself, 
 his son Lord Effingham, Lord Cobham, Sir John Stanhope, 
 Sir Robert Sidney, and Sir Fulke Greville, occupied the 
 garden, and prepared to attack it from the river side. Every- 
 thing being ready for the assault, Sidney, by the lord 
 admiral's order, summoned them to surrender. " To whom ? " 
 Southampton asked ; " To our enemies ? that would be 
 running headlong to destruction. To the queen ? that were 
 to confess ourselves guilty. Yet, if the lord admiral will 
 give us hostages for our security, we will appear before the 
 queen : if not, we are every one resolved to die in our de- 
 fence." The lord admiral returned for answer, that conditions 
 were not to be propounded by rebels, nor hostages given to 
 them ; but he signified to Essex that he would permit the 
 countess, and Lady Rich his sister, and their waiting gentle- 
 women, who were filling the air with their lamentations, to 
 go out. Essex received this as a favour, and asked that an 
 hour or two might be granted him for fortifying the place by 
 which they should go forth. And this was granted ; it was. 
 
212 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 indeed, only allowing time for excitement to spend itself and 
 passion to grow cool. * 
 
 Before the first hour had expired, Essex was for sallying to 
 force his way. Lord Sandys, the oldest of the conspirators, 
 encouraged him in this ; urging that the bravest counsels were 
 the best, and it was more honourable for men of quality to 
 die sword in hand, than by the executioner. But neither did 
 this resolution hold : he signified that he would surrender 
 upon certain conditions ; and when the lord admiral would 
 admit of none, he lowered his tone, and said, he sought not 
 to prescribe, but was willing to receive them, and only re- 
 quested three things ; — that they should be civilly dealt 
 withal, — which was promised ; that their cause might be justly 
 and lawfully heard, — which, it was replied, there was no 
 reason to doubt ; and lastly, that Mr. Ashton, the minister, 
 might attend him in prison, for the good of his soul. The 
 lord admiral promised to intercede for this with the queen ; 
 and all the nobles and gentlemen of the party then knelt, 
 and delivered up their swords to him. Owen Salisbury and 
 one or two more had been killed in the house, by shot from 
 without ; and about as many of the soldiers had fallen. By 
 this it was about ten o'clock; the night being dark, and the 
 river not passable under the bridge, Essex and Southampton, 
 instead of being sent immediately to the Tower, were con- 
 ducted by the lord admiral to the archbishop's at Lambeth. 
 At seeing one in such circumstances who had been placed 
 under his care at Cambridge, the good old archbishop ex- 
 pressed his sorrow, and that Essex should so far have forgotten 
 himself ; but the earl smiled with a show of bravery in reply, 
 and said that his conscience and the goodness of his cause 
 comforted him : he spoke with bitter contempt of the 
 Londoners, calling them a base people, and boasting that he 
 had gone up and down the city without resistance ; that he 
 had passed their lanes and their barricades without a blow 
 being offered at him : and that with 400 of his chosen men 
 he would undertake to overrun it. Such language beseemed 
 the condition in which he then stood as little as it suited 
 what had just passed, and what was soon to follow, f 
 
 The two earls, with the other principal offenders, were soon 
 
 * Camden, 6io. Birch, 467. 
 
 t Camden, 611. Birch, 467, 468. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX US 
 
 removed to the Tower by water ; the rest were committed to 
 the common prisons. The next day the queen, by proclama- 
 tion, thanked the citizens of London for showing themselves 
 constant and unmovable in their duties to her, and exhorted 
 them to be careful of the peace of the city, seeing the insur- 
 rection had been so sudden that the extent of the design was 
 not known. "In twelve hours," says Camden, "was this 
 commotion suppressed ; which some called a fear and mistrust, 
 others an oversight ; others, who censured it more hardly, 
 termed it an obstinate impatience and seeking of revenge ; 
 and such as spoke worst of it, called it an unadvised and in- 
 discreet temerity : and to this day there are but few that ever 
 thought it a capital crime." No one, however, who knew 
 what the laws of the country were, could think it less. Cecil, 
 in a letter to the Lord President of Munster, called it " a most 
 dangerous attempt, wherein both Her Majesty's own person 
 and the usurpation of the kingdom was openly shot at" ; and 
 enclosing the proclamation, to show what Essex's proceedings 
 had been, he added — " I think, by that time my letters shall 
 come unto you, both he and the Earl of Southampton, with 
 some others of the principals, shall have lost their heads ".* 
 
 They who were privy to the earl's designs had just cause 
 for apprehending the same result ; and this consciousness (as 
 " fear is a betrayal of the succour that reason proferreth ") 
 hurried one of his most confidential agents to a design as in- 
 consistent and insane as it were desperate, which brought on 
 his own destruction, and is thought to have hastened Essex's 
 also. Captain Thomas Lee, who had opened the treasonable 
 communication between him and Tyrone, happened not to be 
 implicated in the insurrection ; when it broke out, he went to 
 the lord admiral and to Cecil, and offered his services to kill 
 the earl, which, he said, he could have good opportunity of 
 doing, being loved by him. Upon their refusal to employ 
 him in any such service, he would fain have made the same 
 offer to the queen. Four days afterwards he went to Sir 
 Robert Crosse, and observed, that a man might do a brave act 
 to set those lords at liberty. Raleigh, he said, might get him- 
 self eternal honour and love, more than ever he could otherwise, 
 
 * Camden, 612. Birch, 468. Cecil says in this letter, " Even when a 
 false alarm was brought to the queen, that the city was revolted with 
 them, she never was more amazed than she would have been to have 
 heard of a fray in Fleet Street ". 
 
214 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 if he would procure Her Majesty's warrant to free them, which 
 he might do by undertaking her person. Crosse replied, that 
 Sir Walter would certainly do no such thing ; upon which Lee 
 said, half a dozen resolute men might do it, such as had access 
 to the presence. Themselves he named. Sir Henry Nevil, Sir 
 Jarvis Clifton, Sir George Gifford, and Sir R. Weston. If they 
 would kneel before the queen, and never rise till she had 
 signed a warrant, send this to the lord admiral, and never stir 
 till Essex and Southampton were brought there ; meantime 
 they might keep anybody out by shutting the door, and 
 telling those who might offer to come in, that if any harm 
 came to the queen, — if she should do otherwise than well, it 
 would be at their peril. This proposal was the exact counter- 
 part of Essex's own design. Crosse immediately reported it 
 to the council. Lee was apprehended that night. His 
 examination aiforded a clue to the discovery of the treason 
 concerted with Tyrone. He was tried for high treason the 
 next day, and executed the day after.* 
 
 And now one ot the conspirators, it is not known who, 
 "tempted (says Camden) with hope of life, or some small 
 reward, discovered the whole plot which had been concerted at 
 Drury House ; which when others perceived by some questions 
 that were put to them, concluding that all was discovered, 
 and that it was a foolish fidelity to attempt concealing what 
 had already been revealed, they confessed all " : and, on the 
 eleventh day after the insurrection, Essex and Southampton 
 were brought to trial in Westminster Hall, Lord Buckhurst 
 sitting as High Steward of England, and Raleigh attending 
 as captain of the guard. The two earls kissed each other's 
 hands, and embraced. When the names of the peers were 
 called over, Essex desired to know whether he might challenge 
 any of them ; and was answered. No.-]- The case of Lord 
 Darcy, in Henry VII I. 's time, was alleged : and it was said, 
 such was the credit and estimation of the peers of England, 
 that they are neither compelled to an oath on trial, nor liable 
 
 * State Trials, 1403-1410. 
 
 t In this there was no cause of complaint. The peers were twenty-five, 
 — "a greater number than hath been called in any former precedent. 
 Amongst whom her majesty did not forbear to use many that were of 
 near alliance and blood to the Earl of Essex, and some others, that had 
 their sons and heirs apparent that were of his company, and followed him 
 in the open action of rebellion" (Bacon, vi., 343). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 215 
 
 to exceptions. Upon hearing Lord Grey called, Essex laughed 
 upon the Earl of Southampton, and jogged him by his sleeve. 
 They knew not at this time that everything had been con- 
 fessed. 
 
 Serjeant Yelverton, in opening the indictment, said that 
 this rebellion had been more manifest than Catiline's to the 
 city of Rome ; and, consequently, England in no less danger. 
 And as Catiline entertained the most seditious persons about 
 all Rome to join with him in his conspiracy, so Essex had had 
 none but papists, recusants, and atheists for his adjutors and 
 abettors. " I much wonder," said he, " that his heart could 
 forget all the princely advancements given him by Her Majesty, 
 and be so suddenly beflinted, as to turn them all to rebellious 
 ends ; but it seems this overweighing a man's own conceit, 
 and an aspiring mind to wished honour, is like the crocodile, 
 which is ever growing as long as he liveth." At the conclusion 
 of his speech, he prayed God long to preserve the queen from 
 the hands of her enemies. " Amen ! " cried the Earl of Essex 
 and the Earl of Southampton, "and God confound their souls 
 that ever wished otherwise to her sacred person." The attorney 
 general. Coke, touched upon the quality of the rebellion, the 
 manner, the circumstances, and the person. "The quality," 
 said he, "hath high treason — for which I shall not need to 
 say any more. For the manner, I hold it an unnatural act 
 for a natural subject to commit treason against his natural 
 sovereign ; and methinks it cannot be by any probability 
 denied, but that this high treason * is and must be both 
 against the law of God, nature and reason." The circum- 
 stances were the signal favours which he had received from 
 the queen, all aggravating his crime. The person was the 
 queen herself : " And though," said he, " I cannot speak 
 without reverent commendation of Her Majesty's most honour- 
 
 * " Which was not only carried in their hearts," he said, " but, for a 
 continual remembrance, kept in a black purse, which my Lord of Essex 
 wore on his breast next to his skin." A subsequent speech of Coke's 
 explains this : " One Pashell," he said, " affirmed the burning of a black 
 purse by the Earl of Essex, which my lord confesseth ; but saith that there 
 was nothing in it but the key of an iron chest, which he took out ; and 
 burnt a paper in the same purse, which did not contain above five or six 
 lines of secret matter; and for that he would not have so much as their 
 names drawn into question, which were altogether ignorant of these 
 occurrents, did throw the purse and paper into the fire" {State Trials, 
 1348). 
 
216 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 able justice, yet I think her overmuch clemency to some, 
 turneth to overmuch cruelty to herself; for though these 
 rebellious attempts were so exceedingly heinous, yet, out of 
 her princely mercy, no man was racked, tortured, or pressed 
 to speak anything further than, of their own accord and 
 willing minds, for discharge of their consciences they uttered : 
 and then to see the mercy of God, that will have the truth 
 known, it is admirable beyond the conceit of man's capacity ; 
 for they being severally examined, notwithstanding, all agree 
 directly without varying". Briefly stating then their design 
 of surprising the Tower and the court ; " This," said he, " was 
 not all ; for the earl, he must call a Parliament, and he would 
 decide matters not making for his purpose ; but now, in God's 
 most just judgment, he of his earldom shall be Robert the last, 
 that of the kingdom thought to be Robert the first." 
 
 When he had concluded, Essex said, "Will your lordships 
 give us our turns to speak? for he playeth the orator, and 
 abuseth your lordships' ears and us with slander ; but they are 
 but fashions of orators in corrupt States. Unless it will please 
 you that we might answer to every particular, we shall soon 
 confound our own memories, and give advantage to our 
 enemies whereupon to lay hold, for lack of precise answer to 
 each particular objection." He was interrupted now ; * but 
 what he asked, was allowed. Henry Witherington's ex- 
 amination was then read, in which the deponent stated, that 
 when the four counsellors were detained, he heard their lives 
 threatened, and that orders were left to kill the lord keeper 
 and the lord chief justice if the earl should miscarry in the 
 city. Upon this Essex observed, " I will not, I protest to God, 
 speak to save my life ; for those that prosecute it against me 
 shall do me a good turn to rid me of my misery, and them- 
 selves out of fear". He protested that he heard no such 
 
 * " The hearing was with great patience and liberty ; the ordinary 
 course not being held to silence the prisoners till the whole state of the 
 evidence was given in ; but they being suffered to answer articulately to 
 every branch of the evidence, and sometimes to every particular deposition, 
 whensoever they offered to speak ; and not so only, but they were often 
 spared to be interrupted, even in their digression and speeches not much 
 pertinent to their cause. And always when any doubt in law was moved, 
 or when it was required either by the prisoners or the peers, the lord 
 steward required the judges to deliver the law ; who gave their opinions 
 severally, not barely yea or no, but at large with their reasons" (Bacon, 
 vi., 344). 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 217 
 
 words as "kill them"; and that, as for locking up the 
 counsellors, it was done without disloyalty, and intending only 
 in charity to save them lest they should take hurt. But the 
 lords keeper and chief justice, and the Earl of Worcester, 
 testified that they heard the words, though they would not 
 charge Essex that they were spoken either by his privity or 
 command. 
 
 When the declaration of the four counsellors had been read. 
 Coke said, " Yea, my lord, you had 300 men in arms in your 
 house ; why did you not dissolve them, being commanded 
 upon your allegiance so to do?" Essex replied, it was not 
 in his power to dissolve them suddenly, nor to quench their 
 passions, nor to withold their purposes. " Word was brought," 
 said he, "that men were sent for to take us in our own 
 houses ; then we, conceiving the thirsty appetite of our private 
 enemies, took ourselves to our arms, and were glad to stand 
 upon our guard for our own defence. . . And whereas we 
 are charged to have dealt with papists ; I assure your lordships, 
 and it is most true, that papists have been hired and suborned 
 to witness against me." In proof of this, he mentioned a 
 seminary priest, who had been sent, he said, to Ireland, to 
 touch his honour and reputation; and a scrivener, who had 
 confessed in writing to have forged and counterfeited his 
 hand in at least two letters. "Ay, by my troth," quoth the 
 attorney-general, " this is true ; but it was by the procurement 
 of one of your own servants." Essex rejoined, "Thou 
 swearest it ; but it is not on a book. That man thou say est 
 I procured to do it, his name is John Daniel, an arrant thief; 
 one that broke a standard of mine, and stole a casket of my 
 wife's, and many other things. It is very probable that I 
 should trust him so far, that had before betrayed me ! But 
 it is well known who set him at work to procure my hand to 
 be counterfeited. Well, Mr. Attorney, I thank God you are 
 not my judge this day, you are so uncharitable ! " The 
 attorney answered, " Well, my lord, we shall prove you anon 
 what you are, which your pride of heart and aspiring mind 
 hath brought you to". The earl replied, "Ah ! Mr. Attorney, 
 lay your hand upon your heart and pray to God to forgive us 
 both ! " . . When Essex had begun to tamper with treason- 
 able thoughts, it was easy for him to believe that others were 
 plotting against him. This, however, was a tangible fact : 
 due inquiry was afterwards made ; and it was then ascertained 
 
218 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 that the Countess of Essex, misdoubting danger in those 
 times, had put some of the letters which he had written to 
 her, in a cabinet, and trusted it to the keeping of a Dutch- 
 woman, the wife of this John Daniel. This villain discovered 
 them by accident, read them, and observing some passages 
 which might incense the queen and endanger the earl, caused 
 them to be copied by one who was expert at counterfeiting 
 hands ; and when the countess was ready to lie in, he 
 threatened to deliver these papers into the hands of the earl's 
 enemies unless she would give him 3000/. To avert that 
 danger, she gave him immediately all she could then com- 
 mand, which was 1 1 70/. ; upon which he gave her the 
 counterfeit copies, and kept the originals, with the intention 
 of getting another sum for them from the other party. By a 
 righteous judgment of the Star Chamber, when this had been 
 proved, he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment ; to a 
 fine of 3000/., 2000/. of which were to be paid to the countess ; 
 and to stand with his ears nailed to the pillory, with this 
 inscription, "A wicked forger and impostor".* 
 
 This affair had not yet been sifted ; and, though incidentally 
 mentioned, had no bearing on the trial. Raleigh now gave 
 evidence of his conversation on the water with Gorges, who 
 had, told him that it was like to be the bloodiest day's work 
 that ever was ; upon which Essex observed, that this differed 
 altogether from what Sir Ferdinando had told them at Essex 
 House immediately after the conference. Gorges's confession 
 was then read, and acknowledged by himself ; f after which, 
 the several examinations of Danvers, Davis, Blount, the Earl 
 of Rutland, and Lords Cromwell, Sandys, and Monteagle. 
 Coke then besought the peers to let the due consideration of 
 these several examinations and depositions enter their hearts : 
 *'And do but note," said he, "they have all agreed and 
 jumped together in each particular point, nothwithstanding 
 they were all severally examined : but I must need think it 
 the just judgment of God, in his mercy towards our sovereign, 
 
 * Camden, 630. 
 
 t Camden (p. 615) says, " As soon as Essex saw him, supposing that he 
 (because his evidence was first produced) had, either out of hope or fear, 
 discovered the whole business, and came voluntarily as a witness against 
 him, out of madness and vexation he smartly snubbed and checked him, 
 endeavouring to invalidate the credit ©f his testimony by the paleness of 
 his unsettled and discomposed countenance". 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX «19 
 
 to have the truth so marvellously revealed, coming from them 
 of their own accords, without rack or torture to any of 
 them ". . . " Mr. Attorney," replied Essex, " I answer then 
 this for that point : The self-same fear, and the self-same 
 examiner, may make these several examinations agree all in 
 one, were they never so far distant. But good my lord, let 
 me entreat your lordship to consider who they be that testify 
 thus against me. My lord, they are men within the danger 
 of the law, and such as speak with a desire to live ; but I 
 think they have much to answer for between God and their 
 souls and me." He protested that his purpose was to have 
 come with eight or nine honourable persons, who had just 
 cause of discontentment (though not equal unto his), to the 
 queen, and, prostrating themselves at her feet, have put them- 
 selves to her mercy, and requested that she would be pleased 
 to sever from her some who abused her ears with false infor- 
 mation ; and these were Cobham, Cecil, and Raleigh. Upon 
 this Cobham rose, and said he had done nothing maliciously 
 against the earl. To whom Essex answered, " But such a 
 backbiter and informer I would have removed from the queen, 
 though it had cost me the loss of my right hand ! . . This," 
 he continued, " was all their desire, and without any purpose 
 of hurt to Her Highness ; for I protest before God," said he,. 
 '* I do carry as reverent and loyal duty to Her Majesty as any 
 man in the world." Turning then to Gorges, he said, concern- 
 ing his testimony, " I will say no more, but that if it please 
 Her Majesty to be merciful unto him, I will be glad, and pray 
 for it. Yet, whatsoever he hath said, let my life and his deal- 
 ing testify the truth. And, Sir Ferdinando, speak nothing to 
 touch thyself, and speak what thou wilt to me, for I see thou 
 desirest to live. But speak like a man ; — speak openly what- 
 soever thou dost remember ; and with all my heart I desire 
 thee to speak freely." Gorges, however, when called upon by 
 the court to unfold what other secrets had passed, said he had 
 delivered on his examination all he could remember, and 
 farther he could not say. " Yes, Ferdinando," said the earl, 
 " if ever you knew any other matter which contained any 
 thought of treason or disloyalty, speak out ; for they are 
 things not to be forgotten." . . "Good Sir Ferdinando," 
 said Southampton, "satisfy the court what was intended 
 among all our conferences and talk of our enemies, and 
 discontentments, and consultations." Gorges replied, " Some 
 
220 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 delivered their minds one way, some another; but by the 
 oath I have taken, I did never know or hear of any pur- 
 pose of hurt or disloyalty intended to Her Majesty's person 
 by my Lord of Essex ". 
 
 Southampton, though he must needs confess, he said, that 
 going into the city was a foolish action, protested that the 
 purpose of planting men at court had no other intention than 
 that of preventing hindrance by private enemies, who would 
 have stopped the earl's passage to the queen ; and he asked 
 the attorney-general what he thought in his conscience, they 
 would have done to Her Majesty ? " The same that Henry 
 of Lancaster to Richard IL," was Coke's prompt reply ; — *'he 
 went to the king and fell on his knees, 'pretending to beg only 
 the removal of his evil counsellors ; but having once gotten 
 the king in his power, he deprived him both of crown and 
 life." Cobham entreated Essex to let him know why he laid 
 such imputations upon him. Essex replied, " My lord, I have 
 forgiven all the world, and therefore you shall not need to 
 insist upon these circumstances ; for I lay not my cause upon 
 aught that shall do your lordship any harm for my sake. My 
 heart bears you no malice ; what I spake was freely and in 
 God's presence, hoping Her Majesty would have heard us, and 
 our complaints being but true : I never spake it out of fear of 
 death, or desire of life." 
 
 It was now Bacon's painful part to invalidate the earl's 
 defence, and show the futility of his attempt to excuse him- 
 self by imputing plots to his enemies : he compared him to 
 Pisistratus for dissimulation, and ambition ; and assuring him 
 that all he had said, or could say in his defence were but 
 shadows, admonished him that it were his best course to con- 
 fess, and not to justify, Essex grew angry at this, and 
 endeavoured to expose him to a charge of double-dealing and 
 insincerity, reminding him of having composed a letter in his 
 name, which was to be shown the queen ; and in which 
 he pointed out his enemies as directly as might be ; " which 
 letter," said he, "I know Mr. Secretary Cecil hath seen; and 
 by him it will appear what conceit he held of me, though he 
 thus coloureth and pleadeth the contrary ". . . . " My lord," 
 replied Bacon, "I spent more hours to make you a good 
 subject, than upon any man in the world besides ; but since 
 you have stirred up this point, I dare warrant you this letter 
 will not blush ; for I did but perform the part of an honest 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 221 
 
 man, and ever laboured to have done you good, if it might 
 have been, and to no other end." Well had it been for 
 Bacon, if he had been in all points as blameless as in this. 
 " Well, my lord," said Essex, " I do here protest before the 
 living God, that an honourable, grave, and wise counsellor 
 hath lamented and grieved at the courses he hath seen taken, 
 and therewith hath often wished himself dead ; this I speak 
 upon credible and honourable information. But I can prove 
 thus much from Sir Robert Cecil's own mouth ; that he, 
 speaking to one of his fellow-counsellors, should say that 
 none in the world but the Infanta of Spain had right to the 
 crown of England." 
 
 At this, Cecil, who was in an apartment close by, where he 
 heard all, hastened into the court, and kneeling before the 
 lord steward, besought that he might have leave to answer 
 so false and foul an accusation. This being granted he 
 turned to the earl : " For wit," said he, " I am your inferior, 
 for indeed you have wit at will ; I am your inferior in nobility, 
 for I am not in the rank of the prime nobility, yet noble I 
 am ; a swordsman I am not, and herein also you go before 
 me. Yet the difference here between you and me is great ; 
 for I stand here in the character of an honest man, and you 
 in that of a delinquent. I stand for loyalty which I never 
 lost, you for treachery with which your heart is possessed; 
 and you charge me with high things, wherein I defy you to 
 the uttermost. You, my good lords counsellors of State, have 
 had many conferences ; and I do confess I have said the 
 King of Scots is a competitor, and the King of Spain a 
 competitor ; and you, I have said, are a competitor ; you 
 would depose the queen, you would be King of England, and 
 call a Parliament Ah ! my lord, were it but your own case, 
 the loss had been the less ; but you have drawn a number of 
 noble persons, and gentlemen of birth and quality, into your 
 net of rebellion, and their bloods will cry vengeance against 
 you ! For my part, I vow to God, I wish my soul was in 
 heaven, and my body at rest, so this had never been." . . " Ah ! 
 Mr. Secretary," replied the scornful earl, "I thank God for 
 my humbling, that you in the rust of your bravery come to 
 make your oration against me here this day ! " 
 
 So remarkable a scene has rarely occurred in a court of 
 justice. Cecil made answer, " My lord, I humbly thank God 
 that you did not take me for a fit companion ; for if you had. 
 
222 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 you would have drawn me to betray my sovereign as you have 
 done. But I would have you name the counsellor you speak 
 of. Name him, name him ! name him if you dare ! if you dare, 
 I defy you ; name him ! " Essex replied to this challenge, 
 " Here stands an honourable person (looking on Southampton) 
 who knows I speak no fable : he heard it as well as I ". . . 
 " Then, my Lord of Southampton," said Cecil, " I adjure and 
 beseech you, by the duty you owe to God, by the loyalty and 
 allegiance you owe to your sovereign, by our joint Christian 
 profession, by the old friendship and familiarity that once was 
 betwixt us, and by the honour of your family, that you name 
 the person ! " Southampton referred it to the court and to 
 Cecil himself, whether he could, consistently with honour: 
 and upon being required to do so, he named Essex's uncle. 
 Sir William Knolles, comptroller of the queen's household. 
 The assertion would not have been thus made by the one, 
 and corroborated by the other, unless both had believed it ; 
 and it shows how completely the spirit of party had demented 
 them. Cecil exclaimed, " I thank God for this day ! " and 
 falling upon his knees, requested of the lord high steward 
 that some one who had access to the queen's presence might 
 go and humbly entreat her to command Mr. Comptroller to 
 come before his grace. A gentleman of the privy chamber, 
 Knevet by name, was desired accordingly to let the queen 
 understand Mr. Secretary's demand. "Mr. Knevet," said Cecil, 
 " you shall have free access ^to Her Majesty ; tell her that I vow 
 before the God of heaven, that if she refuse to send Mr. 
 Comptroller, whereby I may clear myself of these open 
 scandals, I will rather die at her feet, as her subject and 
 vassal, than live to do her any more service in this honourable 
 degree wherein Her Highness employs me. And withal let 
 me adjure you that you do not acquaint Mr. Comptroller with 
 the cause why you come for him." 
 
 The comptroller soon came ; and being called upon to 
 declare what he knew of the matter, said he remembered 
 that, some years ago, Doleman's book, in which he maintained 
 the title of the infanta to the crown of England, was read in 
 Mr. Secretary's presence ; but more than this he had not said, 
 nor had he ever heard Cecil use any such words, or any words 
 to such effect. . . "But these words," the earl said, "were 
 reported to me in another sense.". . " Your malice," replied 
 Cecil, " whereby you seek to procure me hatred with all men. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 223 
 
 hath been occasioned only by my affection to peace for the 
 good of my country, and your own ardent desire of war, for 
 the pleasure and profit of swordsmen, whom you labour to 
 bring to your beck and devotion. Hence proceeds your 
 enmity against all that are affected to peace, as if they were 
 addicted to the Spaniards. I beseech God to forgive you for 
 this open wrong done unto me, as I do openly pronounce that I 
 forgive you from the bottom of my heart." . . "And I, Mr. 
 Secretary," the earl replied, "do clearly and freely forgive 
 you, with all my soul, because I mean to die in charity." 
 
 Essex, after his preposterous charge had been thus confuted, 
 became milder, and protested that his conscience was clear 
 from any disloyal thought ; and imprecated some present mark 
 of God's judgment upon him in that place, in just punishment 
 of his falsehood, if he had not in all his thought and purposes 
 ever desired the good of his sovereign and his country as of 
 his own soul. He disclaimed all imputation of irreligion or 
 misbeUef, declaring that he never was a papist, nor had ever 
 favoured any sectary ; for his religion was sound, and as he 
 had lived he meant to die in it. He would have surrendered 
 himself to the Earl of Cumberland, he said, if he had found 
 him at the chain at Ludgate ; or to the lord mayor, or aldermen, 
 if they had come to him when he was at the sheriffs, to be 
 used by them as they thought fit, or put into prison. It was 
 in regard of private enemies, and fear of treachery, that he 
 went into the city ; if it had been with any other intent, he 
 would not have gone with so small a company and so slightly 
 armed. Southampton made no attempt to justify himself. 
 He requested, that if others had used foolish speeches, it 
 might not be concluded that he had ever consented to their 
 purposes. "The first occasion," said he, "that made me 
 adventure into these courses was the affinity between my Lord 
 of Essex and me : I being of his blood, and having married his 
 kinswoman, so that for his sake I should have hazarded my 
 life. What I have by my forwardness offended in act, I am 
 altogether ignorant ; but in thought, I am assured never ; and 
 if through my ignorance in the law I have offended, I humbly 
 submit myself to Her Majesty, and from the bottom of my 
 heart do beg her gracious pardon, if it please her." 
 
 The prisoners having been removed from the bar, the lords 
 withdrew behind the canopy, where the two chief judges, and 
 the chief baron, delivered their opinion upon two points : the 
 
224 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 one, "that in case where a subject attempteth to put himself 
 into such strength as the king shall not be able to resist him, 
 and to force and compel the king to govern otherwise than 
 according to his own royal authority and direction, it is 
 manifest rebellion": the other, ''that in every rebeUion, the 
 law intendeth, as a consequence, the compassing the death and 
 deprivation of the king; as foreseeing that the rebel will 
 never suffer that king to live or reign, who might take 
 revenge of his treason and rebellion". In less than an hour 
 the peers returned to their seats ; and in their order, without 
 a dissentient voice, declared both prisoners guilty. Upon 
 being asked why judgment of death should not be pronounced 
 against him, Essex replied, "I only say, that since I have 
 committed that which hath brought me within the compass of 
 the law, I may be counted the law's traitor, for which I am 
 willing to die. But do me the right, I beseech you, my lords, 
 to think me a Christian, and that I have a soul to save, and 
 that I know it is no time to jest ; lying and counterfeiting my 
 soul abhorreth ; for I am not desperate nor void of grace, now 
 to speak falsely. I do not speak to save my life, for that I 
 see were vain. I owe God a death, which shall be welcome, 
 how soon soever it pleaseth Her Majesty. And to satisfy the 
 opinion of the world, that my conscience is free from atheism 
 and popery, however I have been misled in this action to 
 transgress the points of the law, and however I have omitted, 
 or may have uttered anything otherwise, yet I will live and 
 die in the faith and true religion which I have here professed." 
 Southampton, when he was called upon to speak, besought 
 the lords high steward and high admiral to let the queen 
 know that he craved her mercy. " I have been brought up 
 under Her Majesty," said he ; "I have spent the best part of my 
 patrimony in her service, with danger of my life, as your lord- 
 ships know ; and if any could challenge me that I have ever 
 heretofore committed or intended treason, or any other thing 
 prejudicial to Her Majesty, or her estate, God let me never enter 
 into his kingdom ! But since the law hath cast me, I do submit 
 myself to death : and yet I will not despair of Her Majesty's 
 mercy, for that I know she is merciful ; and if she please to 
 extend it, I shall with all humility receive, and may by my 
 service deserve it." Camden, who was present, says, he spake 
 this in a manner which moved all who heard him to compas- 
 sion. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 225 
 
 The high steward, then reminding Essex what favours the 
 queen had bestowed on his predecessor and himself, wished that 
 he also would submit himself to her mercy, and reconcile him- 
 self inwardly to her, by laying open all matters that were in- 
 tended to prejudice her, and the actors thereof; "whereby," 
 he said, " no doubt, you shall find Her Majesty merciful "... 
 "My lord," replied Essex, "you have made an honourable 
 motion : do but send to me at the time of my death, and you 
 shall see how penitent and humble I will be towards Her 
 Majesty, both in acknowledging her exceeding favours to my 
 ancestors, and to myself. And I do most humbly desire that 
 my death may put a period to my offences committed, that 
 they be no more remembered by Her Highness. If I had 
 ever perceived any of my followers to have harboured an evil 
 thought against Her Majesty, I would have been the first that 
 should have punished the same, in being his executioner : and 
 therefore I beseech you, my good lords, mistake me not, nor 
 tliink me so proud that I will not crave Her Majesty's mercy ; 
 for I protest, kneeling upon the very knee of my heart, I do 
 crave it with all humility. Yet I had rather die than live in 
 misery." 
 
 Sentence having been pronounced, and the edge of the axe 
 turned towards the prisoners, Essex said, " This body of mine 
 might have done the queen better service, if it had so pleased 
 her ; but fit it is that these poor quarters, which have done her 
 true service in divers parts of the world, should be at her dis- 
 posal ". He requested that Mr. Ashton, the minister who had 
 been with him since his troubles began, might be allowed to 
 attend him for his soul's health : asked pardon of Worcester 
 and the lord chief justice, for having detained them in 
 durance ; and besought the Lords Delaware and Morley to 
 pardon them for their two sons, who were in trouble for his 
 sake, — protesting, that when they came to him in the morning 
 and he desired them to stay, they knew not what was to be 
 done. 
 
 Before he left the hall, he said, in reference to the declara- 
 tion which had been read in court, that the persons who now 
 accused him as having been their inciter, had in truth incited 
 him to his attempt, and had ever since August been instigat- 
 ing him to it The following day the Dean of Norwich (Dr. 
 Dove, afterwards bishop of that see), being sent to him by the 
 lords of the council, found him in a mood to justify wliat he 
 15 
 
226 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 had done, rather than to express contrition ; saying passion- 
 ately, "If you knew how many motions have been made to 
 me to do my best for removing such evils as the commonwealth 
 is burthened with, you would greatly wonder". The dean 
 observed, that extraordinary attempts ought to have extra- 
 ordinary warrants ; to which he replied, that he was Earl 
 Marshal of England, and needed no other. But upon convers- 
 ing with Ashton, "whether through the sting of his own 
 conscience, or a terror stricken into him by this minister, he 
 firmly apprehended that his soul would be lost, if he concealed 
 any part of the truth, and did not discover those who were 
 his accessories". In this state of mind, the day after his trial, 
 he entreated that Her Majesty would be pleased to send to him 
 the lords keeper, treasurer, and admiral, and also Mr. Secretary 
 Cecil, that he might discharge his conscience to them, and ask 
 forgiveness of the latter for having wronged him at the bar. 
 They came accordingly on the morrow. A perfect reconcilia- 
 tion with Cecil was made, it is said, in Christian charity on 
 both sides. He made a full confession. He told them that 
 the queen could never be safe as long as he lived, and made 
 his humble suit that he might suffer privately in the Tower ; 
 and charged some of the conspirators as men who intended 
 the destruction of the country, — particularly naming his 
 father-in-law Blount, and his two secretaries Cuffe and Temple. 
 CufFe was by his desire brought to him ; and the earl ex- 
 horted him to call to God and the queen for mercy, and to 
 deserve it by declaring the truth : * " For I," said he, " who 
 must now prepare for another world, have resolved to deal 
 clearly with God and the world, and must needs say this to 
 you, — you have been one of the chiefest instigators of me to 
 all these my disloyal courses, into which I have fallen ". To 
 this CufFe made no other reply, than by complaining of the 
 earl's inconstancy, and betrayal of his most devoted friends. 
 He afterwards wrote a full confession, on four sheets of paper,-]- 
 beginning thus : — " Since that God of his mercy hath opened 
 mine eyes, and made me see my sin, my offence ; and so 
 touched my heart as I hate it both in myself and others, I 
 will, as God shall enable my memory, set down how far we 
 
 * Camden, 620. Birch, 473. 
 
 + " This paper," Camden says, " being by his adversaries shown to King 
 James, did afterwards much prejudice the reputation and esteem both of 
 him and his friends." 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 227 
 
 are all guilty, and when, and by what degrees, our sin, this 
 offence, grew ". 
 
 When Essex made this full declaration of his designs, and 
 implicated in the treason several persons on whom no suspicion 
 had fallen, he must have given up not the hope merely, but 
 the wish, that his life might be spared. The queen, who 
 never before betrayed any want of firmness, was in extreme 
 agitation now, and so irresolute whether to have the sentence 
 carried into execution, that her inclination to spare him is 
 beyond a doubt The countess addressed a supplication to her 
 for mercy ; and a most affecting letter has been preserved, in 
 which she entreated Cecil to join the other lords of the 
 council in presenting it. It was in these words : — 
 
 " Sir, — Although the answer I received from you two days 
 since, gave me small encouragement to flatter myself that any 
 importunity I could make should be able to appease the 
 scandal you had conceived to be given you by my unfortunate 
 husband ; yet, had it not pleased God to pour upon me one 
 affliction after another, and to add to the immeasurable sorrows 
 of my heart so violent a sickness as I am not able of myself to 
 stir out of my bed, I had presented unto your view the image 
 of the importunate widow mentioned in the Scriptures, and 
 had never ceased to pester you with my complaines till you 
 had afforded me some assurance that, whatsoever respects might 
 dehort you from so much as wishing my husband's good, yet 
 that an afflicted and woeful lady should not wholly lose her 
 labour, or return desperate of such comforts as the last year 
 you so honourably ministered unto me in a great affliction, 
 though differing from this in quality. As I received then such 
 noble courtesies from you, as must never be forgotten, — so be 
 persuaded, I beseech you, that whatever new favour you shall 
 now be pleased to add to the old, shall so lead me to reverence 
 of your virtues, as I will resolve to reckon myself a bankrupt 
 till I have yielded some demonstrative testimony of the best 
 thankfulness that the honestest heart can express for the 
 worthiest benefit. Honourable sir, I know there be private 
 causes to discourage me from moving you hereon ; yet seeing 
 the highest Providence hath placed you in a calling most 
 proper to be a mean for my comfort, and that former experi- 
 ence hath taught me that you are rather inclined to do good 
 than to look alway to present interest ; I beseech you, even 
 
228 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 for your virtues' sake, perform this noble office for me as to 
 join with the rest of your lordships of the council in present- 
 ing my humblest supplication to Her Majesty. Bear, sir, I 
 pray you, with these tedious blots from this feeble hand and 
 sad-sick heart, that is stored with much thankfulness and 
 infinite best wishes unto you, who will ever rest, 
 " Your more beholding poor 
 
 distressed friend, 
 
 "Fr. Essex." 
 
 "And Mr. Secretary, even as you desire of God that your 
 own son never be made orphan by the untimely or unnatural 
 death of his dear father, vouchsafe a relenting to the not 
 urging, if you may not to the hindering, of that fatal warrant 
 for execution, which if it be once signed, I shall never wish to 
 breathe one hour after." * 
 
 If the other members of the council were willing to present 
 the countess's petition, it may certainly be concluded that 
 after the scene at the trial, and the subsequent interview at 
 the Tower, Cecil would not refuse to join with them ; and it 
 may also be presumed that, in the queen's state of mind, none 
 of her counsellors would have urged her to let the law take 
 its course, even if Essex had then had either character or 
 popularity enough left to have been still considered dangerous. 
 Camden, who had every means of being well informed, says, 
 that Elizabeth had actually sent to stay the execution ; but 
 that, because of his obstinacy in disdaining to ask for mercy, 
 and of his declaration that she could never be safe while he 
 lived, she despatched a counter-order. There is a well-known 
 story, that she had once given him a ring, and an assurance 
 with it, that whatever he might commit she would pardon 
 upon his returning that pledge ; that the earl, jealous of those 
 about him in the Tower, and not knowing whom to trust, 
 threw it out of the window to a boy whose countenance 
 pleased him, and promising a good reward, directed him to 
 carry it to the Lady Scroop, and beg of her to present it to the 
 queen : the boy by mistake took it to her sister, the lord 
 admiral's wife ; and the lord admiral, being Essex's enemy. 
 
 * Ellis's Original Letters, iii., 55. The original letter (in the Britisl^ 
 Museum), Mr. Ellis says, is blotted and blurred with tears. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 2«9 
 
 forbade her either to deliver the ring or return any answer to 
 the message. The story proceeds to say, that Lady Notting- 
 ham requested on her death-bed to see the queen, confessed 
 this to her, and entreated her forgiveness ; and that Elizabeth 
 answered, " God may forgive you, but I never can ! " left the 
 room in the greatest emotion, and from that time never went 
 to bed, nor took any sustenance, till her death, which ensued 
 soon after the countess's. * Many writers have accredited 
 this story, utterly improbable as it is in all its circumstances ; 
 and in the principal one, — that of pledging herself by such a 
 promise, — utterly inconsistent with the character of Queen 
 Elizabeth. If Essex had possessed such a pledge, it is not 
 likely that the love of life would have induced him to make 
 use of it after his confession, believing as he did that he had 
 then made his peace with God, and knowing that it would be 
 impossible for him ever to make it with man. 
 
 Upon Ash Wednesday, being the sixth day after the trial, 
 he was brought out to execution within the courtyard of the 
 Tower ; being thankful, he said, that he was to suffer privately, 
 lest, if it had been a public spectacle, "the acclamations of 
 the citizens should have hoven him up ". The Earls of Cumber- 
 land and Hertford, Lord Howard of Bradon, Lord Thomas 
 Howard, and Lords Darcy, Compton, and Moriey, were seated 
 near the scaffold, with about a hundred knights and gentlemen. 
 Raleigh was among them, that he might make answer if the 
 earl objected anything to him ; but others imputed his coming 
 to a worse motive ; and " being admonished not to press upon 
 the earl at his death, which is the part rather of ignobler 
 brutes, he withdrew into the armoury," and from thence, not 
 having been seen by Essex, saw the execution. He incurred 
 the imputation of inhumanity for this ; but he protested at his 
 own death, that he had shed tears at the sight, and that this 
 reproach had made his heart bleed. 
 
 Essex was conducted to the scaffold by the lieutenant and 
 sixteen partisans of the guard. He was dressed in a black 
 satin suit, with a gown of wrought velvet, a black felt hat, 
 and a little ruff about his neck. Mr. Ashton, who had moved 
 him to confess his guilt ; Dr. Montford, who was afterwards 
 successively Bishop of Rochester and London; and Dr. 
 William Barton, who had preached at St. Paul s Cross in 
 
 • Biog. Brit. 
 
230 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 celebration of the taking of Cadiz ; accompanied him from his 
 chamber, where they had passed the preceding night with 
 him in devotion. He requested them not to leave him till the 
 last ; but to observe him well ; and if either his eye, counten- 
 ance, or speech should betray anything unbeseeming at such 
 a time, to recall him to himself. Having ascended the 
 scaffold, he waved his hat, and with obeisance to the lords 
 spake thus : — " My lords, and you, my Christian brethren, 
 who are to be witnesses of this my just punishment, I confess, 
 to the glory of God, that I am a most wretched sinner ; and 
 that my sins are more in number than the hairs of my head. 
 I confess that 1 have bestowed my youth in wantonness, lust, 
 and uncleanness ; that I have been puffed up with pride, 
 vanity, and love of this world's pleasures ; and that, notwith- 
 standing divers good notions inspired into me from the Spirit 
 of God, the good which I would, I have not done ; and the 
 evil which I would not, that have I done. For all which I 
 humbly beseech my Saviour Christ to be a mediator to the 
 eternal Majesty for my pardon ; especially for this my last 
 sin — this great, this bloody, this crying, this infectious sin — 
 whereby so many have, for love to me, been drawn to 
 offend God, to offend their sovereign, to offend the world. I 
 beseech God to forgive it us ; and to forgive it me, most 
 wretched of all. I beseech Her Majesty, and the State, and 
 ministers thereof, to forgive us ; and I beseech God to send 
 Her Majesty a prosperous reign and a long, if it be His will. 
 
 Lord ! grant her a wise and understanding heart. O Lord ! 
 bless her, and the nobles and the ministers of the Church and 
 State. And I beseech you and the world to hold a charitable 
 opinion of me for any intention towards Her Majesty, whose 
 death, I protest, I never meant, nor violence to her person. 
 
 1 never was, I thank God, atheist, not believing the Word 
 and Scriptures ; neither papist, trusting to my own merits ; 
 but hope for salvation from God only, by the mercy and 
 merits of my Saviour Jesus Christ. This faith I was brought 
 up in ; and herein I am ready to die, beseeching you all to 
 join your souls with me in my prayer, for now I will give my- 
 self to my private prayer : yet, for that I beseech you to join 
 with me, I will speak that you may hear me." 
 
 Dr. Montford then bade him remember to pray God to 
 forgive his enemies, if he had any ; and the earl, thanking 
 him for the admonition, turned again to the spectators and 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 281 
 
 said, "I desire all the world to forgive me, even as I do 
 freely and from my heart forgive all the world ". Then 
 putting off his gown and ruff, and kneeling down before the 
 block, as Dr. Barton encouraged him against the fear of death, 
 he answered, that having been divers times in places of 
 danger, when death was neither so present, nor yet so certain, 
 he had felt the weakness of the flesh, and therefore in this 
 great conflict he desired God to assist and strengthen him ; 
 and so, with eyes fixed on heaven, after some passionate 
 pauses and breathings, he began his prayer in effect follow- 
 ing :— 
 
 " O God, Creator of all things, and Judge of all men. Thou 
 hast let me know by warrant out of Thy word, that Satan is 
 then most busy when our end is nearest, and that Satan, 
 being resisted, will flee. 1 humbly beseech Thee to assist me 
 in this my last combat ; and seeing Thou acceptest ever of 
 our desires as of our acts, accept, I beseech Thee, of my 
 desires to resist him, as of true resistance, and perfect by 
 Thy grace what Thou seest in my flesh to be frail and weak. 
 Give me patience to bear as becometh me, this just punish- 
 ment inflicted upon me by so honourable a trial. Grant me 
 the inward comfort of Thy Spirit. Let Thy Spirit seal unto 
 my soul an assurance of Thy mercies. Lift my soul above all 
 earthly cogitations ; and when my life and body shall part, 
 send Thy blessed angels, which may receive ray soul, and 
 convey it to Thy joys in heaven." He prayed next for all 
 estates of the realm ; and concluded with the Lord's Prayer, 
 and reiterating this petition, "Lord Jesus, forgive us our 
 trespasses ! Lord Jesus, receive my soul ! " 
 
 The executioner presented himself now, and on his knees 
 asked his forgiveness : to which the earl replied, " I forgive 
 thee. Thou art welcome to me : thou art the minister of 
 justice." Then, at Dr. Montford's request, he rehearsed the 
 Creed, repeating every article after him. This done, he put 
 off his doublet, and appeared in a scarlet waistcoat, ready to 
 lie down. The divine desired him to say these verses of the 
 fifty-first psalm : " Have mercy upon me, O God, after Thy 
 great goodness : according to the multitude of Thy mercies, 
 do away mine offences. Wash me throughly from my wicked- 
 ness, and cleanse me from my sin." Inclining himself then, 
 he said, "In humility and obedience to Thy commandment, 
 in obedience to Thy ordinance, to Thy good pleasure, O God, 
 
232 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 I prostrate myself to Thy deserved punishment. Lord be 
 merciful to Tihy prostrate servant ! " And laying himself at 
 length on the boards, and placing his head on the block, with 
 these last words, ''Lord, into Thy hands I recommend my 
 spirit," he gave the signal by spreading his arms, and his head 
 was severed from his body at three strokes ; the first depriving 
 him of all sense and motion.* 
 
 Thus perished the celebrated Earl of Essex, the only man 
 who ever possessed at the same time, in an equal degree, the 
 favour of his sovereign and of the people : he relied vainly 
 upon both ; and both failed him at last. The piety which he 
 manifested during the concluding scene of this tragedy, was 
 matter of scorn as well as surprise to the irreligious. Marshal 
 Biron said of him contemptuously, that he had died more like 
 a priest than a soldier : he himself suffered a like death not 
 long afterwards for a like offence, and died neither like one 
 nor the other, but like a desperate madman. 
 
 The other principal persons who were tried and condemned 
 for this conspiracy, were Blount, Dan vers, Davis, Merrick, and 
 Cuffe. The two former were beheaded, as being of noble 
 descent. Davis, after a year's imprisonment, obtained his 
 pardon. Merrick and Cuffe suffered at Tyburn. Blount, at 
 his execution, confessed the design which had been plotted 
 in Ireland. Cuffe was the only one who attempted anything 
 like an excuse of himself. Besides these, Lyttelton, Birnham, 
 and Orell were brought to trial and condemned ; but Lyttel- 
 ton gave Raleigh ] 0,000/. for obtaining his pardon ; Birnham 
 also obtained a pardon by the same means, through the same 
 channel ; and Orell was spared, — perhaps because it would have 
 appeared iniquitous to execute the sentence upon him, who 
 was in no respect more guilty. Southampton remained under 
 sentence in the Tower, during the short remainder of Eliza- 
 beth's reign ; he was then released and restored in blood. 
 Under a more fearful or a weaker Government, Mountjoy 
 would have been in danger. He had been of the earl's party, 
 and though not engaged in any of his treasonable designs, 
 he secretly provided means for escaping to France, being 
 resolved, he said, not to put his neck under the file of the 
 queen's attorney's tongue. At the same time he courted 
 Cecil's favour, and applied for leave to go to England. The 
 
 * Birch, 475-484. Camden, 622. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 283 
 
 ground of accusation against him was, however, so weak, and 
 he had shown such abihty in his arduous command, that 
 " without great unthankfulness and popular obloquy, he could 
 not have been questioned". The queen knew the value of 
 such a man on that station ; she herself, in a gracious letter, 
 informed him of the earl's death, and " to use her own words, 
 professed that in regard of his approved fidelity and love, it 
 was some alleviation of her grief to ejaculate the same to him ". 
 And touching his application for leave to come over, she 
 wished him to conceal his desire for a time, seeing that the 
 Spanish ships which the traitors gave out were intended for 
 Ireland, had not yet passed the narrow seas. In the winter 
 she promised to call him home, and use his service near her 
 person.* 
 
 Essex's widow married the Earl of Clanrickard, and became 
 in consequence a convert to a religion which required her to 
 believe that Essex, and her first husband Sydney, and her 
 father Walsingham, were doomed to everlasting torments. 
 
 * Fynes Moryson, 89, 90. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 
 
 1552-1618 
 
 THE Raleigh family was one of the oldest in the west of 
 England, and connected with the most illustrious in 
 Christendom, '' its stream of consanguinity " having been 
 traced up to the kings of England. Walter, in whom alone 
 it has been perpetuated, was the fourth son of Walter Raleigh, 
 Esq. of Fardel, in the parish of Corn wood, near Plymouth, by 
 a third marriage. Catharine, his mother, was daughter of Sir 
 Philip Champemon of Modbury, and relict of Otho Gilbert, 
 Esq. of Compton, in Devonshire, by whom she had three sons 
 — John, Humphrey, and Adrian — who all distinguished them- 
 selves, and obtained the honour of knighthood. Mr, Raleigh 
 resided, during his last marriage, upon a farm called Hayes, 
 in the parish of Budley, near the mouth of the river Otter, 
 " that wild streamlet of the west," upon whose banks so many 
 distinguished men have been born. He had the remainder 
 of an eighty years' lease of the estate, at the expiration of 
 which it devolved to a Mr. Duke of Otterton. Sir Walter, 
 who was then in prosperity, would fain have purchased it ; 
 but his application to the owner failed of success, though he 
 stated, as the motive which had induced him to apply for it, 
 his natural ''disposition to the place" : "being born in that 
 house," said he, " I had rather seat myself there than anywhere 
 else ". The day of his birth is not known, but it was in 1552 
 — "a year," says an old astrologer, treating of his nativity, 
 " remarkable in our chronicles ; first, for that strange shoal of 
 the largest sea fishes, which, quitting their native waters for 
 fresh and untasted streams, wandered up the Thames so high, 
 until the river no longer retained any brackishness ; and 
 
 (234) 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 285 
 
 secondly, for that it is thought to have been somewhat 
 stained in our annals with the blood of the noble Seymour, 
 Duke of Somerset ; events surprisingly analogous both to the 
 life of this adventurous voyager, whose delight was in the 
 hazardous discovery of unfrequented coasts, and also to his 
 unfortunate death ". 
 
 Nothing more is known of his education, than that, about 
 1568, he was at Oxford, as a commoner of Oriel, "when his 
 kinsman C. Champernon studied there ; and his natural parts 
 being strangely advanced by academical learning under the 
 care of an excellent tutor, he became the ornament of the 
 juniors, and was worthily esteemed a proficient in oratory and 
 philosophy ". This, however, has the air of an eulogium, 
 founded upon the writer's notion of what was likely, rather 
 than upon his knowledge; for Raleigh did not remain two 
 years at the university. In 1569 Henry Champernon ob- 
 tained the queen's permission to serve in aid of the Huguenots 
 in France, with a troop of 100 volunteers, all gentlemen. 
 Det miki virtusjinevi, was the motto on their standard. Raleigh 
 was of the number ; and they were received with great dis- 
 tinction by the Queen of Navarre and the French princes. 
 He continued more than five years in that country, engaged 
 in active service, which was to him a school of policy as well 
 as of war. It is supposed that he escaped from the massacre 
 of St. Bartholomew's, by taking refuge, as Sydney did, in the 
 ambassador Walsingham's house, and that he returned to 
 England in the ensuing year. There is reason to believe 
 that he then took chambei's in the Middle Temple, but not 
 as a student ; we have his own assertion that he never read 
 a word of law or statutes before he was a prisoner in the 
 Tower ; and his education has been said to have been, " not 
 part but wholly gentleman, wholly soldier," — expressions 
 which imply that his studies had never been directed towards 
 any peaceful profession.* 
 
 * According to Prince, " he betook himself to the Middle Temple, there 
 to improve himself in the intricate knowledge of the municipal laws of his 
 country. How long he continued there is uncertain ; yet sure it is he was 
 there abiding in April, 1576, at what time his vein for ditty and amorous 
 ode was esteemed most lofty, insolent, and passionate. By which it 
 appears he was a gownsman by the space of about six years — but longer 
 he must not be, for fate, it seems, would have him of the sword first. He 
 took up the sword then, as what at that time did best befit his genius, and 
 would soonest cut him out a way to preferment. To rise by his studies, 
 
^36 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 He is said to have served next in the Low Countries under 
 Sir John Norris, but nothing has been recorded of his ad- 
 ventures there ; and he who has referred with pleasure to 
 his experience in France, never alludes to this part of his 
 life. There and in Ireland, "the slender pay," says one of 
 his biographers, "was not encouragement sufficient to make 
 him stay long in the service. Being restless and impatient 
 of a narrow and low condition, and his merits not answered 
 with a fortune strong enough to buoy up his reputation, he 
 was resolved to leave no stone unturned, nor any method of 
 living unexperimented ; and since his land expeditions could 
 make no addition to his fortunes, novelty, and a desire of 
 putting himself into a better capacity, urged him to a sea 
 voyage." His uterine brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, was 
 the first English colonel who took part in the Low Country 
 wars ; but when the Spanish colonel, Mondragon, by one of 
 the boldest enterprises that ever was achieved even by 
 Spaniards in the days of their highest confidence, had 
 entered South Beveland, by fording a branch of the Scheldt, 
 and marching five hours in water over the Verdronkenland, 
 to the relief of Goes, Sir Humphrey could not be persuaded 
 to remain there longer, and left the country, in disgust with 
 the Dutch, and with some discredit to himself* He was, how- 
 ever, a brave and most adventurous man, and has the honour of 
 having been the first Englishman who proposed and attempted 
 to plant a colony in America. Accordingly he obtained from 
 the queen letters patent, whereby she granted free liberty to 
 him, his heirs and assigns for ever, to discover and take pos- 
 session of any remote heathen and barbarous lands, not being 
 actually possessed by any Christian prince or people ; such 
 countries, and all cities, castles, towns, villages, and places in 
 the same, with their rights, royalties, and jurisdictions, to be 
 hold en by them of the crown by homage, and payment of a 
 fifth of all the gold and silver ore that there should be at any 
 
 probably his condition and ambition would not let him judge it the speediest 
 course ; much time and a considerable fortune being often required in 
 climbing up that way. He thought it more easy to fight, than to letter 
 himself into a reputation ; active times and a busy war-like princess 
 pointed him out the readiest way to the Temple of Honour. The sword 
 he judged, with Alexander, the quickest instrument to master all the 
 knots and tedious obstacles of greatness " {Worthies of Devon). 
 * Sir Roger Williams. Somers' Tracts (Scott's edition), i., 337. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 237 
 
 time discovered. The grant was of papal magnitude, em- 
 powering him to expel all persons of any country whatsoever, 
 who, without his permission, should attempt to settle within 
 200 leagues of his country : and to the intent that the colonists 
 " might with more pleasure and profit enjoy that whereunto 
 they should have attained with great pain and peril, he and 
 his representatives were invested with full power to govern 
 them, as well in causes capital and criminal, as civil, both 
 marine and other, taking care that his ordinances should be, 
 as near as conveniently might be, agreeable to the laws and 
 policy of England".* The commission was so extensive, and 
 the privileges were so large, that " very many gentlemen of 
 good estimation drew unto Sir Humphrey, to associate with 
 him in so commendable an enterprise ". Raleigh had a twofold 
 motive for embarking in it ; being so nearly related to the 
 leader of the colony, and being desirous to become acquainted 
 with maritime affairs, that he might be every way able to serve 
 the queen and commonwealth, and advance his own fortunes. 
 " The preparation was expected to grow into a puissant fleet, 
 able to encounter a king's power by sea ; " and, indeed, it was 
 no less than a king's power, and that king the mightiest of 
 modem times, by which they might expect to be attacked 
 wherever they were found. But "among a multitude of 
 voluntary men," — some of them, no doubt, equal or superior 
 to Sir Humphrey in pretensions, and connected with him only 
 by the loose tie of inclination, — "their dispositions," says one 
 of the adventurers, f " were divers, which bred a feud, and 
 made a division in the end, to the confusion of the attempt 
 even before it was begun. And when the shipping was in a 
 manner prepared, and men ready upon the coast to go aboard, 
 at that time some brake consort, and followed courses de- 
 generating from the voyage before pretended ; others failed of 
 their promises, and the greater number were dispersed, leaving 
 the general with few of his assured friends." With those few 
 he adventured to sea ; and the chronicler, John Hooker,;}; who 
 was his kinsman, says, that even after this disappointment, 
 success might have been confidently expected, if " the fleet 
 had, according to appointment, followed him," or if he had 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii., 135-137. t Edward Hayes, Hakluyt, iii., 146. 
 
 X Alias Vowell. Epist. Ded. prefixed to his translation and continuation 
 of the Chronicles of Ireland (Holinshed (last edition), vol. vi.). 
 
238 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 " escaped the dangerous sea-fight, in which many of his 
 company were slain, and his ships were battered and dis- 
 abled". The result of that action was, that he was fain to 
 put back " with the loss of a tall ship, and (more to his grief) 
 of a valiant gentleman. Miles Morgan ; having buried only in 
 a preparation, a great mass of substance whereby his estate 
 was impaired ". 
 
 Raleigh had now past ten years of severe apprenticeship to 
 war, but not to war alone. He had been a severe student ; 
 allowing himself, it is said, only five hours of the natural day 
 for sleep, and devoting four to assiduous study. A weaker 
 body would have broken down under what may be called this 
 mental tyranny ; the mind was not overworked, and therefore 
 it was the better able to bear such curtailment of wholesome, 
 and what else would have been necessary sleep. The next 
 field in which he tried his fortune, was the last which any man 
 would have chosen who knew the nature of the warfare in 
 which he was to be engaged. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, before 
 he commenced his colonial adventures, had been appointed 
 colonel in Munster,* by the lord deputy. Sir Henry Sydney, 
 when that excellent person would have laid the foundations of 
 civil order in Ireland. Probably through the connections 
 which his brother still possessed in that country, Raleigh was 
 employed as captain there during the government of Arthur 
 Lord Grey, and " he appeared there with his own colours 
 flying in the field ". It was a service at once the most arduous 
 and the most hateful. War was, in that age, as little a school 
 of honour and courtesy as of humanity or virtue, even among 
 the most civilised nations, — so fiercely were the minds of men 
 exasperated by civil and religious animosities. But in Ireland 
 it was not possible that the soldier could derive improvement 
 in his own profession, and scarcely possible that he should 
 not have his heart hardened. 
 
 It would be superfluous to follow the detail of Raleigh's 
 Irish campaigns ; he distinguished himself by his courage and 
 conduct, and by the generosity with which he risked his own 
 life when his followers were in danger. When Sir James of 
 Desmond was taken prisoner, Raleigh was one of the two 
 officers, by whom, in virtue of the commission addressed to 
 them, he was tried and condemned as a traitor.f It was his 
 
 * Holinshed, vi., 408. t Ibid,, 432. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 239 
 
 ill-fortune to be employed upon a worse occasion. When the 
 fort which the Spaniards had built at Smerwick * in the 
 county of Kerry was reduced by Lord Grey, the garrison was 
 put to the sword ; — not in the heat of the assault, for they 
 laid down their arms, crying, Misericordia, misericordia ! — but 
 by martial execution, . . as men who came with no commission 
 from their own prince to make war in an enemy's country, 
 but as private adventurers, to aid a people in rebellion. 
 Raleigh and Captain Macworth were the officers who "had 
 the ward of that day," and who consequently presided at the 
 execution, or massacre. f The queen was greatly displeased, 
 and " hardly admitted of the reasons " which Lord Grey urged 
 in justification of himself. She detested from her heart such 
 cruelty ; and undoubtedly she felt that, however just the 
 principle, the English were the last people who ought to have 
 proclaimed it. 
 
 Raleigh was at this time courting the favour of the Earl of 
 Leicester. In a letter to him, sent, it appears, by Sir Warham 
 Saintleger, he writes thus : " I may not forget continually to 
 
 * " St. Mary Wick, which the Irish contracted by calling Smerwick," 
 (Camden). 
 
 t Camden says the lord deputy ♦•advised with his officers what should 
 be done with them. But in regard those who yielded, equalled the Eng- 
 lish in number, and some danger threatened from the rebels, who were 
 above 1500 strong at hand ; and the English were so destitute of victuals 
 and apparel, that they were like to mutiny, unless they were relieved out 
 of the fort by the spoil of the enemy ; and shipping was wanting to 
 carry the enemy away ; it was concluded, against the mind of the lord 
 deputy (who shed tears thereat), that the commanders should be saved, 
 and the rest promiscuously put to the sword for a terror, and that the 
 Irish should be hanged up ; which was presently put in execution " 
 {History of Elizabeth, Eng. trans., 243, 4th edit.). 
 
 This statement would exonerate Lord Arthur Grey of the fault, and lay 
 it upon his officers. But I grieve to say that Spenser, at that time his 
 secretary, was present at the siege, and that he justifies the massacre, 
 thinking it sufficient to vindicate his Arthegal from the accusation of 
 having broken faith with the Spaniards. He says they " absolutely 
 yielded, and craved only mercy. Which it being not thought good to 
 show them, for danger of them, if being saved, they should afterward 
 join with the Irish ; and also for terror to the Irish, who are much em- 
 boldened by those foreign succours, and also put in hope of more ere 
 long; there was no other way but to make that short end of them as 
 was made." 
 
 Perhaps the part which Raleigh bore in this transaction may have made 
 the Spanish government seek his life more from a feeling of revenge than 
 for policy. 
 
240 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 put your honour in mind of my affection unto your lordship, hav- 
 ing to the world both professed and protested the same. Your 
 honour having no use of such your followers, hath utterly 
 forgotten me. Notwithstanding, if your lordship shall please 
 to think me yours as I am, I will be found as ready, and dare 
 do as much in your service, as any man you may command ; 
 and do neither so much despair of myself, but that I may be 
 some way able to perform as much. I have spent some time 
 here under the deputy, in such poor place and charge, as were 
 it not for that I knew him to be as if yours, I would disdain 
 it as much as to keep sheep. 1 will not trouble your honour 
 with the business of this lost land, for that Sir Warham Saint- 
 leger can best of any man deliver unto your lordship the good, 
 the bad, the mischief, the means to amend, and all in all, of 
 this commonwealth, or rather, common- woe." It is evident 
 by the tone of this letter, in which he recommends others 
 to Leicester, that he counted upon the patronage of that 
 powerful favourite ; and when, in consequence of some serious 
 differences with the lord deputy, he left Ireland, it was to 
 repair, no doubt in reliance of such patronage, to court. An 
 accident, which is recounted by all his biographers, gave him 
 an opportunity of recommending himself to the queen's notice. 
 Coming to the court " in good habit," says Fuller, " (his clothes 
 being then a considerable part of his estate), he found the 
 queen walking, till meeting with a plashy place, she seemed 
 to scruple going thereon. Presently Raleigh cast and spread 
 his new plush coat on the ground, whereon the queen trod 
 gently, rewarding him afterwards with many suits, for his so 
 free and seasonable tender of so fair a foot cloth. Thus an 
 advantageous admission into the first notices of a prince is more 
 than half a degree to preferment." There is another story, 
 which is not less probable, because it is not less in character 
 with both the parties. Finding some hopes, it is said, of the 
 queen's favours reflecting upon him, he wrote on a window, 
 obvious to the queen's eye, this verse — 
 
 " Fain would I climb, yet fear I to fall ; " 
 
 and Her Majesty, either espying, or being shown it, did under- 
 write — 
 
 " If thy heart fails thee, climb not at all." 
 
 This is just the sort of encouragement that Elizabeth would 
 have given; and the way in which she would have delighted 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 241 
 
 to give it. However, says Fuller, he at last climbed up by 
 the stairs of his own desert. 
 
 The queen sent him to attend the Duke of Anjou's agent 
 on his return to France, and afterward to escort Anjou himself 
 to Antwerp, when the intended marriage was happily broken 
 off. There he became known to the Prince of Orange ; and 
 it has been surmised that the prince honoured him with some 
 especial commands to Elizabeth, praying him to say when he 
 delivered his letters. Sub umbrd alarum tuai-um proiegimur ; *' for 
 certainly," says Raleigh, " they had withered in the bud, and 
 sunk in the beginning of their navigation, had not Her Majesty 
 assisted them ". The favour which he had now obtained, was 
 enhanced by his demeanour when the matter in dispute 
 between him and Lord Grey was brought before the council 
 table, and each was called upon to plead his own cause in 
 person. "What advantage," Sir Robert Naunton says, "he 
 had in the case in controversy, I know not ; but he had much 
 the better in the manner of telling his tale, insomuch as the 
 queen and the lords took no slight mark of the man and his 
 parts ; for from thence he came to be known, and to have 
 access to the lords. And whether or no my Lord of Leicester 
 had then cast in a good word for him to the queen, which 
 would have done him no harm, I do not determine ; but true 
 it is that he had gotten the queen's ear in a trice, and she 
 began to be taken with his election, and loved to hear his 
 reasons to her demands. And the truth is, she took him for 
 a kind of oracle, which nettled them all ; yea, those that he 
 relied on began to take this his sudden favour for an alarm, 
 and to be sensible of their own supplantation, and to project 
 his." 
 
 As yet, however, Raleigh was more likely to excite the 
 envy of aspirant courtiers, than the jealousy of those who 
 were established either in favour or in office. And his prospects 
 were so fair, that, adventurous as he was, the court was now to 
 him a more alluring scene of ambition than the seas. Sir 
 Humphrey Gilbert's jmtent was to expire at the end of six 
 years from its date, unless possession were taken of the country 
 to be colonised within that time. To prevent this lapse, 
 greatly as his fortune had been impaired by the former failure, 
 he found means to equip a second expedition, and, with the 
 assistance of men of kindred spirit, collected five vessels ; one 
 of these, of 200 tons, was fitted out by Raleigh at his own 
 16 
 
242 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 expense, built by him, it is said, and called Bark Raleigh. 
 Gilbert had been introduced to Queen Elizabeth, when a boy, 
 by his aunt, Mrs. Catharine Ashley, who attended on the 
 queen's person, and was much in her favour. That queen, 
 who seldom failed to distinguish merit, bestowed on him the 
 most encouraging notices from time to time : she knighted 
 him ; she gave him one of her maids of honour in marriage ; 
 and upon his preparing for the voyage, sent him a golden 
 anchor with a large pearl at the beak, which he ever after 
 wore at his breast, as a singular honour. This jewel was 
 conveyed through Raleigh's hands. In the letter which went 
 with it, Raleigh says, " Brother, I have sent you a token from 
 Her Majesty — an anchor, guided by a lady, as you see. And 
 further. Her Highness willed me to send you word, that she 
 wished you as great a good hap and safety to your ship, as 
 if she herself were there in person, desiring you to have care 
 of yourself as of that which she tendereth ; and therefore for 
 her sake you must provide for it accordingly. Further she 
 commandeth that you leave your picture with me. For the 
 rest, I leave till our meeting, or to the report of this bearer, 
 who would needs be the messenger of this good news. So 
 I commit you to the will and protection of God, who sends 
 us such life or death as he shall please or hath appointed." * 
 
 It was held in this country, that England had acquired a clear 
 right to the whole of America, from the Cape of Florida north- 
 ward, by the privilege of first discovery ; and that the French 
 and Spaniards had been unfortunate in their attempts to settle 
 in those parts, was taken as an indication that Providence 
 would not permit them, " to establish a possession permanent 
 upon another's right". The serious public (as such persons 
 would now call themselves) conjectured also, by what they 
 deemed infallible arguments of the world's end approaching, 
 that those parts of the world were "now arrived unto the 
 time, by God prescribed, of their vocation, if ever their calling 
 unto the knowledge of God might be expected " ; and this 
 they deemed the more probable ''by the revolution and 
 course of God's word and religion, which from the beginning 
 hath moved from the East towards, and at last unto the West, 
 where it is like to end". The desire of propagating their 
 religion influenced the Spaniards and Portuguese in their con- 
 
 * Cayley, i., 47. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 243 
 
 quests, little less than it influenced the companions and 
 followers of Mohammed: it was as fierce a principle, and 
 served as a covering for as many crimes ; but in many, . . 
 very many, . . individuals, beyond all doubt, it was a re- 
 deeming and sanctifying feeling. How far it entered into the 
 motives of Gilbert and those who enabled him to fit out his 
 expedition, it would be presumptuous to say ; but the right- 
 minded seamen who has left a relation of this voyage, warns 
 men, "to be well advised how they handle such high and 
 excellent matters as the carriage of God's word into those 
 mighty and vast countries ; an action," he says, " not to be 
 intermeddled with base purposes, as many have made it a 
 colour to shadow actions otherwise scarce justifiable, which 
 doth excite God's heavy judgments in the end, to the terrify- 
 ing of weak minds from the cause, without pondering his just 
 proceedings ; and doth also incense foreign princes against 
 our attempts, how just soever, who cannot but deem the 
 sequel very dangerous unto their state (if in those parts we 
 should grow to strength), seeing the very beginnings are 
 entered with spoil ".* Raleigh might have learnt a salutary 
 lesson from these reflections on his brother's fate. 
 
 Bark Raleigh was very much the largest vessel in this 
 expedition ; the others were one of 1 20 tons, two of 40, and 
 one of 20 — in such slight vessels were the most arduous 
 voyages undertaken by the hardy seamen of that age. The 
 men were about 260 ; among whom there was " of every 
 faculty good choice ; as shipwrights, masons, carpenters, 
 smiths, and such like, requisite to such an action ; also mineral 
 men, and refiners ". But there were also among them, many 
 who had been taken as pirates in the narrow seas, and 
 engaged forthwith in this service instead of being hanged 
 according to their deserts. Gilbert was "so unfortunately 
 encumbered with wants, and worse matched with many ill- 
 disposed people, that his rare judgment, and regiment pre- 
 meditated for those affairs, was subjected to tolerate abuses, 
 and in sundry extremities to hold on a course more to uphold 
 credit, than likely in his own conceit happily to succeed ". . . 
 " For solace of our people," says Captain Hayes, "and allure- 
 ment of the savages, we were provided of music in good variety, 
 not omitting the least toys, as morris-dancers, hobby-horse, 
 
 * Hayes, in Hakluyt, iii., 145. 
 
244 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 and May-like conceits to delight the savage people, whom we 
 intended to win by all fair means possible. And to that end 
 we were indifferently furnished of all haberdashery wares to 
 barter with those simple people."* 
 
 Had the expedition been ready sooner in the season, it 
 would have taken a southern course and made immediately 
 for Cape Florida ; but before they could sail, so much of their 
 stores had been spent, that Gilbert, whose means were probably 
 exhausted, was constrained to sail first for Newfoundland, where 
 he knew supplies in abundance might be obtained from the 
 ships employed in the fishery. They sailed on the 11th of 
 June : on the 1 3th, Bark Raleigh hailed her companions with 
 information that her captain and many of her men were fallen 
 sick : in consequence, she left them that night, put back, and 
 as it was afterwards credibly reported, arrived, with a con- 
 tagious sickness on board, and greatly distressed, at Plymouth. 
 The reason Hayes says he could never understand ; but he 
 adds, " Sure I am no cost was spared by their owner. Master 
 Raleigh, in setting them forth ; therefore I leave it unto God ". 
 " The othei-s proceeded on their way, not a little grieved with 
 the loss of the most puissant ship in their fleet."-}- 
 
 The cod-fishery on the banks of Newfoundland had then 
 become " the most famous of the world ". Sometimes more 
 than a hundred sail were at once engaged in it, chiefly 
 Portuguese and French ; and during the season, " a man might 
 know, without sounding, when he had reached the place, by 
 the incredible number of sea-fowl hovering over it to prey 
 upon the offal and garbage of fish thrown out by the fishermen 
 and floating upon the sea ". They preferred the prey to the 
 pursuit ; Man thinks himself the lord of inferior creatures ; 
 bnt he is never so prompt, and seldom so prudent in availing 
 himself of their operations, as they are in profiting by his. 
 Two of the fleet had parted company on the way in a fog : 
 one of them, the Swallow, they found in the Bay of Conception ; 
 " her men altered into other apparel, whereof it seemed their 
 store was so amended, that for joy and congratulation of this 
 meeting, they spared not to cast up into the air and overboard 
 their caps and hats in good plenty ". This was a pirate ship, 
 and the chief part of her crew were pirates who had been 
 taken in her. After parting company they had fallen in with 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii., 148. ^ Ibid., 149. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 245 
 
 a homeward-bound Newfoundlander ; and being " very near 
 scanted of victual and clothing," they asked permission of the 
 captain to go on board that vessel, only to borrow what might 
 be spared. " Leave given, not without charge to deal favour- 
 ably, they rifled the ship of tackle, sails, cables, and victuals, 
 and the men of their apparel ; not sparing by torture to draw 
 out what else they thought good." This done, as they took 
 their cock-boat in haste to return to their own ship, it was 
 swamped, and seven of these miscreants perished ; the rest 
 were preserved even by those silly souls whom they had just 
 spoiled, who saved and delivered them aboard the Swalloiv. 
 " What," says Captain Hayes, " became afterwards of the poor 
 Newfoundlanders, perhaps destitute of cash and furniture 
 sufficient to carry them home (whither they had not less to 
 run than 700 leagues), God alone knoweth." * 
 
 The other vessel Gilbert found lying at anchor off the 
 harbour of St. John's, "whom the English merchants that 
 were always admirals by turns over the fleet there, would not 
 permit to enter ". Expecting, therefore, some opposition to 
 his purpose, he made ready for action, but at the same time 
 despatched a boat to give notice that he came with a com- 
 mision from Her Majesty and had no ill intent. There were 
 six and thirty sail there of all nations ; they had properly 
 regarded with suspicion the appearance of an armed vessel ; 
 but now when the Admiral struck, " by great oversight," on a 
 rock in the very entrance, they came with great readiness to 
 his assistance, saved his ship, acknowledged his authority, and 
 fired a salute to welcome him. The first act of his Government 
 was to tax all the ships at an easy rate for his own supply. 
 To this the Portuguese, it is said, above other nations, did 
 willingly and liberally contribute ; so that the men were " pre- 
 sented, above their allowance, with wines, marmalades, most 
 fine rusk or biscuit, sweet oil, and sundry delicacies ".f 
 
 The merchants and masters of all nations were now sum- 
 moned to hear his commission read and witness his consequent 
 proceedings : it was interpreted to the foreigners ; and by 
 virtue of these powers he took possession of the harbour and 
 country for 200 leagues every way, "invested the queen's 
 majesty with the title and dignity thereof, and had delivered 
 unto him, after the custom of England, a rod and a turf of the 
 
 *Hakluyt, iii., 151. t /fetVf, 
 
246 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 same soil, entering possession also for him, his heirs and 
 assigns for ever ". At the same time he appointed three laws 
 to be immediately in force : the first for religion, which in 
 public exercise was to be according to the Church of England ; 
 the second for maintenance of the queen's " right and posses- 
 sion of those territories, against which if anything were 
 attempted prejudicial, the parties offending should be adjudged 
 and executed as in case of high treason, according to the 
 law of England ; the third, that if any person should utter 
 words sounding to the dishonour of Her Majesty, he should 
 lose his ears, and have his ship and goods confiscate". A 
 wooden pillar was then erected near the spot, and the arms 
 of England, engraven in lead, fixed upon it. After this, to 
 establish the queen's possession, and also in his own behoof. 
 Sir Humphrey granted in fee farm divers parcels of land lying 
 by the water side, which were to those who obtained them 
 " a great commodity," for they were thus " assured by their 
 proper inheritance of grounds convenient to dry their fish," — 
 such ground having hitherto been occupied by the first comer. 
 For this they covenanted to pay a certain rent and service to 
 him, his heirs or assigns for ever, and yearly to maintain 
 possession of the same.* 
 
 While the better men were seriously occupied in repairing 
 and trimming the ships, laying in stores, and searching the 
 commodities and singularities of the country ; others were 
 plotting mischief; some casting to steal away the shipping by 
 night, in which design they were detected ; some drew together 
 in company, and carried out of an adjacent harbour a ship 
 laden with fish, setting the poor men on shore ; many more 
 took to the woods, attending time and means to return home ; 
 some were sick, and many died, and many were licensed to 
 return ; so that when the general purposed to pursue his 
 voyage, there were not hands enough for his fleet, and he 
 determined to leave the Swallow for transporting home the 
 sick. This reduced his squadron to three sail, and he made 
 choice to go in the Squirrel!, as more convenient than a larger 
 vessel for exploring the coast, and searching into every harbour 
 and creek. This frigate therefore (so it was called), of ten 
 tons, was "prepared with her nettings and fights, and over- 
 charged with bases and such small ordnance, more to give a 
 
 *Haklujrt, iii„ 151, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 247 
 
 show, than with judgment to foresee unto her safety". By 
 the liberality of the Portuguese, all their wants were as com- 
 modiously supplied as if they had been in some city populous 
 and plentiful of all things.* Thus provided, they sailed on 
 the 20th of August from the harbour of St. John's ; Sir 
 Humphrey himself in such hopes from a sample of silver ore 
 which his German miner had discovered, that he doubted not 
 to borrow 10,000/. of the queen, for his next voyage, upon the 
 credit of this mine. 
 
 Eight days they trended along the coast toward Cape Breton. 
 The wind came south on the 28th, and they bare with the 
 land all that night, contrary to the judgment of Master Cox, 
 of the Golden Hind ; but the Admiral led the way. Maurice 
 Browne, his captain, had taken with him into that ship his 
 men from the Swallow who had been engaged in piracy on 
 their way out ; and this crew by no contradiction could be 
 brought to hold another course, alleging that they could not 
 make the ship work better, or lie otherwise. '* The evening," 
 says Edward Hayes, who was captain and owner of the Golden 
 Hind, " was fair and pleasant, yet not without token of storm 
 to ensue ; and most part of this Wednesday night, like the 
 swan that singeth before her death, they in the Admiral con- 
 tinued sounding of trumpets with drums and fifes, also winding 
 the comets and hautboys, and in the end of their jollity, left 
 with the battle and ringing of doleful knells. Thursday the 
 wind rose and blew vehemently at south and by east, bringing 
 withal rain and thick mist, so that we could not see a cable's 
 length before us. And betimes in the morning we were 
 altogether run and folded in amongst flats and sands, amongst 
 which we found shoal and deep in every three or four ships' 
 length, after we began to sound : but first we were upon them 
 unawares, until Master Cox looking out, discerned (in his 
 judgment) white cliffs, crying land withal, though we could 
 not afterwards descry any land, it being very likely the break- 
 ing of the sea white, which seemed to be white cliffs, through 
 the haze and thick weather. f 
 
 " Signal to cast about to seaward was instantly made to the 
 Admiral, which, though the greater ship, being of 120 tons, 
 was yet foremost upon the breach, keeping so ill watch that 
 they knew not the danger, before they felt the same, too late 
 
 * Hakluyt, 154. flbid., iii., 156. 
 
248 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 to recover it. They in the other vessels saw her strike, and 
 her stem presently beaten to pieces ; whereupon," says Hayes, 
 "the frigate in which was the general, and the Golden Hind 
 cast about, even for our lives, into the wind's eye, because 
 that way carried us to the seaward. Making out from this 
 danger, we sounded one while seven fathom, then five, then 
 four and less ; again deeper, immediately four fathom, then 
 but three, the sea going mightily and high. At last we re- 
 covered (God be thanked !) in some despair to sea-room enough. 
 All that day, and part of the night, we beat up and down, as 
 near unto the wreck as was possible, but all in vain. This was 
 a heavy and grievous event, to lose our chief ship, freighted 
 with great provision ; but worse was the loss of our men, to 
 the number of almost a hundred souls : amongst whom was 
 drowned a learned man, an Hungarian, born in the city of 
 Buda, called thereof Budaeus, who, out of piety and zeal to 
 good attempts, adventured in this action, minding to record, 
 in the Latin tongue, the gests and things worthy of remem- 
 brance happening in this discovery to the honour of our nation. 
 Here, also, perished our Saxon refiner and discoverer of in- 
 estimable riches. Maurice Browne, the captain, when advised 
 to shift for his life in the pinnance, refused to quit the ship, 
 lest it should be thought to have been lost through his 
 default. * With this mind he mounted upon the highest 
 deck, where he attended imminent death and unavoidable, — 
 how long," says Hayes, " I leave it to God, who withdraweth 
 not his comfort from his servant at such time." Twelve men 
 made their way back in a small pinnace to Newfoundland, 
 two having perished on the way of cold and hunger. 
 
 The people now lost courage ; the weather continued thick 
 and blustering, with increase of cold, winter drawing on ; and 
 they in the frigate besought the general to make for England 
 before they should all perish. They made signs of distress 
 to the Golden Hind, " pointing to their mouths and to their 
 clothing, thin and ragged ". The crew there also joined in 
 the desire to return home, and Sir Humphrey yielded to 
 their wish, having " compassion upon his poor men, in whom 
 he saw no lack of good-will, but of means fit to perform the 
 action they came for". Therefore, calling the captain and 
 master of the Hind, he represented to them the necessity of 
 
 * Hakluyt, 156-157. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 249 
 
 returning, saying, " Be content ; we have seen enough. And 
 take no care of expenses past : I will set you forth royally 
 the next spring, if God send us safe home. Let us no longer 
 strive here, where we fight against the elements." So, on 
 the last day of August, they changed their course, the wind 
 being large for England, but very high, and the sea rough, 
 insomuch that the frigate was almost swallowed up. 
 
 After weathering a sharp storm. Sir Humphrey came 
 aboard the Hind "to make merry". He continued there 
 from morning till night, "lamenting greatly the loss of his 
 great ship, more of the men, but most of all his books and 
 notes ; and what else," says Captain Hayes, " I know not, 
 for which he was out of measure grieved : the same, doubtless, 
 being some matter of more importance, which I could not 
 draw from him ; yet, by circumstances, I gathered the same 
 to be the ore which Daniel the Saxon had brought to him in 
 the New-found-land. Whatsoever it was, the remembrance 
 touched him so quick, as not being able to contain him- 
 self, he beat his boy in great rage, ever so long after the 
 miscarrying of the ship ; because, upon a fair day, when he 
 was becalmed, he sent his boy aboard the Admiral to fetch 
 certain things, amongst which this, being chief, was yet for- 
 gotten and left behind : after which time he could never 
 conveniently send again. Herein my opinion was better 
 confirmed by sundry conjectures ; for whereas he had never 
 before good conceit of these north parts, now his mind was 
 wholly fixed upon the New-found-land ; and as before he 
 refused not to grant assignments liberally, now he became 
 contrarily affected, refusing to make any so large grants. 
 Also, laying down his determination for the voyage to be 
 reattempted in the spring following, he assigned the captain 
 and master of the Golden Hind unto the south discovery, and 
 reserved unto himself the north, affirming that this voyage 
 had won his heart from the south, and that he was now 
 become a northern man altogether." 
 
 At this time Sir Humphrey was full of hope, thanking God 
 for what he had seen, which he said would be enough for 
 them all, and confidently expecting that, on the report of his 
 good tidings, the queen would lend him money enough, and 
 he should "need ask a penny of no man". He was now 
 urged to remain in the Hind, instead of persisting in his pur- 
 pose of going through in the frigate, which was overcharged 
 
250 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 with fights, nettage, and small artillery, " too cumbersome for 
 so small a boat, that was to pass through the ocean-sea at that 
 season. But when he was entreated thus, this was his answer, 
 ' I will not forsake my little company going homeward, with 
 whom I have passed so many storms and perils'. In very 
 truth," says his friend, "he was urged to be so overhardy by 
 hard reports given of him, that he was afraid of the sea ; albeit 
 this was rather rashness than advised resolution, to prefer the 
 word of a vain report to the weight of his own life. Seeing he 
 would not bend to reason, he had provision out of the Hind ; 
 and so we committed him to God's protection, and set him 
 aboard his pinnace, we being more than ,300 leagues onward 
 of our way home." 
 
 On the 9th of September, while they were contending with 
 " foul weather and terrible seas, breaking short and high, 
 pyramid-wise, — men which all their life had occupied the sea 
 never saw it more outrageous,"— the frigate was nearly cast 
 away ; yet at that time she recovered ; and, giving forth signs 
 of joy, the general, sitting abaft, with a book in his hand, cried 
 out unto those in the Hind, as often as they approached within 
 hearing, " We are as near to heaven by sea as by land ! " That 
 same night, about midnight, the frigate being ahead, her lights 
 suddenly disappeared, and the watch cried the general was 
 cast away, "which was too true, the frigate having at that 
 moment been swallowed up". On the 22nd, the Hind, in 
 great torment of weather and peril of drowning, arrived at 
 Falmouth.* 
 
 Sir Humphrey Gilbert is called by Campbell one of the 
 worthiest men of that age, whether we regard the strength of 
 his understanding or his heroic courage ; the parent, in a 
 manner, of all our plantations, being the first who introduced 
 a legal and regular method of settling, without which such 
 undertakings must necessarily prove unsuccessful. Besides, 
 the treatise which he published in 1576, of the northwest 
 passage, was the ground of all the expectation which the 
 best seamen had for many years of finding such a route to 
 the East Indies. His friend Hayes, rendering justice to a 
 purpose so " honest and godly, as that of reducing to Christian 
 piety those remote and heathen countries not actually pos- 
 sessed by Christians, and most rightly appertaining to the 
 
 * Hakluyt, i., 401. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 251 
 
 crown of England/' taxes him, nevertheless, with temerity 
 and presumption : first, for being too prodigal of his own 
 patrimony and too careless of other men's expenses, while 
 there w;is only a probability, and not a certain and determinate 
 plan, of habitation ; and for holding out (as he supposed) a 
 promise to his associates, that, if their primary object failed, 
 they should be saved some other way, of which they made 
 their best reckoning ; and because of which, in Hayes's 
 judgment, it pleased God not to prosper his first and great 
 preparation. After that failure, "as it were, impatient to 
 abide in expectation better opportunity and means which God 
 might raise, he thrust himself again into the action, for which 
 he was not fit, presuming the cause, pretended in God's behalf, 
 would carry him to the desired end. Into which having thus 
 made re-entry, he could not yield again to withdraw, though he 
 saw no encouragement to proceed, lest his credit, foiled in 
 his first attempt, in a second should utterly be disgraced. 
 Between extremities he made a right adventure, putting all 
 to God and good fortune ; and, which was worst, refused not 
 to entertain every person and means whatsoever to furnish out 
 the expedition. But, such is the infinite bounty of God, who 
 from evil deriveth good : for, besides that fruit may grow in 
 time of our travelling into those northward lands, the crosses, 
 turmoils, and afflictions, both in the preparation and execution 
 of this voyage, did correct the intemperate humours in this 
 gentleman which made unsavoury his manifold virtues ; then, 
 as he was refined, and made nearer drawing unto the image 
 of God, it pleased the Divine will to receive him to himself."* 
 Camden speaks of Sir Humphrey Gilbert as teaching others 
 what he learned too late himself, — "that it is a difficulter 
 thing to carry over colonies unto remote countries upon 
 private men's purses than he and others, in erroneous cre- 
 dulity, had persuaded themselves, to their own cost and 
 detriment". Raleigh, however, was one of those who are so 
 thoroughly possessed by the spirit of adventure that they 
 neither learn to be wise by others' harms nor by their own. 
 Only a few months after the fate of his brother and the 
 failure of the Newfoundland project was known, he obtained 
 letters patent for another enterprise of the same kind, on the 
 
 same terms and in the same words as those which had been 
 
 * 
 
 * Hakluyt, i6o, 
 
252 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 granted to Sir Gilbert. Among the persons of great worth as 
 well as substance who engaged with him in this undertaking, 
 Sir Richard Greenville and Mr. William Saunderson are 
 named. Two barques, under Captains Philip Amadas and 
 Arthur Barlow, were sent to explore some undiscovered part of 
 America, north of the Gulf of Florida, and look out a favour- 
 able situation for the proposed colony. Having sailed along 
 the coast 120 miles, before they could find any entrance or 
 river, they anchored in the first that appeared, a little within 
 the haven's mouth ; and there, in the usual form, took posses- 
 sion of the land for Her Majesty as rightful queen and princess 
 thereof, and then delivered it over to Raleigh's use, according 
 to the queen's letters. This proved to be the island of 
 Wocoton. After some friendly intercourse with the natives, 
 and with Granganimeo, whom they understood to be brother 
 to King Wingina of Wingandacoa, Barlow and seven com- 
 panions proceeded twenty miles, by what they supposed to be 
 a river, called Occam by the Indians, "and running toward 
 the city of Skicoak," but which was what is now called 
 Pamlico Sound, through which they came to the island of 
 Roanoak, near the mouth of Albemarle Sound. No mis- 
 adventure of any kind having occurred during this short 
 tarriance, they returned to England by the middle of Septem- 
 ber, and gave a florid account of their good fortune. Nothing 
 could be more delightful, more fruitful, more plentiful, than 
 the country. It was " so full of grapes that the very beating 
 and surge of the sea overflowed them " : there was such 
 plenty, " both on the sand and on the green soil, on the hills 
 and in the plains, as well on every little shrub as climbing 
 towards the top of high cedars, that I," says one of the 
 captains, " think in all the world the like abundance is not to 
 be found ; and myself, having seen those parts of Europe that 
 most abound, find such difference as were incredible to be 
 written". The woods were full of deer, conies, hares, and 
 fowls, even in the midst of summer, in incredible abundance. 
 The cedars, "the highest and reddest in the world," far ex- 
 ceeding those of the Azores, of the Indies, or Lebanon. 
 Among the trees "of excellent smell and quality," was that 
 which "beareth the rind of black cinnamon". The inhabi- 
 tants were represented in as flattering colours as the country : 
 they were "very handsome and goodly people, in their be- 
 haviour as mannerly and civil as any of Europe". "No 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 253 
 
 people in the world carried more respect to their king, 
 nobility, and governors." A more kind, gentle, loving, and 
 faithful people could not be found : they were void of all 
 guile and treason, and lived after the manner of the Golden 
 Age. The writer was not afraid any incongruity would be 
 perceived when he adds, that they had a mortal malice 
 against a certain neighbouring nation ; that their wars were 
 very cruel and bloody ; and that by reason thereof, and of 
 civil dissensions which had happened of late years amongst 
 them, the people were marvellously wasted, and in some 
 places the country left desolate.* 
 
 The queen was so well pleased with this account of Wing- 
 andacoa, as they supposed the country to be called, that she 
 gave it the name of Virginia; "as well," says Lediard,"f- 
 " because it was first discovered in her reign as a virgin queen, 
 as because it did still seem to retain the virgin purity and plenty 
 of the first creation, and the people their primitive innocence. 
 For they seemed not debauched nor corrupted with those 
 pomps and vanities which had depraved and enslaved the rest 
 of mankind ; neither were their hands hardened by labour, nor 
 their minds corrupted by the desire of hoarding up treasure. 
 They were without boundaries to their land, without property 
 in cattle ; and seemed to have escaped, or rather not to have 
 been concerned in, the first curse of getting their bread by 
 the sweat of their brow, for by their pleasures alone they 
 supplied all their necessities, — that is, by fishing, fowling, and 
 hunting ; skins being their only clothing, and these laid aside 
 by far the greater part of the year ; living without labour, and 
 only gathering the fruits of the earth when ripe, or fit for use ; 
 nor fearing present want, nor solicitous for the future, but 
 daily finding sufficient afresh for their sustenance." As if any / 
 portion of the human race had ever, at any time, in any part^ 
 of the world, existed under such circumstances ! 
 
 But in all ages men are easily deceived, and easily deceive 
 others. Raleigh was not scrupulous in holding out fallacious 
 allurements to other adventurers, and he was ready to hazard 
 his own means as lightly as he had acquired them. At this 
 time he was prospering both in favour and fortune ; he had 
 been chosen, with Sir Willliam Courtenay, to represent their 
 native county in Parliament ; had been knighted by Elizabeth, 
 
 * Hakluyt, iii., 246-251. f Vol. i., 202. 
 
254 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 frugal as she was in the distribution of honours ; and had ob- 
 tained from her a grant of 12,000 acres from the forfeited 
 estates in the counties of Cork and Waterford,"'*^ and a patent 
 for licensing -|- the vendors of wines throughout the kingdom — 
 one of those monopolies which were both grievances and 
 scandals. The queen's motive in granting him this was, that 
 he might be the better enabled to pursue his schemes of 
 discovery and colonisation. Accordingly, this year he engaged 
 in two adventures. One was for the discovery of the north- 
 west passage, the setting forth of which was committed to 
 " Mr. William Sanderson, merchant J of London, who was so 
 forward therein, that, besides his travail, which was not small, 
 he became the greatest adventurer with his purse". This 
 hazardous expedition was undertaken with a barque of fifty tons, 
 called the Sunshine of London, and another of twenty-five, 
 called the Moonshine of Dartmouth ; the first carrying twenty- 
 three persons, of whom four were musicians, the second 
 nineteen. John Davis, "a man very well grounded in the 
 principles of the art of navigation, was captain and chief 
 pilot". This famous seaman called Greenland the Land of 
 Desolation ; gave the name of Mount Raleigh to a brave 
 mount, the cliffs whereof were as bright as gold ; left his own 
 more durably connected with the strait which he discovered ; 
 and returned with an opinion that everything which he had 
 observed rendered the passage probable. 
 
 In the same year Raleigh ventured a larger outlay upon his 
 Virginian scheme. Here there seemed fewer difficulties to 
 overcome, and the adventurers might hope to repay them- 
 selves by privateering upon the Spaniards on the way. Sir 
 Richard Greenville had the command of the expedition, which 
 consisted of seven sail. He left a colony there of 1 00 men.§ 
 
 * These lands he planted at his own expense, and, at the end of the 
 queen's reign, sold to Richard Boyle, the great Earl of Cork, who owns 
 this purchase to have been the first step to "his vast fortune" {Sir 
 Egerton Brydges). 
 
 t This involved him in a dispute with the University of Cambridge, the 
 particulars of which may be found in Strype s Annals (1585), chapter xxvii. 
 Mr. Cayley bestows some hard words upon the university on this occasion, 
 where they were not called for. The question was concerning a point of 
 law, and it was decided against Raleigh. 
 
 X A globe-maker Lediard calls him, i., 222. 
 
 §See vol. iii., pp. 197, 329-332. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 255 
 
 Raleigh, at liis own charge,* sent a ship of 100 tons with 
 supplies for them the ensuing year ; but before it arrived the 
 settlers and the Indians had become too well acquainted with 
 each other to continue at peace ; imprudence and misconduct 
 on one part, and treachery and cruelty on the other, had 
 brought great cals^mities on both ; and the survivors of the 
 colony thought themselves happy when Drake opportunely 
 came upon that coast, and gave them a passage home.-j- 
 Greenville arrived with three ships to reinforce and store 
 them a fortnight after their departure. In their eagerness 
 to escape they had left no tidings of themselves, and he could 
 hear none ; but being unwilling to lose possession of the 
 country, he landed fifteen men in the isle of Roanoak, 
 furnished them plentifully with all manner of provision for 
 two years, and departed for England. 
 
 This had been made a saving, if not a profitable voyage, by 
 prizes taken from the Spaniards on the way out and home, 
 and by landing upon some of the Azores on their return, and 
 " spoiling some of the towns of all such things as were worth 
 carriage ". Sir Walter then fitted out a third expedition, of 
 three sail, with 1 50 colonists, under the charge of John White, 
 to whom, with twelve chosen persons, he gave a charter, 
 incorporating them by the name of governor and assistants 
 of the city of Raleigh in Virginia. They sailed in April ; and, 
 having narrowly escaped shipwreck through the error and 
 carelessness of their naval commander, arrived at Hatorask in 
 the latter end of June. White, with forty of his best men, 
 went then aboard the pinnace, intending to pass up to 
 Roanoak and seek for the fifteen settlers whom Greenville 
 had left there the preceding year. His intention was, when 
 he should have learned from them on what terms they were 
 with the savages, to return to the fleet, coast along to the 
 Chesapeake, and there make his seat and fort, according to 
 the written instructions which he had received from Raleigh. 
 But no sooner had he put off than the sailors were hailed from 
 the ship, and ordered not to bring back any person except the 
 governor, and two or three such as he approved ; for the 
 summer being far spent, the master would land all the colon- 
 
 * Lediard (i., 225), says that Raleigh went himself in this ship. This 
 is not likely ; and there is nothing in Hakluyt or Smith to support it. 
 t Hakluyt, iii., 261. 
 
256 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ists there, and proceed no farther. As the sailors took part 
 with the master, it booted not the governor to contend. He 
 landed at sunset in the place where the fifteen men were left, 
 but '' found none of them, nor any sign that they had been 
 there, saving only the bones of one of them, whom the savages 
 had slain long before ". Next day they walked to the west 
 side of the island, where " Ralph Lane had had his fort, with 
 sundry necessary and decent dwelling-houses made by his 
 men. When we came thither," says the writer, ''we found 
 the fort rased down, but all the houses standing unhurt ; 
 saving that the nether rooms of them, and also of the fort, 
 were overgrown with melons of divers sorts, and deer within 
 them feeding on the melons." Order was given to repair 
 these houses and construct others.* 
 
 While they were thus employed, George Howe, who was 
 one of the twelve assistants, strayed some two miles from his 
 company, where a party of savages espied him, wading almost 
 naked in the water, and catching crabs with a small forked 
 stick. " They shot at him, gave him sixteen wounds with their 
 arrows, and, after they had slain him with their wooden 
 swords, they beat his head in pieces, and fled over the water 
 to the main." The governor had brought with him an 
 Indian, Manteo by name, the survivor of two whom Captain 
 Amadas had taken to England. A party was now sent with 
 this interpreter to the isle of Croatoan, where his kindred 
 dwelt ; and upon his assurance that the coming of the English 
 was ''only to renew the old love which had been between 
 them at the first, and to live with them as brethren and 
 friends," a good understanding was established. It was 
 learned from these Indians, that the men whom Greenville 
 had left were treacherously attacked by some of the hostile 
 natives, and two having been killed, and their storehouse set 
 on fire, the remainder made their way, fighting, to the water 
 side, and escaped in their boat ; but whither was not known, 
 nor was it ever heard what had become of them. Manteo's 
 friends earnestly desired that a distinct badge might be given 
 them. Lane's people having attacked and wounded some of 
 them by mistake, for want of one. That request should have 
 made the English cautious. They, however, thinking to 
 revenge the death of their own comrade, and the attack 
 
 * Hakluyt, 283. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 257 
 
 made upon the last settlers, secretly crossed the water ; and 
 coming to the settlement of their enemies before daybreak, 
 they fell upon the people whom they found there. "The 
 miserable souls, herewith amazed, fled into some thick reeds 
 growing fast by, where our men perceiving them, shot one 
 through the body ; and therewith we entered the reeds," 
 says one of the party, " among which we hoped to acquit their 
 evil doing toward us ; but we were deceived, for those savages 
 were our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the 
 corn and fruit of that place, because they understood our 
 enemies were fled immediately after they had slain George 
 Howe, and for haste had left all their com, tobacco, and pom- 
 pions standing in such sort, that all had been devoured by the 
 birds and deer if it had not been gathered in time. But they 
 had like to have paid dearly for it ; for it was so dark that if 
 one of their wives had not had a child at her back she had 
 been slain for a man ; and, as hap was, another savage knew 
 Master Stafford, and went to him, calling him by his name, 
 whereby he was saved." * 
 
 And now, according to Raleigh's instructions, " Manteo was 
 christened in Roanoak, and called lord thereof, and of Dasa- 
 monguepeuk, in reward of his faithful services ". And the 
 wife of Ananias Dare, one of the assistants, being delivered of 
 a daughter, the child being the first Christian born in that 
 country, was baptised by the name of Virginia. By this time 
 the ships had unladen the goods and stores of the planters, 
 and were taking in wood and water for their return. It was 
 thought expedient that two of the assistants should go back 
 as factors for the company ; but all had come out with so firm 
 an intention of settling there, that none could be induced to 
 undertake this office. At length the whole company, both of 
 assistants and planters, came to the governor, and with one 
 voice requested him to return himself, for the better and 
 sooner obtaining of supplies and other necessaries for them. 
 But he refused, and alleged many sufficient causes why he 
 would not : one was, " that he could not so suddenly return 
 back without his great discredit, leaving the action, and so 
 many whom he had partly procured by his persuasion to 
 leave their native country ; that the enemies to him and the 
 action would not spare to slander him, by saying that he went 
 
 ♦ Hakluyt, 284. 
 
 17 
 
258 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 to Virginia for no other end but politicly to lead so many into 
 a country in which he never meant to stay himself". It 
 appears by another of his reasons, that he had not quite so 
 much reliance upon the probity of the colonists as they seem 
 to have had upon his ; for he " also alleged that, seeing they 
 intended presently to remove fifty miles farther up into the 
 main, he being absent, his goods might be spoiled, and most 
 of it pilfered in the carriage ; so that, at his return, he should 
 either be forced to provide himself again, or find himself 
 utterly unfurnished, whereof already he had found some proof, 
 being but once from them but three days ". Whereupon he 
 concluded that he would not go himself. The next day, how- 
 ever, they renewed their request, and he yielded to their 
 "extreme entreaty," upon their giving him a bond, under all 
 their hands and seals, for the safe preserving of all his goods, 
 and also this testimony to secure him against all reproach : — 
 "May it please you Her Majesty's subjects of England, we, 
 your friends and countrymen, tlie planters in Virginia, do by 
 these presents let ^you, and every of you, to understand, that 
 for the present and speedy supply of certain our known and 
 apparent lacks and needs, most requisite and necessary for the 
 good and happy planting of us, or any other in this land of 
 Virginia, we all, of one mind and consent, have most earnestly 
 entreated and incessantly r^ifested John White, governor of 
 the planters in Virginia, to pass into England, for the better 
 and more assured help and setting forward of the foresaid 
 supplies, and knowing assuredly that he both can best, and 
 will labour and take pains in that behalf for us all ; and he, 
 not once but often, refusing it, for our sakes and for the 
 honour and maintenance of the action hath at last, though 
 much against his will, yielded to leave his Government and all 
 his goods among us, and himself in all our behalfs to pass into 
 England : of whose knowledge and fidelity in handling this 
 matter, as all others, we do assure ourselves by these presents, 
 and will you to give all credit thereunto ". 
 
 After many mishaps and a miserable voyage. White reached 
 England in November, at an unlucky time for the colonists 
 whom he had left. The danger of a Spanish invasion was 
 then so imminent, that all the naval strength of the country 
 was required for its defence ; and when Raleigh was preparing 
 supplies, which Greenville was to have taken out, that brave 
 officer was ordered not to proceed to sea with them. White, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 259 
 
 however, so urgently represented the necessity of the case, 
 that two small pinnaces were despatched with stores and 
 fifteen planters. Instead of pursuing their voyage they thought 
 proper to cruise for prizes, till two men-of-war from Rochelle 
 disabled and rifled them, and obliged them to put back 
 for England. Raleigh, who had now, it is said, expended 
 40,000/. upon this attempt at colonisation, was either unable 
 to persist in the adventure, or impatient of waiting for the 
 slow returns which could be expected from a country in which 
 neither gold nor silver had been found. He, therefore, as- 
 signed over his patent to a company of merchants, giving, at 
 the same time, 100/. "in especial regard and zeal of planting 
 the Christian religion in those barbarous countries, and for 
 the advancement and preferment of the same, and the common 
 utility and profit of the inhabitants ". White was a member 
 of the company. He seems to have done his duty toward 
 the colonists to the utmost of his power, as they had expected 
 from him. Finding that three ships, fitted out for the West 
 Indies at the especial charge of a London merchant, were de- 
 tained at Plymouth by a general embargo, when they were 
 ready to sail he obtained, through Raleigh's influence, a licence 
 for them to proceed on their voyage ; in consideration where- 
 of the owner engaged that they should transport a convenient 
 number of passengers, with their furniture and necessaries, and 
 land them in Virginia. In contempt of this engagement, White, 
 who had hoped now to go out with such supplies as his poor 
 countrymen had two years been looking for, was only allowed 
 a passage for himself and his chest. There was no time for him 
 to go to Raleigh with his complaint ; "for the ships," he says, 
 " being all in readiness, would have departed before I could 
 have made my return : then both governors, masters, and 
 sailors regarded very smally the goods of their countrymen in 
 Virginia, determined nothing less than to touch at those 
 places, but wholly disposed themselves to seek after purchase 
 and spoil, spending so much time therein that summer was 
 spent before we arrived in Virginia". 
 
 They anchored at Hatorask in the middle of August ; and 
 seeing a great smoke in the isle of Roanoak, near the place 
 where the colony had been left, White, who had a married 
 daughter among the colonists, was in good hope that some 
 of them were there, looking for his return. The two boats 
 went ashore, leaving orders for the gunners to make ready 
 
260 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 three guns, "well loaded, and to shoot them off with reason- 
 able space between each shot, to the end that their reports 
 might be heard at the place where they hoped to find some 
 of their people ". They were " sore tired before they came 
 to the smoke ; and, what grieved them more, when they came 
 there they found neither man nor sign that any had been there 
 lately ". On the morrow a second search was made ; but one 
 of the boats was swamped, and the captain, with four others 
 of the chiefest men, perished, — a mischance " which did so 
 much discomfort the sailors, that they were all of one mind 
 not to go any farther to seek the planters " ; but they 
 yielded to White's persuasion and the authority of the sur- 
 viving captain, and making for the place where the colonists 
 were left, they overshot it in the dark. Espying then the 
 light of a great fire through the woods, they rowed towards 
 it; "and when we came right over against it," says White, 
 "we let fall our grapnel near the shore, and sounded with 
 a trumpet a call, and after many familiar English tunes of 
 songs, and called to them friendly ; but we had no answer. 
 We therefore landed at daybreak, and coming to the fire we 
 found the grass and sundry rotten trees burning about the 
 place." Going from thence to the place where the colony 
 had been left three years before, "all the way we saw in 
 the sand the print of the savages' feet trodden that night ; 
 and as we entered up the sandy bank, upon a tree on the very 
 brow thereof, were curiously carved these fair Roman letters, 
 CRO, which letters presently we knew to signify the place 
 where I should find the planters seated, according to a token 
 agreed upon at my departure ; which was, that they should 
 not fail to write or carve on the trees, or posts of the doors, 
 the name of the place where they should be seated, for at my 
 coming away they were prepared to remove from Roanoak 
 fifty miles into the main. Therefore, at my departure, I willed 
 them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of 
 those places, then they should carve over the letters or name 
 a cross ; but we found no such sign of distress. And having 
 well considered of this, we passed toward the place where 
 they were left ; but we found the houses taken down, and 
 the place strongly enclosed with a high palisade of great 
 trees, with cortynes and flankers very fort-like ; and one of 
 the chief trees or posts, at the right side of the entrance, had 
 the bark taken off], and five feet from the ground, in fair 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 26l 
 
 capital letters, was written CROATOAN, without any cross 
 or sign of distress. In the palisade we found many bars of 
 iron, two pigs of lead, four iron fowlers, iron saker shot, and 
 such like heavy things, thrown here and there, almost over- 
 grown with grass and weeds. We went to see if we could 
 find any of their boats ; but could perceive no sign of them, 
 nor of the falcons and small ordnance which were left with 
 them. At our return from the creek, some of our sailors, 
 meeting us, told us they had found where divers chests had 
 been hidden, and long since digged up again and broken up, 
 and much of the goods in them spoiled and scattered about ; 
 but nothing left, of such things as the savages knew any use 
 of, undefeced. Presently Captain Cooke and I went to the 
 place, which was in the end of an old trench made by Captain 
 Amadas, where we found five chests that had been carefully 
 hidden of the planters, and of the same chests three were my 
 own ; and about the place many of my things spoiled and 
 broken, and my books torn from the covers, the frames of 
 some of my pictures and maps rotten and spoiled with rain, 
 and my armour almost eaten through with rust. This could 
 be no other but the deed of the savages our enemies at 
 Dasamonguepeuk, who had watched the departure of our 
 men to Croatoan, and digged up every place where they sus- 
 pected anything to be buried. But although it much grieved 
 me to see such spoil of my goods, yet, on the other side, I 
 greatly joyed that I had found a certain token of their safe 
 being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was bom, 
 and the savages of the island our friends." * 
 
 It was now agreed that they should make for Croatoan ; but 
 one mishap followed another ; and though they left the coast 
 with the intention of wintering in the West Indies, and visit- 
 ing their countrymen in Virginia on their return, foul weather 
 compelled them to frame their course first for the Azores, and 
 thence for England. No further attempt was made to relieve 
 the colonists, nor to ascertain their fate. The names of ninety- 
 one men, seventeen women, and nine children, " which safely 
 arrived at Virginia, and remained to inhabit there," and of 
 two infants who were born there, are preserved in Hakluyt ; 
 and of these persons nothing was ever afterwards known.f 
 No farther attempt was made to succour them, nor even to 
 
 * Hakluyt, 293. i Ibid., 2SS. 
 
262 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ascertain their fate. Hakluyt was one of the company to 
 which Raleigh assigned his patent ; and to Hakluyt, address- 
 ing the journal of his last voyage, his "most well-wishing" 
 and " more deeply engaged friend/' White says these " evils 
 and unfortunate events had not .chanced if the order set down 
 by Sir Walter Raleigh had been observe37 or if my daily and 
 continual petitions for the performance of the same might 
 have taken any place. Yet, seeing it is not my first crossed 
 voyage, I remain contented ; and, wanting my wishes, I leave 
 off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth 
 were answerable to my will. Thus committing the relief of 
 my discomfortable company, the planters in Virginia, to the 
 merciful help of the Almighty, whom I most humbly beseech 
 to help and comfort them according to His most holy will and 
 their desire, I take my leave." ^ 
 
 More exertions might, pe^aps, have been made to relieve 
 these unfortunate planters, it the intervening years had not 
 been the busiest of Raleigh's adventurous life. He had borne 
 a part in the defeat of the Armada, and was probably on^ of 
 those persons whose advice was followed by the lord high 
 admiral. In the triumphant procession to return thanks at 
 St. Paul's for that great deliverance, he was conspicuous as 
 commander of the queen's guard. He obtained a considerable 
 augmentation of his wine-patent. He was one of the 1100 
 gentlemen who adventured in the Portugal expedition with 
 the Prior Don Antonio ; and he had the good fortune to be 
 one of the 350 who returned from it. None of the errors 
 which were committed in that expedition were imputable 
 to him ; and his conduct in it having been such as might be 
 expected from a man of his known abilities, he was honoured 
 by the queen with a golden chain. The favour, however, 
 which he had hitherto enjoyed was soon withdrawn. Essex, 
 who regarded him as a rival, succeeded in eloigning him from 
 the court, and he was sent to Ireland, which was regarded as 
 an honourable banishment.* There he became acquainted 
 with Spenser, whom he encouraged to proceed with the Faery 
 
 * In a letter of court news to Anthony Bacon (17th August, 1589), the 
 writer says that Essex had " chased Mr. Raleigh from the court, and 
 confined him unto Ireland. Conjecture you the rest of that matter " 
 (Birch, 156). No light has been thrown upon this intrigue ; but we know 
 from Spenser that the ** shepherd of the ocean " felt himself unkindly and 
 unjustly used. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 265 
 
 These opinions he enforced in Parliament, agreeing with 
 those who wished to have the quarrel with Spain maintained 
 on national grounds. " He knew," he said, " many who held 
 it not lawful in conscience to take from the Spaniards while 
 the two nations were on their present footing ; and he knew 
 also that if it were lawful and open war, there would be more 
 voluntary hands than the queen would stand in need of to 
 send to sea." * Large supplies were required, and Raleigh 
 spoke in support of the motion, not only (as he protested) to 
 please the queen, to whom he was infinitely bound above his 
 deserts, but for the necessity which he both saw and knew. 
 " The King of Spain," he said, " had beleaguered us on every 
 side. In Denmark, the king being young, he had corrupted 
 the council and nobility, so that he was like to speed himself 
 with shipping from thence. Great store, too, he had laid in 
 in the marine towns of the Low Countries and of Norway. In 
 France he had the Parliament towns at his command ; in 
 Brittany, all the best havens ; and in Scotland he had so 
 corrupted the nobles, that he had promised them forces to re- 
 establish papistry : there they were ready to join with any 
 foreign forces that would make them strong to be by them- 
 selves and to resist others ; for, as he thought, there were not 
 six gentlemen in that country of one religion. In his own 
 kingdom there is all possible repairing, and he is coming with 
 sixty galleys, besides other shipping, with purpose to annoy us. 
 We must then have no ships riding at anchor ; all will be 
 little enough to withstand him ! At his coming he fully 
 determineth to get Plymouth, or at least to possess some of the 
 havens this summer within our land ; and Plymouth is a place 
 of most danger, for no ordnance can be carried thither to 
 remove him : the passages will not give leave. Now the way 
 to defeat him is this : to send a royal army to supplant him in 
 Brittany, and^to possess ourselves there ; and to send a strong 
 navy to sea, and to lie with it upon the Cape and such places 
 as his ships bring his riches to, that they may set upon all that 
 comes. This we are able to do, and undoubtedly with fortunate 
 success if we undertake." f 
 
 The two houses differed upon the amount of the supplies ; 
 the lords proposing more than the commons had granted. A 
 conference was proposed and negatived, but in the next day's 
 
 • Pari. History, i., 880. f Ibid., 883. 
 
266 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 debate Raleigh brought the house to a better mind by alleging 
 that the question had been mistaken ; and that though he 
 could not make it a question again, yet it might be propounded 
 in some such words as these, " Whether the house would be 
 pleased to have a general conference with the lords, touching 
 the great and imminent danger of the nation, and the present 
 necessary supply of treasure to be provided speedily for the 
 same, according to the proportion of the necessity". This 
 was agreed to without one dissentient voice ; * and in the end 
 the larger sum was granted. In her speech on dissolving the 
 Parliament, the queen said, ''This subsidy you give me I 
 accept thankfully, if you give me your good-will with it ; but 
 if the necessity of the time and your preservation did not 
 require it. If would refuse it. But, let me tell you, the sum is 
 not so much but that it is needful for a princess to have so 
 much always lying in her coffers for your defence in time of 
 need, and not be driven to get it when she should use it." \ 
 
 On this occasion Raleigh had done the Government good 
 service ; yet at this time, he " who had tasted," it is said, 
 "abundantly of the queens love," found it beginning to 
 decline, and therefore resolved to undertake a naval expedi- 
 tion,! — a course which assorted equally with his views of 
 national policy and private interest. He was still in sufficient 
 favour to obtain her commission, and he " slacked not his utter- 
 most diligence to make full provision of all things necessary," 
 both in his choice of good ships and sufficient men. Of 
 fifteen ships, the queen supplied " the two chiefest " ; the rest 
 were either his own, or his good friends', or adventurers of 
 London. " For the gentlemen, his consorts and officers, to 
 give them their right," says Hakluyt,§ " they were so well 
 qualified in courage, experience, and discretion, as the greatest 
 prince might repute himself happy to be served with their 
 like." Sir John Burrough was appointed lieutenant-general, 
 Raleigh having the command ; " the rest of the captains, 
 soldiers, and sailors were men of notable resolution, and for 
 the most part such as had given to the world sufficient proof 
 of their valour in divers services of the like nature ". With 
 this force he sailed in February to his own country, there " to 
 store himself with such further necessaries as the state of his 
 
 * Pari. History, 887. t Ibid., 893. 
 
 X Monson. § Hakluyt, ii., 194. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 267 
 
 voyage did needfully require, where, the westerly winds blow- 
 ing for a long time contrary to his course, bound and constrained 
 him to keep harbour so many weeks that the fittest season for 
 his purpose was gone, the minds of his people much altered, 
 his victuals consumed, and withal Her Majesty, understanding 
 how crossly all this sorted, began to call the proceeding of 
 this preparation into question". The arrangements indeed 
 appear by a letter of Raleigh to Cecil to have been either ill 
 settled or ill understood. 
 
 "Sir," he says to the secretary, "I received your letter this 
 present day at Chatham concerning the wages of the mariners 
 and others. For mine own part I am very willing to enter 
 bond as you persuaded me, so as the privy seal be first sent 
 for my enjoying the third ; but I pray consider that I have 
 laid all that I am worth, and must do ere I depart on this 
 voyage. If it fall not out well, I can but lose all ; and if 
 nothing be remaining, wherewith should I pay the wages .'* 
 Besides, Her Majesty told me herself that she was contented 
 to pay her part, and my lord admiral his, and I should but 
 discharge for mine own ships. And, farther, I have promised 
 Her Majesty that if I can persuade the companies to follow 
 Sir Martin Frobisher, I will without fail return and bring them 
 out into the sea but some fifty or threescore leagues, for which 
 purpose my lord admiral hath lent me the Disdain : which to 
 do Her Majesty many times, with great grace, bid me re- 
 member, and sent me the same message by Willian Killigrew, 
 which, God willing, if I can persuade the companies, I mean 
 to perform, though I dare not be acknown thereof to any 
 creature. But, sir, for me thus to be bound for so great a 
 sum upon the hope of another man's fortune, I will be loath ; 
 and beside, if I am able, I see no privy seal for my thirds. I 
 mean not to run away, as they say I will, for fear of a marriage, 
 and I know not what. If any such thing were, I would have 
 imparted it unto yourself before any man living ; and there- 
 fore, I pray, believe it not, and I beseech you to suppress 
 what you can any such malicious report. For I protest before 
 God, there is none upon the face of the earth that I would 
 be fastened unto. And so, in haste, I take my leave of your 
 honour, from Chatham, the 10th of March. 
 
 " Yours ever to be commanded, 
 
 "W. Raleigh." 
 
268 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Raleigh was endowed with many great qualities, and some 
 good ones ; but this letter contains proof of that want of 
 rectitude which was his bane. That fault was manifested in 
 things of more importance to himself than even the present 
 expedition ; but in regard to this expedition also, it appears 
 that there was an understanding between him and the queen 
 that he was not to go in command of it, though the ad- 
 venturers had been led to engage in it under such a belief. 
 The motives for this are not explained in any documents 
 which have been brought to light ; but from the statement 
 in Hakluyt, it seems that he was not acting with good faith 
 toward the queen. For having put to sea on the 6th of May, 
 "the very next day," says the old writer, "Sir Martin 
 Frobisher, in a pinnace of my lord admiral's, called the 
 Disdain, met him, and brought to him from Her Majesty 
 letters of revocation, with commandment to relinquish for 
 his own part the intended attempt, and to leave the charge 
 and conduct of all things in the hands of Sir John Burrough 
 and Sir Martin Frobisher. But Sir Walter finding his honour 
 so far engaged in the undertaking of this voyage, as without 
 proceeding he saw no remedy to salve his reputation, or to 
 content those his friends which had put in adventures of great 
 sums with him; and making construction of the queen's 
 letters in such sort as if her commandment had been pro- 
 pounded in indifferent terms, either to advance forward, or 
 to retire at his own discretion, would in no case yield to him 
 his fleet now under sail." * He therefore continued his 
 course ; and though in a day or two he fell in with what was 
 deemed certain information "that there was little hopes of 
 any good this year to be done in the West Indies, considering 
 that the King of Spain had sent express orders to all the ports 
 both of the islands and of Terra Firma that no ship should stir 
 that year, nor any treasure be laid aboard for Spain," neither 
 that unpleasant relation nor aught else could stay his pro- 
 ceedings, till a tempest, when they were athwart Cape Finis- 
 terre, scattered the fleet, and sunk his boats and pinnaces, and 
 he himself, "was in danger to be swallowed up of the sea". 
 Then indeed he obeyed the queen's orders, and returned, 
 leaving directions for Burrough and Frobisher to divide the 
 fleet into two squadrons : Burrough, with one, to cruise off 
 
 * Hakluyt, ii., 195. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 269 
 
 the coast of Spain ; and Frobisher, with the other, to make 
 for the Azores, and there wait for the Indian ships. By the 
 latter it was, in conjunction with a small squadron of the Earl 
 of Cumberland's, that the Madre de Dios was taken, a richer 
 prize than had ever before been brought to England. * 
 
 Raleigh's expectations of profit from this capture were very 
 great : lie and Hawkins, who was his principal partner in the 
 enterprise, estimated the value at not less than half a million ; 
 but owing more to dishonesty than miscalculation, it fell short 
 of that amount by more than two-thirds. Elizabeth, too, 
 made use of her authority, and took the lioness's share.f 
 Raleigh had incurred her displeasure at this time ; the 
 malicious reports which he had told Cecil not to believe, and 
 besought him to suppress, were true to the full extent. He 
 had wooed and won Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Nicholas 
 Throckmorton. She was one of the maids of honour. The 
 queen's consent to the marriage was necessary; this it was 
 deemed dangerous to ask ; and when the consequences of 
 their mutual affection could no longer be concealed, he was 
 committed to the Tower, for what was not only a moral sin, 
 but in those days a heinous political offence. It would be 
 easier to extenuate the fault, than to excuse Raleigh for the 
 part which he acted in confinement. " I cannot," says Mr. 
 (afterwards Sir) Arthur Gorges, in a letter to Cecil, "choose 
 but advertise you of a strange tragedy that had like to have 
 fallen out between the captain of the guard and the lieutenant 
 of the ordnance, if I had not by great chance come at the 
 very instant to have turned it into a comedy. For upon the 
 report of Her Majesty being at Sir George Carew's, Sir Walter 
 Raleigh having gazed and sighed a long time at his study 
 window, from whence he might discern the barges and boats 
 about the Blackfriar's stairs, suddenly he brake out into a 
 great distemper, and sware that his enemies had on purpose 
 brought Her Majesty thither, to break his gall in sunder with 
 Tantalus's torment, that when she went away he might see 
 his death before his eyes ; with many such-Uke conceits. And 
 
 * See vol. iii., pp. 19-24. 
 
 t Her adventure in this voyage " was only two ships, one of which, and 
 the least of them too, was at the taking of the carrack ". This title, how- 
 ever, "joined with her regal authority, she made such use of, that the 
 rest of the adventurers were fain to submit themselves to her pleasure, 
 with whom," Monson adds (165), "she dealt but indifferently," 
 
270 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 as a man transported with passion, he sware to Sir George 
 Carew, that he would disguise himself, and get into a pair of 
 oars to ease his mind but with a sight of the queen, or else he 
 protested his heart would break. But the trusty jailor would 
 none of that, for displeasing the higher powers, as he said, 
 which he more respected than the feeding of his humours ; 
 and so flatly refused to permit him. But in conclusion upon 
 this dispute, they fell flat out to choleric, outrageous words, 
 with straining and struggling at the doors, that all lameness 
 was forgotten; and in the fury of the conflict, the jailor 
 had his new periwig torn off his crown ; and yet here the 
 battle ended not, for at last they had gotten out their 
 daggers, which, when I saw, I played the stickler between 
 them, and so purchased such a rap on the knuckles, that I 
 wished both their pates broken ; and so, with much ado, they 
 stayed their brawl to see my bloody fingers. At the first I 
 was ready to break with laughter to see them two scramble 
 and brawl like madmen, until I saw the iron walking, and 
 then I did my best to appease the fury. As yet I cannot 
 reconcile them by any persuasions, for Sir Walter swears that 
 he shall hate him for so restraining him from the sight of his 
 mistress while he lives, for that he knows not (as he said) 
 whether ever he shall see her again when she is gone the 
 progress. And Sir George, on his side, swears that he had 
 rather he should lose his longing than that he would draw 
 on him Her Majesty's displeasure by such liberty. Thus they 
 continue in malice and snarling, but I am sure all the smart 
 lighted on me. I cannot tell whether I should more allow 
 of the passionate lover or the trusty jailor. But if yourself had 
 seen it as I did, you would have been as heartily merry and 
 sorry as ever you were in all your life for so short a time. I 
 pray you pardon my hasty written narration which I acquaint 
 you with, hoping you will be the peacemaker. But, good sir, 
 let nobody know thereof, for I fear Sir Walter Raleigh will 
 shortly grow to be Orlando Furioso, if the bright Angelica 
 persevere against him a little longer. If you let the queen's 
 majesty know hereof, as you think good be it. But other- 
 wise, good sir, keep it secret, for their credits ; for they know 
 not of my discourse, which I could wish Her Majesty knew." 
 This piece of acting might seem hardly to be believed, if 
 Raleigh had not kept up, in a letter to Cecil, the character 
 which he then played. The letter began with a sentence of 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 271 
 
 business relating to his office as captain of the queen's guard. 
 It then passed at once into a strain of that fantastic flattery, 
 which it was not more weak in Ehzabeth to receive, than it 
 was base in a man of Raleigh's understanding to offer. " My 
 heart," said he, "was never broken till this day, that I hear 
 the queen goes away so far off, whom I have followed so many 
 years with so great love and desire in so many journeys ; and 
 am now left behind her, in a dark prison, all alone. While 
 she was yet near at hand, that I might hear of her once in 
 two or three days, my sorrows were the less ; but even now 
 my heart is cast into the depth of all misery, — I that was 
 wont to behold her riding like Alexander, hunting like Diana, 
 walking like Venus, the gentle wind blowing her fair hair 
 about her pure cheeks like a nymph ; sometimes sitting in 
 the shade like a goddess, sometimes singing like an angel, 
 sometimes playing like Orpheus ! Behold the sorrow of this 
 world ! One amiss hath bereaved me of all. O glory that 
 only shineth in misfortune, what is become of thy assurance ? 
 All wounds have scars but that of fantasy, all afflictions their 
 relenting but that of womankind's. Who is to judge of 
 friendship but adversity ? Or when is grace witnessed but 
 in offences ? There were no divinity but by reason of com- 
 passion, for revenges are brutish and mortal. All those times 
 past, — the loves, the sighs, the sorrows, the desires, can they 
 not weigh down one frail misfortune ? Cannot one drop of 
 gall be hidden in so great heaps of sweetness ? I may then 
 conclude Spes et Fortuna valete ! She is gone on whom I 
 trusted, and of me hath not one thought of mercy, nor any 
 respect of that that was. Do with me now therefore what 
 you list ! I am more weary of life than they are desirous I 
 should perish ; which if it had been for her, as it is by her, 
 I had been too happily bom. 
 
 " Yours, not worthy any name or title, 
 
 "W. R." 
 
 Raleigh's imprisonment continued for about eight weeks. 
 On his release he showed himself two days in London ; then 
 went westward, to look after his partition of the great prize.* 
 Considering the large demands of the queen upon it, and the 
 amount which had been embezzled, he was thought to have 
 
 * Birch, i., 88. 
 
272 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 obtained a good share. When congratulated on his deliver- 
 ance, he said that he was still the Queen of England's poor 
 captive. At this time, however, it must have been that his 
 marriage took place : a happy one it would have been, if he 
 had not been too much accustomed to adventurous courses 
 and to court intrigues ever to be contented with the quiet 
 pursuits of private life. He had now no reason to complain 
 of fortune, if the goods which he possessed had been well 
 gotten ; but with that consideration he was little troubled : he 
 was not one of those persons who felt any scruples at making 
 spoil of the Spaniards, even when there was a semblance of 
 peace between the two nations ; and under the queen's favour 
 and the forms of perverted law, he was not scrupulous in 
 appropriating to himself some of the spoils of the church. By 
 her favour, when Dr. Caldwell was made Bishop of Salisbury,* 
 he obtained a grant of the manor of Sherboume, including 
 the castle and park, being the spolia opima -f of that see. His 
 
 * Well-merited reproach was brought both upon the bishop and Raleigh 
 by this transaction. The bishop, however, appears to have acted under 
 compulsion, and to have repented bitterly of his weakness. The see had 
 suffered grievously under a former prelate, in 1539. "What time," says 
 Sir John Karrington, " Dr. Capon was translated from Bangor thither : a 
 man for learning and wit worthy to be of Apollo's crew ; but for his spoil 
 and havoc he is said to have made of this church land, more worthy to be 
 of Apollyon's crew ; for he is noted to be one of the first that made a capon 
 of his bishopric, and so gelded it that it will never be able to build either 
 church or castle again. How Dr. Caldwell of a physician became a bishop, 
 I have heard by more than a good many, as they say. I touched before 
 how this church had surfeited of a capon, which lying heavy in her 
 stomach, it may be thought she had need of a physician. But this man 
 proved no good church physician. Had she been sick of a pleurisy, too 
 much abounding with blood, as in ages past, then such bleeding physic, 
 perhaps, might have done it no harm. Now, inclining rather to a con- 
 sumption, to let it bleed afresh at so large a vein, was almost enough to 
 draw out the very life blood " {Brief View of the State of the Church of 
 England). 
 
 t " To speak of the knight that carried the spolia opima of this bishopric, 
 having gotten Sherborne castle, park, and parsonage, he was, in those days, 
 in so great favour with the queen, as I may boldly say, that with less suit 
 than he was fain to make to her ere he could perfect this his purchase, 
 and with less money than he bestowed in Sherborne, in building and 
 buying out leases, and in drawing the river through rocks into his garden, 
 he might very justly, and without offence of church or state, have com- 
 passed a much better purchase. 
 
 " Also, if I have been truly informed, he had a presage before he first 
 attempted it, that did foreshow it would turn to his ruin, and might have 
 kept him from meddling with it, ' si mens non Iceva fuisset '. For as he 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 27S 
 
 first intention was to repair the castle ; but giving up that 
 purpose he built in the adjoining ground, " a most fine house, 
 which he beautified with orchards, gardens, and groves of 
 much variety and great delight " ; so that, says the author * 
 of a Survey of Dorsetshire, "whether that you consider the 
 pleasantness of the seat, the goodness of the soil, or the 
 delicacies belonging unto it, it was unparalleled by any in these 
 parts ". 
 
 Though Raleigh appeared to interest himself in horticultural 
 and other improvements at Sherboume, which he called his 
 fortune's fold, his mind was busied with affairs of State, and 
 projects of advancement and adventure. He had some stake 
 in Ireland ; and his measures, which were directed not more 
 for his own advantage, than for the good of that most miser- 
 able country, were counteracted by the rulers there. Writing 
 to Cecil at this time, he says, " I had been able myself to 
 have raised two or three bands of English, well armed, till I 
 was driven to relinquish, and recall my people, of which the 
 loss shall not be alone to me, howsoever I am tumbled down 
 the hill by every practice. We are so busied and daudled in 
 these French wars, which are endless, as we forget the defence 
 next the heart. Her Majesty hath good cause to remember 
 that a million hath been spent in Ireland, not many years 
 
 was riding post between Plymouth and the court, as many times he did 
 upon no small employments, this castle being right in the way, he cast 
 such an eye upon it as Ahab did upon Naboth's vineyard; and once, 
 above the rest, being talking of it, of the commodiousness of the place, 
 of the strength of the seat, and how easily it might be got from the 
 bishopric, suddenly over and over came his horse, that his very face, 
 which was then thought a good face, ploughed up the earth where he fell. 
 This fall was ominous, I make no question, as the like was observed in 
 the Lord Hastings, and before him in others ; but his brother Adrian 
 (Gilbert) would needs have him interpret it, not as a courtier, but as a 
 conqueror, that it presaged the quiet possession of it. And accordingly, 
 for the present, that fell out: he got it with much labour, and travail, 
 and cost, and envy, and obloquy to him and his heirs, habendum et 
 tenendum : but ere it came fully to gaudendum, see what became of him I 
 
 " Now I return to the bishop, that was the second party delinquent in 
 this petty larceny, or, rather, plain sacrilege. What was his purpose? 
 To make himself rich by making his see poor. Attained he his purpose 
 herein ? Nothing left ; no bishop of Sarum since the conquest died so 
 notoriously in debt ; his friends glad to bury him, sine lux, sine crux, sine 
 clenco, as the old byword is" {Brief View of the State of the Church of 
 England). 
 
 * Coker, quoted in Cayley's Life of Raleigh. 
 18 
 
274 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 since : a better kingdom might have been purchased at a less 
 price, and that cause defended with as many pence, if good 
 order had been taken. But the question now may be, whether 
 for so great expenses the estate be not less assured than ever. 
 If Her Majesty consider it aright, she shall find it no small 
 dishonour to be vexed with so beggarly a nation, that has 
 neither arms nor fortifications ; but that accursed kingdom 
 hath always been but as a traffic, for which Her Majesty hath 
 paid both freight and custom, and others received the mer- 
 chandise ; and other than such shall it never be. The King 
 of Spain seeketh not Ireland for Ireland ; but having raised 
 up troops of beggars on our back, shall be able to enforce us 
 to cast our eyes over our shoulders, while those before us 
 strike us on the brains. We have also known the level of his 
 subversion ; but destiny is stronger than counsel, and good 
 advice either neglected or weakly executed hath taught our 
 enemies to cover those parts which before lay bare to the 
 sword." 
 
 His enemies were at this time afraid, not only of his return 
 to favour, but of his being called to the queen's counsels. 
 "Of choice of counsellors," says one of them in a letter, 
 "there is a bruit, but nothing assured. Sir Walter Raleigh 
 looketh for a place amongst them ; and it is now feared of all 
 honest men that he shall presently come to the court, and is 
 thereto wrought to serve a turn. And yet it is well with- 
 stood. God grant him some further resistance, and that place 
 he better deserveth, if he had his right ! " * Raleigh indeed 
 had as many enemies as rivals, and by despising those who 
 feared and envied him he drew upon himself their hatred. 
 Elizabeth's favour was sometimes misbestowed, but she never 
 misplaced her good opinion, and she had a high one of Sir 
 Walter's abilities. "She took him," says Naunton, "for a 
 kind of oracle, which nettled them all ; yea, those that he 
 relied on began to be sensible of their own supplantation and 
 to project his. So that finding his favour declining and falling 
 into a recess, he undertook a new peregrination to leave that 
 terra infirma of the court for that of the waves ; and by de- 
 clining himself and by absence to expel his and the passion 
 of his enemies : which in court was a strange device of re- 
 covery, but that he then knew there was some ill office done 
 
 * Birch, 151. 
 
SIR WA;LTER RALEIGH 275 
 
 him. Yet he durst not attempt to mend it otherwise than 
 by going aside, tliereby to teach envy a new way of forgetful- 
 ness. However, he had it always in mind never to forget 
 himself." * 
 
 Sir Walter's views were fixed upon no less an object than 
 the discovery and conquest of Eldorado. How the fictions 
 concerning that imaginary empire originated is easily ex- 
 plained. Along the whole coast of the Spanish main there 
 were rumours of an inland country which abounded with 
 gold ; beyond all doubt these related to the kingdoms of 
 Bogota and Tunja, which equalled Peru in this respect, and 
 were little if at all inferior to it in their grade of civilisa- 
 tion. Rumours of the same kind, and bearing upon the same 
 direction, prevailed in Peru ; and in those countries which 
 afterwards constituted the Nuevo Reyno de Grenada three 
 adventurers who were in quest of the golden kingdom met, — 
 Belalcazar, coming from Quito ; Federman, from Venezuela ; 
 and Quesada, who came first, and effected the conquest, by 
 the river Madalena. But reports of the same kind were found 
 there relating to Peru ; and thus adventurers were allured 
 from time to time to enter upon the pursuit long after the 
 spoil had been taken. "[- Upon this foundation an extravagant 
 fiction had been framed, that a nephew or brother of the last 
 reigning inca, Atabalipa, escaping from the wreck of the 
 Peruvian Empire with the greater part of its remaining force 
 and of its treasures, had established himself with equal or 
 greater splendour in a country not less abounding with mines 
 than that from which he had migrated. The Spaniards lost 
 more men in seeking for this imaginary kingdom than in the 
 conquest of Mexico and Peru. Raleigh seems not to have 
 doubted what was so fully believed by the Spaniards ; but if 
 he had examined into the statements which he advanced to 
 prove the existence of Eldorado, and the possibility of con- 
 quering it, he might have found himself contradicted by 
 dates, and could not but have perceived the inconsistencies 
 and absurdities of a tale which had allured so many ad- 
 venturers to destruction. 
 
 Meaning to enter by the Orinoco, he sent a ship, under 
 Captain Whiddon, to reconnoitre that part of the coast, and 
 obtain information at the island of Trinidad. Meantime he 
 
 * Fragmenta Regalia. t History of Brazil^ i., 393 
 
276 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 prepared for an expedition thither, with what force is not 
 stated, but it appears that Cecil and the lord high admiral, 
 Howard, were induced to take part in the adventure.* But 
 an ill opinion was entertained by some persons both of him 
 and the enterprise. "They," said he, "have grossly belied 
 me that forejudged that I would rather become a servant to 
 the Spanish king than return ; and the rest were much mis- 
 taken who would have persuaded that I was too easeful and 
 sensual to undertake a journey of so great travail. -j- It is true 
 that as my errors were great, so they have yielded very 
 grievous effects ; and if aught might have been deserved in 
 former times to have counterpoised any part of offences, the 
 fruit thereof (as it seemeth) was long before fallen from the 
 tree, and the dead stock only remained. I did, therefore, 
 even in the winter of my life, undertake these travels, fitter 
 for bodies less blasted with misfortunes, for men of greater 
 ability, and for minds of better encouragement ; that thereby, 
 if it were possible, I might recover but the moderation of 
 excess, and the least taste of the greatest plenty formerly 
 possessed." J 
 
 He sailed from Plymouth on 6th February, 1595 ; and after 
 waiting about a week at Teneriffe in vain for some of his ships, 
 proceeded with only his own vessel and a small boat to 
 Trinidad. There he found part of his squadron at a place which 
 the natives, he says, called Conquerabia, and the Spaniards 
 Puerto de los Espanoles : and there he found a company of 
 
 * This appears in the " Epistle Dedicatory " of his narrative to them : 
 — " For your honours' many honourable and friendly parts I have hitherto 
 only returned promises ; and now for answer of both your adventure I 
 have sent you a bundle of papers, which I have divided between your 
 lordship and Sir Robert Cecil, in these two respects chiefly : first, for that 
 it is reason that watchful factors, when they have consumed such stocks 
 as they have in trust, do yield some colour for the same in their accounts ; 
 secondly, for that I am afraid that whatsoever shall be done or written 
 by me shall need a double protection and defence" (Hakluyt, iii., 627). 
 
 t Hakluyt, iii., 628. 
 
 It was said to him that his talk of going to sea was a bravado, and that 
 he was hidden in Cornwall, or elsewhere (Hakluyt, ibid.). Fuller tells us 
 he •• had many enemies (which were never wanted) at court, his cowardly 
 detractors, of whom Sir Walter used to say, ' If any man accuseth me to 
 my face, I will answer him with my mouth ; but my tail is good enough 
 to return an answer to such who traduceth me behind my back '. He cared 
 for such enemies just as much as Oliver Cromwell did for Magna Charta," 
 
 t Hakluyt, 627. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 277 
 
 Spaniards keeping guard at the landing-place. They seemed, 
 however, " desirous to trade and to enter into terms of peace, 
 more for doubt of their own strength than for aught else ". 
 From some of them who came aboard to buy linen, and such 
 other things as they wanted, and whom he entertained kindly 
 and with good cheer, he learned as much concerning Guiana 
 as they knew, or had been deluded to believe. " For these 
 poor soldiers," says he, "having been many years without 
 wine, a few draughts made them merry ; in which mood they 
 vaunted of Guiana, and of the riches thereof, and all what they 
 knew of the bays and passages, myself seeming to purpose 
 nothing less than the entrance or discovery thereof, but bred 
 in them an opinion that I was bound only for the relief of 
 those English whom I had planted in Virginia, whereof the 
 bruit was come among them, which I had performed in my 
 return if extremity of weather had not forced me from the 
 said coast." The abandonment of those poor colonists must 
 ever be a reproach to Raleigh.* 
 
 Raleigh had two motives for tarrying awhile at this place : 
 the one was to obtain more information concerning Guiana, 
 the late attempts of the Spaniards in that discovery, and the 
 causes of their failure ; the other was to be revenged of the 
 governor, who the year before had treacherously entrapped 
 eight of Captain Whiddon's men. This governor, Antonio de 
 Berrio, having married a niece of Quesada's, the conqueror of 
 the Nuevo Reyno de Grenada, had by that conqueror's will, 
 conformably to a royal grant, become governor of the province 
 of Guiana, though the title was disputed by the royal audience 
 of St. Domingo. Trinidad, as well as the mouths of the 
 Orinoco, were included in this province ; and Berrio had 
 founded one city, named St. Joseph de Oruno, in the island, 
 and another some forty leagues up the great river, which he 
 named St. Thomas.f At this time he is said by Raleigh to 
 have been in the island, and to have sent to Margarita and 
 Cumana for soldiers ; " meaning," says Sir Walter, " to have 
 given me a cassado at parting, if it had been possible. For 
 although he had given order through all the island that no 
 Indian should come aboard to trade with me upon pain of 
 hanging and quartering, (having executed two of them for the 
 same, which I afterwards found), yet every night there came 
 
 * Hakluyt, 632. f Pedro Simon, vii., c. 10, § i. 
 
278 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 some with most lamentable complaints of his cruelty, — how 
 he had divided the island and given to every soldier a part ; 
 that he made the ancient caciques, which were lords of the 
 country, to be their slaves ; that he kept them in chains, and 
 dropped their naked bodies with burning bacon, and such 
 other torments, which I found afterwards to be true.* So as 
 both to be revenged of the former wrong, as also considering 
 that to enter Guiana by small boats, to depart 400 or 500 
 miles from my ships, and to leave a garrison in my back in- 
 terested in the same enterprise, who also daily expected 
 supplies out of Spain, I should have savoured very much of 
 the ass ; and, therefore, taking a time of most advantage, I 
 set upon the corps du garde in the evening ; and having put 
 them to the sword, sent Captain Calfield onward with sixty 
 soldiers, and myself followed with forty more, and so took 
 their new city, which they called St. Joseph, by break of day. 
 They abode not any fight after a few shot ; and all being 
 dismissed but only Berrio and his companions, I brought them 
 with me aboard, and, at the instance of the Indians, I set 
 their new city on fire." -I" 
 
 That same day two more of his ships arrived, and " in them 
 divers gentlemen and others, which to our little army," he 
 says, "was a great comfort and supply. We then hasted 
 away towards our purposed discovery. And first I called all 
 the captains of the island together that were enemies to the 
 Spaniards ; for there were some which Berrio had brought out 
 of other countries and planted there to eat out and waste 
 those that were natural of the place ; and by my Indian in- 
 terpreter, which I carried out of England, I made them under- 
 stand that I was the servant of a queen who was the great 
 cacique of the north, and a virgin, and had more caciqui under 
 her than there were trees in that island ; that she was an 
 enemy to the Castellani in respect of their tyranny and op- 
 pression, and that she delivered all such nations about her as 
 
 * *• For in this city, after I entered the same, there were five of these 
 lords or little kings, which they call caciques in the West Indies, in one 
 chain, almost dead of famine, and wasted with torments. These are 
 called, in their own language, acarawana ; and now of late, since English, 
 French, and Spanish are come among them, they call themselves capitaines, 
 because they perceive that the chiefest of every ship is called by that 
 name " (Hakluyt, 632, 633). 
 
 t Hakluyt, 633. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 279 
 
 were by them oppressed ; and having freed all the coast of the 
 northern world from their servitude, had sent me to free them 
 also, and withal to defend the country of Guiana from their 
 invasion and conquest. I showed them Her Majesty's picture, 
 which they so admired and honoured as it had been easy to 
 have brought them idolatrous thereof." * 
 
 Finding the governor to be very valiant and liberal, and a 
 gentleman of great assuredness and of a great heart, Raleigh 
 " used him according to his estate in all things, as far as his 
 own small means extended ". '* He gathered from him," he 
 says, " as much of Guiana as he knew." Berrio seems, indeed 
 (if it were he), to have conversed willingly upon his own 
 adventures in exploring the countries from the Nuevo Reyno, 
 having no suspicion of Raleigh's views. But when Sir Walter, 
 having " learned his proceedings past and purposed," told him 
 that he had resolved to see Guiana, and that this was the object 
 of his voyage, and the cause of his coming to Trinidad, the 
 governor "was stricken," says he, "into a great melancholy 
 and sadness, and used all the arguments he could to dissuade 
 me ; and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it 
 would be labour lost, and that they should suffer many miseries 
 if they proceeded. And first he delivered that I could not 
 enter any of the rivers with any barque or pinnace, or hardly 
 with any ship's boat, it was so low, sandy, and full of flats ; 
 and that his companies were daily grounded in their canoes, 
 which drew but twelve inches of water. He further said that 
 none of the country would come to speak with us, but would 
 all fly ; and if we followed them to their dwellings, they 
 would burn their own towns ; and besides that, the way was 
 long, the winter at hand, and that the rivers beginning once 
 to swell, it was impossible to stem the current ; and that we 
 could not in those small boats by any means carry victual for 
 half the time ; and (that which, indeed, most discouraged my 
 company), that the kings and lords of all the borders of Guiana 
 had decreed that none of them should trade with any Christians 
 for gold, because the same would be their own overthrow, and 
 that for the love of gold the Christians meant to conquer and 
 dispossess them altogether." ■]• 
 
 The most discouraging part of his information Raleigh kept 
 from the knowledge of his company ; this was, that the 
 
 * Hakluy t, 633. f Ibid., 642. 
 
280 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 golden country of which they were in search was above 600 
 miles farther from the coast than Captain Whiddon's intelli- 
 gence had led him to believe when he sailed from England. 
 If they had known this, they would never have been brought 
 to attempt the discovery."^ Being, however, resolved himself 
 " to make trial of all, whatsoever happened," he directed his 
 vice-admiral. Captain George Gifford, with the Lions Whelp, 
 and Captain Calfield with his barque, to turn to the eastward, to 
 the mouth of a river called Capuri. Whiddon and his master, 
 John Douglas, had been previously sent to explore the entrance, 
 and had found some nine feet water at the flood, and five at 
 low water. Their instructions were to anchor at the edge 
 of a shoal which Douglas " had buoyed and beaconed for them," 
 and upon the best of the flood to thrust over. "But they 
 laboured in vain ; for neither could they turn it up altogether 
 so far to the east, neither did the flood continue so long but 
 that the water fell ere they could have passed the sands." 
 Raleigh saw that he must either give over the enterprise, or, 
 leaving his ships at adventure 400 miles behind him, run up 
 in the ships' boats, one barge, and two wherries. " But being 
 doubtful," he says, " how to carry victuals for so long a time in 
 such babies, or any strength of men (especially for that Berrio 
 assured us that his son must be by that time come down with 
 many soldiers), I sent away one King, master of the Lion's 
 Whelp, with his ship's boat, to try another branch of a river in 
 the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, which was called Amana, 
 to prove if there were water to be found for either of the 
 small ships to enter. But when he came to the mouth of 
 Amana he found it as the rest, but stayed not to discover it 
 thoroughly, because he was assured by an Indian, his guide, 
 that the cannibals of Guanipa would assail them with many 
 canoes, and that they shot poisoned arrows ; so as if he 
 hastened not back they should all be lost." -|- 
 
 Meantime Raleigh instructed his carpenters to cut down a 
 Galego boat which he had meant to cast off, fit it with banks 
 to row on, and prepare it in all things the best they could, so 
 that it might draw but five feet, for so much there was on the 
 bar of Capuri at low water. And, doubting King's return, he 
 sent Douglas again in his long barge to relieve him, and also 
 to make a perfect search in the bottom of that bay : " for it 
 
 * Hakluyt, 633. f Ibid., 642. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 281 
 
 hath been held for infallible/' says he, " that whatsoever ship or 
 boat shall fall therein shall never disembogue again, by reason 
 of the violent current which setteth into the said bay, as also 
 for that the breeze and easterly wind bloweth directly into the 
 same ". An old cacique of Trinidad, who went with Douglas 
 for a pilot, told them they could not return again by the bay, 
 but that he knew a by-branch, which ran within the land to 
 the eastward, and by which he thought they might fall into 
 the Capuri, and so return in four days. Douglas " found four 
 goodly entrances, whereof the least was as big as the Thames 
 at Woolwich ; but in the bay thitherward it was shoal, and but 
 six feet water ". Being thus without hope of passing in any 
 larger vessel, Raleigh resolved to go with the boats. Accord- 
 ingly, he "thrust" sixty men with him in the galego, the 
 officers and gentlemen of this party being his cousin, John 
 Greenville; his nephew, John Gilbert; Captains Thin, Whiddon, 
 Key mis, Clarke, and Facy ; Lieutenant Hewes, Edward Hand- 
 cock, Thomas Upton, Jerome Ferrar, Anthony Wells, and 
 William Connocke. In the Lion's Whelp's boat and wherry. 
 Captain Gifford carried twenty, including Master Edward 
 Porter and Captain Eynos. Captain Calfield had in his wherry 
 Raleigh's cousin, Butshed Gorges, and eight men ; and in 
 Raleigh's barge there were ten, making 100 in all. "We 
 had no other means," he says, "but to carry victual for a 
 month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and 
 to boil and dress our meat."* 
 
 They had as much sea to cross as between Dover and 
 Calais, "and in a great billow, the wind and current being 
 both very strong " ; so that they were driven to go in those 
 small boats directly before the wind, into the bottom of the 
 bay, thinking to enter one of the rivers which Douglas had 
 discovered. For pilot they had with them an Aruacan Indian, 
 called Ferdinando ; his native place was on a river between 
 the Orinoco and the Orellana, or Amazons, and they had 
 formerly taken him and his brother as he was going from 
 thence with some canoes loaded with cassava bread to sell at 
 Margarita. "This Aruacan," says Raleigh, "promised to 
 bring me into the great river Orinoco ; but, indeed, of that 
 which he entered he was utterly ignorant, for he had not 
 seen it in twelve years before, at which time he was very 
 young, and of no judgment ; and, if God had not sent us 
 
 • Hakluyt, 642, 643. 
 
282 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 another help, we might have wandered a whole year in that 
 labyrinth of rivers ere we had found any way, either out or in, 
 especially after we were past ebbing and flowing, which was 
 in four days. For I know all the earth doth not yield the 
 like confluence of streams and branches,^ the one crossing the 
 other so many times, and all so fair and large, and so like one 
 to another as no man can tell which to take. And if we went 
 by the sun or compass, hoping thereby to go directly one way 
 or other, yet that way we were also carried in a circle amongst 
 multitudes of islands, and every island so bordered with high 
 trees as no man could see any farther than the breadth of the 
 river, or length of the reach/'-(- 
 
 Having, however, entered a stream, which Raleigh, assum- 
 
 * Raleigh has not exaggerated here. "The Orinoco, at nearly forty 
 leagues from the sea, forms, like the Nile, a kind of fan, strewed over 
 with a multitude of little islands, that divide it into a number of branches 
 and channels, and force it to discharge itself through this labyrinth into 
 the sea by an infinity of mouths, occupying an extent of more than sixty 
 leagues. These islands multiply themselves on the coast in such a manner, 
 that the mouths of the Orinoco are very numerous, vi'hile those that are 
 navigable are very few. They reckon about fifty mouths, and only seven 
 capable of receiving vessels of large burthen. The navigator who should 
 enter by a mouth not navigable, would either be shipwrecked or lost in 
 the innumerable channels formed in every direction by the Goaraunos 
 Islands, or perish by hunger, or fall a prey to the savage Indians who 
 inhabit those very isles. Those Indians themselves, born among the 
 mouths of the river, living only by a fishery that obliges them incessantly 
 to navigate in the openings and inlets of the islands which they exclusively 
 possess and inhabit, amphibious, as one may say they are, frequently lose 
 themselves, and are compelled to seek for the current, that they may let 
 it carry them to sea, in order to enter, after discovering where they are, 
 by the right channel for their return. I say seek for the current ; and 
 this would seem a paradox, did I not apprise the reader that there is a 
 certain skill necessary to discover it, which the Indians alone, in a kind 
 of pre-eminence, possess. These channels are so numerous, and have, 
 such various directions, that, for the most part, no current is to be 
 perceived ; in others, the eddies and winds establish false currents, which 
 carry up, instead of down, the river. The use of the compass itself does 
 not always, when you are once lost, secure you from wandering for several 
 days among the Goaraunos Islands, and, in consequence, making a circuit 
 round them, returning to the very point from whence you set out, believing 
 the whole time that you are either ascending or descending " (Depons, 
 Eng. Tran., ii., 820). 
 
 " The labyrinth of channels," says Humboldt, " that leads to the little 
 mouths {bocas chicas) changes daily in depth and figure. The fear of the 
 small mouths has now almost vanished ; and enemies' ships, which have 
 never navigated in those parts, find officious and experienced guides in 
 the Guaraons " {Eng. Tran., v., 724). t Hakluyt, 643. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 283 
 
 ing that they were the first Christians who ever came therein 
 (and in remembrance, perhaps, of his friend Spenser and the 
 Faery Queen), called the River of the Red Cross, they spied 
 three Indians in a canoe ; and, by the swiftness of his barge, 
 rowing with eight oars, overtook them before they could make 
 the shore. Some people on the banks, shadowed under the 
 thick wood, ''gazed on with a doubtful conceit what might 
 befall the men thus taken" ; and, perceiving that no violence 
 was offered them, they then showed themselves, and proposed 
 to traffic for such things as they had. Raleigh accordingly 
 tarried there awhile, during which time the Aruacan, Ferdin- 
 ando, would needs go ashore to fetch some fruit, and drink 
 with the natives, and see the place, and make acquaintance 
 with the lord of it for another occasion. He took his brother 
 with him ; but when they came to the village the lord of the 
 island endeavoured to seize them, with the intention of put- 
 ting them to death, because "they had brought a strange 
 nation into their territory to spoil and destroy them ". But 
 Ferdinando, " being quick and of a disposed body, slipt their 
 fingers and ran into the woods ; and his companion, being the 
 better footman of the two, recovered the creek's mouth where 
 the barge was staying, and called out that his brother was 
 slain. With that," says Raleigh, "we set hands on one of 
 them that was next us, a very old man, and brought him into 
 the barge ; assuring him, that if we had not our pilot again 
 we would presently cut off his head." The old man being 
 made to understand this, cried out to his countrymen to save 
 Ferdinando ; " but they followed him notwithstanding, and 
 hunted after him upon the foot with the deer-dogs, and with 
 so main a cry that all the woods echoed with the shout they 
 made : but at the last this poor chased Indian recovered the 
 water side and got upon a tree, and, as we were coasting, 
 leapt down and swam to the barge, half dead with fear. But 
 our good hap was that we kept the other old Indian, which 
 we handfasted to redeem our pilot withal ; for, being natural 
 of those rivers, we assured ourselves he knew the way better 
 than any strangers could. And, indeed, but for this chance 
 1 think we had never found the way either to Guiana, or back 
 to our ships ; for Ferdinando after a few days knew nothing 
 at all, nor which way to turn ; yea, and many times the old 
 man himself was in great doubt which river to take."* 
 
 ♦ Hakluyt, 643. 
 
284 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Two branches of the Tivitiva* nation inhabited those 
 islands. "These," says Raleigh, "are a very goodly people, 
 and very valiant, and have the most manly speech and most 
 deliberate -f that ever I heard, of what nation soever. In the 
 summer they have houses upon the ground as in other places ; 
 in the winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build 
 very artificial | towns and villages ; for between May and 
 September the river Orinoco rises to thirty feet upright, and 
 then are those islands overflowed twenty feet high above the 
 level of the ground, saving some few raised grounds in the 
 middle of them, and for this cause they are enforced to live in 
 this manner. They never eat of anything that is set or sown ; 
 and as at home they use neither planting nor other manurance, 
 so when they come abroad they refuse to feed of aught but 
 of that which Nature without labour bringeth forth. They 
 use the tops of palmitos for bread, and kill deer, fish, and 
 porks, for the rest of their sustenance. They have also many 
 sorts of fruits that grow in the woods, and great variety of 
 birds and fowl."§ "Those nations that dwell upon the 
 branches called Capuri and Macureo are for the most part 
 carpenters of canoes, for they make the most and fairest 
 canoes, and sell them into Guiana for gold, and into Trinidad 
 for tobacco, in the excessive taking whereof they exceed all 
 nations. And notwithstanding the moistness of the air in 
 which they live, the hardness of their diet, and the great labours 
 
 * Raleigh calls the one Ciawani, and the other Waraweeti : in the latter 
 Humboldt recognises the Indian name of the Uaraus, the Guaraons of the 
 Spaniards (vol. v., 728). 
 
 t Gumilla, on the contrary, says that they speak very rapidly, — son muy 
 veloces en su pronunciacion (vol. i., 143). 
 
 :J:"The navigator, in proceeding along the channels of the delta of the 
 Orinoco at night, sees with surprise the summit of the palm trees illumin- 
 ated by large fires. These are the habitations of the Guaraons (Tivitivas 
 and Waraweeties of Raleigh), which are suspended from the trunks of 
 trees. These tribes hang up mats in the air, which they fill with earth, 
 and kindle on a layer of moist clay the fire necessary for their household 
 wants " (Humboldt, v., 728). 
 
 Gumilla's account of this roosting tribe agrees with Raleigh's, in 
 describing their towns or villages as very artificial, for he speaks of their 
 streets and plazas ; but he places them upon poles, above the reach of 
 the inundation, not in the trees. These accounts may be reconciled by 
 supposing that some hordes raised their habitations in this manner where 
 the ground was more elevated ; and that others, in lower situations, or 
 when the plague of mosquitoes was less endurable, roosted. 
 
 S Hakluyt, 644. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 285 
 
 they suffer to hunt, fish, and fowl for their living, in all my 
 life, neither in the Indies, nor in Europe, did I never behold 
 a more goodly, or better favoured people, or a more manly. 
 They were wont to make war upon all nations, and especially 
 on the cannibals, so as none durst without a good strength 
 trade by those rivers ; but of late they are at peace with their 
 neighbours, all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy. 
 When their commanders die, they use great lamentations ; 
 and when they think the flesh of their bodies is putrefied, and 
 fallen from the bones, then they take up the carcass again, 
 and hang it in the cacique's house that died, and deck his scull 
 with feathers of all colours, and hang all his gold plates about 
 the bones of his arms, thighs, and legs. Those nations which 
 are called Aruacas, which dwell on the coast of Orinoco (of 
 which place and nation our Indian pilot was), are dispersed in 
 many other places, and do use to beat the bones of their lords 
 into powder, and their wives and friends drink it all in their 
 several sorts of drink." * 
 
 Passing up with the flood and anchoring during the ebb, 
 they went on, till on the third day their galley grounded, and 
 stuck so fast that they feared their discovery must end there, 
 and fourscore and ten of their men be left to inhabit, like 
 rooks, upon trees, with these nations ; but on the morrow, after 
 casting out all her ballast, "with tugging and hauling to and 
 fro," they got her afloat. "At four days' end," says Raleigh, 
 " we fell into as goodly a river as ever I beheld, which was 
 called the Great Amana, which ran more directly, without 
 windings and turnings, than the other. But soon after the 
 flood of the sea left us ; and being enforced either by main 
 strength to row against a violent current, or to return as wise 
 as we set out, we had then no shift but to persuade the com- 
 panies that it was but two or three days' work, and therefore 
 desired them to take pains, every gentleman and others taking 
 their turn to row, and to spell one the other at the hour's end. 
 Every day we passed by goodly branches of rivers, some fall- 
 ing from the west, others from the east, into Amana. When 
 three days were overgone, our companies began to despair, 
 the weather being extreme hot, the river bordered with very 
 high trees that kept away the air, and the current against us 
 every day stronger than other : but we once more commanded 
 
 • Hakluyt, 644. 
 
286 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 our pilots to promise an end the next day, and used it so long, 
 as we were driven to assure them from four reaches of the 
 river to three, and so to two, and so to the next reach ; but so 
 long we laboured that many days were spent, and we driven 
 to draw ourselves to harder allowance, our bread even at the 
 last, and no drink at all; and ourselves so wearied and 
 scorched, and doubtful withal whether we should ever per- 
 form it or no, the heat increasing as we drew towards the line, 
 for we were now in five degrees. The farther we went on 
 (out victual decreasing and the air breeding great faintness) 
 we grew weaker and weaker, when we had most need of 
 strength and ability, for hourly the river ran more violently 
 than other against us ; and the barge, wherries, and ship's boat 
 had spent all their provisions, so as we were brought into des- 
 pair and discomfort, had we not persuaded all the company 
 that it was but one day's work more to attain the land, where 
 we should be relieved of all we wanted ; and if we returned 
 that we should be sure to starve by the way, and that the 
 world would also laugh us to scorn." * Some relief, however, 
 they found by shooting "birds of all colours, carnation, 
 crimson, orange, tawney, purple, watchet, and of all other 
 sorts, both simple and mixed, without which they had been 
 in a very hard case ". 
 
 The old Indian whom they had pressed into their service 
 offered to bring them to a town of the Aruacas, where they 
 should find store of bread, hams, fish, and of the country 
 wines ; but to reach it they must leave the galley at anchor, 
 and enter a river on the right hand with the barge and 
 wherries : departing at noon, he said, they might return ere 
 night. Accordingly Sir Walter and Captains GifFord and Cal- 
 field set out with sixteen musketeers upon this quest, taking 
 no provisions, because they supposed the place to be so near. 
 After three hours' rowing they marvelled that no signs were 
 to be seen of any dwelling ; and after three hours more, the 
 sun being almost set, they began to suspect that the pilot 
 meant to betray them, especially as he confessed that the 
 Spaniards who had fled from Trinidad were, with some others 
 of their own nation, in a village upon that river. It grew 
 towards night; he was asked where the place was, and he 
 replied but four reaches farther. When they had rowed four, 
 
 * Hakluyt, 644, 645. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 287 
 
 and four more, they saw no sign ; and the men, heartbroken 
 and tired, were ready to give up the ghost, for they had now 
 come from the galley near forty miles. At last they deter- 
 mined to hang the pilot ; and Raleigh says " if we had well 
 known the way back again by night, he had surely gone ; but 
 our own necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safety, for it 
 was now dark as pitch, and the river began so to narrow 
 itself, and the trees to hang over from side to side, so as we 
 were driven with arming swords to cut a passage through 
 those branches that covered the water". The poor old Indian 
 still assured them that it was but a little farther, — only this one 
 turning, and that turning. About an hour after midnight 
 they saw a light ; and rowing towards it heard the dogs of 
 the village. The cacique was gone with some canoes up the 
 Orinoco to trade for gold, and to buy women of the caimibals : * 
 there were therefore but few people in the village ; but 
 Raleigh was well entertained in his dwelling, and after trad- 
 ing in the morning with such of his people as came down, 
 returned to the galley with some quantity of bread, fish, and 
 fowl. The natives called this river the river of alligators, 
 in their language. A negro, who was one of the galley's 
 crew, venturing to swim ashore, was devoured by one.j* 
 
 They now proceeded on their way up the great river till 
 they were even at the last cast for want of victuals, when 
 Gifford, who was before the other boat looking out for a place 
 whereat to land and make a fire, espied four canoes coming 
 down the stream. With no small joy he caused his men to 
 try the uttermost of their strength in giving chase : the two 
 larger canoes ran ashore, and the people into the woods; the 
 two lesser escaped into some by-creek. Those which were 
 
 * Raleigh says he " afterwards unfortunately passed by us as we rode 
 at anchor in the port of Morequito in the dark of the night, and yet came 
 so near us as his canoes grated against our barges. He left one of his 
 company at the port of Morequito, by whom we understood that he had 
 brought thirty young women, divers plates of gold, and had great stores 
 of fine pieces of cotton cloth and cotton beds " (p. 645). 
 
 t Hakluyt, 645, 646. " On both sides of this river we passed the most 
 beautiful country that ever mine eyes beheld ; and whereas all that we 
 had seen before was nothing but woods, prickly bushes, and thorns, here 
 we beheld plains of twenty miles in length, the grass short and green, 
 and in divers parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they had by all 
 the art and labour in the world been so made of purpose ; and still as we 
 rowed, the deer came down feeding by the water's side, as if they had 
 been used to a keeper's call." 
 
288 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 taken were laden with bread, and bound for the island of 
 Margarita, where the Indians, who were Aruacas, had purposed 
 to barter it. But in the lesser, Raleigh says, "there were 
 three Spaniards, who, having heard of the defeat of their 
 governor at Trinidad, and that we purposed to enter Guiana, 
 came away in those canoes. One of these was a cavallero, 
 as the captain of the Aruacas after told us, another a soldier, 
 and the third a refiner. In the meantime, nothing on earth 
 could be more welcome to us, next unto gold, than the great 
 store of very excellent bread which we found in these canoes, 
 for now our men cried, ' Let us go on, we care not how far ! ' " * 
 Landing here where the canoes ran ashore, and sending 
 parties in different directions in search of the fugitives, Raleigh 
 says that as he was creeping through the bushes, he found 
 an Indian basket hidden, which was the refiner's basket ; for 
 there was quicksilver in it, saltpetre, and divers things for the 
 trial of metals, and also the dust of such ore as he had refined ; 
 but in those canoes which escaped there was a good quantity 
 of ore and gold. He proceeds to say, " I then landed more 
 men, and offered 500/. to what soldier soever could take one 
 of those three Spaniards that we thought were landed : but 
 our labours were in vain in that behalf, for they put them- 
 selves in one of the small canoes, and so while the greater 
 canoes were taking, they escaped. But seeking after the 
 Spaniards we found the Aruacas hidden in the woods, which 
 were pilots for the Spaniards, and rowed their canoes. I kept 
 the chiefest for a pilot, and carried him with me to Guiana, 
 by whom I understood where and in what countries the 
 Spaniards had laboured for gold, though I made not the same 
 known to all. For when the springs began to break, and the 
 rivers to raise themselves so suddenly, as by no means we 
 could abide the digging of any mines (especially for that the 
 richest are defended with rocks of hard stones, which we call 
 white spar, and that it required both time, men, and instru- 
 ments for such a work), I thought it best not to hover there- 
 abouts, lest if the same had been perceived by the company 
 there would have been by this time many barques and ships set 
 out ; and perchance other nations would also have gotten of 
 ours for pilots ; so as both ourselves might have been pre- 
 vented, and all our care taken for good usage of the people 
 
 • Hakluyt, 646. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 289 
 
 been utterly lost, by those that only respect present profit, 
 and such violence and insolence offered, as the nations which 
 are borderers would have changed their desire of our love and 
 defence into hatred. And for any longer stay to have brought 
 a more quantity,* whosoever had seen or proved the fury of 
 that river after it began to arise, and had been a month and 
 odd days, as we were, from hearing aught from our ships, 
 leaving them meanly manned, 400 miles off, would perchance 
 have turned somewhat sooner than we did, if all the 
 mountains had been gold, or rich stones. And, to say the 
 truth, all the branches and small rivers which fell into the 
 Orinoco were raised with such speed, as if we waded them 
 over the shoes in the morning outward, we were covered to 
 the shoulders homewards the very same day ; and to stay to 
 dig our gold with our nails had been optLS laboris, but not 
 ingeiiii. Such a quantity as would have served our turns we 
 could not have had ; but a discovery of the mines, to our 
 infinite disadvantage, we had made, and that could have been 
 the best profit of further search or stay. For those mines are 
 not easily broken, nor opened in haste ; and I could have 
 retained a good quantity of gold ready cast, if I had not shot 
 at another mark than present profit." f 
 
 Having taken in their supply of bread, with "divers 
 baskets of roots, which were excellent meat," Raleigh gave 
 one of the canoes to the Aruacas, who were not less surprised 
 than pleased at the treatment they met with ; for the 
 Spaniards, " to the end," he says, " that none of the people in 
 the passage towards Guiana, or in Guiana itself, might come 
 to speech with us, persuaded all the nations that we were 
 men-eaters ". Retaining the captain only of these people 
 (whom the Spaniards had christened Martin), he dismissed 
 his first pilot, Ferdinando, and the old native whom he had 
 pressed into his service, giving them both such things as they 
 desired, with sufficient victual ; and he wrote by them to the 
 ships a letter, which was faithfully delivered. A day or two 
 after, the galley grounded again ; they lay on the sand a 
 whole night, and were more in despair to free her this time 
 than before, because there was no tide or flood to help them ; 
 all their provision was on board, and they feared that "all 
 
 * " Which," he says. " I hear hath been often objected." 
 t Hakluyt, 646, 647. 
 19 
 
290 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 their hopes would now have ended in mishaps " ; but they 
 fastened an anchor on the land, and with main strength drew 
 her off. On the fifteenth day, to their great joy, they dis- 
 covered afar off the mountains of Guiana, and "towards 
 evening had a slant of a northerly wind that blew very strong," 
 and this brought them in sight of the Great Orinoco, out of 
 which the Amana, wherein they then were, descended. Here 
 they discovered three canoes in the distance, and gave chase ; 
 two of them passed out of sight, the third entered up the 
 great river, on the right hand, to the westward, and there lay 
 concealed ; " thinking," says Raleigh, " that we meant to take 
 the way eastward, toward the province of Carapana, for that 
 way the Spaniards keep, not daring to go upwards to Guiana, 
 the people in those parts being all their enemies ; and those 
 in the canoes thought us to have been those Spaniards that 
 were fled from Trinidad, and had escaped killing ". Making 
 after them, however, he came within call ; and having explained 
 to them through his interpreter who he was, they came 
 willingly alongside, gave him fish and tortoise eggs, and 
 promised to return in the morning with their cacique, and to 
 do him all other services they could. * 
 
 That night they anchored at the trifurcation of three great 
 branches of the river, the Amana being one ; and they landed 
 there upon a fair sand, where they found thousands of tortoise 
 eggs, which are "very wholesome meat, and greatly restor- 
 ing " ; so that the men were now well filled and highly con- 
 tented, both with their fare and the nearness of the land of 
 Guiana, "which," he says, "appeared in sight". In the 
 morning, according to the promise of his people, Toparimaca, 
 the lord of that border, came with some thirty or forty 
 followers, bringing divers sorts of fruits, and of his wine, bread, 
 fish, and flesh; "whom we also feasted," says Raleigh, "as 
 we could ; at least we drank good Spanish wine (whereof we 
 had a small quantity in bottles), which above all things they 
 love". Sir Walter says he conferred with this Toparimaca 
 concerning the nearest way to Guiana. The cacique con- 
 ducted them to his own port, and from thence some mile and 
 half to his town, " where some of our captains caroused of his 
 wine till they were reasonable pleasant ; for it is very strong 
 with pepper, and the juice of divers herbs and fruits digested 
 
 *Hakluyt, 647, 648. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 291 
 
 and purged : they keep it in great earthen pots of ten or 
 twelve gallons, very clear and sweet, and are themselves at 
 their meetings and feasts the greatest carousers and drunkards 
 in the world ". Raleigh described the town as " very pleasant, 
 standing on a little hill in an excellent prospect ; with goodly 
 gardens a mile compass round about it, and two very fair and 
 large ponds of excellent fish adjoining". Arowoca, he says, 
 it was called ; the people were of the Nepoio nation. Here 
 he saw two caciques, *' whereof one was a stranger that had 
 been up the river in trade " ; his boats, people, and wife were 
 encamped at the port where Raleigh had anchored : the 
 other was of that country, a follower of Toparimaca. " They 
 lay each of them on a cotton liamaca, which were then called 
 Brazil beds by the English." Two women attended them, 
 with six cups and a little ladle to fill them out of an earthen 
 pitcher of wine, and so they drank each of them three of 
 those cups at a time one to the other ; and in this sort they 
 drink drunk at their feasts and meetings. Raleigh declares that 
 in all his hfe he had never seen a better-favoured woman than 
 the wife of the stranger cacique. " She was of good stature, 
 with black eyes, fat of body, of an excellent countenance ; 
 her hair almost as long as herself, tied up again in pretty 
 knots ; and it seemed she stood not in that awe of her husband 
 as the rest, for she spake, and discoursed, and drank among the 
 gentlemen and captains, and was very pleasant, knowing her 
 own comeliness, and taking great pride therein." * 
 
 Here he saw very aged people, " so old that all their sinews 
 and veins might be perceived, without any flesh, but even as 
 a case covered with skin ! " Toparimaca gave him his own 
 brother, an old man, for pilot, who knew the river perfectly, 
 both by day and night. "And it shall be requisite," he says, 
 " for any man that passeth it to have such a pilot ; for it is 
 four, five, and six miles over in many places, and twenty miles 
 in other places, with wonderful eddies and strong currents, 
 many great islands and divers shoals, and many dangerous 
 rocks ; and besides, upon any increase of wind, so great a 
 billow, as we were sometimes in great peril of drowning in 
 the galley, for the small boats durst not come from the shore 
 
 * Hakluyt, 648. Raleigh says, " I have seen a lady in England so like 
 to her, as, but for the difference of colour, I would have sworn might have 
 been the same ". 
 
292 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 but when it was very fair." The next day they hastened 
 thence, with an easterly wind, which spared their arms from 
 rowing. Having passed an island called Assapana, which he 
 computed to be some five and twenty miles in length and 
 six in breadth, he anchored for the night at a smaller island, 
 and sent from thence in the morning two Guianians, as he 
 calls them, whom he brought from Toparimaca's town, to 
 inform the chief of Putyma of their coming ; this was a 
 follower of Topeawari, chief lord of Aromaca, who succeeded 
 Morequito, which Morequito Berrio had put to death. This 
 town being far within the land, he did not appear the next day, 
 and they did not wait for him. They sought rather to anchor 
 by the island than by the main, because of the tortoise eggs 
 which were there found in great abundance, and also because 
 the ground was more convenient for casting the net for fish, the 
 main banks being for the most part stony and high, and 
 the rocks of a blue metalline colour, like the best steel ore, 
 which Raleigh said he assuredly took it to be. The next day, 
 the banks on the right side "showed very perfect red," and 
 he landed a party to discover what manner of country it was ; 
 they reported that it appeared from the highest tree they 
 could get upon to be a plain level as far as they could discern ; 
 and the pilot confirmed this, saying they were called the 
 Plains of the Sayma, and that the same level reached to 
 Cumana and Caracas, in the West Indies, which was 120 
 leagues to the north. Four powerful nations inhabited these 
 plains, — the Sayma, * the Assawai, the Wikeri (then the most 
 powerful), and the Aroras, who, he said, were black as negroes, 
 but had smooth hair ; " and these are very valiant, or rather 
 desperate people, and have the most strong poison on their 
 arrows, and are the most dangerous of all nations ". -I* 
 
 Raleigh made no tarriance here, for he feared hourly lest 
 the rains should begin ; and then " it had been impossible to 
 have gone any farther up, notwithstanding that there was 
 every day a strong breeze and easterly wind ". The searching 
 the country on the Guiana side he deferred till his return. 
 On the day following, a canoe came with messengers from 
 Putyma, to whom he had sent the Nepoios ; but the invita- 
 tion to anchor at his port was declined till they should be on 
 
 * These are the Chaymas of Humboldt ; and the Wikeri are the Guay- 
 cuerias, or Guaikeries. 
 t Hakluyt, 6i8, 619. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH S9S 
 
 the way back. On the fifth day, they reached as high up as 
 the province of Aromaca, Morequito's country : they anchored 
 off an island ; and that night it was that the cacique Aramiary, 
 to whose town they had made their long and hungry voyage 
 out of the Amana, passed by them. On the morrow they 
 anchored at the port of Morequito, and sent one of their 
 pilots to seek the King of Aromaca, uncle to him whom Berrio 
 had put to death. " Before noon the next day, he came to 
 us," says Raleigh, "on foot from his house, which was fourteen 
 English miles (himself being 1 1 years old), and returned on 
 foot the same day ; and with him many of the borderers, with 
 many women and children that came to wonder at our nation, 
 and to bring us down victual, which they did in great plenty, 
 as venison, pork, hens, chickens, fowl, fish, with divers sorts 
 of excellent fruits and roots, and great abundance of pinas, the 
 princess of fruits that grow under the sun. They brought us 
 also store of bread and of other things.* After the old king 
 had rested awhile in a little tent that I caused to be set up, 
 I began by my interpreter to discourse with him of the death 
 of Morequito, his predecessor, and afterwards of the Spaniards ; 
 and ere I went any farther, I made him know the cause of 
 my coming thither ; whose servant I was ; and that the 
 queen's pleasure was I should undertake the voyage for their 
 defence, and to deliver them from the tyranny of the 
 
 * They brought also a sort of paraquitos, no bigger than wrens, and of 
 all other sorts both small and great. "One of them," says Raleigh, 
 " gave me a beast called by the Spaniards armadilla, which they call 
 cassacam, which seemeth to be all barred over with small plates, some- 
 what like to a rhinoceros ; with a white horn growing on his hinder parts, 
 as big as a great hunting horn, which they use to wind instead of a 
 trumpet. Monardus writeth that a Uttle of the powder of that horn put 
 into the ear, cureth deafness." 
 
 Monardus is not truly quoted by Raleigh, what the doctor of Seville 
 says affording no support to the absurd description of the animal, which 
 Sir Walter gives as if he could himself affirm its truth. The passage in 
 Frampton's translation of this curious book is as follows: "He (the 
 armadillo) hath his virtue only in the bone of his tail ; which being made 
 small into powder, and taking so much thereof as the head of a great 
 pin, made in little balls, putting it into the ear having grief therein, 
 it taketh it away marvellously ; and also, if there be any noise, or sound- 
 ing in the head, with any deafness, it worketh a great effect in many 
 persons that have used it, and they have been healed therewith. And 
 the lord bishop certified me that he had seen it proved many times, with 
 great admiration ; so that it is a thing to be marvelled at, as having virtues 
 in a place so hidden " (part ii., p. 73). 
 
294 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Spaniards ; dilating at large (as I had done to those of 
 Trinidad) Her Majesty's greatness, her justice, her charity to 
 all oppressed nations, with as many of the rest of her beauties 
 and virtues as either I could express or they conceive. All 
 which being with great admiration attentively heard and 
 marvellously admired, I began to sound the old man as 
 touching Guiana and the state thereof, — what sort of common- 
 wealth it was, how governed, of what strength and policy, 
 how far it extended, and what nations were friends or enemies 
 adjoining, and finally of the distance, and way to enter the 
 same.* 
 
 "He told me that himself and his people, with all those 
 down the river towards the sea, as far as Emeria, the province 
 of Carapana, were of Guiana, but that they called themselves 
 Orenoqueponi ; and that all the nations between the river 
 and those mountains in sight, called Wacarima, were of the 
 same cast and appellation ; and that on the other side of 
 those mountains of Wacarima, there was a large plain (which 
 after I discovered in my return), called the valley of Amario- 
 capana : in all that valley the people were also of the ancient 
 Guianians. I asked what nations those were which inhabited 
 on the farther side of those mountains beyond the valley of 
 Amariocapana ; he answered, with a great sigh (as a man 
 which had inward feeling of the loss of his country and 
 liberty, especially for that his eldest son was slain in a battle 
 on that side of the mountains, whom he most entirely loved), 
 that he remembered in his father's lifetime, when he was very 
 old, and himself a young man, that there came down into that 
 large valley of Guiana a nation from so far off as the sun slept, 
 (for such were his own words), with so great a multitude as 
 they could not be numbered nor resisted ; and that they wore 
 large coats, and hats of crimson colour, which colour he ex- 
 pressed by showing a piece of red wood wherewith my tent 
 was supported ; and that they were called Orejones and 
 Epuremei : these had slain and rooted out so many of the 
 ancient people as there were leaves in the wood upon all the 
 trees, and had now made themselves lords of all, even to that 
 mountain foot, called Curaa, saving only of two nations, the 
 one called Iwarawaqueri, and the other Cassipagotos ; and 
 that in the last battle fought between the Epuremei and the 
 
 * Hakluyt, 650. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIG 
 
 rT) 295 
 
 Iwarawaqueri, his eldest son was chosen to carry to the aid of 
 the Iwarawaqueri a great troop of the Orenoqueponi, and was 
 there slain, with all his people and friends, and that he had 
 now remaining but one son. And further, he told me that 
 those Epuremei had built a great town, called Macareguarai, 
 at the said mountain foot, at the beginning of the great plains 
 of Guiana, which have no end ; and that their houses have 
 many rooms, one over the other ; and that therein the great 
 King of the Orejones and Epuremei kept 3000 men to defend 
 the borders against them, and withal daily to invade and slay 
 them : but that of late years, since the Christians offered to 
 invade his territories and those frontiers, they were all at 
 peace, and traded one with another, saving only the Iwara- 
 waqueri, and those other nations upon the head of the river 
 of Caroli, called Cassipagotos (which we afterwards discovered), 
 each one holding the Spaniard foi* a common enemy.* 
 
 " After he had answered thus far, he desired leave to 
 depart, saying that he had far to go, that he was old and weak, 
 and was every day called for by death, which was also his own 
 phrase. I desired him to rest with us that night, but I could 
 not entreat him : but he told me that at my return from the 
 country above, he would again come to us, and in the mean- 
 time provide for us the best he could of all that his country 
 yielded. The same night he returned to Orocotona, his own 
 town ; so as he went that day eight and twenty miles, the 
 weather being very hot, the country being situated between 
 four and five degrees of the equinoctial. This Topeawari is 
 held for the proudest and wisest of all the Orenoqueponi ; and so 
 he behaved himself towards me in all his answers at my return, 
 as I marvelled to find a man of that gravity and judgment, and 
 of so good discourse, that had no help of learning nor breed." f 
 
 The next morning Raleigh sailed westward, up to view 
 what he calls the famous river Caroli, | "as well because it was 
 marvellous of itself, as that he understood it led to the 
 strongest nations of all the frontiers that were enemies to the 
 
 ♦ Hakluyt, 651. flbid. 
 
 X The Carony (Humboldt). " Upon this river," Raleigh says, '• are 
 the Canuri, which are governed by a woman, who is inheretrix of that 
 province, who came far off to see our nation, and asked us divers questions 
 of her majesty, being much delighted with the discourse of her majesty's 
 greatness, and wondering at such reports as we truly made of her high- 
 ness's many virtues " (Hakluyt, 652). 
 
296 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Epuremei, which are subject to Inga, Emperor of Guiana and 
 Manoa ". On the day following they arrived at the mouth of 
 this river, having long heard its "great roar and fall". But 
 when they came to enter, thinking to have gone up some 
 forty miles, they were not able with an eight-oared barge to 
 row a stone's cast in an hour; "and yet," says he, "the river 
 is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and we tried both sides, 
 and the middle, and every part of it". They encamped, 
 therefore, on the banks, and sent an Indian to inform the 
 nations upon that river of their being there, and that they 
 were enemies of the Spaniards, and desired to see the lords of 
 that province; "for it was on this river side (in Raleigh's 
 words) that Morequito slew the friar and those nine Spaniards 
 which came from Manoa, the city of Inga, and took from them 
 40,000 pezos of gold. The next day there came down a 
 cacique, called Wanuretona, with many people, and all store 
 of provisions to entertain us. And as I had before made 
 known to Topeawari, so did I acquaint this cacique how I 
 was sent by Her Majesty for the purpose aforesaid, and 
 gathered also what I could of him touching the estate of 
 Guiana ; and I found that those also of Caroli were not only 
 enemies to the Spaniards, but most of all to the Epuremei, 
 which abound in gold ; and by this Wanuretona, I had know- 
 ledge that on the head of this river were three mighty nations, 
 seated on a great lake, from whence this river descended, and 
 were called Cassipagotos, Eparagotos, and Arawagotos ; and 
 that all those, either against the Spaniards or the Epuremei, 
 would join with us ; and that if we entered the land over the 
 mountains of Curaa, we should satisfy ourselves with gold and 
 all other good things. He told us further of a nation, called 
 Iwarawaqueri (before spoken of), that held daily war with the 
 Epuremei that inhabited Macareguarai, the first civil town of 
 Guiana, of the subjects of Inga, the emperor." * 
 
 By this time all the rivers were risen four or five feet, and 
 it was not possible to row against the stream. Sir Walter 
 sent a party of some thirty men to coast the river by land ; 
 and if they could find guides at a town twenty miles distant, 
 then they were to proceed to another great town called 
 Capurepana, belonging to a cacique named Haharacoa, who 
 was a nephew to old Topeawari, their "chiefest friend," and 
 
 * Hakluyt, 651. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 297 
 
 whose town adjoined Macareguarai. A smaller party was 
 sent with Captain Whiddon to look for any mineral stone 
 along the river sides ; Raleigh, with GifFord, Calfield, and 
 some half-dozen men, went overland to view "the strange 
 overfalls of this river Caroli, which roared so far off," and 
 also to see the plains adjoining, and the rest of the province 
 of Canuri. " When we were come to the top of the first hills 
 of the plains adjoining the river, we beheld," he says, " that 
 wonderful breach of waters which ran down Caroli, and might 
 from that mountain see the river how it ran in three parts, 
 above twenty miles off; and there appeared some ten or 
 twelve overfalls in sight, every one as high over the other as 
 a church-tower, which fell with that fury that the rebound of 
 water made it seem as if it had been all covered over with a 
 great shower of rain ; and in some places we took it at the 
 first for a smoke which had risen over some great town. For 
 my own part, I was well persuaded from thence to have re- 
 turned, being a very ill footman ; but the rest were all so 
 desirous to go near the said strange thunder of waters as they 
 drew me on by little and little, till we came into the next 
 valley, where we might better discern the same. I never saw a 
 more beautiful country, nor more lovely prospects ; hills so 
 raised here and there over the valleys, the river winding into 
 divers branches ; the plains adjoining, without bush or stubble, 
 all fair green grass ; the ground of hard sand, easy to march on 
 either for horse or foot ; the deer crossing in every path ; the 
 birds towards the evening singing on every tree, with a 
 thousand several tunes ; cranes and herons, of white, crimson, 
 and carnation, perching on the river's side ; the air fresh with 
 a gentle easterly wind ; and every stone that we stooped to 
 take up promised either gold or silver by his complexion. Your 
 lordship shall see of many sorts, and I hope some of them 
 cannot be bettered under the sun ; and yet we had no means 
 but with our daggers and fingers to tear them out here and 
 there, the rocks being most hard, of that mineral spar afore- 
 said, which is like a flint, and is altogether as hard, or harder ; 
 and besides, the veins lie a fathom or two deep in the rocks. 
 But we wanted all things requisite, save only our desires and 
 good-will to have performed more, if it had pleased God." * 
 
 ♦ Hakluyt, 652. 
 
 " To be short, when both our companies returned, each of them 
 brought also several sorts of stone, that appeared very fair, but were 
 
S98 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Here Raleigh was informed that the lake Cassipa, from 
 which the Caroli issued, was so large that it was above a day's 
 journey for one of their canoes to cross, which he computed 
 at about forty miles ; that many rivers fell into it ; that in the 
 dry season great store of grains of gold was found in those 
 rivers ; and that near another river called Arui, which ran 
 through that lake, on a branch called Caora, were a nation 
 of people whose heads appear not above their shoulders ; 
 "which," he says, "though it may be thought a mere fable, 
 yet for mine own part I am resolved it is true ; because every 
 child in the provinces of Aromaca and Canuri affirm the same. 
 They are called Ewaipanoma ; they are reported to have their 
 eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of 
 their breasts, and that a long train of hair groweth backward 
 between their shoulders. The son of Topeawari, which I 
 brought with me into England, told me that they are the 
 most mighty men of all the land, and use bows and arrows, 
 and clubs, thrice as big as any of Guiana or of the Orenoque- 
 poni ; and that one of the Iwarawakeri took a prisoner of 
 them the year before our arrival there, and brought him into 
 the borders of Aromaia, his father's country. And further, 
 when I seemed to doubt of it, he told me that it was no 
 
 such as they found loose on the ground, and were for the most part but 
 coloured, and had not any gold fixed on them ; yet such as had no judg- 
 ment or experience kept all that glistened, and would not be persuaded 
 but it was rich, because of the lustre ; and brought of those, and of mar- 
 quesite withal from Trinidad ; and have delivered of those stones to be 
 tried in many places, and have thereby bred an opinion that all the rest is 
 of the same. Yet some of these stones I showed afterwards to a Spaniard 
 of the Caracas, who told me that it was el tnadre del oro, that is, the 
 mother of gold, and that the mine was farther in the ground. But it 
 shall be found a weak policy in me either to betray myself, or my country, 
 with imaginations ; neither am I so far in love with that lodging, watch- 
 ing, care, peril, diseases, ill-savours, bad fare, and many other mischiefs 
 that accompany these voyages, as to woo myself again unto any of them, 
 were I not assured that the sun covereth not so much riches on any part 
 of the earth " (Hakluyt, 659). 
 
 He then holds out a hope of precious stones also. *' Capt. Whiddon 
 and our chirurgeon, Nicholas Millechap, brought me a kind of stones like 
 sapphires ; what they may prove I know not. I showed them to some 
 of the Orenoqueponi, and they promised to bring me to a mountain that 
 had of them very large pieces growing diamond-wise ; whether it be 
 chrystal of the mountain, Bristol diamond, or sapphire, I do not yet 
 know, but I hope the best. Sure I am that the place is as likely as those 
 from whence all the rich stones are brought, and in the same height, or 
 very near." 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 299 
 
 wonder among them, but that they were as great a nation 
 and as common as any other in all the provinces, and had of 
 late years slain many hundreds of his father's people, and of 
 other nations their neighbours ; but it was not my chance to 
 hear of them till I was come away, and if I had but spoken 
 one word of it while I was there, I might have brought one 
 of them with me to put the matter out of doubt. Such a 
 nation was written of by Mandeville, whose reports were 
 holden for fables many years ; and yet, since the East Indies 
 were discovered , we find his relation true of such things as 
 heretofore were held incredible. Whether it be true or not, 
 the matter is not great ; neither can there be any profit in 
 the imagination : for mine own part, I saw them not ;. but I 
 am resolved that so many people did not all combine or fore- 
 think to make the report. When I came to Cumana, in the 
 West Indies, afterwards, by chance I spake with a Spaniard 
 dwelling not far from thence, a man of great travel ; and after 
 he knew that I had been in Guiana, and so far directly west 
 as Caroli, the first question he asked me was, whether I had 
 seen any of the Ewaipanoma, which are those without heads : 
 who being esteemed a most honest man of his word and in all 
 things else, told me that he had seen many of them." * 
 
 Raleigh obtained a more faithful account of the Falls of 
 the Orinoco than he gave as an eye-witness of those of the 
 
 * Hakluyt, 652, 653. Raleigh adds, " I may not name him, because it 
 may be for his disadvantage, but he is well known to Monsieur Mucheron's 
 son of London, and to Peter Mucheron, merchant, of the Flemish ship 
 that was there in trade, who also heard what he avowed to be true of 
 those people ". 
 
 It would be well if there were nothing in Raleigh's relation more dis- 
 creditable to him than what he says of the Acephali. That fable, un- 
 doubtedly, he may have heard upon the spot, Humboldt (v., 176), says, 
 " The forests of Sipapo are altogether unknown, and there the missionaries 
 place the nation of the Rayas, who have their mouth in the navel (called 
 Rayas, on account of the pretended analogy with the fish of that name, 
 the mouth of which seems as if forced backward below the body). An 
 old Indian whom we met at Carichana, and who boasted of having often 
 eaten human flesh, had seen these Acephali ' with his own eyes 1 ' These 
 absurd fables are spread as far as the Llanos, where you are not always 
 permitted to doubt the existence of the Raya Indians. In every zone 
 intolerance accompanies credulity ; and it might be said that the fictions 
 of ancient geographers had passed from one hemisphere to the other, did 
 we not know that the most fantastic productions of the imagination, like 
 the works of nature, furnish everywhere a certain analogy of aspect and 
 of form." 
 
300 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Caroli. Ships of burden, he said, could not pass beyond a 
 certain island by reason of a most forcible overfall and current 
 of water ; but in the eddy, smaller vessels might be drawn 
 even to Peru itself; for ships it was navigable little less than 
 a thousand miles, and for lesser vessels nearly two thousand ; 
 and by it, not Peru only, but the Nuevo Reyno and Popayan 
 might be invaded, as well as the great empire of the Inga. 
 He inquired concerning the course of the river which joined 
 it : but it was now no time to linger, the fury of the Orinoco 
 beginning daily to threaten them with danger in their return, 
 '' for no half-day passed but the river began to rage and over- 
 flow very fearfully ; and the rains came down in terrible 
 showers, and gusts in great abundance ; and our men," says 
 he, " began to cry out for want of shift, for no man had place 
 to bestow any other apparel than that which he wore on his 
 back, and that was thoroughly washed on his body for the 
 most part ten times in one day ; and we had now been well 
 near a month, every day passing to the westward farther and 
 farther from our ships". They turned back, therefore, and, 
 passing down the stream, went without labour and against 
 the wind little less than 100 miles a day. As soon as they 
 came to the port of Morequito, he sent for old Topeawari, 
 "with whom," says he, "I much desired to have further 
 conference, and also to deal with him for some one of his 
 country to bring with us into England, as well to learn the 
 language as to confer withal by the way. Within three hours 
 after my messenger came to him, he arrived also, and with 
 him such a rabble of all sorts of people, and every one laden 
 with somewhat, as if it had been a great market or fair in 
 England ; and our hungry companies clustered thick and 
 threefold among their baskets, every one laying hand on 
 what he liked. After he had rested awhile in my tent, I 
 shut out all but ourselves and my interpreter, and told him 
 that I knew that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were 
 enemies to him, his country and nations ; that the one had 
 conquered Guiana already, and the other sought to regain the 
 same from them both ; and therefore I desired him to instruct 
 me what he could, both of the passage into the golden parts 
 of Guiana, and to the civil towns and apparelled people of Inga. 
 He gave me an answer to this effect ; first, that he could not 
 perceive that I meant to go onward towards the city of Manoa, 
 for neither the time of the year served, neither could he 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH' 301 
 
 perceive any sufficient numbers for such an enterprise ; and 
 if I did, I was sure with all my company to be buried there, 
 for the emperor was of that strength that many times so 
 many men were too few. Besides, he gave me this good 
 counsel, and advised me to hold it in mind (as for himself he 
 knew he could not live till my return), that I should not 
 offer by any means hereafter to invade the strong parts of 
 Guiana, without the help of all those nations which were also 
 their enemies ; for that it was impossible without them either 
 to be conducted, to be victualled, or have aught carried with 
 us, our people not being able to endure the march in so great 
 heat and travel, unless the borderers gave them help to carry 
 with them both their meat and furniture. For he 
 remembered that in the plains of Macaraguarai 300 Spaniards 
 were overthrown, who were tired out and had none of the 
 borderers to their friends ; but meeting their enemies as they 
 passed the frontier, were environed on all sides, and the 
 people setting the long dry grass on fire, smothered them, so 
 as they had no breath to fight, -nor could discern their enemies 
 for the great smoke. * 
 
 "He told me farther, that four days' journey from his 
 town was Macaraguarai, and that those were the next and 
 nearest of the subjects of Inga, and of the Epuremei, and the 
 first town of apparelled and rich people ; and that all those 
 plates of gold which were scattered among the borderers, and 
 carried to other nations far and near, came from the said 
 Macaraguarai, and were there made ; but that those of the 
 land within were far finer, and were fashioned after the images 
 of men, beasts, birds, and fishes. I asked him whether he 
 thought that those companies I had then with me were 
 sufficient to take that town, or no. He told me that he 
 thought they were. I then asked him whether he would 
 assist me with guides, and some companies of his people to 
 join with us ? He answered that he would go himself with 
 all the borderers, if the rivers did remain fordable ; upon this 
 condition that I would leave with him, till my return again, 
 fifty soldiers, which he undertook to victual. I answered 
 that I had not above fifty good men in all there, the rest were 
 labourers and rowers ; and that I had no provision to leave 
 with them of powder and shot, apparel, or aught else ; and 
 
 ♦ Hakluyt, 654. 
 
302 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 that without those things necessary for their defence, they 
 should be in danger of the Spaniards in my absence, who I 
 knew would use the same measure towards mine that I offered 
 theirs at Trinidad. And although upon the motion Captain 
 Calfield, Captain Greenville, my nephew John Gilbert, and 
 divers others were desirous to stay, yet I was resolved that 
 they must needs have perished ; for Berrio expected daily a 
 supply out of Spain, and looked also hourly for his son to 
 come down from Nuevo Reyno de Grenada, with many horse 
 and foot ; and had also in Valencia, in the Caracas, 200 horse 
 ready to march ; and I could not have spared above forty, and 
 had not any store at all of powder, lead, or match, to have 
 left with them ; nor any other provision, either spade, pickaxe, 
 or aught else to have fortified withal. When I had given 
 him reason that I could not at this time leave him such a 
 company, he then desired me to forbear him and his country 
 for that time ; for he assured me that I should no sooner be 
 three days from the coast, but those Epuremei would invade 
 him, and destroy all the remains of his people and friends, 
 if he should any way either guide us, or assist us against 
 them.* 
 
 " He further alleged that the Spaniards sought his death ; 
 and as they had already murdered his nephew Morequito, 
 lord of that province, so they had him seventeen days in a 
 chain before he was king of the country, and led him like 
 a dog from place to place, until he had paid an hundred 
 plates of gold, and divers chains of spleen-stones for his 
 ransom. And now, since he became owner of that province, 
 that they had many times laid wait to take him ; and that 
 they would be now more vehement when they should under- 
 stand of his conference with the English. 'And because,' 
 said he, * they would the better displant me, if they cannot 
 lay hands on me, they have gotten a nephew of mine called 
 Eparacano, whom they have christened Don Juan, and his 
 son Don Pedro, whom they have also apparelled and armed, 
 by whom they seek to make a party against me in mine own 
 country ; he had also taken to wife one Louiana, of a strong 
 family, which are borderers and neighbours ; and myself now 
 being old and in the hands of death, am not able to travel 
 nor to shift as when I was of younger years.' He therefore 
 
 * Hakluyt, 655. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 303 
 
 prayed us to defer it till the next year, when he would under- 
 take to draw in all the borderers to serve us ; and then also 
 it would be more seasonable to travel, for at this time of the 
 year we should not be able to pass any river, the waters 
 would be so grown ere our return. He farther told me that 
 I could not desire so much to invade Macaraguarai and the 
 rest of Guiana, but that the borderers would be more vehe- 
 ment than I, for he yielded for a chief cause, that in the wars 
 with the Epuremei they were spoiled of their women, and 
 that their wives and daughters were taken from them ; so as 
 for their own parts they desired nothing of the gold or treasure 
 for their labours, but only to recover women from the Epure- 
 mei ; for he farther complained very sadly (as it had been a 
 matter of great consequence), that whereas they were wont 
 to have ten or twelve wives, they were now enforced to con- 
 tent themselves with three or four, and that the lords of the 
 Epuremei had fifty or a hundred." Sir Walter then adds, 
 " that of a truth they warred more for women than either for 
 gold or dominion, because the chiefs desired many children 
 of their own, to increase their race and kindred, in which 
 their greatest trust and strength consisted. Divers of 
 Topeawari's followers," he says, "desired him to make haste 
 again, that they might sack the Epuremei ; and when he 
 asked them of what ? they replied of their women for our- 
 selves, and their gold for you." * 
 
 Raleigh and his companions now fell into consideration 
 whether it had been of better advice to have entered Maca- 
 raguarai and begun a war upon the Inga at this time, yea or 
 no, if the time of the year and all things else had sorted. 
 " For mine own part," he says, " as we were not able to march 
 it for the rivers, neither had any such strength as was requi- 
 site, and durst not abide the coming of the winter, or to tarry 
 any longer from our ships, I thought it were evil counsel to 
 have attempted it at that time, although the desire of gold 
 will answer many objections. But it would have been in 
 mine opinion an utter overthrow to the enterprise, if the same 
 should be hereafter by His Majesty attempted. For then, 
 whereas now they have heard we were enemies to the 
 Spaniards and were sent by Her Majesty to relieve them, 
 they would as good cheap have joined with the Spaniards at 
 
 * Hakluyt, 655. 
 
S04 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 our return, as to have yielded unto us, when they had proved 
 that we came both for one errand, and that both sought but 
 to sack and spoil them. But as yet our desire of gold, or our 
 purpose of invasion is not known to them of the empire ; and 
 it is likely that if Her Majesty undertake the enterprise, they 
 will rather submit themselves to her obedience than to the 
 Spaniards, of whose cruelty both themselves and the borderers 
 have already tasted. And, therefore, till I had known Her 
 Majesty's pleasure, I would rather have lost the sack of one 
 or two towns (although they might have been very profitable) 
 than to have defaced or endangered the future hope of so 
 many millions, and the great good and rich trade which 
 England may be possessed of thereby. I am assured now 
 that they will all die even to the last man, against the 
 Spaniards, in hope of our succour and return ; whereas, other- 
 wise, if I had either laid hands on the borderers, or ransomed 
 the lords, as Berrio did, or invaded the subjects of Inga, I 
 know all had been lost for hereafter." * 
 
 When Topeawari understood that Raleigh was contented 
 to forbear the enterprise against the Epuremei till the next 
 year, he freely gave him his only son to take to England, 
 hoping that though he himself had but a short time to live, 
 this son might by means of the English be established after 
 him ; and Sir Walter receiving this pledge, left with him two 
 of his people to learn the language : the one was his own boy, 
 Hugh Goodwin by name ; the other, Francis Sparrow, a 
 servant of Captain Gifford, was " desirous to tarry, and could 
 describe a country with his pen ". This person was instructed 
 to travel to Macaraguarai, with certain merchandise left with 
 him for that purpose ; his real object being " to learn the 
 place, and, if it were possible, to go on to the great city of 
 Manoa". They then weighed anchor, and kept the Guiana 
 side on their descent, because they had ascended by the 
 western side. At Aromaca they had met Putyma, the 
 cacique, whom they had promised to visit on their return ; he 
 accompanied them now to his own port, and promised to show 
 them a mountain which had stones of the colour of gold. 
 Raleigh began the march with him to this mountain, which 
 he calls Iconuri ; but not finding himself able to go on, he 
 sent Key mis with five men, ordering him not to return to 
 
 • Hakluyt, 655, 656. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 305 
 
 Putyma's port, called Chiparepare, but to take leisure, and 
 march down the valley as far as the river Cumaca, where he 
 promised to meet him. Raleigh then continued his way 
 down the stream till he "came as far as the land called 
 Ariacoa," where the Orinoco "divideth itself into three great 
 branches, each of them being most goodly rivers ". There he 
 again divided his company, sending Thyn and Greenville with 
 the galley the nearest way, and taking, with the other boats, 
 the branch called Cararoopana, that he might acquaint him- 
 self with one of the greatest lords of all the Orenoqueponi, 
 Carapana by name. And having reached the place where 
 Keymis had been instructed to meet him, he left Captain 
 Eynos and Master Porter there to expect his coming, and 
 proceeded towards Emeria, which was Carapana's province. 
 " When it grew towards sunset," says he, " we entered a river 
 called Winicapora, where I was informed of the mountain of 
 crystal, to which in truth, for the length of the way, and the 
 evil season of the year, I was not able to march. We saw it 
 afar off, and it appeared like a white church-tower of an ex- 
 ceeding height. There falleth over it a mighty river, which 
 toucheth no part of the side of the mountain, but rusheth 
 over the top of it, and falleth to the ground with so terrible 
 a noise and clamour as if a thousand great bells were knocked 
 one against another. I think there is not in the world so 
 strange an overfall, nor so wonderful to behold. Berrio told 
 me that there were diamonds and other precious stones in it, 
 and that they shined very far off; but what it hath I know 
 not, neither durst he nor any of his men ascend to the top of 
 the said mountain, those people adjoining to it being his 
 enemies, as they were, and the way to it so impassable." * 
 Raleigh marched, however, to a town called after the name 
 of the river, whereof the captain was one Timitwara. "It 
 was on one of their feast days ; we found them," he says, "all 
 as drunk as beggars, and the pots walking from one to an- 
 other without rest. We that were weary and hot with 
 marching, were glad of the plenty (though a small quantity 
 satisfied us, their drink being very strong and heady), and so 
 rested ourselves awhile. After we had fed we drew ourselves 
 back to our boats upon the river, and there came to us all the 
 lords of the country, with all such kind of victual as the place 
 
 * Hakluyt, 656, 657. 
 20 
 
S06 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 yielded, and with their delicate wine of pinas, and with abund- 
 ance of hens and other provisions, and of those stones which 
 we call spleen-stones." Timitwara offered to conduct him to 
 the top of the crystal mountain, which he called Wacarima. 
 The caciques here told him that their lord Carapana had 
 withdrawn to Cairoma, some Spaniards who lay at his house 
 having persuaded him that these strangers would destroy him 
 and his country; "but when these caciques," he says, *'saw 
 that we came as enemies to the Spaniards only, and not so 
 much as harmed any of those nations, no, though we found 
 them to be of the Spaniards' own servants, they assured us 
 that Carapana would be as ready to serve us as any of the 
 lords of the provinces which we had passed ; and that he durst 
 do no other till this day but entertain the Spaniards, his 
 country lying so directly in their way, and next of all other 
 to any entrance that should be made in Guiana on that side. 
 And they farther assured us that it was not for fear of our 
 coming that he was removed, but to be acquitted of the 
 Spaniards, or any other that should come hereafter. For the 
 province of Cairoma is situate at the mountain foot which 
 divideth the plains of Guiana from the countries of the 
 Orinoqueponi, by means whereof if any should come in our 
 absence into his towns, he would slip over the mountains into 
 the plains of Guiana among the Epuremei, where the Spaniards 
 durst not follow him without great forces. But in mine 
 opinion, or, rather I assure myself, that Carapana (being a 
 notable wise and subtle fellow, a man of 100 years of age, and 
 therefore of great experience), is removed to look on ; and if 
 he find that we return strong he will be ours ; if not, he will 
 excuse his departure to the Spaniards, and say it was for fear 
 of our coming." * 
 
 So, "thinking it bootless to seek farther for the old fox," 
 and time to return toward the north, they found it a weari- 
 some way to recover the point where they had parted from 
 the galley, especially as all the night long it was stormy and 
 dark, and full of thunder and great showers, so that they were 
 driven to keep close by the banks in their small boats, being 
 all heartily afraid both of the billow and terrible current of 
 the river. By the next morning they came to the place where 
 Eynos and Porter were left to wait for Key mis ; they had 
 
 • Hakluyt, 657, 658. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 307 
 
 heard nothing of him ; and Raleigh, in great doubt what 
 might have become of him, rowed a league or two up the river, 
 shooting off pieces all the way ; on the following morning he 
 had the joy of hearing a piece answer. Taking the party on 
 board, they took leave of Putyma, their guide, who of all 
 others most lamented their departure, and offered to send his 
 son with them to England, if they could have tarried till he 
 sent back to his town. But Raleigh says their hearts were 
 cold to behold the great rage and increase of Orinoco, and 
 therefore they departed, and steered toward the west till they 
 recovered the three forks, that they might put down the 
 stream after the galley. They found it, as appointed, in the 
 port of Toparimaca, and that same evening proceeded with 
 very foul weather and terrible thunder and showers, for the 
 winter was come on very far. "The best was," he continues, 
 "we went no less than an hundred miles a day down the 
 river ; but by the way we entered it was impossible to return, 
 for that the river of Amana, being in the bottom of the bay 
 of Guanipa, cannot be sailed back by any means, both the 
 breeze and current of the sea were so forcible ; and therefore 
 we followed a branch called Capuri, which entered into the 
 sea eastward of our ships, to the end we might bear with 
 them before the wind ; and it was not without need, for we 
 had by this way as much to cross of the main' sea after we 
 came to the river's mouth as between Gravelines and Dover, 
 in such boats as you have heard. And, to be short, when we 
 were arrived at the sea-side, then grew our greatest doubt, 
 and the bitterest of all our journey forepassed ; for I protest 
 before God that we were in a most desperate estate ; for the 
 same night which we anchored in the mouth of the Capuri, 
 where it falleth into the sea, there arose a mighty storm, and 
 the river's mouth was at least a league broad, so as we ran 
 before night close under the land with our small boats, and 
 brought the galley as near as we could, but she had as much 
 ado to live as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking 
 and all those in her. For mine own part, I confess, I was 
 very doubtful which way to take, either to go over in the 
 eight-oared galley, there being but six feet water over the 
 sands for two leagues together, and that also in the channel, 
 and she drew five ; or to adventure in so great a billow, and 
 in so doubtful weather, to cross the seas in my barge. The 
 longer we tarried the worse it was, and therefore I took 
 
308 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Captain Gifford, Captain Calfield, and my cousin Greenville into 
 my barge ; and after it cleared up, about midnight, we put 
 ourselves to God's keeping, and thrust out into the sea, leav- 
 ing the galley at anchor, who durst not adventure but by 
 daylight. And so being i all very sober and melancholy, one 
 faintly cheering another to show courage, it pleased God that 
 the next day about nine of the clock we discovered the island 
 of Trinidad ; and steering for the nearest part of it, we kept 
 the shore till we came to Curiapan, where we found our ships 
 at anchor, than which there was never to us a more joyful 
 sight." * 
 
 Raleigh says, "If Captain Preston had not been persuaded 
 that he should have come too late to Trinidad to have found 
 us there (for the month which I promised to tarry for him 
 there was expired before he could reach the coast of Spain), 
 but that it had pleased God he might have joined with us, 
 and that we had entered the country but some ten days sooner, 
 as the rivers were overflown, we had adventured either to 
 have gone to the great city of Manoa, or at least taken so 
 many of the other cities and towns nearer at hand as would 
 have made a royal return ; but it pleased not God so much to 
 favour me at this time". "|- If the proposed junction had been 
 effected, Raleigh would have had no inconsiderable force ; but 
 no more progress could have been made in a discovery, the 
 hopes of which were altogether chimerical, and little more 
 injury could have been done to the Spaniards than they 
 separately effected. 
 
 Captain (afterwards Sir Amias) Preston, and Captain (after- 
 wards Sir George I) Sommers, "both valiant gentlemen and 
 discreet commanders, lay with two tall ships and a small 
 pinnace a whole month at Plymouth, awaiting the coming of 
 Captain Jones, their consort, who, through the bad dealing of 
 those which he put in trust, could not make his ship ready 
 
 * Hakluyt, 658, 659. 
 
 •\-Ibid., 633. " If it shall be my lot," he proceeds, " to prosecute the 
 same, I shall willingly spend my life therein ; and if any else shall be 
 enabled thereunto, and conquer the same, I assure him thus much, he 
 shall perform more than ever was done in Mexico by Cortes, or in Peru 
 by Pizarro, — and whatsoever prince shall possess it, that prince shall be 
 lord of more gold, and of a more beautiful empire, and of more cities and 
 people, than either the King of Spain or the Great Turk." 
 
 IJlFrom whom the Bermudas were called by an easy mistake the 
 Summer Islands. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 309 
 
 at the appointed time ". They sailed without him, and it 
 was not long before Preston, by giving chase, lost both his 
 companions. Not to be idle while thus alone, he made for 
 the little isle of Porto Santo, meaning to surprise it; but 
 when his boats were manned with that intent, the islanders 
 presented such a front on the shore, with barricados and 
 trenches, ready to receive them, that he deemed it prudent 
 to recall his men. Next morning, three or four hours before 
 day, he landed sixty men in a place where no watch was kept, 
 and so surprised the Portuguese by coming upon their backs, 
 while they were still in their barricados. Being thus surprised, 
 after some resistance of the invaders' muskets, " when they 
 saw the pikes approach, and had tasted somewhat of their 
 force," they took to the thickets : thence, too, they were 
 dislodged, with little or no loss, and, flying toward their town, 
 were driven from a house at which they attempted to make 
 a stand ; an ensign, which one Captain Harvey had lost not 
 long before, was recovered, and the town itself taken. There 
 is a high hill nearly in the middle of the island, called Pico 
 do Castello, * because on the summit there were some build- 
 ings, which, by reason of their situation, were easily defended, 
 and therefore served as a place of refuge in such emergencies 
 as this. Hither the islanders had sent their wives and 
 children, and their most valuable property in time ; and 
 hence they sent repeatedly to redeem their town, "which 
 was very fair and large " : yet, " in regard of their cruelty and 
 treachery, which they used toward Captain Harvey and his 
 people. Captain Preston would show them no favour, but 
 utterly burnt their town to ashes, and sent his men to waste 
 the rest of the villages of the island, preferring the honour 
 and just revenge of his countrymen, before his own private 
 gain and commodity. And so, with small pillage and great 
 honour, he retired in safety, and all his small company with 
 him, from the conquered island unto his ship." 
 
 Captain Jones, meantime, with Captain Prowse in another 
 vessel, who had sailed after their commander, fell in first 
 with Sommers and the pinnace, then with Preston ; and, 
 making for the West Indies, they there consorted with three 
 ships from Southampton. They mustered their force, carried 
 off a few Spaniards and negroes their slaves from a little 
 
 * Cordeyro, Historia Insulana, lib. iii., c. 2, § 7. 
 
310 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 island between Margarita and the main, and took at the 
 same time some small quantity of pearls, and then proceeded 
 to Cumana, hoping to surprise that place ; but two Middle- 
 burgh fly-boats, which were trading there, secretly advertised 
 the country of their coming ; and, when they would have 
 landed, the Spaniards told them no resistance would be 
 attempted ; all their goods had been removed to the mountains, 
 and they were willing to give a reasonable ransom for the 
 town, and any victuals that might be wanted: so Captain 
 Preston came to terms with them, received their ransom, and 
 departed without landing. This, however, proved but a 
 short respite for the inhabitants ; for it appears that Raleigh * 
 soon afterwards set fire to the town, upon their refusal to 
 ransom it a second time. Sailing from Cumana, Preston 
 landed at Guaycamacuto, half a league from Guayra. There 
 was then no settlement at Guayra ; and Guaycacuto, where 
 there was an Indian village and a small fort, was the port of 
 Caraccas. That city had been founded, about thirty years 
 before, by Diego de Losada, who, thinking to perpetuate the 
 memory of his own name and that of the governor of the 
 province, Don Pedro Ponce de Leon, combined them with 
 that of the district which had been denominated after the 
 most powerful of its tribe, and called it the city of Santiago 
 de Leon de Caraccas. Losada built an ermida to St. Sebastian, 
 whom he chose as a patron against the poisoned arrows of 
 the Indians. About seven years afterwards, during a plague 
 of locusts, St. Maurice was chosen advocate against these 
 destroyers, and a church, accordingly, was built in his honour ; 
 and in 1580, when the small-pox and measles had carried off 
 half the Indians of the province, St. Paul the Hermit was 
 called on, and the cathedral dedicated to him, as their de- 
 liverer on that occasion. The site was well chosen ; and the 
 difficulty of the approach might have secured the city against 
 any less enterprising enemies. ■{■ 
 
 Preston, who had landed without opposition, found nothing 
 in the fort but a little meal, and some barrels of wine ; which, 
 " by reason of some disorder amongst the company over- 
 charging themselves with it, he caused for the most part to 
 be spilt ". X The commander of the place was met with 
 
 * Camden, 500. f Oviedo y Banos, lib. v., c. 7. 
 
 X Pedro Simon and Oviedo y Banos state the number which landed at 
 500, which must be more than five or six such ships could have afforded, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 311 
 
 asleep in the woods by some of the English ; and, being 
 brought before Preston, he was examined touching the state 
 of the city. He declared, in reply, says one of the adventurers, 
 " that they had news of our coming a month before ; and that, 
 if we did go the common beaten way, it was never possible 
 for us to pass, for that they had made in the midst of the 
 way between this fort and the said city, an exceeding strong 
 barricado on the top of a very high hill, the passage not being 
 above twenty-five or thirty feet in breadth, and on each side 
 marvellous steep upright, and the woods so thick, that no 
 man could pass for his life. Our general demanded of him if 
 there were not any other way ; who answered, there is another, 
 marvellous bad and very ill to travel, which the Indians do 
 commonly use ; but he thought that the Spaniards had 
 stopped the same by cutting down of great trees and other 
 things ; as, indeed, they had. The Spaniard was a very weak 
 and sickly man, not able to travel ; so our general sent him 
 aboard his ship, and there kept him." * In some caravel. 
 
 The latter (and later) author places this expedition under the command of 
 aquel celehre corsario Francisco Draque, a quien hicieron tan memorable 
 en el Orbe sus navegciciones, como timido en la America sus hostilidades. 
 (1. vii., c. lo). Pedro Simon has not led him into this error ; not know- 
 ing the name of the general, he calls him simply an English corsair. 
 Oviedo, no doubt, follows what had become the traditionary story at 
 Caraccas, where it seems to have been thought that so daring an enter- 
 prise could not have been conceived and executed by any less celebrated 
 adventurer. 
 
 * The Spanish account is, that the pirate (as they call him) found in 
 this Indian settlement a Spaniard, by name Villalpando, who, being an 
 invalid, either could not, or would not, withdraw with the Indians ; that 
 they threatened him with death unless he would truly answer all their 
 questions concerning the way to the city, and the opposition which they 
 were likely to meet with ; that they put a rope round his neck to enforce 
 the threat; and that then, either under the fear of death, or induced by 
 his own evil will, he informed them of a secret way by which they might 
 surprise the place ; and led them by a hidden path, or, rather, an indistinct 
 track [una verada occulta, b por mejor decir, una trocha mal furmada), 
 which ascended from the village of Guaycamacuto to the summit of the 
 mountain ridge, and from thence descended through the woods to the 
 Valle de San Francisco, in which the city stands ; a way so rugged and 
 difficult, that it seemed impossible for human feet to pass it. Here, how- 
 ever, he guided them ; and when the pirate came in sight of the city, to 
 show his indignation at the treason which Villalpando had committed 
 against his country, he hung him upon a tree, and left him there, whereby 
 the world may know that there are elder trees in the woods for the condign 
 punishment of Iscariotism. This is Oviedo's story, which differs only 
 from Pedro Simon's in not saying that the English, after hanging their 
 
312 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 which they had taken at Cumana, there was a Spaniard who 
 had travelled this way ; and he ottered to be their guide if 
 they would set him at liberty afterwards. This was granted, 
 and in the afternoon they set forth, and marched, says Robert 
 Davis, " until it was night, over such high mountains as we 
 never saw the like, and such a way as one man * could scarce 
 pass alone. Our general being in the fore ward, at length 
 came whereas a river descended down over the mountains, 
 and there we lodged all that night. Here we found the 
 Spanish governor's confession to be true ; for they had barri- 
 cadoed the way in divers places with trees and other things, in 
 such sort, that we were driven to cut our way through the 
 woods by carpenters, which we carried with us for that 
 purpose. The next day, early in the morning, we set forward 
 to recover the tops of the mountains ; but, God knoweth, they 
 were so extreme high and so steep upright, that many of our 
 soldiers fainted by the way ; and when the officers came unto 
 them, and first entreated them to go, they answered they 
 
 guide, threw his body over a precipice, saying, he who had sold his 
 country deserved that recompense, that the proverb might be fulfilled 
 which says, La maldad aplaze, pero no quien la haze (Oviedo y Banos, 
 lib. vii., c. lo. Pedro Simon, lib. vii., c. 9, § 2). 
 
 Robert Davis's relation is evidently the true one. The Spaniards knew 
 that Villalpando had fallen into the hands of the English : they supposed 
 him to have been their guide ; and, not knowing what had become of him 
 when he was carried away prisoner, devised, as a pious fraud, this story 
 of his death. This, indeed, is put out of doubt by an incidental mention 
 of this person in Raleigh's narration. Speaking of an expedition into 
 Guiana by the governor Diego Fernandez de Serpa (whom he erroneously 
 calls Pedro), he says, " Captain Preston, on taking Santiago de Leon 
 (which was by him and his companions very resolutely performed, being 
 a great town and far within the land), held a gentleman prisoner who 
 died in his ship, that was one of the company of Hernandez de Serpa, and 
 saved among those that escaped, who witnessed what opinion is held by 
 the Spaniards thereabouts of the great riches of Guiana and El Dorado, 
 the city of Inga " (Hakluyt, 637). 
 
 The only notice which I have found of Raleigh's expedition in the 
 Spanish writers, is in these words : *• 1595. Un cosario Ingles, llamado 
 Guateral, infesto este ano la costa de Tierra Firma.^^ It is in the Indice 
 Chronologico Peruana y del Nuevo Reyno de Grenada, annexed to the 
 rare work of P. Manuel Rodriguez, entitled El Maranon y Atnazonas. 
 
 * *' Mas er apeadero de gatos que camino de hombres," Pedro Simon 
 says. The difficulties of this " mountain pass between the Cumbra and 
 the Silla, perhaps passing over the ridge of Galipano," have not been 
 exaggerated. Humboldt says, " Those only who are acquainted with the 
 situation can be sensible how difficult and daring this enterprise was " 
 (vol. v., 289, note). 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 313 
 
 could go no farther : then they thought to make them go by 
 compulsion, but all was in vain ; they would go a little, and 
 then lie down, and bid them kill them if they would, for they 
 could not, nor would not, go any farther ; whereby they were 
 enforced to depart, and to leave them there lying on the ground. 
 At length, with much ado, we got to the top of the mountains 
 about noon : there we made a stand till all the company was 
 come up, and would have stayed longer to have refreshed our 
 men ; but the fog and rain fell so fast, that we durst not stay. 
 So we made haste to descend towards the town out of the 
 fog and rain, because that in these high mountains, by report 
 of the Spaniards themselves, it doth almost continually rain. 
 As soon as we were descended down near half the way to 
 the town, the rain ceased ; and, going a little farther on the 
 top of a hill, we saw the town not far distant from us. Here 
 we all cleared our muskets ; and, when our colours came in 
 sight, we discharged a second volley of shot, to the great 
 discouragement of the enemy. Thus we marched on a round 
 pace. The enemy was in readiness, a little without the town, 
 to encounter us on horseback. Being now fully descended 
 from the mountains, we came into a fair plain champion field, 
 without either hedge, bush, or ditch, saving certain trenches 
 which the water had made as it descendeth from the 
 mountains. Here we set ourselves in a readiness, supposing 
 the enemy would have encountered us ; but, having pitched 
 our main battle, and marching forward a good round pace. 
 Captain Beling and Captain Roberts took each of them some 
 loose shot, and marched in all haste toward the enemy (before 
 the main battle, wherein was our general with Captain 
 Sommers), and came to skirmish with them ; but it was soon 
 ended, for the enemy fled. One Spaniard was slain in this 
 skirmish, and not any one of our companies touched either 
 with piece or arrow, God be thanked ! " 
 
 The Spaniards, in their relation, admit that only one of 
 their countrymen fell ; but they say that the whole force of 
 the city, under the two alcaldes ordinarios, had gone to occupy 
 the road from the port, the only one by which they supposed 
 an enemy would attempt to approach. The other inhabitants 
 fled with their movable property as soon as the English came 
 in sight. There was, however, a certain Alonso Andres de 
 Ledesma, who, though advanced in years, could not brook 
 the thought of turning his back upon the enemy ; and there- 
 
314 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 fore mounted his horse, took lance and target, and rode for- 
 ward singly to defy them. The English commander, they 
 say, was so pleased with this gallantry, that he ordered the 
 soldiers not to slay him ; but, as Andres, by repeated thrusts 
 of his lance, made them feel that he was making no idle 
 bravado, they fired upon him in self-defence, though it grieved 
 them to kill so brave a man : and, as a mark of respect, they 
 carried his body into the city, and there buried him with all 
 the honours of war.* "We soon marched into the town," 
 says Davis, " and had it without any more resistance ; but 
 there we found not the wealth that we expected, for they 
 had conveyed all into the mountains, except such goods as 
 they could not easily carry, as wine, and iron, and such things." 
 The alcaldes, as soon as they heard that the place was in pos- 
 session of the enemy, hastened back with the intention of 
 giving them battle ; but, finding that they had fortified the 
 church and the Casas Reales, they wisely agreed that it 
 would be rash to attempt an attack in which it was impos- 
 sible for them to succeed : so they contented themselves with 
 keeping the country against them, and waylaying their forag- 
 ing parties. Thus the invaders remained " without any great 
 disturbance, saving sometimes, by night, they would come on 
 horseback into our corps du guard, and, finding us vigilant and 
 ready for them, would depart again. After two or three 
 days, a Spaniard presented himself to confer with the general, 
 and asked what he meant to do with the town. Preston 
 answered, he meant to remain there, and keep it ; or, if he 
 did depart, to burn it. Disregarding, as well he might, the 
 impracticable resolution, the Spaniard replied to the threat, 
 and asked what ransom he required for it ; 30,000 ducats 
 were demanded : whereunto he replied, that it was very 
 much. Among other things, Preston inquired why they had 
 not walled the city, ' being so fair as it was ? ' The Spaniard 
 replied, he thought it to be stronger walled than any city in 
 the world ; meaning, by those huge and high mountains 
 which the enemy must pass over before he can approach it. 
 Thus with many fair speeches he took his leave, but first 
 requested a token that he might show to the governor, in 
 proof of his having spoken with the general ; whereupon a 
 piece of twelvepence was given him, and he promised to re- 
 
 *Oviedo, lib. v., c. 7. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 315 
 
 turn with an answer the next day. He came accordingly, 
 and dined with the general in the governor's house that was. 
 The dinner ended, with the best entertainment that could be 
 given him, they commenced again about the ransom. The 
 original demand of 30,000 ducats was repeated. The Spaniard 
 first proffered 2000, then 3000, last of all, 4000, and more 
 he would not give. The general, counting this a small sum 
 of money, did utterly refuse it ; and told him that, if he came 
 not again before the next day with the whole ransom which 
 he demanded, he would set all on fire." * 
 
 Preston, however, waited till the second day, and then sent 
 parties to burn the villages round about the town : they did 
 this without opposition, and brought back some Indian 
 prisoners, from one of whom they learned that aid had been 
 sent for from the other towns in that province, and was ex- 
 pected in the course of the day. Davis says, ''When we 
 understood this, we grew into some distrust of the Spaniard's 
 treachery, and thought upon the messenger, how he had 
 used long delays with us ; whereupon we were commanded 
 presently, every man, to make ready to depart and to fire the 
 city, which forthwith was done. And, after we had seen it 
 all on fire and burnt to ashes,f we took our leave and marched 
 away, not that way we came, but by the great beaten way. 
 And when we had marched half the way to the water side, 
 we came unto that strong barricado which they had made, and 
 there lay all that night. It was of such force, that 100 men 
 in it, well furnished, would have kept back from passing 
 1 00,000 : first, by reason of the huge and high mountains ; 
 next, the steepness of them on both sides ; last of all, in re- 
 gard of the fine contriving of it with the large trenches and 
 other munitions." Next day they burned the fort, and the 
 dwellings at Guaycamacuto, then sailed for Coro, where they 
 landed, and, having forced a barricado, and won the town 
 without any great loss of men, " found nothing in it at all," 
 everything that was worth removing having been carried away 
 in time. So they burned the place ; and, having infested the 
 coast for some time longer, with little injury to the Spaniards, 
 
 • Hakluyt, 581. 
 
 t The adventurers gave themselves credit for more mischief than they 
 actually did. Derriho y quemo algunas casus ; dexando la ciudad al Jin 
 como la que escapava dc enemigos da la santa fe catholica (Pedro Simon, 
 P- 595)- 
 
316 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 and less profit to themselves, and losing about eighty men by 
 sickness, the Southampton ships parted company with them ; 
 " Captain Jones was sent to discover some other secret matter, 
 in which discovery that valiant gentleman ended his life " ; 
 and the fleet was then reduced to the two ships of the general 
 and Sommers, with a small pinnace. This was their force, 
 when, off the isle of Cuba, they met with " the honourable 
 knight Sir Walter Raleigh, returning from his painful and 
 happy discovery of Guiana, and his surprise of the isle of 
 Trinidad ".* 
 
 Raleigh was not admitted at court on his return ; neither 
 was he welcomed with any popular applause, for he had 
 brought home no booty ; and his account of the riches of the 
 land into which he had led the way was received with sus- 
 picion. He published it under this boastful title ; " The 
 Discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana, 
 with a Relation of the great and Golden City of Manoa (which 
 the Spaniards f call El Dorado), and the Provinces of Eraeria, 
 Aromaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with the Rivers ad- 
 joining. Performed by Sir Walter Raleigh." The epistle 
 dedicatory held out great promises, but such as required more 
 credit than they either found or deserved ; and the acknow- 
 ledgment that he had made a losing voyage tended to abate 
 that spirit of cupidity and enterprise which he wished to 
 excite. "Of that little remain I had," said he, "I have 
 wasted, in eflect, all herein. I have undergone many con- 
 structions ; I have been accompanied with many sorrows ; 
 with labour, hunger, heat, sickness, and peril. If what I 
 have done receive the gracious construction of a painful 
 pilgrimage, and purchase the least remission, I shall think all 
 too little, and that there were wanting to the rest many 
 miseries. But if both the times past, the present, and what 
 may be in the future, do all, by one grain of gall, continue in 
 eternal distaste, I do not then know whether I should bewail 
 myself either for my too much travail and expense, or con- 
 demn myself for doing less than that which can deserve 
 nothing. From myself I have deserved no thanks, for I 
 
 * Hakluyt, 582. 
 
 t Milton, no doubt, had this in his mind when he wrote of 
 
 "Yet unspoil'd 
 
 Guiana, whose great city Geryon's sons 
 
 gall El Dorado ", 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 317 
 
 have returned a beggar, and withered ; but that I might have 
 bettered my poor estate, it shall appear by the following dis- 
 course, if I had not, only, respected Her Majesty's future 
 honour and riches. It became not the former fortune in 
 which I once lived to go journeys of picory ; it had sorted ill 
 with the offices of honour, which, by Her Majesty's grace, 
 I hold this day in England, to run from cape to cape, and 
 from place to place, for the pillage of ordinary prizes." 
 Speaking then of " that mighty, rich, and beautiful empire of 
 Guiana," he said, " all the most of the kings of the borders 
 are already become Her Majesty's vassals, and seem to desire 
 nothing more than Her Majesty's protection, and the return 
 of the English nation. It hath another ground and assurance 
 of riches and glory than the voyages of the West Indies, an 
 easier way to invade the best parts thereof than by the 
 common course. The King of Spain is not so impoverished 
 by taking three or four port towns in America as we suppose ; 
 neither are the riches of Peru or Nueva Espana so left by the 
 sea-side as it can be easily washed away with a great flood, 
 or spring tide, or left dry upon the sands on a low ebb. The 
 port towns are few and poor in respect of the rest within the 
 land, and are of little defence, and are only rich when the 
 fleets are to receive the treasure for Spain ; and we might 
 think the Spaniards very simple, having so many horses and 
 slaves, if they could not, upon two days' warning, carry all 
 the gold they have into the land, and far enough from the 
 reach of our footmen, especially the Indies being (as they are 
 for the most part) so mountainous, so full of woods, rivers, 
 and marshes. But I hope it shall appear that there is a way 
 found to answer every man's longing ; a better Indies for Her 
 Majesty than the King of Spain hath any ; which, if it shall 
 please Her Highness to undertake, I shall most willingly end 
 the rest of my days in following the same. If it be left to 
 the spoil and sackage of common persons, if the love and 
 service of so many nations be despised, so great riches and so 
 mighty an empire refused, I hope Her Majesty will yet take 
 my humble desire and my labours therein in gracious part, 
 which, if it had not been in respect of Her Highness' future 
 honours and riches, could have laid hands on and ransomed 
 many of the kings and caciqui of the country, and have had 
 a reasonable proportion of gold for their redemption : but I 
 have chosen rather to bear the burden of poverty than re- 
 
318 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 proach, and rather to endure a second travel, and the chances 
 thereof, than to have defaced an enterprise of so great 
 assurance, until I knew whether it pleased God to put a 
 disposition in her princely and royal heart either to follow or 
 foreslow the same." * 
 
 This was followed by an address to the reader, wherein, 
 " because there had been divers opinions conceived of the gold 
 ore brought from Guiana, and for that an alderman of London 
 and an officer of Her Majesty's mint had given out that the 
 same was of no price," Raleigh thought good " to give answer 
 as well to the said malicious slander as to other objections". 
 He admitted that some of his people, trusting more to their 
 own sense than to his opinion, had brought home some 
 specimens of marcasite, mistaking it for gold ; and that others 
 had brought what the Spaniards call the mother, or the scum 
 of gold, " every one taking the fairest for the best. For mine 
 own part," said he, " I did not countermand any man's desire 
 or opinion ; and I could have afforded them little, if I should 
 have denied them the pleasure of their fancies therein." Some 
 small quantity of ore, however, he affirmed he had got out 
 with daggers and with axes from the white stones, of which 
 he saw hills and rocks in every part of Guiana, and in which 
 gold is engendered ; and this having been assayed in London, 
 was found of great value. " But because there came ill with 
 the good," said he, "and belike the said alderman was not 
 presented with the best, it hath pleased him therefore to 
 scandal all the rest, and to deface the enterprise as much as 
 in him lieth. It hath also been concluded by divers, that if 
 there had been any such ore in Guiana, and the same dis- 
 covered, that I would have brought home a greater quantity 
 thereof. First, I was not bound to satisfy any man of the 
 quantity, but such only as adventured, if any store had been 
 returned thereof : but it is very true that, had all their moun- 
 tains been of massy gold, it was impossible for us to have made 
 any longer stay to have wrought the same ; and whosoever 
 hath seen with what strength of stone the best gold ore is en- 
 vironed, he will not think it easy to be had out in heaps, and 
 especially by us, who had neither men, instruments, nor time 
 to perform the same. Others have devised that the same ore 
 was had from Barbary, and that we carried it with us into 
 
 * Hakluyt, 627-629. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 319 
 
 Guiana. Surely, the singularity of that device I do not well 
 comprehend. For mine own part, I am not so much in love 
 with these long voyages as to devise, thereby to cozen myself, 
 to lie hard, to fare worse, to be subjected to perils, to diseases, 
 to ill savours, to be parched and withered, and withal to sus- 
 tain the care and labour of such an enterprise, except the 
 same had more comfort than the searching of marcasite in 
 Guiana, or buying of gold ore in Barbary. But I hope the 
 better sort will judge me by themselves, and that the way of 
 deceit is not the way of honour or good opinion. I have 
 herein consumed much time and many crowns ; and I had no 
 other respect nor desire than to serve Her Majesty and my 
 country thereby." 
 
 He then spoke of the great expenditure of the Spanish king, 
 the great losses which he had sustained ; *' and yet notwith- 
 standing he beginneth again, like a storm, to threaten ship- 
 wreck to us all. We shall find," said Raleigh, " that these 
 abilities rise not from the trade of sacks and Seville oranges, 
 nor from aught else that either Spain, Portugal, or any of his 
 other provinces, produce : it is his Indian gold * that en- 
 dangereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe : it pur- 
 chases intelligence, creepeth into counsels, and setteth bound 
 loyalty at liberty in the greatest monarchies of Europe. If 
 the Spanish king can keep us from foreign enterprises, and 
 from the impeachment of his trades, either by offer of invasion, 
 or by besieging us in Britain, Ireland, or elsewhere, he hath 
 then brought the work of our peril in great forwardness. 
 Those princes which abound in treasure have great advantages 
 over the rest, if they once constrain them to a defensive war, 
 where they are driven once a year, or oftener, to cast lots for 
 their own garments ; and from such shall all trades and inter- 
 course be taken away, to the general loss and impoverishment 
 of the kingdom and commonweal so reduced. Besides, when 
 our men are constrained to fight, it hath not the like hope as 
 when they are prest and encouraged by the 'desire of spoil and 
 riches. Farther, it is to be doubted how those that, in time 
 of victory, seem to affect their neighbour nations, will remain 
 after the first view of misfortune or ill success. To trust also 
 
 * Milton seems to have remembered Raleigh's opinion here, when, in 
 his Treatise of Reformation in England, he called the King of Spain " that 
 sad intelligencing tyrant, that mischiefs the world with his mines of Ophir, 
 and lies thirsting to revenge his naval ruins that have larded our seas ". 
 
320 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 to the doubtfulness of a battle, is but a fearful and uncertain 
 adventure, seeing therein fortune is as likely to prevail as 
 virtue. It shall not be necessary to allege all that might be 
 said, and, therefore, I will thus conclude ; that whatsoever 
 kingdom shall be enforced to defend itself may be compared 
 to a body dangerously diseased, which for a season may be 
 preserved with vulgar medicines, but in a short time, and by 
 little and little, the same must needs fall to the ground, and 
 be dissolved. I have therefore laboured all my life, both ac- 
 cording to my small power and persuasion, to advance all those 
 attempts that might either promise return of profit to our- 
 selves, or, at least, be a let and impeachment to the quiet 
 course and plentiful trades of the Spaniard, who, in my weak 
 judgment, by such a war were as easily endangered and 
 brought from his powerfulness as any prince of Europe, if it 
 be considered from how many kingdoms and nations his 
 revenues are gathered, and those so weak in their own beings, 
 and so far severed from mutual succour. But because such a 
 preparation and resolution is not to be hoped for in haste, and 
 that the time which our enemies embrace cannot be had again 
 to advantage, I will hope that these provinces, and that 
 empire now by me discovered, shall suffice to enable Her 
 Majesty and the whole kingdom, with no less quantities of 
 treasure than the King of Spain hath in all the Indies, East and 
 West, which he possesseth ; which, if the same be considered 
 and followed ere the Spaniards enforce the same, and if Her 
 Majesty will undertake it, I will be contented to lose Her 
 Highness' favour and good opinion for ever, and my life 
 withal, if the same be not found rather to exceed than to 
 equal whatsoever is in this discourse promised or declared." 
 He concluded this prefatory vindication by expressing a hope, 
 "that the perilous and chargeable labours and endeavours of 
 such as thereby seek the profit and honour of Her Majesty 
 and the English nation, shall, by men of quality and virtue, 
 receive such construction and good acceptance as themselves 
 would look to be rewarded withal in the like ".* 
 
 The favourable acceptance which Raleigh asked for his 
 relation, it was far from finding : an elegant book, Camden f 
 calls it, " wherein he most accurately describeth the countries, 
 as if he had been born and bred there; and relateth many 
 
 * Hakluyt, 629-631. f P. 500. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 321 
 
 things of the riches of Guiana, which he concludes from the 
 resplendent raarcasites there found, from the Spanish writings, 
 and upon the credit of the barbarians, or savages, whom yet 
 he understood not, and his own credulous hope. Some things 
 also he reporteth, which seem fabulous — of the Amazons, anid 
 of a nation which, by reason of the height of their shoulders, 
 have their face on their breast ; a thing which the poets and 
 fer travellers have nowhere found." Concerning the Amazons 
 and the headless tribe Raleigh, however, related faithfully 
 what he heard in the country, and what is probably believed 
 there at this day. In his account of El Dorado, also, he 
 repeated the fables which were found in Spanish histories, 
 and which he believed as entirely as the Spaniards themselves. 
 This was the weakness of a strong mind, the credulity of — if 
 he be not belied — an incredulous one. But, though on this 
 point he must be acquitted of any intention to deceive, there 
 are parts of the narrative which are not consistent with good 
 faith. Camden has glanced at the impossibility of his obtain- 
 ing from the Indians, through an Indian interpreter, such full 
 information as he pretended to have received from them con- 
 cerning the rich and beautiful empire, and the great and 
 golden city. Moreover, that information was in every point 
 absolutely false, and, if it had really been given by these 
 Indians, must have been intentionally so, as relating, not to 
 traditions and reports, but to matters of fact in which they had 
 themselves been concerned. But they were friends to the Eng- 
 lish, as hoping to be by them protected against the Spaniards ; 
 and, though they might hold out the lure of gold to bring them 
 back, would not have wilfully deceived them with such tales. 
 When they told the Spaniards that the rich country of the Oma- 
 guas, or of Manoa, lay beyond them, it was for the sake of ridding 
 themselves of such visitants, and sending them on to their de- 
 struction. But Raleigh could have held no such conference 
 with them through his interpreter as the conquestadores were 
 able to do, either themselves, after long residence in the Indies, 
 or through the natives whom they had attached to their service. 
 The questions which he put them concerning the country and 
 the course of the rivers were such as they could easily compre- 
 hend, and intelligibly reply to ; and in this respect the relation 
 contains proofs of diligent inquiry and sagacious * observation. 
 
 •"Raleigh went scarcely the distance of sixty leagues along the 
 Orinoco ; but he names the upper tributary streams according to the 
 21 
 
i 
 
 S22 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 But in holding out inducements to attempt the conquest of 
 Guiana, Raleigh spared neither exaggeration nor flattery ; and 
 showed himself as little scrupulous concerning the end at 
 which he aimed, and the means which he would have em- 
 ployed, as those Spaniards in whose steps he would have 
 trodden. " Because I have not myself seen the cities of 
 Inga/' said he, "I cannot avow on my credit what I have 
 heard, although it be very likely that the Emperor Inga hath 
 built and erected as magnificent palaces in Guiana as his 
 ancestors did in Peru, which were for their riches and rare- 
 ness most marvellous, and exceeding all in Europe, and, I 
 think, of the world, China excepted ; which also the Spaniards 
 (which I had) assured me to be true ; as also the nations of 
 the borderers, who, being but savages to those of the inland, 
 do cause much treasure to be buried with them. For I was 
 
 vague notions he had collected. Notwithstanding his exaggeration, so 
 little worthy of a statesman, his narrative contains important materials 
 for the history or geography. The Orinoco, above the confluence of the 
 Apure, was at that period as little known to Europeans, as, in our times, 
 the course of the Niger below Sego. It seems to me difficult to doubt of 
 the extreme credulity of the chief of the expedition and of his lieutenants. 
 Raleigh adapted everything to the hypotheses he had previously formed. 
 He was certainly deceived himself; but when he sought to influence the 
 imagination of Queen Elizabeth, and execute the projects of his own 
 ambitious policy, he neglected none of the artifices of flattery " (Humboldt, 
 v., 833-835). 
 
 Humboldt (832) is surprised that Raleigh scarcely mentions the settle- 
 ment which had been made by Berrio under the name of St. Thome. He 
 merely says, " Those Spaniards which fled from Trinidad, and also those 
 that remained with Carapana in Emeria (now the mission of the Capuchins 
 of Carony), were joined in some village upon the Orinoco ". To me it seems 
 plain, by the words which Raleigh uses, that he had not heard of St. 
 Thome ; a place which afterwards proved so fatal to him. 
 
 It is very remarkable that neither Pedro Simon, nor Oviedo y Banos, 
 though they both relate Preston's capture of Caraccas, make the slightest 
 mention of Raleigh's expedition. His entering the Orinoco might easily 
 be unknown to them ; but the capture of Berrio should seem a matter of 
 too much importance either to remain unknown or unmentioned. It is 
 nowhere said how Raleigh disposed of his prisoner, — and we shall pre- 
 sently find him in his government. From a careful perusal of Pedro 
 Simon, I am led to infer that the governor Antoneo de Berrio was not, 
 and could not have been, in the isle of Trinidad when Raleigh set forth 
 to the newly founded city of St. Joseph ; that the island was at that time 
 in possession of a party opposed to Berrio ; and that Raleigh, having 
 captured the person who was in command there, supposed he had got 
 the lawful governor in his hands ; a mistake which the prisoner might be 
 willing enough to encourage. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 323 
 
 informed of one of the caciques of the Valley of Amariocapana, 
 which had buried with him, a little before our arrival, a chair 
 of gold most curiously wrought, which was made either in 
 Macuraguaray adjoining, or in Manoa : but if we should have 
 grieved them in their religion at the first, before they had 
 been taught better, and had digged up their graves, we had 
 lost them all ; and, therefore, I held my first resolution, that 
 Her Majesty should either accept or refuse the enterprise, ere 
 anything should be done that might in any sort hinder the 
 same. And if Peru had so many heaps of gold, whereof those 
 Ingas were princes, and that they delighted so much therein, 
 no doubt but this which now liveth and reigneth in Manoa 
 hath the same honour, and, I am assured, hath more abund- 
 ance of gold within his territory than all Peru and the West 
 Indies.* 
 
 " For the rest which myself have seen, I will promise these 
 things that follow, which I know to be true. Those that are 
 desirous to discover and to see many nations, may be satisfied 
 within this river, which bringeth forth so many arms and 
 branches, leading to several countries and provinces, above 
 2000 miles east and west, and 800 miles south and north, 
 and of these the most either rich in gold or in other merchan- 
 dises. The common soldier shall here fight for gold, and pay 
 himself, instead of pence, with plates of half a foot broad ; 
 whereas he breaketh his bones in other wars for provant and 
 penury. Those commanders and chieftains that shoot at 
 honour and abundance, shall find there more rich and 
 beautiful cities, more temples adorned with golden images, 
 more sepulchres filled with treasures, than either Cortes found 
 in Mexico, or Pizarro in Peru ; and the shining glory of this 
 conquest will eclipse all those so far extended beams of the 
 Spanish nation. There is no country which yieldeth more 
 pleasure to the inhabitants, either for those common delights 
 of hunting, hawking, fishing, fowling, or the rest, than Guiana 
 doth : it hath so many plains, clear rivers, abundance of 
 pheasants, partridges, quailes, railes, cranes, herons, and all 
 other fowl ; deer of all sorts, porks, hares, lions, tigers, 
 leopards, and divers other sorts of beasts, either for chase or 
 food. It hath a kind of beast called cama, or anta, as big as 
 an English beef, and in great plenty. I will conclude that, 
 
 * Hakluyt, 66o. 
 
324 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 both for health, good air, pleasure,* and riches, I am resolved 
 it cannot be equalled by any region either in the east or west. 
 Moreover, the country is so healthful, as of an hundred 
 persons and more (which lay without shift, more sluttishly, 
 and were every day almost melted with heat in rowing and 
 marching, and suddenly wet again with great showers, and 
 did eat of all sorts of corrupt fruits, and made meals of fresh 
 fish without seasoning, of tortugas, of lagartos, or crocodiles, 
 and of all sorts, good and bad, without order or measure, and 
 besides lodged in the open air every night), we lost not any 
 one, nor had one ill-disposed to my knowledge ; nor found 
 any calentura, or other of those pestilent diseases which dwell 
 in all hot regions, and so near the equinoctial line.j* 
 
 " Where there is store of gold," said Raleigh, " it is, in 
 effect, needless to remember other commodities for trade ; 
 but it hath, towards the south part of the river, great 
 quantities of Brazil wood, and divers berries that dye a most 
 perfect crimson and carnation ; and for painting, all France, 
 Italy, or the East Indies, yield none such ; for the more the 
 skin is washed, the fairer the colour appeareth, and with 
 which even those brown and tawny women spot themselves, 
 and colour their cheeks. All places yield abundance of 
 cotton, of silk, of balsamum, and of those kinds most excel- 
 lent, and never known in Europe, of all sorts of gums, of 
 Indian pepper ; and what else the countries may afford within 
 the land, we know not, neither had we time to abide the trial 
 and search. The soil, besides, is so excellent, and so full of 
 rivers, as it will carry sugar, ginger, and all those other com- 
 modities which the West Indies have." The navigation, he 
 said, was short : it might be performed, with an ordinary 
 wind, in six weeks, and in the like time back, and " by the 
 way neither lee-shore, enemies' coast, rocks, nor sands ; all 
 which, in the voyages to the West Indies, and all other places, 
 
 *The pleasures of this country are described by Colonel Hippisley in 
 his narrative of the expedition to the Orinoco by the English adventurers 
 in aid of Bolivar, 1817. " On the river," he says, " the hissing of the 
 water-serpent (an immense snake), the howling of beasts, the splashing 
 in the water from the alligators, and the uncommon noises of various 
 sorts which incessantly assail the ears during the dark, and the bites of 
 the mosquito, render sleep impossible. Even the smoke from fifty pipes 
 of tobacco had no effect in clearing us from the hordes of mosquitoes 
 which oppressed and overpowered us" (p. 225). 
 
 t Hakluyt, 660. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 325 
 
 we are subject unto, as the channel of Bahama, coming from 
 the West Indies cannot well be passed in the winter ; and 
 when it is at the best, it is a perilous and a fearful place. 
 The rest of the Indies, for calms and diseases very trouble- 
 some ; and the sea about the Bermudas, a hellish sea for 
 thunder, lightning, and storms. The time to leave England 
 is best in July, and the summer in Guiana is from October to 
 March ; and then the ships may depart thence in April, and 
 so return again into England in June, so as they shall never 
 be subject to winter weather, either coming, going, or staying 
 there ; which, for my part, I take to be one of the greatest 
 comforts and encouragements that can be thought on, having 
 (as I have done) tasted in this voyage by the West Indies so 
 many calms, so much heat, such outrageous gusts, foul 
 weather, and contrary winds." * 
 
 Having thus held out to private adventurers all the en- 
 couragements that he could think of, regardless whether 
 they were true or false, Raleigh represented to the Govern- 
 ment the importance and the facility of the proposed conquest. 
 " Guiana," he said, " is a country never sacked, turned, nor 
 wrought ; the face of the earth hath not been torn, nor the 
 virtue and salt of the soil spent by manurance ; the graves 
 have not been opened for gold, the mines not broken with 
 sledges, nor their images pulled down out of their temples ; 
 it hath never been entered by any army of strength, and 
 never conquered or possessed by any Christian prince. It is, 
 besides, so defensible, that if two forts f be builded in one of the 
 provinces which I have seen, its flood setteth in so near the 
 bank, where the channel also lieth, that no ship can pass up 
 but within a pike's length of the artillery, first of the one, and 
 afterwards of the other ; which two forts will be a sufficient 
 guard both to the empire of Inga, and to an hundred other 
 several kingdoms, lying within the said river, even to the city 
 of Quito in Peru. There is, therefore, great difference be- 
 tween the easiness of the conquest of Guiana, and the defence 
 of it, being conquered, and the West or East Indies. Guiana 
 hath but one entrance by the sea (if it hath that) for any 
 
 * Hakluyt, 660. 
 
 t Humboldt (v., 715), says that Raleigh here writes judiciously, and 
 with great knowledge of the locality. The political security of Caraccas 
 and New Granada, he observes, is intimately connected with the defence 
 of the mouths of the Orinoco. 
 
326 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 vessels of burthen; so as whosoever shall first possess it, it 
 shall be found unaccessible for any enemy, except he come in 
 wherries, barges, or canoes, or else in flat-bottomed boats ; 
 and if he do offer to enter it in that manjier, the woods are 
 so thick 200 miles together upon the rivers of such entrance, 
 as a mouse cannot sit in a boat unhit from the bank. By 
 land it is more impossible to approach, for it hath the 
 strongest situation of any region under the sun, and is so 
 environed with impassable mountains on every side, as it is 
 impossible to victual any company in the passage, which hath 
 been well proved by the Spanish nation, who, since the con- 
 quest of Peru, have never left five years free from attempting 
 this empire, or discovering some way into it ; and yet, of three 
 and twenty several gentlemen, knights, and noblemen, there 
 was never any that knew which way to lead an army by land, 
 or to conduct ships by sea, anything near the said country. 
 Orellana, of whom the river of Amazons taketh name, was 
 the first, and Don Antonio de Barrio, whom we displanted, 
 the last ; and I doubt much whether he himself, or any of 
 his, yet know the best way into the said empire. It ca^, 
 therefore, hardly be regained, if any strength be formerly set 
 down, but in one or two places, and but two or three crdmsters 
 or galleys built and furnished upon the river within. The 
 West Indies have many ports, watering-places, and landings ; 
 and nearer than 300 miles to Guiana, no man can harbour a 
 ship, except he know one only place, which is not learned in 
 haste, and which I will undertake there is not any one of my 
 companies that knoweth, whosoever hearkened most after it."* 
 " The West Indies were first offered Her Majesty's grand- 
 father by Columbus, a stranger, in whom there might be doubt 
 of deceit ; and, besides, it was then thought incredible that 
 there were such and so many lands and regions never written 
 of before. This empire is made known to Her Majesty by 
 her own vassal, and by him that oweth to her more duty than 
 an ordinary subject ; so that it shall ill sort with the many 
 graces and benefits which I have received to abuse Her 
 Highness either with fables or imaginations. The country is 
 already discovered, many nations won to Her Majesty's love 
 and obedience, and those Spaniards which have latest and 
 longest laboured about the conquest beaten out, disfeouraged, 
 
 * Hakluyt, 66i. 
 
 \ 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 327 
 
 and disgraced, which among these nations were thought in- 
 vincible. Her Majesty may in this enterprise employ all 
 those soldiers and gentlemen that are younger brethren, and 
 all captains and chieftains that want employment ; and the 
 charge will be only the first setting out in victualling and 
 arming them ; for, after the first or second year, I doubt not 
 but to see in London a contractation house of more receipt 
 for Guiana, than there is now in Seville for the West Indies. 
 
 " And I am resolved, that if there were but a small army 
 afoot in Guiana, marching towards Manoa, the chief city of 
 Inga, he would yield to Her Majesty by composition, so many 
 hundred thousand pounds yearly, as should both defy all 
 enemies abroad, and defray all expenses at home ; and that 
 he would, besides, pay a garrison of 3000 or 4000 soldiers, 
 very royally, to defend him against other nations ; for he 
 cannot but know how his predecessors, yea, how his own 
 great- uncles, Guascar and Atabalipa, sons to Guainacapa, 
 Emperor of Peru, were (while they contended for the empire) 
 beaten out by the Spaniards ; and that, both of late years, 
 and ever since the said conquest, the Spaniards have sought 
 the passages and entry of his country ; and of their cruelties 
 used to the borderers he cannot be ignorant. In which re- 
 spects, no doubt but he will be brought to tribute with great 
 gladness : if not, he hath neither shot nor iron weapon in all 
 his empire, and, therefore, may easily be conquered. 
 
 " And I farther remember that Berrio confessed to me and 
 others (which I protest before the majesty of God to be true), 
 that there was found among prophecies in Peru (at such time 
 as the empire was reduced to the Spanish obedience), in their 
 chiefest temples, amongst divers others, which foreshowed 
 the loss of the said empire, that from Inglatierra those Ingas 
 should be again in time to come restored, and relieved from 
 the servitude of the said conquerors. And I hope, as we with 
 these few hands have displanted the first garrison, and driven 
 them out of the said country, so Her Majesty will give order 
 for the rest, and either defend it, and hold it as tributary, or 
 conquer and keep it as empress of the same. For whatsoever 
 prince shall possess it shall be greatest ; and if the King of 
 Spain enjoy it, he will become unresistable. Her Majesty 
 hereby shall confirm and strengthen the opinions of all na- 
 tions as touching her great and princely actions. And where 
 the south border of Guiana reacheth to the dominion and 
 
S2S ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 empire of the Amazons, whose women shall hereby hear the 
 name of a virgin, which is not only able to defend her own 
 territories and her neighbours, but also to invade and conquer 
 so great empires, and so far removed. 
 
 " To speak more at this time I fear would be but trouble- 
 some : I trust in God, this, being true, will suffice, and that 
 He which is King of all kings, and Lord of lords, will put it 
 into her heart, which is lady of ladies to possess it. If not, 
 I will judge those men worthy to be kings thereof that, by 
 her grace and leave, will undertake it of themselves." * 
 
 The narrative was far from obtaining general acceptance : 
 perhaps the spirit of adventure had been damped at the time 
 by the ill success of the last expedition under Drake and 
 Hawkins ; perhaps the honest feelings of the English people 
 were opposed to the projects which it disclosed. They who, 
 to justify them in their hostilities against the Spaniards while 
 the two countries were ostensibly at peace, had so often been 
 told of the injustice and cruelty which had been committed 
 in the conquest of the Indies, were not prepared for so direct 
 an invitation to follow the example of Cortes and Pizarro. 
 The good principles of the people were offended at this part 
 of his appeal ; and their good sense refused to answer the 
 large demand which was made upon their credulity. The 
 circumstances under which the colonists in Virginia had been 
 abandoned to their fate operated as a warning. From the 
 reports which prevailed concerning him before he sailed on 
 this adventure, j- it is evident, not only that he had many 
 enemies, but that an unfavourable opinion of his character 
 prevailed. In the judgment of his fellow-courtiers he was 
 thought to have overacted | his part during his confinement 
 in the Tower ; and, because he was not a straightforward man 
 in matters of more consequence, his policy was supposed to 
 be even more crooked than it was. 
 
 At this time, however, he was not destitute of friends ; 
 and for a second exploratory voyage to the Orinoco, "the 
 lord treasurer ventured with him 500 pounds in money," and 
 Cecil, "a new ship, bravely furnished". A letter of the time 
 adds, "the very hull stands in 800 pounds ".§ 
 
 It would be wronging Sir Walter Raleigh not to admit 
 
 * Hakluyt, 662. fibid. 
 
 tibid. % Sydney Papers, z. zn- 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 329 
 
 that, though some parts of his narrative were fabulous and 
 others false, he had, nevertheless, deluded himself concerning 
 El Dorado, and had built upon that delusion a scheme of 
 ambition as daring as any of the Spanish conquerors ever 
 pursued to their own destruction, or that of the unhappy 
 people against whom their enterprises were directed. Yet 
 he was not now so possessed by this persuasion as to pursue 
 it, when more immediate advantage seemed within his reach. 
 He therefore embarked in the memorable expedition against 
 Cadiz, while his friend Laurence Keymis sailed with two 
 vessels on what is called the second voyage to Guiana. 
 Keymis spent three and twenty days in surveying the coast 
 to the eastward. Farther than Essequibo, in that direction, 
 •^no Spaniard," said he, "ever travelled. In which respect, 
 and that no sea-card that 1 have seen, at any time, doth in 
 any sort near a truth describe this coast, I thought the liberty 
 of imposing English names to certain places of note, of right 
 to belong unto our labours ; the rather, because occasion 
 thereby offereth itself gratefully to acknowledge the honour 
 due unto them that have been, and, I hope, will still continue, 
 favourers of this enterprise." He marked, therefore, a Port 
 Howard, a Port Burleigh, and a Cape Cecil upon his chart ; 
 and he attempted to change the name of the Orinoco. " Of 
 the worthiness of this river," says he, "because I cannot say 
 enough, I will speak nothing. We have presumed to call it 
 by the name of Raleana, because yourself was the first of our 
 nation that ever entered the same, and 1 think it nothing 
 inferior to Amazons, which is best known by the name of 
 Orellana, the first discoverer thereof." Time has not ratified 
 any of these names, which it was thus attempted to impose. 
 Keymis entered the river in his ship, finding so good a 
 channel, that it was likely, he said, to second their hope in 
 all that they could desire. He learnt there that old Topea- 
 wari was dead, and the Indians of that coast all fled and 
 dispersed. The two Englishmen who were left there had 
 disappeared. Sparrow (the one) had been taken by the 
 Spaniards, but with plenty of gold had ransomed his life, and 
 was then living at Cumana ; the boy Godwyn Topiawari had 
 carried with him to the mountains when he fled thither him- 
 self; and there he had been eaten by a jaguar. Berrio was 
 preparing for an expedition to Manoa ; and Carapana, whom 
 Raleigh called an old fox, sent an old man, whom he trusted. 
 
330 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 to assure Keymis that '' it repented him of his ambition ever 
 to have sought for an increase of power by allying himself 
 with the Spaniards ; for/' said he (so Keymis reported in his 
 relation of this voyage) " the other year, when we fled into 
 the mountains, and measured your doings by the Spaniards' 
 in like case, we made no other account, but that your com- 
 mander, being able as he was, would doubtless have perse- 
 cuted us to the uttermost, as the only maintainers and 
 supporters of your enemies ; and would at the least, if he 
 could not reach us, take our towns, and make us ransom our 
 wives and children. We found it far otherwise, and that 
 none of your well-governed company durst offer any of us 
 wrong or violence ; no, not by stealth, when unknown they 
 might have done it. We then, believing it to be true that 
 your grand captain reported of his princess, took that for a 
 good proof of her royal commandment and wisdom, that had 
 framed her subjects to such obedience, and of your happiness, 
 that enjoyed the benefit thereof, that Carapana, weighing the 
 good and friendly course of our proceedings, doth humbly 
 crave of Her Majesty, for himself and his people, that, with 
 the rest of the Indians, which wholly depend on her princely 
 regard towards them, he also may enjoy her favourable pro- 
 tection ; that he doeth this, not as a man left unto himself, 
 and forsaken by the Spaniards, but as one that knoweth their 
 injustice, hateth their cruelties, and taketh it for his best 
 choice utterly to disclaim their friendship." * 
 
 * Hakluyt, 676, 679, 680. " It may be pertinent " (says Keymis, 
 addressing himself to Raleigh), "as surely it is a thing worth the noting, 
 to consider how this precedent of your moderation and good order, which 
 to us seemeth but a matter of small and ordinary respect, hath both 
 alienated their hearts altogether from the Spaniard, and stirred up in them 
 true love and admiration thereof. For as government is the only bond 
 of common society, so to men lawless, that each one to another are omnes 
 hoc jure molesti, quo fortes, — to men, I say, that live in daily tumults, 
 fears, doubts, suspicions, barbarous cruelties, never sleeping secure, but 
 always either drunk, or practising one another's death, — to such men as 
 these be, who wanting discipline, justice, and good order to confirm them 
 in a great and peaceable course of living, know not where to find it, the 
 sense and sweetness thereof is as the dew of Hermon ; it is as the harmony 
 of a well-tuned instrument ; to be brief, it carrieth in itself not only a due 
 and worthy commendation, but is available, without stroke striking, to 
 gain a kingdom " {Ibid., 680). We have yet to learn how surely that 
 good order which is attainable by means of good police may be made 
 available to save ours. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 331 
 
 Some geographical information was obtained by this voyage, 
 and something also was added to the stock of American 
 fables. Keymis was not only " certified of the headless men, 
 and that their mouths on their breasts are exceeding wide," 
 but he heard also " of a sort of people more monstrous ". 
 What he heard of them, he says, " I omit to mention, because 
 it is no matter of difficulty to get one of them ; and the report 
 otherwise will appear fabulous ". In the margin of his rela- 
 tion, however, it is stated that "they have eminent heads, 
 like dogs, and live all the daytime in the sea ; and they 
 speak the Caribs * language ". These Cynocephali, like the 
 Acephali, were no new monsters in natural history, and they 
 were common in romance ; but Keymis met with a new fable, 
 which he repeated, not as believing it, but as possibly indi- 
 cating another means of wealth. Among the enemies who 
 were ready to fight against the Spaniards in this country, 
 there were a people called Pariagotos, of whom the Indians 
 ''held opinion that they were notable sorcerers, and invulner- 
 able. In the mountain where they dwell, white stones are 
 found, of such hardness, that by no art or means they can 
 be pierced ; they imagine that these Pariagotos become in- 
 vulnerable by eating these stones." The fable omitted, 
 "happily they may prove good •]■ diamonds". The Indians 
 with whom he conversed had "kept a precise fast one whole 
 day, in honour of the great princess of the north, their 
 patroness and defender ".| And, when he had stated to 
 them as a reason why he had not come with a sufficient force 
 to enter upon active operations, "that, if Her Majesty had 
 sent a power of men, the Indians might, perhaps, imagine we 
 came rather to invade than to defend them ; one of their 
 chiefs replied that this course very well assorted with the 
 report they had heard of her justice, rare graces, and virtues, 
 the fame of whose power in being able to vanquish the 
 Spaniards, and singular goodness in undertaking to succour 
 and defend the afflicted Indians, was now so general, that 
 the nations far and near were all agreed to join with us, and, 
 by all means possible, to assist us in expelling and rooting out 
 the Spaniards from all parts of the land ; but that we were 
 deceived if we thought the country not large enough to re- 
 ceive us, without molestation or intrusion upon the Indians, 
 
 * Hakluyt, 677. f Ibid., 681. 5:/6trf., 577. 
 
S32 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 who wanted not choice of dwelling-places, if they forsook one 
 to live in another, but stood in need of our presence at all 
 times to aid them, and maintain their liberty, which to them 
 is dearer than land or living".* 
 
 That no motive might be wanting, Sir Walter's faithful 
 mouthpiece urged the religious duty of prosecuting this dis- 
 covery and conquest. "If we do but consider," said he, 
 " how unhappily Berrio his affairs, with his assistants, have of 
 late years, in our own knowledge, succeeded, who can say if 
 the hand of the Almighty be not against them, and that He 
 hath a work in this place, instead of papistry, to make the 
 sincere light of His Gospel to shine on this people ; the effect- 
 ing whereof shall be a royal crown of everlasting remembrance 
 to all other blessings that from the beginning the Lord hath 
 plentifully poured on our dread sovereign in an eminent and 
 supreme degree of all perfection ? If the Castilians, pre- 
 tending a religious care of planting Christianity in these parts, 
 have in their doings preached nought else but avarice, rapine, 
 blood, death, and destruction to those naked and sheep-like 
 creatures of God, erecting statues and trophies of victory unto 
 themselves in the slaughters of millions of innocents, doth 
 not the cry of the poor succourless ascend unto the heavens ? 
 Hath God forgotten to be gracious to the workmanship of His 
 own hands ? Or shall not His judgments in a day of visita- 
 tion, by the ministry of His chosen servant, come on these 
 bloodthirsty butchers like rain into a fleece of wool ? Ali- 
 quando manifesta, aliquando occulta, semper justa su?it Dei 
 judicia." f 
 
 "Myself," said the ardent adventurer, "and the remain of 
 my few years, I have bequeathed wholly to Raleana ; and all 
 my thoughts live only in that action : the prosecution thereof 
 is in itself just, profitable, and necessary." J "The river of 
 Raleana giveth open and free passage, any provision that the 
 Spaniard can make to the contrary notwithstanding (for once 
 yearly the lands near the river be all drowned), to convey 
 men, horse, munition, and victual for any power of men that 
 shall be sent thither. I do speak it on my soul's health, as 
 the best testimony that I can in any cause yield to aver in 
 truth, that, having now the second time been in this country, 
 and, with the helps of time and leisure, well advised myself 
 
 * Hakluyt, 674. f Ibid., 686. X ^^id., 687. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 333 
 
 upon all circumstances to be thought on, I can discern no 
 sufficient impediment to the contrary, but that, with a com- 
 petent number of men. Her Majesty may, to her and her 
 successors, enjoy this rich and great empire, and, having once 
 planted there, may for ever, by the favour of God, hold and 
 keep it, contra Judceos et Gentes." "If the necessity of follow- 
 ing this enterprise doth nothing urge us, because in some men 
 better a mischief than an inconvenience, let the convenience 
 thereof somewhat move us, in respect both of so many gentle- 
 men, soldiers, and younger brethren, who, if for want of 
 employment they do not die like cloyed cattle in rank ease- 
 fulness, are enforced, for maintenance' sake, sometimes to take 
 shameful and unlawful courses ; and in respect of so many 
 handy craftsmen, having able bodies, that do live in cleanness 
 of teeth and poverty. To sacrifice the children of Belial unto 
 the common weal, is not to defile the land with blood, because 
 the law of God doth not prohibit it, and the execution of 
 justice requireth it to be so ; but yet, if the water-boughs 
 that suck and feed on the juice and nourishment that the 
 fruitful branches should live by, are to be cut down from the 
 tree, and not regarded, lucky and prosperous be that right 
 hand that shall plant and possess a soil where they may 
 fructify, increase, and grow to good ; thrice honourable and 
 blessed be the memory of so charitable a deed, from one 
 generation to another ! " Then addressing Raleigh, " To 
 conclude," he says, "your lordship hath paid for the discovery 
 and search, both in your own person, and since by me. You 
 have framed it and moulded it, ready for Her Majesty to set 
 on her seal. If either envy * or ignorance, or other devices, 
 
 * Keymis alludes to Raleigh's enemies in some Latin verses addressed 
 to Harcot, which are prefixed to his relation. 
 
 " Providus excubuit simili discrimine Joseph^ 
 Sic fratres fratrem deseruire suum. 
 Fama color atam designet si bona vestem, 
 Vestis scissa malis sicfuit ilia modis." 
 Chapman also, in what he entitles De Guiana Carmen Epicum, prefixed 
 to the same account, inveighs against those who did not believe Raleigh's 
 report of the " great and golden city," and ascribes their incredulity to 
 envy. 
 
 '•You then, that would be wise in wisdom's spite, 
 Directing with discredit of direction. 
 And hunt for honour, hunting him to death. 
 With whom before you will inherit gold 
 You will lose gold, for which you lose your souls ; 
 
334 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 prostrate the rest, the good which shall grow to our enemies, 
 and the loss which shall come to Her Majesty and this king- 
 dom, will after a few years show itself. We have more 
 people, more ships, and better means, and yet do nothing. 
 In one word, the time serveth, the like occasion seldom 
 happeneth in many ages ; the former repeated considerations 
 do all jointly together importune us, now or never, to make 
 ourselves rich,* our posterity happy, our princess every way 
 stronger than our enemies, and to establish our country in a 
 state flourishing and peaceable. Oh ! let not, then, such an 
 indignity rest on us, as to deprave so notable an enterprise 
 with false rumours and vain suppositions, to sleep on so serious 
 a matter, and, renouncing the honour, strength, wealth, and 
 sovereignty of so famous a conquest, to leave all unto the 
 Spaniard." f 
 
 A third voyage to Guiana was set forth by Raleigh in 
 the same year ; but only a single pinnace was sent, and the 
 sole object was to explore the rivers upon the coast. The 
 relation held out no such golden hopes as were displayed in 
 the two former; but samples were brought home of "fine 
 cotton wool, which the trees yield great store of, and whereof 
 the women make a fine thread, which will make excellent 
 good fustians, or stockings " ; and it was said that the land 
 " yielded divers other commodities, which in good time might 
 be found out, to the benefit of our country, and profit of the 
 
 You that chuse nought for right, but certainty, 
 And fear that valour will get only blows, 
 Placing your faith in incredulity ; 
 Sit till you see a wonder, virtue rich : 
 Till honour, having gold, rob gold of honour ; 
 Till as men hate desert that getteth nought 
 They loathe all getting that deserves not ought, 
 And use you gold-made men as dregs of men ; 
 And till your poisoned souls, like spiders lurking 
 In sluttish chinks, in nests of cobwebs hide 
 Your foggy bodies and your dunghill pride. 
 O incredulity ! the wit of fools, 
 That slovenly will spit on all things fair. 
 The coward's castle, and the sluggard's cradle, 
 How easy 'tis to be an infidel 1 " 
 
 — Hakluyt, 66g, 670. 
 * " Est ibi, vel nusquam, quod qucBrimus ; ergo petamus : 
 Dat Deus hanc Canaan possidiamus. Amen." 
 Thus Keymis concludes his verses, 
 t Hakluyt, 686, 687. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 335 
 
 adventurei*s, who as yet, having ventured much, had gained 
 little ".* It was well for them that they had ventured nothing 
 but money ; and had not, like the Virginian colonists, been 
 deluded to their own destruction. 
 
 Raleigh has the merit of having been the first person to 
 perceive that the great rivers afforded the best means of 
 communicating with the richest parts of Spanish America ; 
 and that, if such a country as his Manoa existed, it was by 
 the rivers that it must be sought. But the time for com- 
 mercial intercourse had not arrived, and his dreams of con- 
 quest proved fatal to himself at last. They would have 
 proved fatal to very many of his countrymen, if he could at 
 this time have persuaded the Government or the people to 
 enter into his projects. What the English escaped may be 
 apprehended by what befell the Spaniards in the prosecution 
 of this very enterprise at this very time. 
 
 He had heard, during his expedition, that Berrio had de- 
 spatched his camp-master to Spain to levy men, sending with 
 him " divers images, as well of men as beasts, birds, and 
 fishes, so curiously wrought in gold as he doubted not but to 
 persuade the king to yield him some farther help ; especially 
 for that this land hath never been sacked, and the mines 
 never wrought". By the show of this gold, he thought also 
 that others would be drawn to the love of the enterprise. ■[• 
 This agent was more successful than Raleigh in obtaining 
 belief, and the issue has been faithfully related. He was a 
 Biscayan, Domingo de Vera by name, and had a wife and 
 children in the city of Caraccas, when he went on this errand 
 to Spain. Like Sir Walter, he is described as a man of great 
 ability, and little scrupulous as to truth ; but he had in great 
 perfection the dangerous talent of making others beheve the 
 tales which he related, deceived himself,| no doubt, as to the 
 existence of a golden empire, but deceiving others by the 
 fables which he repeated concerning it. Having been favour- 
 ably received by the ministers, he attracted notice by appear- 
 ing always in a singular dress, which as he was of great 
 stature, and rode always a great horse, drew all eyes, and 
 made him generally known as the Indian of El Dorado, and 
 
 * Hakluyt, 697. \ Ibid., 641. 
 
 X Passion ordinaria de quantos pisan estas tierras de las Indias (Pedro 
 Simon, 597). 
 
336 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 the rich lands. Some trinkets* in gold he displayed, of 
 Indian workmanship, and some emeralds which he had 
 brought from the Nuevo Reyno, and he promised stores of 
 both ; and, by the aid of influential persons, he obtained 
 70,000 ducats at Madrid, and 5000 afterwards at Seville; 
 authority to raise any number of adventurers (though Berrio 
 has asked only for 300 men), and five good ships to carry 
 them out. Adventurers flocked to him in Toledo, La Mancha, 
 and Estremadura. In Andalusia he obtained none : the 
 people there had so much intercourse with the Indies, that 
 they were not deceived by his representations. Everywhere 
 else the expedition was beyond example popular. Twenty 
 captains of infantry, who in that capacity had served in Italy 
 and Flanders, joined it. Old soldiers, who were soliciting the 
 reward of past services, thought themselves well rewarded if 
 they could obtain commissions upon this discovery. Not those 
 alone who had their fortunes to seek were deluded ; men of 
 good birth left their entailed inheritance to engage in the 
 conquest of El Dorado ; and fathers of families, who were 
 respectably settled in the various branches of middle and 
 lower life, gave up their offices or employments, sold their 
 goods, esteeming everything as dirt in comparison with what 
 they were to take possession of, and embarked with their 
 wives and children. When men were wanted for the Indies, 
 it used to be necessary to force them into the service ; but 
 in this case, wherever Domingo de Vera or any of his officers 
 went, solicitations and bribes were used by eager volunteers. 
 A prebendary]- of Salamanca, who went out as superior of 
 the clergy, left an income of 2000 dollars ; and among the 
 preachers were some of great repute, who were in the sure 
 path of preferment at home. The whole expedition consisted 
 of more than 2000 persons. | 
 
 They reached Trinidad after a prosperous voyage ; and, 
 having anchored in Puerto de Espana, the camp-master 
 landed, captured a party who were sent from St. Joseph's to 
 reconnoitre the new-comers, and took possession of that city 
 in the name of its lawful governor, Berrio. It was in Passion- 
 
 * Unas chagualillas, cariculias y orejeras de oro. In Raleigh's relation, 
 ten images of fine gold are specified, "so curiously wrought," that Berrio 
 said he had not seen the like either in Italy, Spain, or the Low Countries 
 (Pedro Simon, 639). 
 
 t Racionero. X Pedro Simon, 597-599. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 337 
 
 week. The first days were passed by the adventurers in 
 hutting themselves and landing their stores, the latter part 
 of the week in the religious observances of the season. The 
 sick recovered as soon as they were on shore ; but the women 
 began already to apprehend the miseries which awaited them ; 
 and the priest, who administered spiritual consolation, and 
 endeavoured to comfort them, felt his own heart * fail when 
 he saw the little children dabbling in the sea, not for pleasure, 
 but to escape the intolerable heat of the land. Vera's first 
 business was to send some of his ships to the port of Caraccas 
 with much merchandise, many of the married people, and 
 certain of his chosen friends, who were charged to dispose of 
 the goods there, and, purchasing with the proceeds horses, 
 cattle, and such commodities as would be most useful, proceed 
 with them by land to the city of St. Thomas, which was 
 Berrio's residence. As soon as Easter was past, he gave 
 orders that the people should remove to the town. A few of 
 the more favoured obtained canoes to convey their baggage, 
 by a river which disembogued about a league from the port ; 
 all others had to perform the march on foot : the distance was 
 three leagues. They had neither beasts of burthen, nor 
 Indians in their stead ; they were compelled, therefore, to 
 load themselves with all that they could not at once make up 
 their minds to lose, and to carry water also (the women for 
 themselves and their children), or die for thirst upon the way. 
 When all had arrived, a muster was made ; twenty banners 
 were displayed, so rich and costly, says Pedro Simon, "that 
 they would have been more suitable for nuptial or royal 
 festivals, than for an expedition to such miserable lands". 
 The little mischief which Raleigh had done had been easily 
 repaired ; for, indeed, there was little that he could do : the 
 place did not contain thirty families, and the strangers were 
 to find shelter as they could. Rations of biscuit and salt 
 meat, and, on Fridays, of pulse or rice, were served out to 
 them. The priests and officers had an allowance of oil and 
 vinegar also, of which and of wine good store had been 
 brought out. But the camp-master diminished this consump- 
 tion as soon as possible, by despatching detachments in canoes 
 
 * Dezia con gran dolor, que sera dc tantos angelitos en tantas descomo- 
 
 didades I Consolava con su buen espiritu y palahras las aflicciones de 
 
 todos, y no ptidiendolas remediar con otra cosa, se octipava en llorar con 
 
 tantos como lloravan, y a la ruyna que les amenazava (Pedro Simon, 603). 
 
 22 
 
338 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 to St. Thomas.* Some flotillas effected their passage safely ; 
 but one, which consisted of six canoes, met with bad weather 
 in crossing the gulf, and only three succeeded in entering 
 the river, after throwing their cargoes overboard. The others 
 made the nearest shore, hoping to follow them at daylight. 
 They were descried by the Caribs, who came upon them with 
 great force, and slew them all, except a few women, whom 
 they carried away, and one soldier, who, getting into a swamp, 
 hid himself among the mangles, and escaped to relate the 
 fate of his companions. -t* 
 
 Pursuing their success, the Caribs prepared to fall upon the 
 canoes which had entered the river, expecting to find them 
 equally unprepared for resistance ; for, though they stood in 
 fear of those Spaniards who were accustomed to Indian war- 
 fare, they held all who were inexperienced in great contempt. 
 By good fortune, there were three men on board whom Vera 
 had arrested at St. Joseph's, and was sending in irons to 
 Berrio, whose authority they had opposed. Their irons were 
 taken off in this emergency ; and, when a few shots had been 
 fired, the Caribs, seeing with whom they had to deal, made off. 
 There were five Franciscans in this party, who, hearing that 
 the scene of the massacre was not far distant, proposed to 
 bury the slain ; and, when the proposition was rejected, as 
 engaging them in much danger and useless labour, they set 
 out alone to perform what they considered due to religion 
 and to humanity. Example moved those whom persuasion 
 had failed to move, and some five and twenty of the soldiers 
 followed them. This duty having been performed, the canoes 
 pursued their way to the city of St. Thomas. That city had 
 been founded by Berrio a few years before, at the same time 
 with that of St. Joseph in the isle of Trinidad, but hitherto 
 with better fortune. There were now in it not less than 400 
 men, besides women and children, and six friars. Berrio, to 
 prepare the way for the discovery and conquest of Manoa, sent 
 out small parties of the new-comers, under experienced 
 persons, that they might be seasoned to the difficulties which 
 
 *A navigation of twenty-four or thirty days, or less, if the river 
 favoured, en ocasiones de mejor rio, Pedro Simon says, pero siempre 
 penosissima, por los inumerables ntosquitos que ay, de dia zancudos canta- 
 dores, y de noche gegenes rodadores, y sobre todo gran riesgo de Caribes 
 craelissimos, y vorazes di came humana (p. 604). 
 
 t Pedro Simon, 600-605. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 339 
 
 they would have to undergo, and learn how to conduct them- 
 selves in their intercourse with the Indians. They were to 
 spread the news that the king had sent out many Spaniards, 
 and a large supply of bills, axes, caps, hawk-bells, looking- 
 glasses, combs, and such other articles of traffic as were in 
 most request. These parties were instructed not to venture 
 far, because of the little confidence that was placed in the 
 Indians ; but, as far as they went, they saw no appearance of 
 those riches which Raleigh had heard of, nor of that plenty 
 which he had found. The people with whom they met had 
 but a scanty sustenance for themselves ; and hammocks were 
 a luxury which none but the chiefs possessed, and which they 
 obtained from more industrious or less degraded tribes. 
 They had, indeed, so little to offer or exchange for bills and 
 hatchets (which they were most desirous to obtain), that they 
 frequently bartered their children for them : others gave proof 
 of willingness to improve their own condition, by hiring them- 
 selves as boatmen in payment for such tools.* 
 
 Berrio was not discouraged by the result of these journeys : 
 like Raleigh, he was persuaded that the great and golden city 
 stood on the banks of a great lake, from which the river Caroli 
 issued, about twelve leagues east of the mouth whereof his 
 town was placed.f A force of 300 men was now ordered 
 upon the discovery. The command was given to Alvaro 
 Jorge, a Portuguese, who was nearly seventy years of age, 
 
 * Pedro Simon, 606, 607. 
 
 t Humboldt, v., 698 (Eng. trans.). It is said here that there was an 
 earlier town, called St. Thomas, opposite the island of Taxardo, at the 
 confluence of the Carruy and the Orinoco ; and that it was destroyed by 
 the Dutch under Adrian Janson, in 1579. The reference is to Laet, 
 '•Novus Orbes" (lib. xvii., p. 660). But the date there is 1629, and the 
 history of Adriaen Janszoon Pater's expedition is related under that year 
 in J. de Laet's laerluck Verhael of the West Indian company. 
 
 Keymis (Hakluyt, 678), speaks of a Rancheria, of some twenty or thirty 
 houses, which the Spaniards had planted at a port of Topeawary's. " The 
 high rocky island," he says, " that lieth in the midst of the river, against 
 the mouth of Caroli, is their fort, or refuge, when they misdoubt safety in 
 their town, or have notice of any practice against them." Possibly this 
 may be the settlement of which Humboldt speaks as the fort of St. 
 Thomd. I can find no mention of any earlier one than that which Berrio 
 founded in 1591, or the following year. 
 
 Keymis must have left the river a very short time before Domingo de 
 Vera's unfortunate people entered it. Pedro Simon has erroneously dated 
 Vera's expedition in 1595. 
 
340 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 but who had passed many years in the Nuevo Reyno, had 
 much experience in Indian warfare, and was trusted in all 
 things by Berrio. Three Franciscans, and a lay brother of the 
 same order, accompanied the expedition. This would have 
 been deemed a considerable force against more formidable 
 Indians than they expected to encounter. The tribes in this 
 part of the country used long arrows, which were less destruc- 
 tive than short ones, and they were not poisoned.* The old 
 commander died a few days after they had begun their march ; 
 and another Portuguese, Correa by name, was chosen to suc- 
 ceed him, till Berrio's pleasure could be known. Having 
 reached the Cerro de los Totumos, where the temperature 
 was somewhat cooler, and the country more open and less 
 difficult than that which they had passed, they hutted them- 
 selves upon a sort of prairie, where the herbage was short, 
 and halted there, apparently in the hope that rest might 
 restore those who began to feel the effect of an unwholesome 
 climate. The natives not only abstained from any acts of 
 hostility, but supplied them with fruits, and with a sort of 
 cassava, much coarser and less palatable than that which is 
 made of mandioc.f This they did in sure knowledge that 
 disease would soon subdue these new-come Spaniards to their 
 hands. It was not long before ill diet, the climate, and the 
 utter want of all needful remedies, produced a malignant 
 fever, accompanied with ulcers, which carried off a third part 
 of their number. One comfort, indeed, there was, of which 
 the sick and the dying were not destitute : the friars contrived 
 every day to perform mass in a place where all the sufferers 
 could hear it ; and no person died without performing and 
 receiving all the offices which the Romish Church has enjoined. 
 This was their only comfort left. Correa himself sunk under 
 
 * Pedro Simon, however, is certainly mistaken in saying that poison 
 was not known in those countries ; for it is upon the Orinoco, and the 
 rivers connected with it, that the most deadly poison is prepared. 
 
 t Una manera del cazava de rayze peregrinas, tan tnalo y aspero, que 
 el ordinario de yuca es mazapanes para con el, pues aun despues de mojado 
 se estava tan aspero como de antes, que aun el agua no lo podia ablandar. 
 (Pedro Simon, 608). 
 
 Raleigh gives a very different account of the cassava which the Aruacas 
 made for the Margarita market. He says, *' Nothing on the earth could 
 have been more welcome to us, next unto gold, than the great store of 
 very excellent bread which we found in these canoes ; for now our men 
 cried, ' Let us go on, we care not how far ' " (Hakluyt, 646). 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 341 
 
 the disease : he might possibly have escaped it, acclimated 
 as he was, if^ being a strong and a compassionate man, he had 
 not overtasked himself when food was to be sought from a 
 distance, and carried heavy loads to spare those who were less 
 equal to the labour. For now the crafty Indians no longer 
 brought supplies, but left the weakened Spaniards to provide 
 for themselves as they could ; and when Correa was dead, of 
 whom, as a man accustomed to Indian war, they stood in fear, 
 they collected their forces, and fell upon the Spaniards, who 
 apprehended no danger, and were most of them incapable of 
 making any defence. The plan appears to have been con- 
 certed with a young cacique, who accompanied the Spaniards 
 under the pretence of friendship, and, having adopted their 
 dress, was called by them el Vestido ; and the women, whom 
 the Indians brought with them to carry home the spoils of 
 their enemies, bore their part with stones and stakes in the 
 easy slaughter. Those who escaped the first attack fled in 
 all speed, some without weapons, and some without strength 
 to use them. The friars were the last to fly : with the soldiers 
 to protect them, they brought off their portable altar, two 
 crosses, and a crucifix. No attempt at resistance was made, 
 except when a fugitive fell by the way ; the word was then 
 passed for one of the fathers ; some soldiers stood with their 
 muskets to protect him while he hastily confessed and absolved 
 the poor wretch, whom his countrymen then commended to 
 God, and left to the mercy of the Indians ! In some places 
 the enemy set fire to the grass, a mode of destruction which 
 seems to have been foreplanned,* and by which part of this 
 miserable expedition perished. Not quite thirty, out of 300, 
 reached St. Thomas. They owed their escape to the lay 
 brother, who, when the sergeant of the party fell, laid down 
 his cross, took up a partisan in its stead, and demeaned him- 
 self like a good soldier. But of those who reached the town, 
 about half died either of the diseases which they had contracted, 
 or of destitution. A novenary was kept for the souls of those 
 who had perished in the expedition ; and on the tenth day 
 mass was performed in thanksgiving to Nuestra Seiiora de las 
 
 * Keymis says, an old Indian showed him "how the Iwarewakeri had 
 nourished grass in all places where there were passages, these three years ; 
 and that it is at this present so high as some of the trees, which they 
 mean to burn so soon as the Spaniards shall be within danger thereof" 
 (Hakluyt, 68i). 
 
342 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Nieves, on the eve of whose holiday the retreat, in which so 
 few had escaped, was effected.* 
 
 That place was in a deplorable state, suffering at once from 
 a contagious disease, and from a scarcity of provisions. To 
 add to the distress, about 100 persons more had just arrived 
 from Trinidad. The camp-master had despatched them, 
 because he was no longer able to support them on the island, 
 the stores which he had brought having been either consumed 
 or spoiled ; and also because he feared lest some of them 
 should fly to Margarita, Cumana, or Caraccas, and by that 
 means complaints of the falsehood whereby they had been 
 deluded would reach the king and the royal council. They, 
 however, were still possessed with the golden dream which 
 had enticed them from their native land ; and, when they 
 embarked from Trinidad for the Orinoco, they repined at 
 their own ill fortune in not having been in the earlier detach- 
 ments, by whom they supposed the first spoils of El Dorado 
 had by that time been shared. They arrived like skeletons 
 at a city of death. Not only were provisions scarce, but the 
 supply of salt which was brought thither from Chita, a place 
 belonging to Berrio in the Nuevo Reyno, had altogether failed ; 
 and without it health cannot be preserved. The shoes had 
 all been consumed ; materials or ingenuity to substitute any- 
 thing for them were wanting ; and the country was infested 
 by that insect f (the chigua) which burrows in the feet ; and 
 wounds of any kind in the feet or legs were there especially 
 dangerous. Among those who had come from Spain to enter 
 upon this land of promise there was a beata, the name given 
 to a woman when she professes to be more holy than her 
 neighbours. She had been a servant in the convent of the 
 Descalzas in Madrid, and held an employment % there which 
 secured her a respectable support : this she gave up to ac- 
 company a married daughter and her husband on this unhappy 
 
 * Hakluyt, 608-610. 
 
 t In this respect, Pedro Simon says, those countries had been much 
 improved by the large herds of cattle which the Spaniards had introduced, 
 and by the cultivation of the land (612). 
 
 The plague of the chigua was so great in Trinidad, that two forges, 
 which Vera had brought out with him, were, according to this historian, 
 chiefly employed in heating irons to cauterise the sores caused by this 
 most noxious insect (613). 
 
 X Una de aquellas que llaman mandaderas ; per set su ojicio llevar y 
 traer recados en los negocios del convento (Pedro Simon, 613). 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH S4S 
 
 adventure, still, however, wearing the Francisan habit ; and, 
 as a person of great charity, she devoted herself to the service 
 of the sick. From daybreak till nine in the forenoon, she, 
 with an Indian woman who belonged to the governor, and 
 with some of the priests, went among the sufferers to dress 
 their sores and minister to them : after that hour, the stench 
 arising from the sick and dead became unbearable. Early 
 every morning Berrio was informed of the deaths which had 
 taken place during the night ; and he went himself to superin- 
 tend their interment ; twelve or fomi:een bodies being some- 
 times deposited in one grave : for at this time many, whom 
 the contagion spared, were dying of hunger. In addition to 
 other evils, there was a plague of crickets at this time, who 
 not only devoured everything that was made of leather, and 
 clothing of every kind, but attacked the ears and lips and 
 nostrils of the sick by night, when there were none to watch 
 by them, and they were unable to raise their arms for protect- 
 ing themselves.* 
 
 Some of the women, and the heata among them, looking 
 upon the governor as the first cause of their miseries, and 
 thinking that as long as he lived there was no hope of their 
 escaping from this fatal place, resolved to murder him, and 
 provided themselves with knives for the purpose. They meant 
 to execute their design by night ; for, if there had been any 
 difficulty in obtaining access, the beata could at any hour have 
 gained admittance, on the pretext of coming to ask for some- 
 thing for the sick. Luckily for Berrio, she mentioned their 
 intent to one of the friars, and, by his remonstrance, the con- 
 spirators were induced to abandon it. Had they effected it, 
 it is said they would have met with no punishment there, 
 where so many persons would have concurred with them in 
 opinion. One woman, who had been persuaded to sell her 
 possessions in Spain, and embark with her family in this 
 disastrous adventure, made her way to the governor when the 
 officers and friars were with him, and, emptying upon the 
 ground before him a bag which contained 150 doubloons, said 
 to him, "Tyrant, if it be gold you seek in this miserable 
 country, whither you have brought us to die, take what is left 
 from the price they gave me for the lands and vineyards and 
 houses which I sold, that I might come here ! " The strong 
 
 * Pedro Simon, 610-613. 
 
SU ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 feeling which appeared in Berrio's countenance was taken for 
 anger by the bystanders, and they interposed to soothe him ; 
 but the emotion was of a different kind, and he only replied, 
 " I gave no orders to Domingo de Vera that he should bring 
 more than 300 men ". It soon appeared that, as he had not 
 brought these unhappy people thither, neither did he desire 
 to detain them where he was without means of supporting 
 them. Many, who had strength or resolution enough for the 
 perilous attempt, trusted themselves to the river in such canoes 
 as they could find, without boatmen or pilot, and endeavoured 
 to make their way back to Trinidad ; some perishing by the 
 hands of the Caribs, others by drowning, others, who escaped 
 from the water, by hunger on the marshy shores which they 
 reached. Vera soon died in Trinidad of a painful disease, 
 undeceived, if not concerning El Dorado, at least of his 
 schemes of ambition ; and Berrio did not long survive him."^ 
 Such was the issue of this great attempt for the conquest of 
 the golden empire : if no former attempt had terminated so 
 miserably, it was because no women and children had em- 
 barked in any other : all had failed alike ; and if Raleigh's 
 representations had deluded his countrymen, no better fate 
 could have befallen an English expedition. 
 
 They might, probably, have been deluded if Raleigh had 
 been a favourite with the people, or if his character had been 
 above suspicion. His reputation was raised by the part which 
 he bore in the taking of Cadiz, and still more by his conduct 
 during the island voyage. He recovered also the queen's 
 favour ; and, having obtained Cecil's confidence, was talked of 
 as a member f of the council. On the rumour of a Spanish 
 fleet, he was sent to Cornwall to provide for the defence of 
 that part of the coast ; | and when the matters and miseries 
 of Ireland busied the council, and affairs there were growing 
 to desperate terms, Raleigh was among the persons consulted, 
 
 * Pedro Simon (613-615), says that Domingo de Vera died con mayores 
 dolores que paciencia : such, he says, after particularising the fate of 
 various individuals, fueron los fines que tuvo esta tan eampanuda Jor- 
 nada del Dorado, y los misnios como hemos dicho, que tuvieron otras con el 
 mismo titulo, que todo fue al modo que tuvo la estatua de Nabucodonosor, 
 comenzando en cabezas de oro, y acabando en miserables pies de barro y 
 lamentables caydas ; y ojala llegue el cscarmiento y disengano destas a 
 tiempo que no sucedan otras mayores disgracias a titulo del Dorado, y otras 
 tales jornadas. 
 
 t Sydney Papers, ii., 90. Xlbid., 91, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 345 
 
 and it was intended to send him there as lord deputy ; but 
 this he little liked,* and Essex, fatally for himself, accepted 
 the appointment. In the subsequent troubles of that mis- 
 guided earl he acted an ungenerous part, and was suspected f 
 of resorting to base artifices against him ; but of this there is 
 neither proof nor probability : no statesman, worthy to be so 
 called (and Raleigh assuredly was worthy), would have used 
 means for injuring a rival, which, if discovered, must have 
 proved more deeply injurious to himself. For a while he 
 figured J as a courtier, and seemed to prosper as a politician. 
 When preparations were made against an apprehended inva- 
 sion, he was appointed vice-admiral. The queen, indeed, did 
 not believe that "the Spaniards would assail her land" ; yet 
 she gave " special order that all things should be in readiness 
 to repulse them " ; and though peace was generally desired, 
 and not without cause, they who most affected it, and thought 
 the country was not able to endure the charges of war, well 
 knew that the " manner of treating was good when we had a 
 fleet at sea and an army ready within eight days, with sword 
 in hand".§ His advice was taken for the victualling and 
 manning of Ireland. || When commissioners were appointed 
 to treat in the Low Countries for peace, he made great suit for 
 the appointment ; but it was thought the queen perceived 
 *' that, if he were one, he would stand to be made a counsellor 
 ere he went, unto which she had no fancy ".IT Discontented at 
 this, he withdrew with his lady to Sherbourne, and took with 
 him Cecil's son, " a young youth of great hope," to be brought 
 
 * Sydney Papers^ 96. 
 
 + " The world suspects him about the libels, how justly I may not 
 judge of, for God knows best all men's doings, and will, when please him, 
 reveal it " (Rowland Whyte to Sir Robert Sydney, 13th December, 1599. 
 Sydney Papers, ii., 50). 
 
 :J: " He wore a suit of silver armour at the tourneys ; his sword-hilt and 
 belt were studded with diamonds, pearls, and rubies ; his court dress, on 
 occasions of state, was said to be covered with jewels to the value of 
 60,000/. ; and even his shoes glistened with precious stones. It was in 
 this splendid apparel that he waited on his royal mistress as captain of 
 her guard during those visits to the houses of her nobility known by the 
 name of progresses (Tytler's Life of Raleigh, 227). 
 
 Rowland Whyte says (12th January, 1599), "The Earl of Northumber- 
 land is a perpetual courtier, and familiar with Sir Walter Raleigh at cards," 
 (Sydney Papers, ii., 159). 
 
 %Sydney Papers^ ii., 113,1114. \\Ihid.^ 159. 
 
 11 Ibid., 178. 
 
346 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 up with his family ; upon such terms of confidence and friend- 
 ship were Sir Walter and the secretary at this time.* 
 
 He did not remain many months in retirement, but, when 
 the lord chamberlain's life was despaired of, came again to 
 court, to press for the vice-chamberlain's place. f Failing in 
 this, he went over with Lord Cobham, " to see the camp and 
 siege of Fort Isabella, near Ostend " ; a pretence which is 
 supposed to have covered some secret J mission. Shortly 
 after his return, he obtained the government of Jersey, upon 
 the death of Sir Anthony Pawlett : § he was not required to 
 
 * Sydney Papers, ii., 179, 181, 185, 188, 214. flbid., 198. 
 
 X Cecil says, in a letter to the commissioners for the treaty of Boulogne, 
 " I have little more at this time to trouble you withal ; only I think good 
 to preoccupate with you' another circumstance, if they hear it, which is, 
 the going over of my Lord of Northumberland and my Lord of Rutland, 
 and now my Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh ; of whom, if they 
 speak (but not otherwise), you may use this argument, that they have no 
 charge, nor carried either horse or man, but some half a dozen of their 
 own : but, finding the queen is so resolved to have peace (if good con- 
 ditions could be had), they obtained leave, with importunity, to see this 
 one action, before they should become desperate of that kind in her 
 majesty's time, which God long continue ". 
 
 Sir Henry Neville, who was one of the commissioners at Boulogne, 
 says, " I cannot think but they have some other end, although he be not 
 worthy to know it"; and, a little after, "I hear their journey was not 
 altogether idle, not upon curiosity only; but that they carried some 
 message, which did no harm" (Cayley's Life of Raleigh, i., 329-331). 
 Win wood's Memorials quoted. 
 
 § There were some difficulties in the way of the appointment. Rowland 
 Whyte writes (12th August, 1600), " The Lord Harry Seymour claims a 
 former grant of her majesty, of 300Z. a year paid out of it, as he had in 
 Pawlett's time ". i6th August, *' Sir William Russel standing for the 
 government of Jersey, hath given a stop to Sir Walter Raleigh's having 
 it ; but the opinion is Sir Walter will carry it, who, I hear, hath dealt with 
 Sir William Russel to give over his suit, and he would resign unto him 
 the wardenship of the stannaries, and the lieutenancy of Cornwall. But 
 Sir William Russel stands upon these terms, — * to have what her majesty 
 will please to give him, as merely from herself, without being beholding 
 to the other '. My Lord Harry Seymour, on the other side, hopes well on 
 her majesty's gracious promise, and persists in his suit Sir Walter Raleigh 
 hath had three or four fits of an ague. His own credit with the queen is 
 of late grown good, and he cannot want the assistance of his friends, 
 whose authority is greatest." 23d August, " Sir Walter Raleigh shall have 
 the government of Jersey ; and it is doubtful if he part with the stannaries 
 or no. A commission will be sent to survey the island, and the charges 
 of building a new fort. It should seem Sir Walter Raleigh will be content 
 to raise a fort upon his own charges ; and he must pay 300/. a year to my 
 Lord Harry Seymour " {Sydney Papers, ii., 209, 210, 212). 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 347 
 
 reside there ; and in Elizabeth's last parliament he sat as one 
 of the knights of the shire for Cornwall. An act of Henry 
 VIII., by which every person occupying land apt for tillage 
 was enjoined, under a penalty of three and fourpence, for 
 every sixty acres to sow one rood yearly, either with flax or 
 hemp-seed, had been revived in the fifth year of Elizabeth, 
 and repealed thirty years later. It was proposed to re-enact 
 the provision.* Raleigh objected, upon a wider view of the 
 subject than was taken by those who brought the question 
 forward. "For my part," said he, "I do not like this con- 
 straining of men to manure or use their grounds at our wills, 
 but rather let every man use his ground to that which it is 
 most fit for, and therein use his own discretion. For halsers, 
 cables, cordage, and the like, we have plentifully enough from 
 foreign nations ; and we have divers counties here in England 
 which make thereof in great abundance. And the bill of till- 
 age may be a sufficient motive to us, in this case, not to take 
 the course that this bill intendeth ; for when the law provideth 
 that every man must plough the third part of his land, I know 
 it, divers poor people have done so to avoid the penalty of the 
 statute, when their abilities have been so poor, that they have 
 not been able to buy seed corn to sow it withal : nay, they 
 have been fain to have others to plough it ; which, if it had 
 
 This annual payment was reserved to the crown in Raleigh's patent, 
 to be paid into the exchequer half-yearly. But, among the donations 
 made by James on his accession, it appears that he released to Sir Walter 
 this annuity (Ellis's Original Letters, iii., 480). The appointment was 
 for life. Mr. Cayley has printed the patent from Rymer's Foedera (xvi. 
 398), in the appendix to his Life of Raleigh. 
 
 * The original reason assigned was, that the king, " calling to his most 
 blessed remembrance the great number of idle people daily increasing 
 throughout his realm, supposed that one great cause thereof was by 
 the continual bringing into the same the great number of wares and 
 merchandises from beyond sea, ready wrought by manual occupation, 
 one kind being linen cloth, in marvellous great quantity. Hence other 
 countries drew from this inestimable sums of money ; and also the people 
 of this realm, as well men as women, which should and might be set 
 on work in spinning, weaving, and making of linen cloth, were living in 
 idleness and ociosity, to the high displeasure of Almighty God, great 
 diminution of the king's people, and extreme ruin, decay, and impoverish- 
 ment of this realm. For reformation thereof, the king, like a most virtuous 
 prince, nothing so much coveting as the increase of the commonwealth, 
 with also the virtuous exercise of his most loving subjects and people, 
 and to avoid that most abominable vice of idleness out of the realm, with 
 the advice and assent of parliament, enacted this law." 
 
S48 ENGLISH SEAMEM 
 
 been unploughed, would have been good pasture for beasts, 
 or might have been converted to other good uses." * 
 
 On this occasion Raleigh's arguments prevailed with the 
 house ; but when he spoke against the statute of tillage, he 
 was not so favourably heard. "I think/' said he, "this law 
 fit to be repealed ; for many poor men are not able to find 
 seed to sow so much ground as they are bound to plough : 
 which they must do, or incur the penalty of the statute. 
 Besides, all nations abound with corn. France offered the 
 queen to serve Ireland with corn at sixteen shillings a quarter, 
 which is but two shillings a bushel. If we should sell it so 
 here, the ploughman would be beggared. The Low Country 
 man, and the Hollander, who never sow corn, hath by his 
 industry such plenty, that they will serve other nations. The 
 Spaniard, who often wanteth com, had we never so much 
 plenty, would never be beholden to the Englishman for it, 
 neither to the Low Country man, nor to France, but will fetch 
 it even of the very barbarian ; and that which the barbarian 
 hath been sowing for these 200 years (I mean for traffic of 
 corn into Spain), their king, in policy, hath set at liberty of 
 himself, because he will not be beholden unto other nations. 
 And, therefore, I think the best course is, to set it at liberty, 
 and leave every man free, which is the desire of a true 
 Englishman, "f But here he was opposed by Cecil, who said, 
 ^' If we debar tillage, we give place to the depopulator ; and 
 then, if the poor be thrust out of their houses, straight we 
 catch them with the statute of inmates. If they wander 
 abroad, and be stubborn, they are within the danger of the 
 statute of rogues. If they be more humble and urgent 
 beggars, then are they within the danger of the statute of the 
 poor to be whipt or tormented. | So by this means undo this 
 statute, and you endanger many thousands. Posterior dies 
 discipulus pnoris." The majority agreed with Cecil, and pre- 
 ferred the continuance of the lesser evil to the increase of a 
 greater. 
 
 The Spaniard had landed some troops in Ireland while the 
 committee on the subsidy sat ; and Raleigh called upon the 
 house to consider to what intent they came together, and now 
 on their coming what was to be considered. " For the sub- 
 
 * Cayley, i., 343. Townshend's Hist. Coll. quoted. 
 t/6Jrf., 348. jTytler, 243. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH S49 
 
 sidy," said he, "and the manner and quality thereof, I will 
 now only intimate thus much unto you ; that the last parlia- 
 ment only three subsidies were granted, upon fear that the 
 Spaniards were coming ; but we see now they are come, and 
 have set foot even in the queen's territories, and, therefore, are 
 the more of us to be respected and regarded. And, seeing 
 the sale of Her Highness's own jewels, the great loans the 
 subjects have lent her yet unpaid, the continual selling of her 
 lands and decaying of her revenues, the sparing even out of 
 her own purse and apparel for our sakes, will not serve, but 
 yet she must be fain to call her court of parliament for our 
 advice and aid in this case, I wish, for my own part, as a 
 particular member of this commonwealth, that we may not do 
 less than we did before ; and that we also would bountifully, 
 according to our estates, contribute to the necessity of Her 
 Majesty as now it standeth." One member moved that three- 
 pound men might be exempted, and all above that rate pay 
 accordingly, so as to make up a full subsidy. Another pro- 
 posed that the four-pound men might also be exempted, and 
 four subsidies be received from the rich, which should be 
 termed a contribution, because it might make an innovation. 
 Upon this Raleigh observed, "If all pay alike, none will be 
 aggrieved ; if any be exempted, doubtless it will breed much 
 grief, and the feeling will be great to those three-pound men 
 that will feel anything, but it will be nothing to them that know 
 anything ". The three-pound men accordingly were included. 
 In a subsequent debate, Cecil referred to what had passed 
 upon this subject. "The most voices," said he, "concluded 
 that there should be no exception of the three-pound men, 
 because, according to their rate, some were assessed under 
 value : besides, separation might breed emulation, suspicion of 
 partiality, and confusion ; and the whole realm, when each 
 man comes into his country, will be better satisfied when they 
 shall know they have spared no man, nor made any disjunc- 
 tion. It was said by a member of the house, that he knew 
 some poor people pawned their pots and pans to pay the sub- 
 sidy. It may be you dwell where you see and hear : I dwell 
 where I hear and believe ; and this I know, that neither pot, 
 nor pan, nor dish, nor spoon should be spared when danger is 
 at our elbows. But he that spake this, in my conscience, 
 spake it not to hinder the subsidy, or the greatness of the 
 gift, but to show the poverty of some assessed, and, by sparing 
 
350 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 them, to yield them relief. But by no means would I have 
 the three-pound men exempted, because I do wish the King 
 of Spain might know how willing we are to sell all in defence 
 of God's religion, our prince, and country. I have read, that 
 when Hannibal resolved to sack Rome, he dwelt in the cities 
 adjoining, and never feared or doubted of his enterprise, till 
 word was brought him that the maidens, ladies, and women 
 of Rome sold their ear-rings, jewels, and all their necessaries, 
 to maintain war against him." Bacon, arguing also against the 
 exemption of the three- pound men, concluded his speech by 
 saying that it was dulds tractus pari jugo ; therefore the poor, 
 as well as the rich, are not to be exempted. Sir Walter 
 commented upon what had fallen from both speakers. " I 
 like not," said he, "that the Spaniards, our enemies, should 
 know of our selling our pots and pans to pay subsidies. Well 
 may you call it policy, as an honourable person alleged ; but 
 1 am sure it argues poverty in the State. And for the motion 
 that was last made, of dulcis tractus pari jugo, call you this ^9«r 
 jugum, when a poor man pays as much as a rich, and perad- 
 venture his estate is no better than he is set at, or but little 
 better ; when our estates, that be thirty or forty pounds on the 
 queen s books, are not the hundredth part of our wealth ? 
 Therefore it is not dulcis, nor pari." Cecil, after replying to 
 another member, who had said that the subsidy seemed to be 
 the alpha and omega of this parliament, and assuring them 
 that Her Majesty desired her laws might be perused and 
 amended, and meant not to dissolve the parliament till some 
 things had been amended, noticed Raleigh's remarks upon his 
 speech. " For that that I said,' ' said he, " touching the Spaniards 
 knowing of our sale of our pots and pans, and all we have, to 
 keep him out, which should be a matter of policy, to which 
 the gentlemen took exceptions, I say it is true ; and yet what 
 I said has been mistaken. I say it is good the Spaniard should 
 know how willing we are to sell all we have to keep him out ; 
 yet I do not say it is good he should know we do sell them : 
 that is, I would have him know our willingness to sell, though 
 there be no need, but not of our poverty in selling, or of any 
 necessity we have to sell them, which, I think, none will do, 
 neither shall need to do ; " a declaration which was received 
 with loud and general cries of "No, no" : as much as to say 
 no man did so.* 
 
 * Pari. Hist., i., 915-920. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 351 
 
 When " the grand affair of monopolies," at which Cecil had 
 glanced when he spoke of things to be amended, was brought 
 before the house, Raleigh was observed to blush when the 
 monopoly of cards was mentioned. He defended himself, 
 however, and ably, upon another ground, saying, " I am urged 
 to speak in two respects ; the one, because I find myself 
 touched in particular ; the other, in that I take some imputa- 
 tion of slander to be offered unto Her Majesty by the gentle- 
 man that first mentioned tin ; for that being one of the 
 principal commodities of this kingdom, and being in Cornwall, 
 it hath ever, so long as there were any, belonged to the dukes 
 of Cornwall, and they had special patents of privileges. It 
 pleased Her Majesty freely to bestow upon me that privilege ; 
 and that patent being word for word the very same the duke's 
 is, and because, by reason of mine office of lord warden of the 
 stannary, I can sufficiently inform the house of the state 
 thereof, I will make bold to deliver it unto you. When the 
 tin is taken out of the mine, and melted and refined, then is 
 every piece containing an hundredweight sealed with the 
 duke's seaL Now, I will tell you that, before the granting 
 of my patent, whether tin were but of seventeen shillings an 
 hundredweight, and so upwards to fifty shillings, yet the poor 
 workmen never had above two shillings a week, finding them- 
 selves ; but, since my patent, whosoever will work may, and 
 be tin at what price soever, they have four shillings a week 
 truly paid. There is no poor that will work there but may, 
 and have that wages. Notwithstanding, if all others may be 
 repealed, I will give my consent as freely to the canceUing of 
 this, as any member of this house. * 
 
 A bill having been brought in " for the more diligent resort 
 to church on Sundays," it was opposed by Raleigh, who, 
 among other reasons, exposed the inconvenience of its pro- 
 visions. "All the churchwardens of every shire," he said, 
 
 * Pari. Hist.t i., 928. Raleigh appears to have been popular in Corn- 
 wall. Carew, dedicating his survey of that country to him as lord warden 
 of the stannaries and lieutenant-general of the county, says it "entreateth 
 of the province and persons over whose bodies and estates you carry a 
 large both martial and civil command, but in whose hearts and loves you 
 possess a far greater interest by your kindness. Your ears and mouth 
 have ever been open to hear and deliver our grievances, and your feet and 
 hands ready to go and work their redress, and that not only always as a 
 magistrate of yourself, but also very often as a suitor and solicitor to 
 others of the highest places. 
 
S52 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 " must come to the assizes to give information to the grand 
 jury. Say, then, there be an hundred and twenty parishes in 
 a shire, there must come extraordinary two hundred and forty 
 churchwardens ; and say that but two in a parish offend in a 
 quarter of a year, that makes, with the offenders, four hundred 
 and eighty persons to appear. What great multitudes will 
 this bring together ; what quarrelling and danger may 
 happen ; and how prejudicial must it be to give such authority 
 to a mere churchwarden ! " When the question was put, 
 "the ayes went forth, and were 105, and the noes within I06 ; 
 but the ayes said they had the speaker's vote, which would 
 make it even. And then it was disputed whether the speaker 
 had a voice. Sir Edward Hobby said, that when the queen 
 gave them leave to choose a speaker, she gave leave to choose 
 one of their own number (and not a stranger), a citizen of 
 London, and a member ; and, therefore, he had a voice ; but 
 Raleigh replied, that the speaker was foreclosed of his voice 
 by taking that place, which was forced upon him ; that he 
 was to be indifferent for both parties ; and that, by the order 
 of the house, the bill, therefore, was lost." The speaker con- 
 firmed this ; and here the business should have ended, if a 
 member had not angrily declared that he thought it not lost, 
 for there had been ''foul and great abuse offered in this 
 matter. A gentleman," he continued, "that would willingly 
 have gone forth, according to his conscience, was pulled back. 
 Though I much reverence my masters of the Temple, and am 
 bound to our benchers of the Middle Temple, yet, if it will 
 please the house, and you, Mr. Speaker, to command me to 
 name him, I will." The general opinion was against this ; 
 but upon Cecil's desire, the angry member named Mr. Dale, 
 of the Middle Temple. "Why," said Raleigh, "if it please 
 you, it is a small matter to pull one by the sleeve, for I have 
 done so myself oftentimes." 
 
 "Great and loud speech and stir," says the reporter, "there 
 was in the house upon this." After silence was restored, the 
 comptroller, who certainly had not on this occasion controlled 
 his own temper, spake thus : " It is a most intolerable dis- 
 order. I think the offence is a heinous offence both against 
 God and this assembly : for the first, in that every man is to 
 go according to his conscience, and not by compulsion ; and 
 for the other gentleman, Sir Walter Raleigh, that said he had 
 often done the like, I think he may be ashamed of it ; for 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 353 
 
 large is his conscience, if, in a matter of so great consequence, 
 he will be drawn either forwards or backwards by the sleeve ; 
 and I think it so heinous, that he * ought to answer it at the 
 bar." Here Cecil interposed, saying, " I am sorry to see this 
 disorder. The offence which the gentleman that last spake 
 spoke of, I confess, is great and punishable ; and this I wish 
 may be inflicted on him, — that he, whose voice may be drawn 
 either forwards or backwards by the sleeve, like a dog in a 
 string, may be no more of this house ; and I wish, for his 
 credit's sake, he would not. But that it should be so great 
 as to be called to the bar, I see no reason ; neither do I know 
 why any in this house should speak so imperiously as to have 
 a gentleman of his place and quality (pointing to Sir Walter) 
 called to the bar : I see no reason for it. For the matter 
 itself, the noes were 106, and the ayes 105 : the speaker hath 
 no voice ; and, though I am sorry to say it, yet I must needs 
 confess, lost it is, and farewell it ! " f And so the house rose 
 confusedly. 
 
 On this occasion Cecil is seen acting a friendly part towards 
 Raleigh : the censure in his speech could not affect him, who 
 was not a man to be led by the sleeve, nor suspected of being 
 so. But the political alliance between them had been dis- 
 solved, and with it their friendship : friendship it must have 
 been, when Cecil sent his son to be brought up in Raleigh's 
 family at Sherbourne. Raleigh was often heard to say that he 
 never apprehended this rupture, till a foresight thereof crossed 
 his mind as he was returning by water from Essex's execution. | 
 He is said to have disobliged Cecil, by making all the opposi- 
 tion in his power to a peace which the secretary was en- 
 deavouring to bring about, in conformity with the interests of 
 the country, the wishes of Elizabeth, and the well-known 
 inclination of the King of Scotland.§ The motive which in- 
 duced Raleigh to oppose it, at a time when he also was making 
 his court to James, must have been a strong one : perhaps he 
 was chiefly influenced by his wild belief concerning El Dorado, 
 and the hope of leading an expedition for its conquest. 
 James had been prepossessed against Raleigh by Essex, who 
 represented his own rivals as enemies to the succession, and 
 
 * He is said to have meant Mr. Dale ; but the house at the time 
 supposed that Raleigh was intended, as being the person last named. 
 fParl. Histf 951-953. JOsborn, ii., 79. %Ihid., 107. 
 
 23 
 
354 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 suggested that, if the Spaniards should attempt to enforce 
 the pretended claim of their infanta to the crown, Raleigh 
 might assist their invasion, by receiving them either in the 
 west of England, or in his government of Jersey.* Moreover, 
 he was not forgiven by that king for his enmity to Essex ; f 
 an enmity which was believed not to have been satisfied with 
 the earl's downfall, but to have sought his death. Cecil was 
 not supposed to have been impelled by any personal malice. 
 James was informed that many even of Essex's friends " were 
 willing that he should rather break his neck, by desperate 
 attempts suitable to their own humours, than be saved and 
 redeemed by the faith and industry of Cecil, who, of all men 
 living, in case he had found suhjectum bene dispositum, would 
 have dealt best with him, and perfected the work of his 
 deliverance".! 
 
 Essex, indeed, was a man to be feared for his rashness only, 
 not for his abilities ; and not to be disliked for any personal 
 qualities, even by a rival. Accordingly, Cecil seems in his 
 conduct towards him to have been always placable. But 
 when he ceased to be Raleigh's friend, he became his enemy, 
 knowing that he had to compete with one as pohtic as himself, 
 perhaps more ambitious, and certainly not more scrupulous. 
 Upon Elizabeth's death and the accession of her successor, 
 Cecil was found to possess the entire confidence of the new 
 king, holding the same place in his councils as he had done in 
 the queen's ; and Raleigh was implicated in a conspiracy, 
 which cannot be fully explained by any documents which 
 have yet been brought to light. No common object could 
 
 *Cayley, i., 335. Hardwicke's State Papers, No. xxii. 
 
 t Bishop Kennett says, " There is mentioned in Buck's manuscript a 
 memorial of Raleigh to King James, wherein he reflects heavily upon 
 Cecil in the matter of Essex, and, vindicating himself, throws the whole 
 blame upon the other. At the end of that memorial, he lays open the 
 conduct of Cecil and his father, the Lord Burleigh, in the matter of Queen 
 Mary Stuart; and, with a singular bitterness of style, not only vindicates 
 the memory of Elizabeth, but lays the death of that unfortunate queen 
 chiefly at the door of Cecil and his father; for which he appeals to 
 Davison, then in prison; the man that had despatched the warrant for 
 her execution, contrary to Queen Elizabeth's express command. All this 
 had no influence on King James, and irritated Cecil the more against 
 Raleigh, which helped to sour a temper that of itself was impatient of 
 injuries, and, for all his other excellent qualities, was not fitted for the 
 reverse of fortune " {Pari. Hist., ii., 46). 
 
 X Censura Literaria, ii., 205. Secret Cor. of Cecil, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 355 
 
 have united men of such discordant principles as were engaged 
 in this wild treason. Of the principal persons concerned, 
 Lord Grey of Wilton was a Puritan ; Lord Cobham, a man too 
 loose in principle to be ascribed to any church or sect ; and 
 "Raleigh had upon him (though unjustly) the suspicion of 
 atheism".* Watson, the prime mover, and Clarke, were 
 Romish priests. The other parties were Sir Griffin Markham 
 and Sir Edward Parham ; George Brooke, who was Cobham's 
 brother ; Brookesby, and Copley, — the first an esquire, the 
 latter a gentleman. 
 
 They had divided the spoils of office among themselves : 
 Watson was to be lord chancellor ; Brooke, lord treasurer ; 
 Markham, secretary in Cecil's stead ; and Grey, lord marshal 
 
 Neither Raleigh nor Cobham were originally concerned in 
 this crude treason. James, on his arrival in England, had not 
 received Sir Walter favourably : he took from him his office 
 of captain of the guard, and gave it to Sir Thomas Erskine. 
 But this office was one which would ordinarily be bestowed 
 for personal considerations ; and, as some compensation, he 
 had been released from the annuity of 300/. charged on his 
 government of Jersey, and "a good arrearage of debt had 
 been forgiven him ". He was, however, openly a discontented 
 man ; perhaps the more so, because he found in James a 
 determined dislike to his martial projects. Raleigh had not 
 only presented him with a treatise, " wherein, with great 
 animosity, he opposed the peace with Spain, then in treaty," 
 but had offered to carry 2000 men to invade the Spaniards, 
 without the king's charge. But the king was alike by temper 
 and by his system of policy disposed, above all things, to 
 "seek peace and ensue it"; and Raleigh saw himself re- 
 strained from his schemes of conquest in Guiana, and without 
 
 * These are Whitlocke's words in his earlier Memorials (p. 273). Hume 
 says he *' was suspected to be of that philosophical sect who were then 
 extremely rare in England, and who have since received the appellation 
 oi free-thinkers" (vol. vi., p. 8, ed. 1789). 
 
 "Watson desired an oath of secrecy for them all, which was no more 
 than needful," says Fuller, " considering their different interests, rather 
 pieced than united, patched than pieced together. Had one lost his 
 religion, he might have found it (though I confess a treason is but a bad 
 place to seek it in) in this conspiracy, wherein men of all persuasions 
 were engaged. Their parts were as different as their opinions ; some of 
 them being conceived too wise to begin, and others too weak to finish, 
 80 dangerous a design " {Church History^ vol. x., p. 9). 
 
S56 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 hope of advancement at home. He listened then as a mal- 
 content and an intriguer to dangerous suggestions, thinking 
 himself too wary and too knowing to be drawn into treason. 
 Neither was he at first suspected : but Copley having been 
 apprehended upon '^some scout-notice of conventicles for 
 some such purpose," Markham and Brooke, fearing that he 
 would accuse them, attempted to escape. When it was 
 known that Brooke was engaged in it, his brother Cobham 
 was suspected ; and then Cecil (to use his own words) doubted 
 Raleigh to be a partaker. Cobham, being called in question, 
 confessed his own treason, and accused Raleigh; protesting 
 that he should never have entered into these courses but for 
 Raleigh's instigation. Upon this Raleigh was committed to 
 the Tower ; and there, while some of the other prisoners were 
 under examination, he attempted to kill himself. This, how- 
 ever, was not represented by his enemies as any proof of guilt, 
 but as the act of one who seemed "unable to endure his 
 misfortunes, and protested his innocency, with carelessness of 
 life".* 
 
 The plague then raging in London, the term was held at 
 Winchester ; and Brooke, Markham, Brookesby, Copley, Par- 
 ham, and the two priests, were there brought to trial for high 
 treason. The indictment was for consulting with the Lord 
 Grey and others to surprise the king and the young prince at 
 Greenwich, and carry them to the Tower, where the treasures 
 and jewels should serve their turn for effecting their farther 
 purposes. If they failed in obtaining possession of the Tower, 
 they thought to convey them to Dover Castle, and in either 
 place to keep the king three months, and exact from him 
 three things : first, a general pardon of all their proceedings ; 
 secondly, a toleration of religion, with an equality of admission 
 to all offices within his court or elsewhere ; thirdly, that he 
 should remove and cut off the lord chancellor, Cecil, and the 
 chief justice, and others, who should be thought to hinder 
 
 * " And in that humour he had wounded himself under the right pap, 
 but no way mortally, being, in truth, rather a cut than a stab." This is 
 stated in a letter of Cecil to the ambassador in France, first printed by 
 Mr. Cayley (i., 360). Mr. Cay ley, in a note upon this circumstance, 
 which no former biographer had mentioned, says that *' in a diary of this 
 period by Cecil, in the Hatfield Library, is likewise a memorandum that 
 Raleigh and Brooke were sent to the Tower from Fulham, July 19, 1603 ; 
 and on the 27th Sir Walter attempted to stab himself to the heart with a 
 knife y hut missed his heart, though he wounded himself greatly ". 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 857 
 
 their designment. For the better effecting of this purpose, 
 Watson had devised an oath to be administered for the pre- 
 servation of the king's person, for the advancement of the 
 Romish religion, and for concealing all secrets that should be 
 revealed to them. Watson, it was said, was the villainous 
 hatcher of these treasons, and Brooke as eager a prosecutor ; 
 and the Lord Grey, " more eager and violent than he, purposed 
 to make a suit to the king for carrying over a regiment for 
 the relief of Ostend, meaning to have it ready for the defence 
 of his own person in this action, as fearing the greatness of 
 the Roman Catholic forces, according to the promises of 
 Brooke, Markham, and Watson, and knowing not how he 
 might be dealt withal amongst them".* Parham was ac- 
 quitted : f the others " were all condemned upon their own 
 confessions, which were set down under their own hands and 
 declarations, and compiled (says Sir Dudley Carleton) with 
 such labour and care, to make the matter they undertook 
 seem very feasible, as if they had feared they should not say 
 enough to hang themselves." 
 
 Before Raleigh (who was the only one of the accused that 
 stood upon bis innocence) was brought to trial, he addressed 
 this letter to the king : " It is one part of the office of a just 
 and worthy prince to hear the complaints of his vassals ; 
 especially such as are in great misery. I know that, among 
 many presumptions gathered against me, your majesty hath 
 been persuaded that I was one of them who were greatly 
 discontented, and, therefore, the more likely to prove disloyal. 
 But the great God of heaven and earth so relieve me as I was 
 
 •State Trials, i'u, 6i. 
 
 + This then most unusual event in such cases is thus noticed in a letter 
 written at the time by Francis, afterwards Lord Arungier, recently pub- 
 lished, for the first time, by Mr. Kempe from the Losely Manuscripts : — 
 
 " My Lord Cecil showed himself very honourable in making way to 
 the acquittal of Sir Edward Parham, who for anything that appeared, 
 knew not of any treason intended for the surprise of the king, but was 
 abused by Watson, and made to believe that my Lord Grey, who was one 
 of his conspiracy, had a plot against the papists : this honourable dealing 
 of my Lord Cecil did cause a great and extraordinary applause in divers of 
 the hearers by clapping of hands. Sir Edward Parham hath had better 
 hap than any man these forty-five years to be acquitted upon an arraign- 
 ment of high treason ; but next to God he must thank Sir Francis Davey, 
 the foreman of the jury, who first made the motion for him, otherwise it 
 had passed sub silentio, and next he must thank my Lord Cecil " (Losely 
 Manuscripts, pp. 376, 377). 
 
358 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 the contrary ! And I took it as a great comfort to behold 
 your majesty, alway learning some good and bettering my 
 knowledge by hearing your majesty discourse ; and do most 
 humbly beseech your majesty not to believe any of those, in 
 my particular, who, under pretence of offences to kings, do 
 easily work their particular revenge. I trust no man, under 
 colour of making examples, shall persuade you to leave the 
 word merciful out of your majesty's style ; for it will no less 
 profit your majesty, and become your greatness, than the word 
 invincible. It is true, that the Jaws of England are no less 
 jealous of the king, than Caesar was of Pompey's wife ; who, 
 notwithstanding she was cleared for keeping company with 
 Claudius, yet for being suspected he condemned her. For 
 myself, I protest before the everlasting God (and I speak it 
 to my master and sovereign) that I never invented treason, 
 consented to treason, nor performed treason, against you ! and 
 yet I know I shall fall in manus eorum a quibus non possum 
 evadere, unless by your majesty's gracious compassion I be 
 sustained. Our law, therefore, most merciful prince, knowing 
 her own cruelty, and knowing this she is wont to compound 
 treasons out of presumptions and circumstances, doth give this 
 charitable advice to the king, her supreme : — Non solum sapiens 
 esset rex sed et misericors, ut cum sapientia misericordetur, et sit 
 Justus, cum tutius sit redder e rationem miseiicordice quamjudicii. 
 "I do therefore, on the knees of my heart, beseech your 
 majesty to take counsel from your own sweet and comfortable 
 disposition ; and to remember that 1 have loved your majesty 
 twenty years, for which your majesty has given me no reward. 
 And it is fitter that I should be indebted to my sovereign lord, 
 than the king to his poor vassal. Save me, therefore, most 
 merciful prince, that I may owe your majesty my life itself, 
 than which there cannot be a greater debt. Lend it me, at 
 least, my sovereign lord, that I may pay it in your service, 
 when your majesty shall please to command it. If the law 
 destroy me, your majesty shall put me out of your power, 
 and then I shall have none to fear, none to reverence, but the 
 King of kings. 
 
 "Your majesty's most humble vassal, 
 
 "Walter Raleigh." 
 
 Two days after the conviction of the first party, Raleigh 
 was arraigned for conspiring to deprive the king of his 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 359 
 
 government, to raise up sedition within the realm, to alter 
 religion, to bring in the Roman superstition, and to procure 
 foreign enemies to invade the kingdom. He was charged with 
 conferring with Cobham how to advance the Lady Arabella 
 (daughter of Charles Stuart, Earl of Lennox, the king's uncle), 
 to the crown. It was agreed, the indictment said, that 
 Cobham should treat with Aremberg, ambassador from the 
 Archduke Albert, to obtain from him 600,000 crowns for 
 bringing to pass this treason ; that he should go to the arch- 
 duke to procure him to advance the pretended title of 
 Arabella, and then to Spain on the same business. It was 
 also agreed that Arabella should write to the archduke, the 
 King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy ; and promise to 
 establish peace between England and Spain, to tolerate the 
 popish and Roman superstition, and to be ruled by them in 
 contracting her marriage. 
 
 The trial was remarkable for the virulent insolence of the 
 attorney-general. Sir Edward Coke, and the ability with which 
 Raleigh defended himself. "Did I," said he, "ever speak 
 with this lady } here is no treason of mine done. If my Lord 
 Cobham be a traitor, what is that to me ?" " All that he did," 
 replied Coke, " was by thy instigation, thou viper ! for I thou 
 thee, thou traitor ! " Raleigh calmly rejoined, " It becometh 
 not a man of quality and virtue to call me so. But I take 
 comfort in it ; it is all you can do." " Have I angered you ? " 
 said the insolent attorney. " I am in no case to be angry," 
 the prisoner replied ; and the chief justice, Popham, then 
 interposed, saying, — " Sir Walter, Mr. Attorney speaketh out 
 of the zeal of his duty for the service of the king, and you 
 for your life ; be valiant on both sides ". Cobham's examina- 
 tion was read, and Raleigh asked to see it, saying, " This is 
 absolutely all the evidence can be brought against me : poor 
 stuff! You gentlemen of the jury, I pray you understand 
 this. This is that which must either condemn or give me life ; 
 which must free me, or send my wife and children to beg 
 their bread about the streets. This is that must prove me a 
 notorious traitor, or a true subject to the king." He made 
 an able answer ; denying everything treasonable, and dwelling 
 upon the absurdity of the alleged treason. Yet he admitted 
 that Cobham had offered him 8000 crowns if he would further 
 the peace, and that he had suspected Cobham to have dealings 
 with Aremberg. "I asked him," said he, "who shall have 
 
360 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 the rest of the money. He answered, 'I will offer such a 
 nobleman some of it '. I said, he will not be persuaded by 
 you, and will extremely hate you for such a motion. Let me 
 be pinched to death with hot irons if ever I knew there was 
 any intention to bestow the money on discontented persons." 
 "You try me by the Spanish Inquisition/' said Raleigh, "if 
 you proceed only by the circumstances, without two witnesses. 
 Yet I will not stand to defend this point in law, if the king 
 will have it so : it may be an error in me ; and if those laws 
 be repealed, yet I hope the equity of them remains still ; but 
 if you affirm it, it must be a law to posterity. The proof of 
 the common law is by witness and jury. Let Cobham be 
 here ; let him speak it. Call my accusers before my face, 
 and I have done." But it was maintained by the court that 
 it sufficed now if these " proofs were made either underhand, 
 or by testimony of witnesses, or by oaths ". " The crown," 
 said Coke, " shall never stand one year on the head of the king 
 my master, if a traitor may not be condemned by circum- 
 stances." "Sir Walter presseth," said Cecil, "that my Lord 
 Cobham should be brought face to face. If he asks things of 
 favour and grace, they must come only from him that can 
 give them. If we sit here as commissioners, how shall we be 
 satisfied unless we hear the judges speak ?" They declared 
 that it could not be granted. "Remember," said Raleigh, 
 " it is absolutely the commandment of God, ^ If a false witness 
 rise up, you shall cause him to be brought before the judges ; 
 if he be found false, he shall have the punishment which the 
 accused should have had '. It is very sure, for my lord to 
 accuse me is my certain danger ; and it may be a means to 
 excuse himself. The king desires nothing but the knowledge 
 of the truth, and would have no advantage taken by severity 
 of the law. If ever we had a gracious king, now we have : 
 I hope, as he is, such are his ministers. If there be but a 
 trial of five marks at common law, a witness must be deposed. 
 Good my lords, let my accuser come face to face, and be 
 deposed I " He argued upon the inconsistency of such a 
 treason with the course of his life. " Presumptions," said he, 
 " must proceed from precedent or subsequent facts. I have 
 spent 40,000 crowns of my own against the Spaniard.* If I 
 
 * In a letter written before the trial, and addressed to the earls of Not- 
 tingham, Suffolk, and Devonshire, and to Lord Cecil, Raleigh says, " God 
 doth know, and I can give an account of it, that I have spent 40,000 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH S6l 
 
 had died in Guiana, I had not left 300 marks a year to ray 
 wife and son. I, that have always condemned the Spanish 
 faction, methinks it is a strange thing that now I should affect 
 it. Remember what St. Austin says : Sic judicale tanquam ab 
 alio mox judicandi ; iinus judex, unum tribunal . If you would 
 be contented on presumptions to be delivered up to be 
 slaughtered, to have your wives and children turned into the 
 streets to beg their bread, — if you would be contented to be 
 so judged, judge so of me." 
 
 The conspiracy, indeed, consisted, like a bad play, of two 
 plots, loosely * connected, and each absurd in itself. Cobham 
 had said that the parties who were first brought to trial were 
 but on the bye, whereas Raleigh and he were on the main ; 
 and when Brooke, to whom this was said, was asked the 
 exposition of these words, he replied, though reluctantly, that 
 by the main was meant the taking away of the king and his 
 issue. The one plot was to place the king in duresse, and 
 extort certain terms from him ; the other, to place Arabella 
 on the throne by foreign aid. Both were fully confessed, and 
 under circumstances which leave no doubt that the confession 
 
 crowns of mine own against that king and nation ; that I never reserved 
 so much of all my fortunes as to purchase 40/. per annum land : that 
 I have been a violent persecutor and fartherer of all enterprises against 
 that nation. I have served against them in person ; and how, my lord 
 admiral and my Lord of Suffolk can witness. I discovered myself the 
 richest part of all his Indies. I have planted in his territories. I offered 
 his majesty, at my Uncle Carew's, to carry 2000 men to invade him, 
 without the king's charge. Alas ! to what end should we live in the world, 
 if all the endeavours of so many testimonies shall be blown off with one 
 blast of breath, or be prevented by one man's word" (Cayley, i., 369). 
 
 * Cecil says in his letter to the ambassador at Paris, " Although the 
 Lord Cobham was no particular actor nor contriver of this conspiracy, 
 yet he had another iron in the fire, which in general terms he let fall to 
 his brother and some others, though he used them not particularly in this 
 project, no more than they had done him in others, always thinking, 
 common to them all, that if one sped not, another might " (Cayley, 
 i., 362). 
 
 Osborn speaks of Raleigh as if he were more deeply implicated in the 
 conspiracy than he appears to have been : otherwise the opinion which 
 he delivers concerning it was well deserved. " Grey, Cobham, and 
 Raleigh," he says, " professed enemies to the late Earl of Essex, and no 
 weak instruments in his destruction, fell into a treason of a like depth 
 with his ; and so improbable to hurt others or benefit themselves, that if 
 ever folly was capable of the title, or pity due to innocence, theirs might 
 claim so large share as not possible to be too severely condemned, or 
 slightly enough punished " (ii., 106). 
 
362 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 was sincere : the doubtful question is, how far was Raleigh 
 implicated ? '' There hath been a touch of the Lady Arabella 
 Stuart/' said Cecil upon the trial, " a near kinswoman of the 
 king's. Let us not scandal the innocent by confusion of 
 speech : she is as innocent of all these things as I, or any man 
 here ; only she received a letter from my Lord Cobham to 
 prepare her, which she laughed at, and immediately sent it to 
 the king. So far was she from discontentment, that she 
 laughed him to scorn. But you see how far the Count of 
 Aremberg did consent." It has been conjectured ^ (and the 
 crooked policy of those days renders the conjecture not im- 
 probable) that Aremberg had encouraged the plot, with the 
 view of destroying Raleigh, who was the man of all others 
 most dreaded by the Spaniards ; and that the first intimation 
 to the Government came from Aremberg. It was thought 
 also that Watson had been entrapped into the conspiracy by 
 the Jesuits, who thus revenged themselves for a book -|- which 
 
 * Rapin (2nd edit.), ii., 161. 
 
 t A notable book, says Fuller, written in a scholastic way, consisting 
 of ten quodlihets each, whereof it subdivided into as many articles. It 
 discovereth the Jesuits in their colours, ferreting them out of all their bur- 
 rows of equivocation and mental reservation, holding Proteus so hard to 
 it, that in despite of his changing into many shapes, he is forced to 
 appear in his own proper form. Yet the whole book is written with an 
 embittered style, so that protestant charity hath a better conceit of Jesuits 
 than to account them altogether so bad. This is the same Watson, who, 
 though boasting of the obedience of the secular priests to their sovereign, 
 and taxing the Jesuits for want thereof, was notwithstanding himself 
 afterwards executed for a traitor. It seems as well seculars as Jesuits 
 were so laden with loyalty, that both need the gallows to ease them of the 
 burden thereof These holy fathers cunningly and covertly drew him on 
 to this action, promoting him, who was ambitious (though pretending to 
 much mortification), treasonably to practise his own preferment. 
 
 •' The priests pleaded the silliest for themselves of all that were ar- 
 raigned, alleging that their practice against the king could not be treason, 
 because done against him before he was crowned ; Watson instancing in 
 Saul, who was anointed at Ramah, and afterward made king in Mizpeh ; 
 Clark insisted on Rehoboam as being no king till the people had made 
 him so : Not remembering (what our lawyers there minded them of) the 
 difference betwixt succession kings, deriving their claim from their 
 ancestors, and one newly elected ; the English crown also being as 
 incapable of an interregnum, as nature of a vacuity. Meantime the 
 Jesuits looked on, and laughed at Watson's execution, to see how 
 bunglingly secular priests went about a treason, resolving on the next 
 platform thereof (which now they were contriving) to rectify the errors 
 Watson had commited, not to engage in a squint-eyed company (where 
 two did not look the same way), but to select a company of cordial 
 catholics for the purpose" {Church History ^ b. x., pp., 2. 5, 6). 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 363 
 
 he had written against them in the bitterest spirit Watson, 
 indeed, intimated this at his death, and forgave them for it.* 
 But Raleigh, though deluded by his own imaginations, was 
 not likely to be duped even by the subtlest proficients in 
 MachiavcUi's school. He was a malcontent : it was believed 
 that with Grey and Cobham he had proposed to delay pro- 
 claiming James till some conditions should have been made 
 with him, and it has since appeared that he secretly j- offered 
 his services to the French ambassador. Those services may 
 probably have been merely to oppose a peace with the 
 Spaniards ; and he may have thought it no disreputable 
 artifice to obtain money from a foreign court for pursuing the 
 scheme of policy which he supposed to be most for his 
 country's interest as well as his own. But that he should 
 have engaged in any direct treason was most improbable ; and 
 not less so that he should have relied upon the Spaniards for 
 assistance in it. There was only G^bham's single testimony 
 against him ; that testimony was aided by his unpopularity, 
 by the dislike with which the court and the ministers regarded 
 him, and by his own imprudence in writing to Cobham after 
 his arrest and before the trial. 
 
 When Raleigh appealed to God and the king whether 
 Cobham's accusations were sufficient to condemn him. Coke 
 replied, ''The king's safety and your clearing cannot agree. 
 I protest, before God, I never knew a clearer treason." 
 Raleigh then said he never had had intelligence with Cobham 
 since he came to the Tower. " Go to ! " said the attorney- 
 general ; " I will lay thee on thy back for the confidentest 
 traitor that ever came at a bar ! " and this was said so in- 
 temperately that Cecil interposed, saying, " Be not so impatient, 
 good Mr. Attorney ; give him leave to speak ". " li' I may 
 not be patiently heard," replied the angry lawyer, "you will 
 encourage traitors and discourage us. I am the king's sworn 
 servant, and must speak. If he be guilty, he is a traitor ; if 
 not, deliver him." With that he sat down in a chafe, and 
 would speak no more until the commissioners urged and 
 entreated him. After much ado he went on, and made a long 
 
 * Stowe, 831. Speed, 886. 
 
 + Hume (vi., p. 9), says, that this appears from Sully's Memoirs; and 
 we may thence presume, he adds, that meeting with a repulse from that 
 quarter, he had recourse for the same unwarrantable purposes to the 
 Flemish minister. 
 
864 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 repetition of all the evidence, for the direction of the jury ; 
 and on the repeating of some things Sir Walter interrupted 
 him, and said he did him wrong. A most remarkable dialogue 
 ensued. *'Thou are the most vile and execrable traitor that 
 ever lived ! " said the attorney-general. " You speak indis- 
 creetly, barbarously, and uncivilly," Raleigh replied. Coke 
 answered, "I want words sufficient to express thy viperous 
 treasons!" "I think you want words indeed," said Raleigh; 
 " for you have spoken one thing half a dozen times." " Thou 
 art an odious fellow ! " quoth Coke ; " thy name is hateful 
 to all the realm of England for thy pride." Raleigh, who 
 never lost his temper, coolly made answer, "It will go near to 
 prove a measuring cast between you and me, Mr. Attorney". 
 "Well," said Coke, " I will now make it appear to the world 
 that there never lived a viler viper upon the face of the earth 
 than thou." And thereon he drew a letter out of his pocket, 
 saying further, " My lords, you shall see this is an agent that 
 hath writ a treatise against the Spaniard, and hath ever so 
 detested him ; this is he that hath spent so much money 
 against him m service ; and yet you shall all see whether his 
 heart be not wholly Spanish. The Lord Cobham, who of his 
 own nature was a good and honourable gentleman till over- 
 taken by this wretch, now finding his conscience heavily 
 burthened with some courses which the subtlety of this traitor 
 had drawn him into, he could be at no rest with himself, nor 
 quiet in his thoughts, until he was eased of that heavy weight : 
 out of which passion of his mind, and discharge of his duty to 
 his prince, and his conscience to God, taking it upon his salva- 
 tion that he wrote nothing but the truth, with his own hand 
 he wrote this letter. Now, sir, you shall see whether you had 
 intelligence with Cobham within four days before he came 
 from the Tower. If he be wholly Spanish that desired a 
 pension of 1500/. a year from Spain, that Spain by him might 
 have intelligence, then Raleigh is a traitor. He hath taken 
 an apple, and pinned a letter unto it, and threw it into my 
 Lord Cobham's window ; the contents whereof were this : 
 'It is doubtful whether we shall be proceeded with or no: 
 perhaps you shall not be tried '. This was to get a retracta- 
 tion. Oh, it was Adam's apple, whereby the devil did deceive 
 him. Further, he wrote thus : ' Do not, as my Lord of Essex 
 did ; take heed of a preacher ; for by his persuasion he con- 
 fessed, and made himsell guilty '. I doubt not but this day 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 3b5 
 
 God shall have as great a conquest by this traitor, and the 
 Son of God shall be as much glorified as when it was said, 
 Vicisti, Galilcee ! What, though Cobham retracted ; yet he 
 could not rest nor sleep till he confirmed it again. If this be 
 not enough to prove him a traitor, the king my master shall 
 not live three years to an end." * 
 
 He then read the Lord Cobham's letters, which were in 
 these words, " I have thought fit to set down this to my lords, 
 wherein I protest on my soul to write nothing but the truth. 
 I am now come near the period of my time, therefore I confess 
 the whole truth before God and His angels. Raleigh, four 
 days before I came from the Tower, caused an apple to be 
 thrown in at my chamber window ; the effect of it was to 
 entreat me to right the wrong that I had done him in saying 
 that I should have come home by Jersey, which under my 
 hand to him I have retracted. His first letter I answered not, 
 which was thrown in the same manner ; wherein he prayed 
 me to write him a letter,f which I did. He sent me word 
 that the judges met at Mr. Attorney's house, and that there 
 was good hope the proceedings against us should be stayed. 
 He sent me another time a little tobacco. At Aremberg's 
 coming Raleigh was to have procured a pension of loOO/. a 
 year, for which he promised that no action should be against 
 Spain, the Low Countries, or the Indies, but he would give 
 knowledge beforehand. He told me the States had audience 
 with the king. He hath been the original cause of my ruin ; 
 for I had no dealing with Aremberg but by his instigation. 
 He hath also been the cause of my discontentment. He advised 
 me not to be overtaken with preachers, as Essex was ; and 
 that the king would better allow of a constant denial than to 
 accuse any." 
 
 " Oh ! damnable atheist," exclaimed Coke, when he had 
 finished reading the letter — "he counsels him not to be 
 counselled by preachers as Essex was. He died the child of 
 God ; God honoured him at his death. Thou wast by when 
 he died. Et lupes et turpes instant morientibus urscB." That 
 reproach Raleigh must have felt, but his presence of mind 
 never failed him upon this indecent trial. He replied, " You 
 
 * State Trials, 26, 27. 
 
 t So it is printed in the State Trials : the passage may be made 
 intelligible by supposing that Cobham wrote *' which I now did ". 
 
366 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 have heard a strange tale of a strange man. Now he thinks 
 he hath matter enough to destroy me ; but the king and all 
 of you shall witness, by our deaths, which of us was the ruin 
 of the other. I bid a poor fellow throw in the letter at his 
 window, written to this purpose : ' You know you have un- 
 done me ; now write three lines to justify me ! ' In this I 
 will die, that he hath done me wrong.'' The lord chief 
 justice, Popham, then asked him what he said of the pension of 
 1500/. ^'I say," replied Raleigh, ''^that Cobham is a base, 
 dishonourable, poor soul." " Is he base ? " cried the attorney- 
 general ; *'I return it unto thy throat. But for thee he had 
 been a good subject." And the lord chief justice said, "I 
 perceive you are not so clear a man as you have protested all 
 this while ; for you should liave discovered these matters to the 
 king". Raleigh then produced a letter from Cobham, and 
 desired Cecil to read it, "because he only knew his hand". 
 In that letter Cobham said to Raleigh, "Seeing myself so 
 near my end, for the discharge of my own conscience, and 
 freeing myself from your blood, which also will cry vengeance 
 against me, I protest, upon my salvation, I never practised 
 with Spain by your procurement. God so comfort me in this 
 my affliction as you are a true subject, for anything that I 
 know. I will say as Daniel, purus sum e sanguine hujus. So 
 God have mercy upon my soul, as I know no treason by you." 
 "Now," said Raleigh, "I wonder how many souls this man 
 hath ! He damns one in this letter and another in that I " * 
 This letter would have swayed the jury much, if Cobham 
 had not on the night before retracted his retractation, and 
 declared that Raleigh had practised for it by a son of the 
 lieutenant of the Tower, whom he had corrupted, and who 
 carried intelligence between them.-)- Lest it should seem doubt- 
 ful that the first letter had been drawn from Cobham, the lord 
 chief justice wished that the jury might be satisfied upon that 
 point ; whereupon the Earl of Devonshire affirmed that the 
 same was merely voluntary, and had not been extracted from 
 him by any promise or hope of pardon. The jury in less than 
 a quarter of an hour gave their verdict, guilty. When 
 Raleigh was asked what he could say why judgment and 
 execution should not pass against him, he replied, " My lords, 
 the jury have found me guilty: they must do as they are 
 
 * State Trials, 27, 29. fCayley, ii., 6, 15. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 367 
 
 directed. I can say nothing why judgment should not proceed. 
 You see whereof Cobham hath accused me ; you remember 
 his protestations that I was never guilty. I desire the king 
 should know of the wrongs done unto me since I came hither." 
 " You have had no wrong. Sir Walter," said the judge. " Yes," 
 he replied, " of Mr. Attorney. 1 desire, my lords, to remember 
 three things to the king : first, that I was accused to be a 
 practiser with Spain, whereas 1 never knew that my Lord 
 Cobham meant to go thither ; I will ask no more at the king's 
 hands, if he will affirm it : secondly, that I never knew of the 
 practice with Arabella ; thirdly, that I never knew of my Lord 
 Cobham's practices with Aremberg, nor of the surprising 
 treason." The judge made answer, ''In my conscience I am 
 persuaded that Cobham hath accused you truly. You cannot 
 deny that you were dealt with to have a pension to be a spy 
 for Spain ; therefore you are not so true to the king, as you 
 have protested to me." * Raleigh only replied, " I submit 
 myself to the king's mercy. I know his mercy is greater than 
 my offences. I recommend my wife and son of tender years, 
 unbrought up, to his compassion." 
 
 Popham then proceeded to pass sentence, and in so doing 
 expressed the opinion which was then generally entertained 
 concerning Raleigh. "I thought," said he, "I should never 
 have seen this day, to have stood in this place to give sentence 
 of death against you ; because I thought it impossible that one 
 of so great parts should have fallen so grievously. God hath 
 bestowed on you many benefits. You have been a man fit 
 and able to have served the king in good place. You had 
 brought yourself into a good state of living ; if you had 
 entered into a good consideration of your estate, and not 
 suffered your own wit to have entrapped yourself, you might 
 have lived in good comfort. It is best for man not to seek to 
 climb too high, lest he fall ; nor yet to creep too low, lest he 
 be trodden on. You might have lived well with 3000/. a 
 year, for so I have heard your revenues to be. I know nothing 
 might move you to be discontented ; but if you had been down, 
 you know Fortune's wheel, when it is turned about, riseth 
 again. I never heard that the king took away anything from 
 you but the captainship of the guard, which he did with very 
 good reason, to have one of his own knowledge whom he 
 
 * State Trials, 29. 
 
368 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 might trust in that place. Again, for monopolies of wine, etc., 
 if the king had said, it is a mattei that offends my people ; 
 should I burden them for your private good ? I think you 
 could not well take it hardly that his subjects were eased, 
 though by your private hindrance. Two vices have lodged 
 chiefly in you; one is aii eager ambition, the other corrupt 
 covetousness ; ambition in desiring to be advanced to equal 
 grace and favour as you have been before time : that grace you 
 had then you got not in a day or year. For your covetousness, 
 I am sorry to hear that a gentleman of your wealth should 
 become a base spy for the enemy, wherein on my conscience 
 Cobham hath said true ; by it you would have increased your 
 living 1500/. a year. This covetousness is like a canker that 
 eats the iron place where it lives. Your case being thus, let 
 it not grieve you if I speak a little out of zeal and love to 
 your good. You have been taxed by the world with the 
 defence of the most heathenish and blasphemous opinions ; 
 which I list not to repeat, because Christian ears cannot en- 
 dure to hear them, nor the authors and maintainers of them 
 be suffered to live in any Christian commonwealth. You shall 
 do well before you go out of the world to give satisfaction 
 therein, and not to die with these imputations on you. Let 
 not any devil persuade you to think there is no eternity in 
 heaven ; for if you think thus, you shall find eternity in hell- 
 fire. In the first accusation of my Lord Cobham, I observed 
 his manner of speaking ; I protest before the living God I am 
 persuaded he spoke nothing but the truth. You wrote that 
 he should not in any case confess anything to a preacher, tell- 
 ing him an example of my Lord of Essex, who, if he had not 
 been carried away with others, had lived in honour to this day 
 among us. He confessed his offences, and obtained mercy of 
 the Lord, for I am verily persuaded in my heart he died a 
 worthy servant of God. Your conceit of not confessing any- 
 thing is very inhuman and wicked. In this world is the time 
 of confessing, that we may be absolved at the day of judgment. 
 You have shown a fearful sign of denying God in advising a man 
 not to confess the truth. It now comes in my mind why you 
 may not have your accuser come face to face ; for such an one is 
 easily brought to retract when he seeth there is no hope of his 
 own life. It is dangerous that any traitors should have access 
 to or conference with one another ; when they see themselves 
 must die, they will think it best to have their fellow live, that 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 369 
 
 he may commit the like treason again, and so in some sort 
 seek revenge. Now it resteth to pronounce the judgment, 
 which I wish you had not been this day to have received of 
 me : for if the fear of God in you had been answerable to your 
 other great parts, you might have lived to have been a singular 
 good subject. I never saw the like trial, and hope I shall 
 never see the like again." 
 
 Sentence was then pronounced according to the abominable 
 law which was then in use. Sir Walter besought Mountjoy 
 and the other lords to be suitors that, in regard to the places 
 of estimation which he had held, the rigour of his judgment 
 might be qualified, and his death be honourable, not igno- 
 minious.* They promised him to do their utmost endeavours. 
 He requested also, it is said, that if there were no hope of 
 pardon, Cobham might die first ; the motive for such a request 
 might be supposed to have been a hope that Cobham at his 
 death would say something to exculpate him ; or, more 
 consistently with Raleigh's character, a device to make men 
 think so, and believe his protestations of innocence. He 
 had, indeed, answered upon his trial " with that temper, art, 
 learning, courage, and judgment, that, save that it went with 
 the hazard of his life (so says Sir Dudley Carleton), it was the 
 happiest day that ever he spent. And so well he shifted all 
 advantages that were taken against him, that, were not Jama 
 malum gravius quam res and an ill name half hanged in the 
 opinion of all men, he had been acquitted." One who 
 brought the news of his condemnation to the king affirmed 
 that never any man spoke so well in times past, nor would do 
 in the world to come. And a Scotchman said to James, that 
 whereas when he saw him first he was so led with the common 
 hatred, that he would have gone an hundred miles to have 
 seen him hanged, he would ere he parted have gone a thousand 
 to have saved his life.-j* 
 
 A few days afterwards Cobham was brought to trial, "and 
 made," says Carleton, " such a fasting-day's piece of work of 
 it, that he discredited the place to which he was called ; never 
 was seen so poor and abject a spirit ". He exclaimed against 
 Raleigh as one that had stirred him up to discontent; and 
 he charged him with having propounded a scheme for the 
 Spaniards to invade England, by collecting a force at CoruSa 
 
 * State Trials, 30, 31. f Cayley, ii., I2. 
 
 24 
 
370 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ostensibly for the Low Countries, and landing it at Milford 
 Haven. Raleigh had made himself a pensioner to Spain, he 
 said, for 1500 crowns a year to give intelligence; and as an 
 earnest of his diligence had communicated to Aremberg the 
 particulars of what had passed in the State audiences at Green- 
 wich. Being questioned concerning the two letters, in one of 
 which he had excused Raleigh, and in the other charged him, 
 he said the former had been drawn from him in the Tower by 
 the lieutenant's son, whom Raleigh had corrupted ; but that 
 the latter was true. His brother's confession was read against 
 him, accusing him of having bargained with Aremberg for 
 500,000 crowns to bestow among malcontents ; and when 
 he excepted against his brother's testimony, baptising him 
 with the name of a viper, a letter of his own to Aremberg 
 was produced, asking for so much money ; and Aremberg's 
 answer, consenting to furnish such a sum. Having accused 
 all his friends without any success in excusing himself, the 
 peers were not long in condemning him ; and he then begged 
 a great while for life and favour, alleging his confession as a 
 meritorious act.* 
 
 Lord Grey, quite in another key, began with great assurance 
 and alacrity, and maintained that key through the whole trial. 
 He made a long and eloquent speech, and held the court 
 "from eight in the morning till eight at night in subtle 
 traverses and scapes ; but the evidence was too conspicuous, 
 both by Brooke's and Markham's confessions, that he was 
 acquainted with the project of seizing the king's person. 
 Yet Carleton says the judges were long ere they could all 
 agree, and loath to come out with so hard a censure against 
 him. For though he had some heavy enemies, as his old 
 antagonist,-]- who were mute before his face, but spake within 
 very unnobly against him ; yet most of them strove with 
 themselves, and would fain, as it seemed, have dispensed with 
 their consciences to have showed him favour. At the pro- 
 nouncing of the opinion of the lords, and the demand whether 
 he had anything to say why sentence of death should not be 
 given against him, these only were his words, ' I have nothing 
 to say ' : — then he paused long, — ' and yet a sentence of 
 Tacitus comes in my mind, non eadem omnihus decora. The 
 house of the Wiltons had spent many lives in their prince's 
 
 * Cayley, 14, 15. f Southampton ? 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 371 
 
 service, and Grey cannot beg his. God send the king a long 
 and prosperous reign, and to your lordships all honour ! ' 
 There was great compassion had of this gallant young lord, 
 for so clear and fiery a spirit had not been seen by any that 
 had been present at like trials. Yet the lord steward con- 
 demned his manner much, terming it Lucifer's pride, and 
 preached much humiliation ; and the judges liked him as little, 
 because he disputed with them against their laws." * 
 
 Grey, after his sentence, desired that Tracers might be sent 
 for to him, a Puritan divine, well known as the antagonist of 
 Hooker, — if any one who was opposed to Hooker can be said 
 to be well known ; but if there were not time for this, he 
 named another minister of the same persuasion, with whom 
 he employed the interval in great devotion ; " but with that 
 careless regard of expected death, that he was observed 
 neither to eat nor sleep the worse, or be anywise distracted 
 from his accustomed fashion ". The Bishops of Chichester 
 and Winchester were sent by the king's express order to 
 Cobham and Raleigh, as well to prepare them for their ends, 
 as to bring them to liberal confession, and thereby reconcile 
 the contradictions of the one's open accusation, and the other's 
 peremptory denial. The Bishop of Chichester had an easy 
 charge, " finding in Cobham a willingness to die, and readiness 
 to die well, with purpose at his death to affirm as much as he 
 had said against Raleigh ". But the other bishop found 
 Raleigh, though " well settled for his conscience, and resolved 
 to die a Christian and a good Protestant, yet for the point 
 of confession so straitlaced, that he would yield to no part 
 of Cobham's accusation ; only," he said, 'Hhe pension was once 
 mentioned, but never proceeded in".j- Raleigh, indeed, was 
 never wanting in presence of mind ; on no occasion did he 
 ever, by any precipitancy or imprudence, betray himself. He 
 is described as,- after his condemnation, accompanying the 
 sheriff to prison " with admirable erection, yet in such sort 
 as a condemned man should do " ; and with such erection, 
 and yet in such sort, he addressed the following letter to the 
 king:— 
 
 "The life which I had, most mighty prince, the law hath 
 taken from me, and I am now but the same earth and dust 
 out of which I was first framed. If my offences had any 
 
 •Cayley, 15, i6. ilbid.^ig. 
 
S72 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 proportion with your majesty's mercy, I should not despair ; 
 or if my crime had any quantity with your majesty's un- 
 measurable goodness, I might yet have hope — but it is your 
 great majesty that must judge of both, and not I. Blood, 
 name, gentry, or estate, have I now none : no, not so much 
 as a being; no, not so much as vita plantce. I have only a 
 penitent soul in a body of iron, which moveth toward the 
 loadstone of death, and cannot be withheld from touching 
 it, except your majesty's mercy turn the point toward me 
 which repelleth. Lost I am for hearing a vain man, — for 
 hearing only, and never believing or approving. And so little 
 account I made of that speech of his which was my condemna- 
 tion (as the living God doth truly witness !) that I never 
 remembered any such thing, till it was at my trial objected 
 against me. So did he repay my care, who cared to make 
 Him good ; which (now too late) I see no care of man can 
 effect ! 
 
 "But God, for mine offences toward Him, hath laid this 
 heavy burthen upon me, miserable and unfortunate wretch 
 that I am! But not for loving you, my sovereign, hath 
 God laid this sorrow on me. For He knoweth, with whom 
 I may not dissemble, that I honoured your majesty by fame, 
 and loved and admired you by knowledge. So, whether I 
 live or die, your majesty's true and loving servant and loyal 
 subject I will live and die. 
 
 " If I now write what doth not become me, most merciful 
 prince, vouchsafe to ascribe it to the counsel of a dead heart, 
 and to a mind which sorrow hath broken and confounded. 
 But the more my misery is, the more is your majesty's mercy 
 if you please to behold it ; and the less I can deserve, the 
 more liberal your majesty's gift shall be. God only shall 
 imitate your majesty herein, both in giving freely, and by 
 giving to such a one as from whom there can be no retribution, 
 but only a design to repay a lent life with the same great 
 love which the same great goodness shall please to bestow 
 it. 
 
 "This being the first letter that ever your majesty received 
 from a dead man, I humbly submit myself to the will of my 
 supreme lord, and shall willingly and patiently suffer whatso- 
 ever it shall please your majesty to impose upon me. 
 
 "Walter Raleigh." 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 373 
 
 No man ever asked for life with more dignified submission 
 to his fortune. And the letter which he wrote at this time 
 with the likelihood (if not the expectation) of being speedily 
 brought to execution, was in a more touching but not less 
 becoming strain. 
 
 "You shall now receive, my dear wife, my last words in 
 these my last lines ! My love I send you, that you may keep 
 it when I am dead ; and my counsel, that you may remember 
 it when I am no more. I would not, by my will, present you 
 with sorrows, dear Bess, — let them go into the grave with me, 
 and be buried in the dust. And seeing it is not the will of 
 God that ever I shall see you more in this life, bear it patiently, 
 and with a heart like myself. 
 
 " First, I send you all the thanks which my heart can 
 conceive, or my words can express, for your many travails 
 and care taken for me ; which, though they have not taken 
 effect as you wished, yet my debt to you is not the less. But 
 pay it I never shall in this world. 
 
 " Secondly, I beseech you, for the love you bear me living, 
 do not hide yourself many days after my death. But, by your 
 travails, seek to help your miserable fortunes, and the right of 
 your poor child. Thy mournings cannot avail me : I am but 
 dust. 
 
 " Thirdly, You shall understand that my land was conveyed 
 bond fide to my child. The writings were drawn at Midsummer 
 was twelvemonths. My honest cousin, Brett, can testify 
 so much ; and Dalberrie, too, can remember somewhat therein ; 
 and I trust my blood will quench their malice that have thus 
 cruelly murdered me, and that they will not seek also to kill 
 thee and thine with extreme poverty. To what friend to 
 direct thee I know not ; for all mine have left me in the true 
 time of trial, and I plainly perceive that my death was 
 determined from the first day. Most sorry I am, God knows, 
 that being thus surprised with death, 1 can leave you in 
 no better estate. God is my witness I meant you all my 
 office of wines, or all that I could have purchased by selling 
 it; half my stuff; and all my jewels, but some one for the 
 boy. But God hath prevented all my resolutions, even that 
 great God that ruleth all in all. But if you can live free from 
 want, care for no more ; the rest is but vanity. Love God, 
 and begin betimes to repose yourself on him, and therein 
 shall you find true and lasting riches, and endless comfort. 
 
374 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 For the rest, when you have travailed, and wearied your 
 thoughts over all sorts of worldly cogitation, you shall but 
 sit down by sorrow in the end. Teach your son also 
 to love and fear God, while he is yet young, that the fear 
 of God may grow up with him. And then God will be a 
 husband to you, and a father to him ; a husband and a father 
 which cannot be taken from you. 
 
 " Bayly oweth me 200/., and Adrian Gilbert 600/. In Jersey, 
 also, I have much money owing me. Beside, the arrearages 
 of the wines will pay my debts ; and howsoever you do, for 
 my soul's sake pay all poor men. 
 
 "When I am gone, no doubt, you shall be sought to by 
 many, for the world thinks that I was very rich. But take 
 heed of the pretences of men and their affections, for they 
 last not, but in honest and worthy men ; and no greater 
 misery can befall you in this life, than to become a prey, and 
 afterward to be despised. I speak not this, God knows, to 
 dissuade you from marriage ; for it will be best for you both 
 in respect of the world and of God. As for me, I am no more 
 yours, nor you mine. Death has cut us asunder ; and God 
 hath divided me from the world, and you from me. 
 
 " Remember your poor child, for his father's sake, who 
 chose you and loved you in his happiest time. Get those 
 letters, if it be possible, which I writ to the lords, wherein I 
 sued for my life. God is my witness, it was for you and yours 
 that I desired life. But it is true that I disdain myself for 
 begging it ; for, know it, dear wife, that your son is the son 
 of a true man, and one who, in his own respect, despiseth 
 death, and all his misshapen and ugly forms. 
 
 "I cannot write much. God He knoweth how hardly I 
 steal this time while others sleep. And it is also high time 
 that I should separate my thoughts from the world. Beg my 
 dead body, which living was denied thee ; and either lay it 
 at Sherborne, if the land continue, or in Exeter Church, by 
 my father and mother. I can say no more, — time and death 
 call me away. 
 
 "The everlasting, powerful, infinite, and omnipotent God, 
 who is goodness itself, the true life and true light, keep thee 
 and thine, have mercy on me, and teach me to forgive my 
 persecutors and accusers, and send us to meet in his glorious 
 kingdom ! My dear wife, farewell ! Bless my poor boy, pray 
 for me ; and let my good God hold you both in His arms ! 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 3T5 
 
 ''Written with the dying hand of sometime thy husband, 
 but now, alas ! overthrown, 
 
 " Yours that was, but now not my own, 
 
 "Walter Raleigh/' 
 
 The two priests were the first who were brought to execu- 
 tion, and they died boldly both ; Watson willingly, as re- 
 pentantly, " wishing he had more lives to spend, and one to 
 lose for every man whom he had drawn into this treason". 
 The other stood somewhat upon his justification, and com- 
 plained of hard measure, but imputed it to his function, and 
 therefore thought his death meritorious as a kind of martyrdom. 
 They were cruelly dealt with by a bungling or brutal execu- 
 tioner. Their quarters were set on Winchester gate, and 
 their heads on one of the castle towers. Six days afterwards, 
 Brookes, upon receiving the sacrament, recalled the accusation 
 which he had made against Cobham, of saying "it would 
 never be well until the fox and cubs were taken away " ; but 
 for the rest wherewith he had charged Cobham and Grey, he 
 constantly persisted therein, and died penitently. Meantime 
 "there was no small doings at court" concerning the other 
 condemned persons, — " for life or death ; some pushing at 
 the wheel one way, some another. The lords of the council 
 joined in opinion and advice to the king, now in the beginning 
 of his reign to show as well examples of mercy as severity, 
 and to gain the title of Clemens as well as Justus. But some 
 others, led by their private spleen and passions, drew as hard 
 the other way ; and Patrick Galloway, in a sermon preached 
 so hotly against remissness and moderation of justice in the 
 head of justice, as if it were one of the seven deadly sins. 
 The king held himself upright betwixt two waters ; and first 
 let the lords know that since the law had passed upon the 
 prisoners, and that they themselves had been their judges, 
 it became not them to be petitioners for that, but rather to 
 press for execution of their own ordinances ; and to others he 
 gave as good reasons, — let them know that he would go no 
 whit the faster for their driving, but would be led as his own 
 judgment and affections would move him, but seemed rather 
 to lean to this side than the other, by the care he took to 
 have the law take its course. " * 
 
 * Sir Dudley Carleton. Cayley, 17, 20. 
 
376 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Warrants were signed for Markham, Grey, and Cobham, 
 who were to take their turns in that order, on the fourth day 
 after Brooke's execution. ^'A fouler day/' says Sir Dudley 
 Carleton, who was one of the spectators, " could hardly have 
 been picked out, or fitter for such a tragedy. Markham, 
 being brought to the scaffold, was much dismayed, and com- 
 plained much of his hard hap, to be deluded with hopes, and 
 brought to that place unprepared (for though he had been 
 told he was to die, yet, by secret message from some friends 
 at court, such hope had been given him, that he would not 
 believe the worst till the last day). One might see in his 
 face the very picture of sorrow ; but he seemed not to want 
 resolution ; for a napkin being offered by a friend that stood 
 by, to cover his face, he threw it away, saying, he could look 
 upon death without blushing. He took leave of some friends 
 that stood near, and betook himself to his devotions, after his 
 manner; and, those ended, prepared himself to the block. 
 Meantime the sheriff was secretly withdrawii by one John 
 Gib, a Scotch groom of the bedchamber ; * whereupon the 
 execution was stayed, and Markham left upon the scaffold to 
 entertain his own thoughts, which no doubt were as melan- 
 choly as his countenance sad and heavy. The sheriff, at his 
 return, told him that since he was so ill prepared, he should 
 yet have two hours' respite ; so led him from the scaffold 
 without giving him any more comfort, and locked him into 
 the great hall, to walk with Prince Arthur, f 
 
 ''The Lord Grey, whose turn was next, was led to the 
 scaffold by a troop of the young courtiers, and was supported 
 on both sides by two of his best friends ; and, coming in this 
 equipage, had such gaiety and cheer in his countenance, that 
 he seemed a dapper young bridegroom. At his first coming 
 on the scaffold he fell on his knees, and his preacher made a 
 long prayer to the present purpose, which he seconded himself 
 with one of his own making ; which, for the phrase, was some- 
 
 * " John Gib could not get so near the scaffold that he could speak to 
 the sheriff, but was thrust out among the boys, and was forced to call 
 out to Sir James Hayes, or else Markham might have lost his neck" 
 (Cayley, 25). 
 
 Another thing had liked to have marred the play, for the king's letter 
 was dated and delivered to the messenger unsigned, which the king re- 
 membered himself, and called for him back again. 
 
 + Cayley, 21. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 377 
 
 what affected, and suited to his other speeches ; but, for the 
 fashion, expressed the fervency and zeal of a religious spirit. 
 In his confession, he said, though God knew this fault of his 
 was far from the greatest, yet he knew and could not but 
 acknowledge his heart to be faulty, for which he asked pardon 
 of the king ; and thereupon entered upon a long prayer for 
 the king's good estate, which held us in the rain," says this 
 beholder, " more than half an hour. But being come to a full 
 point, the sheriff stayed him, and said he had received orders 
 from the king to change the order of the execution, and that 
 the Lord Cobham was to go before him. Whereupon he was 
 likewise led to Prince Arthur's hall ; and his going away 
 seemed more strange unto him than his coming thither ; for 
 he had no more hope given him than of an hour's respite, 
 neither could any man yet dive into the mystery of this 
 strange proceeding.* 
 
 "The Lord Cobham, who was now to play his part, and, 
 by his former actions, promised nothing but maliere pour rire, 
 did much cozen the world, for he came to the scaffold with 
 good assurance and contempt of death. He said some short 
 prayers after his minister, and so out-prayed the company 
 that helped to pray with him, that a stander-by said, * he had 
 a good mouth in a cry, but was nothing single'. Some few 
 words he used to express his sorrow for his offence to the king, 
 and craved pardon of him and the world. For Sir Walter 
 Raleigh, he took it upon the hope of his soul's resurrection, 
 that what he had said of him was true ; and, with those words, 
 would have taken a short farewell of the world, with that 
 constancy and boldness that we might see by him it is an 
 easier matter to die well than live well. He was stayed by 
 the sheriff, and told that there rested yet somewhat else to be 
 done, for that he was to be confronted with some other of the 
 prisoners, but named none. So as Grey and Markham, being 
 brought back to the scaffold as they then were, but nothing 
 acquainted with what had passed, no more than the lookers- 
 on with what should follow, looked strange one upon the other, 
 like men beheaded and met again in the other world. Now 
 all the actors being together on the stage (as use is at the end 
 of a play), the sheriff made a short speech unto them, by way 
 of interrogatory of the heinousness of their offences, the just- 
 
 * Cay ley, 21, 22. 
 
S78 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ness of their trials, their lawful condemnation, and due execu- 
 tion there to be performed, to all which they assented. 
 ' Then ' saith the sheriff, ' see the mercy of your prince, who 
 of himself hath sent hither a countermand, and given you your 
 lives ! ' There was then no need to beg a plaudite of the 
 audience, for it was given with such hues and cries that it 
 went from the castle into the town, and there began afresh, 
 as if there had been some such-like accident. And this ex- 
 perience was made of the difference of examples of justice 
 and mercy, that, in this last, no man could cry loud enough, 
 ' God save the king ! ' and, at the holding up of Brooke's 
 head, when the executioner began the same cry, he was not 
 seconded by the voice of any one man but the sheriff. You 
 must think, if the spectators were so glad, the actors were 
 not sorry ; for even those that went best resolved to death, 
 were glad of life. Cobham vowed openly, if ever he proved 
 traitor again, never so much as to beg his life ; and Grey, 
 that since he had his life without begging, he would deserve 
 it. Markham returned with a merrier countenance than he 
 came to the scaffold.* 
 
 '^ Raleigh, you must think (who had a window opened that 
 way), had hammers working in his head to beat out the 
 meaning of this stratagem. His turn was to come on Monday 
 next ; but the king has pardoned him with the rest, and 
 confined him with the two lords to the Tower of London, 
 there to remain during pleasure. Markham, Brookesby, and 
 Copley, are to be banished the realm. This resolution was taken 
 by the king without man's help, and no man can rob him of 
 the praise of yesterday's action ; for the lords knew no other 
 but that execution was to go forward, till the very hour 
 it should be performed ; and then, calling them before 
 him, he told them how much he had been troubled to resolve 
 in this business : for to execute Grey, who was a noble, young, 
 spirited fellow, and save Cobham, who was as base and 
 unworthy, were a matter of injustice. To save Grey, who was 
 of a proud, insolent nature, and execute Cobham, who had 
 showed great tokens of humility and repentance, were as great 
 a solecism ; and so went on with Plutarch's comparisons in 
 the rest, still travelling in contrarieties, but holding the 
 conclusion in so indifferent balance that the lords knew not 
 
 * Cayley, 22, 24. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 379 
 
 what to look for till the end came out, 'And, therefore, I have 
 saved them all '. The miracle was as great there as with us 
 at Winchester, and it took like effect ; for the applause that 
 began about the king went from thence into the presence, 
 and so round about the court. " * 
 
 Raleigh was removed to the Tower a few days after this 
 memorable scene. There he was allowed to live as in liberd 
 custodid ; and his goods and chattels, forfeited by the 
 attainder, were granted to trustees named by himself, for 
 the benefit of his family and creditors. This grant, it was 
 said in the deed, was made as well in consideration that 
 all the debts and duties which he did truly and bond ^fide 
 owe before his conviction might be justly and truly paid, 
 as for the help and maintenance of Dame Elizabeth his wife, 
 his child and family. Thus far James had dealt generously, 
 as well as mercifully, toward one of whose treasonable prac- 
 tices no doubt was entertained by his contemporaries. He 
 granted him also his life interest in the Sherborne estate, 
 which had been settled upon his eldest son : but a flaw was 
 discovered in Sir Walter's conveyance ; and Car, the king's 
 favourite, afterwards known as the infamous Earl of Somerset, 
 took advantage of this, and begged the estate. Upon this 
 occasion Raleigh addressed a letter to the favourite in becom- 
 ing terms. — "Sir," it said, "after some great losses, and 
 many years' sorrows (of both which, I have cause to fear, 
 I was mistaken in the end), it is come to my knowledge 
 that yourself, whom I know not but by an honourable fame, 
 hath been persuaded to give me and mine our last fatal blow, 
 by obtaining from His Majesty the inheritance of my children 
 and nephews, lost in the law for want of a word. 'This done, 
 there remaineth nothing with me but the name of life, 
 despoiled of all else but the title and sorrow thereof. His 
 Majesty, whom I never offended (for I hold it unnatural and 
 unmanlike to hate goodness), stayed me at the grave's brink ; 
 not, as I hope, that he thought me worthy of many deaths, 
 and to behold all mine cast out of the world with myself, but 
 as a king who, judging the poor in truth, hath received a 
 
 * " James reaped the full fruit of this device. The existence of the 
 plot was proved by the confessions made on the scaffold, the guilt of 
 Raleigh could no longer be doubted after the solemn asseveration of 
 Cobham, and the royal ingenuity as well as clemency was universally 
 applauded" (Lingard, ix., 25). 
 
380 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 promise from God that his throne shall be established for 
 ever. And for yourself, sir, seeing your fair day is but now in 
 the dawn, and mine drawn to the evening, your own virtues 
 and the king's grace assuring you of many favours and much 
 honour, I beseech you not to begin your first building upon 
 the ruins of the innocent ; and that their sorrows, with mine, 
 may not attend your first plantation. I have been ever bound 
 to your nation, as well for many other graces, as for the true 
 report of my trial to the king's majesty ; against whom, had 
 I been found malignant, the hearing of my cause would not 
 have changed enemies into friends, malice into compassion, 
 and the minds of the greatest number then present into the 
 commiseration of mine estate. It is not the nature of foul 
 treason to beget such fair passions ; neither could it agree 
 with the duty and love of faithful subjects (especially of your 
 nation), to bewail his overthrow who had conspired against 
 their most natural and liberal lord. I therefore trust, sir, 
 that you will not be the first that shall kill me outright, cut 
 down the tree with the fruit, and undergo the curse of them 
 that enter the fields of the fatherless ; which, if it please you 
 to know the truth, is far less in value than in fame : but that 
 so worthy a gentlemen as yourself will rather bind us to you, 
 being, sir, gentleman not base in birth and alliance who have 
 interest therein ; and myself, with my uttermost thankfulness, 
 will ever remain ready to obey your commands. 
 
 "Walter Raleigh." 
 
 The minion who could ask for lands under such circum- 
 stances was not likely to be moved by any appeal to his sense 
 of justice, honour, or humanity. And when Dame Elizabeth, 
 with her children, humbly and earnestly petitioned the king 
 for compassion on her and hers, she could obtain no other 
 answer than that ''he mun have the land, he mun have it for Car ". 
 "Whereupon she," says her son, "being a woman of a very 
 high spirit, and noble birth and breeding, fell down upon her 
 knees, with her hands heaved up to heaven, and, in the 
 bitterness of spirit, beseeched God Almighty to look upon the 
 justness of her cause, and punish those who had so wrongfully 
 exposed her and her poor children to ruin and beggary." 
 James, however, was not without some compunction ; and he 
 gave Dame Elizabeth and her elder son 8000/., which he called 
 a competent satisfaction. This Sherborne estate, ill gotten 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 881 
 
 by Sir Walter, and worse by Car, did not pass immediately 
 from one to the otlier. Prince Henry, hearing for whom it 
 was designed, " came with some anger to his father, desiring 
 he would be pleased to bestow Sherborne upon him ; alleging 
 that it was a place of great strength and beauty, which he 
 much liked, but, indeed, with an intention of giving it back 
 to Raleigh ". The king granted his son's request, and com- 
 pounded with the favourite by giving him, with his wonted 
 and scandalous profusion in such cases, 25,000/. Prince 
 Henry died within a few months, and Car then obtained the 
 estates in addition to the money. Upon his disgrace and 
 condemnation they were given to Sir John Digby ; and the 
 ill fortune which was supposed to go with this portion of the 
 Church's plundered property, then passed away. * 
 
 * Carew Raleigh's Brief Relation of Sir Walter's Troubles, etc. This 
 relation is contained in a petition to the commons during the time of the 
 Great Rebellion. When he relates his mother's imprecation, the writer 
 observes, " What hath happened since to that royal family is too sad and 
 disastrous for me to repeat, and yet too visible not to be discerned ". He 
 makes no mention of the 8000/. In speaking of Prince Henry's applica- 
 tion for Sherborne, he says the king was " unwilling to refuse any of that 
 prince's desires, for indeed they were most commonly delivered in such 
 language as sounded rather like a demand than an entreaty ". He accredits 
 the groundless suspicion that the prince was poisoned ; and he relates a 
 circumstance, which, if it may be received on his single testimony, cannot 
 but be deemed dishonourable in Charles I. Having after James's death 
 petitioned parliament to be restored in blood, his petition, he says, " having 
 been twice read in the lords' house. King Charles sent Sir James Fullerton 
 (then of the bedchamber) unto Mr. Raleigh, to command him to come 
 unto him; and being brought into the king's chamber by the said Sir 
 James, the king, after using him with great civility, notwithstanding told 
 him plainly, that when he was prince he had promised the Earl of Bristol 
 to secure his title to Sherborne, against the heirs of Sir Walter Raleigh ; 
 whereupon the earl had given him, then prince, 10,000/. ; that now he was 
 bound to make good his promise, being king, and therefore, unless he 
 would quit all his right and title to Sherborne, he neither could nor would 
 pass his bill of restoration. Mr. Raleigh urged the justness of his cause ; 
 that he desired only the liberty of a subject, and to be left to the law, 
 which was never denied any freeman : notwithstanding all which allega- 
 tions, the king was resolute in his denial, and so left him. After which 
 Sir James Fullerton used many arguments to persuade submission to the 
 king's will : as the impossibility of contesting with kingly power ; the not 
 being restored in blood, which brought along with it so many incon- 
 veniences, that it was not possible without it to possess or enjoy any 
 lands or estate in this kingdom ; the not being in a condition, if his cloak 
 were taken from his back, or hat from his head, to sue for restitution. 
 All which things being considered, together with splendid promises of great 
 preferment in court, and particular favours from the king not improbable. 
 
382 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Prince Henry held so high an opinion of Raleigh as to say 
 of him, " no king but my father would keep such a bird in a 
 cage ". Raleigh would not have said with the gallant Lovelace, 
 
 " Stone walls do not a prison make, 
 Nor iron bars a cage ; " 
 
 neither was his mind, though philosophical, 'innocent and 
 quiet " enough to take his prison for an hermitage. Yet the 
 years which he passed in the Tower were the best employed 
 of his life, and the better part of his fame rests upon the works 
 which he produced during this compulsory seclusion. There 
 he wrote his observations on the royal navy and sea-service, 
 which he dedicated to Prince Henry; there he addressed a 
 letter to that prince touching the model of a ship which the 
 prince intended to build ; there he composed his various 
 political discourses ; and there he compiled that History of 
 the World, of which, though some of the best wits in England 
 (Ben Jonson among them) assisted him with their researches, 
 the design and spirit were his own, and those sagacious 
 remarks and eloquent passages which give it its great and 
 peculiar value. 
 
 There too he amused himself with chemistry, and the study 
 of medicine. Sir Walter Raleigh's cordial was long esteemed 
 a precious remedy : * it consisted of every ingredient to which 
 
 wrought much in the mind of young Mr. Raleigh, being a person not 
 full twenty years old, left friendless and fortuneless, and prevailed so far 
 that he submitted to the king's will. Whereupon there was an act passed 
 for his restoration ; together with it a settlement of Sherborne to the Earl 
 of Bristol ; and in show of some kind of recompense 400/. a year pension, 
 during his Hfe, granted to Mr. Raleigh, afterjthe death of his mother, who 
 had that sum paid unto her during life, in lieu of jointure." 
 
 Carew Raleigh concludes by recommending himself to the parliament, 
 as " having in his own person (though bred at court) never opposed any 
 of their just rights and privileges, and for the future being resolved to 
 range himself under the banner of the commons of England ; and so far 
 forth as education and fatherly instruction can prevail, promising the 
 same for two sons whom God had sent him". 
 
 * Evelyn, in his Diary (1662), says, " I accompanied his majesty to 
 Monsieur Febure, his chymist (and who had formerly been my master 
 in Paris), to see his accurate preparation for the composing Sir Walter 
 Raleigh's rare cordial: he made a learned discourse before his majesty 
 in French on each ingredient ". 
 
 Le Febure afterwards published his Discours sur U Grand Cordial de 
 Sir Walter Raleigh, 1665. 
 
 A MS. of chemical processes by Sir Walter is in the British Museum 
 (Cayley, ii., 46). 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 383 
 
 any cordial virtues were imputed. By this medicine Queen 
 Anne is said to have been restored from a " desperate, and, 
 as some believed, an incurable disease, whereof the physicians 
 were at the furthest end of their studies to find the cause, at 
 a nonplus for the cure". The queen, in consequence, sent 
 for some of this cordial for Prince Henry m his last illness. * 
 It was the subject of some deliberation whether it should be 
 administered ; but after having been tasted and proved, the 
 lords of the council consented to advise that it should be given. 
 It failed, as any other remedy must have failed, of curing an 
 incurable disease. But a boastful expression of Sir Walter 
 in a letter which he sent with it, telling the queen that it 
 would certainly cure any one of a fever except in case of 
 poison, is said to have confirmed her in the erroneous and 
 miserable opinion that her beloved son had had foul play, -f- 
 
 Raleigh continued more than twelve years in the Tower. 
 His wife soon obtained permission to reside there with him ; 
 they had their own attendants, and certain persons | were 
 permitted to repair to him at convenient times. There seems 
 to have been no restriction as to his visitors at a later time. 
 Sir William Wade, the lieutenant of the Tower, describes him 
 as seeming to be very well satisfied with his treatment ; " the 
 door of the chamber," he says, " being always open all the day 
 to the garden, which indeed is the only garden the lieutenant 
 hath. And in the garden he hath converted a little hen- 
 house to a still-house, where he doth spend his time all the 
 day in distillations." After Somerset's disgrace, he had what 
 is called the liberty of the Tower allowed him ; after Cecil's 
 death, no person in authority was likely to oppose his applica- 
 tion for enlargement ; but with the hope of liberty his fatal 
 ambition of rivalling Cortes and Pizarro revived. § 
 
 Money and solicitations were now employed to the utmost 
 of Sir Walter's means ; but in soliciting his liberty and renew- 
 ing his proposals for the conquest of the rich and golden 
 empire, he asserted with great discretion as well as boldness, 
 his perfect innocence of the offence for which he was under 
 condemnation. "Honoured sir/' said he, in a letter to the 
 
 * Sir Anthony Weldon. f Welwood. Cayley, ii., 53. 
 
 J These were Gilbert Hawthorn a preacher, Dr. Turner, Dr. John a 
 surgeon, John Shelberry, Thomas Harriot, and his steward of Sherborne 
 (Cayley ii., 38, from the Hatfield Papers). 
 
 8Cayley,ii.,38. 
 
384 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 secretary of state. Sir Ralph Winwood, "I was lately per- 
 suaded by two gentlemen, my ancient friends, to acquaint 
 your honour with some offers of mine, made heretofore for a 
 journey to Guiana, who were of opinion that it would be better 
 understood now, than when it was first propounded ; which 
 advice having surmounted my despair, I have presumed to send 
 unto your honour the copies of those letters which I then 
 wrote, both to His Majesty, and to the treasurer, Cecil ; where- 
 in, as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered, as 
 the objections by him made are briefly answered. What I 
 know of the riches of that place, not by hearsay, but what 
 mine eyes have seen, I have said it often ; but it was then to 
 no end, because those that had the greatest trust were resolved 
 not to believe it, not because they doubted the truth, but 
 because they doubted my disposition toward themselves, where, 
 if God had blessed me in the enterprise, I had recovered His 
 Majesty's favour and good opinion. Other cause than this, or 
 other suspicion, they never had any." 
 
 He then entered dexterously upon his own exculpation. 
 " Our late worthy Prince of Wales," said he, " was extreme 
 curious in searching out the nature of my offences. The 
 queen's majesty hath informed herself from the beginning. 
 The King of Denmark, at both times of his being here, was 
 thoroughly satisfied of my innocency: they would otherwise 
 never have moved His Majesty on my behalf. The wife, the 
 brother, and the son of a king, do not use to sue for men 
 suspect. But, sir, since they all have done it out of their 
 charity, and but with reference to me alone, your honour, 
 whose respect hath only relation to His Majesty's service, and 
 strengthened by the example of those princes, may with the 
 more hardiness do the like, being princes to whom His 
 Majesty's good estate is no less^dear, and all men that shall 
 oppugn it no less hateful, than to the king himself 
 
 " It is true, sir, that His Majesty hath sometimes answered, 
 that his council knew me better than he did ; meaning some 
 two or three of them. And it was, indeed, my infelicity. 
 For, had His Majesty known me, I had never been here where 
 I now am ; or, had I known His Majesty, they had never 
 been so long there where they now are. His Majesty's not 
 knowing of me hath been my ruin ; and His Majesty's mis- 
 knowing of them hath been the ruin of a goodly part of his 
 estate. But they are all of them now, some living and some 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 385 
 
 dying, come to His Majesty's knowledge. But, sir, how little 
 soever His Majesty knew me, and how much soever he 
 believed them, yet have I been bound to His Majesty both for 
 my life, and all that remains ; of which, but for His Majesty, 
 nor life, nor aught else, had remained. In this respect, sir, f 
 am bound to yield up the same life, and all I have, for His 
 Majesty's service. To die for the king, and not by the king, 
 is all the ambition I have in the world. 
 
 " Walter Raleigh. " * 
 
 The secretary was not unfavourably disposed to Raleigh ; 
 but the successful issue of this application appears to have 
 been obtained by the rising favourite, Villiers, through the 
 means of his uncle. Sir Edward Villiers, and of Sir William St. 
 John. They received, for their influence, a present of 1 500/. 
 The favourite had, for himself, a promise contingent upon the 
 event of the enterprise. "You have, by your mediation," 
 Raleigh writes to him, " put me again into the world. I can 
 but acknowledge it ; for to pay any part of your favour by any 
 service of mine, as yet it is not in my power. If it succeed 
 well, a good part of the honour shall be yours ; and if I do not 
 also make it profitable unto you, I shall show myself exceeding 
 ungrateful. In the meanwhile, and till God discover the 
 success, I beseech you to reckon me among the number 
 of your faithful servants, though the least able." f Without 
 the interference of Villiers, Winwood's recommendation of 
 the adventure " as a matter not in the air, or speculative, but 
 real and of certainty, for that Sir Walter had seen of the ore of 
 the mine with his eyes, and tried the richness of it," might 
 have weighed little with so cautious a king as James. The 
 special declaration which was afterwards put forth, of the 
 king's true motives and inducements, says, "It is true that 
 His Majesty, in his own princely judgment, gave no belief 
 unto it ; as well for that His Majesty was verily persuaded, 
 that in nature there are no such mines of gold entire as they 
 described this to be, and if any such had been, it was not 
 probable that the Spaniards, who were so industrious in the 
 chase of treasure, would have neglected it so long, as also for 
 that it proceeded from the person of Sir Walter Raleigh, 
 invested with such circumstances both of his disposition and 
 
 * Cayley, ii., 58-60. f Ibid., 56. 
 
 25 
 
386 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 fortune. But nevertheless Sir Walter Raleigh had so en- 
 chanted the world with his confident asseveration of that which 
 every man was willing to believe, as His Majesty's honour was 
 in a manner engaged not to deny unto his people the adven- 
 ture and hope of so great riches, to be sought and achieved 
 at the charge of voluntaries ; especially for that it stood with 
 His Majesty's politic and magnanimous courses in these his 
 flourishing times of peace to nourish and encourage noble and 
 generous enterprises for plantations, discoveries, and opening 
 of new trades." 
 
 Accordingly, a royal warrant was issued to the lieutenant 
 of the Tower, stating that "whereas Sir Walter had been a 
 humble suitor for leave to undertake a voyage by sea upon 
 his own costs and charges, to which request the king had been 
 graciously pleased to condescend, the lieutenant was enjoined 
 to let him go abroad with such a keeper as he should appoint, 
 either in London or elsewhere, to the end that he might by 
 that freedom the more conveniently furnish himself with 
 shipping, and other necessary provisions for that voyage ".* 
 It was no secret that these preparations were for Guiana ; and 
 jealous as the Spaniards ever were of their pretensions as well 
 as possessions in America, probably they would not have re- 
 monstrated against the proposed expedition any more than 
 against a recent one under Harcourt to the same part of that 
 continent, if Raleigh had not in his account of the great and 
 golden empire openly proclaimed his views of conquest. The 
 Spanish ambassador, Gondomar, could have no doubt of 
 Raleigh's designs ; which, indeed, were to be inferred both 
 from the truths and the falsehoods of that relation. He 
 represented therefore to the king, "by loud and vehement 
 assertions upon iterated audiences, that he knew and had 
 discovered the intention to be both hostile and piratical, and 
 tending to the breach of the peace between the two crowns ". 
 To which the king's answer always was, " That he would send 
 Sir Walter Raleigh with a limited commission ; and that he 
 durst not, upon peril of his head, attempt any such matters ; 
 and that if he did he would surely do justice upon him, or 
 send him bound hand and foot into Spain, and all the gold 
 and goods he should obtain by robbery and bring home, were 
 they never so great". For yet farther caution the king 
 
 * Losely Manuscripts, p. 377. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 387 
 
 enjoined Winwood to urge Sir Walter upon his conscience 
 and allegiance to deal plainly, and declare whether he had 
 any other intention than to go to those golden mines in 
 Guiana ; and Sir Walter not only solemnly protested thus to 
 Winwood, "but by him wrote a close letter to His Majesty, 
 containing a solemn profession thereof, confirmed with many 
 vehement asseverations, and that he never meant or would 
 commit any outrages or spoils upon the King of Spain's 
 subjects". Such protestations were little likely to impose 
 upon a statesman like Gondomar : he told James that the 
 number of ships which had been prepared for the voyage 
 showed manifestly that Raleigh had no such peaceable intent ; 
 and upon Raleigh's answer, that these were only provided for 
 his safe convoy, the ambassador offered, if Raleigh would go 
 with one or two ships only to seek the said mine, that he 
 would move the King of Spain to send two or three ships to 
 convoy him safely home to England with all his gold, and 
 would remain himself in pledge for the king his master's 
 performance of this engagement.* 
 
 The fleet, indeed, which Raleigh was fitting out might have 
 awakened the suspicions of a less wary ambassador than 
 Gondomar. Seven sail were equipped in the Thames, of 
 which Raleigh's own ship, the Destiny, built at his own 
 charge, and in which his son Walter went as captain, carried 
 thirty-six guns and 200 men ; eighty of these were gentlemen 
 volunteers and adventurers, many of them his relations. The 
 Jason, Captain Pennington, carried twenty-five guns ; the 
 Thufider, Sir Warham Saintleger, twenty ; the Encounter, 
 Captain Hastings, seventeen ; the Flying Joan, Captain 
 Chidley, fourteen. The other two were vessels of eighty tons 
 and of twenty-five ; the one mounting six guns, the other 
 three; and before this fleet left the English coast it was 
 joined by four other ships, two fly-boats, and a caravel. 
 Raleigh embarked all his means in this expedition : the 8000/. 
 which James had given as some compensation for Sherborne, 
 and which had been lent to the Countess of Bedford, was 
 called in for this purpose ; and an estate of Dame Raleigh's, 
 at Mitcham in Surrey, was sold, with her consent, for 2500/., 
 and the purchase money applied to the same sinister enter- 
 prise. This, however, was but a small part of the outlay ; 
 
 * Declaration. Cayley, ii., 420. 
 
388 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 about 15,000/. being embarked in it by persons whom his 
 representations had deluded.* 
 
 Raleigh says it was bruited, and by most men believed, 
 that he meant nothing less than to go to Guiana ; but that, 
 being once at liberty and in his own power, he would, having 
 made his way with some foreign prince, turn pirate, and 
 utterly forsake his country. f There was so little sincerity 
 in his character, and his relation of Guiana contains so much 
 falsehood, that his real intentions at this time must ever be 
 matter of uncertainty. The desire of obtaining his deliver- 
 ance from the Tower cannot have been his main motive ; for 
 it is affirmed that St. John and Villiers offered for another 
 sum of money | to procure not only his full pardon, but 
 liberty not to go the voyage if he pleased. On this occasion 
 it was that Lord Bacon, when Sir Walter acquainted him with 
 the offer, and consulted him concerning it, is said to have 
 replied, " Sir, the knee-timber of your voyage is money. 
 Spare your purse in this particular ; for upon my life you 
 have a sufficient pardon for all that is past already, the king 
 having under his broad seal made you admiral of your fleet, 
 and given you power of the martial law over your officers 
 and soldiers." This was so reasonable an opinion that a 
 more indifferent person than Raleigh might readily have 
 concurred in it. But what he could have proposed to him- 
 self from such an expedition can only be conjectured. It is 
 utterly incredible that he should have obtained from the 
 Indians any such account of El Dorado as he pretended to have 
 heard from them : nevertheless he may have believed, as the 
 Spaniards did, that there existed another golden empire 
 " yet unspoiled," and have aspired to rival Cortes and Pizarro 
 in renown. If this should prove only a dream of ambition 
 (as his mind must sometimes have misgiven him), he may 
 have calculated upon enriching himself by plundering the 
 Spaniards, and purchasing indemnity with a part of the spoils 
 in times when everything was venal. He deceived the king 
 by concealing from him that the Spaniards had any footing 
 in Guiana, and he deceived himself alike with regard to the 
 
 • Cayley, ii., 85. Oldys, 192. fCayley, 84. 
 
 X In the Observations on Sanderson's History, the sum named is 700/. 
 Howell, on Carew Raleigh's authority, states it at 1500Z. ; and doubts 
 whether Sir William St. John could have proceed the pardon, if he had 
 come to negotiate it really. ^/^ * 
 
 \r 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 389 
 
 wealth of the Spaniards there, and to their weakness. And 
 thus, deceiving and deceived, he began in unhappy hour his 
 miserable voyage. 
 
 After some vexatious loss of time at the Isle of Wight and 
 at Plymouth, owing to the delay of some of his ships, and 
 the difficulty which some of his captains felt in manning and 
 provisioning others, for want of money, he encountered a 
 strong storm some eight leagues to the westward of Scilly, 
 in which the Flying Joan was sunk, and some of his fly-boats 
 driven into Bristol ; and he put into Ireland, holding it, he 
 says, "the office of a commander of many ships, and those 
 of divers sailings and conditions (of which some could hull 
 and try, and some of them beat it up upon a tack, and others 
 neither able to do the one nor the other), rather to take a 
 port and keep his fleet together, than either to endanger the 
 loss of masts and yards, or to have it severed far asunder, and 
 to be thrust into divers places ". There he stayed long, 
 waiting for a good wind, a tarriance for which Raleigh was 
 censured by some of his discontented followers ; " though 
 they should have accused the clouds for it," he says, "and 
 not him". At length he put again to sea, and, reaching the 
 Canaries, landed his men upon the island of Lancerota. Ac- 
 cording to Raleigh, the governor believed them to be a fleet 
 of Turks who had lately taken and destroyed Puerto Santo : 
 whether Turks or pirates, such a fleet and such a landing 
 were alike to be feared by him. He proposed, however, to 
 confer with the commander, each bringing one companion, 
 with their rapiers only. Raleigh accepted the proposal ; and 
 the result of the conference was an agreement that Sir Walter 
 should send up an English factor, whose ship was then riding 
 in the road, and that whatsoever the island could yield should 
 be delivered to him at a reasonable rate. The factor was 
 sent accordingly ; but the governor put off" from one morning 
 to another the fulfilment of his engagement, and at length 
 sent word that unless he would re-embark his men, the 
 islanders would not venture to disperse and collect the re- 
 quired provisions. Raleigh consented ; but when half the 
 people were got aboard, two of his sentinels were forced, one 
 slain, and the factor sent to tell him that they were still taken 
 for Turks. " Hereupon all the companies would have marched 
 toward the town, and have sacked it ; but I knew, " says Sir 
 Walter, "it would only dislike His Majesty, for that our 
 
sgo ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 merchants having a continual trade with those islands, their 
 goods would have been stayed ; and among the rest, the poor 
 Englishman riding in the road, having all that he brought 
 thither ashore, would have been utterly ruined." 
 
 Raleigh complained of this treatment to the Governor of 
 Grand Canary, and desired leave to take in water there. No 
 answer was returned ; and when he landed about an hundred 
 men far from any habitation, in a desert part of the island, 
 where some fresh water was found, he found an ambush laid 
 there for him, and one of his people was wounded to death : 
 more had been slain, had not his son, ''with a handful of 
 brave men, and two or three exceeding valiant gentlemen, 
 made head against them and put forty to flight". Still 
 in want of water, he now sailed to Gomera, at that time 
 one of the strongest and best defended places of all these 
 islands, and the best port, the town being seated upon the 
 very wash of the sea. There, at their first entrance, the ships 
 were fired at, and returned the fire ; but as soon as Raleigh 
 himself recovered the harbour, and had made the firing cease, 
 he sent a Spaniard ashore to tell the governor he had no 
 intention of making war upon the King of Spain's subjects ; 
 and that if any harm were done to the town by the great 
 ordnance, it was their fault, who, by shooting first, gave the 
 occasion. The governor returned for answer, that he had fired 
 supposing them to be the Turkish fleet ; and that if they 
 wanted nothing but water, they might have as much as 
 they pleased to take, if he were only assured that they 
 would not attempt his town-houses, nor destroy the gardens 
 and fruit. Raleigh in reply gave his faith and the word of 
 the King of Great Britain, that the people should not lose so 
 much as an orange or a grape ; and that if any man of his 
 should injure them, he would hang him up in the market 
 street. Here then a friendly intercourse was established ; 
 presents * were exchanged with the governor s wife, who was 
 of an English race ; and the governor, at their departure, 
 wrote to the Spanish ambassador in England how Sir Walter 
 had behaved himself in those islands. 
 
 * They proved of great importance to him on his subsequent voyage. 
 In the first letter to his wife, he says, " I received there, of an EngUsh 
 race, a present of oranges, lemons, quinces, and pomegranates, v^^ithout 
 which I could not have lived. Those I preserved in fresh sands, and 
 I have of them yet, to my great refreshing." 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 391 
 
 No other misfortune befell him in the Canaries than that 
 Captain Bayley in the Southampton deserted him at Lancerota, 
 and returning to England there did him all the wrong he 
 could devise. But from that time one mishap succeeded 
 another. At the isle of Bravo he lost his anchors, cables, and 
 water casks, being driven off with a hurricane ; and in conse- 
 quence they were like to have all perished. For between 
 Cape de Verd and America, a passage then commonly per- 
 formed in fifteen, or at most twenty days, they found the 
 wind so contrary, and, " which (says he) are also contrary to 
 Nature, so many storms and rains, that they spent six weeks, 
 suffering from extreme heat and want of water : great numbers 
 of his ablest men both for sea and land were carried off by 
 sickness." * On 1 1th November they had sight of Guiana, and 
 soon after anchored in the river Caliana, in five degrees. 
 From thence Raleigh wrote to his wife a letter, which, dis- 
 heartening as it was, was to her but the beginning of woes. 
 " Sweetheart, I can write to you but with a weak hand, for I 
 have suffered the most violent calenture for fifteen days that 
 ever man did and lived. But God that gave me a strong 
 heart in all my adventures, hath also now strengthened it 
 in the hell-fire of heat. We have had two most grievous 
 sicknesses in our ship, of which forty-two have died, and there 
 are yet many sick ; but having recovered the land of Guiana 
 this 12th day of November, I hope we shall recover them. 
 We are yet 200 men, and the rest of our fleet are reasonably 
 strong ; strong enough, I hope, to perform what we have 
 undertaken, if the diligent care at London, to make our 
 strength known to the Spanish king by his ambassador, have 
 not taught the Spanish king to fortify all the entrances 
 
 * He was blamed for sailing to Cape de Verd, knowing it to be an 
 infectious place. "The truth is," he says, "that I came no nearer to 
 Cape de Verd than Bravo, which is 150 leagues off. But had I taken it 
 in my way, falling upon the coast, or any other part of Guiana, after the 
 rains, there is as little danger of infection as in any other part of the 
 world, as our English that trade in those parts every year do well know. 
 There are few places in England, or in the world, near great rivers which 
 run through low grounds, or near moorish or marsh grounds, but the 
 people inhabiting near are, at some time of the year, subject to fevers. 
 Witness Woolwich, in Kent, and all down the river on both sides. Other 
 infection there is not found, either in Indies or in Africa, except it be 
 when the easterly wind, or breezes, are kept off by some high mountains 
 from the valleys, whereby the air, wanting motion, doth become exceeding 
 unhealthful, as at Nombre de Dios, and elsewhere" (Cayley, ii., 93). 
 
392 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 against us. Howsoever, we must make the adventure ; and if 
 we perish, it shall be no honour for England, nor gain for His 
 Majesty, to lose among many others an hundred as valiant 
 gentlemen as England hath in it." Referring then to a letter 
 of Keymis for an account of what they had suffered on the 
 way from the unnatural weather, storms and rains and winds, 
 and expressing his trust that God would give them comfort in 
 what was to come, he proceeds to say, " Your son had never 
 so good health, having no distemper in all the heat under the 
 line. Remember my service to my Lord Carew and Mr. 
 Secretary Winwood : I write not to them, for I can write of 
 nought but miseries. Yet of men of sort, we have lost our 
 sergeant-major. Captain Piggot and his lieutenant. Captain 
 Edward Hastings (who would have died at home, for both his 
 liver, spleen, and brains were rotten) ; my son's lieutenant 
 Payton, and my cousin, Mr. Hews ; Mr. Mordant, Mr. 
 Gardiner, Mr. Hayward, Captain Jenning, the merchant 
 Keymis of London, and the master surgeon ; Mr. Refiner, 
 Mr. Moor, the Governor of the Bermudas, our provost-martial 
 William Steed, Lieutenant Vascie ; but to mine inestimable 
 grief, Hammon and Talbot. By the next I trust you shall 
 hear better of us. In God's hands we are, and in Him we 
 trust. To tell you that I might be here king of the Indians 
 were a vanity : but my name hath still lived among them 
 here. They feed me with fresh meat, and all that the 
 country yields : all offer to obey me. Commend me to poor 
 Carew my son." * 
 
 Here Sir Walter stayed till the 4th of December. Mean- 
 time the sick were landed, the barges and shallops which had 
 been brought out from England in quarters were set up, the 
 ships washed, and fresh water taken in, the Indians of his 
 old acquaintance feeding and cherishing them with a great 
 deal of love and respect. "Myself," he says, "being in the 
 hands of death these six weeks, and not able otherwise to 
 move than as I was carried in a chair, gave orders to five 
 small ships to sail into Orinoco, having Captain Keymis for 
 their conductor toward the mines ; and in these five ships five 
 companies of fifty, under the command of Captain Parker and 
 Captain North, brethren to the Lord Mounteagle and the 
 Lord North, valiant gentlemen, and of infinite patience for 
 
 * Oldys, 20I. Cayley, ii., 66-68. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 393 
 
 the labour, hunger, and heat which they have endured. My 
 son had the third company ; Captain Thomhurst of Kent the 
 fourth ; Captain Chidley, by his lieutenant, the fifth. But 
 as my sergeant-major. Captain Piggot of the Low Countries, 
 died in the former miserable passage, so now my lieutenant. 
 Sir Warham Saintleger, lay sick without hope of life, and 
 the charge was conferred on my nephew, George Raleigh, 
 who had also served long with infinite commendations, but 
 by reason of my absence, and of Sir Warham's, was not so 
 well obeyed as the enterprise required." With the other 
 five ships Sir Walter repaired to Trinidad, no other port being 
 capable of them near Guiana, and there he awaited the result 
 of the expedition. * 
 
 Berrio's son, D. Fernando de Berrio y Oruno, had, upon his 
 father's death, inherited the government of Guiana, and of 
 the countries between Pauto and Papamene : he had been 
 displaced in consequence of complaints against him ; but 
 having recently been reinstated, he was at this time prepar- 
 ing in the Nuevo Reyno to re-enter upon his government, 
 which was held meantime by Captain Diego Palameque de 
 Acuna. f This officer had received despatches from the King 
 of Spain, dated 19th March, l6l7, | advising him that one 
 Walter Reali was fitting out six great ships and several smaller 
 ones, with more than a thousand seamen and soldiers, for the 
 Orinoco, and that five or six privateers in Holland were pre- 
 paring to join him, their presumed purpose being to explore 
 the country with a view to settling in it Palameque therefore 
 was not surprised when he heard at the close of the year that 
 the English fleet had appeared off Punta de Gallo, in Trinidad ; 
 that the commander had landed some men at Puerto de 
 
 * Oldys, 202. 
 
 t Dr. Lingard says this officer was Gondomar's brother. 
 
 :J: Raleigh obtained possession of this letter, and of the other despatches 
 for levying forces to oppose him. '* For it pleased his majesty," he says, 
 " to value us at so little, as to command me, upon my allegiance, to set 
 down under my hand the country, and the very river by which I was to 
 enter it ; to set down the number of my men, and burthen of my ships, 
 and what ordnance every ship carried. Which being known to the Spanish 
 ambassador, and by him sent to the King of Spain, a despatch was made 
 and letters sent from Madrid before my departure out ot the Thames." 
 Raleigh complains bitterly of this, and says, "There was never poor man 
 so exposed to the slaughter as he was". Yet the truth is, that James 
 acted in good faith towards his ally, the King of Spain. 
 
394 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Espana^ hoping to make himself master of St. Joseph de 
 Oruno ; and that the lieutenant, Benito de Baena, who com- 
 manded there, being in the port, and having frustrated his 
 attempt and killed some of his people, had learnt from a 
 prisoner that the commander's name was Raleigh. Farther 
 he was informed that Raleigh had despatched two ships of 
 150 tons, a caravel, and five launches, with from six to seven 
 hundred men, under his own son, up the river, against the 
 city of St. Thomas, he himself remaining off Trinidad with 
 six other vessels. * 
 
 On the 12th of January, the English flotilla reached a part 
 of the river called Yaya, twelve leagues from St. Thomas ; an 
 Indian fisherman carried the alarm to that place. It could 
 not be doubted that this was a hostile movement ; and 
 Palameque, who, though forewarned of the danger, had not 
 been provided with means for resisting it, mustered im- 
 mediately the little force which he had at hand. This, accord- 
 ing to the Spanish account, consisted of fifty-seven men, of 
 whom more than a fourth part were invalids. He sent Juan 
 de Trillo to collect those men who were at their farms 
 (estancias) ; and he ordered two horsemen, Mateo Pinto de 
 Olivera and Juan Ruyz Monge, to reconnoitre the invaders' 
 movements. About eleven in the forenoon their sails were 
 seen, making for the bay of Aruco, a league from the city ; 
 there they anchored. The men from the launches landed, and 
 Pinto hastened back with the intelligence. The ships and 
 the caravel proceeded towards the port of the city ; and Juan 
 Ruyz having waited at Aruco to see them disembark, brought 
 tidings that they were marching toward the city, about 500 
 strong. -I* 
 
 By this time Captain Jeronimo de Grados had come in from 
 his estancia, and was placed in ambush, with ten soldiers, near 
 the city. As soon as he was informed of the direction which 
 the English were taking, he cut a match-cord in pieces, 
 which he lighted, and placed at intervals, where they might 
 deceive the invaders by presenting the appearance of a greater 
 force. The first fire was from two petraries against the ships. 
 Grados then opened his fire upon the troops, and kept it up 
 
 * Pedro Simon, pp. 635-637. The Spanish account differs from Raleigh's 
 brief statement in nothing of importance, except in overstating the number 
 of men. 
 
 t Pedro Simon, 637, 638. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 395 
 
 from the bushes as he retired before them. This skirmishing 
 continued about an hour and half before he fell back to the 
 place where the governor and his people awaited him ; and 
 they drew up then at the entrance of the city, there to make 
 a stand. It was now nine at night. * Raleigh says that some 
 of the English, when they were charged by the governor and 
 four or five captains who led their companies, began to pause 
 and recoil shamefully; but that his son, f with extraordinary 
 valour and forwardness, " not tarrying for any musketeers, ran 
 up at the head of a company of pikemen, and received a shot 
 wound " ; pressing then upon a Spanish captain, whom he 
 calls Erinetta, with his sword, Erinetta, taking the small end 
 of his musket in his hand, struck him on the head with the 
 stock, and felled him. His last words were, "Lord, have 
 mercy upon me, and prosper your enterprise ! " and his death 
 was instantly revenged by his sergeant, John Plessington, who 
 thrust the Spaniard through with his halbert. In the heat of 
 fight, and in the confusion which the darkness occasioned, the 
 governor was separated from his people and slain. The 
 Spaniards, however, had the advantage of knowing the ground ; 
 and betaking themselves to some houses adjoining the market- 
 place, in which loopholes had been cut as soon as the alarm was 
 given, from thence, with their murderers and muskets, they slew 
 and wounded the English at their pleasure, till the assailants set 
 fire to the houses. J Raleigh says they had no other way to 
 save themselves ; and the Spaniards were consoled by con- 
 sidering that a great quantity of tobacco which was consumed 
 in the flames would otherwise have fallen into the enemy's 
 hands, who thus deprived themselves of their booty which was 
 
 * Pedro Simon says an Englishman advanced before the rest, shouting 
 victory ; and Grades gave him such a sword stroke on the left side of the 
 neck, that he sent the heretic to have the cry answered in hell : '• Que 
 enibro al herege a que le respondieran a su canto en el injierno " (p. 640). 
 
 t In the king's declaration it is said, that young Mr. Raleigh (who was 
 likest to know his father's secret), when he led his soldiers upon the 
 town, used these or the like words, " Come on, my hearts I here is the mine 
 that ye must expect ; they that look for any other mine are fools ". Upon 
 this Oldys says (203), "As if Raleigh was at so much toil, hazard, and 
 expense, only to break the peace and drive a pack of poor Spaniards out 
 of a worthless town. Nor does it seem likely that if young Raleigh knew 
 this to be his father's secret, that he would thus disclose it ; but rather, if 
 he did utter such an expression, that he suddenly invented it to give his 
 men hopes of booty, knowing that would best excite them to bravery." 
 
 jCayley, ii., 100, loi. 
 
396 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 their main object. The English were now masters of the 
 place, from which the defendants retired or ran, seeing that 
 their ammunition began to fail, that the governor was missing, 
 that Monge was slain, and another captain wounded. Mid- 
 night was now past ; and those who had collected in their 
 retreat were about, with the little ammunition which had been 
 reserved, to go in search of the governor, when they met an 
 Indian woman, Ventura by name; and asking her whither 
 she was hastening, she replied, "after the women". For no 
 sooner had a cry been raised that the enemy were entering 
 than the women, with their children, and the servants and the 
 infirm, had taken flight, without provisions of any kind, and 
 by this time they had got half a league toward the mouth of 
 the Caroni. The two alcaldes, upon whom the command 
 devolved in default of the governor, sent Grados with a few 
 soldiers to escort them across the river. That done, he re- 
 turned to consult with these alcaldes, and with some four and 
 twenty Spaniards, who had gathered together since their 
 dispersion. "^ 
 
 Their first object was to provide for the women. Grados 
 was charged with this service ; he removed them three leagues 
 higher up the Caroni, to a place called La Zaiva, which was 
 thought to be secret and safe : there a few wretched huts 
 were erected for them, and Grados collected some maize and 
 some dried meat. The next object was to prevent the 
 English from communicating with the Indians ; for if things 
 had reached that point, says the Spanish historian, no doubt 
 all the Spaniards would have been cut off, and the whole land 
 utterly laid waste ; because the Indians, with that facility 
 of disposition which marks them, especially those of this 
 country, where almost all were in a state of insecure peace, 
 needed little to make them rebel against their encomenderos 
 and the other Christians. Raleigh had not misrepresented 
 the temper of the natives. To prevent this dreaded com- 
 munication, the alcaldes, with twenty men appointed for this 
 especial charge, were night and day on the alert, f 
 
 P. Francesco de Leuro, the cura of the city, had for some 
 months lost the use of his limbs, and was consequently con- 
 fined to his bed. There he had been left in the confusion, 
 and forgotten by every one except an Indian woman, Lusya 
 
 * Pedro Simon, 640, 641. \Ibid., 641. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 397 
 
 de Fonseca by name, a native of Nuevo Reyno, who was 
 married to a negro. She carried the poor priest out of his 
 house, and hid hira in a pit not far off. Going then to seek 
 for the governor's body, upon a rumour that he was slain, 
 some of the English fell in with her and carried her before 
 their commander, whom she found with many others looking 
 at the lifeless object of her search. She recognised Palameque 
 by his stature, and by some marks on his face, though the 
 blow which killed him had cleft his head. The priest mean- 
 time had been discovered, and was brought upon his pallet 
 to the English headquarters. He also identified Palameque's 
 body ; and having replied as well as he could to their questions 
 concerning other settlements, and whether there were gold 
 mines, the English commander ordered him to be carried to 
 one of his officer's quarters, and desired his surgeons to render 
 hira what service they could. The Indian Luysa and two 
 other Indian women, who had in like manner been met with, 
 were told to bury the governor and Monge, who had also been 
 recognised. They began to open a grave in the church ; but 
 the ground was hard, and, growing weary of the task, they 
 said to the English that they who had killed them might 
 bury them. The bodies accordingly were laid behind the 
 church, in a hole from which clay had been dug, and were 
 there covered over with a little earth.* 
 
 The captors searched in vain for gold in the city, under the 
 guidance of two or three negroes who had fled to them, 
 and of two Indians ; the one of whom, Christoval by name, 
 a native of Sogamoso in the Nuevo Reyno, being a servant of 
 the governor, had been left to take care of his house, and 
 there made prisoner. Pedro Criollo, the other, who was by 
 no voluntary compact in the service of a certain Captain Juan 
 Ximenez, was in great favour with the English ; and having 
 attired himself in the spoils of the slain, he sat at table with 
 the officers, and was called Don Pedro, because he declared 
 himself an enemy to the Spaniards, and said it would be a 
 good thing to put an end to them all, especially his late 
 master, whom he offered to kill with his own hands, if they 
 would deliver him into them. The English were not more 
 ready to believe any tales concerning the imaginary riches 
 of the land, than the Spaniards were to accredit and adopt 
 
 * Pedro Simon, 642-644. 
 
398 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 any stories which might seem to depreciate their enemies. 
 They said and believed that the English cut off the heads 
 of their own slain, lest the Indian women should see and 
 divulge how great their loss had been ; and that they threw 
 the bodies into the river, pretending they were Spaniards, 
 except some of the more honourable, whom they buried, five 
 or six together, in the houses. But the general's son, and 
 four others, were interred in the great church, with the 
 honours of war ; drums beating, pikes trailing, and five 
 banners borne before them : young Raleigh and another in 
 one grave, near the high altar; the other three together in 
 the body of the church. On the day of the funeral, two 
 other vessels arrived.* Twelve days the Indian women re- 
 mained with the captors, during which time the Chaguanas, 
 who had guided the English to the city, supplied them with 
 fruits and other provisions, and received in exchange part of 
 the spoil, of which the English thought nothing, and they, 
 like a miserable people as they were, prized highly. The 
 women then being kept to hard service as cooks, and not 
 very well treated, made their escape, and reported all that 
 they had seen. They reported also, that a certain English 
 captain, whom they called Don Juan, and who was well 
 versed in the Spanish tongue, said they should return in a 
 few months to revenge the death of their general's son, and 
 of some other captains. -f- 
 
 The fate of the governor having now been ascertained, the 
 alcaldes, as succeeding to his authority, addressed a letter 
 to the English commander, requiring him to leave the country, 
 inasmuch as what he had done, and his continuance there as 
 well, was in contradiction to the peace between Spain and 
 England. A soldier, by name Diego Garcia, being sent with 
 this, was blindfolded, and brought before the English com- 
 mander. The person who received him, and who is repre- 
 sented as tall and gaunt, with a cast in his eye, and about 
 threescore years of age, and who said he had been in that 
 country two and twenty years before, desired him to read the 
 letter; and upon his replying that he could not read, told 
 him to go his way, and send some one in his stead who could. 
 
 * Keymis, in his letter of January 8th, says, " Captains Whitney and 
 Wolaston are but now come to us. They had lain aground three days in 
 passing up " (Cayley, ii., 97). 
 
 t Pedro Simon, 644, 645. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 399 
 
 Garcia, however, had time to make some inquiries, through 
 an interpreter, concerning the governor, and was informed 
 that he and the general's son had fallen by each other's hand.* 
 One Juan Negrete was then sent, but nothing came of this 
 representation, "t" 
 
 The alcaldes now despatched advices to Trinidad, Margar- 
 ita, Cumana, and Caraccas. The English employed them- 
 selves in burning the small plantations near the town, and 
 destroying the cattle. They sent one launch to their ships 
 at Trinidad, and two others, with some twenty or thirty men 
 in each, up the Orinoco : these came to the mouth of the 
 creek which led to La Zeiva, where the women and children 
 were secreted ; and the largest of the launches was about to 
 enter, when Grados, who had in good time posted nine of the 
 invalids in ambush there, with about as many Indian bowmen, 
 attacked them so unexpectedly, and with such good aim, that 
 only one of the crew is said to have escaped unhurt. The 
 other launch also suffered some loss. Three days afterwards 
 three launches were sent, as was supposed, to take vengeance 
 for this defeat ; but Grados had removed his charge some two 
 leagues into the country, and these vessels then went up the 
 river as far as the mouth of the Guarico, which is about 100 
 leagues up, sounding as they went, and treating with the 
 Caribs, to whom they made presents, and larger promises. 
 They were eighteen or twenty days on this expedition. | 
 
 By this time the alcaldes had got together threescore 
 armed Indians, with whom, and some twenty soldiers, they 
 entered the city by night, and set fire to it in several places : 
 rain prevented the flames from spreading; but the English 
 were rendered careless by the failure of this attempt, and, 
 before morning, they were assailed with arrows and musketry, 
 and suffered considerable loss. A party also going up the 
 river to carry off some maize, which was at this season ripe, 
 was cut off by an ambush the next day. They had now been 
 four weeks in the city ; and the alcaldes, perceiving no ap- 
 pearance of their departing, sent to Santa Fe for assistance, 
 requesting a commander, men, ammunition, clothing, cotton 
 
 * Raleigh's account, as has been seen, differs from this. No such name 
 as Erinetta occurs in the Spanish statement. The circumstance in which 
 both statements agree is, that the Spanish officer who slew young Raleigh 
 was himself slain. 
 
 t Pedro Simon, 646. Xlbid., 647, 648. 
 
210 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 sure, withdrew by a back door, and hastened to the lord 
 mayor. Essex went into the house ; his countenance changed 
 as he now became sensible of his own madness ; and struggling 
 against such emotions as he had never felt before, he called 
 for refreshments, and for Unen to shift himself, — for the sweat 
 started at every pore."^ 
 
 Meantime, Cecil's elder brother. Lord Burleigh, and Dethick, 
 Garter king-at-arms, with some ten horse, came into the city, 
 and, though some opposition was attempted, and some violence 
 offered, proclaimed the earl and his adherents traitors. The 
 Earl of Cumberland, and Sir Thomas Gerard, knight marshal, 
 made the like proclamation in other parts of the city. As 
 soon as Essex was informed of this, he hastened out of the 
 sheriffs house, and in a state of hopelessness which had none 
 of that resolution that so often accompanies despair, crying 
 out that England was sold to the Infanta of Spain, he called 
 again upon the citizens to arm. Not a man was found mad 
 enough to stake his life upon a game that was already lost ; 
 even his own deluded followers were beginning to slink away : 
 and when he heard that the lord admiral was coming with a 
 strong party of men to suppress the insurrection, he could 
 devise no other course than that of returning to his own house, 
 and endeavouring to obtain pardon by means of the four 
 counsellors whom he had left there in durance. But Ludgate 
 was guarded now by Sir John Levison with a competent force ; 
 and when he found that he should not have leave to pass, he 
 authorised Gorges to go alone and release the lord chief 
 justice, and by his means intercede for pardon, while, as he 
 fancied, there was still room and hope for it, . . no blood 
 having been shed, the queen being as yet doubtful of the 
 success, and the citizens' minds uncertain. Gorges's object 
 was to take the best care he could for himself; and as the 
 chief justice refused his liberty unless the lord keeper also 
 were released, he set all the four counsellors free, and went 
 with them by water to the court. -j- 
 
 While Gorges thus provided for his own safety, Essex was 
 too much agitated to act consistently with his last intentions. 
 Finding a chain, as he returned home, drawn across the street 
 near the west gate of St. Paul's, and pikemen and musketeers 
 
 * Camden, 609. Birch, 466. 
 
 f Camden, 610, Birch, 466, 467. 
 
ROBERT DEVEREUX 811 
 
 stationed by the bishop's care to defend it, he drew his sword 
 and ordered Blount to fall on. It is possible that at this 
 moment a feeling of old enmity may have impelled Blount 
 eagerly to obey that order; for the person immediately op- 
 posed to him (Waite by name) was one whom Leicester, being 
 jealous of Blount (who afterwards married his widow), had 
 sent, it is said, into Holland to assassinate him. This man 
 Blount attacked fiercely, and killed him ; but he was presently 
 forsaken by his own people, sore wounded, and taken prisoner. 
 Henry Tracey was slain, a young gentleman whom Essex loved 
 dearly ; and on the other part, two or three citizens. Essex 
 was shot through the hat; being repulsed and not pursued, 
 he turned aside to Queenhithe with the few who would not 
 forsake him, and procuring boats there returned to his house. 
 Arriving there, and finding that the counsellors were released, 
 he was irritated, as seeing that Gorges had thought only of 
 himself: he burnt several papers, that they might tell no 
 tales (he said) ; and clinging to a forlorn hope that the 
 Londoners might yet come to his succour, he prepared to 
 defend his house, and fortified it as well as the time would 
 allow on all sides. It was soon invested by the lord admiral ; 
 and the Earls of Cumberland and Lincoln, the Lords Thomas 
 Howard, Grey, Burleigh, and others, were stationed with 
 horse and foot on the land side. The lord admiral himself, 
 his son Lord Effingham, Lord Cobham, Sir John Stanhope, 
 Sir Robert Sidney, and Sir Fulke Greville, occupied the 
 garden, and prepared to attack it from the river side. Every- 
 thing being ready for the assault, Sidney, by the lord 
 admiral's order, summoned them to surrender. " To whom ? " 
 Southampton asked ; " To our enemies .'' that would be 
 running headlong to destruction. To the queen ? that were 
 to confess ourselves guilty. Yet, if the lord admiral will 
 give us hostages for our security, we will appear before the 
 queen ; if not, we are every one resolved to die in our de- 
 fence." The lord admiral returned for answer, that conditions 
 were not to be propounded by rebels, nor hostages given to 
 them ; but he signified to Essex that he would permit the 
 countess, and Lady Rich his sister, and their waiting gentle- 
 women, who were filling the air with their lamentations, to 
 go out. Essex received this as a favour, and asked that an 
 hour or two might be granted him for fortifying the place by 
 which they should go forth. And this was granted ; it was. 
 
402 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 and prosper your enterprise ! ' led them on, when some began 
 to pause and recoil shamefully, this action had neither been 
 attempted as it was, nor performed as it is, with this surviving 
 honour. 
 
 "This Indian pilot whom I have sent, if there be occasion 
 to use his service in anything, will prove sufficient and trusty. 
 Peter Andrews, whom I have sent with him, can better 
 certify your lordship of the state of the town, the plenty, the 
 condition of our men, etc., than I can write the same. We 
 have the governor's servant prisoner, that waited on him in 
 his bed-chamber, and knows all things that concerned his 
 master. We find there are four refiners' houses in the town, 
 the best houses of the town. I have not seen one piece of 
 coin, or bullion, neither gold nor silver, a small deal of plate 
 only excepted. 
 
 " Captains Whitney and Wolaston are but now come to us ; 
 and now I purpose (God willing), without delay, to visit the 
 mine, which is not eight miles from the town. Sooner I could 
 not go, by reason of the murmurings, the discords, and vexa- 
 tions, wherewith the sergeant-major is perpetually tormented 
 and tired, having no man to assist him but myself only. 
 Things are now in some reasonable order ; and, so soon as I 
 have made trial of the mine, I will seek to come to your lord- 
 ship by the way of the river Macario, by which river I have 
 appointed Peter Andrews to go, and to search the channels, 
 that, if it be possible, our ships may shorten the course for 
 Trinidado, when time serves, by those passages. I have sent 
 your lordship a parcel of scattered papers (I reserve a cart- 
 load), one roll of tobacco, one tortoise, and some oranges and 
 lemons. Praying God to give you strength and health of 
 body, and a mind armed against all extremities, I rest, ever to 
 be commanded, this 8th of January, l6l7-18, 
 
 " Yoiir lordship's, 
 
 \ " Keymis." 
 
 \ 
 
 The visit to the mine, for which Keymis declared himself 
 ready in this letter, was that expedition to the Caroni, in 
 which, having approached the place whereto the women and 
 children had been conveyed, the English were driven back by 
 an ambush placed there by Grados. The loss which they 
 suffered was overstated by the Spaniards, but it was consider- 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 403 
 
 able * enough to defeat Keymis's intention of making any 
 farther search for a mine the site of which was unknown, 
 and the very existence doubtful. How far he had deceived 
 himself, or had knowingly assisted in deceiving others, is 
 perhaps more doubtful in Keymis's case than in Sir Walter's ; 
 but, of the persons most implicated, he is the one who 
 came to the most tragical end. Young Raleigh died as 
 he would have wished to die, could he have foreseen what 
 awaited his father ; and Sir Walter owes much of the respect 
 and all the compassion with which his memory is regarded, to 
 the manner of his own death. When Keymis, leaving the 
 Orinoco, rejoined Sir Walter off Trinidad, he gave as his 
 excuse for having resolved not to open the mine (and I think, 
 says Raleigh, it was true), that ''the Spaniards, being gone 
 off in a whole body, lay in the woods between the mine and 
 their passage ; and it was impossible, except they had been 
 beaten out of the country, to pass up the woody and craggy 
 hills without the loss of those commanders which should have 
 led them ; who, had they been slain, the rest would easily 
 enough have been cut in pieces in their retreat. For being 
 in possession of the town, which they guarded with the 
 greatest part of three companies, they had yet their hands 
 full to defend themselves fVom firing, and the daily and 
 nightly alarms wherewith they were vexed. He also gave 
 for an excuse, that it was impossible to lodge any companies 
 at the mine for want of victual, which from the town they 
 were not able to carry up the mountains, their companies 
 being divided. He, therefore, as he told me, thinking it a 
 greater error to discover it to the Spaniards (themselves neither 
 being able to work it nor possess it) than to excuse himself 
 to the company, said that he could not find it." f 
 
 Raleigh tells us (and it is in his own words that his conduct 
 toward Keymis ought to be recorded), that he rejected all 
 these fancies, and before divers of the gentlemen disavowed 
 
 *'*It is true," says Raleigh, "that when Captain Keymis found the 
 river low, and that he could not approach the banks in most places near 
 the mine by a mile, and when he found a descent, a volley of shot came 
 from the woods upon the boat and slew two rowers, and hurt six others, 
 and shot a valiant gentleman (Captain Thornhurst, of which wound he 
 languisheth to this day), he, to wit, Keymis, following his own advice, 
 thought that it was in vain to discover the mine " (Cayley, ii., 74). 
 
 j-Ibid., 103, 104. 
 
404 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 his ignorance : " for I told him/' says he, " that a blind man 
 might find it, by the marks which himself had set down under 
 his hand. Then I told him that his care of losing so many 
 men in passing through the woods was but feigned ; for after 
 my son was slain, I knew that he had no care at all of any 
 man surviving ; and therefore had he brought to the king 
 but one hundredweight of the ore, though with the loss 
 of 100 men, he had given His Majesty satisfaction, preserved 
 my reputation, and given our nation encouragement to have 
 returned the next year with greater force, and to have held 
 the country for His Majesty, to whom it belongeth. But 
 seeing he had followed his own advice and not mine, I should 
 be forced to leave him to his arguments, with the which, if he 
 could satisfy His Majesty and the State, I should be glad of it ; 
 that for my part he must excuse me to justify it, that he if it 
 had pleased him, though with some loss of men, might have 
 gone directly to the place. With that he seemed greatly 
 discontent, and so he continued divers days. Afterwards he 
 came to me in my cabin, and showed me a letter which he 
 had written to the Earl of Arundel, to whom he excused 
 himself for not discovering of the mine, using the same 
 arguments and many others which he had done before, and 
 prayed me to allow of his apology. But I told him that he 
 had undone me by his obstinacy, and that I would not favour 
 or colour in any sort his former folly. He then asked me 
 whether that were my resolution. I answered that it was. 
 He then replied in these words, ' I know not then, sir, what 
 course to take ' : and went out of my cabin into his own, 
 in which he was no sooner entered but I heard a pistol go off. 
 I went up (not suspecting any such thing as the killing of 
 himself) to know who shot a pistol ; Keymis himself made 
 answer, lying on his bed, that he had shot it off because it 
 had been long charged, with which I was satisfied. Some 
 half-hour after this, the boy going into his cabin, found him 
 dead, having a long knife thrust under his left pap through 
 his heart, and his pistol lying by him, with which it appeared 
 that he had shot himself; but the bullet lighting upon a rib, 
 had but broken the rib, and went no farther." * 
 
 If Raleigh had entertained a hope of making Keymis f his 
 
 *Cayley, 104, 105. 
 
 t '* Now he that knew Keymis did also know that he was of that 
 obstinate resolution, and a man so far from caring to please or satisfy 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 405 
 
 scapegoat, that hope was now destroyed. What course was 
 he now to pursue ? " I protest before God," he says, in a 
 letter to Sir Ralph Winwood, " had not Captain Whitney, to 
 whom I gave more countenance than to all the captains of my 
 fleet, ran from me at the Granadas, and carried another ship 
 with him of Captain Wolaston's, I would have left my body at 
 St. Thomas by my son's, or have brought with me out of that 
 or other mines so much gold ore as should have satisfied the 
 king I propounded no vain thing." * But Raleigh well knew 
 that his men would not have followed him in so desperate an 
 attempt if he had proposed it to them. He describes them 
 as " a company of volunteers, who for the most part had seen 
 neither the sea nor the wars ; who, some forty gentlemen ex- 
 cepted, were the very scum of the world, drunkards, blas- 
 phemers, and such others as their fathers, brothers, and 
 friends thought it an exceeding good gain to be discharged 
 of them with the hazard of some thirty, forty, or fifty pounds, 
 knowing that they could not have lived a whole year so cheap 
 at home ". -f Essex had adherents who followed him with 
 devoted fidelity to their own destruction, but Raleigh seems 
 to have had no friends. It was given out by the first master 
 of his ship, whom he calls an hypocritical thief, and by " an 
 ungrateful youth (though of honourable worthy parents), who 
 waited on him in his cabin," that he had carried with him from 
 England 22,000 pieces of twenty-two shillings the piece, and 
 therefore that he needed not, or cared not, to discover any 
 mine in Guiana, nor make any other attempt elsewhere ; 
 " which report," says he, " being carried secretly from one to 
 another in my ship, and so spread through all the ships in the 
 fleet which stayed with me in Trinidad while our land forces 
 were in Guiana, had like to have been my utter overthrow in 
 a most miserable fashion. For it was consulted when I had 
 taken my barge and gone ashore (either to discover or other- 
 wise, as I often did), that my ship should have set sail, and 
 
 any man but himself, as no man's opinion, from the greatest to the least, 
 could have persuaded him to have laid violent hands on himself. Neither 
 would he have done it when he did, could he have said unto me that he 
 was ignorant of that place, and knew no such mine ; for what cause had 
 I then to have rejected his excuses, or to have laid his obstinacy to his 
 charge ? Thus much have I added, because there are some puppies which 
 have given it out that Keymis slew himself because he had seduced so 
 many gentlemen and others with an imaginary mine " (Cayley, io6). 
 * Jbid., 7s. fIbid.,S^. 
 
406 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 left me there, where either I must have suffered famme, been 
 eaten with wild beasts, or have fallen into the hands of the 
 Spaniards and been flayed alive, as others of the English 
 which came thither but to trade only had formerly been." * 
 Raleigh now began to regard his enterprise with that melan- 
 choly wisdom which comes too late. " True it is," said he, 
 "that as many things succeed both against reason and our 
 best endeavours, so it is most commonly true that men are 
 the cause of their own misery, as I was of mine when I under- 
 took my late enterprise without a pardon. For all my 
 company having heard it avowed in England before I went, 
 that the commission I had was granted to a man who was non 
 ens in law, so that the want thereof took from me both arms 
 and action, it gave boldness to every petty companion to 
 spread rumours to my defamation, and the wounding of my 
 reputation, in all places where I could not be present to make 
 them knaves and liars." "f 
 
 And now, knowing that his company "cast a sad eye 
 homeward," he called a council of his captains, and pro- 
 pounded to them his intention of making for Newfoundland, 
 there to revictual and refresh his ships. On the way thither 
 he wrote thus from St. Christopher's to his wife : — " I was 
 loath to write, because I know not how to comfort you ; and 
 God knows I never knew what sorrow meant till now. All 
 that I can say to you is, that you must obey the will and 
 providence of God ; and remember that the queen's majesty 
 bore the loss of Prince Henry with a magnanimous heart, and 
 the Lady Harrington of her only son. Comfort your heart, 
 dearest Bess : I shall sorrow for us both. And I shall sorrow 
 the less, because I have not long to sorrow, because not long 
 to live. 
 
 " I refer you to Mr. Secretary Winwood's letter, who will 
 give you a copy of it if you send for it. Therein you shall 
 know what hath passed, which I have written by that letter ; 
 for my brains are broken, and it is a torment to me to write, 
 especially of misery. I have desired Mr. Secretary to give 
 my Lord Carew a copy of his letter. I have cleansed my 
 ship of sick men and sent them home, and hope thait God 
 will send us somewhat before we return. You shall hear from 
 me, if I live, from Newfoundland, where I mean to clesm my 
 
 *Cayley, 85. f/ftirf., 88. ^ 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 407 
 
 ships and to revictual, for I have tobacco enough to pay for 
 it. The Lord bless and comfort you, that you may bear 
 patiently the death of your most valiant son. 
 
 " Yours, 
 
 "Walter Raleigh." 
 
 " Postscript. — I protest before the majesty of God, that as 
 Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins died heartbroken 
 when they failed of their enterprise, I could willingly do the 
 like did I not contend against sorrow for your sake, in hope 
 to provide somewhat for you to comfort and relieve you. If 
 I live to return, resolve yourself that it is the care for you that 
 hath strengthened my heart." Relating then what had passed 
 between him and Keymis, he says, "Thus much I have 
 written to Mr. Secretary, to whose letters I refer you. But 
 because I think my friends will rather hearken after you than 
 any other to know the truth, I did, after the sealing, break 
 open the letter again, to let you know in brief the state of 
 that business, which I pray you impart to my Lord of North- 
 umberland, and Silvanus Scorie, and to Sir John Leigh." (Com- 
 plaining then that he had been exposed to slaughter by the 
 revealment of his designs to the King of Spain, he says), " It 
 were too long to tell you how we were preserved ; if I live, I 
 shall make it known. My brains are broken, and I cannot 
 write much. I live yet, and I told you why. Whitney, for 
 whom I sold all my plate at Plymouth, and to whom I gave 
 more credit and countenance than to all the captains of my 
 fleet, ran from me at the Granadas, and Wolaston with him. 
 So as I have now but five ships, and one of those I have sent 
 home, and in my fly-boat a rabble of idle rascals, which I 
 know will not spare to wound me ; but I care not. I am 
 sure there is never a base slave in all the fleet hath taken 
 the pains and care that I have done, that hath slept so little 
 and travailed so much. My friends will not believe them ; 
 for the rest I care not. God in Heaven bless you and 
 strengthen your heart. 
 
 " Yours, 
 
 "Walter Raleigh."* 
 
 In his letter to the secretary, written the day before the 
 date of this to his wife. Sir Walter says, " What shall become 
 
 * Cayley, 78-82, 
 
408 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 of me I know not. I am unpardoned in England, and my 
 poor estate consumed ; and whether my prince will give me 
 bread or no, I know not. I desire your honour to hold me 
 in your good opinion, to remember my service to my Lords 
 of Arundel and Pembroke, to take some pity on my poor 
 wife, to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for 
 her son ; and beseech you to give a copy of this to my Lord 
 Carew ; for to a broken mind, a sick body, and weak eyes, it 
 is a torment to write many letters. I have found many 
 things of importance for discovering the state and weakness 
 of the Indies, which, if I live, I shall hereafter impart unto 
 your honour." In a postscript, he affirms that since Keymis's 
 death some of his inward friends had confessed he told them 
 he could have brought them to the mines within two hour's 
 march from the river side ; but because young Raleigh was 
 slain, and his father unpardoned and not likely to live, he 
 had no reason to open it, either for the Spaniards or the 
 king. "Sir," Sir Walter adds, "I have sent unto England 
 with my cousin Herbert (a very valiant honest gentleman) 
 divers unworthy persons, good for nothing, neither by sea nor 
 land ; and though it was at their own suit, yet I know they 
 will wrong me in all that they can. I beseech your honour 
 that the scum of men may not be believed of me, who have 
 taken more pains and suffered more than the meanest rascal 
 in the ship. These being gone, I shall be able to keep the 
 sea until the end of August, with some four reasonable good 
 ships. Sir, wheresoever God shall permit me to arrive in any 
 part of Europe, I will not fail to let your hononr know what 
 we have done. Till then, and ever, I remain, 
 
 "Your honour's servant, 
 
 "Walter Raleigh." 
 
 It is affirmed in the declaration of Raleigh's demeanour and 
 carriage, which was published by authority, that when he 
 propounded to his captains his design of making for New- 
 foundland, he proposed also to go from thence to the Western 
 Islands, and there lie in wait for the Mexican fleet, or to 
 surprise some carracks, " and so having gotten treasure, which 
 might make him welcome unto any foreign country, to take 
 some new course for his future fortunes". To some such 
 privateering project his letter to his wife points, in that 
 passage where he expresses a hope that God would send 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 409 
 
 them something before they returned. But the declaration 
 charges him with " then and at divers times openly declaring 
 that there was no coming for England, for that he knew not 
 how things would be construed, and for his part would never 
 put his head under the king's girdle, except he first saw the 
 great seal for his pardon. At which time (it is farther said 
 in this statement), his cogitations embracing east and west 
 rather than any return unto his country, he did in particular 
 make promise to a principal commander in his company to give 
 him a ship to go into the East Indies, if he would accompany 
 him thither. But according to his first project he went to 
 Newfoundland, which he needed not to have done if his 
 purpose had been for England (for that he had victuals 
 enough and to spare for that journey) ; and then at New- 
 foundland, his other company having formerly dispersed and 
 forsaken him, his own company which was in his own ship 
 began likewise to mutiny. And although some old pirates, 
 either by his inciting, or out of fear of their own case, were 
 fierce and violent for the sea and against the return, yet the 
 far greater number were for the return : at which time him- 
 self got on land, and stood upon the sea-bank, and put it to 
 a question, whether they should return for England, or land 
 at Newfoundland. Whereupon there was a division of voices, 
 the one part to the starboard, and the other to the larboard ; 
 of which that part which was for the return to England was 
 two parts of three, and would by no means be drawn to set 
 foot on land, but kept themselves in the ship, where they 
 were sure they were masters. Which he perceiving, for fear 
 of farther mutiny, professed in dissimulation that he himself 
 was for the return unto England, and came and stood among 
 them that had most voices. But, nevertheless, after that he 
 despaired to draw his company to follow him farther, he made 
 offer of his own ship, which was of great value, to his company, 
 if they would set him aboard a French barque. The like offer 
 he made when he came upon the coast of Ireland, to some of 
 his chief officers there." * 
 
 The news of his attack upon the Spaniards, of his son's 
 death, Keymis's suicide, and the mutinous dispersion of his fleet, 
 reached England before him. Gondomar, demanding an 
 audience of the king, promised that all he had to say should 
 
 * Cayley, ii. Appendix, 432-434, 
 
410 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 be included in one word ; and that promise he kept, by pro- 
 nouncing vehemently in the royal presence Piratas ! Piratas ! 
 Piratas ! and abruptly leaving the apartment. He made no 
 remonstrance, and waited for no answer. James made no 
 attempt to defend an enterprise which he himself rightly 
 considered to be indefensible, nor to extenuate the outrages 
 which had been committed ; but issued a proclamation saying, 
 " that he had licensed Sir Walter Raleigh and others with him 
 to undertake a voyage to Guiana, where they pretended great 
 hopes and probabilities of discovering certain gold mines for 
 the lawful enriching of themselves and these kingdoms ; that 
 he had expressly forbidden them to attempt any act of 
 hostility, wrong, or violence upon the territories or subjects 
 of any foreign prince with whom he was in amity, but more 
 particularly those of the King of Spain, in respect of his 
 dominions and interests on that continent ; all which notwith- 
 standing, he was informed by common fame that, by a hostile 
 invasion of the town of St. Thomas, which was under the 
 obedience of the King of Spain, and by killing divers of the 
 inhabitants thereof, and afterwards by sacking and burning 
 the town, they had, as much as in them lay, maliciously 
 broken the peace between the two crowns : wherefore he 
 held it fit, as appertaining nearly to his royal justice and 
 honour, eftsoons to make a public declaration of his own utter 
 mislike and detestation of their insolences and excesses, if 
 any such had been by any of his subjects committed ; and for 
 the better detection of the very truth of this common fame, 
 he required all who had any particular knowledge of the pro- 
 ceedings to appear before his privy council, and declare what 
 they knew, that he might thereupon proceed in his princely 
 justice to the exemplary punishment and coercion of all who 
 should be convicted and found guilty of so scandalous and 
 enormous outrages".* James also directed Buckingham to 
 write to the King of Spain, and assure him that he would 
 punctually perform his promise of sending the offender to be 
 dealt with in Spain, unless that king should deem it more 
 satisfactory that he should receive in England the punishment 
 due to his offences. 
 
 Upon his arrival at Plymouth Sir Walter was informed of 
 the proclamation which had been issued concerning him, and 
 
 * Rymer, xvii., 92. Cayley, Appendix, 410, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 411 
 
 then perhaps for the first time became fully aware of his 
 danger. At this time it was that he is believed to have ad- 
 dressed a letter to the king, not so much in excuse, as in 
 justification of himself. It was in these words : — 
 
 " May it please your most excellent majesty, 
 
 " If on my journey outward bound I had my men 
 murdered at the islands, and yet spared to take revenge ; if 
 I did discharge some Spanish barques taken without spoil ; if I 
 forbore all parts of the Spanish Indies, wherein I might have 
 taken twenty of their towns on the sea-coasts, and did only 
 follow the enterprise I undertook for Guiana, where, without 
 any directions from me, a Spanish village was burnt, which 
 was new set up within three miles of the mine, — by your 
 majesty's favour, I find no reason why the Spanish ambassador 
 should complain of me. 
 
 " If it were lawful for the Spaniards to murder twenty-six 
 Englishmen, tying them back to back and cutting their 
 throats, when they had traded with them a whole month, and 
 came to them on the land without so much as one sword ; 
 and it may not be lawful for your majesty's subjects, being 
 charged first by them, to repel force by force, — we may justly 
 say, O miserable English ! If Parker and Mecham took 
 Campeachy and other places in the Honduras, situated in the 
 heart of the Spanish Indies, burnt towns, and killed the 
 Spaniards, and had nothing said to them at their return ; and 
 myself, who forbore to look into the Indies because I would 
 not offend, must be accused, — I may justly say, O miserable 
 Raleigh ! If I have spent my poor estate, lost my son, suffered 
 by sickness and otherwise a world of hardships ; if I have re- 
 sisted, with manifest hazard of my life, the robberies and 
 spoils with which my companions would have made me rich ; 
 if, when I was poor, I could have made myself rich ; if, when 
 I had gotten my liberty, which all men and Nature itself do 
 much prize, I voluntarily lost it ; if, when I was sure of my 
 life, I rendered it again ; if I might elsewhere have sold my 
 ship and goods, and put 5000/. or 6000/. in my purse, and yet 
 brought her into England ; — I beseech your majesty to believe 
 that all this I have done, because it should not be said that 
 your majesty had given liberty and trust to a man whose end 
 was but the recovery of his liberty, and who had betrayed 
 your majesty's trust, 
 
412 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 '^ My mutineers told me that if I returned for England, I 
 should be undone. But I believed in your majesty's goodness 
 more than all their arguments. Sure 1 am the first that, being 
 free and able to enrich himself, yet hath embraced poverty 
 and peril, and as sure I am an example shall make me the 
 last. But your majesty's wisdom and goodness I have made 
 my judges, who have ever been and shall ever be, 
 
 '* Your majesty's most humble vassal, 
 
 ''W. Raleigh."* 
 
 Gondomar had at this time gone to Spain with the articles 
 for that proposed marriage between Prince Charles and the 
 infanta which James had so much at heart. It was said at 
 his departure, that when the affair of Raleigh, and of some 
 London 'prentices who had insulted the ambassador, should 
 be settled, in whatever way, no farther instances for justice 
 would be made thereafter on the part of Spain ; but if there 
 were slackness in these cases they would be laid up, and 
 would serve for materials of future and final discontentments.-)' 
 Indeed, however much James may have wished to gratify the 
 Spanish court, he could not, consistently with the law of 
 nations and with public faith, let so flagrant a breach of peace 
 as Raleigh had committed pass without condign punishment. 
 The official declaration says that he "used a gracious and 
 mild course toward him, sending down Sir Lewis Stukely, 
 vice-admiral of the county of Devon, to bring him in 
 fair manner, and as his health would give leave, by easy 
 journeys to London". There can, however, be no doubt (as 
 there could be none concerning the offence with which Raleigh 
 was charged), that this " gracious and mild course " was 
 intended to end in bringing him to the block. Raleigh 
 apprehended this too surely. He had set out for London, 
 meaning to surrender in consequence of the king's proclama- 
 tion ; but before he reached Ashburton, meeting Stukely 
 (who was his kinsman), and finding himself placed in arrest 
 under him, he turned back with him to Plymouth. There, 
 taking advantage of the easy custody in which he was held, 
 " He dealt with the owner of a French barque, pretending it 
 was for a gentleman, a friend of his, to make ready his barque 
 
 *01dys, 211. Tytler, 374-376. 
 
 fToby Matthew to Lord Bacon. Cayley, ii., 148. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 413 
 
 for a passage, and offered him twelve crowns for his pains. 
 And one night he went in a little boat to see the barque ; but 
 the night being very dark, he missed it, and came back again, 
 nothing done." * If one who betrayed his confidence, and 
 was in other respects a knave, may be believed in anything 
 respecting one whom he had duped and deceived, Raleigh 
 expected at that time to be favourably dealt with ; for this 
 man says, that when letters from the privy council came to 
 Stukely, requiring him to bring his prisoner to London with 
 more haste than was before expected, he was seen to stamp 
 with his feet and pull his hair, and heard to exclaim, " God's 
 wounds ! Is it possible my fortune should return upon me 
 thus again ! " -j- 
 
 His immediate object now was to gain time for the exertion 
 of such influence as Buckingham and the queen might be 
 prevailed on to use in his behalf, or for concerting means of 
 escape. There was in his company a Frenchman, Mannourie 
 by name, who is described as "a. professor of physic, and one 
 that had many chemical recipes". He employed Captain 
 King, one of his old officers, to sound him : the answer which 
 he received from this knave was, that, ''according to his 
 small ability, he was ready to do him all honest service he 
 could, so it might be done without offence ". Having, as he 
 supposed, secured his assistance, Raleigh, when they reached 
 Salisbury, told him of his intent to counterfeit sickness, 
 saying, " I know that it is good for me to evacuate many 
 bad humours, and by these means I shall gain time to work 
 my friends, give order for my affairs, and, it may be, pacify 
 His Majesty before my coming to London ; for 1 know well 
 that, as soon as I come there I shall be sent to the Tower, and 
 that they will cut off my head if I use no means to escape it ". 
 That evening, therefore, he pretended to be seized with 
 giddiness, and dimness of sight. The next day, after his wife 
 and most of his servants had been sent forward to London, he 
 feigned a sort of fit, took secretly a vomit which the French- 
 man prepared for him, and either imposed upon Stukely, or 
 believed that he had done so. But this was not enough ; 
 he asked Mannourie, " if he could invent anything that might 
 make him look horrible and loathsome outwardly, without 
 
 * Mr. Cayley says, •' the goodness of his cause prevailed over every 
 apprehension, and this project was laid aside ". 
 t Declaration. Cayley, Appendix, 436. 
 
414 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 offending the principal parts, or making him sick inwardly ". 
 Mannourie studied a little, and then told him that he would 
 make a composition presently of certain things, which would 
 make him like a leper from head to foot, without doing him 
 any harm, which, at his entreaty, he effected speedily ; Raleigh 
 telling him, " his being in that case would make the lords 
 of the council afraid to come near him, and move them 
 with more pity to favour him". The composition was put 
 upon his brow, his arms, and his breast ; and when Stukely saw 
 him "all pimpled'* in consequence, "his face full of great 
 blisters of divers colours, having in the midst a little touch of 
 yellow, and round about like a purple colour, and all the rest 
 of his skin as it were inflamed with heat," he began to ap- 
 prehend the danger of the disease, that it was contagious. 
 Upon this two physicians, and a third, a bachelor in physic, 
 were called in ; they could tell nothing of what humour the 
 said sickness was composed ; only they gave their opinion that 
 the patient could not be exposed to the air without manifest 
 peril of his life. 
 
 The time which Raleigh gained by this and other artifices 
 of the same kind, he employed in drawing up an apology for 
 his last voyage : it was transcribed for him by Mannourie, for 
 presentation to the king. He began by saying, " If the ill 
 success of this enterprise of mine had been without example, 
 I should have needed a large discourse and many arguments 
 for my justification. But if the vain attempts of the greatest 
 princes in Europe, both among themselves and against the 
 great Turk, are, in all modern histories, left to every eye to 
 peruse, it is not so strange that myself^ being but a private 
 man, and drawing after me the chains and fetters whereunto I 
 have been thirteen years tied in the Tower, being unpardoned, 
 and in disgrace with my sovereign lord, have, by other men's 
 errors, failed in the attempt I undertook." He then instanced 
 the failure of Charles V. at Algiers ; the destruction of Sebas- 
 tian and his army ; the defeat of the Spanish Armada ; the 
 last fatal expedition of Drake and Hawkins ; and the Portugal 
 voyage, from which Sir John Norris (though not by any fault 
 of his) returned with the loss, by sickness and otherwise, of 
 8000 men.* After vindicating himself against the various 
 
 * It is remarkable that he speaks ill of Drake, saying that in the " first 
 prize of treasure which he took at Valdivia, he found a pilot called John 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 415 
 
 imputations of misconduct during the voyage, he transcribed 
 his instructions to Keymis ; whicli, however, never could be 
 thought to exculpate him from the charge of having invaded 
 the possessions of an allied prince. " I advise you (it was 
 there written) to pass up to the westward of the mountain 
 Aio, from whence you have no less than three miles to the 
 mine, and to lodge and encamp between the Spanish town 
 and you, if there be any town near it ; that, being so secured, 
 you may make trial what depth and breadth the mine holds, 
 and whether or no it answers our hopes. And if you find it 
 royal, and the Spaniards begin to war upon you, then let the 
 sergeant-major repel them, if it be in his power, and drive 
 them as far as he can. . . . On the other side, if you shall 
 find that any number of soldiers be newly sent into Orinoco, 
 as the cacique of Caliana told us that there were, and that the 
 passages be already fenced, so that, without manifest peril of 
 my son, yourself, and other captains, you cannot pass towards 
 the mine, then be well advised how you land. For I know 
 (a few gentlemen excepted) what a scum of men you have ; 
 and I would not for all the world receive a blow from the 
 Spaniard to the dishonour of our nation. I myself, for my 
 weakness, cannot be present ; neither will the company land 
 except I stay with the ships, the galleons of Spain being daily 
 expected. You shall find me at Porto Gallo, dead or alive ; 
 and if you find not my ships there, yet you shall find their 
 ashes : for I will fire with the galleons if it come to extremity, 
 but run away I will never." * 
 
 It was not his fault, he proceeded to say, that these his in- 
 structions were not followed. " For Keymis and the rest were 
 by accident forced to change their first resolution ; and finding 
 a Spanish town, or rather village, set up twenty miles distant 
 from the place where Berrio had attempted to plant, some 
 two leagues to the westward of the mine, they agreed to en- 
 
 Grege, who guided him all that coast, in which he possessed himself of 
 the rest. Which pilot, because he should not rob him of his reputation 
 and knowledge in those parts (resisting the entreaties and tears of all his 
 company), he set ashore upon the island of Aigulus, that is Alligators, 
 to be by them devoured." He observes that Drake was never called to 
 an account for cutting off Doughty's head, having neither martial law 
 nor other commission available ; and he says that both Drake and Cavendish 
 had one and the same fate, " when chance had left them to the trial of 
 their own virtues ". 
 * Cayley, ii., 82-89. 
 
416 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 camp between the mine and the town, which they did not 
 suspect to be so near them as it was. And, meaning to rest 
 themselves on the river's side till the next day, they were in 
 the night set upon by the Spaniards. To repel this unlooked-for 
 attack, they charged the Spaniards, and, following them upon 
 their retreat, they were ready to enter the town before they 
 knew where they were. And when they were attacked again, 
 and exposed to a fire of murderers and muskets, they had no 
 way to save themselves but by firing the houses." He pro- 
 ceeded then to charge Key mis with obstinacy, folly, and mis- 
 conduct. ''Had the companies' commanders," said he, "but 
 pinched the governor's man, whom they had in their possession, 
 he could have told them of two or three gold mines, and a 
 silver mine, not above four miles from the town, and given 
 them the names of their possessors, with the reason why they 
 forbore to work them at that time, and when they left oflf 
 from working them ; which they did as well because they 
 wanted negroes, as because they feared lest the English, 
 French, or Dutch, would have forced them from them, being 
 once thoroughly opened, having not sufficient strength to 
 defend themselves. But to this I have heard it said, since my 
 return, that the governor's man was by me persuaded, being 
 in my power, to say that such mines there were, when, indeed, 
 there was no such thing. Certainly they were but silly fools 
 that discovered this subtil ty of mine ; who have not yet, by 
 the long calenture that weakened me, lost all my wits, which 
 I must have done if I had left my reputation in trust with a 
 mulatto, who, for a pot or two of wine, for a dozen of hatchets, 
 or a gay suit of apparel, would have confessed that I had 
 taught him to speak of mines which were not in rerum naturd. 
 No, I protest before the majesty of God, that, without any 
 other arguments or promise of mine than well usage, he hath 
 discovered to me the way to five or six of the richest mines 
 which the Spaniard hath, and whence all the mass of gold 
 that comes into Spain is in effect drawn." * 
 
 Raleigh then defended himself against the charge of having 
 held out false pretences for the expedition, knowing of no 
 such mine as he had engaged to lead it to. There could be 
 no possible motive, he argued, for acting thus deceitfully. 
 ''If it had been to have gotten my liberty," said he, "why 
 
 * Cayley, ii., 99, 108. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 417 
 
 did I not keep my liberty when I had it ? Nay, why did I 
 put my life in manifest peril to forego it? If I had had a 
 purpose to turn pirate, why did I oppose myself against the 
 greatest number of my company, and was thereby in danger 
 to be slain or cast into the sea because I refused it ? A strange 
 fancy had it been in me to have persuaded my son, whom I 
 have lost, and to have persuaded my wife to have adventured 
 the 8000/. which His Majesty gave them for Sherborne, and, 
 when that was spent, to persuade my wife to sell her house at 
 Mitcham, in hope of enriching them by the mines of Guiana, 
 if I myself had not seen them with my own eyes. For, being 
 old and weakly, thirteen years in prison, and not used to the 
 air, to travail, and to watching, it being ten to one that I 
 should ever have returned, and of which, by reason of my 
 violent sickness, and the long continuance thereof, no man 
 had any hope, what madness could have made me undertake 
 this journey, but the assurance of the mine, thereby to have 
 done His Majesty service, to have bettered my country by the 
 trade, and to have restored my wife and children their estates 
 they had lost, for which I have refused all other ways or 
 means ? For that I had no purpose to have changed my 
 master and my country, my return in the state I did return 
 may satisfy every honest and indifferent man." * 
 
 There remained the more difficult task of excusing himself 
 from the charge of having broken the peace with Spain. This 
 he endeavoured to do by averring that the territories which 
 he had entered belonged rightfully to England. "An un- 
 fortunate man I am," said he, "and it is to me a greater 
 loss than all I have lost, that it pleaseth His Majesty to be 
 offended for the burning of a Spanish town in Guiana, of 
 which those parts bordering the river of Orinoco, and to the 
 south as far as the Amazons, do by the law of nations belong 
 to the crown of England, as His Majesty was well resolved 
 when it pleased him to grant part thereof to Mr. Harcourt. 
 The Spaniards have lately set up a wooden town in Orinoco, 
 and made a kind of fort, but they have never been able either 
 to conquer the Guianians, nor to reconcile them. But the 
 Guianians before their planting there did willingly resign all 
 that territory to His Majesty, who by me promised to receive 
 them and defend them against the Spaniards. And though 
 
 * Cayley, ii., no, in. 
 27 
 
418 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 I was a prisoner for these last fourteen years ; yet I was at 
 the charge every year, or every second year, to send unto 
 them to keep them in hope of being relieved. And the 
 greatest of the natural lords did offer us a rich mine of gold 
 in his own country, in hope to hold us there. And if this 
 usurped possession of the Spaniard be a sufficient bar to His 
 Majesty's right, and that thereby the King of Spain calls 
 himself King of Guiana, why might he not as well call himself 
 Duke of Brittany, because he took possession of Blavet, and 
 built a fort there, and call himsels King of Ireland, because he 
 took possession of Smerwic and built a fort there? If the 
 territory belonged to Spain," he said, "and not to England, 
 it had been no less a breach of peace to work a mine there 
 than to take a town and burn it." * 
 
 But what he most insisted on was that the Spaniards by 
 their conduct allowed of no peace in the Indies. "If we had 
 had any peace with them in those parts of the world," said he, 
 " why did even those Spaniards which were now encountered 
 in Guiana, tie twenty-six Englishmen out of Mr. Hall's ship, 
 of London, and mine, back to back, and cut their throats, 
 after they had traded with them a whole month, and came 
 to them ashore, having not so much as a sword, or any other 
 weapon, among them all } And if the Spaniard to our com- 
 plaints made answer, that there was nothing in the treaty 
 against our trading in the Indies, but that we might trade at 
 our peril, I trust in God that the word peril shall ever be 
 construed to be indifferent to both nations ; otherwise we must 
 for ever abandon the Indies, and lose all our knowledge and 
 our pilotage of that part of the world. If there be no other 
 peace than this, how can there be a breach of peace ? Since 
 the Spaniards with all nations, and all nations with them, may 
 trade upon their guard. For to break peace where there is 
 no peace, is impossible. But in truth the Spanish ambassador 
 hath complained against me to no other end than to prevent 
 my complaints against the Spaniards, when, landing my men 
 in a territory appertaining to the crown of England, they 
 were invaded and slain before any violence offered to the 
 Spaniards; and I hope the ambassador doth not esteem us 
 for so wretched and miserable a people, as to offer our throats 
 to their swords without any manner of resistance." f 
 
 *Cayley, ii., 111-115. flbid.^ 115, 116, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 419 
 
 Enclosing this paper to Lord Carew, Raleigh said, that 
 because he knew not whether he should live to come before 
 the lords, he had there set down for His Majesty's satisfaction 
 as much as he could say, either for his own defence, or against 
 himself, as things were now construed. But in this letter to 
 Lord Carew an admisssion escaped him, that he had deceived 
 the king by the suppression of a material fact when he pro- 
 posed the expedition ; and that he went out expecting and 
 determined on hostilities, " It is true," he says, " that though 
 I acquainted His Majesty with my intent to land in Guiana, 
 yet I never made it known to His Majesty that the Spaniards 
 had any footing there. Neither had I any authority by 
 patent to remove them from thence ; and, therefore, His 
 Majesty had no interest in the attempt of St. Thomas, by any 
 foreknowledge. But knowing His Majesty's title to the 
 country to be best and most Christian, because the natural 
 lords did most willingly acknowledge Queen Elizabeth to be 
 their sovereign, I made no doubt but I might enter the land 
 by force, seeing the Spaniards had no other title than force 
 (the Pope's donative excepted), considering also that they had 
 got possession there divers years since my possession for the 
 crown of England." He admitted also having been of opinion 
 that they must drive the Spaniards out of the town before 
 they could pass to the mine ; and that, better bethinking 
 himself, he had referred the taking of the town to the good- 
 ness of the mines : " which if they found to be so rich," said 
 he, " as it might persuade the leaving of the garrison, then 
 to drive the Spaniards thence ; but to have burnt was never 
 my intent, neither could they give me any reason why they 
 did". 
 
 Then, after appealing to the sense of justice and of national 
 honour whether it should be lawful for the Spaniards to 
 murder us either by force or treason, and unlawful for us to 
 defend ourselves and pay them with their own coin, and say- 
 ing this superiority and inferiority was a thing to which no 
 absolute monarch ever had yielded, or ever would, he con- 
 cluded thus : — " This is all that I can say, other than that I 
 have spent my poor estate, lost my son and my health, and 
 endured as many sorts of miseries as ever man did, in hope 
 to do His Majesty acceptable service, and have not to my 
 understanding committed any hostile act, other than entrance 
 lipon a territory belonging rightly to the crown of England, 
 
420 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 where the English were first set upon and slain by the 
 usurping Spaniards, — I invaded no other parts of the Indies 
 pretended to by the Spaniards ; I returned unto England 
 with manifest peril of my life, with a purpose not to hold my 
 life with any other than His Majesty's grace, and from which 
 no man nor any peril could dissuade me. To that grace and 
 goodness and kingliness, I refer myself, which, if it shall find 
 that I have not yet suffered enough, it yet may please to add 
 more affliction to the remainder of a wretched life." * 
 
 That Raleigh had deceived himself concerning the mine 
 seems probable ; but, from his own statement, it plainly 
 appears that he had deceived the king by withholding from 
 him the important circumstance which he himself well knew, 
 that the country in which it lay was actually in possession of 
 the Spaniards : it is evident also that he went out with the 
 expectation and intention of engaging in hostilities. If he 
 should return successful and rich, he presumed that popular 
 opinion and money would procure indemnity for him. Per- 
 haps when he had drawn up this statement, he became for 
 the first time fully sensible of his danger, perceiving the 
 invalidity of his vindication ; and then he resolved upon 
 attempting to fly, at whatever risk. Having trusted Man- 
 nourie so far, it was not putting himself more in his power to 
 trust him further. He gave him twenty crowns, and promised 
 him fifty pounds a year if he would aid him to escape. The 
 Frenchman, ready to do anything for money, engaged to serve 
 him, and proposed that when they came to London he should 
 secrete himself in the house of a friend to whom he could 
 confide him. At first Raleigh inclined to this advice ; but in 
 the end he told Mannourie that he had already sent Captain 
 King to hire him a barque below Gravesend which could go with 
 all winds, and a boat to carry him to it ; " for in London," 
 said he, " I should always be in fear to be discovered by the 
 general searchers. But to escape, I must get leave to go to 
 my house." Being there, he supposed that he might slip 
 from Stukely by a back door, and reach the boat, as no one, 
 seeing him so feeble as he pretended to be, would suspect 
 that he could go on foot. The favour of going to his own 
 house was obtained by means of the vice-chamberlain and the 
 secretary Naunton. Mannourie said it might be seen by this 
 
 *Cayley, ii., 1 17-122. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 421 
 
 that the king had no meaning to take his Hfe, since he granted 
 him this indulgence for recovery of his health. '* No/' replied 
 Sir Walter, " they used all these kinds of flatteries to the 
 Duke of Biron, to draw him fairly to the prison, and then 
 they cut off his head. I know they have concluded among 
 them that it is expedient a man should die to reassure the 
 traffic which I have broken in Spain." * 
 
 The Frenchman saw some danger in assisting Raleigh, some 
 advantage in promising to do so, and more in betraying him. 
 Taking, therefore, the safe and the gainful part, he acquainted 
 Stukely with the prisoner's purpose ; and Raleigh, seeing that 
 strict watch was set upon him as they proceeded from Salisbury 
 toward London, told Mannourie there was no way but to gain 
 Stukely over, and charged this agent to carry him a jewel 
 which he valued at 150/., and persuade him to connive at 
 his escape. Stukely returned for answer that he was content 
 to do so, but would escape with him, rather than tarry behind 
 with shame and reproach. The delusion was carried on by 
 deliberating how Stukely might contrive previously to dis- 
 pose of his office of vice-admiral, which had cost him 600/. 
 Mannourie's part was now at an end ; and taking his leave, 
 to go to London, he said to Sir Walter that he did not expect 
 to see him again in England. If Raleigh had not trusted to 
 this knave, he might have availed him of an offer made by Le 
 Clerc, the French king's agent at the English court, who sent 
 one of his suite to meet him at Brentford, and say that he 
 desired to speak with him as soon as might be after his arrival, 
 for matters greatly concerning his weal and safety. Ac- 
 cordingly, the night after he arrived at his own house, Le 
 Clerc came to him and offered him a French barque which 
 he had prepared for his escape, and withal letters to the 
 Governor of Calais, for his safe conduct and reception, and 
 moreover to send a gentleman that should attend and meet 
 him there. But Raleigh, finding the French vessel "not to 
 
 *Cayley, ii.. Appendix, 441, 442. 
 
 Thus far Mannourie relates nothing but what has an appearance of 
 truth; but his testimony is worth nothing when he adds how Raleigh 
 " thereupon broke forth into most hateful and traitorous words against 
 the king's own person, ending in a menace and bravery, that if he could 
 save himself for that time, he would plot such plots as should make the 
 king think himself happy to send for him again, and render him his estate 
 with advantage; yea, and for the King of Spain to write unto England in 
 his favour ". 
 
422 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 be so ready nor so fit " as that which King had engaged, 
 declined the offer, as being already provided with such means ; 
 but thankfully accepted his letters, because his acquaintance 
 in France was worn out.* 
 
 King, meantime, had endeavoured to provide a boat by 
 means of one Cotterell, who had been Raleigh's servant. 
 Cotterell advised him rather to employ a man by name Hart, 
 who was once his boatswain, and had at this time a ketch of 
 his own. With him King made an agreement to keep the 
 ketch at Tilbury, and gave him money, which he had no 
 sooner received that he gave information of the design to 
 Mr. William Herbert, and it was then made known to the 
 Government. When Raleigh arrived he was told by King 
 that they could not be ready to go off, as he had hoped, 
 that night. Stukely now, for his own security, obtained a 
 warrant, authorising him to dissemble with his prisoner, and 
 seemingly give in to any device for his escape.f A sus- 
 picion that his father had been greatly defrauded by Sir 
 Walter in the distribution of some prize-money rankled in 
 Stukely's mind, and reconciled him for vengeance' sake to the 
 base part in which he was now engaged ; and he performed 
 that part with so much success, that Raleigh thought there 
 was no going without having him as his companion ; and 
 telling King this, appointed the Tower Dock as their meeting- 
 place. There accordingly King went with two wherries, and 
 thither Raleigh repaired, having put on a false beard, and a 
 hat with a green hat-band. Stukely, young Stukely, and his 
 own page were with him. In reply to their question. King 
 told them that all was ready, and that the cloak, bag and 
 four pistols were in the boat. Stukely then saluted him, and 
 asked whether he had not thus far shown himself an honest 
 man. To which King replied he hoped he would continue 
 so, not as yet distrusting him.| 
 
 After they had embarked and divided the pistols, they had 
 
 * Cayley, ii., 443-445- 
 
 t " For," says Oldys, *' though Raleigh might not have been secured in 
 a direct and undisguised manner, yet the glory was to do it insidiously, 
 and under the visor of friendship, being not more suitable to the genius of 
 predominant power than necessary, on the present occasion, to give room 
 for so many more little circumstances of objection as might occur to sup- 
 ply the place of one wanting that should have been capital " (p. ccxviii). 
 
 ij: Oldys, ccxvii, ccxviii. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 42S 
 
 rowed but few strokes before the watermen told them that 
 Mr. Herbert had lately taken boat, as if to go through the 
 bridge, and that he had returned down the river after them. 
 At this Raleigh expressed some apprehension ; Stukely en- 
 couraged him, and they proceeded ; but Raleigh had then 
 too much at stake to be easily satisfied, and calling King 
 near, who was in the other boat, said he could not go forward 
 unless he were sure of the watermen ; and he demanded of 
 the men themselves, whether, if any should come to arrest 
 them in the king's name, they would row forward, or return. 
 Alarmed at this, as well they might be,* they answered that 
 they knew nobody there but Captain King, who had hired 
 them to Gravesend, and that they neither dared nor would 
 go any farther. Upon this Raleigh said that in consequence 
 of " a brabbling matter " with the Spanish ambassador, he 
 must of necessity go to Tilbury to embark for the Low 
 Countries, and that he would give them ten pieces of gold 
 for their pains. Stukely then fell to cursing his own ill luck 
 in having ventured his life and fortune with a man so full of 
 doubts and fears. He swore that if the watermen would not 
 row on he would kill them, and persuaded Raleigh there was 
 no such danger as he apprehended, an opinion in which King 
 agreed with him. When they drew near Greenwich a wherry 
 crossed them, and Raleigh in his ominous fear said it came 
 to espy them. King sought to dissuade him from this sup- 
 position, and told him that if they could but reach Gravesend, 
 he would hazard his life to get to Tilbury. These delays 
 spent the tide, and the watermen said it was impossible to 
 get to Gravesend before morning. Hereupon Raleigh would 
 have landed at Purfleet, where Hart said he could procure 
 him horses to Tilbury. Stukely was eager for this, but King 
 said it was impossible at that time of night to get horses.-j" 
 
 By this they had rowed about a mile beyond Woolwich ; 
 and approaching two or three ketches. Hart began to doubt 
 whether any of them were his. Upon this Sir Walter con- 
 cluded that they were all betrayed. He examined Hart 
 strictly, who pretended that he charged his men not to stir 
 from Tilbury till he came down. Raleigh, however, would 
 not be induced to proceed ; and hoping to get to his own 
 
 * Oldys says, " The great boobies were so frightened that they cried ". 
 Honest men would have been a more honest appellation, 
 f Oldys, ccxviii. 
 
424 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 house before morning, he bid the watermen turn back. They 
 had rowed about a furlong back, when they espied another 
 wherry, and hailed her, and the men on board said they 
 were for the king. Raleigh perceived that they were some of 
 Herbert's crew, and, consequently, that he was discovered ; 
 he proposed, therefore, that Stukely, with a view of retaining 
 him still in his custody, should declare to the watermen that 
 he was his prisoner. This was done, and they now concerted 
 how he might reach his house, and Stukely "save himself 
 harmless" by averring that he had dissembled thus far in 
 order to discover his intentions, and seize upon his papers. 
 Stukely is said to have embraced him at this time, and made 
 the utmost protestations of fidelity and friendship. When 
 they were got back to Greenwich, Stukely said he durst not 
 carry him to his house, but persuaded him to land ; the 
 strange boat landed her men at the same time. Upon Green- 
 wich Bridge Stukely told King, that if he would pretend to 
 be consenting with him to betray his master, it would be for 
 Sir Walter's good. The honest old captain, though Raleigh 
 himself signified his approbation of the stratagem, refused ; 
 thinking, he says, that he should thereby not only belie his 
 own conscience, but make himself odious to the world. 
 Stukely then arrested the captain in the king's name, and 
 committed him to the charge of some of Herbert's men. All 
 went to a tavern there, and by the way Raleigh was heard 
 to say, "Sir Lewis, these actions will not turn out to your 
 credit ! " In the morning, as they walked to the Tower, 
 Raleigh said to his old friend, "Stukely and Cotterell have 
 betrayed me. For your part you need be in fear of no danger. 
 But as for me, I am the mark that is shot at." * 
 
 All this has been represented as a plot devised by the 
 Government for entrapping Sir Walter. An attempt to es- 
 cape, under such circumstances, will always be interpreted as 
 a confession of guilt, and James's ministers may have been 
 well pleased when Raleigh, by such an attempt, made his own 
 case worse. But it is preposterous to charge them with 
 plotting his destruction. As for the persons by whom he 
 was betrayed, Mannourie was a mere scoundrel, and Stukely 
 wanted that sense of probity which will in all cases lead a man 
 unerringly in the right path. If, on the first overture made to 
 
 * Oldys, ccxix. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 425 
 
 him through Mannourie, he had at once told his prisoner that 
 he should forthwith, as in duty bound, report it to the Govern- 
 ment, he would have been free from reproach. But cunning 
 was deemed policy in that age, and the double-dealing which 
 he considered meritorious has rendered his name infamous. 
 
 Raleigh did not yet give up all hope. He had still some 
 powerful friends. The queen wrote to Buckingham in his 
 behalf, addressing him in what was then the strange language 
 of royal favour and familiarity, thus : — 
 
 " Anna R. 
 " My kind dog, 
 
 " If I have any power or credit with you, I pray let 
 me have a trial of it at this time, in dealing sincerely and 
 earnestly with the king that Sir Walter Raleigh's life may 
 not be called in question. If you do it so that the success 
 answer my expectation, assure yourself that I will take it 
 extraordinary kindly at your hands, and rest one that wisheth 
 you well, and desires you to continue still, as you have been, a 
 true servant to your master."* 
 
 Sir Walter wrote also himself to the favourite. "If 1 
 presume too much," said he, "I humbly beseech your lord- 
 ship to pardon me, especially in presuming to write to so 
 great and worthy a person, who hath been told that I have 
 done him wrong. I heard it but of late ; but most happy had 
 I been if I might have disproved that villainy against me, 
 when there had been no suspicion that the desire to save my 
 life had presented my excuse. But, my worthy lord, it is not 
 to excuse myself that I now write. I cannot ; for I have 
 now offended my sovereign lord. For all past, even all the 
 world, and my very enemies, have lamented my loss, whom 
 now, if His Majesty's mercy alone do not lament, I am lost. 
 
 " Howsoever that which doth comfort my soul in this 
 offence is, that even in the offence itself I had no other intent 
 than His Majesty's service, and to make His Majesty know that 
 my last enterprise was grounded upon a truth ; and which 
 with one ship, speedily set out, I meant to have assured, or to 
 
 * This letter was first published by Lord Hailes in his Metnorials of the 
 Reign of James I. It was copied from the original by Archbishop 
 Sancroft, 
 
426 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 have died, being resolved, as it is well known, to have done 
 it from Plymouth, had I not been restrained. Hereby I 
 hoped not only to recover His Majesty's gracious opinion, but 
 have destroyed all those malignant reports which had been 
 spread of me. That this is true, that gentleman whom 1 so 
 much trusted (my keeper), and to whom I opened my heart, 
 cannot but testify, and wherein, if I cannot be believed living, 
 ray death shall witness. Yea, that gentleman cannot but 
 avow it, that when we came back toward London, I desired 
 to save no other treasure than the exact description of those 
 places in the Indies. That I meant to go hence as a dis- 
 contented man, God, I trust, and mine own actions, will 
 dissuade His Majesty, whom neither the loss of my estate, 
 thirteen years' imprisonment, nor the denial of my pardon, 
 could beat from his service ; and the opinion of being accounted 
 a fool, or rather distracted by returning as I did, unpardoned, — 
 balanced with my love to His Majesty's person and estate, — 
 had no place at all in my heart. 
 
 "It was the last severe letter from my lords for the speedy 
 bringing of me up, and the impatience of dishonour, that first 
 put me in fear of my life, or enjoying it in a perpetual imprison- 
 ment, never to recover my reputation lost, which strengthened 
 me in my late, and too late lamented resolution, if His 
 Majesty's mercy do not abound ; if His Majesty do not pity 
 ray age, and scorn to take the extremest and utmost advantage 
 of my errors ; if His Majesty, in his great charity, do not 
 make a difference between offences proceeding from a life- 
 saving natural impulse, without all ill intent, and those of an 
 ill heart ; and that your lordship, remarkable in the world for 
 the nobleness of your disposition, do not vouchsafe to become 
 my intercessor ; whereby your lordship shall bind a hundred 
 gentlemen of my kindred to honour your memory, and bind 
 me for all the time of that life which your lordship shall beg 
 for me, to pray to God that you may ever prosper, and ever 
 bind me to remain your most humble servant, 
 
 "W. Raleigh." 
 
 It is said the Earl of Clare, who was a fast friend to Raleigh, 
 and had also some influence with Gondomar, thought he 
 perceived an inclination in the Spanish ambassador to inter- 
 cede for his life, if he would entreat him to do it. This was 
 intimated to Raleigh, and with an assurance that there was no 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 427 
 
 other way for his preservation. He paused a little, and then 
 gave this answer, " I am neither so old, nor so infirm, but I 
 could be content to live, and, therefore, this would I do, if 
 I were sure it would do my business ; but if it fail, then I lose 
 both my life and honour, and both these I will not part 
 with ".* In this and in all that ensued, Raleigh's demeanour 
 was answerable to the general opinion of his understanding and 
 his courage. What course it became the Government to take 
 was not so clear. To deliver him to the Spaniards for justice 
 would seem derogatory to the king's authority, and to the 
 national pride ; nor could it be overlooked in their considera- 
 tions, that the merciless rigour with which the Spaniards 
 treated those Englishmen who carried on an illicit traffic in 
 their colonies was regarded by the people as justifying any 
 measures of retaliation. For that reason, also, it would be 
 highly unpopular to execute him as a pirate. Two months 
 passed in deliberation, and in examining him in the Tower 
 before the chancellor and other commissioners ; at length 
 they delivered their opinion how the manner of proceeding 
 against him might best stand with the king's justice and 
 honour, if His Majesty should be pleased that the law should 
 pass upon him. Presuming, then, that Sir Walter being 
 attainted of high treason, which is the highest and last work 
 of law, could not be drawn in question judicially for any 
 offence since committed, they propounded two forms of pro- 
 ceeding. First, that, with the warrant for his execution, the 
 king should publish or print a narrative of his late crimes and 
 offences; "which," said they, "albeit your majesty is not 
 bound to give an account of your actions in these cases to 
 any, but only to God alone, we humbly offer to your majesty's 
 consideration, as well in respect of the great effluxion of time 
 since his attainder and of his employment by your majesty's 
 commission, as for that his late crimes and offences are not 
 yet publicly known ". 
 
 The other form, to which they rather inclined, was such a 
 proceeding as was nearest a legal one ; it was to call him be- 
 fore the whole council of state and the principal judges in the 
 council chamber, some of the nobility and gentlemen of quality 
 being admitted to hear the whole, as in like cases had been 
 used ; openly to declare in that assembly that this form was 
 
 * Biog. Brit., v., 3482. 
 
428 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 holden, because Sir Walter was civilly dead ; then for His 
 Majesty's council learned to make his charge ; after which, 
 the examination read, and Sir Walter heard, and some con- 
 fronted against him, if need were, then to withdraw and send 
 him back, for that no sentence could be given against him ; 
 and the lords of the council and the judges then to give their 
 advice, whether in respect of these subsequent offences, and 
 upon the whole matter, the king, if he so pleased, might not 
 with justice and honour give warrant for his execution upon 
 his attainder. All this they submitted to his princely wisdom 
 and judgment. But James, against the expressed inclination 
 of the commissioners, preferred that form which, being more 
 summary, had least appearance of legal justice, and in a few 
 days sent a privy seal to the judges to order immediate 
 execution. This being a new case, they held a conference 
 how to proceed ; and the result was, that he should be 
 brought to the bar by a habeas corpus to the lieutenant of 
 the Tower, and there demanded of if he could say any- 
 thing why execution should not be awarded. Upon this the 
 court of King's Bench was commanded to proceed against 
 him according to law ; and the commissioners intimated the 
 king's intention to Sir Walter, and admonished him to prepare 
 for death. 
 
 Accordingly Raleigh was taken out of bed, at eight in the 
 morning, in an ague fit, and conveyed from the Tower to the 
 King's Bench bar. The attorney-general, Yelverton, required 
 an order for the execution of the former judgment, and the 
 prisoner was asked what he could say for himself. He replied, 
 '' All I can say is this, that the judgment which I received to 
 die so long since, I hope it cannot now be strained to take 
 away my life ; for that since it was His Majesty's pleasure to 
 grant me a commission wherein I had power, as marshal, 
 over the life and death of others, so, under favour, I presume 
 I am discharged of that judgment. For by that commission 
 I departed the land, and undertook a journey, to honour my 
 sovereign and to enrich his kingdom with gold, of the ore 
 whereof this hand hath found and taken in Guiana ; but the 
 voyage, notwithstanding my endeavours, had no other success 
 but what was fatal to me, — the loss of my son and wasting of 
 my whole estate." Then, as he would have proceeded, the 
 lord chief justice interrupted him, saying, "his commission 
 could not help him ; he was not pardoned by it ; for in cases 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 429 
 
 of treason the pardon must be by special words, and not 
 implicitly : unless he could say something else to the purpose, 
 they must give execution ". Raleigh replied, " If your opinion 
 be so, my lord, I am satisfied, and so put myself on the mercy 
 of the king, who I know is gracious ; and, under favour, I 
 must say I hope he will be pleased to take commiseration 
 upon me, as concerning this judgment which is so long past, 
 and which I think here are some could witness — nay. His 
 Majesty was of opinion — that I had hard measure therein ". 
 Then the lord chief justice addressed him thus : " Sir 
 Walter Raleigh, you must remember yourself you had an 
 honourable trial, and so were justly convicted ; and it were 
 wisdom in you now to submit yourself, and to confess your 
 offence did justly draw upon you that judgment which was 
 then pronounced against you : wherefore I pray you attend 
 what I shall say unto you. I am here called to grant execu- 
 tion upon the judgment given you fifteen years since ; all 
 which time you have been as a dead man in the law, and 
 might at any minute have been cut off, but the king in mercy 
 spared you. You might think it heavy if this were done in 
 cold blood, to call you to execution ; but it is not so : for 
 new offences have stirred up His Majesty's justice to remember 
 to revive what the law hath formerly cast upon you. I know 
 you have been valiant and wise, and I doubt not but you 
 retain both these virtues ; for now you shall have occasion 
 to use them. Your faith hath heretofore been questioned ; 
 but I am resolved you are a good Christian, for your book, 
 which is an admirable work, doth testify as much. I would 
 give you counsel, but I know that you can apply unto your- 
 self far better than I am able to give you : yet will I, with 
 the good neighbours in the Gospel (who, finding one in the 
 way wounded and distressed, poured oil into his wounds and 
 refreshed him), give you the oil of comfort, though, in respect 
 that I am a minister of the law, mixed with vinegar. Sorrow 
 will not avail you in some kind ; for were you pained, sorrow 
 would not ease you ; were you afflicted, sorrow would not 
 relieve you ; were you tormented, sorrow would not content 
 you ; and yet the sorrow for your sins would be an everlasting 
 comfort to you. You must do as that valiant captain did, 
 who, perceiving himself in danger, said, * Death, thou expectest 
 me ; but, maugre thy spite, I expect thee '. Fear not deatli 
 too much, nor fear death too little : not too much, lest you 
 
430 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 fail in your hopes ; not too little, lest you die presumptuously. 
 And here must conclude with my prayer to God that He would 
 have mercy on your soul." He ended with these words — 
 '^Execution is granted ". 
 
 Raleigh concluded this act of his tragedy by asking thus 
 much favour, that he might not be cut off suddenly ; " For I 
 have something," said he, ''to do in discharge of my con- 
 science, and something to satisfy His Majesty in, something 
 to satisfy the world in ; and I desire I may be heard at the 
 day of my death. And here I take God to be my judge, 
 before whom I shall shortly appear, I was never disloyal to 
 His Majesty ; which I will justify when I shall not fear the 
 face of any king on earth. And so I beseech you all to pray 
 for me."* 
 
 The time for which he asked was not given him, and the 
 next day was appointed for his execution. He received the 
 sacrament from the Dean of Westminster's hands, and at nine 
 in the morning of Thursday, the 29th of October, was brought 
 by the sheriffs from the gatehouse near to a scaffold erected 
 in Old Palace Yard- It was on that great civic holiday, the 
 Lord Mayor's Day, which, probably, never before nor since 
 was saddened by a public execution. He had on " a wrought 
 nightcap under his hat, a ruff band, a black wrought velvet 
 nightgown, over a hair-coloured satin doublet, and a black 
 wrought waistcoat, black cut taffety breeches, and ash-coloured 
 silk stockings". As he was on the way from the prison, a 
 bald old man pressed so forward among those who thronged 
 to see him, that Sir Walter took notice of it, and asked him 
 whether he would have aught of him. The old man answered 
 that he only wanted to see him, and to pray God to have 
 mercy upon his soul. "I thank thee, good friend," replied 
 Sir Walter, "and am sorry I have no better thing to return 
 thee for thy good-will ; but take this nightcap, for thou hast 
 more need of it now than I." "There appeared not," says an 
 eye-witness, "the least alteration in him, either in his voice 
 or countenance ; but he seemed as free from all manner of 
 apprehension as if he had been come thither rather to be a 
 spectator than a sufferer ; nay, the beholders seemed much 
 more sensible than did he." He had perhaps been more 
 excited, and certainly appeared to less advantage, at Essex's 
 
 * $tate Trials, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 4,31 
 
 execution than at his own. He saluted the lords and gentle- 
 men of his acquaintance ; and when proclamation for silence 
 was made, he said, '* I desire to be borne withal, for this is 
 the third day of my fever ; and if I shall show any weakness, 
 I beseech you to attribute it to my malady, for this is the 
 hour in which it is wont to come ". Looking then toward a 
 window where some of the lords were seated, he proceeded 
 to say, " I thank God of His infinite goodness that He hath 
 brought me to die in the light, and not in darkness ". But 
 fearing that his voice would not well reach them, he requested 
 them to approach nearer, because what he had then to say he 
 wished the whole world to be acquainted with. Upon this. 
 Lord Arundel and others came to the scaffold. 
 
 Raleigh then again thanked God that He had brought him 
 into the light to die, and not suffered him to die in the dark 
 prison of the Tower, where he had suffered a great deal of 
 misery and cruel sickness. " And I thank God," said he, 
 " that my fever hath not taken me at this time, as I prayed 
 God it might not, that I might clear myself of some accus- 
 ations laid to my charge, and leave behind me the testimony 
 of a true heart both to my king and country." The first 
 imputation from which he desired to clear himself was that 
 he had had some plot with France and a commission from the 
 French king, charges which, from his intended flight to that 
 country, he admitted that the king had some reason to enter- 
 tain. ''For a man," said he, "to call God to witness to a 
 falsehood at any time is a grievous sin, and what shall he 
 hope for at the tribunal day of judgment .'' But to call God 
 to witness to a falsehood at the time of death, is far more 
 grievous and impious. A man that so doth cannot have 
 salvation, for he hath no time for repentance; and what 
 should I expect, that am now going to render an account 
 of my faith } I do, therefore, call God to witness, as I hope 
 to be saved, and as I hope to see Him in His kingdom, which 
 I hope will be within this quarter of this hour, I never had 
 any commission from the French king, nor ever saw the 
 French king's handwriting in all my life ; neither knew I 
 that there was an agent, nor what he was, till I met him in 
 my gallery at my lodging uiilooked for. If I speak not true, 
 O, Lord, let me never enter into Thy kingdona." 
 
 Denying, then, Mannourie's accusation that he had spoken 
 disloyally of the king, "My accuser," said he, "was a base 
 
432 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Frenchman, a runagate fellow, one that hath no dwelling, a 
 kind of a chemical fellow, one that I knew to be perfidious. 
 But in this I speak now what have I to do with kings ? I 
 have nothing to do with them, neither do I fear them. I have 
 only now to do with our God, in whose presence I stand. 
 Therefore, as I hope to be saved at the last day, I never spake 
 dishonourably, disloyally, or dishonestly of His Majesty, neither 
 to this Frenchman nor to any other, neither had I ever a 
 thought of ill of His Majesty in all my life. Therefore, I 
 cannot but think it strange that this Frenchman, being so 
 base and mean a fellow, should be so far credited as he hath 
 been. I confess I did attempt to escape ; I cannot excuse it : 
 but it was only to save my life. And I do likewise confess I 
 did dissemble and feign myself sick at Salisbury ; but 1 hope 
 it was no sin. For the Prophet David did make himself a fool, 
 and suffered spittle to fall down upon his beard, to escape 
 from the hands of his enemies, and it was not imputed unto 
 him. So in what I did I intended no ill, but to prolong 
 time till His Majesty came, hoping for some commiseration 
 from him. But I forgive the Frenchman and Sir Lewis 
 Stukely with all my heart ; for I have received the sacra- 
 ment this morning of the Dean of Westminster, and I 
 have forgiven all men. But that they are perfidious, I am 
 bound in charity to speak, that all men may take heed of 
 them." 
 
 He then solemnly denied that he had ever said or done 
 certain of the things which were testified against him, looking 
 over his notes of remembrance as he passed from one point to 
 another. And turning to the Earl of Arundel, he said, " My 
 lord, being in the gallery of my ship, at my departure, I 
 remember your honour took me by the hand, and said you 
 would request me one thing : that was, whether I made a 
 good voyage or bad, I should return again unto England ; 
 which I then promised, and gave you my faith I would". 
 " And so you did," answered the earl : " it is true, these were 
 the last words I spake unto you." After briefly noticing some 
 other slanders, he concluded thus : " I am now at this instant 
 to render my account to God, and I protest, as I shall appear 
 before Him, this that I have spoken is true. Only I will 
 borrow a little more time of Mr. Sheriff, for I may not detain 
 him too long. And herein I shall speak of the imputation 
 laid upon me, that I should be a persecutor of my Lord of 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 433 
 
 Essex ; that I rejoiced in his death, and stood in a window 
 over against him when he suffered, and puffed out tobacco in 
 disdain of him : whereas, God I take for witness, I shed tears 
 for him when he died. And as I hope to look God in the 
 face hereafter, my Lord of Essex did not see my face at the 
 time of his death ; for I was afar off in the armoury, where I 
 saw him, but he saw not me. I confess, indeed, I was of a 
 contrary faction ; but I knew my Lord of Essex was a noble 
 gentleman, and that it would be worse with me when he was 
 gone. For I got the hate of those who wished me well before ; 
 and those that set me against him afterwards set themselves 
 against me, and were my greatest enemies. And my soul 
 hath many times been grieved that I was not nearer him when 
 he died, because, as I understood afterwards, he asked for me 
 at his death, to have been reconciled unto me. 
 
 " And now I entreat you all to join with me in prayer to 
 the great God of heaven, whom I have grievously offended, 
 being a man full of all vanity, and have lived a sinful life in 
 all sinful callings ; for I have been a soldier-captain, a sea- 
 captain, and a courtier, which are courses of wickedness and 
 vice, — that God would forgive me, and cast away my sins 
 from me, and that he would receive me into everlasting 
 life. So I take my leave of you all, making my peace with 
 God." 
 
 "This done, he embraced all the lords and others of his 
 friends then present, with most courtly compliments of dis- 
 course," says a spectator, "as if he had met them at some 
 feast." He requested Lord Arundel to entreat the king that 
 no writings defamatory of him might be published after his 
 death ; and added, " I have a long journey to go, and there- 
 fore I will take my leave ". His money, his hat, and other 
 trifles, he distributed among his attendants. The scaffold was 
 cleared, and having taken off his gown and doublet, he asked 
 the executioner to show him the axe. The man, who had some 
 touch of humanity, seemed to hesitate ; and Raleigh said, " I 
 prithee let me see it ! Dost thou think I am afraid of it .•* " 
 He took it and felt the edge. " It is a sharp medicine," said 
 he ; " but this is that that will cure all sorrows ; " and he 
 kissed it and laid it down. He then went to the corner of 
 the scaffold, desired all the people to pray for him in this 
 severe trial, and kneeling down he was long in silent prayer. 
 And now he began to make ready for the block, and first laid 
 ^8 
 
434 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 himself down to try how the block fitted him. When he rose 
 the executioner knelt and asked his forgiveness ; this was 
 readily given, and laying his hand on the man's shoulder, 
 Raleigh requested him not to strike till he should lift up his 
 hand as a token, "and then," said he, '^fear not, but strike 
 home". So he laid himself down. The headsman directed 
 him to lay his face towards the east ; he replied, " No matter 
 how the head lie, so the heart be right ". A little while he 
 remained in prayer, then lifted his hand ; and as the signal 
 was not instantly obeyed, he called aloud, " Strike, strike ! " 
 and so at two strokes was delivered from his pain. The great 
 efflux of blood astonished the spectators, and they inferred 
 that with so vigorous a constitution as this circumstance was 
 supposed to imply, he might have attained to a great old 
 age. 
 
 The head, after the customary form of showing it at either 
 side of the scaffold, was put into a red leathern bag ; his gown 
 was thrown over it, and it was conveyed away in a mourning 
 coach. His widow piously preserved it during the nine and 
 twenty years that she survived him, and it is supposed to have 
 been buried with their son Carew at West Horsley in Surrey. 
 The body was interred in St. Margaret's Church, hard by the 
 place of execution. 
 
 No other act of James's life has entailed upon him so much 
 reproach as his conduct towards Raleigh ; and yet well would 
 it be for him if nothing worse could be charged to his account. 
 "He leaves it," said the declaration, " to the world to judge, 
 how he could either have satisfied his own justice, or yet make 
 the uprightness of his intentions appear to his dearest brother 
 the King of Spain, if he had not by a legal punishment of the 
 offender given an example, as well of terror to all his other 
 subjects, not to abuse his gracious meanings in taking the 
 contrary courses for the attaining to their own unlawful ends, 
 as also of demonstration to all other foreign princes and states, 
 whereby they might rest assured of His Majesty's honourable 
 proceeding with them, when any the like case shall occur : 
 by which means he may the more assuredly expect and claim 
 an honourable concurrence and a reciprocal correspondence 
 from them upon any the like occasion. Such, however, had 
 been the curious infelicity of James's kingcraft upon this oc- 
 casion, that he gave the character of illegality to an act of 
 justice, and rendered his own instruments odious, and by 
 
SIR WALTER RALEIGH 4S5 
 
 means of Stukely's treachery made Raleigh appear an injured 
 man. Moreover, by his own showing, he seemed to have been 
 actuated less by the sense of probity and good faith than by 
 the desire of gratifying the court of Spain at any cost. His 
 agent at Madrid, when he began to perceive that the Spanish 
 match was not likely to be effected, was instructed to let that 
 State know that they should be looked upon as the most un- 
 worthy people in the world, if they did not act with sincerity, 
 since the king had given so many testimonies of his ; and now 
 of late by causing Sir Walter Raleigh to be put to death, 
 chiefly for the giving them satisfaction. Farther, to let them 
 see how, in many actions of late. His Majesty had strained 
 upon the affections of his people ; and especially in this last 
 concerning Raleigh, who died with a great deal of courage 
 and constancy. Lastly, that he should let them know how 
 able a man Sir Walter Raleigh was to have done him service : 
 yet, to give them content, he had not spared him ; when, by 
 preserving him, he might have given great satisfaction to his 
 subjects, and had at command, upon all occasions, as useful a 
 man as served any prince in Christendom." Raleigh, then, 
 may be deemed fortunate in the manner of his death ; for 
 had he been left to die in prison, he would have been unpitied, 
 and had he escaped to France, he would have been an unre- 
 garded fugitive. 
 
 Raleigh was, beyond all doubt, one of the most eminent 
 persons in an age which was extraordinarily prolific of great 
 men. He is equally distinguished in the naval and in the 
 literary history of his country. It is not the least remarkable 
 circumstance relating to him, that though all his colonial 
 enterprises were unfortunate, they should incidentally have 
 produced consequences of greater benefit to his country, than 
 if they had proved successful. For he it was who brought 
 tobacco into general use, — an article of common luxury, from 
 which a large revenue has been derived since an impost was 
 first laid upon it to the present time. And Raleigh it was by 
 whom potatoes were first introduced into Ireland, where they 
 were valued only as an exotic plant possessed of some fancied 
 qualities. Little was it then imagined that when this root 
 should be brought from Ireland into Lancashire, it would soon 
 spread over the kingdom, and become of more importance to 
 the community than any other single article of food, excepting 
 bread, if indeed bread is to be excepted. 
 
436 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 These verses were found in the Bible which Raleigh had 
 with him in the Gate House ; and they are believed to have 
 been written the night before his execution : — 
 
 " Even such is Time, who takes in trust 
 Our youth, our joys, and all we have. 
 And pays us but with earth and dust : 
 Who in the dark and silent grave. 
 When we have wandered all our ways. 
 Shuts up the story of our days. 
 But from that earth, that grave and dust, 
 The Lord shall raise me up, I trust." 
 
NOTES ^ 
 
 SIR RICHARD HAWKINS 
 
 Fenton's Voyage 
 
 The Edward Fenton whose voyage is here briefly told by Southey was a 
 man of some mark, and a typical Elizabethan. He was the son of Henry 
 Fenton of Fenton in Nottinghamshire, and brother of Sir Geoffrey Fenton, 
 who gained some distinction in letters mainly by translating Guicciardini's 
 History of The Wars of Italy, not from the Italian, but after the manner of 
 the time, from the French version, and also by service in Ireland. The 
 brothers sold their inheritance, and sought their fortune at court and in 
 the wars. Edward was himself an author in the translating way. His Cer- 
 taine Secrete Wonders of Nature is a version of the Histoires Prodigieuses 
 of Pierre Bonisteau called Launay. The authorship has been disputed 
 apparently on no solid grounds. He served under Sir Henry Sidney in 
 Ireland, against Shane O'Neil in 1566, commanded the Gabriel in iro- 
 bisher's second voyage to find a north-west passage, 1577, went as second 
 in command of the third expedition in 1578, and was once more employed 
 in Ireland on his return. The unsuccessful "voyage to the East Indies 
 and Cathay " was to have been commanded by Drake, who had just re- 
 turned from sailing round the world. The nomination of Fenton was at 
 least partly due to the patronage of Leicester. The failure of the expedi- 
 tion must be attributed in a considerable measure to the violent temper 
 of the commander, his instability and his jealousy of his subordinates, 
 William Hawkins, a member of the famous Plymouth family, and Captain 
 Carlyle or Carlisle, the officer in charge of the soldiers. He was accused 
 by Hawkins of intending to seize St. Helena, and " make himself king 
 thereof". These wild schemes of ambition sprouted freely in that ad- 
 venturous age, as we know from the example of Stukeley. But the bold 
 Sea Rovers were not scrupulous in their mutual accusations, and Fenton 
 is also reported to have put Hawkins in irons, and to have threatened to 
 stab him, if he revealed awkward secrets on his return. They were con- 
 nected, for Fenton married Thomazin, a daughter of Benjamin Gonson, 
 treasurer of the navy, who was also father-in-law to Sir John Hawkins. 
 The council, which had to listen to many such tales, can have paid this 
 one no particular attention, for Fenton was named captain of the Mary 
 Rose, a capital ship of 600 tons in the Armada war. He lived for the 
 remainder of his life in Deptford, and died there in 1603. 
 
 * Certain of these notes are Southey's and are marked by a capital S. 
 (437) 
 
4S8 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Further Details 
 
 Southey's life of Sir Richard is no more than a summary of the seaman's 
 own Observations in his Voyage into the South Sea, most admirably 
 executed and illustrated by references to Spanish authorities. Little more 
 indeed is needed, for apart firom his disastrous cruise, and the record of it 
 which he left, we have not much beyond dates, and mentions of his 
 existence. The chief of these ought however to be given. He was the 
 only son of Sir John's first marriage with Katherine Gonson. He was 
 captain of the Duck Galliot in Drake's raid on the West Indies in 1535, 
 of the queen's ship Swallow in the Armada war, and of the Crane in the 
 expedition to the coast of Portugal jin 1590. After his surrender he was 
 detained at Lima, and then sent to Spain in 1597. The fleet in which he 
 sailed as a prisoner had a narrow escape from the Earl of Essex. As the 
 superior authorities would not let him go he was imprisoned in Seville. 
 In 1598 he escaped, but was retaken, and then sent to Madrid, where he 
 was converted to Roman Catholicism. His detention lasted till 1602 
 when he was let go, probably on the payment of a ransom of £3000. 
 In that year at any rate he complained in a letter to Robert Cecil that his 
 stepmother, Margaret Vaughan, had refused or delayed to hand over the 
 money left him by his father for the purpose. On his return he was 
 knighted in July, 1603, amid the profuse distribution of honours which was 
 one of the features of the reign of James I. The family of Hawkins were 
 wealthy shipowners, and Sir Richard was Sir John's only legitimate son. 
 He sat as member for Plymouth in 1604, and was named Vice-admiral of 
 Devon, a post which then entailed a good deal of work in enforcing the 
 droits of the admiralty, and protecting the coast against pirates. There 
 are traces of futile efforts made by him to recover money from the 
 Spaniards by the intervention of the Government. In 1614 there was 
 some talk of having him to command one of the East India Company's 
 voyages. His cousin William Hawkins was one of the pioneers of Eng- 
 lish trade in the East. In 1620 he went as vice-admiral with Sir Robert 
 Mansel in a very ill-conducted expedition against the Barbary pirates. 
 On the 17th of April, 1622, he died of a fit of apoplexy while attending the 
 council on business connected with this campaign. He left two sons 
 and four daughters. His candid confession that he had trusted wholly to 
 his dishonest gunner instead of seeing to the efficiency of his armaments for 
 himself, leaves the impression that he was much better fitted for an explorer 
 than for the command of a warship. The defence of the Dainty was not 
 such a miraculous feat as Sir Richard would have us believe. She was 
 built for war, and her crew had been for months together, while she was 
 assailed by vessels built for trade, manned by a hasty collection of soldiers, 
 and on Sir Richard's own showing less heavily gunned. In 1593 the 
 Spaniards were only beginning to have a real war fleet, and none of the 
 new vessels can have been in the South Seas. The action was in fact a 
 long chase in which Don Beltran de Castro began by attempting to board, 
 and was baffled by the better seamanship and heavier guns of the Eng- 
 lish crew, and the greater handiness of the Dainty. As his ships were 
 built for the coast trade only they were weak, and had no cover for the 
 men on the upper deck, being, as Sir Richard very honestly confesses, 
 "utterly without fights or defences" — that is to say bulwarks. It was 
 only in the last resort th?it Pon Beltran fell back on his fegble artillery, 
 
NOTES 439 
 
 If the Dainty had not been foul from a long voyage, or had been in better 
 fighting trim, she might have got clear away, and there would have been 
 no occasion to make a song about the feat. The real distinction of Sir 
 Richard is that he wrote the most illuminative account of the sea life of his 
 time which we possess. His Observations contain errors on matters 
 of fact due to lapses of memory, but the general picture is admirable, and 
 the book proves him to have been a thinking man of much natural discern- 
 ment. It is a standing disgrace both to the navy and the merchant service, 
 that though he had shown how to keep crews in good health, no use was 
 made of his experiments except in one of the early voyages of the East 
 India Company. Our men were allowed to die of scurvy and other pre- 
 ventable diseases by the thousand till after the middle of the eighteenth 
 century, not because the powers that were did not know, but because they 
 were careless. His Observations and much information about the family 
 will be found reprinted, and collected in Nos. i and 57 of the publications 
 of the Hakluyt Society. 
 
 SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE 
 
 Southey has told the story of Sir Richard Greenville, as he preferred to 
 spell the name, or Greynvile, or Grenfell, or Granville, or Grenville (there 
 are pedantic reasons for using all the forms, except the last which is the 
 final recension) with even more than his usual sound sense. A few 
 scattered facts have come to light since he wrote. It may be as well to 
 point out that the descent of Sir Richard from Rollo is" family genealogy " 
 in the unfavourable sense. But the family was ancient in Cornwall. His 
 father Sir Roger was captain of the Mary Rose, and perished with her 
 when she went down outside Portsmouth, in 1545, during the French 
 invasion of that year. We know now that Lane, with whom he sailed on 
 the Virginia voyage of 1585, described him as of " intolerable pride and 
 insatiable ambition ". During the interval between his colonial ventures 
 and the island voyage of 1591 he was employed as commissioner of 
 works at Dover Harbour, and in preparing the defences of the western 
 counties. 
 
 THE EARL OF ESSEX 
 
 Essex's Widow, p. 233 
 
 It appears, from the following sonnet, that this lady's third husband 
 had the singular advantage of being remarkably like the second. 
 
 "To the Right Honourable and loyal-hearted Lord, the Earl of 
 Clanricard. — 
 
 " Our English crown's approved Irish fi-iend 
 
 That reign'st in our true love, for such thy truth 
 Let thine own rare perfections thee commend. 
 
 For perfect praise perfection still ensu'th. 
 I never was so happy as to see thee. 
 
 Much less to kaow thee whom I lonpj to see ; 
 
440 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 But in thy predecessor did foresee thee, 
 
 For, if fame fable not, much like you be. 
 To add then to thy glory more bright beams, 
 
 Love his, thy other self, with dearest love ; 
 For she hath martyr'd been with grief's extremes, 
 
 Dear innocent ! whose virtues all approve. 
 Her love to thee doth argue thy high worth, 
 
 Then love such love that sets thy glory forth." 
 
 Davits of Hereford. — Restituta, iii., 253. — S. 
 
 " To Say No More " 
 
 These words which Southey quotes from his well-beloved Fuller, con- 
 tain an allusion to the no doubt unfounded story that Walter Devereux, 
 first Earl of Essex of this creation, and father of Elizabeth's favourite had 
 been poisoned by Leicester. Poor Earl Walter, a man of a vaguely 
 romantic, speculative, and impractical turn, engaged in a number of 
 disastrous ventures in Ireland, and died, as many thousands of English 
 gentlemen and soldiers did, m the squalid and ferocious Irish wars, of 
 dysentery. Dublin was the place and the date 22nd September, 1576. 
 The countess, whose maiden name was Lettice Knollys or Knowles, and 
 who was a kinswoman of the queen's, married Leicester after her 
 husband's death, and it is not improbable that they had had an intrigue 
 during his life. The queen was as usual exceedingly angry with the 
 marriage, and refused to see her cousin except on one occasion. The 
 reader who cares to inquire further may consult Parson's " The Jesuits' 
 Great Collection of Scandal, and Scandalous Truth " {Leicester's Common- 
 wealth). 
 
 Young Essex at Court 
 
 The queen had taken notice of Essex while he was still a boy. Part 
 of the exaggerated favour she showed him from his first appearance in 
 court may have been due to her settled policy of dividing her courtiers 
 into rival factions in order to make them the more dependent on her own 
 caprice. Queen Mary was for a time sent as prisoner to Essex' House 
 at Chartley just before the closing scene — to his openly expressed annoy- 
 ance, and though experienced lords of the council thought there was 
 danger in putting her under the care of a young man. Essex escaped all 
 peril from the now rather more than middle-aged Queen of Scots, because 
 he was too exclusively employed about the still more elderly Elizabeth, 
 who, partly to please herself, but unquestionably also to keep other 
 adorers in their places, now chose to be attended in public by the new 
 favourite only, and to sit up all night with him playing cards — if Anthony 
 Bagot told the strict truth. 
 
 Essex and the Cadiz Expedition 
 
 In placing his account of the famous expedition to Cadiz in the life of 
 Essex, and not in that of the Lord High Admiral Howard of Effingham, 
 afterwards Earl of Nottingham, Southey has followed the generally ex- 
 pressed opinion of the time. The earl's career and final ruin cannot be 
 
NOTES 441 
 
 understood unless we bear in mind that he rapidly earned a high measure 
 of popularity with the " martial men " and the mob. They picked him out 
 as a hero and popular leader, wrote him up, and sang his praises, thereby 
 arousing the fears of the politicians about the queen, who assiduously fed 
 her jealousy. It would be difficult to prove by known facts that Essex 
 had more merit in the taking of the town than several of his colleagues. 
 But the people would have it so. There can be no question that he was 
 in the right in advising that the expedition should remain out longer in 
 order to wait for the treasure-ships. His opinion was not followed, and 
 the great prize was lost. During the angry disputes which followed the 
 return of the expedition, he gained valuable credit with the queen by his 
 display of intelligent zeal. It must be kept in mind that however glorious 
 the taking of Cadiz looks to us now, the total result of the capture was a 
 keen disappointment to Elizabeth. She had been led to hope that her 
 treasury would benefit largely through the prizes taken. As a matter of 
 fact the expenses were greater than the returns. The explanation must 
 be sought, first in the failure to seize the treasure-ships, and then in the 
 working of the distinction made between " plunder" and " prize". By 
 the first was meant whatever officers and men were allowed to seize for 
 themselves. By the second was signified whatever had to be thrown into 
 a common stock, and divided pro rata when the queen's share had been 
 deducted. It followed that every one thought of his own profit first of 
 all, and that the common good was neglected. Moreover sailors and 
 soldiers alike had a rooted, and if Monson and Sir R. Hawkins say sooth, 
 perfectly justified belief that they were never fairly treated by the queen's 
 officials when the division came to be made. It is certain that all ranks 
 pilfered at Cadiz, with no more scruple than Elizabeth would have shown 
 in defrauding them if they had been so candid as to bring their gains back 
 in any way which would have allowed her to lay hands on them. We 
 may note with some measure of languid interest that the fall of Cadiz was 
 largely due to the sloth of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, our old friend of 
 the Armada. He did nothing to put the town in a state of defence, dis- 
 played utter want of spirit during the crisis, and made himself ridiculous 
 by marching in with a great display after the English and their Dutch 
 colleagues had sailed away with the booty. It is characteristic of the 
 solemn futility of Philip II. that he had continued to employ the duke as 
 captain-general in Andalusia after the miserable exhibition he made of 
 himself in 1588. The reason apparently was that the king could not 
 dismiss him without some discredit to himself. He would have confessed 
 practically that the royal judgment was not infallible in its choice of 
 officers. 
 
 Essex in Ireland 
 
 Southey's account of the earl's miserable history in Ireland is the 
 weakest part of the life. He does not sufficiently bring out the fact that 
 the great charge against the earl was the character of his " parley " with 
 Tyrone in September, 1599. There were two meetings between them, 
 the first, on the 6th September, strictly private, was in answer to a 
 message from Tyrone, and took place at a ford on the river Lagan, now 
 called the Anagh Clint, on the borders of Monaghan and Louth. Next 
 day they met with six followers on either side, A treaty was discussed 
 
442 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 and Essex listened to demands which he ought never to have entertained. 
 The vi'hole story of his later years and his fall has been retold with equal 
 care and sanity of criticism by Mr. Abbott in his Bacon and Essex. The 
 reader may advantageously contrast him by comparison with Mr. Sped- 
 ding's Bacon, bearing in mind that his great work is by |no means free 
 from the Lues Boswelliana, where its hero's virtue is in question. 
 
 SIR WALTER RALEIGH 
 De Guiana Carmen Epicum, p. 333. 
 
 This poem, signed with the initials G. C, is with sufficient certainty 
 ascribed to Chapman. It consists of something less than two hundred 
 lines, in blank verse ; the verse is not diversified by its pauses, but the 
 paragraphs (of unequal length) are closed with a couplet in rhyme, — a 
 practice not unusual in that age. 
 
 The poet spared neither panegyric nor prophecy, but he was no true 
 prophet. 
 
 " Riches and conquest and renown I sing,^ — 
 Riches with honour, conquest without blood, — 
 Enough to seat the monarchy of earth, 
 Like to Jove's eagle, on Eliza's hand. 
 Guiana, whose rich feet are mines of gold. 
 Whose forehead knocks against the roof of stars, 
 Stands on her tiptoes at fair England looking, 
 Kissing her hand, bowing her mighty breast. 
 And every sign of all submission making. 
 To be her sister, and the daughter both 
 Of our most sacred maid, whose barrenness 
 Is the true fruit of virtues that may yet 
 Bear and bring forth anew in all perfection 
 What heretofore savage corruption held 
 In barbarous chaos ; and in this affair 
 Became her father, mother, and her heir. 
 
 '• Then, most admired sovereign, let your breath 
 
 Go forth upon the waters, and create 
 
 A golden world in this our iron age ; 
 
 And be the prosperous forewind to a fleet, 
 
 That, seconding your last, may go before it 
 
 In all success of profit and renown. 
 
 Doubt not but your election was divine, 
 
 (As well by fate as your high judgment order 'd) 
 
 To raise him with choice bounties, that could add 
 
 Height to his height ; and like a liberal vine 
 
 Not only bear his virtuous fruit aloft. 
 
 Free from the press of squint-eyed envy's feet. 
 
 But deck his gracious prop with golden bunches. 
 
 And shroud it with broad leaves of Rule o'ergrown 
 
 From all black tempests of invasion. 
 
NOTES 443 
 
 Then in the Thespiad's bright prophetic fount, 
 
 Methinks I see our liege rise from her throne, 
 
 Her cares and thoughts in steep amaze erected 
 
 At the most rare endeavour of her power. 
 
 And now she blesseth with her wonted graces 
 
 The industrious knight, the soul of this exploit. 
 
 Dismissing him to convoy of his stars. 
 
 And now for love and honour of his worth, 
 
 Our twice-born nobles bring him, bridegroom-like. 
 
 That is espoused for virtue to his love. 
 
 With feasts and music ravishing the air, 
 
 To his Argolian fleet, where round about 
 
 His bating colours English valour swarms 
 
 In haste, as if Guianian Orinoque 
 
 With his fell waters fell upon our shore. 
 
 And now a wind as forward as their spirits 
 
 Sets their glad feet on smooth Guiana's breast, 
 
 Where (as if each man were an Orpheus) 
 
 A world of savages fall tame before them. 
 
 Storing their theft-free treasuries with gold. 
 
 And there doth plenty crown their wealthy fields ; 
 
 There learning cats no more his thriftless books. 
 
 Nor valour, estridge-like, his iron arms ; 
 
 Their beauty is no strumpet for her wants, 
 
 Nor Gallique humours putrefy her blood ; 
 
 But all our youth take Hymen's lights in hand, 
 
 And fill each roof with honoured progeny : 
 
 There makes society adamantine chains, 
 
 And joins their hearts with wealth whom wealth disjoin'd ; 
 
 There healthful recreations strew their meads, 
 
 And make their mansions dance with neighbourhood 
 
 That here were drowned in churlish avarice. 
 
 And there do palaces and temples rise 
 
 Out of the earth, and kiss the enamoured skies, 
 
 Where New Britannia humbly kneels to heaven, 
 
 The world to her, and both at her blest feet. 
 
 In whom the circles of all empire meet." — S. 
 
 Plague of Crickets at St. Thomas's, p. 343. 
 
 Yrala met with a tribe in Paraguay, whose huts were infested with a 
 species of cricket that consumed all their skins and other articles of 
 clothing; and they kept tame ducks to devour these vermin. Cabeza 
 de Vaca mentions this in his Commentaries {Hist, of Brazil, i., 127). 
 
 Colonel Hippisley describes a noxious creature in this part of Guiana, 
 which I have not seen noticed by any other writer. " In many of the 
 huts or habitations," he says, *' in the different Indian villages as you 
 pass up the river, is to be found the devil-sticker. It is of a spongey 
 soft nature, and smooth skin, not unlike the large slug of England. It 
 is brought into the hut with the fire-wood, or it may creep in from the 
 outside unperceived. It, however, crawls up the side wall ; and getting 
 on the edge of the rafters of the ceiling, to which it adheres, it looks like 
 
444 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 a small ball, or more properly like the slug coiled up. It is frequently 
 known to drop from its hold without being molested ; and wherever it 
 falls it throws out from its body five or six fangs, which are barbed like a 
 fish-hook, and into whatever softer material than stone or brick it chances 
 to fall these fangs enter ; nor can it be removed unless by cutting the 
 animal off, and picking the prongs out of the substance into which they 
 are so firmly fastened. When they fall on the person of those who 
 happen to sit or stand underneath, the consequence is dreadful. I saw 
 one man who an hour or two before had one of those devils alight on his 
 hand, and he was obliged to have it cut off, and the claws and fangs removed 
 by picking them out of his flesh with the point of a large needle. His 
 hand was immoderately swelled, and very painful ; but an immersion in 
 warm oil, or fat, removed the pain, and restored the hand to its usual 
 appearance" {Narrative of the Expedition to the Orinoco and Apury in 
 
 1817, pp. 349-350).— S. 
 
 Raleigh popular in Cornwall, p. 351. 
 
 Carew relates two cases in which Sir Walter's influence was exerted 
 to the great advantage of the county. 
 
 • ■ " There are seventeen manors appertaining to the duchy of Cornwall, 
 who do every seventh year take their holdings (so they term them) of 
 certain commissioners sent for the purpose, and have continued this use 
 for the best part of three hundred years ; through which they reckon a 
 kind of inheritable estate accrued unto them. But this long prescription 
 notwithstanding, a more busy than well occupied person, not long sith- 
 ence, by getting a checquer lease of one or two such tenements, called 
 the whole right in question : and albeit God denied his bad mind any 
 good success, yet another taking up these broken titles to salve himself 
 of a desperate debt, prosecuted the same so far forth, as he brought it 
 to the jutty of a nisi prius. Hereon certain gentlemen were chosen, and 
 requested by the tenants to become suitors for stopping this gap, before 
 it had made an irremediable breach. They repaired to London accordingly, 
 and prepared a petition to the then lord treasurer, Burleigh, His lordship 
 called unto him the chancellor and coife barons of the exchequer, and 
 took a private hearing of the cause. It was then manifestly proved before 
 them, that besides this long continuance, and the importance (as that 
 which touched the undoing of more than a thousand persons), her high- 
 ness possessed no other lands that yielded her so large a benefit in rents, 
 fines, heriots, and other perquisites. These reasons found favourable 
 allowance, but could obtain no thorough discharge, until the gentlemen 
 became suppliants to Her Majesty's own person, who, with her native 
 and supernatural bounty, vouchsafed us gracious audience ; testified her 
 great dislike of the attemptor, and gave express orders for staying of the 
 attempt : since which time this barking dog hath been muzzled. May it 
 please God to award him an utter choaking, that he never have power to 
 bite again ! 
 
 " Herein we were beholden to Sir Walter Raleigh's earnest writing, 
 who was then in the country, to Sir Henry Killigrew's sound advice ; 
 and to Master William Killigrew's painful soliciting (being the most kind 
 patron of all his country and countrymen in affairs at court)" {Survey 
 of Cornwall, 36, 37), 
 
NOTES 445 
 
 •' It should seem that the first earls bare a heavy hand in command 
 over the subjects; for both divers ancient records, as I have learned, 
 make mention of tributes imposed (almost) upon everything of profit ; 
 and it may be farther gathered in that as well towns as particular persons 
 were fain to procure charters and grants from them for corporations, fairs, 
 markets, taking or freeing from tolls, mines, fishing, fowling, hawking, 
 hunting, and what not ; so as upon the matter the plight of a Cornish 
 inhabitant and a French peasant did differ very little. Which bondage 
 one, not long ago, sought in part to re-establish, under pretence of 
 receiving a rent decayed ever since g Hen. 2, and advancing His 
 Majesty's profit; and to this end procured letters patent that none 
 should salt, dry, or pack any fish in Devon or Cornwall, without his 
 licence; and warrant : a matter that would by consequence have made 
 him an absolute disposer of all the western shipping and traffic, and their 
 sea and land dependants : — few words, but folding up a multitude of 
 inconveniences to Her Majesty, and the whole commonwealth. Where- 
 fore the Cornish justices of the peace became humble suitors to the lords 
 of her highness's privy council for a necessary and speedy redress herein, 
 and through the never-failing forwardness and backing of Sir Walter 
 Raleigh, obtained a revocation. Howbeit this ill weed, rather cut off 
 by the ground than plucked up by the root, once, yea, twice or thrice, 
 grew forth again ; but yet, maugre the warmers and waterers, hath by Her 
 Majesty's gracious breath been even parched up, and (as is hoped) will 
 never shoot out hereafter; at least it shall find an united resistance of 
 most earnest suit and frequent reasons to beat it down " (Survey of Corn- 
 wall, 79, 80).— S. 
 
 Sir Walter Raleigh's Petition to the Queen 
 
 Mr. David Laing, among whose valuable extracts from the Hawthorn- 
 den manuscripts this poem was (for the first time) printed, says truly that 
 " it bears intrinsic marks of being genuine, which cannot be said of 
 several other poems which have been ascribed to him ". He supposes it 
 to have been written after Raleigh's last commitment to the Tower, in 
 1618. 
 
 " O had Truth power, the guiltless could not fall, 
 
 Malice win glory, or Revenge triumph ; 
 
 But Truth alone cannot encounter all. 
 
 " Mercy is fled to God, which mercy made, 
 Compassion dead. Faith turn'd to policy ; 
 Friends know not those who sit in Sorrow's shade. 
 
 " For what we sometime were, we are no more ; 
 Fortune hath changed our shape, and Destiny 
 Defaced the weary form he had before. 
 
 " All love and all desert of former times 
 Malice hath covered from my sovereign's eyes. 
 And largely laid abroad supposed crimes. 
 
 " But kings call not to mind what vassals were. 
 
 But know them now as Envy hath described them ; 
 
 So can I look on no side firom Despair. , 
 
446 ENGiLISH SEAMEN 
 
 ** Cold walls, to you I speak, but you are senseless ; 
 Celestial Powers, you hear, but have determined, 
 And shall determine, to my greatest happiness. 
 
 ** Then unto whom shall I unfold my wrongs. 
 Cast down my tears, or hold up folded hands ? 
 To her to whom remorse doth most belong ; 
 
 '♦ To her who is the first, and may alone 
 Be justly call'd the empress of the Britons ! 
 Who should have mercy, if a queen have none ? 
 
 " Save those that would have died for your defence I 
 Save him whose thoughts no treason ever tainted ! 
 For, lo ! destruction is no recompense. 
 
 " If I have sold my duty (sold my faith) 
 To strangers (which was only due to one). 
 No thing I should esteem so dear as death ; 
 
 •' But if both God and time shall make you know 
 That I your humblest vassal am opprest, 
 Then cast your eyes on undeserved woe : 
 
 " That I and mine may never mourn the miss 
 Of her we had (but praise our living queen), 
 Who brings us equal, if not greater bliss." — S. 
 
 Early Life 
 
 Some further details of Raleigh's early life, which we may consider as 
 having ended with his establishment at court in 1581, have been dis- 
 covered since Southey wrote. The name, as we all know, is even more 
 diversely spelt than Grenville. The form Raleigh, adopted by Southey 
 and therefore used here, was long general. Now there is a preference 
 for Ralegh. His own practice was not consistent. To judge by King 
 James's pun, '* Mon I have heard of you but rawly," it was pronounced 
 as if it had been written Rawley, in which shape it is to be met with. 
 Mr. Gosse has found that Sir Walter — as yet only plain Mr. — was 
 living in Islington, then and long afterwards a pleasant village on the 
 rising ground at the beginning of the great north road from London, in 
 1577, and that he was a candidate for acceptance at court. After his 
 return from accompanying Sir Humphrey Gilbert in the voyage of 1578, 
 he became a courtier. His introduction to the scene where political and 
 social fortunes could alone be made in the reign of Elizabeth was due 
 to the patronage of the Earl of Leicester. The queen's Sweet Robin 
 was unquestionably a very evil personage, but he had a redeeming pre- 
 ference for recruiting his followers from among able men. He had to 
 confirm his position by placing his clients in places. It is a proof of his 
 good sense, and a tribute to the queen's governing capacity, that they 
 were expected to possess brains and character. At court Raleigh formed 
 a species of friendship with the Earl of Oxford, Burleigh's worthless son- 
 in-law. For him he carried a challenge to Sir Philip Sidney. The fight 
 did not come off, mainly it seems because the earl would have preferred to 
 
NOTES 447 
 
 murder his rival. Raleigh's intelligence was too good to allow him to 
 forward an enterprise which whether successful or not would probably 
 have had unpleasant consequences for the great man, and would infallibly 
 have been fatal to the small one. To murder as a political resource 
 Raleigh had no more dislike than his contemporaries, native or foreign, who 
 had no scruple when Irish rebels, Scotch enemies, the King of Spain, or the 
 Guise were concerned, who for their part were ready to remove heretics 
 in the same fashion. He openly advocated assassination as a means of 
 pacifying Ireland. In later life he condemned duelling, but in his hot 
 youth he was imprisoned for a fray with Sir Thomas Perrot on the 7th 
 February, 1580, and in the following March was again in jail for coming 
 to blows with one Wingfield. In June of this year he was in Ireland 
 as captain of a company of a hundred men. When he had become a 
 favourite Elizabeth allowed him to retain his company in order that he 
 might be trained in the wars, and allowed him to perform his military 
 duties by deputy. Southey is mistaken in supposing that the queen 
 condemned the military execution at Smerwich. She was only offended 
 because the Spanish and Italian officers were spared. It may be pointed 
 out that Lord Grey's decision to save the officers who could pay for their 
 lives, and put the rank and file who could not to the sword, was quite 
 consistent with the military practice of the time. Raleigh's brief service 
 in the Irish partisan wars has been told at length by Sir John Pope 
 Hennessy {Sir Walter Raleigh in Ireland). In 1581 he was sent home 
 with despatches by Zouch, the Governor of Munster. 
 
 Raleigh at Court 
 
 Southey has repeated Fuller's stories about the cloak and the diamond 
 as being Fuller's, and therefore entitled to just as much credit as the 
 judicious reader chooses to give to tales collected by a romantic and 
 genial gossip in the next century. There appears to be no reason to 
 accept Naunton's testimony that Raleigh owed his position at court to 
 the spirit and ability he displayed in a dispute with Lord Grey before the 
 council. It is inconsistent with known facts. It was as the favourite of 
 the middle period of the reign that Raleigh became a great man, and 
 was enriched by monopolies in 1583, two years after he had left Ireland, 
 by knighthood in 1584, by the wardenship of the Stannaries in 1585, by 
 a grant of 40,000 acres of land in Ireland in 1586, and by a share in the 
 spoils of Babington and his fellow-conspirators in 1587. In this very 
 year, his favour having reached its height, first came to a stay, and then 
 began to decline before the genius of Essex. In the Armada year, when 
 Sir Walter's movements are obscure, he received a challenge from his 
 rival, but this fight like so many others we hear of ended in high words. 
 He was in Ireland in 1588 with Sir R. Grenville, his cousin, under a 
 court cloud, and was back there in 1589. Southey was in error in think- 
 ing that he took part in the expedition of '89 to the court of Portugal. 
 From this time his favour at court declined, and although Elizabeth did 
 not deprive him of his place as captain of the guard, and allowed him to 
 be about her in after years, he never was again on his former footing. 
 He was to have gone with Lord Thomas Howard in the expedition to 
 the Isles in 1591, but his place was taken by Grenville. In 1592 he 
 accompanied Cumberland and Frobisher as far as Cape Finisterre, and 
 
448 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 then returned by order. It was in June that he was arrested at his 
 London residence, Durham House, which like the Manor of Sherburne 
 was part of the plunder of the Church, for having debauched Elizabeth 
 Throgmorton, the maid of honour whom he afterwards married. Durham 
 House, which had cost him much money, was reclaimed by the Church on 
 the accession of James. 
 
 Raleigh's " Atheism" 
 
 One of the charges constantly brought against Raleigh, before his long 
 imprisonment and his known hostility to Spain had turned the fierce 
 popular hatred once felt for him to sympathy, was his supposed irreligion. 
 It was a not uncommon charge in that age. We have no real evidence 
 to go on. Southey merely alludes to the subject in saying that if Sir 
 Walter "was not belied," he was of dubious orthodoxy. It is highly 
 credible that this man, " so wary held and wise," did in fact *' scarce 
 receive for gospel what the Church believed ". His name was mentioned 
 in the inquisition into the doings and sayings of a supposed atheistical 
 society, to which Marlowe also belonged, conducted by Lord Keeper 
 Puckering. A special commission was afterwards appointed to make an 
 inquiry, under the presidency of Thomas Howard, Viscount Bindon. No 
 report is in existence. In 1594 Raleigh had long and eager conference 
 with the Jesuit Cornelius in prison. 
 
 Raleigh and Antonio de Berrio 
 
 Some rather curious questions of minor importance in the biography of 
 Raleigh are connected with the name of the Spanish colonial governor, 
 Antonio de Berrio. One of them may be defined as belonging to the 
 field of morality. The reader of the Discoverie of Guiana, or even only 
 of Southey's ample quotation from that most brilliant example of the 
 Elizabethan literature of adventure, will remember that our countryman 
 speaks of Don Antonio in tones of rather disconcerting variety. Striking 
 passages in the Discoverie are devoted to impassioned denunciations of 
 the Spaniard's barbarity to the Indians. Yet when he actually meets 
 the author of these crimes, Raleigh describes him as a gentleman very 
 valiant and liberal, of great assuredness and a great heart, and treats him 
 according to his quality. This same main be it observed is also said by 
 Raleigh to have behaved treacherously to Captain Whiddon when he was 
 exploring on the coast of Trinidad in the year before Raleigh's own 
 voyage. A whole string of queries is suggested by these passages in the 
 Discoverie. Mr. Gosse, in his life of Raleigh, is surprised that our hero 
 should have taken friendly notice of so ferocious a personage. From our 
 point of view — that of a more humane age, which thinks the telling of the 
 truth an obligation — the wonder is natural. But Raleigh, who had served 
 his apprenticeship in those Irish wars of his day which were no whit less 
 savage than the campaigns of the Spanish Conquistadores, was not so 
 sincerely indignant with Berrio as he thought fit to profess to be, when 
 he was spiriting up his countrymen to go in search of the Golden Kingdom 
 of Manoa. Moreover, as we know from the history of his connection 
 with Cobham, he could be on very confidential terms with men whom he 
 still accused of utter baseness. But did he really take Berrio prisoner at 
 the island of Trinidad ? And what is the meaning of the story about 
 
 i 
 
NOTES 449 
 
 Captain Whiddon ? Southey expresses his doubts as to the capture, and 
 though Sir Robert Schomburg cannot understand his scepticism, I am 
 inclined to hold that his prudence and his remarkable knowledge of the 
 Spanish authorities led him right as they so often did. The main if not 
 the only Spanish authority is the Friar Pedro Simon, the author of the 
 Noticias. Now Simon, who is a transparently honest writer, who was 
 nearly a grown man at the time, who came from his native town of 
 Cuenca in Spain to South America while the contemporaries of Berrio 
 were alive, and who was inexhaustibly curious as to the history of the 
 previous two generations, has not a word to say about the capture of the 
 governor. He tells the story of the taking of Caraccas by Preston in the 
 year of Raleigh's voyage at length. He is copious about the final 
 disastrous appearance of Sir Walter. As Southey's quotations show he 
 did not spare Berrio when he comes to tell the cruel story of the colonists 
 brought over by Domingo de Vera. Why should he have concealed an 
 episode which must have been notorious ? But there is another reason 
 for being doubtful. When Antonio de Berrio acquired the right of 
 settling Guiana with the governorship for two lives, by his marriage with 
 the niece of Jiminez de Quesada, the conqueror of New Granada, the 
 coast was not yet inhabited by Spaniards. An attempt had been made 
 at an earlier period to settle Trinidad, and had failed. He sent Domingo 
 de Vera to Spain to seek for colonists. Pedro Simon is not so lucid or 
 so exact in his dates as could be wished, but after carefully reading his 
 narrative I have come to the same conclusion as Southey, namely, that 
 there is no ground for believing that Berrio was in Trinidad. His regular 
 residence was at the first settlement of St. Thomas on the mainland, and 
 there he was when Domingo de Vera returned from Spain with his un- 
 happy colonists after Raleigh had left the coast. Somebody was no 
 doubt taken on the island. Southey supposes that there were mutineers 
 there. Perhaps, but that the governor was among the Spaniards found 
 in Trinidad, who can have been but a small handful, I cannot believe. 
 Another consideration ought it seems to me to suggest itself to every one. 
 If Raleigh captured so important a person as Berrio, how came he to let 
 his prize go ? Why did he not bring the governor to England to be held 
 for ransom, and as proof of what he himself had done ? This would 
 have been the regular course. Yet after the conversation about Manoa 
 Berrio's name drops out altogether. If Raleigh found that his prisoner 
 was not the governor, this sudden disappearance is quite intelligible, but 
 it cannot be explained in any other way. Why then did he continue to 
 assert that he had in fact captured Berrio ? The answer I fear must be 
 that Raleigh's willingness and capacity to lie when it suited his purpose 
 are established by much and weighty evidence. The fiction looked 
 better than the truth, and could not be instantly confuted. We have 
 only his word for it all, and that is not enough. As much may be 
 said about the incredible tale of Captain Whiddon's voyage of peaceful 
 exploration at a time when Spain and England were at war, and 
 when the Spaniards claimed to be masters of all to the west of Pope 
 Alexander's line of demarcation. If Berrio had indeed been in Trinidad 
 when Whiddon came, and strong enough to act in the way described, he 
 would have stood on no terms with a " pirata Ingles". The truth, what- 
 ever it was, had been arranged by Raleigh to produce prejudice, just as 
 he romanced about the climate and the eloquent Indian chiefs. 
 29 
 
450 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 Some Minor Points 
 
 After the return from Guiana, Raleigh returned to his service about the 
 court, and to employment on missions of minor importance. His life in 
 these years was a pale copy of the time of his glory. A general incredu- 
 lity was shown to his glowing picture of Guiana, and he found no 
 response to his appeal for recruits to share in the search for El Dorado. 
 Such favour as he secured was given less to his own merits, than for his 
 known rivalry with Essex, who was now plunging to ruin. Between the 
 two men there were alternations of reconciliation and quarrel. There 
 could, however, be no doubt as to the side on which Raleigh would be 
 found. The bitter popular hatred loudly avowed for him at the end of 
 the queen's reign was due at least as much to his known enmity to the 
 earl as to his supposed atheism and his arrogance. In 1600 he was 
 shot at by one Christopher Blunt — perhaps the stepfather of Essex — a 
 very worthless person. In 1602 his fellow-adventurer beyond the line, 
 the gallant Amyas Preston, challenged him to a duel, and Raleigh 
 arranged his affairs in expectation of a serious encounter, but they did 
 not meet. Preston was a fervent partisan of Essex, and singled out 
 Raleigh as his patron's peculiar enemy. The earl was to be trusted to 
 ruin himself with little help from foes, but there is in existence a letter in 
 which Raleigh urges Robert Cecil, somewhat superfluously, and not 
 magnanimously, to show no mercy. In 1602 he was embarrassed for 
 money. He began to negotiate for the sale of his Irish lands to Richard 
 Boyle. He also, on his own showing, undertook to act as broker for the 
 good-for-nothing Cobham, and received jewels from him as security for 
 the fees to be paid for services in obtaining a grant from the Crown. 
 
 The Last Voyage 
 
 A good deal of evidence has come to light since Southey wrote, and 
 we are no longer under the necessity of saying that Raleigh's real inten- 
 tions at this time (to wit when he sailed on his last voyage) must ever 
 be matter of uncertainty. There can I think be no question that what 
 he meant to do was first to secure his release from the Tower by promising 
 to bring the necessitous king a vast mass of gold from Guiana without 
 embroiling him in a quarrel with Spain. Secondly, to collect an armament 
 and make a bold push for fortune beyond the line, by plundering the 
 Spaniards ; thirdly, to provide himself with a refuge in France when the 
 booty was secured, and it might have been dangerous to return ho^ne. 
 We know that while he was assuring the king that he would sail peace- 
 fully to a mine not in Spanish territory, avoid all hostility, and come 
 quietly back, he was treating with Savoy concerning an attack on 
 Genoa, and when this scheme fell through, that he entered into cor- 
 respondence with the French ambassador in order to provide a refuge 
 in France. After the failure at San Tomas, he proposed a filibustering 
 voyage to his captains and men. They refused on the very reasonable 
 grounds that if they succeeded in capturing the Spanish treasure-ships, 
 which was doubtful, they would be hanged as pirates on reaching 
 home. To take refuge in a French port might suit Raleigh, for whom 
 the alternative was the Tower and the scaffold, but for them it would 
 mean at the best beggary and exile. 
 
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Fiction 
 
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 Edited by SI DNEY LEE. In Sixpenny I 'olumes. 
 Messrs. Methuen are preparing a new series of reprints containing both books of classical 
 repiite, which are accessible in various forms, and also some rarer books, of which no satisfactory 
 edition at a moderate price is in existence. It is their ambition to place the best books of all 
 nations, and particularly of the An^lo-Saxon race, within the reach of every reader. All the 
 great masters of Poetry, Drama, Fiction, History, Biography, and Philosophy will be repre- 
 sented. Mr. Sidney Lee will be the General Editor of the Library, and he will contribute a 
 Note to each book. 
 
 The characteristics of Methuen's Universal Library are five : — 
 
 1. Soundness ok Text. A pure and unabridged text is the primary object of the series, 
 and the books will be carefully reprinted under the direction of competent scholars from the 
 best editions. In a series intended for popular use not less than for students, adherence to the 
 old spelling would in many cases leave the matter unintelligible to ordinary readers, and, as the 
 appeal of a classic is universal, the spelling has in general been modernised. 
 
 2. Completeness. Where it seems advisable, the complete works of such masters as Milton, 
 Bacon, Ben Jonson and Sir Thomas Browne will be given. These will be issued in separate 
 volumes, so that the reader who does not desire all the works of an author will have the oppor- 
 tunity of acquiring a single masterpiece. 
 
 3. Cheapness.^ The books will be well printed on good paper at a price which on the whole 
 is without parallel in the history ofpublishing. Each volume will contain from 100 to 350 pages, 
 and will be issued in paper covers. Crown 8vo, at Sixpence net. 
 
 4. Clearness OF Type. _ The type will be .a very legible one. 
 
 5. Simplicity. There will be no editorial matter except a .short biographical and biblio* 
 graphical note by Mr. Sidney Lee at the beginning of each volume. 
 
 where it is possible, each separate book will 1^ issued in one volume, but the longer ones 
 must be divided into several volumes. The volumes may also be obtained in cloth at One 
 Shilling net, and where a single book is issued in several Sixpenny volumes it may be obtained 
 in cloth in a double or treble volume. Thus Gil Blas m.iy be bought in two Sixpenny 
 volumes, or in one cloth volume at is. 6d, net, and Shakespearh will be given in ten Sixpenny 
 volumes, or in five cloth voluines,at is. 6d. each. 
 
 The Library will be issued at regular intervals after the publication of the first six books, all 
 of which will be published together. Due notice will be given of succeeding issues. The order 
 of publication will be arranged to give as much variety of subject as possible, and the volumes 
 composing the complete works of an author will be issued at convenient intervals. 
 
 The early Books are in the Press. 
 
40 
 
 Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue 
 
 Novelist, The 
 
 Messrs. Methuen are issuing under the above general title a Monthly Series 
 of Novels by popular authors at the price of Sixpence. Each number is as long as 
 the average Six Shilling Novel. The first numbers of 'The Novelist' are as 
 follows : — 
 
 1. Dead Men Tell no Tales. By E. w. 
 
 Hornung'. 
 
 2. Jennie Baxter, Journalist. By Robert Barr. 
 
 3. The INCA'S Treasure. By Ernest Glanville. 
 
 4. A Son of the State. By W. Pett Ridge. 
 
 5. FURZE Bloom. By S. Barinjj-Gould. 
 
 6. Bunter's Cruise. By C. Gleig. 
 
 7. The Gay Deceivers. By Arthur Moore. 
 
 8. Prisoners OF War. By a. Boyson Weekes. 
 
 9. A Flash of Summer. By Mrs. W. K. Clifford. 
 
 10. Veldt and Laager ; Tales of the Transvaal. 
 
 By E. S. Valentine, 
 
 11. THE Nigger Knights. By F. Norreys Connel. 
 
 12. A Marriage at Sea. By W. Clark Russell. 
 
 13. The Pomp of the Lavilettes. By 
 
 Gilbert Parker. 
 
 14. A Man of Mark. By Anthony Hope. 
 
 15. The Carissima. By Lucas Malet. 
 
 16. The Lady's Walk. By Mrs. Oliphant. 
 
 17. Derrick Vaughan. By Kdna Lyall. 
 
 18. In the Midst of Alarms. By Robert Barr. 
 
 19. His Grace. By W. li. Norris. 
 
 20. Dodo. By E. F. Benson. 
 
 21. cheap Jack Zita. By S. Baring-Gould. 
 
 22. When Valmond came to Pontiac. By 
 
 Gilbert Parker. 
 
 23. The Human Boy. By Eden Phillpotts. 
 
 24. The Chronicles of Count Antonio. By 
 
 Anthony Hope. 
 23. By Stroke of Sword. By Andrew Balfour. 
 
 26. Kitty Alone. By S. Baring-Gould. 
 
 27. Giles INGILBY. By W. E. Norris. 
 
 28. URITH. By S. Baringr-Gould. 
 
 29. The Town Traveller. By George Gissing. 
 
 30. MR. Smith. By Mrs. Walford. 
 
 31. A Change of Air. By Anthony Hope. 
 
 32. The Kloof Bride. By Ernest Glanville, 
 
 39. 
 
 Angel. By B. M. Croke 
 
 A Counsel of Perfection. By Lucas Malet. 
 
 The Baby's Grandmother. By Mrs. Walford. 
 
 The Countess Tekla. By Robert Barr. 
 
 Drift. By L. T. Meade. 
 
 The Master of Beechwood. By Adeline 
 
 Sergeant. 
 Clementina. By A. E. "W. Mason. 
 
 40. The Alien. By F. F. Montresor. 
 
 41. The Broom Squire. By S. Baring-Gould. 
 
 42. HONEY. By Helen Mathers. 
 
 43. THE FOOTSTEPS OF A THRONE. By Max 
 
 Pemberton. 
 
 44. Round the red Lamp. By A. Conan Doyle. 
 
 45. Lost Property. By W. Pett Ridge. 
 
 46. The Twickenham Peerage. By Richard 
 
 Marsh. 
 
 47. Holy Matrimony. By Dorothea Gerard. 
 
 48. THE Sign of the spider. By Bertram 
 
 Mitford. 
 
 49. The Red House. By E. Nesblt. 
 
 so. The Hole in the Wall. By A. Morrison. 
 
 51. A Roman Mystery. By Richard Bagot. 
 
 52. The Credit of the County. By w. E. 
 
 Norris. 
 
 53. A Moment's Error. By A. W. Marchant. 
 
 54. Phroso. By Anthony Hope. 
 
 55. I CROWN THEE KING. By Max Pemberton. 
 
 56. Johanna. By B. M. Croker. 
 
 57. BARBARA'S Money. By Adeline Sergeant. 
 
 58. A NEWSPAPER GIRL. By Mrs. C. N. Williamson. 
 
 59. THE Goddess. By Richard Marsh. 
 
 60. Mrs. Peter Howard By M. E. Mann. 
 
 Sixpenny Library 
 
 By Major-General 
 By Major-General 
 
 The matabele Campaign. 
 
 Baden-Powell. 
 
 The Downfall of Prempeh. 
 Baden-Powell. 
 
 My Danish Sweetheart. By W. Clark Russell. 
 
 In the roar of the Sea. By S. Baring- 
 Gould. 
 
 Peggy of the Bartons. By B. M. Croker. 
 
 The Green Graves of Balgowrie. By Jane 
 H. Findlater. 
 
 The Stolen Bacillus. By H. G. Wells. 
 
 Matthew Austin. By w. E. Norris. 
 
 The Conquest of London. By Dorothea Gerard. 
 
 A Voyage of Consolation By Sara J. Duncan. 
 
 The Mutable Many. By Robert Barr. 
 
 Ben Hur. By General Lew Wallace. 
 
 Sir Robert's Fortune. By Mrs. Oliphant. 
 
 The Fair God. By General Lew Wallace. 
 
 Clarissa Furiosa. By W. E. Norris. 
 
 Cranford. By Mrs.Gaskell. 
 
 NOEMI. By S. Baring-Gould. 
 
 The throne of David. By J. H. Ingraham. 
 
 Across the Salt Seas. By J. Bloundelle 
 
 Burton. 
 The Mill on the Floss. By George Eliot. 
 Peter Simple. By Captain Marryat. 
 
 Mary Barton. By Mrs. Gaskell. 
 
 Pride and prejudice. By Jane Austen. 
 
 NORTH and South. By Mrs. Gaskell. 
 
 JACOB Faithful. By Captain Marryat. 
 
 Shirley. By Charlotte Bronte- 
 
 Fairy Tales Re-Told. By S. Baring Gould. 
 
 the True History of Joshua Davidson. By 
 
 Airs. Lynn Linton. 
 A State Secret. By ]1 M Croker. 
 Sam's Sweetheart. By Helen Mathers. 
 Handley Cross. By R. S. Surtees. 
 Anne Mauleverer. By Mrs. Caffyn. 
 The Adventurers. By H. B. Marriott Watson. 
 Dante's Divine Comedy. Translated by H. F. 
 
 Gary. 
 The Cedar Star. By M. E. Mann. 
 Master of Men. By E. P. Oppenheim. 
 The Trail of the Sword. By Gilbert Parker. 
 Those Delightful Americans. By Mrs. Cotes. 
 Mr. Sponge's Sporting tour. By R. s. Surtees. 
 Ask Mamma. By R. S. Surtees. 
 Grimm's Fairy Stories. Illustrated by George 
 
 Cruikshank. 
 George and the General. By W. Pett Ridge. 
 The Joss. By Richard Marsh. 
 Miser Hoadley's Secret, By A. W. Marchmont. 
 
THE ABERDEEN LNIVERSITY PRESS LIMITED 
 
THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
 STAMPED BELOW 
 
 AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS 
 
 WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RPTURN 
 THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY 
 WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH 
 DAY AND TO $1.00 ON THE SEVENTH DAY 
 OVERDUE. 
 
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