n 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 The Firft Part 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 REFORMATION
 
 . Whitehall, Adaj 23. 1^79. 
 
 THis Book, entituled [Tfe Ui^orj of the Re- 
 formation of the Church of E NG LAND] 
 having been per u fed and approved by Per- 
 fons of eminent Quality, and feveral Divines 
 of great Piety and Learning, who have re- 
 commended it as a Work very fit to be made 
 publick, as well for the Ulefulnefs of the 
 Matter, as for the Induftry and Integrity the 
 Author hath ufed in compiling of it^ the Ho- 
 nourable Mr. Secretary Coventry doth there- 
 fore allow it to be Printed and Publifhed. 
 
 JO. COOKE,
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF T H F 
 
 REFORMATION 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Church of England. 
 
 IN TWO PARTS. 
 
 Clie jfitft ^att 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Progrefs made in it during the Reign 
 
 K. Henry the VIII* 
 
 By G ILBERT BUKNET, D. D. 
 
 Now Lord Bifhop o^ S A^IiV M. 
 
 The Fourth Edition, with Additions, Alterations, and 
 Amendments ; communicated to the Author by feveral Hands. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for /• Walthoe and B. Tooke, in Fleetjlreet 5 /• ^/* 
 choljon^ in Little-Britain j P. Midwinter and B. Cowfe, 
 in Sc. Paul's Church-yard. MDCCXV.
 
 f^
 
 TO THE 
 
 A) 
 
 K I N G 
 
 5 7R, 
 
 H E firft ftep that was made in the 
 Reformation of this Church, was the 
 reftoring to Your Royal Anceftors 
 the Rights of the Crown, and an en- 
 tire Dominion over all their Subje6ts ^ 
 of which they had been difleifed by the craft and 
 violence of an unjuft Pretender : to whom the 
 Clergy, though your Majefties Progenitors had en- 
 riched them, by a Bounty no lefs profufe than \\U 
 managed, did not only adhere, but drew with them 
 the Laity, over whofe Conlciences they had gain- 
 ed fo abfolute an Authority, that our Kings were 
 to expe6t np Obedience from their People, but 
 what the Popes were pleafed to allow. 
 
 It is true, the Nobler part of the Nation did fre- 
 quently in Parliament, aflert the Regal Prerogatives 
 againft thofe Papal invafions ^ yet thele were but 
 faint endeavours j for an ill-executed Law is but an 
 unequal match to a Principle itrongly infufed into 
 the Confciences of the People. 
 
 But how different was this from the teaching of 
 Chrift and his Apoltles ? They forbad men to ule all 
 thole Arts by which the Papacy grew upand yetfub- 
 
 fifts : 
 
 .i^y
 
 Tbe Epiftle Dedicatoij. 
 
 fifts; They exhorted them to obey Magiftrates, 
 when they knew it would -coll th^m their Lives; 
 They were for letting dp a Kingdom, not of this 
 World, nor to be attained, but by a holy and peace- 
 able Religion. If this might every where take place, 
 Frinces would find Government both ealie and fe- 
 cure : It would raife in their Subjects the truefl 
 Courage,and unite them with thefirmeft Charity: Ic 
 w^oulddravv from them Obedience to the Laws, and 
 Reverence to the Perfons of their Kings. If the 
 Standards of Juftice and Charity, which the Golpel 
 gives, of doing as we would be done by, and lov- 
 ing our Neighbours as our (elves, were made the 
 meafures of Men's Aftions, how ftcadily would 
 Societies be governed, and how exadly would 
 Princes be obeyed. 
 
 The delig;n of the Ke formation, was to reflore 
 Chriftianity to what it was at firft, and to purge it 
 of thofe Corruptions, with which it was over»run in 
 the latter and darker Ages. 
 ' Great Sir, This Work was carried on by a flow 
 and unfteady Progrefs under King Henry the VIII. 
 it advanced in a fuller and freer courfe under the 
 ihort, but blelled Reign of King £^n?^r//j was Seal- 
 ed with the Blood of many Martyrs under Queen 
 Mar J i was brought to a full Settlement in the hap- 
 py and glorious days of Queen Eli^nktb ; was de- 
 fended by the Learned Pen of King James ^ but the 
 edabliilied frame of it, under which it had fo long 
 flourilhed, was overthrown w ith your Majellies blel- 
 Icd tather, who fell with it, and honoured it by 
 its unexempled Suffering for it -, and was again re- 
 itored to its former beauty and order, by Your I 
 Majefties happy Return. 
 
 What
 
 iChe Epifile Hedicatorj. 
 
 What remains to compleat and perpetuate this 
 Bleiling, the compofingofour differences at home, 
 the ertablifliing a cloler Corrclpondence with the 
 Reformed Churches abroad, the recuri.ng us from 
 the reftlefs and wicked Practices of that Party, who 
 hoped fo lately to have been at the end of their 
 Defigns i and that which can only entitle us to a 
 Bleiling from God, the Reforming of our Manners 
 and Lives, as our Anceftors did our Dodrine and 
 Worflhip i all this is referved for Your Majefty, that 
 it may appear, that Your Royal Title of Detender 
 of the Faith is no empty bound, but the real 
 Strength and Glory of Your Crown. 
 
 For attaining thefe endsjt will be of great ufe to 
 trace the fteps of our firft Reformers ^ for if the 
 Land-marks they let be obferved, we can hardly 
 go out of the way. This was my chief defign in 
 the following Sheets, which I now moft humbly 
 offer to Your Majefty, hoping that as You were 
 gracioufly pleafed to command that I fhould have 
 free accefs to all Records for compofing them, fo 
 You will not deny Your Royal Patronage to the 
 Hiftory of that Work, which God grant Your Ma- 
 jefty may live to raife to its Perfefhion, and to 
 compleat in Your Reign the Glory of all Your 
 Titles. This is a part of the moft earneft as well as 
 the daily Prayers of, 
 
 May it pleafe Xour Sdcred Majeftj, 
 Your Majefty 's moft Loyal, 
 mofl Faithful, and moft 
 
 Devoted Subje<5t and Servant, 
 
 G, BURNEZ
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF THIS 
 
 O L U M 
 
 A 
 
 B O O K I. 
 
 Summar) Vievp of Kjng Henry the Eighth's Reign, till the Pro- 
 cefs of his Divorce was begun, in which the i>tate of England, 
 chiefly as it related to Religion, is opened. Page i 
 
 B O O K 11. 
 
 Of the Procefs of Divorce between Kjng Henry and Q^een Katharine, 
 and of what faffed from the JSIineteenth to the Twenty fifth Tear of 
 his Reign^ in which he was declared Supreme Head of the Church 
 of England. Page 3 } 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Of the other Tranf anions about Religion and Reformation ; during the 
 refl of the Reign of Kjng Henry the 8 th. Page 171 
 
 COLLECTION of RECORDS, is^c. 
 
 Ad Librum Primum. Page 3 
 
 Ad Librum Secundum. Page 9 
 
 Ad Librum Tertium. Page 12 j 
 
 An APP E NDIX concerning the Errors and Falfhoods in Sanders's 
 Book of the Englifh Schifm. Page 155 
 
 ADDENDA, Page 28J 
 
 THE
 
 THE 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Here if tiofurt of Hijlory better recelvd than the Ac- 
 count of great Changes^ and Revolutions of States 
 and Governments, in which the Variety ofitnloohed- 
 for Accidents and Events, both entertains the 
 Reader, and improves him. 
 
 Of all Changes, thofe in Religion that have been 
 fudden and fynal, are inquired into by the mofl 
 fe arching Curiojity : where the Salvation of Souls be- 
 ing concern d, the better fort are much ajfecJed • and the Credit, Honour and 
 Inter eft of Churches and Parties draw in thofe, who though they do not much 
 care for the Religious Part, yet make noife about it to ferve other ends. The 
 Changes that were made in Religion in the la/i Century have produced fuch 
 Ejje&s every where^ that it is no wonder if all Perfins dcfre to feed dear ac-- 
 count ofthefeveraljieps in which they advanced^ of the Counfels that dire&ed 
 them, and the Motives both Religious and Political that inclined Men of 
 all Conditions to concur in them. Germany produceth a Sleidan, France a 
 Thuanus, and Italy a Friar Paul, who have given the World as full Sa' 
 iisfa^ioi! in what was done beyond Sea as they could defire. And though 
 the two laji lived and died in the Communion of the Church <7/Rome, yet 
 they have delivered things to Pojierity, with fo much Candour, and Even- 
 nefs, that their Authority is difputed by none but thofe of their own Party, 
 But while Foreign Churches have fuch Hijiorians, ours at home have not 
 had the like good Fortune : for whether it was, that the Reformers at firff, 
 prefumed fo far on their Legal and calm Proceedings, on the continued Sue- 
 cejfion of their Cl&gy, the Authority of the Law, and the Prote^ion of the 
 Frince, that they judged it needlefs to write an Hifiory^ and therefore em- 
 ployed their bejiPens^ rather tojujiifie what they did, than to deliver how 
 it was done:, or whether by ameer f/egleCl the thing was omitted, we can- 
 not determine. True it is, that it was not done to any degree of Exacl- 
 nefs, when matters were fo frefh in Mens Memories, that things might have 
 been opined with greater Advantages, and vouched by better Authorityy 
 than it is to be expeSed at this difiance. 
 
 Lhej were foon after much provok'd by Sanders "f Hijlory, which he pub- 
 lifljed to the World in Latin : yet either defpifing a Writer, who didfo im- 
 pudently deliver Falfloood, that from his own Book many of them may be dif- 
 proved, or expe^ing a Command from Authority, they did not then fet a- 
 bout it ^ the befi Account I can give of their Silence is, that mofi of San- 
 ders'/ Calumnies being levelled at ^een Elizabeth, whofe Birth and Parenti 
 he defigned chiefly to difgrace, it was thought too tender a Point by her Wife 
 Counfellors to be much enquired into: it gave too great Credit to his Lies, td 
 anfwer thcm-^ an Anwfer would draw forth a Reply, by which thofe Calumnies 
 wouldfiill be kept alive ^ and therefore it was not without good reafon thought 
 
 (^) better
 
 THE I'RfctACt. 
 
 better to let them lie unanfwered and defpifed. From whence it is come that 
 in this Age that Author is in fuch Credit, that vorv he is quoted with much 
 Ajjiirance : mojl of all the \ Vriters in the Church of ^omz rely on his Teftimo- 
 ny as a good Authority. The Colle&ors of the General Hijiory of that Age, 
 follow his thread clofel),fome of them tranfcribe his very Words. One Pollini 
 a Dominican, pitblijljcd an Hijiory of the Changes that were made in England, 
 in Italian, at Rome, Anno l 594. which hefiould more ingenmujly have tai- 
 led a TranJIation, or Par aphrafe of SindQTSs Hijiory: andof late more can- 
 didly^ but no lefs malrcioiijly, one of the bejl Pens of France has been employ- 
 ed to tranjlate him into their Language^ which has created fuch prejudices in 
 the Minds of many there, that our Reformation, which generally was moremo- 
 dejlly fpoken of, even by thofe who wrote againji it, is now look'd on by fuch as 
 read Sanders, and believe him, as one of the fouleji things that ever was. 
 
 Fox for all his Voluminous Work, had but few things in his Eye when he 
 made his CoUe^Hion, and dcfgned only to difcover the Corruptions and Cru- 
 elties of the Roman Clergy, and the Sufferings and Confiancy of the Refor- 
 mers. But his Work was written in hafie, apd there are fo many defe&s in it, 
 that it can by no means be called a Compleat Hijiory ofthefe times 5 though I 
 muji add, that having compared his Ads and Monuments with the Records^ 
 I^have never been able to difcover any Errors or Prevarications in them, but 
 the utmoji Fidelity and F^xacinefs. Parker, Archbifiop <?/ Canterbury, de- 
 figned only in his account of the Britifb Antiquities, todojufiicc and honour 
 to his See, and fo gives us barely the Life (j/Cranmer, with feme few and 
 general hints of what he did. Hall was but a fuperjicial Writer, and was 
 more, careful to get full Informations of the Cloaths that were worn at the 
 Interviews of Princes, Jujis, Tournaments, and great Solemnities, than a- 
 bout the Cou?ifels, or feiret Tranfa^ions of the time he lived in. Holing- 
 fhead, Speed, and Stow, give hare relations of things that were Publicky 
 and commit many Faults. Upon their fcent mojl of our later Writers have 
 gone, and have only colle^ed and repeated what they wrote. 
 
 The Lord Wexhtxt judged it unworthy of him to trifle as others had done, 
 and therefore made a more narrow fearch into Records and Original lepers, 
 than all that had gone before him ; and with great Fidelity and Indujlry, 
 has given us the Hifiory of King Henry the Eighth. But in the Tranfa^ions 
 that concern Religion, he divells not fo long as the flatter required, leaving 
 thofe to Men of another Profejfien, and judging it perhaps not fo proper 
 for one of his Condition to purfue a full and accurate Dedutlion of thofe 
 Matters. 
 
 Since he wrote, two have ttndertaken the Ecclcftdflical Hifiory, Fuller 
 and Heylin. The former got into his hands fome few Papers, that were not 
 feen before he publifljed them 5 but being a Man of Fancy, and affe&ing an 
 odd way of writing, his Work gives no great Satisfu&ion. But Do&or Hey^- 
 lin wrote fmoothly and handfomly, his Method and Stile are good, and his 
 Work was generally more read than any thing that had appeared before him: 
 but either he was very ill informed, or very much led by his PaJJions:^ and 
 being wrought on by mofi violent" Prejudices againji fome that were concern- 
 ed in that time, delivers many things in fuch a manner, and fo/lrangely, 
 that one would think he had been fecretly fet on to it by thofe of the Church 
 of Rome, though J doubt not he was a fncere Proteflant, hut violent- 
 ly carried away by fome particular Conceits, In one thing he is not to he 
 excufed. That he never vouched any Authority for what he Writ, whii h is 
 
 not
 
 THE PREFACE. 
 
 not to be forgiven any who write ofTranfaSions beyond their own time, and 
 ■ deliver new things not known before. So that upon what Grounds he wrote 
 a great deal of his Booh we can «>ily Conje&Kre, and many in thei;- guefjes are 
 not apt to be very favourable to hint. 
 
 Things being delivered to ns withfo much alloy and uncertainty, thafe of 
 the Church of Rome do conjtdently difparagc our Reformation. The Jhort 
 Hijiory of it, as it is put in their Mouths, being. That it was begun by the 
 Lujis and Pajjtons of ICing Henry the Eighth, carried on by the Ravenouf 
 vefs of the Duke of Somerfet, under Edward /Ae Sixth, and confirmed 
 by the Policy of ^ueen Elizabeth and her Council to fecure her Title. Thefe 
 things being generally talked and fpread abroad in Foreign Parts, efpecial- 
 ly in France, by the new Tranjlation of Sanders, and not being yet fuff~ 
 ciently cleared, many have defired to fee a fuller and better account of thofe 
 TranfaUions than has yet been given ^ fo the thing being neceffary, I was 
 the more encouraged to fct about it by fame Perfons of great Worth and 
 Eminence, who thought I had muih Leifure and other good Opportunities to 
 go through with it, and wi/Jjed me to undertake it. The Perfon that did 
 engage me chiefly to this IVc'rk, was on many accounts mu.h fitter to haveun- 
 dertaken it himfelf, being the moft indefatigable in hislndufiry, and the moji 
 Judicious in his Obfervations, of any I knew, and is one of the great eji 
 Majlers of Stile now living. But being engaged in the Service of the 
 Churchy in a Station that afords him very little Leifure, he fet me on to 
 it, and furnifljed me with a curious Colle&ion of his own Obfervations, 
 And in fome fort this Work may be accounted his, for he corre&ed it with 
 a Critical Exa^nefs i, fo that the Jirji Materials, and the laji finiflnng of 
 it, are from him. But after all this I lie under fuch rejlraints from hit 
 Modejiy, that I am not allowed to publiJJj his Name. 
 
 I had two Obje&ions to it, be/ides the knowledge of my own unfit nefs for 
 fu h a Work. One was my TJnacquaintednefs with the haws and Cujioms ofthif 
 Nation, not being born in it : the ether was the Expence, thatfuch afearch 
 as was neceffary, required, which was not eafte for me to bear. My acquain- 
 tance with the mojl ingenious Mafier William Petyt, Counfellor of the In- 
 ner Temple, cleared one Dificulty, he offering me his AJfiJiance and DireSi- 
 on, without which I mujl have committed great Faults. But I muji acknow- 
 ledge my felf highly obliged by the favour and bounty of the Honourable Ma- 
 jier of the Rolls, Sir Harebortle Grimftone, ofvchofe Worth and Goodnefs 
 to me I mufi make a large Digrejjion, if I would undertake to fay all that the 
 Subject will bear : The whole Nation expreffcd their value of him, upon the 
 moji Signal Occafion, when they made him their Mouth and Speaker in that 
 Bleffed Affembly which called home their K-ing, after which real Evidence all 
 little Commendations may be well forborn. The Obligations he has laid on 
 me are fuch, that as the Gratitude and Service of my whole Life, is the only 
 equal return I can make for them :y fo as a fmallTribut el judge my felf obliged 
 to makt my a-knowledgments in this manner, for the leifure I enjoy under 
 his Prote&ion, and the Snpp:)rt I receive fi-om him'.^ and if this Work dees 
 the World atty Service, the befl part of the Thanks is due to him. that ftr- 
 niflyed me with particular Opportunities of carrying it on. Nor mujl I conceal 
 the Noblenefs of that Renowned Promoter of Learning Mr. Boyle, who 
 contributed liberally to the Expence this Work put me to. 
 
 Upon thefe Encouragements I fet about it, and began with the Search of all 
 Publiik Records and Offices, the Parliament and Treaty-Rolls, with all the 
 
 Patent-
 
 THE PREFACE. 
 
 Patent- Rolls, and the Regijiers of the Sees fl/Cantcrbury aud London, a'frd 
 of the Augmentation-Office. Then I laid out fir all the MSS. I could hea^ 
 of, atid found things beyond my Expe3attonin the fumous Cotton Library^ 
 where there is fuch a CoUeciion of Original Papers relating to thefe times, as 
 perhaps the World can fherc nothing like it. I had alfo the favour offome 
 MSS. of great Value, both from the Famous and Eminently Learned Do- 
 Hor Stillingfleet, who gave me great Affijlance m this Work, and front 
 Mr.Petyt end others. When I had look'd thefe over, I then ufedall the En- 
 deavours I could, to gather together the Books that were printed in thofe 
 Days, from which I not only got confiderable hints of matters of FaS, but 
 (that which I chiefly look d for} the Arguments upon which they managed 
 the Controverfies then on Foot, of which I thought it was the part of an Ec- 
 cle/iajiical Hi/lorian to give an Account, as I could ret over them^ that it may 
 appear upon ivhat Motives and Grounds they proceeded. 
 
 The three chief Periods of Henry the Eighth his Reign, in which Reli- 
 gion is concerned, are, Firfi. from the beginning of his Reign, till the Pro- 
 cefs of his Divorce with ^ucen Katherine commenced. The Second is front 
 that, till his total breaking off from Rome, and fet ting up his Supremacy 
 over all Caufes and Perfons. The Third is from that, to his Death. 
 
 When I fjrfl fet about this Work, I intended to have carried on the Hi- 
 jlory of the Reformation to the Reign <)/,^«ce» Elizabeth, in which it was 
 finijked and fully fettled ^ but I was forced to change that Refolution. The chief 
 reafon, among many others, was, that I have not yet been able to difcover 
 fuch full Informations of what paffed under the furceeding Reigns as were 
 necejjary for a Hijiory:, and though I have fearched the piblick Regijiers of 
 that time, yet I amjiill in the Dark my felfin many particftlars. Tha made 
 me refolve on publiflitng this Volume firfl^ hopiNg that thofe in whofe hands 
 any Manufcripts er Papers of that time, ivill from what is now perfnrmedf 
 he encouraged to communicate them : or if any have made a confiderable Pro- 
 grefs in thofe CoUe&ions, I fl^all be far from envying them the Honour of 
 fitch a Work, in which it had been inexcufable Vanity in me to have medled, 
 if the deftres of others, who have great i'ower over me, had not prevailed 
 with me to fet about it, and therefore, though I have made a good Advance 
 in the following part of the Work, I f Jail mo(i willingly refign it up to any 
 who will undertake it, and they fhall have the free ufeof all my Papers. But 
 if none will fet about it, who yet can furnifl: Materials towards it, I hope 
 their zeal for carrying on fo defired a Work, will engage them to give all 
 the help to it that is in their Fower. 
 
 There is only one Paffage belonging to the next Volume, which I fnall 
 take notice of here, fmcefrom it I mufl plead my Exctife for fcveral Defe&s^ 
 which may feem to be in this Work. In the fear ch I made of the Rolls and 
 other Offi es, I wondred much to mif feveral Commijfions, Patents, and o- 
 ther Writings, which by clear Evidence I knew were granted, and yet none 
 of them appeared on Record. This I c ould not impute to any thing but the 
 Ofj/ijfion of the Clerks, who failed in the enrolling thofe Commijfions, though 
 it was not likely that matters of fo high Concernment fliould have becnneg- 
 leUed, cfpecially in fuch a critical Time, and under fo fevere a King. But 
 as I continued down my fearch to the Fourth Tear of^eenMzvy, I found 
 in the twelfth Roll of that Tear, a Commijfion, which cleared all my former 
 Doubts, and by which I faw what was become of the things I had fo anxi- 
 cujly fearched after. We have heard of the Expurgation of Books praSi- 
 
 fed
 
 THE PREFACE. 
 
 Jed In the Church o/R-Ome, but it Kjight have been imagitied, that pttblick 
 Regifiers and Records tvould have beenfafe^ yet leaji thefe fl^onld have been 
 afterwards ConfeJJors, it was refolved they jhoidd then be Martyrs \ for o». 
 the 7i^th d/December, in the \th Tear of her Reign, a Cornmiijion was ij- 
 fued out under the Great Seal to Bonner Bip:op tf/ London, Cole Dean ef 
 St. Pauls, and Martine a Do&or of the Civil Law, which is of that lr»por- 
 tance, that IfjuU here i;;fert the material words of it : Whereas it is come 
 to our Knowledge, that in the time of the late Schifm divers Compts, 
 Books, Scrolls, Inftruments, and other Writings were praftifed, devifed, 
 and made, concerning Profeffions againft the Popes Holinefs, and the 
 See Apoftolick, and alfo fundry infamous Scrutinies taken in Abbeys and 
 other Religious Houfes, tending rather to fubvert and overthrow all 
 good Religion and Religious Houfes, than for any truth contained 
 therein : Which being in the Cuftody of divers Regifters, and we in- 
 tending to have thofe Writings brought to knowledge, whereby they 
 may be confidered and ordered according to our Will and Pleafure^ 
 thereupon, thofe three, or any two of them are impowered to cite any Per- 
 fons before them, and examine them upon the Premiffes upon Oath, 
 and to bring all fuch Writings before them, and certifie their Diligence 
 about it to Cardinal Pool, that Turther order might be given about 
 them. 
 
 When Ifaw this, Ifoon knew which way fo many Writings had gone : And 
 as I could not but wonder at their boldnefs, who thus prefumed to razefo ma- 
 ny Records ^ fo their ingenuity in leaving this Commijfion in the Rolls, by 
 which any who had the Curiofity tofearch for it, might befatisfied how the o- 
 therCo/f/mijJions were defiroyed, wasmu.h to be commended. Tet in thefol' 
 lowing Work, it will appear that fome few Papers efcaped their Hands. 
 
 I know it is needlefs to make great Prolejiafions of my Sincerity in this 
 Work. Thefe are cf courfe, and are little confidered, but I Jhalltake a more 
 effectual way to be believed, for 1 fhall vouch my Warrants for what I fay^ 
 and tell where they are to be found. And having copied out of Records and 
 MSS. many Papers of great Importance^ Ijliall not only infert the fubjlance 
 of them in the follomng Work, but at the end of it pall give a Collection 
 cf them at their fitB Length, and in the Language in which they were ori- 
 ginally Written : From which as the Reader will receive full Evidence of 
 the Truth of this Hijiory j fo he will not be ill plea fed, toobferve the Genius 
 and way of the Great Men in that Time^ of which he will be better able to 
 judge, by feeing their Letters, and other Papers, than by any Reprefent ation 
 made of them at fecond Hand. They are digefied into that Order, in which 
 they are referred to it in the Hijiory. 
 
 It will furprife fome to fee a Book of this Eigne fs, written of the Hifiorj 
 of our Reformation, under the Reign of King Henry the Eighth : Since the 
 true beginnings of it, are to be reckoned from the Reign of King Edward the 
 6th in which the Articles of our Church, and the Forms of our Worjliip, 
 werefirji compiled and fet forth by Authority. And indeed in King Henry'x 
 Time the Reformation was rather conceived than brought forth, and two Par- 
 ties were in the laji 1 8 Tears of his Reign firtiglmg in the Womb, having 
 now and then Advantages on either fide, as the unconflant Humour of that 
 King changed, and as his Interejis, and often as his Pajfions fwayed him. 
 Cardinal Wolfey hadfo dijfolved his mind into Pleafures, and puffed hint 
 up with Flattery and fervile Compliances, that it was not an eafie thing to 
 ferve him-^ for being boijhous and impatient naturally, which was much 
 
 \c^ keightned
 
 THh PRhFACK 
 
 heighttied by his ntoji extravagant Vanity^ and h'gh coficeit of his orvn 
 Learning and Wifdom, he was one of the mojl uncoHnfellabU Perfons in 
 the World. 
 
 The Booh which he rvrote, had engaged hint deep in thefe Controverfies^ 
 and by perpetual flatteries, he was brought to fancy it was written with fome 
 degrees of Infpiration. And Luther in his Anfwer had treated himfo un- 
 mannerly, thafiit was only the Necejfity of his Affairs^ that forced him to 
 any Correfpondence with that Party in Germany. 
 
 And though Cranmer and Cromwell improved every Advantage, that 
 either the King's Temper, or his A fairs offered them, as much as cottld be j 
 yet they were to be pitied, having to do with a I rince, who upon the jlightefl 
 Pretences threw down thofe whom he had moft advanced ; which Cromwel 
 felt feverely, and Cranmer was fometimes near it. 
 
 The Faults of this Ki;;g being fo Confpii uous, and the feverity of his Pro- 
 ceedings fo H)7Juflifiable, particularly that heinous Violation of the ntoji fa- 
 cred Rules ofjujlice and Government, in condemning Men without bring- 
 ing them to make their Anfwers ^ mojl of our Writers have feparated the 
 Concerns of this Church from his Reign : And imagining that all he 
 did, was founded only on his Revenge upon the Court of Kome, for deny- 
 ing his Divorce, have taken little care to examine how matters were tranf- 
 a3ed in his Time. 
 
 But if we confider the great things that were done by him, we mufl ac- 
 knowledge that there was a fgnal l"rovident c of God, in rai/ing up a King 
 of his Temper, for clearing the Way to that bleffed Work that followed : And 
 that could hardly have been done, but by a Man of his Humour:^ fo that I 
 may very fitly apply to him the w':tty Simile of an ingenious Writer, who 
 compares Luther to a Poftilion in his waxed Boots and oiled Coat, lafjing 
 his Horfes through thick and thin, and befpattering all about him. 
 
 This Chara&er befits King Henry better (^favingthc Reverence due to hif 
 Crown ) who as the Poftilion of Reformation, made way for it through a 
 great deal of Mire and Filth. He abolijfied the Popes Power, by which not 
 only that Tyranny was dejiroyed^ which had been long an heavy burthen on 
 this oppreffed Nation ^ but all the Opinions, Rites, and Conftitutions, for 
 which there was no better Authority than Papal Decrees, were to fall to the 
 Ground ; the Foundation that Jupportcd them being thus fapped. Hefup- 
 prcjfed all the Monalleries 3 in which though there were fame inexcufable 
 Faults committed, yet he wanted not Rcafon to do what he did. For the 
 Foundation of thofe Houfes being laid on the ftiperftitious Conceit of redeem- 
 ing Souls out of Purgatory, by faying Maffesfor them:, they whofe Office that 
 was, had by counterfeiting Rein ks, by forging of Miracles, and other like 
 Impojiures, drawn together a vaft Wealth, to the enriching of their Saints, 
 of whomfome perhaps were damn'd Souls, and others were never in Being. 
 Thefe Arts being detc&ed, and withal their great Vtcioufnefs in fomc Places^ 
 and in all, their great Abufe of the Chrifiian Religion, made itfeem unfit 
 they fhould be continued. But it was their dependanre on the See of Kome^ 
 which, as the flate of things then was, made it necejfary that they fjould be 
 fupprefi. New Foundations might have done well, and the fcantnefs of 
 thofe, confiderirrg the Number and Wealth ofthtfe which were fupprefiid, is 
 one of the great Blemifhes of that Reign. But it was in vain to endeavour to 
 amend the old ones. Their Numbers were fo great, their Riches and Interefis 
 in the Nation fo confiderable, that a Prince of ordinary Metal would not 
 have attempted fuch a Defign, much lefs have compleatcd it in five Tears 
 
 Time.
 
 THE PREFACE. 
 
 Tivte. With thejc fell the Stiperfiition of Images, ReHqnes, and the Re- 
 demption of Souls out of Purgatory. And thofe extravagant Addreps to 
 Saints that are in the Roman Offices were throrvn eut, only an Ora pro 
 nobis tVAs kept «/>, and even that was left to the Liberty ofPriefis, to leave 
 it out of the Litanies as they faw Caiife. Thefe were great Preparations for 
 a Reformation. But it went further, and two things were done, ttpon which' 
 a greater change was reafonably to be expe&cd. The Scriptures were innfla.' 
 ted into the Englifll Tongue, aadfet up in all Churches, and every one was ad- 
 mitted to read them, and they alone were declared the Rule of Faith. This 
 could not but open the Eyes of the Nation, who finding a profound Silence 
 in thefe Writings about many Things, and a direB Oppofition to other things 
 that were Jlill retained, muji needs conclude, even without deep Speculatl' 
 ons or nice D/fputing, that many things that were Jlill in the Church had no 
 Ground in Sriptnre, and fome of the reji were dtre&ly contrary to it. This 
 Crannier knew well wonld have fuch an Operation, and therefore made it 
 his chief Bujinefs to fet it forward, which in Conclufion he happily effected. 
 
 Another thing was alfo eftablifJied, which opened the way to all that fol- 
 lowed : That very National Church was a compleat Body within it felfi fo 
 that the Church 0/ England, with the Authority and Concurrence of their 
 Head, and King, might examine and reform all Errors and Corruptions, 
 whether in Do&rine or Worfhip. All the Provincial Councils in the Anci- 
 ent Church werefo many Precedents for this, who condemned Herefies, and 
 reformed Abufes as the occafion required. And yet thefe being all but parts 
 of one Empire, there was a. lefs reafon for their doing it, without fi ay ing 
 for a General Council, which depended upon the Pleafure of one Man ( the 
 Roman Emperor ) than could be pretended, when Europe was divided 
 into fo many Kingdoms : By ivhich a common Concurrence of all thefe 
 Churches was a thing fcarce to be expe&ed ^ and therefore this Church mufh 
 he in a very ill Condition, if there could be no endeavours for a Refor- 
 mation, till all the reJi were brought together. 
 
 The Grounds of the new Covenant between God and Man in Chriji, were 
 alfo truly Jiated, and the terms on which Salvation was to be hoped for^ 
 were faithfully opened according to the New Teflament. And this being 
 in the flricl Notion of the Word, the Gofpel, and the glad Tidings 
 preached through our Blejfed Lord and Saviour, it muji be confejfed that 
 there was a great Progrefs made, when the Nation was well injlru^ed about 
 it '^ though there was jii II 4» alloy of other Corruptions, embajing the Puri- 
 ty of the Faith. And indeed in the whole Progrefs of thefe Changes, the 
 Kings Defign feemed to have been to terrifie the Court of Rome, and 
 cudgel the Pope into a Compliance with what he deftred : For in his Heart 
 he contifjued addiHed to fome of the moji extravagant Opinions of that 
 Church, fuch as Tranfubjlantiation and the other Corruptions in the Mafs, 
 fo that he was to his lives end more Papifl than Proteftant. 
 
 There are two Prejudices, which Men have generally drunk in againji that 
 time. The one is, from the Kings great Enormities, both in his perfonal 
 Deportment andGovernment, which make many think, no good could be done 
 by fo ill a Man, and fo cruel a Prince. lam not to defend him, nor to lef- 
 fen his Faults. The vajinefs and irregularity of his Expence pro: ured many 
 heavy Exaflions, and twice extorted a publick Difharge of his Debts, em- 
 hafed the Coin, with other Irregularities. His proud and impatient Spirit 
 caponed many cruel Proceedings. The taking fo many lives, only for denying 
 his Supremacy, particularly FifherV and More'/, the one being (xtream old, 
 
 and
 
 THE PRtFACt. 
 
 and the other one of the Glories of his Nation^ for Prohity and Learning : 
 The taking advantage from fame Irruptions in the North, to break the In- 
 demnity he had before proclaimed to thofe in the Rebellion, even though 
 they could not be proved guilty of thjfe fecond Difordcrs : His Extreaat 
 fever ity to all Cardinal PooI'j Family : His (rttel ufing, firfl Cromwel, 
 and afterwards the Duke of Norfolk and his Son, bejides his unexam- 
 pled Proceedings againji fame of his Wives 5 and that vphich was fir jl of 
 all, the laying a precedent for the Suhverfion of Jujtice, and opprejfing the 
 clearejl Innocence, by attainting Men without hearing them : Thcfe arefuch 
 remarkable BlemiJJjes, that as no Man of Ingenuity can go about the whiten- 
 ing them-^ fo the poor Reformers drunk fo deep of that bitter Cup, that it 
 very ill becomes any of their Followers to endeavour to give fair Colours 
 to thofe red and bloody Characters, with which fo much of his Reign is 
 Jiained. 
 
 T^et after all this fad Enumeration, it was no new nor unufual thing in the 
 Methods of God's Providence, to employ Princes who had great Mixtures of 
 very grofs Faults, to do fignal things for his Service. Not to mention Da- 
 vid 4//^ Solomon, rvhofe fins were expiated with a fever c Repentance :, it 
 was the bloody Cyrus thatfent baJz the "jews to their Land, and gave them 
 leave to rebuild their Temple. Conftantine the Great is by fame of his E- 
 ftemics charged with many Blemif/jes both in his Life and Government. Cle- 
 vis <7/France, under whom that Nation reieived the Chrijlian Faith, was 
 a Monfler of Cruelty and Perfidioufnefs, as even Gregory of Tours repre- 
 fents him, who livfd near his Time, and neverthelefs makes a Saint of him. 
 Charles the Great, whom fome alfo make a Saint, both put awa\ his Wifh 
 for a very fight Caufe, and is faid to have lived in m>fl unnatural Lujis with 
 his own Daughter. Irene, whom the Church <?/R.ome magnifies, as the Re- 
 florer of their Religion in the Eafi, did both contrary to the Imprejjions of 
 Nature, and of her Sex, put out her oven Sons Eyes, of which he died foon af- 
 ter, with many other execrable Things. And whatever Reproaches thofe of 
 the Church o/Rome cajl on the Reformation, upon the account of this Kings 
 Faults may be eafly turned back on their Popes, who have never failed to court 
 and extol Prim es thatferved their Ends, how Grofs and Scandalous foever 
 their other Faults have been.^ As Phocas, Brunichild, Irene, Mathildis, 
 Edgar of England, and many more. But our Church is not near fo much 
 concerned in the Perfons cf thofe Princes, under whom the Reformation be- 
 gan, as theirs is in the Perfons of their Popes, who are believed to have far 
 higher Characters of a Divine Power and Spirit in them, than other Princes 
 pretend to. And yet if the Lives of thofe Popes, who have made the great- 
 eft Advances in their JurifdiSion be examined, particularly Gregory the 
 Seventh, and Boniface the Eighth, vices more Eminent, than any can be 
 charged on King Henry, will be found in them. And if a leud and wicked 
 Pope may yet have the Holy Ghofl dwelling in him, and directing him in- 
 fallibly 5 why may not an ill King do fo good a Work as fet a Reformati' 
 on forward .«" And if it were proper to enter into a DiffUion of Four of thofe 
 Popes, that fate at Rome during this Reign, Pope Julius will be found be- 
 yond him in a vaji Ambition, whofe bloody Reign did not only embroil Italy, 
 but a great part of Chrijiendom. Pope Leo the Tenth was as extravagant 
 and prodigal in his Expence, which put him on bafer Shifts, than ever 
 this King ufed, to raife Money^ not by cmba/ing the Coin, or raifing new 
 and heavy Taxes, but by embafing the Chrijlian Religion, and proflitu- 
 ting the Pardon of Sin in that ful Trade of Indulgences. Clement the 
 
 Seventh
 
 THE PREFACE. 
 
 Seventh was falfc to the higheft degree ; a vice which cannot be charged oh 
 this King. And Paul the third teas a vile and Icrvd Prieji, rvho not nr;ly 
 kept his Whore, hut gloried in it, and raifed one of his Bajiards to an high 
 Dignity, maling him Prince of Parma and Piacenza 5 and himfelf is faid 
 to have lived in Jnceji with others of them. Af:d except the fiort Reipn of 
 Hadrian the Sixth, there war no Pope at Rome a// this while, whofc exam- 
 ple might make any other Prime lltith for his faults ly jo that Gujcciardine 
 when he calls Pope Clement a good Pope, adds, I mean not Goodnefs A- 
 poftolical 5 for in thofe days he was eftecmed a good Pope that did 
 not exceed the vvickednefs of the worft ot Men. 
 
 In fum, God's Ways are a great Deep, who has of en fl:ewed his Pcwer and 
 Wifdom, in raifing tip unlikely and unpromifng Injiruments, to do great fcr- 
 vices in the World i^ not always employing the beji Men in them, leji 
 good Injiruments fhould fhare too deep in the Praifes of that, which u only 
 due to the Supream Creator and Governour of the World. And therefore 
 he will ftain the Pride of all Glory, that fuch as Glory may only Glory 
 in the Lord. Jehu did an acceptable Service to God, in defiroyin^ the 
 Idolatry of Baal, though neither the way of doing it be to be imitated, beinz 
 grofly infincere, nor was the Reformation compleat, fince the Worjlnppi/;g the 
 two Calves wasfiill kept iip'^ and it is very like, his chief defign in it, was 
 to dcfiroy all the Party that favoured Ahab'/ Family ; yet the thing was 
 good, and was rewarded by God : So whatever this Kings other faults were 
 and how defeUive foever the Change he made was, and upon what ill motives 
 foever it may feem to have proceeded-^ yet the things themfelves being good, 
 we ought not to think the worfe of them becaufe of the Injirument, or man- 
 ner by which they were wrought \ but are to adore and admire the paths of 
 the Divine Wifdom, that brought about fuch a Change in a Church, which 
 being fubje&ed to the See of Rome, had been more than any other part of 
 Europe, mofl tame under its Opprejjions, and was mojl deeply drenched 
 in Superflition : And this by the means of a Prince, who was the mojl- de- - 
 voted to the Interefl of Rome cf any in Chrijiendom, andfeemed to be fa 
 upon knowledge, being very learned '^ and continued to the laji much leaven- 
 ed with Superflition, and was the only King in the World whom that See 
 declared. Defender of the Faith. And that this fwuld have been carried 
 OH fo far, with fo little Oppofition, fome rifings though numerous and formi- 
 dable being fcattered and quietted without Blood t, and that a, mighty Prince 
 who was Victorious almoft in all his undertakings, Charles the 5th. and was 
 both provoked in point of Honour and Intereji, yet could never find one [pare 
 feafon to turn his Arms upon England, are great Demonffrations of a parti- 
 cular Influence of Heaven in thefe Alterations, and of its watchful care of 
 them. 
 
 But the other prejudice touches the Reformation in a more vital and ten- 
 der part -^ and it is, that Cranmer and the other BiJJjops, who promoted 
 the Reformation in the Succeeding Reign, did in this comply too fervilly 
 vith King Henry V humours, both in carrying on his frequent Divorces, and 
 in retaining thofe Corruptions in the Worfliip, which by their throwing them 
 off in the beginning of King Edward'/ Reign, we may conclude were then 
 condemned by them ; fo that they fecm to have prevaricated againji their 
 C§nfciences in that Compliance. 
 
 It were too faint a way of anfwering fo fevere a Charge, to turn it back 
 on the Church of Rome, and to ffiew the bafe Compliances of fome, even of 
 the beJi of their Popes, as Gregory the Great, whofe Congratulations to 
 ■ (d) the
 
 THE i> R E F A C E. 
 
 the Vfurper Phocas, are a jlrain of the meanefi, and ttndecenteft flattery 
 ' that ever was put in writing. And his Complements to Brunichild, n)ho 
 was one of the grcatefi Monftcrs Loth for Lriji and Criidtji that ever her 
 Sex produced, fijow that there ivas no perfon fo wicked that he was afliamed 
 to flatter: ht the blemiffjingthcm will not {1 confefs) excufe our Refor- 
 mers^ therefore other things are to be confidered for their Vindication. They 
 did not at once attain the full knowledge of Divine Truth, fo that in fomc 
 particulars, as in that of the Corporal Prefence in the Sacrament, both Cran- 
 raer and Ridley were themfelves then in the dark. Bertram'j- Book firfi 
 convinced Ridley, and he was the chief Inflrument in opening CranmerV 
 eyes : So if themfelves were not then enlightncd, they could not infiruS o- 
 thers. As for other things, fuch as the giving the Cup to the Laity, the 
 Worfliiping God in a known Tongue, and fcveral Reformations about the 
 Mafs, though they judged them neceffary to be done as foon as was poflble^ 
 yet they had not fb full a perfrva/ton of the necejfity of thefe, as to think it 
 a fin not to do them. The Prophets words to Naanian the Syrian, might 
 give them fome colour for that mifiake, and the pra&ice of the Apofiles^ 
 who continued not only to worfliip at the Temple, but to Circumcife and to 
 offer Sacrifices (which mufl have been done by St. Paul, wkea he purified 
 himfelf in the Temple) even after the Law was dead, by the appearing of 
 the Gofpcl, feemed to extufe their Compliance. They had alfo obferved, that 
 as the Apojiles were all things to all Men, that fo they might gain fome 5 
 fo the Primitive Chriflians had brought in many rites of Heathenifnt into 
 their Worfhip : Upon which inducements they were wrought on to comply in 
 fome uneafie things, in which if thefe extufes do not wholly clear them, yet 
 they very mtich leffen their Guilt. 
 
 And after all this, it mufi be confeffed they were men, and had mixtures 
 of fear and Humane infirmities with their other excellent ^lalities. And 
 indeed Cranmer was in all other points fo extraordinary a Perfon, that it 
 was perhaps fit, there fl.wuld be fome ingredients in his Temper, to lefjen 
 the Veneration, which his great worth might have raifed too high, if it had 
 not been for thefe feebleneffes, which upon fome occafions appeared in him. 
 But if we examine the failings of fome of the greateji of the Primitive Fa" 
 thers, as Athanafius, Cyril, and others, who were the moji zealous affer- 
 ters of the Faith, we mufl conclude them to have been nothing inferiour to 
 any that can be charged on Cranmer ; whom if we confider narrowly, we 
 fJull find as eminent vertues, and as few faults in him, as in any Prelate 
 that has been in the Chrifiian Church for many Ages. And if he was pre* 
 vailed on to deny his Mafter through fear, he did wafii ofi'that ftain by 4 
 fincere Repentance and a patient Martyrdom, in which he cxpreffed an emi-^ 
 nent refentment of his former frailty, with a pitch of Confiancy of mind Ar 
 hove the rate of modern Examples. 
 
 But their vertues as well as their faults are fet before us for 0ur inflru- 
 ilion-^ and how frail foevcr the Vcffels were, they have conveyed to us 4 
 trcafure of great value. The pure Gofpel of oar Lord and Saviour; 
 which if we follow, and govern our lives and hearts by it, we may hope in 
 eafier and plainer paths to attain that Bleffcdnefs, which they could not, 
 reach but through fcorching flames : and if we do not improve the Advan-^ 
 ta^es, which this light affords, we may either look for fomc of thofe triaU^ 
 which were fent for the exen ife of their Faith and Patience, and perhaps 
 for the punifijment of their former Compliance j or if we efcape thefe, ^jwt, 
 have caufe to fear the worfe in the Conclufion. , ' X 
 
 THE
 
 I.U-iq.\ . h-ititfJ for R^c: Cliifivell. 'irthr jLfe and tro<vtx<^ in S'. Pautr UliU-ch. i^.ircl
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 REFORMATION 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Church of England. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 A Summary Vievo of King Henry the Eighth'^ Reign, till the 
 Procejs of his Divorce was begiin, in which the State of 
 England, chiejly as it related to Religion, is opened. 
 
 NG LAND had for a whole Age felt the Mi- 
 feries of a long and cruel War between the Two 
 Houfes of Tork and Lancafler-^ during which time, 
 as the Crown had loft great Dominions beypnd '^''^S "^'^^>'* 
 Sea, fo the Nation Was much impoveriOied, many thrcrown. 
 Noble Families extinguifht, much Blood (hed, ^K-s^.i^op, 
 great Animofities every where raifed, with all the 
 other Miferies of a lafting Civil War : But they 
 now faw all thefe happily compofed when the Two Families did unite 
 in Ring Henry the Eighth. In his Fathers Reign they were rather ce- 
 mented and joyned than united 5 whofe great Partiality to the Houfe 
 of Lwcajier, from which he was Defcended, and feverity to the Bran- 
 ches of the Houfe of Tork, in which even his own Qiieen had a large 
 Ihare, together with the Impoftors that were fet up to difturb his Reign, 
 kept theie heats alive, which were now all buried in his Grave; and 
 this made the Sccceflion of his Son fo univerfally acceptable to the 
 whole Nation, who now hoped to revive their former pretenfions in 
 France, and to have again a large Ihare in all the Affairs of Europe^ 
 from which their Domeftick Broils had fo, long excluded them. 
 
 There was another thing, which made his firft coming to the Crown He proceed^ 
 no lefs acceptable, which was, that the fame Day that liis Father died, agiinftDW/<7 
 he ordered DW/e; and fiw/)/^;/ to be committed to the Tower: His ^" Empfon. 
 ither whether out of Policy, or Inclination, or both, vvas all his life thffimc^a 
 
 Father 
 
 day. 
 L. Hiibet 
 
 much fcton the gathering of Treafure, fo thatthofe Minifters were moft 
 acceptable, who could fill his Coffers bellr, and though this occafioned fXw?ng!^*^ 
 
 fome
 
 Tbc Hiflory of the Keiormation Book L 
 
 fome Tumults, and difpofed the People to all tho(e Commotions, 
 which fell out in his Pveign; yet he being fufcerslul in them all, con- 
 tinued in his courfe of heaping up Money. 
 
 Towards the end of his Life, he found out thofe two Inflruments, 
 who out-did all that went before them, and what by vexatious Suits 
 upon Penal but obfolete Laws, what by unjuft Imprifonments, and o- 
 thcr violent and illegal proceedings, raifed a general odium upon the 
 Government^ and this grew upon him with his years, and was come to 
 fo great a height towards the end of his Life, that he died in good time 
 for his own quiet : For as he ufed all poilible endeavours to get Money, 
 fo what he got, he as carefully kept, and diftributed very little of it 
 among thofe about him ; fo that he had many Enemies and but few 
 Friends. This being well conlldered by his Son, he began his Govern- 
 ment with the difgrace of thofe Two Minifters, againft whom he pro- 
 ceeded according to Law 5 all the other inferiour Officers whom 
 they had made ufe of were alfo imprifoned. 
 
 When they had thus fallen, m my and great Complaints came in from 
 all parts againft thcm^ they alfo apprehending the danger they were like 
 to be in upon their Mafters Death, had been praftifing with their Part- 
 ners to gather about them all the Power they could bring together, whe- 
 ther to fecure themfclves from popular Rage, or to make themfelves 
 fcem confiderable, or formidable to the new King. This and other 
 • Crimes being brought in againft them, they were found guilty of Trea- 
 fon in a legal Trial. But the King judged this was neither a fufficient 
 Reparation to his OpprefTed People, nor fatisfaSion to Juftice: There- 
 ^^^ fore he went further, and both ordered Reftitution to be made by his 
 Fathers Executors of great Sums of Money, which had been unjuftly 
 extorted from his Subjefts^ and in his firft Parliament which he Sum- 
 He holds a moned to the Twenty firft of Jamary following, he not only delivered 
 Parliament, up Efnpfo>! and Dudley with their Complices to the Juftice of the Two 
 jtfH. 21.1510: Houfes, who attainted them by Aft of Parliament, and a little after 
 gave order for their Execution'^ but did alfo give his Royal Aflent to 
 thofe others Laws by which the Subject was fecured from the like Op- 
 preffions for the future : and that he might nor at all be fufpefted of a- 
 ny fuch Incl inations as his Father had to amafs Treafure, he was the moft 
 magnificent in his Expence of any Prince in Chriftendom, and very 
 bountiful to all about him ^ and as one extream commonly produces a- 
 nother, fo his Fathers Covetoufnefs led him to be Prodigal 5 and the 
 vaft Wealth which was left him, being reckoned no lefs than 1800000/. 
 H',$ great was in Three years diffipated, as if the Son in his expence had vied In- 
 Expence. ^^Q^y ^j^j^ j^jg y^th^r jn all his Thrift. 
 
 Thomas Earl of Surrey, (afterwards Duke of Norfolk) to flievv how- 
 compliant he was to the Humours of the Princes whom he ferved, as 
 he had been Lord-Treafurer to the Father the laft Seven years of his 
 Life, fo being continued in the fame Office by this King, did as dcx- 
 teroufly comply with his Prodigality, as he had done formerly with 
 his Fathers fparingnefs. 
 
 But this in the beginning of the Princes Reign did much endear him 
 both to the Court and Nation: there being a freer Circulation of Mo- 
 ney by which Trade was encouraged ; and the Courtiers tafted fo libe- 
 rally of the Kings bounty, that he was every where much magnified, 
 though his Expence proved afterwards heavier to the Subjeft, than ever 
 his Fathers Avarice had been. 
 
 Another
 
 1 * 1 M I I I I I 
 
 Book I. of the Church of England, 
 
 j^ 
 
 .. Another thing that ratfed the Credit of this King vvas,. the great HisAHairsbe* 
 Efteem he was in beyond Sea, both for his Wifdom and Power i f>j ^""^^ ^"" 
 that in all the Treaties of Peace and War he was always much confiderj 
 bd ; and lie did (o exaftly purfue that great Maxime of Princes, of 
 Holding theBila>icc^ that ftill as it grew heavier, whether in the Scald 
 bi France, or Spain, he governed Himfclf and Them as a wife Arbl^ 
 ter. His firft Aftion was againft France, which by the Acceflion of 
 the Dutchy of Britain^ through his Fathers over-fight, was made grea- 
 ter and more formidable to the Neighbouring Princes ; therefore" the 
 French Succefles in Italy having United :ill the Princes there againft 
 them, Spain and England willingly joyned thernfelves in the QiiarreL 
 The Kingdom of Spain being alfo then United, conquered Navarre, Avvarwi«h 
 which fet them at great eafe, and vveakned th- King of France on that France. 
 fide. Whofe Affairs alfo declining in Italy, this King finding him fo 
 much lefTened, made Peace with him^ having firft managed his Ihareof 
 the War, with great Honour at Sea and Land : For, going over in Per- 
 fon, he did both defeat the French Army, and rake Terwin and Tour- ^,. ^ 
 7ieyi^ the former he demoliflied, the latter he kept: and in thefe Et- o^hb.i.'f^u, 
 ploits he had an unufual Honour done hira, which though it was a. 
 (light thing, yet was very pleafant to hira 5 Maximilian the Emperor 
 taking Pay m his Army, amounting to a Hundred Crowns aday, and 
 upon all publick Solemnities giving the King the precedence. 
 
 The Peace between England and France was made firmer by Lerpff '^"^•7' TS'-ff 
 theFre;;^^ King's Marrying Mary the Kings Sifter 5 but he dying foon tni^^h^^t^ 
 after, new Counfeis were to be taken. Francis, who fucceded, did in France, on. g, 
 the beginning of his Reign, court this King with great Offers to renew j^^'^i'uu' 
 the Peace with him, which was accordingly done. Afterward iv^w/V ' ' * 
 falling in with all his Force upon the Dutchy of Milan, all endeavours 
 Vi^ere ufed to engage King Henry into the War, both by the Pope and 
 Emperor, this laft feeding him long with hopes of refigning the Em- 
 pire to him, which wrought much on him 5 infomuch that he did give 
 them a great Supply in Money, but he could not be engaged to divert ^' 
 
 Francis by making War upon him : and Francis ending the War of Italy 
 by a Peace, was fo far from refecting what the King had done, that he \^^y ^■"'y 
 courted him into a ftraiter League, and a Match was agreed between fhToo-p/Jn/" ' 
 the Dolphin and the Lady Mary the King's Daughter, and Tourney was o^ob.i.iy.^. 
 delivered up to the French again. 
 
 But now Charles, Arch-Duke of Auflria by his Father, and Heir to 
 the Houfe of Burgundy by his Grand- mother, and to the Crown of 
 Spain by his Mother, began to make a great Figure in the World;; and Einperordies, 
 his Grand-father Maximilian dying, Francis and He were Corrivals ^c/wV/e/Eie- 
 for the Empire: but Charles being preferred in the Competition, there rted, 7«nes8. 
 followed, what through perfonal Animofiries, what through reafon of 
 State, and a defire of Conqueft, Lifting Wars between them ^ which 
 though they were fometimes for a while clofed up, yet were never 
 clearly ended. And thofe two great Monarchs as they eclipfed moft o- 
 ther Princes about them, fo they raifed this King's glory higher, both 
 courting him by turns, and that not only by earneft and warm AddreP 
 fes, but oft by unufual SubmifTions^ in which they, knowing how great 
 an Ingredient Vanity was in his temper, were never deficient when their 
 Affairs required it. All vvhich tended to make him appear greater in 
 the eyes of his own People. In the Year i 520. there was an Interview fj2*- 
 agrecd on between the JFVew A King and Him j but the Emperor, to pre-* 
 
 A venc
 
 4. Tt^ Hiflory of the Reformation liook I. 
 
 vent the Effeds he teared from it, refolved to out do the French Ring 
 The Emptror jn {\^q Complement, and without any Treaty or previous Affurances 
 lund,my 26. came to Dover, and folicited the King's friendftiip againft Francis: and 
 to advance his defign gained Cardinal Wolfey, who then Governed all 
 the King's Counfels, by the promife of making him Pope; in which he 
 judged he might for a prefent Advantage, promife a thing that feemed 
 to be at fo great a diftance, (Pope Leo the Tenth being then but a 
 young Man) and with rich Prefents, which he made both to the King, 
 the Cardinal, and all the Court, wrought much on them. But that which 
 prevailed mofv with the King was, that he faw, though Charles had 
 great Dominions, yet they lay at fuch a diftance, that France alone 
 was a fufficient Counterpoife to him; but if Francis could keep Milan, 
 recover Naples, Burgundy, and Navarre, to all which he was then pre- 
 paring, he would be an uneafie Neighbour to himfelf; and if he kept 
 the footing he then had in Italy, he would liefo heavy on the Papacy, 
 that the Popes could no longer carry equally in the Affairs of Chrifken- 
 dom, upon which much depended, according to the Religion of that 
 time. Therefore he refolved to take part with the Emperor, till at 
 leaft Francis was driven out of Italy, and reduced to jiifter terms : fo 
 jwflf 7. jj^gj jj^g following Interview between Francis and him, produced no- 
 thing but a vaft Expence and high Complements: and from a fecond 
 Afcrond War Interview between the King and the Emperor, Francis was full of jea- 
 wich Fiance, loufie, in which what followed juftified his apprehenfions 5 lor the War 
 going on between the Emperor andFrancis, the King entred into a League 
 with the former, and made War upon France. 
 Let 10. dies, But the Pope dying fooner than it feems the Emperor look'd for, Car- 
 P:c. 1. 1521. (jjnal Wolfey claimed his promife for the Papacy 5 but before the MefTen- 
 Adrian choicn gcr camc to him, Adrian the Emperor's Tutor was chofen Pope: yet to 
 Pope, Jan. 9- feed the Cardinal with frefh hopes, a new promife was made for the 
 ***^' next vacancy, and in the mean while he was put in hope of the Arch- 
 
 He died Sep- biihoprick of Toledo. But two years after, that Pope dying, the Em- 
 rew4.j4.1523. pgfQf again broke his Word with him; yet though he was thereby to- 
 tally alienated from him, he concealed his Indignation, till thepublick 
 Clement the Concems fhould give him a good opportunity to profecute it upon a 
 7f 6 chofen, better colour ; and by his Letters to Rome, dilTembled his refentments 
 liivemb. 19. £-^ artificially, that in a Congratulation he wrote to Pope Clement, He 
 
 * protefted his Eledlion was matter of fuch joy both to the King and 
 
 * himfelf, that nothing had ever befaln them which pleafed them bet- 
 
 * ter, and that he was the very Perfon, whom they had wifhed to fee 
 >S". raifed to that Greatnefs. But while the War went on, the Emperor 
 
 did cajole the King with the higheft Complements poffible, which al- 
 EmperorUn- yj^gys wrought much on him, and came in perfon into England to 
 ^^ayTs?"'""' ^^ inftalled Knight of the Garter, where a new League was concluded. 
 The Emperor by which, befide mutual afliftance, a Match was agreed on between 
 the kS '° *^^ Emperor and the Lady Mary, the King's only Child by his Queen, 
 Daughter, of whom he had no hopes of more Iflue. This was fworn to on both 
 jAne 19. hands, and the Emperor was obliged, when She was of Age, to marry 
 Her, Per verba de Pr<efenti, under pain of Excommunication and the 
 forfeiture of looooo Pounds. 
 
 The War went on with great fuccefs on the Emperors part, efpecially 
 after the Battle of Pavia, in which Francis his Army was totally defeat- 
 ed, and himfelf taken Prifoner and carried into Spain. After which the 
 Emperor being much offended with the Pope for joyning with Francis, 
 
 turned
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. c^ 
 
 turned his Arms againft him, which were fo fijccefsful, that lie belicged 
 
 and took Rome, and kept the Pope Prifoner fix Months, May 6. 1527^ 
 
 The Cardinal finding the publick Interefts concur fo happily with his 
 private Diftaftes, engaged the King to take part with France, and after* 
 wards with the Pope againft the Emperor, hisGreatnefs now becoming 
 the Terror of Chriflendom ^ for the Emperor lifted up with his fuc- 
 cefs, began to think of no lefs than an Univerfal Empire. And firft, 
 that he might unite all Spain together, he preferred a Match with PorUi- 
 gal, to that which he had before contrafted in England-^ and he thought 
 it not enough to break off his fworn Alliance with the King, but he did 
 it with an heavy Imputation on the Lady Mary: for in his Council it 
 was faid that (lie w^s illegitimate, as being born in an unlawful Mar- 
 riage, fo that no Advantage could be expected from her Title to the 
 Succeflion, as will appear more particularly in the Second Book. And 
 the Pope having difpenfed with the Oath, he Married the Lifunta of 
 Portugal. Belides, though the King of England had gone deep in the 
 Charge, he would give him no (hare in the Advantages of the War 5 
 much lefs give him that AfTiftance which he had promifed him, to re- 
 cover his Ancient Inheritance in France. The Ring being irritated with 
 his manifold ill ufage, and led on by his own Interefts, and by the of- 
 fended Cardinal, joyned himfelf to the Interefts of France. Upon 
 v.'hich there followed not only a firm Alliance, but a perfonal Friend- 
 fhip, which appeared in all the raoft obliging exprefCons that could be 
 devifed. And upon the King's threatning to make War on the Empe- 
 ror, the French King was fet at liberty, though on very hard terms, if 
 any thing can be hard that fets a Ring out of Prifon; but he ftill ac- Mtr.ii.\<>z6. 
 knovvledged he owed his Liberty to King Henry. 
 
 Then followed the famous Clementine League between the Pope and The ciemen- 
 Franrif, the Venetians, the Florentines, and Francis Sforza Duke oi' Mi- ^'"^ ^^^^'^^y 
 Ian, by which the Pope abfolved the French King from the Oath he ^"^"-'s^^' 
 had fworn at Madrid, and they all united againft the Emperor, and 
 declared the King of England ProteBor of the League. This gave the 
 Emperor great diftafte, who complained of the Pope as an ungrateful 
 and perfidious Perfon. The firft beginning of the ftorm fell heavy on 
 the Pope 5 for tlie French King, who had a great mind to have his 
 Children again into his own Hands, that lay Hoftages in Spain, 
 went on but flowly in performing his part. And the King of England 
 would not openly break with the Emperor, but feemed to referve him- 
 felf to be Arbiter between the Princes. So that the Colonna's being of 
 the Imperial Faftion, with 3000 Men entered Rome, and fack'd a ^•^'-^''^^ *'<• 
 part of it, forcing the Pope to Fly into the Caftle of St. Angela, and 
 fo make Peace with the Emperor. But as foon as that fear was over, 
 the Pope returning to his old Arts complained of the Cardinal of Co- 
 lonna, and refolved to deprive him of that Dignity, and with an Army 
 entred the Kingdom of Naples, taking divers places that belonged to 
 that Family. But the Confederates coming flowly to his AfTiftance, and 
 he hearing of great Forces that were coming from Spain againft him, 
 fubmitted himfelf to the Emperor, and made a Ceflation of Arms j but 
 being again encouraged with fomc hopes from his Allies, and (by a 
 Creatinn of 14 Cardinals for Money) having raifed ; 00000 Duckats, ^J*7^ 
 he difowned the Treaty, and gave the Kingdom of Naples to Count 
 Fandemont, whom he fent with Forces to fubdue it : But the Duke of 
 Bourbon ^lesentod him, and went to i^^we 5 and giving the AfTault, in 
 
 A 9 which
 
 and fack'd, 
 M.ty 10. 
 
 7»> II, 
 
 Decimb. p. 
 
 TheKing'sfac 
 cefs agan.fl 
 Scotland. 
 
 Stft.^,l^\^ 
 
 His Counfcis 
 at home. 
 
 The Hiflorj/ of the Reformation Book I. 
 
 which himfelf received his mortal wound, the City was taken by Storm, 
 and plund(^red for feveral days, about 50C0 being killed. ThePopewith 
 17 Cardinals fled to the Caftle of St. Angela, but was forced to render 
 his perfon, and to pav 40CCCO Duckats to the Army. 
 
 This gave great offence to all the Princes of Chriftendom, except 
 the Lutherans of Germany ^ but none refented it more loudly than this 
 King, who fent over Cardinal Wolfey to make up a new Treaty with 
 Francit, which was chiefly intended for fetting the Pope at lib||ty. Nor 
 did the Emperor know well how to juftifie an A^ion which feemed 
 foinconfiftent with his Devotion to the See of Rovje:^ yet the Pope was 
 for fome Months detained a Prifoner, till at length the Emperor having 
 brought him to his own Terms, ordered him to be fet at Liberty: but 
 he being weary of his Guards efcaped in a difguife, and owned his Li- 
 berty to have flowed chiefly from the King's endeavours to procure it. 
 And thus flood the King as to Foreign Affairs : He had infinitely obliged 
 both the Pope and the French King, and was firmly united to them, and 
 engaged in War againft the Emperor when he began firft to move a- 
 bout his Divorce. 
 
 As for Scotland, the near Alliance between him and Jamef the 
 Fourth King of SiOtland, did not take away the ftanding Animofi- 
 ties between the two Nations, nor interrupt the Alliance between 
 France and Scotland. And therefore when he made the firft War upon 
 France in the Fourth year of his Reign, the King of Scotland came with 
 a great Army into the North of England, but was totally defeated by 
 the Earl of Surrey in Flotidon Field. The King himfelf was either kil- 
 led in the Battle, or foon after 5 fo that the Kingdom falling under Fa- 
 ftions, during the Minority of the new King, the Government was but 
 feeble, and fcarce able to fecure its own quiet. And the Duke of Albany, 
 the chief Inftrument of the French Fadtion, met with fuch oppofitioti 
 from the Parties that were raifed againft him by King //wr/smeans, that 
 he could give him no difturbance. And when there came to be a la- 
 fting Peace between England and France, then, as the King needed fear 
 no trouble from that Warlike Nation, fo he got a great Intereft in the 
 Government there. And at this time Money becoming a more effedual 
 Engine than any the War had ever produced, and the difcovery of 
 the Indies having brought great Wealth into Europe, Princes began to 
 deal more in that Trade than before : fo that both France and England 
 had their Inflruments in Scotland, and gave confiderable yearly Penfi- 
 onsto the chief Heads of Parties and Families. In the fearch I have 
 made, I have found feveral Warrants for Sums of Money, to be fent 
 into Scotland, and divided there among the Favourers of the £»^///Z> In- 
 tereft ^ and 'tis not to be doubted but France traded in the fame manner^ 
 which continued till a happier way was found out for extinguifhing 
 thefe Quarrels, both the Crowns being fet on one Head. 
 
 Having thus fliewcd the State of this King's Government as to Fo- 
 reign Matters, 1 ftiall next give an account of the Adminiftration of 
 Affairs at home, both as to Civil and Spiritual Matters. The King up- 
 on his firft coming to the Crown, did chufc a wife Council, partly out 
 of thofe whom his Father had trufted, partly out of thofe that were re- 
 commended to him by his Grand mother, theCountefsof Richmond and 
 Derby, in whom was the Right of the Houfe oi Lancajkr, though ftie 
 willingly devolved her pretenfions on her Son, claiming nothing to her 
 felf, but the Satisfaftion of being Mother to a King, She was a Wife 
 
 and
 
 Book I. of the Cbiircb of England. 
 
 ■ --f.^^ — _^ 
 
 and Religious Woman, and died foon after her Grand-fon came to 
 
 the Crown. There was a Faftion in the Couocil between Fox Bifbop 
 
 of Winchejier, and the Lord Treafurer, which could never be well made 
 
 up, though they were oft reconciled: f^r always complaining of the 
 
 Lord Treafurer, for fquandring away fo foon that vaft M^ifs of Trea- 
 
 fure, left by the King sFather; in which the other juftified himfelf, that 
 
 what he did, was by the King's Warrants which he could not difobey : 
 
 but F^:» objefted that he was too eafie to anfwer, if not to procure 
 
 thefe Warrants, and that he ought to have given the King better advice. - „2i •-•o- 
 
 In the Ring's firft Parliament things went as he defired upon his delivering ^ ' 
 
 up Etupfon and Dndley, in which his preventing the feverity of the F-!ou- 
 
 fes, and proceeding againft them at the Common Law, as it fecnred 
 
 his Minifters from an unwelcome Precedent, fo the whole honour of it 
 
 fell on the King's Juftice. 
 
 His next Parliament was in the third year of his Reign, and there m. 4 1512. 
 was confidered the Brief from Pope JhUhs the Second to the King, com- 
 plaining of the Indignities and Injuries done to the Apoftolick bee and 
 the Pope by the French King, and entreating the King's affiftance with 
 fuch cajoling words as are alwaysto beexpeded from Popes on the like 
 occafions. It was firft read by the Mafter of the Rolls in the Houfe 
 of Lords, and then the Lord Chancellor {Warham Arch-biOiop of 
 Canterbury) and the Lord Treafurer, with other Lords, went down to the 
 Houfe of Commons and read it there. Upon this and other Reafons' 
 they gave the King Subfidies towards the War with France. At this " 
 time Fox^ to ftrengthen his party againft the Lord Treafurer, finding 
 Thomas Wolfey to be a likely Man to get into the King's favour, ufed cardinal pto/^ 
 all his endeavours to raife him, who was at that time neither unknown'^/^ f^^^H- 
 nor inconfiderable, being Lord Almoner; he was at firft made a Privy 
 Councellor, and frequently admitted to the King's Prefence, and wait- 
 ed on him over to France. The King liked him well, which he fo ma- 
 naged that he quickly engrolTed the King's favour to himfelf, and fbr' 
 1 5 years together was the moft abfolute Favourite that had ever been' 
 feen in England ; all Foreign Treaties and Places of Truft at home were 
 at his Ordering; he did what he pleafed, and his Afcendant over tHe' 
 King was fuch, that there never appeared any Party againft him aflf 
 that while. The great Artifice by which he infinuated himfelf fo mcfch 
 on the Ring, is ^tt down very plainly by one that knew him well^ rit 
 thefe Words. In h';m the King conceived fuch a loving Fancy, efpeciall^ cavend-pMUi 
 for that he was ntofi earnefi and readieji in all the Conncil to advanrce the '^^^^HHtf^' 
 Kings only Will and Pleafitre, having no refpecf fo the cafe ; and rr'he'reas .Vc*. D. G. 
 the Ancient Councellor s would according to the O^ce of good Coiu/cell'of"^ Pierpoint. 
 divers times perfwade the King to have fometinie a recoitrfe unto the Coun- 
 cil, there to hear what was done in weighty Matters, the King was nothing 
 at all pleafed therewith ; pr he loved nothing worfe than to be conjh/tned to 
 do any thing contrary to his pleafure^ and that hf:ew the Almoner ver^ well, 
 having fecret in/inuations of the Kings Intentions j and fo faft as'tht 0- 
 thers Coun felled the King to leave his pleafures, and to attend his A fairs ^ 
 fo bitfily did the Almoner perfrvade him to the contrary, which delighted hil/fi 
 much, and caufed him to have the greater affeBion and love to the Almorl^r, 
 Having got into fuch Pov/er, he obferved the Ring's Inclination? ex- 
 adly, and followed his Intereftsclofely : for though he made other Prin- 
 ces retain him with great Prefents and Penfions, yet he never engaged ' 
 the King into any Alliance, but what v/as for his Advantage, For Af- 
 fairs
 
 8 'The Hijlory of the Reformation Book 1 
 
 fairs at home, after he was eftabliflied in his Greatnefs, he affefted to 
 Govern without Parliaments :, there being from the feventh year of his 
 Reign, after which he got ttie great Seal, but one Parliament in the 
 i4fAand iiyth year, and no more till the Oae and Twentieth, when 
 matters were turning about: But he raifed great Sums of Money by 
 Loans and Benevolences. And indeed if we look on him as a Minifter 
 of State, he was a very extraordinary Perfon ^ but as he was a Church- 
 man, he was the difgrace of his Profeflion. He not only ferved the 
 King in all his fecret pleafures, but vyas lewd and vicious himfelt'^ fo 
 that his having the French Pox (which in thofe days was a matter of 
 no fmall infamy) was fo publick, that it was brought againft him in 
 Parliament when he fell in difgrace: he was a man of moft extravagant 
 vanity, as appears by the great State he lived in^ and to feed that, his 
 Ambition and Covetoufnefs were proportionable. 
 OHob. 1 51 3. He was firft made Bilhop of Tourney ^ when that Town was taken from 
 ■ Reft. temp, the French'^ then he was made Bi(hop of 'Lincoln, which was the firft 
 ^i March i. Biflioprick that fell void in this Kingdom ^ after that, upon Cardinal 
 R?t1pat!'"^ BembrUge his death, he parted with Lincoln and was made Arch-biQiop 
 =■ Noveml. 6. of * Tork 5 then Hadrian, that was a Cardinal and Biftiop of Bath and 
 Kegw, I part, j^^//^^ {jej^g deprived, that 'See was given to him 5 then the Abbey of 
 5 W-2S 10. ^ St. Alhans was given to him in Commendam-^ he next parted with Bath 
 Regni, ipjrt. and Wells, and got the Bilhoprick of ' Durefme, which he afterwards 
 ^'Z'cemb.7. exchanged for the Bifhoprick of 'Winchejler: But befides all that he 
 13. Regni 3. had in his own hands, the King granted him a full Power of difpofing 
 ''^ii^'o'is °^ all the Ecclefiaftical Benefices in Ew^/d/;^ (which brought him in as 
 Af/I'ap/..' much Money as all the Places he held) for having fo vaft a Power 
 R-''- committed to him both from the King and the Pope as to Church- 
 
 *r!i'i\ajT. preferments, it may be eafily gathered what advantages a man of his 
 R. P. Temper would draw from it. Warham was Lord Chancellor the firft 
 
 feven years of the Rings Reign, but retired to give place to this afpi- 
 ring Favourite, who had a mind to the Great Seal, that there might be 
 no interfering between the Legantine and Chancery Courts. And per- 
 haps it wrought fomewhat on his vanity, that even after he was Car- 
 dinal, JFrfrySrfw as Lord Chancellor took place of him, as appears from 
 the Entries made in the Journals of the Houfe of Peers in the Parliament 
 held the 7th year of the King's Reign, and afterwards gave him place, 
 as appears on many occafions, particularly, in the Letter written to the 
 Pope 1550. fet down by the Lord Herbert, which the Cardinal fubfcribed 
 before Warham. We have nothing on Record to fliew what a Speaker 
 he was, for all the Journals of Parliament from the jth to the 2<^th 
 year of this King are loft, but it is like he fpoke as his Predeceffor in 
 that Office, Warham, did, whofe Speeches as they are entred in the Jour- 
 nals, are Sermons begun with a Text of Scripture ^ which he expoun- 
 ded and applyed to the bufinefs they were to go upon, fluffing them 
 with the moft fulfome flattery of the King that was poflible. 
 
 The next in Favour and Power was the Lord Treafurer, reflored to 
 his Father's Honour of Duke of Norfolk, to whom his Son fucceedcd 
 in that Office as well as in his hereditary Honours^ and managed his In- 
 tereft with the King fodextroufly, that he ftood in all the Changes that 
 followed, and continued Lord Treafurer during the Reign of this King, 
 till near the end of it, when he fell through Jealoufie rather than 
 Guilt 5 this ftiewed how dexterous a Man he was, that could ftand fo 
 long in that employment under fuch a King. 
 
 But
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. 
 
 
 But the chief Favourite in the Ring's plea fares, was Charles Brandon, 
 a gallant graceful Perfon, one of the ftrongeftMen of the Age, and fo 
 a fit Match for the King at his Jufts and Tiltings, which was the manly 
 diverfion of that time, and the Ring taking much pleafure in it, being 
 of a robuft Body, and Angularly expert at it, he was (o able to fe- 
 cond him in thefe Courfes, grew mightily in his Favour fo that he made 
 him firft Vifcount Lijle, and feme Months after Duke of Suffolk. Nor ^"y ">• >'=- 
 was he lefs in the Ladies Favours, than the Ring's; for his Sifter the ^oVf'J,'*'^ 
 Lady Mary liked him, and being but fo long Married to Y^ngLereis of 
 France, as to make her Queen Dowager of France, (he refolded to 
 cfaoofe her fecond Husband her felf, and caft her Eye on the Duke of 
 Suffolk, who was then fent over to the Court of France. Her Brother 
 had defigoed the Marriage between them, yet would not openly give 
 his Content to it ; but (he by a ftrange kind of Wooing, prefixed him 
 the Term of four days to gain her Confent, in which (he told him if he 
 did not prevail, he (hould for ever lofe all his hopes of having her, 
 though after fuch a Declaration he was like to meet with no great diffi- 
 culty from her. So they were Married, and the Ring waseafily paci- April iu<,. 
 fied and received them into Favour^ neither did his Favour die with her. Lady Mar 
 for it continued all his life: but he never meddled much in bufinefs, and dkd jm. 23, 
 by all that appears was a better Courtier than States-Man. Little needs ^533. 
 be faid of any other Perfon more than will afterwards occur. 
 
 The Ring loved to raife mean Perfons, and upon the leaft diftafte to 
 throw them down : and falling into difgrace, he fpared not to facrifice 
 them to publick difcontents. His Court was magnificent, and his Ex- 
 pence vaft; he indulged himfelf in his pleafures: and the hopes of Chil- 
 dren (befides the Lady Mary) failing by the Queen, he who of all 
 things defired IfTue mofl:, kept one Elizabeth Blunt, by whom he had 
 Henry Fitz-roy, whom in the 17/Ayear of his Reign he created Earl of t„„. 17. ig. 
 Nottingham, and the fame day made him Duke of Richmond and So- R^e- Rot. Pai. 
 merfet, and intended afterwards to have put him in the Succelfion of ^^^^ fuf'zz 
 the Crown after his other Children ; but his death prevented it. i\i6. "' 
 
 As for his Parliament he took great care to keep a good under- 
 ftandingwith them, and chiefly with the Houfeof Commons, by which 
 means he feldom failed to carry Matters as he pleafed among them: only 
 in the Parliament held in the ij[th and i$th of his Reign, the Demand 
 of the Subfidy towards the War with France, being fohigh as 800000 /. 
 the fifth of Mens Goods and Lands to be paid in four years, and the 
 Cardinal being much hated, there was great Oppofition made to it: 
 for which the Cardinal blamed Sir Thomas More much, who was thert 
 Speaker of the Houfe of Commons 5 and finding that which was of- 
 ferred, was not above the half of what was asked, went himfelf to the 
 Houfe of Commons, and defired to hear the Reafons of thofe who op- 
 pofed his Demands, that he might anfwer them: but he was told the 
 Order of their Houfe was to reafon only among themfelves, and fo went 
 away much dlflatisfied. It was with great difficulty that they obtained 
 a Subfidy of 3 /. in the lib. to be paid in four years. This difappoint- 
 ment it feems did fo offend the Cardinal, that as no Parliament had been 
 called for feven years before, fo there was none fummoned for fevea 
 years after. And thus ftood the Civil Government of England in the 
 19th year of the Ring's Reign, when the Matter of the Div6rce was 
 firft moved. But I fhall next open the State of Affairs in Reference to 
 Religious and Spiritual Concerns. 
 
 King
 
 to Ths Hiftorjf of the Reformation .Bookli 
 
 t^cwas bred a King Henry was bred with more care than had been ufually beftovv- 
 ^'^^°'"' ed on the Education of Princes for many Ages, who had been on\f 
 trained up to thofe Exercifes that prepared theni to War, arid H the/ 
 could read and write, more was not expefted of them. But Learn*> 
 ing began now to flourifti 5 and as the Houfe of Medici in Florenci 
 had great Honour by the Proteftion it gave to learned Men, fo other 
 Princes every where cherifhed the Mufes. King Henry the 7/^, thougll 
 illiterate himfelf, yet took care to have his Children inftrufted in good 
 Letters. And it generally pafTes current that he bred his fecond Son i 
 Scholar, having defigned him to be Arch-bifhop of Canterbury^ buE 
 that has no foundation ^ for the Writers of that time tell, that his EI^ 
 der Brother Prince Arthur was alfo bred a Scholar. And all the \ti^ 
 flruftion King Henry had in Learning, muft have been after his Brothei 
 was dead, when that Defign had vaniftied with his life. For he being 
 ijorn the 28/Aofjf«»e 1491. and Prince A/A«r dying the fecond of J^r/7 
 1502. he was not full eleven years of Age, when he became Prince i>t' 
 Wales ^ at which Age Princes have feldom made any great progrefs iri 
 Learning. But King Henry the 7/A jijdging either that it would roaK^ 
 his Sons Greater Princes, and fitter for the Management of ^their Afi- 
 fairs, or being jealous of their looking too early into bufinefs, or their 
 pretending tp the Crown upon their Mother's Title, which might 
 have been a dadgerous competition to him, that was fo little beloved 
 by his Subjeds, took this Method for amufing them with other things: 
 thence it was, that his Son was the moft learned Prince that had beeri 
 in the World for many Ages, and deferved the Title Beau-Clerke, on 
 a better account than his Predeceflbr that long before had carried itl 
 The Learning then in credit, was either that of the Schools, about 
 abftrufe Queftions of Divinity, which from the days of Lombard were 
 debated and defcanted on with much fubtlety and nicety, and exerci- 
 fed all Speculative Divines^ or the Study of the Canon- Law, which 
 was the way to Bufinefs and Preferment. To the former of thefe the 
 King was much addidted, and delighted to read often in Thomas Aqulnast, 
 and this made Cardinal Wolfey more acceptable to him, who was chiefly 
 converfantin that fort of Learning. He loved the purity of the Latirt 
 Tongue, which made him be fo kind to Erafmus that was the great Re- 
 ftorer of it, and to T?olydore Virgil ^ though neither of thefe made their 
 Court dextroufly with the Cardinal, which did much intercept the Kings 
 Favour to them 5 fo that the one left England, and the other was but 
 courfly ufed in it, who has fufficiently revenged himfelf upon the Car- 
 dinals Memory. The Philofophy then in fafhion was fo intermixed 
 with their Divinity, that the King underftood it too^ and was alfo a 
 good Mufician, as appears by two whole Mafles which hecorapofed. 
 He never wrote well, but fcrawled fo that his hand was fcarce le* 
 gible. 
 
 Being thus inclined to Learning, he was much courted by all hungry- 
 Scholars, who generally over Ewr^pe dedicated their Books to him, with 
 fuch flattering Epiftles, that it very much lefTens him, to fee how he de- 
 lighted in fuch Stuff. For if he had not taken pleafure in it, and re- 
 warded them, it is not likely that others (hould have been every year 
 writing after fuch ill Copies. Of all things in the World Flattery 
 wrought moft on him 5 and no fort of Flattery pleafed him better than 
 to have his great Learning and Wifdom commended. And in this, his 
 Parliaments, his Courtiers, his Chaplains, Foreigners and Natives, all 
 
 feeroed
 
 Book I. of the Church of Eno;land. 
 
 II 
 
 feemed to vie who Ihould exceed moft, and came to fpeuk to him in a 
 Stile which was fcarce fit to be ufed to any Creature. But he defigned 
 to entail thefe Praifes on his Memory, cherifhing Church-men more 
 than any King in England had ever done ^ he alfo courted the Pope 
 with a conftant fubmillion, and upon all occafions made the Popes In- 
 terefts his own, and made War and Peace as they defired him. So that 
 bad he died any time before the i <^th year of his Reign, he could (carce 
 have efcaped being Canonized, notwithftanding all his faults ^ for he 
 abounded in thofe vertues, which had given Saintdiip to Kings for near 
 looo years together, and had done more than they all did, by writing 
 a Book for the Roman Faith. 
 
 England had for above 300 years been the tameft part of Chriften- The Kings 
 dom to the Papal Authority, and had been accordingly dealt with. Prero-ativem 
 But though the Parliaments and two or three High-fpirited Kings, had ^att^*";^'^"^*' 
 given fome interruption to the cruel exactions and other illegal pro- 
 ceedings of the Court of Rome^ yet that Court always gained their 
 defigns in the end. Bur even in this Kings days, the Crown was not 
 quire ftriptof all its Authority over Spiritual Perfons. The Inveftitures 
 of Bifhops and Abbots, which had been originally given by the delivery 
 of the Paftoral Ring and Staff, by the Kings of England, were after fomc 
 oppofition wrung out of their hands; yet 1 find they retained another 
 thing, which upon the matter was the fame. When any See was va- 
 cant, a Writ was iffued out of the Chancery for feizing on all the 
 Temporalities of the Bifhoprick, and then the King recommended one cujiodia Tem^ 
 to the Pope, upon which his Bulls were expeded at Rome, and fo by torii'ftdf' 
 a Warrant from the Pope he was confecrated, and inverted in the 
 Spiritualities of the See ^ but was to appear before the King either in 
 Perfon or by Proxy, and renounce every claufe in his Letters and 
 Bulls, that were or might be prejudicial to the Prerogative of the 
 Crown, or contrary to the Laws of the Land, and was to fwear Fealty 
 and Allegiance to the King. And after this a new Writ was ilTued 
 out of the Chancery, bearing that this was done, and that thereupon 
 the Temporalities fhould be reftored. Of this there are fo many Pre- Refiimkrem^ 
 cedents in the Records, that every one that has fearched them muft f'^^-'^^f'^- 
 needs find them in every year ; but when this began, I leave to the 
 more Learned in the Law to difcover. And for proof of it the Reader 
 will find in the Colleftion the fulleft Record which I met with concern- coiieft, 
 ing it in Henry the yth his Reign, of Cardinal Adrians being inverted ^'""*- »- 
 in the Bifhoprick of Bath and Wells. So that upon the matter the 
 Kings then difpofed of all Birtiopricks, keeping that ftill in tbeif 
 own hands which made them moft defired in thofe Ages; and fo had 
 the Birtiops much at their Devotion. 
 
 ^ But King Henry in a great degree parted with this, by the above-men- 
 tioned Power granted to Cardinal Wolfcy, who being Legate as well as 
 Lord Chancellor, it was thought a great error in Government, to lodge 
 fuch a trurt with him which might have part into a Precedent, for other 
 Legates pretending to the fame Power; fince the Papal greatnefs had 
 thus rifen, and oft upon weaker Grounds, to the height it was then at. 
 Yet the King had no mind tofuffer the Laws made againft the fuingout Licencetothe 
 of Bulls in the Court of Rovic without his leave to be negledled; lor tllll^^ no- 
 Ifind feveral Licences granted to fue Bulls in that Court, bearing for their vcmb.\'.ipart, 
 Preamble the Statute of the 16 of Richard the Second againft the Pope's ^J^^^'"' ^"'* 
 pretended Power in England. 
 
 B But
 
 1 2 'I^b- Hilhry of the Keformation Book I. 
 
 ~ But the immunity of Ecclefiaftical Perfons was a thing that occafio- 
 
 ned great complaints. And good caufe there was for them. For it was 
 ordinary for Perfons after the grcateft Crimes, to get into Orders ^ and 
 then not only what was paft muft be forgiven them, but they were not 
 to be queftioned for any Crime after Holy Orders given, till they were 
 firft degraded ; and till that was done they were the Billiop's Prifoners. 
 Whereupon there arofe a great difpute in the beginning of this King s 
 Reign, of which none of our Hiftorians having taken any notice, I 
 thall give a full account of it. •* 
 
 A Concert a- King Henry the Seventh in his Fourth Parliament did a little lelTen 
 bout the Ec- the Privileges of the Clergy, enafting that Clerks convidted (hould 
 immmi'i"y ^e burnt in the Hand. But this not proving a fufficient reftrainr, ic 
 "^KUtwa/i was Enafted in Parliament in the Fourth year of this King, that all 
 Reports. Murderers and Robbers (hould be denied the benefit of their Clergy. 
 But though this feemed a very juft Law, yet to make it pafs through 
 the Houfe of Lords, they added two Provifos to it, the one for ex- 
 cepting all fuch as were within the Holy Orders of Bifiop, Pricji, or 
 Deacon 5 the Other that the A<^ (hould only be in force till the next 
 Parliament. With thefe Provifos it was unanimouHy affented to by 
 the Lords on the 26 Jan. 1515. and being agreed to by the Commons, 
 the Royal Affent made it a Law: Purfuant to which many Murderers 
 and Felons were denied their Clergy, and the Law paffed on them 
 to the great Satisfaction of the whole Nation. But this gave great of- 
 fence to the Clergy, who had no mind to fuffer their Immunities to 
 be touched or leflened. And judging that if the Laity made bold v/ith 
 Inferiour Orders, they would proceed further even againft Sacred Or- 
 ders^ therefore as their Oppofition was fuch, that the Aft not being 
 continued, did determine at the next Parliament (that was in the fifth 
 year of the King,) fo they not fatisfied with that, refolved to fix a 
 cenfure on that Aft as contrary to the Franchifes of the Holy Church. 
 And the Abbot of V/inchelcomb being more forward than the reft, during 
 the Seffion of Parliament in the yth year of this Kings Reign, in a 
 Sermon at P^w/'sCrofs, faid openly, That that Aft was contrary tothe Law 
 of God, and to the Liberties of the Holy Church, and that all xvho ajfented 
 to it, as well Spiritual asTemporal Perfons, had by fo doing incurrdthe Cen- 
 fures of the Church. And for Confirmation of his Opinion, he publiQi- 
 ed a Book to prove, that all Clerks, whether of the greater or lower 
 Orders, were facred, and exempted from all Temporal Punifhments by 
 the Secular Judge, even in Criminal Cafes. This made great noife, and 
 all the Temporal Lords, with the concurrence of the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, defired the King to fupprefs the growing Infolenceof the Clergy. 
 So there was a hearing of the Matter betore the King, with all the Judges 
 and the King's Temporal Council. Doftor Standifj, Guardian of the 
 Mendicant Friers in London (afterwards Biihop of Saint Jfaph) the 
 chief of the Ring's Spiritual Council, argued. That by the Law, Clerks 
 had been ftill convened and judged in the King's Court for Civil Crimes, 
 and that there was nothing either in the Laws of God, or the Church, 
 inconfiftent withit; and that the publick good of the Society, which 
 was chiefly driven at by all Laws, and ought to be preferred to all 
 other things, required that Crimes fhould be punifhed. But the 
 Abbot of Winchelcomb being Counfel for the Clergy, excepted to this 
 and faid. There was a Decree made by the Church exprefly to the contrary, 
 to whiih all ought to pay Obedience under the pain of Mortal (in ; and that 
 
 therefore
 
 , -. ■ ' ■ _— ™_ •■" ;-.i;^ 
 
 Book I. of the Church of tngland, 1 3 
 
 therefore the trying of ClerJis in the Civil Courts was a fin in it felf. Stan- 
 difJ) upon this turned to the King and faid, God forbid that all the De^ 
 crees of the Chnrch fl)ould bittd. It feems the B jljops think not fo, for 
 though there is a Decree that they fiould refide at their Cathedrals all the 
 Fefiivals of the year, yet the greater part of them do it not-^ Adding, That 
 no Decree could have any force in England, till it was received there:, 
 and that this Decree was never received in England, but that as well 
 fince the making of it, as before, Clerks had been tryed for Crimes 
 in the Civil Courts. To this the Abbot made no Anfwer, but brought 
 a place of Scripture to prove this Exemption to have come from our 
 Saviour's words, Nolite tangere Chrifios meos. Touch not mine A- 
 nointed; and therefore Princes ordering Clerks to be arrefted and 
 brought before their Courts, was contrary to Scripture, againft which 
 no cuftom can take place. Standif? replyed, thefe words were never 
 faid by our Saviour, but were put by David in his Pfalter icoo years 
 before Chriftj and he faid thefe words had no relation to the Civil 
 Judicatories, but becaufe the greateft part of the World was then 
 wicked, and but a fmall number believed the Law, they were a Charge 
 to the reft of the World, not to do them harm. But though the Ab- 
 bot had been very violent, and confident of his being able to confound 
 all that held the contrary opinion, yet he made no Anfwer to this. 
 The Laity that were prefent being confirmed in their former opini- 
 on by hearing the Matter thus argued, moved the Bifhops to order 
 the Abbot to renounce his former opinion, and recant his Sermon at 
 Paul's Croft. But they flatly refufed to do it, and faid they were bound 
 by the Laws of the Holy Church to maintain the Abbot's opinion in 
 every point of it. Great heats followed upon this during the fitting ^^^^ ^lerk, 
 of the Parliament, of which there is a very Partial Entry made in the Tef.'Rot'pat 
 Journal of the Lords Houfe^ and no wonder, the Clerk of the Par- Parp i: 
 liament, Doftor Tylor Doftor of the Canon-Law, being at the fame JZ^^^t 
 time Speaker of the Lower Houfe of Convocation. The entry is in Dijjbintum i^ 
 thefe Words. In this Parliament and Convocation there were moji dan- finitumf-uthic 
 geroHS Contentions between the Clergy and the Secular Power, about the Ec' 2j Dec. 1515. 
 clefiaflical Liberties, one Standi(h a Minor Frier being the Injirument and Johame Tyior 
 Promoter of all that Mifchief But a pafTage fell out, that made this S' TtcSl^ 
 matter be more fully profecuted in the Michaelmas-Term. One Richard Pariiamento- 
 Hunne a Merchant-Taylor in London, was queftioned by a Clerk in "^'^ ^f""'"' 
 Middlefex for a Mortuary, pretended to be due for a Child of his that demwn%"' 
 died five Weeks old. The Clerk claimed the beering (heet, and Hunne frokcutore 
 refufing to give it; upon that he was fued, but his Counfel advifed cTeT^lodlL 
 him to fue the Clerk in a Pr£munire, for bringing the King's Subjefts uu,dit in hoc 
 before a Foreign Court; the Spiritual Court fitting by" Authority y'"'^^^'"^^ ■ 
 from the Legate. This touched the Clergy fo in the quick, that they fe pelhuhf,^' 
 ufed all the Arts they could to faften Herefie on him, and underftand- '^^ ied't'onet 
 ing that he had Wickliff's Bible, upon that he was attached of Here- IT/adTm % 
 fie, and put in the Lollard's Tower at Paul's, and examined upon fome secuiarempo- 
 Articles objefted to him by Fitz-James then Bilhop of London. He S^'""/"^-"'" 
 denied them as they were charged againft him, but acknowledged he Euiejuji^ 
 
 lets. 
 
 had faid fome Words founding that way, for which he was forty, q'-'oi^m Fratn 
 and asked God's Mercy, and fubmitted himfelf to theBiOiop'sCorreaion; sS^'""" 
 upon wnicn he ought to have been enjoyned Penance and let at Li- «/«« waiomK 
 berty; but he perfiftingftill in hisSutein the King's Courts, they ufed ^'"'l^roacjii- 
 him moft cruelly. On the Fourth of December he was lound hanged '^lulTndf,*. 
 
 B 3 in
 
 14 The Hifior]/ of the Keforvintion Book I. 
 
 * Munne hang- jn the Chamber whefe he was kept * Prifonef . And Doftor Horpy 
 ed inPrifon, chancellor to the Bifhop of London, with the other Officers who hgcl 
 the charge of the Prifon, gave it out that he hid hang'd hinifclf. 
 But the Coroner of Londoti^ coming to hold an Inqu&ft on the dead^ 
 Body, they found him hanging fo loofe, and in a filk Girdle, that they 
 clearly perceived he was killed 5 they alfo found his Neck had been 
 broken as they judged, with an Iron Chain, for the Skin was all fret- 
 ted and cut ^ they faw fome ftreams of Blood about his Body, be- 
 fides feveral other evidences which made it clear he had not murder- 
 ed himfelt^ whereupon they did acquit the dead Body, and laid thd 
 Murder on the Officers that had the charge of that Prifon : and by' 
 other proofs they found the Biftiop's Sumner and the Bell-ringer guilty 
 of it, and by the depofition of the Sumner himfelf it did appear, that 
 the Chancellor and he, and the Bell-ringer, did Murder him, and 
 then hang him up. 
 
 But as the Inqueft proceeded in this Trial, the Bifhop began a new 
 Procefs againft the dead body of Rhhard Huntie, for other points ot 
 Herefie^i and feveral Articles werfe gathered out of WickUf'sVrd^ct 
 to the Bible with which he was charged And his having the Book 
 in his Pofleflion being taken for good evidence, he was judged an He-* 
 retick, and his Body delivered to the Secular Power. When jud*. 
 ment was given, the Bifhops of Durefme and Littcaltt, with many Do- 
 ctors both of Divinity and the Canon-Law fate with the Bifhop oi 
 London ; fo that it was look'd on as an A€t of the whole Clergy, 
 And his body and done by comtlioh confent. On the 2Cth of December hi§ body wa$ 
 ^^J^ll' burnt at Smthfeld. 
 
 -' °' '^* But this produced an efFeO: very different from what was expedtJ, 
 for it was hoped that he being found an Heretick no body fhould appeM 
 for him any more: whereas on the contrary, it occafionSd a ^reat out- 
 cry, the Man having lived in very ^ood Reputation among his Neigh- 
 bours^ fo that after that day the City of London ytSiS never well affe- 
 fted to the PopiCh Clergy, but declined to follow any body who fpoke 
 againft them, and every one lookt on it, as a caufe of common Con- 
 cern. All exclaimed ngainft the Cruelty of their Clergy, th;it for a 
 Man's fuing a Clerk according to Law, he fhould be long and hardly 
 ufed in a fevere Imprifonment, and at hft cruelly murdered; andallthis 
 laid on himfelf to defame him, and ruin his Family. And then to burn 
 that body which they had fo handled, was thought fuch a complication 
 of Cruelties, as few Barbarians had ever been guilty of. The Bilhop 
 finding that the Inqueft went on, and the whole matter was difco- 
 vered, ufed all poffible endeavours to ftop their proceedings^ and they 
 were often brought before the King's Council, where it was pretended 
 that all proceeded from Malice and Herefie. The Cardinal laboured 
 to procure an Order to forbid their going any further, but the thing 
 was both fo foul and fo evident that it could not be done; and that 
 oppofition made it more generally believed. In the Parliament there 
 was a Bill fent up to the Lords by the Commons for reftoring Hnnnes 
 Children, which was paffed, nndhadthe Royal Adent to it; but another 
 Bill being brought in about this Murder, itoccafioned great heats among 
 them. The Bifhop of London faid that }innne had hanged himfelf-^ 
 that the Inqueft were falfe perjured Caitiffs, and if they proceeded fur- 
 ther he could not keep his Houfefor Hereticks; fo that the Bill which 
 April }. ^^5 ^^^^ "P ^y ^^^ Commons was but once read in the Houfe of Lords, 
 
 for
 
 Book I. of the Church of Hngknd. 1 5 
 
 for the Power of the Clergy v/as great there. But the Trial went on, 
 and both the Bifliop's Chancellor and the Sumner were cndictcd as Prin- 
 cipals in the Murder. 
 
 The Convocation that was then fitting, finding fo great a ftir made, 
 and that all their Liberties were now ftruck at refolved to call Doftor 
 Sta/;di/I}to an Account for what he had faid and argued in that matter ^ 
 fo he being fummoned before them, fome Articles were objefted to 
 him by word of Mouth, concerning the judging of Clerks in Civil 
 Courts^ and the day following they being put in writing, the Bill was 
 delivered to him, and a day alligned for him to make Anfwer. The 
 Doftor perceiving their intention, and judging it would go hard with 
 him if he were tried before them, went and claimed the King's Pro- 
 tection, from this trouble that he was now brought in, for difcharging 
 his Duty as the King's Spiritual Councel. But the Clergy made their 
 excufe to the King, that they were not to quefiion him for any thing he 
 had faid as the King'sCouncel ^ but for fome Leftures he read at St. faul's 
 and elfevvhere, contrary to the Law of God, and Liberties of the hoi, Church, 
 Tfhich they n-ere bouitd to maintain '^ and defired the King's Afiiftance ac- 
 cording to his Coronation Oath, and as he would not incur the Cenfures 
 of the holy Church. On the other hand the Temporal Lords and Judges^ 
 with the concurrence of the Houfe of Commons, addrelTed to the King, 
 to maintain the Temporal Jurifdiftion according to his Coronation Oath, 
 and to proted Standijh from the Malice of his Enemies. 
 
 This put the King in great perplexity, for he had no mind to Ipfii 
 any part of his Temporal Jurifdidtion, and on the other Hand was no 
 lefs apprehenfive of the dangerous effefts that might follow on a breach 
 with the Clergy. So he called for Doftor Veyfey, then Dean of his 
 Chappel, and afterwards Biftnp oi Exeter, and charged him upon his 
 Allegiance to declare the truth to him in that matter: which after fome 
 ftudy he did, and faid, upon his Faith, Confcience, and Allegiance, he 
 did think that the convening of Clerks before the Secular Judge, which 
 had been always pr.^difed in England, might well confift with the Lavf 
 of God and the/r«e Liberties of the Holy Church. This gave the King 
 great Satisfadion; fo he commanded all the Judges, and his Councel 
 both Spiritual and Temporal, and fome of both Houfes, to meet at Black- 
 Friers, and to hear the matter argued. The liill againft Doctor Stan- 
 difb was read, which confifted of Six Articles that were objedted to 
 him. Firft, That he had faid that the lower Orders were not f^red^ Se- 
 condly, That the Exemption of Clerks was not founded on a Divine Right, 
 TbirvJiy, That the Laity might coerce Clerks when thePrelates did not their 
 duty. Fourthly, that no pof live Ecdejiafiical Law binds any bat thofeivho 
 receive it. Fifthly, That the Study of the Canon-Law was needlefs. Sixthly, 
 ■That of the whole Volume of the Decretum, fo much as a Man could hold 
 inhis/iji, and no more, did oblige Chrijiians. To theCe Oodior Standi/b 
 anfwered. That for thofe things expreft in the Third, the Fifth, andthe 
 Sixth Articles he had never taught them; asforhisaflertingrhematany 
 time in difcourfe, as he did not remember it, fo he did not much care, 
 whether he h.id done it or not. To the Firft he faid, Lepr Orders in 
 one fence are Sacred, and in another they are not Sarred. For the 
 Second and Fourth, he confefled he had taught them, and was 
 ready to juftifie them. It was objefted by the Clergy, that as by the 
 Law ot God, no man could judge his Father, it being contrary to that 
 Commandment, Honour thy Father ; So Church men being Spiritual Fa. 
 
 thsrt.
 
 i6 TIj^ Hijlory of the Keforviation Book I. 
 
 thers, they could not be judged by the Laity who were their Children, 
 To which he anfvvered, That asthatonly concluded in favour of Priejii, 
 thofein Inferiour Orders not being F4^/(>er/j fo it was a miftake to fay a 
 Judge might not fit upon his Natural Father, for the Judge was by ano- 
 ther Relation above his Natural Father : And though the Commandment 
 is conceived in general Words, yet there are fonie exceptions to be ad- 
 mitted ; as though it be faid, Thou /halt not kill, yet in fome cafes we 
 may lawfully kill 5 fo in the cafe ol: Juftice a Judge may lawfully fit 
 on bis Father. 
 
 But Do(5or Veyfeys Argument was that which took moft with all 
 that were prefent. He faid, it was certain that theLaws of theChurch 
 did uot bind an) hut thofe reho received them. To prove this, he faid, 
 that in old times all Secular Priefts were Married; but in the days of 
 St. Augujline, the Apoftle of England, there was a Decree made to the 
 contrary, which was received in £//^/rf»^, and in many other places, by 
 vertue whereof the Secular Priefts in England may not Marry : but 
 this Law not being univerfally received, the Greek Church never judged 
 themfelves bound by it, fothat to this day the Priefts in that Church have 
 Wives as well as other Secular Men. U then the Churches of the Eaji, 
 not having received the Law of the Celebate of the Clergy, have ne- 
 ver been condemned by the Church, for not obeying it 5 then the con- 
 vening Clerks having been always praftifed in England^ was no fin, 
 notwithftanding the Decree to the contrary, which was never received 
 here. Nor is this to be compared to thofe Privileges that concern 
 only a Private Mans Intereft, for the Common-wealth of the whole 
 Realm was chiefly to be look'd at, and to be preferred to all other 
 things. 
 
 When the Matter was thus argued on both fides, all the Judges 
 delivered their Opinions, in thefe Words. That all thofe of theConvo' 
 cation reho did arvard the Citation againji Standifti, n>ere in the cafe of a 
 Vrantunire facias 5 and added fomewhat about the Conftitution of the 
 Parliament, which being foreign to my bufinefs, and contrary to a re- 
 ceived Opinion, I need not mention, but refer the Reader to Keilway for 
 his Information, if hedefires to know more of it: And thus the Court 
 broke up. But foon after, all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, with 
 many of the Houfe of Commons, and all the Judges and the King's 
 Councel, were called before the Ring to Barnard s Caftle^ and in all their 
 prefence the Cardinal kneeled down before the Ring, and in the Name 
 of the Clergy faid. That none of them intended to do any thing that might 
 derogate from his Prerogative, and leajl of all himfelf who otved his ad- 
 vancement only to the Kings Favour. But this matter of Convening of 
 Clerks, did feem to them all to be contrary to the Laws of God, and the Li- 
 berties of the Church, which they were bound by their Oaths to maintain ac 
 cording to their Power ; Therefore in their Name he humbly begged. 
 That the King to avoid the Cenfures of the Church, would refer the Matter 
 to the decifion of the Pope and his Councel, at the Court of Rome. To which 
 the Ring anfwered, // feems to us that Do&or Standifti, and others of 
 our Spiritual Councel, have anfwered you fully in all points. The Bifhop 
 of Winchefier rt}^i\ytA, Sir, I warrant you DoS or St2indl^ will not abide 
 by his Opinion at his Peril. But the Doftor faid. What /I)ould one poor 
 Frier do alone, againji all the Bijhops and Clergy of England > After a 
 (liort filence the Arch biftiop of Canterbury faid. That in former timet 
 divers Holy Fathers of the Church had oppofed the execution of that Law, 
 
 and
 
 ■ -— >^.. M . 1. 11 r . . ,1, -. , ■ .. ■ . , 1 
 
 Book I. of the Cbiircb of England. 17 
 
 andfonic of them buffered Martyrdom in the parrel. To whom Fineux 
 Lord Chief Juftice faid. That many Holy Kings had maintained that Larv^ 
 and many holy Fathers had given Obedience to it, which it is not to bepre- 
 fnmed they would have done, had they known it to he contrary to the Law of 
 God: and he defired to know by what Law Bifliops could judge Clerks 
 for Felony, it beiag a thing only determined by the Temporal Law 5 Co 
 that either it was not at all to be tryed, or it was only in the Temporal 
 Court; fo that either Clerks muftdoas they pleafe, or be tryed in 
 the Civil Courts. To this no Anfwer being made, the King faid thefe 
 words : By the Permijjion af:d Ordinaz/cc of God roe are King of England, 
 and the Kings of England in times paji had never any Supcrioitr, but God 
 only. Therefore know you well that we will maintain the Right of our CroiVn 
 and of our Temporal Jnrifdi&ion as well in this, as in all other Points, in 
 as ample manner as any of our Progenitors have done before our time. A>;d 
 as for your Decrees rfe are wellajfured that you of the Spirituality go exprefly 
 again fl^ the words of divers of them, as hath been flawed you b^ for»e of our 
 Counceliy and J OH interpret )our Decrees at your pleafure, hut we will not a- 
 gree to them more than our Progenitors have done in former times. But 
 the Arch-bifhop of Canterbury made rooft humble Inftance, that the 
 Matter might be fo long refpited, till they could get a Refolution from 
 the Court of Rome^ which they fliould procure at their own Charges • 
 and if it did confift with the Law of God, they (hould conform them- 
 felves to the Law of the Land. To this the King made no anfwer : 
 but the Warrants being out againft Dodor Horfey the Bifbop of Lon- 
 don's Chancellor, he did Abfcond in the Arch-bifhops Houfe 5 though 
 it was pretended he was a Prifoner there, till afterwards a temper was 
 found that Horfey (hould render bimfelf a Prifoner in the King's 
 Bench and be tryed. But the Bilhop of London made earnefl: Appli- 
 cations to the Cardinal that he would move ths King to command 
 the Attorney-General to confefs the Indiftment was not true, that 
 it might not be referred to a Jury; fince he faid the Citizens of 
 London did fo favour Herefie, that if he were as innocent as Abel, they 
 would find any Clerk guilty. The King not willing to irritate the 
 Clergy too much, and judging he had maintained his Prerogative by 
 bringing Horfey to the Bar, ordered the Attorney to do fo. And 
 accordingly when Horfey was brought to the Bar and Endired of Mur- 
 der, he pleaded Not guilty 5 which the Attorney acknowledging, he 
 was difmifled, and went and lived at Exeter, and never again came 
 back to London^ either out of fear or fhame. And for Doftor Standifh, 
 upon the King's Command, he was alfo difmiiTed out of the Court of 
 Convocation. 
 
 It does not appear that the Pope thought fit to interpofe in this Matter, 
 For though upon lefs Provocations, Popes had proceeded to thehigheft 
 Cenfures againft Princes ^ yet this King was otherwife fo neceflary to the 
 Pope at this time, that he was not to be offended. The Clergy fuffered 
 much in this bufinefs, befides the lofs of their Reputation with the 
 People, who involved them all in the guilt of Hunne's Murder; for 
 now their Exemption being well examined, was found to have no foun- 
 dation at all but in their own Decrees; and few were much convinced 
 by that Authority, fince upon the matter it was but a judgment of 
 their own, in their own favours : nor was the City of London at all 
 fatisfied with the Proceedings in the Kings-Bench, fince there was no 
 
 Juftice
 
 1 8 Tbe Hijlory of the Reformation Book I. 
 
 juftice done 5 and all thought the King feemed more careful to main- 
 tain his Prerogative than to do Juftice. 
 
 This I have related the more fully, becaufe it feems to have had 
 great influence on Peoples Minds, and to have difpofed them much to 
 the Changes that followed afterwards. How thefe things were eil- 
 tred in the Book of Convocation, cannot be now known. For among 
 the other fad lolTes fuftained in the late burning of London, this;; was 
 one, that almoft all the Regifters of the Spiritual Courts were burnt, 
 fome few of the Arch-bifhops of Canterbury and Bifliops of London'^ 
 Regifters being only preferved. But having compared Fox his Ac- 
 count of this and fome other matters, and finding it exaftly accor- 
 ding to the Regifters that are preferved, I (ball the more confident- 
 ly build on what he publifhed from thofe Records that are now 
 lofr. 
 The King ob- This was the only thing in the firft 18 years of the Kings Reign 
 pfes'hrhi t^at deemed to leffen the Greatnefs of the Clergy, but in all other 
 and was mudi Matters he was a moft Faithful Son of the See of Rome. Pope Jtdius 
 courted by foon after his coming to the Crown, fent him a Golden Rofe with a 
 Coi™ft Letter to Arch-biftiop Warham to deliver it, and though fuch Prefents 
 
 jiumb. 2d. might feem fitter for young Children, than for men of difcrction, yet 
 the King was much delighted with it^ and to (hew his Gratitude, there 
 ^Jiel' ° was a Treaty concluded the year following between the King and Fer- 
 dinand of Arragon, for the defence of the Papacy againft the French King. 
 And when in oppofition to the Council, that the French King and fome 
 other Princes and Cardinals had called, firft to J?ifa (which was after- 
 wards tranflated to Milan, and then to Lyons, thatfuramoned the Pope 
 19 April to appear before them, and fufpended his Authority) Pope JhUhs cal- 
 J5I*. led another Council tohzhtldintht Lateran-^ the King fent theBifhops 
 
 of Worcefter and Roche/ier, the Prior of St. John's, and the Abbot of 
 Winchelcomb to fit in that Council, in which there was fuch a Reprefen- 
 tative of the Catholick Church as had not been for feveral of the later 
 Ages in the [f^e^er» Church : in which a few Bifliops packt out of feveral 
 Kingdoms, and many Italian Bifliops with a vaft number of Abbots, 
 Priors, and other Inferiour Dignified Clergy-men, were brought to 
 Confirm together whatever the Popes had a mind to Enaft^ which 
 pafHng eafily among them, was fent over the world with a ftamp of 
 Sacred Authority, as the Decrees and Decifions of the Holy TJniverfal 
 Church ajfembled in a General Council. 
 
 Nor was there a worfe underftanding between this King and Pope 
 Leo the loth. that fucceeded Julius, who did alfo complement him with 
 thofe P:t pal Prefents of Rofes, and at his defiremade Woljey a Cardinal 5 
 and above all other things obliged him by conferring on him the Title 
 Vaob'er II ^^ Defender of the Faith, (upon the prefenting to the Pope his Book a- 
 L. Hubert, gainft Lather) in a pompous Letter Signed by the Pope, and 17 Car- 
 dinals, in which the King took great pleafure^ affecting it always be- 
 yond all his other Titles, though feveral of the former Kings of Eng- 
 land had carried the fame Title asSpeln/an informs us. So eafie a thing 
 it was for Popes to oblige Princes in thofe days, when a Title or a Rofe 
 was thought a fufficient Recompence for the greateft Services. 
 
 The Cardinal Governing all Temporal Affairs as he did, it is not to 
 be doubted but his Authority was abfolute in Ecclefiaftical Matters, 
 which feemed naturally to lie within his Province^ yet Warham made 
 fome oppofition to himj and complained to the King of his encroach- 
 
 ing
 
 Book I. of the Church of Enghnd. 19 
 
 ing too much in his Legantine Courts, upon his Jurifdiftion^ and the 
 things being clearly made our, the Ring chid the Cardinal (barply for 
 it, who ever after that hated Warham in his heart, yet he proceeded . 
 more warily for the future. 
 
 But the Cardinal drew the hatred of the Clergy upon himfelf, chiefly a BuH for r<?. 
 by a Bull which he obtained from Rome, giving him Authority to vifit Qcrgy ^ ''^^ 
 all Monafteries, and all the Clergy of England, and todifpence with all lo /««? 
 the Laws of the Church for one whole year after the date of the Bull, f '*^' ^- ^^f- 
 The power that was lodged in him by this Bull was not more invidious, tide'z^^.ofli^s 
 than the words in which it was conceived were offenfive ^ for the Pre- ij"peachjner: 
 amble of it was full of fevere Refledtions againft the Manners and Ig- 
 noranceof the Clergy, who are faid in it to have been delivered over 
 to a Reprobate mind. This, as it was a publick Defaming them, fo how 
 true foever it might be, all thought it did not become the Cardinal, 
 whofe Vices were notorious and fcandalous, to tax others whofe faults 
 were neither fo great, nor fo eminent as his were. 
 
 He did alfo affeft a Magnificence and Greatnefs, not only in his Habit The Caidi- 
 (being tbe firft Clergy-man in England that wore Silks) but in his Fa- ^*/Y''r ' 7. 
 mily, his Train, and other Pieces of State equal to that of Kings. And "^ "''^ "^^'' 
 even in performing Divine Offices, and faying Mafs, he did it with the 
 fame Ceremonies that the Popes ufe 5 who judge themfelves fo nearly 
 related to God, that thofe humble Afts of Adoration, which are Devo- 
 tions in other perfons, would abafe them too much. He had not only 
 Bifhops and Abbots to ferve him, but even Dukes and Earls to give 
 him the Water and the Towel. He had certainly a vaft mind ; and he 
 faw the corruptions of the Clergy gave fo great Scandal, and their Ig- 
 norance was fo profound, that unlefs fome effeftual ways were taken 
 for correcting thefe, they muft needs fall into great difefteem with the 
 People : For though he took great liberties himfelf, and perhaps accor- 
 ding to the Maxim of the Canonifts, he judged Cardinals, as Princes of 
 the Church, were not comprehended within ordinary Ecclefiaftical 
 Laws 5 yet he feemed to have defigned the Reformation of the Inferiour ^e <Jefigns a 
 Clergy by all the means he could think of, except the giving them a 
 good Example; Therefore he intended to vifit all the Monafteries of 
 England, that fodifcovering their corruptions, he might the better jufti- 
 fie thedefign he had to fupprefs moftof them, and convert them intoBi- 
 fliopricks. Cathedrals, Collegiate Churches and Colleges : For which 
 end he procured the Bull from Rome, but he was diverted from making 
 any ufe for it, by fome who advifed him rather to fupprefs Monafteries ^""^ ^ ^"P- 
 by the Pope's Authority, than proceed in a Method which would Monaftenef, 
 raife great hatred againft himfelf, caft foul afperfions on Fveligious 
 Orders, and give the Enemies of the Church great advantages againft 
 it. Yet he had communicated his defign to the Ring; and his Secre- 
 tary Cromwell underftanding it, was thereby inftrufted how to pro- 
 ceed afterwards when they went about the total fuppreffion of the 
 Monafteries. 
 
 The Summoning of Convocations he alTuraed by vertue of his Legan- TheCaiiingof 
 tine Power. Of thefe there were two forts, the firft were called hy the ^°"^<^""0'"'- 
 King ; for with the Writs for a Parliament there went out always a Sum- 
 mons to the Two Arch-Biftiops for calling a Convocation of their Pro- 
 vinces ; the Stile of which will be found in the Colleftion. It differs coi/efl-. 
 in nothing from what is now in ufe, but that the King did not prefix a'««a, j. * 
 
 C the
 
 20 T/;^ Hijlory of the Reformation Book I. 
 
 the day ; requiring them only to be Summoned to meet with all conve- 
 nient fpeed; and the Arch Billiops, having the Kings plcafurefignified 
 to them, did in their Writs prefix the day. Other Convocations were 
 called by the Arch-Bifliops in the feveral Provinces, upon great Emer- 
 gencies, to meet and treat of things relating to the Church, and were Pro- 
 vincial'Councils. Of this I find but one, and that called by }Varham\n 
 mmb^^t'h f^i^ fi'"^ y^^"* °^ ^^'^ ^''^?' ^^"^ reftoring the Ecdefiaftical Immunities 
 *"""*' that had been very much impaired, as will appear by the Writ of Sum- 
 mons. But the Cardinal did now, as Legate, ifTue out Writs for Con- 
 vocations. In the year 1522. I find by the Regifter there was a Writ 
 Regift. Tonfi. jffued from the King to Warham to call one, who upon that Summoned 
 Foi- 33. 34. jj jQ ^ggf at st_ Paul's the 20th of April. But the Cardinal prevailed 
 fo far with the King, that on the 7d of May after, he by his Legantine 
 Authority diflblved that Convocation 5 and iflued out a Writ to Ton- 
 ftall Billiop of London to bring the Clergy of Canterbury to St. Peter's 
 "in Wefimnjler, there to meet and reform Abufes in the Churchy and 
 confiderof other important Matters thatihouldbe propofed to them. 
 What they did towards Reformation, I know not, the Records being 
 loft: But as to the Kings Supply, it was propofed. That they fhould 
 give the King the half of the full value of their Livings for one year, 
 to be paid in Five years. The Cardinal laid out to them how much 
 the King bad merited from the Church, both by fuppreffing the 
 Schifm that was like to have been in the Papacy in Pope Julius his 
 time, and by protefting the See of Ro/ne from the French Tyranny • 
 but moft of all, for that excellent Book written by him in defence of 
 the Faith againft the Hereticks: and that therefore, fince the French 
 King was ranking War upon him, and had fent over the Duke of Al- 
 bany to Scotland to make War alfo on that fide, it was fit that on fo 
 great an occafion, it ftiould appear that his Clergy were fenfible of 
 their happinefs in having fuch a Ring ^ which they ought to exprefs 
 in granting fomewhat, that was as much beyond all former Precedents, 
 as the King had merited more from them than all former Kings had e- 
 ver done. 
 
 But the Bifliops of Winchefler and Rochcjier oppofed this: For they 
 
 both hated the Cardinal. The one thought him ungrateful to him who 
 
 had raifed him : The other being a man of a ftrift Life hated him 
 
 for his Vices. Both thefe fpake againft it as an unheard-of Tax, 
 
 which would fo opprefs the Clergy, that would not be poffible for 
 
 them to live and pay it 5 and that this would become a Precedent for 
 
 after- times, which would make the condition of the Clergy moft rfii- 
 
 ferable. But the Cardinal, who intended that the Convocation by a 
 
 great Subfidy fliould lead the way to the Parliament, took much pains 
 
 for carrying it through; and got fome to be abfent, and others were 
 
 prevailed on to confent to it: And for the fear of its being made a 
 
 Precedent, a Claufe was put in the Aft, That it Jljould be no Precedent for 
 
 after-times. Others laughed at this, and faid. It would be a Precedent 
 
 lor all that, if it once palTed. But in the end it was granted, with a 
 
 Collet. rnoft glorious Preamble^ and by it all the Natives of England that had 
 
 Numb. Vh. any Ecclfiaftical Benefice were to pay the full half of the true value 
 
 of their Livings in Five years; and all Foreigners who were Beneficed 
 
 in England were to pay a whole years Rent in the fame time : out of 
 
 which number were excepted the Biftiop of Worcefier and Landafe^ 
 
 Pol yd ore
 
 Book I. of the Clmrcb of lingland 21 
 
 'Polydore Vifgil, Peter the Cartfielite^ Erafmut of Roterdam, Silvejler Da- 
 riuf, and Peter Fannes^ who were to pay only as Natives did. This 
 encreafed the hatred that the Clergy bore the Cardinal. But he de- 
 fpifed them, and in particular was a great Enemy to the Monks, and 
 looked on them as idle mouths that did neither the Church nor State 
 any Service, but were through their fcandalous Lives a reproach to 
 the Church, and a burden to the State. Therefore he refolved to 
 fupprefs a great number of them, and to change them to another 
 Inftitution. 
 
 From the days of King Edgar the State of Monkery had been ftill ^^ ^'^^- ^"^^ 
 growing in England. For moft of the Secular Clergy being then Mar- fieriest 
 ried, and refufing to put away their Wives, were by Dnnflan Arch-Bi- 
 fliop of Canterbury, and Ethelwald Bilhop of Winchefler, and Ofrvald Bi- 
 (hop of Worcefler, who were all Monks, turned out of their Livings. 
 There is in the Rolls an Infpeximus of King Edgars, Ere(3:ingthe Priory Rot. Pat. lu 
 and Convent of Worcejier, which bears date Anno 964. Edgari 6'" on ^^^"-S-P^r^ «' 
 ^i. Innocents d^y. Signed by the King, the Queen, Two Arch- Bidiops, 
 Five Bifhops, Six Abbots, (but neither Bi(hoprick nor Abby are named) 
 Six Dukes, and Five Knights, but there is no Seal to it. It bears, that 
 the King, with the Council and Confent of his Princes and Gentry, did 
 Confirm and Eftabliih that Priory^ and that he had Erefted 47 Mo- 
 nafteries, which he intended to encreafe to 50. the number of Jubilee" 
 and that the former Incumbents fhould be for ever excluded from all 
 pretenfions to their Benefices, becaufe they had rather chofen with the 
 danger of their Order, and the prejudice of the Ecclefiaftical Benefice, 
 to adhere to their Wives, than to ferve God chaftly and Canonically. 
 
 The Monks being thus fettled in moft Cathedrals of England, gave 
 themfelves up to Idlenefs and Pleafure, which had been long complain- 
 ed of 5 but now that Learning began to be reftored, they being every- 
 where poffefled of the beft Church-Benefices, were looked upon by all 
 Learned-men with an evil eye, as having in their hands the chief en- 
 couragements of Learning, and yet doing nothing towards it 5 theyorl 
 the contrary decrying and difparaging it all they could, faying. It would 
 bring in Herefie, and a great deal of mifchief. And the Reftorers of 
 Learning, fuch as Erafmus, Vives^ and others, did not fpare them, but 
 did expofe their Ignorance and ill Manners to the World. 
 
 Now the King naturally loved Learning, and therefore the Cardinal, 
 either to do a thing which he knew would be acceptable to the King, 
 or that it was alfo agreeable to his own Inclinations, refolved to fet 
 up f^me Colleges, in which there fhould be both great Encourage- The Card i- 
 ments for eminent Scholars to profecute their Studies, and good "^''^coUege:. 
 Schools for teaching and training up of Youth. This he knew would 
 be a great honour to him, to be lookt upon as a Patron of Learning 5 
 and therefore he fet his heart much on it, to have Two Colleges (the 
 one at Oxford, the other at Ipfwhh, the place of his Birth) well con- 
 ftituted, and nobly Endowed. But towards this, it was neceffary to 
 fupprefs forae Monafteries, which was thought every-whit as juftiff- 
 able and lawful, as it had been many Ages before, to change Secular 
 Prebends into Canons Regular; the endowed Goods being ftill applied 
 to a Religious ufe. And it was thought hard to fay. That if the Pops 
 had the abfolute Power of difpenfing the Spiritual Treafure of the 
 Church, and to tranflate the Merits of one Man, and apply them to 
 
 C 2 another 5-
 
 22 Ihc Hillory of the Reformation Book I. 
 
 another ^ that he had not a much more abfolute Power over the Tem- 
 poral Treafure of the Church, to tranflate Church-Lands from one 
 ufe and apply thera to another. And indeed the Cardiiial was then 
 fo much confidered nt Rome, as a Pope of another world, that what- 
 ever he defired he eafily obtained. Therefore on the :^d. of April 1 524. 
 Pope Clennnt by a Bull gave him Authority to fupprefs the Monaftery 
 of St. FridefrviJeinOxford, andintbeDiocefsof Lincoln, and to carry 
 The Buii_and fjjg Monks elfewhere, with a very full tton obftatite. To this the King 
 \°^Rei-2.Tar't. gave his allent the 19/^. of April following. After this there follow- 
 Kit. Fut. ed many other Bulls for other Religions Houfes and Reftories that were 
 impropriated. Thefe Houfes being thus fuppreffed by the Law, they 
 belonged to the King 5 who thereuppon made them over to the Cardi- 
 nal by. new and fpecial Grants, which are all Enrolled. And fo he 
 went on with thefe great Foundations, and brought them to Perfefti- 
 on: ThatatOx/si-^siin the i8^/& year, and thatat//)/2P/VA in the 20/A year 
 of the King's Reign, as appears by the Dates of the King's Patents for 
 Founding them. 
 
 In the laft place I come to fliew the new opinions in Religion, or 
 thofe that were accounted new then in E/rgU/zd ^ and the State and 
 Progrefs of them till the igtb year of the King's Reign. 
 TheFirfibe- prom the days of Wichliffe, there were many that difliked moft 
 firma"fo°n i^^' °^ ^^^ received Dcftrines, in feveral parts of the Nation. The Cler- 
 EtigUnd. gy were at that time very hateful to the People ; for as the Pope did 
 exafl" heavily on them, fo they being oppreffed, took all means pof5- 
 ble to make the People repay what the "Popes wrefted from them. 
 Wickliffe being much encouraged and fupported by the Duke of Lan- 
 lafier, and the Lord Piercy, the Bilhops could not proceed againft him 
 till the Duke of Lattcajier was put from the King, and then he was 
 condemned at Oxford. Many opinions are charged upon him, but 
 whether he held them or not, we know not, but by the Teftimonies 
 of his Enemies, who writ of him with fo much paffion, that it difcre- 
 dits all they fay 5 yet he died in Peace, though his Body was after- 
 wards burnt. He tranflated the Bible out of Latin into Englijl), with 
 a long Preface befor£ it, in which he refledied feverely on the cor- 
 ruptions of the Clergy, and condemned the Wor(hiping of Saints 
 and Images, and denyed the corporal Prefence of Chrift's Body in the 
 Sacrament, and exhorted all People to the Study of the Scriptures. His 
 Bible with this Preface was well received by a great many, who were 
 led into thefe Opinions, rather by the Iraprefljons which common fenfe 
 and plain Reafon m^deon them, than by any deep Speculation of Stu- 
 dy. For the followers of this Doftrine were illiterate and ignorant 
 men: fome few Clerks joyned to them, but they formed not thcmfelves 
 into any Body or Aflbciation^ and were fcattered over the Kingdom, 
 holding thefe Opinions in private without making any publick Profef- 
 flon of them : Generally they were known by their difparaging the 
 fuperftitious Clergy, whofe Corruptions were then fo notorious, and 
 their Cruelty fo enraged, that no wonder the People were deeply pre- 
 judiced ag.iinft them. Nor were the methods they ufed likely to pre- 
 vail much upon them, being fevere and cruel. 
 ^f"^! ^ch''''^i '" ^'^^ Primitive Church, though in their Councils they were not 
 ^oiRomc!^^'^^ backward to pafs Anatheraatifms on every thing that they judged He- 
 tQfie 5 yet all Capital proceedings againft Hereticks were condemned 5 
 
 and
 
 Book I. tf the C km h of Enghnd. ,.,.,.,,, .,23 
 
 and when two Bifhops did profecute Prifcillian, and his followers be- 
 fore the Emperor Maxim/s, upon which they were put to death, they 
 were generally fo blamed for it, that many refafed to hold Commu- 
 nion with them. The i?Mv.z// Emperors made many Laws againft He- 
 reticks, for the fining and b:!ni{hing of them, and fecluded them from 
 the Privileges of other Subjed>Sj fuch zsmahng WHb^ or receiving 
 Legacies-^ only the Manichees (who were a ftrange mixture between 
 Heathenifm and Chriftianity) were to fuffer death for their errors. 
 Yet the Bifhops in thofe days, particularly in Jfri. k, doubted much, 
 whether upon the Infolencies of Hereticks, of Schifmaticks, they might 
 defire the Emperor to execute thofe Laws for Fining, Banidiing, and 
 other reftraints. And St. Aujlin was not eafily prevailed on toconfent 
 to it. But at length the Do/tatijh were fo intolerable, that after feve- 
 ral Confutations about it, they were forced to confent to thofe inferior 
 penalties, but ftill condemned the taking away of their lives. And even 
 in the Execution of the Imgerial Laws in thofe inferiour punifliments, 
 they were always interpofing. to rhoderate the feverity of the Pre- 
 fers and Governours. The firft Inftance of feverity on mens bodies 
 that was not cenfured by the Church, was in the Fifth Century un- 
 der Jptjiin the firft, who ordered the tongue of Severus (who had 
 been Patriarch of Antioch^ but did daily Anathematife the Council of 
 Chalcedon) to be cut out. In the Eighth Century Jufiiman the 2d, 
 (called RhinotmetHs from his cropt nofe) burnt all the Manichees in 
 Armenia: And in the end of the Eleventh Century the Bogomili were 
 condemned to be burnt by the Patriarch and Council of Conjlantinople. 
 But in the end of the 1 2th, and in the beginning of the 1 3th Century, 
 a Company of Simple and Innocent perfons m the Southern parts of 
 France^ being difgufted with the Corruptions botii of the Popirti 
 Clergy and of the publick Worfliip, feparated from their AfTemblies 5 
 and then Dominick and his brethren Preachers^ who came among them 
 to convince them, finding their Preaching did not prevail, betook thcra- 
 felves to that way, that was fure to filence them. They perfwaded the 
 Civil Magiftrates to burn all fuch as were judged Obftinate Hereticks. 
 That they might do this by a Law, the Fourth Council of Lateran did 
 Decree, that all Hereticks fhould be delivered to the Secular Power to 
 be extirpated-^ (tbey thought not fit to fpeak out, but by the Pra- 
 ftice it was known that Burning was that which they meant 5) and if 
 they did it not, they were to be Excommunicated ; and after that, if 
 they ftill refufed to do their duty, (which was upon the matter to be 
 the inquifitors Hangmen) they were to deny it at their utmoft Pe- 
 rils. For not only the Ecclefiaftical Cenfures, but Anathemas were 
 thought too feeble a pnniftiment for this Omiflion. Therefore a Cen- 
 fure was found out, as fevere upon the Prince, as Burning was to the 
 poor Heretick. He was to be depofed by the Pope, his Siibje&s to be ab- 
 folved from their Oaths of Allegiance^ and his Dominions to be given away 
 to any other faithful Son of the Church, fuch as pleafid the Pope be/i 5 
 and all this by the Authority of a Synod, that p sffed for a Holy Ge- 
 neral Council. This as it was fatal to the Counts of Tholoufe, who 
 were great Princes in the South of France, and firft tell under the 
 Cenfures; fo it was terrible to all other Princes, who thereupon, to 
 fave themfelves, delivered up their Subjects to the Mercy of the Eccle- 
 
 fiaftical Courts. 
 
 Burning
 
 24 
 
 firi^-Neibert 
 de Nat. Brev'i- 
 
 Tlic Laws of 
 England a- 
 gainft Here, 
 ticks. 
 
 Under Rich. 
 the 2d: 
 
 Cm*'s Infti- 
 tutes ;. part, 
 chap. 5. ot 
 Herefie. 
 
 5io Rich. 2. 
 I Part. Numb. 
 52. Rot. Pari. 
 
 lihe Hiflorj of the Kejormation Book 1. 
 
 Burning was the death they made choice of, becaufe Witches, Wi- 
 zards, and Sodomites had been fo executed. Therefore to mske He- 
 refie appear a terrible thing, this was thought the moft proper punifti- 
 ment of it. It had alfo a refemblance of everlafting Burning, to which 
 they adjudged their Souls, as well as their Bodies were condemned to 
 the Fire; but with this fignal difference, that they could find no fuch 
 effeftual way to oblige God to execute their fcntence, as they contri- 
 ved againft the Civil Magiftrate. But however they confidently gave 
 it out that by vertue of that Promife of our Saviour's, Whofe fins ye 
 bind on Earth-, they arc bound in Heaven, their Decrees were ratified in 
 Heaven. And it not being eafie to difprove what they faid, people be- 
 lieved the one, as they faw the other fentence executed. So that 
 whatever they condemned as Herefie, was looked on as the vvorft thing 
 in the world. 
 
 There was no occafion for the execution of this Law in England, 
 till the days of WickUffe. And the favour he had from fome great Men 
 ftopt the Proceedings againft him. But in the 5/^ year of King Richard 
 the Second, a Bill paffed in the Houfe of Lords, and was aifented to 
 by the King, and publifhed for an Aft of Parliament, though the Bill 
 was never fent to the Houfe of Commons. By this pretended Law it ap- 
 pears, JF/V/://j/e's followers were then very numerous; that they had a 
 certain habit, and did preach in many places, both in Churches, 
 Church-yards and Markets, without licence from the Ordinary ; and 
 did preach feveral Doftrines both againft the Faith, and the Laws of 
 the Land, as had been proved before the Arch-Bi(hop of Canterbury, 
 the other Bifhops, Prelates, Doftors of Divinity, and of the Civil and 
 Canon-Law, and others of the Clergy : That they would not fubmit 
 to the Admonitions, nor Cenfures of the Church ; but by their fub- 
 tle ingenious Words, did draw the People to follow them and defend 
 them by f\rong hand, and in great routs. Therefore it was Ordain- 
 ed,, that upon the Bifhop's certifying into the Chancery the names of 
 fuch Preachers and their Abettors, the Chancellour (hould ifTue forth 
 CommifTions to the Sheriffs and other the King's Minifters, to hold 
 them in Arreft and ftrong Prifon till they {houXAjuftiff them according 
 to the Law and reafon of Holy Church. From the gentlenefs of which 
 Law it may appear, that England was not then fo tame as to bear the 
 feverity of thofe cruel Laws which were fettled and put in execution 
 in other Kingdoms. 
 
 The Cuftom at that time was to engrofs Copies of all the Afts of 
 Parliament, and to fend them with a Writ under the great Seal to the 
 Sheriffs, to make them be proclaimed within their jurifdiftions. 
 And Robert Braibrook Bi(hop of Loudon, then Lord Chancellour, fent 
 this with the other Afts of that Parliament to be proclaimed. The 
 Writ bears date the 16th of May, 5'° Reg. But in the next Parlia- 
 ment that was held in the 6th year of that King's Reign, the Cora- 
 ■ mons preferred a Bill reciting the former Aft, and conftantly affirm- 
 ' ed that they had never afTented to it, and therefore defired it might 
 be declared to be void : for they protefted it was never their intent 
 to be juflified and to bind themfelves and their Succeffors to the Prelates, 
 more than their Ancefiors had done in times paft. To which the King 
 gave the Royal AfTent, as it is in the Records of Parliament. But in 
 the Proclamation of the Afts of that Parliament this Aft was fup- 
 
 prefTed ;
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. .^cf 
 
 preffed^ fo that the former Aft was ftill looked on as a good Law, 
 and is Printed in the Book of Statutes. Such pious Frauds were al- 
 ways praftifed by the Popifh Clergy, and were indeed neceffary for the 
 fupporting the Credit of that Church. When Richard the id. was de- 
 pofed and the Crown ufurped by Henry the /i^th, then he in gratitude to Anoth r Liw 
 the Clergy thataffifted him in his coming to the Crown, granted them ""der Kng 
 a Law to their hearts content in the nd year of his Reign. ThePresm- '^^'"^^^''^•*'*' 
 ble bears. That jome had a ntw Faith about the Sacraments of the Church 
 and the Authority of the fame , and did preach tvithjut Authority, gathered 
 Conventicles, taught St hcoU, wrote Books again ji the Catholick Faith ; with 
 many othsr heinous aggravations. Upon which the Prelates and Clergy^ 
 and the Commons of the Realm prayed the King to provide a fuficient re- 
 medy to fo great an evil. Therefore the King by the affent of the States and 
 other d.frcet men of the Realm being ?;/ the faid Parliament^ did ordai^^ 
 That none pould Preach without Licence, except perfons Privileged'.^ That 
 none f/jould Preach any Do^lrine contrary to the Catholick Faith, or the 
 Determination of the Holy Church, and that none fhould favour and abett 
 them, nor keep their Books, but deliver them to the Diocefan of the place 
 within 40 days after the Proclamation of that Statute. And that if any 
 Perfons were defamed, or fufpe&ed of doing againfi that Ordinance, then tht 
 Ordinary might arrejl them, and keep them in his Prifon, till they were ca- 
 nonically purged of the Articles laid againji them, or did abjure them ac- 
 cording to the Laws of the Church. Provided always^ that the proceedings 
 againji them were publickly and judicially done and ended, within three 
 Months after they had bee ft fo Arrefled 5 and if they were ConvitJ, the Di- 
 ocefan, or his Commiffarics, might keep them in Prifon as long as to his 
 difcretion fliall feem expedient, and might Fine them as fhould fecm com- 
 petent to him, certifying the Fine into the King's Exchequet" : and if any 
 being Convi^ did refufe to abjure, or after Abjuration did fall into Relapfe, 
 then he was to be left to the Secular Court according to the Holy Canons. 
 And the Majors, Sheriffs, or Bailiffs were to be perfonally prefent at the 
 paffing the Sentence when they jhould be required by the Diocefan, or his 
 Commiffaries, and after the Sentence they were to receive them, and them be- 
 fore the People in a high place do to be Brent. By this Statute the She- 
 riffs, or other Officers, were immediately to proceed to the Burning of 
 Hereticks without any Writ, or Warrant from the King. But it feems 
 the King's Learned Council advifed him to ilTue out a Writ, De H^reti- 
 co cowburendo, upon what grounds of Law 1 cannot tell. For in the 
 dime year when William Sautre (who was the firft that was put to death 
 upon the account of Herefie) was judged Relapfe by Thomas Arundel, 
 Arch-bi(hop of Canterbury, in a Convocation of hisProvince; and there- FUr-Heybem 
 upon was degraded from Priefthood, and left to Secular Power; a NatHm Brevi. 
 Writ was iffued out to burn him, which in the Writ is called The *""• 
 Cuflomary Puni^iment (relating it is like to the Cuftoras that were be- 
 yond Sea.) But this Writ was not neceffary by the Law, and therefore 
 it feems thefe Writs were not Enrolled : For in the whole "Reign of 
 King Henry the 8/A I have not been able to find any of thefe Writs in 
 the Rolls. But by Warham's Regifter I fee the Common courfeof the 
 Law, was to certifie into the Chancery the Conviftion of an Herctick, 
 upon which the WritwasifTued out, if the King did not fend a Pardon. 
 Thus it went on all the Reign of Henry the 4^/^. But in the beginning of 
 his Son's Reign, there was a Confpiracv (as was pretended) by Sir 
 
 John
 
 26 The H/ftorj' of- the Reformation Book I. 
 
 John OUcajlley and fome Others againft the Ring and the Clergy ^ upon 
 which many were put into Prifon, and 20 were both attainted ofTreaf*//^ 
 and condemned of Herefe, fo they were both Hanged and Burnt. But 
 fl^<i, as a Writer that lived in the tbllowing Age, fays, Certain affirmed that 
 
 ihefe were but fe/gned caitfes, fttrmifed of the Spirituality more of difpleafurc 
 than truth. That Confpiracy, whether real or pretended, produced 
 a fevere Aft againft thofe Hereticks, who were then beft known by the 
 name of Lollards. By which Aft all Officers of State, Judges, Juftices 
 of the Peace, Majors, Sheriffs and Bailiffs, were to be Sworn when they 
 took their Imployments, to ufe their whole Power and Diligence to 
 deftroy all Herefies and Errors, called Lollardies, and to affift the Or- 
 dinaries and their Comraiffaries in their proceedings againft thera 5 and 
 that the Lollards (hould forfeit all the Lands they held in Fee Simple, 
 and their Goods and Chattels to the King. 
 
 The Clergy according ro the Genius of that Religion, having theit 
 Authority fortified with fuch fevere Laws, were now more cruel and 
 infolent than ever. And if any Man denied them any part of that re- 
 fpeft, or of thofe advantages to which they pretended, he was prefent- 
 Jy brought under the fufpicion of Herefie, and vexed with Imprifon- 
 ments, and Articles were brought againft him. 
 
 Upon which great complaints followed. And the Judges to correft 
 this, granted Habeas Corpus upon their Imprifonments, and examined 
 the Warrants, and either Bailed, or DifchargedthePrifoners as they faw 
 caufe: For though the Decrees of the Church had made many things 
 Herefie, fo that the Clergy had much matter to work upon 5 yet when 
 Offenders againft thera in other things could not be charged with any 
 ^th year of formal Herefie, then by confequences they ftudied to faften it on them, 
 Rdjr. ^th. but were fometimes over-ruled by the Judges. Thus, when one iiCe)//er 
 (who was Excommunicated by Thomas Bourchier, Arch-biftiop of Can- 
 terbury, at the Suit of another) faid openly, that That Sentence wat 
 not to be feared ; for though the Arch bifhop, or his Commilfary had 
 Excommunicated him, ^et he teas not Excommunicated before God ; he 
 was upon this Committed by the Arch-bifhops Warrant, as one juftly 
 fufpefted of Herefie: but the Judges upon his moving foe an Habeas 
 Corpus^ granted it; and the Prifoner being brought to the Bar, with the 
 Warrant for his Imprifonment, they found the matter contained in it 
 was not within the Statute, and firft Bailed him, and after that they 
 Difcharged him One Warner of London, having faid, That he was 
 not bound to pay Tithes to his Curate, was alfo imprifoned by Edward 
 Vaughan, at the command of the Bifhop of London ^ but he efcaped 
 out of Prifon, and brought his Aftion of falfe imprifonment againft 
 Vaughan. Whereupon Vaughan pleading the Statute of Henrif the 4f^, 
 and that his Opinion was an Herefie againft the Determination of the 
 Carholick Faith ; the Court of the Common-Pleas judged. That the 
 words were not within the Statute, and that his Opinion was an Error, 
 but no Herefie. So that the Judges looking on themfelves as the Inter- 
 preters of the Law, thought, Tfhat even in the Cafe of Herefie they 
 had Authority to declare, what was Herefie by the Law, and what not: 
 But what oppofition the Clergy made to this, I do not know. 
 
 I hope the Reader will eafily excufe this Digrefiion, it being fo mate- 
 rial to the Hiftory that is to follow. I ftiall next fet down what I find 
 in the Records about the proceedings againft Hereticks in the beginning 
 of this Reign. 
 
 On
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. 27 
 
 On the 2<^of May in the year 151 1. Six Men and Four Women, moft 
 
 \</..rh.i 
 
 of them being of Tenterden^ appeared before Arch-bifliop Warham, in g'.tnii" kre- 
 his Manner of Knoll^ and abjured the following Errors. 1/?. That t";i<s 
 in the Sacrament of the Altar is not the Body of Chrift, but Miterial ?^,f "JoTiJ 
 .Bread, idly^ That the Sacraments of Baptifm, and Confirmation, are '""' °''^'** 
 not neceflary, nor profitable for Mens Souls, ^dly. That Confeffion of 
 . Sins ought not to be made to a Prieft. ^thly. That there is no more 
 Power given by God to a Prieft than to a Lay-man. 5/^//, That the 
 Solemnization of Matrimony is not profitable, nor neceflary for the well 
 of Man's Soul. Sthly, That the Sacrament of Extreme Unftion is not 
 profitable, nor neceflary for Man's Soul, ythly. That Pilgrimages to 
 holy and devout Places be not Profitable, neither Meritorious for Man's 
 Soul. 2thly, That Images of Saints be not to be Worfniped. <^thlj/^ 
 That a Man (hould pray to no Saint, but only to God. lothly. That 
 holy Water and holy Bread be not the better after the Benedidion made 
 by the Prieft, than before. And as they abjured thefe Opinions, fo 
 they were made to fvvear, Th"t they (hould difcover all whom they 
 knew to hold thefe Errors, or who v/ere fufpeded of them, or that 
 did keep any private Conventicles, or were Fautors, or Comforters of 
 them that publifhed fuch Doftrines. Two other Men of TcNterden did 
 that day in the afternoon abjure moft of thefe Opinions. The Court 
 fate again the ph of M^v, and the Arch-bifliop enjoyned them Penance, 
 to wear the Badge of a Faggot in Flames on their Cloaths during their 
 lives, or till they were difpenfed with for it'^ and that in the Proceffi- 
 on both at the Cathedral of Canterbhry, and at their own Parifh Chur- 
 ches they fhould carry a Faggot on their ftioulders: which was looked 
 on as a publick Confeflion that they deferved Burning. 
 
 That fame day another of Tenterden abjured the fame Doftrines. Oa 
 the i5/AofM<y» the Court fate at /.<«»//'£//&, where four Men and one Wo- 
 man abjured. On the 1 9/^ four Men more abjured. On the :^d of June 
 a Man and a Woman abjured. Another Woman the 76th of July ; A- 
 notherMan the 29/A of July: Two Women on the 7d of Auguji : A 
 Man on the :^d and a Woman on the 2th of AHgttfl : Three Men on 
 the i6th of Auguji: And three Men and a Woman on the ^d of Sept. 
 In thefe Abjurations fome were put to abjure more, fome fewer of the 
 former Docflrines 5 and in fome of their Abjurations Two Articles more 
 were added : 17?, That the Images of the Crucifix, of our Lady and 
 other Saints, ought not to be worfhipped, becaufe they were made with 
 Mens Hands, and were but Stocks and Stones, o-dly. That Money and 
 Labours fpent in Pilgrimages were all in vain. All thefe Perfons (whe- 
 ther they v/ere un juftly accufed, or were overcome with fear, or had but 
 crude Conceptions of thofe Opinions, and fo wereeafily frighted out of 
 themj abjured and performed the Penance that was enjoyned them. 
 Others met with harder meafure 5 for on the 29/Aof April, in the fame 
 year, 1511. one William Carder of Tenterdcfz, being Endifted on the 
 former Articles, he denied them all but one. That he had fiid it n>as 
 enough to pray to Almighty God alone, and therefore we needed not to pray 
 to Saints for any Mediation. Upon which Witnefl'es were brought againft 
 him, who were all fuch as were then Prifoners, but intended to abjure 
 and were now made ufe of to Convift others. They fwore that he had 
 taught them thefe Opinions. When their Depofitions were publifhed, 
 he faid he did repent if he had faid any thing againft the Faith and the 
 Sacraments 5 but he did not remember that he had ever faid any fuch 
 
 D thing.
 
 28 T/;^ hiijiory of the Reformation Book I. 
 
 thing. Sentence was given upon him as an obftinate Heretick; and he 
 was delivered up to the Secular Power. On the fame day a Woman, 
 Jgnes Grevtll, was Endided upon the fame Articles: She pleaded Not 
 Guiltj, but by a ftrange kind of proceeding, her Husband and her Two 
 Sons were brought in Witnefles againft her. Her Husband depofed, 
 that in the end of the Reign of King Edward the 4//&, one John he, had 
 perfwaded her into thefc Opinions, in which fhe had perfifted ever fince : 
 Her -Sons alfo depofed, that (he had been ftill infufing thefe DodrinCs 
 into them. One Robert Harrifon, was alfo Endifted, and pleading Not 
 Guilty, Witnefles did prove the Articles againft him. And on (he 2d of 
 Af4> Sentence was given againft thefe Two as obftinate Hereticks. And 
 the fame day the Arch-bifliop Signed the Writs for certifying thefe Sen- 
 tences into the Chancery, which conclude in thefe words : Our holy Mo- 
 ther the Church having f/othing further that /f}e can do in this matter, we 
 leave the fore mentioned Heretiiks, and every one of them to your Royal High- 
 aefs, and to your Secular Council. And on the 8th of May, John Br oaf n 
 and Edward Walker, being alfo Endifted of Here fie on the former Points, 
 they both pleaded Not Guilty. But the Witnefles depofing againft them, 
 they were judged obftinate Hereticks ; and the former a Relapfe, for 
 he had abjured before Cardinal Morton. And on the i ^th of May Sen- 
 tence was given. When, or how the Sentences were Executed, I can* 
 not find. Sure I am, there are no Pardons upon Record for any of 
 them, and it was the courfe of the Law, either to fend a Pardon, or 
 iflue out the Writ for Burning them. 
 
 Fox mentions none of thefe proceedings, only he tells that John Brown 
 was taken for fome words faid in Difcourfe with a Prieft, about the 
 faying of Miflesfor redeeming Souls out of Purgatory. Upon which 
 he was committed for fufpicion ot Herefie : But Fox feems to have 
 been mifinformed about the time of his Burning, which he fays was. 
 Anno 1517. for they would not have kept a condemned Heretick Six 
 years out of the Fire. I never find them guilty of any fuch clemency. 
 Thefe fevere Sentences made the reft fo apprehenfive of their danger, 
 that all the others who were Endifted, abjured. And in the year 1 5 1 2. 
 on the <)th of June, Two Men and Two Women abjured that Article, 
 That in the Sacrament of the Altar, there was only Material Bread, and 
 not the Body of Chrift. And on the j^th and i^th of September, Two 
 other Women abjured the former Articles : and this is all that is in 
 Warhanis Regifter about Hereticks. 
 fiiz-jamei 1" what remains of Fitz-James, Bifhop of London's Regifter, There 
 Bidiopof are but Three Abjurations. In the year 1509. ot\q Elizabeth Sampfoa, 
 ^'ofeedings oi Aldermanhury, was Endided for having fpoken reproachfully of the 
 againft Here- Images of our Lady of Wilfden, Crom, and Walfingham, condemning 
 ticks, f«/. 4. Pilgrimages to them, and faying. It was better to give Alms at home 
 to poor People, than to go on Pilgrimages ^ and that Images were but 
 Stocks and Stones, and denying the vertue of the Sacrament of the 
 Altar, when the F*rieft was not in clean life, and faying, It was but 
 Bread, and that Chrift could not be both in Heaven and in Earth 5 and 
 for denying Chrift's Afcenfion to Heaven, and faying, That more 
 fhould not go to Heaven than were already in it. But (he to be free 
 of further trouble, confefled her felf Guilty, and abjured all thofc Opi- 
 nions. It is generally obferved. That in the proceedings againft Lollard/, 
 the Clergy always mixed fome Capital Errors, which all Chriftians 
 rejefted, with thole for which they accufed them, and fome particu- 
 lars
 
 Book I. of the Church of England, 29 
 
 lars being proved, they gave it out that they were guilty of them all, 
 to reprefent them the more odious. And in this cafe the thing is plain, 
 for this Woman is charged for denying Chrift's Afcenfion ^ and yet a- 
 notherof the Articles was. That (he faid Chrift's Body could not be in 
 the Sacrament, becaufe it could not be both in Heaven and on Earth. 
 Which two Opinions are inconfiftent. In the year 1511. William Potter 
 was Endifted for faying, There were Three Gods, and that he knew not 
 for what Chrift's Paffion, or Baptifm availed 5 and did abjure. Whe- 
 ther he only fpoke thefe things Impioudy, or whether he held them in 
 Opinion, is not clear. But certainly he was no L6>//<?r<j/. One Joan Ba- 
 ker was al fo made to abjure fome words (he had faid, That Images were 
 but Idols, and not to be worftiipped^ and that they were fet up by the 
 Priefts out of Covetoufnefs, that they might grow Rich by them^ and 
 that Pilgrimages were not to be made. More is not in that Regifter. 
 But ivA: gives an account of Six others, who were burnt in Fitz-Javtes 
 his time. On this I have been the longer, that it may appear, what 
 were the Opinions of the Lollards, at that time, before Luther had pub- 
 lilhed any thing againft the Indulgences. For thefe Opinions did very 
 much difpofe People to receive the Writings which came afterwards 
 out of Germany. 
 
 The firft Beginnings and Progrefs of Luther's Doftrine are fo well The Progrtfa 
 known, that I need not tell how upon the publifhing of Indulgences in °^ /^i'*''^''' 
 Germany, in fo grofs a manner, that for a little Money any Man might 
 both preferve himfelf, and deliver his Friends out of Purgatory. Many 
 were offended at this Merchandife, againft which Luther wrote. But 
 it concerning the See of Rome in fo main a Point of their Prerogative, 
 which would alfo have cut off a great Branch of their Revenue, he was 
 proceeded againft with extream (everity: So fmall a fpark as that Colli- 
 fion made, could never haveraifed fo great a fire, if the World had not 
 been ftrongly difpofed to it, by the juft prejudices they had conceived 
 againft the Popifti Clergy, whofe Ignorance and lewd Lives had laid 
 them fo open to contempt and hatred, that any one that would fet him- 
 felf againft them, could not but be kindly looked on by the People* 
 They had engrofled the greateft part both of the Riches and Power of 
 Chriftendom, and lived at their eafe and in much Wealth. And the cor- 
 ruptions of their Worfliip and Doftrine were fuch, that a very fmall 
 proportion of common fenfe, with but an overly looking on the New 
 Teftament, difcovered them. Nor had they any other varnifti to co- 
 lour them by, but the Authority and Traditions of the Church. But 
 when fome ftudiousMen began to read the Ancient Fathers, and Coun- 
 cils, (though there was then a great mixture of Sophifticated Stuff that 
 went under the Ancient Names, and was joyned to their true Works, 
 which Critickshave fince difcovered to be fpurious) they found a vaft 
 difference between the firft Five Ages of the Chriftian Church, in which 
 Piety and Learning prevailed, and the laft Ten Ages in which Ignorance 
 had buried all their former Learning, only a little mifguided Devotion 
 was retained for Six of thefe Ages 5 and in the laft Four, the reftlefs Am- 
 bition and Ufurpation of the Popes was fupported by the feeming holi- 
 nefs of the begging Friars, and the falfe Counterfeits of Learning, which 
 were among the Canonifts, Schoolmen and Cafuifts. So that it was 
 incredible to fee, how Men, notwithftanding all the oppofif ion the Prin- 
 ces every where made to the Progrefs of thefe reputed new Opinions, 
 and the great advantages by which the Church of Rome both held and 
 
 D 2 drew
 
 30 The Hiliory of the Ktfonnation Book 1. 
 
 drew many into their Interefts, were generally inclined to thefe Do- 
 ftrines. Thofe of the Clergy, who at firft Preached them, were of 
 the begging Orders of Friars, who having fewer engagements on them 
 from their Interefts, were freer to difcover and follow the Truth. And 
 the Auftere Difcipline they had been trained under, did prepare them 
 to encounter thofe difficulties that lay in their way. And the Laity 
 that had long lookt on their PafVors with an evil Eye, did receive thefe 
 Opinions very eafily ; which did both difcover the Impoftures with 
 which the World had been abufed, and fhewed a plain and fimple way 
 to the Kingdom of Heaven, by putting the Scriptures into their hands, 
 andfueh other Inftruftions about Religion, as were fincere and genuine. 
 The Clergy who at firft defpifed thefe new Preachers, were at length 
 much Alarmed when they faw all People running after thera, and re- 
 ceiving their Doftrines. 
 
 As thefe things did fpread much iri Germany, Smizerla»d, and the Ne- 
 therlands, fo their Books came over into England, where there was 
 much matter already prepared to be wrought on, not only by the pre- 
 judices they had conceived againft the corrupt Clergy, but by the Opi- 
 nions of the Lollards, which had been now in England fince the days 
 of Wickliff, for about 150 years. Between which Opinions, and the 
 Doftrines of the Reformers, there was great affinity^ and therefore to 
 give the better vent to the Books that came out of Germany, many of 
 them were tranflated into the EngUjI) Tongue, and were very much 
 read and applauded. This quickned the Proceedings againft the Lol- 
 lards, and the enquiry became fo fevere, that great numbers were 
 brought into the Toils of the Bifhops and their CommifTaries. If a 
 Man had fpoken but a light word againft any of the Conftitutions of 
 the Church, he was feized on by the Biftiops Officers ; and if any taught 
 their Children the Lords Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and the A- 
 poftles Creed in the Vulgar Tongue, that was Crime enough to bring 
 them to the Stake: As it did Six Men and a Woman at Coventry, in the 
 Fax. Vajjion Week, 151 9. being the 4/^ of April. Longla»d, Bifhop of 
 
 Lincoln, was very cruel to all tliat were furpe(^ed of Herefie in his 
 Diocefs^ feveral of them abjured, and fome were burnt. 
 
 But all that did not produce what they defigned by if. The Clergy- 
 did not correft tlieirown Faults, and their cruelty was looked on as an 
 evidence of Guilt, and of a weak Caufe^ fo that the method they took, 
 wrought only on Peoples fears, and made them more cautious and 
 referved, but did not at all remove the Caufe, nor work either on their 
 reafons or affeftions. 
 The King Upon all this, the Ring to get himfelf a Name, and to have a lafting 
 
 writes againft intereft with the Clergy, thought it not enough to afiift them with his 
 ijij Authority, but would needs turn their Champion, and write againft 
 Luther in defence of the Seven Sacraments. This Book was magnified 
 by the Clergy as the moft Learned Work thatever the Sun faw 5 and he 
 was compared to Ring Solomon, and to all the Chriftian Emperours 
 that had ever been: And it was the chief Subjedi of Flattery for many 
 years, befides the glorious Title of Defender of the Faith, which the 
 Pope beftowed on him for it. And it muft be acknowledged, that 
 confidering the Age, and that it was the work of a Ring, it did deferve 
 fome Commendation. But Luther was not at all daunted at it, but ra-, 
 ther valued himfelf upon it, that fo great a Ring had entred the lifts 
 with him, and anfwered his Book. And he replied, not without a 
 
 large
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. Jt 
 
 large mixture of Acrimony, for which he was generally blahied, as^ 
 forgetting that great refpeft, that is due to the Perfons of Sovereigii^" 
 Princes. ''^ 
 
 But all would riot do. Thefe Opinions ftill gained more footing,^' 
 and V/illiaw Trndat made a Tranfl.uion of the New Teftament in £/ii' 
 gliJI), to which he added fome (hort GlofTcs. This was pripted in Aiif-' - 
 n?erp, and fent over into England in theyear 1 526. Againfl: which there ^Rsf.ToiuiL 
 was a Prohibition publidied by every Bidiop in his Diocefs, bearing t'oi- 45- with 
 that Tome of Luther's followers' had erroneoufly Tranflated the New 'fl'^f'llWf. 
 Teftament, and had corrupted the Wordot God, both by a falfe Tran-;artiy! 
 llation, and by heretical GlofTes: Therefore they required all Incum- 
 bents to charge all within their Pari Hies, that had any of thefe, tobring 
 them into the Vicar-General within thirty days after that prem.onition. 
 under the pains of Excommunication and incurring the fufpicion of 
 Herefie. There were alfo many other Bocks prohibited at thit time^ 
 moft of them written by Tindal. And Sir Jhotfta^ More, who vvas a 
 Man celebrated tor Vertue and Learning, undertook the anfwering of Coiicaion 
 fome of thofe; but before he went about it, he would needs have the Number 5. 
 Bifhops Licence for keeping and reading them. He wrote accordirig to 
 the way of the Age with much bitternefs : and though he hnd been no 
 Friend to the Monks, and a great declaimer againfl: the Ignorance of 
 the Clergy, and had been ill ufed by the Cardinal; yet he was one of 
 the bittereft Enemies of the New Preachers; not without great cruelty 
 when he came into Power, though he was otherwife a very good-na- 
 tur'd Man. So violently did the Roman Clergy hurry all their Friends 
 into tbofe exceffes of Fire and Sword. 
 
 • When the Party became fo confiderable, that it was known there 
 were Societies of them, not only in London, but in both the Univerfities, 
 then the Cardinal was conftrained to aft. His contempt of the Clergy 
 was looked on as that which gave encouragement to the Hereticks. When 
 reports were brought to Court of a company that were in Cambridge, Bit- 
 ttey, Latimer, and others that read and propagated Luther s Book and 
 Opinions : fome Biihops moved, in the year 1 523. that there might be 
 a Vifitation appointed to go to Cambridge, for trying who were the Fau- 
 tors of Herefie there. But he, as Legate, did inhibit it (upon what 
 grounds I cannot imagine,) which was brought againfl him afterwards 
 in Parliament (^Art. 45. of his Impeachment.) Yet when thefe Doftrines 
 were fpread every where, he called a meeting of all the Bifiiops and Di- 
 vines, and Canonifts about London -. where Thomas Bdney and Thomas 
 Arthur were brought before them, and Articles were brought in againft 
 them. The whole Procefs is fet down at length by Fox in all Points ac- 
 cording to Tonjiall s Kegifter, except one fault in the Tranllation. When 
 the Cardinal asked Bilaey whether he had not taken an O ith before, not 
 to preach, or defend any of Luther %T>oOiX\ue%-^ heconfeffed he had done 
 it, butnot judicially, (jiididaliter in the Reg\(\cr.) This F^JxTranflates 
 pot lawfully. In all the other particulars there is an exaft agreement be- 
 tween the Rcgifter and his Afts. The fum of the Proceedings of the 
 Court, was, That after examination of Wirnelfes, and feveral other 
 fteps in the Procefs, which the Cardinal left to the Bidaop of London^ 
 and the other Bifliops to manage, Bilney (food out long, and fcemed re* 
 folved to fufFer for a good Confcience. In the end, what through hu- 
 mane infirmity, what through the great importunity of the Bifhop of 
 London^ who fet all his Friends on him, he did abjure on the 7th of 
 
 December,
 
 3 2 Th^ Hiftory of the Reformation, &c. Book I. 
 
 December, as Arthur had done on the 2d of that Month. And though 
 Bilney was relaps'd, and fo was to expefl: no mercy by the Law, yet the 
 Bifhop of London en joyned him Penance, and let him go. For Tonfiall 
 being a Man both of good Learning and an unblemifht Life, thefe Ver- 
 tues prodoced one of their ordinary effefts in him, great moderation^ that 
 was fo eminent in him, that at no time did he dip his hands in Blood. 
 Geoffry^ Loni, and Thomas Gerrard, alfo abjured for having had Lw 
 ther's Books, and defending his Opinions. 
 
 Thefe were the proceedings againft Hereticks, in the firft half of this 
 Reign. And thus far I have opened the State of Affairs, both as to Re- 
 ligious and Civil Concerns for the firft 1 8 years of this King's time, 
 with what obfervations I could gather of the Difpofitions and Tempers 
 of the Nation at that time, which prepared them for the Changes that 
 followed afterwards. 
 
 7be'End of the Firft Book. 
 
 THE
 
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 /')-ifttci{ for- litch. : C /ri^tt^c/l utt/ic Htrj-c ^ C i-orvil iii S^ Fiiiils CJitii-cft uar?
 
 33 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 REFORMATION 
 
 ;; O F T H E 
 
 Church of England. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 0/ the Procefs of Divorce betrveen King Henry and Queen Ka- 
 tharine, and of what pajfed from the Nineteenth to the 
 Twenty fifth year of his Reign^ in which he was declared 
 Supeme Head of the Church of England- 
 
 ^^d^^^^iii^i^ IN G Henrj hitherto lived at eafe, and enjoyed th? begin- 
 ij^^^^^i^^^ his pleafuresj he made War with much Honour, ningof the 
 ^^^'^^^^^^^m. 3"^^ ^^^^ always produced a juft and advantage- ^3^^° 
 ^^^^1 rM^^H ous Peace. He had no trouble upon him in all 
 ^ffli^ii=!^^^^ ^'^ Affairs, except about the getting of Money, 
 ^ff|||^^^^n^^ and even in that, the Cardinal eafed him. But 
 ^^^^^P^^Pw^^ now 3 Domeftick trouble arofe, which perplexed 
 ^^^^^^^'^^^^ all the reft of his Government, and drew after 
 if Confequences of a higher nature. 
 
 Henry the -jth Upon wife and good confiderations, refolved to link The Marriage 
 himfelf in a clofe Confederacy with Ferdinand and Ifabella, Rings of of PiiDce^r- 
 Cajiile and Jrram,, and with the Houfe 0I Burg^undy againft France, 'J^V^Jtl' 
 Which was looked on as the lafting and dangerous Enemy 01 England. 
 And therefore a Match was agreed on between his Son, Prince Arthur^ 
 and Katharine the Infanta of Spain, whofe eldeft Sifter ^loan was Mar- 
 ried to Philip, and was then Duke of Burgundy, and Earl of Flanders^ 
 out of which arofe a tripple Alliance between England, Spain, and 
 Burgundy, againft the King of Frame, who was then become formida- 
 ble to all about him. There was given with her 200000 Duckats, the 
 greateft Portion that had been given for many Ages with any Princefs, 
 which made it not the Icfs acceptable to King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 The Infanta was brought into England, and on the i^th of Nov. 
 was Married at St. Paul'% to the Prince of Wales. They lived toge- 
 ther as Man and Wife, till the ^dof i^/>r// following: and not only had 
 
 their
 
 3+ 
 
 Jbc Hiflor)' of the Kcfurmariij] 
 
 Book 11. 
 
 1501. 
 
 5ee rhe De- 
 rofiticns of 
 W itnelfes in 
 L. herbe't- 
 
 Prince A th. 
 IrsDeat!i,v^;r, 
 
 2. 1)01, 
 
 Bacons f/emy 
 the 7tli. 
 
 ConfuIcatioHj 
 about a fecond 
 Marriage of 
 the Iiif.int.i to 
 hi; Brother. 
 
 WArhamH 
 Depofuion in 
 L. Herbert. 
 
 Ir is allowed 
 by the Tope, 
 Colleftions 
 Numb, lirll. 
 
 Upon Politi- 
 cal realbns. 
 L. Herbert. 
 
 their Bed folemnly blcft when they were put in it, on the night of their 
 Marriage, but alfo were feen publicklx in Bed for fevcral days after, 
 and went down to live at Ludlotv tafite'in Wales, where they ftill Bed- 
 ded together. But Prince Ar/^wr, though a ftrong and healthful youth 
 when he Married her, yet died foon after, whidi fome thought w::s 
 haftned by his too early Marriage. The Spattjff) AnibaffuLr had by 
 hislMafters Order taken proofsof theConfumtnation of the Marriige, 
 and fent them into Spain • the young Prince alfo himfelf had by many 
 Expreflicns given his Servants caijfe to believe that his Marriage was 
 confunimatcd rhefirft night, which in a youth ot Sixteen years of Age, 
 that was vigorous and healthful, was not at all judged ftranga It was 
 fo conftantly believed th^t when he died, his younger Brother Hear^ 
 Duke of Tork was not called Prince of Wales., for fome confiderable 
 time. Some fay for one Month, fome for 6 Months. And he was not 
 created Prince of Wales iiW lO Months were elapfed, wz. in the Febru- 
 ary following, when it was apparent that his Brothers Wife was noc 
 witli Child by him. Thefe things were afterwards looked on as a full 
 Demonftration (being as much as the thing was capable €ff) that the 
 Princefs was not a Virgin after Prince Arthurs Death. 
 
 But the reafon of Srate ftill ftanding for keeping up the Alliance a- 
 gainft France, and King Henry the jth having no mind to let fo great a 
 Revenue as fhe had in Jointure be carried out of the Kingdom, it was 
 propofed. That fhe (hould be married to the younger Brother Henry 
 now Prince of Wales, The two Prelates that were then in greateft 
 efteem with King Henry the yth, were Warham Arch-bi(hop of Canter- 
 bury, and Fox Biihop of W'wchejler. The former delivered his opini- 
 on againft it, and told the King that he thought it was neither honou- 
 rable nor well pleafing to God. The Biihop of Wimhefler perfwaded 
 it, and for the Objeftions that were againft it, and the Murmuring of 
 the People who did not like a Marriage that was difputable, left out 
 of it new Wars (hould afterwards arife about the Right of the Crown, 
 the Pope's Difpenfation was thought fufficient to anfwer all 5 and his 
 Authority was then fo undifputed that it did it effeftually. So a Bull 
 was obtained on the 26 of DecemL 1 503 to this effeft. That the Pope ac- 
 cording to the greatnefs of his Authority., having received a Petition from 
 Prince Henry and the Princefs Katharine, Bearing, That whereas the Prin- 
 cefs was Lawfully Married to Prince Arthur (which was perhaps t onftwrna,- 
 ted by the Carnalis Copula) who was dead without any ifpte, but they being 
 de/irous to Alarry for preferving the PeatC between the Crowns of England 
 and Spain, did Petition his Holi/iefs for his Difpenfation ; therefore the 
 Pope out of his care to maintain peace among all Catholick Kings., did ab- 
 folve them from all Cenfiires under which they might be, and Difpcnfed ivilh 
 the Impediment of their Affinity, notwithflanding any Apofiolical Con/iitw 
 tions or Ordinances to the contrary, and gave them leave to Marry, or if 
 they were already Married, he Confirming it, required their Confeffor to en- 
 joyn them fome healthful penance for their having Married befre the Dif- 
 penfation was obtained. 
 
 It was not much to be wondred at, that the Pope did readily grant 
 this- for though very many both Cardinals and Divines did thenop- 
 pofe it, yet the Intereft of the Papacy, which was preferred to all o- 
 ther Confiderations, required it. For as that Pope being a great Ene- 
 my to Lewis the i ith the French King, would have done any thing to 
 make an Alliance agiinft him firmer ; fo he was a War-like Pope who 
 
 con-
 
 Book 11. of the Cburch of England. ' 35 
 
 confidercd Religion very little, and therefore might be eafily perfwa- 1501. 
 ded to Confirm a thing that muft needs oblige the fuccceding Kings of -^~^~-^^ 
 England to maintain the Papal Authority, fince from it they derived 
 their Title to the Crown ^ little thinking that by a fecret Diredion of 
 an over-ruling Providence, that deed of his would occafion the extir- 
 pation of the Papal Power in England. So ftrangely doth God make 
 the Devices of Men become of no cfFeft, and turn them to a contrary 
 end to that which is intended. 
 
 Upon this Bull they were Married, the Prince of Wales being yet Nenry Vco- 
 under Age. But Warham had fo poffefTed the King with an averfinn to ^j^^^^^^'^'f^l' 
 this Marriage, that on the fame day that the Prince was of Age, he by "' ' ^^°^' 
 his Father's command, laid on him in the prefence of many of the No- ^^^,j 
 bility and others, made a Proteftation in the bands of Fox Bilhop of jj.' 
 Wincheflcr before a publick Notary, and re:.d it hirafelf, by which ^'''yw. 
 he Declared, That whereas he being under Age, was Married to the 
 " Princefs Katharine:, yet now coming to be of Age, he did not con- 
 " firm that Marriage, but retrafted and Annulled it, and would not pro- 
 " ceed in it, but intended in full form of Law to void it and break it 
 " ofFj which he declared he did freely and of his own accord. 
 
 Thus it ftood during his Father's life, who continued to the lafl: to His Father ji- 
 be againft it 3 and when he was juft dying, he charged his Son to break ^° diiiwadcd 
 it off, though it is poffible that no confideration of Religion might "^' 
 work fo much on him, as the apprehenfion he had of the troubles that 
 might follow on a controverted Title to the Crown 5 of which the ^'"'•"''509. 
 Wars between the Houfes of Tork and Lancajler had given a frefh and dies/""^ ^''' 
 fad Demonftration. The King being dead, one of the firft things that 
 came under Confultation was, that the young King muft either break ^^""y being 
 his Marriage totally, or conclude it. Arguments were brought on crown'ma''/. 
 both hands ; But thofe for it prevailed moft with the Ring ; So f\\ nesher,/),/,.^, 
 weeks after he came to the Crown, he was Married again publickly, and crmvned^ 
 foon after they were both Crowned. On the firft day of the year fhe June 24. 
 made him a very acceptable new-years gift of a Son, but he dyed in ^°° '^orn /^n. 
 the February thereafter: She mifcarried often, and another Son dyed Dks'Feb 22. 
 foon after he was born i only the Lady Alary lived to a perfed Another born 
 
 y\ae. and dies .Vjv. 
 
 In this ftate was the King's Family when the Qiieen left bearing more Udy .i/u> 
 Children, and contracted fome difeafes, that made her perfon unac- ^'°rn fV3. 10. 
 ceptable to him 3 but was, as to her other Qualities, a vertuous ^' 
 and grave Princefs, much efteemed and beloved both of the King and ^ 
 
 the whole Nation. The King being out of hopes of more Children rr^^f^^^;//^ 
 declared his Daughter Princefs of Wales, and fent her to Ludlow to ^°- ^^'g- 
 hold her Court there, and projefted divers Matches for her. The firft tl^cS'^. 
 was with the Dolphin, which was agreed to between the King of France <^ed to the 
 and him the <pth of Novemb. 15 18. as appears by the Treaty yet extant. ^"''H ono. 
 But this was broken afterwards upon the Kings Confederating with the 
 Emperor againft France, and a new Match agreed and fworn to be- 
 tween the Emperor and the King at Windfor the 2 2. of Jnne 1522. the A^fterivards to 
 Emperor being prefent in Perfon. This being afterwards neglefted and j^„ "J^^"°'' 
 broken by the Emperor, by the advice of his Cortes and States, as vvas 
 formerly related, there followed fome Overtures of a Marriage with _. 
 S otland. But thofe alfo vanifhed, and there was a fecond Treaty begun scJund'se-'t 
 vjkh France, the King offering his Daughter to Franch himfelf, which ^524 
 he gladly accepting, a Match was Treated : and on the laft of /Ipril, it if,^-"'°f'"'" 
 
 E wasiji-
 
 3^ 'The Hiliot) of the Reformation Book IL 
 
 1 527. was agreed, that the Lady Mary fhould be given in Marriage either to 
 y^y^^y^-^-u Francis hirafelf, or to his fecond Son the Duke of Orlcance-^ and that 
 hi'mfdf''o''r"or Alternative was to be determined by the two Kings, at an [nierview 
 hisSon'the that vfas to be between them, foon after at Calais with forfeitures on 
 Duke of orie- Jjq^ j-, (^jgg jf jjjg Match Went not on. 
 
 The'Kings But while this was in rgitation the Bifhop of Turhe the French Am- 
 
 Marriagcque- baflidor, made 3 great demurr about the Priucefs Mary's being illegiti- 
 Fo*'re!gner^5. "^^f^' ^s begotten in a Marriage that was contrafted againft a Divine 
 Precept, with which no humane Authority could difpenfe. How far 
 this was fecretly concerted between the French Court and ours, or be- 
 tween the Cardinal and the Ambaflador, is not known. It is furmifed 
 that the King or the Cardinal fet on the French to make this exception 
 publickly, that fo the Ring might have a better Colour to juftifie his fuit 
 of Divorce, fince other Princes were already queftioning it. For ii 
 upon a Marriage propofed of fuch infinite advantage to France^ as that 
 would be with the Heir of the Crown of England, they neverthelefs 
 made Exceptions and proceeded but coldly in it. It was very reafonable 
 to expedV that after the King's Death, other Pretenders v/culd have dif- 
 puted her Title in another manner. 
 
 To fome it feemed ftrange that the King did offer his Daughter to 
 fuch great Princes as the Emperor and the King of France^ to whom if 
 England had fallen in her right, it muft have been a Province: for 
 though in the laft Treaty with France, fhe was offered either to the 
 King, or his Second Son ; by which either the Children which the 
 King might have by her, or the Children of the Duke of Orleance, 
 (hould have been Heirs to the Crown of England, and thereby it 
 would ftill have continued divided from France-^ yet this was full of 
 hazard, for if the Duke of Orleance by his Brother's Death fhould be- 
 come King of France, as it afterwards fell out, or if the Ring of Fr</»fc 
 had been once poffcffed of England, then according to the maxime of 
 the French Government, that whatever their King acquires he holds it 
 in the Right of bis Crown, England, was ftill to be a Province to 
 to France, unlefs they freed themtelves by Arms. Others judged that 
 the King intended to Marry her to France, the more effectually to fe- 
 clude her from the Succeflion, confidering the averfion his Subjefts had 
 to a French GovGwrncm, that fo he might more eafily fettle hisBaftard 
 Son the Duke of Richmond in the Succeflion of the Crown. 
 , .^ While this Treaty went on, the King's fcruples about his Marriage 
 feif scnipics began to take vent. It is faid that the Cardinal did firft infufe them in- 
 'c- to him, and made Lorghnd Bifhop of Lincoln, that was the King's 
 
 ScHm^Angi. ' Confeffor, poffefs the King's mind with them in contellion. If it was 
 " fo, the King had, acccording to the Religion of that time, very juft 
 caufe of Scruple, when his Confeffor judged his Marriage finful, and 
 the Pope's Legate was of the fame mind. It is alfo faid that the Car- 
 dinal being alienated from the Emperor, that he might irreparably em- 
 broil the King and him, and unite the King to the French Interefts, de- 
 figned this out of Spite^ and that he was alfo diffatisfied toward the 
 Queen, who hated him tor his lewd and diffolute Life, and had oft 
 admonifhed and checkt him for it : And that he therefore, defigning 
 to engage the King to Marry the French King s Sifter, the Dutchefs of 
 Alenfon, did (to make way for that) fet this Matter on foot ; but as I 
 fee no good Authority for all this, except the Queen's fufpicions, who 
 did afterwards charge the Cardinal as the caufe of all her trouble , fo I 
 
 atn
 
 Book li. of the CImrch of England, 37 
 
 am inclined to think theKing s Scruples were much ancierlter: for the King 1527. 
 declared to Simon Grincus four years after this, that for feven years h-- f^y^Y^^^ 
 had abftained from the Queen upon thefe Scruples, fo that by that it itHHm\s%t, 
 feems thev had been received into the Rinse's mind three years before this i^- 1531 i" 
 
 ^. ^ ^ ^ MSS.R.Smitk. 
 
 time. 
 
 What were the King's fecret motives and the true grounds of his A- The Grounds 
 verlion to the Queen is only known to God, and till the difcovery of °[ ^'* ^""' 
 all fecrets at the day of Judgment, mufl: lie hid. But the reafons which ^ "* 
 be always owned, of which all Humane Judicatories muft only take 
 notice, fhall be now fully opened. He found by the Law of Mofej, if 
 a Man took his Brother s Wife they JJwtild die Childlefi : This made hini 
 refleft on the death of his Children, which he now looked on as a curfe 
 from God for that unlawful Marriage. Upon this he fet himfelf to 
 ftudy the Cafe, and called for the Judgments of the beft Divines and 
 Canonifts. For his own Enquiry, Thomas Aquinas being the Writer iri 
 whofe Works he took moft pleafure, and to whofe Judgment he fub- 
 mitted moft, did decide it clearly againft him. For he both Concluded, 
 that the Laws in Leviticus about the forbidden degrees of Marriage 
 were Moral and Eternal, fuch as obliged all Chriftians^ and that the 
 Pope could only Difpence with the Laws of the Church, but could not 
 Difpence with the Laws of God. Upon this reafon, that no Law cari 
 be Difpenced with, by any Authority, but that which is equal to the 
 Authority that enadied it. Therefore he infers that the Pope can indeed 
 Difpence with all the Laws of the Church, but not with the Laws of 
 God, to whofe Authority he could not pretend to be equal. But as 
 the King found this from his own private Study ^ fo having commanded 
 the Arch-billiop of Canterbury to require the Opinions of the Bifhops fj^'^c Se? 
 of England^ they all in a Writing under their Hands and Seals, decla- dedareic uq! 
 red they judged it an unlawfuU Marriage. Only the Bilhop of Rochejler '^wfui. 
 refufed to fet his Hand to it; and though the Arch-bilhop prefled hint 
 moft earneftly to it, yet he perfifted in his refufal, faying that it was 
 againft his Confcience. Upon which the Arch-biftiop made another 
 write down his Name, and fet his Seal to the Refolution of the reft Ciivendifl)h\i 
 of the Biftiops. But this being afterwards queftioned, the Biiliop of •'^'^ °f '*'«'/''• 
 Rochefier denied it was his hand, and the Arch-bifhop pretended that 
 he had leave given him by the Bifhop to put his hand to it, which the 
 other denied. Nor was it likely that Fijher who fcrupled in Confci- 
 ence to Subfcribe it himfelf, would have confented to fuch a weak Arti- 
 fice. But all the other Biftiops did declare againft the Marriage, and as 
 the King himfelf faid afterwards in the Legantine Court, neither the 
 Cardinal nor the Biftiop of Lincoln did firft fuggeft thefe fcruples, but 
 the King being poflefTed with them, did in Confeffion propofe them to 
 that Bilhop : and added that the Cardinal was fo far from cherilhing 
 them, that he did all he could to ftifle them. 
 
 The King was now Convinced that his Marriage was Unlawful, both The dangers 
 by his own ftudy, and the refolution of his Divines. And as the point |o foSJom 
 of Confcience wrought on him, fo the Intereft of the Kingdom required, k. 
 that there ftiould be no doubting about the Succeftion to the Crown : 
 left as the long Civil- War between the Houfes of Terk and Lanca/ier had 
 been buried with his Father, fo a new one fiiould rife up at his Death. 
 The King of Scotland was the next Heir to the Crown after his Daugh- 
 ter. And if he married his Daughter to any out of France, then he had 
 reafon to jadge, that the French upon their Ancient Alliance witli Scot- 
 
 E 2 landy
 
 38 The Hi[kry af the Ke formation Book IL 
 
 1507. land^ and that they might divide and diftraft England, would l>e ready 
 v.^^*^"*^ toaffift the King of Scotland in his Pretenfions: Or if lie Married her in 
 France, then all thofe in England to whom the French Government waj 
 hateful, and the Emperor and other Princes to whom the French Power 
 grew formidable, would have been as ready to fupport the pretenfions 
 of Scotland. Or if he fhould either fet up his Baftard Son, or the Chil- 
 dren which his Sifter bore to Charles Brandon, there was ftill caufe to 
 fear a bloody decifion of a Title that was fo Doubtful. And though 
 this may feem a confideration too Politick and Foreign to 3 matter of 
 that nature, yet the obligation that lies on a Prince to provide for the 
 happinefs and quiet of his Siibjefts, was fo weighty a thing, that it 
 might well come in among other Motives, to incline the King much to 
 intoF»^ncf ^^'^^ ^^'5 matter determined. At this time the Cardinal went over 
 1527, jK// 1 1. intoFrance under colour to conclude a League between the two Crowns, 
 and to Treat about the means of fetting the Pope at Liberty, who was 
 then the Emperor's Prifoner at Rome 5 and alfo for a projeft of Peace 
 between Francis and the Emperor. But his chief Bufinefs was to require 
 Francis to declare his Refolutions concerning that Alternative about the 
 Lady Mary. To which it was anfwered, that the Duke of Orleance as 
 a fitter Match in years, was the French King s Choice ; but this matter 
 fell to ground upon the Procefs that followed foon after. 
 The King's • fjjg j^j^g (jjj rnuch apprehend the oppofition the Emperor was like 
 about it. °^" to make to hisDefigns; either out of a principle of Nature and Honour 
 to protect his Aunt, or out of a Maxime of State, to raife his Enemy all 
 the trouble he could at home. But on the other hand he had fome caufe 
 to hope well even in that particular. For the Queftion of the unlaw- 
 fulnefsof the Match had bepn firft debated in the Cortes, or Aflembly of 
 the States at Madrid-^ and the Emperor had then fliewed himfelf fo 
 favourable to it, that he broke the Match, (to which he had bound 
 himfelf) with the Princefs. Therefqre the King had reafon to think 
 that this at leaft would mitigate his Oppofitipn. The Emperor had 
 alfo ufed the Pope fo hardly, that it could not be doubted that the Pope 
 hated him. And it was believed that he would find the proteftion of 
 the King of England moft neceffary to fecure him, either from the great- 
 nefs of France or Spain^ who were fighting for the beft part of Ital^, 
 which muft needs fall into one of their Hands. Therefore the King did 
 not doubt but the Pope would be compliant to his defires. And in this 
 he was much confirmed by the hopes, or rather afTurance, which the 
 Cardinal gave him of the Pope's Favour, who either calculating what 
 was to be expefted from that Court on the account of their own Inte- 
 reft, or upon fome promifes made him, had undertaken to the King to 
 bring that matter about to his hearts content. It is certain that the 
 L; Hnbert. Cardinal had carried over with him out of the King's Treafure 240CCO /. 
 to be employed about the Pope's Liberty. But whether he had made a 
 bargain for the Divorce, or had fanfied that nothing could be denied 
 him at Rome, it does not appear. It is clear by many of his Letters 
 that he had undertaken to the King, that the bufinefs (hould be done 5 
 and it is not like that a Man of his Wifdom would have adventured to 
 do that without fome good warrant. 
 The Argu- But HOW that the Suit was to be moved in the Court of Rome, they 
 
 the°Buiif '""^ were to devife fuch Arguments as were like to be well heard there. Ic 
 would have been unacceptable to have infifted on the nullity of the Bull 
 on this account, becaufe the matter of it was unlawfull, and fell not 
 
 within
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 39 
 
 within the Pope's Power. For Popes, like other Princes, do not love 1527. 
 to hear the extent of their Prerogative difpnted or defined. And to v.-^~v^^ 
 condemn the Bnll of a former Pope as unlawful, was a dangerous Pre- 
 cedent at a time when the Pope's Authority was rejeded by fo many in 
 Germany, Therefore the Canonifts as well as Divines, were confulted 
 to find fuch Nullities in the Bull ot Difpenfation, as according to the 
 Canon-Law, and the proceedings of the Rota^ might ferve to invalidate 
 it without any diminution of the Papal Power. Which being once done 
 the Marriage that followed upon it, mufl: needs be annulled. When the 
 Canonifts examined the Bull, they found much mritter to proceed upon. 
 It is a Maxime in Law, That if the Pope be furprized m any thing, and 
 Bulls be procured upon falfeSuggeftions and untrue Premifes, they may 
 be annulled afterwards. Upon which Foundation moflof all the Pro- 
 cefles againfl: Pope's Bulls were grounded. Now they found by the Pre- 
 amble of this Bull that it wasfaid. The King had defired that he might 
 be difpenfed with to Marry the Princefs. This was falfe; for the King 
 had made no fuch defire. Being of an Age that was below fuch confide- 
 rations, but twelve years old. Then it appeared by the Preamble that 
 this Bull was defired by the King to preferve the Peace between the King 
 of EnglaMd^ and Ferdiffand, and IfabelU (called Elizabetha in the Bull) the 
 Kings of Spain. To which they excepted, That it was plain this was falfe, 
 fince the King.being then but twelve years old, could not be fuppofed to 
 have fuch deep Speculations, and fo large a Profpeft as to defire a Match 
 upon a politick Account. Then it being alfo in the Bull, that the Pope's 
 Difpenfation was granted to keep Peace between the Crowns, if there 
 was no hazard of anyBreach or War between them ^ this was a falfe Sug- 
 geftion, by which the Pope had been made believe. That this Match 
 was neceflary for averting fome great Mifchief. And it was known that 
 there was no danger at all of that, and fo this Bull was obtained by a 
 Surprize. Befides, both King Henry of England, ^nd IfabelU oi Spaia 
 were dead before the King Married his Queen 5 fo the Marriage could 
 not be valid by virtue of a Bull that was granted to maintain Amity 
 between Princes that were dead before the Marriage was Confummated; 
 And they alfo judged that the Proteftation which the King made, when 
 he came of Age, did retraft any fuch pretended defire, that might have 
 been preferred to the Pope in his Name 5 and that from that time for- 
 ward, the Bull could have no further Operation, fince the ground upon 
 which it was granted, which was the King s defire, did then ceafe, any 
 pretended defire before he was of Age being clearly annulled and deter- 
 mined by that Proteftation after he was of Age, fo that a fubfequent 
 Marriage founded upon the Bull muft needs be void. 
 
 Thefb were the Grounds upon which the Canonifts ad vifed the Procefs v/oife/s ad- 
 at Roff/e tohe carried on. But firft to amufe or over-reach the Spaniard, ^,'" '° ''if 
 the King fent word to his Ambafladour in Spain to filence the noifethat A^fi! 
 was made about it in that Court. Whether the King had then refolved 
 on the Perfon that (hould Succeed the Queen, when he had obtained 
 what he defired, or not, is much queftioned. Some fuggeft that from 
 the beginning he was taken with the charms of Anne Boleyn, and that 
 all this Procefs was moved by the unfeen fpring of that fecret AfFedlion. 
 Others will have this Amour to have been later in the King's Thoughts. 
 How early it came there, at this diftance it is not eafie to determine. But 
 before I fay more of it, fhe being fo confiderable a Perfon in the follow- 
 ing Relation, I (hall give fome account of her. " Sanders has alTured 
 
 " th«
 
 4.0 17;^ Hiflory of the Reformation Book 11. 
 
 1527. " the World, 1 hat the King had a Liking to her Mother, who was 
 
 y^^f^->^/^-^ " Dau£;hter to the Duke of Suffolk-^ and to the end that he might en- 
 
 IZt^bmz " joy l^er with the lefs Difturb?.nce, he fent her Husband Sir Thcmjs 
 
 Anm Bote}n " Dolcyu to be AmbalFador in France : And that after two Years Ab- 
 
 examined. " fgnce, his Wife being with Child, he came over, and fued a Divorce 
 
 For this he " ggainft her in the Archbifliop of Canterbury's Courts but the King lent 
 
 LHeo'fSirrK " ^he Marquis of Dorfct to let him linow, that (he was with Child by 
 
 More, a Book " him, and that therefore the King defircd he would pafs the matter 
 
 feen bv^ar" " o^^^, and be reconciled to his Wife: To which he confented. And 
 
 boJy eife. " fo ^nne Boleyn, tho" (he went under the name of his Daughter, yet 
 
 /' was of the King's begetting. As hedefcribesherjflae wasill-fhaped and 
 
 " ugly, had fix Fingers, a Gag-tooth, and a Tumour under her Chin, 
 
 " with many other unfeemly things in her Perfon. At the 1 5th Year of 
 
 " her Age, he fays, both her Father's Butler and Chaplain lay with her: 
 
 *' Afterwards flie was fent to France, where (lie was at firft kept private- 
 
 " ly in the houfe of a Perfon of Quality^ then (he went to the French 
 
 " Court, where (he led fuch a diffolute Lifei, that (he was called the 
 
 " Engljfl) Hackniy. That the French King liked her, and from the Free- 
 
 " doms he took with her, fhe was called the Kings Mule. But returning 
 
 " to England, fhe was admitted to the Court, where (he quickly percei- 
 
 " ved how weary the King was of the Queen, and what the Cardinal 
 
 " was defigning^ and having gained the King's AfFeffion, fiic governed 
 
 " it fo, that by all innocent Freedoms fhe drew him into her Toils, 
 
 *' and by the appearances of a fevere Virtue, with which ihe difguifed 
 
 " her felf, fo encreafed his Affeftion and Efteem, that he refolved to 
 
 *' put her in his Queen's place as foon ,ts the Dwone vpos granted. The 
 
 ** fame Author adds. That the King had Ukctvife enjoyed her Sifter, with 
 
 *' a great deal more, to the Difgrace of this Lady and her Family. 
 
 I know it is not the v/ork of an Hi(\orian to refute the Lyes of others, 
 but rather to deliver fuch a plain account as will be a more efFeftual con- 
 futation than any thing can be that is faid by way of Argument, which 
 belongs to other Writers. And at the end of this King's Reign, I intend 
 to fet down a Colleftion of the mo(\ notorious Fallhoods of that Writer, 
 together with the Evidences of their being fo. But all this oi Anne Bo- 
 leyn is fo' palpable a Lye, or rather a complicated heap of Lyes, and fo 
 much depends on it, that I prefume it will not offend the Reader to be 
 detained a few minutes in the Refutation of it. For if it were true, very 
 much might be drawn from it, both to difparage King Henry, who pre- 
 tended Confcience to annul his Marriage for the nearnefs of Afhnity, 
 and yet would after that marry his own Daughter. It leaves alfo a foul 
 and lafting ftain both on the Wcmoxyoi Anne Boleyn, and of her incom- 
 parable Daughter Queen Ei:z,aheth. It alfo derogates fo much from the 
 firfi: Reformers, who had fome kind of Dependance on Qu. Anne Boleyn, 
 that it feems to be of great Importance for direfting the Reader in the 
 Judgment he is to make of Perfons and Things, to lay open the Falihood 
 of this Account. It were fufficient for blafting it, that there is no proof 
 pretended to be brought for any part of it, but a Book of one Rajial a 
 Judge, that was never feen by any other Perfon than that Writer, The 
 Title of the Book is,The Life of Sir Thomas More: There is great reafon 
 to think that Raftal never writ any fuch Book^ for it is raofl common 
 for the Lives of great Authors to be prefixed to their Works. Now 
 this Raftal publillied all More's Works in Queen Mary's Reign, to 
 which if he had written his Life, it is likely he would have prefix'd 
 
 ir.
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, 41 
 
 it. No evidence therefore being given for bis Relation, either from 1527^ 
 Records, Letters, or the Teftimony of any Perfon who was privy to ^/""W"^^ 
 the matter, the whole is to be looked upon as a black Forgery, devi- 
 led on purpofe to defame Queen Elizabeth. For upon her Mother 3 
 death, who can doubt but that feme, either to flatter the King, or to 
 defame her, would have publiflied thefe things ; which, if they had 
 had been true, could be no Secrets ? For a Lady of her Mother's con- 
 dition to bear a Child two years after her Husband was fent out of 
 England on fuch a publick Employment, and a Procefs thereupon to 
 be entred in the Archbifhop's Courts, are things that are not fo foon 
 to be forgotten. And that (he her felf was under fo ill a Reputation, 
 both in her Father's Family, and in France, for common Levvdnefs, 
 and for being the Ring's Concubine, are things that could not lie hid. 
 And yet when the Books of the Archbifliop's Courts (which are novv 
 burnt) were extant, it was publifhed to the World, and Satisfaftion of- AntiSinderHf 
 fered to every one that would take the pains to inform ^hemfelves that 
 there was no fuch thing on Record. Nor did any of the Writers of 
 that time, either of the Imperial or Papal fide, once mention thefe 
 things, notwithftanding their great occafion to do it. But 80 years af- 
 ter, this Fable was invented, or at leafl: it was then firft publifhed, when 
 it was fafer to lye, becaufe none who had lived in the time could 
 difprove it. 
 
 But it has not only no foundation, but Sanders, through the vulvar 
 Errors of Lyars, has ftrained his Wit to make fo ill a Story of the Lady, 
 that feme things, in his own Relation, make it plainly appear to be im* 
 pofnble. For, to pafs by thofe many improbable things that he relates, 
 as namely, That both the King of England and the French King, could' 
 be fo taken with fo ugly and monftrous a Woman, of fo notorious and 
 lewd Manners 5 and that this King for the fpace of feven years, that \s^ 
 during the Suit of the Divorce, fhould continue enamoured of her, and 
 never difcover this, or having difcovered it, fhould yet refolve at all 
 hazards to make her his Wile^ which are "things that would require 
 no common Teftimony to make them feem credible : There is befide, 
 in that Story, an heap of things fo inconfiftent with one another, that 
 none but fuch an one as Sanders could have had either Blindnefs or 
 Brow enough to have made or publi(h'd it. For firft, if the King, that 
 he might the more freely enjoy Sir Thom.is Boleyn's Lady, fent him 
 over into France, as Sanders fays, I (hall allow it as foon as may be, 
 that it was in the very beginning of his Reign 1509. Then the time 
 when Jnne Bohyn was born, being according to Sanders his account 
 two years after, that muft be Anno i 51 1 5 and being, as he fays, de. 
 flowred when fhe was i 5, that muft be Anno 1526. Then fome'time 
 rauft be allowed for her going to France, for her living privately 
 there for fome time, and afterwards for her coming to Court, and me- 
 riting thofe Characters that he fays went upon her 5 and after all that, 
 for her Return into England, and infinuating her felf into the King's' 
 favour ; yet by Sanders his own Relation thefe things muft have hap- 
 pened in the fame year 15265 for in that year he makes the King think 
 of putting away his Wife in order to marry Anne Boleyn, when accord- 
 ing to his account fhe could be but 1 5 years old, tho' this King had fent 
 Sir Thomas Boleyn into France the firft day of his coming to the Crown„ 
 But that he was not fent (o early, appears by feveral Grants that I 
 have feen in the Rolls, which were made to him in the firft 4 years of 
 
 the
 
 March 
 
 10. 
 
 1505. 
 
 
 Feb 12 
 
 i;n 
 
 1 514. 
 
 
 4.2 The Hiflurj of the Reformation l^ook 11. 
 
 1527. the King's Reign: They fiifficiently (hew that he was all that while 
 about the King's Perfon, and mention no Services beyond Sea, but 
 about the King's Perfon, as the ground upon which they were made. 
 Befides, I find in the Treaty-Rolls no mention of his being Ambaffador 
 the firft 8 years of the King's Reign. In the firft year the Bifliops of 
 Winchejler and Diircfmc, and the Earl oi Surry, are named in the Trea- 
 ty between the two Crowns, as the King's Ambafladors in France. Af- 
 ter this, none could be Ambaffadors there for two years together ^ for 
 before two years elapfed, there was a. War proclaimed againft France-^ 
 and when Overtures were made tor a Peace, it appears by the Treaty- 
 Rolls, that the Earl ot'WorceJler was fent over Ambaffador. And when 
 the King's Sifter was fent over to Lcveis the French King, tho' Sir Thomas 
 septemb. 23. Bolcyn went ovcf with her, he was not then fo much confidered as to 
 6 Keg'u |-,g rnade an Ambaffador. For in the Commiffion that was given to many 
 Perfons of Quality, to deliver her to her Husband King Levels XIF. 
 Sir Thomas Bolcyn is not named. The Perfons in the Commifljon are 
 the Duke oi Norfolk, the Marquis of Dorfet, the Bifhop of Darcfme, 
 ,515. the Earls of Si/rry and Worcejier, the Prior of St. John's, and Doftor 
 Wefi Dean of Wind/or. A year after that, Sir Thomas Boleyn was made 
 Ambaffador; but then it was too late for Anne Boleyn to be yet un- 
 born, much lefs could it be, as Sanders fays, that (he was born two 
 years after it. 
 
 But the Learned Omhden. whofe Study and Profedion led him to a 
 more particular knowledge of thefe things, gives us another Account 
 camb.itiap. cf her Birth. He fays that (he was born in the Year 1507, which was 
 Vfr<i*>t^if^'ifl- jvvo years before the King came to the Crown. And if it be fuggefted, 
 '^' ^^' that then the Prince, to enjoy her Mother, prevailed with his Father 
 to fend her Husband beyond Sea, that muft be done when the Prince 
 himfelf was not 14 years of Age: fo they rauft make him to have 
 corrupted other Mens Wives at that Age, when yet they will not al- 
 low his Brother (no not when he was two years older) to have known 
 his own Wife. 
 HerBircii, But now I leave this foul Fidion, and go to deliver certain Truths. 
 
 Anne Boleyn s> Mother was Daughter to the Duke of Norfolk, and Sifter 
 to the Duke that was at the time of the Divorce LordTreafurer. Her Fa- 
 ther's Mother was one of the Daughters and Heirs to the Earl of Wilt- 
 Jl)ire andOrmond-j and her great Grand-father Sir Gco^)' j5tf/c7», who 
 had been Lord Major of London, married one of the D:iughters and 
 Heirs of the Lord Haftlngs-^ and their Family as they had mixed with 
 fo much great Blood, fo had married their Daughters to very Noble 
 1 514. Families. She, being but feven years old, was carried over to France 
 with the King's Sifter 5 which (hews (he could have none of thofe De- 
 formities in her Perfon, (ince fuch are not brought into the Courts 
 and Breeding, and Families of Qucens. And tho' upon the French King's Death the 
 Queen Dowager came foon back to England, yet (he was fo liked \n 
 the French Court, that the next King Franciss Queen kept her about 
 her felf for fome years 5 and after her Death, the King's Sifter, the 
 Dutchefs of Alenfon, kept her in her Court all the while (he was in 
 France : which as it (hews there was fomewhat extraordinary in her 
 Perfon, fo thofe Princeffes being much celebrated for their Virtues, it 
 is not to be imigined that any Perfon fo notorioufly def imed ns Sanders 
 would rcprefcnt her, was entertained in their Courts. 
 
 When
 
 Book II. of the Church of Fngland. 43 
 
 When (he came into England is not fo clear : It is faid, that in the 1527. 
 year 1522, when War was made on Fran e, her Father, who was then -^'"ao^ 
 Ambafiador, was recalled, and brought her over with him, which is tl"w"!,'".^ 
 rot improbable 5 but if flie came then, (he did not (lay long in England, l Hc^rUrt. 
 for Cambden fays, that (he ferved Queen Chudia of France till her dJ'^j.x"^ 
 Death, ( which was in July 1 524 ^ ) and after that (lie was taken into cuvenMa, 
 Service by King Francis's Sifter. How long (he continued in that Ser- ^^"f^ ^"^ ^^^' 
 vice, I do not find ^ but it is probable that (he returned out of France cZltVen"^' 
 with her Father from his EmbaiTy, in the year 1527 ^ when, as Stow 
 fays, he brought with him the Pifture of her Miftrefs, who was offer- 
 ed in Marriage to this King. If (he came out of France before, as thofe 
 Authors before-mentioned fay, it appears that the King had no defign 
 upon her then, becaufe he fufFered her to return, and when one Mi- 
 ftrefs died to take another in France 'j but if (he ftayed there all this 
 while, then it is probable he had not feen her till now at laft, when 
 fhe came out of the Princefs oi Al en fin's Service: But whenfoever it 
 was that (he came to the Court of England, it is certain that (lie was 
 much confidered in it. And tho* the Queen, who had taken her to be 
 one of her Maids of Honour, had afterwards juft caufe to be difplea- 
 fed with her as her Rival ^ yet fhe carried her felf fo, that in the 
 whole Progrefs of the Sute, I never find the Queen her felf, or any of 
 her Agents, fix the leaft ill Charader on her t, which would moft cer- 
 tainly have been done, had there been any juft Caufe or good Colour 
 for it. 
 
 And fo far was this Lady, at leaft for fome time, from any thoughts ^^^ '= contra.- 
 of marrying fhe King, that (he had confented to Marry the Lord Piercy, ilxAmc 
 the Earl of Northunther land's eldeft Son, whom his Father, by a ftrange '^* 
 
 compliance with the Cardinal's Vanity, had placed in his Court, and 
 made him one of his Servants. The thing is confiderable, and clears 
 many things that belong to this Hiftory; and the Relator of it was 
 an Ear-witnefs of the Difcourfe upon it, as himfelf informs us. The (^^y^»^'/f' 
 Cardinal hearing that the Lord Piercy was making Addreffes to An;ie ^^^^°^^'''^'^' 
 Boleyn, one day as he came from the Court called for him before 
 his Servants, (befire us all, fays the Relator, including himfelf) and 
 " chid him for it, pretending at (irft that it was unworthy of him to 
 " match fo meanly ^ but he juftified his Choice, and reckoned up her 
 " Birth and Quality, which he faid v/as not inferiour to his own. And 
 " the Cardinal infifting fiercely, to make him lay down his Pretenfions, 
 " he told him, he would willingly fubmit to the King and him 5 bur, 
 " that he had gone fo far before many WifnefTes, that he could not 
 *' forfake it, and knew not how to difcharge his Confcience: and there- 
 " fore he entreated thetardinal would procure him the King's Favour 
 " in it. Upon that the Cardinal in great rage faid, Why > thinkelt 
 *' thou that the King and I know not what we have to do in fo weigh- 
 *' ty a matter? yes I warrant you : But I can fee in thee no Submiffion 
 *' at all to the purpofe ^ and faid, you have matched your felf with 
 " fuch an one, as neither the King, nor yet your Father, will agree 
 " to it 5 and therefore I will fend for thy Father, who at his coming 
 *' (hall either make thee break this unadvifed Bargain, or difinherit 
 '* thee for ever. To which the Lord Piercy replied. That he wouFd 
 " fubmit himfelf to him, if his Confcience were difcharged of the 
 *' weighty burden that lay upon it: And foon aftor, his Father co- 
 " niing to Court, he was diverted another way, 
 
 F Had
 
 44- T/;^ Hiftory of the Kef or mat ion Book II. 
 
 1527. 
 
 L. Herbert. 
 
 ^5^7. 
 
 The King mo- 
 red for his 
 Divorce ac 
 Rom:, 
 
 The firft Dif- 
 patch about 
 it. 
 
 Colleft. 
 Nitmb. 3. 
 
 Had that Writer told us in what year this was done, it had given a 
 great light to direft us^ but by this Relation we fee that (he was fo far 
 trom thinking of the King at that time, that fhe had engaged her felf 
 another way : but how far this went on her fide, or whether it was 
 afterwards made ufe of, when (he was divorced from the King, (hall 
 be confidered in its proper place. It alfo appears, that there was a De« 
 fign about her, then formed between the King and the Cardinal ^ yet 
 how far that went, whether to make her Queen, or only to corrupt 
 her, is not evident. It is faid, that upon this (he ever after hated 
 the Cardinal, and that he never defigned the Divorce after he faw on 
 whom the King had fixed his thoughts: But all that is a Miftake, as 
 will afterwards appear. 
 
 And now, having made way through thefe things that were previ- 
 ous to the firft Motion of the Divorce, my Nnrrarion leads me next to 
 the Motion it felf. The King refolving to put the matter home to the 
 Pope, fent Doftor Knight, Secretary of State, to Rome, with forae 
 Inftrudions to prepare the Pope for it, and to obferve what might be 
 the beft Method, and who the fitteft Tools to work by. At that time 
 the Family of the Cajfali being three Brothers, were entertained by the 
 King as his Agents in Italy, both in Rome, Venice, and other places. 
 Sir Gregory Cajfali was then his ordinary Ambaffador at Rome : To 
 him was the firfl: full Difpatch about this bufinefs directed by the 
 Cardinal, the Original whereof is yet extant, d-ited the 5th of Decemb. 
 1527, which the Reader will find in the Colleftion: But here I (hall 
 give the Heads of it. 
 
 " After great and high Complements, and AfTurances of Rewards, 
 
 " to engage him to follow the Bufinefs very vigoroufly and with great 
 
 " Diligence, he writes that he had before opened the King's Cafe to 
 
 " him 5 and that, partly by his own Study, partly by the Opinion of 
 
 " many Divines and other Learned Men of all forts, he found that 
 
 " he could no longer, with a good Confcience, continue in that Mar- 
 
 " riage with the Queen, having God and the Quiet and Salvation of 
 
 " his Soul chiefly before his Eyes;^ and, that he had confulted both 
 
 " the mofl learned Divines and Canonifts, as well in his own Domi- 
 
 " nions as elfewhere, to know whether the Pope's Difpenfation could 
 
 " make it good ; and, that many of them thought the Pope could 
 
 " not Difpenfe in this cafe of the firfl degree of Affinity, which they 
 
 " efteemed forbidden by a divine, moral, and natural Law 5 and all 
 
 " the reft concluded, that the Pope could not do it, but upon very 
 
 " weighty Reafons, and they found not any fuch in the Bull. Then 
 
 " he lays out the Reafons for Annulling the Bull, which were touched 
 
 *' before ; upon which they all concluded the Difpenfation to be ot 
 
 " no force ; that the King looked on the Death of his Sons as a 
 
 *'■ Curfe from God^ and, to avoid further Judgments, he now defired 
 
 " help of the Apoftolick See, to confider his Cafe, to ref^ed on what 
 
 " he had merited by thefe Services he had done the Papacy, and to 
 
 " find a way that he being divorced from his Queen, may marry ano- 
 
 " ther Wife, of whom, by the bleffing of Cod, he might hope for 
 
 " Iffue Male. Therefore the Ambaflador was to ufe all means poffi- 
 
 *' ble to be admitted to fpeak to the Pope in private, and then to 
 
 " deliver him thefe Letters of Credence, in which there was a raoft 
 
 " earneft Claufe added with the Kings own Hand. He was alfo to 
 
 " make a Condolance of the Miferies the Pope and Cardinals were
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, 45 
 
 " in, both in the King's Name and the Cardinal's, and to alfure the 1527*. 
 " Pope they would ufe all the moft effedual means that were pof- 
 " fible for fetting him at liberty, in which the Cardinal would em- 
 " ploy as much Induftry as if there were no other way to come to 
 " the Kingdom of Heaven, but by doing it. Then he was to open 
 " the King's bufinefs to the Pope , the Scruples of his Confcience, 
 *' the great danger of cruel Wars upon fo difputable a Succeflion, the 
 *' Entreaties of all the Nobility and the whole Kingdom, with many 
 " other urgent Reafons, to obtain what was defired. He was alfo to 
 " lay before the Pope the prefent Condition of Chriftendom and of 
 *' Italy, that he might confider of what Importance it was to his 
 " own AfiFairs, and to the Apoftolick See, to engage the King fo firm- 
 " ly to his Interefts as this would certainly do^ and, to move that the 
 " Pope, without communicating the matter to any Perfon, would 
 " freely grant it, and fign the Commiilion which was therewith fent 
 " engrofled in due form, and ready to be figned ^ by which the Car- 
 *' dinal was authorized , with the Affiftance of fuch as he fhould 
 " choofe , to proceed in the matter , according to feme Inftruftions 
 " which were alfo fent fairly written out for the Pope to fign. A 
 " Difpenfation was alfo fent in due form : And if thefe were expeded, 
 " he might alfure the Pope, that as the King had fent over a vaft 
 " Sum to the French King for paying his Army in Italy^ fo he would 
 *' fpare no Travel nor Treafure, but make War upon the Emperor in 
 *' Flanders, with his whole Strength, till he forced him to fer the 
 *' Pope at liberty, and reftore the ftate of the Church to its former 
 " Power and Dignity. And if the Pope were already at liberty, and 
 *' had made an Agreement with the Emperour, he was to reprefent 
 *' to him how little caufe he had to trufl: much to the Emperour, who 
 *' had fo oft broke his Faith, and defigned to do all he could towards 
 *' the depreffing the Ecclefiaftical State. And the Pope was to be re- 
 " membred, that he had difpenfed with the Emperour's Oath, for 
 *' marrying the King's Daughter without communicating the matter to 
 " the King. And if he had done fo much for one that had been his 
 *' Enemy, how much more might the King expeft the like Favour, 
 " who had always paid him a moft filial Duty ? Or if the Pope would 
 " not grant the Commiffion to the Cardinal to try the matter, as 
 " a Perfon that being the King's chief Minifter, was not indifferent 
 " enough to judge in any of the King's Concerns ^ he was by all means 
 *' to overcome that, and afTure the Pope that he would proceed in 
 *' it as a Judge ought to do. But if the Pope ftood upon it, and would 
 " by no means be perfwaded to fign the Commiflion for the Cardi- 
 " nal , then he was to propofe Staphileus, Dean of the Rota, who 
 " was then in England ; and was to except againft all other Foreigners, 
 *' if the Pope chanced to propofe any other. He was alfo to repre- 
 *' fent to the Pope, that the King would look upon a Delay as a De- 
 " nial ^ and if the Pope inclined to confult with any of the Cardi- 
 " nals about it, he was to divert him from it all that was poflTible: 
 " but if the Pope would needs do it, then he was to Addrefs him- 
 " felf to them, and partly by informing them of the Reafons of the 
 " King's Caufe, partly by rewarding the good Offices they fhould do, 
 " he was to engage them for the King. And with this Difpatch Let- 
 " ters were fent to Cardinal Piicci, SanBorum ^tatuor, and the other 
 *' Cardinals, to be made ufe of as there (hould be occafion for it. And 
 
 F ■:• becaufs
 
 4^ TheHl^ory of the Keformatioii Book 11. 
 
 1527. " becaufe Mony was like to be the moft powerful Argument, efpecially 
 
 ..-'''^V"^"-' " to men impoverifhed by a Captivity, loooo Ducats were remitted 
 
 " to J'itJtce, to be diftributed as the King's Affairs required ^ and he 
 
 *'■ was empowered to make farther Promifes, as he faw caufe for it, 
 
 " which the King would faithfully make good 5 and in particular 
 
 *' they were to be wanting in nothing that might abfolutely engage 
 
 " the Cardinal Datary to favour the King's Buftncfs. 
 
 The rope The fame things had been committed to the Secretary's care, and 
 
 grants it they Were both to proceed by concert, each of them doing all that 
 
 when he was ^^^ poffible to promote the Bufinefs. But before this reached Rome, 
 
 Colled. Secretary Kmght was come thither^ and hnding it impollibie to be 
 
 is-«m3. 4. admitted to the Pope's Prefence, he had, by corrupting fome of his 
 
 Guards, fent him the Sum of the King's Demands. Upon which the || 
 Pope fent him word, that the Difpenfation fhould be fent fully expe- 
 ded. So gracious was a Pope in Captivity. But at that time the Ge- 
 neral of the Obfervatits in Spain being at Rome^ required a Promife^ 
 of the Pope not to grant any thing that might prejudice the Qiieen's 
 Caufe, till it were firft communicated to the 1/itperialifts there. But 
 Pope cfcjpcd when the Pope made his Efcape, the Secretary and the Ambaflador 
 necemb. 9. w^ent to him to Orvieto about the end of December, and firft did, in the 
 King's and Cardinal's name, congratulate his freedom. Then the Se- 
 cretary difcourfed the Bufinefs. The Pope owned that he had recei- 
 ved the MefTage which he had fent to him at Rome ^ but in refpeft of 
 his Promife, and that yet in a manner he was in Captivity, he beg- 
 ged the King would have a little Patience, and he (hould before long 
 have not only that Difpenfation, but any thing elfe that lay in his 
 Power. But the Secretary not being fatisfied with that Excufe, the 
 Pope in the end faid, he fhould have it 5 but with this Condition, 
 That he would befeech the King not to proceed upon it till the Pope 
 were fully at liberty, and the Germans and Spaniards were driven out 
 oi Italy, And upon the King's promifing this, the Difpenfation was 
 to be put in his hands. So the Secretary, who had a great mind once 
 to have the Bull in his poffeflion, made no fcruple to engage his Pro- 
 mife for that. The Pope alfo told them he was not expert in thofe 
 things, but he eafily apprehended the Danger that might arife from 
 any Difpute about the Succcflion to the Crown, and that therefore be 
 would communicate the bufinefs to the Cardinal SanBorum Quatuor 5 up- 
 on which they refolved to prevent that Cardinal's being with the Pope, 
 and went and delivered the Letters they had for him, and promifed him 
 a good Fveward if he were f ivourable to their Requefts in the King's be- 
 half. Then they fhewed him the Conimidions that were fent from Etrg-' 
 land-^ but he, upon the Perufal of them, faid, they could not pafs with- 
 out a perpetual Diflionour on the Pope and the King too, and except- 
 ed to feveral Claufcs that were in them. So they defired him to draw 
 one that might both be fufficient for the King's purpofe, and fuch as 
 the Pope might with Honour grant : Which being done, the Pope told 
 them. That rho' he apprehended great danger to himfelf, if the Em- 
 peror (hould know what he had done:; yet he would rather expofe 
 himfelf to utter Ruin, than give the King or the Cardinal caufe to 
 think him Ingrate ^ but with many fighs and tears, he begged that the 
 King would not precipitate things, or expofe him to be undone, by 
 beginning any Procefs upon the Bull. And fo he delivered the Commit- 
 hbe'Jcv'gfvcl^ ^°" ^"^ Difpenfation, Signed, to Knight. But the means that the Popc 
 a Bull' for it. ptopofed fot his publifhing and owning what he now granted;,was, that 
 
 LaHtrech^
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 4.7 
 
 Lautrech with the French Army (hould march, and coming where the 152;^. 
 Pope was, (hould require him to grant the Commiffion: So that the •^^■'7^7^ 
 Pope fhould excufe himfelf to the Emperor, that he had refufed to IraaS^'oii- 
 grant it upon the defire of the EngHjl) Amballador, but that he could cy, 
 not deny the General of the French Army, to do an Aft of publick 
 Jufticc : and by this means he would fave his Honour, and not feem 
 guilty of breach of Promife ; and then he would difpatch the Com- 
 miffion about the time of Laiitrech's being near him, and therefore he 
 entreated the King to accept of what was then granted for the Prefenr.. 
 The Commiffion and Difpenfation was given to the Secretary : and 
 they promifed to fend the Bull after him of the fame form that w/as 
 defired from England^ and the Pope engaged to reform it as (hould be 
 found needful. And it feems by thefe Letters that a Difpenfation and 
 Commiffion had been Signed by the Pope when he wasaPrifoncr, but 
 they thought not fit to make any ufe of them, left they fliould be thought 
 null, as being granted when the Pope was in Captivity. 
 
 Thus the Pope exprefled all the readinefs that could beexpeftedfrora And the mea* 
 him, in the circumftances he was then in^ being overaw'd by the Im- *"'^" j^'^*^ ^°" 
 perialijif, who were haraffing the Country, and taking Caftles very 
 near the place where he was. Lautrech with the French Army lay ftill 
 faft about Bononia, and as the feafon of the ye ;r was not favourable, fo 
 he did not exprefs any Inclinations to enter into adion. The Cardinal 
 SanUorum ^atuor got 4CC0 Crowns as the reward of his Pains, and in 
 earneftof what he was to exped when the matter fhould be brought to 
 a final Conclufion. In this whole matter the Pope carried himfelr as a 
 Wife and Politick Prince, that confidered his Intereft, and provided a- 
 gainft Dangers with great Fore-fight. But as for Apoftolical Wifdom 
 and the Simplicity of the Gofpel that was not to beexpeft^d from him^ 
 For now, though the high- founding Names of C^rZ/i'sF^V^^r, and St. Pe- 
 ter% Snccejfor, were ftill retained to keep up the Pope's Dignity and Au- 
 thority, yet they had for many Ages governed themfelves as Secular 
 Princes; fo that the Maxims of that Court were no mofe to keep a 
 good Confeience, and to proceed according to the Rules of the Go- 
 fpel, and thePraftice of the Primitive Church, committing the event 
 to God, and fubmitting to his Will in all things: but the keeping a 
 Balance, the maintaining their Intereft in the Courts of Princes, the 
 fecuring their Dominions, and the raifing their Families, being that 
 which they chiefly looked at, it is not to be wondred at, that the Pope 
 governed himfelf by thefe Meafures, though Religion was to be made 
 ufe of to help him out of ftraits. AH this I fet down the more particular- 
 ly, both becaufe I take my Information from Original Letters, and that 
 it may clearly appear how matters went at that time in the Court of 
 Rome. 
 
 Secretary Kn'ght being Infirm, could not travel with that haft that coilca. 
 was required in this BuOnefs, and therefore he fent the Proto-Notary Numb. 5ihi 
 Gambiira with the Commiffion and Difpenfation to England, and fol- 
 lowed in eafie Journies. The Cardinals that had been confulted with, 
 did all exprefs great readinefs in gr mting the King's Defire. The Car- 
 dinal Datary had forfaken the Court and betaken himfelf to ferve God 
 and his Cure ^ and other Cardinals were Hoftages, fo that now there were 
 but Five about the Pope, Monte, San^ornm ^atuor, Ridolphi, Raven- 
 rate and Perufino. But a motion being made of fending over a Legate, 
 the Pope would hy no means hearken to it, for that would draw new 
 
 trou-
 
 48 
 
 Tljt^ Hifiory of tbe Keformntion Book IL 
 
 1527. 
 
 ^ be mctliod 
 propofed by 
 the Pope. 
 Collea. 
 
 Staphikui 
 fenc from 
 England, 
 
 His Inftnifti 
 
 CDS. 
 
 Cotton Libr. 
 Vitil. B 10. 
 Jan. 
 
 troubles on him from the Emperor. That had been defired frorn 
 England by a difpatch of the 77 th of December, which prelTed a fpee- 
 dy Conclufion of the Bufinefs; upon which the Pope on the 12th of 
 January, did communicate the matter under the Seal of Confefiion to 
 the Cardinals SanUorum Sliiatuor and Simoneia, (who was then come to 
 the Court) and upon conference with them, he propofed to Sir Gre- 
 gory Cajfali, that he thought the fafer way was, " That either by 
 Vertue of theCommiffion that the Secretary had obtained, or by the 
 Legantine Power that was lodged with the Cardinal of Tork, he 
 (liould proceed in the Bufinefs. And if the King found the matter 
 clear in his own Confcience, (in which the Pope faid. No Doftor 
 " in the whole world could refoive the matter better than the King 
 *' bimfelf) he fhouid without more noife, make judgment be given 5 
 and prefentiy Marry another Wife, and then fend for a Legate to 
 " confirm the matter. And it would be eafier to ratifie all when it was 
 once done, than to go on in a Procefs from Rome. For the Queen 
 " would i roteft, that both the Place and the Judges were fufpefted 
 and not free, upon which, in the courfe of Law, the Pope muft 
 " grant an Inhibition for the King's not Marrying another while the 
 Suit depended, and muft avocate the bufinefs to be heard in the Court 
 of Rome:, which, with other prejudices, were unavoidable in a pub- 
 " lick Procefs by Bulls from Rome. But if the thing went on in Eng- 
 " land, and the King had once married another Wife, the Pope then 
 would find very good reafons to juftify the confirming a thing that was 
 gone fo far, and promifed to fend any Cardinal whom they (hould 
 name. This the Pope defired the AmbalTador would fignifie to the King, 
 as the advice of the two Cardinals, and take no notice of him in it. But 
 the difpatch (hews he was a more faithful Minifter than to do fo. 
 
 The Ambaffador found all the earneftnefs in the Pope that was pofli- 
 ble, to comply with the Ring^ and that he was jealous both of the 
 Emperor and Francit, and depended wholly on tbe King ; fo that he 
 found if the terror of the Imperial Forces were over, the Court of 
 England would difpofe of the Apoftolical See as they pleafed. And 
 indeed this Advice, how little foever it had of the Simplicity of tbe 
 Gofpel, was certainly prudent and fubtil, and that which of all things 
 the Spaniards apprehended moft. And therefore the General of tho 
 Obfervants moved Cardinal Campegius, then at Rome, for an Inhibition, 
 left the Procefs ftiould be carried on and determined in England. But 
 that being fignified to the Pope, he faid, It could not be granted, fince 
 there was no Suit depending, in which cafe only an Inhibition can be 
 granted. 
 
 But now I muft look over again to England, to open the Counfels 
 there. At that iimc Staphileus Biftiop of the Rota was there 5 and he ei- 
 ther to make his Court the better, or that he was fo perfwadcd in opi- 
 nion fecmed fully fatisfied about the Juftice of the King's Caufe. So 
 they fent him to Rome with Inftruftions both publick and fecret. The 
 publick Inftruftions related to the Pope's Affairs, in which all poflibie 
 Affiftance was promifed by the King. But one Propofition in them 
 flowed from the Cardinals Ambition, " That the Kings of England and 
 " France thought it would advance the Pope's Interefts, if he fliouid 
 " command the Cardinals that were under no Reftraint. to meet io 
 " fome fecure place, to confider of the Affairs of the Church, that 
 " they might fuffer no prejudice by the Pope's Captivity : And for that 
 
 end,
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. 4^ 
 
 " end, and to conferve the Dignity of the Apoftolick See, that they 1527. 
 " ftiould choofe fuch a Vicar or Prefident, as partly by his Prudence ^v'n^ 
 " and Courage, partly by theafliftance of the two Kings, upon whom J'oueftedbv 
 *' depended all their Hopes, might do fuch Services to the Apoftolick the cardinal's 
 " See, as were moft neceflary in that diftradled time, by which the "*"''• 
 " Pope's Liberty would be haftned. 
 
 It cannot be imagined but the Pope would be offended with this Pro- 
 pofition, and apprehend that the Cardinal of Tork was not fatisfied to 
 be intriguing for the Popedom after his death, but was afpiring to it 
 while he was alive. For as it was plain, he was the Perfon that muft be 
 chofen for that truft^ io if the Pope were ufed hardly by the Emperor, 
 and forced to ill conditions, the Vicar fo chofen and his Cardinals would 
 difown thofe Conditions, which might end in a Schifm or his Depofiti- 
 on. But Staphilctfi his fecret Inftruftions related wholly to the King's 
 bufinefs, which were thefe : " That the King had opened to him the er- 
 " ror of his Marriage; and that the faid Bifhop out of his great Learn- 
 *' ing, did now clearly perceive how invalid and infufficient it was: 
 " Therefore the King recommended it to his Care, that he would con- 
 " vince the Pope and the Cardinals, with the Arguments that had been 
 " laid before him, and of which a Breviate was given him. He was 
 *' alfo to reprefent the great mifchiefs that might follow, if Princes 
 " got not juftice and eafe from the Apoftolick See. Therefore if the 
 " Pope were yet in Captivity he was to propofe a meeting of the Car- 
 " nals, for choofing the Cardinal ot Tork to be their Head during the 
 " Pope's Imprifonment, or that a full Commiffion might be fent to 
 " him for the King's matter. And in particular he was to take care 
 " that the Bufinefs might be tryed in EvgUnd. And for his Pains in 
 ** promoting the King's Concerns, the Ktftg promifed to procure a Bi- 
 *' (hoprick for him in France ^ and to help him to a Cardinals Hat By 
 him the King wrote to the Pope. The rude draught ot it remains un- 
 der the Cardinals hand, earneftly defiring a fpeedy and favourable dif- 
 patch of his bufinefs with a Credence to the Bearer. 
 
 The Cardinal alfo wrote to the Pope by bim^ and after a long Con- The cardu 
 gratulating his Liberty with many (harp Reflexions on the Emperor, nais Letters* 
 he preffed a Difpatch of the King's bufinefs, in which he would not ufe ''^ *^""* 
 many words; this only I will add, fays he, "That that which is de- 
 fired is holy and juft, and very much for the fafety and quiet of this 
 Kingdom, which is moft devoted to the Apoftolical See. He alfo 
 wrote by the fame hand to the Ambaffador, that the King would 
 have things fo carried, that all occafion of difcontent or cavilling, 
 whether at home or abroad, might be removed^ and therefore defired 
 that another Cardinal might be fent Legate to England, and joyned 
 in Commiffion with himfelf for judging the Matter. He named ei- 
 ther CampegiKs, Tranus, or Farneje . Or if that could not be obtained, 
 that a fuller Commifllon might be fent to himfelf, with all poffible 
 hafte, fince delays might produce great Inconveniences. If a Legate 
 were named, then care muft be taken that he (hould be one who were 
 Learned, Indifferent, and Tra&able'^ and if Campegius could be the 
 Man, he was the fitteft Perfon. And when one was named he fhould 
 '* make him a decent Prefent, and affure him that the Ring would moft 
 " liberally recompence all his labour and expence. He alfo required him 
 to prefs his fpeedy Difpatch, and that the Commiffion (hould be full 
 *' to try and determine, without any refervation of the Sentence to be 
 
 " given
 
 5o Tbe Hiflory of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 1527. 
 
 A Larger Bull 
 defired by 
 the King. ' 
 
 dr. liner and 
 Fox fent to 
 Rome 
 
 With Letters 
 fromthcKing. 
 
 Collertion 
 Number 7. 
 
 And the Car- 
 dinal. 
 Colleftion 
 Number 3. 
 
 CoIIeftion 
 Number 5. 
 
 given by the Pope. This Difpatch is interlined, and amended vvitb 
 the Cardinal s own hand. 
 
 But upon the Arrival of the Meflenger whom the Secretary had 
 fent, with the Commiflion and Difpenfation, and the other Packets 
 before- mentioned; It was debated in the King's Council, whether he 
 fhould go on in his Procefs, or continue to follicite new Bulls from 
 Rome. On the one hand, they faw how tedious, dangerous, andex- 
 penfive a Procefs at Rome was like to prove: and therefore it feemed 
 the eafieft and moft expedite way to proceed before the Cardinal irl 
 his Leganrine Court, who (hould ex offiijo, and in the Summary way 
 of the Court, bring it to a fpeedy Conclufion. But on the other 
 band, if the Cardinal gave Sentence, and the Ring (hould Marry, then 
 they were not fure, but before that time the Pope might either change 
 his Mind, or his Intereft might turn him another way. And the 
 Pope's Power was fo abfolute by the Canon Law, that no general 
 Claufes in Commiffions to Legates, could bind him to confirm their 
 Sentences; and if upon the King's Marrying another Wife, the Pope 
 fhould rcfufe to confirm it, then the King would be in a worfe cafe 
 thnn he was now in, and his Marriage and IfTue by it fhould be (Vill 
 difputablc : Therefore they thought this was by no means to be adven- 
 tured on, but they fhould make new Addreffes to the Court of Rome. 
 In the debate, fome (harp words fell either from the King, or forae of 
 his Secular Councellors 5 Intimating that if the Pope continued under 
 fuch fears the King muft find fome other way to fet him at eafe. So 
 it was refolved that Stephen Gardiner, commonly called Doftor Stevens^ 
 the Cardinals chief Secretary, and Edward Fox the King's Almoner 
 fhould be fent to Rome-^ the one being efteeraed the ableft Canonift 
 in England, the other one of the belt Divines, they were difpatched 
 the loMof February. " By them the King wrote to the Pope, thank- 
 ing him, that he had expreffed fuch forward and earned willingnefs 
 to give him eafe : and had fo kindly promifed to gratifie his defires, 
 of which he expefted now to fee the e{Fe(3'S. He wrote alfo to the 
 Cardinals, his thanks for the chearfulnefs with which they had in 
 Confiflory promifed to promote his Sute 5 for which he alTured them 
 they fhould never have caufe to repent. But the Cardinal wrote m 
 a ftrain, that (hews he was in fome fear that if he could not bring 
 about the King's defires, he was like to lofe his Favour. " He befought 
 the Pope as lying at his feet, that if he thought him a Chriftian, 
 " a good Cardinal, and not unworthy of that Dignity, and ufeful Mem- 
 " ber of the Apoftolick See, a Promoter of Ju(\ice and Equity, or 
 " thought him his Faithful Creature, or that he defired his own eter- 
 " nal Salvation, that he would now fo far confider his Interceffion, as 
 to grant kindly and fpeedily that which the King earneftly defired; 
 *' which if he did not know to be Holy, Right, and Jufl:, he would 
 " undergo any hazard or punifiiment whatfoever, rather than, pro- 
 *' mote it; but he did apprehend if the King found that the Pope was 
 " foover-awedby the Emperor, as not to grant that which all Chriften- 
 *' dom judged was grounded both on the Divine and Humane Laws, 
 " both he and other Chriftian Princes would from thence take orcafi- 
 " on to provide themfelves of other Remedies, and leflen and defpife 
 " the Authority of the Apoftolick See. In his Letters to Cafali he 
 expreffed a great fenfe of the Services which the Cardinal San&ornm 
 ^laiHor had done the King; and bid him enquire what were the 
 
 things
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 51 
 
 things in which he delighted moft, whether Furniture, Gold, Plate, 1527. 
 or Horfes, that they might make him acceptable Prefents ^ and alTiire v-^~v-n_^ 
 him that the King would contribute largely towards the carrying ori 
 the building of St. Peters in the Vatican. 
 
 The moft Important thing about which they were employed, was ihcSubrtancc 
 to procure the expediting of a Bull which was formed in Ef/gland, ofcheEuu 
 with all the ftrongeft Claufes that could be imagined. In the Pre- ^^^'^^^ ^r 
 amble of which, all the Reafons againft the Validity of the Bull of coii^it. 
 Pope Jfili/^ II. were recited ^ and it was alfo hinted, tfjat it was agaitifi ^•<'"''- ^0. 
 " t&e Law of God : but to leffen that, it was added, at leaft where there 
 " was not afiifficient Difpenfation obtained : Therefore the Pope, to re- 
 " ward the great Services by which the King had obliged the Apofto- 
 *' lick See, and having regard to the Diftraftions that might follow 
 " on a difputable Title ; upon a full Confultation with the Cardinals, 
 " having alfo heard the Opinions of Divines and Canonifts, Deputed 
 
 *' for his Legate, to concur with the Cardinal of Tork, either 
 
 " together, or (the one being hindred or unwilling) feverally. And 
 *' if they found thofe things that were fuggefted againft the Bull of 
 " Pope JitliuSy or any of them, well or fufficiently proved, then to 
 " declare it void and null, as furreptitioufly procured, upon falfe 
 " grounds; and thereupon to annul the Marriage that had followed 
 *' upon it: And to give both Parties full leave to marfy again, not- 
 *' withftanding any Appellation or Proteftation, the Pope making them 
 " his Vicars, with full and abfolute Power and Authority- empowering 
 *' them alfo to declare the IlTue begotten in the former Marriage good 
 " and legitimate, if they faw caufe for it : The Pope binding hJmfelf 
 " to confirm whatever they fhould do in that Procefs, and never to 
 " revoke or repeal what they ftiould pronounce : Declaring alfo, thaC 
 *' this Bull (hould remain in force till the Procefs were ended, and 
 " that by no Revocation or Inhibition it ftiould be recalled ^ and if 
 *' any fuch were obtained, thefe are all declared void and null, and 
 " the Legates were to proceed notwithftanding : And all ended with i 
 " full Non objlante. 
 
 This was judged the uttermoft Force that could be in a Bull 5 tho' 
 the Civilians would fcarce allow any Validity at all in thefe extrava- 
 gant Claufes: But the moft material thing in this Bull is, that it feems 
 the King was not fully refolved to declare his Daughter illegitimate. 
 Whether he pretended this to mitigate the Queen's or the Emperor's 
 Oppofition, or did really intend it, is not clear: But what he did af- 
 terwards in Parliament, fhews he had This deep in his Thoughts, tho' 
 the Queen's Carriage did foon after provoke him to purfue his Refent- 
 ments againft her Daughter. The French King did alfo joyn a moft 
 earneft Letter of his to the Pope, which they were alfo to deliver. 
 They had likewife a fecret Inftruftion by all means to endeavour 
 that Cardinal Campegio ftiould be the Legate : He had the reputation 
 of a Learned Canonift, and they knew he was a tradable Man ^ and 
 befides that he was Biftiop oi Salisbury, the King had obliged him by 
 the Grant of a Palace which the King was building in Burgo at Ro/nc 
 for his Ambaffadors; which, before it was finiftied, he had by a Pa- Rot. Pat. zd 
 tent given to him and his Heirs: fo they had better hopes of him ^■'"•^'s-^o. 
 than of any other. 
 
 By thefe Ambaftadors the Cardinal wrote a long and moft earneft TheCardinai'', 
 Letter to John Cafali the Proto-Notary, that was the Ambaftador's 1^""^""'^^* 
 
 G Brother.
 
 52 
 
 The Hijiory of the Reformation Book 11. 
 
 1527, 
 
 Colleft. 
 l\'imb. 1 1. 
 
 Brother. In which all the Arguments that a moft anxious Mind could 
 inventor didiate, are laid together to perfwade the Pope togrant the 
 King's defires. Among other things he tells him, " How he haden- 
 " gaged to the King, that the Pope would not deny it^ That the King 
 " both out of fcruple of Confcience, and becaufe of fome Difeafes in 
 " the Queen that were incurable, had refolyed never to come near her 
 " more ; and, That if the Pope continued, out of his partial Refpeds 
 " to the Emperour, to be inexorable, the King would proceed another 
 " way. He offers to take all the blame of it upon his own Soul, if it 
 were amifs ^ with many other Particulars in which he is fo preffing, 
 that I cannot imagine what moved the Lord Herbert, who faw thofe 
 Letters, to think that the Cardinal did not really intend the Divorce. 
 He (it feems) faw another Paper of their Inftruftions, by which 
 they were ordered to fay to the Pope, That the Cardinal was not 
 the Author of the Couiifel. But all that was intended by that, was 
 only to excufe him fo far, that he might not be thought too partial, 
 and an incompetent Judge : For as he was far from difowning the 
 Juflice of the King's Sute, fo he would not have trufted a Secret of that 
 Importance to Paper, which, when it fliould be known to the King, 
 would have loft him his Favour. But undoubtedly it was concerted 
 between the King and him to remove an Exception which otherwife 
 the Cardinals of the Imperial Faftion would have made to his being 
 the Judge in that matter. 
 
 With thofe Letters and Inftrudions were Gardiner and Fox fent to 
 Borne, wherp both the Cajfalier and Staphile»f were promoting the 
 King's bufinefs all they could. And being ftrengthned with the Ac-. 
 cefllon of thofe other two, they made a greater progrefs; fo that in 
 Jpril the Pope did in Confiftory declare Cardinal Campegio Legate to 
 coiielvoif ^^ go to England, that he with the Cardinal of Tork might try the vali' 
 Nmb.13! dity of the King's Marriage: But that Cardinal made great Excufes : 
 He was then Legate at Rome, in which he had fuch Advantages, that 
 • he had no mind to enter in a bufinefs which muft for ever engage ei- 
 
 ther the Emperour or the King againft him : He alfo pretended an In- 
 ability to travel fo great a Journey, being much fubjedt to the Gout. 
 Woifeym'nei. gut when this was known in England, the Cardinal wrote him a moft 
 earneft Letter, to haften over, and bring with him all fuch things as 
 were necefTary for making their Sentence firm and irrcverfible, fo that 
 it might never again be queftioned. 
 
 But here I (hall add a Remark, which tho' it is of no great impor- 
 tance, yet will be diverting to the Reader. The draught of the Let- 
 ter is in V/olfeys Secretary's hand, amended in fome places by his own, 
 and concluded thus:, I Ijope all things fliall be done according to the Will 
 of Gad, the Defire of the King, the ^iet of the ICingdont, and to our 
 honour tvith a good Confcience, But the Cardinal dafh'd out this laft 
 word nith a good Confcience ; perhaps judging that was a thing fit for 
 meaner Perfons, but that it was below the Dignity of two Cardinals to 
 confider it much. He wrote alfo to Caffali high Complements for his 
 diligence in the Step that was made, but defired him with all poUible 
 means to get the Bull granted and trufted to his keeping, with the deep- 
 eft Proteftations that no ufe fliould be made of it, but that the King on- 
 ly (liould fee it ^ by which his Mind would be at eafe, and he being put 
 in good Hopes, would employ his Power in the Service of the Pope 
 and Apoftolick See ; but, the Pope was not a Man to be cozen'd fo 
 eafily. When 
 
 Colleftion, 
 Mmb. 12. 
 
 Campegio de-
 
 Book II. of the Cbiircb of England. 53 
 
 When the Cardinal heard by the next Difpatch what Excufes and 1527. 
 Delays Campegio made, he wrote to him again, and preiTcd his coming --"^v-nj 
 over in hafte. " For his being Legate oiRome^ he defired him to name '^'''* ^'' 
 " a Vice-Legate. For his want of Money and Horfes, Gardh.er would 
 " furniCh him as he defired, and he fhould find an Equipage ready for 
 *' him in France-^ and he might certainly expert great Rewards trom. 
 *'• the King. But if he did not make more hafte, the King would in- 
 " cline to believe an Advertifement that was fcnt him, of his turninf^ 
 " over to the Emperor's Party. Therefore if he either valued the 
 " King's kindnefs, or were grateful for the Favours he had received 
 " from him 5 if he valued the Cardmal s Friendftiip or Safety, or if he 
 " would hinder the diminution of the Authority of the RoKtan Church, 
 " all Excufes fet afide, he muft make what hafte in his Journey was 
 •' poflible. Yet the Legate made no great hafte 5 for, till October follow- 
 ing he came not into England. The Bull that was defired could not be 
 obtained, but another was granted, v/hich perhaps was of more force, 
 becaufe it had not thofe extraordinary Claufes in it. There is the 
 Copy of a Bull to this purpofe in the Cottoninn Library, which has 
 been printed more than once by fome that have taken it for a Copy 
 of the fame Bull that was fent by Campegio^ but I take it to be rather 
 a Copy of that Bull which the Pope figned at Rome while he was there The Pope 
 a Prifoner, and probably afterward at Orvieto he might give it the Date g"°^^^ ^^' 
 that it bears, 1527, Decemb. 1 7. But that there was a Decretal Bull fent "^AnfuSMde- 
 by Campegio, will appear evidently in the Sequel of this Relation. About rM.L.Hsrbert. 
 this time I meet with the firft evidence of the progrefs of the King's 
 Love to Anne Boleyn, in two original Letters of hers to the Cardinal ; 
 from which it appears, not only that the King had then refolved to 
 Marry her, but that the Cardinal was privy to it. They bear no Date, 
 but the Matter of them ftiews they were written after the end of Maj, 
 when the Sweating-Sicknefs began, and about the time that the Legate 
 was expefted. They give fuch a light to the Hiftory, that I ftiall not :^ 
 
 caft them over to the Colledtion at the end, but fet them down here. 
 
 /\4T Lord , ift my moft humblefl wife that my heart can think, I defire Two Letters 
 yoH to pardon me that 1 am fo bold to trouble you rvith my fimple °^ "f ""^ ^''' , 
 and rude writings ejleeming it to proceed from her that is much defirous '^''^^° ^ 
 to kmrp that your Grace does well, as I perceive by this Bearer that you do. 
 The which I pray God long to continue, as I am mofl bound to pray 5 for 
 I do know the great pains and troubles that you have taken for me both day 
 and night, is never like to be recompenced on my part, but alonely in lo- 
 ving you next unto the Kings Grace, above all Creatures living. And Ida 
 not doubt but the daily proofs of my deeds, fljall manifeflly declare and af- 
 firm my writing to be true 5 and I do truji you do think the fame. My 
 Lord, I do affure you I do long to hear from you news of the Legate : for 
 I do hope and they come from you they fliaU be very good ; and I am 
 fure you defire it as much as I, and more.^ and it were pojjible, as I know 
 it is not : And thus remaining in a fiedfaji hope, I make an end of my 
 letter written with the hand of her that is mofk hound to be. 
 
 ''T'HE Writer of this Letter would not ceafe till flie had caufed me like- A Ponfcripi 
 wife to fet to my Hand 5 defiring you. tho it be fhort, to take it in \l 1,'j^I^'"^'' 
 good part. I en fure you there is neither of us but that greatly defireth to 
 fee youy and much more joyous to hear that you have fcaped this Plague fo 
 
 G 2 well^
 
 54 TZ'^ Hi ft or y of the Ke format ion Book II. 
 
 1528. jre//, trujitfig thefitry thereof to be pajfed^ fpecially rcith them that keepeth 
 ^•'''''yf''''^^ good Diet, as I truji yon do. The not hearing of the Legate's Arrival in 
 France, caufeth us fomevehat to mnfe ^ nt>tvpithjlandirg rve trhjl hy yoitr 
 diligence and vigihncy (with the ajjijiance of Almighty Gad} (h irtly to 
 be eafed out of that trouble. No more to you at this time 5 but that I 
 pray God fend yon as good health a/7d profperity as the Writer rvmld. 
 
 By your loving Sovereign and Friend, Henry K. 
 
 Your humble Servant, Anne Boleyn. 
 
 J\/jT Lord, in my mojl humble wife that my poor heart can think, I do 
 ^ thank your Grace for your kind Letter, and fr your rich and goodly 
 Prefent, the which Ifloall never be able to deferve without your help • of the 
 which I have hitherto had fo great plenty, that all the days of my life I ant 
 Mofi bound of all Creatures, next the Kings Grace, to love and ferve your 
 Grace : of the which I befeech you never to doubt, that ever I fhall vary 
 pom this thought as long as any breath is in my body. And as Touching 
 your Graces trouble with the Sweat, I thank our Lord, that them that I 
 de/ired and prayed for are fcaped. and that is the King and you x, not 
 doubting but that God has preferved yon both for great Caufes known alone- 
 Ij of his high wifdom. And as for the coming of the Legate, I dcfire that 
 much I, and if it be God's pleafure, I pray him to fend^his matter Jlwrtly 
 to a good end, and then I truJi my Lord, to recompence part of your great 
 pains : Ln the which I mujl require you in the mean time to accept my 
 good- will in the (lead of the power, the which mufl proceed partly from 
 you, as our Lord knoweth ^ to whom I befeech to fend you long life, with 
 continuance in honour. Written with the hand of her that is mojl bound 
 to be 
 
 Your humble and obedient Servant, Anne Bolejn. 
 
 Coiieftion The Cardinal hearing that Campegiuf had the Decretal Bull commit- 
 
 Number 14. jgj jq jjjg Xruft, to be Ihewcd only to the King and himfelf, wrote 
 to the AmbafTador that it was neceffary it fhould be alfo fliewed to 
 fome of the King's Council ; not to make any ufe of it, but that there- 
 by they might underftand how to manage the Proccfs better by it. 
 This he begged might be trufted to bis care and fidelity 5 and he under- 
 took to manage it fo, that no kind of danger could arife out of it. 
 ThcCardinal's At this time the Cardinal having finiflied his Foundations at Oxford 
 ^°(h¥^ ^' ^^^ Ipfwich, and finding they were very acceptable both to the King 
 "' '^ ' and to the Clergy, refolved to go on, and fupprefs more Monafteries, 
 
 and ereft new Bifhopricks, turning fome Abbies to Cathedrals. This 
 6l}ob. 30. was propofed in the Coniiftory, and granted, as appears by a Dif- 
 patch of Cajfalts. He alfo fpoke to the Pope about a general Vifitation 
 of all Monafteries : And on the 4th of November the Bull for fuppref- 
 fing fome was expeded^ a Copy whereof is yet extant, but written 
 in fuch a H ind, that I could not read three words together in any place 
 of it : and tho' 1 tried others that were good at reading all Hinds, yet 
 they could not do it. But I find by the Difpatch, that the Pope did 
 it with fome Avcrfion ^ and when Gardiner told him plainly. It was 
 More Mona- rteceffary, and it mujl be done, he paufed a little, and fecmed unwillng 
 fo""f^p? to give any further offence to Religious Orders: But fince he found 
 prcffcd. it fo uneafy to gratify the King in fo great a Point as the matter of 
 his Divorce, he judged it the more neceflary to mollify him by a com- 
 pliance
 
 Book 11. of the Church of t^ngland. ■ §5 
 
 pliance in all other things. So there was a power given to the two 1528 
 Legates to examine the ftate of the Monafteries, and to fiipprefs fuch ->.^-v-^ 
 as they thought fit, and convert them into Bifliopricks and Cathedrals. 
 
 While Matters went thus between Rome and England, the Queen was The Emperot 
 as adive as (he could be, to engage her two Nephews, the Emperor, and k^''°^"/,'^* 
 bis Brother, to appear for her. She complained to them much of the "°^° "'"^" 
 King, bzit more of the Cardinal; She alfo gave them notice of all the 
 Exceptions that were made to the Bull, and defired both their Advice 
 and Affiftance. They having a mind to perplex the King's Affairs, ad- 
 vifed her by no means to yield, nor to be induced to enter into a Reli- 
 gious Lite 5 and gave her affurance, that by their Interefl at Rome, they 
 would fupport her, and maintain her Daughter's Title, if it went to 
 extremities. And as they employed all their Agents at Rome to ferve her 
 Concerns, fo they confulted with the Canonifts about the force of the 
 Exceptions to the Bull. The Iflue of which was, that a Breve was 
 found out, or forged, that fupplied feme of the moft material Defefts 
 in the Bull. For whereas in the Bull, the Preamble bore, that the King 
 and Queen had defired the Pope's Difpenfation to Marry, that the 
 Peace might continue between the two Crowns, without any other 
 caufe given: In the Preamble of this Breve, mention is made of their c ■( 
 
 defire to Marry, " becaufe otherwife it was not likely that the Peace outinX^Tj 
 *' would be continued between the two Crowns : And for that and Coiieftion, 
 *' divers other Reafons they asked the Difpenfation. Which in the ^^"^^' ^'' 
 body of the Breve is granted, bearing date the 26th of December 1505. 
 Upon this they pretended that the Difpenfation was granted upoa 
 good Reafons ; fince by this Petition it appeared, that there were fears 
 of a Breach between the Crowns 5 and that there were alfo other Rea- 
 fons made ufe of, though they were not named. But there was one fa- 
 tal thing in it. In the Bull it is only faid. That the Queen's Petition 
 bore. That perhaps fhe had Confummated her Marriage with Prince Arthur 
 hythe Carnalis Copula. But in this, Perhaps is left out, and 'tis plainly 
 faid, That they had Confummated their Marriage. This the King's Coun- 
 cil, who fufpefted that the Breve was forged, made great ufe of when 
 the Queftion was argued, whether Prince Arthur knew her or not > Tho 
 at this time 'twas faid, the Spaniards did put it in on defign, knowing it 
 was like to be proved, that the former Marriage was Confummated : 
 which they intended to throw out of the Debate, fince by this it ap- 
 peared that the Pope did certainly know that, and yet granted the 
 Breve:, and that therefore there was to be no more Enquiry to be made 
 into that, which was already confefTed : fo that all that was now to 
 be debated, was the Pope's power of granting fuch a Difpenfation, in 
 which they had good feafon to exped a favourable Decifion at Rome. 
 ^ But there appeared great grounds to rejeft this Bieve as a forged Wri- rrefumption-; 
 ting. It was neither in the Records oi England, nor Spain, but faid to of its i'cing 
 be found amongft the Papers of D. de Puella, that had been the Spani/lj '"'S^**- 
 Ambaflador in England at the time of concluding the Match. So that 
 if he only had it, it muft have been caffated, otherwife the Parties con- 
 cerned would have got it into their hands ^ or elfe it was forged fince. 
 Many of the Names were written falfe, which was a Prefumption that 
 it was lately made by fome Spaniards, who knew not how to write 
 the Names true. For Sigifmund, who was Secretary when it was pre- 
 tended to have been Signed, was an exaft Man, and no fuch Errors 
 were found in Breves at that time. But that which fliewed it a manifeft 
 
 Forgery,
 
 The Hifhry of the Keformation Book II. 
 
 Forgery, was, that it bore date the 26th of December^ Anno i 505, on 
 the fame day that the Bull was granted. It was not to be imsgined, that 
 in the fame day a Bull and a Breve ihould have been expedited in the 
 fame bufinefs, with fuch material differences in them. And the ftile of 
 the Court of Rome had this fmgularity in it, that in all their Breves they 
 reckon the beginning of the year from Chrijimas-day ^ which being 
 the Nativity of our Lord, they count the year to begin then. But in 
 their Bulls they reckon the Year to begin at the Feaft of the AntiMncia- 
 tion. So that a Breve dated the 26th of December 1 505, was, in the vul- 
 gar Account, in the year 1502, therefore it muft be falfe^ for neither 
 was Julius II. who granted it, then Pope, nor was the Treaty of the 
 Marriage fo far advanced at that time, as to admit of a Breve fo foon. 
 But allowing the Breve to be true, they had many of the fame Excep- 
 tions to it that they had to the Bull, fince it bore that the King defired 
 the Marriage to avoid a Breach between the Crowns, which was falfe. 
 It likewife bore that the Marriage had been Confumraated between the 
 Qijeen and Prince Arthur^ which the Queen denied was ever done 5 fo 
 that the fuggeftion in her Name being, as (he faid, falfe, it could have 
 no force, tho' it were granted to be a true Breve : And they faid it was 
 plain the Imperialifif were convinced the Bull was of no force, fince 
 they betook themfelves to fuch Arts to fortifie their Caufe. 
 Ciinpeio When Cardinal Campegio came to England, he was received with 
 
 comes^'into the publick Solemnities ordinary in fuch a Cafe 5 and in his Speech at his 
 Evgiand, f^ffl. Audience, he called the King The Deliverer oj the Pope, and of the 
 City of Rome', with the higheft Complements that the Occafion did re- 
 quire. But when he was admitted to a private Conference with the King 
 and the Cardinal, he ufed many Arguments to diffwade the King from 
 profecuting the matter any farther. This the King took very ill, as 
 if his Errand had been rather to confirm than annul his Marriage ; and 
 complained that the Pope had broken his word to him. But the Legate 
 And (hews ftudied to qualifie him, and fliewed the Decretal Bull, by which he 
 the King the f^jght fee, that tho' the Pope wi(hed rather that the bufinefs might 
 ^""' come to a more friendly Conclufion, yet if the King could not be 
 
 brought to that, he was empowered to grant him all that he defired. 
 But he could not be brought to part with the Decretal Bull out of his 
 hands, or to leave it for a minute, either with the King or the Cardinal, 
 faying, that it was demanded on thefe terms, that no other Perfon 
 Butrcfufesto ftiould fee it^ and that Gardiner and the Ambaffador had only moved 
 let it be feen fo havc it expedited, and fent by the Legate, to let the King fee how 
 totheCoun- ^^jj ^^^ p^p^ ^^^ affefted to him. With all this the King was much 
 diffatisfied^ but to encourage him again, the Legate told him, he was 
 to fpeak to the Queen in the Pope's Name, to induce her to enter in- 
 to a Religious Life, and to make the Vows. But when he propofed 
 that to her, fhe anfwered him modeftly, that (he could not difpofe 
 of her felf, but by the Advice of her Nephews. 
 Woifeyi En- Ot all this the Cardinal of Turk advertifed the Cafalies, and * order- 
 dcavour at gj t[-jem to ufc all po(Cble Endeavours that the Bull might be (hewn to 
 mXbe' '' fomc of the King's Council. Upon that ( Sir Gregory beiiig then out of 
 fhcwcd ; Rome) the ProtoNotary went to the Pope, and complained that Cam- 
 N?mb'?i'?' P^'^'" ^^^^ dilTwaded the Divorce. The Pope juftificd him in it, and faid, 
 CoiTefHon," Hc did as he had ordered him. He next complained that the Legate 
 Number 17. would not proceed to execute the Legantine Commifiion. The Pope 
 denied that he had any Order from him to delay his Proceedings, but 
 
 that
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, 57 
 
 vain. 
 
 that by vertue of his Commifllon they might go on and pafs Sentence. 1 538. 
 Then the Proto-Notary preiTed him for leave to fliew the Bull to fome 
 of the King's Council, complaining of Campegio's, ftifFnefs in refuffng it, 
 and that he would not truft it to the Cardinal o^York^ who was his 
 Equal in the Coramiflion. To this the Pope anfwered in paflion,That 
 he could (hew the Cardinals Letter, in which he aflures him, that the 
 Bull fhould only be fhewed to the King and himfelf 5 and that if it 
 were not granted he was ruined •, therefore to preferve him he had 
 fent it, but had ordered it to be burnt when it was once (hewed. He 
 wilhed he had never fent it, faying, he would gladly lofe a Finger 
 to recover it again, and expreffed great grief for granting it, and faid. 
 They had got him to fend it, and now would have it fliev/ed, to 
 which he would never confent, for then he was undone for ever. 
 Upon this, the Proto-Notary laid before him the danger of lofing the 
 King, and the Kingdom of England ^ of ruining the Cardinal of Torh, 
 and of the undoing of their Family, whofe hopes depended on the 
 Cardinal 5 and that by thefe means Herefie would prevail in England, 
 which, if it once had got footing there, would not be fo ealily root- 
 ed ODtj that all perfons judged the King's Caufe right, but tho' it were 
 not fo, fome things that were not good mu(t be born with to avoid 
 greater evils. And at laft he fell down at his feet, and in mo(t paffionate 
 expreflions begged him to be more compliant to the King's defires, and 
 at lea(t not to deny that fmall favour of (hewing the Decretal to fome 
 few Ccuncellors, upon the afTurance of abfolute Secrecy. But the Pope 
 interrupted him, and with great (igns of an unufual Grief told him, 
 Thefe fad effefts could not be charged on him, he had kept his word, But all in 
 and done what he bad promifed, but upon no con(ideration would " 
 he do any thing that might wound his Confcience, or blemilh his In- 
 tegrity : therefore let them proceed as they would in England^ he (hould 
 be free of all blame, but fhould confirm their Sentence. And he proteft- 
 ed he had given Campegio no Commands to make any Delays, but on- 
 ly to give him notice of their Proceedings. If the King, who had 
 maintained the Apoftolick See, had written for the Faith, and was the 
 Defender of it, would over-turn if, it would end in his own difgrace. 
 But at laft the Secret came out, for the Pope confelTed there was a 
 League in Treaty between the Emperor and himfelf ^ but denied that 
 he had bound himfelf up by it, as to the King's bufinefs. '■"' •'"" 
 
 The Pope confulted with the Cardinals Sancforum ^tatuor and Smo- 
 ttetta, (not mentioning the De^re^*?/ to them, which he had granted 
 without communicating it to any body, or entring it in any Regifter) 
 and they were of opinion that the Procefs fhould be carried on in Eng- 
 land, without demanding any thing further from Rome. But the 
 Imperial Cardinals fpake againft it, and were moving prefenrly for 
 an Inhibition, and an Avocation of the Caufe, to be tried at the 
 Court of Rome. The Pope alfo took notice, that the Interceffion of 
 England and France had not prevailed with the Venetians to refiore 
 Cervia and Ravenna, which they had taken from him ^ and, that' he 
 could not think that Republick durft do fo, if thefe Kings were in 
 earnefV. It had been promifed that they fhould be reftored as foon as 
 his Legate was fent to England, but it was not yet done. The Proto- 
 Notary told him it (hould moft certainly be done. Thus ended that 
 Converfation. But the more earned the Cardinal was to have the Bull 
 feen by fome of the Privy- Council, the Pope was the more confirmed 
 
 in
 
 58 The Hiliory of the Reformation Book 11. 
 
 1528. in his Refolutions never to confent to it: For he could not imagine 
 •^^-""^V^^ the defire of feeing it was a bare Curiofity, or only to direft the Kings 
 Councellors, fince the King and the Cardinal could inform them of all 
 the material Claufes that were in it. Therefore he judged the defire of 
 feeing it was only that they might have fo many Witnefles to prove 
 that it was once granted, whereby they had the Pope in their power ^ 
 and this he judged too dangerous for him to fubmit to. 
 The Pope But the Pope finding the King and the Cardinal fo ill fatisfied with 
 
 feiids cjmpi- him, refolved to fend Francifco Campana^ one of his Bed-chafnber, to 
 coiieSm.^" ^"g^^"'^, fo remove all Miftakes, and to teed the Ring with frefh hopes. 
 i8. In England, Campegio found ftill Means, by new Delays, to put off the 
 
 bufinefs, and amufed the King with new and fubtle Motions for ending 
 the matter more dextroully. Upon which, in the beginning of De- 
 NewAmbafTa- cember. Sir Francis Brian and Peter Vannet, the King's Secretary for the 
 dors fenc to Lgtin Tongue, were fent to Rome. They had it in Commiflion to fearch 
 *"" ' all the Records there, for the Breve that was now fo much talked of 
 
 Willi other in Spain. They were to propofe feveral Overtures; " Whether if the 
 Overtures. " Queen vowed Religion, the Pope would not difpenfe with the King's 
 *' fecond Marriage? Or, if the Queen would not vow Religion unlefs 
 " the King alfo did it, whether in that cafe would the Pope difpenfe 
 " with bis Vow? Or whether if the Queen would hear of no fuch 
 " Propofition, would not the Pope difpenfe with the King's having 
 " two Wives, for which there were divers Precedents vouched from 
 " the Old Teftament ? They were to reprefent to the Pope, that the 
 King had laid out much of his bed: Treafure in his Service, and there- 
 fore he expeded the higheft Favours out of the deepeft Treafure of 
 Cciieft. the Church. And Peter Vannes was commanded to tell the Pope, as 
 Numb. 19, of himfelf, that if he did, for partial Refpefts and Fears, refufe the King's 
 defires, he perceived it would not only alienate the King from him, but 
 that many other Princes, his Confederates, with their Realms, would 
 withdraw their Devotion and Obedience from the Apoftolick See. 
 A Guard of By a Difpatch that followed them, the Cardinal tried a new Projed, 
 20C0 Men of- yj^j^icjj ^V33^ gn Offer of 20C0 Men for a Guard to the Pope, to be main- 
 Fo^pe. tained at the coft of the King and his Confederates. And alfo propofed 
 
 an Interview of the Pope, the Emperor, the French King, and the Am- 
 bafladors of other Princes, to be either at Nice., Avignon, or in Savoy 5 
 and that himfelf would come thither from the King oi England. But the 
 Pope refolved ftedfaftly to keep his ground, and not to engage himfelf 
 too much to any Prince ^ therefore the Motion of a Guard did not at 
 all work upon him. To have Guards about him upon another Prince's 
 Pay, was to be their Prifoner ^ and he was fo weary of his late Imprifon- 
 ment, that he would not put himfelf in hazard of it a fecond time. Be- 
 fides, fuch a Guard would give the Emperor juft caufe of Jealoufie, and 
 yet not fecure him againfV his Power. He had been alfo fo unfuccefsful 
 in his Contefts with the Emperor, that he had no mind to give him any 
 new Provocation : And tho' the Kings of England and France gave him 
 good words, yet they did nothing; nor did the King make War upon 
 the Emperor; fo that his Armies lying in Italy, he was ftill under his 
 The Pope re- power. Therefore the Pope refolved to unite himfelf firmly to the Em- 
 foived to perori and all the ufc he made of the King's earneftnefs in his Divorce, 
 
 unite himfelf '^ ' , i • i r- t -r -nv. r i - 
 
 to the Em- was only to bring the Emperor to better Terms. The Lutherans m 
 
 peror. Germany were like to make great ufe of any Decifion he might make 
 
 againft any of his Predeceflbrs Bulls. The Cardinal Eledor of Mentz. 
 
 had
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. ^^ 
 
 had written to him to ccnlider well what he did in the King's Divorce i 1 5 2S. 
 for if it went on, nothing had ever fall n out fincc the beginning oi' ...^''"V^^ 
 Luther's Seft, that would ib much ftrengthen it as that Sentence. He 
 was alfo threatned on the other fide of Rot^ic^ that the Emperor would 
 have a General Council called, and vvhatfoever he did in this Procefs Being fri.^ht- 
 Ihould be examined there, and he proceeded againft accordingly. Nor ned wich'ihe 
 did they forget to put him in mind of his Birth, that he was a Bajiard, ^}'"^^'^L^^'^ 
 and fo by the Canon incapable of that Dignity, and that thereupon ""P"'*' 
 they would depofe him. He having all thefe things in his profpeft, 
 and being naturally of a fearful Temper, which was at this time more 
 prevalent in him by reafon of his late Captivity, refolved not to run 
 thefe hazards, which feemed unavoidable, if he proceeded further in 
 the King's bufinefs. But his conftant Maxim, being to promife and 
 fwear deepeft, when he intended leaft, he fent Campaua to England, 
 with a Letter of Credence to the Cardinal, the effedts of which melTage 
 will appear afterwards. And thus ended this year, in which it was be- 
 lieved that if the King had employed that Money, which was fpent in 
 a fruitlefs Negotiation at Rome, on a War in Flanders, it had fo diflra- 
 fted the Emperor's Forces, and encouraged the Pope, that he had foo- 
 ner granted that, which in a more fruitlefs way was fought of him. 
 
 In the beginning of the next year, Cajfali wrote to the Cardinal, 1^29. 
 that the Pope was much inclined to unite himfelf with the Emperor^ Jan. {. 
 and propofed to go in Pecfon to Spai», to follicit a general Peace ^ but 
 intended to go privately, and defired the Cardinal would go with him 
 thither, as his Friend and Coqncellor, and that they two (hould go as 
 Legates. ButBrf^/i, by Salviati's means, who was in great favour with 
 the Pope, underftood that the Pope was never in greater fear of the 
 Emperor than at that time 5 for his AmbafTidor had threatned the Pope 
 feverely, if he would not recall the Commiffion that he had fent to Eng- 
 land j fo that the Pope fpoke oft to Salvlati of the great Repentance ^ ^ .|,> 
 that he had inwardly in his hearty for granting the Decretal: and faid, grancing the 
 He was undone for ever, if it came to the Emperor's Knowledge. He alfo Decretal. 
 refolved, that though the Legates gave Sentence in England, it fliould 
 never take effed, for he would not confirm it: Oi whkhGregoryCaJfali 
 gave Advertifement by an exprefs Meflenger, who as he pafTed through 
 Paris, met Secretary Knight and Doftor Bennct, whom the King had Kings Lcrcer 
 difpatched to Rome, to affift his other AmbalTadors there, and gave ^^ «he cardi'- 
 them an account of his Meflage : and that it was the Advice of the King's "^'' •^''" ^' 
 Friends at Rome, That he and his Confederates Ihould follow the War 
 more vigoroufly, and prefs the Emperor harder, without which all 
 their applications to the Pope would fignifie nothing. Of this they 
 gave the Cardinal an Account, and went on but faintly in their Jour- 
 ney, judging that upon thefe Advertifements they would be recalled, 
 and other Counfels taken. 
 
 At the fame time the Pope was with his ufual Arts cajoling the King's Jan. 9. 
 Agents in Italy: For when Sir Francis Brian and Peter Vatines came to 
 Bof/onia, the ProtoNotzry Caffali was furprized, to hear that the bufi- 
 nefs was not already ended in England: fince (he faid) he knew there 
 were fufficient Powers fent about'it, and that the Pope aflured him he 
 would confirm the Sentence ; but that he made a great difference be- 
 tween their confirming their Judgment, by which he had the Legates 
 between him and the Envy or Odium of it, and the granting a Bull, by 
 which the Judgment (hould arife immediately from himfeU. This his 
 
 H bePk
 
 ^o Tbe Hifiory of tbe Keformation ' Book 11. 
 
 1529. beft Friends diirwaded, and he feemcd apprebcnfive, that in cafe he 
 
 \_/^/~~^ fhould do ir, a Council would be called, and he (bould be depofed for 
 
 it. And any fuch diftraftion in the Papacy, confidering the footing 
 
 which Hereiie had already gotten, would ruin the Ecclefiaftical State, 
 
 and the Church: So dextroufly did the Pope govern himfelf between 
 
 fuch contrary tides. But all this Diflimulation was (hort of what he 
 
 aftcd by Campaua in England, whofe true enand thither was to order 
 
 Campegio to deftroy the Bull , but he did fo perfv/ade the King and the 
 
 y^„_ I-, Cardinal of the Pope's Sincerity, that by a difpatch to Sir Brands Bri' 
 
 an^ and Peter Vanms, and Sir Gregory Cajfali, he chid the two former 
 
 for not making more hafte to Rome-^ for he believed it might have been 
 
 a great advantage to the King's Affairs, if they had got thither before 
 
 thG General of the Obfervants (then Cardinal Aftgcl.) He ordered them 
 
 to fettle the bufinefsof the Guard about the Pope prefently, and tells 
 
 them that the Secretary was recalled, and Dr. Stephens again fent to 
 
 Rome : And in a Letter to Secretary Knight^ who went no further than 
 
 But feeds die Lions, he Writ to him; " That Campana. had alTured the King and him, 
 
 hi"h "romifes " i" tbe Pope's Name, that the Pope was ready todo, not only all that 
 
 ^'^ *' of Law, Equity, or Juftice, could be defired of him, but whatever 
 
 " of the ffilnefs of his Power he could do or devife, for giving the King 
 
 " content: And that although there were three things which the Pope 
 
 " had great reafonto take care of; The calling a General Council, The 
 
 *' Emperor's defcent into //<?/;, and the Reffiturion of bis Towns, which 
 
 " were offered to be put in his Hands by the Emperor's means 5 yet 
 
 " neither thefe, nor any other confideration, (hould divert him from 
 
 *' doing all that lay within his Authority, or Power, for the King ; 
 
 " And th:it he had fo deep a fenfe of the King's Merits, and the obli- 
 
 *' gations that he had laid on him, that if his refignation of the Pope- 
 
 *' dom might do him any Service, he would readily confent to it : And 
 
 " therefore in the Pope's Name he encouraged the Legates to proceed 
 
 " and end the bufinefs. 
 
 Upon thefe affurances the Cardinal ordered the Secretary to hafte 
 forward to Rome, and to thank the Pope for that kind mefTage, to fet- 
 tle the Guard about him, and to tell him, that for a Council, none 
 could be called but by himfelf with the confent of the Kings oi England. 
 and France. And tor any pretended Council or meeting of Bifhops, 
 which the Emperor's by the Cardinals of his Party might call, he nee- 
 ded not fear that : For his Towns they fhould be moft certainly reflored. 
 Nor was the Emperor offering to put them in his Hand to be much re- 
 garded ; for though he reftored them, if the Pope had not a better 
 Guaranty for them, it would be eafie for him, to take them from him 
 when he pleafed. He was alfo to propofe a firmer League between the 
 Pope, England, and France, in order to which, he was to move the 
 Pope moflearneftly to go to N/Vc; and if the Pope propofed the King's 
 taking a fecond Wife, with a Legitimation of the IfTue, which Qie might 
 have, fb the Queen might be induced to enter into aftate of Religion, 
 to which the Pope inclined moft, he was not to accept of that; both 
 becaufe the thing would take up much time, and they found the Queen 
 refolved to do nothing, but as (lie was advifed by her Nephews. Yet 
 if the Pope offered a Decretal about it, he might take it, to be made 
 ufe of as the Occafion might require. But by a Poftfcript he is recal- 
 led, and it is fignified to him, that Gardiner was fent to Rome, to ne- 
 gotiate thefe Affairs, who had returned to England with the Legate, 
 
 and
 
 Book li. of the Church of England. 6i 
 
 and his being fo fuccefsful in his former Meflage, made them think him 1529. 
 the fitteft Minifter they could imploy in that Court ^ and to (end him --■ a^^x- 
 with the greater Advantage, he was made a Frivy Councellor. 
 
 But an unlocked for Accident put a ftop to all Proceedings in the The Pope 
 Court of Rome : For on Epiphany^^y the Pope was taken extreme ill ^"^'^"'• 
 at Mafs, and a great fickneis followed, of which it was generally be- 
 h'eved he could not recover ; and though his Diftemper did foon a- 
 bate fo much, that it was thought to be over, yet it returned again 
 upon him, infomuch that the Phyficians did fufped he was poifon- 
 ed. Then followed all the fecret Caballings, and Intrigues, which 
 are ordinary in that Court upon fuch an occafion. The Collonnas and 
 the other Imperialifts were very bufie, but the Cardinal of Mantua 
 oppofed them^ and Farmfe who was then at his Houfe in the Coun- 
 trey, came to Rome and joyned with Manttta ; and thefe of that Fa- 
 ftion refolved that if the Spanifh Army marched from Naples toward 
 them, they would difpence with that Bull, which provides that the 
 fucceeding Pope (hould be chofen in the fame place where the former 
 died, and would retire to fome fafe place. Some of the Cardinals 
 fpoke highly in favour of Cardinal Wolfey, whom (if the AmbafTa- Jm. 27, 
 dors did not flatter and lie grofly in their Letters, from which I draw 
 thefe Informations) they reverenced as a Deity, And the Cardinal of 
 Mantua, it feems, propofing him as a Pattern, would needs have a 
 particular account of his whole Courfe of Life, and exprefled great 
 efteem for him. When Gardiner was come as far as Lions he wrote 
 the Cardinal word, that there went a Prophecy that an Angel (hould 
 be the next Pope, but ftiould die foon after. He alfo gave Advice 
 that if the Pope died, the Commiffion for the Legates muft needs 
 expire with him, unlefs they made fome Step in their Bufinefs, by a 
 Citation of Parties, which would keep it alive 5 buf whether this 
 was done or not I cannot find. The Cardinal's Ambition was now fer- cardinal VM- 
 men ting ftrongly, and he refolved to lay his4Projed for the Popedom forthePapacyj 
 better than he had done before. His Letter about it to Gardiner, and p^b. 6. 
 the King's Inftrudions to his AmbafTadors, are Printed by Fox, and 
 the Originals from which they are taken are yet extant. He wrote 
 alfo another Letter to the AmbafTadors, which the Reader will find in 
 the Colleftion. But becaufe the Inftruftions fhew what were the me- Numl%a 
 thods in choofing Popes in thefe days, by which it may be eafily ga- 
 thered, how fuch an Ele(^ion muft needs recommend a Man to Infal- 
 libility, Supremacy, and all the other Appendages of Chrijl' s Vicar on 
 Earth, I Ihall give a fhort Summary of them. 
 
 By his Letter to his confident Gardiner, he commits the thing 
 *' chiefly to his Care, and orders him to employ all his Parts, to bring 
 " it to the defiredlflue; fparing neither Prefents nor Promifes^ and that 
 " as he faw Mens Inclinations or Affeftions led them, whether to pub- 
 " lick or private Concerns, fo he fhould govern himfelf towards them 
 " accordingly. The Injlru&ions bear, that the King thought the Car- JXSai 
 dinal the fitteft per Ton to fucceed to the Papacy ; (they being ad- for the Eie- 
 " vertized that the Pope was dead 5 that the French King did alfo o{^^°^- 
 •' his own Motion offer his Afliftance to him in it, and that both for 
 " publick and private Ends, the Cardinal was the fitteft. There- 
 *' fore the AmbafTadors are required with all pofllble earneftnefs and 
 vigour, to promote his Eledion. A Schedule of the Cardinal's names 
 is fent them with marks to every one, whether he was like to be 
 
 H 2 " prefcnt
 
 <^2 The Hillor) of thcKeformrdion Book IL 
 
 15:9. " prefenr or abfent, favourable, indifferent, or oppofitc to them. It 
 /~v~^-' " was reckoned there could be but 39 prefent, of which 26 were nc- 
 f>nrr-b. u f^^^^^y tochoofe the Pope. Of thcfe the two Kings thought them- 
 " felves fure of 20. So 6 was all the number that the AmbalTadors were 
 " to gain, and to that number, they were firft to offer them good rea- 
 " fons to convince them of the Cardinal's fitnefs for the Papacy. But 
 " becaufe humane frailty was fuch, that reafon did not always take 
 ." place, they were to promife Promotions, and Sums of Money, with 
 " other good Rewards, which the King gaVe them Commiffion to of- 
 " fer, and would certainly make them good : b'efides all the great Pre- 
 " ferments which the Cardinal had, that (hould be fhared among thofe 
 " who did procure his Eleftion. The Cardinals of their party were 
 " firft to enter into a firm bond, to exclude all others. They were alfo 
 " to have fome Creatures of theirs to go into the conclave, to manage 
 " the Bufinefs. Sir Gregory Caffall^ was thought fitteft for that Ser- 
 " vice. And if they faw the adverfe party too ftrong in the Conclave, 
 " fo that they could carry nothing, then Gardiner was to draw a Pro- 
 " teftation, which (hould be made in name of the two Crowns 5 and 
 " that being made, all the Cardinals of their Faftion were to leave the 
 *' Conclave. And it the fear of the Emperor's Forces over-awed them, 
 " the AmbalTadors Were to offer a Guard of 2 or 30C0 Men to fecure 
 *' the Cardinals; and the French King ordered his Armies to move, 
 *' if the Spaf/i/h Troops did move either from Naples, or Milan. They 
 *' were alfo to aifure them, that the Cardinal would prefently upon 
 " his Eledion come and live at Rome, and were to ufe all endea- 
 *' vours to gain the Cardinal de Medici to their Faftion ; but at the 
 " fame time to affure the flore»ti»es, that JVolfey would aflift them 
 " to exclude the Medici out of the Government of their Town and 
 *' State. They were alfo to have a Uridt Eye upon the motions of the 
 " French Faftion, left if the Cardinal were excluded, they fliould con- 
 " fent to any other, and refufe to make the Proteftation as it was de- 
 *' fired. But to oblige Campegio the more, it was added, that if they 
 *' found all hopes of raifing the Cardinal of Tork to vanifli, then they 
 " (hould try if Can/pegio could be Elefted , and in that cafe the Car- 
 *' dinals of their Faftion were to make no Proteftation. 
 
 Thefe were the Apoftolical Methods, then ufed for choofing a Suc- 
 ceffor to St. Peter ; for though a Succeffor had been chofen to Judas 
 by lot, yet more Caution was to be ufed in choofing one for the Prince 
 of the Apoftles. But when the Cardinal heard that the Pope was not 
 dead, and that there was hope of his Recovery, he wrote another long 
 Letter to the AmbafTadors (the Original of which is yet extant) " to 
 keep all their Inftrudions about a new Pope very fecret, to be gain- 
 ing as many Cardinals as they could, and to take care that the Car- 
 dinals fliould not go into the Conclave, unlefs they were free, and 
 fafe from any fears of the Imperial Forces But if the Pope reco- 
 vered, they were to prefs him to give fuch orders about the King's 
 Bufinefs, that it might be fpeedily ended; and then the Cardinal 
 would corae and wait on the Pope over to Spai//, as he had propo- 
 fed. And tor the Apprehenfions the Pope had of the Emperors be- 
 ing highly offended with him, if he granted the King's Dcfire, or of 
 his coming into Italy, he needed not fear him. They knew what- 
 ever the Emperor pretended about his obligation to proteft his Aunt, 
 it was only lor reafon of State: but if he were fatisfied in other 
 
 \' things, 
 
 Fib. 20. 
 New propofi- 
 tions about 
 the Divorce.
 
 Book II. of the Cbiirch of England. 6^ 
 
 '* things that would be foon pafled over. They knew alfo that his 1529. 
 
 *' defign of going into Italy was laid afide for that year, becaufe he w°V^ 
 
 " apprehended that France and England would make War on him in 
 
 *' other places. There were alfo m:iny Precedents found, of Drfpen- 
 
 *■ fations granted by Popes in like cafes : And lately there had been 
 
 " one gr.inted by Pope Alexander the 6tb, to the King of Hungary, a- 
 
 *' gainft the Opinion of his Cardinals, which had never been quefti- 
 
 *' oned : and yet he he could not pretend to fuch Merits as the King 
 
 had. And all that had ever been faid in the King's Caufe, was fum'd 
 
 up in a ftiort Breviate by Caffali, and offered to the Pope ; a Copy coi.'ect. 
 
 whereof taken from an Original under his own hand, ihe Reader will Numb.'it. 
 
 find in the Colledion. 
 
 The King ordered his ArribafTadors to make as many Cardinals fure 
 for his caufe, as they could, who might bring the Pope to confent to 
 it, if he were ftill averfe. But the Pope was at this time polTeffed with 
 a new jealoufie, of which the French King was not ffee, as if the King 
 had been tampering with the Emperor, and had made him great of- 
 fers, fo he would confent to the Divorce^ about which Francis wrote 
 an anxious Letter to Rome, the Original of which I have feen. The 
 Pope was atfo furprized at it, and queftioned the AmbalTadors about 
 it 5 but they denied it, and faid the union between England and France 
 was infeparable, and that thefe were only the Praftices of the Empe- 
 ror s Agents to create diftruft. The Pope feemed fatisfied with what 
 they faid, " and added that in the prefent conjuncture a firm union 
 between them was neceflliry. Of all this Sir Francis Brian wrote a 
 long account in cypher. 
 
 But the Pope's Relapfe put a new ftop to bufinefs, of which the Car- The Pope's 
 dinal being informed, as he ordered the King's Agents to continue ^^'''P^'^- 
 their care about his Promofion, fo he charged them to fee if it were ^i-r//^. 
 poflible to get Accefs to the Pope, and though he were in the very 
 Agony of Death, to propofe two things to him : the one, that he 
 Would prefently command all the Princes of Chriftendom fo agree 
 " fo a CelTation of Arms, under pain of the Cenfures of the Church, Another Di- 
 as Pope Leo and other Popes had done^ and if he fhould die, he l^^^'^'^'^'^ 
 could not do a thing that would be more meritorious, and for the coiiedf. 
 " good of his Soul, than to make that the laft Aft of his Life. The ^'""*- ^^^^ 
 other thing was concerning the King's bufinefs, which he prefTeth as 
 a thing neceffary to be done, for the clearing and eafe of the Pope's 
 Confcience towards God: And withal he orders them to gain as 
 many about the Pope, and as many Cardinals and Officers in the 
 Rota as they could, to promote the King's Defires, whether in the 
 Pope's ficknefs or health. The Bilhop of Verona had a great In- . 
 tereft with the Pope, fo by that, and another Difpatch of the 
 fame Date, (fent another way) they were ordered to gain him, pro- 
 mifing him great Rewards, prefling him to remain ftill about the 
 Pope's Perfon: to ballance the ill Offices which Cardinal AngeL, 
 and the Arch-biQiop of Cipna did, who never ftirred from the Pope; 
 " And to affure that Bifhop, that the King laid this Matter more to 
 " heart, than any thing that ever betel him ; and that it would trou- 
 ble him as much to be overcome in this Matter by thefe two Friers, 
 I' as to lofe both his Crowns: and for my part (writes the Cardinal) 
 I would expofe any thing to my life, yea life it felf, rather than 
 fee the Inconvenicncies that may enfue upon difappointing of the 
 ' King's defire. For proii;ioting the Bufinefs, the Premh King fent the 
 
 Bilhop '
 
 i • I III ■ 
 
 (5 4 The Hijiorj of the Ke formation Book II. 
 
 1529. Bifliop of Dayon, to aflift the Englifi Ambafladors in his Name, who 
 .z'-v-'s-' was firft fent over to England to be well inftrufted there. They were 
 either to procure a Decretal for the King's Divorce, or a new Com- 
 miffion to the two Legates, with ampler Claiifcs in it than the for- 
 mer had 5 " To judge as if the Pope were in Perfon, and to emit coni- 
 " pulfory Letters ngainft any, whether Emperor, King, or of what 
 " degree foever, to produce all manner of Evidences or Records which 
 " might tend towards the clearing the Matter, and to bring them be- 
 " fore them. This was fought becaufe the Emperor would not fend 
 over the pretended original Breve to England, and gave only an atteft- 
 ed Copy of it to the King s AmbalTadors : Left therefore from that 
 Breve a new Suit might be afterwards raifed for annulling any Sentence 
 which the Legates fliould give, they thought it needful to have the 
 Original brought before them. In the penning ot that new Commifli- 
 on, Dr. Gardiner was ordered to have fpecial care that it ftiould be 
 done by the beft Advice he could get in Rome. It appears alfo from 
 this Difpatcfa, that the Pope's Pollicitation to confirm the Sentence 
 v,;hich the Legates (hould give, was then in Gardiner s hands ; for he 
 was ordered to take care that there might be no difagreement between 
 the date of it and of the new CommifTion. And when that was ob- 
 tained, Sir Franck Brian was commanded to bring them with him to 
 England. Or if neither a Decretal, nor a new Commiflion could be 
 obtained, then if any other Expedient were propofed, that upon good 
 Advice fbould be found fufficient and effedual, they were to accept of 
 it, and fend it away with all pofCble Diligence. And the Cardinal 
 conjured them, " by the Reverence of Almighty God, to bring thern 
 *' out of their Perplexity, that this virtuous Prince may have this thing 
 *' fped, which would be the moft joyous thing that could befall his 
 *' heart upon Earth. But if all things (hould be denied, then they were 
 •' to make their Proteftations, not only to the Pope, but to the Car- 
 *' dinals, of the Injuftice that was done the King 5 and in the Cardi- 
 *' nal s Name to let them know, that not only the King and his Realm 
 " would be loft, but alfo the Ftench King and his Realm, with their 
 " other Confederates, would alfo withdraw their Obedience from the 
 " See of RomC', which was more to be regarded than either the Em- 
 *' peror's Difpleafure , or the Recovery of two Cities. They were 
 alfo to try what might be done in Law by the Cardinals in a Vacancy, 
 and they were to take good Counfel upon fome Chapters of the 
 Canon-Law which related to that, and govern themfelves accordingly, 
 either to hinder an Avocation or Inhibition, or, if it could be done, 
 to obtain fuch things as they could grant, towards the Conclufion of 
 TheCardinai's ^b^ King's bufinefs. At this time alfo the Cardinal's Bulls for the Bi- 
 Buiis for the ftioprick of Winchejler were expedited ^ they were rated high at 1 5000 
 w'Mcw/Jer' °^ Ducats; for tho" the Cardinal pleaded his great Merits, to bring the 
 Compofition lower, yet the Cardinals at Rome laid the Apoftolick 
 Chamber was very poor, and other Bulls were then coming from 
 France^ to v^hich, the favour they ftiould (hew the Cardinal would 
 be a Precedent. But the Cardinal (ent word, that he would not give 
 > paft 5 or 6coo Ducats, becaufe he was exchanging Winchejler for Dh- 
 
 refme ; and by the other they were to get a great Compofition. And 
 if they held his Bulls fo high, he would not have them; for he need- 
 ed them not, (ince he enjoyed already, by the King's Grant the Tem- 
 poralities of Winchefier 5 which it is very likely was all that he confi- 
 
 dered
 
 Book II. of the Church of Hngland, 65 
 
 dered in a Bifhoprick. They were 3t laft expedited, at what K.ates I 1529. 
 cannot tell 5 but this I fet down to fhew how fevere the Exaftions of ^-.-'''"V^^^ 
 the Court of Rome were. 
 
 As the Pope recovered his health, fo he inclined more to join him- The Pope i.;- 
 felf to the Emperor than ever, and was more alienated than formerly wi"if th° Em- 
 from the King and the Cardinal ; which perhaps were encreafed by peror, 
 the Diftafte he took at the Cardinals afpiring to the Popedom. The 
 firft thing that the Emperor did in the King's Caufe, was to proteft in who prorefls 
 the Queen of England's Name, that (he refufcd to fubmit to the Le- '/^".fco,^,^^' 
 gates : The one was the King s chief Minifter, and her mortal Enemy , m mon. 
 the other was alfo juftly fufpeCted, fince he had a Bifhoprick in E»g- -'^-^ »J- 
 land. The King's Ambaffador preffed the Pope much, not to admit 
 the Proteftation ; but it was pretended that it could not be denied, ei- 
 ther in Law or Juftice. But that this might not offend the King, 
 Sahiati, that was the Pope's Favourite, wrote to Campegio, that the 
 Proteftation could not be hindred, but that the Pope did ftill raofe 
 earneftly defire to fatisfie the King, and that the AmbalTadors were 
 much miftaken who were fo diftruftful of the Pope's good mind to the 
 King's Caufe. But now good words could deceive the King no lon- 
 ger, who clearly difcovered the Pope's mind 5 and being out of all 
 hopes of any thing more from Rome, refolved to proceed in England 
 before the Legates : and therefore Gardiner was recalled, who was 
 thought the fitteft Perfon to manage the Procefs in England, being 
 efteeraed the greateft Canonift they had ^ and was fo valued by the 
 King, that he would not begin the Procefs till he came. Sir Franck 
 Brian was alfo recalled. And when they took Leave of the Pope, coiieaion 
 they were ordered to expoftulate in the King's Name, " Upon the ^"'^^ " "' 
 *' Partiality he exprefled for the Emperor, notwithftanding the many 
 *' Affurances that both the Legates had given the King, that the Pope 
 *' would do all he could toward his Satisfaftion 5 which was now fo 
 " ill performed, that he expefted no more Juftice from him. They 
 *' were alfo to fay as much as they could devife in the Cardinal's 
 *' Name, to the fame purpofe ^ upon which, they were to try if it 
 ** were poffible to obtain any Enlargement of the Comraiffion with 
 *' fuller Power to the Legates 5 for they faw it was in vain to move 
 for any new Bulls, or Orders from the Pope about it. And tho' Gar- The Pope pro. 
 diner had obtained a Pollicitation from the Pope, by which he both "clfait 'bu/°o 
 bound himfelf not to recall the Caufe from the Legates, and alfo to confi/mit. 
 confirm their Sentence, and had fent it over ^ they found it was fo 
 conceived, that the Pope could go back from it when he pleafed. So 
 there was a new Draught of a Pollicitation formed with more bind- 
 ing Claufes in it, which Gardiner was to try if he could obtain by 
 the following pretence. " He was to tell the Pope, that the Courtier 
 *' to whom he trufted it, had been fo little careful of it, that it was all 
 " wet and defaced, and of no more ufe 5 fo that he durft not deliver 
 " it. And this might turn much to Gardiner's prejudice, that a Matter 
 " of fuch Concern was through his Negledt fpoiled 5 upon which, he 
 *' was to fee if the Pope would renew it. If that could be obtained, 
 " he was to ufe all his Induftry to get as many pregnant and material 
 " words added, as might make it more binding. He was alfo to aflbre 
 *' the Pope, that tho' the Emperor was gone to BarceUona, to give Re- 
 " putation to his Affairs in Italy 5 yet he had neither Army nor Fleet 
 " ready ; fo that they needed not fear him. And he was to inform 
 
 Che
 
 6 6 The Hillory of ths Keformation Book It. 
 
 1529. " the Pope of the Arts be was nfing both in the EngUfi} and French 
 ^-^^'V''"^ " Courts to make a feparate Treaty ; but all that was to no purpofe, 
 *' the two Kings being fo firmly linked together. But the Pope was fo 
 great a Matter in all the Arts of Dillimulation and Policy, that he 
 was not to be over-reached eafily ^ and when he underftood that his 
 Pollicitation was defaced, he was in his heart glad at it, and could 
 not be prev liled with to renew it. So they returned to England, and 
 The Legates Dr. Bennet came in their place. He carried with him one of the ful- 
 writetothe left and moft important Difpatches that I find in this whole Matter, 
 ^°'^^' from the two Legates to the Pope and the Confiftory^ who wrote 
 
 Cciicflicn, to them, "That they, had in vain endeavoured to perfwade either 
 Number 24. « p^j-jy jq yjeij (q the other , That the Breve being fliewed to them 
 " by the Queen, they found great and evident Prefumptions of its be- 
 " ing a racer Forgery ^ and. That they thought it was too much for 
 " them to fit and try the Validity or Authenticalnefs of the Pope's 
 " Bulls or Breves, or to hear his Power of Difpenfing in fuch cafes 
 " difputcd : therefore it was more expedient to avocate the Caufe, 
 " to which the King would confent if the Pope obliged himfelf, un-r 
 " der his hand, to pafs Sentence fpeedily in his favour; But they 
 " rather advifed the granting a Decretal Bull, which would put an 
 " end to the whole Matter 5 in order to which, the Bearer was in- 
 " ftrufted to (hew very good Precedents. But in the mean while, 
 " they advifed the Pope to prefs the Queen moft efFeftually to enter 
 " into a Religious Life, as that which would compofe all thefe Dif- 
 " ferences in the fofteft and eafieft way. It pitied them to fee the 
 " rack and torments of Confcience under which the King had fmarted 
 " fo many years 5 and that the Difputes of Divines, and the Decrees 
 " of Fathers, had fo difquieted him, that for clearing a matter thus 
 *' perplexed, there was not only need of Learning, but of a more fin- 
 *' gular Piety and Illumination. To this were to be added the Defire 
 " of Iflue, Settlement of the Kingdom, with many other preffing Rea- 
 fons : that as the matter did admit of no further Delays, To there 
 was not any thing in the oppofite Scale to balance thefe Confide- 
 rations. There were falfe Suggeftions furmifed abroad, as if the 
 Hatred of the Queen, or the defire of another Wife, (who was not 
 perhaps yet known, much lefs defigned ) were the true Caufes of 
 this Suit. But tho' the Queen was of a rough Temper, and an un-^ 
 " pleadmt Converfation, and was palTed all hopes of Children; yet 
 *' who could imagine that the King, who had fpent his moft youth- 
 *' ful days with her fo kindly, would now, in the decline of his 
 *' Age, be at all this trouble to be rid of her, if he had no other Mo- 
 *' tives? But they, by fearching his Sore, found there was rooted in 
 " his Heart, both an Awe of God, and a Refped to Law and Order 5 
 *' fo that tho' all his People prefTed him to drive the matter to an if- 
 " fue, yet he would ftill wait for the Decifion of the Apoftolick See. 
 "Therefore they moft preflingly defire the Pope to grant the Cure 
 *' which his Diftemper required, and to confider that it was not fit to 
 " infift too much on the Rigour of the Law : But fince the Soul and 
 " Life of all the Laws of the Church was in the Pope's breaft, in doubt- 
 " ful cafes, where there was great hazard, he ought to mollifie the 
 " Severity of the Laws; which if it were not done, other Remedies 
 " would be found out, to the vaft Prejudice of the Ecclefiaftical Au- 
 *' thority, to which many about the King advifed him: There was 
 
 " reafon 
 
 cc 
 
 <c 
 
 a
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 61 
 
 " reafon to fear they (hould not only lofe a King oi England^ bur a 1529. 
 
 " Defender of the Faith. The Nobility and Gentry were already en- ^-■'^"v^^^^ 
 
 " raged at the delay of a matter in which all their Lives and Interefts 
 
 " were fo nearly concerned 5 and faid many things againft the Popes 
 
 " Proceedings, which they could not rela/e without Horror. And 
 
 " they plainly complained, that whereas Popes had made no Scruple 
 
 " to make and change divine Laws, at their Pleafure ; yet one Pope 
 
 " fticks fo much at the repealing what his Predeceffor did, as if that 
 
 " were more (acred, and not to be medled with. The King betook 
 
 " hirafelf to no ill Arts, neither to the charms of Magicians, nor the 
 
 " Forgeries of Impoftors; therefore they expefted fuch an Anfwer as 
 
 " (liould put an end to the whole matter. 
 
 But all thefe things were to no purpofe : the Pope had taken his mea- campegh'i \\\ 
 fures, and was not to be moved by all the Reafons, or R.emonftrances, p^^grin in- 
 the Ambaffador could lay before him. The King had abfolutely gained giefe. 
 Campegio to do all he could for him without lofing the Pope's favour. He 
 led at this time a very diflblute life in Englaad, hunting and gaming all 
 the day long, and following Whores all the night: and brought a Ba- 
 ftardof hisown over to England with him, whom the King Knighted; fo 
 that if the King fought his Pleafure, it was no ftrange thing, fince he 
 had fuch a Copy fet him by two Legates, who reprefenting his Holinefs 
 fo lively in their manners, it was nounufual thing if a King had a flight 
 fenfe of fuch diforders. The King wrote to his Ambafladors that he 
 was fatisfied oi Campegio s love and afFeftion to him, and if ever he was April 6. 
 gained by the Emperors Agents, he had faid fomething to him which 
 did totally change that Inclination. 
 
 The Imperialifts being Alarm'd at the recalling of fome of the EngUfJ) The Emperor 
 Ambafladors, and being Informed by the Qiieens means, that they Avocation.*" 
 .were forming the Procefs in England, put in a Memorial for an Avo- .:> 
 
 cation of the Gaufe to Rome. The Ambafladors anfwered, that there 
 was no Colour for asking it, fince there was nothing yet done by the 
 Legates. For they had ftrift orders to deny that there was any Pro- 
 cefs forming in England, even to the Pope himfelf in private, unlefs 
 he had a mind it (hould go on 5 but were to ufe all their Endeavours 
 to hinder an Avocation 5 and plainly in the King's name, to tell the 
 Pope, That if he granted that, the King would look on it as a Formal 
 decifion againft him. And it would alfo be an high affront to the 
 two Cardinals : and they were thereupon to protein, that the King which the 
 would not obey, nor confider the Pope any more, if he did an Aft of Kins^'sAmbjf. 
 fuch high InjuRice 5 as after he had granted a Commiflion, upon no much!°^^°*^ 
 Complaint of any Illegality, or Unjuft Proceedings of the Legates, but 
 only upon furmifes and fufpicions, to take it out of their hands. 
 But the Pope had not yet brought the Emperor to his Terms in other 
 things, therefore to draw him on the fafter, he continued to give the 
 EngliJJ) Ambaflador good words !^ and in difcourfe with Peter Vannes, The Popes 
 did infinuate as if he had found a means to bring the whole matter '^'^^p dimmu- 
 to a good concludon, and fpoke it with an Artificial fmile, adding, '*"°°' 
 In the name of the Father, &c. But would not fpeak it out, and 
 feemed to keep it up as a fecret, not yet ripe. But all this did after- coiieft. 
 wards appear to be the deepeft Difllmulation that ever was praftifed. ^«'"*' ^jth. 
 And ill the whole Procefs, though the Cardinal ftudied to make tricks 
 »ars upon him, yet he was always too hard for them all at it ^ and 
 Teemed as infallible in his Arts of Juggling, as he pretended to be in 
 
 I bis
 
 6^ Tbe Hijhry of the Reformat I ff/i Book II. 
 
 j^29. his Decifions. He wrote a Cajoling Letter to the Cardinal. But words 
 (..^^-v^^^ went for nothing. 
 
 coUeft. §QQf, after this, the Pope complained much to Sir Gregory Cajfali, of 
 
 The^Fo'pt the ill ufage he received from the French Ambaflador, and that their 
 complains of Confederates, the Florentines, and the Duke of Fcrrara, ufed him fo ill, 
 thcFiorcnth.es. ^^^^ ^.j^^^ vvould fotce him to throw himfelf into the Emperor's hands : 
 ^' and he feemed inclined to grant an Avocation of the caufe, and com- 
 plained that there was a Treaty of Peace going on atCawhray, in which 
 he had no fliare. But the Ambaffador undertook that nothing (hould 
 be done to give him juft offence ; yet the Flcrentims continued to put 
 great affronts on him, and his Family : and the Abbot of Farfa their 
 General, made excurfions to the Gates of Rome 5 fo that the Pope, with 
 yune 13- " great ligns of fear, faid that (he Florentines would fome day feize on 
 " him, and carry him with his hand, bound behind his back, in Pro- 
 *' ceflion to Floreme : and that all this while the Rings oi England and 
 " France did only entertain him with good words, and did not fo much 
 *' as reftrain the Infolencies of their Confederates. And whereas they 
 " ufed to fay, that if he joyned himfelf to the Emperor, he would 
 " treat him as his Chaplain, he faid with great Commotion, that he 
 " would not only choofe rather to be his Chaplain, but his Horfe- 
 " Groom, than fuffer fuch injuries from his own Rebellious VafTals and 
 " Subjefts. This was perhaps fet on by the Cardinals Arts, to let the 
 Pope feel the weight of offending the King, and to oblige him to 
 ufe him better : but it wrought a contrary effeft, for the Treaty, be- 
 tween the Emperor and him, was the more advanced by it. And the 
 Pope reckoned that the Emperor being (as he was informed) afhamed 
 and grieved for the taking and Sacking of Rome, would fludy to repair 
 that by better ufage for the future. 
 Great Con- The Motion for the Avocation was ftill driven on, and prefTed the 
 tens about che more earneflly, becaufe they heard the Legates were proceeding in the 
 7!°??°"' Caufe. But the Ambaffadors were inftrufted by a Difpatch from the 
 cdiett?' King, to obviate that carefully ^ for as it would refleft on the Legates, 
 Kumb. z-j. an(j defeat the CommifTion, and be a grofs violation of the Pope's Pro- 
 mife, which they had in writing ^ fo it was more for the Pope's Inter- 
 efl, to leave it in the Legate's Hands, than to bring it before himfelf; 
 for then, whatever Sentence paffed, the ill effefts of it would lie on 
 the Pope without any Interpofirion. And as the King had very jull 
 exceptions to Rome where the Emperors Forces lay fo near, that no 
 fafety could be expedted there -^ fo they were to tell the Pope, that by 
 the Lzvfsoi England, the Prerogative of the Crown Royal vpas fuch, that 
 the Pope could do nothing that was prejudicial to it : To which the 
 citing the King to Rome, to have his Caufe decided there, was contra- 
 ry in a high degree. And if the Pope went on, notwithftanding all 
 the diligence they could ufe to the contrary, they were by another 
 Difpatch which Gardiner fent, ordered to Protefi and Appeal from the 
 Pope as not the true Vicar ofChriJi, to a trueFicar, But the King upon 
 fecond thoughts, judged it not fit to proceed to this Extremity fo 
 foon. They were alfo ordered to advertife the Pope, that all the No- 
 bility had affured the King, they would adhere to him, in cafe he 
 were fo ill ufed by the Pope, that he were conftrained to withdraw 
 his obedience from the Apoftolick See ^ and that the Cardinals ruine 
 was unavoidable, if the Pope granted the Avocation. Tlie Emperor's 
 Agents had pretended they could not fend the original Breve into 
 
 England,
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, 6^ 
 
 England, and faid tbeir Mafter would fend it to Rome^ upon which 1529. 
 the Ambaffadors had follicited for Letters Compulfory, to require him u<:?~v"«^ 
 to fend it to England 5 yet left that might now be made an Argument 
 by the Imperialifts for an Avocation, they were ordered to fpeak no 
 more of it, for the Legates would proceed to Sentence, upon the atteft- 
 ed Copy that was fent from Spain. 
 
 The Ambaffadors had alfo orders to take the beft Counfel in Rome^ June^s. 
 about the Legal ways of hindring an Avocation. But they found it 
 was not fit to rely much on the Lawyers in that matter. For as on the 
 one hand, there was no fecrecy to be expefted from any of them, they 
 having fuch expeftations of perferments from the Pope, (which were 
 beyond all the Fees that could be given them,) that they difcovered all 
 fecrets to him ; So none of them would beearneft to hinder an Avoca- 
 tion, it being their Interefts to bring all Matters to Rome, by whicli 
 they might hope for much greater Fees. And Salviatl whom the Am- 
 baffadors had gained, told them that Campana brought word out of 
 England, that the Procefs was then in a good forwardnefs. They with 
 many Oaths denyed there was any fuch thing, and Sihejier Darimwho 
 was fent exprefs to Rome, for oppofing the Avocation, confirmed ail 
 "that they fwore. But nothing was believed, for by a fecret convey- 
 ance, Campana had Letters to the contrary. And when they objeded to 
 Salviatl, what was promifed by Campana, in the Pope's name, that he 
 would do every thing for the King, that he could do out of the fnlnefs of 
 his Power 5 He anfwered, "that Campana fwore he had never faid any 
 " fuch thing. So hard is the cafe of Minifters in fuch ticklilh Negoti- 
 ations, that they muft fay, and unfay, fwear, and forfwear, as they 
 are inftru(3:ed, which goes of courfe, as a part of their Bufinefs. 
 
 But now the Legates were proceeding in England : Of the fteps in Jhe Legates 
 which they went, though a great deal be already publiftied, yet confi- "^ 1° ^''^''*''^* 
 derable things are paffed over. On the ^\jl o{M.ay, the King by a 
 Warrant under the Great Seal, gave the Legates leave to execute their 
 Commiffion, upon which they fate that fame day. The Commiflion Oug. ^num. 
 was prefented by Longland, Biftiop of Lincoln, wliich was given to the (^"^t.Libr. rt- 
 Proto- Notary of the Court, and he read it publickly 5 then the Legates 
 took it in their Hands, and faid, they were refolved to Execute it: And 
 firftgave the ufual Oaths to the Clerks of the Court, and ordered a per- 
 emptory Citation of the King and Qaeen to appear on the 18/^ of June, 
 between 9 and 10 a Clocks and (o the Court adjourned. The next 
 Seffion was on the iSthof June, where the Citation being returned du- 
 ly Executed, Richard Sumpfon, Deanof the Chappel, and Mr. John Bel/, 
 appeared as the Rings Proxies. But the Qiieen appeared in Perfon, and 
 did proteft againft the Legates as incompetent Judges, alledging that the 
 Caufe was already Avocated by the Pope, anddefireda competent time 
 in which (he might prove it. The Legates afligned her the 2iy?and fo 
 Adjourned the Court till then. 
 
 About this time there was a fevere Complaint exhibited againft the fh^reeTgainfi 
 <^aeen in Council, of which there is an Account given in a Paper, that the Queen. 
 has fomewhat written at the conclufion of it, with the Cardinals own 
 hand. " The fubftance of it is. That they were informed fome defigned 
 " to kill the King, or the Cardinal ^ in which. If ftiehad any hand, ftie 
 ** muft not expe^ to be fpared. That Qiehad not ftie wed fuch Love to 
 " the King, neither in Bed, nor out of Bed, as ftie ought. And now that 
 *' the King was very penfive, and in much grief, (he (hewed great (igns 
 
 I 2 " of
 
 TO Tbe Hifhtj of the Keformatiou Book II. 
 
 1529. " of joy, fettingon all people to Dancings, and other Diverfions. This 
 v-''~v^^»-' " it feemed (he did out of fpight to the King, fince it was contrary to her 
 " temper and ordinary behaviour. And whereas (he ought rather to pray 
 *' to God to bring this matter to a good conclufion , (he Teemed not at all 
 " ferious ^ and that (he might corrupt the peoples afFeclions to the King, 
 ** (he (hewed her felf much abroad, and by civilities, and gracious bovv- 
 " ing her head, which had not been her Cu(\om formerly, did ftudy 
 " to work upon the people; and that having the, pretended Breve in 
 *' her hands, (he would not (how it fooner. From all which the King 
 " concluded that (he hated him. Therefore his Council did not think it 
 " advifablefor him to beany more converfant with her, either in Bed or 
 " at Board. They alfo in their Con fciences thought his Life was in fuch 
 " danger that he ought to withdraw himfelf from her Company, and 
 " not fufFer the Princes to be with her. Thefe things were to be told 
 *' her, to induce her to enter into a Religious Order, and to perfwade 
 " her to fubmit to the King. To which Paper, the Cardinal added in 
 f'^Yllten '-^^'"» Tf^'i^ P^^ played the fuel, if fjje contended with the King, that her 
 ditcu'mRe"e, Children had not been blejjed, andfontewhat of the evident fufpicions that 
 quod mate iiii jverc of the Forgery of the Breve. But (he had a con(tant mind, and was 
 ^tlbmHilrcvi not to be threatned to any thing. On the i\fi of jf««e the Court fate, 
 ac fHfpicione The King and Queen were prefent in Perfon. Campegio made along 
 The Kis" and ^P^^^^ ^^ ^^^ errand they were come about : * " That it was a new. 
 Queen appMf ** unlieatd-of, vile, and intolerable thing, for the King and Queen to 
 in Court. " live in Adultery, or rather Ince(t ; which they mu(t now try, and pro- 
 vfhfidJn'kb- ceed as they faw ju(t caufe. And both the Legates made deep protefta- 
 dih Reiponjh. tions of the (incctity of their minds, that they would proceed julily and 
 fairly without any favour or partiality. 
 
 As for the formal Speeches which the King and Queen made, HaU who 
 never failed in trifles, fets them down, which I incline to believe they re- 
 ally fpoke^ for with the Journals of the Court, I find thofe Speeches 
 written down, though not as a part of the Journal. 
 
 But here the Lord Herberts ufual diligence fails him 5 for he fanfies 
 the Queen never appeared after the iSth. upon which, becaufe the Jour- 
 nal of the next Seflions are loft, he infers againftall the Hi(toriesof that 
 time. That the King and the Queen were not in Court together. And 
 he feems to conclude that the 25/A of June, was the next Selfion after 
 the I Bth, but in that he was miftaken : For by an original Letter of the 
 King's to his AmbafTadors, it is plain that both the King and Queen came 
 in Perfon into the Court, where they both fate, with their Councel 
 fVanding about them: The Bi(hops of Rochejier, and St. Afaph, and 
 Doftor Ridley being the Queens Councel. When the King and Queen 
 were called on, the King anfwered. Here ; but the Queen left her feat 
 and went and kneeled down before him, and made a Speech, that had 
 all the infinuations in it to raife pity and compa(rion in the Court. She 
 faid, " She was a poor Woman, and a Stranger in his Dominions, where 
 (he could neither expeft good Councel, nor indififcrent Judges ^ (he 
 had been long his Wife, anddefired to know wherein (he had offend- 
 ed him : (he had been his Wife twenty years and more, and had born 
 him feveral Children, and had everffudied to pleafc him^ and pro- 
 tefted he bad found her a true Miid, about which (he appealed to his 
 own Confcience. If (he had done any thing amifs, (he was willing 
 to be put away with (hame. Their Parents were e(teemed very wile 
 Princes, and no doubt had good Councellors, and Learned Men a- 
 
 " bout 
 
 Colleft. 
 Kumb. 28. 
 
 The Queen's 
 Speech.
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. 71 
 
 *' bout them, when the March was agreed: Therefore fhe would not 1529. 
 *' fubmit to the Court, nor durft her Lawyers, who were his Sub|e(SJs, ^-••'"^r"^ 
 ** and afligned by him, fpeak freely for hen So (he defired to be ex- 
 " cufed till (he heard from Spain. That faid, fhe rofe up, and made 
 the Ring a low Reverence, and went out of the Court. And though 
 they called after her, (he made no anfwer, but went away and would 
 never again appear in Court. 
 
 She being gone, t^eKing did publickly Declare, what a true and obe- The King 
 dient Wife fhe had always been, and commended her much for her ex- g'*'« the ac- 
 cellent Qualities. Then the Cardinal of Tork defired the King would scmpiel'^'* 
 witnefs whether he had been the firft or chief mover of that matter to 
 him fince he was fufpefted to have done it. In which the King did 
 vindicate him, and faid. That he had always rather oppofedit, and pro- 
 tefted it arofe raeerly out of a fcruple in hisConfcience, which was oc- 
 cafion'd by the Difcourfe of the French Ambaffador ^ who during the 
 Treaty ofa Match between his Daughter, and the Duke of Orleaace, did 
 except to her being Legitimate, as begotten in an unlawful Marriage: up- 
 on which herefolved to try tbe lawfulnefs of it, both for the quiet of his 
 Confcicnce, and for clearing the Succeffion of the Crown : And if it were 
 found lawful, he was very well fatisfied to live ftill with the Queen. 
 But upon that, he had firft moved it in Confedion to the Bifhop of Lin- 
 coln 5 then he had defired the Arch-Bifliop oi Canterbury to gather the 
 Opinions of the Bifhops, who did all. under their Hands and Seals De- 
 clare againft the Marriage. This the Arch-Bi(hop confirmed, but the 
 Bifliop of Rochefter denied his Hand was at it. And the Arch-Bifhop 
 pretended he had his confent to make another write his name to the 
 judgment of the reft, which he pofitively denied. 
 
 The Court adjourned to the 2 5/^6, ordering Letters Monitory to be 
 ilTued out for Citing the Queen to appear under pain of Contumacy. 
 But on the 25/A, was brought in her Appeal to the Pope, the Original "riicQueen't 
 of which is extant, every Page being both Subfcribed and Superfcribed "^^P"'* 
 by her. She excepted both to the Place, to the Judges, and to her Coun- 
 cel, in whom fhe could not confide ; and therefore appealed and defir- 
 ed her Caufe might be heard by the Pope, with many things out of the 
 Canon-Law, on which he grounded it. This being read, and fhe not 
 appearing, was declared Coninmax. Then the Legates being to proceed 
 ex officio, drew up twelve Articles, upon which they were to examine Articles 
 WitnefTes. The fubftance of them was, "That Prince Arthur and the J^^^ibyh* 
 King were Brothers ; that Prince A^/Swr did Marry the Queen, and ^^"" ' 
 Confummated the Marriage 5 that upon his death the King by vertue 
 ^' of a Difpenfation had Married her^ that this Marrying his Brother's 
 Wife was forbidden both by Humane and Divine Law 5 and that upon 
 the complaints which the Pope had received, he had fentthem now to 
 try and judge in ir. The King s Councel infifted moft on Ptince Arthur's 
 having Confummated the Marriage, and that led them to fay many things 
 that feemed incident ; of which the Biftiop of Rochefter complained, and 
 faid they were things deteftable to be heard : but Cardinalff^Z/eycheckt 
 him, and there paffed fome fharp words between them. 
 
 The Legates proceeded to the Examination of WitnefTes, of which I Upon which 
 fhall fay little, the fubftance of their Depofitions, being fully fetdown ^^'t«/iesare 
 with all their names by the Lord Herbert. The fum of what was moft ^^'«™°<=<*- 
 material in them, was, that many violent prefumptions appeared by 
 their Teftimonies, that Prince Arthur did carnally know the Queen. 
 
 And
 
 72 
 
 The Hiftory of the Rejormation Book 11. 
 
 1529. 
 
 The Proceed 
 ingsacAomf a 
 
 on. 
 
 All this is 
 drawn from 
 the original 
 Letters, June 
 :8 and 50 
 
 And it connotbe imaorined how greater Proofs could be made 27 years 
 after their Marriage. Thus the Court went on feveral days Examining 
 WitnefTes: but as the matter was going on toa conclufion, there came an 
 Avocation from Ro^^te. Of which I (hall now give an account. 
 
 The Queen wrote moft earneftly to her Nephews to procure an Avo- 
 cation ^ protefting(he would fuffer any thing, and even death it felf^ 
 haul Avocati- rather than depart from her Marriage : that fheexpefted no juftice from 
 the Legates, and therefore lookt for their afliftance, that her Appeal 
 being admitted by the Pope, the Caufe might be t:iken out of the Le- 
 gates hands. Campegh did alfo give the Pope an account of their Pro- 
 grefs, and by all means advifed an Avocation ; for by this he thought 
 to excufe himfelf to the King, to oblige the Emperor much, and to have 
 7h/j- 8,and 9. jj^g reputation of a man of Confcience. 
 
 The Emperor, and his Brother Ferdinand, fent their AmbafTadors at 
 Rome orders, to give the Pope no reft till it were procured , and the 
 Emperor faid. He would look on a Sentence againft his Aunt, as a diOio- 
 nour to his Family, and would lofe all his Kingdoms fooner than 
 endure it. And they plied the Pope fo warmly, that between them and 
 the EnglJjJ) AmbafTadors he had for fome days very little reft. To the 
 one he was kind, and to the other he refolved to be civil. The EngUflj 
 AmbafTadors met oft with Salviati, and ftudied to perfwade him, that 
 the Procefs went not on in England ^ but he told them their Intelligence 
 was fo good, that whatever they faid on that head would not be be- 
 lieved. They next fuggefted, that it was vifible Campeglos advifing an 
 Avocation was only done topreferve himfelf from the envy of the Sen- 
 tence, and to throw it wholly on the Pope: for were the matter once call- 
 ed to Rome, the Pope muft give Sentence one way or another, and fo bear 
 the whole burden of it. There were alfo fecret furmifes of Depofing the 
 Pope, if he went fo far^ for feeing that the Emperor prevailed fo much by 
 the terrors of that, the Cardinal refolved to try what operation fuch 
 threatnings in theKing sName might have. But they had no Armies near the 
 Pope, fo that big words did only provoke and alienate him the more. 
 
 The matter was fuch, that by the Canon- Law it could not be denied. 
 For to grant an Avocation of a Caufe upon good reafon, from the De- 
 legated to the Supream Court, was a thing which by thecourfeof Law 
 was very ufual : And it was no lefs apparent that the Reafons of the 
 The rope a- Quecp's Appeal were juft and good. But the fecret and moft convin- 
 greeswiththe cing Motives that wrought more on the Pope than all other things, 
 " were, that the Treaty between him and the Emperor was now concert- 
 
 ed : Therefore this being to be publifbed very fpeediiy, the Pope 
 thought it neceflliry to avocare the matter to Rome^ before the publica- 
 tion for the Peace, left if he did it after, it ftiould be thought that it had 
 been oneof the fecret Articles of the Treaty, which would have caft a 
 foul blot upon him. Yet on the other hand he was not a little perplex- 
 ed with the fears he had ot lofing the King o{ England , he knew lie 
 was a Man of an high Spirit, and would refent what he did feverely. 
 " And the Cardinal now again ordered Dr. Bennet in his name, and as 
 " with tears in his eyes, lying at the Pope's feet, to adure him, that the 
 " King and Kingdom of England were certainly loft, if the Caufe were 
 " Avocated : Therefore he befought him to leave it ftill in their 
 *• hands, and alfured him, that for himfelf, he fhould rather be torn in 
 *' pieces Joynt by Joynt, than do any thing in that matter contrary to 
 yctisingrcat *' his Confclence or to Juftice. Thefe things had been ott faid, and the 
 
 Pope 
 
 Emperor. 
 
 Collcftion 
 Number 29. 
 
 pcrplexitie;
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. 73 
 
 Pope did apprehend that ill efFeds would follow: for if the King fell 1529. 
 
 from his Obedience to the Apoftolick See, no doubt all the Lutheran <-.?'^/^'*fcJ 
 
 Princes, who were already bandying againft the Emperor, would joyn 
 
 themfelves with him 5 and the Interefts of France would moft certainly 
 
 engage that King alfo into the Union, which would diftraft the Church, 
 
 give encouragement to Herefie,and end in the utter ruine of the Popedom. 
 
 But in all this the crafty Pope comforted himfelf, that many times threat- 
 
 nings are not intended to be made good, but are ufed to terrifie 5 and 
 
 that the King who had written for the Faith againft Luther^ and had 
 
 been fo ill ufed by him, would never do a thing that would found 
 
 foill, as becaufe he could not obtain what be bad a mind to, therefore 
 
 to turn Heretick: he alfo refolved to carefs the French King much, and 
 
 was in hopes of making Peace between the Emperor and him. 
 
 But that which went neareft the Pope's heart of all other things, was 
 the fettingupofhis Family at Florence : and the Emperor having given 
 himalTurance of that, it weighed down all other oonfiderations. There- 
 fore he refolved he would pleafe the Emperor, but do all he could not to 
 lofe the King : So on the ^tb of July, he fent for the King's AmbaiTadors, 
 and told them, theProcefs was now fo far fet on in England^ and the A- 
 vocation fo earneftly prefled, that he could deny it no longer 5 for all the 
 Lawyers in Rome had told him, the thing could not be denied in the 
 common courfe of Juftice. Upon this the Ambaffadors to'.d him what 
 they had in Commiffion to fay againft it, both from the King and the 
 Cardinal, and preffed it with great vehemence : So that the Pope by- 
 many fighs and tears ftiewed how deep an impreffion that which they faid 
 made upon him 5 he wiftied himfelf dead, that he might be delivered 
 out of that Martyrdom : and added thefe words, which becaufe of their 
 favouring fo much of anApoftoHcal Spirit, I fet down: Wo is t»e, no body 
 apprehends all thofe evils better than I do. But I am jo between the Ham- 
 mer and the Forge, that tvhen I rvould comply with the Kings dejires, the 
 vphole jiorm then mufi fall on my head ; and which is rvorfe, on the Church 
 efChrifi. They did objeft the many promifes he had made them, both 
 by word of mouth, and under his hand. He anfwered. He dejired to 
 do more fir the King than he had promifed ^ but it was impojjible to refufe 
 what the Emperor now demanded, whofe Forces did fo Jiir round him, that 
 he could not only force him to grant him Jujiiie, but could difpofe of hint 
 and all his Concerns at his pleafure. 
 
 The Ambaffadors feeing the Pope was refolved to grant the Avocati- 
 on, prelled againft it no further, but ftudied to put itofFforfome time. ' 
 And therefore propofed that the Pope would himfelf write about it to 
 the King, and not grant it till he received his anfwer. Of all this they 
 gave Advertiferaent to the King, and wrote to him, that he muft either 
 drivethe matter to a Sentence in great hafte, or to prevent the affront of 
 an Avocation, fufpend theProcefs for fometime. They alfo advifed 
 thefearching all the Packets that went or came by the way of Flanders 5 
 and to keep up all Campegio's Letters, and to take care that no Bull might 
 come to England ^ for they did much apprehend that the Avocation 
 would be granted within very few days. Their next Difpatch bore, juiy. 26. 
 that the Pope had fent for them to let them know, that he had Signed 
 the Avocation the day before. But they underftood another way, that j^^ Avocaci- 
 the Treaty between the Emperor and him was finifhed, and the Peace on is granted, 
 was to be proclaimed on the 18/A of July 5 and that the Pope did not 
 only fear the Emperor more than all other Princes, but that be alfo 
 
 trufted
 
 74 '^f^^ tii[iorj of the Reformation book II. 
 
 1529. 
 
 trufted him more now. On the 19/A of 'July, the Pope fent a Mer- 
 fenger with the Avocation to England^ with a Letter to the Cardinal. 
 Sumblrgo. To the King he wrote afterwards. 
 
 All this while C^wpe^/tf, as he had Orders from the Pope to draw out 
 The Proceed- fhc matter by delays, fo hediditveryde;cterouny: And inthishepretend- 
 Lega"^.^'^^ ed a fair excufe, that it would not be for the King s Honour to precipitate 
 the matter too much, left great advantages might be taken from that hj 
 the Queen's Party. That therefore it was fit to proceed flovvly, that the 
 World might fee with what Moderation as well as Juftice, the matter 
 was handled. From the 2 5/A of j ««e, the Court Adjourned to the 28/^, 
 ordering a fecond Citation for the Queen under the pains of Contuma- 
 cy, and of their proceeding to examine WitnelTes. And on the 28/^ 
 they declared the Queen Contumacious the fecond time ; and examined 
 feveral Witneffes upon the Articles, and Adjourned to the fifth of July. 
 On that day the BuS and Breve were read in Court, and the King's Coun- 
 cel argued long againft the vadility of the one, and the truth of the 
 other, upon 'the grounds that have been already mentioned, in which 
 Campcgio was much difgufted to hear them argue againft thePope's Power, 
 of granting fuch a Difpenfation in a matter that was againft a Divine 
 Precept, alledgingthat his Power did not extend fo far. This the Le- 
 gates over-ruled, and faid, that that was too high a Point for them to judge 
 in, or fo much as to hear argued; and that the Pope himfelf was the 
 only proper Judge in that: '' And it was odds but he would judge fa- 
 *' vourably for himfelf. The Court Adjourned to the 12/^, and from 
 that to the la^th. On thefe days the Depofitions of the reft of the 
 Witneffes were taken, and fome that were ancient Perfons were exa-. 
 mined by a Commiffion from the Legates 5 and all the Depofitions were 
 publifhed on the 17^^ 5 other Inftruments relating to the Procefs, were 
 alforead and verified in Court. On the aij2 the Court f.;te to con- 
 clude thematter as was expefted, and the Inftrument that the King had 
 Signed when became of Age, protefting that he would not ftand to the 
 Gcniraft made when he was under Age, was then read and verified. 
 Upon which, the King's Councel (of whom Gardiner was the chief,) 
 clofed their Evidence, and fummed up all that had been brought : and 
 in the King's Name, defircd Sentence might be given. But Campegio 
 pretending that it was fit (pme interval ftiould be between that and the 
 Sentence, put it off till the 2^d, being Friday^ and in the whole Pro- 
 cefs he precided, both being the ancienter Cardinal, and chiefly to 
 (hew great Equity 5 fince exceptions might have been taken, if the o- 
 ther had appeared much in it; fo that he only fate by him for form : 
 But all the Orders of the Court were ftill direfted by Campegio. On Fri- 
 day there was a great appearance, and a general expedation; but by a> 
 ftrange furprize Campegio Adjourned the Court to the firft oi October, for 
 which he pretended that they fate there as a part of the Confiftory of 
 Rof}/e^ and therefore muft follow the Rules of that Court, which from 
 that time tWlOSober was in a Vacation, and heard no Caufes: And this 
 he averred to be true on the word of a true Prelate. y^ 
 
 The King was in a Chamber very near where he heard what paffcd, 
 and was incxpreffibly furprifed at it. The Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk 
 ivere in Court, and complained much of this delay ; and prtffed the 
 Legates to give Sentence. Campegio anfwered, That what they might 
 then pronounce would be of no force, as being in Vacation-time ; but 
 gave great hopes of a favourable Sentence in the beginning of October. 
 
 Upon 
 
 All things are 
 ready for a 
 Sentence. 
 
 Campegio Ad- 
 journed the 
 Court.
 
 Book II. of the Cbiircb of IingLind. 75 
 
 Upon which the Lords fpake very high. And the Duke of Suffolk with 1529, 
 great Commotion, Swore by the Mafs, that hefaw it was true which had y^-^/-^^ 
 been commonly [aid. That never Cardinal yet did good in England ^ and fo ^ca^ offence- 
 all the Temporal Lords went away in a fury, leaving the Legates {Wol- 
 fey efpecially) in no fmall perplexity. Woljey knew it would be fufpe- 
 ded that he underftood this before-hand, and that it would be to no 
 purpofe tor him, either to fay he did not know, or could not help it 5 
 all Apologies being ill heard by an enraged Trince. Campegio had not 
 much to lofe in E)7gland but his Bilhoprick of Salisbury^ and the Keward 
 he expected from the King, which he knew the Emperor and the Pope 
 would plentifully make up to him. But his Collegue was in a worfe 
 condition, he had much to fear, becaufe be had much to lofe : For as 
 the King had feverely chid him for the delays of the bufinefs, fo he 
 was now to expeft a heavy ftorm from him ; and after fo long an Ad- 
 miniftration of Affairs by fo infolent a Favourite, it was not to be woife'iiirk- 
 doubted, but as many of his Enemies were joyning againft him, fo gex. ^ ' 
 matter muft needs be found to work his ruine with a Prince that was 
 Alienated from him: Therefore he was under all the diforders, which 
 a Fear that was heightned by Ambition and Covetoufnsfs could pro- 
 duce. 
 
 But the King govern'd himfelf upon this occafion, vnih more tem- 
 per than could have been expected from a Man of his Humour : There- 
 fore as he made no great (View of difturbance, fo to divert his uneafie 
 Thoughts he went his Progrefs. Soon after, he received his Agent's 
 Letter from Rome, and made Gardiner (who was then Secretary of 
 State) write to the Cardinal, to put Campegioto his Oath, whether he 
 had revealed the Kings Secrets to the Pope or not > And if he fwore he 
 had not done it, to make him fwear he (hould never do it. A little af- 
 ter that, the MelTenger came from Rome with a Breve to the Legates, 
 requiring them to proceed no further, and with an Avocation of the 
 of the Caufe to Rome 5 together with Letters Citatory to the King and Aug. 4~ 
 Queen to appear there in Perfon, or by their Proxies. Of which when 
 the King was advertifed, Gardiner wrote to the Cardinal by his Order, 
 That the King would not have the Letters Citatory executed, or the 
 Commiffion difcharged by vertue of them; but that upon the Pope's 
 Breve to them, they (hould declare their Commifllon void: For he 
 would not fuffer a thing fo much to the prejudice of his Crown, as a 
 Citation be made to appear in another Court, nor would he let his Sub- 
 Jefts imagine that he was to be Cited out of his Kingdom. This was 
 the firft ftep that he made for the leffening of the Pope's Power : Upon 
 which the two Cardinals (for they were Legates no longer) went to the 
 King at Grafton. It was generally expefted that Woljey fhould have 
 been difgraced then ;^ for not only the King was offended with him, 
 but he received new Informations of his having juggled in the bufinefs, 
 and that he fecretly advifedthe Pope to do what was done. This was 
 fet about by fome of the Queen's Agents, as if there was certain know- 
 ledge had of it at Rome-^ and it was faid, that fome Letters of his to 
 the Pope were by a trick found and brought over to England. The 
 Emperor lookt on the Cardinal as his inveterate Enemy, and deflgned 
 to ruin him it it was po(Iible 5 nor was it hard to perfwade the Queen 
 to concur with him to pull him down. But all this feems an Artifice 
 of theirs only to deftroy him. For the earneftnefs the Cardinal expref- 
 fcd in this matter, was fuch, that either he was fincere in it, or he was 
 
 K the
 
 7^ 
 
 ^Lbe Hiflorj of the Keformatiou Book \\. 
 
 1529. 
 
 Sett. 23. in 
 a Letter from 
 the Cardinal, 
 SecretJrj to 
 Cmmuell. 
 
 Anne Bole^n 
 returns to 
 Court. 
 
 C"tnmer'i I'ro- 
 pofition about 
 the King's Di- 
 vorce. 
 
 the beft at diflembling that ever was. But thefe fuggeftions were eafily 
 infufed in the King's angry Mind: fo ftrangely are Men turned by their 
 AfFeftions, thatfometimesthey will believe nothing, and at other times 
 they believe every thing. Yet when the Cardinal with his Colleague 
 came to Court, they were received by the King with very hearty ex- 
 preflions of Kindnefs; and Wolfey was often in private with him, fome- 
 times in prefence of the Council, and fomctimes alone : once he was 
 many hours with the King alone, and when they took leave he fent them 
 away very obligingly. But that which gave Cardinal Wolfey the mofl: 
 affurance, was, that all thofe who were admitted to the King's Privacies, 
 did carry themfelves towards him as they were wont to do ; both the 
 Duke of Suffolk, Sir Thomas Bolej», then made Vifcount of Rochford^ 
 Sir Brian Tuke and Gardhjer: concluding that from the motions of fuch 
 Weather-cocks the Air of the Princes AfFeftions was belt gathered. 
 
 Anne Boleyn was now brought to the Court again, out of which 
 (he had been difmiffed for fome time, for filencing the noife that her 
 beingat Court, during the Procefs, would have occafioned. Itisfaid, 
 that (he took her difmifiion fo ill, that (he refolved never again to re- 
 turn ; and that (he was very hardly brought to it afterwards, not with- 
 out Threatnings from her Father. But of that nothing appears to me 5 
 only this I find, that all her former kindnefs to the Cardinal, was now 
 turned to enmity, fo that ilie was not wanting in her Endeavours to 
 pull him down. 
 
 But the King being reconciled to her, and as it is ordinary after fome 
 intermifljon and diforder between Lovers, his Affeftion encreafing, he 
 vvascafting about for overtures, how to compafs what he fo earne(tly 
 de(ired. Sometimes he thought of procuring a new Comraiflion; but 
 that was not advifeable, for after a long dependance it might end as 
 the former had done. Then he thought of breaking off with the 
 Pope, but there was great danger in that^ for be(ides that in his own 
 Perfwafion he adhered to all the mo(\ Important parts of the Raman 
 Religion, his Subjefts were fo addifted to it, that any fuch a Change 
 could not but feem full of hazard. Sometime he inclined to confede- 
 rate himfelf with the Pope and the Emperor, for now there was no di- 
 viding of them, till he (hould thereby bring the Emperor to yield to 
 hisDeiires. But that was again(t the Intere(ts of his Kingdom, and the 
 Emperor had already proceeded fo far in his Oppofition, that he could 
 not be eafily brought about. 
 
 While his Thoughts were thus divided, a new Propofition was made 
 to him that feemed the mo(t reafonable and fea(ible of them all. There 
 was one Dr. Cranmer^ who had been a Fellow of "jefus College in 
 Cambridge-^ but having Married, forfeited his Fellowihip^ yetcontinu- 
 ed his Studies, and was a Reader of Divinity in Buchngham College. 
 His Wife dying, he was again chofen Fellow of "jcfns College 5 and 
 was much efteemed in the Univerfity for his Learning which appear- 
 ed very eminently on all publick occafions. But he was a Man that 
 neither courted Preferment, nor did willingly accept of it, when of- 
 fered. And therefore though he was invited to be a Reader of Di- 
 vinity in the Cardinals College at Oxford, he declined it. He was 
 at this time forced to fly out of Cambridge, from a Plague that was 
 there, and having the Sons of one Mr. Creffy of Waltham Crofs com- 
 mitted to his Charge, he went with his Pupils to their Fathers Houfe 
 at Waltham, There be was when the King returned from his Pro- 
 
 grefs.
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England 7^ 
 
 grefs who took Waltham in his way, and lay a night there. The Har- 1529. 
 bingers having appointed G.irdiner and Fox, the King's Secretary, and ^.^''''v'^sJ 
 Almoner to lie at Mr Creff/s Houfe, it fo happened that Cranmer was 
 with them at Supper. The whole difcourfe of ErtgLind being then 
 about the Divorce, thefe two Conrtiers, knowing Cranmer $ Learning 
 and folid Judgment, entertained him with it, and defired to hear his 
 opinion concerning it. He modeftly declined it 5 but told them, that 
 he judged it would be a fliorter and fafer way once to clear it well, if 
 the Marriage was unlawfull in it felf, by vertue of any Divine Pre- 
 cept: For if that were proved, then it was certain, that the Pope's Dif- 
 penfation could be of no force to make that lawful, which God had 
 declared to be unlawful. Therefore he thought that inftead of a long 
 fruitlefs Negotiation at Rome, it were better to confult all the Learned 
 Men, and the Univerfities of Chriftendom 5 for if they once declared 
 it in the King's Favour, then the Pope muft needs give jongment, or 
 ptherwife the Bull being of it felf null and void, the Marriage would 
 be found finful, notwithftanding the Pope's Difpenfation. This Teemed 
 a very good Motion, which theyrefolved toofFcr to theKing^ fo next 
 night when he came to Grecnmch, they propofed it to him; but with 
 this difference, thjt Gardiner had a mind to make it pafs for their own 
 Contrivance; but Fox, who was of a more ingenuous Nature, told 
 the King from whom they had it. He was much afFefted with it, fo y a 1 ■ 
 foon as he heard it, and faid, had he known it fooner, it would have thehTng^j ^ 
 faved him a vaft expence, and much trouble ; and would needs have 
 CrAnmer fent for to Court, faying in his coarfe way of fpeaking, That 
 he had the Son> by the right Ear. So he was fent for to Court, and being 
 brought before the King, he carried himfelf fo, that the King con- 
 ceived an high opinion of his Judgment, and Candour, which he pre- 
 ferved to his Death, and ftill payed a refpeft to him, beyond all the 
 other Church-men that were about him: and though he made more 
 ufe of Gardiner in his Bufinefs, whom he found a Man of great dex- 
 terity and cunning; yet he never had any refped for him. But for 
 Crannter^ though the King knew that in many things he differed frotn 
 him, yet for all his being fo impatient of Contradiftion, he always 
 Reverenced him. 
 
 He was foon looked on as a Rifing Church-man, and the rather be- And he much 
 caufe the Cardinal was now declining; for in the following Michael e"eemed bj 
 mas'Term, the King fent for the great Seal, which the Cardinal at firft ^™" 
 was not willing to part with. But the next day the King wrote to 
 him, and he prefently delivered it to the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk. TheCardi. 
 It was offered back again to Warham, Arch-biftiop of Canterhurj ; but "^'' ^ ^''"' 
 he being very old, and forefeeing great difficulties in the keeping of 
 it, excufed himfelf. So it was given to Sir Thomas More, who was 
 not only eminent in his own Profeflion, but in all other Learning : 
 and was much efteemed for theftridfnefs of his Life, and his Contempt 
 of Money. He was alfo the more fit to be made ufe of, having been 
 in ill terms with the Cardinal. Soon after, Halef the Attorney-Gene- 
 ral put in an Information againft the Cardinal, in the King's-Bench 5 
 bearing, that notwithflundtMg the Statute of Richard the fecond, againji 
 the procuring Ditlls from Rome, tinder the pains of Praemunire, )/et he had 
 procured Bulls for his Legantine Power, tvhich he had for many years ex- 
 ecuted ; and fume particulars, pr form, veere named out of a great many 
 more. To this he put in his anfwer, by his Attorney, and confelfed 
 
 ; K 2 th9
 
 78 The Hijlory of the Keformatio/i Book II. 
 
 ^ the Indi^Qment, but pleaded his ignorance of the Statute, and fubmic- 
 
 ,^^^-v^ ted himfelf to the King's Mercy. Upon this it was declared, that he 
 was out of the King's Protedion, and that he had forfeited his Goods 
 and Chattels to the King, and that his I'erfon might be feized on. Then 
 was his rich Palace of Tork-houfe (now Whtte-hall) with all that 
 vaft Wealth, and Royal Furniture that he had heaped together, (which 
 was beyond any thing that had ever been feen in England before,) 
 feized on for the King. But it feeras the King had not a mind to de- 
 ftroy him outright, but only to bring him lower, and to try if the 
 Kd'. pat. 2i. tgrror of that would have an influence on the Pope: Therefore on the 
 ^h. tgni. Ciiji of Novct^ber, the King granted him firft his Protcdion, and then 
 fib. 11. ijis Pardon, and reftored him to the Arch-bifhoprick of Tork, and the 
 Bifhoprick'of Winrhejier, and gave him back in Money, Goods, and 
 Plate, that which amounted to 6974/. 3 /. 7 d. and many kind Meffa- 
 ces w'ere fent him, both by the King, and Anf/e Boleyn. 
 The meannefs ^ But as he had carried his Greatnefs with moft^extravagant Pride, fo 
 of hit Tern, he vvas no lefs bafely caft down with his Misfortune^ and having no 
 P"- ballaft within himfelf, but being wholly guided by things without him, 
 
 he was lifted up, or caft down, as the Scales of Fortune turned: yet 
 his Enemies had gone too far, ever to fufFer a man of his Parts or Tem- 
 per, to return to favour. And therefore they fo ordered it, that an 
 higii Charge of many Articles was brought againft him, into the Houfe 
 of Lords, in the Parliament that fate in November following 5 and it 
 pafled there, where he had but few Friends, and many and great Ene- 
 mies. But when the Charge was fent down to the Houfe of Commons, 
 it was fo managed by the induftry of Crommll, who had been his Ser- 
 vant, that it came to nothing. The Heads of it have been oft print- 
 ed, therefore I fhall not repeat them ; they related chiefly to his Le- 
 gantine Power, contrary to Law, to his Infolence and Ambition, his 
 lewd life, and other things that were brought to defame, as well as 
 
 deftroy him. 
 
 All thefe things did fo fink his proud Mind, that a deep melancholy 
 overcame his Spirits. The King fent him frequent aflbrances of his 
 The King ftiii Favour, which he received with extravagant tranfportsof joy, falling 
 tavoured him. down on his Knees in the dirt, before the Meflenger that brought one 
 of them, and holding up his hands for joy, which (hewed how mean 
 a Soul he had, and that as himfelf afterwards acknowledged, he pre- 
 ferred the King's Favour, to God Almighty's. But the King found they 
 took little notice of him at Rome:^ the Emperor hated him, and the 
 Pope did not love him, looking on him as one that was almoft equal 
 to himfelf in Power: and though they did not love the Precedent to 
 have a Cardinal fo ufed, yet they were not much troubled at Rome^ 
 to fee it fall on him. So in Eajier-week, he was ordered to go North, 
 though he had a great mind to have ftayed at Richmond., which the King 
 had given him in exchange for Hampton Court, that he had alfo built. 
 But that was too near the Court, and his Enemies had a mind to fend 
 him further from it. Accordingly he went to Cawood in Torh-jhire, in 
 which Journey it appears, that the mines of his ftate were confidera- 
 ble, for he travelled thither with an 160 Horfe in his Train, and 72 
 Carts following him, with his Hou(hold-ftu6F. 
 "« '5 ifcf ■". Jq conclude his Story all at once, he was in November the next 
 r/for Trea- year feized on by the Earl of Northumberland, who attached him for 
 ion. i^jgh Treafon, and committed him to the keeping of the Lieutenant 
 
 of
 
 r,;'nf.-Jto>-Ric-Ciuf,iu-U .It flic Rofe aiul Cromne.in S' Faalr Chni'cfi LfarcL .
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. 79 
 
 of the Tower who was ordered to bring him up to London. And even 1529. 
 then he had gracious MelTages from the King ^ but thefe did not work -y-^^r'^^ 
 much on him, for whether it was that he knew himfelf guilty of fome 
 fecret Praftices with the Pope, or with the Emperor, which yet he de- 
 nied to the laft^ or whether he could no longer ftand under the King's 
 difpleafure, and that change of condition ; he was focaft down, that 
 on his way to London, he fickned at Sheffield Park, in the Earl of 
 Shrewsbury s Houfe, from whence by flow Journeys he went as far as 
 Leicefier, where after fome days languifhing he died ^ and at the laft 
 made great Proteftations of his having ferved the King faithfully^ and 
 that he had little regarded the Service of God, to do him pleafnre ; but if 
 he had ferved God as he had done him, he vponld not have given him over 
 fo, as he did in his gray hairs. And he defired the King to reflet on all 
 his paji Services, and in particular, in his weighty matter, (for by that 
 Phrafe, they ufually fpoke of the King's Divorce) and then he wonld 
 find in his Confcience tohether he had offended him or not. He died the And dies.; 
 2^th of November 1590. and was thegreatefk Inftance that feveral Ages 
 had (hown of the Variety and hiconftancy of Humane things, both in 
 his rife and fall ; and by his temper in both, it appears he was unwor- 
 thy of his grcatnefs, and deferved what he fuffered. But to conclude 
 all that is to be faid of hira, I fhall add what the Writer of his Life 
 ends it with. Here is the end and fall of Pride and Arrogancy^ for I af- 
 fure you, in his time he was the haughtieji man in all his proceedings alive^ "" Charaflcr; 
 having more refpe^ to the honour of his Pcrfon, than he had to his Spiritu- 
 al Profejjion, wherein fhottld be/Ijcwed allmeeknefi and charity. 
 
 But now with the change of this great Minifter, there followed a a Parliament 
 change of Counfels, and therefore the King refolved to hold a Parlia- <^^"c<5- 
 ment, that he might meet his People, and eftablifh fuch a good un- 
 derftanding between himfelf and them, that he might have all fecured 
 at home 5 and then he refolved to proceed more confidently abroad. 
 There had been no Parliament for feven years; but the blame of that 
 and of every other mifcarriage, falling naturally on the difgraced Mi- 
 nifter, he did not doubt, that he fhould be able to give his People full 
 fatistaftion in that, and in every thing elfe. So a Parliament was fum- 
 moned to meet the third of November. And there, among feveral other 
 Laws that were made for the publick good of the Kingdom, there were 
 Bills fent up by the Houfe of Commons, againft fome of the moft ex- 
 orbitant abufes of the Clergy: one was againft the Exadions for the 
 Probates of Wills 5 another was for the Regulating of Mortuaries • a 
 third was about the Plurality of Benefices, and Non-refidence, a'nd 
 Church-mens being Farmers of Lands. In the paffing of thefe' Bills 
 there were fevere reflexions made on the vices and corruptions of the 
 Clergy of that time, which were believed to flow from Men that fa- 
 voured Luther % Dodrine in their hearts. 
 
 When thefe Bills were brought up to the Houfe of Lords, the Bifhop 
 of Rochejier fpeaking to them, did refleft on the Houfe of Commons : ^''^^' 
 faying, Thatthey were refolved to bring down the Church, and he de- 
 fired they would confider the miferable ftate of the Kingdom of Bohe- 
 mia, to which it was reduced by Herefie, and ended. That all this was TheHouft of 
 for lack of Faith. But this being afterwards known to the Houfe of Commons 
 Commons, they fent their Speaker, SirThomas Audley, with 30 of their tSihop o^ 
 Members, to complain to the King of the Biftiop of Rochefier^ for fay- Kuhljh^ "' 
 
 ing.
 
 8o The Hijtory of the Reform/itiofi BooklL 
 
 1 529. ing, that their Afts flowed from the want of Faith, which was an high 
 ^ — v^^-' Imputation on theWhole Nation, when the Reprefentativeof the Com- 
 mons was fo charged, as if they had been Infidels and Heathens. This 
 was fet on by the Court, to mortifie that Biihop, who was unaccepta- 
 ble to them, for his adhering fo firmly to the Queens Caufe. The King 
 fentfor the Arch-bifbop of Canterbury and fix other Bilhops, and before 
 them told the complaint of the Commons. But the Bilbop of Roche- 
 y^erexcufed himfelf, and faid, he only meant of the Kingdom of 5(7^^- 
 mia, when he faid, all florved from the want of Faith, and did not at all 
 intend the Houfe of Commons. This explanation the King fent by 
 theTreafurer of hisHoufhold, '^ixWill. Fitz-Wil/iams. But though the 
 matter was pafled over, yet they were not at all fatisfied with it, fo 
 that they went on, laying open the abufes of the Clergy. 
 Some Bills In the Houfe of Peers, great oppofition was made to the Bills, and 
 
 fn?the^^buir« f^^ Clergy both within and without doors did defame them, and faid, 
 otcheCkrgy. thefc were the ordinary beginnings of Herefie, to complain of Abu- - 
 fes, and pretend Reformation, on purpofe to difgrace the Clergy, from 
 which Herefie took its chief ftrength. And the Spiritual Lords did ge- 
 nerally oppofe them, The Temporal Lords being no lefs earneft to have 
 them palled. The Cardinal was admitted to fit in the Houfe, where 
 he (hewed himfelf as fubmidivein hisfauning, as he had formerly done 
 in his fcorn and contempt of all who durft oppofe him. But the 
 King fet the Bills forward, and in the end, they were agreed to by the 
 Lords, and had the Royal Affent. 
 
 The King intended by this, to let the Pope fee what he could do 
 if he went on to offend him, and how willingly his Parliament would 
 concur with him, if he went to extremities. He did alfo endear him- 
 felf much to the People, by relieving them from the oppreflions of 
 the Clergy. But the Clergy loft much by this means ^ for thefe Afts 
 did not only leflen their prefent Profits, but did open the way for other 
 things that were more to their detriment afterward. Their oppo- 
 fing of this, and all other motions for Reformation, did very much 
 encreafe the Prejudices that were conceived againft them : whereas if 
 fuch motions had either rifen from themfelves, or had at leaft been 
 cherifhed by them, their Adverfaries had not perhaps been fo favou-; 
 rably heard 5 fo fatally did they miftake their true Intereft, when 
 they thought they were concerned, to link with it all Abufes and 
 Corruptions. 
 One Aftdif- But there paft another Bill in this Parliament, which becaufe of its 
 Kir^o°A^s^ fingular nature, and that it was not printed with the other Statutes, fhall 
 Delfts° '^ be found in the Colleftion of Inftruments at the end. The Bill bore in 
 coiieftion a Preamble the higheft flattery that could be put in Paper, of the great 
 Number 31. things the King had done for the Church and Nation, in which he had 
 been at vaft charges ^ and that divers of the Subjefts had lent great 
 Sums of Money, which had been all well imployed in the pnblick Ser- 
 vice : and whereas they had Security for their Payment, the Parliament 
 did offer all thefe Sums fo lent to the King ^ and difcharged him of all 
 the Obligations or Adignations made for their Payment, and of all 
 Suits that might arife thereupon. 
 
 This was brought into the Houfe by the King's Servants, who en- 
 larged much on the Wealth and Peace of the Nation, notwithftanding 
 the Wars, the King always making his Enemies Country the Scene of 
 them ^ and (hew d that for fourteen years the King had but one Subfidy 
 
 from
 
 Book II. of t/je Cburch of Enghnd, 8i 
 
 from his People ; that now he asked nothing tor any other purpofe, 1529. 
 but only to be difcharged of a Debt contrafted for the publick, the ^,>'~/'^ 
 accounts whereof were fhewn, by which they might fee to what ufes 
 the Money fo raifed had been applied. But there were feveral ends in 
 palling this Bill: thofe of the Court did not only intend to deliver the 
 King from a charge by it, but alfo to ruine all the Cardinals Friends and 
 Creatures, whom he had caufed every where to advance great Sums, 
 for an example to others. Others in the Houfe that were convinced 
 that the Aft was unjuft in it felf, yet did eafily give way to it, that 
 they might effeftually for the future difcredit that way of railing Mo- 
 ney by Loans, as judging it to be the publick Intcreft of the Kingdom, 
 that no Sums of Money (hould be raifed but by Parliament, So this 
 Ad pafTed, and occafioned great Murmuring among all them that fut- 
 fered by ir. But to qualifie the general difcontent, the King gave a free 
 Pardon to his Subjefts for all Offences, fome capital ones only except- 
 ed as is ufual in fuch cafes ^ and to keep the Clergy under the Lafh, 
 all Tranfgreflions againft the Statutes of Provifors and Pr£mHnire were 
 excepted, in which they were all involved, as will afterwards appear. 
 There are two other exceptions in this Pardon, not fit to be omitted : 
 the one is of the pulling or digging down Croffes on the High-ways, 
 which fliews what a Spirit was then ftirring among the People 5 the o- 
 ther is of the Forfeitures that accrued to the King, by the Profecution 
 againft CardinaHf t?//9', that is, the Cardinals College in Oxford, with 
 the Lands belonging to it, which are excepted, upon which, the Deati 
 and Canons refigned their Lands to the King, the Original of which is 
 yet extant ; But the Ring founded the College a new foon after. All 
 this was done both to keep the Clergy quiet, and to engage them to 
 ufe what Intereft they had in the Court of Rome, to difpofe the Pope 
 to ufe the King better in this great Suit. After thofe Afts were pafTed, 
 on the I jth. of December, the Parliament was prorogued till April fol- 
 lowing 5 yet it did not fit till Janmry after that, being continued by fe- 
 veral Prorogations. 
 
 There had been great induftry ufed in carrying Eleftions for the Par- 
 liament, and they were fo fuccefsful, that the King wasrefolved to con- 
 tinue it for fome time. This great bufinefs being happily over, the 
 Kings thoughts turned next to Affairs beyond Sea. The whole World 
 was now at Peace. The Pope and the Emperor (as was faJd before) ^^^ Pope and 
 had made an Alliance on terms of fuch advantage to the Pope, that fil-miy unS 
 as the Emperor did fully repair all pafl Injuries, fo he laid new and Jmezo. 
 great Obligations on him: for he engaged that he would affif^ him in 
 the recovery of his Towns, and that he would reftore his Family to 
 the Government of Florence, and inveft his Nephew in it with the Ti- 
 tle of Duke, to whofe Son he would marry his own natural Daughter 5 
 and that he would hold the Kingdom oi Naples of the Papacy. Thefc 
 vi^ere the motives that direfted the Pope's Confcience, fo infallibly in 
 the King's bufinefs. Not long after that, in AHgt/fi, another Peace 
 was made in Cambray, between the Emperor and the French King, and 
 Lady Margaret theEmperor's Aunt, and the Regent of Flanders: wherer 
 the King firtt found the hollownefs of the French Friendlhip and Alli- 
 ance ^ tor he was not fo much confidered in it as he expefted, and he jf,^ vvo 
 clearly perceived that Franck would not embroyl his own Affairs to Peace, 
 carry on his Divorce. ^"^^ $• 
 
 Thff
 
 82 Jte Hiliory of the Reformation liook 11, 
 
 1 530. The Emperor went over into Italy, and met the Pope at Boacnia, 
 *--'''~v~^ where he was Crowned with great Magnificence. The Pope and he; 
 corMatio'n at lodged together in the fame Palace, and there appeared fuch Iigns of a 
 Btnonia. familiar Friendfhip between them, that the King's AmbalTadorsdid now 
 clearly perceive that they were firmly united. The Emperor did alfo 
 by a rare mixture of Generofity and Prudence, reftore the Dutchy of 
 Milan to Francis Sforza. By this he fetled the Peace oi Italy, nothing 
 f/ofMce taken holding out but Florence, which he knew would be foon reduced, 
 Aug. 9. when there was no hope of fuccour trom France-^ and accordingly af- 
 
 ''hew'imde ^^'" eleven mcnths Siege it was taken, and within a year after, Alcx- 
 Duke of it. ander de Medici was made Duke of it. About the time that the Em- 
 jKty 17. peror came to Bo»o»ia, news was brought, that the Turk was forced to 
 sie|V ofF/M- raife the Siege ot Vienna ^ fo that all things concurred to raife his glory 
 nanh'd. very high. At Bononia he would needs receive the two Crowns of the 
 o^?o6.i3. Jiontan Empire, that of M//d«, and that oi Rome, which was done 
 Emperor with all the Magnificence poffible, the Pope himfelf faying Mafs both 
 of /.T;w"^ in Latin and Greek There is one Ceremony of the Coronation fit to 
 jKeft. 22."'^^ betaken notice of in this Work ^ that the Emperor was firft put in the 
 '5>o- Habit of a Canon of San&a Maria de la Torre in Rome, and after that, 
 
 ^""24^ in fbe Habit of a Deacon, to make him be lookd on as an Ecclefiaftical 
 Perfon. This had rifen out ot an extravagant Vanity of the Court of 
 Rome, who devifed fuch Rites to raife their Reputation fo high, that 
 on the greateft Solemnity, the Emperor (hould appear in the Habit of 
 the loweft of the Sacred Orders, by which he muft know, that Priefts and 
 Bifhopsare above him. When the Pope and he firft met, the Ceremony 
 of killing the Pope's Foot was much look'd for, and the Emperor very 
 gently kneel'd to pay that fubmiffion ^ but the Pope (whether it was 
 that he thought it was no more feafonable toexpeft fuch Complements, 
 or more fignally to oblige the Emperor) did humble himfelf fo far as to 
 draw in his Foot, and kifs his Check. 
 The Ring Bat now thc Divorce was to be managed in another method, and 
 
 coniuits his therefore Cranmer, after he had difcourfed with the King about that 
 abourhis'Di- ProDofition which was formerly mentioned, was commanded by him 
 vorcc. to write a Book for his Opinion, and confirm it with as much Authority 
 
 as he could ^ and was recommended to the care of the Earl oflVilt/hire 
 and Ormond (to which honour the King had advanced Sir Thomas Boleyn 
 in the Right of his Mother) and in the Beginning of the next year he 
 publifhed his Book about it. Richard Crook (who was Tutor to the 
 Duke of Richmond^ was fent into Italy, and others were fent to France 
 and Germany, to confult the Divines, Canonifts, and other Learned 
 Men in the Univerfities, about the King's Bufinefs. How the reft ma- 
 naged the matter, I have not yet been able to difcover ; but from a 
 great number of Original Letters of Dofl-or Crook's, I ftiall give a full 
 account of his Negotiation. It was thought beft to begin at home, 
 and therefore the King wrote to the two Univerfities in England, to 
 fend him their Conclufions about it. The matters went at Oxford thu?. 
 lord Herbert The Biftiop of Lincoln being fent thither with the King's Letters for 
 outot the Re- j-jjgjj. {v^efolution, it was by the major Vote of the Convocation of all 
 April ^. the Doftors and Mafters, as well Regents as non-Regents, committed 
 '53-. to 55 Doftors and Batchelors of Divinity (who were named by their 
 
 own Faculty ) or to the greater number of them, to determine the 
 Queftions, that were fent with the King's Letters, and to fct the common 
 Seal of the Univerfity to their Conclufions: and by vertue of that War- 
 rant,
 
 Book II. of tkCharc/j of iinghnd. 8^ 
 
 rant,they did on the eighth oi April put the common Seal of the Univer- 1530. 
 lity to an Inftruraent, declaring the Marriage of the Brothers Wife to --""^"^^ 
 be both contrary to the Laws of God and Nature. The Colleftor of ''• p'^'.f ■ 
 the Antiquities of Oxford, informs us of the uneafinefs that was iri ^' ' '^'~'' 
 the Univerfity in this matter, and of the feveral MefTages the King fent, 
 before that Inftrument could be procured, fo that from the 1 2f/&. of Fe- 
 bruary to the eighth oi April, the matter was in agitation, the Mafters of 
 Arts generally oppofing it, though the Dodorsand Heads were (for the 
 greatefi: part) for it. But after he has fet down the Inrtruments, he gives ^ib. 10. j?, 
 fome Reafons (upon what defign, I cannot eafily imagine) to (hew ^^'■ 
 that this was extorted by force; andbeingdone without the confent of 
 the Mafters of Art, was of it felf void, and of no force : and as if it 
 had been an ill thing, he takes pains to purge the Univerfity of it, and 
 lays it upon the fears and corruptions of fome afpiring men of the Uni- 
 verfity : and without any proof, gives credit to a lying Story fet down 
 by Sanders, of zn Aflemhly called in the night, in which the Seal of 
 the Univerfity was {tt to the Determination, But it appears that he had 
 never feen or Confidered the other Inftrument, to which the Univerfity 
 fet their Seal, that was agreed on in a Convocation of all the Doftors 
 and Mafters, as well Regents as non-Regents ^ giving Power to thefe 
 DoftorsandBatchelors of Divinity, to determine the Matter, and to fet 
 the Seal of the Univerfity to their Conclufion. The Original whereof 
 the Lord Herbert faw, upon which the Perfons fo deputed, had lull Au- 
 thority to fet the Univerfity Seal to that Conclufion without a newGon- 
 vocation. Perhaps that Inftrument was not fo cirefully preferved a.- 
 mong their Records, or was in Queen Marjs days taken away, which 
 might occafion thefe miftakes in their Hiftorian. 
 
 There feems to be alfo another miftake in the Relation he gives : 
 for he fays, thofe of Paik had determined in thism ;tter before it was 
 agreed to at Oxford. The Printed Decifion of the Sorbonne contraftidts 
 this : for it bears date the fecond of Jnlj, 1530. whereas this was done 
 the eighth of Aprils 1530. But what pafled at Cambridge, I (hall fet Coiied. 
 down more fully, from an Original Letter written by Gardiner and ^"^*" ^' 
 i'ox to the King in February (but the day is not marked.) When they 
 came to Cambridge^ they fpake to the Vice-Chancellor, whom they found 
 very ready to ferve the King 5 fo was alfo Doftor Edmonds and feveral And at u^- 
 others, t>ut there was a contrary Party that met together, and refolved ^'^'^^^> 
 to oppofe them. A meeting of the Dodtors, Batchelors of Divinity, ^'*' 
 and Mafters of Arts, in all about 200, was held. There the King's 
 Letters we read, and the Vice-Chancellor calling upon feveral of them 
 to deliver their Opinions about it, they anfwered as their afFedions 
 led them, and were in fome diforder. But it being propofed, that 
 the anfwering the King's Letter, and the Queftions m it, fhould bd 
 referred to fome indifferent men 5 great exceptions were made to 
 DoSor Salcot, Doftor Reps, and Crome, and all others who had ap- 
 proved Doftor Cranmer's Book, as having already declared themfelves 
 partial. But to that it was anfwered, that after a thing was fo much 
 difcourfed of, as the King's matter had been, it could not be imagined, 
 that any number of men could be found, who had not declared their 
 Judgment about it one way or another Much time was fpent in the de- 
 bate, but when it grew late, the Vice-Chancellor commanded every man 
 to take his place, and to give his Voice, whether they would agree to 
 the Motion of referring it to a feleft Body of Men : but that night they 
 would not agree to it. L The
 
 84 The Hifhr)! of the Kefomatim Book il. 
 
 1530. The Congregation being adjourned till next day, the Vice Chancel- 
 v-^'V^^ lor offered a Grace (or Order) to refer the matter to 29 perfons (him- 
 felf, 10 Doftors, and \6 Batchelors, and the 2 Proftors) That (.the 
 Queftions being publickly difputed) what two parts of three-agreed to, 
 fhould be read in a Congregation, and without any further "debate tht 
 Common Seal of the Univerfity (hould be fet to it. Yet it was at firft 
 denied ^ then being put to the Vote, it was carried equally on both 
 /ides. But being a third time propofed, it was carried for the Divorce, 
 Of which an account was prefently fent to the King, with a Schedule 
 of their Names to whom it was committed, and what was to-be ex- 
 pefted from them ^ fo that it was at length determined, though not 
 without oppofition, That the JCirtgs Marriage tvas againfi the Law of 
 God. 
 Though with It is thought ftrarlge, that the King who was otherwife fo abfolute in 
 great difficai- England, fhould have mct with more difficulty in this matter at home 
 '^' than he did abroad. But the moft reafonable account I can give of it, is^ 
 
 That at this time there were many in the Univerfities (particularly ac 
 Cambridge) who were addifted to Luther's Doftrine. And of thofe Cran- 
 tfter was lookt on as the moft Learned : So that Cr(?we, Shaxton, Latimer^ 
 and others of that Society favoured the King's Caufe 5 befidcs ih'st^Anne 
 Boleyn had in the Dutchefs of Alanfons Court (who inclined to theRe* 
 formation) received fuch impreffions as made them fear, that her Great- 
 nefs and Cranmers Perferment would encourage Herefie 5 to v*'hich the 
 Univerfities were furioufly averfe, and therefore they did refift all Con- 
 clufions that might promote the Divorce. 
 cmke em. But as for Crooke in Itdy, he being very Learned in the Greik Tongue, 
 
 ployed in i^e- y^gs firft fent to Venice, to fearch the Greek Manufcripts that liy in the 
 cro'oi'i Ne-'o- Library of St, Mark, and to examine the Decrees of the Ancient Coun- 
 tiation.tak'en cils : He went incognito without any Charafter from the King, only he 
 hisOrMnai°^ had a Letter recommending him to the Care of ^^^» Caffali, then Am- 
 Letters. cott. baffador at Venice, to procure him an admittance into the Libraries there. 
 Libr.iitei. gut in all his Letters he complained mightily of his Poverty, that he had 
 ' '^' fcarce whereby to live and pay the Copiers who he imployed toTran- 
 
 fcribe Paffagesout of MSS. He ftayed fometime at Venice, from whence 
 he went to Padua, Bononia, and other Towns, where he only talked with 
 Divines and Canonifts about thefe Queftions: Whether the Precepts in 
 Leviticus, of the Degrees of Marriage, do ji'tU oblige Chrijiians ? And whe- 
 ther the Pope's Defpenjatlon could have any force againfi the Law of God .-? 
 Thefe he propofed in Difcourfe, without mentioning the King of Eng- 
 land, or giving the leaft intimation, thnthe wasfent by him, till he 
 once difcovered their Opinions. But finding them generally inclining to 
 the King's Caufe, he took more courage and went to Ron/e 5 where he 
 fought to be made a Penitcfftiary Prieji, that he might have the freer ac- 
 cefs into Libraries, andbelook'd ofi as one of the Pope's Servants. But 
 at this time the Earl of Wiltjhire and Stokefley, (who was made Bi(hop of 
 London, TonjiaU being tranflated to Durefm) were fent by the King in- 
 to Italy, Ambaffadors both to the Pope and Emperor. Cranrj/cr went 
 vviih them to juftifie his Book in both thefe Courts. Stokefley brought full 
 Inftruftions to Crooke to fearch the Writings of moft of the Fathers on 
 a great many piiffages of the Scripture 5 and in particular, to try what 
 tbey wrote on that Law in Deuteronomy, which provided, that when one 
 died without Children, hh Brother [hould marry his Wife toraifc up Children 
 to hii». This was moft prefled againft the Ring by all that were for 
 
 the
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, 85 
 
 the Queen, as either an Abrogation of the other Law in Lcvitiuf, or at 1 530. 
 leafta Defpenfation with it in thatpirticular Cafe. Hewasalfo to con- •>-«;''"V^'"^>^ 
 fult the Jervs about it^ and was to Copy out every thing that he found 
 in any Manufcriptof the Greek or Latin Fathers, relatingto the Degrees 
 of Marriage. Of this labour he complained heavily, and fa id, That 
 though he had a great Task laid on him, yet bis Allowance was fofmall, 
 that he was often in great ftraits. This I take notice of, becaufe it is faid' 
 by others. That all the Subfcriptions that he procured were bought. Ac 
 this time there were great Animofities between the Minifters whom the 
 King imployed in Italy ; the two Families of the Ca/fali, and the Ghinncd, 
 hating one another. Of the former Family were the Ambaifadors at 
 Rome and at Venice. Of the other Hierome was Bifhop of Worcejler^ 
 and had been in feveral Ambaffies into Spain. His Brother Peter was 
 alfo impoyled in fome of the little Courts oi Italy as the Ring's Agent. 
 Whether the King out of Policy kept this hatred up to make them Spies 
 one on another, I know not. To theGhinucci wsisCrooke gained, fo that 
 in all his Letters he complained of the Cajfali, asm.en that betrayed the 
 King's affairs ;; and faid that John, then AmbalTador at Venice, not only 
 gave him no affiftance, but ufed him ill: and publickly difcovered, That 
 he was imployed by the King ^ which made many, who had formerly 
 fpnken their minds freely, be more referved to him. But as he wrore 
 this to the Ki-ng, he begged of him, that it might not be known, other- 
 wife he expefted either to be Rilled, or Poifoned by them : Yet they Iiad 
 their Correfpondents about the King, by whofe means they underftood 
 what Crooke had informed againft them. Bpt they wrote to the King, 
 that he was fo morofe and ill-natured, that toothing could pleafe him : 
 and to leflen his Credit, they did all they could to ftop his Bills. All this 
 is more fully fet down, than perhaps was necefTary, if it were not to 
 fhew that he was not in a condition to corrupt fo many Divines, and 
 whole Univerfities, as fome have given out. He got into the acquain- 
 tance of a Frier at Venice, Francifcus Georgitfs^ who had lived 49 years 
 in a Religious Order, and was efteemed the mod Learned man in the 
 Republick, not only in the vulgar Learning, but in the Gi-eeh and 
 Hehreip, and was fo much accounted of by the Pope, that he called 
 him the Hamtner of Hereticks, He was alfo of the Senatorian Quali- 
 ty, and his Brother wasGovernour of Padua, and payed all the Readers 
 there. This Frier had a great Opinion of the King : and having ftu- 
 died the Cafe, wrote for the King's Caufe, and endeavoured to fatisfie 
 all the other Divines of the Republick, among whom he had much cre- 
 dit. Thomas Omnibonus a Dominican, Philippus de Crentis a Doftorof 
 ot the Law, Valerius of Bergamo, and fome others, wrote for the King's Many in luij 
 Caufe. Many of the Jeivijh Rabbins, did give it under their hands in "'"''f *°'" ^^^ 
 Hebrew, That the Laws of Levnicus and Deuteronomy , were thuf to be re- ''"'§* ^*"'*^' 
 conciled. That Lavp of Marrying the Brothers Wife when he dyed without 
 Children, did only bind in the Land of Judsea, to preferve Families and 
 maintain their Succejfion in the Land, as it had been divided by Lot. But 
 that in all other places of the World, the Law t/Leviticus, of not Marry- 
 ing the Brothers Wife was obligatory. He alfo fearched all the Greek 
 MSS. of Councils, and Nazianzen s and Chryfoflom's Works. After that, 
 he run over Macarius, Acacius, ApoUinaris, Origen, Gregory Nyffm, Cy- 
 ril, Severian, and Gennadi its ^ and copied out of them all that which 
 was pertinent to his purpofe. He procured feveral Hands to the Con- 
 clufions, before it was known that it was the King's bulinefs, in which 
 
 L ? he
 
 S6 'the Hi(iorj of the Reformation Bouk 11. 
 
 1530. he WIS employed. But the Government of ^;r/Ve was fo ftrift, that 
 ^-''"V"'^ when it was known whofe Agent he was, he found it not eafie to pro- 
 cure Subfcriptions : Therefore he advifed the King to order his Mini- 
 fter to procure a Licence from the Senate, tor their Divines to declare 
 their Opinions in that matter. Which being propofed to the Senate, all 
 p-i. 18. the anfwer he could obtain, was, that they vPOHldbe Neutrals 5 and when 
 the Ambaflador prelTed, as an evidence of Neutrality, that the Senate 
 would leave it free to their Divines, to declare of either fide as their 
 Confciences led them ^ he could procure no other anfwer, the former 
 being again repeated. Yet the Senate making no Prohibition, many 
 of their Divines put their Hands to the Conclufions. And Croohe had 
 that Succefs, that he wrote to the King, he had never met with a Di- 
 vine that did not favour his Caufe: but the Conclufions touching the 
 Though the Pope's Power, his Agents did every were difcourage, and threaten 
 PopeandEm- thofe who fubfcribcd them. And the Emperor's Ambaflador at Vemce^ 
 S diem"* tiid threaten Omnibonus for writing in prejudice of the Pope's Authori- 
 7«i> 4. ty :, and afferting Conclufions, which would make moft of the Princes 
 oi^uxo^Q B^iftards. Heanfwered, he did not confider things as a States- 
 man, but as a Divine. Yet to take off this fear, Croohe fuggefted to the 
 King, to order his Minifter at the Court of .!?^(;»/e, to procure a Breve, 
 *' That Divines or Canonifts might without fear or hazard, deliver 
 " their Opinions according to their Confciences, requiring them under 
 " the pain of Excommunication, that they (hould write nothing for 
 " gain or Partial afFedions, but fay the pure and fimple truth, without 
 " any artifice, as they would anfwer to God in the great day of Judg- 
 " ment. This feemed fo fair, that it might have been expefted the 
 Succeflbr of St. Veter would not deny it ; yet it was not eafily obtained, 
 Axi' 7- though the King wrote a very earneft Letter to the Bifiiop of Verona, 
 
 to afiift his Minifter in procuring it. And I find by another Difpatcb, 
 septemb. i6. that the Brcve was at length gained, not without much oppofition made 
 to it by the Emperors Ambafladors : For at Rome, though they knew 
 not well how to oppofe this method becaufe it feem'd fo very rea- 
 fonable 5 yet they had great apprehenfions of it, becaufe they thought 
 is was defigned to force the Pope to determine as the Kingpleafed: 
 and they abhorred the Precedent, that a company of poor Friars 
 iiii 28 ftiould diftate to them in matters of this nature. Crooke reports out 
 '"'^ ■ of a Letter oi Cranmer%to him from Rome, thefe words. As for our 
 Succejjes here, they be very little, nor dare me attempt to huorv any mans 
 mind, becaufe oj the Pope, nor is he content with what you have done 5 
 and he fays, no Friars fiall difcufs his Power : and as for any favour in 
 this Court, I look for none, but to have the Pope with all his Cardinals dc- 
 llare againft us. But Crooke, as he went up and down procuring Hands, 
 ^"i- S. told thofe became to, he defircd they would write their Conclufions, accord- 
 
 ing to Learning and Con fcience, without any refpe& or favour, as they would 
 No Money anfwcr it at the Lafl daj s, and protefied he never gave, or promifed any Di- 
 "°'" ^■"'g^^^■ vine any thing, till he hadfirji freely written his mind, and that what he 
 icriptions. then gave, was rather an honourable Pre fen t than a Reward. And in ano- 
 seftmb. 7. ther Letter to the King he writes : Vpon pain of my Head if the con- 
 trary be proved, I never gave any man one half penny, before I had his 
 Condufion to your Highnejs, without former Prayer, or Promife of Reward 
 for the fame. From whence it appears, that he not only had no Orders 
 from the King to corrupt Divines, but that bis Orders were exprefs to 
 the contrary. 
 
 As
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. 
 
 As tor the Money he gave, the Re.ider will be beft able to judge by 
 the following account, whether it was fuch as could work much on 
 any man. There is an Original Bill of his accounts yet extant, audited 
 and figned by Peter a Ghimicciis, out of which I have exrrafted thefc '"'*■ ^" 
 particulars; Item, to a Servite FrUrwhen he fubfcribcd, one Crown. To 
 a Jew, one Crorvn. To the Doctor of the Servites, trvo Crowns. To the °"'>' *°"^^ 
 Obfervatjt Friars, two Crowns. To the Prior of St. John and St. Pauls, icdgmcucst "" 
 tpho wrote for the Kings Caiife, fifteen Crowns. To that Convent four 
 Crowns. Item, Given to John Maria for his Expctice of going to Milan 
 fironi Venice, and for rewarding the Do&ors there, thirty Crowns. Item, to 
 John Marino, Minifter of the Francifcans, who wrote a Book fr the King's 
 Caufe, twenty Crowns. This fhews that they muft have had very profti- 
 tuted Confciences if they could be hired fo cheap. It is true, Croohe m 
 many of his Letters fays, That if he had Money enough, he did not doubt ^* ^^' 
 but he JJiould get the Hands of all the Divines in Italy, foy he found the 
 greateji part of them dl Mercenary. But the Bifhop of Worceffcr, in Feb. 9 
 his Letters to him, ordered him only to promife Rewards to thofe who 
 expedted them, and lived by them, that is, to the Canonifts, who did 
 not ufe to give their Opinion without a Fee. 
 
 But at the fame time, the Emperor did reward and fee Divines at st^temb. id 
 another rate, for Crooke informed the King, that one Friar Felix hav- 
 ing written for the validity of the Marriage againft the King, there 
 was a Benefice of 500 Duckats a year given him in reward. And the 
 Emperor's Ambaflador offered a thoufand Duckats to the Provincial of ^jrcfj'^^^ven^ 
 the Gray-Friars in Venice, if he vvould inhibit all within his Province by'theTmpe- 
 to write or fubfcribe for the King's Caufe. But the Provincial refufed '■<^'^- 
 it, and faid, be neither could nor yet would do it. And another that septemb.z?, 
 wrote for the Queen, had a Benefice of 600 Crowns. So that it was 
 openly faid at Ferrara, that they who wrote for the King had but a 
 few Crowns a-piece, but they who wrote on the other fide had good 
 Benefices. They alfo tryed what could be done at Padua, both by 
 Threatnings, Entreaties and Rewards, to induce them to reverfe the 
 determination they had made in the matter^ but with no fuccefs. And 
 though Francis Georgius the Venetian Friar, did greatly promote the 
 King's Caufe, both by his Writings and Authority; ytt Crooke wrote f^^. is. 
 that he could not prevail to make either him or his Nephew accept one far- 
 thing of him. By fuch fair means it was, that Crooke procured fo many 
 Subfcriptions. 
 
 Firft, of particular Divines, many Francifcans, Dominicans, and Ser- 
 vites^ fet their Hands to the Conclufions; though even in that, there 
 was oppofition made by the Pope's Agents. Campegio was now en- 
 gaged in the Emperor's Faftion, and did every where mif-reprefent 
 the King's Caufe. Being at Venice, he fo wrought on the Minifter of ^^^^^ „^ 
 the Francifcans, that though he had declared for the King, and enga- 
 ged to bring the Hands of 24 Doftors and Learned men of his Ordei" 
 for it, and had received a fmall Prefent of ten Crowns; yet after he 
 bad kept the Money three weeks, he fent it back, and faid, he would 
 not meddle more in it: But they procured moft of thefe bands without 
 his help. At Milan, a Suffragan Bifliop, and fixteen Divines Subfcri- ^*> ^^■ 
 bed. Nine Doftors Subfcribed at Vmcenza, but the Pope's Nuntio took 
 the writing out of his Hands that had it, and fupprelTed it. At Padua Z""' *7' 
 all the Francifcans, both Obfervants znA Conventuals, Subfcribed, andfo 
 did the Dominicans, and all the Canonifts j and though the Pcpes and 
 
 Empe
 
 88 
 
 Tbe Hiftory of th t^eiorvhUion Book IL 
 
 1530. 
 
 They Deter- 
 mined for the 
 King at Bono, 
 n/it. 
 Jnne loth. 
 
 At Padui. 
 July I. 
 Colleft. 
 Kumb. 53. 
 And firrara, 
 Sept. 29. 
 
 Emperor's Emiiiaries did threaten all that Siiblcribtd, yet there were 
 got eighty hands at Padua. Next the Univertities determined. 
 
 htBononia, though it was the PopesTown, manySubfcribed. The 
 Governourof the Town did at firft oppdCe the gr.iniingot any Deter- 
 mination 5 but the Pope's B/Ti/c being brought thither, he not without 
 great difficulty gave way to it, foon the 10 of 'June, the matter being 
 publickly debated, and all Cajetans Arguments being examined, who %vas 
 of Opinion, That the Laws of Marriage in Leviticus did not bind the Chri- 
 Jiian Church, they deiertnined. That thefe Laivs arefiill in force, and that 
 they bind all both Chrijlians and Infidels, being parts of the Law of Nature, 
 ae vpell as of the Law of God \, and that therefore they judged Marriage in 
 thefe degrees unlawful, and that the Pope had no Authority to difpence vaith 
 them. 
 
 The Univerfity of Padua after feme days publick Difpute, on the 
 I ft of July, determined to the fame purpofe ^ about which Crookc s Let- 
 ter will be found among the Inftruments at the end of this Book. 
 
 At Ferrara, the Divines did aifo confirm the fame conclufion, and fet 
 their Seal to it, but it was taken away violently by fome of the other 
 Fadion, yet theDukemade itbereftored. The profeflion of the Ca- 
 non-Law was then in great credit there, and in a Congregation of 72 
 of that profeflion, it was determined for the King; but they asked 150 
 Crowns for fettingthe Seal to it, and Croohe would not give more than an 
 hundred ; the next day he came and offered the Money, but then it was 
 told him they would not meddle in it, and he could not afterwards ob- 
 tain it. 
 
 In all, Croohe fentover by Stohefley an hundred feveral Books, Papers 
 and Subfcriptions, and there were many hands fubfcribed to many of 
 thofe Papers. But it feems Crooke died before he could receive a reward 
 of this great Service he did the King, for I do not find him mentioned 
 after this. I hope the Reader will forgive my infifting fo much on this 
 Negotiation; for it feemed neceffary to give full and convincing Evi- 
 dences of the fincerity of the King's proceedings in it, fince it is fo con- 
 fidently given out that thefe were but mercenary Subfcriptions. 
 
 Whst difficulties or oppofition thofe who were employed in France 
 found, does not yet appear to me ; but the Seals of the chief Univerfi- 
 ties there were procured. The Univerfity of Orleance determined it on 
 S ^^T'*^'' fhe 7th of April. The Faculty of the Canon Law at Paris, did alfo con- 
 ' "^ '' dude that the Pope had no Power to difpence in that Cafe, on the 25th 
 of May. But the great and celebrated Faculty of the Sorbonne, (whofc 
 Conclufions had been lookt on for fome Ages as little inferiour to the 
 Decrees of Councils) made their Decifion with all poffible Solemnity 
 and Decency. They firft met at the Church of St. Mathurin, where 
 there was a Mafs of the H. Ghoft, and every one took an Oath to ftu- 
 dy the Queftion, and refolve it according to his Confcience, and from 
 the 8th of June, to the id of July, they continued fearchingthe mat- 
 ter with all poffible diligence, both out of the Scriptures, the Fathers, 
 and the Councils 5 and had many Difputes about it. After which, the 
 greater part of the Faculty did Determine, That the King of England's 
 Marriage vcas unlawful, and that the Pope had no Power to difpence in it ^ 
 and they fet their common Seal to it, at St. Mathurin's the cd of JuJy^ 
 1 530. To the fame purpofe did both the Faculties of Law,Civii andCa- 
 At Anglers, non at Angieri, determine the 7th of May. On the loth of June, the 
 M^Bwies. f^aculty of Divinity, at Domges, made the fame Determination. And on 
 June 10. the 
 
 And in Orh 
 ance. 
 April 7- 
 At Paris of 
 
 of the Sor- 
 bonne. Jul)
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 8^ 
 
 the ift of OSobcr the whole Univerfity of Tholofe, did all with one 1530. 
 confent give their judgment, agreeing with the former Conclufions. ^^^^J'TiwT^ 
 More of the Decifions of Univerfities were not Printed, though many onob. il"'* 
 more were obtained to the faraeefFed. InGerwany^ Spuin^ and Flah- coiieft. 
 ders, the Emperor's Authority was fo great, that much could not be '^*""*" ^^' 
 expe(5ed except from the Lutherans^ with whom Crcinmcr converfed 5 
 and chiefly with O/^Wer, whofeNeece he then Married. 0/ianderupoh jjn.iz 
 that wrote a Book about Inceftuous Marriages, which was publilhed; insong. Ler. 
 but was called in by a Prohibition Printed at Amburg, becaufe it Deter- ^'^' ^''r"^' ^ 
 rained in the King's Caufe, and on his fide. 
 
 But now I find the King did likewife deal among thofe in Switzcr- 
 lattd that had fet up the Reformation. The Duke of Suffolk did moft 
 fet him on to this, fo one who was imployed in that time writes, for Peiefme in. 
 he often asked him, kon> he could fo humble hlmfelf, as to fubmit his Caufe ^'^''' 
 td fuch a vile, vitiousy Jira»ger, Prieji as Campegio was^ To which the 
 King anfwered. He could give no other reafon, but that it fee/fied to him^ 
 Spiritual men fljould judge Spiritual things: yet, hefaid, he TPOuld fearch 
 the matter further, but he had no great mind to feem more curious than b- 
 ther Princes, But the Duke defired him to difcufs the matter fecrerly a- 
 mongft Learned men, to which heconfented; and wrote to fome Fo- 
 reign Writers that were then in great eftimaticn. Erafmns was much 
 in his Favour, but be would not appear in it. He had no mind to pro-; 
 voke the Emperor, and live uneafily in his own Country^ But Simoti 
 Qrineus was fent for, whom the Ring efteemed much for bis Learning, pi" "^'d g"^' 
 The King informed him about his Procefs, and fent him back to Bafd, mongfithe 
 to try what his Friends in Germany and Switzerland thought of it. He JS^™^ ? 
 wrote about it to Bucer, Oecolampadius, Ziiingtiuf, zv\diVaulut Phrygian. whofeLec-' 
 Oecolampadius, as it appears by three Letters, one dated the loth offers are in a 
 '^ugtiji, 15:^1. another the laft of the fame Month, another to 5«^e^ JS^'sLibr. 
 the loth of September, was pofitively of Opinion, That the Law in Le- The Opinions 
 vrtkus did bind all Mankind, atld fays, That Law of a Brothers Mar- ''^.OmUm^A-^ 
 yying fits Sifier-in-Law, was a Difpenfation given by God to his own Lavp^ 
 which belonged only to the Jews j and therefore he thought that the Kinj( 
 might without atry fcruple put away the^teetj. But Bucer was of another Bucer. 
 ifiifid, and thought the Law in Leviticus did not bind, and could not 
 be Moral, becaufe God had difpenfed with it in one Cafe of raifwg up 
 feed to his Brother: Therefore he thought thefe Laws belonged only to 
 fhat Difpenfation, and did no more bind Chriftians, than the othei' 
 Ceremoniafor Judiciary Precepts; and that to Mifry in foihe of thefe 
 Degrees, was no more a fin, than it was a fin in theDifciples to pluck 
 Ears of Coin on the Sabbath-day. There are none of 5tfcer's Letters 
 fbmaining on this H'ead,^ but by the Anfwers that Grine^i wrote to 
 bim, one on the 29th of Auguji, another on the loth of September, t 
 gather his Opinion, and the reafonstor it. But they all agreed. That 
 the Pope's Difpenfation was of no force to alter the nature of a thing. 
 Paulus Phrygian was of Opinion, That the Laws in Leviticus did bind ^*7^«'»• 
 all Nations, becaufe it is faid in the Text, That /^e Canaanites werepu- 
 tnjbed for doing contrary to them, which did tiot conjrjl with the Jujiice of 
 God, if thofe Prohibitions had not been parts of the Law of feature. Da- 
 ted Ba(il the 1 0th of September. In Grineuss Letter to Bactr, he tells 
 him, that the King had faid to bim, That now for feven years he had 
 perpetual troubU upon him about this Marriage. 'Zmngliuss Letter i^ very zmglikt. 
 full. Firft, he largely proves that neither the Pope, not* any other 
 
 Power
 
 90 The Hi [lory of the Keformation Book II. 
 
 1550. Power could difpenfe with the Law of God : Then, that the Apoflles 
 ^/"V"^^ had made no new Laws about Marriage, but had left it as they found 
 it : That the Marrying within near degrees was hated by the Greeh, 
 and other Heathen Nations. But whereas Grlncm feemed to be of opi- 
 nion, that though the Marriage was ill made, yet it ought not to be 
 diflblved, and inclined rather to advife that the Ring (hould take another 
 Wife, keeping the Queen ftill ^ Zuinglius confutes that and fays, if the 
 Marriage be againft the Law ot God, it ought to be diffolved ; But con- 
 cludes the Queen (hould be put away honourably, and ftill ufed as a 
 Queen; and the Marriage (hould only be diflblved for the future, with- 
 out Illegitimating the Ifl^ue begotten in it, fince it had gone on in a pub- 
 lick way, upon a received error. But advifes, that the King (hould pro- 
 ceed in a Judiciary way, and not eftablilh (o ill a Precedent as to put a- 
 way his Queen, and take another without due form of Law. Dated 
 Bafil, 17th of Aug. There is a fecond Letter of his to the fame pur- 
 pofe from Zurick, the firft of September. Tiiere is alfo with thefe Let- 
 ters a long paper of Ofianderiy in the form of a DireSion how the Pro- 
 cefs (hould be managed. 
 Ando/rirt There is alfo an Epiftle o^ Calvin's, publilhed among the reft of hi?. 
 ^t'ft- 384. Neither the date nor the perfon to whom it was directed are named. 
 Yet I fanfie it was written to Grineus, upon this occafion : Calvin was 
 clear in his judgment that the Marriage was null, and that the Ring 
 ought to put away the Queen, upon the Law of Leviticuf. And where- 
 as it was objefted, that the Law is only meant of Marrying the Brothers 
 Wife while he it jet alive 5 he (hews fhat could not be admitted, for all 
 the prohibited degrees being forbidden in the fame ftyle, they were all 
 to be underftood in one fenfe : Therefore (ince it is confefTed, that it is 
 unlawful to Marry in the other degrees, after the death of the Father, 
 Sof/, Uncle, or Nephew, fo it muft be alfo a fin, to Marry the Brothers 
 Wife after his death. And for the Law in Deuteronomy of Marrying the 
 Brothers M'ife to raife up feed to him ; he thought, that by Brother there, 
 is to be underftood a near Kivfman, according to the ufual phrafe of 
 the Hebrew tongue : and by that he reconciles the two Laws which .0- 
 therwife leem to differ, illuftrating his Expofition by the Hiftory of Ruth 
 and Boaz. It is given out that Melan&hon advifed the King's taking a- 
 nother Wife, juftifying Polygamy from the old Tejiament 5 but I cannot 
 believe it. It is true the lawfulnefs of Polygamy was much controvert- 
 ed at this time. And as in all controverfies newly ftarted, many crude 
 things are faid 5 fo fome of the Helvetian and German Divines feem not 
 Lord Hsrb. fo fierce againft it; though none of them went fo far as the Pope did, 
 tromanOrig. who did plainly offer to grant the King Licence to have two Wives : 
 Lec.5fpM8. gj^j jf ^35 2 motion the Imperialifts confented to, and promoted, 
 '"' " though upon what reafon, the Ambaflador Caffali who wrote the ac- 
 
 count of it to the Ring, could not leirn. The Pope forbad him to 
 write about it to the Ring, perhaps as Whifperers enjoyn (ilence, as the 
 moft effeftual way to make a thing publick. But for Melan&hons being 
 of that mind, great evidences appear to the contrary ; for there is a 
 Letter oW/iandcr's to him, giving him many reafons to perfwade him 
 to approve of the Ring's putting away the Queen, and Marrying ano- 
 ther : the Letter alfo (hews he was then of opinion, that the Law in 
 £ez/;//V«/ was Difpenfable. ^' ^" 
 
 The opinio! And after the thing was done, when the Ringdcfired the Lutheran 
 o( the Luthc' Divines to approve his fecond Marriage ; they begged his excufe in a
 
 Book II. of the Church of Hngland. 91 
 
 writing, which they fent over to him; fo that MeUntih^n not allow- 1530. 
 ing the thing, when it was done, cannot be imagined to have advifcd ,^^~Y~'''^' 
 'Polygamy beforehand. And to open at once all that may clear the f"at'^by dt. 
 fenfe of the Proteftants in the Queftion, when fome years after this, s^mitoyCrom- 
 Fox being made Bifhop of Hereford, and much inclined to their Do- ^//j/g',g!''' 
 dlrine, was fent over to get the Divines of Germany^ to approve of 
 the Divorce, and the fubfequent Marriage of Anne BoUyn-^ he found 
 that Melan^hon and others had no mind to enter much into the Dif- 
 pute about it, both for fear of the Emperor, and becaufe they judged 
 the King was led in it by diflioneft Affeftions: they alfo thought the 
 Laws in Leviticus were not Moral, and did not obligeChriftians,and fince 
 there were no Rules made about the Degrees of Marriage in the Go- 
 fpel, they thought Princes and States might make what Laws they plea- 
 fed about it ; yet after much Difputing they were induced to change 
 their minds, but could not be brought to think that a M.irriage once riicy con. 
 made, might be annulled, and therefore demurred upon that; ^^K^'^".ff^ 
 will appear by the Conclufion they pafTed upon it, to be found at the Mafruge, but 
 end of this Volume. All this I have kt together here, to give a right are agaihft a 
 reprefentation of the judgments of the feveral parties of Chrijlendom ^'^ coiteft 
 about this matter. umb. 35 
 
 It cannot be denycd, that the Proteftants did exprefs great fincerity 
 in this matter: fuch as became men of Confcience, who wereaftedby 
 true Principles, and not by maxims of Policy. For if thefe had go- 
 verned them, they had ftruck in more compliantly with fo great a 
 Prince, who was then alienated from the Pope, and in very ill terms 
 with the Emperor : fo that to have gained him by a full Compliance 
 to have protefted them, was the wifeft thing they could do ; and their 
 being fo cold in the matter of his Marriage, in which be had engaged 
 fo deeply, was a thing, which would very much provoke him againfl: 
 them. But fuch meafures as thefe, though they very well became the 
 Apofiol'tck See, yet they were unworthy of Men, who defigned to re- 
 ftore an Apoftolick Religion. 
 
 The Earl of WiltJJnre with the other Ambafladors, when they had fox, 
 their Audience of the Pope at Bononia, refufed to pay him the fub- 
 miffion of Kiffing his Foot, though he gracioufly ftretched it out to 
 them ; but went to their bufinefs, and expoftulated in the King's Name, 
 and in high words : and in Conclufion told the Pope, that the Preroga- 
 tive of the Crown of England was fuch, that their M:ifl:er would not fuffer 'l^^^^ll\l^.' 
 any Citation to be made of him, to any foreign Court; and that there- pear at Rome. 
 lore the King would not have his Caufe tryed at Rome. The Pope an- 
 fvvered, that though the Queens Sollicitor had prefTed him to proceed 
 in the Citation; both that her Marriage being further examined, might 
 receive a new Confirmation, for filencing the Difputes about it, and be- 
 caufe the King had withdrawn himfelf from her; yet if the Ring did not 
 go further, and did not innovate in Religion, the Pope was willing to 
 let the matter reft. They went next to the Emperor, to juftifie the 
 King's Proceedings in the Suit of the Divorce. But he told them he 
 was bound in Honour and Juftice to fupport his Aunt, and that he would 
 not abandon her. Cr^wwer offered to maintain what he had written cranmsr offer* 
 in his Book, but whether they went fo far, as to make their Divines '? "^10"^ 
 enter into any Difcourfe with him about it, I do not know. This ap- cal(e!°^ 
 pears that the Pope, to put a Compliment on the King, declared Cran- 
 tner his Penitentiary in England. He having ftayed fome Months at 
 
 M Rome,
 
 92 
 
 Tbe Hijioij of the Kehrmation tJook 11. 
 
 1530- 
 
 The Nobility, 
 Clergy, and 
 Commons of 
 England write 
 to the Pope. 
 
 In the life 
 of mi^ey. 
 
 This Letter 
 and the an- 
 fwer arc Prin. 
 ted by the 
 lord Heibert. 
 
 The Pope's 
 Anfwer. 
 
 (I 
 
 Rome, after the Ambaffadors were gone, went into Germanj/ : where be 
 became acquainted with Cornclint Agrippa, n man very famous for great 
 and curious Learning, and fo fatisfied him in the King's Caufe, that he 
 gave it out, that the thing vi?as clear and indifputable, for v.hicb he 
 v/as afterwards hardly ufed by the Emperor, and dyed in Prifon. 
 
 But when the King received the Determinations and Conclufions 
 of the Univerfities, and other Learned Men beyond Sea, he refolved 
 to do two things. Firft, to make a new attempt upon the Pope, and 
 then to publi(h thofe Conclufions to the World, with the arguments 
 upon which they were grounded. But to make hisaddrefs to the Pope 
 carry more terror with it, he got a Letter to be figned by a great ma- 
 ny Members ot Parliament, to the Pope. The Lord Herbert faith, it 
 it was done by his Parliament ; but in that, he had not applyed his 
 ordinary diligence, the Letter bears date the 13 of July. Now by the 
 Records of Parliament, it appears, there could be no Seflion at that 
 time, for there was a Prorogation from the 21 of June, till the ift of 
 OQober that year: But the Letter was fent about to the chief Members, 
 for their hands^ and Cavendifl) tells how it was brought to the Cardi- 
 nal, and with what chearfulnefs he fet his hand to it. It was fubfcri- 
 bed by the Cardinal, and the Arch-biChop of Canterbury, 4 Bifliops, 
 2 Dukes, 2 Marquefles, 13 Earls, 2 Vifcounis, 23 Barons, 22 Abbots, 
 and 1 1 Commoners, moft of tbefe being the King's Servants. 
 
 The Contents of the Letter were, " that their near Relation to the 
 " King, made them addrefs thus to the Pope. The King's Caufe was 
 " now in the opinion of the Learned Men, and Univerfities both in 
 " England, France, and Italy found juft, which ought to prevail fo far 
 
 with the Pope, that though none moved in it, and notwithftanding 
 " any Contradid^ion, he ought to confirm their judgment 5 efpecially 
 '* it touching a King and Kingdom, to whom he wasfo much obliged. 
 " But fince neither the juftice of the Caufe, nor the King's moft earneft 
 " Defires had prevailed with him, they were all forced to complain of 
 " that ftrange ufage of their King ^ who both by his Authority, and 
 " with his Pen, had fupported the Apoftolick See, and the Catholick 
 " Faith, and yet was now denyed juftice. From which they appre- 
 " bended great mifchief and Civil Wars, which could only be prevent- 
 " ed by the King's Marrying another Wife, of whom he might have 
 " iffbe. This could not be done, till his prefent Marriage were annul- 
 " led. And if the Pope would ftill refufe to do this, they muft con- 
 " elude that they were abandoned by him, and fo feek for other Rerae- 
 " dies. This they moft earneftly prayed him to prevent, fince they 
 *' did not defire to go to extremities, till there was no more to h<!-. 
 " hoped for at his hands. 
 
 To this the Pope made anfwer, the 27 of September. ** He took no-' 
 " tice of the vehemency of their Letter, which he forgave them, im- 
 *' puting it to their great affection to their King : they bad charged him 
 " with ingratitude and injuftice; two grievous Imputations. He ac- 
 " knowledged all they wrote of the obligations he owed to their King, 
 *• which were far greater than they called them, both on the Apofto- 
 " lick See, and himfelf in particular. But in the King's Caufe he had 
 " been fo far from denying juftice, that he was oft charged as having 
 " been too partial to him. He had granted a Commiflion to two Le- 
 " gates to hear it, rather out of Favour, than in Rigor of Law • upon 
 " which the Queen had appealed : he bad delayed the admitting of it, 
 
 " as
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, ^3 
 
 *' as long as was poffible; but when he faw it could not be any longer 1 5^0, 
 
 " denyed to be heard, it was brought before the Confiftory, where all 'w^'~v~n^ 
 
 *' the Cardinals with one Confent, found that the Appeal, and an A- 
 
 " vocation of the CaUfe muft be granted. That fince that time, the 
 
 " Ring had never defired to put it to a Tryal, but on the contrary, by 
 
 " his Ambafladors at Bononia moved for a delay ; and in that pofture 
 
 *' it was dill, nor could he give Sentence in a thing of fuch Confequcnce, 
 
 *' when it was not fo much as fought for. For the conclufions of II- 
 
 " niverfities and Learned Men, he had feen none of them from any of 
 
 " the King's Ambaffadors. It was true fome of them had been brought ' 
 
 *' to him another way ^ but in them there were no P».eafons given, but 
 
 " only bare Conclufions, and he had alfo feen very important things for 
 
 *' the other fide ^ and therefore he muft not precipitate a Sentence, in 
 
 " a Caufe of fuch high Importance, till all things were fully heard and 
 
 *' confidered. He wilhed their Ring might have Male-Iffbe, but he 
 
 " was not in God's ftead to give it. And for their Threatnings of feek- 
 
 " ing other Remedies, they were neither agreeable to their Wifdom, 
 
 " nor to their Religion; Therefore he admonilhed them to abftain from: 
 
 *' fuch Counfels ;, but minded them that it is not the Phyficians fault 
 
 *' if the Patient will do himfelf hurt. He knew the King would never 
 
 " like fuch Courfes : and though he had a )uft value for their Inrerceffi- 
 
 *' on 5 yet he confidered the Ring much more, to whom as he had ne- 
 
 *' ver denyed any thing, that be could grant with his Honour 5 fo lie 
 
 *' was very deOrous to examine this matter, and to put it to a fpeedy 
 
 *' IfTue, arid would do every thing that he could without offending 
 
 :' God. 
 
 But the King either feeing the Pope refolved to grant nothing, or ap- a Procjaihad^ 
 prehending that fome Bull might be brought into England, in behalf of B°„5^f^o„^ 
 the Queen, or the difgraced Cardinal, did on the Nineteenth of Sep- Rome. 
 tember, put forth a Proclamation againft any " who purchafed any thing ^^^^ ^"^■^ 
 " from Rome, or elfewhere, contrary to his Royal Prerogative and Au- 
 " thority, or (hould publifh or divulge any fuch thing, requiring thetn 
 *' not to do it, under the pains of incurring his Indignation, Imprifon- 
 " ment, and other punifhraents on their t'erfons. This was founded 
 on the Statute of Provifors and Pre/xu»ires. But that being done, he 
 refolved next to publifh to the World, and to his Subjefts the juftice 
 of his Caufe : Therefore fome Learned Men were appointed to com- 
 pare all that had been written on it, and out of all the Tranfcripts of 
 the Manufcripts, of Fathers and Councils, to gather together what- Books wric- 
 foever did ftrengthen it. Several of thef^ Manufcripts I have feen, k^J" *>7cnfft 
 one is in Mr. Smith's Library, where are the Quotations of the Fathers, 
 Councils, Schoolmen, and Canonifts, written out at length. There 
 are three other fuch MSS. in the Cotton Library, of which one con- otho. c. 10. 
 tains a large vindication of thefe Authorities, from fome Exceptions 
 made to them^ another is an anfwer to the BiQiop of Rochejler's Book ^*'^^'"-. 
 for the Queens Caufe. A Third digefls the Matter into Twelve Arti- I'tf. b. j. 
 cles, which the Reader will find in my Appendix, and thefe are there ^l^^P\g 
 enlarged on and proved. But all thefe, and many more were fum'd 
 up in a fhort Book, and Printed firft in Latine, then in Englifh, with 
 the Determinations of the Univerfities before it. Thefe are of fuch 
 weight and importance, and give fo great a light to the whole Mat- 
 ter, that I hope the Reader will not be ill pleafed to have a fhort ab- 
 ftr3<fl: of them laid before him. 
 
 U 7 AM
 
 94- The Hiftorjofthe Reformation Bocdc 11. 
 
 1530. 
 
 An Ahjira^f of thofe things which were written for the Divorce. 
 
 The Grounds " The Law of Marriage was originally given by God, to Adam m 
 Teftameit°''^ " ^^e ftatc of Innoccnce, with this Declaration, that Man and Wife 
 " were one Flefi-^ but being afterwards corrupted by the Incefluous 
 *' commixtures of thofe which were of Kin, in the neireft degrees. 
 Lev. 18.20. " the Primitive Law was again revived by Mofes. And he givcs mmy 
 *' Rules and Prohibitions about the Degrees of Kindred and Affinity, 
 " which are not to be looked on, as new Laws and judiciary Precepts, 
 *' but as a Reftoring of the Law of Nature, originally given by God, 
 Lev. 18. 2. 4, *' but then much corrupted. For as the Preface which is fo oft repeat- 
 5,6,21. *« ed before thefe Laws, I am the Lord, infinuates that they werecon- 
 * form to the Divine Nature; fo the confequences of them fliow they 
 V 17.24.26. " were Moral and Natural. For the Breaches of them are called Wlck- 
 V. 24. 25. '■■ edneft and abomination, and are faid to defile the Land ; and the Vio- 
 *' lation of them is charged on the Canaanitet-, by which the Laud was 
 *' polluted, and for wh.'ch It did vomit out the Inhabitants. From whence 
 " it muft be concluded that thefe were not pofitive Precepts, which 
 *' did only bind the Jews, but were parts of the Law of Mankind and 
 "Nature 5 otherwife thofe Nations could contrad no Guilt by their 
 Lev 13.V.16. " Violating them. Among the forbidden Degrees, one is. Thou /halt 
 " not dlfcover the Nakednefs of thy Brother s Wife It Is thy Brothers 
 Lev. 20. 21. *' Nakednefs. And it is again repeated, If a Man fliall take his Brother's 
 " Wife, it Is an unclean thing he hath uncovered his Brother s Nakednefs^ 
 " they fljall be Childlefs. Thefe are clear and cxprefs Laws of God, 
 " which therefore muft needs oblige all perfons of what rank foever, 
 *' without exception. 
 And in the " '" ^^^^ ^^^ Tcftamcnt, St. John Baptlji faid to Herod, It Is not 
 New.' ^ " Lawful for thee to take thy Brothers Wife, which fhows that thefe 
 M*t. 14.4. " Laws of Mofes were ftill obligatory. St. Paul alfo in his Epiftle to 
 " the Cm»/Aw«/, condemns the Inceftuousperfon for having his Father's 
 1 Cor 5. r, " Wife, which is one of the Degrees forbidden by the Law of Mofes, 
 " and calls it a Fornication, not fo much as named among the Gentiles, 
 " From whence it is inferred, that thefe forbidden degrees are excluded 
 " by the Law of Nature, fince the Gentiles did not admit them. Sr. 
 " Paul alfo calling it by the common name of Fornication, within which, 
 " according to that place, all undue Commixtures of Men and Wc- 
 *' men are included 5 Therefore thofe places in the New Teftament, 
 " that condemn Fornication, do alfo condemn Marriages in forbidden 
 *' degrees; our Saviour did alfo aflert the Foundation of Affinity, by 
 " faying, that Man and Wife are one Fief). 
 
 " But in all Controverted things, the fenfe of the Scriptures muft be 
 *' taken from the Tradition of the Church, which no good Catholick 
 *' can deny : and that is to be found in the Decrees of Popes and Coun- 
 " cils, and in the Writings of the Fathers and Doftorsof the Church : 
 " againft which, if any argue from their private underftanding of the 
 " Scriptures, it is the way of Herefie, and favours of Lutheranlfm. 
 " The firft of the Fathers, who had occafion to write of this Matter, 
 Lih. 4. '• was Tertulllan, who lived within an Age after the Apoftles He in 
 
 cont. M.ircio-', ti exprefs words fays, that the Law of not Marrying the Brothers Wife, 
 " did ftill oblige Chriftians. 
 
 •' The
 
 Book 11. of the Church of Enj^lard. 
 
 " The rirft Pope, whofe decifion was fought in this matter, was Gre- 1 5 50. 
 gory thtGreat, to whom Attjiin the K\)q{\.\c o^ England wrote for his C"'^!^ 
 refolution of fome things, in which he defireddireftion, and one of ties" of" Poptj. 
 thefe is. Whether a man mny Marry his Brothers Wife ^ C^^ho in the 
 Language of that time was called his Kinfaoman') The Popeanfwer- 
 ed Negatively, and proved it by the Law of Mofes, and therefore 
 Defined, that if any of the Englilh Nation, who had Married within 
 that degree, were converted to the Faith, he m»jl be admonifJoed to ab- 
 fiarn from his Wife, and to look oufuch a Marriage as a mojl grievous Sin. 
 From which it appears, that that good Pope did judge it a thing, 
 which by no means could be difpenfed with, ofhervvife he had not 
 prelTed it fo much under fuch Circumftances 5 fince in the firft Con- 
 verfion of a Nation to the Chriftian Faith, the Infiftin? too much 
 upon it, might have kept back many from receiving the Chriftian 
 
 Religion, who were otherwife well inclined to it. ' Calixttis, ' Za- '''^, ;'■"'".. 
 carias, and ' Innocent the Third, have plainly afferted the obligation po,'.'^ ^''"^' 
 of thefe Precepts in the Law ot Mofes, the laft particularly, who 'i°-Q>i*f}. 
 treats about it with great vehemency : So that the Apoftolick See has \^^^^' ^"''' 
 already judged the Matter. 'Depre-r. 
 
 " Several Provincial Councils have alfo declared the obligation of ^^^"'" '"i- 
 the Precepts, about the degrees of Marriage in Leviticus, by the and councils. 
 Council at Nefrefarea ^ If a Woman had been Marryed to two Brothers, ^■"'- ^■ 
 fhe was to be cajl out of the Communion of the Churt h till her death, and 
 the Man that Married his Brothers Wife was to be Anathematized, which Ciup. j. 
 was alfo confirmed in a Council held by Pope Gregory the Second. 
 In the Council of Agde, where the Degrees that make a Marriage ^'"'' '^^' 
 inceftuous are reckoned, this of Marrying the Brother's wife is one 
 of them : and there it was Decreed, that aO Marriages within thefe 
 Degrees were Null, and the Parties fo Contra&ing, were to be cafl out of 
 the Communion of the Church, and put among the Catechumens till they 
 feparated themfelves from one another. And in the fecond Council of 
 Toledo, the Authority of theMofaical Prohibitions about the Degrees chap, 5, 
 of Marriage is acknowledged. It was one of WickcUffs errors, that 
 the Prohibition of Marriage within fuch degrees was without any 
 foundation in the Law of God , for which, and other points, he was 
 condemned firft in a Convocation at London, then at Oxford, and lafl: 
 of all at the general Council of Conflance, thefe Condemnations were 
 confirmed. So formally had the Church in many Provincial Coun- ' 
 cils, and in one that was General, decided this matter. 
 
 Next to thefe, the Opinions of the Fathers were to be confidered. ' '^"f ^^^ 
 In the Greek Church ' Origen firft had occafion to treat about it, wri- j^ 20 levit. 
 ting on Leviticus 5 and ' Chryfiflom after him ^ but mod fully St. ' Bafd ' n^nmu 71- 
 the Great, who do exprefly aflert the Obligations of tfiefe Precepts, "^^"/f/'" 
 The laft particularly refuting at great length the Opinion of fome, uMor. 
 who thought the marrying two Sifters was not unlawful, laies itdown 
 as a Foundation, that the Laws in Leviticus about Marriage were ftill 
 in force Hefychius alfo, writing upon Leviticus, proves that thefe O" ^''^''- ^8. 
 Prohibitions were univerfally obligatory, becaufe both xh^Ugyptians ^" 
 and Canaanites are taxed for marrying within thefe Degrees 5 from 
 whence he infers, they are of Moral and Eternal Obligation, 
 " From the Greek they went to the Latin Fathers, and alledged, as And the La- 
 was already obferved, that TertuUian held the fame Opinion, and with «'" Fathc.s. 
 him agreed the three great DoiSors of the Latin Church, ' Ambrcfe, -Lib. 8 Ep
 
 96 
 
 C( 
 
 1530. 
 
 • Cont. Hdvl- 
 
 dium. 
 
 » On,'. FiHJl. 
 
 ctup. 8,9,10. 
 
 in Lev. ad Ho- 
 vifjc. Lib. 3. 
 cliap. 4. Lib. 
 15. i/e Civ. 
 Dei. chip, ti5. 
 And of the 
 Modern Wri- 
 ters. 
 
 \nE,ifl -ad Pl- 
 um hratrem. 
 ••On 18. i-ev. 
 5 L\b. 1. i/i? 
 Sacrum, p. 2. 
 chap. 4. 
 Art. ;. 
 * £/■(/?. a/. 
 Arch.Ritomag. 
 iy Epif. Sa^. 
 7 £;)i/f. 140. 
 
 The School, 
 tnen. 
 
 J 54. art. 9. In 
 TertiinnQuail. 
 54. ar^ 3. In 
 4™™. i///f. 40. 
 ^. 3. aad 4. 
 
 Cl 
 
 ■ CoBf . Wickl 
 4»•^ 8. 
 
 = Delicitis i^ 
 
 iU'icilis Conju- 
 
 ins. 
 
 ' Lib. </f 9.f- 
 
 critOT. Tijw. Z. 
 
 C. 134. 
 
 And Cano- 
 nifts. 
 
 Marruigc 
 compleatcd 
 by confcnr. 
 
 T^be hiijiorj of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 _ * . ■ 
 
 ' Jerome, andSt. ' Aujiif/, whodo plainly deliver the Tradition of the 
 Church about the Obligation of thofe Laws, and anfwer the Objeftions 
 that were made, either from Abrahams marrying his Sifter, or from 
 Juiob's marrying two Sifters, orthe Law in Dettteronomy, for the Bro- 
 thers marrying the Brothers Wife, if he died without Children. 
 " They obferved that the fame Doftrine was alfo taught by the Fa- 
 thers and Doctors in the latter Ages. * Anfelm held it, and pleads 
 much for marrying in remote Degrees, and anfwers the Objeftion 
 from the Decifion in the Bafeof the Daughters of Zelaphehad. * Huga 
 Cardinalis, Radulphiis Flaviaiev/is, and Rupertnf Tuitienfis, do agree, 
 that thefe Precepts are Moral, and of Perpetual obligation, as alfo HHgo 
 de Sto. Vi&ore. ^ Hildebert BilTiop of Mans, being confulted in a Cafe 
 of the fame nature with what is now controverted, plainly deter- 
 mines, T/jat a man may not marry his Brother s Wife 5 and by many Au- 
 thorities ftiews. That by no means it can be allowed. And ^ IvoCar- 
 notenfis being defired to give his Opinion in a Cafe of the fame circum- 
 ftances, of a Kings marrying his Brothers Wife, fays, Such a Marriage 
 is null, as inconjijhnt roith the Law of God, and that the King was not 
 to be admitted to the Communion of the Church, till he put away his Wife^ 
 fince there was no Difpencing with the Law of God, and no Sacrifice conld 
 be offered for thofe that continued willingly in fin. Paflages alfo to the 
 fame purpofe, are in other places of his Epiftles. 
 *' From thefe Dolors and Fathers thelnquiry defcended to the School- 
 men, who had with more nicenefsandfubtlety examined things. They 
 do all agree in allerting the Obligation of thefe Levitical Prohibitions. 
 Thomas Aquinas does it in many places, and confirms it with many 
 Arguments. Altifiodorenfis fays, there are Moral Laws, and part of 
 the Law of Nature. T'etras de Palude, is of the fame mind, and fays, 
 that a mans marrying bis Brothers Wife, was a Defpenfation granted 
 by God, but could not be now allowed, becaufe it was contrary to the 
 Law oi Nature. St. Antonine of Florence, 'Joannes de Turre Cremata, 
 "Joannes de Tabia, Jacobus de Laufania, and Ajiexanus, were alfo cited 
 for the fame Opinion. And thofe who wrote againft WickUffe, name- 
 
 * ly ' Wydefrd, ' Cotten, and ' Waldenfis, charged him with Herefje,for 
 ' denying that thofe Prohibitions did oblige Chriftians. And afferted 
 ' that they were Moral Laws, which obliged all mankind. And the 
 ■' Books of Waldenfis were approved by P. Martin the firft. There were 
 
 alfo many Quotations brought out of Petrus de Tarentafia, Durandus, 
 Stepisanus Brulifer, Richardus de Media Vdla, Guido Briancon, Gerfitn, 
 Paulus Ritius, and many others, to confirm the fame Opinion, who 
 did all unanimoufly alTert, That thofe Laws in Leviticus are parts of 
 the Law of Nature, which oblige all mankind, and that Marriages 
 
 " contrafted in thefe Degrees are null and void. All the Canonifts were 
 alfo of the fame mind, Joannes Andreas, Joannes de Imola, Al>bas 
 Panorm'itanus, Matth<eus Neru, Vincentius, Innocentius, and OJiienfis^ 
 all concluded that thefe Laws wereftill in force, and could not be 
 
 " difpcnfed with. 
 
 • " There was alfo a great deal alledged, to prove that a Marriage is 
 " compleated by the Marriage-Contraft, though it be never Confum- 
 *' mated. Many Authorities were brought to prove that Ad on ij ah could 
 " not marry Abijlag, becaufe (he was his Fathers Wife, though never 
 
 known by him. And by the Law of M(?/£'x,aWoman efpoufed to a Man, 
 " if fhe admitted another to her Bed, vvasto beftonedas an-<^<^«//ere/}4 
 
 " frorn
 
 Book 11. of the Cburcb of England. ^7 
 
 *' from whence it appears, that the validity of Marriage is from the mu- 1 520. 
 " tual Covenant. And though Jofeph never knew the Blelled Virgin, w^-^v-s. 
 " yet he was fo much her Husband by the Efpoufals, that he could not 
 " put her away, but by a Bill of Divorce : and was afterwards called her 
 " Husband and Chrifts Father. Affinity had been alfo defined by all 
 " Writers, a Relation arifmg out of Marriage, and fince Marriage was a 
 *' Sacrament of the Church, its Eflence could only confift in the Contra^; 
 *' and therefore as a man in Orders has the Charafter, though he never 
 " confecrated any Sacrament ; So Marriage is compleat, though its ef- 
 " fed never follow. And it was (hewed that the Canonifts had only 
 '* brought in the Confummationot Marriage aseflential to it by Eccle- 
 " fiaftical Law. But that as Adam and Eve were perfectly married before 
 " they knew one another, fo Marriage was compleat upon the contract ; 
 *• and what followed, was only an efFeft done in the right of theMarriage. 
 " And there was a great deal of filthy (tuff brought together, of the 
 *' different Opinions of theCanoniftsconcerningGonfummation, to what 
 " Degree it miift go, to (hew that it could not be eflential to the Mar- . 
 
 " riage Contraft, which in modefty were fuppreifed. Both Hildebert 
 oi Mans, Ivo Carnotenjis, and Hugo de Sto. Fi&ore, had delivered this 
 Opinion, and proved it out of St. Chryfojiom, Amhrofe, Aufiin, and 
 *' Ij/dore. Pope Nicholas, and the Council of Trilfnr, defined, that Mar- 
 " riage was compleated by the Confent, and the Benediftion. From all 
 *' which they concluded, that although it could not be proved that 
 
 Prince Arthur knew the Queen, yet that (he being once lawfully mar- violent pre. 
 " ried to him, the King could not afterwards marry her. fumpcions of 
 
 " It was alfo faid, that violent Prefumptions were (undent in the Opi- mttimoi^' 
 nionof the Canonifts to prove Confummation. Formal proofs could Pnnce^r- 
 I' not be expefted 3 and for Perfons that were of Age, and in good health, Jg"' * **""* 
 to be in Bed together, was in all Trials about Confummation, all that - 
 the Canonifts fought for. And yet this was not all in this Cafe, for it 
 *' appeared, that upon her Husbands death, (he was kept with great 
 " care by fome Ladies, who did think her with Child 5 and (he never 
 faid any thing againft it. And in the Petition offered to the Pope 
 in her name (repeated in the Bull that was procured for the fecond 
 Marriage) it is laid, (he v/a% perhaps known by Prince Arthur, and in 
 the Breve, it is plainly faid, fhe was known by Prince Arthur, and 
 '' though the Queen offered to purge her felf by Oath, that Prince A- 
 ** thur never knew her, it was proved by many Authorities out of the 
 *' Canon-Law, that aPartie'sOath ought not to be taken, when there 
 *' v/exe violent prefumptioKs to the contrary. 
 
 " As for the validity of the Pope's Difpenfation, it was faid. That J^^^^p^'' 
 " though the School-men and Canonifts did generally raife the Pope's offofcc!""" 
 " Power very high, and flretch it as far as it was pofTible^ yet they all 
 " agree that it could not reach the King's Cafe : Upon this received 
 Maxim, That only the Laws of the Church are fubjeH to the Pope, and may 
 be difpenfed with by him, but that the Laws of God are above him, and that 
 he camwt difpenfe with them in any cafe. This Aquinas delivers in ma- t"Q»od lib. 
 " ny places of his Works, Pctrus de Palude, fays. The Pope cannot dif- i^^t^^Im"^' 
 *' pence with Marriage in thefe Degrees, becaufe it is againft nature. But d>j}"i"'^ ^. 
 
 Joannes de Turre Cremata, reports a fingular Cafe, which fell out when ^'''- '' 
 " he was a Cardinal. AKingof Fr^wccdeflreda Defpenfation to Marry junnhZy"' 
 " his Wives Sifter. The matter was long confidered of and debated in ^- » 6- 3- 
 the Rota, himfelf being there, and bearing a (hare in the Debate ^ but 
 
 " in
 
 98 The Hi [lory of the Keformatien liook 11. 
 
 1 530. " it was concluded, That if any Pope, either out of Ignorance, or being Cor- 
 
 ^.x"^ /"^-^ '' ntptcd, had ever granted fuch a Difpenfation, that could he no precedent or 
 
 *' rrarrant for doing the like any more fince the Church ought to be governed 
 
 *' by Laws and not by fuch Examples. Antonin, and Johannes de Tabia, held 
 
 " the fame. And one Baron znEnglijl)-man, who had taught the con- 
 
 " trary, was cenfured for it even at Rome, and he did detraft his Opi- 
 
 " nion, and acknowledged, that the Pope could not difpenfe with the 
 
 " Degrees of Marriage forbidden by the Law of God. 
 
 Sup. Cap " The Canonifts agree alfo to this, both Joannes Andreas, Joannes de 
 
 illfl%m[. " Ifftola, 3Tid Abbas Panormitanus, affertit, faying. That the Precepts in 
 
 " Leviticus oblige forever, and therefore cannot be difpenfed with. And 
 
 Cap. ad An- " Panorn/itan (ays, Thefe things are to be obferved in Pradife, beraufe great 
 
 akn. sponfal. ci p^-„^^^ ^g ^p^^ ^^j^^^ Difpenfations from Popes. Pope Alexander the ^d. 
 
 " would not fufFer a Citizen oiPuvia to marry his younger Son, to the 
 
 *' Widow of his cldeft Son, though he had fworn to do it. For the 
 
 *' Pope faid, it was againft the Law ot God, therefore it might not 
 
 *' be done, and he was to repent of his unlawful Oath. 
 
 "And tor the Power of difpencing even with the Laws of the Church, 
 " by Pope's, itwasbroughtin,in the latter Ages. All the Fathers with 
 " oneconfent believed, That the Laws of God could not be difpenced 
 " with by the Church, for which many places were cited our of St. C/- 
 '' prian, Bafl,Ambrofe, Jfidore, Bernard, and Urban, Fabian, Marce//ffs,and 
 " Innocent, that were Popes 5 befides an infinite number of later Wri- 
 *' ters. And alfo the Popes Zofrmus, Damafcus, Leo, and Hilarius did 
 - *' freely acknowledge they could not change the Decrees of the Church, 
 
 " nor go againft the Opinions or Praftices of the Fathers. And fince 
 the Apoftles confeffed, they could do nothing againfl the truth, but for 
 the truth 'j the Pope being Chrifts Vicar, cannot be fuppofed to have 
 fo great a Power, as to abrogate the Law of God : though it is acknow- 
 ledged, that he is Vefted with afulnefs of Power., yet the Phrafe muft 
 *' be reftrained to the matter of it, which is the Paftoral care of Souls. 
 " And though there was no Court Superior to the Popes, yet as St. Paul 
 " had withftood St. Peter to his face 5 fo in all Ages upon feveral oc- 
 *' cafions, holy Biftiops haverefufed to comply with, or fubmittoOr- 
 *' ders fent from Rome, when they thought the matter of them un- 
 *' lawful. 
 Several Bi- •' Laurence that fucceeded Auftin the Monk in the See of Canterbury, 
 roTibrnfc^m " baving excommunicated King Edbald for an inceftuous Marriage, 
 the I'opcsDe- " would not abfolve him till he put away his Wile ^ though the Pope 
 oui\.timei- " pli^dhim eirneftly, both by Intreaties and Threatnings, to let it a- 
 bm'.'ub.i. " lone, and abfolve him. Dunfian did the like to Count Edwin for a- 
 " nother Inceftuous Marriage ; nor did all the Pope's Interpofition 
 " make him give over. They found many other fuch inftances which 
 " occurred in the Eccleliaftical Hiftory of Bifhops proceeding by Cen- 
 " furesand other Methods, to ftop the courfe of Sin, notwithftanding 
 *' any encouragement the Parties had from Popes. 
 
 " And it is certain that every man when he finds himfelf engaged in 
 " any courfe, which is clearly finful, ought prefently to forfake it, ac- 
 *■ cording to the Opinion of all Divines. And therefore the King upon 
 " thefe Evidences of the unlawfulnefs of his Marriage ought to abftain 
 " from the Queen 5 and the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury, with the other 
 " Bifhops, ought to require him to do it, otherwife they muft proceed 
 •' to Church-Cenfures. Many things were alfo brought from reafon (or 
 r " at 
 
 (( 
 
 «
 
 Book II. of the Church of lingland. 519 
 
 " at leaft the Maxims of the School Philofophy, which pafTed for true i 550. 
 " reafons in thofe days) to prove Marriage in the degrees forbidden by --^"V"^^ 
 " Mofes to be contrary to the Law of Nature; and much was alledged 
 " out of Profane Authors, to (how whatanabhorrency fome Heathen 
 " Nations had ot Inceftuous Marriages. 
 
 " And whereas the chief ftrengthof the Arguments for the contrary The Autho i- 
 " Opinion reftedin this. That thefe Laws of M^y^j were not confirmed ^>'°^ i^^i"- 
 " by Chriji or his Apoftles in the New Teftament; To that they anfwer- *^' 
 " ed. That if the Laws about Marriage were Moral, as had been proved, 
 " then there was no need of a particular Confirmation, fince thofe 
 " Words of our Saviour : / came not to dejiroy the Lam, but to fulfil it ^ 
 " do confirm the whole Moral Law. Chrift had alfo exprefly afierted 
 " the Relation of Affinity, faying. That Matt and Wife are one Flejlj. St. 
 " Paid alfo condemned a Match as Inceftuous for affinity. But though ic 
 " were not exprefly fet down in the Gofpel, yet the Traditions of the 
 " Church, are received with equal Authority to written Verities. This 
 " theCourtofi^^we, and all the Learned Writers for the Catholick Faith 
 " lay down as a Fundamental Truth. And without it, how could the 
 " Seven Sacraments (fome of which are not mentioned in the New Te- 
 " ftamenf) with many other Articles of Catholick Belief be maintained 
 " againft the Hereticks? The Tradition of the Church being fo full 
 " and formal in this particular, muft take place : And if any Corruptions 
 " have been brought in by fome Popes within an Age or two, which 
 " have never had any other Authority from the Decrees of the Church, 
 " or the Opinions of Learned Men, they are not to be maintained in 
 *' oppofition to the Evidence that is brought on the other fide. ' 
 
 This I have fummed up in as fhort and Comprehenfive words as I 
 could, being the Subftance of what I gathered out of the Printed Books 
 and Manufcripts for the King's Caufe. But the Fidelity of an Hiftorian 
 leads me next to open the Arguments that were brought againft it, by 
 thofe who wrote on the other fide for the Queen's Caufe, to prove the 
 validity of the Marriage, and the Pope's Power of difpenfing with a 
 Marriage in that degree of Affinity. 
 
 I could never by all the fearch I have made, fee either MSS. or Prin- 
 ted Books that defended their Caufe, except Cajetans and Vi^oria't 
 Books that are printed in their Works. But from an Anfwer that was 
 written to the Bilhop of Rochejier s'^ook, and from fome other Writings 
 on the other fide, I gather the Subftance of their Arguments to have 
 been what follows. 
 
 *' Cardinal Cajetatt^ had by many Arguments endeavoured to prove, xi,e Argu- 
 " that the Prohibitions in Leviticus, were not parts of the Moral Law. ments for th- 
 *' They were not obferved before the Law, no not by the holy feed. f*^""^6^- 
 " Adams, Children married one another, Abraham married his Sifter, 
 *■ 'Jacob married two Sifters, '^tidah gave his two Sons to Tamar, and 
 " promifes to give her the third for her Husband. By the Law of 
 " Mofes, a Difpenfation was granted in one cafe, for marrying the 
 " Brother's Wife, which Ihows the Law was not Moral, otherwife it 
 " could not be difpenced with ^ and if Mofet difpenced with it, why 
 *' might not the Pope as well do it ? nor was there any force in the 
 " places cited from the New Teftament. As for that of Herod, both 
 *' jofcphus and Eufebins witnefs, that his Brother Philip was alive when 
 " he took his Wife, and fo his Sin was Adultery and not Inceft. We 
 " rauft alfo think that the Inceftuous Perfon inCorinthy took his Father's 
 
 N " Wife
 
 loo The Hi jlorj of the Kef or mat ion 13ook il. 
 
 530. *' Wife when he was yet living;, otherwife if he had been dead, Sr. 
 "V^*^ " Paul could not fay it was a Fornication not named among the Gentiles: 
 " tor we not only find both among the Perfians and other Nations, the 
 " Marriage of Stepmothers allowed, but even among the Jen>s^ Adonl- 
 ''^ jah defired Abijl)ag in Marriage, who had been his Fathers Concubine. 
 
 From all which they concluded, " That the Laws about the Degrees 
 *' of Marriage, were only Judiciary Precepts, and fo there was no o- 
 " ther obligation on Chriftians to obey them, than what flowed from 
 *' the Laws of the Church, with which the Pope might difpenfe. 
 " They alfo faid, that the Law in Leviticus of not taking the Brother's 
 *' Wite muft be underftood of not taking her while he was alive j for 
 " after he was dead, by another Law, a Man might marry his Brothers 
 *' Wife. 
 
 " They alfo pleaded, that the Pope's Power of Difpenfing, did reach 
 " further than the Laws of theCIiurch, even to the Law of God^ for 
 " he daily difpenfed with the breaking of Oaths and Vows, though 
 " that was exprefly contrary to the fecond Commandment : and though 
 *' the fifth Commandment, Thou jl)alt do no Mitrt/jer, be againft killing, 
 " yet the Popes difpenced with the putting Thieves to death, and in 
 " fome cafes, where the reafon of the Commandment does not at all 
 *' times hold, he is the only Judge according to Sumtna Angelica. They 
 *' concluded the Pope's Power of Difpenfing was as neceffary as his 
 " Power of Expounding the Scriptures, and fince there was a Qiieftion 
 " made concerning the Obligation of thefe Levitical Prohibitions, whe- 
 " ther they were Moral, and did oblige Chriftians cr not, the Pope 
 " muft be the only Judge : There were alfo fome late Precedents found, 
 *' one of P. Martin, who in cafe of a Mans having married his own 
 " Sifter, who had lived long with her, upon a Confultation with Di- 
 *' vines and Lawyers, confirm'd it, to prevent the Scandal, which the 
 " diflblving of it would have given. Upon which Sr. Antown of Flo- 
 " rence fays, that fince the thing was difpenfed with, it was to be re- 
 " ferred to the Judgment of God, and not to be condemned. 
 
 " The Pope had granted this Difpenfation, upon a very weighty 
 " Confideration, to keep Peace between two great Crowns : it had now 
 " ftood above twenty years: it would therefore raife an high Scandal 
 *' to bring it under Debate^ befides that it would do much hurt, and 
 " bring the Titles to moft Crowns into Controverfie. 
 Ladc\Shefc. " ^"^ ^^^Y concluded, that whatever Informalities or Nullities were 
 " pretended to be in the Bulls or Breves, the Pope was the only com- 
 " petent Judge of it, and that it was too high a Prefumption for inte- 
 *' rior Prelates to take upon them to examine or difcufs it. 
 
 But to thefe Arguments it was anfwered by the Writers for the King's 
 Caufe, " that it was ftrange to fee Men, who pretended to be fuch 
 " Enemies to all Heretical Novelties, yet be guilty of that, which Ca- 
 *• tholick Doftors hold to be the foundation of all Hereficj which 
 " was the fetting up of private Senfes of Scripture, and Reafonings 
 " from them, againft the Doftrine and Tradition of the Church, ft 
 " was fully made out, that the Fathers and Doftors of the Church did 
 " univerfally agree in this, that the Levitical Prohibitions of the De- 
 *' grees of Marriage are Moral, and do oblige all Chriftians. Againft 
 " this Authority, Cajetan was the firft that prefumed to write, oppo- 
 " fing his private Conceits to the Tradition of the Church : which is 
 " the fame thing, for which Luther and his followers are fo feverely 
 
 " con-
 
 Book 11. of the CImrch of England. loi 
 
 '* condemned. May it not then be jiiftly faid of fuch Men that they »53Jj 
 
 " plead much for Tradition when it makes for them, but reject it 
 
 '* when it is againft them ? Therefore all thefe Exceptions afe bver- 
 
 '* thrown with this one Maxim of Catholick Dod^rine, That they Are 
 
 " Novelties agaivft the conjiant Tradition of the Ckrijiian Churchy in all 
 
 *' Ages. But if the Force of them be alfo examined, they will be found 
 
 •' as weak as they arc new. That before the Law, thefe degrees were 
 
 *' not obferved, proves only, that they are not evidently contrary to 
 
 *' the common fenfe of all Men ^ but as there are fome Moral Precepts, 
 
 " which have that natural Evidence in them, that all ^4en muft dif- 
 
 " cern it, fo there are others that are drawn from publick Incbnveni- 
 
 " ence and Difhonefty, which are alfo parts of the Law of Nature; 
 
 *' Thefe Prohibitions are not of the firft, but of the fecond fort, fince 
 
 *' the Immorality of them appears in this, that the Familiarities and 
 
 *' Freedoms amongfl: near Relations are fuch, that if an Horror were 
 
 " not (truck in Men at Conjeftures in thefe Degrees, Families would 
 
 " be much defiled. This is the Foundation ot the Prohibitions of 
 
 " Marriages in thefe Degrees : Therefore it is not ftrange if Men did 
 
 " not apprehend it, before God made a Law concerning it. There- 
 
 •' fore all Examples before the Law, (how only the thing is not fo E- 
 
 " vident, as to be eafily collefted by the Light of Nature. And for 
 
 " the Story of Judah and Tamar, there is fo much wickednefs in all 
 
 *' the Parts of it, that it will be very hard to make a Precedent out of 
 
 " any part of it. As for the Provifion about marrying the Brothers 
 
 " Wife, that only proves, the ground of the Law is not of its own 
 
 " Nature Immutable, but may be difpenfed with by God in fome Cafes. 
 
 " And all thefe Moral Laws, that are founded on publick Convenien- 
 
 " cy and Honefty, are difpenfable by God in fome Cafes; but becaufe 
 
 " Mofes did it by Divine Revelation, it does not follow, that the 
 
 *' Pope can do it by his ordinary Authority. 
 
 " For that about Herod, it is not clear from Jofephus, that Philip 
 " was alive when Herod married his Wife. For all that Jofephus fays, 
 *' is, that flie feparated from her Husband when he was yet alive, and 
 " divorced her felf from him. But he does not fay, that he lived ftill 
 " after (he married his Brother. And by the Law of Divorce Mar- 
 '* riage was at an end, and broken by it as much, as if the Party had 
 " been dead, fo that in that cafe (he might have married any other ; 
 " Therefore Herods (in in taking her, was from the Relation of hav- 
 *' ing been his Brothers Wife. And for the Inceftuous Perfon in Co- 
 *' rinth, it is as certain, that though fome few in(tances of a King of 
 " Syria and fome others, may be brought of Sons marrying their Step- 
 " Mothers, yet thefe things were generally ill looked on, even where 
 " they were praftifed by fome Princes, who made their Pleafure their 
 " Law. Nor could the Laws of Leviticus be underftood, of not mar- 
 " rying the Brothers Wife when he was alive ^ for it was not lawful 
 *' to take any Man s Wife from him Living. Therefore that cannnot be 
 " the Meaning And all thofe Prohibitions of Marriage in other De- 
 " grecs, excluding thofe Marriages ftraply, whether during the Life, or* 
 *' after the Death of the Father, Son, Uncle, and other fuch Relations, 
 " there is no ground to difjoint this (o much from the reft, as to make 
 it only extend to a Marriage before the Husband's Death. And for any 
 Precedents that were brought, they were all in the latter Ages, and 
 !' were never confirmed by any publick Authority, Nor muft thd 
 
 N 2 ''PrafticeJ
 
 102 
 
 I59I. 
 
 The Queen 
 Aill intraaa- 
 blc. 
 
 Hall. 
 
 A SefTion of 
 Parliament. 
 
 More. 
 
 Convocation 
 
 The whole 
 Clergy ufed 
 in a prcrtiH- 
 nire. 
 
 The Preroga. 
 tivcs oi the 
 King's of £rji' 
 lan^i, in Ec- 
 cltliaftical 
 Affa.rs. 
 
 Tlje Hiftory of the Kejonnation Book IL 
 
 ** Praftices of latter Popes be laid in the Ballance againft the Decifions 
 of tormer Popes, and the Dodrine of the whole Church 5 and as 
 " to the Power that was afcribed to the Pope, that began now to be 
 " enquired into with great Freedom, as fhall appear afterwards. 
 
 Thefe Reafons on both fides being thus opened, the Cenfures of 
 them, it is like, will be 3s different now, as they were then : for they 
 prevailed very little on the Queen, who ftill perfifted to juftifie her 
 Marriage, and to ftand to her Appeal. And though the King carried 
 it very kindly to her in all outward Appearance, and employed every 
 body that had Credit with her, to bring her to fubmit to him, and to 
 pafs from her Appeal, remitting the Decifion of the Matter to any four 
 Prelates, and four Secular Men in England^ fhe was ftill unmovable 
 and would hearken to no Propofition. In the Judgments that People 
 pafied, the Sexes were divided; the Men generally approved the Kings 
 Caufe, and the Women favoured the Qiieen. But now the Sefllon of 
 Parliament came on the fixteenth of January, and there the King firft 
 brought into the Houfe of Lords, the Determination of the Univerfi- 
 des, and the Books that were written for his Caufe by Foreigners. 
 After they were read and confidered there, the Lord Chancellor did on 
 the 20th of March, with Twelve Lords both of the Spirituality and 
 Temporality go down to the Houfe of Commons, and (hewed them 
 what the Univerfities and Learned Men beyond Sea had written for 
 the Divorce, and produced Twelve Original Papers, with the Seals of 
 the Univerfities to them, which Sir Brian Tithe took out of his Hand, 
 and read openly in the Houfe, tranflatingthe Latin into Englifh. Then 
 about an Hundred Books written by Foreign Divines, for the Di- 
 vorce, were alfo (hewed them ; none of which were read, but put off 
 to another Time, it being late. When that was done, the Lord Chan- 
 cellor defired they would report in their Countries, tpbat they had heard 
 andfeen^ and then all Men fhottld clearly perceive, that the King hath 
 KOt attempted this matter of Will and Pleafure, as jirangers fay, but; 
 only for the Difcharge of hit Confcience, and the Security of the Succejfiun 
 to the Crown. Having faid that, he left the Houfe. The matter was 
 alfo brought before the Convocation ^ and they having weighed all 
 that was faid on both fides, feemed fatisfied that the Marriage was un- 
 lawful, and that the Bull was of no Force; more not being required 
 at that time. 
 
 But it is not ftrange, that this matter went fo eafily in the Convo- 
 cation, when another of far greater Confequence palTed there, which 
 will require a full and diftinft Account. Cardinal Wolfey by exerci- 
 fing his Legantinc Authority had fallen into a Premtmire, as hath been 
 already ftiown, and now thofe who had appeared in his Courts, and 
 hadSutes there, were found to be likewife in the fame Guilt by the 
 Law; and this matter, being excepted out of the Pardon that was 
 granted in the former Parliament, was at this time fct on Foot : There- 
 fore an Indi(9:ment was brought into King's Bench, againft all the 
 Clergy of England, for breaking the Statutes againft Provifions or Pro- 
 vifors. But to open this more clearly. 
 
 It is to be confidered, that the Kings of England having claimed in 
 all Ages, a Power in Ecclefiaftical Matters, equal to what the Roman 
 Emperors had in that Empire, they exercifed this Authority both o- 
 ver the Clergy and Laity : and did at firft eredl: Bifiiopricks, grant 
 Inveftures in them, call Synods, make Laws, about Sacred as well as 
 
 Civil
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, 103 
 
 Civil Concerns : and in a word, they governed their whole Kingdom, i 591. 
 Yet when the Bilhops of Rome did ftretch their Power beyond either <--^'~v~^^ 
 the limits of it in the Primitive Church, or what was afterward grant- 
 ed them by the Roman Emperors , and came to aflume an Authority 
 in all the Churches of Europe ; as they found fome Refiftance every 
 where, fo they met with a great deal in this Kingdom 5 and it was 
 with much difficulty that they gained the Power of giving Inveftures, 
 receiving Appeals to Rome, and of fending Legates to England, with 
 feveral other things, which were long contefted, but were delivered 
 up at length, either by feeble Princes, or when Kings were fo en- 
 gaged at home or abroad, that it was not fafe for them to offend the 
 Clergy. For in the Firft Conteft between the Rings and the Popes, the 
 Clergy were generally on the Popes (ide, becaufe of the Immunity and 
 Protedfion they enjoyed from that See, but when Popes became ambitious 
 and warlike Princes, then new Projefts and Taxes were every were iet The Viri- 
 on foot, to raife a great Treafure. The Pall, with many Bulls and ot°hi''plpact- 
 high Cbmpofitions for them. Annates or firft Fruits and Tenths were 
 theftanding Taxes of the Clergy, befides many new ones upon emer- 
 gent occafions. So that they finding themfelves thus opprefTed by the 
 Popes, fled again back to the Crown for Proteftion, which their Pre- 
 deceffors had abandoned. 
 
 From the days of Edward the firft, many Statutes were made toreftrain 
 the Exadions of Rome. For then the Popes not fatisfied with their o- 
 ther oppreffions, (which a Monk of that time lays open fully, and from Mat. paru. 
 2l deep fenfe of them) did by Provifions, Bulls, and other Arts of that '^^^ ^^'"'^ 
 See, difpofe of Bifhopricks, Abbeys, and leffer Benefices to Foreigners, Ihem.^^^'" 
 Cardinals, and others that did not live in England. Upon which the 
 Commonalty of the Realm, did reprefent to the Ring in Parliament, That 
 the Bi^oprickt, Abbey f, and other Benefices were founded hy the Kings liEdw.t. 
 and People of England, To inform the People of the Law of God, and to '■j^P^ated in 
 make Hofpitality, Alms., and other works of Charity, for which end they Provi"ors° 
 were endowed by the King and People <?/ England 5 and that the King, and 25 ^dw. 3* 
 his other Subje3s who endowed them, had, upon Voidances the Prefent- 
 ment and Collations of them, which now the Pope had TJfnrped and gi- 
 ven to Aliens, hy which the Crown would be difinherited, and the ends of 
 their Endowments deflroyed, with other great Inconveniences. Therefore 
 it was ordained. That thefe Opprejjions fhould not be fuffered in any man- 
 ner. But notwithftanding this, the abufe went on, and there was no 
 effeftual way laid down in the Aft, to punifti thefe Tranfgrefiions. The 
 Court of Rome was not fo eafily driven out of any thing, that either 
 incrcafed their Power or their Profits^ Therefore by another Aft in his ^j Edtv.i, 
 Grand-Child Edward the 3<^'s time, the Commons complained that theje Sucuxeoi 
 abiifes did abound, and that the Pope did daily referve to his Collation ''''°^'^'^"' 
 Church-Preferments in England, and raifed the Firjl-Fruits with other 
 great Profits., by which the Treafure of the Realm was carried out of it, and 
 many Clerks advanced in the Realm, were put out of their Benefices bythofe 
 Provifors j therefore the King being bound by Oath to fee the Laws kept^ 
 did with the ajfent of all the great Men and the Commonalty of the Realm^ 
 ordain. That the free ElecHons, Prefentmcnts, and Collations of Benefices, 
 fhould fiand in the Right of the Crown, or of any of his SubjeSs as they had 
 formerly enjoyed them, notwithfianding any Provifions from Rome. And 
 tfany did dijiurb the Incumbents by vertne of fuch Provifions, thofe Provi' 
 fors or others employed by them, were to be put in Prifon, till thty made 
 
 Fine
 
 io4. The Hifloij of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 I 521. Fine and Ranfom to the King at his Will ; or if they could not be appre' 
 '".^'^"V^'^-' hended, Writs to be ijfiied out to feiz,e them, and all Benefices poj/e/fed by 
 them, were to fall into the Kings hands, except they were abbeys or Prio- 
 ries, that fell to the Canons or Colledges. By another Aft the Provifuri 
 tpere put out of the Kings Protection, and if any man offended againft thenty 
 in Person or Goods, he ivas excused, and was never to be impeached for it. 
 1-1 Edw. 3. And two years after that upon another Complaint, of their Suing the 
 '"'^' ^' Kings Subjefts in other Courts, or beyond Sea, it was ordained, That 
 
 any who Sued either beyond Sea, or in any other Court, for things that 
 had been Sued, and about which, Judgme/rt had been given in former 
 times, in the Kings Courts, were to be cited to anfwer for it in the Kings 
 Courts within two Months 5 and if they came not. they were to be put out 
 of the Kings Protettion, and to forfeit their Lands, Goods, and Chatties 
 ;8 Eiw. 3. to the King, and to be imprifoned and raufomed at the Kings Will. Both 
 ca}. I, tht^Q Statutes received a new Confirmation Eleven years after that. 
 
 But thofe Statutes proved inefFeftual, and in the beginning of the Reign 
 of Richard the 2d, the former Afts were confirmed by another Statute, 
 and appointed to be Executed ^ and not only the Provifors them- 
 5 RfcA.irrf 2d. felves, but all fuch as took Procuratories, Letters of Attorney, or 
 <:<'h 3- Farms from them, were involved in the fame Guilt. And in the yth 
 
 year of that King, Provifions were made againft Aliens, having Bene- 
 ifices without the Kings Licence, and the King promifed to abftain 
 from granting them Licences : For this was another Artifice of the 
 Roman Court, to get the King of their fide, by accepting his Licence, 
 which by this Aft was reftrained. This failing, they betook them- 
 felves to another Courfe, which was to prevail with the Incumbents 
 that were prtfented in England according to Law, to take Provifions 
 12 Richard for their Benefices from Rome, to Confirm their Titles. This was alfo 
 2d. cap. 1^. forbidden under the former pains. As for the Rights of Prefentati- 
 ons, by the Law they were tryed and judged in the Kings Courts, and 
 the Bifliops were to give Inftitution according to the Title declared 
 in thefe Judgments : This the Popes had a mind to draw to themfelves, 
 and to have all Titles to Avoufons tryed in their Courts ^ and Bifhops 
 were excommunicated , who proceeded in this matter according to 
 the Law. Of which great complaint was made in the 16th year of 
 16 Rkh.trd the Reign of Richard the ^d. And it was added to that, that the 
 2d, cap. 5. Pope intended to make many Tranflations of Bifhops, fome to be with- 
 in, and fome out of the Realm, which among other inconvenicies rec- 
 koned in the Statute, would produce this effeft, That the Crowa of 
 England, vphich had been fo free at all times, JJjould be fubje&ed to the Bi- 
 flmp of Rome, and the haws and Statutes of the Realm by him defeated 
 and deflroyed at his Will. They alfo found thofe things to be againft the 
 Kings Crown, and Regality, ufed and approved in the time of his Progeni- 
 tors : Therefore all the Commons refolved to live and dye with him and his 
 Crown, and they required him by way of Jujiicc, to examine all the Lords, 
 Spiritual atrd Temporal, what they thought of thofe things, and whether 
 they would be with the Crown to uphold the Regality of it ^ To which all the 
 Temporal Lords anfwered they would be with the Crown. But the Spi- 
 ritual Lords being ashed, faid, ihey would neither deny nor ^iffirm that the 
 Bifljop of Kome might, or might not. Excommunicate Bifhops, or make Tran- 
 flations of Prelates : But upon that Protefiation, they laid, that if fuch 
 things were done, they thought it was againfi the Crown, and faid they would 
 he with the King, as they were bound by their Legeance j whereupon it 
 
 was
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 105 
 
 was ordained that if any did purchafe Trauflations, Sentences ofExcont- 1591. 
 mtnication. Bulls, or other Injlruments from the Court of Rome, againfi -" — V"^ 
 the King or his Croven, or vphrfoever brought them to England, or did re' 
 ceive, or execute them, they were out of the King's Prote^ion, and that 
 they fjould forfeit theirGoods and Chattels to the King, and their Perfunt 
 fliould be impr'ifoiied. And becaufe the Proceedings were to be upon a 
 Writ, called from the raoft material Words of it, Pramunire fades, this 
 was called the Statute of Pramunire. ' 
 
 When Henry the 4tb had Treafonably Ufurped the Crown, all the 
 Bifhops ( Carltfle only excepted) did affift him in it, and he did very 
 gratefully oblige them again in other Things 5 yet he kept up the 
 Force of the former Statutes. For the Cijhrcian Order having pro- 
 cured Bulls, difcharging them of paying Tithes, and forbidding them 
 to let their Farms to any, but to pofTefs them themfelves. This was 
 complained of in Parliament in the fecond Year of his Reign, and 
 ihofc Bulls Tpere declared to be of no Force, and if any did put them in 
 Execution, or procured other fuch Bulls, they were to be proceeded againjl, ^ ^^'^- 4- «?- 
 upon the Statutes made in the l^th Tear of the former Kings Reign, againfi '^' 
 Provifors. But all this while though they made Laws for the Future, 
 yet they had not the Courage to put them in Execution. And this Fee- 
 blenefs in the Government, made them fo much defpifed, and fo oft 
 broken ^ whereas the fevere Execution of one Law in one Inftance 
 would more efFeftually have prevented the Mifchief, than all thefe Laws 
 did without Execution. In the 6th Year of his Reign, Complaints be- ^ffen.4.cap, 
 ing made of the exceffive Rates of Compofitions for ArchbiChopricks '" 
 and Bifhopricks in the Popes Chamber, which were raifed to the treble of 
 If hat had been formerly payed ^ it was Enafted, That they fljould pay 
 no more than had been formerly wont to he payed. In the 7th Year of 7 Hin./^ eafl 
 his Reign, the Statute made in the fecond Year was confirmed, and by ^- '• 
 another Aft, The Licences which the King had granted for the executing 
 any of the Popes Bulls are declared of no Force, to prejudice any Incum- 
 bent in his Right. Yet the Abufes and Encroachments of the Court of ,7^^^ . ^^. 
 Rome ftill encreafing, all former Statutes againft Provifors were confirm- S. 
 ed again, and all Eleftions declared free, and not to be interrupted, 
 either by the Pope, or the King. But at the fame time, the King 
 pardoned all the former Tranfgreffions againft thefe Statutes. By thofe 
 Pardons the Court of Rome was more encouraged, than terrified by the 
 Laws J therefore there was a necefTity of making another Law in the 
 Reign of Henry '^th, againft Provifors, That the Incumbents lawfully in- 
 veffed in their Livings, fhould not be molejled by them, though they had 
 the Kings Pardon ^ and both Bulls and Licences n>ere declared void and 
 of no Vdlue, and thofe who did upon fuch grounds moleji them, fiould incur ^^„ ^^.^ 
 the Pains of the Statutes againjl Provifors. 4. 
 
 Our Kings took the beft Opportunity that ever could have been 
 found to deprcfs the Papal Power; for from the beginning of Richard 
 the feconds Reign, till the fourth Year of Henry the fifth, the Pope- 
 dom vras broken by a long and great Schifm ; and the Kingdoms of 
 Europe were divided in their Obedience: Some holding for thofe that 
 fate at Rome, and others for the Popes of Avignon : England in Oppo- 
 fition to France, that chiefly fupported the Avignon Popes, did adhere 
 to the Roman Popes. The Papacy being thus divided, the Popes were 
 as much at the Mercy of Kings for their ProteSion, as Kings had for- 
 merly been at theirs ^ fo that they durft not thunder as they were wont 
 
 t9
 
 Fetyt. 
 
 Reg. Chicbel. 
 Fol. 30. 
 
 106 The Hi [lory of the Reformat lo/i liook IL 
 
 1 551. to do, othcrwife this Kingdom had certainly been put under Excom- 
 munications and Interdifts for thefe Statutes, as had been done for- 
 merly upon lefs Provocations. 
 
 But now that the Schifm was healed. Pope Martin the Fifth, began 
 to re-aiTume the Spirit of his Predeceffors, and fent over threatning Mef- 
 fagesto England, in the beginning of Hcwr; the Sixth's Reign: None 
 of our Books have taken any notice of this piece of our Hiftory : The 
 Manufcript out of which 1 draw it, has been written near that Time, 
 Ex. Atss. D. and contains many of the Letters, that palled between Rof»e and E/^g- 
 land, upon this Occafion. 
 
 The firft Letter is to Henry Chkhely, then Archbifliop of Canterbury, 
 who had been promoted to that See by the Pope, but had made no 
 Oppofition to the Statute againft Provifions in the Fourth Year of Hen- 
 ry the Fifth ; and afterwards in the Eighth Year of his Reign, when 
 the Pope had granred a Provifion of the Archbidioprick of Tork, to 
 the Birfiop of Lincoln, the Chapter of Torh rejefted it, and purfuant 
 to the former Statute, made a Canonical Eleftion. Henry the Fifth 
 being then the greateft Ring in Chriftendom, the Pope durft not of- 
 fend him : So the Law took place without any further Contradiction, 
 till the Sixth Year of his Son's Reign, that England was both under an 
 Infant King, and had fallen from its former Greatnefs: Therefore the 
 Pope who waited for a good Conjun&ure, laid hold on this, and firft 
 expoftulated feverely with the Archbilhop for his Remifnefs, that he 
 had not ftood up more tor the Right of St. Peter and the See of Rome^ 
 that had beftowed on him the Primacy oi England ^ and then fays ma- 
 ny things againft the Statute of Pnctntinire, and Exhorts him to imitate 
 the Example of his PredecelTor St. Thomas of Canterbury the Martyr, in 
 aflerting the Rights of the Church ^ requiring him, under the Pain 
 of Excommunication, to declare at the next Parliament to both Houfes 
 the unlawfulnefs of that Statute, and that all were under Excommuni- 
 cation who obeyed it. But to make fure work among the People, he 
 alfo commands him, to give orders under the fame Pains, that all the 
 Clergy oi England (hould preach the fameDodtrine to the People. This 
 bears Date the Fifth Day oi December 1/3^76. and will be found in the 
 Colle6lion of Papers. 
 
 But it feems the Pope was not fatisfied with his Anfwer, for the next 
 Letter in that MSS. is yet more fevere, and in it, his Legantine Power 
 is fufpended. It has no Date added to it, but the Paper that follows, 
 bearing Date the Sixth of April 1427. leads us pretty near the Date of 
 it. It contains an Appeal of the Archbiftiops, from the Popes Sen- 
 tence, to the next General Council j or if none met, to the Tribunal 
 of God and Jcfus Chrift. 
 
 There is alfo another Letter, dated the Sixth of May, direfted to the 
 Archbifhop, and makes mention of Letters written to the whole Cler- 
 gy to the fame Purpofe, requiring him to ufc all his Endeavours for 
 repealing the Statute, and chides him feverely becaufe he had fiid. That 
 the Popes Zeal in this matter rras only, that he might raife much Money 
 out of England ^ which he refents as an High Injury, and protefts that 
 he defigned only to maintain thofe Rights, that Chrift himfelf had 
 granted to his See, which the Holy Fathers, the Councils, and the Ga- 
 tholick Church has always acknowledged. If this does not look like 
 Teaching ex Cathedra it is left to the Reader's Judgment. 
 
 But 
 
 eolleftion 
 Number 37.
 
 Book II. of the C bur c I) of f^ngland. 107 
 
 But the next Letter is ot an higher Strain, It is direfted to the two i^-^i. 
 Archbilliops only, anditfeems, in defpite to C;6i./6e//, the Archbifhop ^--"/^s** 
 of York is named before Canterbury. By it the Pope annuls the Sta- 
 tutes made by Edtcard the Third and Richard the Second, and com- 
 mands them to do no Aft in purfuance ot them: And declares, if they, 
 or any other gave Obedience to them, they were ipfo fa&o excom- 
 municated, and not to be relaxed, unlefs at the Point of Death, by 
 any but the Pope. He charges them alfo to intimate that his Monito- 
 ry Letter to the whole Nation, and caufe it to be affixed in the feve- 
 ral Places, where there might be Occafion for it. This is dated the 
 dthoi December, the Tenth Year of his Popedom. Then follow Letters 
 from the Univcrfity of Oxford, the Archbifhop of Tork, the Bilhops 
 of London, Dttrefme, and Lincoln, to the Pope ; all to mitigate his 
 Difpleafure againft the Archbifhop ot Canterbury, in which they gave 
 him the higheft Teftimony poflible, bearing Date the loth and the 
 25th Day oijuly. Thefe the Archbilhop fentby an Exprefs to Rome, 
 and wrote the hijmblefl: Submiffion poffible to the Pope; protefting 
 that he had done, and would do all that was in his Power, for repeal-, 
 ing thefe Statutes. One thing in this Letter is Remarkable, he fays, He 
 hears the Pope had proceeded to a Sentence againfl' him, vphlch had never 
 been done pom the Hays of St. Auftin to that Time : But he kneve that on- 
 ly by Report, for he had not opened, vtnch lefs read the Bulls, in which 
 it was contained 5 being commanded by the King, to bring them with the . 
 Seals entire, and lay them up in the Paper-Office, till the Parliament xvas 
 brought together. 
 
 There are two other Letters to the King, and one to the Parliament, And to the 
 for the Repeal of the Statute. In thofe to the King, the Pope writes, j^am^ent. 
 that he had often preffed both King and Parliament to it 5 and that the coiieftion 
 King had anfwered, that he could not repeal it without the Parliament, dumber 38. 
 But he excepts to that, as a delaying the Bufinefs, and (hews it is of it 
 felf unlawful, and that the King was under Excommunication, as long 
 as he kept it -^ therefore he expefts that at the furthett, in the next Par- 
 liament, itfhould be repealed. It bears Date the i^thoiOHober, in the Coiieaon 
 loth Year of his Popedom. In his Letter to the Parliament, he tells ^'""^" ?^' 
 them, that no Man can be faved, who is for the Obfervation of that 
 Statute : Therefore he requires them, under pain of Damnation to re- 
 peal it, and offers tofecure them from any Abufes, which might have 
 crept in formerly with thefe Provifions. This is dated the third of 
 O&ober, Decimo Pontificat. But I believe it is an Error of the Tranfcri- 
 ber, and that its true Date was the 13th of O&ober. 
 
 The Parliament fate in 'January 1427. being the Sixth Year of King 
 Henry the Sixth, during which on the 30/A of January, the Archbifhop 
 oi Canterbury^ accompanied by the Archbifhop oiTork, the Biflnops of 
 London, St. Davids, Ely, and Norwich, and the Abbots of Wefiminfter 
 and Reading, went from the Houfe of Lords, to the place where the 
 Houfe of Commons ordinarily fate, which was the Refeftory of the 
 Abbey of Wejiminfler, where the Archbifhop made a long Speech, ia 
 the form of a Sermon, upon that Text ^ Render to C^far the things 
 which are Cxfars, and to God the things that are God's. He began with a 
 Proteflation, that he and his Brethren intended not to fay any thing, 
 that might derogate from the King, the Crown, or the People of Eng- 
 land. Then he alledged many things, for the Popes Power in granting 
 Provifions, to prove it was of Divine Right, and admoniflied and 
 
 O required
 
 io8 The Hiftorj of the Keformation Book il, 
 
 1531. 
 
 But to no pur- 
 pofe. 
 Colleflion 
 Number ^o. 
 
 The Clergy 
 cxcufe them- 
 felvcs. 
 
 Yet they com- 
 pound. 
 
 And acknow- 
 ledge the King 
 Supreme Head 
 of the Church 
 of EnglanJ. 
 Lord Herbert. 
 
 Antiquit. Bri- 
 tan'u in vita 
 Wdrham. 
 
 Printed in the 
 Cabata. 
 
 required them to give the Pope fatisfaftion in ir, otherwifehe Jaid out 
 to them with Tears, what raifchiefs might follow, if he proceeded to 
 Cenfures; which will appear more fully from the Inftrument, that will 
 be found in the Colleftion at the end. But it feeras the P:irliament 
 would do nothing for all this, for no Aft neither of Repeal nor Expla- 
 nation was pafled. 
 
 Yet it appears the Pope was fatisfied with the Arch-biOiops carriage 
 in this matter^ for he foon after reftored him to the Exercife of his 
 Legantine Power, as Godrein has it ^ only he by a miftake fays, he was 
 made Legate, Antjo 1428. whereas it was only a Reftitution after a Cen- 
 fure. 
 
 Thus flood the Law of England in that matter, which was neither 
 Repealed nor well Executed, for the Pope s Ufurpationsftill encreafing,. 
 thofe Statutes lay dead among the Records, and feveral Cardinals h.ul 
 procured and executed a Legantine Power, which was clearly contrary 
 to them. And as Cardinal Wolfey was already brought under the lafh 
 for it, fo it was now made ufe of; partly to give the Court of Rome 
 apprehenfions of what they were to expeft from the King, if they went 
 on to ufe him ill ^ and partly to proceed feverely againft all thofe of the 
 Clergy, who adhered obflinately to the Interefts of that Court ^ and to 
 make the reft compound the matter, both by a full Submiffion and 3 
 confiderable Subfidy. It was in vain to pretend, it was a publick and 
 allowed Error, and that the King had not only connived at the Cardi- 
 nal's Proceedings, but had made him all that while his chief Minifler : 
 That therefore they were excufable in fubmitting to an Authority to 
 which the King gave fo great Encouragement, and that if they had done 
 otherwife they had been unavoidably ruined. For to all this it was an- 
 fwered, that the Laws were ftill in force, and that their Ignorance could 
 not excufe them, fince they ought to have known the Law ,• yet fince 
 the violation of it was fo publick, though the Court proceeded to a 
 Sentence, that they were all out of the King's Proteftion, and were li- 
 able to the pains in the Statutes ^ the King was willing, upon a reafon- 
 able CompoHtion, and a full Submiffion, to pardon them. 
 
 So in the Convocation of Cattterhury, a Petition was brought in fo 
 be offered to the King. In the King's Title, he was called, the Prote- 
 &or and Supreme Head of the Chunh, and Clergy of England. To this 
 fome oppofition was made, -and it was put off to another day ; but by 
 the Interpofition of Cromtpell, and others of the King's Council, who 
 came to the Convocation, and ufed Arguments to perfwadc them to ir, 
 they were prevailed with to pafs it with that Title, at leaft none fpeak- 
 ing againft it : For when Warhatn Arch-bifhop of Canterbury faid. That 
 Silence was to be taken for Confent^ They cried out, they voere then all fi- 
 lent'. Yet it was moved by fome to add thefe words to the Title, in fo 
 jar as is lavpful by the Lave ofChrift. But Parker fays. The King dilliked 
 that Claufe, fince it left his Power ftill difputable; therefore it was caft 
 out, and the Petition pafTed fimply, as it was firft brought in. Yet in 
 that he was certainly mifinformed; for when the Convocation of the 
 Province of Tork demurred about the fame Petition, and fent their 
 Reafons to the King, why they could not acknowledge him Supreme 
 Head^ which (as appears by the King's Anfwer to them) were chiefly 
 founded on this, that the term Head was improper, and did not agree 
 to any under Chrift ^ the King wrote a long and fharp Anfwer to them, 
 and (ho wed them, that words were not always to be underftood in their 
 
 ftrift
 
 i3ook II. of tk Chi^rcb of England, 109 
 
 drift fenfe, but according to the common acceptation. And among o- 1531. 
 
 ther things he (bowed what an Explmation was made in the Convoca- ^^^/—^^ 
 
 tion of Canterbury, That it was in fo far as was agreeable tj the Law of 
 
 Chrifii, by which it appears, that at that time the King was fatisfied to 
 
 have it pafs any way, and fo it was agreed to by nine Bifliops (the Bi- 
 
 Ihop of Rochejler being one) and 62 Abbots and Priors, and the Major 
 
 part of the lower Houfe of Convocation in the Province of Canterbury, 
 
 Of which number it is very probable Reginald Pool was, for in his 
 
 Book to the King, he fays, he was then in England, and adds, that the 
 
 King would not accept of the Sum the Clergy offered unlefs they ac- 
 
 Icnowledged him Supream Head^ he being then Dean of Exeter, was 
 
 of the lower Houfe of Convocation ; and it is not likely the King 
 
 would have continued the Penfions, and other Church-Preferments he 
 
 had, if he had refufed to fignthat Petition and Submiffion. By it they 
 
 prayed the King to accept of 100000/. in lieu of all Punifhments which 
 
 they had incurred, by going againft the Statutes of Provifors, and did 
 
 promife for the future, neither to make, nor execute any Conftitution 
 
 without the King's Licence ^ upon which he granted them a general 
 
 Pardon; And the Con vocation of the Province of 21;r^ offering 18840/. 
 
 with another Submiffion of the fame nature afterwards, though they 
 
 met with more oppofition they were alfo pardoned. 
 
 When the King's Pardon for the Clergy was brought into the Houfe The Commons 
 of Commons they were much troubled to find themfelves not included ^^*!^y^ ^* 
 withinit^ for by the Statutes of Pr^t/iy^rj, many of them were alfo liable, Jh? King'sVar- 
 and they apprehended, that either they might be brought in trouble or don. 
 at leaftit might be made ufe of to draw aSubfidy from them: fo they fent ^''^'' 
 their Speaker with fomeof their Members, to reprefcntto the King, the 
 great grief of his Commons to find themfelves out of his Favour, which 
 they concluded from the Pardon of the Painsof Pr£mumreto hisSpiri- 
 tual Subjefts, in which they were not included 5 and therefore prayed 
 the King that they might be comprehended within it. But the Kingan- 
 fvvered them, That they muft not reftrain his Mercy, nor yet force it ; 
 it was free to him either to execute, or mitigate the feverity of the Law : 
 That he might well grant his Pardon by his Great Seal without their 
 affent, but he would be well advifed before he Pardoned them, bec.iufe 
 he would not feem to be compelled to it. So they went away, and the 
 Houfe was in forae trouble : many blamed Cromwell, who was growing 
 in Favour, for this rough Anfwer ; yet the King's Pardon was pafled. 
 
 But his other Concerns made him judge it very unfit to fend away which the 
 his Parliament difcontented, and fince he was fo eafie to them as to ask ^'"s at'er- 
 no Subfidy, he had no mind to offend them ^ and therefore when the '''^"^^ ^"'"** 
 thing was over, and they out of hopes of it, he on his own accord 
 fent another Pardon to all his Temporal Subjefts, of their Tranfgreffi- 
 ons of the Statutes of Provlfors and Pramunire 5 which they received 
 with great Joy, and acknowledged there was a juft Temperature of 
 Majefty and Clemency in the King's Proceedings. 
 
 During this Seflion of Parliament, an unheard of Crime was com- one Attainted 
 mitted by one Richard Roufe a Cook, who on the \6th of February, 1°'''°^^°"* 
 Poyfoned a Veffelof Yeft that was to beufed in Porridge, in theBi- 
 fliop of Rochejier's Kitchin, with which 17 Perfons of his Family were 
 mortally infefted, and one of the Gentlemen died of it ^ and fome poor 
 People that were charitably fed with the remainder of it, were alfo in- 
 fefted, one Woman dying. The Perfon was apprehended, and by Aft 
 
 O 3 of
 
 no 
 
 The Hiftorj of the Kcformntion Book 11. 
 
 1531. 
 
 2Z Her, 8. 
 Aft. 16. 
 
 ml!. 
 
 L. Herbert. 
 
 The King 
 leaves the 
 Queen. 
 
 A diforricr 
 among the 
 Clergy of ion 
 don about the 
 Subfidy. 
 hall. 
 
 of Parliament, Poy Toning was declared Treajon, and Rottfe was attaint- 
 ed, and Sentenced to he Boiled to death, which was to be the punifti- 
 raentof Poyfoning for all times to come, that the Terror of this un- 
 heard-of Punitbment might ftrike a Horror in all Perfons at fuch an unex- 
 ampled Crime. And the Sentence was executed in Smithfield foon after. 
 
 Of this I take notice, the rather becaufe oi Sanders's Malice who fays, 
 this Roiffe was fet on by Anne Boleyn^ to make away the Bifhop of Ro- 
 chejier, of which there is nothing on Record, nor does any Writer of 
 that time fo much as infinuate it. But Perfons that are fet on to com- 
 mit fuch Crimes, are ufually, either conveyed out of the way, or fe- 
 cretly difpatched, that they may not be brought to an open Trial. And 
 it is not to be imagined, that a Man that was employed by them that 
 might have preferred him, and found himfelf given up and adjudged 
 to fuch a death, would not have publiftied their Names who fet him on 
 to have leffened his own Guilt, by cafting the Load upon them that had 
 both employed and deferted him. But this muft pafs among the many 
 other vile Calumnies, of which 5'^Wer/ has been the Inventer, or Pub- 
 liflier, and for which he had already anfwered to his Judge. 
 
 When the Seffion of Parliament was over, the King continued to ply 
 the Queen with all the applications he could think of, to depart from 
 her Appeal. He grew very Melancholy, and ufed no fort of Diverfion, 
 but wjs obferved to be very penfive. Yet nothing could prevail with 
 the Queen. She anfwered the Lords of the Council, when they pref- 
 fed her much to it. That /he prayed God to fend the King a quiet Cottfci- 
 ence, but that fie was his lawful Wife., and would abide by it, till the Court 
 of Rome declared the contrary. Upon which the King forbore to fee 
 her, or to receive any Tokens from her, and fent her word, to choofe 
 where fhe had a mind to live, in any of his Mannours. She anfwered, 
 that to which place foever (he were removed, nothitjg could remove her 
 from being his Wifi, Upon this anfwer the Ring left her at Wind for, the 
 iHfth of July and never faw her more. She removed fir ft to Moor, then 
 to Eaflhamftead, and at la ft to Ampthill, where ftie ftayed longer. 
 
 The Clergy went now about the raifing of the looooo/. which they 
 were to pay in five years; and to make it eafier to themfelves, the Pre- 
 lates had a great mind to draw in the inferiour Clergy to bear a part of 
 the Burden. The Bifhop of London called a meeting of fome Priefts 
 about London, on the firft of September to the ChapterHoufe at St. 
 PauVs : He defigned to have had at firft only a fmall number, among 
 whom he hoped it would eafily pafs, and thatbeingdoneby a tew, others 
 would more willingly follow. But the matter was not fo fecretly carried, 
 but that all the Clergy about the City hearing of it, went thither. 
 They were not a little encouraged by many of the Laity, who thought 
 it no unpleafant Diverfion to fee the Clergy fall out among themfelves. 
 So when they came to the Chapter-Houfe on the day appointed, the 
 Biftiops Officers would only admit fome few to enter, but the reft for- 
 ced the Door and rufhed in, and the Bifliops Servants were beaten and 
 ill ufed. But the Biftiop feeing the Tumult was fuch, that it could not 
 be eafily quieted, told them all, That as the State of Men in this Hfewtr 
 frail, fo the Clergy through frailty and want ^f Wifdom, had mifdemeaned 
 themfelves towards the King, and had fallen in a Pr^munire, for whit h the 
 King of his great Clemency was pleafed to pardon them, and to accept of^ 
 little, injiead of the whole of their Benefices, which by the Law had fallen 
 into his hnnd : Therefore he defired thej would patientlj bear their fljare in 
 
 this
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, 1 1 1 
 
 this burden. But they aofsvered. They had never medled with any ot" 15:51. 
 the Cardinals Faculties, and fohad not fallen in the Prxmunire j and that --""^^^vy 
 their Livings were fo fmall, that they could hardly fubfift by them. 
 Therefore fince the Bifhops and Abbots were only Guilty, and had good 
 Preferments, they only ought to be puniOied, and pay theTax, but that 
 for themfelves they needed not the Kings Pardon, and fo would pay no- 
 thing for it. Upon which the Biftiop's Officers threatened them, but they 
 on the other hand (being encouraged by fome Lay- men that came along 
 with them) perfiftedin their denyal to pay any things fothat from high 
 words the matter came to blows, and feveral of the Bifliops Servants 
 were ill handled by them. But he to prevent a further Tumult, appre- 
 hending it might end upon himfelf, gave them good words, and dif- 
 mifled the meeting with his bleffing, and promifed that nothing {hould 
 be brought in Queftion that was then done. Yet he was not fogood as 
 his word 5 for he complained of it to the Lord Chancellor.who was always 
 a great Favourer of the Clergy 5 by whofe order fifteen Priefts and five 
 Lay-men were committed to feveral Prifons ; but whether the Inferi- 
 our Clergy pay'd their proportion of the Tax or not, I hare not been 
 able to difcover. 
 
 Tbisyear the State of Affairs beyond Sea changed very confiderably. The Pope 
 The Pope expeded not only to recover Florence to his Family by the Em- FrfL^'patu-" 
 perors means, but alfo to wreft Modena and Reggio from the Duke of Fer- oa. 
 rara, to which he pretended, as being Fiefs of the Papacy 5 and the Em- 
 peror having engaged by the former Treaty to reftore them to him. But 
 now that the Popes pretenfions were appointed to be examined by fome 
 Judges delegated by the Emperor, they determined againft the Pope, 
 for the Duke oi Ferrara: which fo difguftedthe Pope, that he fellto- 
 cally from the Emperor, and did unite with the King of France, a Match 
 being alfo projected between the Duke of Orleance (afterwards Henrjf 
 the 2d.) and his Neece Catharina de Medici : which did work much on 
 the Popes ambition, to have his Family Allied to fo mighty a Monarch. 
 So that now he became wholly French. 
 
 The French King was alfo on account of this Marriage to refign all a Match pro- 
 the pretenfions he had to any Territory in Italy to his younger Son 5 j^'^^'' ^^' 
 which as it would give lefs Umbrage to the other Princes of 7/d/y, who Pope" Ne^ce 
 liked rather to have a King's younger Son among them, than either the *"d the Duke 
 Emperor or the French King •, fo the Pope was wonderfully pleafed to °^^''^''""- 
 raife another great Prince in Italy, out of his own Family. On thefe 
 grounds was the Match at this time defigned, which afterwards took 
 efFeft 5 but with this Difference, that by the Dolphin's death, the Duke 
 of Orleance became King of France, and his Queen made the greateft Fi- 
 gure that any Queen of France had done for many Ages. 
 
 This change in the Popes mind might have produced another in the 
 Kings Affairs, if he had not already gone fo far, that he was lefs in fear 
 of the Pope than formerly. He found the Credit of his Clergy was fo 
 low, that to preferve themfelves from the contempt and fury of the 
 People, they were forced to depend wholly on the Crown. For Luther- 
 an'ifm was then making a great progrefs in England, of which I fhall fay 
 nothing here, being refolved at the end of this Book to give an account 
 of the whole Courfe of it in thofe years that fall within this time. But 
 what by the means of the new Preachers, what by the fcandals caft on 
 the Clergy, they were all at the Kings Mercy 5 fo he did not fear much 
 from them, efpecially in the Southern parts, which were the richeft and 
 
 befr
 
 1 2 The Hifforj of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 1551. 
 
 The Emperor 
 is engaged in 
 a War with 
 the Turk. 
 
 1532. 
 
 The Farlia- 
 nienc com- 
 plains of the 
 Ecclefiartical 
 Courts. 
 
 Halt. 
 
 But reject a 
 
 Bill about 
 Wards. 
 
 The Com- 
 mons Petition 
 that they may 
 be difTolved. 
 
 beft people. Therefore the King went on refolurely. The Pope on 
 the other hand was in great perplexity :j befavv fiw^/^w^^ ready to be loft, 
 and knew not what to do to refcue or preferve it. If he gave way to 
 what was lately done in the bufinefs of the Pr<ew««/>e, he muft thereby 
 lofe thegreateft advantages he drew from that Nation ^ and it was not 
 likelythat after the King had gonefo far, he would undo what was done. 
 
 The Emperor was more remifs in profecuting the Queens Appeal at 
 Rome, for at that time the Turk with a moft numerous and powerful Ar- 
 my was making an impreflion on Hungary, (which to the great fcandal 
 of the Moji Chrifiian King was imputed to his Councils and Prefents at 
 the Port) and all the Emperor's thoughts were taken up with this. 
 Therefore as he gave the Proteftant Princes o^Germany forae prefent fatif- 
 fadion in Religion and other matters 5 fo he fent over to England and 
 defired the Kings afCftance againft that vaft Army of 300000 Men that 
 was falling in upon Chriftendom. To this the King made a general 
 anfwer, that gave fome hopes of affifting him. But at the fame time 
 the Proteftant Princes, refolving to draw fome advantage from that con- 
 jundure of Affairs, and being courted by the French King, entred into 
 a League with him, for the defence of the Rights of the Empire. And 
 to make this firmer, the King was invited by the French King to joyn 
 in it^ to which he confented, and fent over to France a fum of Money 
 to be employed for the fafety of the Empire. And this provoked the 
 Emperor to renew his endeavours in the Court of jR^/we for profecuting 
 the Queens Appeal. 
 
 The French King encouraged the King to go on with his Divorce, 
 that he might totally Alienate him from the Emperor. The French 
 Writers alfo add another Confideration, which feeras unworthy of fo 
 great a King, that he himfelf being at that time fo publick a Courtier 
 of Ladies, was not ill pleafed to fet forward a thing of that nature. 
 *' But though Princes allow themfelves their Pleafures, yet they feldorn 
 " Govern their Affairs by fuch Maxims. 
 
 In the beginning of the next year a new Seflion of Parliament was held, 
 in which the Houfe of Commons went on to complain of many other 
 grievances they lay under from the Clergy, which they put in a writing, 
 and prefented it to the King. In it they complained of the proceedings in 
 the Spiritual Courts, and efpecially their calling men before them, ck 
 officio, and laying Articles to their charge, without any Accufer 5 and 
 then admitting no Purgation, but caufing the Party Accufed, either to 
 abjure, or to be burnt;; which they found very grievous and intolerable. 
 This was occafioned by fome violent proceeding againft fome reputed 
 Hereticks, of which an account fhall be given afterwards. But thofe 
 complaints were ftifled, and great mifunderftandings arofe between the 
 King and the Houfe of Commons upon this following occafion. 
 
 There was a common prafticc in England of mens making fuch Settle- 
 ments of their Eftates by their Laft Wills, or other Deeds, that the King 
 and fome great Lords were thereby defrauded of the advantages they 
 made by Wards, Marriages, and Printer Seafin. For regulating which, 
 a Bill was brought into the Houfe of Peers, and aflented to there 5 but 
 when it was fent down to the Houfe of Commons, it was rejefted by 
 them, and they would neither pafs the Bill, nor any other Qualification 
 of that Abufe. This gave the King great offence, and the Houfe when 
 they addrefTed to him about the proceedings of the Clergy, alfo prayed. 
 That he would confider what Cofi, Charge and Pains they had been at fince tht 
 
 hegin^
 
 '•■' .■■ -■■■ ■■ . — ■■«.. IIIIIIH. -■■■■■»■■■■■ , . ■■^..■l.- ■ .11 I 1. .-.■_■ ^ 
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 113 
 
 m - ■ — ' *■ " I I ■ ■ II I ■ « ■ ■ , - II , . . . - .^ -a i 
 
 beginning of the Parliament, and that it would pleafe h;s Grace of hit Prince- I 5 ^ 2. 
 
 by Benignity to Diffolve his Court of Farliament, and that his Subie&s mivht ^n^'T^'^O^ 
 ^ ■' , V ■^■'i-iiir- c 1 ii -w^t r Tlie [vines 
 
 return into their Countries. To which the King aniwered. That for Aniwer. 
 " their complaints of theCIergy, he muft hear them alfo before hecould 
 " give Judgment, fince in Juftice he ought to hear both Parties ^ but 
 " that they defiring theRedrefsof fuch Abufes, vvascontrary to the o- 
 " ther part of their Petition ^ for if the Parliament werediffolved how 
 " could thofe things they complained of be amended ? And as they 
 " complained of their long attendance, fo the King had ftayed as long 
 *' as they had done, and yet he had ftill patience, and fo they muft 
 " have, otherwife their Grievances would be without Redrefs. But 
 " he did expoftulate feverely upon their rejeding the Bill about Deeds 
 " in prejudice of the Rights of the Crown. He faid, he had offered 
 *' them a great mitigation of what by the rigour of the Law he might 
 " pretend to ^ and if they would not accept of it, he would try the ut- 
 " moft feverity that the Law allowed, and would not offer them fuch a 
 " favour again. Yet all this did not prevail, for the Ad: was rejefted, 
 and their complaint againft the Clergy was alfo laid afide, and the Par- 
 liament was Prorogued till April next. 
 
 In this Parliament the Foundation of the Breach that afterwards 
 followed with Rome^ was laid, by an aft for reftraining the payment of 
 Annates to that Court, which fince it is not Printed with the other Sta- 
 tutes, fhall be found in the end of this Volume ; The fubftance of it 
 is as follows. 
 
 " That great Sums of Money had beed conveyed out of the Kingdom, AnArtagainft 
 *' under the Title of Annates or Firft-Fruits to the Court of Rome, which Amata. 
 *' they extorted by reftraint of Bulls and other Writs 5 that it happen- coiieft.A'««75. 
 " ed often by the frequent deaths of Arch-bi(hops, and BiQiops, to turn '*^* 
 " to the utter undoing of their Friends, who had advanced thofe 
 *' Sums for them. Thefe Annates were founded on no Law 5 for they 
 " had no other way of obliging the Incumbents of Sees to pay them, 
 *' but by retraining their Bulls. The Parliament therefore confider- 
 ing that thefe were firft begun to be payed, to defend Chriftendom 
 " againft Infidels, but were now turned to a duty claimed by that 
 *' Court againft all Right and Confcience, and that vaft Sums werecar- 
 " ried away upon that account, which from the Second year of King 
 Henry the 7th to that prefenttime amounted to 800000 Ducats, befides 
 many other heavy Exaftions of that Court, did declare that the King 
 *' was bound by his Duty to Almighty God, as a good Chriftian Prince 
 " to hinder thefe oppreflions. And that the rather, becaufe many of 
 the Prelates were then very Aged, and like to die in a fliort time, 
 whereby vaft Sums of Money ihould be carried out of England, to 
 the great Impoveriftiing of the Kingdom. And therefore all pay- 
 ments of Firft-Fruits to the Court o^Rome were put down and for 
 ever reftrained, under the pains of the forfeiture of the Lands, Goods, 
 and Chattels of him that (hould pay them any more, together withr 
 " the Profits of his See, during the time that he was vefted with it. And 
 in cafe Bulls were reftrained in the Court of Rome, any perfon pre- 
 " fenred to a Biflioprick, (hould benotwithftandingConfecrated by the 
 *' Arch-biftiop of the Province 5 or if he were prefented to an Arch- 
 " bifhoprick, by any two Bifliops in the Kingdom, whom the King 
 " fliould appoint for that end ^ and that being fo Confecrated, 
 they ftiould be Inverted, and enjoy all the Rights of their Sees in full 
 
 *' and
 
 114 
 
 The Hi (lory of the Keformntiofi Book IL 
 
 (C 
 
 Farl. Rolls. 
 
 The Pope 
 writes to the 
 King about 
 the Queen's 
 Appeal. 
 
 L. Herbert. 
 
 Colleftion 
 Number 24. 
 
 and ample manner -, yet that the Pope and Court of Rome might 
 have no juft Caufe of Complaint, the Perfons prefented to Bifho- 
 ' pricks are allowed to pay them 5 lib. for the Hundred, of the clear 
 ' Profits and Revenues of their feveral Sees. But the Parliament not 
 ' willing to go to Extremities, remitted the final ordering of that Ad 
 " to the King, that it the Pope would either charitably and reafonably 
 " put down the Payment of Annates, or fo moderate them, that they 
 " might be a tolerable burden, the King might at any time before 
 " Ea^er 1553. or before the next Sefiion of Parliament, declare by his 
 " Letters Patents whether the Premifl'es or any part of them fhould be 
 " obfervcd or not, which (hould give them the full Force and Autho- 
 *' rity of a Law. And that if upon this A£l the Pope fliould vex the 
 *' King, or any of his SubjcQs by Excommunications or other Cenfures, 
 " thefe notwithftanding the King fliould caufe the Sacraments, and o- 
 " ther Rites of the Church to be adminiftred, and that none of thefe 
 " Cenfures might be publifhed or executed. 
 
 This Bill began in the Houfe of Lords, from them it was fent to the 
 Commons, and being agreed to by them, received the Royal AfTent, but 
 had not that final Confirmation mentioned in the Aft before the 9th of 
 July 1535. and then by Letters Patents (in which the Adt is at length 
 recited ) it was confirmed. 
 
 But now I come to open the final Conclufion of the King's Suit at 
 Rome. On the 25th oi January " the Pope wrote to the King, that he 
 " heard Reports, which he very unwillingly believed, that he had piit 
 " away his Queen, and kept one Anne about him as his Wife 5 which 
 *' as it gave much Scandal, fo it was an high Contempt of the Apo- 
 *' ftolick See, to do fuch a thing while his Suit was ftill depending, 
 ** notwithftanding a Prohibition to the Contrary. Therefore the Pope 
 *' remembring his former Merits, which were now like to be clouded 
 with his prefent Carriage, did exhort him to take home his Queen, 
 and to put Anne away 5 and not to continue to provoke the Empe- 
 *' ror and bis brother by fo high an Indignity, nor to break the Gene- 
 *' ral Peace of Chriftendoni, which was its only Security againft the 
 *' Power of the Turk. What anfwer the King made to this I do not 
 find, but inftead of that I fliall fet down the Subftance of a Difpatch, 
 which the King fent to Rome about this Time, drawn from a Copy of 
 it 5 to which the Date is not added. But it being an anfwer to a Let- 
 ter he received from the Pope the 7th of Othber, it feems to have 
 been written about this Time, and it concluding with a Credence to an 
 Ambaffador, I judge it was fent by Dodlor Bennet, who was difpatch- 
 ed to Rome in January 1 532. to (hew the Pope the Opinions of learn- 
 ed Men, and of the Univerfities, with their Reafons. The Letter will 
 be found in the end of this Volume, the Contents of it are to this 
 Purpofe. 
 
 cc 
 
 A Difpatch of " The Pope had writ to the King, in order to the clearing all his 
 
 tlic King to ■ ' ' " .-.---- 
 
 the Pope, 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 Scruples, and to give him quiet in his Confcience ; of which the King 
 takes Notice, and is forry that both the Pope and himfelf were fo 
 deceived in that Mitter^ the Pope by trufting to the Judgments 
 of others, and writing whatever they fuggefted, and the Ring by 
 depending fo much on the Pope, and in vain expcfting Remedy from 
 him fo long. He imputes the Miftakes that were in the Popes Let- 
 ters, Twhich he fays had things in them contrary both to Gods Law 
 and Mans Law, ) to the Ignorance and Raflinefs of his Councellors : 
 
 "for
 
 Book li. of the Church of Kngkud. 115 
 
 *' for which himfelf was much to be blamed, fincc he rcfted on their 1532. 
 
 " Advice, and th:it he had not carried himfelf as becime Chrifts Vi- ../"v''""^-^ 
 
 ** car, but had dealt both unconft antly and deceitfully : For when the 
 
 *' King's Caufe was firft opened to him, and all things that related to 
 
 *' it were explained 5 he had granted a Commiffion, with a promife 
 
 *' not to recal it, but to confirm the Sentence which the Legates fhoiild 
 
 " give : And a Decretal was fent over defining the Caufe. If thefe 
 
 *' were juftly granted, it was injnftice to revoke them, but if they 
 
 " were juftly revoked, it was unjaft to grant them. So he prefles the 
 
 *' Pope, that either he could grant thefe things, or he could not 5 if 
 
 " he could do it, where was the Faith which became a Friend, much 
 
 " more a Pope fince he h-id broke thefe Proraifes? Butif hefaidhecould 
 
 " not do them, had he not then jaft caufe to diftrufl: all that cams 
 
 *' from him, when at one time he condemned what he had allowed at 
 
 *' another. So that the King faw cleirly he did not confider the eafe 
 
 " of his Confcience, but other worldly Kefpefl-s:^ that had put him 
 
 " on confulting fo many learned Men, whofe Judgments differed much 
 
 " from thofe few that were about the Pope, who thought the Pro- 
 
 " hibition of fuch Marriages was only Pofitive, and might be difpen- 
 
 " ced with by the Pope: Whereas all other learned Men thought the 
 
 " Law was Moral and Indifpenfable. He perceived the Apoftolick See 
 
 " was deftitute of that Learning, by which it (hould be direfted : And 
 
 " the Pope had oft profelTed his own Ignorance, and that he fpake 
 
 *' by other Mens Mouths ^ but many Univerfities in Enq^land, France^ 
 
 " and Italj, had declared the Marriage unlawful, and the Difpenfatiori 
 
 " Null. None honoured the Apoftolick See more than he had done, 
 
 " and therefore he was forry to write fuch things if he could have 
 
 " been Silent. If he (hould obey the Popes Letters, he would offend 
 
 " God and his own Confcience, and give Scandal to thofe who con- 
 
 '' demned his Marriage: He did not willingly diflent from him with- 
 
 " out a very urgent Caufe, that he might not feem to defpife the A-' 
 
 *' poftolick See 5 therefore he defired the Pope would forgive the free- 
 
 '' dom that he ufed, fince it was the Truth that drew it from him. And 
 
 *' he added, that he intended not to impugn the Popes Authority fur- 
 
 *' ther, except he compelled him 5 and what he did was only to bring it 
 
 *' within its Firfl: and Ancient Limits, to which it was better to reduce 
 
 " it, than to let it always run on headlong and do amifs^ therefore 
 
 " he defired the Pope would conform himfelf to the Opinions of fo 
 
 " many learned Men, and do his Duty and Office. The Letter ends 
 
 " with a Credence to the Ambaflador. 
 
 The Pope feeing his Authority was declining in England^ refolved 
 now to do all he could to recover it, either by Force or T''eaty : And 
 fo ordered a Citation to be made of the King to appear in Perfonorby 
 Proxie at Rome, to anfwer to the Queen's Appeal : Upon which Sir Ed- sir Edw.trd 
 Kurd Karne was fent to Rome, with a new Charafter of Excufator. ^f"^"^ ^^^^ ^° 
 " His Inftru£tions were to take the beft Counfel for pleading an Ex- 
 " cufe of the King's Appearance at Rc«?e. Firft, upon the grounds that 
 " might be found in the Canon-Law ; and thofe being not fufficient, 
 " he was to infift on the Prerogative of the Crown of England. Do- 
 flor Bonner went with him, who had expreffed much Zeal in the King's 
 Caufe, though his great Zeal was for Preferment, which by the mofl: 
 fervile ways he always courted. He was a forward bold Man, and 
 fincc there were many Threatnings to be ufed to the Pope and Car- 
 
 P dinals.
 
 ii6 The Hifiorj of the Ketonuation ii^ook IL 
 
 1532. dinals, he was thought fitted for the Employment, but was neither 
 v.^^V^^ Learned nor Difcrcer. 
 
 His Negotij- They came to Rome in March^ where they found great Heats in the 
 tion there ta- Confiftory about the King's Bufinefs. The Imperial ifts prefled the Pope 
 orynaTLe'c'-" ^o procced, but all the wife and indifferent Cardinals were of another 
 ters cott.ub. Mind. And when they undcrftood what an Kdi was padl-d about An- 
 Viteti.B.is. „ates, they faw clearly, that the Parliament was refolved to adhere 
 to the King in every thing he intended to do againH: their Interefts. 
 The Pope expoftulated with the Ambaffadors about it, but they told 
 him the Aft was ftill in the King's Power 5 and except he provoked him, 
 he did not intend to put it in Execution. The Amb'aflfadors finding 
 the Cardinal of Ravenna, of fo great Reputation, both for Learning 
 and Vertue, that in all Matters of that kind his Opinion was heard as 
 an Oracle, and give Law to the whole Confiftory ^ they refolved to 
 gain him by all means poffible. And Doftor Rennet made a fecret Ad- 
 drefs to him, and offered him what Biihoprick either in France or Eng- 
 land he would defire, if he would bring the King's Matter to a good 
 IfTue. He was at firft very Shie^ at length he laid he had been oft . 
 deceived by many Princes, who had mide him great Promifes, but 
 when their Bufinefs was ended, never thought of performing them 5 
 therefore he would be fure; and fo drove a Bargain, and got under 
 Doftor Bennet\ Hand a promife, (of which a Copy being fent to the 
 King, written by Rennet himfelf will be found at the end of this 
 Volume;) bearing, that he having Powers from the King for that 
 The Cardinal EfFcft, dated the 29th of December ]a(i, did promife ( the Cardinal 
 cornipKd^by ^^^ ^"^ ^^'P ^" ^^^ King's Affair, Monafteries or other Benefices ia 
 Bribes. France, to the Value of 6oco Ducats a Year: And the firfl: Bifliop- 
 
 coiicftion fi^^ f{j3[ fgij Vacant in England t^ and if it were not Ely ; that when- 
 "*" • ^^' ever that See was Vacant, upon his rcfigning the other, he (hould be 
 provided with the Biihoprick of Ely >, dated at Rof^/e the 7th of Fe- 
 bruary 1532. This I fet down as one of the moft confiderable Argu- 
 ments that could be ufed to fatisfie the Cardinals Confcience about 
 the Jufticc of the King's Caufe. This Cardinal was the fitteft to work 
 fecretly for the King, for he had appeared vifibly againft him. I find 
 alfo by other Letters, that both the Cardinals of Jncona and Monte 
 (afterwards Pope J«//«x the 5d) were prevailed with, by Arguments 
 of the fame Nature, though I cannot find out what the Bargains were, 
 FrovideUnx, that was accounted the greateft Canonift in Italj, was 
 brought from Rononia, and entertained, by the AmbafTadors, to give 
 Counfel in the King's Caufe, and to plead his Excufe, from appearing 
 at Rome. The Plea was fummed up in 28 Articles which were ot- 
 fered to the Pope ; and he admitted them to be examined in the Con- 
 fiftory, appointing three of them to be opened at a Sefilon. But the 
 Imperialifts oppofed that, and after fifteen of them had been heard, 
 coiieftion P''ocu''^d a new Order that they fhould be heard in a Congregation of 
 Numb, 44. Cardinals before the Pope 5 pretending that a Confiftory fitting but 
 once a Week, and having a great deal of other Bufinefs, it would be 
 long before the Matter could be brought to any Iflue. So Kerne was 
 ferved with a new Order to appear in the Congregation the 5d of A- 
 />r;/ with this Certification, That if he appeared not they would pro- 
 ceed. Upon which he protefted that he would adhere to the former 
 Order: Yet being warned the fecond Time, he went firft and protcfted 
 againft it, which he got entred in the Datary. This being confidered 
 
 in
 
 i3ook IL of the CImrch of England. 1 1 7 
 
 in the Congregation, they renewed the Order of hearing it in the Con- r 53 2. 
 
 fiftory on the loth of .-ripril, and then ProvideUm opened three Conclu- .^'■'V^vj 
 
 fions. Two of them related to Kernes Powers, the third was concerning 
 
 the Safety of the Pl.ice to both Parties. But the Imperialifts- and the 
 
 Queen's Counfel being diflatisfied with his Order would not appear. 
 
 Upon which Kerne complained of their Contumacy, and faid, By that 
 
 it was vifible they were diftruftful of their Caufe. On the 14th of Jlprii 
 
 a new Intimation was made to Kerne to appear on the 1 7th with his Ad» 
 
 vocates, to open all the reft of the Conclufions, but he according to the 
 
 firft Order would only plead to three of them, and feleded the 19, 20, 
 
 and 21 ; (what thefe related to I find not. ) Upon which Providelluf Coiiefljcn 
 
 appealed and anfwered the Objeftions that did feem to militate againft dumber ^5. 
 
 them, but neither would the Imperialifts appear thatSeflion. 
 
 In June News were brought to Rome^ which gave the Pope great 
 Offence; A Prieft had preached for the Popes Authority in England^ 
 and was for that caft into Prifon. And another Prieft being put in 
 Prifon by the Archbifhop of Canterhnry, upon Sufpicion of Hercfie, 
 had appealed to the King astheSupream Head: Upon which he was 
 taken out of the Archbifhop's Hands, and being examined in the 
 King's Courts was fet at Liberty. This the Pope refented much, but 
 the Erabafladors faid, all fuch things might have been prevented, if 
 the King had got Juftice at the Popes Hands. 
 
 The Ring alfo at this time defired a Bull for a Commifllon to ereft a euII for 
 Six new Bilhopsricks, to be endowed by Monafteries that were to be erefting new 
 fupprelTed. This was expedited and fent away at this Time: And the 2"^°P'''c'''5, 
 old Cardinal of Ravenna was fo Jealous, that the AmbafTadors were 
 forced to promife him the Biftioprick of Chejier, (one of the new Bi- 
 fhopricks) with which he was well fatisfied, having (een by a particu- 
 lar State of the Endowment that was defigned for it, what advantage it 
 would yield him. But he had declared himfelf fo openly before againft 
 the Reafons for the Excufe, that he could not ferve the Ring in that 
 Matter, but in the main Caufe he undertook to do great Service, and 
 fo did the Cardinals De Monte and Ancona. 
 
 Upon the 27th of J«»e the Debate wasbrought toa Conclufion about 
 the Plea Excufatory ^ and when it was expefted, that the Pope (hould 
 have given Sentence againft the Articles, he admitted them all Si d> pront 
 de jure. Upon which the Imperialifts made great Complaints; The 
 Cardinals grew weary of the length of the Debate, fince it took up all 
 their Time 5 but it was told them, the Matter was of great Importance, 
 and it had been better for them not to have proceeded fo precipitately 
 at firft, which had now brought them into this Trouble, and that the 
 King had been at much Pains and Trouble on their Account ^ therefore 
 it was unreafonable for them to complain, who were put to no other 
 Trouble, but to fit in their Chairs two or three Hours in a Week to bear 
 the Rings Defences. The Imperialifts had alfo occafioned the Delays, 
 tho' they complained of them, by their Cavils, and Allegations of Laws 
 and Decifions that never were made, by which much time was fpent. But 
 it was objefted. That the Kings Excufe for not coming to Rome, be- 
 caufe it was too remote from his Kingdom, and not fafe, was of no Force, 
 fince the place was fafe to his Proxy. And the Cardinal of Ravenna 
 preffed the AmbafTadors much to move the King, inftead of the Excu- 
 fatory Procefs to fend a Proxy, for examining and difcufiing the Merits 
 of the Caufe, in which it would be much eafier to advance the King's 
 
 P 2 Matters
 
 ii8 Tbe Hiftory of the Kejormatioii Book II. 
 
 1532. 
 
 would fubmit 
 to him. 
 
 Collcft. 
 Sumb. 46. 
 
 AScfTion of 
 I'nrluinent. 
 
 Queen 
 Court 
 
 CO 
 
 Matter^ and that he having appeared againft the King in this Procefs, 
 would be the lefs fufpefted in the other. 
 The Pope de- Thebufinefs being further Confidered in three Seilions of the Confi- 
 iircstiicKing ftory, it was refolvcd, that fince the Vacation was coming on, they 
 "''""' would neither allow of, nor rejeft the King's Excufatory Plea ; but the 
 Pope and Colledge of Cardinals would write to the King, intreating 
 him to fend a Proxy for judging the Caul'e againft the Winter. And 
 with this Bonner was fent over, with Inftrudions from the Cardinals 
 that were gained to the King, to reprefent to him that his Excufatory 
 Plea could not be admitted^ for fince the Debate was to be, whether 
 the Pope could grant the Difpenfation or not, it could not be com- 
 mitted to Legates, but muft be judged by the Pope and the Confiftory. 
 He was alfo ordered to affure the King, that the Pope did now lean fo 
 much to the French Faftion, that he needed not fear to refer the matter 
 to him. 
 
 But while thefe things were in debate at Rome, there was another 
 Sefiion of Parliament in April -^ and then the King fent for the Speaker 
 of the Houfe of Commons, and gave him the Anfwer which the Cler- 
 gy had drawn to the Addreffes they made in the former Seffion about 
 their Courts. The King himfclf feemed not at all pleafed with it, but 
 what the Houfe did in it does not appear, further than that they were 
 • no way fitisfied with it. But there happened another thing that offend- 
 onemovesfor ed the King much : One Themfe of the Houfe of Commons moved, that 
 bringing ihe jj^gy fliould addtefs to the King to bring the Queen back to the Court, 
 and ran out upon the Inconveniencies that were like to follow if the 
 Queen were put away, particularly the ill confequence of the Illigiti- 
 At which the mation of the Princefs. Upon this the King took occafion (when he 
 gave them the Clergies Anfwer) to tell them, that he wondred at that 
 motion made in their Houfe, for the matter was not to be determined 
 there. It touched his Soul -^ he wiftied his Marriage were good, but the 
 Doftors and Learned Men h;id determined it to be null and deteftable^ 
 and therefore he was obliged in Confcience to abftainfrom her, which 
 he allured them flowed from no Luft or foolifh Appetite. He was then 
 41 years old, and at that Age thofe Heats abate. But except in Spain 
 or Portugal it had not been heard of, that a Man married two Siftersj 
 and that he never heard, that any Chriftian Man before himfelf had 
 Married his Brothers Wife: Therefore he affured them his Confcience 
 was troubled, which he defired them to report to the Houfe. In this SefS- 
 on the Lord Chancellour came down to the Commons, with many of the 
 Nobility about him, and told them the King had confidered the Mar- 
 ches between England and Scotland, which were uninhabited on the 
 Englijjj fide, but well peopled on the Scottifo -^ and that laid England 
 open to the Incurfion ot the Scots 5 therefore the King intended to 
 build Houfes there, for planting the EngUJl) fide. This the Lords liked 
 very well, and thought it convenient to give the King fome Aids for 
 the Charges of fo necelTary a Work, and therefore defired the Com- 
 mons to confult about it. Upon which the Houfe voted a Subfidy 
 of a Fifteenth : But before the Bill could be finiihed, the Plague broke 
 out in London, and the Parliament was Prorogued till February follow- 
 ing. On the nth of Maji (three days before the Prorogation) the 
 King fent for the Speaker ot the Houfe of Commons, and told him, 
 " That he found upon Inquiry, that all the Prelates, whom he had 
 '* looked on as wholly his Subje(fts, were but half Subj5(3:s j for at their 
 
 " Con- 
 
 King is offtn 
 ded 
 
 A Subfidy is 
 voted. 
 
 The King re- 
 mits the Oath 
 which the 
 Clergy Iwore 
 to beconfi. 
 dered by the 
 Commons.
 
 Book II. of the Church of England 119 
 
 " Confecration they fvvore an Oath quite contrary to the Oath they 1552. 
 " fwore to the Crown; fo that it feemcd they were the Pope's Subjefts ^/-v^ 
 " rather than his. Which he referred to their care, that fuch order 
 " might be taken in it, that the King might not be deluded. Upon 
 which the two Oaths that the Clergy fvvore to the King and the Pope, 
 were read in the Houfe of Commons, but the Confequence of them 
 will be better underftood by fettingthem down. 
 
 The Oath to the Pope. 
 
 *' I jf^A«,BifhQpor Abbot of A from this hour forward fliall be faith- their oath to 
 " full and obedient to St. Peter, and to the Holy Church of Rome, and d'e Pope- 
 *' to my Lord the Pope and his SuccefTors canonically entring. I ihall 
 " not be of Counfel nor Confent, that they fliall lofe either Life or 
 " Member, or dial I be taken, or fuffer any violence or any wrong by any 
 " means. Their Counfel to me credited by them, their Meffengers or 
 ** Letters I (hall not willingly difcover to any perfon. The Papacy of 
 " Rome, the Rules of the Holy Fathers, and Regality of St. Peter, I 
 " fhill help and maintain, and defend againft all Men. The Legate of 
 *' the See Apoftolick going and coming I fliall honourably entreat. The 
 " Rights, Honours, Priviledges, Authorities of the Church of Rome^ 
 " and of the Pope and his SuccefTors, I fliall caufe to be Conferred, Dej 
 "fended. Augmented, and Promoted. Ifhill notbein Council, Trea- 
 " ty, or any aft in the which any thing fliall be imagined againft Him 
 " or the Church of Rome, their Rights, Seats, Honours, or Powers. 
 " And if I know any fuch to be moved or compafTed, I fliall refift it to 
 *' ray Power, and as foon as I can, I fliall advertife him, or fuch as may 
 " give him Knowledge. The Rules of the Holy Fathers, the Decrees, 
 " Ordinances, Sentences, Difpofitions, Refervations, Provifions, and 
 " Commandments Apoftolick, to my Power I fliall keep, and caufe to 
 " be kept of others. Hereticks, Scifmaticks, and Rebels to our Holy 
 " Father and his SuccefTors, I fliall refift and*perfecute to my Power. I * p,ofequar& 
 '• ftiall come to the Synod when I am called, except I be letted by a Ca- '" f"^"''*'' "i 
 " nonical Impediment. The Threfholds of the Apoftles I fhall vifit year- "^* 
 *' ]y perfonally,'" or by my Deputy. 1 fhall not alienate or fell my Pof- 
 " feflions without the Pope's Counfel. So God me help and the Ho- 
 " ly Evangelifts. 
 
 The Oath to the King. 
 
 " I John, Bifliop of .^.utterly renounce, and clearly forfake all fuch jheiroach 
 " Claufes, Words, Sentences and Grants, which I have or fhall have the King. 
 " hereafter of the Pope's Holinefs, of and for the Bifhoprick of A. that 
 " in any wife hath been, is, or hereafter may be hurtful or prejudicial to 
 " your Highnefs, your Heirs, SuccefTors, Dignity, Priviledge, or Eftate- 
 " Pvoyal. And alfo I do fwear. That I fliall be faithful and true, and 
 " Faith and Truth I fliall bear to you my Sovereign Lord, and to your 
 *' Heirs Kings of the fame, of Life and Limb, and Earthly Worfhip above 
 " all Creatures, for to live and die with you and yours againft all People. 
 " And diligently 1 fliall be attendant to all your needs and bufinefs after 
 " my Wit and Power, and your Counfel I fhall keep and hold, acknow- 
 " ledging my fclf to hold my Bifhoprick of you only, befeeching you 
 " of Reftitution of theTeroporalties of the fame, promifing as before, 
 
 " that 
 
 to
 
 1 20 The Hiftorj of the Kejormation Bouk II. 
 
 1552. 
 
 Bib. Cott. 
 Fol. 54. 
 
 More laid 
 down his Of- 
 fice, 
 
 AnEnterview 
 with the 
 French King. 
 
 " that I fball be taithful, true, and obedient Subjeft to your f.id Hi^h- 
 nefs, Heirs, and Succeffors, during my Life v an'^ fbe Services and 
 " other things due to your Highnefs for the Keftitution of the Tempo- 
 " raltiesof the fame Bifhopricks, Ifhall truly do and obediently perform. 
 " So God me help and All Saints. In the Original, 'tis only, So help me 
 " God, and thefe holy Evangelijis. 
 
 The ContradiQion that was in thefe was fo vifible, that it had foosi 
 produced a fevere Cenfurefrom the Houfe, if the Plague had not hin- 
 dered both that and the Bill of Subfidy. So on the \\th. of May the 
 Parliament was prorogued. Two days after. Sir Thomas More Lord 
 Chancellor, having oft defired leave to deliver up the Great Seal, and 
 be difcharged of his Office, obtained it ; and Sir Thomas Attdly was 
 made Lord Chancellor. More had carried that Dignity with great 
 temper, and loff it with much joy. He faw now how far the Kings De- 
 figns went ^ and though he was for cutting off the Illegal Jurifdiftion 
 which the Popes exercifed in England., and therefore went chearfully 
 along with the Suteof Pr^munire 5 yet when he faw a total Rupturelike 
 to follow, he excufed himfelf, and retired from Bufinefs with a Great- 
 nefsof Mind, that was equal to what the ancient Philolophers pretend- 
 ed in fuch cafes. Healfodifliked Anne Bolept, and was profecuted by 
 her Father, who fludied to taften fome Criminal Imputations on him, 
 about the difcharge of his Imployment :, but his Integrity had been fuch, 
 that nothing could be found to blemifh his Reputation. 
 
 In September following, the King created Anne Boleyn Marchionefs of 
 'Pembroke, to bring her by degrees up to the Heighth for which he had 
 defigned her. And in October he paffed the Seas, and had an Interview 
 with the French King; where all the mofl: obliging Complements that 
 wefe pcfllble paffed on both fides with great Magnificence, and a firm 
 Union was conferted about all their Affairs. They publifhed a League 
 that they made to raife a mighty Army next year againft the Turk 5 but 
 this was not much confidered, it being generally believed thit the French 
 King and the. Twr^ were in a good Correfpondence. As for the matter 
 of the Kings Divorce, Franch encouraged him to go on in it, and in 
 his intended Marriage with Anne Boleyn., promifing if it were queftion- 
 ed to aflift him in it ; And as for his appearance at Rome, as it was cer- 
 tain he could not go thither in Perfon, fo it was not fit to truft the fe- 
 crets of his Confcience to a Proxy. The French King feemed alfo re- 
 folved to(\op the Payments of Annates and other Exa£f ions of the Court 
 of Rome, and faid he would fend an Ambaffador to the Pope, to ask 
 Redrefs of thefe, and to protefV, that if it were not granted, they would 
 feek other remedies by Provincial Councils: And fince there was an In- 
 terview defigned between the Pope and Evn\i&xox zt Bononla in Decembery 
 the French King was to fend two Cardinals thither to procure Judges 
 for ending the bufinefs in England. There was alfo an Interview pro- 
 pofed between the Pope and the French King, at Nice or Avignon. To 
 this the King of England had fome Inclinations to go for ending all 
 differences, if the Pope were well difpofed to it. 
 
 Upon this Sir Thomas Eliot was fent to Rome with anfwer to a MefTage 
 
 Aemewithin- the Pope had fent to the King, from whole In(\ruftions, both the fub- 
 
 co«^ir"!V;7. ^^nce of the Meffage and of the Anfwer may be gathered. " The Pope 
 
 B. 13. " had offered to the King, that if he would name any different place out 
 
 " of his own Kingdom, he would fend a Legate and two Auditors ot the 
 
 '' Rota thither, to form the Procefs, refervingonly the Sentence to him- 
 
 r felf. 
 
 El'iot fent to
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. 121 
 
 " felK The Pope alfo propofed a Truce of three or four years, and pro- 1 53: 
 " mifed rh-it in that time he would call a general Council. For this Mef- ^-^"V 
 " fage the Kingfent the Pope thanks, but for the Peace he could receive 
 *' no Propolitions about it without the concurrence of the French King 5 
 *' and fhoiTgh he did not doubt the Jufticeofa general Council, yetcon- 
 " fidering the ftare of the Emperors Affairs at that time, with the Luthe- 
 " vans, he did not think it was feafonable to call one. That as for 
 " fending a Proxy to Rome^ it he were a private Perfon he could doir, 
 " but k was a part of the Perogative of his Crown, and of the Pri- 
 *' viledges of his Subjefts, That all Matrimonial Caufes ihould be origi- 
 *' nallv judged within his Kingdom by the EngUP) Church, which was 
 *' confonant to the general Councils and Cuftorasof the Ancient Church, 
 " vvhereunro he hoped the Pope would have regard : And that for keep- 
 *' ing up his Royal Authority, to which he was bound by Oath, he 
 *' could not without the confent of the Realm, fubmit hirafell: to a 
 *' Foreign Jurifdiftion, hoping the Pope would not defire any violation 
 " of the Immunities of the Realm, or to bring thefe into publick Con- 
 " tention, which had been hitherto enjoyed without inirufion or mo- 
 " lefiation. The Pope had confeffed, tb^t without an urgent caufc, 
 *' the Difpenfarion could not be granted. This the King laid hold on, 
 " and ordered his Ambaffador to fhew him that there was no War nor 
 *' appearance of any between England and Spain when it was granted. 
 " To verifie that he fent an atte(\ed Copy of the Treaty between his Fa- 
 *' ther and the Crown of Spaifi at that time: By the words of which it 
 " appeared that it was then taken for granted, that Prince Arthur had 
 " confuramated the Marriage, which was alfo proved by good Witnefles. 
 " In fine, fince the thing did fo much concern the Peace of the Realm, 
 " it was fitter to judge it witliin the Kingdom than any where el fe z, there- 
 *' fore he defired the Pope would remit the difcuflingofit to the Church 
 " of England, and then confirm the Sentence they (hould give. To the 
 " obtaining of this, the Amballador was to ufe all poflible diligence 5 
 *' yet if he found real intentions in the Pope to fatisfie the King, he was 
 " not to infift on that as the King? final Refolution: And to let the 
 Cardinal of Ravenna fee, that the King intended to make good what 
 " was promifed in his name, the Bifhoprick of Coventry and Vtchf.eld 
 *' falling vacant, he fent him the offer of it, with a promife of the Bi- 
 " fhoprick oiEly v/hen it fhould be void. 
 
 Soon after this he married Anne Boleyn, on the i^th.oi November, up- ^'^^ ^-^^ 
 on his landing in Englat;d, but Stovo fays that it was on the 7^th. oi B'/e^l^oiT^ 
 January. Rnrrland Lee (who afterwards got the Bilhoprick of Coventry Coivper, f/oi,T- 
 and Litchfield) did officiate in the Marriage. It was done fecretly in ^^^^"'^ '^'"'* 
 the prefence of the Duke of Norfolk sind her Father, her Mother, and 
 Brother. The grounds on which the King did this, were. That his 
 former Marriage being of it feU'nulI, there was no need of a Declarative 
 Sentence after fo mnny Univerfities and Doftors had given their Judg- 
 ments againft it. Soon after the Marriage fhe was with Child, whicij 
 Was looked on as a fignal Evidence of her Chaflity, and that (he had 
 till then kept the King at a due diftance. 
 
 But when the Pope and the Emperor met at Bononia, the Pope expref- Anrnrtfview 
 fed great Inclinations to favour the French King, from which the Era- ^17^'"'^°^'' 
 peror could not remove him, nor engage him to accept of a Match for 
 his Neice Katherine de Medici with Francu Sforza Duke of Milan. Boc 
 the Pope promifed him all that he de.Hred as to the King of England ^ and 
 
 fo
 
 12 2 The Hi[lory of the Keformatioii i)Ook 11. 
 
 1533. 
 
 Som» Over- 
 tures about 
 the Divorce. 
 Lord Herbert. 
 
 1533- 
 
 A Seflion of 
 Farliamert. 
 
 fo that matter was Qill carried on. Dr. Bennct made feveral Propnfiti- 
 ons to end the Muter, either that it fhould be judged in England, ac- 
 cording to the Decree of theCoLincilot Nice, and that the Arch-bifliop 
 of Canterbury with the whole Clergy of his Province ftioiild determine 
 if, or that the King fnoiild name one, either Sr Thomas More or the Bi- 
 fhop of London, the Qiieen (liould name another, the French King 
 fliould name a third, and the Arch-bifhopof Canterbury to be the fourth 5 
 or that the Caufe (honld be heard in England i^ and if the Queen did 
 Appeal, it ftiould be referred to three Delegates, one of England, ano- 
 ther of France, and a third to be fent from Rome, who fhould fit and 
 judge the Appeal in feme indifferent place. But the Pope would hear- 
 ken to none of thefe Overtures, fince they were all direftly contrary 
 to that height of Authority, which he refolved to maintain ; Therefore 
 he ordered Capifucci the Dean of the Rota, to cite the King to anfwer to 
 theQueens Appeal. Karne at Rome protefted gainfl the Citation, fince 
 the Emperors Power was fo great about Rome, that the King could not 
 expeft juftice there; and therefore defired they would defiO, otberwife 
 the King would Appeal to the Learned Men in Univcrfiiics ; and Paid 
 there was a nullity in all their Proceedings, fince the King was a Sove- 
 raign Prince, and the Church of England a free Church, over which 
 the Pope had no jufl Authority. 
 
 But while this depended at Rome, another Seflion of Parliament was 
 
 held in England, which began to fit on the 4//J of February. In this the 
 
 Breach with Rome was much forwarded by the Aft they pafTed againfl 
 
 all Appeals to Rome. " The Preamble bears, That the Crown of England 
 
 AnAflagainft « ^^g Imperial, and that the Nation was a compleat Body within it felf, 
 
 R^L]^.zl°Hen. " with a fuUPowef to give Juftice in all Cafes, Spiritual as well asTem- 
 
 8. Aft 22. " poral 5 and that in the Spiritualty as there had been at all times, fo 
 
 " there were then Men of that fufficiency and integrity, that they might 
 
 " declare and determine all doubts within the Kingdom; and that feve- 
 
 *' ral Kings, as Ei^irrfr^thefirfl:, Edivard the third, Richard the {econd, 
 
 " and Henry the fourth, had by feveral Laws preferved the Liberties of 
 
 " the Realm, both Spiritual and Temporal, from the annoyance of the 
 
 *' See of Rome, and other foreign Potentates; yet many inconveniencies 
 
 *' had rifen by Appeals to the See of Rome in Caufes of Matrimony, Di- 
 
 *' vorces, and other Cafes, which were not fufSciently provided againft 
 
 *' by thcf:; Laws; by which not only the King andhisSubjefts were put 
 
 *' to great Charges, but Juftice was much delayed by Appeals, and Rome 
 
 *' being at fuch a difl-ance. Evidences could not be brought thither, nor 
 
 " WitnelTes fo eafily as within the Kingdom : Therefore it was enafted, 
 
 " That all fuch Caufes, whether relating to the King, oranyof his Sub- 
 
 " jefts, were to be determined within the Kingdom in the feveral Courts 
 
 " to which they belonged, notwithftanding any Appeals to Ro»fe, or In- 
 
 *' hibitionsand Bulls tromi^owe; whofe Sentences fhould take effeft, and 
 
 " be fully executed by all Inferior Minifters; and it any Spiritual Perfons 
 
 " refufed to execute them becaufc of Cenfures from Rome, they were to 
 
 •' fuffer a years Imprifonment, and Fine and Kanfom at the King's Will 5 
 
 *' and if any Perfons in the King's Dominions procured or executed any 
 
 *' Procefs or Cenfures from Rome, they were declared liable 10 the pains 
 
 *' in the Statute of Rrovifors in the 1 6th of Richard the fccond. But that 
 
 " Appeahfhouldonly befrom the Arch-Deacon or his Official to theBi- 
 
 " fhopof theDiocefs, or hisComrailfary, and from him to the Arch-bi- 
 
 ** fhop of the Province, or the Dean of the Arches, where the final De- 
 
 " ter-
 
 Book II. of tbe Cburc/j of Jting^hnd. 123 
 
 " termination was to be made without any further Procefs ^ and in e- 1 5:53, 
 " very Procefs concerning the King or His Heirs and Succeffors, an Ap- y^j^^^^r^^t^ 
 " peal (hould lie to the upper Houfe of Convocation, where it (houid 
 " be finally Determined, never to be again cilled in queftion. 
 
 As this Bill pafled the fenfe of both Houfes of Parliament about the 
 Kings Marriage did clearly appear, but in the Convocation, the bufinefs 
 was more fully debated. The Convocation of the Province of Canter- 
 bury was at this time deftitute of its Head and principal Member. For 
 Warham Arch-bifliop of Canterbury was dead fince Augufl laft year. He 'J^fh""'^, 
 was a great Canonifi:, an able States man, a dextrous Courtier, and a z^^^ ' 
 favourer of Learned Men. He always hated Cardinal IVolfey, and would 
 never ftoop to him, efteeming it below the Dignity of his See. He was 
 not fo peevilhly engaged to the Learning of the Schools as others were, 
 but fet up and encouraged a more generous way of Knowledge ^ yet he 
 was a fevere Perfecutor of them whom he thought Hereticks, and en- 
 dined to believe idle and Fanatical People, as will afterwards appear, 
 when the Impoftors of the Maid of Kent (hall be reLued. 
 
 The King faw well of how great Importance it was to the defigns he ''"^•e King re. 
 was then forming, to fill that See, with a Learned, rudent, and Refo- ,°^'jgy°^^'".'^ 
 lute Man ^ but finding none in theEpifcopal Order that wasqualified to 
 his Mind, and having obferved a native Simplicity joyned with much 
 Courage, and tempered with a great deal of Wifdom in Dr. Cravmer, 
 who was then Negotiating his Bufinefs among the Learned Men of Ger- 
 mavy^ he of his own accord, without any add reffes from Cr^wwer, de- 
 figned to raife him to that Dignity, and gave him notice of it, that 
 he might make haft and come home to enjoy that Reward which 
 the King had appointed for him. But Cranmer having received this, fm.. 
 did all he could to excufe himfelf from the Burden which was coming 
 upon him ^ and therefore he returned very flowly to England, hop- 
 ing that the King's Thoughts cooling, fome other Perfon might ftep in 
 between him and a Dignity, oi which having a juft and primitive Senfe, he 
 did look on it with Fear and Apprehenfion, rather than Joy and Defire. 
 This was fo far from fetting him back, that the King, (who had known 
 well what it was to be importuned by ambitious and afpiring Church- 
 men, but had not found it ufual th it they (hould decline and fly from 
 Preferment) was thereby confirmed in his high Opinion of him^ and 
 neither the delays of his Journey, nor his Intreaties to be delivered 
 from a Burden, which his Humility made him imagine himfelf unable 
 to bear, could divert the King. So that though fix Months elapfed be- 
 fore the thing was fetled, yet the King perfifted in his Opinion, and 
 the other was forced to yield. 
 
 In the end of January the King fent to the Pope for the Bulls for cranmcrs^Mi 
 Cranmer s Promotion; and though the Statutes were pafTed againfl: pro- ^f'^"' ^"''^' 
 curing more Bulls from Rome, yet the King refolved not to begin the 
 Breach till he was forced to it by the Pope. It may eafily be imagined, 
 that the Pope was not hearty in his Promotion, and that he apprehend- 
 ed ill Confequences from the Advancement of a Man, who had gone 
 over many Courtsof Chriftendom, difputing ngainft his Power of Dif- 
 penfing, and had lived in much Familiarity with Ofiander and the Lu- 
 therans in Germany : Vet on the other hand he bad no mind to precipi- 
 tate a Rupture with England ^ therefore he confented to it, and the 
 Bulls were expedited, though inftead of Annates there was only 900 
 Duckats paid for them. 
 
 Q. , They
 
 1 24- T/'^ Hiliory of the Reformation Book IL 
 
 1 555. They were the laft Bulls that were received in EngUTfd in this King's 
 Reign ^ and therefore I flnll give an account of them, as they are kt 
 down in the beginning of Cranmer s Regifter. By one Bull he is apon 
 the King s Nomination, promoted to the Arch-bifhop of G^fer^tfry, which 
 is direfted to the King. By a fecond direded to himfeif, he is made 
 Arch-bifliop. By a third he is abfolved from all Cenfurcs. A fourth 
 is to the Suffragans. A fifth to the Dean and Chapter. A fixth to the 
 Clergy of CaMterbary. A feventb to all the Laity in his See, An eighth 
 to all that held Lands of it, requiring them to receive and acknowledge? 
 him as Arch-bifhop. All thefe bear date the 2iy? of Febmary^ 1533. 
 By a ninth Bull dated the 22cl. of February, he was ordained to be Con- 
 fecrated, taking the Oath that was in the Poni'jfical. By a tenth Bull 
 dated the fecond of March, the Paul was fent him. And by an ele- 
 venth of the fame Date, the Arch-bifhop of Torh and the Bi(hop of 
 London were required to put it on him. Thefe were the feveral Artifi- 
 ces to make Compolitions high, and to enrich the Apoflolical Chamber; 
 for now that about which St. Peter gloried, that he had none of re 
 {neither Silver nor Gold) was the thing in the World for which his 
 SaccefTors were mo(\ careful. 
 
 When thefe Bulls were brought into England, Thomas Craftmer was 
 on the 30/^ of March Confecrated by the Bifhops of Lincoln, Exeter^ 
 and St. Afaph. But here a great Scruple was moved by him concerning 
 the Oath that be was to fwear to the Pope, vvhich he had no mi.id to 
 take ^ and Writers near that time fay, the diflike of that Oath was one 
 of the motives that made him h unwillingly accept of that Dignity. 
 He declared, that be thought there were many things fetled by the 
 Laws of the Popes, which ought to be Reformed, and that the Obliga- 
 tion which thatOath brought upon him, would bind him up from do^ 
 oach"to'the ing his Duty, both to God, the King, and the Church. But this being 
 I'ope- communicated to fome of the Canonifts and Cafuifts, they found a tern' 
 
 per that agreed better with their Maxims, than Cranmer' s fincerity; 
 vvhich was, that before he (hould take the Oath, he fhould make a good 
 and formal Proteftation, That he did not intend thereby to reflrain 
 himfeif from any thing that he was bound to, either by his Duty to 
 God, or the King, or the Country ; and that he renounced every thing 
 in it that was contrary to any of thefe. This Proteftation he made in 
 St. Stephens Chappel at Wejlminfier, in the hands of feme Doftors of 
 the Canon-Law before he was Confecrated, and he afterwards repeat- 
 ed it when he took the Oath to the Pope, by which if he did not whol- 
 ly fave his Integrity, yet it was plain he intended no Cheat, buttoa^i 
 fairly and above-board. 
 Antiq. Brit, in ^g foon as he was Confecrated, and had performed every thing that 
 vita Cramer. ^^^ nccelfary for his Inveftiture, he came and fate in the upper Houfe 
 of Convocation. There were there at that time hot and earnefl De^ 
 bates upon thefe two Queftions ; whether it was againft the La\7 of 
 God, and indifpenfable by the Pope, for a Man to marry his Brothers 
 Wife, he being dead without Iffue, but having confummated the Mar- 
 riage? And whether Prince Arthur had confummated his Marriage 
 with the Queen? As for the firft, it was brought firft into the Lower 
 Houfe of Convocation, and when it was put to the Vote, 14 were for 
 the Affirmative, 7 for the Negative^ one was not clear, and another 
 voted the Prohibition to be Moral, but yet difpenfable by the Pope. In 
 the Upper Houfe it was long Debated, Stohjly Bifhop of London argu- 
 
 His Proceftati 
 on about )iis 
 
 ing
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. 125 
 
 ing for the Affirmative, and Fifher Biihop of Rochefier for the Negative. \ 533. 
 The Opinions of 19 Univerfities were read for it, and the one Houfe be- ^.y^^\^^^ 
 ing as full as the other was empty, 216 being prefent either in Perfon 
 or by Proxy, it was carried in the Affirmative Nemine Contradicente- 
 rhofe few of the Queens Party that were there it feems going out. For 
 the other Queftion about the Matter of Fad, it was remitted to the 
 Faculty of the Canon Law ( it being a Matter that lay within their 
 Studies) whether the Prefumptions were Violent, and fuch as in the 
 courfe of Law muft be look'd on as good Evidences of a Thing that 
 was Secret, and was not capable of formal Proof ? They all except five 
 or fix were for the Affirmative, and all the Upper Houfe confirmed this, 
 the BiQiop of Bath and Wells only excepted. 
 
 In this Account it may feem (trange, that there were but 29 Perfons in 
 the Lower Houfe of Convocation, and 216 in the Upper Houfe. It is 
 taken from an unqueftioned Authority, fo the Matter of Faft is not to 
 be doubted. The moft Learned Sir Henry Speltnan h.-is in no place of 
 his Colleftion of our Councils, confidered the Constitution of the two 
 Houfes of Convocation ; and in none of our Records have I been able 
 to difcover of what Perfons they were made up in the Times of Pope- 
 ry : And therefore fince we are left to Conjefture, I (hall offer mine to 
 the Learned Reader. It is, that none fate in the Lower Houfe, but thofe 
 who were deputed by the Inferior Clegy ^ and that Bi(hops. Abbots, 
 Mitred and not Mitred, and Priors, Deans and Archdeacons fate then 
 in the Upper Houfe of Convocation, To which 1 am induced by thefe 
 two Reafons : It is probable that all who were declared Prelates by 
 , the Pope, and had their Writ to fit in a General Council, had likewife 
 a Right to come to the Upper Houfe of Convocation, and fit with the 
 I other Prelates. And we find in the Tomes of the Councils, that not 
 only Abbots and Priors, but Ekans and Archdeacons were fummoned to 
 the fourth Council in the Lateran, and to that at Vienna. Another . 
 Reafon is, that their fitting in two Houfes (for in all other Nations 
 they fit together ) looks as if it had been taken from the Conftitution 
 of our Parliament, in which all that have Writs perfonally fit in the 
 Lord's Houfe ^ and thofe who come upon an Eleftion fit in the Lower 
 Houfe, So it is not improbable, that all who were fummoned perfonally 
 fate in the Upper Houfe, and thofe who were returned with an Elefti- 
 on, fate in the Lower Houfe of Convocation. 
 
 This Account of that Convocation I take from that CoUeftion of the 
 BritifJ} Antiquities, which is believed to have been made by Matthew 
 Parker, who lived at that time, and was afterwards Archbiftiop of Can- 
 terbnry. But the Convocation Books being burnt, there are no Records 
 to be appealed to 3 yet it is not to be fuppofed, that in a Matter of Fa£t 
 that was fo publick and well known, any Man (efpecially one of that 
 High Rank) would have delivered Fallhoods, while the Books were 
 yet Extant that would have difproved them. 
 
 The Church of England having in her Reprefentative made fuch a full Ne\* Endea- 
 Dccifion, nothing remained but to give Judgment, and to declare the vourstomakt 
 Marriage Null The Thing was already determined, only the Formality fubn?""" 
 of a Sentence Declarative was wanting. But before they proceeded to 
 that, a new MefTage was fent to the Queen, to lay all that had pafled be- 
 fore her, and to defire her to acquiefce in the Opinions of fo m my U- 
 niverfities and learned Men. But flie ftill perfifted in her Refolution to 
 own her Marriage, and to adhere to her Appeal till the Pope fliould 
 
 Q 1 judge
 
 126 The Hiftory of the Kejormntioii BooklL 
 
 But in vain. 
 
 15^54 jijclge in it. And when it was told her, that the King would fettle the 
 Joynture that (he was to have by his Brother, and that the Honour of 
 Princefs of Walet (hould ftill be paid her, Ihc rejefted it. But the new 
 Queen wnsnow with Child, and broughtforth Q.ieen Elizabeth the jth. 
 oi September thhyle^r^^ from which looking backwards nine months, to 
 the beginning of December^ it (h^ws that (he muft have been married at 
 or before that time: for all the Writers of both fides agree, that fhe was 
 married before Qie conceived with Child. The King therefore thought 
 not fit to conceal it much longer, fo on Rafter Eve fhe was declared Queen 
 of England. It feems it was not thought needful at that time to proceed 
 to any further Sentence about the former Marriage, otherwife I cannot 
 fee what made it be fo long delayed, fince the thing was in their power 
 now, as well as after. And it was certainly a prepofterous Method to 
 judge the firft Marriage Null, after the fecond was publifbed. So that 
 it feems more probable, they did not intend any Sentence at all, till af- 
 terwards perhaps upon Advertifements from beyond Sea, they went on 
 to a formal Procefs. Nor is it unlikely that the K ng remembring the old 
 Advice that the Pope fent him, once to marry a fecond Wife, and then 
 to fend for a Commifiion to try the mmer, which rhe Pope was willing 
 to confirm, though he would not feem to allow it originally, refolvedto 
 follow this Method^ for the Pope was now clofing with Francis^ from 
 which Union the King had reafon to expert great Advantages. 
 
 Whatfoevcr were the Resfons of the Delay, the Procefs was framed 
 in this Method. Firft, Cranmer wrote to the King, that the World had 
 been long fcandalized with his Marriage, and that it lay on him as his 
 Duty to fee it tryed and determined^ therefore craved his Royal Leave 
 cranmtr fTQ- to procecd in it. Which being obtained, both the King and Queen were 
 ceeds to a cited to appear before the Arch-bifhop, ztDnnftable the 20th. oi May, and 
 Divcfrce^takeii the Arch-bifhop went thither with the Bifhops of London, W'wchefter 
 from the {Gardiner,') Bath and Wells, and Lincoln, and many Divines and Cano- 
 frooi^y.^c^io. "'^s. That place was cholen becaufe the Queen lay then very near it 
 at Ampthill, and fo (he could not pretend ignorance of what was done 5 
 and they needed not put many days in the Citation, but might end the 
 Procefs fo much the fooner. On the 1 0^16, of May the Arch-bifhop fate 
 in Court, and the King appeared by Proxy, but the Queen appeared not. 
 Upon which fhe was declared Contnmax, and a fecond Citation was ifTu- 
 edout, and after that a third: But (he intended not to appear, and fo 
 flie was finally declared Contnmax. Then the Evidences that had been 
 brought before the Legates, of the Confummation of the Marriage with 
 Prince Arthur, were read. After that the Determinations of the Uni- 
 vcrfities and Divines, and Canonifis, were alfo produced and read. 
 Then the Judgments of the Convocations of both Provinces were alfo 
 read, with many other In(\ruments, and the whole merits of the Caufe 
 coiieft. were opened. Upon which after many Seflions, on the i^^d. oi May 
 Mimt). 47. Sentence was given with the Advice of all that were there prefent, de- 
 chring it only to have been a Mitriage de fa&o, but not dejure, pro- 
 nouncing it Null from the beginning. One thing is to be obferved. 
 That the Arch-bi(hop in the Sentence is called. The Legate of the Apojio' 
 lick See. Whether this went of Courfe as one of his Titles, or was put 
 in to make the Sentence firmer, the Reader may judge. Sentence being 
 given, the Arch-billiop with all the reft returned to London ^ and five 
 days after on the 28/^, of May, at Lambeth, by another Judgment he 
 in general words (no Reafons being given in the Sentence) confirmed 
 
 the
 
 Book II. of t be C bare h of England. 127 
 
 the Kings M-irriage with the new Queen Aansy and the hrftot June (he i?:?:^. 
 was crowned Queen. ^-^-^v*-^ 
 
 When this great bufinefs, which had been fo long in agitation, was The cenfures 
 thus conchjded, it was varioiifly cenfured as men ftood affefted. Some p-»'1 -ittii" 
 approved the Kings Proceedings as Canonical- and Juft, fince fo many "'"^' 
 Authorities, which in the intervall ot a general Council were all that 
 could be had, (except the Pope be believed InfaUible) had concurred to 
 ftrengthen the Caufe ^ and his own Clergy had upon a full and long exa- 
 mination judged it on his fide. Others, who in the main agreed to the 
 Divorce, did very much diflike the Kings fecond Marriage before the 
 firfl: was dilTolved j for they thought it againft the common courfe of 
 Law, to break a Marriage without any publick Sentence 5 and fince 
 one of the chief politick Reafons that was made ufe of in this Suit, was 
 to fettle the Succellion of the Crown, this did embroil it more, fince 
 there was a fair colour given to except to the Validity of the fecond Mar- 
 riage, becaufe it was contrafted before thefirft was annulled. But to 
 this others anfwered. That the firft Marriage being judged by the Inter- 
 preters of the Doftrine of the Church, to have been Null from the be- 
 ginning, there was no need of any Sentence, but only for Form. And 
 all concluded, it had been bettepthere had been no Sentence at all, than 
 one fo late. Some excepted to the Arch-billiop of Canterburyi being 
 Judge, who by his former Writings and Difputes had declared himfelf 
 partial. But to this it was anfwered, that when a Man changes his Cha- 
 rafter, all that he did in another Figure is no juft Exception : fo Judges 
 decide Caufes in which they formerly gave Counfel 5 and Popes are not 
 bound to the Opinions they held when they were Divines or Canonifts. 
 It wasalfo faid, That the Arch-biQiop did only declare in Legal Form, 
 that which was already judged by the whole Convocation of both Pro- 
 vinces. Some wondered at the Popes ftifnefs, that would put fo much 
 to hazard, when there wanted notasgood Colours to juftifie a Bull, as 
 they had made ufe of to excufe many other things. But the Emperors 
 Greatnefs, and the tear of giving the Lutherans advantages in difputing 
 the Popes Authority, were on the other hand fo prevalent Confidera- 
 tions, that no wonder they wrought much on a Pope, who pretended 
 to no other knowledge but that of Policy ^ for he had often faid. He w«* 
 derdood not the matter, and therefore left it in other Mens Hands. All 
 Perfons excufed Qjeen Katharine for ftanding fo flifly to her ground 5 
 only her denying fo confidently that Prince Arthur confummated the 
 Marriage, feemsnot capable of an excufe. Every body admired Queen 
 Anns Conduft, who had managed fuch a Kings Spirit fo long, and had 
 neither furfeited him with great freedom, nor provoked him by the o- 
 ther Extreme : for the King who was extremely nice in thefe matters,con- 
 ceived ftill an higher Opinion of her ^ and her being fo foon with Child 
 after the Marriage, as it made people concluded (he had been chafte till 
 then, fo they hoped for a Bleffing upon it, fince there were fuch earl y ap- 
 pearances ot Iffae. Thofe that favoured the Reformation expeded better 
 days under her protei^ion, for they knew (he favoured them ; But thofe 
 who were in their hearts for the eftablifhed Religion did much diflike it 5 
 and many of the Clergy, efpecially the Orders of Monks and Friers, 
 condemned it both in their Sermons and Difcourfes. 
 
 But the King little regarding the Cenfures of the Vulgar, fent Em- 
 baffadorstoall the Courts of Europe, to give notice of his new Marri- 
 age, and to juftifie it by fome of thofe Reafons, which have been open- 
 ed
 
 c, 
 
 128 The Hiftory of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 1533. ed in the former parts of this Hiftory, He alfo fent the Lord Mountjay 
 to the Divorced Queen, to let her know what was done, and that (lie 
 was no more to be treated as S»€en, but as Princefs Dowager. He was 
 tomixPromifes with Threatnings, particularly concerning her Daugh- 
 ters being put next totherQueens Iffiie in the Succeffion. But the afflift- 
 ed Queen would not yield, and faid (he would not damn her Soul, nor 
 fubmit to fuch an Infamy : That (he was his Wife, and would never 
 call her felf by any other Name, whatever might follow on it, fince the 
 Cot. lib. otho Procefs ftill depended at Rome. That Lord having written a Relation 
 of what had pafled between him and her, iliewed it to her 5 but (he 
 dafhed with a Pen all thofe places in which (he was called Princefs Dow- 
 ager 5 and would receive no Service at any ones hands, but of thofe 
 who called her Queen : and (he continued to be ftill ferved as Queen 
 by all about her. Againft which though the King ufed all the Endea- 
 vours he could, not without both threatning and violence to fome of 
 the Servants, yet he could never drive her from it : and what he did 
 in that, was thought far below that Heighth of Mind which appeared 
 in his other Aftings ^ for fince he had ftript her of the real Greatnefs 
 of a Queen, it feemed too much, to vex her for keeping up the Pa- 
 geantry of it. 
 
 But the news of this made great imprcflions el fe where. The Empe- 
 ror received the Kings juftification very coldly, and faid he would con- 
 fider what he was to do upon it, which was looked on as a Declaration 
 The Pope u-^^ of War. The French King, though he exprefled ftill great Friendftiip 
 ?i\"e'"ft'S/; to the King, yet was now refolved to link himfelf to the Pope ; for the 
 King. crafty Pope apprehending that nothing made the King ot England Co 
 
 confident; as that he knew his Friend(hip was neceflary to the French 
 King, and fearing they had refolved to proceed at once to the putting 
 down the Papal Authority in their Kingdoms, (which it appears they 
 had once agreed to do) refolved by all means to make fure of the French 
 King, which as it would preferve that Kingdom in his obedience, fo 
 would perhaps frighten the King of England from proceeding to fuch 
 extremities^ fince that Prince, in whofe conjunftion he trufted fo much, 
 had forfaken him : Therefore the Pope did fo vigoroufly purfue the 
 Treaty with Francis^ that it was as good as ended at this time, and an 
 Interview was projefted between them at Marfeil/es. The Pope did alfo 
 grant him fo great Power over his own Clergy, that he could fcarce have 
 expeded more, it he had fet up a Patriarch in France -j fo that Francir 
 did refolve to go on in the defigns, which had been concerted between 
 him and the King o{ England, no further :i but ftill he confidered his 
 alliance fo much, that he promifed to ufe his mofteffeftual interceflion 
 with the Pope to prevent all Cenfuresand Bulls againft the King- and 
 if it were poflible to bring the matter to an amicable Conclufion. And 
 the Emperor was not ill pleafed to fee France and England divided. 
 Therefore though he had at firft oppofed the Treaty between the Pope 
 and Francis ; yet afterwards he was not troubled that it took efFed, 
 hoping that it would dif unite thofe two Kings, whofe conjundtion had 
 been fo troublefom to him. 
 
 But when the news was brought to R<7«»eofwhat was done inE;/;?/<?«^, 
 
 demns the ^'^h which it was alfo related th.it Books were coming out againft the 
 
 Kings pro- Popes Supremacy, all the Cardinals of the Imperial Faftion prefled the 
 
 ^En^Uni '" Pope to give a definitive Sentence, and to proceed to Cenfures againft the 
 
 King. But the more moderate Cardinals thought, England was not to 
 
 be
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. i2$ 
 
 be thrown away with fuch precipitation : And therefore a Temper was ^%i3. 
 found, th.it a Sentence fhould be given upon what had been attempted in -'''"V""^ 
 England, by the Arch-bi(hop of Canterbury (which in the Stile ot the 
 Canon-Law were called the Attentates,) for it was pretended that the 
 matter depending in the Court ot Rome, by the Queens Appeal and the 
 other fteps that had been made, it was not in the Arch biflhop's Power 
 to proceed to any Sentence. Therefore in genera' it was declared, that 
 all that had been attempted or done in England about the Kings Suit of 
 Divorce was null, and that the King by fuch attemps was liable to Ex- 
 communication, unlefs he put things again in the State they were in, 
 and that before September next, and that then they would proceed fur- 
 ther ^ and this Sentence was affixed in Dunkirk foon after. 
 
 The King refolving to follow the thing as far as it was poflible, fent 
 agreatEmbafly to Francis, who was then on his Journey to Marfeilles, 
 to dillwade the Interview and Marriage, till the Pope give the King fa- 
 tisfadion. But the Frenh King was engaged in honour to go forward 5 
 yet he protefted he would do all that 1 iy in his Power to compofe the mat- 
 ter, and that he would take any injury that were done to the King as high- 
 ly as if it were done to himfelf 5 and he delired the King would fend fome 
 to Marfeilles, who thereupon fent Gardiner and Sir Francis Brian. 
 
 But at this time the Queen brought forth a Daughter who was Chri- ^""'^^ ^''^■^- 
 ftened Elizabeth {the renowned Queen of England) the Arch-bifhop ot scpt. °!"' 
 Canterbury being her God-Father. She was foon alter declared Princefs 
 oi Wales t though Lawyers thought that againft Law, for (he was on- 
 ly Heirprefitmptve, but not apparent to the Crown, fince a Son cominf 
 after, he muft be preferred. Yet the King would juftifie what he had 
 done in his Marriage with all poflible refpe<ft, and having before de- 
 clared the Lady Mary Princefs oi Wales, he did now the fame in favour 
 of the Lady Elizabeth. 
 
 The Interview between the Pope and the Frem h King was at Marfeilles ^° '"terview 
 in Oci?(7^er,where the Marri ige was made up between the Duke of Orleance Popra^d '^^ 
 and Katherine de Medici f, to whom befides looooo Crowns Portion, the frenchKingit 
 Principality ofmany Towns in /ifrf/;^, as Milan, Reggio,Pifa, Legorn,Par- '''•''/'"^"• 
 ma, and Piacenza, and the Dutchy ofTJrbio were given. To the former, 
 the Pope pretended in the Right of the Popedom, and to the laft in the . 
 Right of the Houfe of Medici. But the FrenchKing was to clear all thofe 
 Titles by his Sword. As for the Kings bufinefs the Pope referred it to 
 the Confiftory. But it feems there was a fecret Tranfaftion between The Pope 
 him and Francis, that if the King would in all other things return to '^[ve's^"/^ 
 his wonted obedience to the ApoftolickSee, and fubmit the matter to the fdrche Km " 
 judgment of the Confiftory, (excepting only to the Cardinals of the Im- °{ ^"i^""^'^ 
 perial Fadion as partial and incompetent Judges) the Decifion (hould ^''""''^" 
 be made to his hearts content. This I colledt from what will after- 
 wards appear. The King upon the Sentence that was pafled againft him, 
 fern Bonner to Marfeilles, who procuring an Audience of the Pope, deli- f/w. /^n/. 
 vered to him the Authentick Inftrument of the Kings Appeal from him ^"M./«W'.', 
 to the next general Council lawfully called. At this the Pope was much ^'■^^''"^"'• 
 incenfed, but fiid he would confider of it in Confiftory 5 and having 
 confulted about it there, he anfwered that the Appeal was unlawful, 
 and therefore herejefted it ; and for a genera! Council, the calling of it 
 belonged to him, and not to the King. About the fame time the Arch- 
 Biftiop of Canterbury being thrcatned with a Procefs from Rome, put in 
 alfo his appeal to the next general Council. Upon which Bonner deliver- 
 ed
 
 130 The Hiftory of tlje Reformation Book II. 
 
 1 522. ed die Threatnings which he was ordered to make, with fo much Vehe- 
 
 ,^^->^^-v^ mency and Fury, that the Pope talked of throwing him in a Cauldron 
 
 of melted Lead, or of burning him alive ^ and he apprehending fome 
 
 Dinger made his Efcape. About the middle of N.ivember the interview 
 
 ended, the Pope returning to Rome, and the French King to Paris, a 
 
 firm Alliance being eftablilhed between them. But upon the Duke of 
 
 Orleance\\iS marrying the Popes Neece, I fhall add one Obfervation, that 
 
 will neither be unpleafant or impertinent. The Duke oiOrleance was 
 
 then but Fourteen Years and Nine Months old, being born on the laft 
 
 Bxovm. of March, 1 5 1 8. and yet was believed to have confummated his Marriage 
 
 the very firft Night after : So the Popes Hiftorians tell us with much 
 
 Triumph; though they reprefented that improbable, if not impoffible 
 
 in Prince Arthur, who was Nine Months elder when he died. 
 
 The French UpoH the French Kings return from Marfeilles, the Bifhop oi Parity 
 
 '^•fi^'h^r''' ^^^^ ^^"^ ^^^'^ ^° ^^^ ^'"^ ' which ( as may be reafonably coUeded ) 
 of E«g/!< J'to followed upon fome Agreement made at Marfeilles, and he prevailed 
 fubniit CO the with the King to fubmit the whole Matter to the Pope and the Confifto- 
 ^°^^' ry, on fuch Terms that the Imperialifts fhould not be allowed a Voice, 
 
 becaufe they were Parties, being in the Emperor s Power. None that 
 hasobferved the Genius of this King, can think that after he had pro- 
 ceeded fo far, he would have made this Submiffion without very good 
 Afifurances ^ and if there had not been great grounds to expeft good efFedts 
 from it, the Biftiop of Paris would not in the middle of Winter have un- 
 dertaken a Journey from England to Rome. But the King, it feems, 
 would notabafehimfelf fofaras to fend any Submiffion in Writing, till 
 he had fuller Affurances. The Lord Herbert has publilhed a Letter (which 
 he tranfcribed from the Original, written by the Archbifhop of Tork 
 and the Bilhop of Dnrefme, to the King the 1 1 th of May, i ^94.) giv- 
 ing an Account of a Conference they had with a Qaeen Katharine '^ 
 in which, among other Motives they ufed, this was one, to perfwade 
 her to comply with what the King had done : That the Pope had faid 
 at Marfeilles, that if the King would fend a Proxy to Rome, he would give 
 the Caufe for him again fi the^een, becaufe he knew his Caufe was good and 
 juft. Which is a great Prefumption, that the Pope did really give fome 
 Engagements to the French King about the Kings Bufinefs. 
 which was When the Bifhop of Paris came to Rome, the Motion was liked, and 
 well received jj yygs promifed, that if the King fent a promife of that under his Hand, 
 ""^' with an Order to his Proxies to appear in Court, there (hould be Judges 
 Hifl. Council fcnt to Cambray to form the Procefs, and then the Matter fhould be De- 
 ot Trent by termiued for him at Rome. This was fent to the King, with the Notice 
 Padre Paulo. ^^ ^j^g j-j^y ^j^.^j. ^^g prefixed for the return of his Anfwer, and with other 
 Motives which muft have been very Great, fincethey prevailed fo much. 
 For in anfwer there was a Courier difpatch d from the King, with a for- 
 mal promife under his Hand. And now the Matter Teemed at a Point, 
 the Frcnfhlnterei\. was great in the Court of Rome:^ four new Cardinals 
 had been made at Marfeilles, and there were fix of that Faftion before, 
 vsrbich with the Popes Creatures, and the indifferent or venal Voices, 
 ballanced the Imperial Faftion, fo that a wound that was looked on as 
 Fatal, was now almo{\ healed. But God in his wife and unfearchable 
 Providence h:id defigned to draw other great ends out of this Rupture, 
 pcri.iiinicp- and therefore fufFered them that were the moft concerned to hinder it, to 
 poled it. be the chief Inftruments of driving it on. For the Cardinals of the Im- 
 perial Faftion were now very Aftive, they liked not the Precedent of ex- 
 cluding
 
 J^ook II. of tk CiMrc/j of England. 131 
 
 eluding the Cardinalsof the Nation concerned, out of any Bufinefs. But 1 53^. 
 above all things they were to hinder a Conjunftion between the Pope and ..^''^v"^--' 
 the Kingoi England ; for the Pope being then illied to France, there was 
 nothing the Emperor feared more than the clofing the Breach with £w- 
 /jwi^, which would m-ke the Union againft him fomuch ftronger. There- 
 fore when the Day that had been prefixed for the return of the Courier 
 from England was elapfed, they all prefTed the Pope to proceed to a Sen- 
 tence Definitive and to Cenfures. Bel/ay the Bifliop of Paris reprefented 
 the injuftice of proceeding with fo much Precipitation, fince, where 
 there were Seas to crofs, in fuch a Seafon, many Accidents might Occa- 
 fion the Delay of the Exprefs. The Kingoi England had followed this 
 Suit Six Years, and had patience fo long ^ therefore he defire J the delay 
 of fix Days, and if in that time no return came, they might proceed. 
 But the Imperialifts reprefented, that thofe were only Delays to gain 
 Time ^ and that the King of England was ftill proceeding in his Con- 
 tempt of the Apoftolick See, and of the Cardinils, and publifhing Books 
 and Libels againft them. This fo wrought on the angry Pope, that 
 without confulting his ordinary Prudence, he brought the Bufinefs in- 
 to the Confiftory, where the Plurality of Voices carried if to proceed 
 to a Sentence. And though the Procefs had been carried on all that And with 
 Winter in their ufual Forms, yet it was not fo Ripe, but by rhe Rules ^.'"Jn'^pro-' 
 of the Confiftory, there ought to have been three SefTions before Sen- cure a Sen- 
 tence was given. But they concluded all in one Day, and fo on the 23d tenre agdiaft 
 ot March, the Marriage between the King and Queen Katherine was ^'^ '"^* 
 declared good, and the Ring required to take her as his Wife^ other- 
 wife Cenfures were to be denounced againft him. 
 
 Two days after that, the Courier arrived from England with the The King re- 
 King's Submiffion under his Hand in due Form, and earneft Letters 1°!*'"^%*''°* 
 from the Fre»c^ King to have it accepted, that fo the Bufinefs might be Powe/infn" 
 compofed. When this was known at Rjme, all the indifferent and land. 
 wife Cardinals ( among whom was Farnefe, that was afterwards P<Jpe 
 Paul the 5d ) came to the Pope, and defired that it might be again 
 confidered before it went further. So it wjs brought again into the 
 Confiftory. But the fecret Reafon of the Luperialifts oppofing it, 
 was now more preffing, fince there was fuch an appearance of a Set- 
 tlement, if the former Sentence were once recalled. Therefore they 
 fo managed the Matter, that it was confirmed anew by the Pope and 
 the Confiftory, and they ordered the Emperour to execute the Sen- 
 tence. 
 
 The King was now in fo good hope of his Bufinefs, that he fent Sir Ed- 
 ward Karne to Rome to profecute his Suit ; who on his way thither 
 met the Bifhop of Paris, coming back with his Melancholick Account 
 of his unprofperous Negotiation. When the King heard it and under- 
 ftood that he was ufed with fo much Scorn and Contempt at Rome, 
 being alfo the more vexed, becaufe he had come to fuch a Submiffion, 
 he refolved then to break totally from Rome. And in this he was be- 
 fore-hand with that Court. For judging it the beft way to procure a 
 Peace, to manage the War vigoroufly, he had held a Sefilon of Parlia- 
 ment 1rom the 15th oi Jaf7uary, till the 30th of March, in which he 
 had procured a great change ot the whole Conftitution of the Govern- 
 ment of the Church. But before I give an Account of that, I (hall firft 
 open all the Arguments and Reafons, upon which I find they proceed- 
 ed in this Matter. 
 
 R • The
 
 132 
 
 153?- 
 
 which had 
 been much 
 difpuctd 
 there. 
 
 The Hijlorj of the lieformatiG'i Book 11. 
 
 Pelerine In- 
 
 glife. 
 
 mil. 
 
 Thf Argu- 
 iiient-6 upon 
 which it was 
 reje;led. 
 
 The Popes Power bad been rhen for Four Years together much exa- 
 mined and difputed in England'^ in which they went by thefe Steps, 
 one leading to another. They firft controverted his Power of Di- 
 rpenfins; with the Law of God. From that they went to examine what 
 Jurifdidtion he had in England, upon which followed the convifting 
 the Clergy of a Praemunire with their Submiflion to the King. And that 
 led them to controvert the Pope s Right to Annates, and other Exadti- 
 ons, which they alfo condemned. The condemning all Appeals to 
 Rome followed that naturally. And now fo maqy Branches of that 
 Power were cut off, the Root was next ftruck at, and the Foundati- 
 ons of the Papal Authority were examined. For near a Year together 
 there had been many publick Debates about it; and both m the 
 Parliament and Convocation the thing was long difputed, and all that 
 could be alledged on both fides were confiJered. The Reader will 
 be beft able to judge of their Reafons, ( and thereby of the Ripe- 
 nefs of their Judgments, when they enadled the Laws that pafled in 
 this Parliament,^ when he fees a fall Account of them ; which I (hall 
 next fet down ^ not drawn from the Writings and Apologies that 
 have been publiftied fince, but from thefe that came out about that 
 Time. For then were written The Inflitntion for the necejfary E- 
 rud'tt'ton of a Chriflian Man, concluded in the Convocation, and pub- 
 lifhed by Authority ; and another Book, De Differentia Ref^i^e & Ec- 
 cleJiaJliLie Potejiatis. The former of thefe was called the Biftiops, and 
 the latter the King's Book. Gardiner alfo wrote a Book, De vera Obe- 
 diential to which Bonner prefixed a Preface upon the fame Subjeft. 
 Stokejly Bifhop of London, and Tonflal Bifhop of Ditrefme, wrote a long 
 Letter in Defence of the King's Proceedings in this Matter to Reginald 
 (foon after Cardinal) Pool: From thefe Writings, and the Sermons 
 preached by fome Bifhops at this Time, with other Authentick Pieces, 
 I have extracted the Subftance of the Arguments upon which they 
 grounded their Laws, which I (hall divide in two Heads. The one of 
 the Reafons for rejefting the Popes pretended Power. The other for 
 fetting up the King's Supremacy, with the Explanations and Limitati- 
 ons of it. 
 
 " Firft, of the Popes Power, they declared that they found no ground 
 " for it in the Scripture. All the Apoftles were made equal by Chrift, 
 " when he committed the Church to their Care in Common. And 
 " he did often declare, there was no Superiority of one above another. 
 " St. Paul claimed an equality with the chief Apoftles both Peter^ 
 " James, and John ^ and when he thought St. Peter blame-worthy, 
 " he withjioodhim to his Face. But whatfoever Preheminenee Si.Peter 
 " might have, that was only Perfonal, and there was no reafon to af- 
 " fix it to his Chair at Rome, more than at Antioch. But if any See be 
 " to be preferred before another, it fhould be Jemfalem, where Chriji 
 " died, and out of which the Faith was propagated over all Nations, 
 Chrift commmding his Difciplesto begin their Preaching in it ^ fo 
 that it was truly the Mother Church, and is fo called by St. Paul, where- 
 as in the Scripture, Rome is called Babjlon, according to Tertulliatr 
 and St. Jerome. 
 
 " For the places brought from Scripture in favour of the Papacy, 
 they judged that they did not prove any thing tor it. That thott 
 art Peter, and upon this Rock I veill build my Church, it it prove any 
 thing in this Matter, would prove too much : even that the Church 
 
 was 
 
 <( 
 
 ((
 
 Book 11. of the Church of tngland. . 1.^5 
 
 *' was founded on St.Peter, as he was a private Perfon, and fo on i.;32 
 
 " the Popes in their perfonal Capacity. But both St. Ambrofe, St. Je- - ' ' 
 
 '• rome, and St. Auftin, think, that by the Rock, the Confedion he had 
 
 *' made was only to be meant. Others of the Fathers thought by the 
 
 '' Rock, Chrifi himfelf was meant, who is the only true Foundation 
 
 '' ot the Churchy though in another Senfe all the Apoftles are alfd 
 
 '' called Foundations by St. Paul. That, Tell the Church, is thought 
 
 '' by Gerfon and JEneas Silvms, ( afterwards Pope P/«x the 2d } ra- 
 
 '' ther to make againft the Pope and for a general Council, And 
 
 '' the Fathers have generally followed St. Chrjfoftom and St. Auftin, 
 
 *' who thought that, the giving of the Kejis of the Kingdom of Heaven^ 
 
 " and the Charge, Feed my Sheep, were addrcffed to St. Veter, in be- 
 
 *' half of all the reft of the Apoftles. And that, / have prayed for 
 
 " thee, that thy Faith fail not, was only Perfonal, and related to his 
 
 " Fall, which was then Imminent. It is alfo clear by St. Paul, that 
 
 *' every Apoftle had his peculiar Province, beyond which he was not 
 
 " to ftretch himfelf ;^ and St. Pe/ert Province was the Circumcifion, and 
 
 " his, the Uncircumcifion, in which he plainly declares his equality 
 
 " with him. 
 
 " This was alfo clear from the conftant Tra.1ition of the Church. 
 '^ St. Cyprian w s againft Appeals to Rome, and would not fubmit to 
 " P. Stephens Definition in the Point of R.e-baptizing of Hereticks ; and 
 " exprefly fays, That all the Apoftles were eqnal in Power, and that all 
 " the Biftiops were alf> equal, Jince the wh le Offl-e and Epifopate wat 
 *' one entire thing, of which every Blftjop had a compleaf and equal Share. 
 " And though fome Places are brought out of him concerning the 
 " Unity of the Roman Church, and of other Churches with it^ yet 
 *' thofe places have no Relation to any Authority that the Roman 
 " Church had over other Churches, but were occafioned by a Schifm 
 " that Novation had made there at Rome, being elefted in Oppofition 
 " to the Biftiop that was rightly chofen ^ and of that Unity only St. Cy- 
 " prian writes in thofe Places. But from all his Epiftles to the Bi- 
 " (hops of Rome, it is vifible he look'd on himfelf as their Equal, 
 " fince he calls them Brother, Collegue, and Fellow- Bifiop. And what- 
 " foever is faid by any Ancient Writer of St. Peter's Chair, is to be 
 " underftood of the pure Gofpel, which he delivered, as St. Auftin 
 " obferves, that by Alofes Chair, is to be underftood The delivering of 
 *' Mofes Law. But though St. Peter fate there, the fucceeding Popes 
 " have no more Right to pretend to fuch Authority, than the Kings 
 " of Spain to claim the Roman Empire, becaufe he that is now their 
 " King, is Emperor. When Conftantine turned Chriftian, the Digni- 
 " ty of the chief City of the Empire made Rome to be accounted 
 " the firft See, but by the General Council of Nice it was declared, 
 " that the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch had the fame Autho- 
 rity over the Countries round about them, that he of Rome had o- 
 " ver thofe that lay about that City. It is true, at that time the 
 " Arrian Herefie, having fpread generally over the Eaftern Churches, 
 " from which the Weftern were free ; the oppreffed Catholick Bifhops 
 " of the Eaft made Appeals to Rome, and extolled that See by a na- 
 " tural Maxim in all Men, who magnifie that from which they have 
 " Proteftion. But the fecond General Council took Care, that that 
 fhould not grow a Prefident, for they decreed that every Province, 
 " (hould be governed by its own Synod, and that Biftiops when they 
 
 R 2 " were
 
 ■■■.■■■■■ I 
 
 134. Jbe Hi{iory of ths Keformation liook II. 
 
 1555. " were accufed, muft firft be judged by the Bifhops of their own Pro- 
 vince, and from them they might appeal to the Biiliopsof theDio- 
 " cefs, but no higher appeal was allowed : and by that Council it ap- 
 " pears, what was the Foundation of the greatnefs of the BiOiop of 
 " Rome 5 for when Confia>itl»ople was made the Seat of the Empire 
 *' and New Rome, it had the fame Priviledges that Old Rome h:?d, and 
 *' was fet next to it in order and dignity. In a Council at Mrlevi, in 
 " which St. Jujiin fate, they appointed that every Clerk, that fhould 
 " appeal to any Bilhop beyond the Sea, (hould be excommunicated. 
 " And when Fan^lams was fent by the Pope to the African Churches, 
 " to claim the Right of receiving Appeals, and pretended a Canon of 
 " the Council oiNue for if, the Pretenfion was rejefted by the African 
 " Fathers, who acknowledged no fuch Right, and had never heard of 
 " that Canon. Upon which they fent to the Eajiern Churches, and 
 " fearch was every where made for the Copies of the Canons of that 
 *' Council, but it was found that it was a Forgery. From whence two 
 " things were obfervable: The one, that the Church in that Age had 
 " no Tradition of any Divine Inftitution for the Authority of that See, 
 " fince as the Popes, who claimed it, never pretended to any fuch 
 " thing 5 fo the African Bifhops by their rejefting that Power, fhew, 
 that they knew nothing of any E)ivine Warranty all the Con teft be- 
 ing only about the Canon of the Church. It alfo appeared how early 
 the Church of Rome afpired to Power, and did not (tick at making ufe 
 of Forged Writings to fupport it. But Pope Agatho more modeftly 
 writing to the Emperor in his own Name, and in the Name of all the 
 Synods that were Subjed to his See, calls them a few D.fJjops in the 
 Northern and Weflern Parts. When afterwards the Patriarch of Con- 
 " ftantinople was declared by the Emperor Mauritius, TheTJniverfal Bi- 
 " Jljop, Gregory the Great did exclaim againft the Ambition of that Ti- 
 tle, as being equal to the Pride of Lucifer, and declared, that he who 
 aflumed it was the Fore-runner of Antichrifi'^ faying that none of his 
 PredecefTors had ever claimed fuch a Power. And this was the more 
 obfervable, fince the EngHfh were converted by thofe whom he fent 
 " over; fo that this was the Doftrine of that See, when this Church 
 *' received the Faith from it. 
 
 " But it did not continue long within thofe limits 5 for Boniface 
 
 the Third alifumed that Title, upon the Grant of Phocas. And as 
 
 that Boniface got the Spiritual Sword put in his hand, fo the Eighth 
 
 of that Name pretended alfo to the Temporal Sword ^ but they owe 
 
 thefe Powers to the Induftry of thofe Popes, and not to any Do- 
 
 '* nation of Chrijh The Popes when they are Confecrated promife 
 
 to obey the Canons of the Eight firft General Councils, which if 
 
 they obferve, they will receive no Appeals, nor pretend to any high- 
 
 *' er Jurifdiftion than thefe give to them, and the other Patriarchs e- 
 
 " qually. 
 
 " As for the Decrees of Latter Councils, they are of lefs Authority. 
 For thofe Councils confifted of Monks and Friers in great part, 
 whofe exemptions obtained from Rome obliged them to fupport the 
 Authority of that Court, and thofe who fate in them knew little of 
 the Scriptures, Fathers, or the Tradition of the Church, being only 
 converfant in the Difputes and Learning of the Schools. And for the 
 Florentine CouncW, the Eajiern Churches, who fent the Greek Ei(hops 
 that fate there, never received their Determination, neither then, nor 
 " at any time fince. " Many
 
 Book II. of I he C/mrch of Encrhnd. 1.5 5 
 
 " Many places were alfo brought out of the Fathers to (how, that they 1555. 
 " did not look on the Bilhops of Rome as fuperiour to other Bilhops ^ ^^^^-^^^ 
 " and that they underftood not thofe places of Scripture, which were 
 " afterwards brought for the Popes Supremacy, in that fcnfe^ fo that if 
 " Tradition be the beft Expounder of Scripture, thofe latter glolfes muft 
 ** give place to the more ancient. But that pafTage of St. Jerome, in 
 ** which he equals the Bilhops of Euguhinm and Co»Jia»tin:>ple to the 
 " Bi(hop of Rome, was much made ufe of, fince he was a Presbyter of 
 " Rome, and fo likely to underftand the Dignity of his own Church 
 " beft. There were many things brought from theContefts that other 
 *' Sees had with Rome, to fhow, that all the Priviledges of that and o- 
 " ther Sees, were only founded on the praftice and Canons of the Church, 
 " but not upon any Divine Warrant. Couftantwople pretended to equal 
 " Priviledges. Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileia^ pretended to a Patriar- 
 " cbal Dignity and Exemption. Some Arch-bifhops of Canterbury con- 
 ** tended, that Popes could do nothing againft the LawsoftheCburch 5 
 " fo Laurence and Dunflan. Robert Grofiefi Bifliop ot Lincoln, affert- 
 " ed the fame, and many Popes confefTed it. And to this day no Con- 
 " ftitution of the Pope's is binding in any Church, except it be recei- 
 " ved by it ^ and in the daily praftice of the Canon-Law, theCuftomS 
 of Churches are pleaded againft: Papal Conftitutions 5 which ftiows 
 " their Authority cannot be from God ^ otherwife all muft fubrait to their 
 Laws. And from the Latter Contefts up and doivn Europe, about giv- 
 " ing Inveftitures, receiving Appeals, admitting of Legates, and Papal 
 " Conftitutions, it was apparent, that the Papal Authority was a Ty- 
 ranny, which had been managed by cruel and fraudulent Arts, but 
 was never otherwife received in the Church, than as a Conqueft to 
 which they were conftrained to yield. And this was more fully 
 made out in England, trom what paffed in William the Conqueror, 
 and Hemj the Second's time, and by the Statutes of Provifors in 
 many Kings Reigns, which were ftill renewed, till within an hun- 
 dred years of the prefent time. 
 
 Upon thefe Grounds they concluded, that the Popes Power in Eng- 
 land had no Foundation, neither in the Law of God, nor in the Laws 
 of the Church, or of the Land. 
 
 "As for theKings Power over Spiritual Perfons, and in Spiritual Cau- The Argu- 
 " fes, they proved it from the Scriptures. In the Old Teftament they K,D"s's°'"re-'' 
 found the Kings of 7/r<zc/ intermedled in all matters Ecclefiaftical. Sa- mac'y. "^"^^ 
 *' mnel, though he had been Judge, yet acknowledged Sanh Authority: ^^°^ t)^eo\i 
 
 fo alfo did Ablmtlech the High-Prieft, and appeared before him when 
 " cited to anfwer upon an Accufation. And Samuel (i Sam. 15. 18.) 
 fays, he was made the Head of all the Tribes. Aaron, in that, was an 
 Example to all the following High^Priefts who fubmitted to Mofes. 
 David made many Laws adout Sacred things, fuch as, the Order of 
 the Courfcs of the Priefts and their Worftiip ; and when he was dying, 
 hedeclared to 5o/<7W(7« how far his Authority extended. He told him, 
 I* I Chroft. 28. 71. That the Courfes of the Priejis and all the People were 
 to be wholly at his commandment : purfuant to which Solomon, 2 Chron. 
 '^ 8. 14, 15. did appoint them their charges in the Service of God, and 
 ^ b:)th the Pricjli and Lcvites departed not from his commandment in any 
 ' matter: and though he had turned out Abiathar (rom the High-Prieft- 
 ^' hood, yet they mde no oppofition. Jehofophat, He%ekia^and Jofias 
 made likcwife Laws about Ecclefiaftical Mitters. 
 
 " In-
 
 3 6 Tbe Hiftor)/ of the Reformation l^ook IL 
 
 1553- 
 
 And the I'r.i- 
 ttices of the 
 Primitive 
 Church. 
 
 " In the New Teftament, Chrift himfclf was Obedient, he payed 
 Taxes, he declared that he pretended to no earthly Kingdom, he 
 And the New. " charged tile People to render to Cxfar the th'tvgs that were C^firs, and 
 " his Difciples not to affeft temporal Dominion, as the Lords of the 
 " Nations did. And though the Magiftrates were then Heathens, yet 
 " the Apoftles wrote to the Churches to obey Magiftrates, to fubmit 
 " to them, to pay Taxes, they call the King Sapream, and fay he is 
 " God's Minifter to encourage them that do well, and to puni(h thee- 
 " vil-doers, which is faid of all perfons without exception, and every 
 " Soul is charged to be fubjeft to the Higher P( wer. 
 
 " Many PalTages were cited out of the Writings of the Fathers, to 
 " ftiew, that they thought Church-men were included in thefe pla- 
 " ces as well as other Perfons, fo that the Tradition of the Church 
 " was for the King's Supremacy: and by one place of Scripture the 
 " King is called Stipream, by another he is called Head, and by a third 
 " every Soul muji be fubje^ to him, which laid together, make up this 
 " Conclufion, That the King is the Supreant Head over all perfons. In 
 *' the Primitive Church, the Bilhops in their Councils made Rules for 
 " ordering their Diocefes, which they only called Canons or Rules, nor 
 " had they any compulfive Authority, but what was derived from the 
 " Civil Sanftions. 
 
 " After the Emperors were Chriftians, they made manv Laws about 
 " Sacred things, as may be feen in the Codes -^ and when jf«/V/«irt« dige- 
 " fted the Roman Law, he added many Novel Conjiitutions about Eccle- 
 " fiaftical Perfons and Caufes. Tiie Emperors called General Councils, 
 " prefided in them, and confirmed them. And many Letters were cited 
 " of Popes to Emperors, to call Councils, and of the Councils to them 
 " to Confirm their Decrees. The Eleftion of the Popes themfelves, 
 " was foraetimes made by the Emperors, and fometimes confirmed by 
 " them. Pope Hadrian in a Synod decreed, that the Emperor Ihould 
 " choofe the Pope: And it was a late and unheard of thing, before the 
 " days of Gregory the jth, for Popes to pretend to depofe Princes, and 
 " give away their Dominions. This they compared to the pride of 
 •' Anti-Chrift and Lucifer. 
 
 " They alfo argued from Reafon, that there muft be but one Su- 
 " pream ; and that the King being Supream over all his Subjects, Cler- 
 " gy-men muft be included, for they are ftill Subjefts. Nor can their 
 *' being in Orders, change that former Relation, founded upon the Law 
 " of Nature and Nations, no more than Wives or Servants, by becom- 
 " ing Chriftians, were not according to the Doftrine of the Apoftles, 
 '' difcharged from the Duties ot their former Relations, 
 
 " For the great Objeftion from thofe Offices that are peculiar to their 
 " Funftions, it was anfwered. That thefe notwithftanding the King 
 " might well be Supream Head 5 for in the Natural Body, there were 
 " many vital Motions that proceeded not from the Head, but from the 
 " Heart, and the other inward Parts and Veftels ; and yet the Head was 
 " ftill the chief Seat and Root of Life: So though there be peculiar 
 " Funftions appropriated to Church-men, yet the King is ftill Head, 
 " having Authority over them, and a Power todireft and coerce them 
 " in thefe. 
 
 " From that, they proceeded to ftiow, that in England^ the Kings 
 " have always aftumcd a Supremacy in Ecclefiaftical Matters. They 
 " began with the moft Ancient Writing that relates to the Chriftian 
 
 " Reli- 
 
 And from 
 Reafon. 
 
 And from the 
 Laws of lLng 
 land.
 
 Book II. of the C/j^rcb of England. 137 
 
 (L 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 Religion in E»^l.i»d then extant, Pope Elcutherius's Letter to King i5'>4. 
 
 Lucius, in which he is twice called by him Gsd's Virar /» his King- ^-^ /"^^^ 
 
 doM, and he writ in it, that it helong'd to his Office, to bring his Sub- 
 *''' je&s to the Holy Church, and to Maintain, Proteft, ?nd Govern them 
 " in it. Many Laws were cited, which Canutns, Ethelred, Edgar, 
 '' Ed/;to»d, Athclfian and Ina. had Enafted concerning Church-men; 
 
 many more Laws fince the Conqueft were alfo made, both againfl 
 
 Appeals to Rome, and Bifhops going out of the Kingdom without 
 
 the King s leave, 
 
 " The whole bufinefs of the Articles of Clarendon, and the Contefts 
 " that tollovved between King Henry the fecond, and Thomas BeJcet, 
 " were alfo opened. And though a Bifhops Paftoral Care be of Divine 
 " Inftitution, yet as the Kings of England had divided Bifhopricks as 
 " they pleafed, fo they .nlfo converted Benefices from the Inftitution of 
 " the Founders, and gave them to Cloifters and Monafteries as King Ed- 
 " gar did ; all which was done by the Confent of their Clergy and No- 
 " bility, without dependance on Rome ; They had alfo granted thefe 
 *' Houfes Exemption from Epifcopal Jurifdiftion, fo /»<z exempted G/^- 
 •' jienbury, and Offa St. Alba;s, from their Bifhops Vifitation : and this 
 " continued even till the days of William (he Conqueror, for he to 
 *' perpetuate the Memory of the Victory he obtained over Harald, and 
 '■ to endear himfelf fo the Clergy, founded an Abbey in the Field where 
 " the Battel was fought, and called it Battel- Abbey, and in the Charter 
 " he granted them, thefe words are to be found. // jJ^all be alfo free 
 " and quiet for ever, from all fub]eUion to BiffiJ^s, or the Dominion of 
 " any other Perfons, as Chrifis Church in Canterbury is. Many other 
 " things were bought out of King Alfreds Laws, and a Speech of King 
 *' Edgars, with feveral Letters written to the Popes from the Kings, the 
 *' Parliaments, and the Clergy of England, to (how, that their Kings 
 " did always mak2 Laws about Sacred Matters, and that their Power 
 *' reach'd to that, and to thePerfons of Church men as well as to their 
 '' other Subjefts. 
 
 But at the fame time that they pleaded fo much for the King's Su- The quaiifica. 
 premacy, and Power of making Laws for Reftraining and Coercing g°"°* ^"^^ 
 his Subjefts, it appeared that they were far from vefting him with 
 fuch an abfolute Power, as the Popes had pretended to, for they thus 
 defined the extent of the King's Power. To them fpecially and princi- NeceiTary e- 
 fally, it pertaineth to defend the Faitb of Chriji and his Religion, to con- rurf't'on upon 
 ferve and maintain the true Do^rine of Chrifl, and all fuch as be true ot Orders. 
 Preachers and jetters forth thereof-^ and to abolij}) Jbufes, Herejies, and 
 Idolatries, and to puni/h tvith corporal pains fuch as of Alalice be the oc- 
 cajion of the fame. And finally to over fee and caufe that the faid Bifhops 
 and PrieJIs do execute their Pajioral Office truly and faithfully, aud fpe- 
 cially in thefe Points, which by Chrifl and his Apoflles rvas given and com- 
 mitted to them 5 and in cafe they fljall be negligent in any part thereof, br 
 Tvould not diligently exei utc the fame, to caufe them to redouble and fnp- 
 ply their lack : and if they objiinately withfland their Princes kind moniti- 
 on, and will not amend their Fault s^ then and in fuch cafe to put others , 
 in their rooms and places. And God hath alfo commanded the faid Bi- 
 fhops and Priejis to obey with all humblenefs and reverence, both Kings, 
 and Princes, and Governours, and all their Laws, not being contrary to 
 the Laws of God, whatfoever they be : and that not only propter Iram, 
 
 hut
 
 138 'The Hijhrj of the Kefornmtion Bo^k II. 
 
 J -24.. /)«* rfZ/c) propter Confcientiam, that is tofay^ not only for fear of pun./h- 
 v^^~V"'^^ me/tt, hit alfo for difcharge of Confciettce. 
 
 Thus it appears, that they both limited obedience to the Kings Laws, 
 with the due Caution of their not being contrary to the Law of God, 
 and acknowledged the Ecclefiaftical Juriiclidtion in the difcharge of the 
 Paftoral Office, committed to the Paftors of the Church by Chrift and 
 his Apoftles ^ and that the Supremacy then pretended to, was no fuch 
 Extravagant Power as fome imagine. 
 The neceiTity *' Upon the whole matter, it was Concluded, that the Popes Pow- 
 of estirpiting « gp \^ Evgland had no good Foundition , and had been managed 
 Pa.ver!^" " with as much Tyranny, as it had begun with Ufurpation 5 the Ex- 
 " ad^ions of their Courts were every where heavy, but in no Place fo 
 *' intolerable as in England : and though many complaints were made 
 " of them in thefe laft 300 years, yet they got no eafe, and all the 
 " Laws about Provifors were Qill defeated and made ineffedual ^ There- 
 " fore they faw it was impoflible to moderate their proceedings, fo 
 " that there was no other Remedy, but to extirpate their pretended 
 *■ Authority, and thenceforth to acknowledge the Pope only Bifhop 
 '■ of Rome, with the Jurifdiftion about it, defined by the Ancient 
 *■ Canons : and for the King to re-.fTume his own Authority, and the 
 " Prerogatives of his Crown, from which the Kings of England had 
 " never formally departed, though they had for thislaft Hundred years 
 " connived at an Invafion and Ufurpation upon them, which was no 
 " longer to be endured, 
 vains taken to Thefe were the Grounds of carting off the Popes Power, that had been 
 iiw^e Hjher ^qj. j^^ qj. ({^ree years ftudied and enquired into by all the Learned men 
 in El/gland, and had been debated both in Convocation and Parliament 5 
 and except Fijber Bi(hop of Rochejicr, I do not find that any Bifhop ap- 
 peared for the Popes Power: and for the Abbots and Priors, as they 
 were generally very ignorant, fo what the Cardinal had done in fup- 
 prefling fome Monafteries, and what they now heard, that the Court 
 had an eye on their Lands, made them to be as complyant as could be. 
 But Fifier was a man of great reputation, and very ancient, fothat much 
 pains was taken to fatisfie him. A week before the Parliament fate 
 down, the Arch-bi(hop ot Canterbury propofed to him, that he and any 
 Five Dodors, fuch as he (hould choofe, and the Bilhop of London^ 
 and Five Doftors with him might confer about it, and examine the 
 Authorities of both fides, that fo there might be an Agreement a- 
 mong them, by which the Scandal might be removed, which other- 
 wife would be taken from their Janglings and Contefts among them- 
 felves. Fiflier accepted of this, and Stokejley wrote to him on the 
 eighth of January, that he was ready whenever the other pleafed, and 
 The Original defired him to name time and pi ice; and if they could not agree the 
 ub!o;lrc^°/c! ™3tter among themfelves , he moved to refer it to two Learned 
 men whom they fhould choofe, in whofe determination they would 
 both acquiefce. How fir this Overture went, I cannot difcover, and 
 perhaps Fijliers ficknefs hindred the progrefs of it. But now on the 
 1 <,th of January, the Parliament fate down ^ by the Journals I find no 
 other Bilhops prefent but the hrch-h\f}ao^ oi Canterbury, the Bifliops 
 oi London, Win'hefier, Lincoln, Bath and IVells, Landaffe and Carlifle. 
 There were alfo twelve Abbots prefent, but upon what pretences tlie reft 
 excufed their Attendance, I do not know ; perhaps fome made a diffe- 
 rence
 
 Book II. of the Church of England 1 1 ^ 
 
 rence between fubmitting to what was done, and being adlive and con- i ^34. 
 
 curring to make the Change. During the Scflion a Bilhop preached eve- *<-^''Vv> 
 
 ry Sunday at FaulsCroCs, and declared to the People, That the Pope 
 
 had no Authority at all in Enghnd. In the two former Sellions the bi- 
 
 fhops had Preached, that the General Council was above the Pope, but 
 
 now they rtruck a Note higher. This was done to let the People lee 
 
 what JulHce and Reafon was in the Ads that were then puffing, to which 
 
 I now turn, and ihall next give an Account of this great Seilion of Par- 
 
 liamen"-, which I fliall put rather in the natural Method according to 
 
 the matter of the A(5ls, than in the order of time as they pafied. 
 
 On the 9th of March a Bill came up from the Commons for difcharging journal, 
 the Subje<fts of all dcpendance on the Court of Rome ; it was read the Pro"r. 
 firft time in the Houfe of Lords the 1 3 th of March, and on the 14th was 
 read the fecond time, and committed. The Committee reported it on 
 the 19th, by which it appears there was no (lifFnor long Opporirion,and 
 he that was likelieft to make it was both obnoxious and ablent, as will 
 afterwards appear. On the 19th it was read the third time, and on the 
 aoth the fourth time, and then pafied withou'^ any Piotefiation. Si me 
 Provifo's were added to it by the Lords, to w hich the Commons agreed, 
 and fo it was made ready for the Royal Aflent. 
 
 " In the Preamble the intolerable Exadtions for F^/^r-pence, Provifi- The Aft for 
 ens, Penfions and Bulls of all forts are complained of, which were "^'"8 *"^>" 
 
 - CTiC to PC S 
 
 contrary to all Laws, and grounded only on the Pope's Power of dif- power. 
 pcnfing, which was ufurped. But the King and the Lords and Com- 
 mo:is within his own Realm had only Power to confider how any of 
 the Laws were to be difpenfed with or abrogated ; and fince the King 
 was acknowledged the Supream Kead of the Church of England by ^Vin'Jhe^^ 
 the Prelates and Clergy in their Convocations, therefore it was En- stamte- 
 aded that all Payments made to the Apollolick Chamber, and all Pro- ^'-'^'l' ^^jn 
 vifions. Bulls or Difpenfations fhould from thenceforth ceafe. But and 8ln°the 
 that all Difpenfations or Licences for things that were not contrary Journal. 
 to the Law of God, but only to the Law of the Land, fhould be 
 granted within the Kingdom, by and under the Seals of the two Arch- 
 bifliops in their feveral Province's ; who Ihould not prefume to grant 
 any contrary to the Laws of Almighty God, and fhould only grant 
 fuch Licences as had been formerly in ufe to be granted, but give no 
 Licence for any new thing till it w ere firft examined by the King and 
 his Council whether fuch things might be difpenfed with ; and that 
 all Difpenfations which were formerly taxed at or above 4 /. fhould 
 be alfo confirmed under the Great Seal. Then many Claufes follow 
 about the Rates of Licences, and the ways of procuring them. It was 
 alfo declared, That they did not hereby intend to vary from Chriff's 
 Church about the Articles of the Catholick Faith of Chriftendom, or 
 in any other things declared by the Scriptures, and the Word of God 
 neceflary for their Salvation ; confirming withal the Exemptions of 
 Monafterics formerly granted by the Bilhop of /?<»wf, exempting them 
 flill from the Archbilhops ViCtations ; declaring that fuch Abbeys 
 whofe Elcdtions were formerly confirmed by the Pope, fhall be now con- 
 firmed by the King; who likewife Ihall give Commillion under his 
 Great Seal for vifiting them, providing alio that Licences and otiier 
 Writs obtained from Rome before the nth of March in that Year fhould 
 be valid and in force, except they were contrary to tlie Laws of the 
 Realm j giving alio to the King and his Council Power to order and re- 
 
 S " form
 
 40 Tb^ Hiftorj of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 1 ^ ^4. " form all indulgences and Privileges (or the abufes of them) which had 
 ^•^"V'-"^ '« been granted by the See of /J^we. The Offenders agiinft this Ad: were 
 " to be punillied according to the Statutes of Provifcrs and Pra:mu»ire. 
 
 This Ad, as it gave great cafe to the Subjedt, (o it cut off' that bafe 
 Trade of Indulgences about Divine Laws, which had been To gainful to 
 nient' pa^sd the Church of Rome, but was of late fatal to it. All in the Religious 
 onchacAtt. Houfes faw their Privileges now ftruck at, fince they were to be refor- 
 med as the King faw caulc, which put them in no fmall Confufion. Thofe 
 that favoured the Reformation rejo\ced at this A(5t, not only becaulethe 
 Pope's Power was rooted out, but becaufe the Faith that was to be adhered 
 to, was to be taken from thole things, which the Scriptures declai ed nc- 
 celTary to Salvation; (o that all their Fears were now much qualified, 
 fince the Scripture was to be the Standard of the Catholick Faith. On 
 the fame day that this Bill pafled in the Houfe of Lords, another Bill was 
 read for confirming the Succefiion to the Crown in the IlTue of the King's 
 prefcnt ^<arriage with Queen Anne. It was read the fecond time on the 
 a I ft of March, and committed. It was reported on the zjd, and read 
 the third time and palled, and fent down to the Commons, who fent it 
 back again ro them on the i6th ; fo fpeedily did this Bill go through both 
 Houfes without any Oppofition. 
 An Aa a- The Preamble of it was, " The Diftrad:ions that had been in England 
 bout the " about the SuccelTion to the Crown, which had occafioned the effufi- 
 ^""fiie°" " or" of much Blood, with many other Mifchiefs, all which flowed from 
 Crown; 22 *' the want of a clear Decifion of the true Title, from which the Popes 
 '"thesta- « j^^j ufurped a Power of inverting fuch as pleafed them in other Prin- 
 34'in the ' " CCS Kingdoms, and Princes had often maintained fuch Donations for 
 Record, i6 <■<■ ^\^q\^ other ends ; therefore to avoid the like Inconveniences, the 
 nal''^^ ^°"'^' *' King's former Marriage with the Princefs Katharine, is judged con- 
 *' trary to the Laws of God, and void and of no effedt, and the Sentence 
 " pafled by the Archbilhop oi Canterbury annulling it, is confirmed, and 
 " the Lady Katharine is thenceforth to be reputed only Princefs Dow- 
 *' ager, and not Qiieen, and the Marriage with Queen Anne is eftablifli- 
 " ed and confirmed: And Marriages within the degrees prohibited by 
 ** Mofes (which are enumerated in the Statute) are declared to be un- 
 *' lawful, according to the Judgment of the Convocations of this Realm, 
 " and of the moft tamous Univerfuies and Learned Men abroad,any Dif- 
 *' penfations to the contrary notwithftandmg, which are alfo declared 
 *' null, fince contrary to the Laws of God ; and all that were married 
 " within thefe degrees arc appointed to be divorced, and the Children 
 " begotten in fuch Marriages were declared Illegitimate: And all the 
 " Iflue that (hould be between the King and the prefent Queen is de- 
 *' clared Lawful, and the Crown was to defcend on his Iflue Male by 
 " her, or any other Wife ; or in default of Ifllie Male, to the \iX\xt F'emalc 
 *' by the Queen ; and in default of any fuch, to the right Heirs of the 
 " King's Highnefs for ever : and any that after the firft of May fliould mali- 
 " cioufly divulge any thing to the flander of the K.ng's Marriage, or of the 
 " IfTue begotten in it, were to be adjudged lor milprifion of Treafon, and 
 *' to (uf!cr Imprifonmtnt at the Ring'sWill, and forfeit all their Goods and 
 " Ciiattels to him : And if the Queen out-lived the King, fhe is declared 
 " Regent till the Ifliie by her were of Age, if a Son 18, and if a Daugh- 
 '' ter 1 6Years of Age ; and all the King's ^Jubjcdts were to fwear that they 
 *' would maintain the Contents of this A6t, and whoever being required, 
 " didrefufeit, was to be judged guilty of mifprifion of Treafon, and pu- 
 
 " nilhed
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 141 
 
 '' nilhed accordingly. The Oath it feems was likeuifc agreed on in the 15:^4. 
 
 '' Houle oi Lords, tor the Form of it isfetdown in their Journal as i'ollovvs. ■J^^OO' 
 
 " Ye Ihall (wear ro bear Faith, Truth and Obedience alonely to the abo^uc fL 
 
 " King's Majefty, and to his Heirs of his Body of his moft dear and en- succcflion. 
 
 •' tirely beloved lawful Wife Queen Anne, begotten and to be begotten. 
 
 " And further, to the Heirs of our faid Sovereign Lord according to the 
 
 " limitation in the Statute made for Surety of his Succeffion m the 
 
 *' Crown of this Realm mentioned and contained, and not to any other 
 
 *' within this Realm, nor Foreign Authority or Potentate. And in cafe 
 
 *' any Oath be made, or hath been made by you, to any Perfon or Per- 
 
 " Tons that then ye to repute the fame as vain and annihilate. And that 
 
 " to your Cunning, Wit, and uttermofl of your Power, without guile, 
 
 *' fraud, or other undue means, ye ihall oblerve, keep, maintain, and 
 
 " defend the faid Ad: of Succeflion, and all tlie whole Effeds and Con- 
 
 " tents thereof, and all other AQis and Statutes made in Confirmation, or 
 
 " for Execution of the fame, or of any thing therein contained. And 
 
 " this ye (hall do againft all manner of Perfons of what Eftate, Dignity, 
 
 " Degree or Condition (oever they be ; and in no wife to do or attempt, 
 
 *' nor to your power fu(fer to be done or attempted, diredtly or indi- 
 
 " redtly, any thing or things, privily or apartly, to the lett, hindrance, da- 
 
 *' mage, or derogation thereof, or of any part of the fame, by any man- 
 
 " ner of means, or for any manner of pretence. So help you God, and 
 
 " all Saints, and the Holy Evangelifts.- 
 
 And thus was the King's Marriage confirmed. But when the Com- 
 mons returned this Bill to the Lords, they fent them another with it, 
 concerning the proceedings againit Hereticks. There had been com- 
 plaints made formerly, as was told before, of the fevere and intolerable 
 proceedings in the Ecciefiaftical Courts againft Hereticks : And on the 
 4th di February the Commons fent up a Complaint made by one Thomas 
 Philips againft the Bilhop of London^ for ufing him cruelly in Prifon, 
 upon the fufpicion of Herefie ; but the Lords doing nothing in it, on 
 the firft of March the Houfe of Commons fent fome of their number to 
 the Bifhop, requiring him to make anfwer ro the Complaints exhibited journal 
 againft him, who acquainted the Houfe of Lords with it the next day ; iTocer. 
 but as they had formerly laid afide the Complaint as not worthy of their 
 time, fo they all with one confent anfwered, That it was nor fit for any 
 of the Peers to appear or anfwer at the Bar of the Houfe of Commons. 
 Upon this the Houfe of Commons finding they could do nothing in that 
 particular cafe, refolved to provide an elfeduaj remedy for fuch abufes, 
 for the future : And therefore fent up a Bill about the Puniflament of 
 Hereticks, which was read that day for the firft time, and the fecond 
 and third time on the xyth and x8th, in which it paded. 
 
 The Adls was a Repeal of the Statute of 2d of Henry the 4th by Aft about 
 
 which Bilbops upon fufpicion of Herefie might commit any to l^rifon, puniihing 
 
 *'^ as was before toU, but in that Ad there was no Declaration made, "^^n'Sc' 
 
 what was Herefie, except in the general Words of what was contrary Scatuce- 
 V' to Scriptures, or Canonical San£lions. This was liable to great Ambi- ^^°^' 35^j* 
 '* guity, by which Men were in much danger, and not fufficiently in- ^Hn die ' 
 (truded what was H'-refje. They alfo complained of their Proceedings Journal. 
 Without Prefentment or Accufation, contrary to what was pradifed 
 " in all other Cafes, even of Treafon it felf ; and many Canonical San^li- 
 '. ons had been eftablilhed only by Popes without any Divine Pre- 
 ** cept, therefore they repealed the Ad of Henry the 4th, but left the 
 
 -i b.uc §2, *' Statutes
 
 142 The Hiftory of the Reformation Book 11. 
 
 I J34. " Statutes of Richard the id and Henry the 5th ftill in torce, with the 
 ^■^"V""^ " iollovving Regulation : That Hereticks Ihould be proceeded againft up- 
 " on Prefentments by two Witneflesatleaft-, and then be committed, but 
 *' brought to anfwer to their Enditements in open Court ; and if they 
 " were found guilty, and would not abjure, or were rdapfe, to be ad- 
 " judged to death ; the King's Writ De H^retko comlurendo being firft 
 " obtained. It was alfo declared, that none Ihou'd be troubled upon 
 " any of the Pope's Canons or Laws, or for fpcaking or doing againft: 
 *' them. It was likewife provided that Men committed for Hcrefie 
 " might be bailed. 
 
 It may eafily be imagined how acceptable this Ad was to the whole 
 Nation, fmce it was fuch an efTedual limitation of the Ecclefiaftical 
 Power, in one of the uneafieff parts of it; and this Regulation of the 
 Arbitrary Proceedings of the Spiritual Courts, w as a particular BlenTing 
 to all that favoured Reformation. But as the Parliament was going oa 
 with thefe good Laws, there came a Submiliion from the Clergy then 
 fitting in Convocation, to be palFed in Parliament. With u hat Oppofi- 
 tion It went through the two Houfes of Convocation, and tl e Hjuie of 
 Commons, is not known ; for as the Regifters of the Convocation are 
 burnt, fo it does not appear that there were any Journals kept in the 
 Houle of Commons at that time. On the 27th of Mirch it was fent 
 up to the Lor>.'s, and fince the Spiritual Lords had aheady confented to 
 it, there was no reafon to apprehend any oppofition from the Temporal 
 Lords. The Seffion was now near an end, lo they made hafte and read 
 it twice that day, and the third time the next day, and pafled it. The 
 The Sub- Contents of it were : " The Clergy acknowledged that all Convocati- 
 minion " ons had been and ought to be aflembled by the King's Writ ,• and pro- 
 th!f cklgy " "^^^^^ '" '^^''^° Sacerdotii, that they would never make nor execute 
 to the King, " any new Canons or Conllitutions, without the Royal Ailent to them ; 
 19 in the « ^^d fmce many Canons had been received that were found prejudicial 
 Book,^2S in " tf^ the King's Prerogative, contrary to the Laws of the Land, and hea- 
 the Record. " vy to the Subjeds, That therefore there Ihould be a Committee of 
 *' thirty two perfons, fixteen of the two Houfes of Parliament, and as 
 *' many of the Clergy to be named by the King, who fhould have full 
 ** power to abrogate or confirm Canons as they found it expedient ; the 
 *' King's AlTent being obtained. This was confirmed by A<5t of Parliament, 
 ** and by the fame Ad all Appeals to Rome were again condemned. If 
 *' any party found themfeives agrieved in the Archbilhops Courts, an 
 *' Appeal might be made to the King in the Court of Chancery; and 
 *' tlie Lord Chancellor was to grant a Commillion under the Great 
 " Seal for fome Delegates, in whofe determination all muft acquiefc6, 
 *' All exempted Abbots were alio to appeal to the King ; and it conclu-. 
 *' dcd with a Provifb, that till fuch Corredion of the Canons was made 
 *' all thofe which w ere then received fliould ftill remain in force, except 
 " fuch as were contrary to the Laws and Cuftoms of the Realms, or 
 " were to the damage or hurt of the King's Prerogative. 
 
 This Provifo fecmed to have a fair colour, that there might ftill be 
 Ibme Canons in force to govern the Church by; but fince there was no 
 day prefixed to the Determination of the Coramifllon, this Provifo 
 made that the Ad never took effed ; for now it lay in the Preroga- 
 tive, and in the Judges Breaft, to declare what Canons were contrary 
 to the Law s, or the Rights ot the Crown ; And it was judged more for 
 the King's Greatncfi to keep the matter undetermined, than to make 
 fuch a Coliedion of Ecclcfiallical Laws as fhould be fixed and unmove- 
 
 able.
 
 Book II. of the Chnh of Enghnd. T43 
 
 able. The hll of the publick .'^d:s of thisS'fl'un that related ro the 15^4. 
 Church, w as about the Elcdion and Confecration of Bilhops. On the '•-^"V^^- 
 fourth of February the Commons fent up a Bill to the Lords about the 
 Confecration of Bilhops ; it lay on the Tabic till rhe zyth o^ February, JourmiPro- 
 and was then cafl our, and a new one drawn. On what reafon it was "•■• 
 calf out, is not mentioned, and the Journal does not fo much as fay that 
 it was once read. The new B.II had itsfecond reading the third of March^ 
 and on the fifth it was ordered to be engrofs'd ; and on the ninth it was 
 read the third time, and agreed to, and len*- down to the Commons, who 
 returned it to the Lords on the i6th of March. *' The firft part of it is Afk about 
 " a confirmation of their former Ad: againlt ^/>»arff, ro which they ad- ^'1^'°" °^ 
 " ded, that Bilhops (hould not be any more prefented to the B.lhop of ia sntu«° 
 " Rome, or fueoutany Bulls there, but that all Bilhops (hould be pre- Book, 26 in 
 *' Itnted to the Arch-bilhop, and Arch-bilhops to any Arch-bifliop in """ ^'^°'^' 
 " the King's Dominions, or to any four Bilhops whom the King Ihould 
 *' name ; and that when any See was vacant, the King was to grant a 
 " Licence, for a new Eledtion, With a Letter mifiive, bearing the name 
 " of the Perfon that was to becholen : and twelve djys after rhtfe were 
 " delivered, an tledion was to be returned by the Dean and Chapter, 
 ** or Prior and Convent, under their Seals. Then the Perfon ele6led 
 *' was to fwear Fealty to the King, upon which a Commifiion was to 
 " be ifTued out, for confecrating ^nd inverting him with the ufual Ce- 
 " remonies; after which he was to do Homage to the King, and be re- 
 " ftored b th to the Spiritualities and Temporalities ot his See, for 
 *' which th^'Kingg-'anted CommilFions during the vacancy: and whofo- 
 " ever re ''ufed to obey the Contents of the A5:, or aded contrary to it, 
 *' were declared within the Statute of Premunire. There pifled a pri- Coileftion 
 vate Ad for depriving rhe B.ihopsot Salisbwy ^v\i iVorceJler, who were "'""'*' 
 Cardi-^al Campepo and Jerome de Gh/Kuccii ; the former deferved grea- 
 ter Severities at the King's hand, but the btter fecms to have ferved him 
 faithfully, and was recommended both by the King and the French King 
 about a year before to a Cardinals Hat. " The Preamble of the A6b 
 '' bears. That Perfons promoted to Ecclefiaflical Benefices ought to re- 
 *' fide within the Kingdom for preaching rhe Laws of Almighty God, 
 
 and for keeping Holpirality ; and fincethefe Prelates did not that, but 
 •' lived at the Court of Rome, and negleded their Dioceflls, and made 
 ** the Revenues of them be carried out of the Kingdoms, contrary to the 
 
 intentions of the Founders, and to the prejudice oftheRealm, 3000/. 
 
 being at leail carried yearly out of the Kingdom ; therefore their Di- 
 " ocefles were declared vacant. 
 
 But now I come to the Ad of the Attainder of EUzaheth Barton, The Aft a. 
 and her Complices, which I (hall open fully, fmce it was the firft ftep M°fdoW«c 
 that was made to Rebellion, and the firft occafion of putting any to and her 
 death upon this Quarrel ; and from it one may clearly fee, the Genius Co^piiccj. 
 of that part of the Clergy that adhered to the Intcrefts of the Court of uinStatute- 
 Rome. On the zi(? of Febru»ry the Bill was fent up to the Lords, and ^°°\ ?' j? 
 read the firft time; on the x6th it was read the fccond time, and com- 7 in X ' 
 mitted ; then the WitncfTes and other Evidences were brought before Journal, 
 them, but chiefly (lie with all her Complices, who confefted the Crimes 
 charged on her. It was reported and read the fixth of March ibc third 
 time, and then the Lords addrcfted to the King to know his pleafure, 
 whether Sir Thomas More, and others mentioned in the Ad as Compli- 
 ces, or atkaft Concealers, might not be heard to fpeak for themfclves in 
 
 the
 
 14-4- 11)6 Hillorj of the Keformatton Book II. 
 
 1534. the Star-Chamber: as for the Bilhopof/^oc/^f/^er he was fick, but he had 
 ''■'"'V"'^*.' written to the Houfe all that he had to fay for his own excufe. What 
 prefumptions lay again fl Sir Thomas More, I have not been able to find out. 
 See his . only that he wrote a Letter to the Nun, at which the King took great 
 Works, Pjg. Exceptions; yet it appears he had a mean opinion of her, for in difcourfe 
 ''**'■ with his beloved Daughter Mil^refs /{o;>i?r, he called her commonly the 
 
 filly Nun. But for juliifying himfelf, he wrote a full account of all the 
 cntercourfe he had with the Nun and her Complices to Cromwell ; but 
 tho' by his other printed Letters, both to Cromwell and the Kmg, it feems 
 fome ill Impreflions remained in the Kings Mind about it, he ftill con- 
 tinued to juflifie not only his Intentions, but his A,5lions in that parti- 
 cular. C)ne thing is not unworthy of obfervation, that Rafial, who 
 publilhed his Works in Queen Maries time, printed the fecond Letter 
 he wrote to Cromwell, yet did not publifh that account which he fenc 
 firfl: to him concerning it, to which More refers himfelf in all his follow- 
 ing Letters; though It is more hke a Cop y ol that would have been 
 preferved, than of thofe other Letters that refer to it. But perhaps it 
 was kept up on defign ; for in Q^ieen Maries time they had a mind to 
 magnify that ftory of the Nun's, fince flie was thought to have fufiered 
 on her Mothers account : and among the other things Ihe talked, one 
 was that the Lady Mary flioxild one day Reign in England^ for which 
 Sanders has fince thought fit to make a Frophetefs of her. And it is 
 certain, More had a low opinion of her, which appears in many places 
 of his printed Letters ; but that would have been much plainer, if that 
 full account he wrote of that Affair had been pubiifhtd ; and there- 
 fore that one of their Martyrs might not leflcn the eflecm of another, 
 it was fit to fupprefs it. Whether my Conjediures in this be well 
 grounded or not, is left to the Readers Judgment. In Conclufion, 
 More's Juftifications feconded with the good Offices that the Lord 
 Chancellor Audley, and Cromwell did him, (who, as appears by his 
 Letters, flood his Friends in that matter) did (o work on the King, that 
 his Name was put out of the Bill, and fo the Aft was agreed on by both 
 Houfes, and the Royal AfTent followed. The matter was this, '''' Eliza- 
 ^* leth Barton o{ Kent, in the Pariih of Aldington, being fick and diftem- 
 pered in her Brain, fell in fome Trances, (it feems by the Symptoms they 
 were Hyfterical Fits) and fpoke many words that made great Impref- 
 *' fions on fome about her, who thought her infpired of God, and Ri- 
 *' chjrd Ma/ler, Parfon ot the Pariih, hoping to draw great advantages 
 *' from this, went to Warham Arch-bilhop of Canterhury, and gave him 
 " a large account of her Speeches, who ordered him to attend her care- 
 *' fully, and bring him a further report of any new Trances, fhe might 
 " afterwards fall in. But ihe had forgot all Ihe had faid in her Fits, yet 
 " the crafty Priefl would not let it go fo, but perfwaded her, that what 
 '' Ihe had laid, was by the Infpiration of the Holy Ghofi, and that Ihe 
 " ought to own that it was fo. Upon which he taught her to counterfeit 
 *' fuch Trances, and to utter fuch Speeches as flie had done before ; 
 " fo that after a whiles Pradlice, flie became very ready at it. The 
 " thing was much noifed abroad, and many came to fee her, but the 
 *' Prielf had a mind to raife the reputation of an Image of the Elelled 
 " ^^^?}**-> t'^at w as in a Chappel within his Pariih, that fo Pilgrima- 
 ges being made to it, he might draw thefe advantages from it, that 
 otherr made from their famed Images, but chole for his Aflbci- 
 ate one Dc(3:or Becking, a Canon of Chrifl-Churcii in Canterbury : 
 
 !! LJpon 
 
 (( 
 
 ((
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 145 
 
 " Upon which they inftruded her to fay in her counterfeited Tran- i5H- 
 
 " ces, that the BleiTed Virgin had appeared to her, and told her fhe ^^"V"^ 
 
 " could never recover, till Ihe went and vifitcd her Image in that 
 
 " Chappel. They had alio taught her in her Fits to make ftrange 
 
 " motions with her Body, by which flie was much disfigured, and 
 
 " to fpeak many Godly Words againft Sin, and the new Dodtrines, 
 
 " which were called Herefies, as alio againft the King's Suit of Divorce. 
 
 " It was alfo noifed abroad, on what day fhe intended to go and vific 
 
 " the Image of the Virgin, fo that about zoo People were gather- 
 
 " ed together, and fhe being brought to the Chappel, fell into her 
 
 " Fits, and made many ftrange Grimaces and Alterations of her Body, 
 
 " and fpake many words ot great Piety, faving, that by the Infpi- 
 
 " ration of God, Ihe was called to be a Religious Woman, and that 
 
 '' Backing was to be her Ghoftly Father. And within a little while 
 
 " fhe feemed by the intcrceflion- of our Lady, to be pcrfedly recove- 
 
 '' red of her former DIftempers, and (he afterwards profefTed a Rcligi- 
 
 *' ous Life. There were alfo violent fufpicions of her Incontinency, 
 
 *' and that Booking was a Carnal, as well as a Spiritual Father. She 
 
 *' fell in manv Raptures aod pretended fhe faw ftrange Vifions, heard 
 
 *' Heavenly Melody, and had the Revelation of many .things that 
 
 " were to come, fo that great credit was given t« what fhe faid, and 
 
 " People generally looked on her as a Prophetefs, and among thofe 
 
 *' the late Arch-biihop of Canter hury was led away with the reft. A 
 
 " Book was writ of her Revelations and Prophecies by one Deering ano- 
 
 " thcr Monk, who was taken in to the Confpiracy with many others. 
 
 " It was alio given out that Mary Magdalen gave her a Letter that 
 
 " was writ in Heaven, which was fhew ed to many, being all writ in 
 
 *' Golden Letters. She pretended uhen the King was lalt at Calais, 
 
 *' that he being at Mafs, an Angel brought away the Sacrament and 
 
 " gave it to her, being then invifibly prefent, and that fhe was prefently 
 
 " brought over ihe Sea to her Monaftery again. But the defign of all 
 
 *' thele Trances was to afenate the People from their Duty to the King, 
 
 " for the Maid gave it our, that God revealed to her, that if the King 
 
 *' went on in the Divorce and married another Wife, he fhould not be 
 
 *' King a Month longer, and in the reputation of Almighty God not one ~ 
 
 " hour longer, hut (hmld die a Villains Death. This, fhe faid was revea- 
 
 " led to her in aniwer to the Prayers fhe had put up to God, to know 
 
 " whether he approved of the Kind's Proceedings or not .•> Which co- 
 
 " ming to the knowledge of the Bifhop of Rochefier and fome others, 
 
 " who adhered to the Q^ieens Interefts, they had frequent meetings with 
 
 *' the Maid, and concealed what fhe fpake concerning the King, and 
 
 " fome of them gave fuch credit to what fhe faid, that they pra(3:ifed ^ 
 
 ** on many others to draw them from their Allegiance, and prevailed 
 
 " with feveral of the Fathers and Nuns of Sion, of the Charter-Houfe 
 
 in London and Shene, and of the Obfervants of Richmont, Greenwich 
 
 and Canterbury, with a great many other Perfons. 
 
 This appeared moft {\gnal\y 3it Greenwich, where the King lived moft The info- 
 *' in Summer, for one Peto heing to preach in the King's Chappel, dc- 'j-^°^^ J^^j,^ 
 nounced heavy Judgments upon him to his face, and told him, that Friars° 
 many lying Prophets had deceived him, but he as a true Micaiah warned stow, 
 him that the Dogs fhould lick his Blood as they had done Ahabs (for that 
 Prophecy about Ahah was his Text) with many otiier bitter words, 
 and concluded, that it was the greateft mijery of Princes, to he daily (o 
 ahjed by flatterers as they were. The King bore it patiently, and ex- 
 
 perffed
 
 1^6 Tte Hiftory of the Keformntion, Book II. 
 
 1534- prtfled no figns of any Commotion, but to undeceive the People, he 
 ^-^"V^^ took care that Dr. Corren or Cnnvin fliould preach next StinJay, who 
 juflified the King's Proceedings, and condemned Petoixs a Rebel, a Slan- 
 derer, a Dog, and a Tray tor. Peto was gone to Canterbury, but ano- 
 ther obfervant Friar of the fame Houfe, E/Jfon, interrupted him. and 
 faid he was one of thclying Prophets, that fought by Adultery to ella- 
 biifli the Succeflion to the Crown, and that he would juftify all that 
 Peto had faid, and fpake many other things with great vehemency, nor 
 could they filence him, till the King himlelf commanded him to hold his 
 Peace. And yet all that was done either to him, or Peto, was, that being 
 called before the Privy Council, they were rebuked for their infolence, 
 by which it appears, that King Henrj was not very cafily inflamed againft 
 them, when a Crime of fo high a Nature was fo flightly palled over. 
 
 " Nor was this all, but the Fathers that were in the Confpiracy, 
 " had confederated to publilh thele Revelations in their Sermons up 
 " and down the Kingdom. They had alfo given notice of them to the 
 " Popes Ambaffadors, anJ had brought the Maid to declare her Reve- 
 " lations to them, they had alfo fent an acccount to Qi,ieen Katharine 
 " for encouraging her to (land out and not fubmit to the Laws, of 
 Stoiv. " which Coniederacy Thomcu Abel was likewife one. The thing that 
 was in fo many hands could not be a Secret, therefore the King who had 
 defpifed it long, ordered that in November the former year the Maid 
 and her Complices, Richard Majier, Dodlor Bocking, Richard Deer- 
 ing, Henry Gold a Parfon in London, Hugh Rich an obfervant Friar, 
 Richard Rishy, Thomas Gold and Edward Twaites Gentlemen, and Tho- 
 mas Laurence fliould be brought into the Star-Ciiamber, where there 
 was a great appearance of many Lords, they were examined upon 
 the prcmifes, and did all without any rack or torture conlefs the whole 
 Confpiracy, and were adjudged to Hand in Pauls all the Sermon time ; 
 and after Sermon, the Kings Officers were to give every one of them his 
 Bill of ConfefTion to be openly read before the People, which was 
 done next Sunday, the Bilhop of Bangor preaching, they being all fet 
 in a Scaffold before him. This publick manner was thought upon good 
 grounds, to be the beft way to fatisfie the People of the Impofiureof 
 the whole matter, and it did very much convince them, that the Caufe 
 • mud needs be bad, where fuch methods were ufed to fupport ir. From 
 
 thence they were carried to the Tower, where they lay till the Seflion 
 of Parliament, but when they lay there, iome of their Complices fent 
 MefTagcs to the Nun, to encourage her to deny all that flie had faid ; 
 and it is very probable, that the reports that went abroad of her be- 
 ing forced or cheated into a ConftfTion, made the King think it nc* 
 cefiary to proceed more feverely againfl her; The thing being con- 
 fidered in Parliament, it was judged a Confpiracy againfl the Kings Life 
 and Crown. So the Nun and Majler, Backing, Peering, Rich, Rishyy 
 and fJenry Gold, were attainted of High Trealon. And the Bilhop of 
 Roc he Her, Thomas Gold, Thomas Laurence, Edward Twaites, John A- 
 dejon, and Thomas Abel, were judged guilty of mifprifion of Trea- 
 lon, and to forieit tlieir Goods and Chattels to the King, and to be 
 imprifoned during his Pleafure, and ali the Books that were written 
 of her Revelations, were ordered to be fent in, to fome of the chief 
 Officers of State, under thepatns of Fine and Imprifonment. It had 
 been alfo found, that the Letter which Ihe pretended to have got from 
 Mary Magdalen, was written by one Hankherft of Canterbury.^ and 
 that the Door of the Dormitorie, which was given out to be made 
 
 open
 
 Book II. of the Church of England 14.7 
 
 open by Miracle, that Hie might go into the Chappel for Converic 15^,4. 
 with God, was opened by Ibmc ot her Complices, lor beaftly and car- ""^^^^^^ 
 nal Ends. But in the Conclufion of the AGt, all others who had been 
 corrupted in their Allegiance by thefe Impoiiures, except the Pcrlons be- 
 fore named, were at the earncft intercellion ol Qiiecn ^««e pardoned. 
 
 The Two Houfes of Parliament (having ended their bufinefs) were 
 prorogued on the 29//? of March, to the third of Novemler, and before 
 they broke up, all the Members of both Hou e?, that they might give a 
 gooj example to the King's other Suljdls, fuoie the Oa-hof iiucccffion, 
 as appears from the Adt made about it in thentxt Sellion of Parliament. 
 The Execution of thefe Perfons was delayed for fome time, it is like» 
 till the King.had a return from Rome, of the NiefTcrger he had fent tht- ^ 
 
 ther with his SubmilTion. 
 
 Soon after that, on the loth of April, the Nun and Bocking^ Mafler, 
 Deerittg, Rishy and GoU (^Rtch is not named, being perhaps either 
 dead or pardoned) were brought to T\burn. The Nu» (pake thefe 
 words. Hither I am come to die, and I have mt been only the c >.ufe ^^^ ^'""^ 
 of mine own Death, which mofl juflly / have dejerveJ, hut aljo I am the iieroeath' 
 caufe of the Death of allthoje I'er/oHS, which at this time here [offer. And 
 yet to (ay the truth, I am not jo much to he blamed confidering that it Hall, 
 was well known to thefe Learned Men, that I was a poor Wench without Learn' 
 ing, and therefore they might eafily have perceived, that the things that 
 were done by me, could not proceed in no fuch f-rt ; but their Capacities 
 and Learning could right well judge from whence they proceeded, and that 
 they were altogether feigned ; but becaufe the thing which 1 feigned was 
 profitable to them, therefore they much praijed me; and bore me in hand, 
 that it was the Holy Ghofl and not I, that did them ; and then I being 
 puffed up with their Praifes, fellinto a certain pride and fooltfh Fantafie 
 with my fslf, and thought I might feign what J woitld^ which thing hath 
 brought me to this cafe : and for the which now, I cry God and the Kings 
 Highne'is mofl heartily Mercy, and de fire you all good People^ to pray to God 
 to have Mercy on me, and on all them that here fuffer with me. 
 
 On all this I have dwelt the longer, both becaufe thefe are all called 
 Martyrs by Sanders, and that this did firfl provoke the King againft 
 the Regular Clergy, and drew after it all the Severities that were 
 done in the reft of his Reign. The foulncfs and the wicked defigns 
 of thii Impollurc, did much alienate People from the Jntereff of Rome^ 
 and made the other A(3s both pafs more eafily, and the better recei- 
 ved by the People. It was alfo generally believed, that what was 
 now difcovered was no new Pradtice, but that many of the Vifions 
 and Miracles, bv which Religious Orders had railed their Credit fo 
 high, were of the fame Nature : and it midc way for the deftroying 
 of all the Mona.leries in England, tho all the Severity which at this 
 time followed on it, was, that the Ohfervant Friers of Richmont, Green- ^*'^^' 
 wich, Canterbury, Newark, and Newcajlle, were removed out of tneir 
 Houfes, and put with the other Gray-Friers, and Augujl in- Friers were 
 put in their Houfes. 
 
 liut becaufe of the great name of Fifher Bifhop of Rochefler, and 
 fince this was the firfl: itep to his ruin, it is neccflary to give a fuller 
 account of his Carriage in this matter. When the Cheat was firft F:jhergeatiy 
 difcovered, Cromwell then Secretary of State, fent the Bifhops Brother de^'twith. 
 10 him, with a Iharp reproof for his Carriage in that bufinels ; but 
 withal advifed him to write to the King, and acknowledge his Of* 
 
 T fence.
 
 148 
 
 The Htflory of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 I5U- 
 
 But is obfti 
 Dacc and iu 
 tradable. 
 
 fence, and defire his Pardon, which he knew the A^ing, confidering 
 his Age and Sicknefs, would grant. But he wrote back, excufing 
 himlelf, that all he did, was only to try whether her Revelations 
 were true.- He confefled, he conceived a great Opinion of her HoJi- 
 nefs, both from common Fame, and her enrring into Religion ; from 
 the report of her Ghoftly Father, whom he efteemed Learned and 
 Religious, and of many other Learned and Vertuous Priefts ; from 
 the good opinion the late Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury had of her, and 
 from what is in the Prophet Amos, That God will do nothing without 
 revealing it to his Servants. That upon thele grounds, he was in- 
 duced to have a good opinion of her; and that to try the truth a- 
 bout her, he bad lometimes fpoken with her, and fent his Chaplains 
 to her, but never difcovered any Falfbood in her. And for his con- 
 cealing what <he had told him about the King, which was laid to 
 his charge, he thought it needlefs for him to fpeak of it to the King^ 
 fince (he had faid to him, that fhe had told it to the King her felf : 
 She had named no Perfon who fliould kill the King, which by being 
 known, might have been prevented. And as in Spiritual Things, e- 
 vcry Church-man was not bound to denounce Judgments againft thofe 
 that could not bear it ; fo in Temporal Things, the cafe may be the 
 fame; and the King had on other occafiops (poken fo Iharpfy to him 
 tliathehad reafon to think, the King wou'd have been offended with 
 him for fpeaking of it, and would have fufpedted that he had a hand 
 in it ; therefore he defired for the paflTion of Chrift to be no more 
 troubled about that matter, otberwile he would fpeak his Confcience 
 freely. To all which, Cromwell wrote a long Letter, which the. 
 Reader will find in the Colledion, copied from the rude draught of 
 it, written with his own hand. In which he charges the Matter 
 c/M^rM. upon him heavily, and fliews him, that he had not proceeded as 3 
 grave Prelate ought to have done ; for he had taken all that he had 
 heard of her upon truft, and "had examined nothing ; that if every 
 Perfon that pretends to Revelations were believed on their own words, 
 all Government would be thereby deftroyed. He had no reafon to 
 conclude from the Prophecy oi Amos, that every thing that is to fall 
 out muft be revealed to fome Prophet, ftnce many notable things had 
 fallen out, of which there was no Revelation made before-hand. But 
 he told him the true reafon that made him give credit to her, was, 
 the matter of her Prophecies : to which he was fo addided, as he 
 was to every other thing in which he once entred, that nothing 
 could come amifs that ferved to that end. And he appealed to his 
 Confcience, whether if fhe had prophecied for the King, he would 
 have given fuch eafie credit to her, and not have examined the mat- 
 ter further. Then he Ihows how guilty he was, in not revealing 
 what concerned the King's Life, and how frivolous all his excufes were. 
 And after all, tells him, that though his excufing the matter had 
 provoked the King, and that if it came to a Trial, he would cer- 
 tainly be found guilty ; yet again he advifes him to beg the King's 
 Pardon for his Negligence and Offence in that matter ; and under- 
 takes that the King would receive him into his favour, and that all 
 matters of Dilplealuic pafs'd before that time, (hould be forgiven and 
 forgotten. This fliows that though Fijher had in the progrefs of 
 the King's Caufe, given him great OfTence, yet he was ready to pafs 
 it all over, and not to take the advantage which he now had againft 
 
 him. 
 
 Colleftion 
 Number 49 
 Cott. Lib.
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 14^ 
 
 him. )^ut Fijher was ftill obftinate, and made no fubmiflion, and fo J5'Vj. 
 was included within the Ad for mifprifion of Treafon ; and yet I do not 
 find, that the King proceeded againft him ui^on this Ad, till by new 
 provocations he drew a heavier florm of Indignation upon himfelf. 
 
 When the ScfTion of Parhament was at an end, Commillioners 
 were fcnt every where to offer the Oath of the Succefllon to the Theoathfor 
 Crown, to all, according to the Ad of Parliament, which was uni- 'he SuccefR- 
 verfally taken by all forts of Perfons. Gardiner wrote from Winchejier °worn!^" ^ 
 the fixth of May to Cromwell, that in the pretence of the Lord Cham- <^'^''s- cott. 
 berlain, the Lord Aueiley, and many other Gcnriemen, all Abbots, Pri- [;!,^ ^'*''" *"" 
 ors, Wardens, with the Curates of all Parilhes and Chappels with- 
 in the Shire, had appeared and taken the Oath very obediently ; and 
 had given in a Lift of ail the Religious Perfons in their Houfes of 14 
 years of Age and above, for taking whofe Oaths fome Commiflioners 
 were appointed. The forms in which they took the Oath are not 
 known, and it is no wonder, for though they wei-e enrolled, yet in 
 Queen Maries time there was a Commidim given to Bomer and o- 
 thers, to examine the Records, and raze out of them ail th.ngs that 
 were done either in contempt of the See of Rome, or to the defama- 
 tion of Religious Houfes, purfuant to which, there are many things 
 taken out of the Rolls, which I fhall fometimes have occafion after- 
 wards to take notice of; yet fome Writings have efcaped their DiLgence, 
 fo there remains but two of the Subfcriptions of Religious Orders, both 
 bearing date the 4th of May i j 54. One is by the Prior and Convent of 
 Langky Regis, that were Dominicans, the Francifcans of Aileshury, the 
 Dominicans of Dunjiahley the Francifcans of fi(f^<7r^, the Carmelites of 
 Hecking^ and the Francifcans de Mare. The other is by the Priorefs and 
 Convent of the Dominican Nuns at Deptford. 
 
 " Inthefe, befides the renewing their Allegiance to the King, they j,^°f^^' 
 ** fwear the Lawfulnefs of his Marriage with Queen Ame, and that Ko7.cilTf, 
 " they fhall be true to the IlTue begotten in it; that they fhall always 
 " acknowledge the King Head of the Church of England; and that the 
 " Bilhop of Rome has no more Power than any other Bifhop has in his 
 " own Diocefs ; and that they fhould fubmit to all the King's Laws, 
 *' notwithftanding the Pope's Cenfures to the contrary. That in their 
 *' Sermons they ftiould not pervert the Scriptures, but preach Chrift and ^j'^^^ ^^^ 
 " his Gofpel fincerely according to the Scriptures, and the Tradition ,10c in the 
 ** of Orthodox and Catholick Dodors; and in their Prayers, that they other wrU 
 *' fhould pray firft for the King, as Supreme Head of the Church of "°S- 
 " England, then for the Queen and her IfTue, and then for the Arch- bifhop 
 " oi Canterbury^ and the other ranks ot the Clergy. To this thele fix 
 Priors fet their Hands with the Seals of their Convents, and in their 
 Subpfcriptions declared, that they did it freely and uncompelled, and 
 in the name of all the Brethren in the Convent. 
 
 But Sir Thomas More and the Bifhop of Rochejler, refufed to take the jyforezDdFi' 
 Oath as it was conceived . Whofe Fall being fo remarkable, I Ihall fhew {('^^^1^^ 
 the flepsof it. There was a meeting of the Privy Council at Lamhtb, 
 to which many were cited to appear, and take the Oath. Sir Thomof f" J^" 
 More was firlt called, and the Oath was tendred to him under the i^g/' 
 great Seal : then he called for the Ad of SuccelFion, to which it re- 
 lated, which was alfo fhewed him: having confidered of them, he 
 faid he would neither blame thefe that made the Ad, nor thofe that 
 fwore the Oath, but for his part, though he was willing to fwear 
 
 T z to
 
 1 50 The Hiflory of the k.e{ormation Book IL 
 
 15:34. to the Succeflion, if he might be (uffered to draw an Oirh conccrn- 
 '^^'''V"'^ ing it, yet fpr the Oath that was offered him, his Conlcience fo mo* 
 ved him, that he could not without hazuding his Soul take it. Up- 
 on this, the Lord Chancellour told him, that he was the firfl: who 
 had refufed (9 fwear it, and that the King would be highly offended 
 with him for denying it, and fo he was defiied to withdraw and con- 
 fider better of it. Several others were called upon, and did all take the 
 Oath, except the Bilhop of Roche/ier, who anfwered upon the matter as 
 More had done. When the Lords had difpatched all the reft, More was 
 again brought before them; they iliewed him how many had taken it; 
 " he anfwered, he judged no Man for doing it, only he could not do it 
 himfelf. Then they asked the Rcafons why he refufed it: Heanfwered, 
 he feared it might provoke the King more againft him, if he fhould of- 
 fer Reafons which would becaljed a difputing againft Law: but when 
 he was further prefled to give his Reafons, he laid if the King would 
 command him to do it, he would put them in Writing. 
 
 The Archbilhop oi Canterbury urged him with this Argument, That 
 fince he faid he blamed no other perfon for taking ir, it feemed he 
 was not perfwaded it was a Sin, but was doubtful m the matter : but 
 he did certainly know, he ought to obey the King, and the Law, fo 
 there was a certainty on the one hand, and only a doubt on the o- 
 ther; therefore he was obliged to do that about which he was cer- 
 tain, notwithOanding thefe his doubtings. This did fhake him a lit- 
 tle, efpecially (as hirnfelf writes,) coming out of fo Nolle a Prelates 
 Mouth: but he anfwered, that though he had examined the matter 
 very carefully, yet his Confcience leaned pofitively to the other fide ; 
 and he offered to purge hirnfelf by his Oath, that it was purely out 
 of a Principle of Confcience, and out of no light Fantafie or Obfti- 
 nacy that he thus refufed it. The Abbot of Weflmitifler prelTed him, 
 that however the matter appeared to him, he might fee his Con- 
 fcience was erronious, fmce the great Council of the Realm was of 
 another mind ; and therefore he ought to change his Confcience. 
 (^ A Reafoning very fit for fo rich an Abbot, which difcovers of what 
 temper his Conlcience was. ) But to this More anfu ered, that if he 
 were alone againft the whole Parliament, he had reafon to fufpe(5t 
 his own Underftanding ; but he thought he had the whole Council of 
 Chriftendom on his fide, as well as the great Council of England was a- 
 gainf\ him. Secretary Cromwell, who (as More writes) tenderly favoured 
 him, feeing his Ruine was now inevitable, was much afieded at it ; and 
 protefted with an Oath, he had rather his own only Son had Joft his 
 Head, than that he fliould have refufed the Oath. Thus both he and the 
 Bifhop of Rochefier refufed it, but both offered to fwear another Oath 
 for the Succelfion of the Crov, n to the Iflue of the King's prefent Mar- 
 riage, becaufe that was in the Power of the Parliament to determine it. 
 Cranmer, who was a moderate and wife Man, and forefaw well the ill 
 effeiits that would follow on contending fo much, with Perfbns fo high- 
 ly eftecmed over the World, and of (ucha temper, that Severity would 
 M'Mver/Mo- tend them to nothing, did by an earneft Letter to Cromwell, dated the 
 numents, 27//; of April, move, that what they offered might be accepted ; for if 
 ^^f 5°4. they once fwore to the Succelhon, it would quiet the Kingdom, for 
 ^° ' they acknowledging it, all other Perfons would acquiefce and fubmit 
 to ihcir Judgments, but this fage Advice was not accepted. 
 
 The
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, 15! 
 
 The King was much irrirared againft them, and re/olved to pro- <5]4. 
 ceed with them according to Law, and therefore they were both in- ^Of""^ 
 dided upon the Statute, and committed Prifoners to the Tower, proceeded 
 And it being apprehended, that if they had Books and Paper given agiin"- 
 them, they would write againft the King's Marriage or his Supremacy, 
 thefe were denied them. The old Bilhop was hardly ufed, his Bilho- 
 prick was feized on, and all his Goods taken from him, only fome old 
 Rags were Jelt to cover him i and he was neither fupplicd well in Diet 
 or other Neceflaries, of which he made fad Complaints to Cromvel/. But 
 the remainder of the Tragical Bufmefs, which left one of the grcated 
 Blots on this Kingdom s Proceedings, falling within the limits of the 
 next Book, I hafle on to the Conclufion of this. 
 
 The Separation from Rome was made in the former Sefljon of Par- Another 
 liament, but the King's Supremacy was nor yet fully fetlcd. This was Si^l^neL 
 referved for the next Seflion that fate in November from the third of 
 that Month, to the i2th oi Decemkr, about which we can have no light 
 from the Journals, they being loft. The firft Ad: confirmed what had 
 been already acknowledged by the Clergy, '' Thzt the King was the f he King's 
 " Supreme Head in Earth of the Church of England, which was to be dcciaTed!^ 
 " annexed to his other Titles. It was alfo eni<fted, that the King and 
 " his Heirs and Succeflbrs (hould have Power to vifit and reform all 
 *' Herefies, Errors, and other Abufes, which in the Spiritual Jurildwiii- 
 " on ought to be reformed. 
 
 By the fecond Adt they confirmed the Oath about the Succeffion, ''"h^ ^"^ 
 concerning which fome doubts had been made, bccaufe there was no succeffion 
 Oath fpecified in the former Ad, though both Houfes had taken it ; confirmed. 
 it was now enaded, That all the Subjeds were obliged to take it when 
 offered to them, under the pains contained in the A£t paftcd in the 
 former SefTion. By the third Ad:, the Firft-fruits and Tenths of all TheFirfi- 
 Ecclefiaftical Benefices were given to the King, as the Supreme Head of Benefice 
 the Church. The Clergy were eafily prevailed on, to confent to the given to the 
 putting down of the AnHat:s, payed to the Court of Rome ; for all '^'"S- 
 Men readily concur to take off any Impofition ; But at that time it had 
 perhaps abated much of their heartinefs, if they had imagined that thefe 
 Duties fhould have been ftill payed ; therefore that was kept up till 
 they had done all that was to be done againft Rome. And now as the 
 Commons and the Secular Lords would no doubt eafily agree to lay a 
 Tax on the Clergy ; fo the others having no Foreign Support, were not 
 in a condition to wrcftle againft it. 
 
 In the thirteenth Ad, among other things that were made Trea- ^""'^^''^^ 
 fon, one was the denying the King the Dignity, Title or Name, of dedfre"^ 
 his Eftate Royal ; or the calling the King Heretick, Schifmatick, Ty- Treafon. 
 rant, hifidel, or Ufurper of the Crown. This was done to reftrain the 
 Infolencies of fome Friars ; and all fuch Offenders were to be denied 
 the Privilege of Sanduaries. By the fourteenth Ad, provifion was An Aft for 
 made for Suffragan Bilhops, which, as is faid, had leen acculiomed to he Suffragan . 
 had within this Realm, for the more fpeedy adminiJlratioH of the Sacra- ^''*'°P*- 
 ments, and other good wholefome and devout things, and laudable Ceremo- 
 nies, to the encreafe of God's Honour, and for the commodity of good and de- 
 loHt People: therefore they appointed for SufiVagans Sees, the Towns 
 of The t ford, Ipfwich, Colchefier^ Dover, Gilford, Southampton, Taun- 
 ton, Shaftshury, Molton, Marlborough^ Bedford, Leicefier, Gloucefler, 
 Shrewsbury) Bri/lol, Feurethf Bridgivater^ Nottingham^ Grantham, Hull^ 
 
 Huntington,
 
 I$2 
 
 The Hiftorj of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 »fH- 
 
 Colleft. 
 Numb. 5 1. 
 
 Aft. i6. Rot. 
 
 Pari, 
 
 A Subfidy 
 
 granted. 
 
 More and 
 fi/her at- 
 tainted. 
 Aft 3. SCi. 
 Rot. Ptrl. 
 
 The Pro- 
 ceedings a- 
 gainft them 
 varioully 
 cenfuied. 
 
 Huntington^ Cambridge^ and the Towns ot Pereth and Barwick, iit. Oer- 
 w<z«j in Cornwall^ and the iHe of Wight. For thefe Sees, the Biihop 
 of the Diocefs was to prefent two to the King, who might chufe either 
 of them, and prefent the Perfon (o named, to the Archbiftiop of the 
 Province, to be confecrated ; alter u hich, they might exercife luch Ju- 
 rifdidion as the Birtiop of the Diocefs (hould give to them, or as Suffra- 
 gans had been formerly ufed to do, but their Authority was to laft no 
 longer than the Bifhop continued his Commifllon to them. But that the 
 Reader may more clearly fee how this Adl was executed, he Ihall find in 
 the Collecftion, a Writ for making a SufTragan Bifhop. Thefe were be- 
 lieved to be the fame with the Chorepifcopi in the Primitive Church, 
 which as they were begun before the firft Council of iST/ce, fo they con- 
 tinued in the Wellern Church till the Ninth Century, and then a Decre- 
 tal of Damafcus being forged, that condemned them, they were put 
 down every where by degrees, and now revived in England. Then fol- 
 lowed the grant of a Subfidy to the King : it was now twelve Years 
 fince there was any Subfidy granted. A Fifteenth and a Tenth were 
 given, to be paid in three Years, the final Payment being to be at Allhal- 
 lontide, in the Year 1537. The Bill began with a moft glorious Pre- 
 amble " of the King's High Wifdom and Policy in the Government of 
 '' the Kirgdom thefe twenty four Years in great Wealth and Quietnefs, 
 and the great Charges he had been at in the lafl War with Scotland^ 
 in fortifying Calais^ and in the War o{ Ireland., and that he intended 
 to bring the wilful, wild, and unreafonable and favage People of 
 Ireland., to Order and Obedience, and intended to build Forts on the 
 Marches of Scotland., for the Security of the Nation, to amend the 
 Haven of Calais.^ and make a new one at Dover. By all which they 
 did perceive the entire Love and Zeal which the King bore to his Peo- 
 ple, and that he fought not their Wealth and Quietnefs, only for his 
 own time, being a Mortal Man, but did provide for it in all time com- 
 ing : Therefore they thought that of very Equity, Realbn, and good 
 Confcience, they were bound to Ihovv like correfpondence of Zeal, 
 " Gratitude and Kindnels. Upon this the King fent a general Pardon 
 with fome Exceptions ordinary in fuch cafes. But Fijher and More were 
 not only excluded from this Pardon by general Claufes, but by two 
 particular Adls they were attainted of milpriflon of Treafon. By the 
 third Adt according to the Record, Jvhn Bilhop of Rochefter., Chriftopher 
 Tlummer., t^icholas Wilfon, Edward Powel, Richard Fetherflone., and Miles 
 Wjllir Clerks, were attainted for retufing the Oath of Succcflion, and 
 the Bifhoprick of Rochefter^ with the Benefices of the other Clerks were 
 declared void from the id of January next, yet it feems {qw wefe fond 
 of fucceeding him in that See ; for fohn Hilfey the next Bifhop of Ro» 
 chejler, was not confecrated before the Year 1537. By he fourth Ad', 
 Sir thomai More is by an invidious Preamble charged with Ingratitude, 
 for the great Favours he had received from the King, and for fludying 
 to fow and make Sedition among the King's Sutjedts, and refufing to 
 take the Oath of SuccefTion : Therefore they declared the King's 
 Grants to him to be void, and attaint him of mifprifion of Treafon. 
 
 This Severity, though it was blamed by many, yet others thought 
 it was necellary in fo great a Change ; fmce the Authority of thefe 
 two Men was fuch, that if fome fignal notice had not been taken of 
 them, many might by their Endeavours, efpecially encouraged by that 
 Impunity, have been corrupted in their AfJedions to the King- Others 
 
 thought 
 
 i< 
 
 C( 
 
 «c
 
 Book II. of the Charch of England i 5;^ 
 
 thought the profecuting them in fuch a manner, did rather raife their 1534. 
 Reputation higher, and give them more Credit with the People, who ^^^''■"V^n^i 
 are naturally incHned to pity thofe that fuffer, and to think well of 
 thole Opinions, for which they fee Men refolved to endure all Extre- 
 mities. But others obferved the Jaflice of God in retaliating tlius Uf5- 
 on them their own Severities to others: For as /v/^fr did grievoufly 
 profecuie the Preacliers of Luther s Do<flrine : fo Morss hand had been 
 very heavy on them as long as he had Power, and he had Ihewed 
 them no Mercy, but the Extremity of the Law, which himfelf now 
 felt to be very heavy. Thus ended the SL-flion of Parliament-, with 
 which this Book is alfo to conclude, for now I come to a third Period 
 of the King's Heign, in which he did govern his Subjedts without any 
 Competitor: But I am to flop a little, and give an account of the Pro- 
 grefs of the Reformation in thefe Years that I have paft through. 
 
 The Cardinal was no great Perfecutor of Hercticks, which was gene-' The Pro- 
 rally thou.ht to flow from his Hatred of the Clergy, and that he was ^refs of th; 
 not ill pleafed to have them deprefled. During the agitation of the tion°'^"'^ 
 King's i^rocels, there was no Profecution of the Preachers of Luther's 
 Dodrine: Whether this fiowed from any Intimation of the King's Plea- 
 fure to the Bifliop or not, I cannot tell, but it is very probable it mutl 
 have been fo, for rhefe Opinions were received by many, and the Po- 
 pifti Clergy were fo inclined to Severity, that as they wanted not Occa- 
 fions, lo they had a good mind to ufe thofe Preachers cruelly, fo that it 
 is likely the King relf rained them, and that was always mixed with the 
 other Threatnings to work upon the Pope, that Herelie would prevail in 
 England^ if the King got not Juftice done him, fo that till the Cardinal 
 fell, they were put to no further trouble. 
 
 But as foon as More came into favour, he preded the King much, 
 to put the Laws againft Hereticks in execution, and fuggefted that 
 the Court of Rome would be more wrought upon by the King's fup- 
 porting the Church, and defending the Faith vigoroudy, than by 
 Threatnings: And therefore a long Proclamation was iflued out againlt 
 the Hereticks, many of their Books were prohibited, and all the Laws fox. 
 againft them were appointed to be put in execution, and great Care 
 was taken to feize them as they came into England, but many efcaped 
 their Diligence. 
 
 There were fome at Antwerp, Tindal, Jove, Conftant'tne, with a few ThdaitnA 
 more, that were every Year writing and printing new Books chiefly ^^jj^^^ " 
 againft the Corruptions of the Clergy, the Superitition of Pilgrimages, 
 of woriliipping Images, Saints, and Relicks; and againft relying on 
 thefe things, which were then called in the common iTile, Good Works, 
 in oppofition to which they wrote much about Faith in Chrift, with a 
 true Evangelical Obedience, as the only means by which Men could ,be 
 faved. The Book that had the greateft Authority and Influence, was 
 Tindals Tranflation of the New Teftament, of which the Bilhops made 
 great Complaints, and faid, it was full of Errors. But Tonjlal, then Bi- 
 Ihop of London, being a Man of invincible Moderation, would do no ^^//. 
 body hurt, yet endeavoured as he could to get their Books into his 
 Hands : So being at Antwerp in the Year 1519, as he returned from his 
 Emballie at the Treaty of Camhray, he fent for one Packington an En^ijh 
 Merchant there, and defircd him to fee how many New Teftamcnts of 
 Tmdd\ Tranflation he might have for Money. Packington, who was a 
 fecret favourer of Ttndal, told him, what the Bilhop propoled. Tindal 
 
 was
 
 1 54. Tbs Hifiory of the Reformatton. B ook 11. 
 
 1554. 
 
 The New 
 
 Tcftamcnt 
 
 burnt. 
 
 The iafi Pi- 
 per in Sir 
 Henry Spe!- 
 rrani Z vo'. 
 
 Supplica- 
 tion of the 
 Beggars. 
 
 More an- 
 swers K. 
 
 was very glad of it, for being convinced ot Tome Faults in his Works, he 
 was a defigning a new and more corredt Edition ; but he was poor, and 
 the former Imprenion not being (old of?', he could not go about it: So 
 he gave Packington all the Copies that lay in his Hands, tor which the 
 Bilhop payed the Price, and brought them over, and burnt them pub- 
 lickly in Cheapfieie. This had luch an hateful Appearance in it, being 
 generally called a burning of the Word of God, ttiat I'eopjc from thence 
 concluded there muff be a vifible contrariety between that Book and 
 the Dodrines of thofe who fo handled it ; by which both their prejudice 
 againft the Clergy, and their defire of reading the New Teftament was 
 encrealVd. So that next Year, when the Second Edition was finilhcd, 
 many more were brought over, and Conjlantine being taken in England, 
 the Lord Chancellor in a private Examination, promifed him that no 
 hurt fliould be done him, if he would revtal who encouraged and fup- 
 ported them at Antwerp ; which he accepted of, and told that the great- 
 efl Encouragement they had, was from the Bifhop of London, who had 
 bought up half the Impreilion. This made all that heard of it laugh hear- 
 tily, though more judicious Perfons difcerned the great temper of that 
 Learned l3iihop in it. When the Clergy condemned tindafs Ti anflation 
 of the New Teflament, they declared they intended to fet out a true 
 Tranflation of it ; which many thought was never truly defigned by 
 them, but only pretended, that they might reftnin the Cuiiofiry of 
 feeing Tindals Works, with the hopes of one that fhould be authorized : 
 And as tliey made no progrefs in it, fo at length on the 14th of May, 
 A»Ho 1530, there was a Paper drawn and agreed to by Archbilhop War- 
 ham, Chancellor vWor^, Billiop 7'owy?^/ and many Canonifls and Divines, 
 which every Incumbent v\as comminded to read to his Parilh, as a war- 
 ning to prevent the Contagion of Herefie. The Contents of which were, 
 '' That the King having called together many of the Prelates, with other 
 Learned Men out of both Univerhties, to examine fome Books lately 
 fet out in the Englifh Tongue, they had agreed to condemn them, as 
 containing feveral points of Herefie in them ,• and it being propofed to 
 thenn, whether it was neccfTary to fet forth the Scriptures in the Vul- 
 gar Tongue, they were of opinion, that though it had been fome- 
 times done, yet it was not necefTiry, and that the King did well, not 
 to fet it out at that time in the Englifh Tongue. So by this all the 
 hopes of a Tranflation of the Scriptures vanilhcd. 
 
 There came out another Book which took mightily, it was entit'led. 
 The Supplication of the Beggars, written by one Simon Pijh of Grays-Inn. 
 In it the Beggars complained to the King, that they, were reduced to 
 great Mifciy, the Alms of the People being intercepted by Companies 
 of flrong and idle Friars ; lor (uppofing that each of the five Mendi- 
 cant Orders had but a Penny a quarter from every Houihold, it did 
 rife to a vaft Sum, of which the Indigent and truly Neceflitous Beggars 
 were defrauded. Their being unprofitable to the Commonwealth, with 
 feveral other things, were alio complained of. He alfo taxed the Pope 
 for Cruelty and Covetoufnefs, that did not deliver all Perfons out of 
 Purgatory, and that none but the Rich, who payed well for it, could be 
 difchargtd out of that Prilon. This was written in a witty and taking 
 Stile, and the King had it put in his Hands by Anne Boleyn, and lik'd it 
 well, and would not fuffer any thing to be done to the Author. 
 
 Chancellor More was the mol\ zealous Champion the Clergy had, 
 for I do not find that any of them wrote much, only the Bifliopof Ro- 
 
 cbejler 
 
 it, 
 
 ((
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 155 
 
 chejier wrote for Furgatory ; but the reft left it wholly to him, either be- i ^ 34. 
 caufe few of them could write well, or that he being much efteeraed, v.''^V-s.» 
 and a difinterelTed Perfon, things would be better received from hira, 
 than from them who were look'd on as Parties. So he anfwered this 
 Supplication by another, in the nameot the Souls that were in Purgato- 
 ry ; reprefenting the Mifcrics they were in, and the great Relief they 
 found by the Mafles the Friars faid for them, and brought in every 
 Man's Anceftors Ciliing earneftly upon him to befriend thofepoor Fri- 
 ars now, uhen they had fo manv Enemies. He confidently afTerted it 
 had been the Dodrine of the Church for many Ages, and brought many- 
 places out of the Scriptures to prove it, befides feveral reafbns that fee- 
 med to confirm ir. This, being writ of a Subjed that would allow of a 
 great deal of popular and moving Eloquence, in which he was very e- 
 minent, took with many. 
 
 But it difcovered to others what was the Foundation of thofe Reli- 
 ligious Orders ; and that if the belief of Purgatory were once rooted 
 cur, all that was built on that Foundation muft needs fall with it. So 
 John Frith wrote an Anfwer to i*W<?rf's Supplication, to (hew, that there lyith'jephes. 
 was no ground for Purgatory in Scripture; and that it was not believed 
 in the Primitive Church. He alfo anfwered the Bilhop of Rochefiers 
 Book, and fome Dialogues that were written on the fame Subjedi, by 
 Rajial 3i Printer, and Kinfman of Mora: He difcovered the Fallacy of 
 their Reafonings, which were built on the wcaknefs, or defed:s of our 
 Repentance in this Life ; and that therefore there mull be another State 
 in which we muft be further purified. To this he anfwered, That our 
 Sins were not pardoned for our Repentance, or the Perfcdiion of it, but 
 only for the Merits and Sufferings of Chrift ; and that if our Repentance 
 is fincere, God accepts of it ; and Sin being once pardoned, it could not 
 be further punifhed. He Ihcwed the difference between the Punifh- 
 raents we may fuffer in this Life, and thofe in Purgatory ; the one are 
 either Medicinal Corrections for reforming us more and more, or for 
 giving Warning toothers: The other are terrible Puniihments, with- 
 out any of thefe ends in them : therefore the one might well confifl with 
 the freePardo.T of Sin, the other could not. So he argued from all thefe 
 places of Scripture, in which we are faid to be freely pardoned our Sins 
 bythe Blood of Chrifi, that no Punilhment in another State could con- 
 fift with it : He alfo argued from all thofe places in which it is faid, that 
 . we fhall at the day of Judgment receive according to what we have 
 done in the Body, that there \^as no State of Pu^-gitory beyond this Life, 
 For the places brought out of the Old Teftament, he (liewed they 
 Could not be meant of Purgatory, fince according to the DoStx'vne of 
 the School- men, there was no going to Purgatory before Ghri^^. For 
 the places in the New Teftament he appealed to Mores great Friend, 
 Erajmiu^ whofe Expofition of thefe places difRred much from his GloP 
 fes. That place in the Epiftle to the Corinthians about the Fire, that waS 
 to try every Man's Work, he faid, was plainly Allegorical ; and fince the 
 Foundation, theBuildingof Gold, Silver, and precious Stone; of Wood, 
 Hay and Stubble, were figuratively taken, tht-re was no reafon to take 
 the Fire in a literal fenle : therefore by Fire was to be underitood the 
 Perfecution then near at hand ; called in other places, the fiery Tryal. 
 
 For the Ancient Dodors, he (hewed, that in the fourth Century, 
 St. Amhrofe, 'Jerome, and St. Aajlin, the three great Doftors of that Age, 
 did not believe it, and cited feveral Paflages out of their Writings. It 
 
 U is
 
 1 56 Tbe Hiftory of the Reformation ^ Book IL 
 
 1534. is true, St. Aufih went farther than the rell, for though in Come P.if. 
 *-'^''V""^ fages he delivered his Opinion againQ it, yet in other places he fpakcof 
 it more doubtfully as a thing that miglit be enquired into, but that it 
 could not be certain! V known; and indeed before Gregory the Greafs 
 time, it was n >t received in the Church, and then the Benedi^ine Monks 
 were beginning to Tpread and grow numerous, and they to draw Ad- 
 vantages from it, told many Stories of Vifions and Dreams, to ponefsthe 
 World with the belief of it; then the trade grew \'o profitable, that 
 ever fince it was kept up, and improved : and what furceeded fo well 
 with one Society and Order, to enrich themfelvcs much by it, was ati 
 encouragement to others to follow their tradt in the fame way of Traffick. 
 This Book was generally w'ell received, and the Clergy were fo offended 
 at the Author, that they refolved to make him feel a real Fire whenever 
 he was catched, for endeavouring to put out their imaginary one. 
 
 That from which More and others took greatefl: advantage, was^ 
 that the new Preachers prevailed only on fimple Tradefmen, and Wo- 
 men, and other illiterate Perfons : but to this the others anfwered, Tliat 
 the f/Mri/fw made the fame objection to the Followers of Chrifl, who 
 were Filher-men, Women, and rude Mechanicks ; but Chrift told them, 
 that to the Poor the Go/pel was preached ; and when the Phiiofophers and 
 Jews objedied that to the ApollJes, they faid God's Glory did the more 
 appear, fince not many rich, wife, or noble, were called, but the poor 
 and defpifed were chofen : that Men who had much to lofe, had not 
 that Simplicity of Mind or that Difingagement from Worldly Things, 
 that was a ncceflary Difpofition to fit them for a Dodrine, w hich was 
 like to bring much Trouble and Perfecution on them. 
 The cruel ThusI have opened fome of thefe things, which were at that time 
 Proceedings Jifputed by the Pen, in which Oppofition new things wete ftill ftar- 
 Rd'ormers. ted and examined. But this was too feeble a Weapon for the de- 
 fence of the Clergy, therefore they fought out fharper Tools. So there 
 were many brought into the Biihop's Courts, fome for teaching their 
 Children the Lord's-Frayer in Englifli, fome for reading the forbid- 
 den Books, fome for harbouring the Preachers, fome for fpeakinga- 
 gainft Pilgrimages, or the worfhipping and adorning of Images, fome for 
 not obferving the Church-Fafls, fome for not coming to Confcflion and 
 the Sacrament, and fome for fpeaking againft the Vices of the Cler- 
 gy. Mod of thefe were fimple and illiterate Men, and the terror 
 of the Bifhops Courts, and Kifons, and of a Faggot in the end, wrought 
 fo much on their Fears and Weaknefs, that the" generally abjured and 
 More. were difmiffed. But in the end of the year i^^o, one Ther/ias Hittony 
 who had been Curate of Maidjlone, and had left that place, going oft 
 to Antwerp, he bringing over fome of the Books that were printed 
 Ttndal. there, was taken at Grave/end, and brought before Warh^m and Fifher, 
 who after he had fuffered much by a long and cruel Imprifonment, 
 condemned him to be burnt, 
 ^//nf/s Tri- The moft eminent perfon that fuffered about this time, was Thomas 
 aJ. Bilney, of whofe Abjuration an account was given in the firft Book ; he 
 
 after that went to Cambridge and w as much troub'ed in his Confcience 
 for what he had done, fo that the reft of that Society at Cambridge^ 
 were in great apprehenfion of fome violent effedt, w hich that dcfpera- 
 S«mons!j fioQ might produce, and fometimes watched him whole nights. This 
 continued about a >ear, but at length his mind was more quieted, and 
 he refolved to expiate his Abjuration, by as publickand folemn a Con- 
 fcflion
 
 Book II. of the Cfmrcb of England. 157 
 
 fellion of the truth : and to prepare himlelf the better both to defend iS'H- 
 and fuffer for the Dodlrines, which he had formerly through tear denied ,• ^-^"V~v- 
 he followed his lludies for two years. And when he found himfelf well 
 fortified in this refolution, he took leave of his Friends at CamhriJge, 
 and went to his own Country of Norfolk, to whom he thought he owed 
 his firft endeavours. 
 
 He preached up and down the Country, confefTing his former fin of ''"^.^ ''^'"g' 
 denying the Faith, and taught the people to beware of Idolatry, ortru- him. 
 fling to Pilgrimages, to the Cowle of Sx. Francis,, to the Prayers of 
 Saints, or to Images ; but exhorted them to ftay at home, to give much ^'"^' 
 Alms, to believe in Jefus Chrift, and to offer up their Hearts, Wills, and 
 Minds, to him in the Sacrament. This being noifed about, he was feizcd 
 on by the Bilhops Officers, and put in prifon at Norwich, and the Writ 
 was lent for to burn him as a Relapfe, he being firll condemned and de- 
 graded from his Priefthood : while he was in Prifon the Friars came oft 
 about him to perfwade him to recant again, and it was given out that he 
 did read a Bill of Abjuration. 
 
 More not being fatisfied to have fent the Writ for his burning, flu- it is given 
 died alfo to defame him, publifhing this to the World ; \ et in that °b'Jgj'^ ^^ 
 he was certainly abufed, for if he had figned any fuch Paper, it had 
 been put in the Bifhops Regifter, as all things of that na'^ure we-e ; 
 but no fuch Writing was ever (hewn, only (ome faid they heard him 
 read it, and others who denied there was any fuch thing, being 
 queftioned for it, fubmitted and confefTed their fault. But at fuch a 
 time it was no ftrange thing, if a lye of that nature was vented with 
 fo much Authority, that men were afraid to contradid: it; and when 
 a man is a clofe Prifoner, thofe who only have accefs to him, may 
 fpread what report of him they pleafe, and when once fuch a thing 
 is faid, they never want officious Vouchers to lie and fwear for it. But 
 fince nothing was ever Ihew'd under his hand, it iS clear there was no 
 truth in thelc reports, which were fpread about to take away the honour 
 of Martyrdom from the new Do(3:rines, It is true he had never enqui- 
 red into all the other Tenets of the Church of Rome, and fo did not 
 differ from them about the Prefence of Chrift in the Sacrament, and fome 
 other things. But when men durft (peak freely, there were feveral 
 perfons, that witnefTed the Conftancy and S.ncerity of Bil»ey in thefe The Falf- 
 his laft Conflicts; and among the reff, Matthew Parker, afterwards wh°ich after- 
 Arch-Bifliop of Canterbury, was an eye- witnefs of his fuffer ings, which wards ap- 
 from his relation were publilhed afterwards: he took his death patiently P"""^^- 
 andconftantly, and in the little time that was allowed him to live after 
 his Sentence, he was obferved to be chcarful ; and the poor Vidtuais 
 that were brought him, Bread and Ale, he eat up heartily, of which 
 when one took notice, he faid he mufl keep up that ruinous Cottage 
 till it fell ; and often repeated that paflage in Ifatah, When thou walkfi 
 through the fire thou fl)alt not he burnt ; and putting his finger in the 
 flimc of the Candle, he told thole about him, that he well knew what a 
 pain burning was, but that it fhould only confume the Stubble of his 
 Body, and that his Sou! ihould be purged by it. 
 
 When the day of Execution came, being the loth of November, "^^t^^^^a" 
 as he was led out, he laid to one that exhorted him to be patient and jng. 
 conftant, that as the Mariners endured the tolhng of the Waves, ho- 
 ping to arrive at their defired Port, fo though he was now entring in- 
 to a Storm, yet he hop'd he fhould foon arrive at the Haven, and de- 
 
 U X fired
 
 158 T/;^ Hiftorj of the Reformation Book II. 
 
 i5:54- fired their Prayers. When he came to the Stake, he repeated the 
 <^^~''V^^ Creed, to (hew the People that he dyed in the Faith of the Apoftles; 
 then he put up his Prayers to Go 1 with great fhews of inward devo- 
 tion ; which ended, he repeated the 14:5 Pfaim, and paus'd on thefe 
 words of it. Enter not into judgment with thy Servant^ for in thy Jight 
 fhall no man living he judified, with deep recolledion : and when Do- 
 dtor Warner, that accompanied him to the Stake, took leave of him 
 with many tears, Bilney with a cheerful countenance exhorted him, to 
 feed his flock, that at his Lord's coming he might find him To doing. 
 Many of the begging Friars dcfired him to declare to the People, that 
 they had not procured his death ; for that was got among them, and 
 they feared the People would give them no more Alms : lo he defired 
 the Spedators not to be the worfe to thefe men for his fake, for they 
 had not procut'd his death. Then the fire was (et to, and his Body 
 confum d to alhes 
 
 Thus it appears, both what Opinion the People had of him, and in 
 what charity he dyed even towards his Enemies, doing them good for 
 evil. But this, though it perhaps Oruck terror in weaker minds, yet 
 it no lefs encourag'd others to endure patiently all the feverities that 
 were uftd to draw them from this Dodtrine. Soon after, one Ri- 
 BrjTeW'sSuf- chard By field fuffered, he was a Monk of S^. Edmundihury, and had 
 ferings. ' ^^^^ inftru(5ted by Dodior Barms who give him fome Books; 
 which being difcovcred, he was put in Prifon, but through fear ab- 
 jured, yet afterward he left the Monadery and came to London. 
 He went oft over to Antwerp, and brought in forbidden Books, 
 which being fmell'd out, he was feized on, and examined about thefe 
 Books ; he juftified them, and faid he thought they were good and 
 profitable, and did openly exclaim againft the dilTolute lives of the 
 Clergy : fo being judged an Heretick, he was burnt in Smithjield the 
 I \th of Novemler. 
 And Tewis. In Decemhr, one John Tewkshury ^ Shop keeper in London, who had 
 *'">'^. formerly abjured, was alfo taken and tryed in Sir Thomas Mores Houfe 
 
 at Chelfey, w here Sentence was given againft him by Stokejley Bifliop of 
 London, (^for Tonftall was tranflated the former year to Durefme) and 
 was burnt in Smithfield. There were alio three burnt at Tor k this year, 
 two Men and one Woman. 
 
 Thefe proceedings were complain'd of in the following Seflion of 
 Parliament, as was formerly told, and the Ecclefiaftical Courts being 
 found both Arbitrary and Cruel, the Houfe of Commons defired a 
 Redrefs of that from the King ; but nothing was done about it till 
 Three years after that, the new a6t againft Here(3:icks was made, as 
 was already told. The Clergy were not much moved at the Addrefs 
 which the Houfe of Commons made, and therefore went on in their 
 extream Courfes, and to ftrike a Terror in the Gentry, they refblvcd 
 BMnhatn's to make an example of one James Bainham a Gentleman of the Tem- 
 Sufferings. pjg . hg ^y^s Carried to the Lord Chancellor's Houfe, where much 
 pains was taken to perfwade him to difcover fuch as he knew in the 
 Fox. Temple, who favour'd the new Opinions ; but fair means not prevail- 
 ing, More made him be whipt in his own prefence, and after that, 
 lent him to xht^Tower, where he look'd on and faw him put to the 
 Rack. Yet it fcems nothing could be drawn from him, that might 
 be made ufe of, to any other perfoas hurt ; yet he himfelf afterwards 
 overcome with fear, abjured and did penance, but had no quiet in 
 
 his
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. i 59 
 
 his Ccnfcience, till he went publickly to Chu'-ch, with a N.w i^]4. 
 
 Teftament in his Hand, and conteis'd with many Tears, that he 
 
 had denied God, and prayed the People not to do as he had done, 
 
 and (aid, that he Itlt an Hell in his own Confcicnce, for what he had 
 
 done. So he was foon after carried to the Tower, (fof now t!ie Bi- 
 
 Ihops, to avoid the Imputatian of ufing Men cruelly in their Pri- 
 
 fons, did put Hereticks in the King's Prifons) he was charged for 
 
 having fad, " Thai Thomas Becket was a Murderer, and damned in 
 
 " Hell if he did not repent, and lor fpeaking contemptuoufly of pray- 
 
 " ing to Saints, and faying that the Sacrament of the Altar was only 
 
 " Chrift's Myftiral Body, and that his Body was not chew'd with the 
 
 *' Teeth, but rcceivtd by Faith. So he was judged an obftinate and 
 
 " relapsd Heretick, and was burnt in SmithfieU about the end of April, 
 
 1531. There were alio fome others burnt a little before this time, of 
 
 whom a particular account could not be recovered hy Fox with all his 
 
 InduRry. But with Bainham, Mores Perfecution ended, for foon after 
 
 he laid down the great Seal, which fet the poor Preachers at eafe. Regift.rony?. 
 
 Crome and Latimer were brought before the Convocation, and ac 
 cus'd of Herefje. They both fubicribed the Articles ofTered to them. Articles 
 •' That there was a Purgatory : That the Souls in it were profited by a'i/jred^°"'^ 
 " Mafles find for them : That the Siints are now in Heaven, and as 
 *' Mediators prav for us : That Men ought to pray to them, and ho- 
 " nour them: That Pilgrimages were Pious and Meritorious: That 
 *' Men uho vowed ChaiHty might not Marry without the Pope's Dif^ 
 '' penfation : That the Keys of binding and looimg were given to St. Pe- 
 '' ter, and to his Succeflbrs, though their Lives were bad, and not at 
 *' all to tfie Laity : That Men menttd by Prayers, Falling, and other 
 *' good Works : That Pneils prohibited by the B.fhop, fhould not 
 " preach till they were purged and reRored : That the Seven Sacra- 
 *' mentsconferr'd Grace: That Confecrations and Benedictions ufeJ by 
 *' the Church were good : That it was good and profirable to fet up 
 ^' the Images of Chrift and the Saints in the Churches, and to adorrt 
 *' them and burn Candles before them, and that K ngs were not ob- 
 " liged to give their People the Scriptures in a Vulgar Tongue. By 
 thefe Articles it may be eafily colledied, what were the Dodrines then 
 preach d bv the Reformers. 1 here was yet no dilpute about the Pre- 
 ience of Chrirt in the Sacrament, whiCh was firfl called in queftion by 
 Frith, for the books of Zuinglius and Oecolampadius came later into 
 England, and h therto ihty had only ieen Luther s Works, with thofe 
 written by his Followers. 7>«/s Tc- 
 
 But in fhe Year in^5 there was another memorable inflance of the ^""^"'^' 
 Clergies Crue'ty againft the dead Bodies of thofc whom they fufpedled 
 of Herefie. The common Stile of all Wills and Tellamcnts at that 
 time was, Firft, " I bequeath my Soul to Almighty God, and to our Rcgia. f;<^. 
 " Lady St. Mary, and to all the Saints in Heaven: hut one William ^'*'""' 
 " Tracy, oi Cloucejler dying, left a Will of a far different Hrain, for he 
 " bequeathed his Soul only to God through Jefus Chrift, to whofe 
 " intercefiion alone I e trufted, without the help of any other Saint, 
 " therefore he left no part of his Goods to have any pray for his Soul. 
 This being brought to the B.fhop of Londons Court, he was condemn- R«;g''*- 
 ed as an Heretick, and an Order was fent to Parker Chancellor of Wor- •5J»*'/-F°'- 
 cefter to raile his Body. The officious Chancellor went beyond his Order, 
 and burnt the Body 5 but the Record bears, that though he might by 
 the Warrant he had, laife the Body according to the Law of the Church, 
 
 yet
 
 i6o The Hiftorj of tk Reformation Book II. 
 
 ifH- 
 
 Hardin£% 
 Sufferings, 
 
 Fox. 
 
 1533- 
 
 frith'i Suf- 
 ferings. 
 
 His Argu- 
 ments a- 
 gainft the 
 Corporal 
 Prefencc. 
 
 yet he had no Authority to burn ir. Sn two Years after Tracy's Heirs 
 fued him for it, and he was lurn'd out of his Office of Chancellor, and 
 fined in 400 Pound. 
 
 There is another inflance of the Cruelty of the Clergy this Year.- 
 One Thomas HarAin^ of Buckinghamfhire, an ancient Man, who had 
 abjured in the Year 1506, was now obfervcd to go often into Woods, 
 and was feen fometimes reading. Upon which his Houle was fearch'd, 
 and fome parcels of the New Teftament in Engli/h were found in it. 
 So he was carried before LoKgland Biljiop of Lincoln, who as he was 
 a cruel Perfecutor, fo being the King's Confeflbr, adcd with the more 
 Authority. This aged Man was judged a Relapfe, and fent to Chefham^ 
 where he lived, to be burnt, which was executed on Corpus Chrifti 
 Eve.- At this time there was an Indulgence of 40 days pardon pro- 
 claimed to all that carried a Faggot to the burning of an Heretick : So 
 dextroufly did the Clergy endeavour to inftd: the Laity with their own 
 cruel Spirit; and that wrought upon this occcafion a fignal effe(a, for 
 as the Fire was kindled, one flung a Faggot at the old Man's Head, 
 which dafli'd out his Brains. 
 
 In the Year 1553, it was thought fit by fome fignal Evidence to 
 convince the World, that the King did not defign to change the el'ablifii'd 
 Religion, though he had then proceeded far in his breach with Rome ; 
 and the crafty Bifiiop of Winchefler, Gardiner, as he complyed with the 
 King in his fecond Marriage and Separation from Rome, fo being an in- 
 veterate Enemy to the Reformation, and in his Heart addided to the 
 Court of Rome, did by th s Argument often prevail with the King to 
 punifh the Hcreticks, That it would mod effedually juftifie his other 
 Proceedings, and convince the W^orld that he was ftill a good Catholick 
 King; which at feveral times drew the King to what he defired. And 
 at this time the fteps the King had made in his Separation from the Pope, 
 had given fuch Heart to the new Preachers, that they grew bolder and 
 more publick in their AfTemblies. 
 
 John Frith, as he was an excellent Scholar, wliich was fo taken no- 
 tice of, fome Years before, that he was put in the Lift of thofe whom 
 the Cardinal intended to bring from Cambridge, and put in his College 
 at Oxford ; fo he had offended them by feveral Writings, and by a Dif- 
 courfe which he wrote againft the Corporal Prefence of Chrift in the Sa- 
 crament, had provoked the King, who continued to his Death to believe 
 that firmly. " The fubftance of his Arguments was. That Chrift in 
 " the Sacrament gave Eternal Life, but the receiving the bare Sacra- 
 " ment did not give Eternal Life, fince many took it to their Damna- 
 *' tion ; therefore Chrift's Prefence there was only felt by Faith. This 
 " he further proved by the Fathers before Chrift, who did eat 
 " the fame Spiritual Food, and drink of the Rock, which was Chrift, 
 according to St. Paul. Since then, they and we communicate in the 
 fame thing, and it was certain that they did not eat Chrift's Flefti cor- 
 porally, but fed by Faith on a Meffias to come, as Chriftians do on a 
 Mejftas already come : Therefore we now do only communicate by 
 Faith. He alfo infifted much on the fignification of the Word Sacra- 
 ment, from whence he concluded, that the Elements muft be the 
 Myftical Signs of Chrift's Body and Blood ; for if they were truly 
 the Flefti and Blood of Chrilt, they Ihould not be Sacraments. He 
 concluded, that the ends of the Sacrament were thefe three, by a vi- 
 fible a(3^ion to knit the Society of Chriftians together in one body, to 
 
 " be 
 
 ((
 
 Book II. of t/je Chrcb of England, 16 1 
 
 *' be a means of conveying Grace upon our due participating of ihem, i ? \. 
 *' and to be Remembrances to ftir up Men to blefs God for that un- ~ 
 " Ipeakable Love, wiiicli in the Death of Chrift appeared to mankind. 
 " To all thefe ends the Corporal Prefcnce of Chnll availed nothing, 
 " they being fufHciently anfwcrcd by a Myflical Prefence: Yet he 
 " drew no other Conclufion from thele Premifes, bur that belief of the 
 " Corporal Prefence in the Sacrament, was no nccellary Article of our 
 '' Faith. This either flowed from his not having vet arrived at a fure 
 perfwafion in the Matter, or that he chofe in that modeft Stile, to en- 
 counter an Opinion of which the World was fb fond, that to have op- 
 pofed it in downright Words, would have given Prejudices againft all 
 that he could fay, 
 
 frith upon a long Converfation with one upon this Subject, was de- 
 fired to fet down the Heads of it in Writing, which he did. The 
 Paper went about, and was by a falfe Brother conveyed to Sir Thomas 
 Mores Hands, who fet himielf to anfwer it in his ordinary Scile, 
 treating Frith with great Contempt, calling him always the young 
 Man. Frtth was in Prifon before he faw Mores Book, yet he wrote 
 a Reply to it, which I do not find was then publilhed ; but a Copy 
 of it was brought afterwards to Cranmer, who acknowledged when 
 he wrote his Apology againft Gardiner, that he had received greac 
 light in that matter from Frith\ Book, and drew moft of his Argu- 
 ments out of it. It was afterwards printed wih his Works Anno 
 1575. And by it may appear, how much Truth is ftronger than Error. 
 For though More wrote with as much Wit and Eloquence as any 
 Man in that Age did, and Frith wrote plainly without any Art ; yet 
 there is fo great a difference between their Books, that whoever com- 
 pares them, will clearly perceive the one to be the Ingenious Defen- 
 der of an ill Caufe, and the other a fimple aflerter of Truth. Frith 
 wrote with all the difadvantage that was pollible, being then in the 
 Goal, where he could have no Books, but Ibme Notes he might have 
 colledcd formerly ; he was alfo fo loaded with Irons, that he cou!d 
 fcarce fit with any eafe. He began with confirming what he had deli- 
 vered about the Fathers before Chrift, their feeding on his Body in the 
 fame minner that Chrillians do fince his Death : This he proved 
 from Scripture, and feveral places of St. Auftins Works ; he proved 
 alfo from Scripture, that after the Confecration, the Elements were 
 ftill Bread and Wine, and were fo called both by our Saviour and his 
 Apoftles ; that our Senfes fhew they are not changed in their Na- 
 tures, and that they are ftill fubjec^ to Corruption, which can no 
 jvay be faid of the Body of Chrift. He proved that the eating qf 
 Chrift's Flefh in tlie fixih of St. Jobtty cannot be applied to the Sacra- 
 ment i fince the wicked receive it, who yet do not eat the Fleih of 
 Chrift, othcrwife they fhould have Eternal Life. He flicwed alfo, 
 (that the Sacrament coming in the room of the Jewifli Pafchal Lamb, 
 wc muft underftand Chriit's Words, This is my Body, in the f^me Senfe 
 in w hich ic was faid, that the Lamb was the Lord's Pajfover. He 
 confirmed this by many PafTages cited out of TertuUian, Athanafws, 
 Chryfojiome, Ami>rofc, Jerome^ Auflm, Fitlgentius^ Eufehifts, and lome 
 Jater Writers, as Beda, Bertram and Druthmar, who did all aflert that 
 the Elements retained their former Natures, and were only the My- 
 fteries, Signs and Figures of the Body and Blood of Chrift. But Ge- 
 lafius*s Words feemed fo remarkable, that they could not but deter- 
 mine the Controverfic. efpecially confidering he was Bifhop of Rome : 
 
 he
 
 1^2 JljeHi[iory of the Reformation Book IL 
 
 1534. he therefore writing againft the Eutychians^ who thought the humane 
 ^"""V"^ nature of Chrift was changed into the divine, fays, That as the B- 
 lentents of Bread and Wine being Confec rated to he the Sacraments of the 
 Body and Blood of Chrifl, did not ceafe to he Bread and Wine in Suhflance, 
 hut continued in their own proper natures i fo the Humane Nature of 
 Chrifl continued Hill, though it was united to the Divine Nature : this 
 was a manifeft Indication of the beUef of the Church in that Age, and 
 ought to weigh more than a hundred high Rhetorical ExprefTions. He 
 brought hkewife feveral Teftimonies out of the Fathers, to Ihew that 
 they knew nothing of the Confcquences that follow Tranfubftantiation ; 
 of a Body being in more places at once, or being in a place after the 
 manner of a Spirit, or of the Worlhip to be given to the Sacrament. 
 Upon this he digreffes, and fays, that the German Divines believed a Cor- 
 poral Prefence ; yet fince that was only an Opinion that relied in their 
 minds, and did not carry along with it any Corruption of the Worfhip, 
 or Idolatrous practice, it was to be born with, and the peace of the 
 Church was not to be broken for it : but the Cafe of the Church of Rome 
 was very different, which had fet up grofs Idolatry, building it upon 
 thisDodrine, 
 
 Thus I have given a fhort Abftrad: of Frith's Book, which I thought 
 fit the rather to do, becaufe it was the firff Book that was written 
 on this Subje^ in England by any of the Reformers. And from hence 
 it may appear, upon what folid and weighty Reafons they then began 
 to Ihake the received Opinion of TranfubUantiation ; and with how 
 much learning this Controverfie was mancged by him who firft un- 
 dertook it. 
 
 One thing was fingular in Frith's Opinion, that he thought there 
 fhould be ne conteft made about the manner of Chrifl's prefence in 
 the Sacrament; for whatever Opinion men held in Speculation, if 
 it went not to a pradical error (which was the Adoration of it, for that 
 was Idolatry in his Opinion) there were no difputes to be made about 
 it, therefore he was much againft all heats between the Lutherans and 
 !Zuinglians ; for he thought in fuch a matter that was wholly fpecula- 
 tive, every man might hold his own Opinion without making a breach 
 in the Unity of the Church about it. 
 
 He was apprehended in May 15" 3 3. and kept in Prifon till the xoth 
 of June, and then he was brought before the Bilhop of London, Gar- 
 Kcg\{itxsto- diner, and Longland fitting with him. They objefled to him his Opi» 
 fndaLeJer "'°"^ about the Sacrament and Purgatory. He anfwered, that for the 
 ofhisinfM. firfl he did not find Tranfuhflantiation in the Scriptures, nor in any ap- 
 proved Authors ; and therefore he would not admit any thing as an 
 Article of Faith, without clear and certain grounds ; for he did not 
 think the Authority of the Church reached fo far. They argued with 
 him upon fomepa(Tages out of St. Aujiin and St. Chryfojlome : to which 
 he anfwered, by oppofing other places of the fame Fathers, and (hew'd 
 how they were to be reconciled to themfelves; when it came to a Con- 
 clufion, the(e words are fet down in the Regiiler as his ConfefTion. 
 Hisopmion " /rz//; thinketh and judgeth, that the natural Body of Chrift is not 
 *' in the Sacrament of the Altar, but in one place only at once. Item, he 
 *' faith, that neither part is a neceffary Article of our Faith, whether 
 " the Natural Body be there in the Sacrament, or not. 
 
 As 
 
 ol the Sacra 
 meat.
 
 Book n. of the C/jurcb of Enghnd. 163 
 
 As for Purgatory, he faid a Man confifted of two parts, his Body 1^34, 
 and Soul ; his Body was purged by Sickneft and other Pains, and at '"-''"V'"^ 
 laft by Death, and was not by their own Dodlrine fent to Purgatory. 
 And for the Soul, it was purged through the Word of God received by 
 Faith. So his Confeffion was written down in thefe Words. Item, 
 " Frith thinketh and judgeth that there is no Purgatory for the Soul, And of Pat- 
 " after that it is departed from the Body, and as he thinketh herein, ^"^^' 
 *' fo hath he faid, written, and defended ; howbeit he thinketh neither 
 " part to be an Article of Faith, necedarily to be believed under pain 
 " of Damnation. 
 
 The Biftiops with the Do(2:ors that flood about them, took much 
 pains to make him change ; but he told them, that he could not be in- 
 duced to believe, that thefe were Articles of Faith, And when they 
 threatned to proceed to a final Sentence, he feemed not moved with it, 
 but faid. Let Judgment he done in Right eoufnefs. The Bifhops, though 
 none of them were guilty of great tendernefs, yet feemed to pity him 
 much ; and the Bifliop of London profefTed, he gave Sentence with great ; 
 
 grief of heart. In the end he was judged an obftinate Heretick, and dgmncd!"' 
 was delivered to the Secular Power : There is one Claufe in this Sen- 
 tence, which is not in many others, therefore I Ihall fet it down. 
 
 " Moft earneftly requiring in the Bowels of our Lord Jefus Chrift, 
 " that this Execution and Punifliment worthily to be done upon thee, 
 *' may be fo moderate, that the rigour thereof be not too extream, nor 
 *' yet the gentlenefs too much mitigated, but that it may be to the Sal- 
 " vation of thy Soul, to the extirpation, terror and converfion of Here- 
 " ticks, and to the Unity of the Catholick Faith. This was thought a 
 fcorning of God and Men, when thofe, who knew that he was to be 
 burnt, and intended it fhould be fo, yet ufed fuch an Obteftation by the 
 Bowels of Jefus Chrid, that the Rigour might not be extreme. This 
 being certified, the Writ was iflued out, and as the Regiftcr bears, he 
 was burnt in Smithfield the 4th of July-j and one Andrew Hevoet with 
 him, who alfo denied the Prefence of Chrift in the Sacrament of the 
 Altar. This Hewet was an Apprentice, and went to the Meetings of 
 thefe Preachers, and was twice betrayed by fome Spies whom the Bi- 
 fhops Officers had among them, who difcovered many. When he was 
 examined, he would not acknowledge the Corporal Prefence, but was 
 illiterate, and refolved to do as Frith did, fo he was alfo condemned and 
 burnt with him. 
 
 When they were brought to the Stake, Frith expreffed great Joy at His Con-' 
 his approaching Martyrdom, and in a Tranfport of it, hugged the Fag- Sufferings^' 
 gots in his Arms, as the Inftruments that were to fend him to his Eternal 
 Reft. One Doctor Cook a Parfon of London called to the People, that 
 they fhould not pray for them any more than the> would do for a Dog; 
 At which Frith fmUed, and prayed God to forgive him ; fo the Fire 
 was fet to, and they were confumed to Afhes. 
 
 This was the laft Ad of the Clergies Cruelty againft Mens Lives, and 
 was much condemned: It was thought an unheard of Barbarity, thus 
 to burn a moderate and learned young Man, only becaufe he would 
 not acknowledge fome of their Dodnnes to be Articles of Faith ; and 
 though his private Judgment was againft their Tenet, yet he was not 
 pofitive in it, any further, than that he could not believe the contrary 
 1 to be necefTary to Salvation, But the Clergy were now fo bathed iri 
 
 X Blood,
 
 1 ^4 T"^^^ Htjlory of the Kefurmation Book U. 
 
 1534. Blood, that they feemed to have ftript themfelves of thofe impreilions 
 "-"^"^/^^ of Pity and CompafTion, which are natural to Mankind ; they therefore 
 held on in their fevere Courfes, till the Ad of Parliament did effedually 
 reftrain them. 
 !'*L''Y*^ In the Account that was given of that Aff}, mention was made of 
 u eriogs. ^^^ -ffjomas Philips, who put in his Complaint to the Houfe of Com- 
 mons againft the Bilhop of London. The Proceedings againft him, 
 had been both extreme and illegal ; he was firft apprehended, and put 
 in the Tower upon fufpicion of Herefie ; and when they fearched him, 
 a Copy of Tracy s Teftament was found about him, and Butter antl 
 Cheefe were found in his Chamber, it being in the time of Lent. 
 There was alfo another Letter found about him, exhorting him to be 
 ready to fuffer conftantly for the Truth. Upcn thefe prefumptions 
 the Bifhop of London proceeded againfl him, and required him to 
 abjure. But he faid, he would willingly fwear to be obedient as a 
 Chriftan Man ought, and that he would never hold any Herefie du- 
 ring his Life, nor favour Hereticks ; but the Bilhop would not accept 
 of that, fince there might be Ambiguities in it : Therefore he required 
 him to make the Abjuration in common form, which he refufed 
 to do, and appealed to the King as the Supreme Head of the Church. 
 Yet the Bilhop pronounced him Contumax, and did excommunicate him ; 
 but whether he was releafed on his Appeal, or Dot, 1 do not find ; yet 
 perhaps this was the Man of whom the Pope complained to the Eng- 
 Itjh Ambafladors, i5'3i. that an Herctick having appealed to the King 
 as the Supreme Head of the Church, was taken out of the Bilhops 
 hands, and judged and acquitted in the King's Courts. It is probable 
 this was the Man, only the Pope was informed, that it was from the 
 Archbilhop of Canterlury that he appealed, in which there might be a 
 miflake for the Bifliop of London. But whatever ground there may be 
 for that Conjediure, Philips got his Liberty, and put in a Complaint to 
 the Houfe of Commons, which produced the hOt about Hereticks. 
 A flop is ^nd now that ASt being pafTed, together with the Extirpation of the 
 
 cruei°Pro-^ ^ Pope's Authority, and the Power being lodged in the King to cotrt6t and 
 ceedings. reform Herefies, Idolatries and Abufes, the Standard of the Catholick 
 Faith being alfo declared to be the Scriptures, the perfecuted Preachers 
 had Eafe and Encouragement every where. They alfo faw that the ne- 
 ceffity of the King's Affairs would conftrain him to be gentle to them; for 
 the Sentence which the Pope gave againft the King, was committed to 
 the Emperor to be executed by him, who was then afpiring to an uni- 
 verfal Monarchy ; and therefore as foon as his other Wars gave him Ici- 
 fure to look over to England and Ireland, he had now a good colour to 
 jullifie an Invafion both from the Pope's Sentence, and the Interefls and 
 Honour of his Family in prote(3:ing his Aunt and her Daughter : There- 
 fore the King was to give him work elfewhere, in order to which his 
 Intcrefl obliged him to joyn himfelf to the Princes of Germany,\vho had at 
 Smalcald entred into a League ofTenfive and delenfive, for the liberty of 
 Religion, and the Rights of the Empire. This was a Thorn in the Em- 
 peror's Side, which the King's Intereft would oblige him by all means to 
 maintain. Upon which the Reformers in England concluded, that either 
 the King, to recommend himfelf to thefe Princes, would relax the Seve- 
 rities ot the Law againft thera j or otherwife, that their Friends in Gef 
 many would fee to it : for in ihefe firft Fervours of Reformations, the 
 
 Princes
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England 11^5 
 
 Princes made that always a Condition in their Treaties, that thole who 15 34. 
 favoured their Dodlrine, might be no more perfecuted. v.^'-V~n^ 
 
 13ut their chief Encouragement was from the Queen, who reigned in The Queeo 
 the King's Heart, as abloiutely as he did over his Subjedsj and was a favoured 
 known favourer of them. She took Shaxion and Latimer to be her mcrs. 
 Chaplains, and foon after promoted them to the Bilhopricks of Salisbury 
 tindiVorce^er, then vacant by the deprivation of Campegio and Ghinuccii j 
 and in all other things cherilhed and protected them ; and ufed her mofl 
 effedual Endeavours with the King to promote the Reformation. Next 
 to her, Cranmer Archbilhop of Canterbury was a profcfled Favourer of prol^'ed 
 it, who befides the Authority of his Charaifier and See, was well fit- the Refor- 
 ted for carrying it on, being a very Learned and Indulhious Man. He "»"'°"- 
 was at great pains to colled: the fenfe of Ancient Writers, upon all the 
 Heads of Religion, by which he might be well direded in fuch an im- 
 portant matter. I have feen two Volumes in Folio written with his 
 own Hand, containing upon all the Heads of Religion, a vail heap both 
 of places of Scripture, and Quotations out o\ Ancient Fathers, and 
 later Doctors, and Schoolmen ; by which he governed himfelf in 
 that Work. There is alfo an O igmal Letter of the Lord Burgblys ex- 
 tant, which I have feen, in which he writes that he had fix or feven 
 Volumes of his Writings, all which, except two other, that I have feeri 
 are loft, for ought I can underfland. From which it will appear in the 
 Sequel of this Work, that he neither copied from Foreign Writers, nor 
 proceeded ralhly in the Reformation. He was a Man of great Temper 5 
 and as I have feen in fome cf his Letters to OfianJer, and fome ofOJia»' 
 tier's Anfwers to him, he very much difliked the violence of the German 
 Divines. He was gentle in his whole behaviour, and though he was 
 a Man of too great Candour and S mplicity to be refined in the Arts of 
 Policy, yet he managed his Alfairs with great Prudence ; which did fo 
 much recommend him to the King, that no ill Oifices were ever able 
 to hurt him. it is true, he had fome fingular Opinions about Ecclefi- 
 aftical Functions and Offices, which he leemed to make wholly depen- 
 dent on the Magillrate, as much as the Civil were ; but as he never 
 ftudied to get his Opinion in that made a part of the DoiJlrine of the 
 Church, referving only to himfelf the freedom of his own Thoughts, 
 which 1 have reafon to think he did afterwards, either change, or at 
 leaft was content to be over-ruled in it .- So it is clear that he held not 
 that Opinion to get the King's Favour by it j for in many other things, 
 as in the bufinefs of the fix Articles, he boldly and freely argued, both 
 in the Convocation and the Houfe of Peers, againft that which he knew 
 was the King's Mind, and took his Life in his Hands, which had 
 certainly been offered at a Stake, if the King's Efteem of him had not 
 been proof againft all Attempts. 
 
 Next him,or rather above him, was Crorttwell, who was made the King's Afnncd by 
 Vice-gerent in Ecclefiaftical Matters, A Man of mean Birth, but noble "'""" ' 
 QiJahties, as appeared in two fignal Inftanccs, the one being his Plead- 
 ing in Parliament fo zealoufly and fuccefsfully for the fallen anddifgrac'd 
 Cardinal, whole Secretary he was when Gardiner, though more obli- 
 ged by him. had balely forlaken him. This was thought fo juft and 
 generous in him, that it did not at all hinder his Preferment, but raifed 
 his Credit higher: Such a demonftration of Gratitude and Friendlliip in 
 Misfortune, being fo rare a thing in a Court. The other was his remcm- 
 bring the Merchant of Lucea^ that had pitied and relieved him, when he 
 
 X X was
 
 l66 The Hiflorj of the Keformation Book It 
 
 15^4. was a poor Stranger there, and exprelTing mofl extraordinary Acknow- 
 v-^'^^"^ Jedgments and Gratitude, when he uas afterwards in the top of his 
 Greatnefs ; and the other did not fo much as know him, much lefs pre- 
 tend to any returns for pafF.;d Favours, which fhcwM that he had a noble 
 and generous Temper ,• only he made too much hafte to be great and 
 rich. He joyned himfelf in a firm Friendlhip to Cranmer^ and did pro- 
 mote the Retormation very vigoroufly. 
 
 But there was another Party in the Court, that wreftled much againft 
 Dukeoi ^^ > ^^^ ^^^^ °^ '^ ^^^ ^^^ D\ike of Norfolk, who though he was the 
 mfa!k and Queens Uncle, yet was her mortal Enemy. He was a dextrous Courtier, 
 Gardiner op- ^^^ complied with the King, both in his Divorce and Separation from 
 pofedit. j^gfy,g^ yet did upon all occallons pcrfwadethe King to innovate nothing 
 in Religion : His great Friend that joyned all along with him in thofe 
 Counfels, was Gardiner Bilhop of Winchejler^ who was a crafty and 
 politick Man, and underftood the King well, and complied with his 
 Temper in every thing ; he defpifed Cranmer, and hated all Reformation. 
 LoHglanJ^ that had been the King's ConfefTor, was alfo managed by 
 them, and they had a great Party in the Court, and almoft all the Church- 
 men were on their fide. 
 Reafons a- That which prevailed mod with the King, was, that himfelf had writ 
 gainft the ^ g^gj^ jp Defence of the Faith, and they (aid, would he now retradt that, 
 Rdormati- ^^j^j^|^ ^j^ Learned Men admired fo much ? or would he encourage Lu- 
 ther and his Party, who had treated him with fo little rcfpedt i If he 
 went to change the Dodtrines that were formerly received, ail the 
 World would lay he did it in fpite to the Pope, which would caft a great 
 diflionour on bim, as if his Paflion govern'd his Religion. Foreiga 
 Princes, who in their hearts did not much blame him for what he had 
 hitherto done, but rather wiihed'for a good opportunity to do the like, 
 would now condemn him if he medled with the Religion: And his own 
 Subjects, who complied w ith that which he had done, and were glad 
 to be delivered from Foreign Jurifdidion, and the Exadiions of the 
 Court of Rome^ would not bear a change of the Faith, but might be 
 thereby eafilv fet on, by the Emifiaries ot the Pope or Emperor, to break 
 out in Rebellion. Thefe things being managed skilfully, and agreeing 
 with his own private opinion, wrought much on him: and particularly, 
 what was faid about his own Book, which had been fo much commen- 
 ded to him, that he was aimoft made believe, it was written by a fpecial 
 Infpiration of the Holy Ghoft, 
 Reafons for But on the other fide, Cranmer reprefented to him, that fince he had 
 "• put down the Popes Authority, it was not fit to let thofe Dodtrines be 
 
 ftill taught, which had no other Foundation but the Decrees of Popes: 
 And he offered upon the greateft hazard to prove, that many things, 
 then received as Articles of Faith, were no better grounded ; therefore 
 heprcffed the King to give order, to hear and examine things freely, that 
 when the Popes Power was rejeded, the People might not be obliged 
 to believe Dodlrines which had no better warrant. And for Political 
 Councils, he was to do the duty of a good Chriftian Prince, and leave the 
 event to God; and things might be carried on with that due care, that 
 the jufticeand reaibnablenels of the King's proceedings fhould appear to 
 all the World. And whereas it was ob)e<fted, that the Doctrines of the 
 Catholick Church ought not to be examined by any particular Church ; 
 It was anfwered, that when all Chriftcndom were under one Empe- 
 ror, It was eafie for him to call General Councils, and in fuch circum- 
 
 ftances
 
 cc 
 
 Book il. of tbe Chiircb of England. i^7 
 
 flancc'sit was fk to ftay for one ; and yet even then, particular Chur- 15^,4. 
 ches did in their National Synods condemn Herefies, and reform Abufcs. '^-'''V*^ 
 feuc the State of Chriftendom was now altered, it was unlcr many 
 Princes, who had different Interefts, and therefore they thought it a 
 vain expe(5tation to look for any fuch Council. The Proteftants of Ger- 
 many had now for above ten years defired the Emperor to procure one, 
 but to no eSe(5t ; for fometimes the Pope would not grant it, and at 
 other times the French King protefted againft it. The former year the 
 Pope had Tent to the King to offer 3 General Council, to be held at H*n, 
 Mantua this year,- but the King found that was but an illufion; for the 
 Marquefs of Mantua protefted, he would not admit fuch a number of 
 flrangers, as a Council would draw together, into his Town ; yet the 
 King promifed to fend his Ambafladors thither, when the Council met. 
 But now the King confulting his Prelates, whether the Emperor might 
 by his Authority fummon a General Council, as the Roman Emperors 
 had done : fome of them gave the following anlwer, copied from the O- a refoiution 
 riginal that is yet extant, which might hive been written any time be- ^'o^°'"\^'" 
 tween the yeir i5'54, in which Thomas Goodrich was made Biihop of thecaiiLgof 
 Ely, and the year 1540, in which John Clark, Biihop of Bath and IFells, ^ General 
 died : but f incline to think from other circumftances, that it was writ- °"'^'^'" 
 ten about the end of the year 1534. 
 
 For the General Council. 
 
 " Though that in the Old time, when the Empire of Rome had his exMSSdd 
 *^, ample dominion over the moft part of the World, the Firft Four Gene- sthrmgfleit'. 
 ^, ral Councils ( the which at all times have been of moft eftimation in 
 P^ the Church of Chrift) were called and gathered by the Emperors Com- 
 ** mandment, and for a Godly intent •• That Herefies might be extin(9-, 
 *' Schifms put away, good Order and Manners in the Minifters of the 
 * Church and the People of the fame eftablilhed. Like as many Coun- 
 *' oils more were called : till now of late by the negligence, as well of 
 " the Emperor, as other Princes, the Biihop of Rome hath been fuffered 
 V to ufurp this Power ; yet now for fo much that the Empire of Rome^ 
 ^ and the Monarchy of the fame, hath no fuch general Dominion; but 
 ** many Princes have abfolute Power in their own Realms, and a whole 
 " and en ire Monarchy, no one Prince may by his Authority call any 
 ; General Council, but if that any one or more of thefe Princes for the 
 '^ eftablifliing of the Faith, for the extirpation of Schifms, &c. Loving- 
 " ly, Charitably, with a good fincere Intent, to a fure place, require any 
 " other Prince, or the relt of the great Princes, to be content to agree, 
 
 that for the Wealth, Quietnefs, andTranquillity of all Chriftian People 
 
 by his or their free conlenr,a General Council might be adembled : That 
 " Prince, or thofe Princes fo required, are bound by the Order of Chari- 
 *' ty, for the good Fruit that may come of it, to condefcend and agree 
 
 thereunto, having no lawful Impediment, nor juft Caufe moving to the 
 " contrary. The chief Gaufes of the General Councils are before exprefted. 
 
 " In all the Ancient Councils of the Church, in matters of the Faith 
 •• and interpretation of the Scripture, no man made definitive Subicripti- 
 " on, but Bilhops and Priefts, for fo much as the Declaration of the 
 *,* Word of God pertaineth unto them. 
 
 T. Cantuarien. 
 
 Cuthlertus Dmelmcn. 
 
 Jo. Bath. We/len. 
 
 The. Elien. But
 
 1^8 The Hijiory of the Reformation Book II- 
 
 15-34. But befides this Relblution, I have feen a long Speech oi Craitmers, 
 ^■^'V^s* written by one of his Secretaries. It was fpoken (oon after the Parlia- 
 ment had pafled the ASts formerly mentioned, for it relates to them as 
 lately done ; it was delivered cither in the Houfe of Lords, the upper 
 Houfe of Convocation, or at the Council Board; but I rather think it 
 A Speech of was in the Houfe of Lords, for it begins, My Lords ; The matter of it 
 cranmers a- docs fo much concem the biifinefs of Reformation, that I know the Rea- 
 boutaGcne- j^j, ^^jj e^pedl I fhould fct down the Heads of it* It appears he had been 
 ' Ordered to Inform the Houfe about thele things. The Preamble of his 
 Speech runs upon this conceit. " That as Rich men flying from their 
 *' Enemies, carry away all they can with them, and what they cannot 
 ExMSS.DD. *' takeaway, they either hide or deftroy it; fo the Court of Romehzd 
 Shiiinifleet. tc jefiroyed fo many Ancient Writings, and hid the reft having carefully 
 " preferved every thing that was of advantage to them, that it was not 
 *' eafie to difcover what they had fo artificially concealed: Therefore in 
 " the Canon Law, fome honefl Truths were yet to be found, but fomif^ 
 " layed, that they are not placed where onemight expedlthem, but are 
 " to be met with in fome other Chapters, where one would leafl look for 
 " them. And many more things faid by the Ancients of the See of Rome, 
 " and againft their Authority, were loft, as appears by the Fragments yet 
 " remaining. He flicw'd that many of the Ancients called every thing 
 " which they thought well done, of Divine Infiitutiotiy by a large ex- 
 " tent of the Phrafe, in which fenfe the PafTages of many Fathers that 
 " magnified the See of Rome, were to be undei ftood. 
 
 " Then he fhew'd for what end General Councils were called, tode- 
 " clare the Faith, and reform Errors ; not that ever any Council was truly 
 " General, for even at Nice there were no Bifhops almoft, but out of 
 " ^DP^j -^f^* ^"^ Greece ; but they were called General, becaufe the 
 *' Emperor Summon'd them, and all Chriftendom did agree to their 
 " Definitions, which he prov'd by feveral Authorities : therefore though 
 " there were many more Bilhops in the Council of Arimini, than at Nice 
 " or Conftantimple, yet the one was not received as a General Council, 
 " and the others were: fo that it was not the Number, nor Authority ot 
 " the Bifhops, but the Matter of their Dicifions, which made them be 
 ** received with fo general a SubmilTion. 
 
 *' As for the Head of the Council. St. Feter and St. James had the 
 " chief dirediion of the Council of the Apoftles, but there were no Con- 
 ** teft then about Head-lhip. Chrift named no Head, which could be 
 " no more called a defed in him, than it was one in God, that had named 
 " no Head to Govern the World. Yet the Church found it convenient 
 *' to have one over them, fo Arch-Billiopswerefct over Provinces. And 
 *' though St. Peter had been Head of the Apoftles, yet as it is not certain 
 *' that he was ever in Rome, fo it does not appear, that he had his Head- 
 " fhip for Romei fake, or that he left it there; but he was made Head for 
 " his Faith, and not for the Dignity of any See : Therefore the Bifhops 
 " oi Rome co\j\d pretend to nothing from him, but as they followed his 
 *' Faith ; and Dherim and fome other Birtiops there, had been condemn- 
 *' ed for Herefiej and if according to St. James, Faith be to be tryed 
 *' by Works, the Lives of the Popes for feveral Ages gave (lirewd pre- 
 *' fumptions, that their Faith was not good. And though it were grant- 
 " cd, that fuch a Power was given to the See o( Rome, yet by many in- 
 " fiances, he fhew'd that pofitive Precepts in a matter of that nature, 
 " were not for ever Obligatory. And therefore Gerfon wrote a Book,
 
 Book II. of the Church of England, i6<^ 
 
 De Auferihititate Papa. So that if a Pope with the Cardinals be cor- 1 534. 
 ruptcd, they ought to be trycd by a General Council, and fubmitto ~ 
 it. St. Peter gave an account of his Baptizing Cornelius, when he 
 was quedioned about it. So DamaJuSy Sixtus, and Leo, purged them- 
 felves of fome Scandals. 
 
 '* Then he ihewed how Corrupt the prefent Pope was, both in his 
 Perfon and Government, for which he was abhorred, even by fome of 
 his Cardinals, as himfelf had heard andfeen &tRowe. it is true, there 
 was no Law to proceed againft a vitious Pope, for it was a thing not 
 " forefeen, and thought (carcely poflTible; but new difeafes required new 
 *' remedies: and if a Pope that is an Heretick may be judged in a Coun- 
 cil, the fame r^afon would hold again 1 a Symoniacal, Covetous and 
 Impious lope, who was Salt that had loft its favour. And by feveral 
 Authorities, he proved, that every man who lives fo, is thereby out of 
 ** the Communion of the Church ; and that as the Pieheminence of the 
 " Sec of Rome flowed only from the Laws of Men, fo there was now 
 good caufe to repeal thefe, for the Pope, as was fa'd in the Council of 
 Baji/, was only Virar of the Church, and not of Chrift, (o he was ac- 
 countable to the Church. The Council of Conflance^ and the Divines 
 of Paris had, according to the Dodrine of the Ancient Church, de- 
 clared the Pope to be iubjedlto a General Council, which many Popes 
 in former Ages had confeffd. And all that the Pope ean claim even 
 by the Canon Law, is only to call and prefide in a General Council^ 
 but not to over-rule it, or have a Negative Vote in it. 
 ** The Power of Councils did not extend to Princes, Dominions, or 
 Secular Mitters, but only to Potnts of Faith, which they were to de- 
 " clare, and to condemn Hereticks: nor were their Decrees Laws, till 
 ** they were Enaded by Princes. Upon this, he enlarged much to Ihew, 
 " that though a Council did proceed againft a King ( with which they 
 ** then threatned the King) that their Sentence was of no force, as being 
 " without their Sphere. The determination of Councils ought to be 
 " well confidercd and examined by the Scriptures, and in matters indif- 
 " ferent, men ought to be left to their Freedom. He taxed the feverity of 
 ** Floors Proceedings againft the Churches of the Eaft, about the day 
 " oHEafler. And concluded, that as a Menjber of the Body is not cut 
 " off, except a Gangrene comes in it; fo no part of the Church ought to 
 " be cut off, but upon a great and inevitable caufe. And he very large- 
 ly fliewcd, with what Moderation and Charity the Church fhould pro- 
 ceed even againft thofe that held Errors. An J the Standard of the 
 Councils definitions, ftiould only be taken from the Scriptures, and not 
 from mens Traditions. 
 
 " He faid, fome General Councils had been rejeded by others, and it 
 was a tender Point, how much ought to be deferred to a Council ; 
 ** fome Decrees of Councils were not at all obeyed. The Divines of 
 ** Paris held, that a Council could not make a new Article of Faith, that 
 ** was not in the Scriptures. And as all God's Promifes to the People of 
 *• Ifrael, had this Condition implyed within them, Ij they kept his Com- 
 " mandments ; fo he thought the Promifes to the Chriftian Church, had 
 " this Condition in them, // they kept the Faith. Therefore he had much 
 *' doubting in himfelf as to General Councils, and he thought that only 
 ** the Word of God was the Rule of Faith, which ought to take place 
 " in all Controverfics of Religion. The Scriptures were called Canonical, 
 " as being the only Rules ot the Faith of Chriftians ; und thefe by ap- 
 
 " pointnaent 
 
 it 
 
 «c 
 <( 
 
 « 
 
 (C 
 
 {< 
 
 (C 
 
 u
 
 1 70 The Hiftojy of the Reformation Book U. 
 
 ^5^4' *' pointmcnt of the Ancient Council, were only to be read in the Chur- 
 " chcs. The Fathers SS. Amhrofe, Jerome, and Aufiin, did in many 
 ** things differ from one another, but always appealed to the Scriptures, 
 *' as the common and certain Standard. And he cited fome remarkable 
 ** padage out of St. Aufiin, to fliew, what difference he put between the 
 " Scriptures, and all the other Writings even of the beft and holieft Fa- 
 *' thers. But when all the Fathers agreed in the Expofition of any pkce 
 " of Scripture, he acknowledged he looked on that as flowing from the 
 " Spirit of God, and it was a moft dangerous thing to be wife in our 
 " own Conceit : Therefore he thought Councils ought to found their 
 " Decifions on the Word of God, and thofe Expofxtions of it that had 
 " been agreed on by the Dodtors of the Church. 
 
 " Then he difcourfed very largely what a Perfon a Judge ought to be, 
 " he muft not be Partial, nor a Judge in his own Caufe, nor fo much as 
 " fit on the Bench when it is tried, left his Prefence fhould over-awe o- 
 *' thers. Things alfo done upon a common Error cannot bind, when the 
 *' Error upon which they were done comes to be difcovered ; and all 
 " humane Laws ought to be changed, when a publick yifible Inconve- 
 *' nience follows them. From which he concluded, that the Pope being 
 *' a Party, and having already paffed his Sentence, in things which ought 
 " to be examined by a General Council, could not be a Judge, nor fit in 
 *' it. Princes alfo, who upon a common miftake, thinking the Pope Head 
 " of the Church, had fworn to him, finding that this was done upon a 
 " falfe ground, may pull their Neck out of his Yoke, as every Man may 
 " make his efcape out of the hands of a Robber. And the Court oi Rome 
 " was fo corrupt, that a Pope, though he meant well, as Hadrian did, 
 *' yet could never bring any good defign to an Iflue ; the Cardinals and 
 " the reft of that Court being fo engaged to maintain their Corruptions. 
 " Thefe were the Heads of that DiTcourfe, which it feems he gave them 
 in Writing after he had delivered it ; but he promifed to entertain them 
 with another Difcourfe, of the Power the Bifliops of the Chriftian 
 Church have in their Sees, and of the Power of a Chriftian Prince to 
 make them do their Duty ; but that I could never fee, and I am afraid 
 it is loft. 
 
 All ihis I thought nececeffary to open, to ftiew the State of the Court, 
 and the Principles that the feveral Parties in it went upon, when the 
 Reformation was firft brought under Confideration in the third Period 
 of this Rings Reign, to which 1 am now advanced. 
 
 The End of the Second Book 
 
 THE
 
 I 
 
 ¥
 
 /.'-/<7 1 yj. P,-',nr.'A fci- Ric: Ctuhvi-ll. ,• t ift,- ]Li le aixd Cro.i^ne i-i A PmilF Clut^fcU iiai-A
 
 171 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 REFORMATION 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Church of Endand. 
 
 BOOK ni. 
 
 Of the other Tranfaclions about Religion and Re- 
 formation, during the reft of the Reign of King 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 H E King having pafled through the Traverfes and 1 5^ 5^ 
 Toflings of his Suit of Divorce, and having with ThfTeftof*^ 
 the concurrence, both of his Clergy ^nd P^rh'a- the King's 
 ment, brought about what he had Projefted, Reign grows 
 feem'd now at eafe in his own Dominions. But '^'°"'''^^°"'*- 
 though matters were carried in Publick Affem- 
 blies fmoothly and fuccefsfully, yet there were 
 many fecret difcontents, which being fomented 
 both by the Pope, and the Emperor's Agents wrought him great trou- 
 ble 5 fo that the reft of his Life was full of Vexation and Difquiet. 
 
 All that were zealoufly addidted to that which they called the Old 
 Religion, did conclude, that whatever firmnefs the King exprefled to 
 it now, was either pretended out of Policy, for avoiding the Incon- 
 veniences, which the fears of a Change might produce : or though 
 he really intended to perform what he profefled ^ yet the Interefts 
 in which he muft embarque, with the Princes of German) againft the 
 Pope and the Emperor, together with the Power that the Queen 
 had over him, and the credit Cranmer and Cromwell had with him, 
 would prevail on him to change fome things in Religion. And they 
 look d on thefe things, as fo complicated together, that the change 
 of any one muft needs make way for change in more, fince that 
 ftruck at the Authority of the Church, and left People at liberty to 
 difpute the Articles of Faith. This they thought was a Gate optiied 
 
 Y to
 
 172 7be Hiftotj of the Keformntion Bocik III. 
 
 1535. 
 
 By the Prafti. 
 ces of the 
 Monks and 
 Friars. 
 
 Which pro- 
 voked the 
 King to great 
 Severities. 
 
 to Herelie. And therefore they were every-wbere meeting together, 
 and confulting, what fhould be done for fupprefCng Herefie, and pre- 
 ferving the Catholick Faith. 
 
 That Zeal was much inflamed by the Monks and Friars, who clearly 
 faw the Ads of Parliament were fo levelled at their Exemptions 
 and Immunities, that they were now like to be at the King's Mercy. 
 They were no more to plead their Bulls, or claim any Privilcdges, 
 further than it pleafed the King to allow them. No new Saints from 
 Rome could draw more Riches or Honour to their Orders. Priviled- 
 ges and Indulgences were out of doors ; fo that the Arts of drawing 
 in the People, to enrich their Churches and Houfes, were at an end. 
 And they had alfo fecret Intimations, that the Kin^ and the Courti- 
 ers, had an eye on their Lands, and they gave themfelves for loft, 
 if they could not fo embroyl the King's Affairs, that he fhould not 
 adventure on fo invidious a thing : Therefore both in Confeffions and 
 Conferences they infufed into the People a diflike of the King's Pro- 
 ceedings; which though for fome time it did not break out into 
 an open Rebellion, yet the humour ftill fermented, and people only 
 waited for an opportunity : So that if the Emperor had not been o- 
 therwife diftrafted, he might have made War upon the King, with 
 great advantages. For many of his difcontented Subjeds- would 
 have joyned with the Enemy. But the King did fo dextroufly ma- 
 nage his Leagues with the French King, and the Princes of the 
 Empire, that the Emperor could never make any iraprefCons on his 
 Dominions. 
 
 But thofe fjftious Spirits, feeing nothing was to be expefted from 
 any foreign Power, could not contain themfelves, but broke out in- 
 to open Rebellion. And this provoked the King to great feverities : 
 His Spirit wds fo tretted, by die tricks tde Court of Ro^;te had put 
 on him, and by the Ingratitude and feditious praftices of Reginald 
 Pool'^ that he thereby lo(\ much of his former Temper and Patience; 
 and was too ready upon flight grounds, to bring his Subjefts to the 
 Bar. Where though the matter was always fo ordered, that accord- 
 ing to Law they were indifted and judged ^ yet the feverity of the 
 Law bordering fometimes on Rigor and Cruelty, he came to be cal- 
 led a cruel Tyrant. Nor did his Severity lie only on one fide : but be- 
 ing addifted to fome Tenets of the Old Religion ^ and impatient of 
 Contradiftion ; or perhaps blown up, either with the vanity of his 
 new Title, of Head of the Churchy or with the Praifes which Flater- 
 ers beftowed on him 5 he thought all perfons were bound to regulate 
 their Belief by his Dictates, which made him profecute Proteftants, 
 as well as proceed againft Papifts. Yet it does not appear, that Cru- 
 elty was Natural to him. For in Twenty Five Years Reign, none bad 
 fuffered for any Crime againfl: the State , but Fool Earl of Suffolky 
 and Stafford Duke of Buckingham. The former he profecuted in Obe- 
 dience to his Fathers laft Commands at his Death. His Severity to 
 the other was imputed to the Cardinals Malice. The Proceedings were 
 alfo Legal, And the Duke of Binkingham, had by the Knavery of a 
 Priefl, to whom he gave great Credit, been made believe he had a 
 Right to the Crown ^ and praftices of that Nature, touch Princes fo 
 nearly, that no wonder the Law was executed in fuch a Cafe. This 
 
 fliows
 
 Book III. _ . of the Church of England. 17^ 
 
 (hows that the King was not very jealous, nor defirous of the Blood 1535. 
 of his Subjefts. But though he always proceeded upon Law, yet -^"V""^ 
 in the laft Ten Years of his Life, many inftances of Severity occur- 
 red, for which he is rather to be pitied, than either imitated or fharp- 
 ly cenfured. 
 
 The former Book was full of Intrigues and foreign Tranfaftions 3 
 the greateft part of it being an account of a tedious Negotiation, 
 with the fubtleft and moft refined Court in ChriQendom , in all the 
 Arts of humane Policy. But now ray Work is confined to this Na- 
 tion ; and except in fliort touches by the way, I (h ill meddle no fur- 
 ther with the Myfteries of State 5 but fliall give as clear an account 
 of thofe things that Relate to Religion and Reformation, as I could 
 poffibly recover. The Suppreflion of Monafteries , the advance and 
 declenfion of Reformation, and the Proceedings againft thofe, who ad- 
 hered to the Intereft of the Court of Rome, muft be the chief Subjefts 
 of this Book. The two former (hall be opened, in the feries of time as 
 they were tranfaded. But the laft (hall be left to the end of the Book, 
 that it may be prefented in one full view. 
 
 After the Parliament had ended their Bu(inefs, the Bifhops did all The Bidiops 
 renew their Alliance to the King, and fwore alfo to maintain his Su- ^'""^^^ 'J^^ ^ 
 premacy in Ecclefiaftical Matters ; acknowledging that he was the Su- macy. "^" 
 preme Head of the Church of England, though there was yet no 
 Law for the requiring of any fuch Oath. The firft aft of the King s 
 Supremacy was, his naming Cromwell Vicar-General , and General- 
 Vifitor of all the Monafteries and other Priviledged Places. This 
 is commonly confounded with his following Dignity of Lord Vice- 
 Gerent in Ecclefiaftical Matters 5 but they were two different Places, 
 and held by different Coraraiffions. By the one he had no Autho- 
 rity over the Biftiops, nor had he any Precedence ^ but the other, 
 as it gave him the Precedence next the Royal Family, fo it cloath- 
 ed him with a compleat Delegation of the King's whole Power in 
 Ecclefiaftical Affairs. For Two Years he was only Vicar-General 5 
 But the tenour of his Commiflions, and the nature of the Power de- 
 volved on him by them, cannot be fully known: For neither the one, 
 nor the other are in the Rolls, though there can be no doubt made, 
 but Commiflions of fuch Importance were enrolled 5 therefore the 
 lofs of them can only be charged on that fearch and rafure of Re- 
 cords made by Bonner, upon the Commiftion granted to him by Queen 
 Mary, of which I have fpoken in the Preface of this Work. In the 
 Prerogative Office there is a fubaltern CoramilTion granted to Do- 
 ftor (afterwards Secretary) Pe/re, on an. 15. in the Twenty Seventh 
 Year of the Kings Reign, by which it appears, that Cromwell % Cova- 
 raiflion was at firft conceived in very general words, for he is called 
 the King's Vice-Gerent in Ecclefiaftical Caufes , his Vice-General, and 
 Official-Principal. But becaufe he could not himfelf attend upon all 
 thefe affairs, therefore Doftor Petre is deputed under him, for receiv- 
 ing the Probates of Wills : From thence likewife it appears, that all 
 Wills, where the Eftate was 200 lib. or above, were no more to be 
 tryed or proved in the Bilhops Courts, but inXhQVicar-General'i 
 Court. Yet though he was called Vice-Gerent in that Commiffion, 
 he was fpoken of, and writ to, by the name of Vicar-General 5 but 
 
 Y 2 after
 
 i-]4' 'i be tiiltory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1535. after the fecond Commiffion, feen and mentioned by the Lord Herbert^ 
 v-^-^'^""^^ in July 1536. he was always defigned Lord Fice-Gerent. 
 
 The next thing that was every where laboured with great induftry, 
 was, to engage all the reft ot the Clergy, chiefly the Regulars, 
 to own the King's Supremacy 5 To which they generally fubmitted. 
 Antiq oxon. In Oxford the Queftion being put. Whether the Pope had any other 
 ThcOnginii' Jurifdi^ion in England than any other foreign Bi(hop > It was re- 
 Letter 15 in ferred to Thirty Doftors and Batchelors, who were impower'd to fet 
 E^'^'ft^/iT. ^^^ Univerfity-Seal to their Conclufion. They all agreed in the Ne- 
 * '^ * gative, and the whole Univerfity being exatnined about it Man by Man, 
 
 aflented to their determination. All the difficulty that I find made, 
 was at Richmmd^ by the Framifcan Friars^ where the Bifhop of Cuven- 
 The Francif try and Litihfield {Rowland Lee) and Thomas Bedyl, tendred fome Con- 
 tufeit'"* ^^ clufions to them, among which, this was one. That the Pope of Rome 
 kas no greater Jurifdi^ion in this Kingdom of England, by the Law of 
 God, than any other Foreign Bifiop. This they told them was alrea- 
 dy fubfcribcd by the two Arch-bifhops, the Bilhops of London, Win- 
 chejier, Dnrefme, Bath, and all the other Prelates, and Heads of Hou- 
 fes, and all the famous Clerks of the Realm. And therefore they 
 defired that the Friars would refer the matter to the Four Seniours 
 of the Houfe, and acquiefce in what they (hould do. But the Friars 
 faid, it concerned their Confciences, and therefore they would not 
 fubmit it to a fmall part of their Houfe : they added, that they had 
 fworn to lollow the Rule of %t. Francis, and in that they would live 
 and die 5 atid cited a Chapter of their Rule, " That their Order 
 " (hould have a Cardinal for their Protedtor, by whofe dirediions 
 " they might be governed in their obedience to the Holy See. Bat 
 to this the Bifliop anfwered, That St. Francis lived in Italy, where 
 the Monks and other Regulars that had Exemptions, were fubjeft to 
 the Pope, as they were in England to the Arch-bifhop of Canterbury. 
 And tor the Chapter which they cited, it was ftiewed them, that it 
 was not written by St. Francis, but made fince his time ; and though 
 it were truly a part of his Rule, it was told them that no particu- 
 lar Rule ought to be preferred to the Laws of the Land, to which 
 all Subjefts were bound to give Obedience, and could not be Excufed 
 from it, by any voluntary obligation under which they brought them- 
 felves. Yet all this could not prevail on them, but they faid to the 
 Bilhop, they had profefledSt. Francis s. Rule, and would ftillcorrtinue 
 in the Obfervance of it. 
 A General Vi- But though I do not find fuch refinance made elfewliere, yet it appears 
 (itation of ti^af fQjjjg fecret practices of many of thofe Orders agiinft the State were 
 defigned. difcovered ^ therefore it was refolved, that fome eflPectual means mtift 
 be taken for leifening their Credit and Authority with the People 5 
 and fo a general Vifitation of all Monafteries and other Religious 
 orig.co^.Lib. Houfcs was rcfolved on. This was chiefly advifed by Dodlor Leigh- 
 ^"*' ton, who had been in the Cardinals Service with Cromwell, and wns 
 
 then taken notice of by him, as a dexterous and diligent Man, and 
 therefore was now mirde ufe of 6n this Occafion. He by a Letter 
 to Cromwell advertifcd him, that upon a long Conference with the 
 Dean of the An her, he found the Dean was of Opinion, that it was 
 not fit to make any Vifitation in the King's Name yet, for Two or 
 
 - A Three
 
 Book III. of the C/mrd of England. lis 
 
 Three Years, till his Supremacy were better received ; and that he ap- '5^5' 
 prehended a fevere Vifitation To early, would make the Clergy more -'^^^"^ 
 averfe to the King's Power. But Leighfon on the other Hand, thought 
 nothing would fo much recommend the Supremacy, as to fee fuch 
 good EfFefts of it, as might follow upon a ftrift and exnft Vifiration. 
 And the Abufes of Religious Perfons were now fo great and vifible, e- 
 ven to the Laity, that the correfting and reforming thefe, would be 
 a very popular Thing. He writ further. That there had been no 
 Vifitation in the Northern Parts, fince the Cardinal ordered it : There- 
 fore he advifed one, and defired to be employed in Turkpyire. And 
 bv another Letter, dated the 4th of Jttne, he wrote to Cromwell, de- 
 firing that Doftor Lee and he might be imployed in vifiting all the 
 Monafteries, from the Diocefs oi Littcoln Northwards; Which they 
 could manage better than any body elfe, having great Kindred, and a 
 large Acquaintance in thofe Parts : So that they would be able to dif- 
 cover all the Diforders or feditious Practices in thefe Houfes. He 
 complained that former Vifitations had been Oight and infignificant 
 and promifed great Faithiulnefs and Diligence both from himfelf and 
 Do6tor Lee. 
 
 The Archbifhop of Canterbnry w&s now making his Metropolirfcal Cramner 
 Vifiration, having obtained the King's Licence tor it, which fays, ""'^^t'^'^'*^^ 
 That he having defired, that according to the Cuftom, and the Pre- v7fic°'""' 
 
 cion. 
 
 rogative of his Metropolitical See, he might make his Vifitation 5 the 
 King granted him Licence to do it, and required all to af2(f and obey 
 him 5 dated the 28th of /^pnl. Things were not yet ripe for doint^ Rot.Pat. 
 great Matters 5 fo that which he now look'd to, was to fee that a!J ^^8"- ^^• 
 Ihould fubmit to the King's Supremacy ^ and renounce any dependance ^"^' ^' 
 on the Pope, whofe name was to be flruck out of all the publick Of- 
 fices of the Church. This was begun in May, 1555. Stohjley Birtiop Regifl. 5/^^/. 
 of London, fubmitted not to this Vifitation, till he had entered three "^"'^ '^• 
 Proteftations for keeping up of Privileges. 
 
 In OSoher began the great Vifitation of Monafteries, which was com- TheKing-svi. 
 roitted to feveral Commiflioners. Leighton^ Lee, and London, were ^""°° ''^S""- 
 moft imployed. But many others werealfo impowered to vi^t. For 
 I find Letters from Robert Southwell, Ellke Price, John Ap-price, Ri- 
 chard Southwell, John Gage, Richard BelUfis, Walter Hendle, and feve- 
 ral others, to Cromwell, giving him an Account of the Progrefs they 
 made in their feveral Provinces. Their Commiflions, if they were pa f- 
 fed under the Great Seal, and enrolled, have been taken out of the 
 Rolls i, for there are none of them to be found there. Yet I encline to 
 think, they were not under the Great Seal. For I have feen an Original in mss. d. g. 
 Commiflion for the Vifitation, that was next Year, which was only Pi'^'fuin': 
 under the King's Hand and Signet. From which it may be inferred, 
 that the Commifljons tliis Year, were of the fame Nature: Yet whe- 
 ther fuch Commiflions could Authorize them to grant Difpenfati- 
 ons, and difcharge Men out of the Houfes they were in, I am not 
 skilld enough in Law to determine. And by their Letters to Crom- 
 nell, I find they did alTume Authority for thefe things. So what their 
 Power was, I am not able to difcover. But befides their Power and 
 Commiflions, they got Inftruftions to direft them in their Vifitati- 
 ons, and Injundions to be left in every Houfe, of which, though I 
 
 could
 
 _^ I ■ ■ ■ -■■■ ■ ■! ■■ ~"' ' " ■■ ' " ■■■ . -U I M^ 
 
 176 The Hiftojj of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1535. 
 
 Cot. Lib. 
 Cleop. E. 4. 
 
 Inftrudlions 
 for the Vifici 
 tion. 
 
 See CoHeH. 
 Number i. 
 
 « 
 
 could not recover the Originals, yet Copies of very good Authority I 
 have feen, which the Reader will find in the Colleftion at the end of 
 this Book. The Inftruftions contain 86 Articles. The fubftance of 
 them was, to try, 
 
 " Whether Divine Service was kept up Day and Night, in the right 
 " Hours ? And how many were commonly prefent, and who were tre- 
 " quently abfent. 
 
 " Whether the full Number, according to the Foundation, was in 
 " every Houfe? Who were Founders? What Additions have been 
 " made fince the Foundations? And what were their Revenues ? Whe- 
 " ther it was ever changed from one Order to another ? By whom > 
 " And for what Caufe? 
 
 " What Mortmains they had? And whether their Founders were 
 " fufEciently authorized to make fuch Donations ? 
 
 " Upon what Suggeftions, and for what Caufes they were exempt- 
 " ed from their Diocefans ? 
 
 " Their Local Statutes were alfo to be feen and examined. 
 " The Eleftion of their Head was to be enquired into. The Rule of 
 " every Houfe was to be confidered. How many profefled ? And how 
 " many Novices were in it? And at what time the Novices profefTed ? 
 
 " Whether they knew their Rule, and obferved it? Chiefly the three 
 *' Vows of Poverty, Chaftity, and Obedience ? Whether any of them 
 kept any Money without the Matters Knowledge? Whether they 
 kept company with Women, within or without the Monaftery ? Or 
 *' if there were any back-doors, by which Women came within the 
 " Precinft? Whether they had any Boys lying by them ? 
 
 " Whether they obferved the Rules of Silence, Fafting, Abftinence, 
 " and Hair-fhirts ? Or by what warrant they were difpenfed with, in 
 ** any of thefe > 
 
 " Whether they did Eat, Sleep, wear their Habit, and ftay within 
 the Monaftery, according to their Rules ? 
 
 " Whether the Mafter was too cruel, or too retnifs ? And whither 
 he ufed the Brethren without Partiality or Malice? 
 *' Whether any of the Brethren were incorrigible ? 
 " Whether the Mafter made his Accompts faithfully once a Year ? 
 " Whether all the other Officers made their Accompts truly ? And 
 whether the whole Revenues of the Houfe were imployed accord- 
 ing to the Intention of the Founders? 
 
 " Whether the Fabrick was kept up, and the Plate and Furniture 
 were carefully preferved ? 
 
 " Whether the Covent-Seal, and the Writings of the Houfe were 
 well kept ? And whether Leafes were made by the Mafter to his 
 " Kindred and Friends, to the Damage of the Houfe ? Whether Ho- 
 " fpitality was kept ? and whether at the receiving of Novices, any 
 *' Money or Reward was demanded or promifcd ? What care was taken 
 " to inftruft the Novices? 
 
 " Whether any had entred into the Houfe, in hope to be once the 
 •* Mafter of it ? 
 
 " Whether in giving Prefentations to Livings, the Mafter had re- 
 ferveda Penfion out of them? Or what fort of Bargains he made 
 concerning them ? 
 
 "As 
 
 (C 
 
 « 
 
 «(
 
 Jgook 111. of the Cbarcb oj England. 177 
 
 " An Account was to be taken, of all the Parfonages and Vfcarages 1 5:55. 
 " belonging to every Houfe, and how thefe Benefices were difpofed w^'~V"^ 
 " of, and bow the Cure was ferved. 
 
 All thefe things were to be inqaired after in the Houfes of Monks or 
 Friars. And in the Vifitation of Nunneries, they were to fearch, 
 
 " Whether the Houfe had a good Enclofure, and if the Doors and 
 " Windows were kept (hut, fo that no Man could enter at inconveni- 
 " ent Hours? 
 
 *' Whether any Man converfed with the Sifters alone, without the 
 ** Abbefl'es leave ? 
 
 " Whether any Sifter was forced to profefs, either by her Kindred, 
 •' or by the Abbefs > 
 
 " Whether they went out of their Precinft without Leave ^ And 
 " whether they wore their Habit then ? 
 
 " What employment they had out of the times of Divine Service? 
 " What familiarity they had with Religious Men ? Whether they 
 " wrote Love-Letters? Or fent and received Tokens or Prefents? 
 
 " Whether the Confellbr was a difcreet and learned Man, and of 
 " good Reputation? And how oft a Year the Sifters did Confefs and 
 *' Communicate? 
 
 They were alfo to vifit all Collegiate Churches, Hofpitals and Ca- 
 thedrals, and the Order of the Knights of Jerufale/ft. But if this Copy 
 be compleat they were only to view their Writings and Papers, to fee 
 what could be gathered out of them, about the Reformation of Mo- 
 naftical Orders. And as they were to vifit according to thefe Inftrudli- 
 ons, fo they were to give fome Injunftions in the King's Name. 
 
 " That thty (hould endeavour, all that in them lay, that the ACt of ^njunftions 
 " the Ring's Succeffion ftiould be obferved, ( where it is faid, that they ous Hou^fes.^'" 
 hid under their Haftds and Seals confirmed it. This jfhows, that all the Re- 
 ligious Houfes of England had acknowledged it :) And they ftiould teach See coiieft. 
 " the People, that the King's Power was Supreme on Earth, under God, Number 2. 
 " and that the Biftiop of Rome's Power was ufurped by Craft and Po- 
 *' licy, and by his ill Canons and Decretals, which had been long to- 
 " lerated by the Prince, but was now juftly taken away. 
 
 " The Abbot and Brethren were declared to be abfolved from any 
 *' Oath, they h id fworn to the Pope, or to any Foreign Potentate 5 and 
 " the Statutes of any Order, that did bind them to a Foreign Subjefti- 
 '' on, were abrogated and ordered to be razed out of their Books. 
 
 '' That no Monk fhould go out of the Precinft, nor any Woman en- 
 " ter within it, without leave from the Ring or the Vifitor, and that 
 *' there ftiould be no entry to it, but one. 
 
 " Some Rules were given about their Meals, and a Chapter of the 
 " Old or New Teftament was ordered to be read at every one. The 
 " Abbots Table was to be ferved with common Meats, and not with 
 " delicate and ftrange Diflies; and either he, or one of the Seniors, 
 
 were to be always there to entertain Strangers. 
 
 " Some other Rules follow about the Diftribution of their Alms, 
 " their Accommodation in Health and Sicknefs. One or two of every 
 " Houfe was to be kept at the Univerfity 5 that when they were well 
 " inftrufted, they might come and teach others: And every Day, there 
 *' was to be a Lefture of Divinity for a whole Hour: The Brethren 
 " rauft all be well employed. The
 
 178 
 
 1 5? 5. 
 
 An Account 
 otthe Vro- 
 grefs of the 
 Monjflical 
 Aate in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 The E-:cmp- 
 tipns of Mo- 
 naflerics. 
 See Mamfli. 
 can. 
 
 Jh Hiftory of the Keforjuntioa Book IIL 
 
 " The Abbot or Head was every day to explain fome part of the 
 
 Rule, and apply it according to Chrift's Law; and to (hew them, 
 " that their Ceremonies were bat Elements, introdudory to true Chri- 
 " ftianity ^ and that Religion confifted not in Habits, or in fuch like 
 " Rites, but in cleannefs of Hejrt, purenefs of Living, unfeigned Faith, 
 " Brotherly Charity, and true honouring of God in Spirit and Truth : 
 " That therefore they muft not reft in their Ceremonies, but afcend by 
 " them to true Religion. ^zmjoH 
 
 f " Other Rules are added about the Revenues of the Houfe, and a- 
 " gainft Waftes, and that none be entered into their Houfe, nor ad- 
 '* mitted under Twenty Four Years of Age. "f-^ ■ 
 
 *' Every Prieft in the Houfe was to fay Mafs Daily ; and in it, to 
 *' pray for fhe King and Queen. 
 
 " If any break any of thefe Injundions, he was to be denoun- 
 " ced to the Ring, or his Vifitor- general. The Vifitor had alfo Au- 
 " thority to puniih any, whom hefliould find guilty of any Crime, 
 " and to bring the Vifitor-general, fuch of their Books and Writings 
 " as he thought fit. 
 
 But before I give an Account of this Vifitation, I prefume it will not 
 be ingrateful to the Reader to offer him fome fhort view of the Rife 
 and Progrefs of Monaftick Orders in England., and of the ftate they 
 were in at this Time. Wh it the Ancient Britifl} Monks were, or by 
 what Rule they were governed ; whether it was from the Eaftern 
 Churches, that this Conftitution was brought into Br/Va//?, and was ei- 
 ther fuited to the Rule of St. Anthony ^ St. Pachont, or St. Dajll:^ or whe- 
 ther they had it fmm Fr^»ri>, where Slulpitiut tells US, St. Martin ^Qt Up 
 Monafteries, muft be left to conjefturc. But from the little that remains 
 of them, we find they were very Numerous, and were obedient to the 
 Bidiop of Caerleon, as all the Monks of the Primitive Times were to 
 their Biftiops, according to the Canons of the Council of Chalcedon. 
 
 But upon the Confufions which the Gothick Wars brought into Italy ^ 
 Benedi^ and others fet up Religious Houfes; and more artificial Rules 
 and Methods were found out for their Government. Not long after 
 that, Aifjlin the Monk came into England 5 and having baptized Ethel- 
 hert^ he perfwaded him to found a Monaftery at Canterbury, which the 
 King, by his Charter, exempted from the Jurifdidtion of the Archbifhop 
 and his SuccefTors. This was not only done by AHjiin's Confent, but he 
 by another Writing confirms this Foundation 5 and exempted both 
 the Monaftery and all the Churches belonging to it, from his, or his 
 Succeflbr's Jurifdiftions; and moft earneftly conjures his Succeflbrs, 
 never to give any trouble to the Monks, who were only to be fubjeft 
 to their own Abbot. And this was granted, that they might have no 
 difturbance in the Service of God. But (whether this, with many o- 
 ther Ancient Foundations, were not latter Forgeries, which I vehe- 
 mently fufped, I leave to Criticks to difcufs.) The next Exemption, 
 that I find, was granted in the Year ^80, to the Abby of Peterborough^ 
 by Pope Agatho, and was Signed by Theodore, Archbilhop of Canterbury^ 
 called the Popes Legate (this I doubt was Forged afterwards.) In the 
 Year 725, King Ina's Charter to the Abbey of Glajjcnbury, relates to 
 their Ancient Charters, and exempts them from the Bifhops Jurifdi- 
 dion. King 0jf4 founded, and exempted the Monaftery of St. Albanr^ 
 
 in
 
 ^'' 
 
 Book III. of the Char ch of England. I79 , 
 
 in the Year 793, which Pope Honorius the 3d confirmed. Anno 1 218, 1 535. 
 Kentdph King of Mercia founded and exempted Abing^ton, in the Year -^V- -w 
 821. Kttitt founded and exempted St. EdmundsbHry in the Year 
 1020, 
 
 About the end of the Eighth Century, the Danes began to make MonaRerics 
 their Defcents into England, and made every where great Depredations 5 generally w,.. 
 and finding the Monks had portelled themfelvcs of the greateft part ^^^^^^^^.^ ^'" 
 of the Riches of the Nation, they made their moft frequent inroads ' 
 
 upon thofe Places where they knew the richeft Spoil was to be found. « • -, 
 And they did fo waft and ruine thefe Houfes, that they were gene- Eri'tTn." 
 rally abandon'd by the Monks, who as tliey loved the Eafe and 
 Wealth they had enjoyed formerly in their Houfes, fo had no mind 
 to expofe therafelves to the Perfecutions of thofe heathenifti Invaders, 
 But when they had deferted their Seats, the • ecular Clegy came and 
 poflefTed them 5 fo that in King Edgar's Time, there was fcarce a 
 Monk in all England. He was a moft difTolute and lewd Prince, but- 
 being perfuaded by DunfiaK and other Monks, that what he did to- Sup'^b-^llnl ' 
 
 wards the reftoring of that decayed State, would be a Matter of great £=4-ar. ' " 
 
 Merit, became the great Promoter of the Monaftical State in Eng- 
 land ^ for he converted moft of the Chapters into Monafteries 3 and 
 by his Foundation of the Priory of Worcefier, it appears, be had 
 then founded no fewer than Forty Seven, which he intended to en- 
 creafe to Fifty, the number of Pardon. Yet in his Foundations, he only 
 exempted the Monafteries, from all Aftions or Dues, which the Bi- 
 (hops claimed. There are Exemptions of feveral Rates and Sizes: 
 Some Houfes were only exempted from all Exactions 3 others from all 
 Jurifdiftion or Vifitations ; others had only an Exemption for their 
 Precinft; others for all the Churches that belonged to them. Ed- 
 ward the Confeflbr exempted many of thefe Houfes, which Edgar had 
 founded, as Ramfey, &c. He alfo founded and exempted Coventry 
 and Wefiminfler, and the Exemption of the laft, was likewife confirm- 
 ed by Pope Nicolas, in a Bull to King Edward. William the Con-? 
 queror founded and exempted the Abbey of Battel from al! Epifcopal 
 Jurifdiftion. 
 
 But after that time I do not find, that our Rings exempted Abbeys 
 from any thing, but Epifcopal Exaftions ; for though formerly Kings 
 hade made Laws, and given Orders about Ecclefiaftical Matters, yet 
 now the claim to an Immunity from the Civil Jurifdiftion, and alfo 
 the Papal Authority, were grown to that Height, that Princes were 
 to meddle no more with facred Things. And henceforth all Exemp- 
 tions were granted by the Popes, who claimed a Jurifdidtion over the 
 whole Church 5 and aflumed that Power to themfclves with many o- 
 ther Ufurpations. 
 
 All the Ancient Foundations were fubfcribed by the King, the Arts ufed fay 
 Queen and Prince, with many Bilhops and Abbots, and Dukes and '^',^1"''^'°^ 
 Earls confenting. The Abbeys being exempted Irom ill Jurifdidlion, their Houfes. 
 both Civil and Spiritual, and from all Impofitions 3 and having gene- ' 
 rally the Privilege of Sanftuary for all that fled to them, were at 
 Eafe, and accountable to none, fo they might do what they pleafed. 
 They found alfo means to enrich themfelves, Firft by the belief of 
 Purgatory. For they perfuaded all People, that the Souls departed, 
 
 Z wenf
 
 I So The HiHorj of the Kefonnation i3ook 111, 
 
 15^5. went generally thither j few were fo Holy, as to go ftraight to Hcj- 
 /~V^^ ven ; and few fo bad, as to be caft to Hell. Then People were made 
 believe, that the faying of Mafles for their Souls, gave them great re- 
 lief in their Torments, and did at length deliver them out of them. 
 This being generally received, it was thought by all a piece of Pietv 
 to their Parents, and of ncceffary care for themfelves, ^nd their Fami- 
 lies, to give fome part of their Eftates towards the enriching of thefe 
 Houfes, for having a Mafs faid every Day for the Souls of their Ance- 
 ftors, and for their own, after their Death. And this did fo fpread, 
 that if fome Laws had not reftrained their Profufcnefs, the greater part 
 of all the Eftates in Engla/id, had been given to thofe Houfes. But the 
 Statutes of Mortmain were not very effeftual Reftraints ^ for what King 
 fover had refufed to grant a Mortmain, was fure to have an uneafie 
 Reign ever after. 
 
 Yet this did not fatisfie the Monks, but they fell upon other contri. 
 vances, to get the beft of all Men's Jewels, Plhte and Furniture. For 
 they perfwaded them, that the Protcftion and Interceffion of Saints, 
 were of mighty ufe to them ; fo that whatfoever refpeft they put on 
 the Shrines and Images, but chiefly on the Kelicks of Saints, they 
 would find their Account in it, and the Saints would take it kindly at 
 their Hands, and intercede the more enrneftly for them. And Peo- 
 ple who faw Courtiers much wrought on by Prefents, imagined the 
 Saints were of the fame Temper^ only with this Difference, That Cour- 
 tiers love to have Prefents put in their own Hands, but the Saints were 
 fatisfied, if they were given to others. And as in the Courts of Prin- 
 ces, the new Favourite commonly had greateft Credit, fo every new 
 Saint was believed to have a greater Force in his AddrelTes ^ and there- 
 fore every body was to run to their Shrines, and make great Prefents 
 to them. This being infufed into the credulous Multitude, they 
 brought the richcft things they had, to the Places where the Bodies or 
 Relicks of thofe Saints were laid. Some Images were alfo believed to 
 have a peculiar Excellency in them^ and Pilgrimages and Prefents to 
 thefe, were much magnified. But to quicken all this, the Monks found 
 the means either by Dreams or Vifions, and ftrange Miraculous Stories, 
 to feed the Devotion of the People. Relicks without Number, were 
 every where difcovered ^ and raoft wonderful Relations of the Mar* 
 tyrdom, and other Miracles of the Saints, were made and read in all 
 Places to the People 5 and new Improvements were daily made in a 
 Trade, that through the Craft of the Monks, and the Simplicity of the 
 People, brought in great advantages. And though there was enough 
 got to enrich them all, yet there was ftrange rivalling, not only a- 
 mong the feveral Orders, but the Houfes of the fame Order. The 
 Monks, efpecially of GUJfenbnry, St. Albans, and St. Edmiwdsbury, 
 vied one with another, who could tell the mof^ extravagant Stories, 
 tor the Honour of their Houfe, and of the Relicks in it. 
 They becaire TheMonksin thefe Houfes abounding in Wealth, and living at Eafe^ 
 fuptcdl'^ '^°'^' ^"^ in Idlenefs, did fo degenerate, that from the Twelfth Century* 
 downward, their Reputation abated much 5 and the Privileges of 
 Sanftuaries, were a general Grievance, and oft complained of in Par- 
 liament : For they received all that fled to them, which put a great 
 (top to Juftice, and did encourage the moft criminal Offenders. They 
 
 becime
 
 Book III. of the Church of England, 
 
 became lewd and diflblutc, and fo irapudent in ir, that fome of their 1555. 
 Farms were Let, for bringing in a yearly Tribute to their Lufts: Nor -^^"W^^J 
 did they keep Hofpitality and relieve the Poor, but rather encoura- 
 ged Vagabonds and Beggars, againft whom Laws were made, both in 
 Edward the 3d, King Henry the 7th, and this Kings Reign. 
 
 But from the Twelfth Century, the Orders of begging Friars were Upon which 
 fet up, and they by the Appearance of Severity and Mortification, t'le begging 
 gained great Efteem. At firft they would have nothing, no real E- muchinCr- 
 ftates, but the ground on which their Houfe ftood. But afterwards di:. 
 diftinftions were found, for fatisfying their Confciences in larger Pof- 
 feffions. They were not fo Idle and Lazy as the Monks, but went a- 
 bout and Preached, and heard Confellions, and carried about Indul- 
 gences, with many other pretty little Things, Jgnus Dei's, Rofariet 
 and Pehlef, which they made the World beh'eve, had great Virtue in 
 them. And they had the Efteem of the People, wholly engroffed to 
 therafelves. They were alfo more formidable to Princes, than the 
 Monks, becaufe they were poorer, and by Confequence, more hardy 
 and bold. There was alfo a firmer Union of their whole Order, they 
 having a General at Rovie^ and being divided into many Provinces, 
 fubjeft to their Provincials. They had iikewife the School- Learning 
 wholly in their Hands, and were great Preachers, fo that many things 
 concurred, to raife their Efteem with the People very High, yet great 
 Complaints lay againft them, for they went more abroad than the 
 Monks did, and were believed guilty of corrupting Families. The 
 Scandals that went on them, upon their relaxing the primitive ftrid- 
 nefs of their Orders, were a little reftified by fome Reformations of 
 thefc Orders. But that lafted not long ^ for they became liable to 
 much Cenfure, and many Vifitations had been made, but to little 
 Purpofe. This concurring with their fecret Praftices againft the King, 
 both in the Matter of his Divorce and Supremacy, made him more 
 willing to examine the Truth of thefe Reports ^ that if they were 
 found guilty of fuch Scandals, they might lofe their Credit with the 
 People, and occafions be miniftred to the King, to juftifie the Suppref- 
 fion of them. 
 
 There was alfo two other Motives, that enclined the King to this The king's 
 Council. The one was, that he apprehended a War from the Em- [^"dlfloWiD^'^ 
 peror, who was then the only Prince in the World, that had any con- thcfeHoufot 
 fiderable Force at Sea ;; having both great Fleets in the Indies^ and be- 
 ing Prince of the Netherlands, where the greateft Trade of thefe Parts 
 was driven. Therefore the King judged it neceflary to fortifie his 
 Ports, and feeing the great Advantages of Trade, which began then to 
 rife much, was refolved to encourage it : For which end he intend- 
 ed to build many Havens and Harbors. This was a Matter of great 
 Charge, and as iiis own Revenue could not defray it, fo he had no 
 mind to lay heavy Taxes on hisSubjefts, therefore the Suppreffion of 
 Monafteries, was thought the eafieft way of raifing Money. 
 
 He alfo intended to creft many more Bifhopricks, to which Cranmer 
 advifed him much, that the vaftnefs of fome Dioceffes, being reduced 
 to a narrower Compafs, Biftiops might better difcharge their Duties, 
 and over fee their Flocks, according to the Scriptures and the Primi- 
 tive Rules. 
 
 Z a But
 
 1 82 the Hiftory of the Ke format! on Book III. 
 
 15:55, But Cr<?»»/er did on another Reafon, prefs the Suppreftion of Mo- 
 
 %w/''~vpv-/ nafteries. He found that their Foundations, and whole State, was 
 fign\a\l.^'^ inconfiftent with a full and true Reformation. For among the things 
 to be reform'd, where thefe Abufes, which were efiential to their Con- 
 ftitution, ( fuch as the Belief of Purgatory, of redeeming Souls by 
 MafTes, the WorQiip of Saints and Images, and Pilgrimages, and the 
 like.) And therefore thofe Societies, whofe intereft it was to oppofe 
 the Reformation, were once to be fupprefl'ed: And then he hoped, 
 upon new Endowments and Foundations, new Houfes fhould have 
 been eredted at every Cathedral, to be Nurferies for that whole Dio- 
 cefs 5 which he thought would be more fuitable to the primitive Ufa 
 of Monafteries, and more profitable to the Church. This was his 
 Scheme, as will afterwards appear 5 which was in fome meafure ef- 
 fected, though not fo fully as he projeded, for Reafons to be told in 
 their proper Place. 
 Firft Mona- There had been a Bull fent from Rome^ for diflblving fome Mona- 
 dirtoived^ ^^" fteries, and erefting Bi(hopricks out of them, as was related in the 
 former Book, in the Year 1532. And it feems it was upon that Au- 
 thority, that in the Year 1533. the Priory of Chrift Church near Al- 
 gate in Londoa, was diffolved, and given to the Lord Chancellor Sir 
 Tho/ftas Audley 5 ( not to make him fpeak fhriller for his Mafter in the 
 Houfe of Commons, zsFttUer miftakes it 5 for he had been Lord Chan- 
 cellor a year before this was given him.) The Pope's Authority not be- 
 ing at that time put down, nor the King s Supremacy fet up, I con- 
 jefture it was done, purfuant to the Bull for the Diffolution, of fome 
 Religious Houfes ; but l never faw the Diffolution, and fo can only 
 ^arLRegn. ' guc^s on what gtound it was made. But in the Parliament held the 
 2}. ' former Year, in which the King's Grant of that Houfe to the Lord 
 Chancellor, was confirmed, itisfaid "in the Preamble, That the Pri- 
 or and Convent, had refigned that Hoafe to the King the 24th of Fe- 
 bruary 23d Regni, and had left their Houfe ; but no mention is made, 
 upon what Reafon they did it. 
 The Proceed- But now I come to Confider, how the Vifitors carried on their 
 vi^Uors/ ^ Vifitations, Many fevere things are faid of their Proceedings, nor is 
 it any wonder that Men, who had traded fo long in lies as the Monks 
 had done, fhould load thofe whom they eftceraed the Inftruments of 
 ^cTi ^E ^^^^^^ Ruin, with many Calumnies. By their Letters to Cromwell it 
 "''■ ■ '^' appears, that in moft Houfes they found Monftrous Diforders. That 
 many fell down on their Knees, and prayed they might be difcharged, 
 fince they had been forced to make Vows againft their Wills 5 with 
 thefe the Vifitors difpenfed, and fet them at liberty. They found 
 great Faftions in the Houfes, and barbarous Cruelties exercifed by one 
 Faftion againft another, as either of them prevailed. In many Pla- 
 ces, when they gave them the King's InjunSions, many cryed out that 
 the Severity of them was intolerable, and they defired rather to be 
 fupprcffed, than fo reformed. They were all extremely addifted to 
 Idolatry and Superftifion. In fome they found the Inftruments, and 
 other Tools for multiplying and coining. ,1 1 !■ 
 
 But for the Lewdnefs of the Confeffors of Nunneries, and the great 
 Corruption of that State, whole Houfes being found almoft all with 
 Child J for the Diffolutenefs of Abbots and the other Monks and Fri- 
 ars,
 
 Book III. of tk Cbarcb of England, 183 
 
 ars, not only with Whores, but Married Women ^ and for their un- 1535. 
 
 natural Lufts and other brutal praftices^ thefe are not fit to be fpoken -^''~v<-^^ 
 
 of, much lefs enlarged on, in a work of this Nature. The full report 
 
 of this Vifitation is loft, yet I have feen an Extraft of a part of it, con- ///y, 
 
 cerning 144 Houfes, that contains Abominations in it, equal to any 
 
 that were in Sodom. 
 
 One paflage that is more remarkable, I Ihall only fet down ^ be- 
 caufe upon it followed the firft Refignation of any Religious Houfe, ferrned*"?' 
 that I could ever find. DoQ:or Leight on he(et the Abbot of L</»_g- the King/' ' 
 den's Houfe, and broke open his door of a fudden, and found his 
 Whore with him ; and in the Abbot's Coffer, there was an habit for 
 her, for (he went for a young Brother. Whether the fhame of this 
 difcovery, or any other confideration prevailed with him, I know 
 not 5 but on the 19th of November, he and Ten Monks Signed a Re- 
 fignation, which hath an odd kind of Preamble, to be found in the 
 Colleftion. " It fays, that the Revenue of the Houfe, was fo much coiiea. 
 ' endamaged, and engaged in fo much debt, that they confidering ^"^^- 5* 
 
 * this , and what remedies might be found for it, faw, that except 
 
 * the King, of whofe Foundation the Houfe was, did fpeedily relieve 
 
 * them, it muft be very quickly ruined, both as to its Spiritual and 
 
 * Temporal concerns 5 therefore they furrender up their Houfe to 
 
 * the King. They were of the Order of Premonjire , and their 
 Houfe was dedicated to the honour of the Bleffed Virgin, and St. 
 Thomas Becket. This Precedent was followed by the like furrender, 
 
 with the fame Preamble, on the 1 5th of November^ by the Prior of The original 
 Folkejion a Benediftine, and on the i6th by the Prior of Dver, with Son'a'e'^fd 
 Eight Monks. Thefe were all of them in the County of Kent. But the Augmen- 
 neither among the Original Surrenders, nor in the Claufe Rolls, are 3"^°°"°!!'^^ 
 there any other Deeds, in this year of our Lord, there are indeed in Rot.cuaj: " 
 the fame year of the King, (which runs till J/jri/1536,) four other ^"''•'ft./ie'sn* 
 Surrenders with the fame Preambles. Of Merton in TorhfJme, a Con- '''" 
 vent of AugHJltnians, Signed by the Prior and Five Monks, the 9th 
 of February 5 of BiljingtoHn in Kent, Signed by the Prior and Two 
 Monks, the xift of February 5 of Tilty in Effex, a Convent oiCiJier- 
 cians. Signed by the Prior and Five Monks ^ and of Hornby in Turk- 
 fhire, a Convent of the Premonjire , Signed by the Prior and Two 
 Monks the 23d of March. Thefe were all the Surrenders that I can 
 difcover to have been made before the Aft of Parliament for fuppref- 
 fing the lefler Monafteries, paffed in the next Seffion that was aiTem- 
 bJed in February. 
 
 But before that, the afflifted and unfortunate Queen Katharine di- 
 ed at Kimbolton 5 She had been much difquieted, becaufe (he would i5'>5. 
 not lay down her Title as Queen Many of her Servants were put 
 from her on that account; but (he would except of no Service, The death of 
 from any that did not ufe her as a Queen, and c.ll her fo. The King ^^«°^^f*^- 
 fent oft to her to perfwade her to more Complyance. But fhe ftood 
 her ground, and faid, fince the Pope had judged her Marriage good, 
 (he would lofe her life, before (he did any thing in prejudice of it. originals. 
 She became more ehearful, than (he had wont to be 5 and the Coun- c»t'yb'°* 
 try people came much to her whom fhe received, and ufed very 
 Obligingly. The King bad a mind (he (hould go to Fotheringhaj-Ca- 
 
 ftl6
 
 184 'T/;^ Hiftory of the Reformntion Book 111. 
 
 J 525." ftle. But when it was propofed to her, fbe plainly faid, (he would 
 never go thither, unlefs (he was carried as a Prifoner , bound with 
 Ropes. She defired leave to come nearer London :, but that was not 
 granted. She had the Jointure that was afligned her, as PjvWp/} » 
 Dowager'^ and was treated with the refpeft due to thu Dignity, butt 
 all the Women about her, ftill called her Queen. I do not find (he 
 had any thoughts of going out of Ennlmd ^ though her Life in ic 
 was but Melancholy. Yet her care to fupport her Daughters Title, 
 made her bear all the Difgraces (he lay under. The Officious and 
 prafti(ing Clergy, that were for the Court of Rome, look'd on her as 
 the Head of their Party, and aflferted her Intereft much. Yet (he 
 was fo watched, that (he could not hold any great Correfpendence 
 with them ; though in the matter of the Maid of Kent, (he had Ibme 
 Medling. 
 
 When (he Gcken'd, (he made her Will ; and appointed her Body 
 to be buried in a Convent of Obfervant Friars, (who had done and 
 fufFered moft for her 5 ) and Ordered Five Hundred MafTes to be faid 
 for her Soul 5 and that one (honld go a Pilgrimage, to our Lady of 
 Walpngham. and give Twenty Nobles by the way to the poor. Some 
 other "fmall Legacies (he left to her Servants. When the King 
 heard (lie was (ick, he fent a kind MelTage to her ; and the Emperors 
 AmbalTador went to fee her, and to cheat her up, but when (he 
 found her (icknefs like to prove Mortal , (he made one about her 
 write a Letter in her name, to the King. In the Title (he call'd him, 
 ' Her good Lord, King and Husband. She advifed him to look to the 
 
 * health of his Soul. She forgave him all the Troubles he had caft 
 ' her into. She recommended their Daughter Mary to him, and de- 
 
 * (ired he would be a Loving Father to her. She alfo defired, that he 
 
 * would provide Matches for her M lids, who were but Three ; and 
 
 * that he would give her Servants one years Wages more than was 
 
 * due to them. And Concluded laftly, I make this Vow, That ntine eyes 
 defire you above all things. By another Letter, (he recommended her 
 Daughter to the Emperors care. On the 8th of January (he died, in 
 the Fiftieth year of her Age, Thirty Three years after (he came to Eng- 
 land. She was a devout and pious Princefs, and led a fevere and mor- 
 tified Liie. In her Greatnefs, (he wrought much with her own hands, 
 and kept her Women well employed about her ^ as appeared, when 
 the Two Legates came once to fpeak with her. She came out to them 
 with a Skein of filk about her Neck, and told them, (he had been with- 
 in at work with her Women. She was mo(t paffionately devoted to 
 the Interefts of the Court of Rome, they being fo interwoven with 
 ber own. And in a word, flie is reprefented as a moft wonderful good 
 Woman. Only I find on many occafions, that the King complained 
 much of her uneafinefs and peevilhnefs. But whether the fault was 
 in her humour, or in the Provocations (he met with, the Reader may 
 conjefture. The King received the news of her death, with fome re- 
 gret. But he would not give leave to bury her, as (he had ordered ; 
 but made her body be laid in the Abbey Church of Peterborough, 
 which he afterwards Converted to an Epifcopal Cathedral. But Queen 
 Anne did not carry her death fo decently 5 for (he exprefs'd too much 
 joy at it, both in her Cartiage and Dtefs. 
 
 On
 
 Book III. of the Church of "Eno^lmS. 185 
 
 On the 4th of February the Parliament fate upon a Prorogation of 
 14 Months, (for in the Record there is no mention of any intermedi- 
 al Prorogation,) where a great many Laws, relating to Civi! concerns o^p^rHaSc". 
 were paifed. By the 15th A£t, the Power that had been given by a 
 former Aft to the King, for naming thirty two Perfons, fomakeaCol- 
 Jedion of Ecclefiaftical Laws, was again confirmed 5 for nothing had 
 been done upon the former Aft. But there was no limitation of time 
 in this Aft, and fo there was nothing done in pnrfuancc of if. 
 
 The great bufinefs of this Seffion of Parliament, was the furprefling The lener 
 the lefler Monafteries, How this went through the two Houfes, wc ^'""'•'^^"fs 
 
 . - IT 1 r 1 1 r> r, ....... arc (''pprcliea* 
 
 cannot know trom the Journals, for they are loft. But all the Hi- 
 ftorians of that time tell us, that the report which the Vifitors made 
 to the King was read in Parliament^ which reprefented the manners 
 of thefe Houfes fo odioufly, th it the Aft was eaiily carried. The Pre- 
 amble bears, '' That fmall Religious Houfes, under the number of 
 " twelve Perfons, had been long and notorioufly guilty of vicious and 
 " abominable Living :; and did much confuraeand wade their Churches 
 " Lands and other things belonging to them 5 and that for above two 
 " hundred years, there had been many Vifitations for reforming thefe 
 '' Abufcs, but with no fuccefs^ their vicious living encreafing daily: 
 *' So that except fmall Houfes were dilfolved, and the Religious put in- 
 " to greater Monafteries, there could no Reformation be expefted in 
 " that matter. Whereupon the King having received a full imformati- 
 " on of thefe Abufes, both by his Vifitors and other credible ways 5 
 " and confidering that there were divers great Monafteries in which 
 " Religion was well kept and obferved, vi^hich had not the full number 
 " in them, that they might and ought to receive, had made a fui! 
 " Declaration of the Premifes in Parliament. Whereupon it was Ena- 
 " fted. That all Houfes which might fpend yearly 200/. or within it, 
 " fhould be fuppreffed, and their Revenues converted to better ufes, 
 " and they compelled to reform their Lives. The Lord Herbert thinks 
 it ftrange, that the Statute in the printed Book, has no Preamble, but 
 begins bluntly. Fniler tells us, that he wonders, that Lord did not 
 fee the Record ^ and he fets down the Preamble, and fays, The reft 
 foltovp as in the printed Statute^ Chap. Qfth. by a miftake for the 2"^. 
 This ftiews that neither the one nor the other, ever lookd on the Record. 
 For there is a particular Statute of Diffolution, diftinft from the 2Sth, 
 Chap, And the Preamble which Fuller fets down, belongs not to the 
 28th Chapter, as he fjys, but to the iSth Chapter, which was never 
 Printed: and the 28th relates in the Preamble, to that other Statute, 
 which had given thefe Monafteries to the King. 
 
 The reafons that were pretended for diffolving thefe Houfes, were : Reafonsfor 
 That whereas there was but a fmall number of Perfons in them, they '^-''"o "• 
 entrcd into Confederacies together, and their Poverty fet them on, to 
 ufe mmy ill arts to grow Rich. They were alfo much abroad, and 
 kept no manner of Difcipline in their Houfes. But thofe Houfes were 
 generally much richer than they feemed to be: For the Abbots railing 
 great Fines out of them, held the Leafes ftill low^ and by that means 
 they were not obliged to entertain a great number in their Houfe, 
 and fo enriched themfelves and their Brethren by the Fines that 
 were raifed: For many Houfes then rated at two hundred pounds, 
 
 •were
 
 1 8^ Jte Hi[io?y of the Keformarion Book III. 
 
 1536. were worth many thoufands, as will appear to any that compares 
 U:?^v^->j what they were then valued at, (which is Coliefted by Speed,) with 
 what their Eftates arc truly wortli. When this was paffing in Parlia- 
 ment, Stokcjley, Bifliop of London faid, " Thefe lefler Houfes were as 
 " Thorns foon pluck'd up, but the great Abbots were like putrefied old 
 " Oaks; yet they inuft needs fojlow, and fo would others do in Chri- 
 " ftendom, before many years were pafled. 
 
 By another A6t, all thefe Houfes, their Churches, Lands, and all 
 their Goods were given to the King, and his Heirs and Succeffors, to- 
 gether with all other Houfes, which within a year before the making 
 of the Ad, had been dillolved or fuppreffed: And for the gathering 
 the Revenues that belonged to them, a new Court was Erefted, called 
 the Court of the Augment atlons of the King s Revenue -^ which waste 
 confift of a Chancellor, a Treafurer, an Attorney and Sollicitor, and 
 ten Auditors, feventeen Receivers, a Clerk, an Ufher, and a MefTen- 
 ger. This Court was to bring in the Revenues of fuch Houfes as were 
 now Dillolved, excepting only fuch as the King by his Letters-Patents, 
 continued in their former State, appointing a Seal for the Court, with 
 full Power and Authority to difpofe of thefe Lands fo as might be moft 
 for the King's Service. 
 
 Thus fel! the lefler Abbeys, to the number of 376, and foon after, 
 this Parliament which had done the King fuch erhinent Service, and had 
 now fate ^m years, was diflblved on the 14^/j of Jpril. 
 
 In the Convocation, a motion was made of great Confequence ; That 
 there fhould be a Tranflation of the Bible in Engli/J}, to be fet up in all 
 the Churches of England. The Clergy, when they procured TindalVs 
 Tranflation to be condemned, and fuppreffed it, gave out that they in- 
 tended to make a Tranflation into the Vulgar-Tongue : Yet it was af- 
 terwards upon a long Conful ration, R^efolved, That it was free for the 
 Church to give the Bible in a Vulgar-Tongue, or not as they pleafed 5 
 and that the King was not obliged to it, and that at that time it was 
 not at all expedient to do it. Upon which, thofe that promoted the 
 Reformation, made great Complaints, and faid. It was vifible the Cler- 
 gy knew there was an oppofition between the Scriptures and their Do- 
 drine. That they had firft condemned Wkklijf's Tranflation, and then 
 TindaU's ; and though they ought to teach men the Word of God, yet 
 they did all they could to fupprefs it. 
 
 In the times of the Old Teftament, the Scriptures were writ in 
 the Vulgar-Tongue, and all were charged to read and remember the 
 Law. The Apoftles wrote in Greek, which was then the moft com- 
 mon Language in the World. Chrift did alfo appeal to the Scriptures, 
 and fent the People to them. And by what St, Paul fays of Timothy^ 
 it appears, that Children were then early trained up in that Study. In 
 the Primitive Church, as Nations were converted to the Faith, the 
 Bible was Tranflated into their Tongue. The Latin Tranflation was 
 very Ancient 5 the Bible was afterwards put into the Scythian, Dalma- 
 tian and Gothik Tongues. It continued thus for feveral Ages, rill the 
 ftate of Monkery rofe ; and then when they engroifed the Riches, and the 
 Pope's affumed the Dominion of the World, it was not confiftent with 
 thefe Defigns, nor with the Arts ufed to promote them, to let the Scrip- 
 tures be much known : Therefore Legends andftrange Stories of Vili- 
 
 ons, 
 
 TheTranfli- 
 tion of the Bi' 
 ble in Eoji/li 
 defigned. 
 
 The rcafons 
 ior ic.
 
 Book Hi. of the Church of England. 1 8y 
 
 ons with other Devices, were thoughc more proper for keeping up their \ex6 
 Credit, and carrying on their Ends. v^^^rv-. 
 
 It was now generally defired, that if there were jufl exceptions 
 againft what Tindal had done, thefe might be amended in a New Tran- 
 llation. This was a plaufible thing, and wrought much on all that heard 
 it; who plainly concluded, that thofe who denyed the People the ule 
 of the Scriptures in their vulgar Tongues, mull needs know their own 
 Dodrine and Practices to be inconfillent with it. Upon thele Grounds 
 Cranmer^ who was projecting the mod effedual means for promoting a 
 Reformation of Dodtrine, moved in Convocation, that they /hould pe- 
 tition the King for leave to make a Tranflation of the Bible. But Gar- 
 diner and all his Party oppofed it, both in Convocation, and in fecret 
 with the King. It was laid, that all the Herefies and extravagant Opi- 
 nions, which were then in Germany^ and from thence coming over to 
 England., fprang from the free ufe of the Scriptures. And whereas in 1^^ Oppofi- 
 May the laft Year, Nineteen Hollanders were accufed of Ibmc Heretical [J°" ""^^^ ^^ 
 Opinions ; ' denying Chrift to be both God and Man, or that he took 
 
 * Flefli and Blood of the Virgin Mary, or that the Sacraments had any 
 
 * Effedl on thofe that received them ; in which Opinions Fourteen of 
 them remained Obflinate, and were burnt by pairs in feveral Places ; ic 
 was complained, that all thofe drew their Damnable Errors from the in- 
 difcreet ufe of the Scriptures. And to offer the Bible in the Englifh 
 Tongue to the whole Nation, during thefe Diftradtions, would prove, 
 as they pretended, the greateft Snare that could be. Therefore they 
 propofed, that there (hould be a fhort Expofition of the moft ufeful and 
 neceflary Dodrines of the Chriftian Faith, given to the People in the 
 Englijh Tongue, for the Inftrudion of the Nation, which would keep 
 them in a certain Subjection to the King, and the Church, in Matters 
 of Faith, 
 
 The other Party, though they liked well the publilhing fuch a Trea- 
 tife in the vulgar Tongue, yet by no means thought that fufficient,- but 
 faid, the People mult be allowed to fearch the Scripture, by which 
 they might be convinced that fuch Treatifes were according to it. Thefe 
 Arguments prevailed with the Two Houfes of Convocation. So they 
 petitioned the King, that he would give Order to tome, to fet about it. 
 To this, great Oppofition was made at Court. Some, on the one 
 hand, told the King, that a Diverfity of Opinions would arife out of 
 it; and that he could no more Govern his Subjects if he gave Way to 
 that. But on the other hand, it was reprefented, that nothing would 
 make his Supremacy lo acceptable to the Nation, and make the Pope 
 more hateful, than to let them fee, that whereas the Popes had Go- 
 verned them by a blind Obedience, and kept them in darkncls, the 
 King brought them into the light, and gave them the free ufe of the 
 Word of God. And nothing would more effedtually extirpate the 
 Pope's Authority, and difcover the Impoftures of the Monks, than the 
 Bible in Englifh ; in which all People would clearly difccrn, there was 
 no Foundation for thofe Things. Thefe Arguments, joyncd with the 
 Power that the Queen had in his Affedions, were fb much confideredby 
 the King, that he gave -Order for fetting about it immediately. To 
 whom that work was committed, or bow they proceeded in it, I know 
 not. For the Account of thefe Things has not been preferved, nor 
 conveyed to us, with that Care that the Importance of the Thing requi- 
 red. Yet it appears that the wi rk was carried on at a good rate ; for 
 
 A a three
 
 ,^■^^^^^1— ■' -^ — 
 
 1 88 The Hijiory of the Re for mat m Book III. 
 
 1 06. tVircc years after this, it was Printed at Paris ; which fliows they made 
 v.^-VN^ all convenient haft, in a thing that required fo much dchberation. 
 The Fall of Buc this was the laft publick good Adt of this unfortunate Queen j 
 Queen ^'ine. y^'ho the nearer flie drew to her end, grew more full of good works. 
 She had diftnbuted, in the laft Nine Months of her Life, between Four- 
 teen and Fifteen Thoufand Pounds to the Poor, and was designing great 
 and publick good things. And by all appearance, if {he had lived, the 
 Money that- was railed by the Suppreflion of Religious Houfes, had 
 been better employed than it was. In January, fhe brought forth a dead 
 Son. This was thought to have made ill Imprelftons on the King : and 
 that, as he concluded from the Death of his Sons by the former Queen, 
 that the Marriage was difplcafing to God ; lo he might upon this mis- 
 fortune, begin to make the like judgment of this Marriage. Sure 
 enough the Popilli Party were earneftly fet agiinft the Queen, looking 
 on her as a great Supporter of Herefie. And at that time Fox then 
 Bilhop of Hereforei was in Germany at SmalcaU, treating a League with 
 the Proteftant Princes, who infifted much on the Aushurg Confeffion. 
 The whole There were many Conferences between Fox and Docftor Barnes^ and 
 Poplfh Party fQ^e Others, with the Lutheran Divines, for accommodating the Diffe- 
 rove It on. j-gj^^^^g between them, and the thing was in a good Forwardnefs. All 
 which was imputed to the Qiieen. Gardiner was then AmbafTador in 
 France, and wrote earneftly to the King, to diftuade him from entring 
 into any Religious League with thefe Princes : for that would alienate 
 all the World from him, and difpofe his own Subjeds to Rebel. The 
 King thought the German-YimcQS and Divines fhould have fubmitted all 
 Things to his Judgment, and had fuch an Opinion of his own Learn- 
 ing, and was fo puftup with the flattering Praifes that he daily heard, that 
 he grew impatient of any Oppofition, and thought that his Didtates 
 fhould pafs for Oraclts. And becaufe the Germans would not receive 
 them fo, his mind was alienated from them. 
 
 Buc the Duke of l^orfolk at Court, and Gardiner beyond Sea, thought 
 there might eafily be found a mean to accommodate the King, both 
 with the Emperor and the Pope, if the Queen were once out of the 
 way ; for then he might freely marry any one whom he pleafed, and 
 that Marriage with the Male Iftiie of it, could not be difputed: Where- 
 as, as long as the Queen lived, her Marriage, as being judged Null 
 from the beginning, could never be allowed by the Court of Rome, or 
 any of that Party: with thefe Reafons of State, others of afFedion con- 
 curred. The Qiieen had been his Wife three years; but at this Time 
 lie entertained a fecret Love for Jane Seimour, who had all the Charms 
 both of Beauty and Youth in her Perfon ; and her humour was tem- 
 pered, between the fevcre gravity of Queen Katharine, and the gay 
 pleafantnefs of Queen Jnne. The Qiicen perceiving this Alienation of 
 the King's Heart, ufed all polfiblc Arts to recover that Affcdfion, of 
 whole Decay flie was fadly fenfible. But the Succefs was quite con- 
 trary to what (lie defigned. For the King faw her no more with thofe 
 Eyes, which Hie had formerly captivated; buc grew jealous, andafcribed 
 thefe carcftes to fomc other criminal Af]edl:ions, of which he began to 
 fufped her. This being one of the moft memorable Paftages of this 
 Reign, I was at more than ordinary Pains to learn all I could concerning 
 it-, and hnve not only fccn a great many Letters that were writ, by thofe 
 that were fet about the Queen, and catcht every thing that fell from her, 
 s'nd fent it to Court, buc have alfo fcen an account of it, which tlic 
 
 Learned
 
 Book III. of the Church of Engknd. i8o 
 
 Lamed Spelman, who was a Judge at that Time, writ with his own rs?<S. 
 hand in his Common-place Book, and another Account of it writ hy one ^.^•^/"s^ 
 Anthony Anthony, a Surveyor of the Ordnance of the 1 omen From all 
 which I fliall give a jufl: and faithful Relation of it, without concealing 
 the leaft Circumftance, that may either Icem favourable or unfavourable 
 to her. 
 
 She was of a very chearful Temper, which was not always limited The King'c 
 within the bounds of exad: decency and difcretion. She had rallied 1^"'°"''* °^ 
 fome of the King's Servants more than became her. Her Brother, the 
 Lord Rochford was her Friend as well as Brother ; but his fpiteful Wife 
 was jealous of him : and being a Woman of no ibrt of Vertue, (as 
 will appear afterwards by her ferving Queen Katharine Howard in her 
 beaftly PracStices, for which (he was attainted and executed,) (he car- 
 ried many Stories to the King, or fome about him, to perfuade, that 
 there was a familiarity between the Qiieen and her Brother, beyond 
 what fo near a Relation could juftifie. All that could be faid for ir, 
 was only this ; That he was once feen leaning upon her Bed, which 
 bred great fufpicion. Henry Morris, that was Groom of the Stole, 
 Weflon, and Brereton, that were of the King's Privy-Chamber, and 
 one Mark Smeton, a Mufician, were well obferv'd to have much of her 
 favour. And their Zeal in ferving her was thought too warm and di- 
 ligent to flow from a lefs adive Principle than Love. Many Circum* 
 fiances were brought to the King, which working upon his averfion to 
 the Queen, together with his Affedion to Miftrefs Seimour, made him 
 conclude her guilty. Yet fomewhat which himfelfobferved, or fanfied, 
 at a Tilting at Greenwich, is believed to have given the Crifis to her 
 Ruin. It is faid, that he fpied her let her Handkerchief fall to one of 
 her Gallants to wipe his Face, being hot after a Courfe, Whether fhe 
 dropc it carelcfly, or of defign ; or whether there be any truth in that 
 ftory, the Letters concerning her fall, making no mention of it, I can- 
 not determine ; for Spelman makes no mention of ic, and gives a very 
 different account of the difcovery in thele words. As for the evidence 
 of this matter, it was difcovered hy the Lady Wingfield who had been a 
 Servant to the Qneen, and becoming on a fuddain infirm fome time before her 
 
 death, didfwear this matter to one of her and hereby unluckily the 
 
 reft of the Page is torn off. By this it feems, there was no legal Evi- 
 dence againft the Queen, and that it was but a Witnefs at fecond hand, 
 who dcpofed what they heard the Lady Wingjieldi'wezt. Who this Per- 
 fon was we know not, nor in what temper of mind the Lady Wingfield 
 might be, when fhe fwore it. The fafeft fort of forgery, to one whofe 
 Confcicnce can fwallow it, is to lay a thing on a dead Perfon's name, 
 where there is no fear of difcovery before the Great Day ; and when it 
 was underftood that the Queen had loft the King's heart, many, either 
 out of their Zeal to Popery, or defiga to make their fortune, might be 
 eafily induced to carry a Story of this Nature. And this, it feems, was 
 that which was brought to the King at Greenwich ; who did thereupon 
 immediately return to Whitehall^ it being the ift of May. The Queen 
 was immediately reftraincd to her Chamber ; the other Five were alfo 
 fcized on : But none of them would confefs any thing, but Mark Sme- TheLcrterj 
 ton, as to any aHual thing, fo Cromwel writ. Upon this they were car- afctiut this. 
 tied to the Tower. The poor Qiieen was in a fad condition ; flie muft ^'"^^'»^°'*'. 
 not only fall under the King's difplcafure, but be both defam'd and dc- 
 ftroyed at once. Atfirft fhe fmiled and carried it cheerfully ; and faid, 
 
 A a X ftc
 
 ipo The Hijiory of the Reforms on Book III. 
 
 1536. fhe believed the King did this only to prove her. Bat when ft.e faw rt 
 ^'"VN^ was in carnefl-, fhe defircd to have the Sacrament in her Cloict, and 
 exprefled great devotion, and feemed to be prepared for death. 
 
 The furprile andconfufion flie was in, railed fits of the Mother, which 
 thole about her did not (eem to underftand : But Three or Four Letters, 
 which were writ by Sir 14'^illiam Kingflon to Secretary Cromwell^ con- 
 cerning her, to Court, fay. That Ihe was at Ibme times very devour, and 
 cried much ; and of a fudden would burft out in Lsughccr, which arc 
 evident figns of Vapours. When flie heard that thofe, who were accu- 
 fed with her, were fent to the Toiver^ fl:e then concluded her fcif loft; 
 and faid, flie Ihould be fent thither next ; and talked idlely, fiying 
 *' That if her Bifliops were about the King, they would all fpeak for 
 '* her. She alfo faid, That flie would be a Saint in Heaven, for fiie had 
 *' done many good deeds ; and that their fliould be no Rain, but heavy 
 " Judgments on the Land, for what they were now doing to her. Her 
 Enemies had now gone too far not to deftroy her. Next day flie was 
 carried to the Tower, and fome Lords, that met her on the River, declared 
 f She is put- In pQ j^g^ ^yj^^t her Offenccs were. Upon which, flie made deep Protefta- 
 pieadsher^n- tions of her Innocencc, and begged leave to lee the King -, but that was 
 nocency. not to be expedted. When flie was carried into the Toiver, " She fell 
 " down on her knees, and prayed God to help her, as flie was not 
 " guilty of the thing for which flie was accufed. That lame day the 
 King wrote to Cranmer to come to Lamleth ; but ordered him not to 
 come into his prefence. Which v/as procured by the Queen's Enemies, 
 who took care, that one who had fuch credit with the King, Ihould not 
 come at him, till they had fully perfuaded him that flie was guilty. 
 Her Uncle's Lady, the Lady Boleyn, was appointed to lie in the Cham- 
 ber with her, which flie took very ill ; for, upon what realbn I know 
 not, file had been in very ill terms with her. She engaged her into 
 much difcourfe, and ftudicd to draw Confclllons from her. Whatfoevcc 
 fhe laid, was prefcntly fent to the Court. And a Woman full of Va- 
 pours, was like enough to tell every thing that was true, with a great 
 deal more ; for perfons in that condition, not only have no command of 
 themfelves, but are apt to lay any thing that comes in their fancy. 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk^ and fome of the King's Council, were with 
 her ; but could draw nothing from her, though they made her believe, 
 that Morris and Mark had accufed her. But when they were gone, flic 
 fell down on her knees and wept, and prayed often, Jefu have Mercy oh 
 me ; and then fell a-]aughing : when that fit was over, fhe defired to 
 have the Sacrament ftill by her, that flic might cry for Mercy. And 
 (he faid to the Lieutenant of the Tower, flie was as clear of the Com- 
 pany of all men, as to fin, as flie was clear from him ; and that flie was 
 the King's true wedded Wife. And flic cryed out, " O Norris, haft 
 " thou accufed me ? Thou art in the Tower with me, and thou and I 
 ** fliall die together ; and Mark, fo flialt thou too. She apprehended 
 they were to put her in a Dungeon; and fadly bemoaned her own, and 
 her Mother's Mifery ; and asked them, whether flic muft die without 
 Jufticc. But they told her, the poorell Subjedts had Juftice, much 
 more would flie have it. The fame Letter fays, that Norris had not 
 accufed her; and that he faid to her Almoner, that he could fwear for 
 - - her, Jhe was a good IVoman. But flie being made believe that he had 
 fed "fome L- accufed her, and not being then lb free in her thoughts, as to confider 
 Jifcreeti»»r<^/. that Ordinary Artifice for drawing out Confcfllons, told all flic knew, 
 
 both
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 
 
 both of him and Mark, Which though it was not: enough to deflfov' 
 her, yen certainly wrought much on the jealous and aHenatcd King. 
 She told them, " That Ihe once asked AWm, why he did not go on 
 " with his Marriage > who anfwered her, That he would yet tarry fome 
 " time. To which Ihe replyed, You look for dead mens fliooes • for if 
 " ought come to the King but good, you would look to have me. He 
 " anfwered, If he had any fUch Thought, he would his head were cut offi 
 " Upon which, Ihe faid, She could undo him if fhe pleafedjand th'^reupoii 
 *' Ihe fell out with him. As for Mark who was then laid in Irons fhe 
 faid he was never in her Chamber, but when the King was lafl at Win- 
 chefier ; and then he came in to play on the Virginals: flie laid, That 
 " ihe never fpoke to him after that, but on Saturday before May-dzy 
 " when fhe law him {landing in the Window, and then fhe asked 
 " him. Why he was fo fad ; he faid. It was no matter : fhe anfwered 
 " You may not look to have me fpeak to you, as if you were a Noble- 
 *' man, fince you are an inferiour Perfon. No, no. Madam, faid he 
 " a look fufficeth me. She feemed more apprehenfive of Wefton, than 
 of any body. For on Whitfon-Munday laft he faid to her, " That 
 " Morris came more to her Chamber upon her account, than for any 
 *' body q\^c that was there. She had obferved. That he loved a Kinf- 
 " woman of hers, and challenged him for it, and for not loving his 
 " Wife. But he anfwered her, That there were Women in the Houfc 
 " whom he loved better than them both ; fhe asked, Who is that ? Youc 
 " felf faid he ,• upon which, fhe faid, She defied him. 
 
 This Mifery of the Queen's, drew after it the common efTcds that 
 follow Pcrfons under fuch a difgrace ; for now all the Court was againft 
 her, and every one was courting the rifing Queen. But Cranmer had 
 not learned thefe Arts, and had a better Soul in him, than to be capable 
 of fuch bafenefs and ingratitude. He had been much obliged by her, 
 and had conceived an high opinion of her, and fo could not eafily 
 receive ill impreflions of her; yet he knew the King's Temper, and 
 that a down-right Juftification of her would provoke him ; therefore he 
 wrote the following Letter, on the ^d of May, with all the fofcnefs 
 that fo tender a p6int required ; in which hcjuftificd her, as far as was 
 confiftent with Prudence and Charity. The Letter fhows of what a 
 Conftitution he was that wrote it ; and contains fo many things that 
 tend highly to her honour, that I fhall infert it here, as I copied it from 
 the Original. 
 
 i 
 
 <( 
 
 <c 
 <l 
 
 « 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 It 
 
 " Pleafeth it yeur mofl Uohle Grace, to be advertifed, that at your cranmer'i 
 Grace's Commandment by Mr. Secretary his Letters, written in your Letter to the 
 Grace's Name, I came to Lamheth yeflerday, and do there remain to ^'"S* *^°"' 
 know your Grace's further pleafure. And forfomuch as without your cVt.Uh.oth,, 
 Grace's Commandment, I dare not, contrary to the Contents of the c. lo- 
 faid Letters, prefume to come unto your Grace's Prefence ; neverthe- 
 lefs of my mofl bounden Duty, I can do no Icfs than mofl humbly 
 to defire your Grace, by your Great Wifdom, and by the Affiflancc 
 of God's Help, fomewhat to fupprefs the deep forrows of your Grace's 
 Heart, and to take all Adverfities of God's Hands both patiently 
 and thankfully. I cannot deny but your Grace hath great caufes 
 many ways of lamentable heavinefs : and alfo, that in the wrong- 
 ful cftimation of the World, your Grace's honour of every Part 
 is fo highly touched (whether the things that commonly be f^joken 
 
 " of,
 
 V? 
 
 1 92 The Hijlory of the Reformation Book III, 
 
 1526. " of, be true or not,) that I remember not that ever Almighty God 
 •^^~\^y^ " ient unto your Grace any like Occafion to try your Grace's Conftan- 
 " cy throughout, whether your Highncfs can be content to take off 
 " God's hand, as well Things difpleafant, as plcafant. And if he find 
 *' in your moft Noble Heart fuch an Obedience unto his Will, that your 
 *' Grace, without murmuration and overmuch heavinel"s,do accept all Ad- 
 *' verfities, not lefs thanking him, than when all things fuccecJed after 
 " your Grace'sWill and Pleai'ure, nor lefs procuring his Glory and Honour; 
 " then I luppofe your Grace did never thing more acceptable unto him, 
 *' fmce your firft Governance of this your Realm. And m.oreover, your 
 *' Grace (hall give unto him Occafion to multiply and increafe his Graces 
 *' and Benefits unto your Highnefs, as he did unto his mofl: faithful Scr- 
 *' vant Jol> ; unto whom, after his great Calamities and Heavinefs, for 
 *' his obedient heart, and willing acceptation of God's fcourge and 
 *' rod, j/didit ei Dominus cuncta duplida. And if it be true, that is 
 " openly reported of the Queen's Grace, if Men hadarighteftimation of 
 " Things, they fhould not efleem any part of your Grace's Honour to 
 *' be touched thereby, but her Honour only to be clearly difparaged. 
 *' And I am in fuch a perplexity, that my mind is clean amazed. For 
 ** I never had better Opinion in Woman, than I had in her, which mak- 
 *' eth me to think, that flie fhould not be culpable. And again, I think 
 *' your Highnefs Would not have gone fo far, except flie had furcly been 
 " culpable. Now I think that your Grace befl knoweth, that next un- 
 ** to your Grace, I was mofl bound unto her of all Creatures living. 
 •' Wherefore I moft humbly befeech your Grace to luffer me in that, 
 *' which both God's Law, Nature, and alfo her kindnefs bindeth me 
 " unto ; that is, that I may with your Grace's Favour wifli and pray 
 *' for her, that Ihe may declare her felf inculpable and innocent. And 
 *' if fhc t5e found culpable, confidering your Grace's Goodnefs towards 
 *' her, and from what Condition your Grace of your only mecr gcod- 
 *' nefs took her, and fet the Crown upon her head ; I repute him not 
 " your Grace's faithful Servant and Subjedt, nor true unto the Realm, 
 " that would not dcfire the offence without mercy to be punifhed, to 
 *' the example of all other. And as I loved her not a little, for the 
 Love which I judged her to bear towards God and his Gofpel; Ko if 
 fhe be proved culpable, there is not one that loveth God and his Go- 
 fpel, that ever will favour her, but mufl hate her above all other ; 
 and the more they favour the Gofpcl, the more they will hate her : 
 For then there was never creature in our Time that fo much flandercd 
 the Gofpel. And God hath fent her this punilhmenr, for that fhe 
 feignedly hath profefTed his Gofpel in her mouth, and not in heart 
 " and deed. And though fhe have ofTended fo, that fhe hath defcrved 
 ** never to be reconciled unto your Grace's favour,- yet Almighty God 
 *' hath manifoldly declared his goodnefs towards your Grace, and never 
 " ofTended you. But your Grace, I am fure, knowledgcth that you 
 *' have offended him. Wherefore I trufl that your Grace will bear no 
 *' lefs entire favour unto the truth of the Gofpel, than you did before : 
 *' Forfomuch as your Grace's favour to the Gofpel, was not led by Af- 
 *' fedion unto her, but by zeal unto the truth. AtKJ thus I befeech 
 " Almighty God, whofe Gofpel he hath ordained your Grace to be 
 " Defender of, ever to preferve your Grace from all evil, and give 
 ** you at the end, the promife of his Gofpel. From Lamheth, the gd 
 ** Day of May, 
 
 " After 
 
 <( 

 
 Book III. of the Church of Englmd, ipg 
 
 " After I had written this Letter unto your Grace, my Lord Chan- if?)?. 
 " cellor, my Lord of Oxford, my Lord of Su£ex, and my Lord Cham- ^"'""v^--. 
 " berlain of your Grace's Houfe, fent for me to come unto the Star- 
 " Chamber ; and there declared unto me fuch things as your Grace's 
 " pleafurc was they fliould make mc privy unto. For the which I am 
 *' mod bounden unto your Grace. And what Communication we had 
 " together, I doubt not but they will make the true report thereof 
 *' unto your Grace. I am exceedingly forry, that fuch faults can be pro- 
 " vcd by the Queen, as I heard of their relation. But I am, and ever 
 " fliall be, Your faithful Subjedt. 
 
 Your Grace's mofl: 
 humble Subjed, 
 and Chaplain, 
 
 T. Carttuarienfis. 
 
 But Jealoufie, and the King's new Affedion, had quite defaced all 
 the remainders of Efteem for his late beloved Queen. Yet the Mini- 
 fters continued pradtifing, to get further Evidence for the Trial ,- which 
 was not brought on till the ixth of May; and then Norrh, Wefion, 
 Brereton and Smeton, were tryed by a CommifTion of Oyer and Terminer 
 in lVeJiminf}er-Ha.\\. They were twice indided, and the Indidrmenrs 
 were found by two Grand Juries, in the Counties of Kent and Mtddle- 
 fex : The Crimes with which they were charged, being faid to be done 
 in both thefe Counties. Mark Smeton confefled he had known the 
 Queen Carnally Three Times : The other three pleaded Not Guilty^ 
 but the Jury upon the Evidence formerly mentioned, found them all 
 Guilty ; and Judgment was given, that they fhould be drawn to the 
 Place of Execution, and fome of them to be hanged, others to be be- 
 headed, and all to be quartered as Guilty of High Treafon. On the she is brought 
 15th of May^ the Queen and her Brother, the Lord Rochford, (who was'o » Trial. 
 a Peer, havfng been made a Vifcount when his Father was Created 
 Earl of Wiltfhire') were brought to be Tried by their Peers : The Duke 
 of tJorfolk being Lord High Steward for that Occafion. With him fate 
 the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquefs of Exeter^ the Earl oi Arundel, and 
 Twenty Five more Peers, of whom their Father the Earl of Wdtjhire 
 Was one. Whether this unnatural Compliance was impofed on him by 
 the Imperious King, or officioufly iubmitted to by himfelf, that he 
 might thereby be prefervcd from the Ruin that fell on his Family, is 
 not known. Here the Qiicen of England hy an unheard of precedent 
 was brought to the Bar, and indicated of High Treafon. The Crimes 
 charged on her were, Thatjhe had procured her Brother and the other four 
 to lie with her, which they ha(i done often j that (he had faid to them, that 
 the King never had her Heart, and had faid to every one of them hy them- 
 felves-, that fhe loved them letter than any perfon ivhatfoever. Which was 
 to the Slander of the Iffue that was begotten between the King and her. 
 And this was Treafon, according to the Statute made in the 26rh Year 
 of this Reign (fo that the Law that was made for her and the Ifluc of 
 her Marriage, is now made Ufc of to deflroy her.) Tt was alfb ndded 
 in the Indidtment, that fhe, and her Complices, had confpired the Kings 
 Death ; but this it fccms was only put in to fvvell the Charge, for if 
 there had been any Evidence for it, there was no Need of (Iretching 
 the other Statute, or if they could have proved the violating of the 
 
 Queen,
 
 4 94- '^^^ Hiftory of the Reformation Book 111. 
 
 <;:?6. Queen, the known Statute of the is^**' Year of the Reign of Edward 
 "W^ the Third had been fiifficient. When the Indidment was read She held up 
 her Hand, and Pleaded «o/G«//0', and fo did her Brother, anddidanlwer 
 the Evidence was brought againft her difcreetly. One Thing is remarkable 
 that Alark Smetcn, who was the only Perlon who confefled any Thing, 
 was never confronted with the Queen, nor was kept to be an Evidence 
 againft her, for he had received his Sentence three Days before, and fo 
 could be no Witncls in Law ; but perhaps, though he was wrought on 
 to confefs, yet they did not think he had Confidence enough to averr 
 it to the Queen's Face ; therefore the Evidence they brought, as S^el- 
 ntan fays, was the Oath of a Woman that was dead, yet this or rather 
 the Terror of offending the King, fo wrought on the Lords, that they 
 found her ana her Brother Guilty : and Judgment was given, that She 
 fliould be Burnt or Beheaded at the Kin^s Pleafure. Upon which Spel' 
 man obfcrves, that whereas Burning is the Death which the Law ap- 
 points for a Woman that is attainted of Treafon, yet fince She had been 
 Queen of England, th;y left it to the King to determine, whether She 
 ftiould die lb infamous a Death, or be Beheaded; but the Judges com- 
 plained of this Way of Proceeding, and faid, fuch a Disjundive in a 
 Judgment of Treason, had never been feen. The Lord Rccbford was 
 alfb Condemned to be Beheaded and Quartered. Yet all this did not 
 facisfie the enraged King, but the Marriage between him and her muft 
 be annulled, and the IHue illegitimated. The King lemembred an In- 
 trigue that had been between her and the Earl of Ncrthumberland, 
 which was mentioned in the former Book ; and that he then Lord 
 Piercy had faid to the Cardinal, ' That he had gone fo far before 
 
 * Witnefles, that it lay upon his Confcience, fo that he could not go 
 
 * back ; this, it's like, might be fome Promife he made to Marry her, per 
 verba d e futuro, which though it was no Precontrad in its felf, yet it 
 feems the poor Queen was either fo ignorant or fo ill advifed, as to be 
 petfwaded afterwards it was one, though it's certain that nothing but 
 a Contrad per verba de prafenti, could be of any Force to annull the 
 fubfequent Marriage. The King and his Council, refleding upon what 
 it feems the Cardinal had told him, rcfolved to try what could be made 
 of ir, and prelfed the Earl of Northumberland to confefs a Contrad be- 
 tween him and her. But he took his Oath before the Two Arch- 
 Bifhops, That there was no Contract, nor Promife of Marriage ever 
 between them, and received the Sacrament upon it, before the Duke 
 of Norfolk, and others of the King's Learned Council in the Law 
 Spiritual, wifliing it might be to his Damnation, if there were any fuch 
 Thing, (concerning which I have feen the Original Declaration under 
 his own Hand.) Nor could they draw any Confelfion from the Queen 
 before the Sentence, for certainly if they could have done that, the Di- 
 vorce had gone before the Trial j and then fhe muft have been tryed 
 only, as Marchionefs of Pembroke. But now fhe lying under fo terrible 
 a Sentence, it is moft probable, that either fome Hopes of Life were 
 given her • or, at leaft, fhe was wrought on by the AfTurances of miri- 
 gatmg that cruel Part of her Judgment, of being Burnt, into the milder 
 Part of the Sentence of Having her Head cut off; fo that fhe confefled 
 a Precontract, and on the 17th of May was brought to Lambeth-, 
 
 Upon an and in Court, the afflided Arch BilViop fitting Judge, fome Pcrfons of 
 e sorted Con- Qyjjijfy being prelcnt, file confefled fome juft and lawful Impediments; 
 vo.«ci. " '" by which it was evident, that her Marriage with the King was not valid. 
 
 Upon
 
 Book 111. of the Church 0/ England. 1 95 
 
 Upon which Confcflion, her Marriage between the King and her was 15^6. 
 judged to have been Null and Void. The Record of the Sentence is '-'''^v^>-» 
 burnt : but thefc Particulars are repeated in the A<51 that palled in the 
 next ParHament, touching the Succellion to the Crown. It Teems this 
 was Tecrctly done, for Spelmati writes of it thusj It was faid, there was 
 a Divorce made between the King and her, upon her confciling a Pre- 
 contradl with another before her Marriage with the King : fo that it 
 was then only talkt of, but nor generally known. 
 
 The two Sentences that were pad upon the Queen ; the one of At- 
 tainder for Adultery, the other of Divorce, becaufe of a Pre-contra(^, 
 did fo contradidt one another, that it was apparent, one, if not 
 both of them mull be unjuft ; for if the Marriage between the King 
 and her was Null from the Beginning, then fince She was the King's 
 wedded Wife, there could be no Adultery : and her Marriage to the 
 King was either a true Marriage, or not ; if it was true, then the An- 
 nulling of it was unjuft, and if it was no true Marriage, then the At- 
 tainder was unjull; for there could be no Breach of that Faith which 
 was never given : So that it is plain, the King was refolved to be rid of 
 her, and to Illegitimate her Daughter, and in that Tranfport of his 
 Fury did not confider that the very Method he took, difcovered the In- 
 juftice of his Proceedings againft her. Two Days after this, fhe was 
 ordered to be Executed in the Green on Tower-Hill. How flie received 
 thefe Tidings, and how Stedfaft (he continued in the Proteftations of 
 her Innocence, will beft appear by the following Circumftances. The 
 Day before flie fuffered, upon a ftridt Search of her part Life, fhe called 
 to Mind, that fhe had played the Step-Mother too feverely to Lady 
 Mary, and had done her many Injuries. Upon which, fhe made the „ „ 
 Lieutenant of the Tower's Lady fit down in the Chair of State • which ration fo7^*^ 
 the other, after fome Ceremony, doing, fhe fell down on her Knees, Death, 
 and with many Tears charged the Lady, as fhe would anfwer it to God, 
 to go in her Name, and do, as fhe had done, to the Lady Mary, and 
 ask her Forgivenefs for the Wrongs fhe had done her. And iTie faid, 
 fhe had no Quiet in her Confciencc, till fhe had done that, but thought 
 fhe did in this what became a Chriftian : The Lady Mary could not fo 
 eafily pardon thefe Injuries ; but retained the Refentments of them her 
 whole Life. 
 
 This Ingenuity and Tendcrnefs of Confcience about lefler Matters, 
 is a great Prefumption, That if ihe had been guilty of more Eminent 
 Faults, fhe had not continued to the laft Denying them, and making 
 Proteflations of her Innocency. For that lame Night fhe fcnt her laft 
 McfTagc to the King, and acknowledged herfelf much obliged to him, 
 that had continued ftill to advance her. She faid, he had, from a private 
 Gentlewoman, firft made her a Marchionefs, and then a Qi^iecn ,- and 
 now, fince he could raife her no higher, was fending her to be a Saint 
 in Heaven ; She protcfted her Innocence, and recommended her Daugh- 
 ter to his Care. And her Carriage that Day Ihe died, will appear from 
 the following Letter writ by the Lieutenant of the Tower, copied from 
 the Original, which I infert, becaufe the Copier imployed by the Lord 
 Herbert has not writ it out faithfully ; for I cannot think that any Part 
 of it was left out on Defign. 
 
 ' Sir, Thefe fliould be to advertife you, I have received your Letter, The Lieu- 
 ' wherein you would have Strangers conveyed out of the Tower, and fo ^i"'"^''^ ^'" 
 
 B b ' they
 
 1 96 The Hiflory of the Reform Jtion Book III. 
 
 1 15 3 6. * t!iey be by the Means of Richard G return and William Loke, and Wythf- 
 poll. But the Number ot" Strangers pall not Thirty, and not many of 
 thole Armed ; and the Ambaffador ot the Emperor had a Servant there, 
 and honeflly put out : Sir, if we have not an Hour certain, as it may be 
 known in London, I think here will be but few, and I think a reafonable 
 Mumber were beft, for I fuppole fhe will declare her felf to be a good 
 Woman, for all Men but for the King, at the Hour of her Death. For 
 this Morning Ihefeiit forme, that I might be with her at fuchtimeas 
 flie received the Good Lord, to ihe intent I fliould hear her fpeak as 
 touching her Innocency alway to be clear. And in the writing of this 
 (lie lent for me, and at my coming (lie faid : Mr. Kingdon^ I hear fay I 
 fhall not die Aforcnoon, and I ana very fbrry therefore, for I thought 
 to be dead by this Time, and paft my Pain. I told her, It fhould be 
 no t'am, itwasfo fottle. And then ihe laid, I heard fay the Execu- 
 tioner was very good, and I have a little Neck, and put her Hands a- 
 bout it, laughing heartily. I have Itcn many Nen, and alfo Women, 
 Executed, and that they have been in great Sorrow, and to my Know- 
 ledge this Lady has much Joy and Pleafure in Death. Sir, her Almo- 
 ncr is continually with her, and had been fincc two-a-Clock after Mid- 
 night. This is the effect of any thing that is here at this Time, an4 
 thus fare you well. 
 
 Toursy 
 
 "William Kingfton. 
 
 Her Exe. A little before Noon, being the 19 th of May^ fhe was brought to the 
 Scaflfold, where Ihe madea fliort Speech to a great Company that came 
 to look on the laft Scene of this fatal Tragedy : The chief of whom, were 
 the Dukes of Suffolk -^sA Richmond^ the Lord Chancellor, and Secretary 
 Cromwell, with the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs and Aldermen of London. 
 ' She laid, She was come to die, as Che was Judged by the Law ; fhe 
 ' would accufe none, nor fay any thing of the ground upon which fhe 
 ' was judged. She prayed heartily for the King, and called himamoffc 
 ' merciful and gentb Prince, and that he had been always to her, a 
 ' good, gentle, Sovereign Lord ; and if any would meddle with her 
 ' Caufe, (lie required them to judge the beft. And fo fhe took her 
 ' Leave of them, and of the World, and heartily defired they would 
 ' pray for her. After fhe had been fomc time in her Devotions, her 
 laft Words being, To Qhrift I commend my Soul, her Head was cut off^ by 
 the Hangman oi Calais-, who was brought over as more expert at Be- 
 heading than any in England: Her Eyes and Lips were obferved to , 
 move after her Head was cut off, as Spelman writes ,• but her Body was 
 thrown into a common Cheft of Elm-tree that was made to put Anows 
 in, and was buried in the Chappel within the Tower, before twelve 
 a-Clock. 
 
 Her Biother, with the other Four, did alfb fuffcr ; none of them 
 were Quartered, but they were all Beheaded, except Smeton, who was 
 Hanged. It was generally faid, that he was corrupted, into that Confef- 
 fjon, and had his Life promifed him ; but it was not fit to let him live 
 to tell Tales. Norris liad been much in the King's Favolir, and an Oft'er 
 was made liim of his Life, if he would confefs his Guilt, and accufe the 
 Qiicen. But he gencroufly rujefted that unhandfome Propofition, and 
 laid, * That in his Conicience he thought her Innocent of thefc Things 
 
 , * laid 
 
 cution.
 
 i //-,vA7//:r, 
 
 ( Lij.utt- jjir.nt . Ill':' i.j\u . ^aii iq 
 
 \ -^^'^ 
 
 -' ntiten for /^ich: Lliihi'eil at u JCose and (l-nn'ti in ^ Pan Is Lhtifck iiarA
 
 Book III. of the Church of Enghnd. ip7 
 
 * laid to her Charge ; but whether fhe was or not, he would not accufe i5?6. 
 
 ' hei- of any thing, and he would die a Thoufand fimes, rather than ^-''"V'^ 
 
 * ruin an Innocent Perfbn. 
 
 Thefe Proceedings occafioned as great variety of Cenfures, as there xhefcverai 
 were diverfry of Interefls. The Popifl) Party faid, The Julhce of God Cenfures chat 
 wasvifible, that (lie, who had fupplanted Quwen Katharine, "^"^t \"-ith *gj^J^''j,"/jf 
 the like, and harder Meafure, by the fame Means. Some took notice of Proceedings, 
 her faint juftifying her Ich' on the Scaffold, as if her Confcience had then 
 prevailed fo far, that fhc could no longer deny a Thing, for which fhe 
 was fo foon to anfwer at another Tribunal. But others thought her Care 
 of her Daughter made her fpeik fo tenderly ; for fhe had obferved, that 
 Queen Katharines Obflinacy had drawn the King's Indignation on her 
 Daughter ; and therefore that fhe alone might bear her Misfortunes, and 
 derive no Share of them on her Daughter, fl^e fpake in a Style that could 
 give the King nojuft Offence: And a^ (he faid enough to juflifie her felf,ro 
 flie faid as much for the King's Honour, as could be expefted Yet in a coiiea 
 Letter that fhe wrote to the King from the Tower, (which will be found a'^w^ Itb'- 
 in the Colleftion, i fhe pleaded her Innoctnce, in a Strain of fo much 
 Wit, and moving pafFionate Eloquence, as perhaps can fcarce be 
 paralleird : Certainly htr Spirits were much exalted when flie wrote it 
 for it is a Pitch above her o; dinaxy Style. Yet the Copy I take it from, 
 lying among Cromwell's other Papers, makes me believe it was truly 
 written by her. 
 
 Her Carriage feemed too free, and all People thought that fame Free- 
 doms and Levities in her, had encouraged thofe unfortunate Perfbns to 
 fpeak fuch bold Things to her, fince kw Attempt upofi the Chaf^ity, or 
 make Declarations of Love, to Perfons of lb exalted a Qjidity, except 
 they fee fome Invitations, at leafl in their Carriage. Otht r^ thought that 
 a free and jovial Temper might, with great Innocence, thou h with no 
 Difcretion, lead one to all thofe Things that were proved againit her; and 
 therefore they concluded her chaffe, though indifcrcer. Others blamed 
 the King, and taxed his Cruelty in proceeding fo fevcrely againfl: a Per- 
 fon whofe Chaftity he had Reafon to be affured of, fince flie had re- 
 filled his Addreffes near five Years, till he Legitimated them by Marri- 
 age. But others excufed him. It is certain her Ca'riage had given jufl 
 Caufe of fome Jcilojfie, and that being the Rage of a Man, it was no 
 wonder if a King of his Temper, conceiving it againfl one whom he 
 had fo fignally obliged, was tranfported into unjuflihable ExcefTes. 
 
 Others condemned Cranmer, as a Vlan that obfequioufly folloived all 
 the King's Appetites; and that he had now divorced the Kinga fecond 
 Time, which flicwed that his Confcience was governed by the Kirif^'s 
 Pleafure as his Supreme Law. But what he did was unavoidable. For 
 whatever Motives drew from her the Confcffion of that Precontrad he 
 was obliged to give Sentence upon it; and that which Hie confeffed,' be- 
 ing fuch as made her incapable to contraft Marriage with the King, he 
 could not decline the giving of Sentence upon fo formal a Conreffion. 
 Some lotided all that favoured the Reformation : And faid, It now ap- 
 peared v\ hat a Woman, their great Patroncf, and Supporter had been. 
 But to thofe it was anfwcred, That her Faults, if true, being fecret,. 
 could caff no Rcfl ftion on thofe, who being ignorant of them, made 
 ufeof her Protcdlion. And the Church of i^ow^ thought not their Caufe 
 fuffered, by the enraged Cruelty and Ambition of the curfcd Irene 
 who had convened the fi:cond Council oi Nice, and ftt up the Worfliip of 
 
 K b z Images
 
 I ■• ■ • '- ..-11 — — — 
 
 i 98 The Hiftory of the Reformation Book 11 L 
 
 1 '5^6. Images agciin in the Eaft, whom the Popes continued to court and mag- 
 -''■"V'""^w'nit^e, after hei barbarous Murder of her Son, with other Ads of unfa- 
 tiated Spite and Ambition. Therefore they had no Reafbn to think the 
 worleof Perfons for claiming the Protedlion of a Queen, whofe Faults 
 (if Die was at all criminal,) were unknown to them when they made ufe 
 of her. 
 
 Some have fince that Time concluded it a great Evidence of her Guilt, 
 that during her Daughter's long and glorious Reign, there was no full 
 nor compleat Vindication of her publifhed. For the Writers of that 
 Time thought it enough to fpeak honourably of her ; and in general, 
 to call her Imioceftt- V>v\i none of them ever attempted a clear Difcuflion 
 of the Particulars laid to her Charge. This had been much to her Daugh- 
 ter's Honour ,• and therefore, fince it was not dene, others concluded it 
 could net be done, and that their Knowledge of her Gtiilt retrained 
 their Pens. But others do not at all allow of that Inference, and think, 
 rather, that it was the great Wifdom of that Time not to fijffer fuch 
 Things to be called in Quertion, fince no wife Government will admit of 
 a Debate about the Cleat nefs of the Prince's Title. For the very attempt- 
 ing to prove it, weakens it more than any of the Proofs that are brought 
 can confirm it ; therefore it was prudently done of that Queen, and her 
 great Minilters, never to fuffer any Vindication or Apology to be writ- 
 ten. Some Indifcretions could not be denied, and thefe would all have 
 been catched hold of, and improved by the bufie EmilTaries of Borne and 
 Spain. 
 
 But nothing did more evidently difcover the fecret Caufe of this 
 Queen's Ruin, than the King's Marrying Jane Seimour, the Day after 
 her Execution. She of all King Henry's Wives, gained moft on his E- 
 fteem and AfFcQ:ion: But fhe was happy in one Thing, that fhe did 
 not out- live his Love ; other wife fhe might have fallen as fignally as her 
 PredecelTor had done. Upon this turn of Affairs a great Change of 
 Counlels followed. 
 The Lad There was nothing now that kept the Emperor and the King at a 
 Mary cndea^ Diftancc, but the lUegitimation of the Lady Mary^ and if that Mat- 
 vDurs .1 Re- ,-(,j. ^^j \^qq^ adjuftcd, thc King was in no more hazard of Trouble from 
 wi"th'£r'F". him : Thtrefore it was propofed, that rtie might be again reftored to 
 ther. " the fCing's Favour. She found this was the beft Opportunity flie could 
 ever look for, and therefore laid hold on it, and wrote an humble Sub- 
 miflim to the King, and dcfircd again to be admitted to his Prefence. 
 Hut her Siibmilfions had fome Referves in them, therefore fhe was 
 p.elTcd to be more exprcls \\\ her Acknowledgments. At this fhe 
 Ituck long, and had a!mol\ embroiled her felf again with her Father. 
 She freely offered to fubmit to the Laws of the Land about the Suc- 
 ceffion, and confcffed the Fault of her former Obftinacy. But the King 
 would have her acknowledge, That his Marriage to her Mother was 
 inceliumis and unlawful; and to renoun^ce tlie Pope's Authority, 
 and to accept him, as Supreme Head of the Church of England. Thefc 
 Things were of hard Digeftion with her, and flie could not eafily 
 fwallow them ; fb fhe wrote to Cromvell to befriend her at the King's 
 Hands. Upon which many Letters paffed between them. He wroce 
 to her. That it was impoffible to recover her Father's Favour, without a 
 full and clear SubmifTion in all Points. So in the end fhe yielded, and 
 lent ttiC loUowing Paper, all written with her own Hand, which is fet 
 down, as it was Copied from the Original yet extant. 
 
 ' Thc
 
 >■ ■ — — ^ 
 
 Book III. of the Church of Enghnd. 199 
 
 * The Confeffion of me the Lady Man\ made upon certain Points iq?/5. 
 
 * and Articles under- written : In the which, as I do now plainly, and ^-'A^;"v> 
 
 ' with all mine Heart confefsand declare mine inward Sentence, Belief, mimon^under 
 ' and Judgment, with a due Conformity of Obedience to the Laws of herownHand. 
 
 * the Realm ; fo minding forever to perfift and continue in this Deter- ^'""' ^'''^'** 
 ' mination, without Change, Alteration, dt Variance, I do moft hum-: '° 
 
 ' bly befeech the King's Highnefs, my Lather, whom I have obftinate- 
 
 * ly and inobediently offended in the denial of the famehe;etofore,tofor- 
 ' give mine Offences therein, and to take me to his moft giacious Mercy. 
 
 ' Firfi:, I confefsand knowledge the King's Majefty, to bs my Sove- 
 
 * veraign Lord and King in the Imperial Crown of this Realm of Em- 
 
 * land; and do fubmit my felf to his Highnels, and to all and Angular 
 
 * Laws and Statutes of this Realm, as becometh a true and faithful Sub- 
 
 * jefttodo; which I fhall alfoobey, keep, obferve, advance, and main- 
 
 * tain, according to my bounden Duty, with all the Power, Force, and 
 
 * Qualities, that God hath endued me with, during my Life. 
 
 ' Item, I do recognize, accept, take, repute, and knowledge, fhe 
 
 * King's Highnefs to be Supream Head in Earth, under Chrift, of the 
 
 * Church of England ; and do utterly refufe the Bifliop of Rome's pre- 
 
 * tended Authority, Power, and Jurifdiclion, within this Realm hereto- 
 
 * fore ufurped, according to the Laws and Statutes made in that beha- 
 
 * half, and of all the King's true Subjefts humbly received, admitted 
 
 * obeyed, kept and oblerved ; and alfo do utterly renounce and forfake 
 
 * all manner of Remedy, Interefliand Advantage, which I may by any 
 
 * Meansclaimby the Bifhop of iJowe's Laws, Procefs, Jurisdiflion, or 
 
 * Sentence, at this prefent Time, or in any wife hereafter, by any 
 
 * manner of Title, Colour, Mean, or Cafe, that is, fhall, or can be 
 
 * devifed for that Furpofe. 
 
 Mary. 
 
 * Item, I do freely, frankly, and for the Difcharge of my Duty to- 
 
 * wards God, the King's Highnefs, and his Laws, without other Re- 
 
 * fpeft, recognize and knowledge. That the Marriage heretofore had 
 
 * between his Majefty, and my Mother, the late Princefs Dowager, 
 
 * was by God's Law, and Man's Law, incefluous and unlawful, 
 
 Mary. 
 
 Upon this (he was again received into Favour. One Circumftance she is re- 
 Khali add, that fhows the Frugality of that Time. In the Jidablifh-ftoredtohk 
 ment that was made for her Family, there was only 40 /. a Qiarter ^^^°"^- 
 adigned for her Privy-Pui fe. I have leen a Letter of hers to Cromwell 
 at the Chrijlmafs Quancv, defuing him to ktthc King know, that (he 
 mud: be at fome Extraordinary Expence that Seafon, that lb he might 
 encreafe her Allowance, fince the 40/. would not defray the Charge of 
 that Quarter. 
 
 For the Lady Elizabeth, though the King diveftcd her of the Title TJie Lady 
 of Princefs of ff-^a/fx, yet he continued (fill to breed her up in the ^'''^''^"* "'«U 
 Court, with all the Care and lendernefs of a Father. And the new Sand''' 
 Queen, what from the Sweetnefs of her Difpofition, and what out ofQu 
 Compliance with the King, who loved her much , was as kind to 
 
 her. 
 
 >ucen.
 
 200 The Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 IC26 licr, as if flie had been her Mother. Of which I fliall add one pretty 
 >.*Ar>w Evidence, though the childiflinefs of it may be thought below the Gra- 
 vity of a Hiftory ; yet by it the Reader will fee both the Kindnefs that 
 the King and Queen had for her, and that they allowed her tofubfcribe^ 
 Daughter. There are two Original Letters of hers yet remaining, 
 writ to the Queen when flie was with Child of King EflwarJ • the one 
 in Italian, the other in Engli/h ; both writ in a fair Hand, the fame thac 
 (he wrote all the reft of her Life. But the Conceits in that writ in 
 Englijh, are fo pretty, that it will not be unacceptable to the Reader, 
 to fee this firft Blollbm of fo great a Princefs, when Ihe was not full 
 Four years of Age ; flie being born in Septemher 1 53 j. and this wric 
 
 in July i5?7- 
 HerLetterto ' Although your Highnefs Letters be moft joyful to me in Abfence, 
 the Queen t y^^ confidering what Pain it is to you to write, your Grace being fo 
 FouTvelrs • great with Child, and fo fickly, your Commendation were enough ia 
 •f Age. * my Lord's Letter. I much rejoyce at your Health, with the well 
 
 * liking of the Country ; with my humble Thanks that your Grace 
 
 * wiflied me with you till I vvere weary of that Countrey. Your 
 
 * Highnefs were like to be combered, if I fhould not depart till I were 
 
 * weary being with you : although it were in the worft Soil in the 
 ' World, your Prefcnce would make it pleafant. I cannot reprove my 
 ' Lord for not doing your Commendations in his Letter, for he did it; 
 
 * and although he had not, yet I will not complain of him, for that he 
 
 * fliall be diligent to give me Knowledge from Time to Tirrtc, how his 
 ' bufie Child doth ; and if I were at his Birth» no doubt I would fee 
 
 * him beaten, for the Trouble he has put you to. Mr. Denny, and my 
 
 * Lady, with humble Thanks prayeth moft entirely for your Grace, 
 
 * prayeth the Almighty God to fend you a moft lucky Deliverance. 
 
 * And my Miftrefs wifheth Ho lefs, giving your Highnefs moft hum- 
 
 * ble Thanks for her Commendations. Writ with very little Leifure, 
 this laft Day of July. 
 
 Your Humble Daughter, 
 
 Elizaheth. 
 
 AnewPar- But to ptocccd to mote ferious Matters. A Parliament was Sum- 
 
 iS"*"' '^^'" moncd to meet the 8th of June. If full Forty Days be neceflary for a 
 
 Summons, then the writs muft have been ilTued forth the Day before 
 
 the late Queen's Difgrace ; fo that it was defigned before the Jufts at 
 
 Greemvich^ and did not flow from any Thing that then appeared. When 
 
 Qiurnai fhc Parliament met, the Lord Chancellor AuMey, in his Speech, told 
 them, ' That when the former Parliament was diflblved, the King lud 
 
 * no Thoughts of Summoning a new one fo foon. But for two Rea- 
 
 * fons, he had now called them. The one was, That he finding him- 
 
 * felf lubjedt to fo many Infirmities, and confidering that he was 
 
 * Mortal, (a rare Thought in a Prince) he defired to fettle an apparent 
 
 * Heir to the Crown, in Cafe he- fhould die without Children lawfully 
 ' begotten. The other was, to repeal an Ad of the former Parlia- 
 
 * ment, concerning the Succeflion of the Crown, Cb the TfTue of the 
 
 * King by Queen Anne Boleyn. He defired them to refleft on the great 
 
 * Troubles and Vexation the King was involved in, by his firft unlaw- 
 f Tgl Marriage, and the Dangers he was in by his fe^ond ; which might 
 
 * weU 
 
 PiHtrum.
 
 Book III. of the Church of Enghnd. 201 
 
 * well have frighted any Body from a third Marriage. But^»«f, and isi^- 
 
 * her Confpirators, being put to Death, as they well dcicrvcd; the ''-'^v'-n.* 
 
 * King at the humble rcqueft: of the Nobility, and not out of any Car- 
 
 * nal Concupilcence, was plcafed to Marry again a Queen, by whom 
 
 * there were very probable Hopes of his having Children: Therefore 
 
 * he recommended to them, to provide an Heir to the Crown by the 
 
 * King's Diredion, who, if the King dyed without Children lawfully 
 
 * begotten, might rule over them. He defired they would pray God 
 
 * earnellly, that he \<'ould grant the King Iflue of his own Body ; and 
 ' return Thanks to Almighty God that prcferved fuch a King to them 
 ' out of fo many imminent Dangers, who imployed all his Care and 
 
 * Endeavours, that he might keep his whole People in Quiet, Peace, 
 
 * and perfed Charity, and leave them fo to thofe that (hould iuccccd 
 
 * him. 
 
 But though this was the chief Caufe of calling the Parliament, itfeems The Aft of 
 the Minifters met with great Difficulties, and therefore fpenc much Time Succeflion. 
 in preparing Mens Minds. For the Bill about the Succeflion to the 
 Crown, wa«^ not brought into the Houle of Lords before the 30th 
 Day of Juic, that the Lord Chancellor offered it to the Houfe. It 
 went through both Houfes without any Oppofition. It contained firft, 
 A Repeal of the former Ad of SuccelTion, and a Confirmation of 
 the two Sentences of Divorce, the IfTue of both the King's former 
 Marriages being decla;-ed illegitimate, and for ever excluded from 
 claiming the Inheritance of the Crown, as the King's Lawful Heirs 
 by lineal Defcent. The Attainder of Queen Anne and her Complices 
 is conrrmed. Queen June is faid, to have been inflamed with Pride and 
 Carnal Defires of her Body ; and, having confederated her felf with 
 her Complices, to have committed divers Treafons ro the Danger of 
 the King's Royal Perfon ; (with other aggravating Words, ) for which 
 Hie had juftly fufl'ered Death, and is now attainted by Ad of Parlia- 
 ment. And all Things that had been faid or done againft her or her 
 Daughter, being contrary to an Adt of Pariiament then in Force, and 
 pardoned ; and the Inheritance of the Crown is eftablilhcd, on the 
 Ifliic of Qiieen Jane, whether Male or Female, or the King's IlTue by 
 any other Wife whom he might Marry afterwards. 
 * But fince it was not fit to declare, to whom the Succeflion of the 
 Crown belonged after the King's Death, left the Perfon, ib defigned, 
 might be thereby enabled to raife Trouble and Commotions ; there- 
 fore they confidering the King's wife and excellent Government, and 
 confiding in the Love and AfTedion which he bore to his Subjeds, 
 did give him fall Power to declare the Succeflion to the Crown, 
 eitherby his Letters Patents under the Great Seal, or by his laft Will, 
 Signed with his Hand; and promifed all faithful Obedience to the' 
 Perfons named by him. And if any, fo defigned to fucceed in 
 Default of others, fhould endeavour to ufurp upon thofe before - 
 them or to exclude them, they are declared Traytors, and were 
 to forfeit all the Right they might thereafter claim to the Crown, 
 And if any fliould maintain the Lawfulnefs of the former Marriages, 
 or that the IfTue by them was Legitimate , or rcfufcd to fwear to the 
 King's IfTue by Qiicen Jane, they were alio declared Traytors. 
 By this Adt it may appear how ablblutely this King Reigned in 
 EHgland. Many queftion'd much the Validity of it, and (as fhall after- 
 wards appear, ; the Scots laid, That the Succcllion to the Crown was 
 
 not
 
 202 The Hijhry of the Rtformation Book llf. 
 
 15^6. not within the Parliaments Power to determine about it, but mu(i go 
 ^"''^•'^^ bv Inheritance to their King, in Default of Ilfue by this King. Yet by 
 this the King was cnabjcd to fettle the Crown on his Children whom 
 he had now declared Illegitimate, by which he brought them more ab- 
 folutely to depend upon himfelf. He neither made them defperate, 
 nor gave them any further Right, than what they were to derive purely 
 from his own good Plealure. This did alfo much pacific the Emperor, 
 fince his Kinfwoman was, though not reflored in Blood, yet put in a 
 Capacity to fucceed to the Crown. 
 The Pope At this Time there came a new Propofition from Rome, to try if the 
 TKllonllL- King would accommodate Matters with the Pope. Pope Clement the 
 tion with the Seventh dyed two Years before this, in the Year iS34- and Cardinal 
 King ; Farnefe fuccccded him, called Pope Paul the Third. He had before 
 
 this made one unfucccfsful Attempt upon the King ; but, upon the Be- 
 heading of the Bifhop (and declared Cardinal) of Rochejler, he had 
 thundered a mod terrible Sentence of Dcpofition againfl: the King, and 
 defigned to commit the Execution ot it to the Emperor : Yet now, 
 when Qiieen Katharine and Qiieen Anne, who were the Occafions of 
 the Rupture, were both out of the Way, he thought it was a proper 
 Conjundure, to try if a Reconciliation could be efleded. This he 
 propofed to Sir Gregory Cajfali, who was no more the King's Ambafla- 
 dor at Rome, but was ftill his Correfpondent there. The Pope defired 
 he would move the King in it, and let him know that he had ever fa- 
 voured his Caufe in the former Pope's Time, and though he was force4 
 to give out a Sentence againft him, yet he had never any Intention to 
 proceed upon it to further Extremities. 
 But in vain. But the King was now fo entirely alienated from the Court of RomCy 
 that to cut off all Hopes of Reconciliation, he procured two A&s to 
 be pafled in this Parliament. The one was for the utter extinguifhing 
 the Authority of the Bifhop of Rome. It was brought into the Houle 
 of Lord's on the 4th of July; and was read the firft Time the 5th, and 
 the fecond Time on the 6th of July, and lay at the Committee till the 
 1 2th. And on the i4ch, it was fent down to the Commons; who, 
 if there be no Miftake in the Journal, fent it up that lame Day : They 
 certainly made great Hafle, for the Parhament was dilfolved within 
 Four Days. 
 
 ' The Preamble of this firft Ad contains fcvere Reflcdions on the 
 ' Bilhnp of Rome, (whom fome called the Pope) who had long darkned 
 ' Gods Word, that it might ferve his Pomp, Glory, Avarice, Ambi- 
 
 * tion and Tyranny ; both upon the Souls, Bodies, and Goods of all 
 ' Chriftians ; excluding Chriit out of the Rule of Man's Soul, and 
 
 * Princes out of their Dominions: And had exaded in England gxQ2it 
 
 * Sums, by Dreams, and Vanities and other Superftitious Ways. 
 
 * Upon thcfc Reafons his Ufurpations had been by Law put down in 
 
 * this Nation ; yet many of his Emiffaries were ftill pradifmg up and 
 
 * down the Kingdom, and pcrfwading People to acknowledge his pre- 
 
 * tended Authority. Therefore every Perfon lb offending after the laft 
 
 * of July next to come, was to incur the Pains of TiPrjimunire, and all 
 ' Officers, both Civil, and Ecclefiaftical, were commanded to make En- 
 ' quiry about Inch Oi'fences, under fevcral Penalties. 
 
 On the iirh of July,n Bill was brought in concerning Privileges ob- 
 tained from the See of Rome, and was read the firft Time. And on the 
 i7ih it was agreed to, and lent down to the Commons, who fent it up 
 
 again
 
 Book III. of the Church of Engknd. 203 
 
 again the.ncxt Day. Ic bears, that the Popes had, during cheir Ulur- 1536. 
 
 pacion, ' granted many Immunities to Icvcral Bodies and Societies in 
 
 * England^ which upon that Grant had been now long in Ulc : There- 
 
 ' fore alJ thclc Bulls, Breves, and every Thing depending on, or flow- 
 
 ' ing from them, were declared void and of no Force. Yet all Marria- 
 
 ' ges celebrated by Virtue of them, that were not otherwiic contrary 
 
 ' to the Law of God, were declared good in Law ; and all Confecra- 
 
 ' tions of Bifliops by Virtue of them, were confirmed. And for the 
 
 ' future, all who enjoyed any Privileges by Bulls, were to bring .them 
 
 ' into the Chancery, or to fuch Perfons as the King (hould appoint for 
 
 ' that End. And the Archbifliop of Canterbury was Lawfully to grant 
 
 ' anew the Effeds contained in them, which Grant was to pafs under 
 
 ' the Great Seal, and to be of full Force in Law. 
 
 This ftruck at the Abbots Rights. But they were glad to bear a 
 Diminution of their Grearnefs, lb they might fave the whole, which 
 now lay at Stake. By the Thirteenth Ad, they corrected an Abufe 
 which had come in, to evade the Force of a Statute made in the Twen- 
 ty Firfl: Year of this King, about the Refidence of all Ecclefiallical 
 Perfons in their Livings. One Qualification, that did excufe from Re- 
 fidence, was the Staying at the Univerfity for the compleating of their 
 Studies. Now it was found, that many diflblute Clergymen went and 
 lived at their Univerfities, not for their Studies but to be excufed from 
 fervng their Cures. So it was Enaded, that none above the Age of 
 Forty, that were not either Heads of Houfes, or publick Readers, 
 fliould have any Exemption from their Refidence, by Virtue of thac 
 Claufe in the former Ad. And thofe under that Age fhould not have 
 the Benefit of it, except they were prefent at the Ledures, and pcc- 
 form'd their Exercifes in the Schools . 
 
 By another A(k^ there was Provifion made againfl the Prejudice the 
 King's Heirs might receive, before they were of Age, by Parliaments 
 held in the Non-Age ; That whatfoever Ads were made before they 
 were Twenty Four Years of Age, they might at any Time of their 
 Lives after that. Repeal and Annul, by their Letters Patents, which 
 fhould have equal Force with a Repeal by Ad of Parliament. From 
 thefe Ads it appears, that the King was abfolute Mafler, both of 
 the AfFedions and Fears of his Subjeds when in a new Parliament cal- 
 led on a fuddcn, and in a Selfion of fix Weeks, from the 8ch of June 
 to the i8fh of 7«/y, Ads of this Importance were pafled without any 
 Protpft or publick Oppofition. 
 
 But having now opened the Bufinefs of the Parliament, as it relates T'^^ ?^°* 
 to the State, I mud next give an Account of the Convocation, wliich the'^Convoc*- 
 fate at this Time, and was very bufie, as appears by the Journal of the tion. 
 Houfe of Lords, in which this is given for a Reafon of many Adjourn- 
 ments, bccaufe the Spiritual Lords were bufie in the Convocation. It 
 fate down on the 9th of June^ according to Fuller's Extrad, it being 
 the Cuftom of all this Reign, for that Court to meet two or three 
 Days after the Parliament. Hither Cromwell came as the King's Vicar- 
 General : But he was not yet Vice-Gerent. For he fate next the Arch- 
 Bilhop ; but when he had that Dignity he late above him. Nor do I 
 find him ftiled in any Writing Vice-Gerent for fome Time after this • 
 though the Lord fJerlert fays, he was made Vice-Gerent the 18th of 
 July this Year, the fame Day in which the Parliament was DifTolved. 
 
 C c Latimer,
 
 204 
 
 The Hiflory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 Latimer, Bifliop of Worcejhr, preached the Latin Sermon,, on thcfe 
 Words. The CbilJren of this World are wifer in their Generatiof, than 
 the Children of Li^ht. He was the moft Celebrated Preacher of that 
 Time. The Simplicity and Plainnefs of his Matter, with a Icrious and 
 fervent Adion that accompanied it, being preferred to more Jearned and 
 elaborate Compofures. On the 21 ft of 'June, Cromivell moved, that 
 they would Confirm the Sentence of the Invalidity of the King's Mar- 
 riage with Queen Anne, which was accordingly done by both Hoiifes of 
 Convocation. But certainly Fuller was afleep when he wrote ,• That 
 Ten Days before that, the Arch BiP^op had pajfed the Sentence of Divorce, 
 en the Day before the Queen was beheaded. Whereas if he had confidered 
 this more fully, he muft h;ive feen that the Queen was put to Death a 
 Month before this, and was Divorced two Days before flic dyed. Yer, 
 with this Animadverfion, I muft give him my Thanks for his Pains in 
 copying out of the Journals of Convocation many remarkable Things, 
 which had been otherwile irrecoverably loft. 
 
 On the 13 d of Jnne, the lower Houfc of Convocation fent to the 
 
 upper Houfe a Colledion of many Opinions, that were then in the 
 
 Realm ,• which, as they thought, were Abufes, and Errors, worthy of 
 
 fpccial Reformation. But they began this Reprefentation with a Pro- 
 
 eiiiitr. teftation : * That they intended not to do, or fpcak any Thing, which 
 
 * might be unpleafant to the King ; whom they acknowledged their 
 *■ Supream Head, and were refolved to obey his Commands, renouncing 
 
 * the Pope's ufurp'd Authority, with all his Laws and Inventions, now 
 : extinguiflit and abolifht, and did addidt themfelves to Almighty God 
 
 * and his Laws, and unto the King and the Laws made within this 
 
 * Kingdom. 
 
 There are Sixty Seven Opinions fet down, and are either the Tenets 
 of the Old Lollards, or the new Reformers, together with the Ana- 
 baptifts Opinions. Befides all which, they complained of many unfa- 
 vory and indifcreet Expreftions, which were either feigned on Defign to 
 difgrace the New Preachers, or were perhaps the extravagant Re- 
 flexions of fome illiterate and injudicious Perfons ; who Jre apt upon all 
 Occafions, by their Heat and Folly, rather to prejudice, than advance 
 their Party ; and aftecit fome petulant Jeers, which they think witty, 
 and are perhaps well entertained by fome otherSr who though they are 
 more judicious themfelves, yet imagining that fuch Jefts on the contra- 
 ry Opinions will take with the People, do give them too much Encou- 
 ragement. Many of thefe Jefts about Confeftlon, praying to Saints, 
 Holy- Water, and the other Ceremonies of the Church, were complained 
 of And the laft Articles contained (harp Reflections on fome of the 
 Bidiops, as if they had been wanting in their Duty to fupprefs fuch 
 Things. This was clearly levelled at Cranmer, Latimer, and Shaxton^ 
 who were noted as the great Promoters of thefe Opinions. The firft 
 did it prudently and folidly. The fecond zcaloufly and fimply. And 
 the third with much indifcreet Pride and Vanity. But now that the 
 Queen was gone, who had either raifed or fupported them, their Ene- 
 mies hoped to have Advantages againft them, and to lay the Growth 
 of thcfe Opinions to their Charge. But this whole Project failed, and 
 Cranmer had as much of the King's Favour as ever; for inftead of that 
 which they had projeded, Cromwell, by the King's Order, coming to 
 the Convocation, Declared to them, that it was tlie King's Pleafure, 
 that the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, fhould be reformed by 
 
 the
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 205 
 
 the Rules of Scripture, and that nothing was to be maintained which i f ? 6. 
 did not reft in that Authority ; for it was abfurd, fince that was acknow- '^-^''''V^^ 
 ledged to contain the Laws of Religioir, that Recourfe fliould rather be 
 had to Glofles, or the Decrees of Popes, than to thefc. There was at 
 that Time one Alexander Alejfe, a Ssotch-Mzny much efteemed for his 
 Learning and Piety, whom Cranmer entertained at Lamheth. Him Antiq. BnV. 
 Cromwell brought with him to the Convocation, and defired him to de- •"'''"''Cranm. 
 liver his Opinion about the Sacraments. He enlarged himfelf much to 
 convince them, That only Baptilm and the Lord's-Supper were Infti- 
 tuted by Chrift. 
 
 Stokejley Bifliop of London anfwered him in a long Difcourfe, in which 
 he fhewed he was better acquainted with the Learning of the Schools, 
 and the Canon-Law, than with the Gofpel : He was Seconded by the 
 Arch-Bilhop of Tork, and others of that Party. 
 
 But Cranmer in a long and learned Speech, fhewed how ufelefs thcfe 
 Niceties of the Schools were, and of how little Authority they ought 
 to be ; and difcourfed largely of the Authority of the Scriptures, of 
 the Ufe of the Sacraments, of the uncertainty of Tradition, and of the 
 Corruption which the Monks and Friars had brought into the Chriftian 
 Dodlrine. He was vigoroufly feconded by the Bilhop of Hereford, 
 who told them, the World would be no longer deceived with fuch So- 
 phifticated Stuff as the Clergy had formerly vented : The Laity were 
 now in all Nations ftudying the Scriptures, and that, not only in the 
 vulgar Tranflations, but in the original Tongues ; and therefore it was 
 a vain Imagination to think they would be any longer governed by 
 chofe Arts which in the former Ages of Ignorance had been fo effedual. 
 Not many Days after this, there were feveral Atticles brought into the 
 upper Houfe of Convocation, devifed by the King himfelf, about which 
 there were great Debates among them. The two Arch-Bifhops, head- 
 ing two Parties, Cranmer was for a Reformation, and with him joyned 
 Thomas Goodrich^ Bifhop of £/y, Shaxton of Sarum, Latimer of IVor^ 
 cefter^ Fox of Hereford, f^^(lh ^^ Rochefier, and Barlow of St. David's, 
 
 But Lee, Arch-Bi(hop of fork, was a known Favourer of the Pope's 
 Interefts ; which as ic firft appeared in his Scrupling fo much, wich the 
 whole Convocation of Tork, the acknowledging the King to be 
 Supream Head of the Church of England ; fo he had fince difcovered ic 
 on all Occafions, in which he durft do it without the Fear of lofing the 
 King's Favour : So he, and Stokejley, Bifhop of London, Tonjiall of Du- 
 refm, Gardiner of Winchefler, Longland of Lincoln^ Sherburn of Chi- 
 cbefier, Nix of Norwich, and Kite of Carlijle^ had been ftill againit 
 all Changes. But the King difcovered, that thofe did in their Hearts 
 love the Papal Authority, though Gardiner diffemblcd it moft artificially. 
 Sherburn, Bifliop of Chichefler, upon what Inducement I cannot under- 
 fland, refigncd his Bifiioprick, which was given to Richard Sampfon, 
 Dean of the Chapel j a Penfion of 400 /. being referved to Sherburn 
 for his Life, which was Confirmed by an A&. of this Parliament. Nix 
 of Norwich, had alfo offended the King fignally, by fome Correfpondcnce 
 with Rome, and was kept long in the Marfhalfea, and was convicted and 
 found in a Prxmunire: The King confidering his great Age, had upon 
 his humble Submi(Tion difcharged him out of Prifon, and pardon'd him. 
 But he died the former Year ; though Fuller, in his flight Way, makes 
 him fie in this Convocation: for by the 17th Adl of the laft Parliament, Aft. 17. 17 
 it appears that the Bilhoprick of Norwich being vacant, the King had'^'^*'' 
 
 C c L recom-
 
 2c6 Ihe Hijlory of the Reformation Book lif. 
 
 IS^6. recommended William Allot oi Sz. Benneis to it; but took into his 
 ^'-''^'^'^ own Hands all the Lands and Manours of the Bifhoprick, and gave 
 the l3ifliop Icveral of the Priories in Norfolk in Exchange, which was 
 confirmed in Parliament. 
 
 I Ihall next give a fliorc Abflrad of the Articles about Religion, 
 
 which were after much Confultation and long Debating agreed to. 
 
 Articles a- ' firfi, All Bilhops and Preachers mufl; inftrud the People to believe 
 
 boTtReHgion', * the whole Bible, and the three Creeds, that made by the Apoftles, 
 
 Printed by ' the MiceHC, and the Athanafian ; and interpret all Things according 
 
 fuiUr. i j.^ them, and m the very lame Words, and condemn all Herefies con- 
 
 ' trary to them, particularly thole condemned by the firft Four General 
 
 ' Councils. 
 
 * Snonclly, Of Baptifm. The People mud be inftruded, Thar it is a 
 ' Sacrament inftitured by Chrifl, for the Remiffion of Sins, without 
 ' which none could attain Evcrlafting Life : And that, not only thofe 
 ' of full Age, but Infants, may, and muft be Baptized, for the Pardon 
 ' of Original Sin, and obtaining the Gift of the Holy GhoO, by which 
 
 * they became the Sons of God. That none Baptized, ought to be 
 
 * Bapti-zed again. That the Opinions of the Analaptifis and Pelagians^ 
 ' were deteilable Herefies ; And that thofe of ripe Age, who defircd 
 ' Bapcilm mud with it joyn Repentance and Contrition for their Sins, 
 ' with a firm Belief of the Articles of the Faith. 
 
 * Thirdly, Concerning Penance. They were to inftrud the People, 
 ' that it was inftituted by Chrift, and was abfolutely neceflary to Salva- 
 
 * tion. That it confided of Contrition, Confeflion and Amendment of 
 
 * Life ; with exterior Works of Charity, which were the worthy Fruits 
 ' of Penance. For Contrition, it was an inward Shame and Sorrow 
 
 * for Sin, becaufe it is an Offence to God, which provokes his Dif- 
 
 * pleafure. To this mud be joyned, a Faith of the Mercy and Good- 
 
 * nefs of God, whereby the Penitent mud hope, that God will forgive 
 ' him, and repute himjudified, and of the Number of his Eled Chil- 
 
 * drcn, not for the Worthinels of any Merit or Work done by him, 
 ' but for the only Merits of the Blood and Padion of our Saviour Jefus 
 
 * Chrid. That this Faith is got and confirmed by the Application of 
 ' the Promifes of the Gofpel, and the Ufe of the Sacraments : And for 
 
 * that End, Confedion to a Pried is neceflary, if it may be had, whofe 
 ' Abloiucion was indituted by Chrid, to apply the Promifes of God*s 
 ' Grace to the Penitent ; Therefore the People were to be taught, That 
 ' rhe Abfolution is fpoken by an Authority given by Chrid in the 
 ' Gofpel to the Pried, and mud be believed, as if it were fpoken by 
 
 * God himfelf, according to our Saviour's VVords ; and therefore 
 ' none were to condemn auricular Confedion, but ufe it for the Com- 
 ' fort of their Confciences. The People were alfo to be indrudcd, 
 ' that though God pardoned Sin, only for the Satisfadion of Chrid : 
 ' yet they mud bring forth the Fruits of Penance, Prayer, Fading, 
 ' Almfdccds, with Reditution and Satisfaction for Wrongs done to 
 *. others, with other Works of Mercy and Charity, and Obedience to 
 ' God's Commandments, elfc they could not be iaved ; and that by 
 ' doing thefc, they fliould both obtain Everlading Life, and Miti- 
 
 * gation of their Afflidtions in this prefcnt Life, according to the 
 ' Sicriptures. 
 
 ' Fourthly^ As touching the Sacrament of the Altar, People were to 
 
 * be indrudied, that under the Forms of Bread and Wine, there was 
 
 • truly
 
 Bookllf. of the Church of EngYmd, 207 
 
 truly and fiibftantially given, the very fame Body of Chrift, that was i^^6. 
 born of the Virgin Aljry ; and therefore it was to be received with ^-''"V^ 
 all Reverence, every one ducly examining himfelf, according to the 
 Words of St. PauL 
 
 ' Fifthly^ The People were to be intruded, Thar Juflification figni- 
 ficth the Remillion of Sins, and Acceptation into the Favour of 
 God ; that is to fay, a perfedt Renovation in Chrift. To the Attain- 
 ing which, they were to have. Contrition, Fairh, Charity, which 
 were both to concurrinit, and follow it ; and that the good Works 
 necclTary to Salvation, were not only outward Civil Works, but the 
 inward Motions and Graces of God's FJoly Spirit, to dread, fear, and 
 love him, to have firm Confidence in God, to call upon him, and to 
 have Patience in all Adverfities, to hate Sin, and have Purpofes and 
 Wills not to fin again,- with fuch other Motions and Vcrcues, con- 
 fenting and agreeable to the Law of God, 
 
 The other Articles were about the Ceremonies of the Church. 
 Firfi, of Images. The People were to be inftrudled, That the Ule 
 of them was warranted by the Scriptures, and that they ferved to re- 
 prefent to them good Examples, and to ftir up Devotion ; and 
 therefore it was meet that they fliould ftand in the Churches, But 
 that the People might not fall into fuch Superllition as it was thought 
 they had done in Time part, they were to be taught, to reform fuch 
 Abufes, left Idolatry might enfue, and that in cenfing, kneeling, 
 offering, or worfhipping them, the People were to be inftruded, not 
 to do It to the Image, but to God and his Honour. 
 ' Secondly^ For the honouring of Saints. They were not to think to 
 attain thefe Things at their Hands, which were only obtained of God, 
 but that they were to honour them, as Perfons now in Glory, to 
 praife God for them, and imitate their Virtues, and not fear to die for 
 the Truth, as many of them had done. 
 
 ' Thirdly, For praying to Saints. The People were to be taught, 
 that it was good to pray to them, to pray for, and with us. And to 
 corredl all Superftitious Abufes in this Matter, they were to keep the 
 Days appointed by the Church for their Memories, unlcfs the King 
 Ihould leficn the Number of them, which if he did, it was to be 
 obeyed. 
 
 Fourthly, Of Ceremonies. The People were to be taught, That, 
 they were not to be condemned and caft away, but to be kept as good 
 and laudable, having myftical Significations in them, and being ufcful 
 to lift up our Minds to God, Such were the Veftments in the Wor- 
 Hiip of" God : The fprinkling Holy- Water to put us in Mind of our 
 Baptifm and the Blood of Chrift : Giving Holy Bread in Sign of our 
 Union in Chrift, and to remember us of the Sacrament: Bearing 
 Candles on Candlemas Day, in Remembrance that Chrift was the fpi- 
 ritual Light: giving Aflies ox\ Ajh ivednefday, to put us in Mind of 
 Penance, and of our Mortality. Bearing Palms on Palm funday, to 
 (how our Defire to receive Chrift in our Hearts as he cnrred into '^eru- 
 falem : Creeping to the Crofs on CW/r/rf'dt)', and killing it, in Me- 
 mory of his Death, with the fetting up the Sepulchre on that Day: 
 The Hallowing the Font, and other Exorcifms and Benedictions. 
 ' And bflly. As to Purgatory, they were to declare it good and cha- 
 ritable to pray for the Souls departed, which was faid to have con- 
 tinued in the Church from the Beginning : And therefore rhc People 
 
 * were
 
 2o8 The Hiflory of the Reformation Book ill. 
 
 were to be inftruded, That it confided well with the due Order of 
 Charity, to pray for them, and to make others pray for them, in 
 ' Mafles and Exequies, and to give Aims to them for that End. But 
 ' fince the Place they were in, and the Pains they fuffered, were uncer- 
 ' tain by the Scripture, we ought to remit them wholly to God's 
 ' Mercy : Therefore all thefe Abufes were to be put away, which, 
 
 * under the Pretence of Purgatory, had been advanced, as if the Popes 
 
 * Pardons did deliver Souls out of it, or Mafles faid in certain Places, 
 ' or before certain Images, had fuch Efficiency j with other fuch-like 
 
 * Abufes. 
 
 Thefe Articles being thus conceived, and in fcveral Places corredled, 
 and tempered by the King's own Hand, were figned by Cromwell, and 
 the Arch Bilhop of Canterbury., and feventcen other Bilhops, forty Ab- 
 bots and Priors, and fifty Arch-Deacons and Prodors of the lower 
 Houfe of Convocation. Among whom, Tolydore Virgil^ and Teter Van- 
 Pubiidied^ „£.j^ figncd with the refl:, as appears by the Original yet extant. They 
 Authorit'"^'* being tendred to the King, he confirmed them and ordered them to be 
 ' publilhed with a Preface in his Name. ' It is faid in the Preface, that 
 ' he, accounting it the chief Part of his Charge, that the Word and 
 
 * Commandments of God fhould be believed and obfcrved, and to 
 
 * maintain Unity and Concord in Opinion ; and underftanding, to his 
 
 * great Regret, that there was great Diverfity of Opinion arifen among 
 ' * his Subjedis, both about Articles of Faith and Ceremonies, had in his 
 
 * own Perfon taken great Pains and Study about thefe Things, and had 
 
 * ordered alfo the Bifhops, and. other Learned Men of the Clergy, to 
 ' examine them ; who after Jong Deliberation had concluded on the moft 
 
 * fpecial Points, which, the King thought proceeded from a good, 
 
 * right, and true Judgment, according to the Laws of God ; thcle 
 
 * would alfo be profitable, for eftablifhing Unity in the Church of En^- 
 
 * land'. Therefore he had ordered them to be publifhed, requiring, all to 
 
 * accept of them, praying God (o to illuminate their Hearts, that they 
 
 * might have no lefs Zeal and Love to Unity and Concord in reading 
 
 * them, than he had in making them to be devifed, fet forth, and pub- 
 ' lifhed ; which good Acceptance fliould encourage him to take further 
 
 * Pains for the future, as fhould be moft for the Honour of God, and 
 ' the Profit, and the Quietnefs of his Subjcdts. 
 
 And van. This being publifhed, occafion'd great Variety of Cenfures. Thofe 
 oudy cenfu. that defircd Reformation, were glad to fee fo great a Step once made ; 
 ''"^- and did not doubt, but this would make Way for further Changes. 
 
 They rejoyced to fee the Scriptures, and the ancient Creeds, made the 
 Standards of the Faith, without mentioning Tradition, or the Decrees 
 of the Church. Then the Foundation of Chriflian Faith was truly da- 
 ted, and the Terms of the Covenant between God and Man in Chrifl 
 were rightly opened, without the Niceties of the Schools ot either Side. 
 Immediate Worlhip of Images and Saints was alfo removed, and Pur- 
 gatory was declared uncertain by the Scripture. Thefe were great Ad- 
 vantages to them, but the Eflablifhing the Neceffity of Auricular Con- 
 felfion, the Corporal Prefence in the Sacrament, the keeping up and do- 
 ing Reverence to Images, and the praying to Saints, did allay their Joy, 
 yet they flill counted it a Victory, to have Things brought under De- 
 bate, and to have fome Groffer Abufes taken away. 
 
 The other Party were unfpeakably troubled. Four Sacraments were 
 pifTcd over, which would encourage ill-affedted People to negled^ them. 
 
 The
 
 Book ill. of the Church of England. 209 
 
 The gaiufLil Trade by the Belief of Purgatory was put down ; for 
 though it was laid to be good to give Alms for praying for the Dead 
 yet imce both the dreadful Stories of the Mileries of Purgsrory, and 
 the CerCviinty of Redeeming Souls out of them by MalTes, were made 
 ckiubtful, the Peoples Charity and Bounty that Way would foon abate. 
 And in a Word, the bringing Matters under Difpure was a great Morti- 
 fication to rhcm; for all concluded, that this was but a Preamble to 
 what they might expe(5t afterwards. 
 
 When thefe Things were fcen beyond Sen, the Papal Party made 
 every where great Ulc of it, to iliow the Neceflity of adhering to the 
 Pope • fince the King of England, though when he broke off from his 
 Obedience to the Apollolick See, he pretended, he would maintain the 
 Catholick Faith entire, yet was now making great Charges in it. But 
 others, that were more m.oderate, acknowledged that there was great 
 Temper and Prudence in contriving thefe Articles. And it feems the 
 Emperor, and the more Learned Divines about him, both approved of 
 the Precedent, and liked the Particulars fo well, that not many Years 
 after, the Emperor publiflied a Work not unlike this, called, The Interim; 
 becaufe it was to be in Force in that Interim, till all Things were more 
 fully debated and determined by a General Council, which in many 
 Particulars, agreed with thefe Articles. Yet fome flridter Pcrfons cen- 
 fured this Work much, as being a Political Dawbing, in which, they 
 faid, there was more Pains taken to gratifie Perfons, and ferve particu- 
 lar Ends, than to adert Truth in a free and unbiafled Way, fuch as be- 
 came Divines. He was again excufed, and it was faid, that all Things, 
 could not be attained on a fudden : that fome of the Bifhops and Di- 
 vines, who afterwards arrived at a clearer iJnderftanding of fome Mat- 
 ters, were nor then fo fully convinced about them, and fo it was their 
 Ignorance, and not their Cowardice or Policy, that made them com- 
 pliant in fome Things. Befides, it was faid, that as our Saviour did 
 act reveal all Things to his Difciples, till they were able to bear them ; 
 and as the Apoftles did not of a fudden abolifli all the Rites of Juda- 
 ifm, but for fome Time, to gain the Jews, complyed with them, and 
 went to the Temple, and offered Sacrifices ; fo the People w^ere not to 
 be over-driven in this Change. The Clergy muft be brought out of 
 their Ignorance by Degrees, and then the People were to be better in- 
 ftruded ; but to drive furiouHy, and do all at once, might have fpoiled 
 the whole Defign, and totally alienated thofe who were to be drawn on 
 by Degrees ; it might have alfo much endangered the Peace of the Na- 
 tion, the People being much dilpofed by the Fradtices of the Friars to 
 rife in Arms : Therefore thefe flow Steps were thought the furcr and 
 better Method. 
 
 On the lafl Day of the Convocation, there was another Writing brought The Con- 
 in by /"ox BiOiop of Hereford, occafioned by the Summons for a Ge- chr2°a"abft 
 neral Council to fit ^c Mantua, to which the Pope had cited the King the Coulicii 
 to appear. The King had made his Appeal from the Pope to a General n''"^'^ "^^ ^^^ 
 Council, but there was no Rcafon to expcdt any Juftice in an Aflcmbly °^''' 
 fo conflitutcd, as this was like to be. Therefore it was thought fit 
 to publifh fomewhat of the Reafons why the King could not fub- 
 mit his Matter to the Decifion of fuch a Council, as was then in- 
 tended. And it was moved, that the Convocation fliould give their 
 Senfe of it. 
 
 The
 
 2 1 o l^he Hiftory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 x«5;{6. The Subftancc of their AnUvcr, (which the Reader will find in die 
 
 '"''V"^ Colledion, ) was, ' Tliat as nothing was better Inftituted by the An- 
 
 \w^^ ' ^^''-'"f Fathers, for the Eftabiilliment of the Faith, the Extirpation of 
 
 ' Herefics, the Healing of Schilms, and the Unity of the Chriflian 
 
 ' Church, than General Councils, gathered in the Holy Ghoft, duely 
 
 * called to an indifferent Place ; with other nccc/Tary Rcquifites: So on 
 ' the other Hand nothing could produce more pcftifcrous Effeds, thaa 
 ' a General Council called upon private Malice, or Ambition, or other 
 ' carnal Rcfpedts ; which Gregory Nazianzen \o well oblervcd in his 
 ' Time, that he thought all Ajfemhlies of Bifljops were to he ejchewed, 
 ' for he never (aw Good come of any of them, and they bad encreafed, ra- 
 
 * ther than healed the D/fiempers of the Church. For the Appetite of 
 
 * Vain Glory, and a contentious Humour lore down Reafon : Therefore 
 ' they thought Chriftian Princes ought to employ all their Endeavours to 
 
 * prevent lb great a Mtfchief. And it was to be confiJered, Firfl:, Who 
 
 * bad Authority to call one. Secondly, If the Reafons for calling one 
 ' were weighty. Thirdly, Who fhould be the Judges. Fourthly, 
 ' What lliould be the Manner of Proceeding. Fifthly, What Things 
 ' fhould be treated of in it. And as to the firft of thcfc, they thought 
 ' neither the Pope, nor any one Prince of what Dignity foever, had 
 ' Authority to call one, without the Confent of all other Chriftian 
 ' Princes , efpecially fuch as had entire and fupream Government over 
 ' all their Subjedts. This was figned on the loth of July, by Cromwell, 
 ' and the Arch-Bifliop of Canterbury, with 14 Bilhops, and 40 Abbots, 
 Priors and Clerks of the Convocation of Canterbury. Whether this 
 and the former Articles were alfo figned by the Convocation of the Pro- 
 vince of Torkt does not appear by any Record ; but that I think is not 
 
 The Kmg to be doubted. This being obtained, the King publilhed a long and 
 
 pubii:hcs his ^■^^T'^ Proteftation againft the Council now fummoned to Mantua. In 
 
 gabft'i;. which lie (hews, that the Pope had no Power to call one; ' For as ic 
 
 ' was done by the Emperors of old ; fo it pertained to Chriflian Prin- 
 
 ' ces now. That the Pope had no Jurifdidion in England, and fo could 
 
 ' Summon none of this Nation to come to any iuch Meeting. That 
 
 ' the Place was neither fafe nor proper. That nothing could be done 
 
 R«. ' in a Council to any Purpofe, if the Pope fate Judge in chief in it, 
 
 * fince one of the true Ends, why a Council was to be defired, was to 
 ' reduce his Power within its old Limits. A free General Council was 
 
 * that which he much defired; but he was furc this could not be fuch: 
 ' and the prefent Diftradtions of Chriftendom, and the Wars between 
 ' the Emperor and the French King, fhcwed this was no proper Time for 
 ' one. The Pope who had long refufed or delayed to call one, did 
 ' now choofc this Coiijundure of Affairs, knowing that few would 
 ' come to it, and fo they might carry Things as they pleafcd. 
 ' But the World was now awake ; the Scriptures were again in Men s 
 ' Hands, and People would not be fo tamely cozen'd as they had been. 
 ' Then he fliews how unfafe it was, for any Englifh Man to go to 
 
 * Mantua^ how little Regard was to be had to the Pope's fafe Con- 
 ' du(5t, they having fo oft broken their Oaths and Promifes. He alfo 
 ' flievvs how little Reafon he had to trufl; himfelf to the Pope, how 
 ' kind he had been to that See formerly, and how bafely they had 
 ' requited it: And that now thcfe Three Years paft, they had been 
 ' flirring up all Chriflian Princes againft him, and ufing all poffible 
 
 * Means to create him Trouble. There fere he declared, he would 
 
 not
 
 Book Ilf. of the Church c^/England. 21 1 
 
 ' not go to any Council called by the Bifhop of Rome ; but when t^^- 
 ' there was a General Peace among Chriftian Princes, he would moft v~V^ 
 ' gladly hearken to the Motion of a true General Council : and the 
 ' mean-while, he would preferve all the Articles of the Faith in 
 ' his Kingdom, and fooner lofc his Life and his Crown, than fuffcr 
 
 * any of them to be put down. And fo he protefled againfl: any Coun- 
 
 * oil to be held at Mautua, or any where clfe, by the Bifliop of Rome's 
 
 * Authority : That he would not acknowledge it, nor receive any of 
 
 * their Decrees. 
 
 At this Time Reginald Fool, who was of the Royal Blood, being Cardinal 
 by his Mother defcended from the Duke of Clarence, Brother to King the Ki!!g's" 
 Edward the Fourth, and in the fame Degree of Kindred with the King Proceedings, 
 by his Father's Side, was in great Efteem for his Learning, and other 
 Excellent Virtues. It feems the King had determined to breed him 
 up to the greateft Dignity m the Church ; and to make him as Emi- 
 nent in Learning, and other acquired Parts, as he was for Quality, and 
 a Natural Sweetnefs and Noblenefs of Temper. Therefore the King 
 had given him the Deanery of Exeter, with feveral other Dignities, 
 towards his Maintenance beyond Sea j and fent him to Paris, where 
 he rtayed feveral Years: There he firfl incurred the King's Difpleafure. 
 For, being dcfired by him to concur with his Agents, in procuring the 
 Subfcripcions and Seals of the French Univerfities, he excufed himlclf ; 
 yet it was in fuch Terms, that he did not openly declare himfclf againfl 
 the King: After that, he came over to England, and as he ivrites him- 
 felf, was prefent when the Clergy made their Submidion, and acknovv- 
 Jedged the King Supream Head: In which, fince he was then Dean of 
 Exeterj and kept his Deanry feveral Years after that, it is not to be 
 doubted, but that, as he was by his Place obliged to /it in the Convoca- 
 tion, fo he concurred with the reft in making that Submiffion. From 
 thence he went, to Padua, where he lived long, and was received into 
 che Frienddiip and Society of fome celebrated Perfons, who gave them- 
 felves much to the Study of Eloquence, and of the Roman A-<2thors. 
 Thefe were Centareno, Bemho, Caraffa, Sadoletti, with a great many 
 more, that became afterwards well known over the World : But all thoie 
 gave Pool the Preheminencc, and that juftly too, for he was accounted 
 one of the moft Eloquent Men of his Time. 
 
 The King called hiiti oft home to aflift him in his Affairs, but he ftill 
 declined it ; at Length finding Delays could prevail no longer, he wrote 
 the King Word, that he did riot approve of what he had done, neither 
 in the Matter of hi^! Divorce, nor his Separation from the Apoftolick 
 See. To this the King anfwcred, defiring his Reafons why he difa- 
 greed from him, and fent him over a Book which Dodtor Sampfon had 
 writ irt Defence of the Proceedings in England. Upon which he wrote 
 his Book De Unit ate Ecclefiaflica, and fent it over to the King : and And writes 
 foon after Printed it this Year. In which Book he condemned i]\q^'1 ^P9^ ^- 
 King's Adions, and prcffcd him to return to the Obedience he owed ^ ""' 
 the See of Rome, with many fharp Refledions j but the Book was more 
 conftdered for the Author, and the Wit and Eloquence of it, than for 
 any great Learning, or deep Reafoning in it. He did aJ'fo very much 
 deprcfs the Royal, and exalt the Papal Authority : He compared the 
 King to Nelncbadonofcr, and addrcfTcd himfelf in the Conclufion to the 
 Emperor, whom he conjured to turn his Arms rather againft the King 
 tllan the Turk. And indeed the Indecencies of his Exprefilons againft 
 
 D d ihi
 
 2 12 ^he Hiflory of the Reformat ion Book III* 
 
 iS?6. the King, not to mention the fcurrilous Language he beftows 
 
 w~V^ on Sampfoti, whofe Book he undertakes to anfwer, are (bch, that 
 
 it appears how much the Italian Air had changed him; and that his 
 
 Converfe at Paf/ua had for Ibme time defac'd that generous Temper of 
 
 Mind, which was otherwife fo natural to him. 
 
 Upon this, the King defired him at firft to come over, and explain 
 Ibme PafTages in his Book: But when he could not thus draw him in- 
 tohisToyls, he proceeded feverely againfl. him, anddiveftcd him of all 
 his Dignities ,* but thefe were plentifully made up to him by the Pope's 
 Bounty, and the Emperor's. He was afterwards rewarded with a Car- 
 dinal's Hat, but he did not rife above the Degree of a Deacon. Some 
 believe that the Spring of this Oppofition he made to the King, was a 
 fecret Aft'e£tion he had for the Lady Mary. The publifhing of this 
 Book, made the King fet the Bifhops on work to write Vindications of 
 his Adions ; which Stokejley and Tonfial did in a long and Learned Let- 
 ter, that they wrote to Pool. And Gardiner publifhed his Book of True 
 Many Books Obedience : To which Bonner^ who was hot on the Scent of Preferment, 
 T T'k"^" 2iddtA a Preface. But the King defigned fharper Tools for Pool's Puniih- 
 ort e ing. ^^^^ ^ ^gj g^, y\ttainder in Abfence was all he could do againfl: him- 
 felf. Bur his Family and Kindred felt the Weight of the King's Diiplea- 
 fure very fcnfibly. 
 
 But now I mult give art Account of the Diffolution of theMonafl:e- 
 ries, purfuant to the Aft of Parliament, though I cinnot fix the exafl: 
 Time in which it was done. I have feen the Original Inrtruftions, 
 with the Commiffion given to thofe who were to vifit the Monarte- 
 ries in and about Briflol. All the refl: were of the fame kind : They 
 bear Date the 28th of April, after the Seflion of Parliament was over; 
 and the Report was to be made in the Oflavts of St. Michael the 
 Arch-Angel. But I am inclined to think, that the great Concuffion 
 and Dilbrdcr Things were in by the Queen's Deathj made the Com- 
 miffioners unwilling to proceed in fo invidious a Matter, till they 
 faw the IlTue of the New Parliament. Therefore I have delayed giv- 
 ing any Account of the Proceedings in that Matter, til! this Place. 
 The Inflruftions will be found in the Collodion. The Subftanceof 
 them was as follows* 
 
 * The Auditors of the Court of Augmentations, were the Perfons 
 
 Coiieft. * that were employed. Four, or any Three of them, were Commif- 
 
 mr»h. 6. <■ fioncd to execute the Inftruftions in every particular Vifitation. One 
 
 boul^iK dii"- ' Auditor or Receiver, and one of the Clerks of the former Vifita- 
 
 foru"io'n"'of' " ' tion, were to call for three difcreet Perfons in the County, who 
 
 Monafteries. ' were alfo named by the King. They were to fignific to every 
 
 ' Houfe the Statute of Diflblution, and fhew them their Commiffion. 
 
 * Then they were to put the Govcrnour, or any other Officer of the 
 
 * Houfe, to declare upon Oath the true State of it : And to require him 
 
 * fpeedily to appear before the Court of Augmentations, and in the 
 
 * mean time not to meddle with any Thing belonging to the Houfe. 
 
 * Then to examine how many Religious Perfons were in the Houfe, 
 
 * and what Lives they led; how many of them werePriefls; how ma- 
 
 * ny of them would go to other Religious Houfes; and how many of 
 
 * them would take Capacities, and go into the World. They were to 
 
 * eftimaie the State and Fabrick of the Houfe, and the Number of the 
 
 * Servants,
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 2i3 
 
 Servants they kept ; and to call fjr the Covent-Seal, and Writings, 
 
 * and put thcra in fame lure Place, and take an Inventory of all their 
 ' Plate, and their Moveable Goods, and to know the Value of all, 
 ' that before the ift of March lill belonged to the Houfe, and what 
 ' Debts they owed. They were to put the Covent-Seal, with the 
 ' Jewels and Plate in fafe-keeping, and to leave the reft ("an Inven- 
 ' tory being firft taken) in the Governors Hands, to be kept by them 
 
 * till further Order. And the Governors were to medule with none 
 
 * of the Rents of the Houfe, except for neceflary Suftenance, till they 
 
 * were another Way difpofed of. They were to try what Leales 
 
 * and Deeds had been made for a whole Year, before the 4th of Fe- 
 
 * Iruary laft. Such as would ftill live in Monafteries, were to be re- 
 
 * commended to fome of the great Monaftcries that lay next ; And 
 
 * fuch as would live in the World, muft come to the Arch-Bifliop of 
 
 * Canterhury, or the Lord Chancellor, ,to receive Capacities. (From 
 which it appears that Cromwel was not at this Time Lord Vice-Gerent 
 for he granted thele Capacities when he was in that Power.} ' And the 
 ' Commmiflioners were to give them a realbnable Allowance for their 
 
 * Journey, according to the Diftance they lived at. The Governor 
 ' vvas to be fent to the Court of Augmentations, who were to affign 
 ' him a Yearly Penfion for his Life. 
 
 What Report thofc Comm.iffioners made, or how they obeyed their 
 Inftrudions, We know not; for the Account of it is razed out of the 
 Records. The VVriters that lived near that Time reprefent the Matter 
 veryodioofly, and fay, about Ten Thoufand Perfbns werefet to feek 
 for their Livings ,• only Forty Shillings in Money, and a Crown, being 
 given to every Religious Man. The Rents of them all, rofe to about 
 Thirty Two Thouland Pounds : And the Goods, Plate, Jewels, and 
 other Moveables, were valued at an Hundred Thoufand Pound: And it 
 is generally laid, and not improbably, That the Commiflioners were as 
 careful to enrich themfelves, as to encreafe the King's Revenue. The 
 Churches and Cloyfters were for the moft part pulled down ; and the 
 Lead, Bells, and other Materials were fold ; and this rauft needs have 
 raifed great Difcon tents every where. 
 
 The Religious Perfons that were undone, went about complaining Creat'dlf. 
 of the Sacrilege and Injuftice of ths Suppreflion ; That what the contents a= ' 
 Piety of their Anceftors had dedicated to God and his Saints, was now «n?ngaiifort.< 
 invaded and converted to fecular Ends. They faid, the King's Seve- ** ^°^ ** 
 rity fell firft upon fome particular Perfons of their Orders, who were 
 found Delinquents ; but now, upon the pretended Mifcarriages of 
 fome Individual Perfons, to proceed againft their Houfes, and fupprefs 
 them, was an unheard of Praftice. The Nobility and Gentry, whofe 
 Anceftors had founded or enriched thefe Houfes, and who provided 
 for their younger Children, or empoverifhed Friends, by putting them 
 into thefe SanduarieSj complained much of the Prejadice they fu- 
 ftained by it. The People, that had been well entertained at the 
 Abbots Tables, were fcnfible of their Lofs; for generally, as they 
 Travelled over the Country, the Abbies were their Stages, and 
 were Houfes of Reception to Travellers and Strangers. The Devouter 
 fort of People of thtir Perfwafion, thought their Friends muft now lie 
 in Purgatory without Relief, except they were at the Charge to keep 
 a Prieft, who fhould daily fay Mafs for their Souls. The Poor, that 
 fed on their daily Alms, were deprived of that Supply. 
 
 Dd 2 But
 
 2 1 4. The Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 iS?<5. But to compofe thefe Difcontents, firii many Books were publifl^ed, 
 ^-"'"''''"'^ to (hew what Crimes, Cheats, and Impoilures, thofe Religious Pei^ 
 areufcd w"" io"s wcre guiity of. Yet that wrouglit not much on the People ; for 
 quiettheie. they faid, why where not thefe Abufes feverely punifhed and reform- 
 ed ? But muft whole Houfes, and the Succeeding Generations, be 
 punifhed for the Faults of a few ? Moll of thefii Reports were alfo de- 
 nied, and even thofe who before envied the Eafe and Plenty in which 
 the Abbots and Monks lived, began now to pity them, and condemned 
 the Proceedings againft them. But to allay this Gensral Difcontent, 
 Cromwell advilsd the King to fell their Land > at very eafie Rates to the 
 Gentry in the ieveral Counties, obliging them, fince they had them 
 upon fuch Terms, to keep up the wonted Hofpitality. This drew 
 in the Gentry a- pace both to be fatisfied with what was done, and to 
 AflTid the Crown forever in the Defence of thefe Laws; their own In- 
 terefl: being fo intervoven with the Rights of the Crown. The com- 
 raoner fort, who, like thofe of old that followed Chrifl for the Loaves, 
 were moll concerned for the loft of a good Dinner on a Holy-Day, or 
 when they went over the Country about their Bufinefs, were now alfo 
 in a great Meafure fatisfied, when they heard that all to whom thele 
 Lands were given, were obliged under heavy Forfeitures to keep up 
 the Hofpitality ; and when they ikw that put in Pradlice, their Difcon- 
 tent, which lay chiefly in their Stomach, was appeafed. 
 
 And to quiet other People, who could not be fatisfied with fuch 
 Things, the King made ufe of a Claufe in the Aft that gave him the 
 leffer Monafteries, which Empowered him to continue fuch as he fhould 
 think fit. Therefore on the 17th of Augufl, he by his Letters Patents, 
 did of new give back in perpetuam Eleemofynam, for perpetual Alms, 
 Five Abbies. The lirft of thefe, was the Abbey of St. Mary of Bet- 
 Coilea. lefden of the Cijiercian Order in Buckingham/hire. Ten more were after- 
 aw.3. ei. . . ^^j.^^ confirmed. Sixteen Nunneries were alfo confirmed ; in all Thirty 
 one Houfes. The Patents (in mofl of which fome Manners are ex- 
 cepted, that had been otherwise difpofed of,) are all enrolled, and yet 
 none of our Writeis have taken any Notice of this. It feems thefe 
 Houles had been more regular than the reft : So that in a General Cala- 
 mity they were rather reprieved than excepted ; for Two Years after 
 this, in the SupprefTion of the reft of the Monafteries, they fell under 
 the common Fate of other Houfes. By thefe new Endowments, they 
 were obliged to pay Tenths and Firft-Fruits, and to obey all the Statutes 
 and Rules that fhould befent to them from the King, as Suprcam Head 
 of the Church. But it is not unlike, that fome Prefents to the Com- 
 miffioners, or to Cromwell^ made thefe Houfes out-live this Ruin ; for 
 I find great Trading in Bribes at this Time, which is not to be won- 
 dred at, when there was fb much to be fbared. 
 Yet People ^^^ ?>'^^^^ Difordcrs followed upon the DifTolution of the other 
 generally in- Houfes. People wcrc ftill gene-rally difcontented. The Suppreffion of 
 ciinetoiie. Religious Houfes occafioned much out-crying, and the Articles then 
 lately publifhed about Religion, encreafed the diftafte they had con- 
 ceived at the Government. The old Clergy were alfo very watchful 
 to improve all Opportunities, and to blow upon every Spark. And the 
 Pope's Power of depofing Kings had been for almoft Five hundred 
 Years received as an Article of Faith. The fame Council that eflablifh- 
 cd Tranfubllantiation, had afferted it; and there were many Prece- 
 dents, not only in Gerrna»yi France^ Spain and Italy^ but alfo in 
 
 Englantlf
 
 Book III. of the Church 0/ England. 2 1 5 
 
 EnHand, of Kings that were Dcpofcd by Popes, whofe Dominions were i ^ ji5. 
 
 givLii ro other Princes. This hid begun in the Eighth Century, in "^-^"^^^/^^ 
 
 Two famous Deprivations. The ons in France^ of C/j/Z^/fr/c the third, 
 
 \¥ho was deprived, and the Crown given to Pepin: and about the 
 
 fame Time, thole Dominions in Italy which were under the Eaftern 
 
 Emperors, renounced their Allegiance to them. In both thefe the 
 
 Popes had a great Hand, yet they rather confirmed and approved of 
 
 thofe Treafonable Mutations, than gave the firft rife to them. But 
 
 after Pope Gren^ory the Seventh's Time, it was clearly affumed, as a 
 
 Right and Prerogativeof the Papal Crown, to Depoie Princes, and ab- 
 
 folve Subjefts from the Oaths of Allegiance, and let up others in their 
 
 ftead. And all thole Emperors or Kings, that contefted any thing with 
 
 Popes, fat very uneafie and unfafe in their Thrones, ever after that. 
 
 But it they were traftaGle to the Demands of the Court of Rome, then 
 
 they mighe opprefs their Subjefts, and Govern as unjuftly as they 
 
 pleafed ; for they had a mighty Support from that Court. This made 
 
 Prmces more eafily bear the Pope's Ufurpations, becaufe they wereaflift- 
 
 ed by them in all their other Proceedings. And the Friars, having the 
 
 Conlciences of People generally in their Hands, as they had the Word 
 
 given by their General at Rome, fo they difpofed People, either to be 
 
 obedient, or feditious, as they pleafed. ^ 
 
 Now, not only their own Interefts, mixed with their Zeal for the 
 ancient Religion, but the Pope's Authoiity, gave them as good a War- 
 rant to encline the People to Rebel, as any had in former Times, of 
 whom feme were Canonized for the like Praftices. For in Augufi the 
 former Year, the Pope had Summoned the King to appear within 
 Ninety Days, and to anfwer for putting away his Queen, and taking 
 another Wife ; and for the Laws he had made againft the Church, and 
 putting the Bifhop of Rpcbejler and others to Death for not obeying 
 thele Laws ; and it he did not reform thefe Faults, or did not appear to 
 anfwer for them, the Pope Excommunicated him, and all that favoured 
 him, deprived the King, put the Kingdom under anlnterdi£l, forbade 
 all his Subjects to obey, and other States to hold Commerce wicli him, 
 diffolved all his Leagues with Foreign Princes, commanded all ihe Cler- 
 gy to depart out of England, and his Nobility to rife in Arms againft 
 him. But now, the force of thofe Thunders, which had formerly pro- 
 duc'd great Earth-quikes and Commotions, was much abated • yet 
 fbme Storms were railed by this, though not fb violent as had been in 
 former Times. 
 
 The People were quiet till they had reaped their Harveft. And xheK* " 
 though feme Injunftions were publifhed a little before, to help it theinjunaions 
 better forward, moft of the Holy-Days of Harveft being abolifhed by *^°" ^^^" 
 the King's Authority ; yet that rather Inflamed them the more. Other *°"' 
 Injunctions were alio publifhed in the King's Name by Cromvellhis Vice- 
 gerent, which was the firft AQ. of pure Supremacy done by the King. 
 For in all that went before, he had the Concurrence of the two Convo- 
 cations. But thefe, it is like, were penned by Cranmer. The Reader is 
 referred to the CoUeQion of Papers for them, as I tranfcribed them out 
 of the Rcgiftcr. 
 
 ' fhe Subltance of them was, That firft, all Ecclefiaftical Incum- Coika. 
 
 * bents u'cre fur a quarter of a Year after that, once every Sunday, '"^'""*- 7- 
 
 * and ever after that, twice every Qiiarter, to pubiifh to the People : 
 
 * Th)t the Biihop of Rome'% ufurped Power, had no ground in the 
 
 *Law
 
 2l6 
 
 The Hiflory of the Reformation Book ill. 
 
 ISJ6. 
 
 liaw of God ; and therefore was on good Reafons aboliflied in this 
 Kingdom : And that the King's Power was by the Laws of God, Su- 
 pream over all Perfons in his Dominions. And they were to do their 
 uttcrmoft Endeavour to extirpate the Pope's Authority, and to cfta- 
 bUQi the King*s. 
 
 * Seconrl/j, They were to declare the Articles lately publillied, and 
 agreed to by the Convocation ; and to make the People know which 
 of them were Articles of Faith, and which of them Rules for the de- 
 cent and politick Order of the Church. 
 
 Thirdly^ They were to declare the Articles lately fet forth, for the 
 Abrogation of fome fuperfluous Holy-Days, particularly in Harveft 
 Time. 
 
 * Fourthly ^ They were no more to «xtol Images or Relicks, for Su- 
 perftition or Gain,- nor to exhort People to make Pilgrimages, as if 
 BJeffings and good Things were to be obtained of this or that Saint or 
 Image. But inftead of that, the People were to be inftrudled to apply 
 themfelves to the keeping of God's Commandments, and doing 
 Works of Charity ; and to believe that God was better ferved by 
 them when they flayed at Home and provided for their Families, 
 than when they went Pilgrimages ; and that the Moneys laid out on 
 thcfe, were better given to the Poor. 
 
 * Fifthly^ They were to exhort the People to teach their Children the 
 Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments, in Englijh: and 
 every Incumbent was to explain thefe, one Article a Day, till the 
 People were Inftruded in them. And to take great Care that all 
 Children were bred up to fome Trade or Way of Living. 
 
 * Sixthly, They mult take care that the Sacraments and Sacramen- 
 tals may be reverently adminiftred in their Parifhes, from which 
 when at any Time they were abfent, they were to Commit the Cure 
 to the Learned and expert Curate, who might inftruft the People in 
 wholfome Doftrine ; that they might alfo fee their Pallors did 
 not purfue their own Profits or Interefts, fb much as the Glory of 
 God, and the good of the Souls under their Cure. 
 
 * Seventhly^ They fhould not, except on urgent Occafion, go to 
 Taverns or Ale-houfes ; nor fit too long at any fort of Games after 
 their Meals, but give themfelves to the Study of the Scripture, or 
 ferae other honeft Exercife ,• and remember that they muft excel 
 others in Purity of Life, and be Examples to all others to live well 
 and Chriftianly. 
 
 * Eighthly^ Becaufe the Goods of the Church, were the Goods of 
 the Poor ; every Beneficed Perfon that had Twenty Pound or above, 
 and did not refide, was Yearly to diftribute the Fortieth Part of his 
 Benefice to the Poor of theParifh. 
 
 ' Ninthly^ Every Incumbent that had a Hundred Pounds a Year, muft 
 give an Exhibition for one Scholar at Ibme Grammar School, or Uni- 
 verfity ; who after he had compleated his Studies, was to be Partner 
 of the Cure and Charge, both in Preaching, and othcY Duties; And 
 fo many Hundred Pounds as any had, fo many Students he was to 
 breed up. 
 
 * Tenthly, Where Parfonage or Vicarage-Houfes were in great de- 
 cay, the Incumbent was every Year to give a fifth Part of his Profits 
 to the repairing of them, till they were finiflied; and then to maintain 
 thera in die State they were in. 
 
 * Eleventhly^
 
 Book ill. of the Church of Enghnd. 217 
 
 ' Eleventhly^ All thefe InjunSions were to be obferved, under Pain is?^- 
 
 * of Sufpcnfion and Sequellration of the mean Profits till they v rre ob- '«-''V~v# 
 ' icrved. 
 
 Thefe were equally ungrateful to the Corrupt Clergy, arid loi the 
 Laity that adhered to the old Doflrine. The very fame Opinions, a- ^Vhkhwere 
 bout Pilgrimages, Images, and Saints departed, and inftruding the j^j^^ "" " 
 People in the Principles of Chriftian Religion in the Vulgar Tongue 
 for which the Lollards were not long ago, either burnt or forced to 
 abjure them, were now fet up by the King's Authority. From whence 
 they concluded, that whatfocver the King laid of his maintaining the 
 old Doftrine, yet he was now changing it. The Clergy alfo were 
 much troubled at this Precedent, of the King's giving fuch Injun£lions 
 to them, without the Confent of the Convocation : From which they 
 concluded, they were now to be Slaves to the Lord Vice- gerenr. The 
 matter of thefe Injunftions was alfo very Uneafie to them. The great 
 Profits they made by their Images and Relicks, and the Pilgrimages to 
 them, were now taken away ; and yet fevere Impofitions and heavy 
 Taxes were laid on them ; a fifth Part for Repairs, a Tenth at leaft for 
 an Exhibitioner, and a Fortieth for Charity, which were cried out on 
 as intolerable Burdens. Their Labour was alfo iDcreafed, and they 
 were bound up to many Severities of Life : All thefe Things touched 
 the Secular Clergy to the quick, and made thera concur with the Re- 
 gular Clergy in difpofing the People to Rebel. 
 
 This was fecretly fomented by the great Abbats. For though they 
 were not yet ftruck ar, yet the Way was prepared to it; and their 
 Houfes were opprefled with Crouds of thofe who were fent to them 
 from the fupprelTed Houfes. There was fome Pains taken to remove 
 their Fears. For a Letter was^ fent to them ail in the King's Name, to 
 filence the Reports that were fpread abroad, as if all Monalleries were 
 to be quite fuppreOTed. This they were required not to believe, but to 
 ferveCjod according to their Order, to obey the King's Injunftions, to 
 keep Hofpitality, and make no Waftes nor Dilapidations. Yet this 
 gave them fmall Comfort ; and as all fuch Things do, rather increafed 
 than quieted their Jealoufies and Fears. So many fecret Caufes concur- 
 ring, no wonder the People fell into mutinous and feditious Praftices. 
 
 The firft Rifing was in Lincoln/hire in the beginning of CSioherj a Rebellion 
 where a Church-man, difguiled into a Cobler, and direcied by a Monk, inUncohjhire. 
 drew a great Body of Men after him. About xoooo were gathered 
 together. They fwore to be true to God, the King, and the Common- 
 wealth, and digelfed their Grievances into a few Articles, which they 
 fent to the King, defiringa Redrefs of them. 
 
 * They complained of lome Things that related to Secular Concerns, Their Di. 
 ' andlbme Ads of Parliament that were uneafie to them : They alfo'"'"'^'" 
 ' complained of the Suppreffion of fo many Religious Houfes • that 
 
 * the King had mean Perfbns in high Places about him, who were 
 
 * ill Councdlors : They alfo complained of fome Bilbops who had fub- 
 
 * veited the Faith ,- and they apprehended the Jewels and Plate of their 
 ' Churches, floould be taken away. Therefore they defired the King 
 
 * would call to him the Nobility of the Realm, and by their Advice 
 
 * redrefs their Grievances ; Concluding with an Acknowledgment of 
 
 * the King's beiug their Suprcam Head, and that the Tenths and Fir/t- 
 ' Fruits of ail Livings, belonged to him of Right. 
 
 When
 
 2 1 8 The Hijlory of the Reformation Book 11 L 
 
 i<;36. When the King heard of chis Infiirredion, he prclcntly fent the 
 
 ^^"V'"^ Duke of Suffolk with a Commiilion to raife Forces for difperfing them „* 
 
 , But with him he fent an Anfwer to their Petition. ' He began with 
 
 Anfwer. '"^*' that about his Councellors, and faid ; It was never before heard of, 
 
 ' that the Rabble prcfumcd to Didtate to their Prince, what Councellors 
 
 ' he fliould choofc. That was the Prince's Work and not theirs. The 
 
 * SupprelFion of "Religious Houles was done purfuant to an Adt of 
 
 * Parliament, and was not fet forth by any of his Councellors. The 
 ' Heads of thefe Rehgious Houfes, had under their own Hands con- 
 
 * fefled thofe horrid Scandals, which made them a Reproach to the 
 ' Nation. And in many Houfes there were not above Four or Five 
 
 * Religious Perfons. So it feemed they were better pleafed, that fuch 
 
 * diflblute Perfons fliould confume their Rents in riotous and idle 
 
 * living, than that their Prince fliould have them for the common good 
 
 * of the whole Kingdom. He alfo anfwered their other Demands in 
 
 * the fame high and commanding Strain ; and required them to fubmit 
 
 * themfelves to his Mercy, and to deliver their Captains and Lieute- 
 
 * nants into the Hands of his Lieutenants ; and to dilperfe, and car- 
 
 * ry themfelves as became good and obedient Subje<3:s, and to put an 
 
 * hundred of riicir Number into the Hands of his Lieutenants, to be 
 
 * ordered as they had deferved. 
 
 When this Anfwer was brought to them, it raifed their Spirits high- 
 er. The pradtifing Clergy- men continued to inflame them. They 
 perluaded them. That the Chriflian Religion would be very foon defa- 
 ced, and taken away quite, if they did not vigoroufly defend it : That 
 it would come to that, that no Man fhould marry a Wife, receive any 
 of the Sacraments, nor cat ai Piece of roaft Meat, but he fhould pay for 
 if : That it were better to live under the Turk, than under fuch Op- 
 prefTion. Therefore there was no Caufe in which they could with more 
 Honour and a better Confcience hazard their Lives, than for the Holy 
 Faith. This encouraged and kept them together a little longer. They 
 had forced many of the Gentry of the Country to go along with them. 
 Thefe fent a fectet MefTage to the Duke of Suffolk, letting him know 
 what ill EfTeds the King's rough Anfwer had produced : That they had 
 joyncd with the People only to moderate them a little, and they knew 
 nothing that would be fo efFedtual as the OfTer of a General Pardon. 
 So the Duke of Suffolk, as he moved towards them with the Forces 
 It's quieted Which he had drawn together, fent to the King to know his Pleaiure, 
 
 by the Duke and camcflly advifed a gentle Compofing of the Matter without Blood. 
 
 of suffcik. ^j. ^^^^ j-^^^ ^.^^ ^j^^ j^^^g ^^^ advertifed from the North, that there 
 
 was a general and formidable Rifing there. Of which he had the 
 A new Re- „j.£jj(.gj. Apprehenfions, becaufe of their Neighbourhood to Scotland r 
 
 North. whofe King, bcmg the Kmgs Nephew, was the Heir prefumptive of 
 
 the Crown, fince the King had Illegitimated both his Daughters. And 
 thougkthe King's firm AlHance with Fra»ce made him lefs Apprehenfivc 
 of Trouble from Scotland, and their King was at this Time in France^ 
 to marry the Daughter of Francis ; yet he did not know how far a 
 general Rifing might invite that King, to fend Orders to head and afflft 
 the Rebels in the North. Therefore he refolved firfl to quiet Lincoln- 
 (hire. And as he had raifed a great Force about London, with which 
 he was marching in Perfon againft them ; fo he fent a new Proclamation, 
 
 ' requiring them to return to their Obedience, with fecret AfTurances of 
 
 Mercy. 
 
 I
 
 Book III. cf the Church o/England. 2 \ 9 
 
 Mercy. By thefe Means they were melted away. Thofc who had 157,6. 
 been carried in the Stream, fubmittcd to the King's Mercy, and promi- "-^"V^^ 
 fed all Obedience for the future : Others, that were obflinatc, and 
 knew themfclves unpardonable, fled Northward, and joyncd themlelves 
 to the Rebels there : Some of their other Leaders were apprehended, 
 in particular the Cobler, and were executed. 
 
 But for the Northern Rebellion, as the Parties concerned being at a 
 greater Diftance from the Court, had larger Opportunities to gather 
 themreivcs into a huge Body ; fo the whole Contrivance of it was 
 better laid. One Ask commanded in Chief. He was a Gentleman 
 of an ordinary Condition, but underflood well how to draw on and 
 govern a Multitude. Their March was called The FHgr'mage of Grace. 
 And to inveigle the People, Tome Priefts marched before them with- 
 CrolTes in their Hands. In their Banners they had a Crucifix with the 
 Five Wounds and a Chalice ; and every one wore on his Sleeve, as the 
 Badge of the Party, an Emblem of the Five Wounds of Chrift, with 
 the Name Jejus wrought in the midfl. K\\ that joyned to them took 
 an Oath, ' That they entred into this Pilgrimage of Grace, for the 
 
 * Love of God, the Prefervation of the King's Ferfon, and Ifliie, the 
 
 * Purifying the Nobility, and driving away all bafe-born and ill Coun- 
 
 * celiors ; and for no particular Profit of their own, nor to do Dif- 
 
 * pleafure to any, nor to kill any for Envy ,• but to take before them 
 
 * the Crofs of Chrift, his Faith, the Reftitution of the Church, and 
 
 * the Supprefljon of Hereticks, and their Opinions. * Thefe were 
 fpecious Pretences, and very apt to work upon a giddy and difcon- Which grew 
 tented Multitude, So People flocked about their Croifes and Standards ^j^k *°'^™^° 
 in great Numbers ; and they grew to be ^oooo flrong. They went 
 
 over the Country without any great Oppofition. The Arch-Biiliop of 
 Tork and the Lord Darcy were in Pomfiet Caftle ; which they yielded 
 to them, and were made to fwear their Covenant. They were both 
 fufpe<fled of being fecrct Promoters of the Rebellion : The latter 
 fufifered for it, but how the former excufed himfelf, I cannot give any 
 Account. They alfo took Tork and Hull ; but though they fummoned 
 the Caftle of Skipton, yet the Earl of Cumlerland^ who would not 
 degenerate from his Noble Anceftors, held it out againfl; all their Force : 
 and though many of the Gentlemen, whom he had entertained at his 
 own Coft, defertcd him, yet he made a brave Refillance. Scarborough 
 Caftle was alfo long bcfieged ; but there Sir Ralph Even, that com- 
 manded if, gave an unexampled Inftance of his Fidelity and Courage ; 
 for though his Provifions fell fhort, fo that for Twcnry Days he and 
 his Men had nothing but Bread and Water, yet they ftood it ou: "till 
 they were relieved. , , 
 
 This Rifing in Torkfhire, encouraged thofe of Lancafhire, the 
 Bidioprick of Durefm and Weftmorlan(/, to arm. Againft thele, the Earl 
 o^ Shrewsbury, that he might not fall fliort of the Gallantry and Loyalty 
 of his renown'd Anccftors, made Head ; though he had no Commiftjoii 
 from the King. But he knew his Zeal and Fidelity would cafily procure 
 him a Pardon, which he modeftly asked for the Service he had done. 
 The King fcnt him not only that, but a Commifhon to command in 
 Chief all his Forces in the North. To his Afhftance he ordered the 
 Earl of Derby to march ; and fcnt Courtney Marquefs of Exeter, and 
 the Earls of Huntingdon and Rutland, to joyn him. He alio ordered 
 the Duke of Suffolk, with the Force that he had led into Lincoln- 
 
 E c /?■/><•,
 
 220 The Hiflory of the Reformation Book! II. 
 
 IS?6. /hire, to lie ftiU there j left they, being but newly quieted, fliould 
 "v./'-V-Nw break out again, and fall upon his Armies behind ; when the Torkfhire 
 Men nnec them before. 
 D u ^" ^^^^ ^*^^^^ °^ Odoher, he fent the Duke of Norfolk with more 
 otNV/o/ijnd Forces to joyn the Earl of Sbrewslury : But the Rebels were very- 
 others jcr.t a- p^i^crous and dcCpcrate. When the Duke of Norfolk underflood their 
 gimfttbem, ^t.^^,,,g(l^^ |,c j'^w great Realbn to proceed with much Caution: For if 
 they had got the leaft Advantage of the King's Troops, all the Difcon- 
 tents in England would upon the Report of that have broken out. He 
 faw their Numbers were now fucb, that the gaining fomc Time was 
 their Ruin : For fuch a great Body could not fubfill long together, 
 without much Provifions, and that muft be very hard for them to bring 
 in : lb he fet forward a Treaty. It was both Honourable for the King 
 to offer Mercy to his diftraCled Subjeds, and of great Advantage to 
 his Arf'airs ; for as their Numbers did every Day leffen, lb the King's 
 Forces were ftill increafing. He wrote to the King, Thar confidering 
 the Seafon of the Year, he thought the offering fome fair Conditions 
 might perfuade them to lay down their Arms, and difperfe themfelvcs : 
 Yet when the Earl of Shrewshury fent a Herauld with a Proclamation, 
 ordering them to lay down their Arms, and fubmit to the King's Mercy ; 
 ^sk received him fitting in State, with the Arch-Bifhop on the one 
 Hand, and the Lord Darcy on the other ; but would not fuffer any 
 Proclamation to be made, 'till he knew the Contents of it. And when 
 the Herauld told what they were, he lent him away without fuffering 
 him to publifli it. And then the Priefts ufed all their Endeavours to 
 engage the People to a firm Relblution of not difperfing themfelves, 'till 
 all Matters about Religion were fully fettled. 
 
 As they went forward, they every where repoffeflcd the ejedled 
 Monks of their Houfes ; and this encouraged the reft, who had a great 
 mind to be in their old Nefts again. They publiihed alio many Stories 
 among them of the many growing Burdens of the King's Governmenr, 
 and made them believe, That Impofitions would be laid on every thing 
 that was either bought or fold. But the King hearing how ftrong they 
 were, fent out a general Summons to all the Nobility to meet him ac 
 Northampton the 7 th of November, And the Forces fent againft the 
 f heya.u^ancc ^cbcJs, advanced to Dovcafier, to hinder them from coming further 
 to Dmcaficr. Southward ; and took the Bridge, which they fortified, and laid their 
 Forces along the River to maintain that Pafs, 
 
 The Writers of that Time, fay, That the Day of Battel was agreed 
 on ; but that the Night before, exceffive Rains falling, the River 
 fwellcd lb, that it was unpallable next Day, and they could not force 
 the Bridge. Yet it is not likely the Earl of Shrewshury, having in all 
 but 5000 Men about him, would agree to a pitched Battel with thofe 
 ' who were Six times his Number, being then 30000. Therefore it is 
 
 more likely that the Rebels only intended to pafs the River the next 
 Day, which the Rain that fell hindred : But the Duke of Norfolk con- 
 tinued to prefs a Treaty, which was hearkned to by the other fide ; 
 who were reduced to great Streights ; for their Captain would not 
 ful?cr them to fpoil the Country, and they were no longer able to 
 fubfift without doing that. The Duke of Norfolk dired^ed fome thac 
 were fecrctly gained, or had been fent over to them as Defertcrs, to 
 fprcad Reports amojig them, That their Leaders were making Terms 
 for thcmlclves, and would leave the reft to be undone. This, joyned 
 
 to
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 221 
 
 ro their Necefiirics, made many fall off every Day. The Duke of icj6. 
 Norfolk finding his Arcs had lb good an Operation, oflcred to go to ^^''^^"'^ 
 Court with any whom they would fend with their Demands,^ ^^'^ ^^ N!^ffkh^^ f 
 intercede for tlicm This he knew would take up Ibmc Time, and them by De- 
 moft of them would be dilpericd before he could return. So they fent^^y^- 
 two Gentlemen, whom they had forced to go with them, to the King 
 to WinJfor. Upon this, the King difcharged the Rendezvous ac 
 Northampton, and delayed the fending an Anfwer as much as could be .- 
 But at lall:, hearing that though mod of them were difperfed, yet they 
 had engaged to return upon Warning, and that they took it ill that no 
 Anlvver came ,• he lent the Duke of Norfolk to them with a general 
 Pardon, fix only excepted by Name, and four others that were not 
 named. But in this the King's Councils were generally cenfured ; for 
 every one was now in fear, and lb the Rebels rcjcded the Propofition. 
 The King alfo font tiiem word by their own Meflenger, ' That he 
 
 * took it very ill at their Hands, that they had chofen rather to rife 
 
 * in Arms againft him, than to petition him about thole Things which 
 
 * were uneafie to them. ' And to appeafe them a little, the King by 
 new Injunctions, commanded the Clergy to continue the \Jk of all 
 the Ceremonies of the Church, This, it is like, was intended for 
 keeping up the Four Sacraments, which had not been mentioned in the 
 former Articles. The Clergy, that were with the Rebels, met at 
 Pomfret to draw up Articles to be offered at the Treaty that was to be 
 at DoHcafier : where three hundred were ordered to come from the 
 Rebels to treat with the King's Commiflloners. So great a Number 
 was called, in Hopes that they would difagree about their Demands, 
 and fo fall out nnrong themfelves. On the 6th o^ Decemher they met to 
 treat, and it fecms had folaid their Matter before, that they agreed upon 
 thefe following Demands. . 
 
 ' A General Pardon to be granted : A Parliament to be held at Tork; 
 ' and Courts of Jullice to be there ; that none on the North of Trent ^^H^ ^^' 
 .' might be brought to London upOn any Law-Sute. They defired, A 
 
 * Repeal of Ibme Adts of Parliament : Thole for the lafl: Subfidy, for 
 
 * Ufes, for making Words Mifprifion of Treafon, and for the Clergies 
 
 * paying their Tenths and Firft Fruits to the King. They defired the 
 
 * Princels M.xry might be reftored to her Right of Succefllon ; the 
 ' Pope to his wonted Jurifdidtion, and the Monks to their Houfes 
 ' again : That the Lutherans might be punilhed ; That Audley the 
 ' Lord Chancellor, and Cromwell the Lord Privy-Seal, might be 
 ' excluded from the next Parliament ; and Lee and Leighton, that had 
 ' vifited the Monaftcries, might be imprifoncd for Bribery and Ex- 
 ' tortion. ' 
 
 But the Lords, who knew that the King would by no means agree 
 to thefe Propoficions, rejected them. Upon which the Rebels took 
 Heart again, and were growing more enraged and defperate ; fo thac 
 the Duke of Norfolk wrote to the King, That if fome Content were nor 
 given them, ic might end very ill, for they were much flronger than 
 his Forces were : And both he, and the other Commanders of the 
 King's Forces, in their Hearts wilhcd, that moft of their Demands were 
 granted ; being Pcrfons, who though they complied with the King, 
 and were againll chat Rebellion, yet were great Enemies to Lutheranifm, 
 and wilbed a Reconciliation with Rome; of which the Duke oi Norfolk 
 was afterwards accufcd by the Lord Darcy, as if he had fecrctly encou- 
 
 E c z raged
 
 23:2 The fiijlory of the Reformation Book lU. 
 
 raj,ed tlv^in to infili otj there Demands. The King feeing die Humour 
 was loobftin^cc, leibheU to uie gender Remedies ; and lb lent to the 
 Duke oi' Norfolk a general Pardoji. widr. a Promile of a Parhamcnc, or- 
 dering him not to make xifc of thefe, except in Exrrcmity. 
 
 That; was no eafie Thing to that Duke, fincc he might be afterwards 
 ma^e to anlwer for it, whether the Excremicy was really fuch, as to 
 jjuftifie 1ms granting thele Thirtgs. But the Rebels were become again 
 asilUmerous as ever, and had rcfolved to crols the River, ami to force 
 the King's Camp, which was ftill much inferior to theirs m Number, 
 jBiut Rains falling the fecond time, made the Fords again unpallablc. 
 This was fpoken by the King's Party, as little lels than a Miracle ; 
 That Ood^s' Providence had twice fo opportunely interpofed for the 
 popping of the Progrefs of the Rebels : And it is very probable that on 
 the other fide, it made great Imprcllion on the fuperftitious Multitude ; 
 and both dilcouragcd them, and dilpofed them to accept of i\\^ Ofier 
 of Pardon, and a Parliament to be foon called, for co-.fidcriiig, their 
 other Demands. The King-Hgned the Pardon at Rkhmoneii^^c^ih 
 &i Deeemhcr : by which all their Treafons and Rebcliica to that Day 
 wete pa^dorled, provided they made their Submiinon to the E>uke of 
 Norfolk and the Earl of Shreivshury , and lived in all due Obcdieficc for 
 the.iuturc. 
 The Kind's Tbc King ftnt likcWife a long Anfwer to their Demands : ' As to 
 Anfwer to < wliat dicy complained about the Subvcrfion of the Faith : He pco- 
 
 * toiled his Zeal for the true Chriftian Faith, and that he Woold live 
 ' and ,dic in the Defence and Prelervation of it. But the ignorant Mul- 
 
 * titatlcwere not to inftrud: him what the true Faith was, noi- to pre- 
 
 * ftimc.to corredl: what he and the whole Convocation had agreed on. 
 
 * That as he had prelerved theChiirch o^ England in her true Liberties, 
 
 * fo he would do ftill ; and that he had done nothing that was fo 
 
 * Oppreflive, as many of his Progenitors had done upon Icller Gr6unds. 
 
 * But that he took it very ill of them, who had rather otie Churl ot 
 ' two fliould enjoy the Profits of their Monafieries, to Support them 
 
 * in their didolute and abominable Courfe of Living, than that their 
 ' King fliould have them for defraying the great Charge he was at for 
 
 * tlieir Defence againlt foreign Enemies. For the Laws, it was high 
 *:.FrGfumption in a rude Mukicude to take on them to judge what Laws 
 
 * were good, and what not. They had morcRealon to think, that he, 
 ^ after Twenty Eight Years Reign, Hiould know it bettei: than they 
 'coitld. And for hiS' Government, he had {^o long preferved his Sub- 
 
 * jcdls '\r\ PeAce and Juftice, had i'o defended them from their Enemies, 
 
 * had lo fecurcd his Frontier, had granted fo many general Pardons, 
 
 * had been fo unwilling to punilh his Subjedts, and lb ready to rcccunc 
 
 * them into Mercy ; that ihey could Ihew no Parallel to his Govcrn- 
 .* ,mcnt among all their former Kings. And whereas it was laid, That 
 3*t;;he had many of the Nobility of his Council, in the Beginning of his 
 :V;Reign, and fcw now ; he fliewcd them in that one Inflanoe, how 
 ;*^;i!bcy were abufed by the lying Slanders of fom.e difafTccftcd Perfons : 
 
 '*!f^c when he came to the Crown, there were none that were born 
 
 * NolHfe, of his Council, but only the Earl of Surrey, and the f.jrl of 
 
 * Sb'revcishitry ; w'ltereas now, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, cbc 
 y Mai^lTcft of Exeter^ the Lord Steward, the Karls of Oxford ;ind Suffex, 
 
 :* >nvl die Lord Sands, were of the Privy-Councjl : And for the Spiri- 
 f'tudry,. the Arch-Bidiop of Canterhury, the Bifliops of Wtnchefier, 
 
 * Hereford
 
 Book 111. oftbeCbmchcfEnghuA, "^^ 
 
 ' HereforJ and Chkbefier were alfp; of ic : Acd ,1k .ind .hi^ w;i- 
 
 * Cpiuicil judging ic nccelfary to have fame at the Boafd, wlioiuhwior- 
 
 ' ilood the Law of Englutfly and the Trcarics with Foreign,, Pfjni;t3 , ■ 
 
 * he had, by tlicir unanimovis Advice, brought in his Chancciior, a^i 
 
 * the Lord Ptivy-Scal. He thouglrt it ftrange, diafc they who vycrc bye 
 ' Brycei^ (hould think they could bc^;er judge who (iKHjid be hi-s Coun- 
 ' ccUors than himfeif and his whole Council : Therefore he u^uld bear 
 ' no juch Thing at their Hands ; it being incenfiftent with the Duty.ef 
 
 good 5ubjc(9's, to meddle in lUch Matters. &ut if they, ot aftyjpf 
 
 ' his other Subjects, could bring any juft Complaint againft any about 
 
 ' Ijim, he was ready to hear ic ; and if k were proved, he would 
 
 ' puniHi it according to Law. As for the Complaints againft fome of 
 
 ' the Prelates for preaching againll the Faith, they could know none 
 
 ' of thefe Things but by the Report of others ; fince they liycd at 
 
 ' fuch a Dilbiice, that they thcmlelves had not heard any of tlieni 
 
 ' preach. Therefore he required them not to give Credit to hv<is^ 
 
 ' nor be milled by thofe who Ipread fuch Calumnies and ill Reports : 
 
 * And he concluded all with a fevere Expoftulation ; adding. That ftrdi 
 ' was his Love to his Subjcds, that, imputing thislnfurrcdioh, rather 
 ' to their Folly and Lighcnefs, than to any Malice or Rancour, he was 
 
 * willing to pafs ic over more gently, as they would perceive by his 
 ' Proclamntion. ' 
 
 Now the People were come to themfelves again, and glad to get off i5?7. 
 fo eafily j and they all chearfully accepted the King's Offers, and went ^r;'"^*'^""^ 
 home again to their feveral Dwellings. Vet the Clergy were no way \\q^\ qui^rl 
 fatisfied, but continued flill to pradlilc amongfl; them, and kept theed. 
 Rebellion ftiU on Foot ; fo that it broke out fooH after. The Duke of 
 Norfolk and the Earl of Shrewslury^ were ordered to lie flill in the 
 Country with their Forces, 'till all Things were more fully compofed. 
 They niode tliem all come to a full Subniilfion ; and ifi:, To revoke all 
 Oaths and Promifes made during the Rebellion, for which they asked 
 the King's Pardon on their Knees ; idly. To fwear to be true to the 
 King, afid his Heirs and Succeflbrs ; 3Jly, To obey and maintain all 
 the Ads of Parliament made during the King's Reign ; 4thly, Not to 
 rake Arms again but by the King's Authority ; 5thly, "To apprehend 
 all fcdicious Perfons j 6chly, To remove all the Monks, Nuns, and 
 Friars, whom they had placed again in the dilTolved Monaftcries. There 
 were alfo Orders given to fend Aik^ their Captain, and the Lord Darcy 
 to Court. Aik was kindly received, and well uicd by the King. He 
 had fliewed great Condudl in commanding the Rebels ; and it feems 
 the King had a mind, either to gain him to his Service, or, which I 
 fufpcd was tl>e trueCaufe, to draw from him a Dilcovery of all thofe, 
 who in the other Parts of the Kingdom, had favoured or relieved them. - 
 
 For he fufi^ded, not without Caufc, tl>ac Ibnoc of the great Abbacs 
 had given fecret Supplies of Money to the Rebels : For which many 
 of them were afcerwards tryed and attainted. Tiic Lord Darcy was 
 under great Apprehenfions, and ftudicd to purge himfeif, that he was 
 forced to a Compliance with them ; but pleaded, That the long and 
 important Services he had done the Crown for Fifty "V'cars, he being 
 tlien Fourfcore, together with his great Age and Infirmity, might miti- 
 gate tlK King's Difpleafurc. But he was made Prifoner. Whether 
 this gave thole who had been in .Arms, new Jealoufics, that the King's 
 Pardon wou'd not be inviolably obl'crved ; oc whether the Clec^y had 
 
 of
 
 /" 
 
 224- ^ ^^ Hiflory of the Reformation Book ill. 
 
 ic?". of new, prevailed on them to rife in Arms, I cannot determine : But 
 \.^-'v^ it broke out again, though not fo dangcroully as before. Two Gen- 
 New Rirings,j.|gj^gi^ of the North, Ah/grave and Till>y, raifcd a Body of 8000 
 perfed?" ' ' Mcn, and thought to have furprized Carlifle ; but were repulfed by 
 thofe within. And in their Return, the Duke of Norfolk fell upon 
 them, and routed them. He took many Priloners, and by Martial 
 Law hanged up all their Captains, and iieventy other Priloners on the 
 Walls of Carlifle. Others at that fame Time, thought to have furprized 
 Hull ; but it was prevented, and the Leaders of that Party were alio 
 taken and executed. 
 
 Many other Rifings were in fevcral Places of the Country, which 
 were all foon reprefled : The Ground of them all, was, That the Par- 
 liament which was promifed, was not called : But the King faid. They 
 had not kept Conditions with him, nor would he call a Parliament 
 'till all Things were quieted. But the Duke of Norfolk's Vigilance 
 every where, prevented their gathering together m any great Body. 
 And after feveral unfuccefsful Attempts, at length the Country was 
 abfolutely quieted in January following And then the Duke of Norfolk 
 proceeded according to the Martial Law againft many whom he had 
 taken. Ask had alfo left the Court without Leave, and had gone 
 amongft them, but was quickly taken. So he and many others were 
 fenc to feveral Places, to be made publick Examples. He fuffcred ac 
 Tork, others at Hull, and in other Towns in Torkjhire. But the Lord 
 Darcy, and the Lord Huffy, were arraigned at Weflminjhr, and attainted 
 of Treafon : The former for the Northern, and the other for the Lin- 
 The dx\e?o{col»fhire Infurredlion. The Lord D^rcy was beheaded at /"(jwer-///// ; 
 theRcbeiscx-and was much lamented. Every Body thought, that confidcring his 
 ecuted. Mcrits, his Age, and former Services, he had hard Meafure. The 
 Lord Huffy was beheaded at Lincoln. The Lord Darcy, in his TryaJ, 
 accufed the Duke of Norfolk, That in the Treaty at Doncafler, he had 
 encouraged the Rebels to continue in their Demands. This the Duke 
 denied, and defired a Tryal by Combate, and gave Ibme Prefun^ptions 
 to fhew that the Lord Darcy bore him Ill-will, and faid this out of 
 Malice. The King either did not believe this, or would not feem to 
 believe it: And the Duke's great Diligence in the Suppreflion of thefe 
 Commotions, fet him beyond all Jealoufies. But after thofe Execu- 
 tions, the King wrote to the Duke in July following, to proclaim an 
 abfolute Amneily over all the North ; which was received with great 
 Joy, every Body being in fear of himfelf: and fo this threatning 
 Storm was diffipated without the Effufion of much Blood, fave what 
 the Sword of Juftice drew. At the fame time the King of Scotland 
 returning from France with his Queen, and touching on the Coafl: of 
 England ; many of the People fell down at his Feet, praying him to 
 alTift them, and he fhould have all. But he was, it fecms, bound up 
 by the French King ; and fo went home, without giving them any 
 Encouragement. And thus ended this Rebellion, which was chiefly 
 carried on by the Clergy, under the Pretence of Religion. 
 A new Vifi. And now the King was delivered of all his Apprehenfions that he 
 ration of Mo- had been in for fome Years, in fear of Stirs at home. But they being 
 nafteries. ^^^ happily compofed, as he knew it would fo over-awe the reft of 
 his difcontcnted Subjcds, that he needed fear nothing from them for 
 a great while ; To it encouraged him to go on in his other Deligns, of 
 fupprefling the reft of the Monaftcries ; and reforming fome other 
 
 Points
 
 Book 111. of the Church of England. 225 
 
 Points '/ Religfon, Therefore there was a new Vifitacion appointed if 57. 
 for aK ihe Monadcrics of E>iglanfl. And the Vifitors were ordered to ^-"^"Vs* 
 examine all Things that related either to their Converfation, to their 
 Affedion to tl>c King, and the Supremacy, or to their Supcrfticion, in 
 their feveral Houfcs ; to difcbvcr what Cheats and Impoftures there 
 weic, either in their Images, Relicks, or other miraculous Things, by 
 which they had drawn People to their Houfes on Pilgrimages, and 
 gotten from them any great Prcfents. Alfo to try how they were 
 afJedlcd during the late Commotions, and to difcover every thing that 
 vras amifs in them, and report it to the Lord Vice gcrenr. In the 
 Records of tlie whole Twenty Eighth Year of the King's Reign, I find 
 but one Original Surrender of any Religious Houle. The Abbac of 
 •furMepAn'IHaAdil^jre, valued at 960 lil/. with thirty Monks, refigning 
 "•up that Houfc to the King, on the 9th of Aprils which was very near 
 the End of the Year of the King's Reign ; for it commenced on the 
 2zd of April. Two other Surrenders are enrolled that Year. The 
 one was of Bermondfey in Surrey-, the firfl: of June in the Twenty Eighth 
 of the King's Reign. The Preamble was, That they furrendied in 
 hopes of greater Benevolence from the King. But this was the Effcdt 
 of fome fecrec Pradice, and not of the Adt of Parliament. For it was 
 valued at 548 lih. and fo fell not within the AO:. The other was of 
 Bitfl)Up^am or Eifhtam in Berkfhire, made by Barlow^ Bifhop of St. Da- 
 vid's., that was Commendator of it, and a great Promoter of the Refor- 
 mation. It was valued at 317 ///. But in the following Year, they 
 made a quicker Progrefs, and found flrange Enormities in the greater 
 tloufes. It feems all the Houfes under 200 lih. of Rent were not yet 
 luppreiled. For I find many within that Value afterwards refigning their 
 Houfes. So that I am inclined to believe, that the firfl: Vificacion being 
 made towards the Suppreflion of the lefler Monafteries, and that (as 
 appears by their Inftrudlions} being not to be finilhcd 'till they had 
 made a Report of what they had done to the Court of Augmentations, 
 who were, after the Report made, to determine what Penfions were to 
 be refcrved to the Abbac and other Officers (which Report was to 
 be made in the Odtaves of St. Michael, and after that, a new Com- 
 milTion was to be given for their SupprefTion} ; when that was done, 
 they went no further at that Time. So that I cannot think there were 
 many Houfes fupprelTcd when thefe Stirs began : and after their 
 firft Rifing, it is not likely that great Progrefs would be made in a 
 Bufinefs that was like to inflame the People more, and encreafe the 
 Number of the Rebels. Neither do I find any Houfes fupprcfled by 
 Virtue of the former Adt of Parliament 'till the Twenty ninth Year of 
 the King's Reign. 
 
 And yet they made no great hade this Year. For there are but Someofthf 
 twenty one Surrenders all this Year, either in the Rolls, or Augmen- sr"c Abbatj 
 ration- Office. And now, not only fmali Abbeys, but greater ones, rheirHoafes. 
 were furrcrtdred to the King. The Abbats were brought to do it upon 
 feveral Motives. Some had been faulty during the late Rebellion, 
 and were liable to the King's Difpleafure ; and thefe to redeem them- 
 fclves, compounded the Matter by a Refignation of their Houfc. 
 Others began to like the Reformation, and that made them the more 
 Willing to furrender their Houfes ; fuch as Barlow, BiOiop of St. Davids, 
 who not only furrender'd up his own Houfe o^ BaJlUpjamy but prevailed 
 
 ott
 
 226 The Hi jiory of the Reformation BookllL 
 
 on many others to do the like : Others were convi(5ted of great Dif- 
 ordcrs in their Converfation ; and thele not daring to ftand a Trya!, 
 were glad to accept of a Pcnfion for Life, and deliver up their Houfe. 
 Others were guilty of making great Waftes and Dilapidations. For 
 they all law the DilTolution of their Houfes approaching, and fo every 
 one was induced to take all the Care he could to provide for himfelt 
 and his Kindred ; fo that the Vifitors found in Ibme of the richeft 
 Abbeys oi Engla>id, as St. Allans and Battel, fuch Depredations made, 
 that at St. Albans an Abbat could not fubfift any longer, the Rents 
 were fo low ; and in Battel, as all their Furniture was old and torn, 
 not worth an lOO lib. lb both in Houfe and Chape!, they had not 
 400 Marks-worth of Plate. In other Houfes, they found not above 
 twelve or fifteen Ounces of Plate, and no Furniture at all, but only 
 fuch Things as they could not embezzel, as the Walls and Windows, 
 Bells and Lead. In other Houfes the Abbac and Monks were glad 
 to accept of a Penfion for themfelves during Life j and fo being only 
 concerned for their own particular Interefl, refigned their Houfe to 
 the King. Generally, the Monks had eight Marks a Year Penfion, 
 'till they were provided for. The Abbats Penfions were proportioned 
 to the Value of their Houfe, and to tlieir Innocence, The Abbats of 
 St. Alhans and tewkshury, had 400 Marks a Year a-piece. The Abbat 
 of St. Edmuyidshury was more Innocent ; for the Vifitors wrote from 
 thence, That they could find no Scandals in that Houfe : So he, ic 
 feems, was not eafily brought to refign his Houie, and had 500 Marks 
 Penfion rcferved to him. And for their inferior Officers, fomc had jo^ 
 Ibme 10, or 8, and the lowefl 6 I'd. Penfion, 
 
 In other Places, upon a Vacancy, either by Death or Deprivation, 
 they did put in an Abbat only to refign up the Houfe. For a^rcr the 
 King's Suprem.acy was eftabliflhed, all thole Abbats that had been for- 
 merly confirmed by the Pope, were placed in this manner. The King 
 granted a Conge </' Eflire to the Prior and Convent, with a Miflive 
 Letter, declaring the Name of the Perfbn whom they fhould choofe : 
 then they returned an ElcdJion to the King, who, upon that, gave his 
 Afix:nt: to it by a Warrant under the great Seal, which was certified to 
 the Lord Vicegerent j who thereupon confirmed the Election, and 
 returned him back to the King, to take the Oaths : upon which the 
 Temporalities were reflored. Thus all the Abbats were now placed 
 by the King, and were generally pick'd out to ferve this Turn. Others, 
 in hope of Advancement to Bifhopricks, or to be Suffragan Bifhops, 
 as rhc inferior fort of them were made generally, were glad to recom- 
 mend themfelves to the King's Favour, by a quick and cheerful Sur- 
 render of their Monaflery. Upon fome of theie Inducements it was, 
 that the greatefl Number of the Religious Houfes were refigned to 
 the King, before there was any Adt of Parliament made for their Sup- 
 prcflion. In fevcral Houfes, the Vifitors, who were generally either 
 Mafters of Chancery, or Auditors of the Court of Augmentations, 
 fludied not only to bring them to refign their Houfes, but to fign Con- 
 fefllons of their pafled lewd and diflblute Lives. Of thefe, there is 
 only one now extant, which, it is like, cfcapcd the general Razure 
 and Dcflrudion of all Papers of that kind, in Queen Mary\ Time. 
 But from the Letters that 1 have fcen, I perceive there were fuch Con- 
 felTions made by many other Houfes. That Confeflion of the Prior and 
 Bertedi^ines of St. Andreiv's in Northampton, is to be fecn in the Record 
 
 ©f
 
 Book III. of the Church of Enghnd. 227 
 
 of the Court of Augmentations. In which, with the moft nggfava- i«;'<8. 
 ting Exprcliions that could be dcvifed, they acknowledged their pad ill v-''"v~^^ 
 Life, '• for which the Fit of Hell was ready to I'wallow them up. They /^°hon'id°"^ 
 " confclled that they had neglcifted the Worlliip of God, hvcd in Crimes made 
 " Idlcncfs, Gluttony, and Senfuahty, with many other woful Ex- j" ^"'^'^' 
 " prcllions to that Purpofe. """'""' 
 
 Other Houfes, as the Monaftery of Bet/efJen, refigned with this Pre- Collea. 
 amble, " That they did profoundly confider, that the Manner and ^»">^fi-f(^-4' 
 *' Trade of Living, which they, and others of their pretended Reh- 
 *' gion, had for a long time followed, confided in fome dumb Ceremo- 
 " nies, and other Conftitutions, of the Bifhops of Rome^ and other 
 *' Foreign Potentates ; as the Abbat of Cijleaux^ by which they were 
 *' blindly led, having no true Knowledge of God's Laws ,• procuring 
 " Exemptions from their Ordinary and Diocefan, by the Power of the 
 " Bilhop of RomCy and fubmitcing thcmfelves wholly to a Foreign 
 *"* Power, who never came hither to reform their Abufes, which were 
 *' now found among them. But that now knowing the mo.l pcrfedfc 
 " way of Living is fufficiently declared by ChriH. aud his Apoftles j f 
 *' and that it was moft fit for them to be Governed by the King, who 
 " was their Supream Head on Earth, they fubmittcd themfelves to his 
 *' Mercy, and lurrendred up their Monaitery to him on the z^th of 
 *' Septemher in the 30th Year of his Reign.' This Writing was figned 
 by the Abbat, the Sub-Prior, and nine Monks. There are five other Sur- 
 renders to the fame Purpofe ; by the Gray^ and White Friars of Stamford, 
 the Gray- Friars of Coventry, Bedford, and Aileshury, yet to be fctn. < 
 Some are refigned upon this Preamble, " That they hoped the King 
 " would of new found their Houfe ; which was otherwife like to be 
 " ruined, both in Spirituals and Temporals. ' So did the Abbat of 
 Chertfey in Surry, with fourteen Monks on the r4th of Ju/y in the 29th 
 Year of this Reign, whofe Houfe was valued at 744 Hi. I have fome 
 Reafon to think that this Abbat was for the Reformation, and intended ' 
 to liave had his Houfe new founded to be a Houfe of true and well rcgu- ■ 
 lated Devotion : And fo I find the Prior of great Malverine in Worce- ' 
 fierfhire offered fuch a Refignation. He was recommended by Bilhop 
 Latimer to Cromwell, with an earneft defire that his Houle might ftand ' 
 not in Monkery, hut fo as to he converted to Preaching, Study, and Prayer. 
 And the good Prior was willing to compound for his Houfe by a Prefent 
 of 500 Marks to the King, and of 200 to Cromwell. He is commended 
 for being an old worthy Man, a good HoufcKeeper, and one that daily 
 fed many poor People. To this Latimer adds ; Alas my good Lord i Shall 
 we not fee Two or Three in every Shire changed to fuch Remedy. 
 
 But the Rcfolution was taken once to extirpate all. And therefore 
 though the Vifitors intcrceeded earneftly for one Nunnery in Oxford- 
 fhire, Godjlow, where there was great ftridtnefs of Life ; and to which 
 moft of the young Gentlewomen of the County were fent to be bred • 
 fo that the Gentry of the Country defired the King would fpare the 
 Houfe, yet all was uneffedlual. 
 
 The General Form in which moft of thefc Rcfignations begins, is, jhef 
 *' That the Abbat and Brethren, upon full Deliberation, certain know- moft (unc. 
 " ledge, of their own proper Motion, for certain juft and reafohable r*"]! a m 
 " Caufcs, fpecially moving them in their Souls and Conlcicnces, didi.\4 ,. 
 " freely, and of their own accord, give and grant their Houfes to the 
 " King. Others (it feems) did not fo well like this Preamble ,• and 
 
 ^ f therefore 
 
 m o. 
 en-
 
 228 The Hijlory of the Reformation Book 111. 
 
 MjS. therefore did, without any Rcafoii or Preamble, give away their Hou- 
 vx^sr^ tes to the Vifitors, as Feoffees in trutl for the King's Ule. And thus 
 they went on, procuring daily more Ibrrenders. So that in the thir- 
 tieth Year of the King's Reign there were 159 Rcfignations enrolled, 
 of which the Originals of i -j 5 do yet remain. And for the Readers 
 CoUea-Vic"^. further Satisfadion, he fliail find, in the CoUcdion at the End of this 
 3. sc8. }. Book^ the Names of all thofe Houfcs fo furrendred, with other Par- 
 ticulars relating to them, which would too much weary him, if in- 
 lerted in the Thread of this Vv ork. But there was no Law to force 
 any to make fuch Rcfignations. So that many of the great Abbats 
 would not comply with the King in this Matter, and Hood it out 
 till after the following Parliament chat was in the jifl Year of his 
 Rcign. 
 
 It was queftioned by many whether thefc Surrenders could be good 
 in Law, fince the Abbats -were but Truftees and Tenants for Life. 
 It was thought they could not abfolutcly alienate, and give away their 
 Houfe for ever. But the Parliament afterwards declared the Rcfignations 
 were good in Law. For by their Foundations all was rrufled to tJic 
 D'lvets Opi- Abbat and the Senior Brethren of the Houfe ; who putting the Covenc 
 nionj about g^^^ j.q ^^y £)eed, it was of Force in Law. It was alfo faid, that they 
 thus furrendring, had forfeited their Charters and Foundations ; and lo 
 the King might feize and polTefs them with a good Title, if not upon 
 the Refignation, yet upon Forfeiture. But others thought, that, whac- 
 foever the Nicety of Law might give the King, yet there was no fore 
 of Equity in it, that a few Truftees, who were either bribed, or fright- 
 ed, fhould pafs away chat which was none of theirs, but only givea 
 them in Truft and for Life. Other Abbats were more roughly handled. 
 The Prior of Woohurn was fufpeded of favouring the Rebels, of being 
 f^^ntfd^oF 3gainilthc King's Supremacy, and for the Pope's ; and of being for the 
 Treafon. General Council then fummoncdto Mantua. And he was dealt with to 
 make a Submifl'ion and Acknowledgment. In an Account of a lone 
 Conference which he had with a Privy Councellor under his own Hand, 
 I find that the great thing which he took Offence at, was, Thzt Latimer 
 and fome other Bifhops Preached againft the Veneration of the BleiTed 
 Virgin, and the other Saints : And that the EtigUjh Bible then fee out, 
 differed in many things from the Latin ; with feveral leffer Matters- 
 So that they looked on their Religion as changed, and wondered that 
 the Judgments of God upon Queen ^«»(? had not terrified others from 
 going on to fubverc the Faith ; yet he was prevailed with, and did 
 again fubmit to the King, and acknowledged his Supremacy ; but he 
 afterwards joyned himfclf to the Rebels and was taken with them, 
 together with the Abbat of iVhaley, and two Monks of his Houfe ; 
 and the Abbat of Gervaux, with a Monk of his Houfe ; and the Abbac 
 of Sawley in Lancapire, with the Prior of that Houfe ; and the Prior 
 of Burlington ; who were all attainted of High Trcafon, and Executed. 
 The Abbats of Glajlenhury and Reading, were Men of great Power and 
 Wealth. The one was rated at jsoS. lib. and the other at 2116. liL 
 They feeing the Storm like to break our on thcmfelves, fcnt a great deal 
 of the Plate and Money that they had in their Houfe, to the Rebels in 
 the North. Which being afterwards difcovercd, they were attainted 
 of High Treafon a Year after this ,- but I mention it here for the affinity 
 of the Matter : Further Particulars about the Abbat of Reading I have 
 nor yet difcovercd. But there is an Account given to Cromwell of the 
 
 Proceeding*"-
 
 Book III. of t be Church of Englmd. 229 
 
 Pcoccedings againfl the Abbat of Glafienlury in Two Letters which I 1 5?8. 
 liave fcen, the one was writ by the b'hcrirt of the County, the other 
 by Sir John Ku£e/, who was prefent at his Tryal, and was reputed a 
 Man of as great Integrity and Vertue as any in that Time ; which he 
 Iccms to have left as an Inheritance to that Noble Family that has de- 
 Icended from bim. Thefe inform, that he was indided of Burglary, 
 as well as Treafon ; for having broken the Houfe in his Monailcr^' 
 where the Plate was kept, and taken it out, which as Sir William Tho- 
 mas fays, was fent to clie- Rebels. The Evidence being brought to the 
 Jury, who (as Sir John JRuJfei writes,) were as good and worthy Men 
 as had ever been on any Jury in that County ; they found him Guilty. 
 He was carried to the Place of Execution, near his own Monaflery j 
 where (as the Sheriff writes,) he acknowledged his Guilt, and begged 
 God and the King Pardon for it. The Abbat of Colchejler was alfo 
 attainted of High Treafon. What the Particulars were I cannot tell. 
 For the Record of their Attainders was loft. But fome of our own 
 Writers dcfervc a fevere Cenfure, who Write, It was for denying the 
 King's Supremacy ; whereas if they had not undertaken to Write the 
 Hiftory without any Information at all, they mull have fcen that the 
 whole Clergy, but moft particularly the Abbats, had over and over 
 again acknowledged the King's Supremacy. 
 
 For clearing which and dilcovering the Impudence of Sanders Re- 
 lation of this Matter, I iLall lay before the Reader, the Evidences that 
 I find of the Submiflionof thefe and all the other Abbats to the King's 
 Supremacy : Firit, in the Convocation, in the %%6. Year of this Reign, 
 they all acknowledged the King, Supream Head of the Church of Eng- 
 land. They did all alfo fwear to maintain the A6t of the Succeflion of 
 the Crown, made in the 15 th Year of his Reign, in which the Pope's 
 Power was plainly condemned. For in the Proceedings againft More and 
 Fijher, it was frequently repeated to them, that all the Clergy had 
 fworn it. It is alfo entred in the Journal of the Houfe of Lords, thac 
 all the Members of both Houfes fwore it at their Breaking up : And the 
 fame Journals inform us, that the Abbats of Colchejler and Reading fac 
 in that Parliament, and as there was no Proteftation made againft any 
 of the Ads parted in that Seftion, fo it is often entred, that the ACti 
 were agreed to by the Unanimous Confent of the Lords. It appears 
 alfo by feveral Original Letters, that the Heads of all the Religious 
 Houfes in England had Sij^ned that Pofition, That the Pope had no more 
 Jurifdidion in this Kingdom^ than any Foreign Bifhop whatfoever. And 
 it was rejected by none but fome Carthujtans, and Francifcans of the 
 Ohfervance, who were proceeded againft, for refufing to acknowledge 
 it : When they were fo prefted in it, none can imagine that a Parlia- 
 mentary Abbat would have been difpenced with. And in the laft 
 Parliament, in which the fccond Oath about the Succeftion to the 
 Crown was cnaded, it was added, That they fhouid alfo fwear the King 
 to be the Supream Head of the Church. The Abbats of Glaflenhury 
 and Reading were then prefent, as appears by the Journals, and con- 
 fented to it : So little Reafon there is for Imagining that they refu- 
 fed that, or any other Compliance that might fecure them in their 
 Abbeys. 
 
 In particular, the Abbat of Reading had fo got into Cromwe/rs good 
 Opinion, that in fome Differences between him and Shaxton Bilhop of 
 Salisbury.^ that was Cnmveirs Creature, he had thc,better of the Bidiop. 
 
 F f 1 Upon
 
 2 20 The Hiflory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 IC27. Upon which, ShaxtoM, who was a proud ill-natured Man, wrote an 
 K^'V^ high expoilulating Letter to Cromwell^ " Ckjmplaining of an Injundion 
 " he had granted againft him at the Abbat's defire. He alio (hewed 
 " that in feme Contefts between him and his Refidentiaries, and bc- 
 " tween him and the Major of Salisbury, Cromwell was always againfl 
 " him : He likewife Challenged him for not Anfwering his Letters. 
 " He tells him, God will judge him for abufing his Power as he did ; 
 *' he prays God to have Pity on him, and to turn his Heart, with a great 
 " deal more provoking Language.' He alio adds many infolcnt Praifes 
 of himlelf ; and his whole Letter is as extravagant a Piece of Vanity 
 and Infolcnce, as ever I faw. To this Cromwell wrote an Anlwer, that 
 (hews him to have been indeed a great Man. The Reader will find it 
 in the Colledlion, and fee from it how Modeftly and Diicreetly he car- 
 Colkft. ried his Greatnefs. 
 Ntmb. 8. g^j. j^Q^ juftly foever thefe Abbats were attainted, the feizing on 
 
 their Abbey-Lands, purfuant to thofe Attainders, was thought a great 
 Stretch of Law ; fince the Offence of an Eccle(ja(lical Incumbent is a 
 Perfonal Thing, and cannot prejudice the Church' j no more than a 
 lecular Man, who is in an Office, does by being attainted, bring any 
 Diminution of the Rights of his Office on his Succeffors. It is true 
 there were fome Words caft into the thirteenth Adt of the Parliament, 
 in the a6th Year of this Reign, by which divers Offences were made 
 Treafon, that feemed to have been defigned for fuch a Purpofe. The 
 Words are, that whatfoever Lands any Traytor had of any EJlate of In- 
 heritance in Ufe or Poffefton, hy any Right, title or Means, (hould be 
 forfeited to the King. By which, as it is certain, Eftates in Tayl were 
 comprehended, fo the Lands that any Traytor had in FofTelTion or Ufe, 
 feem to be included ; and that the rather, becaufe by fome following 
 Words their Heirs and SuccefTors are for ever excluded. This either 
 was not thought on when the Bifliop of Rochefler was attainted, 6t 
 perhaps was not claimed, fmce the King intended not to leflen the Num- 
 ber of Bifhopricks, but rather to increafe them. Bcfides, the Words 
 of the Statute fcem only to belong to an Eflate of Inberitance : within 
 which, Church-Benefices could not be included, without a great Force 
 put on them. 'Tis true the Word Succeffor favoured thefe Scifures, 
 except that be thought an expletory Word put in, out of Form, but flill 
 to be limited to an Eftate of Inheritance. That Word does alfb import, 
 that fuch Criminals might have SuccefTors. But if the whole Abbey- 
 was forfeited thefe Abbats could have no SuccefTors : Yet it feems the 
 Seifures of thefe Abbeys were founded on that Statute, and this Stretch 
 of the Law occafioned that Explanation, which was added of the Words 
 Eflate of Inheritance, in the Statute made in Edward the Sixth's Reign 
 about Trcafons : Where it is exprefTed that Traitors fhould forfeit to 
 the Crown, what Lands they had of any Eflate of Inheritance, to which 
 is added in their own Right, it feems on Defign to cut off all Pretence 
 for fuch Proceeding for the Future, as had been in this Reign. But if 
 there were any Illegality in thefe Seifures, the following Parliament did 
 at leaft tacitly juftific them. For they excepted out of the Provifo's 
 made concerning the Abbeys that were fupprefTed, fuch as had been 
 Forfeited and Seized on by any Attainders of Treafon. 
 
 Another Surrender is not unlike thefe, but rather lefs Juftifiable. 
 Many of the Carthuftaa Monks of London were executed for their open 
 denying of the King's Supremacy, and for receiving Books from Fo- 
 reign
 
 Book III. of the Church of Yinghnd. 231 
 
 reign Parts againft Jiis Marriage and other Proceedings ; divers alfo of i5?8. 
 the fame Houfe, that favoured them, but fo fecretly, that clear Proof '^^'V'v^ 
 could not be found to convidl them, were kept Prifoners m their CeJls, 
 till they dyed. But the Prior was a worthy Man, of whom Thomas 
 BeJyl^ one of the Vifitors, writes, that be ivas a Man of fuch Charity 
 that he had not jeen the like, and that ihe Eyes of the People ivere much 
 on that Houfe ^ and therefore he advifed that the Houfe might he converted 
 tofome goodUfe. But the Prior was made to refign, with this Preamble, 
 
 * That many of that Houfe had offended the King, fo that their goods 
 ' might be juftly confifcated, and themfelves adjudged to a leverc 
 
 * Death : which they defired to avoid, by an humble Submilfion and 
 
 * Surrender of their Houfe to the King. ' But there were great Com- 
 plaints made of the Vifitors, as if they had pradifed with the Abbats 
 and Priors to make thele Surrenders : and that they had confpired with 
 them to cheat the King, and had privately embezzled moft of the PJatc 
 and Furniture. The Abbefs of Cheapfloiv complained in particular of 
 TioGtox London, one of the Vifitors, that he had been corrupting her 
 Nuns : and generally it was cryed out on, that Under-Hand and Ill-Pra- 
 £t\cts were ufed. Therefore to quiet thefe Reports, and to give fome 
 Colour to juftifie what they were about, all the foul Stories that could 
 be found out, were publiilied to defame thefe Houfes. Battel- Ahhty 
 was reprefented to be a little Sodom ; fo Was Chrift-Church in Canter- 
 lury^ with feveral other Houfes.. But for Whoredom and Adultery they 
 found Inflances without Number ; and of many other unnatural Pra- 
 <5iices and fecret Lufts, with Arts to hinder Conceptions and make 
 Abortions. But no Story became lb publick, as a Difcovery made of 
 the Prior of the Croffed Friars in London ; who on a Friday at eleven a 
 Clock in the Day was found in Bed with a Whore. He fell down on 
 his Knees, and prayed thofe who furprized him, not to publilh his 
 Shame : But they had a Mind to make fome Advantage by it, and 
 asked him Money. He gave them ?o lih. which he proteftcd was al4 
 he had, but he promis'd them 30 lib. more : yet failing in the Payment, 
 a Sute followed on it : and in a Bill which I have feen given to Crom- 
 ivelly then Mafter of the Rolls, the cafe is related. 
 
 But all the Stories of this kind ferved only to difgrace thofe Abbats 
 or Monks that were fo faiilty. And the People generally laid, thefe .T^-^"?^''"' 
 were Perfonal Crimes which ought to be puniflied : but they were no cLeatsofthefe 
 way fatisfied with the Juflice of the King's Proceedings, againft whole Houfcsdifco- 
 Houfes for the Faults of a few. Therefore another way was thought "* ' 
 on, which indeed proved more cffedual, both for recovering the Peo- 
 ple out of the Superftitious Fondnefs they had for their Images and 
 Relicks, and for difcovering the fecret Impoflures that had been long 
 pra<itifcd in thefe Houfes. And this was, to order the Vifitors to exa- 
 mine well all the Relicks, and feigned Images, to which Pilgrimages 
 were wont to be made. In this, Dodor London did great Service. 
 From Reading he writes, ' That the chief Relicks of Idolatry in the 
 
 * Nation were there : an Angel with one Wing, that brought over the 
 
 * Spears Head that pierced our Saviour's Side. To which he adds a 
 
 * a long Inventory of their other Relicks, and fays there were as many 
 
 * more as would fill Four Sheets of Paper. He alfo writes from other 
 
 * Places that he had every where taken down their Images and Trinkets. 
 At St. Edmundshnry^ as John ap Rice Informed they found Ibme of the 
 Coals that roafted St. Lawrence, the Parings of St, Edmund's Toes, 
 
 Sc.
 
 232 1 be Hijlory of the Reformation Book UK 
 
 15^8. Sc. Thomas Beckett Penknife, and Boors : with as many Pieces of rive 
 ^-'''^>^^'-' Crols of our Saviour, as would make a large whole Crols. They had 
 alio Relicks againlt Rain, and for hindring weeds to Ipring. But to 
 purfuc this further were endlel's, the Relicks were fo innumerable. And 
 the Value which the People had of them may be gathered from this ; 
 that a Piece of St. Andrew^ Finger fet in an Ounce of Silver, was laid 
 to Pledge by the Houle of Waft acre for 40. lib. but the Vifitors, 
 when they lupprcllcd that Houfe, did not think fit to redeem it at io 
 high a Rate. 
 
 For their Images, fonie of them were brought ro London^ and were 
 
 imagespub- there at St. Paul's Crols in the Sight of all the People, broken ; that 
 
 hckiybroken j.j^^y might be fully convinced of the juglinglmpoftures of the Monks, 
 
 And in particular, the Crucifix of Boxley in Kent, commonly called 
 
 the Rood of Grace ; to which many Pilgrimages had been made, becaufe it 
 
 wasobrcr\cd romctimcsto bow, and to lift it felf up, to fl)ake, and to 
 
 . Air i-icad, Hands, and Feet, to roul the Eyes, move the Lips, and bend 
 
 the Brows : All which were looked on by the abufed Multitude, as the 
 
 EfFcds of a Divine Power. Thefe were now publickly difcovered to 
 
 have been Cheats. For the Springs were Ihewed, by which all thefe 
 
 Motions were made. Upon which John H'tlfey then Bifliop of Rochefler^ 
 
 made a Sermon, and broke the Rood in Pieces. There was alfo another 
 
 fimious Impofturc difcovered at Hales in Glouceflerfhire ; where the 
 
 Blood of Chrift was (hewed in a Viol of Chryftal, which the People 
 
 lomccimesfaw, bucfometimes they could not fee it: So they were made 
 
 /)^/^,Ve/,;^/^y> boiieve, that they were not capable of fo fignal a Favour, as long as they 
 
 were in mortal Sin ; and fo they continued to make Prcfents, till they 
 
 bribed Heaven to give them the Sight of fo blelfed a Rclick. This 
 
 was now difcovered to have been the Blood of a Duck, which they 
 
 renewed every Week : and the one fide of the Viol was fo thick, that 
 
 there was no feeing through it, but the other was clear and tranfparent : 
 
 And it was fo placed near the Altar, that one in a fecret Place liehind, 
 
 could turn either fiJe of it outward. So when they had drained the 
 
 Pilgrims that came thither, of all they had brought with them, then 
 
 they afTorded them the Favour of turning the clear fide outward ; who 
 
 upon that went home very well fatisfied with their Journey, and the 
 
 Expcnce they had been at. There was brought out of fVales a huge 
 
 Image of Wood, called Darvel Gatheren, of which one Ellis Price, 
 
 Vificor of the Diocefs of St. Ajaph, gave this Account. On the 6th of 
 
 April, 1 5 ^7 ; ' That the People of the Country had a great Superfti- 
 
 * tion for it, and many Pilgrimages were made to it : fo that the Day 
 ' before he wrote, there were reckoned ro be above five or fix Hundred 
 
 * Pilgrims there : Some brought Oxen and Cattel, and fome brought 
 
 * Money ; and it was generally believed, that if any oflered to that 
 
 * Image, he had Power to deliver his Soul from Hell,' So it was 
 ordered to be brought to London, where it ferved for Fewel to burn 
 •Fryar Forrefl. There was an huge Image of our Lady at Worcefter, that 
 was had in great Reverence ; which when it was ftript of fome Veils 
 that covered it, was found to be the Statue of a Bifhop. 
 
 Barlow^\?ao\> of St. Ddi/i/s did alfo give many Advertifemcnts of 
 the Superftition of his Country, and of the Clergy and Monks of that 
 Diocefs, who were guilty of Heathenifli Idolatry, grofs Impiety, and 
 Ignorance, and of abufmg the People with many evident Forgeries : 
 about which be faid, be had good Evidence when it Ihould be called 
 
 for.
 
 Book 111. of the Church of England. 222 '* 
 
 for. But tluc which drew moft Pilgrims and Prefcnts in thofe Parts, i^jS. 
 
 was an Image of our Lady, with a Taper in her Hand ; which was WV^-* 
 
 believed to have burnt Nine Years, till one forfwearing himfclf upon it, 
 
 it went out ; and was then much reverenced and worlhipped. He 
 
 found all about the Cathedral lb full of Ibpcrftirious Conceits, that 
 
 there was no Hope of Working on them ,• therefore he propofed 
 
 the tranilacing the Epifcopal i>cat from St. David's to Caerma- 
 
 erden ; which he prelfcd by many Arguments, and in fevcral Letters, 
 
 but with no Succels. Then many rich Shrines of our Lady of Wal- 
 
 Jingham.y of Ipfrich, and IJIhigton, with a great many more, were 
 
 brought up CO London, and burnt by Cromwel's Orders. 
 
 But the richcll Shrine in England^ was that of Thomas Becket^ called ThomasBuket'i, 
 Sz. thorn js of Canterbury the Martyr : who being raifcd up by King ^''''^"^^^°''°"' 
 Henry the 2d, to the Archbiibopnck of Canterbury^ did afterwards 
 give that King much Trouble, by oppofing his Authority, and exalting 
 the Pope's. And though he once confented to the Articles agreed on 
 at Clarendon, for bearing down the Papal, and fecuring the Regal Pow- 
 er ; yet he loon after repented of that only Piece of Loyalty, of which 
 he was Guilty all the while he was Arch-Bilhop. He fled to the Pope^ 
 who received him as a Confelfor for the dcarefl Article of the Roman 
 BeHef : The King and Kingdom were Excommunicated ; and put under 
 an Interdift upon his Account. But afterwards, upon the Interceflion 
 of the French King, King Henry and he were reconciled, and the In- 
 terdid: was taken off. Yet his unquiet Spirit could take no Reft, for 
 he was no fooner at Canterbury, than he began to embroil the Kingdom 
 again : and was proceeding by Cenfures againft the Arch-Bifhop of 
 Tbrk, and Ibme other Bifhops, for Crowning the King's Son in his 
 Abfence. Upon the News of that, the King being then in Normandyy 
 faid, If he hud faithful Servants, he ivould not be fo troubled with fuch 
 a Frieft ; whereupon fome zealous or officious Courriers, came over 
 and killed him : For which, as the King was made to undergo a fcvere 
 Penance, lb the Monks were not wanting in their ordinary Arts to give 
 out many miraculous .Stories concerning his Blood. This loon drew 
 a Canonization from Rome ; and he being a Martyr for the Papacy, 
 was more extolled than all the Apoftles or Primitive Saints had ever 
 been. So that for 500 Y^'ears, he was accounted one of the greatcft 
 Saints in Heaven, as may appear from the Accounts in the Leiger- 
 Books, of the Offerings made to the three greateft Altars in Chrift*s 
 Church in Canterlury. The one was to Chrifl:, the other to the Virgin, 
 and the third to Sc. Thomas. In one Year there was oflered at Chrift's 
 Altar, 7,1. xs. Qd. To the Virgin's Altar, 6}/.^x. 6d. But to 
 St. Thomases Altar 8?i /. l^ s. ^ d. But the next Year the odds grew 
 greater ; for there was not a Penny offered at Chrift's Altar, and at the 
 Virgin's, only 4 /. i j. 8^. But at St. Thomas's 9^4/. 6 j. 3 d. By 
 fuch Offerings it came, that his Shrine was of ineftimable Value. 
 There was one Stone offered there by Lewis the 7th of France, who 
 came over to vifit it, in a Pilgrimage, that was believed the richeft ia 
 Europe. Nor did they think it enough to give him one Day in the Ka- 
 lendar the 19th of December; but unufual Honours were devifod, for 
 this Martyr of the Liberties of the Church, greater than any that had 
 been given to the Martyrs for Chriftianity, The Day of raifing his 
 Body, or, as they called it, of his Tranflation, being the 7th of July^ 
 was not only a Holy-Day, but every 50th Year, there was a Jubilee 
 
 foe
 
 22± • The Hi jiory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 i^;8. for I s t>^ys together, and Indulgence was granted, to all that came to 
 ^-^■"V^ vifit his Shrine : as appears from the Record of the Sixth Jubilee after his 
 ia»,«r'sAnn-Tranflation, Anno 14x0; which bears, that there were then about an 
 quitiesotcaw. Hundred Thouland Strangers come to vilit his Tomb. The Jubilee 
 '"'"V- began at twelve a Clock on the Vigil of the Feaft, andlafted fifteen 
 Days. Ey fuch Arts they drew an incredible deal of Wealth to his 
 Shrine. The Riches of that, together with hisdifloyal Fradiccs, made 
 the King relolve both to Un-Shrine and Un-Saint him at once. And then 
 his Skull, which had been much VVorfhipped, was found an Impoflure. 
 For the true Skull was lying with the reft of his Bones in his Grave. 
 The Shrme was broken down, and carried away ; the Gold that was 
 about it, filling two Cherts, which were fo heavy, that they were a 
 load to eight llrong Men to carry them out of the Church. And his 
 Cones were, as fome fay, burnt, fo it was underftood at Rome ; but 
 others fay, they were fo mixed with other dead Bones, that it would 
 have been a Miracle indeed to have diftinguilh'd them afterwards. 
 The King alio ordered his Name to be ftruckout of the Kalendar, and 
 the Oirice for his Feftivity to be daflit out of all Breviaries. And thus 
 was the Supcrftition of England to Images and Relicks extirpated. 
 New Articles Yct the King took Care to qualifie the Diftafte which the Articles 
 Jubiifhed """"publiflied the former Year had given. And though there was no Parlia- 
 ment in the Year 1 5n» V^^ ^\\tK.Q. was a Convocation ; upon the Con- 
 clufion of which, there was printed an Explanation of the chief Points 
 of Religion, Sign'd by both the Arch-bifhops, and feventecn Bifhops, 
 eight Arch Deacons, and feventecn Dodors of Divinity and Law. 
 In which there was an Expofition of the Creed, the feven Sacraments, 
 the ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Salutation of the 
 ' Virgin, with an Account of Juftification and Purgatory. But this Work 
 
 was put in a better Form Afterwards, where the Reader will find a 
 more particular Account of it. When all thefe Proceedings of the 
 King's were known at Rone, all the Satyrical Pens there were employed 
 Inveftives a-to paint him our, as the moft infamous facrilegious Tyrant that ever 
 gainftthcKing^y^g^ They rcprefcntcd him as one that made War with FJeaven, and 
 r«»;" " the Saints that were there : That committed Outrages on the Bodies 
 of the Saints, which the Hcathenifli Romans would have punifhed 
 feverely upon any that committed the like onthofe that were dead, how 
 mean or bad foever they had been. All his Proceedings againft the 
 Priefts or Monks that were attainted and executed for High-Treafon, 
 were rcprefcntcd as the Efiedts of favage and barbarous Cruelty. His 
 lupprefling the Monafteries, and devouring what the Devotion of former 
 Ages had confecrated to God, and his Saints, was called ravenous and 
 impious Sacrilege ; nor was there any thing omitted that could make 
 him appear to Poftcrity, the blackeft Tyrant that ever wore a Crown. 
 They compared him to Pharaohy Nehuchadoncfor, Beljkazzar^ Neroy 
 Domitian, and Dioclefian ; but chiefly to Julian the Apoftate. This laft 
 Parallel liked them bcft, and his Learning, his Apoftacy, and Pretence 
 of Reforming, were all thought copied from "Julian; only they faid 
 his Manners were worl'e. Thefe Things were every Day printed at 
 Rome, and the Informations that were brought out of England wero 
 generally addreffed to Cardinal Pool, whole Style was alio known in 
 fome of them. All which pofTcft the King with the dccpcft and moft 
 implacable Hatred to him that ever he bore to any Perfon ; and did pro- 
 voke him to all thofe Severities that followed on his Kindred and Family. 
 
 But
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 235 
 
 But the Malice of the Court of /?o»3f tlici not (lop there. For now isj8. 
 the Pope pubhlhed all thofc Thunders which he had thrcatncd three *»-''~V"'w 
 Years before. The Bull of Depofition is printed in Cheruhin's Bulla re-^'"'^-^^^-^- 
 rum Romananmy which fincQ many have chc Confidence to deny Matters 
 of Fad", though moft publickly aded, ihall be found m the Collcdtion 
 Papers, the Subftancc of it is as follows. * The Pope being God's 
 Vicar on Earth ; and according to Jeremy's Prophecy, fet over Na- 
 tions and Kingdoms, to root out and dejlroy •, and haying the Supream '^^^ Pope's 
 Power over nil the Kings in the whole i'Vorld ; was bound to proceed the kfng"'^ 
 to due Correction, when milder Courfes were incffedtual : therefore 
 fince King Henry, who had been formerly a Dejtnder of the Faith, had 
 fallen from it ,• had contrary to an Inhibition made, put rway his 
 Queen, and married one Anne Eoleiny and had made impious and 
 hurtful Laws ; denying the Pope to be the Supream Head of the 
 Church, but afluming that Title to himfelf j and had required all his 
 Subjc-ds under Pain of Death to fwear it ; and had put the Cardinal 
 of Rochejler to Death, becaufe he would not confent to thefe Herefies • 
 and by all thefe things had rendred himfelf uiiworthy of his Regal 
 Dignity ; and had hardned his Heart (^as t'haraoh did) againft all the 
 Admonitions of Pope Clement the 7th : therefore Imce thefe his Crimes 
 were fo notorious, He, in Imitation of what the Apoftle did to Elimas 
 the Magician, proceeds to fuch Cenfures as he had deferved ; and 
 with the Advice of his Cardinals, does firfl exhort him and all his 
 Complices, to return from their Errours, to annull the Ad:s lately 
 made, and to proceed no farther upon them : which he requires him 
 and them to do, under the Pains of Excommunication and Rebellion, 
 and of the King's lofing his Kingdom, whom he required within 90 
 Days, to appear at Rome, by himfelf or Proxy, and his Complices 
 within 60 Days, to give an Account of their Adlions ; otherwife he 
 would then proceed to a further Sentence againft them. And declares ' 
 that if the King and his Complices do not appear, he has fallen from 
 the right to his Crown, and they from the right to their Eftates ; and 
 when they die, they were to be denied Chriftian Burial. He puts 
 the whole Kingdom under an Interdid ; and declares all the King's 
 Children by the faid Anne, and the Children of all his Complices, 
 to be under the fame Pains, though they be now under Age ,- and 
 incapacitates them for all Honours or Employments ; and declares all 
 the Subjeds or Vaflals of the King's or his Complices, abfolved from 
 all Oachs or Obligations to them, and requires them to acknowledge 
 them no more. And declares him and them Infamous, fo that they 
 might neither be Witnefles nor make Wills. He requires all other 
 Perfons to have no Dealings with him or them, neither by Trading, 
 nor any other way, under the Pain of Excommunication ; the annul- 
 ling their Contrads, and the expofing Goods fo Traded in, to all 
 that (hould catch them. And that ail Clergy- men Ihould within five 
 Days after the Expiration of the Time prefixed, go out of the King- 
 dom ; (leaving only fo many Pricfis as would be neceflary for Baptiz- 
 ing Infants, and giving the Sacrament to fuch as died In Penitence} 
 under the Pains of Excommunicati'in ?.id Deprivation. And Charges 
 all Noble-Men and others in his Domirvons, under the fame Pains, 
 to rife up in Arms againfi: him, and to drive him out of his Kingdom ; 
 and that none fhould take Arm'; for him, or any way alFifl: him : and 
 Declares all other Princes abfolved from any Confederacies made, or 
 
 G g ro
 
 2q6 The Hijlory of the Reformation Book III; 
 
 I 
 
 ii 
 
 ' to be made, with him ; and earneftly obtefts the Emperor and all 
 ' Kings, and requires other Princes, under the former Pains, to trade 
 
 * no more with him ; and in cafe of their Difobedience, he puts their 
 
 * Kingdoms under an Interdift. And requires ail Princes and MiHtary 
 
 * Perlons, in the virtue of Holy Obedience, to make War upon him, 
 
 * and to force him to return to the Obedience of the Apoftolick See ; 
 
 * and to feize on all Goods or Merchandizes belonging to the King or 
 
 * his Complices, where-ever they could find them ; and that fuch of 
 
 * his Subje£ls that were feized on, ftiould be made Slaves. And requires 
 
 * all Bifhops, three Days after the Time that was fet down was elapG 
 
 * ed, to intimate this Sentence in all their Churches, with putting out 
 
 * of Candles, and other Ceremonies that ought to be ufed, in the raofl: 
 
 * folemn and publick manner that might be. And all who hindred the 
 
 * Publication of this Sentence, are put under the fame Pains. He or- 
 
 * dained this Sentence to be affixed at Rome, Tournay, and Dunkirk, 
 
 * which fhouldftand for a fufficient Publication; and concludes, that if 
 
 * any Ihould endeavour to oppoft, or enervate any of the Premifes, he 
 
 * fhould incur the Indignation of Almighty God, and the Holy Apo- 
 
 * files, St.ff/frand Paul. Dated at Rome the 30th of Jlugufl 153^- 
 But the Pope found the Princes of ChriftenJom liked the Precedent, of 
 ufing a King in that manner, fo ill, that he fufpended the Execution of 
 this Bull till this Time, that the Suppreflion of Abbies, and the burning 
 of Thomas Beckeis Bones (for it was fo reprefented at Rome, though 
 our Writers fay ihcy were buried ,•) did fo inflame the Pope, that he 
 could forbear no longer ; and therefore by a new Sentence he did all he 
 could to fhake hira in his Throne. 
 
 The Preamble of it was, * That as our Saviour had Pity on St. Pr/^r 
 ' after his Fall, fbit became St. Peter\ Succeflbrs to imitate our Saviour 
 
 * in his Clemency ; and that therefore, though he having heard of King 
 
 * Henrys Crimes, had proceeded to a Sentence againft him ; (^Here the 
 
 * former Bull was recited.} Yet fome other Princes who hoped he might 
 
 * be reclaimed by gentler Methods, had interpofed for a Sufpenfion of 
 ' the Sentence ; and he being eafie to believe, what he fb earneftly de- 
 
 * fired, had upon their Interceflion, fufpended it. But now he found 
 
 * they had been deceived in their Hopes, and that he grew worle and 
 
 * worfe; and had done fuch Difhonour to the Saints, as to raife St. 77;o- 
 
 * mas of Canterbury's Body, to arraign him of High Treatbn, and to 
 
 * burn his Body, and Sacrilegioufly to rob the Riches that bad been offe- 
 
 * red to his Shrine, as alfo to fupprcfs St. Auflins Abbey in Canterhury ; 
 ' and that having thruft out the Monks, he had put in wild Beafts into 
 
 * their Grounds, having transformed himfelf into a Beaft. Therefore 
 
 * he takes off the Sufpenfion, and publiflies the Bull, commanding it to 
 
 * be executed : Declaring that the affixing it at Diepe or Bulloign in 
 ' France, at St. Anrirews or Calliftren, Cthat is Calljiream, a Town near 
 
 * the Border of England,) in Scotland, or Tuam, or Artifert in Ireland^ 
 
 * or any two of thefe, fhould be a fufficient Publication. Dated the 
 
 * 17th of December, Anno Dom. 1538. 
 
 I No Man can read thefe Bulls, but he muft conclude, that if tiie Pope 
 
 «! ■ ' be the Infallible and Univerfal Paftor of the Church, whom all are 
 
 bound to obey, he has a full Authority over all Kings, to proceed to the 
 highefl Cenfures poffiblc; and fince the Matters of Fa£l, enumerated 
 in the Sentence as the Grounds of it, were certainly true ; then the Pope 
 is either cloathcd with the Powers of Depofing Princes, or if other - 
 
 wife.
 
 Book III. of thi Church 0/ England. 237 
 
 wife, helyed to the World when he pretended to it thus, and taug!it n;^8. 
 falfe Dodrinc, which cannot ftand with Infalhbility : And tlie pretend- ^^"^tn^ 
 ed Grounds of tlie Sentence as to matter of Faft, being evidemiy true, 
 this muft be a juft Sentence ; and therefore all that acknowledged the 
 Infallibility of that See, were bound to obey it, and all tlie Rebellions 
 that followed, during the Reign of the King or his Children, were 
 founded on this Sentence, and mufl: be juftified by it ; otherwife the 
 Pope's Infallibility mull: fall to tlie Ground. But this was to be laid 
 for the Pope, that though he had raifed the feveral Branches of this Sen- 
 tence, higher than any of his Predecellors had ever done ; yet as to the 
 main he had veiy good and authcntick Precedents for what he did, from 
 the Depofitions of Emperours or Kings, tint were made by former 
 Popes for about 500 Years together. This 1 thought necdtul to be 
 more fully opened, becaufe of the prefent Circumftances we are now in , 
 fince hereby every one that will confider Things, mull: needs fee, that the 
 belief of the Pope's Infallibility does necefTarily infer the Acknowledg- 
 ment of their Power of depofing Heretical Kings. For it is plain, 
 the Pope did this ex Cathedra, and as a Pallor feeding and corredinc his 
 l?lock. 
 
 But not content with this, healfo wrote to other Princes, inflaming 
 them againft the King ; particularly to the Kings of France and Scot- 
 ianJ. To the laft of thefe he fent a Breve, declaring King Henry an 
 Heretlck, a Schifinatick, a manifeft Adulterer, a publick Murtherer, a 
 Rebel, and convia of High Treafdn againft him, the Pope his Lord j sc»f'^' "'^' 
 for which Crimes he had depoled him, and offered his Dominions to 
 him, if he would go and invade them. And thus the Breach between 
 him and the Pope was paft reconciling j and at Rome it was declared 
 equally meritorious to fight againft him, as againft the Turk. But 
 Card. Pool made it more meritorious in his Book. Yet the Thunders 
 of the Vatican had now loft their Force ,• fb that thefe had no other Ef- 
 fe£l but to enrage the King more againft all fuch as were fufpefted to 
 favour their Interefts, or to hold any Correfpondence with Cardinai 
 Tool. Therefore he firft procured a Declaration againft the Pope's Pre- 
 tenfions, to be figned by all the Bilhops of England: In which, after 
 they had declared againft the Pope's Ecclefiaftical Jurifdielion, upon the 
 Grounds formerly touched, they concluded, ' That the People ought jhcCiergf 
 
 * tobc inftrufled, that Chrift did exprefly forbid his Apoftles or their in eW-'"''' ' 
 
 * SuccelTors to take to themillves the Power of the Sword, or the Au- ^,^>'ft^th-i^ 
 
 * thority of Kings, And that, if the BiPnop of Rome, or any other ^"" 
 
 * Bilhop affumed any fuch Power, he was a Tyrant and Ulurper of 
 
 * other Mens Rights, and a Subverter of the Kingdom of Chrift. This 
 was fubfcribed by 19 Bifhops, Call that were then in England) and 2<; 
 Doftors ot Divinity and Law. It was at fome Time before May 15^8. 
 For Edward Fox Bifhop of Hereford^ who was one that hgned it, died 
 the 8th of May that Year. There was no Convocation called by Writ 
 for doing this. For as t'lcre is no meaiion of any fbch Writ in the 
 Regifters, fo if it had been done by Convocation, Cromwell had figncd it 
 firft ; but his Hand not being at it, it is more probable that a meeting 
 of the Clergy was called by the King's Miflive Letters ; or that, as was 
 once done before, the Paper was drawn at London^ and fmc over the 
 Kingdom to the Epifcopal VceSj fm the liifnop's Hands to it, 
 
 Cg i. Ther«
 
 238 The Bijiory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1558. There is another Originaal Paper extant, flgned at this Time by 
 
 ^-'""V^i Eight Bilhops ; from which I conjefture thofe were all that were then 
 
 co.'/fff^. Num. about London. It was to fhcw, ' That by the Commiffion which 
 
 »o. * Chrift gave to Church- men, they were only Minifters of his Gofpel, 
 
 ' to inftrudl the People in the Purity of the Faith : But that by other 
 
 ' Places of Scripture, the Authority of Chriftian Princes over all their 
 
 * Subjefts, as wellBifhops and Priefts, as others, was alfo clear. And 
 
 * that the Bifhops and Priefts have charge of Souls within their Cures; 
 
 * Power to adminifter Sacraments, and to teach the Word of God : To 
 
 * the which Word of God, Chi iftian Princes acknowledge themfelves 
 ' fubjedl ; and that in cafe the Bi(hops be negligent, it is the Chriftian 
 
 ' * Prince's Office to lee them do their Duty. This being figned by John 
 
 Hilfey Biftiop of Rochefier, muft be after the Year 15 57, in which he 
 was Confcecrated ; and Latimer and Hhaxton alio figning, it muft be be- 
 fore the Year i ^59, in which they religned. But I believe it was figned 
 at the fame Time that the other was ; And the Defign of it was, to 
 refute thofe Calumnies fpread at Rome^ as if the King had wholly fup- 
 preffed all Ecclefiaftical Officers, and denied them any Divine Authori- 
 ty, making them wholly dependent on the Civil Power, and aSing by 
 Commiffion only from him. And therefore they explained the Limits 
 of both thefe Powers, in fo clear and moderate a Way, that it muft 
 have flopt the Mouths of all Oppofers. But whether there was any * 
 publick Ufe made of this Paper, I can by no Means difcover. 
 The Bible The King did alfo fet forward the Printing of the Englifh Bible, 
 printed in which was finifhed this Year, at London, by Grafton the Prmter, who 
 Engiijh. printed i ^00 of them at his own Charge. This Bible Cromwell pre- 
 Tented to the King, and procured his Warrant, allowing all his Sub- 
 jects, in all his Dominions, to read it, without Controul or Hazard. 
 For which, the Archbifhop wrote Cromwell a Letter of moft hearty 
 Thanks, ' dated the ijth of Jugull. Who did now rejoyce that he 
 ' Taw this Day of Reformation, which he concluded was now rilen in 
 
 * England fince the Light of God's Word did ftiine over it without any 
 
 * Cloud. The Tranflation had been fent over to France to be Printed 
 at Paris, the Workmen in England not being judged able to do it as it 
 ought to be. Therefore in the Year is37' it was recommended to 
 Bonner'^s Care, who was then Ambaflador at Paris, and was much in 
 Cromwell's Favour, who was letting him up againft Gardiner. He 
 procured the King of France's Leave to print it at Paris in a large Vo- 
 lume ; but upon a Complaint made by the French Clergy, the Prefs 
 was ftopt, and moft of the Copies were feized on, and publickly 
 burnt; but fome Copies were conveyed out of the Way, andthcWork- 
 
 Kew Injun- jnen and Forms were brought over to England; where it was now 
 
 byX^King! fiiiilhed and publifhed. And Injunftions were given out in the King's 
 
 Name, by Cromveell, to all Incumbents, * to provide one of thefe Bi- 
 
 o//(ff.Num. i jjjgg^ 2f,d fet it up publickly in the Church, and not to hinder or dif- 
 
 ' courage the reading of it, but to encourage all Perlbns to perule it, as 
 
 * being the true lively Word of God, which every Chriftian ought to 
 ' believe, embrace, and follow, if he expefted to be laved. And all 
 
 * were exhorted, not to make Contefts about the Expofition or Sence of 
 
 * any difficult Place, but to refer that to Men of higher Judgment in the 
 ' Scriptures. Then fome other Rules were added, about inftrudting 
 
 * the People in the Principles of Religion, by teaching the Creed, the 
 ' Lord's Prayer, and Ten Commandments in En^ijh: And that ineve-
 
 ■ y — — — 
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 239 
 
 ry Church there Qiould be a Sermon made every quarter of a Year at 
 leaft, to declare to the People the true Golpel of Chrift, and to exhort 
 them to the Works of Charity, Mercy, and Faith ; and not to trull 
 in other Mens Works, or Filgrimages to Images, or Relicks, or 
 laying over Beads, which they did not underftand ; fince thele 
 Things tended to Idolatry and Superftition, which of all Offences did 
 moft provoke God's Indignation. They were to take down all Imag- 
 es, which were abufed by Hlgrinftges, or Offerings made to them ; 
 and to fuffer no Candles to be let before any Image; only there 
 might be Candles before the Crofs, and before the Sacrament, and a- 
 bout the Sepulchre : And they were to inftru£l the People, that Ima- 
 ges ferved only as the Books of the unlearned, to be Remembrances 
 of the Converfations of them whom they reprefented ; bat if they 
 made any other ule of Images, it was Idolatry ; for remedying where- 
 of, as the King had already done in part, fo he intended to do more 
 for the abolifhing fuch Images, which might be a great Offence to 
 God, and a Danger tto^ the Souls of his Subjefts. And if any of 
 them had formerly magnified fuch Images, or Pilgrimages, to fuch 
 Purpofes, they were ordered openly to recant, and acknowledge, that 
 in laying fuch Things they had been led by no Ground in Scripture ; 
 but were deceived by a vulgar Error, which had crept into the 
 Church, through the Avarice of thofe who had Profit by it. They 
 were alfo to difcover all fuch as were Letters of the reading of God's 
 Word in Englifh^ or hindred the Execution of thefe Injunctions. Then 
 followed Orders for keeping of Regifters in their Parifhes ; for Read- 
 ing all the King's Injundions once every Quarter at leaft: That none 
 were to alter any of the Holy-Days, without Direftions from the 
 King: And all the Eves of the Holy-Days formerly abrogated, were 
 declared to be no Faffing- Days : The Commemoration of Thomas 
 Becket was to be clean omitted : The kneeling for the Ave's after 
 Sermon were alio forbidden, which were faid in hope to obtain the 
 Pope's Pardon. And whereas in their Proceflions they ufed to fay fo 
 many Suffrages, with an Ora pro nobis to the Saints, by which they 
 had not Time to fay the Suffrages to God himfelf, they were to teach 
 the People, that it were better to omit the Ora pro nohis^ and to fing 
 the other Suff^rages which were mofl necelTary and moft effe£lual. 
 Thefe Injundions ffruck at three main Points of Popery, containing 
 Encouragements to the Vulgar, to read the Scriptures in a known 
 Tongue, and putting down all Worffiipof Images, and leaving it free 
 for any Curate to leave out the Suffrages to the Saints. So that they 
 were looked on as a deadly Blow to that Religion. But now thole of 
 that party did fo artificially comply with the King, that no Advantages 
 could be found againftany of them for their Dilobedience, The King 
 was MafteratHome, and no more to be difobeyed. He had not only 
 broken the Rebellion of his own Subjefts, and (ecured himfelf by Al- 
 liance, from the Dangers threatned him by the Pope ,• but all their Ex- 
 peftations from the Lady Mary were now clouded : For on the 12 th of 
 O^oher I $37, Qicen JaHe\u6 born him a Son, who was Chriftned Prince £^»- 
 Edward 'y the Archbilhop of Canterbury being one of his Godfathers. «''/ born. 
 This very much encouraged all that were for Reformation, and dil- 
 hcartncd thofe who were againft it. But the Joy for this young Prince 
 was qualified by the Queen's Death, two Days after, which afflid^ed 
 the King very much ; for of all his Wives Ihe was the dearcft to him. 
 
 And
 
 240 2 he Hiflory of the Reformdtion Book III. 
 
 i<^:j§. And his Grief for that Lofs is given aitheKeafon, why he continued 
 ^-'''VN* two Years a Widower. But others thought he had not fo much Tcn- 
 dcrnclsin his Natwre, a. to be much or long troubled for any thing. 
 Tl.creforetheSlownefs of his Marrying was afcribed to feme Reafbns 
 of State. But the Birth of thePiiiice was a great Difappointment to 
 all thole whoic Hopes rcfted on the Lady /J/^r/s fucceeding her Father: 
 Therefore they lubmiited themfelves with more than ordinary Compli- 
 ance to the King. 
 Great Com- Gardiner was as bufie as any in declaiming againft the Religious 
 piances by Houles, and took Occaiion in many of his Sermons ro commexia the 
 the popiih -prj^g j-Qj. fuppieffing them : The Archbifliop of Tork had recovered 
 hicnfclt" at Court ; and I do not find that lie interpoled in the SuppreC- 
 fion of any of the Religious Houfes, except Hexham, about which he 
 wrote to Cromivelly that it was a great Sanftuary when the Scots made 
 Inroads : And fo he thought that the continuing of it might be of great 
 Ufe to the King. He added in that Letter, ' 'Ihat he did carefully fi- 
 
 * lence all the Preachers of Novelties. But fome of thefe boalled, that 
 
 * they would fhortly have Licences from the King, as he heard they had 
 
 * already from the Archbifhop of Canterhury; but he defircd Cromnetl 
 
 * to prevent that Milchicf. This is ail that 1 find of him. 
 
 There is a Pardon granted to Stokejly Billiop of London, on the jd of 
 July, in the ^oth Year of his Reign, being this Year, for having afled 
 by ComaiiflTion from Rome, and lued out Bulls from thence. If thefe 
 Crimes were done before the Separation from Rome, they were remitted 
 by tlie "General Pardon. If he took a particular Fardcn, it leems 
 flrange that it was not enrolled till now. But I am apt to believe it 
 was raiher the Omiffion of a Clerk, than his being guilty of fuch a 
 Tranfgreflion about this Time ; for I fee no caufe to think the King 
 would have pardoned fuch a Crime in a Bilhop, in thofe Days. All 
 that Party had now, by their Compliance and Submiffion, gained fo 
 much on the King, that he began to turn more to their Counfels, than 
 he had done of late Years, Gardiner was returned from Fnihce, where 
 he had been AmbafiTador for fome Years ; He had been alio in the Empe- 
 ror's Court, and there were violent P. efumptions, that he had (ecrctly 
 reconciled himlclf to the Pope, and entered into a Correfpondence 
 with him. For one of the Legates Servants difcourfcd of it at Ratis- 
 lone, to one of Sir Henry Knevets Retinue (who was joined in the 
 EmbaiTy with Gardiner,) whom he took to be Gardiner's Servant, and 
 with whom he had an old Acquaintance. The Matter was traced, and 
 Knevet fpokc with the Itali.m that had fiifl let it fall, and was perfwad- 
 edof the Truth of the Thing : ButCW/«cr fmellingitout, faid, That 
 Italian, upon whofe Teftimony the whole Matter depended, was cor- 
 rupted to ruin him ; and complained of it to the Emperor's Chancel- 
 lor Granvel : Upon \v\\\c\\ Lttdovico (that was the //^//(j«'s Name) was 
 put in Prifon. And it feems the King either looked on it as a Contri- 
 vance of Gardiner\ Enemies, or at leafl: feemed to do fo, for he conti- 
 nued ftill to employ him. Yet on many Occafions he exprefTcd great 
 Contempt of him, and ufcd him not as a Councellor, but as a Slave. But 
 he was a Man of great Cunning, aad had obferved the King's Temper 
 Ga>-/i;i:fr exa£lly, and knew well to take a fit Occafion for moving the King in 
 ftirstpthe any Thing, and could improve it dexteroufly. He therefore reprefented 
 t'hoffcaiTcd^ to the King, that nothing would fofecure him both at Home and A- 
 sacrgminta. broad, againft all Hctctick?, cMif^^yiVtQ Sacratnentaries, (by that Name 
 
 they 
 
 rirt.
 
 Book III. of the Church 0/ England. 241 
 
 they branded all that denied the Corporal Prelence of Chrift in the Eu- 15-38. 
 charift.} And the King being, all his Life, zealous for tlie Belief of ^-^"Vn.# 
 the Corporal Prefence, was the more eafily perfwaded to be fevere on 
 that Head : And the rather, becaufe the Princes of Germany y whofe 
 Friendfhip was neEeflary to him, being al! Lutherafts, his Proceedings 
 againftthe Sacramentartes would give them no Offence. 
 
 An Occafion at that Time prefented it felf as opportunely as they 
 could have wilhed, one John Nkolfon^ alias Lambert^ was then que- And L»m, 
 flioned by the Archbifhop of Canterbury for that Opinion. He had been *^'''>n P«"- 
 Minifter of the Engtifh Company at Antwerp , where being acquainted ^^^"' 
 with Tittdall and tyithy he improved that Knowledge of Religion, 
 which was firfl: infufed in him by Bilney : But Chancellor More orde- 
 red the Merchants to difmifs him ; fo he came over to England, and 
 was taken by fome of Archbifhop fVarharns Officers, and many Arti- 
 cles were objefted to him. But Warham died foon after, and the change 
 of Counfels that followed occafioned his Liberty. So he kept a School 
 at London, and hearing DoQior Taylor, afterwards Bifbop of LtMcoln, 
 preach of the Prefence of Chrift in the Sacrament, he came to him up- 
 on it, and offered his Reafons why he could not believe the Doftrine he 
 had preached : Which he put in Writing, digefling them into Ten Ar- 
 guments. Taylor fhewed this to DoQor Barnes, who as he was bred 
 among the Lutherans, fo had not only brought over their Opinions, but 
 their Temper with him : He thought that nothing would more obftru6l 
 the Progrefs of the Reformation, than the venting that DocSrme in 
 England. Therefore Taylor and he carried the Paper to Cranmer, who 
 was at that Time aifo of Luther's Opinion, which he had drunk ia 
 from his Friend Ofiander. Latimer was of the fame Belief. So Lam- 
 iert was brought before them, and they fludied to make him retraft his 
 Paper : But all was in vain, for Lambert, by a fatal Refblution appealed VVho had 
 
 This Gardiner laid hold on, and perfuaded the King to proceed ^o- 
 lemnly and feverely in it. The King was foon prevailed with, and 
 both Intereft and Vanity concurred to make him improve this Opportu- 
 nity, for (hewing his Zeal and Learning. So Letters were written to 
 many of the Nobility and Bifhops, to come and fee this Tryal; in 
 which the King intended to fit in Perfon, and to manage fome part of 
 the Argument. In November, on the Day that was prefixed, there was 
 a great Appearance in Wedminfter-Hall, of the Bifhops, and Clergy, 
 the Nobility, Judges, and the King's Council j with an incredible 
 Number of Spedators. The King's Guards were all in White, and fo 
 was the Cloth of State. 
 
 When the Prifbner was brought to the Bar, the Tryal was opened by And was 
 a Speech of Dodor Dayes, which was to this effed : * ThatthisAfrem-P"^^''=''iyf"" 
 
 * bly was not at all convened to dif pute about any Point of Faith ; but ^nflt^.'^' 
 
 * that the King being Supream Head, intended openly to condemn and 
 
 * confute that Man's Herefy in all their Prefence. Then the King com- 
 manded him to declare his Opinion about the Sacrament. To which 
 Lambert began his Anfwer with a Preface, acknowledging the King's 
 great Goodnefs, that he would thus hear the Caufes of his Subjeds, 
 and commending his great Judgment and Learning. In this the King 
 interrupted him, telling himinL<i//«, That he came not there to hear 
 his own Praifesfet forth, and therefore commanded him to fpeak to the 
 Matter. This he uttered with a ftern Countenance ; at which Lambert 
 
 being
 
 - - -- ■ ■ ■ - - ■" ' "— ■ ■■■ — — ■■ t 
 
 242 The Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 I ^^8. being a little difordered, the King asked him again. Whether was 
 
 N-'''"V^^ Chrift's Body in tke Sacrament, or not ? He Anfwered in the Words 
 
 Arguments of St. j^ufiin, It ivas his BoJy in a certain manner. But the King bad 
 
 brought a- jjjij, anlwct plainly, Whether it was Chrift's Body, or not ? So he an- 
 
 gain um. ^-^ygj.gj^ j^f^^^ -f jy^j j^gj fjjj Bo^y. Upon which the King urged him 
 
 with the Words of Scripture, This is my Body j and then he commanded 
 
 the Arch-Bifhop to confute his Opinion, who Ipoke only to that part of 
 
 it, which was grounded on the ImpolTibility of a Bodies being in two 
 
 Places at once. And that he confuted from Chrift's Appearing to 
 
 St. Paul ; fliewing that though he is always in Heaven, yet he was feen 
 
 by St. Paul in the Air. But Lambert affirmed, that he was then only in 
 
 Heaven •, and that St. FW heard a Voice, and fnw a Vifion, but not 
 
 the very Body of Chrift. Upon this they dilpuccd for fome time : in 
 
 which it fcems the Bilhop of Winchejler thought Cratimer argued but 
 
 faintly, for he interpofed inthe Argument. 
 
 tonjlars Arguments run all upon God's Omnipotency, that it was not 
 
 to be limited by any Appearances of Difficulties, which flowed from 
 
 oui»Wantof a right Underftanding of Things ,• and our Faculties being 
 
 weak, our Notions of Impoflibilities were proportioned to thefe. 
 
 But Stokes ly thought he had found out a Demonftration that might 
 
 put an End to the whole Controverfy ; for he fhewed, that in Nature 
 
 we fee one Subftance changed into another, and yet the Accidents remain. 
 
 So when Water is boiled, till it evaporates into Air, one Subftance is 
 
 changed into another, and moifture that was the Acciderc remains, it 
 
 being ftill moift. This (as one of the Eye-wincfTes relates) was 
 
 received with great Applaufe, and much Joy appeared in the Bifliops 
 
 Looks upon it. But whether the Spedators could diftinguifh well 
 
 between Laughter for Joy, and a Scornful Smile, I cannot tell : For 
 
 certainly this Crotchet muft have provoked the latter rather ; fince ic 
 
 was a Sophifm, not to be forgiven any above a junior Sophifter ; thus 
 
 from an accidental Converfion, where the Suftance was ftill ttie fame, 
 
 only altered in its Form and Qualities , (acccording to the Language 
 
 of that Philofophy, which was then moft in vogue,) to infer a fubftan- 
 
 tial Mutation, where one Subftance was annihilated, and a new one 
 
 produced in its Place. But thefe Arguments it feems diforder'd Lamhert 
 
 fomewhat ; and either the King's ftern Looks, the Variety of the Dif- 
 
 putants, ten, one after another, engaging with him, or the greatnefs 
 
 of the Prcfcnce, with the Length of the Ad ion, which continued five 
 
 Hours, put him in fome Confufion ; it is not improbable but they 
 
 might in the End bring him to be quite filent. This, one that was pre- 
 
 fent faid, flowed from his being fpent and wearied ; and that he faw 
 
 what he faid was little confidered : but others afcribed it to his being 
 
 confouiKled with the Arguments that were brought againft him. So 
 
 the general Applaufe of tlie Hall, gave the Vidory on the King's Side. 
 
 When he was thus filent, the King asked him, If he was convinced by 
 
 the Arguments, and whether he would live or die ? He anfwered. 
 
 That he committed his Soul to God, and fuhmitted his Body to the AifigS 
 
 Clemency. But the King told him. If he did not recant, he muft die, 
 
 for he would not be a Patron of Hcrcticks : and flncc he would not 
 
 d«mned '''° '•^^^' ^^^^ King ordered Cromwell to read the Sentence, (which he, as 
 
 the Kings Vicc-Gerent, did,} declaring him an incorrigible Hcretick, 
 
 .and condemning him to be burnt. Which was foon after executed in 
 
 Smithfie/d, in a fhoft barbarous Manner j for when his Legs and Thighs 
 
 were
 
 Book ilL of the Church of England. 24.^ 
 
 were burnt to the Stumps, there not being Fire enough to confume the i^i 8. 
 reft of him fuddenly, two of the Officers raifed up his Body on their ^-'"V'v^ 
 Halberts, he being yet alive and crying out, Nokc hutCbrifi, None hut 
 Chr/i? ; and then they let him fall down into the Fire, where he was 
 quickly confumcd to Alhes. He was a learned and good Man. His ^"'^ ^"■""^ 
 Anfwcrsto the Articles objeded to liim by Warham, and a Book whiciv 
 in his Imprifonment he wrote for juftifying his Opinion, which he 
 direded to the King, do fhew both great Learning for thofe Times, 
 and a very good Judgment. 
 
 This being done, the Party that oppofed the Reformation pcrfwaded 
 the King, that he had got I'o much Reputation to himfelf by it, that ic 
 would effeduaily refute all Afperfions, which had been caft on him as if 
 he intended to change the Faith : Neither did they forget to feton him, 
 in his weak Side, and magnifie all that he had faid, as if the Oracle 
 had uttered it : By which they faid, it appeared he was indeed a Defender 
 of the Faith, and the Supream Head of the Church. And he had fo good 
 a Conceit of what was done, that he intended to purfue thefe Severities 
 further j and therefore foon after he refolved on fummoning a Parlia- 
 ment, partly for confirming what he had done, and compleating what 
 remained to be done further, in the Suppreflion of the Monafleries ; 
 and Jikewile for making a new Law for punifhing fome Opinions, which 
 were then fpreading about the Sacrament, and fome other Articles, as 
 will foon appear. 
 
 Now the Arch Bifhop of Cattierhrys Interefl: at Court fufFered a The Popifli 
 great Diminution. His chief Friend among the Bifhops, was Fox, Bi-^^^y.^ain 
 Ihop of Hereford, who was much efteemed, and employed by the Court. 
 King. He was a Privy-Councellor, and had been employed in a Ne- 
 gotiation with the Princes of Germany, to whom he was a very accep- 
 table Minifler. They propofed, That the King would receive the 
 Aushurg Confeffion, except in fuch Things as fhould be altered in ic 
 by common Confent, and defend it in a free Council, if any fuch were 
 called ; and that neither of them fliould acknowledge any Council 
 called by the Pope : That the King (houldbe called the Patron of their 
 League, and they lliould mutually affift one another, tlie King giving - 
 looooo Crowns a Year towards the Defence of the League. 
 
 The Bifhop of Winchefter being then in France, did much difTuade 
 the King from making a Religious League with them ; againfl which 
 he gave fome plaufible politick Reafons, for his Confcience never 
 draggled with a Maxim of State. But the King Hked moll of the Pro- 
 pofitions ; only he would not accept the Title of Defender of their The King's 
 League, till fome Differences in the Dodtrine were agreed. So they correfpon- 
 were to have fent over Sturmius as their Agent ; and Melaniihon, Bucer, i\l^'^l^rm^n 
 zndGeorge Draco, to confer with the King's Divines. But upon Queen Princes. 
 Annes Fall, this vaniihed ; and though the King entered into a Civil 
 League with them, and had frequently a Mind to bring over Melanil- 
 hoH, for whom he had a great Value, yet it never took Effc<St. There 
 were three Things in which the Germans were more pofitive, than in 
 any other Point of Reformation. Thefe were, the Communion in both 
 kinds, the Worfhip in a known Tongue, and an Allowance for the 
 Marriage of the Clergy. All the People had got thele Things in their 
 Heads j fo that it was generally believed, that if the Pope had in time 
 confented to them, the Progrcfs of the Reformation had been much 
 flopped. The cxprefs Words of the Infticution, and the Novelty of the 
 
 H h contrary
 
 f 
 
 The Hiflory of the Reformdticn Book III. 
 
 contrary Pradtice, and engaged that Nation very early for Communion 
 in both Kinds. Common benfc made them all defire to underftand 
 what they did and laid in the Worfhip of God ; and the lewd and dif- 
 folute Pradices of the unmarried Clergy, were fo publick, that they 
 thought the Honour of their Families, of which that Nation is ex- 
 tremely fenfible, could not be fecured, unlefs the Clergy might have 
 Wives of their own. But at thefe the King (luck more, than at other 
 things that were more difputable. For in all other Points that were 
 material he had fet up the Dodirine of the Aushurg Confeflion ; and 
 there was good Ground to hope that the Evidence of at lead two of 
 theib would have brought over the King to a fuller Agreement, and 
 firmer Union with them. But the Biiliop of HereforePs Death gave a 
 great Blow to that Defign. For though that Party thought they had 
 
 Bjsw^r's Difll- his Room well filled, when they had got Bonner to be his Succeflbr ; 
 
 muiation. ygj jj^gy found afterwards what a fatal Miftake they committed, in 
 raifing him now to Hereford, and tranflating him within a few Months 
 to London^ vacant by Stokeslys Death. But during the Vacancy of 
 the See of Hereford, Cra»wfr held a Vifitation in it, where he left feme 
 
 ^'''^'""•'•'^■Iniund-ions (to be found in the Colk^lton) which chiefly related to the 
 Encouraging of Reading the Scriptures, and giving all due Obedience 
 to the King's Injundions. For the other Billiops that adhered to Cm»- 
 
 ^ rner, they were rather Clogs than Helps to him. Latimer's Simplicity 
 
 and Wcakncfs made him be defpifed : Shaxtons proud and litigious 
 Humour drew Hatred on him : Barlow was nor very Difcrcet ,• and 
 
 «-5, many of the Preachers whom they cherilhed, whether out of an un- 
 
 & " bridled Forwardnefs of Temper, or true Zeal that would not be manag- 
 
 •A ed and governed by politick and prudent Meafures, were flying at 
 
 many Things that were not yet abolifhed. Many Complaints were 
 brought of thefe to the King. Upon which. Letters were fent to all 
 the Biihops in the King's Name, to take Care, ^ that as tlie People 
 ftjould be inftruded in the Truth, fo they fliould not be unwarily charged 
 with too many Novelties ; fince the publifhing thefe, if it was not 
 tempered with great Difcretion, would raife much Contention, and 
 other Inconveniencies that might be of dangerous Confequence. But 
 it feems this Caveat did not produce what was dcfigned by it, or at 
 leafl the oppofite Party were ftill bringing in new Complaints : For I 
 
 ^*''-^*"*'^have feen an Original Letter of Cromvells to the Bifliop of Landaffe, 
 bearing Date the 6th of January ; in which he makes Mention of the 
 King's Letter fent to that Purpofe, and requires him to look to the Ex- 
 ' ecution of them, both againft the Violence of the new Preachers, and 
 againfl: thofe that fecretly carried on the pretended Authority of the 
 Bilhop of Rome ; otherwife he threatens to proceed againfl him in ano- 
 ther Manner. All thefe Things concurred to leflen Cranmers Interefl 
 in the Court ; nor had he any firm Friend there but Cromwell, who was 
 alfo careful to prcferve himfelf : There was not a Queen now in the 
 King's Bofom to favour their Motions. Queen Jane had been their 
 Friend, though fhe came in Anne Bolleins Room that had fupported them 
 moft. The King was obfcrved to be much guided by his Wives, as 
 long as they kept their Intereft with him. Therefore Cromwell thought 
 the only Way to retrieve a Defign that was almofl loft, was to engage 
 ^ the King in an Alliance with fome of the Princes of Germany ; from 
 whence he had heard much of the Beauty of the Lady Anne of Cleave., 
 
 , the Duke of Cleaved Sifter, whole elder Sifter was married to the Duke 
 
 of Saxony. But
 
 Book 111. of the Church of England. 24c 
 
 But while he was feccing this on Foot, a Parliament was fummoned i<rj8 
 to mce-c the zSch of April. To which ail the Parliamentary Abbats w"v-^ 
 had their Writs. The Abbats of fVefimhJler, St. Alians, St, Edmundf- ^ "'^«'P"1»* 
 iury^ St, Mary Tork, Glaftenhury, Glocejler, Ramfey, Eve/ham, Peterhor- '"'"^' 
 rough, Reading, Malmeshury, Qroyland, Selhy, Thorny, WincheicomBl 
 IValtham, Cirendefier, Teuhshiiry, Colchefier, and Tavejioke, fat in it*. 
 On the 5th of May, the Lord Chancellor acquainted them, that the 
 King being moft defirous to have all his Subjeds of one Mind in Reli- 
 gion ; and to quiet all Controverfies about it, had commanded him to 
 move to them, that a Committee might be appointed for examining thefe 
 different Opinions, and drawing up Articles for an Agreement, which 
 might be reported and confidered to the Houfe. To this, the Lords 
 agreed, and named for a Committee Cromwell the Vice-Gerent, the 
 two Arch-biQiops, the Bifliops of Dureftne, Bath and Wells, Ely, Ban- 
 gor, Carlijle, and Worcejler : Who were ordered to go about it with all 
 hafte, and were difpenfed with for their Attendance in the Houfe, 'till 
 they had ended their Bufinefs. But they could come to no Agreement ; 
 for the Arch-Bilhop of Canterbury, having the BilTiops of Ely and 
 Worcejler to fecond him, and being favoured by Cromwell, the other five ' 
 could carry nothing againft them : Nor would either Party yield to the 
 other, fo that ri Days pafled in thefe Debates, 
 
 On the 1 6th of May, the Duke of thrfolk told the Lords, That The fix Arti- 
 the Committee that was named, had made no Progrefs, for they were'^'^/^^ ^"■° 
 not of one Mind ,• which fome of the Lords had objeded, when they^°^ ' 
 were firfl: named. Therefore he offered fome Articles to the Lords 
 Confideration, that they might be examined by the whole Houfe, and 
 that there might be a perpetual Law made for the Obfervation of them 
 after the Lords had freely delivered their Minds about them. The Ar- 
 ticles were. . T 
 
 * Firfl, Whether in ' the'Eucharift, Chrtft's real Body was prefent 
 '"without any Tranfubftantiation ? (io it is m the Journal, ahfque Tran- 
 ^ fuhftantiatione) it feems the Corporal- Prefence had been eftabhfhcd 
 
 * fo they would have left the Manner of it indefinite. 
 
 * Secondly, Whether that Sacrament was to be given to the Laity in 
 
 * both kinds ? 
 
 * Thirdly, Whether the Vows of Chaftity, made either by Men or 
 
 * Women, ought to be obferved by the Law of God ? 
 
 * Fourthly, Whether by the Law of God private Mafles ought to be 
 
 * celebrated ? 
 
 * Fifthly, Whether Priefts by the Law of God might marry? 
 
 * Sixthly t Whether Auricular Confellion were neceffary by the Law 
 
 * of God > 
 
 Againft thefe the Arch-bifhop of Canterbury argued long. For the 
 firft, he was then in his Opinion a Lutheran, fo he was not like to fay 
 much againft it. But certainly he oppofed the fecond much ; fince there 
 was not anything for which thofc with whom he held Correfpondence Reafonsagalnfl 
 were more earneft, and feemcd to have greater Advantages, both from ^'""*' 
 Chrift's own Words in the Inftitution, and the conftant Pradiiccof thir ' 
 Church for ix Ages. 
 
 For the Third, It fcemed very hard to fupprefs fo many Monaftcries, 
 and fct the Religious Perfons at Liberty, and yet bind them up to Cha- 
 ftity. That fame Parliament by another -\d, abfolvcd them from their 
 Vow of Poverty, giving them Power u) parchafe Lands : now it was 
 
 H h 1 not
 
 24>6 The milory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 IS59- ^otjeafofiable xobind them up to fome Parts of their Vow, when they 
 ^ aKpIved them from the reft. And it was no ways Prudent to bind them 
 . up from Marriage, fince, as long as they continued in that State, they 
 ' were ftill capable to re-enter into their Monafteries, when a fair Occa- 
 fipn (hould offer ; whereas they upon their Marrying, did effectually 
 lay down all poflible Pretenfions to their former Houfcs. 
 
 For the /^!?«r//;, The aflerting the Necefllcy of private Mafles, was 
 a plain Condemnation of the King's Proceedings in the Suppreflioa 
 of fo many Religious Hcufes, which were Societies chiefly dedicated 
 to that Purpofe. For if thefe Mafles did profit the Souls departed, 
 the Deffroying fo many Foundations could not bejuffificd. And for 
 the living, thefe private MalTes were clearly contrary to the ffrft In- 
 ftitution, by which that which was bleflcd and confecrated was to 
 be diftributcd : And it was to be a Communion, and fo held by the 
 Primitive Church, which admitted none, fo much as to fee the Cele- 
 bration of that Sacrament, but thofe who received it ; Laying Cenfures 
 upon fuch as were prefent at the reft of that Office, and did not (lay and 
 Communicate. 
 
 For the Fifths it touched Cranmer to the quick, for he was thea 
 married. The Scripture did in no Place enjoyn the Celibat of the 
 Clergy, On the contrary. Scripture fpeaks of their Wives, and gives 
 the Rules of their living with them. And St. Paul^ in exprefs Words, 
 condemns all Mens leaving their Wives, without Exception ; faying. 
 That the Man haib not Power over his own Body^ hut the Wife. In the 
 Primitive Church, though thofe that were in Orders, did not marry, 
 yet fuch as were married before Orders, kept their Wives, of which 
 there were new Inftances ; and when fome moved in the Council of 
 iV/cf, that all that had been married, when they entrcd into Order?, 
 iliould put away their Wives : it was rejeded, and ever fince the 
 Greek Churches have allowed their Priefts to keep their Wives. Nor 
 was ^ ev€r commanded in the Weftern Church, 'till the Popes be- 
 gan their Ufurpation. Therefore the Prohibition of ic being only 
 grounded on the Papal Conftitutions, it was not reafonable to keep 
 It up, fince that Authority on which it was built, was ^ow^<>ver- 
 thrown. 
 
 What was laid concerning Auricular Confeflion, I cannot fo cafily 
 recover. For though Cranmer argued three Days againft thefe Aiti- 
 cles, I can only gather the Subftance of his Arguments from what him- 
 felf wrote on fome of thefe Heads afterwards. For nothing remains of 
 what pafled there, but what is conveyed to us in the Journal, which is 
 fljort and defe<!Jive. 
 
 On the 14th of May, the Parliament was prorogued to the joth, 
 upon what Reafon it does not appear. It was not to fet any of the 
 BiJh backward ,• for it was agreed, that the Bills fliould continue in the 
 State in which they were then, till their next Meeting. When they 
 met again, on the joth of May, being Friday, the Lord Chancellour 
 inumatcd to them, that not only the Spiritual Lords, but the King him- 
 felf, had taken much Pains to bring Things to an Agreement, which 
 was effected. Therefore he moved in the King's Name, that a Bill 
 might be brought in forpunifhing fuch as offended againft thefe Articles. 
 So tiie Lords appointed the Arch-Bifhop of Canterluryy the Bifhops of 
 Ely, and St. David''s, and Dodov Petre, a Maftcr of Chancery, (after- 
 wards Secretary of State) to draw one Bill ; and the Arch-Bilhop of 
 
 rori,
 
 B ook III. ^f the Church of England. 2^7 
 
 Xork^ the Bi(hop <>{ Ditrefwi znd PVinch^er, Sind DQifloi Trego^xel, i^-^g. 
 another Maftcr of Chancery, to draw another Bill about it ,- and to ^^'^^^s^ 
 have them both ready, and to offer thein to the King by Sun Jay next. 
 But the Bill that was drawn by the ArcliBiihop oLTork, and chofe wirfi 
 him, was beft liked : ycc it Icems die MLitter was long contefted, for 
 it was not brought to the Houfe before the 7th of fune : and then the 
 Lord Chancellor offered it, and it was- read the firfl; time. .On the 9th 
 of June, it had the fecond Reading, and on the loth it vuas engrofled, 
 and read the third time. But when ic pafled, the King defired the 
 Archbilhop of Canterlury to go out of the Houfe, fince he could not 
 
 five his Confent to it ; but he humbly excufed himfelf, for he thought 
 e was bound in Confcience to (lay and vote againft \i. It was fent 
 down to the Houfe of Commons, where it met with no great Oppo- 
 fition ; for on the 14th it was agreed to, and fent up again : And on 
 the x8th it had the Force of a Law by the Royal AfTenir. 
 
 The Title of it was an Ad: For abolijhing D'tverfity pf Opinions in cer- 
 tain Articles concerning Chrijiian Religion. It is laid in the Preamble, 
 that the King, ' confidering the blefled Effects of Union, and the Mif- 
 
 * chiefs of Difcord, fince there were many <iiff"erent Opinions, both 
 
 * among the Clergy and Laity, about fome Points of Religion, had forlhem. 
 
 * called this Parliament, and a Synod at the fame Time for removing^ ■':-' 
 ' thcfe Differences, where fix Articles were propofed, and long debated ' ' 
 ' by the Clergy : And the King himfelf had come in Perfon to the Par- 
 
 * liament, and Council, and opened many Things of high Learning 
 
 * and great Knowledge about them ; And that he, with the Aflent of 
 
 * both Houfes of Parliament, had agreed on the following Articles,' 
 
 * Firfi, That in the Sacrament of the Altar, after the Confecration, 
 
 * there remained no Subilance of Bread and Wine, but under thefe 
 
 * Forms the Natural Body and Blood of Chrift were prefent. Secondly^ 
 \ That Communion in both kinds was not neceflary to Salvation to ali 
 f Perfons by the Law of God j but that both the Flelh and Blood of 
 
 * Chrift were together in each of the Kinds, thirdly., That Priefts, 
 
 * after the Order of Priefthood, might not Marry by the Law of God. 
 
 .' Fourthly^ That Vows of Chaftity ought to be obferved by the Law . 
 
 * of God. Fifthly^ That the Ufe of private Mafles ought to be con- 
 
 * tinued j which as it was agreeable to God's Law, fo Men Teceiv<id 
 
 * great Benefit by them. Sixthly^ That Auricular Confefljon was cx- 
 
 * pedicnt and necefl'ary, and ought to be retained in the Church. The .,-. 
 
 * Parliament thanked the King for the Pains he had taken tn thefe -' ' 
 ' Articles : And Enaded, That if any, after the jtth of July, ilid .^m ;,^s,ig 
 
 * fpeak, preach, or write againft the firft: Article, they were to- be .J9i»ft*t: 
 
 * judged Hcreticks, and to be burnt without any Abjuration ,• and to 
 
 * forfeit their real and perfonal Eftatc to the King. Ajid tiiofe who 
 
 * preached, or obftinately difputed againfl the other Articles, were 
 ' to be judged Felons ; and to fuffcr Death as Felons, without Benefit 
 
 * of Clergy. And thofe, who either in Word ot Writing, fpakc agarnft 
 f them, were to be Prifoncrs during the King's Plcaitirc, and forfeit 
 
 * their Goods and Chattels to the King, for the firl\ time : And if they 
 
 * ofi'cnded fo the fecond time, thry were to fuffer as Felons. All the 
 
 * Marriages of Priefts are declared void ; and if any Pricft did ftill 
 ' keep any fuch Woman, whom he had lb married, and lived famiHarly 
 ' with her, as with his Wife, he was to be judged a Fdon : And ii a 
 [ Pricft lived carnally with any other Woman, he was upon the firft; 
 
 ConYi(5lion
 
 I r - ^^ - - ■■.,., _ - , - ■ 
 
 248 The Hijiory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 t5^^. * Convidion to forf'^it His Benefices, Goods, and Chattels, and to be 
 ^-""V^ ' impriloned during the King's Pleal'ure ; and upon the fecond Convi- 
 . * dion, was to fufter as a Felon. The Women fo offending, were alfo 
 ih.ro be punilhed in the llime Manner as the Priefts j and thofe who con- 
 itritemned, or abftairted from Confefllon, or the Sacrament, at the 
 otlaccuftomed Times, foi* the firft Offence were to forfeit their Goods 
 ihsnd Chattels, and be impriloned ; and for the fecond, were to be 
 fe::adjudged of Felony. And for the Execution of this A£t, Commifli- 
 ■Aions were to be iflued out to all Arch-hi/hops, and Bijhops, and their 
 :*)i-Chancellors, and Commilfaries, andfuch others in the feveral Shires as 
 3f!;the King ihould name, to hold their Sefliions quarterly, or oftener ; and 
 "fixhey were to proceed upon Prefentments, and by a Jury. Thofe 
 >iuCommiflioncrs were to fwear, that they fliould execute their Commiflioti 
 ,*iiindifferently, without Favour, Affedfon, Corruption, or Malice. AU 
 
 * Ecclefiaftical Incumbents were to read this Ad: in their Churches 
 *, cnce a Quitter. And in the End a Provifo was added, concerning 
 ^'WovfS of CWaflity. That they fliould not oblige any, except fuch 
 *';i^ had taken them at or above the Age of zi Years ; or had not been 
 (^.compelled to take them. 
 
 Vhich h'> This A(5t was received by all that fecretly favoured Popery, with 
 
 varioufly cen- great Joy ; for ttow they hoped to be revenged on all thofe who had 
 
 fared. hitherto icc forwatd a Reformation. It very much quieted the Bigots ; 
 
 who were now perfwaded that the King would not let up Hercfie, flnce 
 
 jie palled fo fevere an A& againfl: it ; and it made the total Supprefllon 
 
 igf Mohafteries go the more eafiiy through. The Popifh Clergy liked 
 
 all the Adl very well, except that fevere Branch of it againfl: their 
 
 iinchaft Pradiccs. This was put in by Cromivell, to make it cut with 
 
 both Edges. (Some 6f our iriconfiderate Writers, who never perufcd 
 
 the Statutes, tell us it was done by a different Adl of Parliament ; but 
 
 gteater Faults fnuft be forgiven them who Write upon Hear-fay.) There 
 
 was but one Comfort that the poor Reformers could pick out of the whole 
 
 .A(S, that they, were not left to the Mercy of the Clergy, and their 
 
 Ecclefiaftical Courts, but were to be tried by a Jury ; where they might 
 
 Gxpeft more candid and gentle Dealing. Yet the Denying them the 
 
 Benefit of Abjuration, was a Severity beyond what had ever been put in 
 
 Pradice before : So now they began to prepare for new Storms, and a 
 
 heavy Perfecution. in'iiuh ^Kil 
 
 An Aa about The othct chicf Bufinefs of this Parliament was, the SupprclTlon of 
 
 the Supprefll- Monadefies, It is faid in the Preamble of that Ad:, 'That divers 
 
 •rarer Mo- * Abbats, Priors, and other Heads of Religious Houfcs, had, fincc the 
 
 nineties. * 4th of Fclruary in the t7th Year of the King's Reign, without con- 
 
 * 'ftraint, of their own Accord, and according to the due Courfe of the 
 
 * .Common Law, by fufficicnt Writings of Record, under their Covent- 
 ■S'Seals, given up their Houfes, and all that belonged to them, to the 
 5'King. Therefore all Houfes that were fince that time fupprcffed, 
 .*'diilblved, relinquiihed, forfeited or given up, are confirmed to the 
 :5.'.King, and his Succeflbrs for ever : And all Monafleries that fhould 
 Vthereaftet be fupprefled, forfeited, or given up, are alfo confirmed to 
 ' the King and his Succeflbrs. And all thcfe Houfes, with the Rents 
 Vibelonging to them, were to be difpofcd of by the Court of Augmen- 
 V rations for the King's Profit j excepting only fuch as were come into 
 J; the King's Hands by Attainders of Trcafon, which belonged to 
 *^iihe Exchequer. RefcrviRg to all Perfons, except the Patrons, Foun- 
 'lOi . ders
 
 Book III. of the Church o/England. 2^9 
 
 * ders, and Donors of fuch Houfcs, the fame Right to any Parts of i^?9. 
 
 * them, or Jurifdidion in them, which they could have claimed if that 
 
 * A€t had never been made. Then followed many Claufes for Annuil- 
 
 * ing all Deeds and Leafes, made within one Year before the Suppref- 
 
 * fion of any Religious Houfe, to the Prejudice of it, or different 
 
 * from what had been granted formerly. And all Churches, or Chapels, 
 
 * which belonged to thefe Monaflerics, and were formerly exempted 
 
 * from the Vification or Jurifdidlion of their Ordinary, are declared 
 
 * to be within the Jurifdidtion of the Bifhop of the Diocefs, or of any 
 
 * other that (hould be appointed by the King. 
 This Adt palled in the Houfe of Peers, without any Proteftation 
 
 made by any of the Abbats, though it appears by the Journal, that 
 at the firfl Reading of it there were eighceen Abbats prefent, at the 
 fecond Reading twenty, and feventeen at the third Reading, and the 
 Abbats of Gla/fenhry, Colchejler, and Reae/ing, were among thofe who 
 were prefent ; fo little Reafon there is to chink they were Attainted foe 
 any open withftanding the King's Proceedings, when they did not pro- 
 ceft againfl: this A(ft, which was fo plainly levelled at them. It was 
 foon difpatched by the Commons ; and offered to the Royal Aflenr. 
 By it, no Religious Houfes were fupprefled, as is generally taken for 
 granted ; but only the Surrenders, that either had been, o: were to 
 be made, were confirmed. The lad Provifo for Annulling all Exemp- 
 tions of Churches and Chapels, had been a great Happinefs to the 
 Church, if it had not been for that Claufe ; That the Kingmight appoint 
 ethers to vi/it them ; which in a great Degree did enervate it. For 
 many of thofe who afterwards purchafed thefe Lands, with the impro- 
 priated Tithes, got this likewife in their Grants, that they Ihould be 
 the Vifitors of the Churches and Chapels formerly exempted : from 
 whence great Diforders have fince followed in thefe Churches, which 
 not falling within the Bifhop's Jurifdidion, are thought not liable to 
 his Cenfures ; fo that the Incumbents in them, being under no Re- 
 flraints, have often been fcandalous to the Church ,- and given Oc- 
 cafion to thofe who were difaffeded to the Hierarchy, to cenfure the 
 Prelates for thofe Offences which they could not punilh ; fince the 
 Offenders were thus excepted out of their Jurifdidion. This Abufe, 
 which firft fprang from the ancient Exemptions that were confirmed 
 or granted by the See of Rome^ has not yet met with an effedual Re- 
 medy. 
 
 Upon the whole Matter, this Suppreffion of Abbies was univerfal- 
 ly cenfured ; and befides the common Exceptions which thofe that 
 favoured the old Superftition, made, it was queflioned, whether the 
 Lands that formerly belonged to Religious Houfes, ought to have re- 
 turned to the Founders and Donors by way of Reverter^ or to have 
 fallen to the Lords of whom the Lands were holden by the Way of Ef- 
 cheaty or to have come to the Crown ? It is true, by the Roman 
 Law, or at lead by a Judgment of the Senate in Theocfojjus^ s Time, 
 the Endowments of the Hcathcnifh Temples were, upon a full De- 
 bate, whether they fliould return to the right Heirs, or be Confi- 
 fcated > in the End adjudged to the Fi/c, or the Emperor's Exchequer, 
 upon this Reafon, that by the Will of the Donors, they were total- 
 ly alienated from them and their Heirs. But in England it went 
 othcrwife. And when the Order of the Knights-Tcmplers was diffbl- 
 ved, it was then judged in favour of the Lord by Efchear. For 
 
 though
 
 250 The Hi jiory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 15^9. though the Founders and Donors had 'totally alienated thefe Lands 
 v^'V^ from themfelves and tlicir Heirs, yet il.ere was no Realon from thence 
 to conclude any thing that might wrong the Superior Lord of his 
 Right in the cafe of sn Elcheat. And this muft have held good, if 
 tho(e Alienations and Endowments had been ablblute, without any Con- 
 dition. But the Endowments being generally rather of the Nature of 
 Covenants and Contrafts, and made in Confideratlou of io many 
 MalTes to be laid for their Souls ; then ic was moft )ulf, that, upon 
 a Noo-performance of the Condition, and when that publick Error 
 and Cheat, which the Monks had put upon the World, was dilcovered, 
 k|he Lands Ihould have retarned to the Founders and Patrons, and their 
 Heirs and Succeffors. Nor was there any Grounds for the Lords to 
 pretend to them by Efcheat, efpecially where their Anceflors hadcoiv 
 lented to, and confirmed thofe Endowments. Therefore there was 
 DO need of excluding them by any fpecial Provifb. But for the Foun- 
 ders and Donors, certainly if there had not been a particular Provi- 
 fo made againft them, they might have recovered the Lands which' 
 tbtjir Anceftors had fuperftitioufly given away; and the Surrenders 
 which Religious Ferfbns made to the Crown, could not have cut off 
 their Title. But this Aft did that efteftually. It is true, many of the 
 greateft of them were of Royal Foundation, and thefe would have 
 returned to the Crown without Difpute. 
 
 On the 23d of May^ in the Seffion of Parliament, a Bill was brought 
 
 Anotlier a- in by Crommll^ for giving the King Power to ered new Bifhopricks 
 
 bout the ere- ^y his Letters Patents. It was read that Day for the firft, fecond, and 
 
 ftopaS ^'' third Time ; and fent down to the Coriimons. The Preamble of ic 
 
 was, ' That it was known what flothful and ungodly Life had been 
 
 * led by thofe who were called Religious. But that thefe Houfes 
 
 * might be converted to better Ufes ; that God*s Word might be better 
 
 * fet forth, Children brought up in Learning, Clarks nourifhed in th» 
 ' Unive- fities, and that old decayed Servants might have Livings j poor 
 
 * People might have Alms-Houfes to maintain them ; Readersof Greeks 
 
 * Hebrew, and Latin, might have good Stipiends j daily Alms might 
 
 * be minillred, and Allowance might be made for mending of theHigh- 
 
 * ways, and Exhibitions for Minifters of the Church, for thefe Ends. 
 
 * If the King thought fit to have more Bifhopricks or Cathedral 
 
 * Churches ercftcd out of the Rents of thefe Houles, full Power was 
 
 * given to him to ered, and found them, and to make Rules and Sta- 
 
 * tutes for them, and fuch Tranflations of Sees or Divifions of them 
 
 * as he thought fit. But on this A£t I mulf add a fingular Remark. 
 The Preamble, and material Parts of it, were drawn by the King him- 
 felf ; and the firfl Draught of it under Ws Hand, is yet extant ; which 
 fhews his extraordinary Application and Undcrftanding of Bufinefs. 
 But in the fame Paper there is a Lili of the Sees which he intended to 
 found ; of which what was done afterwards came fo far fhort, that V 
 know nothing to which it can b« fo reafonably imputed, as the declin* 
 ing of Cranmer'% Intereft at Court, who had propofed the Erefting of 
 new Cathedrals and Sees, with other Things mentioned in the Preamble 
 of the Statute, as a great mean for Reforming the Church. The Sees 
 
 The King's which the King then defigned, with the Abbiesout of which they were 
 Dei^ga about ^^ j^g greeted, follow, as in the Paper under the King's own Hand. 
 
 Fjex.
 
 Book Hi. of the Church of England. 251 
 
 Ejfex'. I Walt bant. Hartford. \ St. Alhans. v--^^ 
 
 BeJjordihire J Dunflahle. Oxford ^Ofnay 
 and > Mewenham. and ^ and 
 
 BttckiHghamfhire. J Clovuflown. Berk/hire. } Tame, 
 Northampton'^ "^ 
 
 and > Peterborough. MiMefex.yWeJtminJier. 
 
 Huntington^ ) J 
 
 Leicejier^ 'S 
 
 and ^Lekefter. Glocefterfhire.>St. Peters- 
 Rutland. J J 
 
 Lancafhire. \ Fountains^ and the Atch-DQiLonvy o( Richrnond. 
 Suffolk, I Edmonds- hury. Stafford^ 
 
 and ^Shrewsbury. 
 Salop. ) 
 Nottingham^ Welheck. '\ Lancefion. 
 
 and >Werfop. Cornwal. >Bedmynne. 
 
 Derby. J Thurgarton. j Wardreth. 
 
 Over thefe is written, The Bifhopricks to be made. In another corner 
 of the Page he writes as follows. [ 
 
 * Places to be altered according to our Device ^ which have Sees in them, 
 * ChrijVs Church in Canterbury., St. Swithins^ Ely^ Durefm^ Rochefier, 
 with a part of Leeds, Worcefler^ and all others having the fame. Then 
 a little below ; Places to be altered into Colleges and Schools : BurtoH 
 fuper Trent. More is not written in that Paper, But I wonder much, 
 that in this Lift Chefter was forgotten ; yet it was ereded before any 
 of them ; for I have feen a Commiflion under the Privy- Seal, to the 
 Bifhop of Chejier, to take the Surrender of the Monaftery of Hammond 
 in Shropfhire, bearing date the^x4th of Augufl this Year. So it feems 
 the Sec of Chefler was ereQed and endowed before the Aft pafled, 
 though there is among the Rolls a, Charter for endowing and founding 
 of it afterwards. Brifiol is not mentioned in this Paper, though a See 
 was afterwards crefted there. It was not before tUe end of the next 
 Year that thefe Sees were founded ; and there was in that interval fb 
 great a Change made, both of the Council and Minifters, that no 
 wonder the Things now defigoed were never accomplifhed. 
 
 Another AO: paiTed in this Parliament, concerning the Obedience An Aft a« 
 due to the King's Proclamations. There had been great Exceptions KL^g-fpro. 
 made to the Legality of the King's Proceedings in the Articles about clamatioiw. 
 Religion, and other Injunftions publilhed by his Authority, which 
 wer« complained of as contrary to Law ; fince by thefe the King had, 
 without confent of Parliament, altered fbme Laws, and had laid Taxes 
 on his Spiritual Subjefts. Upon which an Aft paffed, which fets forth 
 in the Preamble, the Contempt and Difodedience of the King's Pro- 
 clamations, by Ibme who did not confider what a King by bis Royal 
 Power might do; which if it continued, would tend to the Difobe- 
 dience of the Laws of God, and the Diflionour of the King's Majefty, 
 (who may lull ill bear it.) Confidering alio, that many Occafions 
 might require fpe-idy Remedies, and that delaying thefe till a Parlia- 
 ment met, might occafion great Prejudices to the Realm ; and that 
 the King by his Royal Power given of God, might do many Things 
 in fuch Cafes : Thcicfore it is Enacted, That the King for the Time 
 
 I i being,
 
 2^2 ^ he Hijiory of the Reformation Book 111. 
 
 15^9. ' beinc, with Advice of his Council, might kt forth Proclamations 
 
 ^y'yr^ < with Pains and Penalties in them, which were to be obeyed as if they 
 
 ' were made by an Aft of Parliament. But this v^as not to be lb ex- 
 
 * tended, that any of the Kinij,'s Subjec^x (hould iufre, in their Eftates, Li- 
 ' berues, or Perfbns, by virtue of it : Nor that by it any of tlie King's 
 
 * Proclamations, Laws or Culloms were to be broken and fubvened. 
 Then follow fbme Claules about the publiihing of Proclamations, and 
 the way of profecuting thofe who contemned and difobeyed them. It 
 is alfo added, ' That if any offended againft them, and in further Con- 
 
 * tempt went out of the Realm, he was to be adjudged a Traitor. This 
 
 * alfo gave Power to the Councellorsof theKing'^Succeflbr, if he were 
 ' under Age, to fet forth Proclamations in his Name, which were to be 
 
 * obeyed in the fame manner with thofe fet lorthby the King himfelf. 
 This Aft gave great Power to the Judges, fince there wei e fuch Reiiri- 
 ftions in fome Branches of it, which fecmed to lelfen the great extent 
 of the other Parts of it; i'o that the Expofitors of the Law had much 
 referred to them : Upon this Aft were the great Changes of Religion 
 in the Non-Age of Edward the 6th grounded. 
 
 An Aft a- '[here is another Aft, which but collaterally belongs to EccIefiaRical 
 dence '"' .Affairs, and therefore fhall be but (lightly touched. It is the Aft of the 
 'Precedency of the Officers of State, by which the Lord Vicegerent has 
 the Precedence of all Perfonsin the Kingdom, next the Royal Family ; 
 and on this I muft make one Remark, which may feem very improper' 
 for one of my Profeflion; cfpecially when it is an Animadverfion on 
 one of the greateft Men that any Age has produced, the moft Learned 
 Mr. Selden. He, in his Titles of Honour, fays, ' That this Statute 
 
 * was never printed in the Statute- Book, and but incorreftly by ano- 
 ' ther, and that therefore he inferts it literally, as is in the Record. 
 In which there are two Miftakes. For it is printed in the Statute- Book 
 that was fet out in that King's Reign, though left out in I'ome later 
 Statute-Books ; and that which he prints, is not exadly according to the 
 Record. For as he prints it, the Biihop of London is not named in the 
 Precedency, which is not according to the Parliament-Roll, in which 
 the Bifhop of London has the Precedence next the Archbifhopof Tork^ 
 and though this is corrcfted in a Polihunious Edition ; yet in that fet out 
 by himfelf, it is wanting : Nor is that Omiffion among the Errors of 
 the Prefs, for though there are many of thcfe gathered to be amended, 
 this is none oi them. This I do not take notice of out of any Vanity, 
 or Humour of Ccnfuring a Man fb great in all forts of Learning ; but 
 my Defign is only to let ingenious Perfons fee, that they ought not to 
 take Things on Truft eafily, no not from the greateft Authors. 
 
 Some Afts Thcfe are all the publick Afts that relate to Religion, which were 
 of Attain- paffcd in this Parliament. With thefe there paffed an Aft of Attain- 
 ^''"* der of the Marquefs of Exeter^ and the Lord Alentacute, with many 
 
 others, that were either found to have had a great Hand in the late 
 Rebellion ; or were difcovered to hold Correfpondence with Cardinal 
 Pool, who was then trafficking with Foreign Princes, and projefting a 
 League among them againft the King. But of this I fhall give a more 
 full Account at the end of this Book; being there to open the Grounds 
 of all the Attainders that were paffed in thefe laft Years of the King's 
 Reign. There is one remarkable Thing that belongs to this Aft. 
 
 Somtf
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. ' 253 
 
 Some were to be attainted in Abfcnce ; others they had no mind to i S39- 
 bruig to make their Anlvver, but }'ct defigneJ to att4int them. Such """^^r^^ 
 were the viarchionefs of Exeter, and the Countefs of Sarum, Mother 
 to Cardinal Poo/e, whom by a grofs Mirtake, Spee// tanfics to have been 
 condemned without Arraignment or Tryal, as Cromwell had been by 
 Parhament. For (lie was now Condemned a Year before him. About 
 the Jurtice of doing this there wasfome Debate ; and to clear it, Crom- 
 ivell lent for the Judges, and asked their Opinions, Whether a Vian 
 might be attainted in Pailiament, without being brought to make his 
 Anfwcr? They faid, It was a dangerous Qjjel^ion. That the Parha- 
 mtnc ought to be an Example to all interior Courts ; and tliat when 
 any Perfbn was charged with a Crime, he, by the common Rule of 
 Jul^ice and Equity fliould be heard to plead for himfelf But the Par- 
 liament beiriw the Supream Court of the Nation, what way foever 
 they proceeded, it muft be good ia Law ; and it could never be que- 
 ftioned, whether the Party was brought to anfwer or not. And thus 
 a very ill Precedent was made, by which the moil innocent Perfbn in 
 the World might be ruined. And this, as has often b^en cbfcrved in 
 the like Cafes, fell very foon heavily on the Author of the Counlel, as 
 (hall appear. 
 
 When the Parliament was Prorogued, on the 2 8th of June, the King The King's 
 apprehended that the Archbifliop of Canterhwy might be much caft "^'|f °^ ^'■'"■ 
 down with the Aft for the fix Articles, lent for him, and told him, jiwi<>. snt. ,■« 
 That he had heard how much, and with what Learning he had argued ""'"Cran. 
 againftit, and therefore he defired he would put all his Arguments in 
 Writing, and bring them to him. Next Day he fent the Dukes of 
 Norfolk and Suffolk, and the Lord Cromwell, to dine with him. Oi de-* 
 ring them to alfure him of the King's conftant and unfliaken Kindnefs 
 to him, and to encourage him all they could. When they were at 
 Table with him at Lambeth, they run out much on his Commendati- 
 on, and acknowledged he had oppofed the Atl with fb much Learning, 
 Gravity, and Eloquence ; that even thofe that differed from him, were 
 much taken with what he faid, and that he needed fear nothing from 
 the King- Cromwell faying. That this Difference the King put between 
 him, and all his other Councellors ; that when Complaints were 
 brought of others, the King received them, and tried the Truth of 
 them ; but he would not fb much as hearken to any Complaint of the 
 Archbifhop. From that he went on to make a Parallel between him 
 and Cardinal Wolfey. That the one loft his Friends by his Haughti- 
 nefsand Pride, butithe other gained on his Enemies by his Gentknefi 
 and Mildnefs. Upon which the Duke of Norfolk faid, He might bell 
 fpeak of the Cardinal, for he knew him well, having been Ins Man. 
 This nettled Cromwell, whoanfwered, That though he had (erved him, 
 yet he never liked his Manners : and that ihouiih the Cardinal had 
 defigned, (if his Attempt for the Popedom had been fuccelsfui,) to 
 have made him his Admiral ; yet he had refolved not to accept of it, nor 
 to leave his Country. To which the Duke of Norfolk rcp\k(], with a 
 deep Oath, That he LyeJ, with other reproachful Lan'uagc This 
 troubled Cr<7«wfr extreamly, who did all he could to quiet and recon- 
 cile them. But now the Hnnity between thole two great Minifters 
 broke out to that height, thai they were never afterwards hearty 
 Friends. 
 
 I i 1 fiu£
 
 •2 54- The Hijlory of the Reformat'wn Book ill. 
 
 109. But Cranmer went about that which the King had commanded ; 
 "-^"^^'"^ and made a Book of the Realbns that led him to oppol'e the fix Articles, 
 ^ cr-.r.wfr -^ which thc Places out of the Scriptures, the Authorities of the an- 
 Reafons a- cicnt Dodors, with the Arguments drawn from thefe, were all digeftcd 
 gainfithefix in a good Method. This he commanded his Secretary to write out in 
 a fair Hand, that it might be given to the King. The Scctetary return- 
 ing with it from Croyden, where the Arch-Bijhop was then, to Lambeth^ 
 found the Key of his Chamber was carried away by the Arch-Bijhops 
 Almoner : So that he being obliged to go over to London, and not daring 
 to truft the Book to any Other's Keeping, carried it with himfelf ; where 
 both he, and the Book, met with an unlookt-for Encounter. Some 
 others that were with him in the Wherry, would needs go to the South- 
 ivark Side, to look on a Bear-Baiting that was near the River, where the 
 King was in Perfon. The Bear broke loofe into the River, and the 
 Dogs after her. They that were in the Boat leaped out, and left the 
 poor Secretary alone there. But thc Bear got into the Boat, with thc 
 thc Dogs about her and funk it. The Secretary apprehending his Life 
 was in Danger, did not mind his Book, which he loft in the Water. 
 But being quickly refcued, and brought to Land, he began to look for 
 his Book, and law it floating in the River. So he defircd the Bearward 
 to l*ing it to him ; who took it up ; but before he would rcftore it, put 
 ic into the Hands of a Prieft that ftood there, to fee what it might con- 
 tain. The Prieft reading a little in it, found it a Confutation of the fix 
 ^ Articles ; and told the Bearward, that whofoever claimed it, would be 
 
 hanged for his Pains. But the Arch Bijhops Secretary thinking to mend 
 the Matter, faid, it was his Lord's Book. This made the Bearward 
 more intradable, for he was a fpiteful Papift, and \\zttdt\\Q Arch Bifhop, 
 fo that no CfTers or Entreaties could prevail with him to give it back. 
 Whereupon Morice, (that was the Secretary's Name,") went and opened 
 the Matter to Cromwe/l the next Day ; Cromwell was then going to 
 Court, and he cxpecSted to find the Bearward there, looking to deliver 
 the Book to fome of Cranmer s Enemies ; he therefore ordered Morice 
 to go along with him. Where, as they had expeded, they found the 
 Fellow with the Book about him ; upon whom Cromwell called, and 
 took the Book out of his Hand, threatning him feverely for his Prefump- 
 tion in medling with a Privy-Councellor's Book, 
 p eed'n But though Crawwf/- cfcapcd this Hazard, yet in ZWo« the Storm of 
 upon that Adt.tlie latc A& was falling heavily on them that were obnoxious. Shax^ 
 ton and Latimer, the Bifhops of Salisbury and Worcejler, within a VJcek 
 after the Seffion of Parliament, as it appears, refigncd their Bifhop- 
 ricks. For on the 7th of July the Chapters of thefe Churches peti- 
 tioned the King for his Leave to fill thofe Sees, they being then vacant 
 by the free Refignation of the former Bifhops. Upon which the Co»- 
 p £ Elire for both was granted. Nor was this all, but they being 
 prefcnted, as having fpokcn againfl; the fix Articles, were put in Prilon, 
 where the one lay till the King died, and thc other till a little before 
 his Death, as fliall be Ihewn in its proper Place. There were alfo 
 Commifiion<; iflucd out, for proceeding upon that Statute : and thofc 
 who were Commidioned for London^ were all lecrct Favourers of Po- 
 pery ; fo they proceeded mod feverely, and examined many Wicneflcs 
 againft all who were prelented : whom they Interrogated not only up- 
 on the cxprefs Words of thc Statute; but upon all fuch collateral or 
 prelumptivc Circumftanccs, as might entangle them, or conclude them 
 
 Guilty.
 
 Bookiii. of the Church of England, 253 
 
 Guilty. So tlia: in a very licclc while 500 Perfons were pur in Priibn, 1^9. 
 and involved in the Breach of the Statute. Upon this not only Gran- ^-^''V^^ 
 mer and Cromwell^ but the Duke of ^Suffolk, and Aualy the Chancel- 
 lor reprefented to the King how hard it would be, and of what ill 
 Conlbquencc, to execute the Law upon i'o many Perlons. So the King 
 was prevailed with to pardon them all ; and I find no further procesding 
 upon this Statute till Cromwell fell. 
 
 But the oppofite Party ufed all the Arts poflible to infinuate them- 
 felves into the King. And therefore, to lliew how far their Compliance 
 would go, Bonner took, a i^range Commiflion from the King, on the 
 11th ot November this Year. It has been certainly enrolled ,• but it is 
 not there now, lb that 1 judge it was razed in that Suppreliion of Re- 
 cords, which was in Qvieen fllary^s Time. Bur, as Men are commonly 
 more carelels at Home, Bonner has left it on Record in his own Regiflcr, 
 Whether the other Biihops took fuch CommilTions from this King, I 
 know not. But I am certain there is none fuch in Cranmer's Regifter : 
 and it is not likely, if any fuch had been taken out by him, that ever 
 it would have been razed. The CommilTion it felf will be found in the 
 Colledion of Papers at the End. The Subllance of it is^ ' That fincc c,,/ ^-^^^ ^.■ 
 ' all Jurildic^iorj, both Ecclefiaftical and Civil, flowed from the King **' 
 
 as Supream Head, and he was the Foundation of all Power ; it be- 
 came thofe who exercifed it only (Pracario) at the King's Courtefy. 
 gratefully to acknowledge, that they had it only of his Bounty ; and 
 to declare that they would deliver it up again, when it fhould pleafe 
 him to call for it. And fince the King had conftituted the Lord Crom- ' 
 well his Vice-Gerent in Ecclcfiaftical Affairs ; yet becaufe he could 
 not look into all thofe Matters, therefore the King, upon Romeros 
 Petition, did empower him in his own ftead, to ordain fuch as he 
 found worthy, to prefent and give Inftitution, with all the other Parts 
 of Epifcopal Authority, for which he is duly commifTionated ; and 
 this to lafi during the King's Pleafure only. And all the Parts of the 
 Epifcopal Funt^ion being reckoned up, it concluded with a flri<5t 
 Charge to the Bilhop to ordain none but fuch, of whofe Integrity, 
 good Life and Learning, he had very good Afliirance. For as the 
 Corruptions of the Chriftian Dodtrine, and of Mens Manners, had 
 chiefly proceeded from ill Paftours ; fo it was not to be doubted, but 
 good Paftours, well chofen, would again reform the Chniiian Do- 
 ctrine, and the Lives of Chriftians. ' After he had taken th's Com- 
 miflion Bonner might well have been called one of the Kin^s Bip^ops. 
 The true Rcalon of this profound Compliance, was, That the Popilh 
 Party apprehended that Cranmerh great Interefl with the King, was 
 chiefly grounded on fome Opinions he had, of the Ecelcfiaflical Officers 
 being as much fubjc(5t to the King's Power, as all other Civil Officers 
 were. And this having endeared him fo much to the King, therefore 
 they refolved to out-do him in that Point. But there was this Difference, 
 that Cranmer was once of that Opinion, and if he followed it at all, it 
 was out of Confcience : But £o»»rr, againft his Confcience, (if he had 
 any) complied with it 
 
 Now followed the final Diflolution of the Abbies; there are ^7 
 Surrenders upon Record this Year. The Originals of about ?oof rhefe 
 are yet to be fecn. Thirty Seven of them were Abbies or Priories, DifToiucion of 
 and 10 Nunneries. The good Houfc of GoSoiv now fell, furrcndred with b'lei'^'^'' ^^' 
 the refl, though among the lafl of thtm. Now the great Parliament Ab- 
 
 bats
 
 2C,6 The Bifiory of the Reformation Book ill. 
 
 ,,,Q bats llirretidred apace ,- as thofc of We[ImitiJhr^ St. Alkws, Sr. Ed- 
 H^'-V^ mundshry, Canterbury, St. Mary in Tork, Selhy, St. ?eter\ in Glocejler, 
 CireNcefier, Waltham, fVtnchcomhe, Malmesbury and Battel. Tliree others 
 were attainted ; Glaflenbury, Reading, and Qolchejler. The Deeds of the 
 rell are loft. Here it will not be unacceptable to the Reader, to know 
 v/ho were the Parliamentary Abbats. There were in all 28, as thty 
 weic commonly given. Fuller has given a Catalogue of them in three 
 Places of his Hiltory of Abbies -, but as every one of theft differs from 
 the others ; fo none of them are according to the Journals of Parlia- 
 ment; The Lord Herbert is alfo miftaken in his Account. I (hail not 
 lile higher in my Enquiry than this lieiga, for anciently many more 
 Abbats and Priors fate in Parliament, befide other Clergy tiiat had 
 likewife their Writs ; and of whofe Right to fit in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, there was a Queftion moved in Edward the Sixth's Reign, as 
 fhall be opened in its proper Place, Much lefs will I prefume to deter- 
 mine fo great a Point in Law, Whether they fate in the Houfe of Lords, 
 as being a part of the Ecclefiartic.4 State, or as holding their Lands of 
 the King by Baronage? I am only to obferve the Matter of Faft, 
 which is, That in the Journals of Parliament in this Reign, thefe iS 
 Abbats had their Writs, Abington, St. Jlbans-, St. Jufiins Canterbury^ 
 Battle-, St. Ber.nets in the Holrri.^ Berdeny, Cirencejler, Colchefler, Coven- 
 try., Croyland., St. Edwundsbury, Evesham., Glafienbury^ Glocejler., Hide^ 
 Malmesbury., Sr. Mary% in Tork^ Peterborough., Ramfey., Reading, Selby^ 
 Shrewsbury., Javenjiock, Teuksbury, 7 homey ^ Walt ham, Wejiminjler 
 * and Winchelcomb ; to whom alfo the Prior of St. John\ may be added. 
 But befides all thele, I find, that in the 28th. Year of this King, the 
 Abbat of Burton upon Trent fate in Parliament. Generally Coventry and 
 Burton were held by the fame Man, as one •Bifhop held both Coventry 
 and Litchfield, though two different Bifhopricks; but in that Year they 
 were held by two different Perfons, and both had their Writs to that 
 'Parliament. " The Method ufed in the Suppreflion of thefe Houfes, 
 will appear by one compleat Report made of the Suppreffion of the 
 cV/.s.Nwwj. Abbey of Teuksbury, which out of many I copied, is in the ColleEiion. 
 Sea. 5. From it the Reader will fee, what Provifion was made for the Abbat, 
 
 the Prior, the other Officers, and the Monks, and other Servants of 
 the Houfe ; and what Buildings they ordered to be defaced, and what 
 to remain ; and how they did eftimate the Jewels, Plate, and other 
 Ornaments. But Monafteries were not fufficient to flop the Appetite 
 of fome that were about the King ; for Hofpitals were next look'd after. 
 Some Ho- One of thefe was this Year furrendred by Thomas Thirleby, with two 
 fpitais fur- other Priefts ; he was Matter of St. Thomas's Holpital in Southivarky 
 rendred. ^^j ^^^ defigned Bilhop of Weftminflery to which he made his way by 
 . that Refignation. He was a learned and modcft Man, but of fo fickle 
 or cowardly a Tetnper, that he turned always witli the Stream in every 
 Change that was made, till Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown ; but 
 then, being afliamed of fo many Turns, he refolved to fhew he could 
 once be firm to fomewhat. 
 The Ab- Now Were all the Monafteries of England ^u^'^rtG^A , and the King 
 bicsioJdor bad then in his Hand the gieateft Opportunity of making Royal and 
 given away, jsjoble Foundations, that ever King of £»^/j»</ had. But whether out 
 of Policy, to give a general Content to the Gentry, by felling to them 
 at low Rates, or out of Eafinefs to his Courtiers, or out of an unmea- 
 fured Lavifhnefs in his Expence, it came far Ihorc of what he had given 
 
 out
 
 Book ill. of the Church of England. 257 
 
 out he would do, and what himfelf jfeemed once to have de/Igncd. 1529. 
 The clear Yearly Value of all the fuppieiTcd Houfes h cair up, man ^-''~V"^>i* 
 Accounr then ftated to be, ijiz. 13 1607 I. 6 j. 4 d. as the Pvcnts were 
 then rated, but was at leaft ten Times {'0 much in true value. Of 
 which hedcfigned to convert 18000/. into a Revenue tor Eighteen 
 Bifhopricks and Cathedrals. But of tliefe he only eredcd fix, as fli^U 
 be afterwards fhcwn. Great Sums were indeed laid out on bmidin^ 
 and fortifying many Ports, in the Channel, and other Parts of England, 
 which were raifcd by the Sale of Abbey-Lands. 
 
 At this Time many were offering Projefts for Noble Foundations, 
 on which the King Teemed very earncllt : But it is very likely, that A p,o/ea of 
 before he was aware ot it, he had fo out-rua himielfinhis Bounty, 1 hat * ^'^™!"?iy 
 it was not polBblc for him to bring tlieie to any tfletl. Yec i (hall leiof Sra't"' "^^ 
 down one of the Frojeds, wliich Ihews the gieatncfs of his Mind that 
 dcfigned it; that is, of Sir Nicholas Bacon., who was afterwards one of 
 the wileft Minifteis that ever this Nation bred. The King defigned to 
 found a Houfe for the Study of the Civil Law, and the Purity of the 
 Latin and French Tongues : So he ordered Sir Micholas P^acon, and two 
 others, Thomas Denton, and Robert Cary, to make a full Proje£i, of the 
 Nature, and Orders of fuch a Houfe, who brought it to him in a Wri- no^^d. D°' 
 ting, the Original whereof is yet extant. The defign of it was, that ^"J^- ^«'■- 
 there fhould be frequent Pleadings, and other txercifes in the Latin^""'' 
 atid French Tongues •, and when the King's Students were brought to 
 fome Riffcnefs, they fhould be fent with his Ambafladors to Foreign 
 Parts, and trained up in the Knowledge of Foreign Affairs, and fo the 
 Houfe Ihould be the Nurfery for AmbafTadors. Some were alfo to be 
 appointed to write the Hiftory of all Embaffies, Treaties, and other 
 foreign Tranfaflions ; as alfo of all Arraignmeats, and Publick Tryals at 
 Home. But before any of them might write on thele Subjetls, the 
 Lord Chancellor was to give them an Oath, that they Hiould doit truly, 
 without refpeft of Perfons, or any other corrupt Afflftion. Tliis 
 noble Defign mifcarried. But if it had been well laid, and reguLitcd, 
 it is eafie to gather what great and publick Advantages might have 
 fli^wed from it. Among which, it is not inconfiderabie, that we fhould 
 have been delivered from a Rabble of ill Writers of Hiilory, who have 
 without due Career Enquiry, delivered to us the Tranlatlions of that 
 Time lb imperfeftly, that there is ftill need of enquiring into Regiftcrs 
 and Papers for thefe Matters. Which in fuch a Houfe hid been more 
 certainly and clearly conveyed to Pofterity, than can be now expefted 
 at fuch a diftance of Time, and after fuch a rafurc of Records, and 
 other Confufions, in which many of thele Papers have been loft. And 
 this help was the more neceffary, after the SupprelTion of Religious 
 Houfes : In moft of which a Chronicle of the Times was kept, and ffill 
 filled up as new Tranfaftions came to their Knowledge. It is true, moft 
 of thefe were written by Men of weak Judgments, who were more 
 punftual in delivering Fables and Trifles, than in opening oblervable 
 Tranfaftions. Yet fome of them were Men of better Underf^andings, 
 and it is like were direded by their Abbats, who being Lords of Par- 
 liament, underftood Affairs well ; only an invincible Humour of lying, 
 when it might raife the Credit of their Religion, or Order, 01 Houle, 
 runs through all their Manufcripts. 
 
 One
 
 2c;B The Hiflory of the Reformation Book 111, 
 
 1^39. One thing uas very remarkable, which was this Year granted, at 
 
 \^>^^tr'^ Crantner\ luterceflion. There was nothing could To much recover Re- 
 
 tormation, that was declining fo faft, as the free ufe of the Scriptures ; 
 
 APiock- and though thcle had been let up in the Churches a Year ago, yet he 
 Ihrfreetfe" pieiTed, and now procured leave for private Perfbns to buy Bibles, and 
 ot the Scrip, keep them in their Houles. So this was gjantcd by Letters Patents di- 
 ^oiThnbi redted to Oomwell, bearing date the i^th of November, TheSubftance 
 c . »TO '^-Qf vvhich was, ' That the King was dtfirous to have his SubjeSs attain 
 
 * the Knowledge of God's Word ; which could not be cffcfted by any 
 
 * Means fo well, as by granting them the free and liberal Ufe of the 
 ' Bible in the Englifh Tongue, which to avoid Diffcnfion, he intended 
 
 * (hould pals among them only by one Tranflation. Therefore Crom- 
 
 * well was charged to take Care, that for the fpact of five Years, there 
 
 * Ihould be no Impreflion of the Bible, or any part of it, but only by 
 
 * luch as ftiould be afligned by him. But Gardiner oppofed this all he 
 could ; and, one Day, in a Conference before the Kuig, he provoked 
 Cranmer to Ihew any Difference between the Authority of the Scrip- 
 tures, and of the Apoflolical Canons, which he pretended were equal 
 to the other Writings of the Apoftles. Upon which they difputed for 
 fome Time. But the King perceived fulid Learning, tempered with 
 great Modefty, in what Cranmer faid ; and nothing but Vanity and 
 A&dation in Gardiner's Realbnings. So he took him up fharply, and 
 told him, that Cranmer was an old and experienc'd Captain, and was 
 not to be troubled by Frefh men and Novices. « 
 
 The King The great Matter of the King's Marriage came on at this Time. 
 defigns to Many Reports were brought the King of the Beauty of Anne of Cleve^ 
 ^"cu^"*' ^° ^^^^ ^^ inclined to ally himfelf with that Family. Both the Empe- 
 ror, and the King of France, had courted him to Matches which they 
 had projeded. The Emperor propofed the Dutchefs of Mila?f^ his 
 Kinfwoman, and Daughter to the King of Denmark. He was then 
 defigning to break the League of Smalcald, and to make himftlf Mafter 
 of Germany: And therefore he took much Pains with the King, to 
 divide him from the Princes there ; which was in great part effedled by 
 the Statute for the fix Articles : Upon which the Ambaflfadors of the 
 Princes had complained, and faid, That whereas the King had been in 
 16 fair a Way of Union with them, he had now broke it off, and made 
 lb fevere a Law about Communion in one kind. Private Maffe.s, and the 
 Celibate of the Clergy, which differed fo much from their Doftrine, 
 that they could entertain no further Correlpondence with him, if that 
 Law was not mitigated. But Gardiner wrought much on the King's 
 Vanity and Paflions ; and told him. That it was below his Dignity, and 
 high Learning, to have a Company of dull Germans, and fmall Princes, 
 diSate to him in Matters of Religion. There was alio another Thing 
 which he ofc made ufe of, Cthough it argues fomewhere a great Igno- 
 rance of the Conftitution of the EmpireJThat the King could not expeft 
 thele Princes would ever be for his Supremacy ; fince if they acknow- 
 ledged chat in him, they muff likewife yield to the Emperor. This 
 was a great Milfake; for as the Princes of Germany never acknowledged 
 the Emperor to have a Sovereignty in their Dominions; Co they did 
 acknowledge the Diet, in which the Sovereignty of the Empire lies, 
 to have a Power of making or changing what Laws they picafcd abont 
 Religion. And in Things that were not determined by the Diet, every 
 Prince pretended to it as highly in his own Dominions, as the King could 
 
 do
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 2 5 ^ 
 
 ^0 '\n England. But as untrue as this Allegation was, it fcrved Gjrd'i- r«;?o. 
 ners turn ; for the King was fufficiently irritated with it againlt the ^.•-V^ 
 Princes, fb that there was now a great Coldnefs in their Correfpon- 
 dence. Yet tlic Projeft of a Match with the Dutchcis of Milan faiUn^^ 
 and thofe propoled by France not being acceptable, Cromivell moved the 
 King about an Alhance with the Duke of Cleve •, who, as he was the 
 Eniperoi's Neighbour in Flanders, had alfo a Pretenfion totlie Dutchy 
 of Gueldres, and his eldeft Daughter was married to the Duke of Saxo^ 
 ny. So that the King having then feme Apprehenfions of a War with 
 the Emperor, this Teemed a very proper Alliance to give him a Divcrfion. 
 There had been a Treaty between her Father, and the Duke of Lor- 
 ^ rain, in order to a Match between the Duke of Lorrains Son , and her 
 but they both being under Age, it went no further than a Contraft be- 
 tween their Fathers. Hans Holhln having taken her Pi6Vure, fent it 
 over to the Kmg. But in that he bellowed the common Complement of 
 his Art, fomewhat too Hberaliy, on a Lady that was in a fair Way to be 
 Queen. The King liked the Pi£lure, better than the Original, when 
 he had the Occafion afterwards to compare them. The Duke of Saxo- 
 ny., who was very zealous for the Ausiurg Confeflion, finding the King 
 had declined fo much from it, dilTwaded the March. Bui Cromwell l^ 
 it on mightily, expeding a great Support from a Queen of his own 
 making, whofe Friends being all Lutherans, it tended alfo to bring 
 down the Popifh Party at Court, and again to recover the Ground they 
 had now loft. Thofe that had feen the Lady, did much commend her 
 Beauty, and Pcrfon. But fhc could fpeak no Language but Dutch, to 
 which tJie King was a Stranger. Nor was fhe bred to Mufick, with 
 which the King was much taken. So that except her Perlbn had 
 charmed him, there was nothing left for her to gain upon him by. 
 After fome Months Treaty, one of the Counts Palatine of the Rhiney 
 with other Ambafladors from the Duke of Saxony, and her Brother the 
 Duke of Cleves, (for her Father was lately dead} came over, and con- 
 cluded the Match. 
 
 In the end of December fhe was brought over to England: And the Who comes 
 King being impatient to fee her, went down Incognito to Rochejier. ^nd '° ^"^' 
 But when he had a fight of her, finding none of thole Charms which he ' 
 was made believe were in her, he was fo extreamly furprized, that he 
 not only did not like her, but took an Averfion to her, which he could 
 never after overcome. He fwore they had brought over a Flanders 
 Marc to him, and was very lorry he had gone fb far, but glad it had 
 proceeded no further. And prefently he refolvcd, if itwerepoffible, to But i$ much 
 break off the Matter, and never to yoke himfelf with her. But his Af- J^^' k*^ ^^ 
 filrs were not then in fuch a Condition, that he could fafely put that ' '"*" 
 Affront on the Dukes of Saxonj and Cleves, which the fending back of 
 this Lady would have done. For the Germans, being of all Nati- 
 ons moft fenfible of every thing in which the Honour of their Family 
 is touched ; he knew they would refent fuch an Injury. And it was 
 not fafe for him to adventure that at fuch a Time. For the Emperor 
 was then in Paris, whither he had gone to an Interview with Francis. 
 And his Reception was not only as magnificent as could be, but there 
 was all the Evidence poffible of hearty Friendfhip and Kindnefs. The 
 King alio underftood, That between them there was fomewhat pro- 
 jected againft himlelf. And new Francis, that had been as much obliged 
 by him, as poffibly one Prince could be by another, was not only 
 
 K k forget fuJ
 
 26o The Hijlory of the Reformation Book HI. 
 
 in 9- forgetful of it, but intended to take Advantage from the Diftradions • 
 and Difcontcnts of the EngUfby to drive them out of France, if it were 
 pofllble. And it is not to be doubted but the Emperor would gladly 
 have embroiled thefe two Kings, that he might have a better Opportu- 
 nity both to make himfelf Mailer of Germany, and to force the King 
 of England into an Alliance, by which the Lady Marj fliould be Legi- 
 timated, and the Princes of Germany be left dcftitute of a Support, 
 which made them Infolent and Intradable. The King apprehended the 
 Conjundion of thofe two great Princes agsinfl: himfelf, which was 
 much fet forward by the Pope ; and that they would fet up the King of 
 Scotland againft him, who with that Foreign Afliftance, and the Dilcon- 
 tents at Home, would have made War upon great Advantages ; efpeci- 
 ally thofe in the North of England, being ill-affeded to him : And 
 therefore he judged it nccefTary for his Aflairs, not to lofe the Princes 
 of Germany. Only he refolved, firft, to try if any Nullities or Prc- 
 contradts could cxcufe him fairly at their Hands. He returned to Green- 
 wich very melancholy. He much blamed the Earl of Southampton, who 
 being feiit over to receive her at Callice, had written an high Commen- 
 dation of her Beauty. But he excufed himfelf, that he thought the 
 Thing was fo far gone, that it was decent to write as he had done. 
 The King lamented his Condition in that Marriage, and exprefled great 
 Trouble, both to the Lord Ruffel^ Sir Anthony Brown^ Sir Anthony Den- 
 ny, and others about him. The laft of thofe told him, * This was one 
 
 * Advantage that mean Perfons had over Princes : That great Princes 
 
 * muft take fuch Wives as are brought them, whereas meaner Perfons 
 
 * go and chufe Wives for themfelves. But when the King faw Croni' 
 well, he gave his Grief a freer vent to him. He finding the King fo 
 much troubled, would have caft the chief Blame on the Earl of South- 
 amptony for whom he had no great Kindnefs : And faid, when he found 
 her far fliort of what Reports and Pidures had made her, he Diould 
 have ftayed her at CalUce, till he had given the King notice of it. But 
 the Earl's Commiflion being only to bring her over, he faid, It had been 
 too great a Prefumption in him, to have interpofcd in fuch a manner. 
 And the King was convinced he was in the right. So now, all they 
 had to infifl on, was the clearing of that Contrad that had pafled be- 
 tween her and the Marquis of Lorrain .• which the Ambafladors, who 
 had been With the King, had undertaken Ihould be fully done, and 
 brought over with her in due Form of Law. So after the Lady was 
 brought in great State to Creenwichf the Council met, and fent for the 
 Ambafladors of the Duke of Cleves that conduced her over ; and dc- 
 fired to fee what they had brought for clearing the breach of that Con- 
 tradt with the Marquis of Lorrain. But they had brought nothing, 
 and made no account of it, faying. That the Contradl was in their 
 Minority, when they could give no Confent ; and that nothing had fol- 
 lowed on it after they came to be of Age. But this did not fatisfy the 
 King's Council, who faid, Thefe were but their Words, and they muft 
 fee better Proofs. The King's Marriage was annulled with AnneBoleyn^ 
 upon a Pre-contradt; therefore he muft not again run the like Hazard. 
 So Olijleger and Hogefden^ the Ambafladors from Qleve, did, by a for- 
 mal Inftrument, proteft before Cromwell, That in a Peace made between 
 their late Maftcr, John Duke of Cleve, and Anthony Duke of Lorrain^ 
 one of the Conditions was. That this Lady being then under Age, 
 fhould be given in Marriage to Francis Son to the Duke of Lorrain^ 
 
 who
 
 Book ill. of the Church of England. 261 
 
 who was likewifc under Age, which Treaty they affirmed they law and i, -. c, 
 
 read. But that afterwards Henry deGroffe, AmbalTadorof Charles Duke s-'-^v^*^ 
 
 of Gutldres, upon whole Mediation that I'cacc had been concluded 
 
 declared in their hearing, that the Erpoufals were Annulled, and of no 
 
 Etfc(5l: ; and that this was regiftred in the Chancery of Ckve^ of which 
 
 they promifed to bring an Authcncical Extradi within three Months to 
 
 England. Some of the Councellors, who knew the King's lecrec dillike 
 
 of her Perlbn, would have infifted more on this. But the Archbiihop 
 
 of Canterhuryy and the Bilhop of Durefm, faid, If there was no more 
 
 than that, it could be no juft Hindrance to the Solemnization of the 
 
 Marriage. So the King feeing there was no Remedy, and being much 
 
 prefled, both by the Minifters of Cleve^ and by the Lord Cromwell^ mar- ^ ^'^^' 
 
 tied her on the 6th of January : But expreffed fo much Averfion and 
 
 Diflike of her, that every Body about him took notice of it. Next ^"^ ^^"^. 
 
 Day the Lord Cromwell asked him how he liked her then ? He told ^ " "' 
 
 him, He was mt every Man, therefore he would be free with him : He 
 
 liked her worfe than he did. He fufpeiled Ihe was no Maid ; and had 
 
 fuch ill fmells about her, that he loathed her more than ever, and did 
 
 not believe he fliould ever confummate the Marriage. This was lad 
 
 News to Cromwell, who knew well how delicate the King was in thele neve"rVve"''" 
 
 Matters, and that lb great a Misfortune mud needs turn very heavy on her. 
 
 him, that was the chief Promoter of it. He knew his Enemies would 
 
 draw great Advantages from this ; and underllood the King's Temper 
 
 too well, to think his Grcatnefs would laft long, if he could not induce 
 
 the King to like the Queen better. But that was not to be done ,- for 
 
 though the King lived five Months with her in that State, and very oft: 
 
 lay in the Bed with her, yet his Averfion rather encreafed than abated. 
 
 She feemed not much concerned at it ; and, as their Converfation was 
 
 not great, fo fhewas of an heavy Compofition, and was not much dif- 
 
 pleafed, to be delivered from a Marriage in which Ihe had fo little Sa- 
 
 tisfadlion. Yet one thing fhews that Ihe wanted not Capacity ; for 
 
 ihe learned the Englifh Language very foon j and before her Marriage 
 
 was annulled, (lie fpoke Englijh freely, as appears by fomc of the Dc- 
 
 pofitions. 
 
 There was an Inftrument brought over from Cleve^ taken out of the 
 Chancery there ; by which it appeared, That Henry fie Groffe, Ambaf- 
 fador from the Duke of G«e/rfV«, had, on the i^th of February^ in the 
 Year 15JS) declared the Nullity of the former Contrad, in exprels 
 Words, which are fet down in /i/ig/>-D«/f/;, but thus put in L<jr/wf ; Spon- 
 [alia ilia pro-rreffum fuum nonhahitura, (I will not anfwcr for the Latine,) 
 ex quo diilus Dux Carolus admodum doleret, & propterea qucedam feciffet, 
 & amplius faSlurus effet : And Pallandus, that was Ambaflador from the 
 Duke of Cleves m the Duke of Gueldress Court, wrote to his Mailer, 
 Illuflriftmum Ducem Gueldri't certo fcire prima ilia Sponfalia inter Dcmi- 
 ^llam Annam fore inania & progrejfumfuum non habitura. When this was 
 fhewed the King, his Council found great Exceptions to it, upon the 
 Ambiguity of the Word Sponfalia ; ic not being cxprclTcd, whether thev 
 were Efpoufals by the Words of the Prefcnt, or of the Future Tenfe, 
 and intended to make ufe of that when there fhould be a fie Opportu- 
 nity for it. 
 
 On the 1 2th of April a Scffion of Parliament was held. The Jour- ^ p^ ,. 
 nal (hews, that neither the Abbac olU'eJlminfler, nor any other Abbat ft ntcaUfi,- 
 was prefcnt. After the Lord Chancellor had opened the Rcilbns for 
 
 K k X rha
 
 262 The Hijiory of the Reformation Book 111. 
 
 I <;40. the King's meeting tliem at that Time, as they related to the Civil Go- 
 v-^^V^ vernment; [Cromwell^ as Lord Vice-gerent, Ipake next in the King's 
 Where Dw. Name, and faid, ' There was nothing which tlic King lb much defircd. 
 
 well fpeaks as 
 Lord Vice- 
 gerenc 
 
 He is made 
 Earl of Ejlf<x. 
 
 as a firm Union among all his Subjedls, in which he placed liis chief 
 Security. He knew there were many Incendiaries, and much Cockle 
 grew up with the Wheat. The Rafhncl's and Licentioulhels of I'omc, 
 and the inveterate Superftition and StifFnels of others in the Ancient 
 Corruptions, had railed great DilTentions, to the lad regret of all 
 goodChriflians. Some were called Papifts, others Hcreticks, which 
 Bitternefs of Spirit feemed the more (Irange, fince now the Hoi}' 
 Scriptures, by the King's great Care of his People, were in all their 
 Hands, in a Language which they underftood. But thele were 
 groHy perverted by both Sides, who ftudied rather to juftifie their 
 Palfions out of them, than to dirc(5t their Belief by them. The Kuig 
 leaned neither to the right nor to the left Hand, neither to the one 
 nor the other Party, but fee the pure and fincerc Dodrinc of rhe 
 Chriftian Faith only before his Eyes : And therefore was now refolv- 
 ed to have this fet forth to his SubjccSts, without any corrupt Mix- 
 tures ; and to have fuch decent Ceremonies continued, and the true 
 ufe of them taught, by which all Abufes might be cut off, and Di- 
 fputes about the Expofition of the Scriptures ceafe, and fo all his Sub- 
 jedts might be vvellinftruded in their Faith, and direcflcd in the reve- 
 rent Worfliip of God; and refolved to punifli feverely all Tranfgref- 
 fors, of what fort or fide Ibever they were. The King was refolved. 
 That Chrift, that the Gofpel of Chrift, and the Truth fliould have 
 the Vi(5t:ory. And therefore had appointed fome Bifhops and Divines 
 to draw up an Expofition of thofe Things that were neceflary for the 
 Inflitution of a Chriftian Man : Who were, the Two Archbilhops, 
 the Bilhop of London, Durefm, Winchejler, Rochejier, Hereford, and 
 St. D^-ui^'s ; and DodJors, Th'irlchj, Rolertfon, Cox, Day, Cglethorp^ 
 ReJmayn, Edgeworth, Crayford, Symonds, Rchins, and Trefham. He 
 alfo had appointed others to examine what Ceremonies (hould be re- 
 tained, and what was the true ufe of them ; who were the Bifliops 
 of Bath and Wells, Ely, Sarum, Chkhejier, Worcejler, and Latidaff. 
 The King had alfo commanded the Judges, and other Juftices of the 
 Peace, and Pcrfons commiflloned for the Execution of the Ad for- 
 merly palled, to proceed againll all Tranfgreflbrs, and punifh them 
 according to Law. And he concluded with an high Commendation 
 of the King, whofe due Praifes, he faid, a Man of far greater Elo- 
 quence than himfclf was, could not fully fet forth. The Lords ap- 
 proved of this Nomination, and ordered that thefe Committees Ihould fir 
 conftantly on Mondays, Wednefdays, and Fridays ; and on other Days 
 they were to fit in the Afternoon. But their Proceedings will require fo 
 full a Relation, that Idiall firfl open the other Affairs that palled in this 
 Seffion, and leave thefe to the laft. 
 
 On the 14th of /4pril the King created Cromwell Earl of Efex ,• the 
 Male Line of the Bourchiers, that had carried that Title, being cxtin- 
 guidied. This fliews, that the true Caufes of CromwelPs Fall, mull be 
 found in fome other Thing, than his making up the King's Marriage ; 
 who had never thus raifed his Title, if he had intended fo foon to pull 
 him down. 
 
 On
 
 Book Hi. of the Church of England, '260 
 
 On the -Lid o^ April, a Bill was brouglu in for Supprclllng the 1.5-4 . 
 Knights of St. Johrf of Jerufalem. Tlieir iirll Foundation was to be ^-'" v^^^-- 
 a Guard to the Pilgrims that went to the Holy Land. For (omc .Ages, . ^^l''^ •**":.' 
 chat was extolled as the higheft ExprcHion of Devotion, and a Revc- fi-c K°iighrs 
 rence to our Saviour, to go and view the Places of his Abode ; and of ^t- '■"'=''■ 
 chiefly the Places where he was Crucified, Buried, and aicendcd to°* ^""■■•'''•'"' 
 Heaven. Upon which, many entered into a Religious Knighthood, 
 who were to defend the Holy Land, and conduul the Pilgrims. Thole 
 were of two forts; the Knights-Templars^ and Ihjpiialkrs. The for- 
 mer were the greater and richer, but the other were alfo very conquera- 
 ble. The Popes and their Clergy did every where animate all Princes, 
 and great Perfons, to undertake Expeditions into thcfe Parts, which 
 were very coftly and dangerous, and proved fatal to almoft all the Prin- 
 ces that made them. Yet the Belief of the Pains of Purgatory, from 
 which all were delivered by the Pope's Power, who went on this Expe- 
 dition ; fuch as died in it being alio reckoned Martyrs, wrought won- 
 derfully on a blind and fuperftitious Age. But llich as could not go, 
 were perfwaded. That if on their Death-beds they vowed to go upon 
 their Recovery, and left fome Lands to maintain a Knight that fliould 
 go thither and fight againii the Infidels, it would do as well. Upon 
 this, great and vafl: Endowments were made. But there were manv 
 Complaints made of the Templars-^ for betraying and robbing the Pil- 
 grims,and other horrid Abufes,which may reafonably be believed to have 
 been true ; though other Writers of that Age lay the blame rather on the 
 Covetoufnefs of the King of France^ and the Pope's Malice to them : 
 Yet in a General Council, the whole Order was Condemned, and Sup. 
 prefled, and fuch of them as could be taken, were cruelly put to Death. 
 The Order of the Hofpitallers flood, yet did not grow much after that. 
 They were beaten out of the Holy Lant^hy the Sultans, and lately out 
 of the Ifle of Rhodes, and were at this Time in Malta. Their great 
 Mafter depended on the Pope and the Emperor ; lb it was not thought 
 fit, to let a Houfe, that was liibjed: to a Foreign Power, ftand longer. 
 And it feems they would not willingly furrender up their Houfe, as 
 others had done. Therefore it was necclfary to force them out of it bv 
 an A(5t of Parliament, which on the xxd of April was read the firft 
 Time, and on the 16th the Second Time, and on the Z9th the Third 
 Time, by which both their Houfe in England, and another they had in 
 Kilmainarrt in Ireland, were fupprelTcd, great Pcnfions being relerved by 
 the Adl to the Priors, a 1000 /. to him of St. Johns near London, and 
 500 Marks to the other, with very confidcrabic Allowances for the 
 Knights, which in all amounted to near 3000 /. Yearly. Bur on the 
 14th of May, the Parliament was Prorogued to the ajtii, and a Vote 
 paded, that their Bills ihould remain in the Stare they were in. 
 
 Upon their next Meeting, astHcy were going on in their BuHnefs, a 
 great Change of Court broke out. For on the i^rh of June, at the 
 Council Table, the Duke of Norfolk, in the King's Name, challenged 
 the Lord Crowjuf// of High-Trcalon, and Arrefting him. Tent him Pri- o-ovrvc'.i't 
 foner to the Tower. He had many Enemies among all forts of Per-'^^^'' 
 fens. The Nobility delpifed him, and thought it Icflencd the grcatnefs 
 of their Titles, to fee the Son of a Black-Smith raifed fo many Degrees 
 above them. His afpiring to the Order of the Garter, was thought in - 
 excufablc Vanity ; and his having fo many Places hc;ipcd on him, as 
 Lord Privy- Seal, Lord Clumbrrliiin of Fngljnd^ and Lord Vice gc- 
 
 xcnr.
 
 264. ^^^ Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 i«;40. ttnt, with the Mafterfliip of the Rolls, with which he had but lately 
 s.^^^-^ parted, drew much envy on him. All the Popifli Party hated him out 
 of meafurc. The Suppreflion of the Abbics was laid wholly at his 
 Door : The Attainders, and all other fervere proceedmgs, were imputed 
 to his Counfcls. He was alfo thought to be the Pcrfon that had kept the 
 King and the Emperor at luch Diftance : And therefore the Duke of 
 Norfolk, and Gardiner^ befide private Animofities, hated him on that ac- 
 count. And they did not think it impofTiblc, if he were out of the 
 Way, to bring on a Treaty with the Emperor, which they hoped 
 would open the Way for one with the Pope. But other more fccrcc 
 Reafons wrought his Ruine with the King. The fear he was in of a Con- 
 junction between the Emperor and France did now abate : For he un- 
 derftood that it went no further than Complements. And though he 
 clearly difcovered, having fent over the Duke of l^orfolk to Francis^ 
 that he was not to depend much on his Friendfliip ; yet at the fame 
 Time he knew that the Emperor would not yield up the Dutchy of Mi- 
 lan to him, upon which his Heart was much fet. So he faw they could 
 come to 00 Agreement ; Therefore he made no great account of the 
 Lois of France, fince he knew the Emperor would willingly make an 
 Alliance with him : The hopes of which made him more indifferent, 
 whether the German Princes were pleafed with what he did, or not, 
 fince he had now attained the end he had propofed to himfelf in afl his 
 Negotiations with them, which was, to fecure himfelf from any Trou- 
 ble the Emperor might give him. Therefore Cremwell's Counfels were 
 now difliked, for he had always enclined the King to favour thofe 
 Princes againfl: the Emperor. Another fecret Caufe was, That as the 
 King had an unconquerable Averfion to his Queen, fo lie was taken 
 with the Beauty and Behaviour of Miftrefs Katherine Howard, Daugh- 
 inlveSterto the Lord EJmond Howard, a Brother of the Duke of Norfolk's. 
 Miftrefs Kt. ^nd as this defigned Match raifed the Credit of her Uncle, fo the ill 
 :j,^eri,„ H,w. (^oufequences of the former, drew him down who had been the cliief 
 Councellor in it. The King alfo found his Government was grown un- 
 eafie, and therefore judged it was no ill Policy to caft over all that had 
 been done amifs, upon a Minifter who had great Power with him ; and 
 being now in Difgrace, all the Blame of theie Things would be taken 
 off from the King, and laid on him, and his Ruin would much appeafe 
 Difcontents, and make them more moderate in cenfuring the King, or 
 his Proceedings. It is faid, that other Particulars were charged on him, 
 which loft him the King*s Favour. If this be true, it is like they re- 
 lated to the Encouragement he was faid to have given to fome Refor- 
 mers, in the Oppofition they made to the fix Articles; upon the Execu- 
 tion of which the King was now much fet. His Fall was fo fecrctly 
 carried, that though he had often before looked for it, knowing the 
 King's uneafie and jealous Temper, yet at that Time he had no Appre- 
 henfions of it, till the Scorm broke upon him. In his Fall he had the 
 common Fate of all difgraccd Minifters, to be forfakcn by his Friends, 
 and infulted over by his Enemies. Only Cranmer retained ftill fo much 
 of his former Simplicity, that he could never learn thefc Court Arts. 
 cranmirs Thctcforc he wrotc to the King about him next Day, ' He much mag- 
 Priendihip to « pif^cd his Diligence in the King's Service and Prefcrvation, and difco- 
 oomm . ^ ygjjng all Plots as foon as they were made : That he had always 
 ' loved the King above all Things, and fcrved him with great Fidelity 
 • and Succcfs : That he thought no King of England had ever fuch a 
 
 ' Servant;
 
 liintea for l\tchai\{ Cht/n'-cu iit t/ie Rj^fc and CroiviiiL^ui S: Piiii/s f/i///'-/i i^-,/n/
 
 Book III. of the Church of Englmd, 26$ 
 
 ' Servant; upon thac Account he had loved him, as one that loved the 1540. 
 '' King above all others. But if he was a Tray tor, he was glad ic was *-'''%^"n# 
 ' difcovered. But he prayed God earneftly, to fend the King fuch a 
 
 * Qiancellor in his flead, who could and would ferve him as he had 
 ' done. This fhews both the firmnefs of Cranmer's Fricndflnp to him, 
 and thac he had a great Soul, not turned by the Changes of Mens For- 
 tunes, to like or diflike them, as they flood or declined from their 
 Greatnefs. And had not the King's Kindnefs for Cranmer been deeply 
 rooted, this Letter had ruined him. For he was the mod impatient of 
 Contradidion, in fuch Cafes, thac could be, Cr<7/«ii?(f//s Ruin was now 
 decreed ; and he who had fo fervilely complied with the King's Pleafure 
 in procuring fome Co be Attainted the Year before, without being 
 brought to make their Anfwer, fell now under the fame Severity. For 
 whether it was that his Enemies knew, That if he were brought to 
 the Bar, he would fo juftifie himfelf, that they would find great Diffi- 
 culties in the Procefs j or whether ic was thac they blindly refolved to 
 follow that injuftifiable Precedent, of pafling overfo neceflary a Rule to 
 all Courts, of giving the Party accufed an hearing ; che Bill of At- 
 tainder was brought into the Houfe of Lords, Cranmer being abfenc 
 that Day, as appears by the Journal, on the 17th of June, and read the 
 firfl Time, and on tte 19th was read the fecond and third Time, and 
 fent down to the Commons. By which it appears, how few Friends 
 he had in thac Houfe, when a Bill of chac Nacure went on fo haftily. 
 But it feems he found in the Houfe of Commons fomcwhat of the 
 fame Meafure, which Ten Years before he had dealt to the Cardinal, 
 though not with the fame Succefs. For his Matter ftuck Ten Days 
 there. At length a new Bill of Attainder was brought up, conceived 
 in che Houfe of Commons, vvich a Provifo annexed to it. They alfo 
 fent back the Bill which the Lords fent to them. But ic is noc clear 
 from che Journals whac chey meant by thofe two Bills. Ic feems they 
 rejedled the Lords Bill, and yet fent icup wich cheir own, either in Re- 
 fped: to the Lords, or chac chey lefc ic co cheir Choice, which of che 
 two Bills chey would offer co the Royal Aflenr. But though this be 
 an Unparliamentary Way of Proceeding, I know no ocher Senfe which 
 the Words of che Journal can bear, which I Ihall fee down in che Mar- 
 gene, chac che Reader may judge beccer concerning ic. * And chat very ^r.«"?.°pl"^^. 
 Day che King affenced co ic, as appears by che Lctcer wriccen che nexc 58- 
 Day by Cromwell co che King. Jl^^Jf' 
 
 Tho. Cromwell Comltii Eflex de crlmine H/erefis & Lafa Majiflatir, fer Cimmuaei ete ntv ttncefta, & /fftifs, & 
 pmul cum prfviftone iidtm annexa. §lute ^uidem Bill» lo, ^do, & pit, UB»tfl; &frtvift ejufdem concerntni Dt. 
 ttnatum Wellenfcm ferleBa eft, 8( communi omnium Procerum confenfu neminc difcrepance expedit* } & 
 fimultum i» refereb»tur Bill* /ttiinilurtc qudtfriut mijfa erat in D»mum Ctmmunium. 
 
 The Adfaid, * Thac che King having laikd] Thomas Cromwell ftom cr,mw,ir, 
 
 * a bafe Degree, co gceac Dignicies and high Trufts ; yec he had now Attainder 
 
 * by a greac Number of Wicnefles, Pcrfons of Honour, found him co ^'^''^' ^'' 
 
 * be che moft Corrupc Traicor, and Deceiver of che King and the 
 
 * Crown, that had ever been known in his whole Reign. He had ta- 
 
 * ken upon him to fct at Liberty divers Pcrfons put in Prifon for Mif- 
 
 * prifion of Treafon, and others that were fiifpe<2ed of it. He had 
 
 * alfo received feveral Bribes, and for them granted Licences to carry 
 
 * Money, Corn, Horfes, and other Things out of the Kingdom, con- 
 
 * crary co che King's Proclamacions. He had alfo given our many Com- 
 
 * mifliions wichout the King's Knowledge j and being but of a bafc Birth, 
 
 he 
 
 Num.
 
 266 
 
 The Hijiory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1S40. 
 
 Cenfurfs part 
 upon It. 
 
 he laid, That he was furt of the King. He had graiircd many Pals- 
 ports, both to the King's Subjcds and Foreigners, for palling the Seas 
 without Search. He being alio an Herctick, had difperfcd many Er- 
 roneous Books among the King's Subjeds, particularly ionic that were 
 contrary to the Belief of the Sacrament. And when lome had infofm- 
 cd him of this, and had (hewed him thefe Hercfies in Books prmccd 
 in England, he faid, They were good, and that he found no Fault ht 
 them \ and laid, It was as lawful for every Chriflian Man to be the Mi- 
 nifler of that Sacrament, as a Priefl. And whereas the King had con- 
 flituted him Vice-gercnt for the Spiritual Affairs of the Church • he 
 had, under the Seal of that Office, licenled many that were fulpedcd 
 of Herefie, to Preach over the Kingdom ; and he had, both by Word 
 and in Writing, fiiggefted to feveral Sheriffs, That it was the King's 
 Plealiirc they ihould difcharge many Priloners, of whom feme were 
 Indided, others apprehended for Herefie. And when many particu- 
 lar Complaints were brought to him of deteftable Herefics, with the 
 Names of the Ofl'enders, he not only defended the Hcrcticks, but 
 leverely checkt the Informers ; and vexed lome of them by Imprifon- 
 ment, and other Ways, the Particulars of all which were too tedious 
 to be recited. And he having entertained many of the King's Subjeds 
 about himfelf, whom he had infedcd with Hcrcfic, and imagining he 
 was by Force able to defend his Treafons and Herefics ; on the laft of 
 March, in the joth Year of the King's Reign, in the Parifli of St. Pe- 
 ter's the Poor in London, when fome of them complained to him of 
 the new Preachers, fuch as Barnes and others, he laid, Their Preach- 
 ing was good; and faid alfo, among other Things, That if the King 
 would turn from it, yet he would not turn : And if the King did turn, and 
 all his People with him, he would fght in the Field in his own Perfotty 
 with his Sword in his Handagainfi him, and all others: And then he pul- 
 led out his Dagger, and held it up, and faid, or elfe this Dagger thrufi 
 me to the Hearty if I would not die in that Quarrel againfl them all ; and I 
 trujl if J live one Tear or two, it fhall not he in the Kings Power to refi^, 
 or lett it, ifhetvould: And fwearing a great Oath, laid, I would do fo 
 indeed. He had alfo by Oppreffion and Bribery made a great Eft ate 
 to himfelf; and extorted much Money from the King's Subjedls, and 
 being greatly enriched, had treated the Nobility with much Con- 
 tempt. And on the laft of January, in the 31th Year of the King's 
 Reign, in the Parilb of St. Martins in the Fields, w hen fome had put 
 him in mind to what the King had raifed him, he faid. If the Lords 
 would handle him fo, he would give them fuch a Break fafl as was never 
 made in England, and that the proudefl ef them fhould know it. For 
 all which Treafons and Herefies, he was Attainted to fuffer the Pains 
 of Death, for Herefie and Treafon, as fhould pleafe the King, and to 
 forfeit all his Eftate and Goods to the King's ufe, that he had on the 
 laft of Afjrc/' in the ^ift Year of the King's Reign, or fince that Time. 
 There was added to this Bill, a Provifo ,• That this Ihould not be hurt- 
 ful to the Bifhop of Bath and Udells, and to the Dean and Chapter of 
 Wells, with whom, it fecms, he had made fome Exchanges of Lands. 
 From thefe Particulars, the Reader will clearly fee, why he was nor 
 brought to make his Anfwer, moft of them relating to Orders and 
 Dirc^ions he had given, for which it is very probable he had the King's 
 Warrarit. And for the matter of Herefie, it has appeared how far the 
 King had proceeded towards a Reformation, fo that wh:^t he did that 
 
 Wav,
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 267 
 
 Way, was hioft liktly done by the King's Order: But the King now 1540. 
 falling from thcTe things, it was thought they intended to iiifla him ~ 
 by lijch an Atcainder; thir ivj might not diRovcr the lecrec Orders or 
 Direftions given him for his own juftilication. For the particulars of 
 Bribery and Extortion, they being mtntioncd in genera) Expreffijns, 
 leemonlycaft into the Heap to detame him. But loi" thofc treafbnabie 
 Words, it was generally thought that they were a Contiivance of his 
 Enemies; fince it fcemed a thing very extravagant, for a Favourite, 
 in the height of his Gieatnefs, to talk lb rudely. And if h? had been 
 guilty of ir. Bedlam was thought a hcter place for his Rtiiraint than 
 tne Tower. Nor was it judged likely that he, having fuch great and 
 warchful Enemies at Court, any lucli Difcourics could have lain fb 
 long Iccret : Or if they had come to the King's knowledge, he was 
 not a Prince of fuch a Tevip-r as to have forgiven, much lefs imployM 
 and advanc'd a Mm after fuch Difcourfes. And to chink, that 
 during thcfe fifteen Months, after the Words were {aid to have been 
 fpoken, none would have had the Zeal for the King, or the Malice to 
 Cromivel, as to repeat them, were Things that could not be believed. 
 The Formiiity of drawing his Dagger, made it the more fufpefted ; 
 for this was to affix an Overt- Acl to thele Words, which, in the Opinion 
 of many Lawyers, was necelfary to make Words treafbnabie. But as 
 if thele Words had not been ill enough, (bm.e Writers fince have made 
 them wcrfe; as if he had laid. He would tbrufi bis Dagger in the Kings 
 Heart: About which Fuller hath made another Story co excife thefe 
 Words, as if they had not been meant of the King, but of another. But, 
 all that is founded on a Miftake, which, if he had looked in the Re- 
 cord, he had correQed. 
 
 Cromwefs Fall was the firfl Step towards the King's Divorce. For,T^*^'''}|.'^^- 
 on the 24th of June, he fent his Queen to Richmond, pretending theJo^ceVjo^ 
 Country Air would agree better wich her. But on the 6th of July a'lisQuc-n- 
 Motion was mzde, and aiTented to in the Houfe of Lords, that they 
 fliould make an Addrefs Co the King, deliring him tofuff^r his Marriage 
 wich the Queen to be tryed. Upon which, the Lord Chancellor, the 
 Arch-Bilh op of C^«/fr^«/-)', the Dukes o( Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earl 
 of Southampton, and the iM^ho^oi' Durefm, were lent down to theCom- 
 mons, to reprefentthe Matter to them, and to defire their concurrence 
 in the Addrefs. To which they agreed, and ordered Twenty of their 
 Number to go along with the Peers. So the whole Houfe of Lords, 
 with thefe Commoners, went to the King ; and told him, They had 
 a Matter of grtar Confequence to propofe to him, but it was of that 
 Impotance, that the'' firlt begged his leave to move it. That being 
 obtained, they defired the King would order a Tryal to be made, of the 
 Validity ol his Marriage. To which the Kingconfented, and made a deep 
 Protelf uion, as in the Prefence of God, that he ihould conceal nothing 
 that related to ir, and all its Circumllances ; And that there was no- 
 thing that he held dearer t'lan the Glory of God, the Good of the Com- 
 mon-wealth, and the Declaration of 1 ruth. So a CommilHon was if- 
 fued out to th.e Convocation to try it. 
 
 On the 7th o^ July it was brought before the Convocation, of which it's referr'd 
 the ReadkJr will il-c a fuller Account in the CoUcftionat the end, than ^° ^''f ^°"- 
 is needful to be brought in here. The Cafe was opened by the Bilhop''^""'"'" 
 of H'inche/ler, and a Committee was appointed togonfider it^ and they 
 deputed the Bifhop ot Durefm, and ^inchelhr, and Thirlehy, and Richard 
 
 L 1 LeightoTi,
 
 268 ^he tJiflory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 i?40. Leighton, Dean of Tork, to examine the Witneflcs that Day. And the 
 ^''"^^''"^^ next Day they received the King's own Dcpofition ; with a long De- 
 CtiieS. Num. claration of the whole Matter, under Cromwell^'s Hand, in a Letter to 
 clhtS Sum the King ; and the Depofitions of moft of the Privy-Councellors, of the 
 18. Ezv\ oi Southampton, x.\\Q 'Lord Rujfe I \\\&n Admxx?^, oiS'xvJnthony BrowHy 
 
 S\v JKthony Denny, t)o^ot Chambers, and Dodlor 5«//j, the King's Phy- 
 tl"(kd fbrit" ^'^'^"S> ^""^ of fome Ladies that had talked with the Qiieen. AW which 
 " amounted to this,- That the King expedcd that the Pre-contra6t with 
 the Marquefs of Lorrain Q::ould have been more fully cleared. That the 
 King always diflikcd her, and marry'd her full fore againft his Heart; 
 and (Ince that time he had never confummated the Marriage. So the 
 Subftance of the whole Evidence being confidered^ it amounted to thefe 
 three Particulars. Firft, That there had been a Con trad between the 
 Marquefs of Lorrain and the Queen, which was not fufficiently cleared : 
 For it did not yet appear, whether thefe Efpoufals were made by the 
 Parties themfelves, or in the Words of the Prefent Tcnfe. Then it was 
 faid, That the King having marry'd her againft his Will, he had not gi- 
 ven a pure, inward, and compleat Confent : And fince a Man's A€t \9 
 only what is inward, extorted or forced Promifes do not bind. And, 
 Thirdly, That he had never confummated the Marriage. To which was 
 added, the great Incereft the whole Nation had in the King's having 
 more IlTue, which they faw he could never have by the Queen. This 
 was furioudy driven on by the Popifh Party. And Cranmer, whether 
 overcome with thefe Arguments, or rather with Fear, for he knew it 
 was contrived to fend him quickly after Cromwell, confented with the 
 tion°agree" ^^^- So that thc whole Convocation, without one difagreeing Vote, 
 to ir. judged thc Marriage null, and of no force : And that both the King, and 
 
 c,//.N««»J..9,.hs Lady, were free from the Bond of it. 
 
 This was the greateft Piece of Compliance that ever the King had 
 It is cen- ^jQ^ jj^g Clergy. For as they all knew there was nothing of Weight in 
 that Pn-e-contracSt ,- fo they laid down a moft pernicious Precedent, for 
 invalidating all Publick Treaties and Agreements : Since, if one of the 
 Parties being unwilling to if, fo that his Confent were not inward, he 
 was not bound by it, there was no Safety among Men more. For no 
 Man can know whether another confents inwardly : And when a Man 
 does any thing with great Averfion, to infer from thence, that he does 
 not inwardly confent, may furnilh every one with an Excufe, to break 
 loofe from all Engagements : For he may pretend he did it unwillingly, 
 and get his Friends to declare that he privately fignified that to them. 
 And for that Argument, which was taken from the want of Confum- 
 mation, they had forgotten what was pleaded on the King's behalf ten 
 Years before, That Content, without Confummation, made a Marriage 
 compleat ; by which they concluded, That though Prince Arthur had 
 not confummated his Marriage with Queen Katherine, yet his Confent 
 did fo compleat it, that thc King could not afterwards lawfully marry 
 her. Cut as the King was rclolved on any Terms to be rid of this 
 Queen, lo the Clergy were alfo rcfolved not to incur his Difplcafiire : 
 In which they rather iought for Reafons to give fome colour to their 
 Sentence, than part their Judgment upon the flrcngth of them. This 
 only can be faid for their excufe, that thefe were as juft and weighty 
 Reafons as ufcd to be admitted by thc Court of Rome for a Divorce ; 
 ;*nd moft of them being Canonifts, and knowing how many Precedents 
 
 there
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 269 
 
 there were to be found for fuch Divorces, they thought they might do 1540. 
 it, as well as the Popes had formerly done. w^V>-» 
 
 On the 9th of Ju/y^ Sentence was given ; which was figned by both 
 Houfcs of Convocation, and had the two Arch Bilhops Seals put to it ; 
 ©f which whole Tryal the Record does yet remaia, having elcapcd the 
 Fate of the other Books of Convocation. The Original Depofitions are 
 alio yet extant. 
 
 Only I Ihall add here a RcHcdlion upon CremiveWs Misfortune, which 
 may juftly abate the Loftincfs of haughty Men. The Day after he was 
 attainted, being required to lend to the King a full Account under his 
 Hand of the Bufinefs of his Marriage ; which Account he fcnr, as will 
 be found in the Colledion ; he concludes it with thefe abjedl Words '.coU.tJaai.ij. 
 ' I, a mofl: woful Prifoner, ready to take the Death, when it fhall pleafe 
 
 * God and your Majcfty ; and yet the frail Flelh inciteth me concinual- 
 
 * ly to call to your Grace for Mercy, and Grace for mine Offences. 
 
 * And thus Chrifl: lave, prcferve, and keep you. Written at the Tower 
 
 * this Wec/ijefdjy the laft of June, with the heavy Heart, and trembling 
 
 * Hand, of your Highnefs moft heavy, and moll miferable Prifoner, and 
 
 * poor Slave, Thomas Cromwell. And a little below that, ' Moft Graci- 
 
 * ous Prince, I cry for Mercy, Mercy, Mercy. 
 
 On the loth of fuly, the Arch-biOiop of C7»/fr^«/-)' reported to the Report 
 Houfc of Lords, That the Convocation had judged the Marriage Null '"^'^f ^° "^^^ 
 both by the Law of God, and the Law of the Land. The Bilhop of ^"^'''^'"'• 
 Winchefter delivered the Judgment in Writing ,• which being read, he 
 enlarged on all the Realons of it. This latisfied the Lords, and they 
 fent down Cranmer and him to the Commons, to give them the fame 
 Account. Next Day the King fent the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of 
 Norfolk, the Earl of Southampton, and the Bifhop of Winchefter, to let 
 the Queen know what was done,- who was not at all troubled at it 
 and feemed not ill-pleafed. They told her. That the King would by 
 Letters Patents Declare her his Adopted Sifter, and give her Prece- 
 dence before all tlie Ladies of England, next his Queen and Daugh- 
 ters ; and allign her an Eftate of ^000 /. a Year; and that fhe had 
 her choice, either to live in England, or to return home again. She ac- TheQueea 
 cepced the Offer, and under her Hand declared her Confcnt and Appro 5°"^^''"^'* 
 bation of the Sentence ; and chofe to live ftill in England, where llie 
 was in great Honour, rather than return under that Dilgrace to her own 
 Country. She was alfo defired to write to her Brother, and let him 
 know, that (he approved of what was done in her Matter, and that the 
 King ufed her as a Father, or a Brother ; and therefore to defire him 
 and her other Friends, not to take this Matter ill, or leden their Friend- 
 ship to the King. She had no mind to do that, but faid, it would be 
 time enough when her Brother wrote to her, to fend him fuch an An- 
 fwer. Bur it was anfwered, That much depended on the firft Impref- 
 fions that are received of any Matter. She in Conclufion faid, fhelhould 
 obey the King in everything he defired her to do. So (he wrote th^coU.tfumi.io. 
 Letter as they defir'd it; and the Day following, being the nth of 
 July, the Bill was brought into the Houfe, for annulling the Marriage, 
 which went eafily through both Houfes. 
 
 On the i-Sth of July, a Bill was brought in, for moderating theSta- An Aft a- 
 tute of the Six Articles in the Claufes that related to the Marriage of the''""'. ^^'^ '"" 
 Prielts, or their Incontinency with other Women. On the 17th it wasorpS* 
 agreed by the whole Houfc, without a contradidory Vot*, and fent 
 
 L 1 1 down
 
 2-70 fhe Hiftory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1C40. down to the Commons ,• who the zift fent it up again. By it the Pains 
 
 ^•"V^ of Death were turned to Forfeitures of their Goods and Chattels, and 
 
 the Rents of their Ecclefiaftical Promotions, to the Kmg. 
 
 Another a- On the 20th oiju^^, 3 Bill was brought in concerning a Declaratjon 
 
 boutRciigi- of the Chriftian ReHfon, and was then read the firft, 2d, and ?d time, 
 
 and palTcd without any Oppofition, and lent down to the Commons ; 
 
 who agreeing to it, lent it up again the next Day. It contained, ' That 
 
 * the King, as Supreme Head of the Church, was taking much Pains 
 
 * for an Union among all his Subjeds in Matters of Religion : And for 
 
 * preventing the further progrel's of Hercfy, had appointed many of 
 
 * the Bilhops, and the mofi learned Divines, to declare the principal 
 ' Articles of the Chriftian Belief, with the Ceremonies, and Way of 
 
 * God's Service to be oblerved. That therefore a Thing of that Weight 
 ^ might not be rafhly done, or hafted through in this SelTion of Parlia- 
 ' ment ; but be done with that Care which was requifite j Therefore it 
 was Enaded, * That whatfoevet was determined by the Arch-bifliops, 
 
 * Bifhops, and the other Divines, now commifiionated for that Effcd, 
 
 * or by any others appointed by the King, or by the whole Clergy of 
 
 * England^ and publiflied by the King's Authority, concerning the 
 
 * Chriftian Faith, or the Ceremonies of the Church, Ihould be belie- 
 
 * ved and obeyed by all the King's Subjeds ; as well as if the Parti- 
 
 * culars fo fet forth had been enumerated in this A(fr, any Cuflom or 
 
 * Law to the contrary notwithftanding. To this a ftrange Provifo was 
 added, whidh deftroyed the former Claufe ; * That nothing fliould 
 
 * be done or determined by the Authority of this AO:, which was 
 
 * contrary to the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom. But whether 
 this Frovifo was added by the Houfe of Commons, or originally put 
 into the Bill, does not appear. It was more likely it was put in at 
 the lirft by the King's Council ; for thefe contradidtory Glaufes raifed 
 the Prerogative higher, and left it in the Judge's Power to determine 
 which of the two (hould be followed ; by which all Ecclefiaftical Mat- 
 ters were to be brought under Tryals at Common Law : For it was 
 one of the great Defigns, both of the Minifters and Lawyers at this 
 time, to bring all Ecclefiaftical Matters to the Cognizance of the Se- 
 cular Judge. 
 
 But another Bill pafted, which feems a little odd, concerning the Cir- 
 cumftances of that Time. ' That whereas many Marriages had been 
 
 * annulled in the Time of Popery, upon the Pretence of Pre-contrads, 
 
 * or other Degrees of Kindred, than thofc that were prohibited by the 
 
 * Law of God : Therefore, after a Marriage was conlummated, no 
 
 * Pretence of any Pre-contra(a-, or any Degrees of Kindred or Alliance, 
 
 * but thofe mentioned in the Law of God, fhould be brought or made 
 
 * ufe of, to annul it ; fince thefe Things had been oft pretended, only 
 
 * to diflblvc a Marriage, when the Parties grew weary of each other, 
 
 * which was contrary to God's Law. Therefore it was Enaded, That 
 
 * ho Pretence of Pre-contrad, not confummated, Ihould be made ufe 
 
 * of to annul a Marriage duly folemnized and confummated ; and that 
 
 * no Degrees of Kindred, not mentioned by the Law of God, fliould 
 
 * be pleaded to annul a Marriage. This Adt gave great Occafion of 
 cenfuting the King's former Proceedings againft Qiiecn Ame Boleyn, 
 fincc that which was now condemned had been the Pretence for dif- 
 folving his Marriage with her. Others rhoughr the King did it on 
 <defiijn to remove that Impediment out of the way of the Lady Eliza- 
 
 ^ leth'i
 
 Book 111. of the Church of Engknd, 271 
 
 ietl/s fuccccding to the Crown ; llnce that Judgment, upon which /he icao, 
 was illegitimated, was now indircdllycenlurcd : And that other Branch ^-^'^Srs^ 
 of the Ad, for taking away all Prohibitions of Marriages, within any 
 Degrees but thole forbidden in Scripture, was to make way for the 
 King's Marriage with Kather'tne Howard, who was Coufin German to 
 Queen Anne Boleyn ; for that was one of the prohibited Degrees by the 
 Canon Law. 
 
 The Province of Canterhury offered a Subfidy of Four Shillings in the Subfia',e« 
 Pound, of all Ecclefiaftical Preferments, to be payed in two Years i and granted by 
 that in acknowledgment of the great Liberty they enjoyed by being ^''*^ ^^"^^' 
 delivered from the Dfurpations of the Bilhops of Rome, and in recom- 
 pence of the great Charges the King had been at, and was (till to be 
 at, in building Havens, Bulwarks, and other Forts, for the Defence of 
 his Coafts, and the Security of his Subjefts. This was confirmed in 
 Parliiiment. But that did not fatisfie the King, who had husbanded 
 the Money that came in by the Sale of Abbey-Lands fo ill, that now 
 he wanted Money, and was forced to ask a Subfidy for his Marriage of 
 the Parliament : This was obtained with great Difficulty. For it was 
 faid, That if the King was already in want, after fo vaft an Income, And Laity, 
 cfpecially being engaged in no War, there would b.e no End of his Ne- 
 celfities ; nor could it be pollible for thein to fupply them. But it was 
 anfwered. That the King had laid out a great Treafure in fortifying the 
 Coaft : And though he was then in no vifible War, yet the Charpe he 
 was at in keeping up the War beyond Sea, was equal to the Expence 
 pf a War; and much more to the Advantage of his People, who were 
 kept in Peace and Plenty. This obtained a Tenth, and Four Fifteenths. 
 >\fter the paffing of all thefe Bills, and many other that concerned the 
 Publick, with fcveral others Bills of Attainder, for fome that favoured 
 the Pope's Intcrefts, or correfponded with Cardinal Pool, which fhall 
 be mentioned in another Place, the King fent in a General Pardon, with 
 the; Ordinary Exceptions; and in particular, excepted Cromwell, the 
 Countefs of Sarum, with many others, then in Prifon : Some of them 
 were put in for oppofing tlie King's Supremacy, and others for tranf- 
 grefTing the Statute of the Six Articles. On the 14th of July the Par- 
 hament was diffolved. 
 
 And now Cromwell, who had been fix Weeks a Prifoner, was brought crommU't 
 to his Execution. He had ufed all the Endeavours he could for his own ^"f''' 
 Prefervation. Once he wrote to the King m fuch melting Terms that 
 he made the Letter to be thrice read, and feemed touched with it. But 
 the Charms of Katherine Howard, and the Endeavours of the Duke of 
 Norfolk and the Bilhop of l^^inchefler, at length prevailed. So a War- 
 rant was fent to cut off his Head, on the z8th of July, at Tower-hill, 
 When he was brought to the Scaffold, his kindnefs to his Son made 
 him very cautious in what he faid ; he declined the purging of himfelf 
 but faid, ' He was by Law condemned to die, and thanked God for 
 
 * bringing him to that Death, for his Offences. He acknowledged his 
 
 * Sins againft God, and his Offences againft his Prince, who had raifed 
 ' him from a bafe Degree. He declared that he died in the Catholick 
 ' Faith, not doubting of any Article of Faith, or of any Sacrament of 
 
 * the Church: And denied that he had been a Supporter of thoic who 
 
 * delivered ill Opinions : He confeffcd he had been fcduced, but now 
 
 * died in the Catholick Faith, and dcfired them to pray for the King, 
 ' and for the Prince, and for himfelf: And then prayed very fervently 
 
 5 for
 
 272 The Hijlory of the Reform tttion Book IIL 
 
 ' for the Rcmillion of his part Sins, and Admittance into Eternal Glory ; 
 And having given the Sign, the Executioner cut oti his Head very 
 barbaroully. 
 His Chaw- Thus fell that great Minifter, that was raifed meerly upon the 
 
 ffcr. Strength of his natural Parts. For as his Extradion was mean, fo his 
 
 Education was low : All the learning he had, was, that he had goc 
 the NeivTeJhment in Latin by heart. His great Wifdom, and Dex- 
 ,;erity in Bufinefs, raifed him up through leveral Steps, till he was 
 oecome as great as a Subjedl could be. He carryed his Greatnefs with 
 wonderful Temper and Moderation ; and fell under the Weight of po- 
 pular Qdium^ rather than Guilt. The Diforders \x\ the Suppreflion of 
 Abbeys were generally charged on him. Yet when he fell, no Bribery, 
 nor cheating of the King, could be faftned on him ; though fuch things 
 come out in Swarms on a difgraced Favourite, when there is any ground 
 for them. By what he fpoke at his Death, he left it much doubted of 
 what Religion he dyed. But it is certain he was a Lutheran. The 
 Term Catholick Faith ufed by him in his lafl: Speech, feemed to make it 
 doubtful J but that was then ufed in England^ in its true Senfe, in Op- 
 pofition to the Novelties of the See of Rome., as will afterwards appear 
 on another Occafion. So that his Profelllon of the Catholick Faith was 
 ftrangely perverted, when fome from thence concluded, That he dyed 
 in the Communion of the Church of Rome. But his praying in Englijhy 
 and tliat only to God through Chrift, without any of thofe Tricks that 
 were ufed when thofe of that Church died, fhewed he was none of theirs. 
 With him the Office of the King's Vice-gerent in Ecclefiaftical Affairs 
 died, as it rofc firfl in his Perfon : And as all the Clergy oppofcd the 
 letting up a new Officer, whofe Intereft fhould oblige him to oppofe a 
 Reconciliation with Rome^ fo it feems none were fond to fuccecd in an 
 Office, that proved fo fatal to him that had firfl: carryed it. The King 
 was faid to have lamented his Death, after it was too late ; but the Fall 
 of the new Queen, that followed not long after, and the Miferies which 
 fell alfo on the Duke of Norfolk^ and his Family, fome Years after, 
 were looked on as the Scourges of Heaven, for their cruel Profecution 
 of this unfortunate Minifter. 
 
 With his Fall, the Progrefs of the Reformation, which had been by 
 
 his Endeavours I'o far advanced, was quite ftopr. For all that Crattmer 
 
 could do after this, was to keep the Ground they had gained : But he 
 
 could never advance much further. And indeed every one expcded to 
 
 Defigns a- fee him go next. For, as one Goftwick, Knight for Bedford/hire^ had 
 
 mer^ ^'^""' «a"icd him in the Houle of Commons, as the Supporter and Promoter 
 of all the Herefie that was in England ; lb the Popifh Party reckon'd 
 they had but half done their Work, by deftroying Cromwell ; and that 
 it was not finifhcd till Cranmer followed him. Therefore all polTible 
 Endeavours were ufed to make Dilboverics of the Encouragement, 
 which, as was believed, he gave to the Preachers of the condemned 
 Dodlrines. And it is very probable, that had not the Incontinence of 
 Katherine Howard, (whom the King declared Queen on the %th ©f 
 Augujl^, broken out not long after, he had been Sacrificed the next 
 Seffion of Parliament. 
 
 But now I return to my proper Bufinefs, to give an Account of 
 Church-matters for this Year ; with which thefe great Changes in Court 
 had fo great a Relation, that the Reader will excufe the DigrefTion 
 about them. 
 
 Upon
 
 Book IIL of the Church of England. 273 
 
 Upon CronnvslPs Fall, Gardiner, and tholb that followed him, made 1^40. 
 no doubt but they flioulJ quickly recover what they had loft of late ^•'^V^*» 
 Years. So their grcateft Accompt was upon the Tranflation of the 
 Scriptures. 1 he Convocation Books (as I have been forced often to 
 lament \ are loll ; lb that here I cannot flir, but as Fuller leads me : 
 who allures the World that he Copied out of the Records with his own 
 Pen what he publiflied. And yet I doubt he has miftaken himfelf in the 
 Year ; and that which he calls the Convocation of this Year, was the 
 Convocation of the Year 1 «;4x. For he tells us. That their 7//; Scflion 
 was the lOth of March. Now in this Year the Convocation did not fie 
 down till the i\th o^ Aprils but that Year it fate all March. So like- 
 wife he tells us of the Bilhops of Weflminfter, Glocefier and Peterhorough^ 
 bearing a (hare in this Convocation : Whereas thefe were not Confecra- 
 ted before Winter, and could not fit as Bilhops in this Synod. And bc- 
 fides, Th'irkhy fate at this time in the lower Houfe ; as was formerly 
 fliewn in the Procefs about Anne of Cleves Marriage. So that their 
 Attempt againft the A^fjy Tejlament belongs to the Year i ^^z. 
 
 But they were now much better employed, though not in the way a Commldl- 
 of Convocation. For a feled: number of them fate by virtue ofa Com- on fits abou: 
 million from the King confirmed in Parliament. Their firft Work was ^^''S'C'n. 
 to draw up a Declaration of the Chriftian Dodrine, for the necejfary 
 Ernd'tt'ton of a Cbrijltan Man. They thought, that to fpeak of Faith in 
 general, ought naturally to go before an Expofition of the Chriftian 
 Belief ; and therefore with that they began. 
 
 The Church of Rome^ that defigned to keep her Children in Igno-An Explana- 
 tance, had made no great Account of Faith ; which they generally taught, t»on of Faith. 
 confifted chiefly in an Implicite Believing whatever the Church propoled, 
 without any Explicitc Knowledge of Particulars. So that a Chriftian 
 Faith, as they had explained it, was a Submiftion to the Church. The 
 Reformers finding that this was the Spring of all their other Errors, and 
 that which gave them Colour and Authority ; did on the other hand fet 
 up the Strength of their whole Caufe on an Explicitc believing the 
 Truth of the Scriptures, becaufe of the Authority of God, who had 
 revealed tliem. And laid, That as the great Subjedl of the Apo- 
 ftles Preaching, was Faith, fo that which they every where taught, 
 was to read and believe the Scriptures. Upon which followed nice 
 Difputing, what was that faving Faith by which the Scriptures fay, We 
 are Jufi'ifieJ. They could not lay, It was barely crediting the Divine 
 Revelation, finre in chat Senfe the Devils believed. Therefore they 
 generally placed it, at firft, in their being aflured that they ftiould be 
 faved by Chrift dying for them. In which, their Defign was to make 
 Holinefs and all other Graces neceftary requifites in the Compofition 
 of Faith ; though th:y would not make them formally parts of it. 
 For fince Chrift's Death has its full Virtue and Efte(il upon none 
 but thofe who are regenerate, and live according to his Gofpel ; none 
 could be afTurcd that he fliould be faved by Chrift's Death, till he 
 firft found in himfelf thofe necefiary Qualifications which are delivered 
 intheGolpel. Having once fettled on this Phrafe, their Followers 
 would ficeds defend it, but really made it worfe by their Explanations. 
 The Church of Rome, thought ihey had them at great Advantages in 
 it, and called tliem SoUfidians, and faid they were ngainft good Works : 
 though whatever unwary RxprefTions Tome of them threw our, they 
 always dcclafed good Works indifpcnfably neceflary to Salvation. 
 
 Buc
 
 2/4- ^'^^ Hiftory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 n;40. But tliey dhkred from the Church of Rome in cwo Things that were 
 material. There was alfo a Third, but there the Difference was more 
 in the manner of Expieffioii. Tliecnewas, What were good Works? 
 The Chui ch of Rome had generally delivered, Tliat Works which did 
 not immediate Honour to God, or his Saints, were more valuable than 
 Works done toother v'cn ; and that the Honour tliey did to Saints, in 
 their Images and Relicks, and to God, in his Prielis that were dedica- 
 ted to him, were the higheil Pieces cf Holinefs, as having the beftOb- 
 jefts. This was the Foundation of all th^c Trade, which brought in 
 both Riches and Glory to their Church. On the other Hand, the Re- 
 formers tauglit, That Juilice and Mercy, with other good Works, done 
 in Obedience to God s Commandments, were only necellary. And for 
 thefe things, ib much magnified at Rome, they acknowledged there 
 0U2,ht to be a decent Splendor in the Woi fhip of God ,• and good Pro- 
 vition to be made for the Hncouragement of thofe who dedicated them- 
 Iclves to his Service in the Church; and that what was beyond thefe, 
 was the Elicd of Ignorance and Superftition. The other main Diffe- 
 rence was about the i\ierit of good Works ; which the Friars had raid- 
 ed lo high, that People were come to think they bought and fold with 
 Alm.gl.ty God, for Heaven and all other his BlelTings. This the Re- 
 formers juaged was the height of Arrogance,- and therefore taught, 
 That good Works were indeed abfolutelv necclTary to Salvation ; but 
 that the Purchafeof Heaven was only by the Death and Interceffion of 
 Jefus Chrilf. With thefe mattrial Differences they joyned another 
 that confided more in Words; Whether Obedience was an effential 
 Part of Faith ? The Reformers (aid it certainly accompanied and fol- 
 lowed Faith ; but thought not fit to make it an Ingredient in the Na- 
 ture ol Faith. Thefe Things had been now much canvaffed in Difputes: 
 And it was thought by many, that Men of ill Lives made no good 
 ufe of fome of the Expreffions of the Reformers, that (eparated Faith 
 from good Works, and came to perfwade themlelves, that if they could 
 but attain to a firm Affurance, That they fhould be favcd by Chrilf, 
 all would be well with them. Therefore now when they went about 
 to ftate the true Notion of Fiith, Cranmer commanded Dotfor Redmayny 
 who was efleemcd the moft learned and judicious Divine of that Time, 
 to write a fhort Treatife on thele Heads : Which he did with that Soli- 
 dity and Cltarncfs, that it will fufficieatly jufl:ily ai.y advantageous 
 Charafter tliat can be given of the Author j and according to the Con- 
 clufions of that Treatife, they laid down the Nature of Faith thus : 
 
 * That it ftands in two leveral Senfes in Scripture ; The one is the 
 ' Perfwafion of the Truths, both of natural and revealed Religion, 
 
 * wrought in the Mind by God's Holy Spirit. And tlie other is fuch 
 
 * a Belief as begets a Suhmiffion to the Will of God, and hath Hope, 
 
 * Love, and Obedience to God's Commandments joyned to it j which 
 ' was Abrahams Faith, and that which according to St. Vaul wrought 
 
 * by Charity, and was fb much commended in the EpilUe to the He- 
 *■ hrevos. That this was the Faith which in Baptifm is proftlfed, from 
 
 * which Chriftians are cillcd the Faithful. And in thofe Scriptures 
 
 * where it is faid, That we are juliihed by Faith, tliey declared, we 
 
 * may not think that we be juftitied by Faith, as it is a feparate Ver- 
 ' tue from Hope and Charity, Fear of God, and Repeniancs; but by 
 
 * it is meant Faith, neither only, nor alone, but with the fcrefaid 
 ' Vcrtues coupled together ; containing (as is aforelaid } the Obedi- 
 
 ' ence
 
 ■ ■ ■ ^ - ■ - ' -■.■■■—--— ■!■ II I ■■ ■-! — ■■■ ■^■^-J — I ■■■■■■■ I'l' I I I — . - - ■ . . ■ . ^ , - 111 
 
 Book Hi. of the Church of England. 27^ 
 
 * ence to the whole Doftrine and Religion of Chrilt. But for tiic De- x 1540. 
 
 * finition of Faith, which Ibme propolcd, as if it were a Certainty that •-"''"V"^ 
 
 * one was Piedeftinated, they found nothing of it, either in the Scri- 
 
 * ptu'-es, or the Doctors, and thought that could not be known : For 
 
 * though God never failed in his Promiles to Men, yet fuch was the 
 
 * frailty of Men, that they often failed in their Promiles to God, and 
 
 * fo did forfeit their Right to the Piomifes, which are ail made upon 
 
 * Conditions that depend on us. 
 
 Upon thisOccafion Ilhall digrefs a little, to Ihow with what Care Grower's 
 Cranmer confidered fo weighty a Point. Among his other Papers, I find b^ouTlt" ** 
 a Collection of a great many Places out of the Scripture, concerning 
 Juftification by Faith, together with a vaft number of Quotations, out 
 of Orige»y Bafily Jerome, TheoJoret^ Amhrofe, Aujlin, Profpcr, Chryfo- 
 Jlom^ Genrtac/iks, Beduy Hefychius, Theophyla£l, and Oecttmenius ; toge- 
 ther with many later Writers, luch as A»J}lm, Bernard, Peter Lombard, 
 Hugo Cardinalfs, Lyranus, and Bruno ; in which the Senle of thofe Au- 
 thors in this Point did appear ; all drawn out with his own Hand. To 
 this is added another Colleflion of many Places of the Fathers, in which 
 they fpeak of the Merit of good Works : And at the end of the whole 
 Colleftion he writes thefe Words ; ' This Propofition, That we are 
 
 * juftified by Chrift only, and not by our good vVorks, is a very true 
 
 * and neceflary Doftrine of St. PauPs, and the other Apoftles, taught 
 
 * by them, to fet forth thereby the Glory of Chrift, and the Mercy of 
 
 * God through Chrift. And after fome further Difcourfe to the fame 
 purpofe, be concludes, * Although all that be juftified muft of neceffity 
 
 * have Charity, as well as Faith 5 yet neither Faith nor Charity be the 
 
 * Worthinefs nor Merits of our Juftification : But that is to be aftri- 
 
 * bed only to our Saviour Chrift, who was offered upon the Crofs for 
 
 * our Sins, and rofe again for our Juftification. This I let down to let 
 the World (ee that Cranmer was not at all concerned in thole Niceties, 
 which have been fo much enquired into fince that time, about the in- 
 ftrumentality of Faith in Juftification ; all that he then confidered, be- 
 ing. That the Glory of it might be afcribed only to the Death and In- 
 terceffion of Jefus Chrift. 
 
 After this was thus laid down, there followed an Explanation of the jT''*^ *** 
 Apoftles Creed, full of excellent Matters ; being a large Paraphrafe on ApJIftiw^ 
 every Article of the Creed, with fuch ferious and pradical Inferences, Creed 
 that I muft ackaowledge, after all the pra61ical Books we have had, 
 I find great Edification in reading that over and over again. The Style 
 is ftrong, nervous, and well-fitted for the weakeft Capacities. There 
 is nothing in this that is controverted between the Papifts and the Re- 
 formers ; except the Definition of the Holy Catholick Church, which 
 they give us thus : That it comprehends all Ajfemhlies of Men over the 
 whole Worldy that receive the Faith of Chrift j who ought to hold an Unity 
 of Love, and hrotherly Agreement togetbery by which they become Mem- 
 bers of the Catholick Church. Upon which a long Excurfion is made, to 
 fhew the Injuftice and Unreafbnablcnefs of the Plea of the Church of 
 Rome, who place the Unity of the Catholick Church, in a Submiflion 
 to the Bilhop of their City ; without any ground from Scripture, or 
 the Ancient Writers. 
 
 From that they proceeded to examine the Seven Sacramento : And The Seven 
 here fell in ftiff Debates, which remain in fome Authcntick Wruings, ^""'menrs, 
 that give a great light to their Proceedings, The Method which they 
 
 M m followtd
 
 276 The Hijtory of the Reformation Book ill. 
 
 ,,540 followed was this. Firft, The whole Bufinefs rhey were to confidcr, 
 v.^^V^>- was divided into fo many Heads ,• which were propol'cd as Queries, ana 
 thefc were given out to lb many Biihops and Divides : And at a prefixed 
 time every one brought his Opinion in writing, upon all the Queries. 
 So, concerning the Seven Sacraments, the Queries were given out to 
 the two Arch- Bifliops, the Bifliops oi Lorxlon, Rochejhr and Carlijle, (tho' 
 thelaft was not in the Commiffion), and to the Bifliops of Durefm, //<?- 
 With great reforci, and St. Davids. For though the Bifliop of Winckejier, was in this 
 .Maturity. Comrjiiflion, yet he did nothing in this particular ; but I imagine that he 
 was gone out of Town, and the Bifliop ofCarliJle was appointed to fup- 
 ply his lAbfcnce. The Queries were alfo given to Dod:or Thirkhy, then 
 Bifhop Eledl of iVeflminfler, to Doftors Rolertjon, Day, Redmayn, Qos, 
 Lei^bton, (though not in the Commillion), Symmone/s, Treflianiy 
 Coren, (though not in the Commilfion), Edgewarth, Oglethorpe Cray- 
 ford, Wilfon, and Robins. When their Anlwers were given in, two 
 were appointed to compare them, and draw an Extract of the Particu-' 
 larc, in which they agreed or difagteed : which the one did in Latin^ 
 and the other in Englijh ; only thole who compared *thcm, it Icems, 
 doing it for the Arch-Bi(hop of Canterbury., took no Notice of his Opi- 
 nions in the Extradt they made. And of thefe, the Original anlwers of 
 the two Arch-Bifhops, the Bifhops of London, Rochefler and Carlifle^ 
 and thefe Dodiors, Day, Robertfon, Redmayn, Cox^ Leighton, Symmondsy 
 Trelham, Coren, Edgeworth and Ogkthorp, are yet extant^ But the 
 Papers given in by the Biihops of Durefm^ Hereford Sin^ St. Dav/d*s^ and 
 the Eled of Weftminjler, and Dodors, Crayford, Wilfon and Robins, 
 Coiieft. though tljey ar6 mentioned in the Extra<3:s made out of them, yet are 
 t:^mh. 2:. j^^ ^i^.g ^|jg Reader will find in the Collection ; which, though it 
 be fomewhat large, yet I thought fuch Pieces were of too great Impor- 
 tance, not to be communicated to the World ; Cncc it is perhaps as 
 great an Evidence of the Ripenefs of their Proceedings, as can be mew- 
 ed in any Church, or any Age of it. And though other Papers of this 
 fort do not occur in this King's Reign : yet I have reafon to conclude 
 from this Inftance, that they proceeded with the Tame Maturity in the reft 
 of their Deliberations. In which I am the more confirmed, becaufe I 
 find another Inftance like this, in the Reformatio^ that was further car- 
 ried on in the fucceeding Reign of Edward the 6th ; of many Biihops 
 ^nd Divines giving in their Opinions under their hands, upon fome 
 Fieads then examined and changed. In Cranmers Paper, fome fingular 
 Opinions of his, about the Nature of Ecclefiaftical Offices will be found ; 
 but as they are delivered by him with all polftble Modefty, fo they were 
 not eftablifhed as the Dodrine of the Church, but laid afide as particular 
 Conceits of his own, and it feems that afterwards he changed his Opi- 
 nion. For he fubfcribed the Book that Was foon after fet out • which 
 is dircdly contrary to thofe Opinions ict down in thefe Papers. Cran- 
 nter was for reducing thefe Sacraments to two, but the Popilh Party 
 was then prevalent, fo the old Number of Seven was agreed to. 
 
 Baptifm was explained in the fame manner that had been done three 
 Years before, in the Articles then fet out : only the Matter of Original' 
 Sin was more enlarged on. - '^^ 
 
 Seconelly, Penance was formerly placed in the Abfolution of the Prieft j * 
 which by the former Articles was only declared a thing defirable, and 
 not to be contemned if it might be had ,• yet all Merit of good Works 
 was rejected, though they were declared neccflary ,• and Sinners were 
 
 taught
 
 Book 111. of the Church of Enghnd. 277 
 
 taught to depend wholly on the Sufferings of Chrilt ; with other good r ^40 
 Dircd:ions about Repentance. sy^-^ur 
 
 Thirdly, In the Explanation of the Eucharill, Tranlubftantiation was 
 fully afierted : As alio the Conconiitancy of the Blood with the Flcfli ; 
 lb that Communion in both Kinds was not neccfTary. Ihe ufc of hear- 
 ing Mafs, though one did not Communicate, was alfo aderted. To 
 which were added very good Rules about the Difpofition of Mind that 
 ought CO accompany this Saaament. 
 
 Fourthly^ Matrimony was laid to be Inflitured of God, and Sanctifi- 
 ed by Chrift : The Degrees in the Mojaical Law were declared obliga- 
 tory, noneelle : and the Bond of Marriage was declared nocfeparable 
 on any Account. 
 
 Fifthly^ Orders were to be adminiflred in the Church, according to 
 the ffew Te/Iamcfit : but the particular Forms, of Nominating, Electing, 
 Prelenting, or Appointing Ecclefiallical Minifters, was left to the Laws 
 of every Country, to be made by the Aflent of the Prince. The Office 
 of Church- men was to Preach, Adminiftcr the Sacraments, to Bind and 
 Loolc, and to pray for the w hole Flock ; But they muft execute thefe 
 with fuch Limitation as was allowed by the Laws of every Kingdom. 
 The Scripture, they faid, made exprefs mention only of the two Or- 
 ders of Priells and Deacons. To thefe the Primitive Church had added 
 forne Ihferiot Degrees, which were alfo not to be contemned. But no 
 Bifliop had any Authority over other Bilhcps by the Law of God. Up- 
 on which followed a long Digreffion, confuting the Pretenfions of the 
 Bilhops of Rome ; with an Explanation of the King's Authority in Ec- 
 clefiallical Matters ; which was before-hand fctdovvn in another Place, 
 to Ihew what they underftood by the King's being Supream Head of the 
 Church. 
 
 Sixthly y Confirmation was faid to have been ufed in the Primitive 
 Church, in Imitation of the Apoftles ; who by laying on their Hands 
 Conferred the Holy-Ghoft, in an extraordinary manner. And therefore 
 was of great Advantage, but not neceffary to Salvation. 
 
 Seventhly, Extream Undion was laid to have been derived from the 
 Practice of the Apollles, mentioned by St. James, for the Health both of 
 Body and Soul : And though the fick Perfon was not always recovered 
 of his bodily Sicknefs by it, yet Remiffion of Sins was obtained by it ; 
 and that which God knew to be beft for our bodily Condition, to vvhofe 
 Will we ought always to fubmit. But this Sacrament was only fruitful 
 to thofe who by Penance were rellored to the State of Grace. 
 
 Then followed an Explanation of the Ten Commandments, which The Ten 
 contains many good Rules of Morality, drawn from every one of them. ^°'^'^*"<^- 
 Thc lei Commandment Gardiner had a mind to have Ihortned, atid to call 
 into the firfl:. Cranmer was for fetting it down as it was in the Law of 
 Mofes. But a Temper was found : It was placed as a DiftinA Command- 
 ment, but not at full length', the Words, For I theLor^thj Go<^,&c. being 
 left out, and only thofe that go before being let down. In the Explanation 
 of this Commandment, Images were faid to be profitable for putting us in 
 mind of the great Blellings v/e have received by our Saviour, and of the 
 Vcrtues and Holincfsof the Saints, by which we were to be ftirred up 
 to imitate them : So that they were not to be defpifcd, though we be 
 forbidden to do any godly Honour to them. And therefore the Supct 
 ftitionof preferring one Image to another, as if they had any fpecial Ver- 
 tue in them, or the adorning them richly, and making Vows and Pil- 
 
 M m t grimages
 
 278 The Hijiory of the Reformamn Book ilL 
 
 i S40- grimages to ihcm, is condemned ; yet the Cenfing of Images, and Kneel- 
 v-'^^v'-N^ ing before them, are not condemned : But the i'eoplc muft be taught, 
 that thele Things were not to be done to the Image it fclf, but to God 
 and his Honour. To the third Commandmeni, they reduced the Invo- 
 cation of God's Name for his Gifts : And they coadsmned the Invoca- 
 tion of Saints, when fuch Things were prayed for from thera, which 
 were only given by God. This was the giving his Glory ro Creatures ; 
 yet to pray to -Saints as IntercefTors is declared lawful, and according to 
 the Doftrine of the Cathohck Church. Upon the fourth Command- 
 ment, a Rcll from Labour every feventh Day is faid to be Ceremonial, 
 and fuch as only obliged "je^rs-^ but the Spiritual Signification of Reft 
 among Chriftians, was to abftain from Sin, and other carnal Pleafures. 
 But befides that, we were alfo bound by this Precept fometimes to ceafe 
 from Labour, that we may ferve and worfhip God both in publick and 
 prfvate : And that on the Days appointed for this purpofe, People ought 
 to examine their Lives the part VVeek, and fet to Amendment, and 
 give themfelves to Prayer, Reading and Meditation. Yet in Cales of 
 Neceflity, fucli as faving their Corn or Cattle, Men ought not fliper- 
 ftitioufly to think that it is a Sin to Work on that Day, but to do their 
 Work without (cruple. Then follow very profitable Expofitions of the 
 other Commandments, with many grave and weighty Admonitions 
 concerning the Duties by them enjoyned, and againft thofe Sins which 
 are too common in all Ages. 
 The Lord's After that, an Explanation of the Lord's Prayer was added. In the 
 "^"" Preface to which it is faid. That it is meet and requifite that the un- 
 learned People fhould make their Prayers in their Mother-l'ongue ; 
 whereby they may be the more ftirred to Devotion, and to mind the 
 Things they prayed for. Then followed an Expofition of the Angels 
 Salutation of the Bleflfed Virgin : In which the whole Hiftory of the In- 
 The A'-je camatiou of Chrift was opened, and the Ave Maria explained ; which 
 Hymn was chiefly to be ufed in Commemoration of Chrift's Incarna- 
 tion, and likewife to let forth the Praifes of the BlelTed Virgin. The 
 Free-Wili. Hcxt Article is about Free-w'ill, which they fay mult be in Man ; other- 
 wife all Precepts and Exhortations are to no purpofe. They defined it 
 a Poiver of the iVill^ joyned with Reafon, voherehy a reafonahle Creature, 
 ivifhout Co;7j}rainty in Things of Reafon^ difcerneth and wi/kth Good and 
 Euil • hut choofeth Good hy the Ajfijlance of God^s Grace, and Evil of it 
 felf. This was perfect in the State of Innocency, but is much impair- 
 ed by Adam's Fall, and now by an efpccial Grace (offered to all Men, 
 but enjoyed only by thofe who by their Free-will do accept the fame,) 
 it was relfored, that with great Watchfulnefs we may fcrve Gcd ac- 
 ceptably. And as many Places of Scripture fhew. That Free-will is 
 ftill in Man, fo there be many others which fhew that the Giace of God 
 is neceffary, that doth both prevent us, and aflilt us, bctii to begin, 
 and perform every good Work. Therefore all Men ought moft grate- 
 fully to receive and follow the Motions of the Holy Ghoft, and to beg 
 God's Grace with earncft Devotion, and a flcdfafl Faith ; which he 
 will grant to all tbst fo ask it, both becaufc he is naturally Good, and 
 he has promilcd to grant our Defires. For he is not the Author of Sin, 
 nor the Caufe of Man's Damnation • but this Men draw on themfelves, 
 who by Vice h^'ve corrupted thole Natures which God made good. 
 Therefore all Preachers were warned fo to moderate themfelves in this 
 high Point, tliat they neither fhould fo Preach the Grace of God, as to 
 
 take
 
 Book Hi. of the Church of En^-^wd, 279 
 
 take away Free-will ; nor fb extol Free-will, as Injury mighc be doae 1^40. 
 to the Grace of God. 's^^-'V-n-* 
 
 After this they handled Juflification. Having ftated the Mifcries of Juftification , 
 Man by Nature, and the Guilt of Sin, with the unlpeakable Goodncfs 
 of God, in lending Chrift to redeem us by his Death, who was the Me- 
 diator between Goti and Man :' They next fhew how Men are made Par- 
 takers of the BlelTings which he hath procured. Juftiiication is the 
 making oF us Righteous before God, ^'hereby we are reconciled to him, 
 and made Heiis of eternal Life : That by his Grace we may walk in his 
 Ways, and be reputed Juft and Righteous in the Day of Judgment, and 
 lo attain everiafting Happinefs. God is the chief Caule of our Juftifica- 
 jCion ; Yet Man, prevented by Grace, is by his free Confent and Obedi- 
 ence a worker toward the attaining his own Juftification, For though 
 it is only procured tlirough the Merits of Chrift's Death, yet every one 
 muft do manyThings to attain a Right and Claim to that,whicb, though 
 tx. was offered to all, yet was applied but to a few. We muft have a 
 ftedfalt Faith, true Repentance, real Purpofes of Amendment ; commit- 
 ting Sin no more, but ferving God all our Lives ; which if we fail from, 
 we muft recover it by Penance, Falling, Alms, Prayers, with other 
 good Works, and a firm Faith, going forward in Mortification and 
 Obedience to the Laws of God ; it being certain that Men might fail 
 away from their Juftification. All curious Reafonings about Predefti- 
 nation were to be fet apart ; there being no Certainty to be had of our 
 £Icftion, but by feeling the Motions of God's Spirit in us, by a good 
 and vertuous Life, and perfevering in it to the End. Therefore it was 
 to be taught, that as on the one Hand we are to hz juftified freely by 
 the free Grace of God, fo on the other Hand, when it is faid, We are ju- 
 ftified hy Faith, it mull: be underflood of fuch a Faith, in which the Fear 
 o<; God, Repentance, Hope and Charity, be included ; all which muft 
 ht joyned together in our Juftification: And though thefe be imperfeci, 
 yet God accepteth of them freely thorough Chrift. 
 
 Next, good Works were explained, which were faid to be abfolutely Good Works, 
 necedary to Salvation But theic were not only outward corporal Works, 
 but inward fpiritual Works ,- as the Love and Fear of God, Patience, 
 Humility, and the like. Nor were they Superftitions and Men's In- 
 ventions, fuch as thofe in which Monks and Friars exercifed themfelves; 
 nor only moral Works done by the Power of natural Reaibn; but the 
 
 - Works of Charity, flowing from a pure Heart, a good Conlcience, and 
 
 . J«aith unfeigned, which were meritorious towards the attaining of ever- 
 iafting Life. Other Works were of an inferior Sort; fuch as Fafting, 
 Alms-deeds, and other Fruits of Penance. And the Merit of good 
 Works is reconciled with tl e Freedom of God's Mercies to us, lince all 
 our Works are done by his Grace ,• fb that we have no caule of Boafting, 
 -but muft aicribe all to the Grace and Goodnefs of God. The laft Chap- 
 
 ► ler is about Prayers for Souls departed, which is the lame that wasfor- 
 ,gierly fet out in the Articles three )rears before. 
 
 And this was finiflied and let torth this Year, with a Preface writ- All this fee 
 
 ,ten by thofe of the Clergy who had been employed in it ; declaring ^"^"^ '" ^ 
 with what Care ihey had examined the Scriptures, and the ancient Do- "" ' 
 dors, out of whom they had faithfully gathered this Expofition of 
 the Chriflian Faith. To this the King added another Preface fome And pub- 
 Years after, declaring that although he had caft out the Darknefs, j!'^^^ '>>' ff^« 
 by fjtting forth the Scriptures to his People, wliich had produced thorlry."^"' 
 
 very
 
 280 The Hijiory of the "Reformation Book IIL 
 
 — ■ ■ * . -, — --■-■■ ■ ■ 
 
 I^40. very good Etfeds J yer, as Hypocrifie and Superfiicion were purged 
 ^-''^V'^'N* away, lb a Spine of Prcllimpcion, DilTcncion, and carnal Liberty was 
 breaking in. For reprefiing which, he had by the Advice of his Clergy, 
 fee forth a Declaration of the true Kno\\'icdgeof God, for direiSingali 
 Mens Belief and Practice ; which both Houles of Parliament had feen, 
 and liked very well. So that he verily trufted it contained a trUe and 
 fufficient Dodrinc, for the attaining everlafting Life. Therefore he 
 required all his People, to read and print in their Hearts, the Dodrine 
 of this Book. He alio willed them to remember, that as there were 
 fomc Teachers, whole Office it was to inftrud the People ; fo the reft 
 ought to be taught, and to thofc it was not liecelTary to read the Scrip- 
 - tures : And that therefore he had rcftrained it from a great many, efteem- 
 ing it fuflicient for fuch to hear the Dodtrine of the Scriptures taught by 
 rheir Preachers, which they ihould lay up in their Hearts, and pradJife 
 in their Lives. Lallly, He dcfircd all his Subie(9:s to pray to God to 
 grant them the Spirit of Humility, that they might read and carry in 
 their Hearts the Dodrine fct forth in this Book. But though I have 
 joyned the Account of this Preface, to the ExrradTt here made of the 
 Bifbop's Book, yet it was not prefixed to it, till above Two Years after 
 the other was fet out. 
 
 When this was publiflied, both Parties found Caufe in it both to be 
 it Is vari- glad and forrowful. The Reformers rejoyced to fee the Dodrine of 
 oufly cenfu- j-j^g Goipel thus Opened more and more ; for they concluded that Igno- 
 rance and Prejudices, beingthechicf Supports of the Errours they com- 
 plained of; tiie inftriiding People in Divine Matters, even though fome 
 Particulars difplealcd them, yet would awaken and work upon an inqui- 
 fitive Humour that was then a ftirring ; dnd they did not doubt but their 
 Dod^rines were fo cleai!, that Inquiries into Religion Would do their 
 Bufinefs. They were alfo glad to fee the Morals of Chriftianiry fo 
 well cleared, which they hoped would difpofe People to a better tafteof 
 Divine Matters ^ fincethey hadobferved that Purity of Soul does mighti- 
 ly prepare People for found Opinions. Moft of the Superflitious Conceits 
 and Practices, which had for fome Ages embafed the Chriftian Faith, 
 were now removed ; and the great Fundamental of Chriftianity, the 
 Covenant between God and Man in Chrift, with the Conditions of it, 
 was plainly and fincerely declared. There was alfo another Principle 
 hid down, that was big with a further Reformation : For every Nati- 
 onal Church was declared a compleat Body within it felf, with Power 
 to reform Herefies, correfl: Abules, and do every thing elfe that was 
 neccfTary for keeping it felf pure, or governing its Members. By which 
 there was a fairway opened for a full DifcufTion of things afterwards, 
 when a fitter Opportunity ftould be oficted. But on the other hand, 
 the Popifh Party thought they had gained much. The Seven Sacra- 
 ments were again aficrted, lb that here much Ground was recovered, 
 and they hoped more would follow. There were many things laid 
 down, to which they knew the R^ormcrs would never confcnt. So 
 that they, who were feiolvcd tb comply with every thing that the King 
 had a Mind to, were pretty fafc. But the others, who followed their 
 Pcrfwafions and Confciences were brought into many Snares ; and the 
 Popifli Party was confident that then: abfolute Compliance, which was 
 joyned with all poffible SubmilTion and Flattery, would gain the King ac 
 length: And the Scifinefs of others, who would not give that Deference 
 to the King's Judgrycnt and Pleafure, would lb alienate him from them.
 
 Book 111. of the Church of Enghnd. qSi 
 
 that he would in rhe End abandon them j for wich the King's Years, r';4o. 
 his Uneafinefs and Pcevillinels grew mightily on him. v-^^v"-^ 
 
 The Diflblution of the King's Marriage with J»ne of C/eves, Ind 
 fo offended the Princes of Germany, that though upon the Ladies Ac- 
 counr, they made no pubHck Noifc of it ; yet there was little morclntcr- 
 courfc between the King and them, efpecially Crowwf/ falling, that had 
 always carried on the Correfpondence with them. And as this Inter- 
 courfe went off, fo a Secret Treaty was fct on Foot between the King 
 and the Emperor ; yet, it came nottoaConclufion till two Years after. 
 
 The other Biihops that were appointed to examine the Rites and Correaions 
 Ceremonies of the Church, drew up a Kubrick and Ratiortale o{ them-, ^^^^^^'^ '^^'^^^ 
 which I do not find was printed, but a very Authcntical M S. of a great rher offices' 
 pare of it is extant. The Alterations they made were inconriderablc,^"* ^^^■. 
 and fo flight, that there was no need of reprinting, either the MifTaiSj^f^.j,'^'"^"''^' 
 Breviaries, or other Offices ; for a few Rafures of thefe Colleds in which 
 the Pope was prayed for, of Thomas Becket's Office, and the Offices of 
 other Saints, whofe Days were by the King's Injunctions no more to be 
 obferved, with fome other Deletions, made that the old Books did flill 
 ferve. For whether it was, that the Change of the Mafs-Books, and 
 other pubJick Offices, would have been too great a Charge to the Na- 
 tion ; or whether they thought it would have poflefled the People with 
 an Opinion that the Religion was altered, fincc the Books of the ancient 
 Worfhip were changed ,- which remaining the fame, they might be the 
 more eafily perfwaded. That the ReHgion was ftill the fame ,• there was 
 no new Impreffion of the Breviaries, MifTals, and other Rituals, during 
 this King's Reign. Yet in Queen Mary^ time they took Care that Po- 
 fterity fhould not know how much was daflied out or changed. For as 
 all Parifhes were required to furnilhthemfelves with newcompleat Books 
 of the Offices ; fo the dafhed Books where every-where brought m^ 
 and deflroyed. But it is likely that mofl of thofe Scandalous Hymns 
 and Prayers, which are addrefled to Saints in the fame Style, in which 
 good Chriflians worfhip God, were all flruck out ; becaufe they were 
 now condemned, as appears from the Extradt of the other Book fct out 
 by the Bifhops. 
 
 But as they went on in thefe Things, the Popifh Party, whofe Coun- A Perfecu- 
 feis were laid very clofe, and managed with great Dexterity, chiefly by **«" °^ ^^°' 
 the Duke of Uorfolk and Gardiner^ purfued the Ruine of thofe whom 
 they called Hereticks ; knowing well that if the King was once let againfl 
 them, and they provoked againfl the Government, he would be not 
 only alienated from them, but forced, for fecuring himfelf againfl theip, 
 to gain the Hearts of his other Subjedls by aConjundiion with the Em- 
 peror, and by his Means with the Pope. The firfl on whom this De- 
 fign took EfTed, were Dodor Barnes y Mr. Gerrard, and Mr. Jerome^ all 
 Priefts; who had been among the earlicfl Converts to Luther's Dotjlrine. 
 Barnes htidin^iSzxmon zx.Camhridge, during the Cardinal's Greatnefs, Of Barms 
 rcfle(5led on the Pomp and State in which he lived, fo plainly, that every "^'* °^^"*' 
 Body underflood of whom he meant. So he was carried up to Lot- 
 Jon ; but by the Interpofition of Gardiner and Fox, who were Jiis 
 Friends, he was faved at that time, ha\ing abjured fome Opinions that 
 were objedlcd to him. But other Accufations being afterwards brought 
 againfl him, he was again Imprifoncd, and it was believed that he 
 would have been burnt. But he made his Efcape and went to Germany, 
 where he gave himfelf to the Study of the Scriptures and Divinity. 
 
 In 

 
 t 
 
 2 8 2 7 he Hiftory of the Reformation Book J 1 1 . 
 
 I S40. In which he became fo confidcrable, that not only the German Divints, 
 ^"""^^^^ but their Princes, took great notice of him : And the King ot Denmark 
 fending over AmbafTadors to the King, he was fent with them ; tliongh 
 perhaps Fox was ill informed, when he fays he was one of them. Fox^ 
 Biihop of Hereford^ bemg at Smalcald in the Year 15^6. itnr him over 
 to England^ where he was received and kindly entertained by Crom- 
 welly and well ufed by the King. And by his means the Conelpon- 
 dcnce with the Germans was chiefly kept up. For he was often lent 
 over to the Courts of feveral Princes. But in particular, he had ^ 
 the Misfortune to be firfl employed in the Projift of the King's Mar- 
 riage with the Lady Anne of CUvei ; lor that giving the King fo lit- 
 tle Satisfadion, all who were the main Promoters of it Icll in Difgrace 
 upon it. 
 
 But other Things concurred to deftrdy Barnes. In Lent this Year 
 Bonner had appointed him, and Gerrard, and Jerome, turns in the Courie 
 of Sermons at St. Paufs Crofs ; they being in favour with Cromwell., on 
 whom Bonner depended wholly. But Gardiner fent Bonner word, That 
 he intended himielf to Preach on Sunday at St. Paul\ Crofs : And in 
 his Sermon he treated of JalUfication, and other Points, with many Re- 
 flexions on the Lutherans. Barnes, when it came to his Turn, made 
 ufe of the fame Text, but preached contrary Doftrine ; not without 
 fome unhand fome Refledlions on Gardiner's Perfon ; and he played on 
 \ his Name, alluding to a Gardiner's letting ill Plants in a Garden. The 
 
 other two preached the fame Doftrine, but made no Reflec5tions on any 
 Perfon. Gardiner feemed to bear it with a great Appearance of Negleft 
 and Indifferency. But his Friends complained to the King of the un- 
 fuflPerable Infolencies of thefe Preachers, who did not (pare fo great a 
 Prelate, efpccially he being a Privy- Councellor. So Barnes was quefti- 
 oned for it, and commanded to go and give the Bifhop of Winchefter Sa- 
 tisfaftion. And the Biihop carried the Matter with a great fhew of Mo- 
 deration, and a6led outwardly in it, as became his Function : Though 
 it was believed the Matter ftuck deeper in his Heart, which the Kf- 
 kOts that followed feemed to dsmonftrate. The King concerned him- 
 felf in the Matter, and did argue with Barnes about the Pomts in Diffe- 
 rence. Bat whether he was truly convinced, or overcome rather with 
 the Fear of the King, than with the Force of his Reafonings, he and his 
 two Friends, William Jerome, and Thomas Gerrard, figned a Paper ( which 
 c.«.Miw*.ii.will be found in the Colleftion,} in which he acknowledged, * That 
 
 * having been brought before the King, for Things preached by him, 
 
 * His Highnefs, being alfifted by fome of the Clergy, and fo difputed 
 
 * with him, that he was convinced of his Rafhnefs and Overfight ; and 
 
 * promifed to abflain from fuch Indifcretions for the future, and to fub- 
 
 * mit to any Orders the King Ihould give for what was paft. 
 
 The Articles were ; ' Firfi, That though we are redeemed only by 
 ' the Death of Chrift, in which we participate by Faith and Baptifm; 
 
 * yet by rot following the Commandments of Chrift, we lofe the Bene- 
 
 * fits of it, which we cannot recover but by Penance. 
 
 * Secondly, That God is not the Author of Sin, or Evil, which lie 
 
 * only permits. 
 
 * Thirdly, That we ought to reconcile our felves to our Neighbours, 
 
 * and forgive, before we can be forgiven. 
 
 * Fourthly, That good Works, done fincereiy according to the Scri- 
 
 * prures, are profitable and helpful to Salvation. 
 
 ' Fifthly,
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 283 
 
 * Fifthly, That Laws made by Chriftian Rulers ought to be obeyed i«;40' 
 ' by their Subjefts, for Confcience«fake : And that whofocver breaks '^-''^V'"^ 
 
 * them, breaks GodN Commandments. 
 
 It's not likely that Barnes could fay any thing direftly contrary to 
 thefe Articles : 1 hough having brought much of Luther^s Heat over 
 with him, he might have (aid fome Things that founded ill upon thele 
 Heads. There were other Points in Difference between Gardiner and 
 him, about Juftification ; but it feems the King thought thefe were of 
 fo fubtile a Nature, that no Article ot Faith was controverted in them; 
 and therefore left the Bifhop and him to agree thefe among themfelves, 
 which they in a great meafure did. So the King commanded Barnes 
 and his Friend to Preach at the Spittle in the Eajler-Week, and openly 
 to recant what they had formerly faid. And Barnes was in particular 
 to ask the Bijhop of Winchefterh Pardon, which he did ; And Gardiner 
 being twice defired by him,' to give Ibme Sign that he forgave him, did 
 lift up his. Finger. But in their Sermons, it was faid they juftified in 
 one part, what they recanted in another. Of which Complaints be- 
 ing brought to the King, he, without hearing them, fent them all to 
 the Tower. And Cromivell\ Intereft at Court was then declining fo 
 faft, that either he could not protect them, or elfe would not prejudice 
 himlelf by interpofing in a Matter which gave the King fb great Of- 
 fence. They lay in the Tower till the Parliament met, and then they who were 
 were attainted of Herefie, without ever being brought to make their ^"'^pjjj"''/ 
 Anfwer. And it feems for the Extraordinarinefs of the Thing, theymenc. 
 refolved to mix Attainders for Things that were very different front 
 one another. For four others were by the fame Aft attainted of Trea- 
 fbn, who were Gregory Buttolphy Adam Damplip, Edmund BrindholmCt 
 and Qlement Philpot^ for aflifting Reginald Pool, adhering to the Bi- 
 fbop of Rome, denying the King to be the Supreara Head on Earth, 
 of the Church of England, and defigning to furprize the Town of 
 Callice. One Derly Gunnings was alfo attainted of Treafon, for affift- 
 ing one FitzGerald a Traitor in Ireland. And after all thefe, Barnes^ 
 Gerrard, and Jerome^ are attainted of Herefie, being, as the Aft fays, 
 
 * Deteftable Hereticks, who had confpired together to fet forth ma- 
 
 * ny Herefies ; and taking themfelves to be Men of Learning, had ex- 
 
 * pounded the Scriptures, perverting them to their Herefies, the Num- 
 
 * ber of which was too long to be repeated : That having formerly 
 
 * abjured, they were now incorrigible Hereticks ; and fo were con- 
 
 * demned to be burned, or fufFer any other Death, as fhould pleafe the 
 
 * King. And two Days after CromweWs Death, being the joth of 
 July, they were brought to Smithfield, where in their Execution there 
 was as odd a Mixture as had been in their Attainders. For Ahel Fe- 
 therflom and Powel, that were attainted by another Aft of the fame 
 Parliament, for owning the Pope's Supremacy, and denying the King's, 
 were carried to the Place of Execution, and coupled with the other 
 three. So that one of each was put into a Hurdle, and carried toge- 
 ther, which every Body condenanedas an extravagant AfFe(^ation of the 
 Shew of Impartial Juftice. 
 
 When they were brought to the Stake, Barnes fpake thus to the Peo- 
 ple : * Since he was to be burned as an Heretick, he would declare what Their 
 
 * Opinions he held. So he enlarged on all the Articles of the Creed, fjfe SukV*^ 
 
 * to (hew he believed them all. He exprelTed a particular Abhorrence ' 
 
 * of an Opinion which fbme Anabaptilts held, That the Bleffed Virgin 
 
 N n was
 
 '284. ^he Hiflory of the Reformation Book III, 
 
 ^Tr40. 
 
 * Vas a^ a Saffron Bagg ; (by which indecent Simi/e they meant that 
 'btir Saviour took no Subftance of her). He explained his Opinion of 
 ' Good Works, that they muft of Neccflity be done, fince without 
 
 * them none fhould ever enter into the Kingdom of God. They were 
 '*'coniltiandedof God, to ihew forth our Profeffion by them ; but he 
 ''Relieved, as they were not pure nor perfedt, lo they did not avail to 
 
 y*'bilr'Ju{lification, nor merit any thing at the Hands of God j for tliac 
 
 * UMsto be afcribed to the Merits of the Death and Paflion of Qiriil, 
 *'^c profelfed great Reverence to the Blefled Virgin and Sainss. But 
 
 * fai'd, he faw no warrant in Scriptures for praying to them : Nor was it 
 ^*}ftttai'n whether they prayed for us or not ; but if the Saints did pray 
 ■*tar'thofc on Earth, he trufted within half an hour to be praying for 
 
 *'thfem'all. Then he asked the Sheriff if he had any Articles againll 
 
 H^hem, for which they were condemned : who anfwercd he had none. 
 
 ^He next asked the People, if they knew wherefore he died, or if they 
 
 iiad been led into any Erroursby his Preaching ,• but none made anfwcr. 
 
 Then he faid, he heard he was condemned to die by an A£t of Parlia- 
 
 nient ; and it feemed it was for Herefic, fince they were to be burnt. 
 
 He prayed God to forgive thole who had been the occafions of it. And 
 
 in parcicular, for the Bifliopof PVinchefier, if he had fought or procured 
 
 'his Death, he prayed God heartily to forgive him, as Chrift forgave his 
 
 Mirrthdrers. He prayed carneflly for the King, and the Prince ,• and 
 
 exhorted thePcople to pray for them. He faid, fome had reported that 
 
 lie had been a Preacher of Sedition and Difobedience : But he declared 
 
 "ro the People, that they were bound by the Law of God, to obey their 
 
 'King's Laws with all Fiumility, not only for fear, but for Confcience ,- 
 
 ■a'ifdittg. That if the King commanded any thing againft God's Law, 
 
 though it were in their Power to refift him, yet they might not do it. 
 
 Then he defired the Sheriff to carry five Requefts from him to the King. 
 
 ,' Firfi, Tliat fince he had taken the Abbey- Lands into his Hands, 
 
 * fer which he did not blame him, (as the Sheriff fanfied he was about 
 
 * to do, and thereupon flopped him), but was glad that Superftitiou 
 
 * was taken away ; and that the King was then a compleat King, obeyed 
 
 * by all his Subjedis, which had been done through the Preacliing of 
 
 * thetn, and fuch Wretches as they were j yet he wifhed the King would 
 
 * bcdow thefe Goods, or fome of them, to the Comfort of his poor 
 
 * Subjeds who had great need of them. 
 
 ' Secondly, That Marriage might be had in greater Efleem, and chat 
 
 * Men might not upon light Pretences cad off their Wives ; and chat 
 ' thofc who were unmarried, might not be fuffered to live in Whorc- 
 
 '■*dom. 
 
 '* Thirdly^ That Abominable Swearers might be punifhed. 
 * Fourthly, That fince the King had begun to fct forth Chriflian Re- 
 
 * Ijgion, he would go forward in it, and make and End j for though he 
 *^had done a great deal, yet many things remained to be done, and he 
 ' wifTied that the King might not be deceived with falfe Teachers. 
 
 The Fifth Defire, he faid he had forgot 
 
 •Then he begged that they all would forgive him, if at any rime he 
 Jiad faid or done Evil unadvifcdly ; and fo turned about, and prepared 
 hlmfelf forhis Death. 
 
 Jerome fpake next, and declared his Faith upon every Article of the 
 Creed ; and faid that he believed that was in the Holy Scriptures. He 
 alfo prayed for the King, and the Prince. And concluded with a very 
 
 Pathetical
 
 *" 11 ■■■■■■ I ■—- 11 ■ ^^1—^ — — ^^i^^i^— __:^ - ^ ^ 
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 285 
 
 Pachccical Exhortation to mutual Love and Charity ; that they would ^ i^o. 
 propoib to themfclves the Pattern of Chrifl's wonderful Love, through »-'^^V^>«» 
 whom only he hoped to be favcd ; and dcfired all their Prayers for him- 
 fclf and his Brethren. Then CTfrrar^/ declared his Faith, and faid, That 
 if through Ignorance or Negligence, he had taught any Error, he was 
 lorry for it ; and asked God pardon and them, whom he had thereby 
 offended. But he protefted, that according to his Learning and Know- 
 ledge, he had always fet forth the Honour of God, and the Obedience 
 of the King's Laws. Then they all prayed for the Pardon of their Sins, 
 and Conftancy and Patience in their Sufferings : And fo they embraced 
 and kifled one another, and then the Executioners tyed them to the 
 Stake, and fet fire to them. 
 
 Their Death did rather encourage than difhearten their Followers : 
 who feeing llich an extraordinary Meafure of Patience in them, were 
 the more confirmed in their Refolutions of fuffering for a good Confci- 
 ence, and for his Name, who did not forfake his Servants in their cruel 
 Agonies. One Difference between their Sufferings, and the other three - 
 who were hanged for aflerting the Pope's Supremacy, was remarkable ; 
 that though the others demeaned themfelves toward them with the moft 
 uncharitable and fpiteful Malice that was poflible, (fo that their own 
 Hiftorian fays, That their being carried with them to their Execution, 
 was bitterer to them than Death it felf ; yet they declared their hearty 
 forgiving of their Enemies, and of Gardiner in particular, who was 
 generally looked on as the Perfon that procured their Death ; which 
 Imputation fluck fafl to him, though by a printed Apology he ftudied 
 to clear himfelf of any other Concernment in it, than by giving his 
 Vote for the Ait of their Attainder. 
 
 Now Bonner began to fliew his Nature. Hitherto he had aded ano- bovtii/s Cni- 
 therPart. For being mofl extreamly defirous of Preferment, he had fo^^'^y* 
 complied with Cromwell and Cranmer, that they had great Confidence in 
 him ; and he being a bluftering and forward Man, they thought he 
 might do the Reformation good Service, and therefore he was advanced 
 fo high by their Means. But as foon as ever Cromwell fell, the very 
 next Day he fhewed his Ingratitude, and how nimbly he turned with 
 the Wind. For Grafton the Printer, (whom Cromwell favoured much 
 for his Printing the Bible, and who was by that Means very familiar 
 with Bonner )y meeting him, faid. He was very forry for the News he 
 heard of CromweWs being fent to the Tower. Bonner anfwered,- It had 
 been good he had been difpatcht long ago. So the other ftirunk away, 
 perceiving the Change that was in him. And fome Days after that, 
 Grafton being brought before the Council, for fome Verfes which he 
 was believed to have Printed in Commendation of Cromwell^ Bonner in- 
 formed the Council of what Grafton had faid to him upon Cromwell's 
 being Arrefted, to make the other Charge feem the more probable. 
 Yet AuJley the Chancellor was Grafton's Friend, and brought him off. 
 But Bonner gave the City of London quickly Caufe to apprehend the 
 utmofl Severities firom him. For many were endided by his Procure- 
 ment. Yet the King was loth to give too many Inflances of Cruelty, 
 in this Declination of his Age, and therefore by an Order from the Star- 
 Chamber they were difchargcd. But upon what Motives, I cannot fancy, 
 he pickt out an Inftancc, which, if the deeper Stains of his following 
 Life had not dafht all particular Spots, had been fufficient to have 
 blemifht him for ever. There was one Richard Mekinsy a Boy not 
 
 N n i above
 
 286 The Hiftory of the Reformation BookllL 
 
 ,<40. above Fifteen Years of Age, and both Illiterate and very Ignonmi, 
 .... -V-^ who had laid fomewhat againft the Corpora! Prelencc of Chrifts Dody 
 in the Sacrament, and in Commendation of Dodor Barnes. Upon th;s 
 he was Indidcd. The Words were proved by two Witnefles, and a 
 Day was appointed for the Juries to bring in their Verdid. The Day 
 being come, the Grand Jury was called for, then the Fore-man laid. 
 They had found nothing. This put Bonner in a Fury, and he charged 
 them with Perjury : But they laid they could find nothing, for the 
 Wjtnefics did not agree. The one depoled, That he had laid the Sa- 
 crament was nothing but a Ceremony ; and the other. That it was 
 nothing but a Significathn. But Bonner rtill perfifted and told them, 
 that he had laid, That Barnes dyed Holy. But they could not find thele 
 Words to be againft the Statute. Upon which Bonner curfed, and was 
 in a great Rage, and caufed them to goafide again : So they being over- 
 awed, returned and found the Indidment. Then fate the Jury upon 
 Life and Death, who found him Guilty ; And he was adjudged to be burnt. 
 But when he was brought to the Stake, he was taught to fpeak much 
 ^ood of Bonner, and to condemn all Hereticks, and Barnes in particular, 
 laying, He had learned Herefie of him. Thus the Boy was made to 
 dye with a Lye in his Mouth. For Barnes held not that Opinion of the 
 Sacraments being only a Ceremony or Signification, but was a zealous 
 Lutheran : Which appeared very fignally on many Occafions, chiefly in 
 Lambert's Cafe. Three others were alfo burned at Salisbury upon the 
 lame Statute, one of whom was a Prieft. Two alfo were burned ac 
 Lincoln in one Day : Befides, a great Number of Perfons were brought 
 in Trouble, and kept long in Prilbn upon the Statute of the Six Articles. 
 But more Blood I find not Ipilt at this Time. 
 
 In the End of this Year were the new Bifhopricks founded. For in 
 
 New BilV.op- December was the Abbey of VVeflminfler converted into a Bifliop's Sec, 
 
 ricks found, ^^j ^ Deanery and Twelve Prebends, with the Officers for a Cathedral 
 
 "*■ and a Quire. And in the Year following, on the ^th of Augufl^ the 
 
 King ereded out of the Monaftery of St. Werburgh at Chejler, a Bi« 
 
 Ihoprick, a Deanry, and Six Prebends. In September, out of the Mona- 
 
 fiery at St. Peter'szt Glocefler, the King endowed a Bifhoprick, a Deanry, 
 
 and Six Prebendaries. And in the fame Month, the Abbey of Peterbo- 
 
 rouzh was converted to a Bifhop's Seat, a Deanry, and Six Prebendaries. 
 
 And to lay this whole Matter together, two Years after this, the Abbey 
 
 of Ofney in Oxford was converted into a Bifhoprick, a Deanry, and Six 
 
 Prebends. And the Monaftery of St. Auflins in Briflol was changed 
 
 into the fame ufc. There are many other Grants alfo in the Rolls, ^oth 
 
 to the Bifhops, and Deans, and Chapters of thefe Sees. But thefe 
 
 Foundations will be better underftood, by their Charters ; of which, 
 
 fince the Bifhoprick of Wejlminjler is kaft known, becaule lon^ ago 
 
 fupprcfted, I have chofen to fet down the Charter of that Sec ; Which 
 
 the Reader will find in the Colledion : And they running all in the 
 
 fame Style, one may ferve for the reft. The Subftance of the Pre- 
 
 Coilcft. amble is, ' That the King being moved by the Grace of God, and 
 
 S'ltmb. 2]. < intending nothing more than that true Religion, and the fincerc Wor- 
 
 * fhip of God, fhould not be abolifbed, but rather reftored to the 
 
 * Primitive Sincerity, and reformed from thofe Abufes, with which the 
 
 * Profcfilon and the Lives of the Monks had To long and fo lamentably 
 
 * corrupted Religion j had, as far as human Infirmity couJd forfec, dc- 
 
 * figncd that the Word of God might be fincerely Preached, tbc Sacfa- 
 
 * mpats
 
 Book III. of the Church of Enghad. 
 
 287 
 
 
 * mcnts purely Adminiflrcd, good Order kept up, the Youth well In- 
 
 * ftrudcd, and old People relieved, with other publick Alms- deeds. And 
 
 * therefore the King Erefted and Endowed thele Sees. The Day after 
 thcie Icveral Grants, there followed a Writ to the Arch-Bi(hop, contain- 
 ing, That the King had appointed luch a Pcrfon to be Bifliop of that 
 See, Requiring him to Confecratc and Ordamhim uiduc Form. Then 
 the Priories at moft Cathedrals, fuch as Canterlnry, ^^inchefier, Durefm, 
 Worctjler^ Carlifle, Rochefter and £/y, were alio converted into Dcan- 
 rics, and Colleges of Prebends, with many other Officers, and an Al- 
 lowance of Charity to be Yearly diftributed to the Poor. 
 
 But as all this came far fhort of what the King had once intended, io Qri^no^ 
 Crannter's Defign was quite difappointed. For lie had projeded that in ^^^''U"^^ • 
 every Cathedral there Ihould be Provifion made for Readers of Divinity, ""'"' 
 and of Greek and Hehrew, and a great Number of Students to be both 
 exercifed in the daily Worfliip of God, and trained up in Study and De- 
 votion, whom the Bifliop might tranfplant out of this Nurfery, into all 
 the Parts of his DioccCs. And thus every Biihop Ihould have had a 
 College of Clergymen under his Eye, to be preferred according to their 
 Merit : He faw great Diforders among fome Prebendaries, and in a long 
 Letter, the Original of which I have leen, he cxprefled his Regret that 
 rhefe Endowments went in luch a Channel. Yet now his Power was 
 not great at Court, and the other Party run down all his Motions. But 
 thole who obferved Things narrowly, judged that a good Mixture of 
 Prebendaries, and of young Clerks bred up about Cathedrals, under 
 the Billiop's Eye, and the Condud: and DireQion of the Dean qnd 
 Prebendaries, had been one of the greateft Bleflings that could have be- 
 fallen the Church : Which not being fufficicntly provided of Eloufes for 
 the Forming of the Minds and Manners of thofe who are to be received 
 into Orders, has fince felt the ill Effefts of it very fenfibly. Againft 
 this, Cranmer had projeded a noble Remedy, had not the Popilli Party 
 then at Court, who very well apprehended the Advantages fuch Nurfe- 
 ries would have given to the Reformation, born down this Propofition 
 and turned all the King's Bounty and Foundations another Way. 
 
 Thefenew Foundations gave fome Credit to the King's Proceedings, Thefe Foun 
 and made the SupprefTion of Chanteries and Chappels go on more "Nations cen» 
 fmoothly. But thofe of the Roman Party beyond Sea, cenfurcd ^^^'^^' 
 this, as they had done all the reft of the King's Adings. They faid, 
 It was but a flight Reftitution of a fmall parr of the Goods, of which 
 he had robbed the Church. And they Complained of the King's en- 
 croaching on the Spiritual Jurifdidion of the Church, by difmcmbriiig 
 DiocclTes, and removing Churches from one Jurifdidion to another. 
 To this it was anfwercd, That the Neceflities which their Pradices put 
 on the King, both to fortifie his Coaft and Dominions, to fend Monev 
 beyond Sea f6r keeping the War at a Diftance from himfelf, and to fe- 
 «urc his Quiet at HonK, by eafic Grants of thefe Lands, made him 
 that he could not do all that he intended. And fot the Divifion of Di- 
 oceffes, many Things were brought from the Roman Law, to fhew 
 That the Divifion of the Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion, whether of Patri- 
 archs, Primarej, Metropolitans or Bilhops, was Regulated by the Em- 
 perors, of which the Ancient Councils always approved. And in 
 England^ when the Bilhoprick of Lincoln being judged of too great an 
 Extent, the Bilhoprick of Ely was taken out of it, it was done onlv 
 
 I 
 
 by the King, with the Confcnt of his Clergy and 
 
 Nobles. Pope 
 Nicolas,
 
 288 The Hijlory of the Reformation Book ill. 
 
 1540. N/Wjj indeed officioufly intruded hirafelf into that Matter, by fend- 
 ^-'''V'^^ ing afterwards a Confirmation of that which was done. But that was 
 one of the great Arts ot the Papacy, to offer Contirmations of Tlnngs 
 that were done without the Popes. For thefe being eafily received by 
 them, that thought of nothing more than to give the better Counte- 
 nance to their own A6ts, the Popes afterwards founded a Right on 
 thcfe Confiimations. The very receiving of them was pretended to be 
 an Acknowledgment of a Title in the Pope. And the Matter was lo 
 artificially managed, that Princes were noozed into fome Approbation 
 of fuch a Pretence, before they were aware of it. And then the Autho- 
 rity of the Canon-Law prevailing, Maxims were laid down in it, by 
 which themoft taciteand inconfiderate Afts of Princes, wereconftiued 
 to fuch Senles, as ftill advanced the Greatnefs of the Papal Pretenfions. 
 
 This Bufinefs of the new Foundations being thus fettled, the Matters. 
 of the Church were now put in a Method ; and the Bifhop's Book was 
 the Standard of Religion : So that whofoever was not agreeable to that, 
 was judged Heretical, whether it leaned to the one fide, or the other. 
 But it feems that the King, by Ibme fecret Order, had chained up the 
 Party, which was going on the Execution of the Statute of the fix Arti- 
 cles," that they fhould not proceed capitally, 
 of The Court '^^"^ Matters went this Year, and with this the Series of the Hifto- 
 ac this Time, ry of the Reformation, made by this King, ends : for it was now di- 
 gefted and formed into a Body. What followed was not in a Thred, 
 but now and then fbme remarkable Things were done ; fometimes in 
 favour of the one, and fometimes of the other Party. For after Crom- 
 v>ell fell, the King did not go on fo fteadily in any Thing as he had done 
 formerly. Cromwell had an Afcendant over him, which after Cardinal 
 Wolfefs Fall none befides himfelf ever had. They knew how to ma- 
 nage the King's uneafie and imperious Humour j but now none had fuch 
 a Power over him. The Duke of Iforfolk was rich and brave, and made 
 his Court well, but had not I'o great a Genius; fo that the King did ra- 
 ther truft and fear, than efteem him. Gardiner was only a Tool, and 
 being of an abjeft Spirit, was employed, but not at all reverenced by 
 the King. Cranmer retained always his Candour and Simplicity, and 
 was a great Prelate ; but neither a good Courtier, nor a States- man. 
 And the King efteemed him more for his Vertues, than for his Dexte- 
 rity and Cunning in Bufinefs. So that now the King was left wholly 
 to himfelf; and being extream humorous and impatient, there were 
 more Errors committed in the laft Years of his Government, than had 
 been for his whole Reign before. France forfook him, Scotland made 
 War upon him, which might have been fatal to him, if their King had 
 not died in the beginning of it, leaving an Infant-Princeft, but a few 
 Days old, behind him. And though the Emperor made Peace with him, 
 yet it was but an hollow Agreement, Of all which I Ihall give but flen- 
 der Hints, in the reft of this Book ; and rather open fome few Particu- 
 lars, than purfoe a continued Narration, fincc the Matter of my Work 
 fails me. 
 The Bible Jn May ^ the 33d Year of the King's Reign, a new Impreflion of the 
 '" ^m'?ii^" ^^^^^ ^^^ finifhed, and the King, by Proclamation, * Required all Cu- 
 Churches. * ^ates and Parifhioners of every Town and Parilh, to providb them- 
 coU.Numb.ii,.*' felvesa Copy of it before All-Hallowtide ; under the Penalty of for- 
 * feiting forty Shillings a Month, after that, till they had done. He de- 
 * clared that he fct it forth, to the end that his People might by Read- 
 ing
 
 Book III. of the Church of Etighnd. 280 
 
 * ing it, perceive the Power, Wifdom, and Goodnefs of God; obferve i -40- 
 
 * his Comniandmenrs, obey the Laws, and their Prince, and IWe in ^"-^^y-vj 
 
 * godly Charity among themfelves: But that the King did not there- 
 
 * by intend that his Subjefts (houid prefume to expound, or take Argu- 
 ' ments from Scripture, nor didurb Divine Service, by reading it when 
 
 * Mafs was Celebrating ; btit fliould read it meekly, humbly, and reve- 
 
 * rcntly, for their Inftruftion, Edification, and Amendment. There 
 was alio Care taken lb to regulate the Prices of the Bibles, that there 
 fliould be no exafling on the Subjefts in the Sale of them. And Bo»- 
 tter Iceing the King's Mind was fet on this, ordered fix of thcfe great 
 Bibles to be fet up in fcveral Places of Sr. Pauh ; that all Perfons who 
 could re;4d, might at all times have free accefs to them. And upon 
 the Pillars to which thefe Bibles were chained, an Exhortation was fet 
 
 vip, ' Admonifhing all that came thither to read, That they ihouldcoiiMiimh.i^ 
 ' lay afide Vain-glory, Hypocrify, and all other corrupt AfFeftions 
 :* and bring with them Dilcretion, good Intentions, Charity, Rcve- 
 
 * rence, and a quiet Behaviour, for the Edification of their own Souls • 
 
 * but not to draw Multitudes about them, nor to make Expofitions 
 ' of what they read, nor to read aloud, nor make Noife in time of 
 
 * Divine Service, nor enter into Difputes concerning it. But People 
 came generally to hear the Scriptures read, and fuch as could read, and 
 had clear Voices, came often thither with great Crowds about them. 
 And many let their Children to School, that they might carry them 
 with them to St. Paul's^ and hear them read the Scriptures. Nor could 
 the People be hindred from entering into Difputes about fome Places : 
 For who could hear the Words of the Inftitution of the Sacrament, 
 Drink ye all of if, or St. Pauts Dilcourfe again ft Worlhip in an un- 
 known Tongue, and not from thence be led to confider, that the Peo- 
 ple were deprived of the Cup, which by Chrift's exprefs Command 
 was to be drank by all ; and that they were kept in a Worfhip, to 
 which the unlearned could not fay, Amen^ fince thfy underftood not 
 what was faid, either in the Collefts or Hymns ? So the King had ma- 
 ny Complaints brought him, of the Abufcs that were faid to have ri- 
 fen from the Liberty given the People to read the Scriptures. Upon 
 which, Bonner^ (no doubt haying obtained the King's Leave,) fet up 
 a new Advertisement, in which he complained of thele Abules, in the 
 leading the Bible ; for which he threatned the People, that he would 
 remove thefe Bibles out of the Church, if they continued as they did, 
 to abufe fo high a Favour. Yet thefe Complaints produced no fur- 
 ther Severity at this Time : But by them the Popifh Party afterwards 
 obtained what they defired. This Summer the King turned the Mo- 
 naftery of Burton upon Trent into a Collegiate Church, for a Dean and 
 four Prebends ,• and the Monaftery of Thornton in Lincolnjhire into ano- 
 ther, for a Dean and four Prebends. In th\s Yq2lx Cranmer took it into 1^41, 
 Confideration, to what Excels the Tables of the Bifhops had rifen, ^nti^.srit. 
 whereby thofc Revenues that ought to have been applied to better '"^'^^''''• 
 Purpofes, were wafted on great Entertainments; which, though they bout Church- 
 pafTed under the decent Name of Hofpitaliiy, yet were in themfelves "^^"' Houfe- 
 both too high and expenfive, and proved great Hindrances to Church- ^"^^'"^s- 
 mens Charity, in more necelTary and profitable Inftances. He there- 
 fore fet out an Order, for regulating that Expence ; by which an Arch- 
 
 bifhops fable was not to exceed {\\ Diflies of Meat, and four of * Ban- " «-://-»n>. 
 quec ; a Bifhops, five Difhes of Meat, and three of Banquet ; a Deans 
 
 or
 
 20O ^he Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1C41. or Arch-Peacons Table was not to exceed four Difhes, and two of 
 w-v"sw Banquet •, and other Clergy-men might be fervcd only with two Difhes. 
 Bnr fie that gives us the Account ot" this, laments that this Regulation 
 r^ok no effeS : And complains that the People, exptfting generally" 
 fuch fplendid Houfe-keeping from the dignified Clergy, and not confi* 
 dering how fhort their Revenues are, of what they were anciently j 
 they out of a weak Compliance with the Multitude, have dil^ibled them- 
 lelves of keeping Hofpitality, as our Saviour ordered it, not for the 
 Rich, but the Poor ; not to mention the other ill Effefts that follow 
 too fumptuous a Tabic. 
 The King In the end of this Year, the Tragical Fall of the Queen put a ftop^ 
 goes to rork. jQ gjj Qjj^gj. Proceedings. The King had invited his Nephew, the King 
 of Scotland, to meet him at Tork, who was refolved to come thither. 
 The King intended to gain upon him all he could, and to engage 
 him to follow the Copy he had let him, in extirpating the Pope's 
 Supremacy, and fupprefling Abbeys, and to eftablifh a firm Agree- 
 ment in all other Things. The Clergy of Scotland feared the ill Ef- 
 feds of that Interview, efpecially their King being a Prince ol moft 
 extraordinary Parts, who, had he not blemiihed his Government with 
 being fo extreamly addifted to his Pleafures, was the greatcft Prince 
 that Nation had for feveral Ages. He was a great Pitron of Learn- 
 ing, and Executor of Juftice : He ufed in Perfon and Incognito^ to go 
 over his Kingdom, and lee how Juftice was every where done. He 
 had no very good Opinin. of the Religious. Orders, and had encou- 
 raged Buchanan to wnte a levere and witty Libel againft the Francif- 
 can Frisrs. So that they were very apprehenfive that he might have 
 beeriAvroughr on by his Uncle. Therefore they ufed all their Endea- 
 vours to divert his Journey. But the -French King, that had him faft 
 engaged to his Intereft, falling then off from the King, wrought more 
 on him. So inftead of meeting the King at Tork, where magnificent 
 Preparations were made for his Reception, he fent his Excule ; which 
 provoked his Uncfc, and gave Occafion to a Breach that followed not 
 long after. 
 An Ac- But here I Ihall crave the Readers leave to give a full Reprefenta- 
 Sta "e^n!!f! ^^°" °^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Religion at this Time in Scotland^ and of the foot- 
 Uni. ing the Reformation had got there. Its neighbourhood to Englandy 
 
 and the Union of thefe Kingdoms, firfl in the fame Religion, and 
 fince under the fame Princes, together with the Intercourle that was 
 both in this and the next Reign, between thefe Nations, feem not on- 
 ly to juffific this DigrefTion, but rather challenge it as a Part of the 
 Hiftory, without which it would be defeftive. And it may be the 
 rather expeded from one, who had his Birth and Education in that 
 Kingdom. 
 The begin- 'jjie Corrcfpondence between that Crown and France was the Caufe 
 Le"^ning that what Learning they had, came from Taris, Where our Kings 
 tiiere. generally kept fome Scholars j and from that great Nurfery they were 
 
 brought over, and fet in the Univerfities oH Scotland to propagate Learn- 
 ing there. From the Year 1411. in which tVardlaw, Arch-bifhop of 
 St. /Andrews, firfl founded that Univerfity, Learning had made fuch a 
 Progrefs, that more Colleges were foon after founded in that City. 
 Univerfities were alfb founded both at Gla/gow and Aberdeen, which 
 have fince furni(f;ed that Nation with many eminent Scholars in all 
 Profeflions. But at the time that Learning came into Scotland, the 
 
 knowledge
 
 Book III of the Church of En^md. 291 
 
 knowledge of true Religion alfo followed ic : And in diac fame Arcli- r<j^i. 
 bilh 'p's cime, one John Reshy an Englifh nun, a Fo'lov\er of H^/ch'/jf's ^-""V-n^ 
 Opinions, was chaged with Hercfie. Forty Articles were objeil^d to , And of the 
 him, of which two are only mentioned. The one was, That T/je Pope ''^Ard^-bi-' 
 is Mot ChrijTs f^icar. 'J'he other was. That be ivas not to he ejltemed a A'cp spo'f- 
 Pope, if he ivjs a Man of wicked Life. For maintaining theft-, he was """''■ 
 burnt Anno 1407. Twenty Four Years after that, one Paul Craw came ^A- 
 out of Cenniiny, and being a Bohemian and an Hujfite., was iiifufing his 
 DoQrine into Ibmc at St. Andrews.^ which being dif^overed, he was 
 judged an ohftinate Heretick, and burnt there, Anno 14??- And to 
 encourage People to profecute fuch Pcrfons, Fogo, who had d. (covered 
 him, was rewarded with the Abbey of Melrofs loon after. 
 
 It does not appear that thofe Doftiincs, which w ere called hollar- 
 dies in England, had gained many Followers in Scotland., till near the 
 end of that Ceetury. But then it was found that they were much fp. ead 
 Qver the Wcftcrn Parts ; which being in the neighbourhood of Etig- 
 land, thofe who were perfecuted there, might perhaps fly into Scotland, 
 and fpread their Doflrine in that Kingdom. Several Perfbns of Qua- Sfotfmod. 
 lity were then charged with thefe Articles, and brought to the /irch- 
 bifhop of GLif^ow's Courts. But they anfwered him with fuch Confi- 
 dence, that he thought fit to difcharge them, with an Admonition to 
 cake heed of new Doftrines, and to content themfclves with the Faith of 
 the Church. 
 
 At this time the Clergy in Scotland were both very ignorant and TheCier- 
 diflblute in their Manners. The Secular Clergy minded nothing but SJ "■"e bo:h 
 their Tithes, and did either hire (bme Friars to Preach, or fome poor c?uei?" 
 Priefts to fing MafTes to them at their Churches. The Abbars had 
 poffeffcd themfelves of the beft Seats, and the greateft Wealth of the 
 Nation : And by a profufe Superftition, almoft the one half of the 
 Kingdom fell into the Hands of the Churchmen. The Bifhops looked 
 more after the Affairs of the State, than the Concerns of the Church ; 
 and were refolved to maintain by their Cruelty, what their Predecef- 
 fors had acquired by Fraud and Impoftures. And, as Lejley himfelf 
 confefles, there was no Pains taken to inftrud the People in the Princi- 
 ples of Religion ; nor were the Children at all catechifed, but left in 
 Ignorance : And the ill Lives of the Clergy, who were both Covetous 
 and Lewd, difpofed the People to favour thole that preach'd for a Re- 
 formation. The fir ft that fuffered in this Age was Patrick Harrtilton^ ^?,^J'^J^'' 
 a Perfon of very noble Blood : His Father was Brother to the Earl offerings. 
 Arran, and his Mother Sifter to the Duke o{ Albany ; fo nearly was he 
 on both fides related to the King. He was provided of the Abbey of 
 Fern in his youth ; and being defigned for greater Preferments, he 
 was lent to Travel : But as he went thorough Germany, he contrafted 
 a Friendfhip with Luther, Melan^on, and others of their Perfiiafion j 
 by whole means he was inftrudted in the Points about which' they 
 differed from the Church of Rome. He returned to Scotland, that he 
 might communicate that Knowledge to others with which himfelf 
 was fo happily enlightned. And little confidering, either the hindranco 
 of his further Preferment, or the other Dangers that might lie in his 
 way, he fpared not to lay open the Corruptions of the Roman Church, 
 and to fliew the Errors that had crept into the Chriftian Religion. 
 He was a Man both of great Learning, and of a fweet and charming 
 
 O Conv(iifatiorr>
 
 292 The Hijlory of the Reformat ion Book \\l^ 
 
 i-T-^t. Coiiverfadon, and came to be followed and efteemed by all forts of 
 '^V^w People. 
 
 The Clergy being enraged at this, invited him to St. Andrews^ that 
 there might be Conferences held with him, about thofc Points which 
 he condemned. And one Friar Camphel, Prior of the Dominicans^ who 
 had the Reputation of a learned Man, was appointed to treat with 
 him. They had many Conferences together, and the Prior fcemcd to 
 be convinced in moft Points ; and acknowledged there were many 
 . Things in the Church that required Reformation. But all this while 
 he was betraying him ; fo that when the Abbat looked for no fuch 
 Thing, he was in the Night-time made Prifoner, and carried to the 
 Arch biihop's Caftle. There feveral Articles were objected to him, 
 about Original Sin, Free-will, Juftification, Good Works, Prieftly Ab- 
 folution. Auricular Confeffion, Purgatory, and the Pope's being Anti- 
 chrift. Some of thefe he pofitivcly adhered to, the others he thought 
 were difpucable Points ; yet he faid he would not condemn them, 
 except he faw better Reafons than any he had yet heard. The Mat- 
 ter was referred to Twelve Divines of the Univerfity, of whom Friar 
 Camphel was one. And within a Day or two they cenfured all his 
 Tenets as Heretical, and contrary to the Faith of the Church, On the 
 firll; of March Judgment was given upon him, by Beaton Arch bilhop 
 of St. Andrews, with whom fate the Arch-bifhop of Glafgow, the Bi- 
 lhop of Dunkeldy Brichen and Dunblain, five Jlhats, and many of the 
 inferior Clergy. They alfo made the whole Univerfity, old and young, 
 fign it. He was declared an obftinate Heretick, and delivered to the 
 Secular Power. 
 
 The King had at that time gone a Pilgrimage to Refs, and the 
 Clergy fearing left nearnefs of Blood, with the Intercellions which 
 might be made for him, fhould fnatch this Prey out of their Hands, 
 proceeded that lame Day to his Execution. So in the Afternoon he 
 was brought to the Stake before St. Sahator^s College. He ftripped 
 himfelf of his Garments, and gave them to his Man ; and faid, JF/e had 
 no more to leave him, hut the Example of his Death ? That he prayed 
 him to keep in mind. For though it ivas hitter and painful in Mans Judg- 
 ment, yet it was the entrance to Everlafiing Life, ivhich none could inhe- 
 rit that denied Chrift hefore fuch a Congregation. Then he was tied to 
 a Stake, and a great deal of Fewel was heaped about him ,• which he 
 feemed not to fear, but continued lifting up his Eyes to Heaven, and 
 recommending his Soul to God. When the Train of Powder was 
 kindled, it did not take hold of the Fewel, but only fcorched his Hand, 
 and the fide of his Face. This occafioned fome delay, till more Pow- 
 der was brought from the Caftle ; during which time the Friars were 
 very troublcfome, and called to him to turn, and pray to our Lady, 
 and fay ^alve Regina. None were more officious than Friar Camphel. 
 The Abbat wiflicd him often to let him alone, and give Iiim no more 
 Trouble. But theTriar continuing to importune him, he faid to him, 
 Wicked Man, thou knowefi that I am not an Heretick, and that it is the 
 Truth of God for which I now fuffer. So much thou didjl conjefs to me 
 in pyivatCy and thereupon J appeal thee to anfwer hefore the Jud^^ment- 
 Seat of Chrijl. By this time more Powder was brought, and the Fire 
 was kindled. He cried out with a loud Voice, How long, Lord,fhall 
 garknels epprefs this Realm ? How long wilt thou fuffer this Tyranny of 
 
 Meni
 
 ' ■ ■ ' I I I > 
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 293 
 
 Men i And died repeating thefc Words, LorJjefus receive my Spirit. The 1^41. 
 Patience and Conftancy he cxprefled in his Sufferings, made the Spedla- 
 tors generally conclude that he was a true Martyr of Qirift ; in which 
 they were the more confirmed, by Friar CampbeWs falUng into great 
 Deipair foon after, who from that turned frantick, and died within a 
 Year. 
 
 On this I have infifted the more fully, becaufe it was indeed the 
 beginning of the Reformation in Scotland ; and raifed there an Humour 
 of inquiring into Points of Religion, which did always prove fatal 
 to the Church of Rome. In the Univerfity it felf many were wrought The Klng'j 
 on, and particularly one Seaton^ a Dominican Friar, who was the King's vouk th°/iu^ 
 Confeflbr. He being appointed to preach the next Lent at St. An- fonnatii>n. 
 Jreiv's, infilled much on thefe Points : * That the Law of God was 
 ' the only Rule of Rightcoufnefs, that Sin was only committed when 
 * God's Law was violated, that no Man could fatisfie for Sin, and 
 ' that Pardon was to he obtained by unfeigned Repentance and true 
 ' Faith. But he never mentioned Purgatory, Pilgrimages, Merits nor 
 Prayers to Saints j which uled to be the Subjects on which the Friars 
 infifled mofl on thefe Occafions. Being gone from St. Andrew's, he 
 heard that another Friar of his own Order had refuted thefe DodJrines, 
 So he returned, and confirmed thein in another Sermon ; in which he 
 alio made lome Reflexions on Bilhops that were not Teachers, calling 
 them Dumh-Dogs. For this he was carried before the Arch-Bifliopj 
 but he defended himfelf, faying, That he had only in St. Pants Words 
 faid A Bifhop p7ould teach ^ and in Efaias's Words, That fuch as did noB 
 teach were Dumh-Dogs : but having faid this in the general, he did not 
 apply it to any Bilhop in particular. The Arch-Bifhop was netted at 
 this Anfwer, yet refolved to let him alone till he fliould be brought 
 into Difgrace with the King. And that was foon done, for the King 
 being a Licentious Prince, and Friar 5f<i?o» having often reproved him 
 boldly for it, he grew weary of him. The Clergy perceiving this, 
 were refolved to fall upon him. So he withdrew to Berwick, but wrote 
 to the King, that if he would hear him make his Defence, he would 
 return and juftifie all that he had taught. He taxed the Cruelty of the 
 Clergy, and defired the King would rcftrain their Tyranny, and con- 
 fider that he was obliged to protedi his Subjedls from their Severity and 
 Malice. But receiving no fatisfadtory Anfwer, he lived in Englandj 
 where he was entcrcain'd bv the Duke of Suffolk as his Chaplain; 
 Not long after this, one Forrejl, a fimple BenediStin Monk, was accufed 'f^'/sSufff 
 for having faid that Patrick Hamilton had died a Martyr ; yet fmce there ''"^''' 
 was no fufficient Proof to convidl him, a Friar, one Walter Lainge, was 
 fent to confcfs him, to whom in Confeflion he acknowledged, he 
 thought Hamilton was a good Man, and that the Articles for which 
 he was condemned, might be defended. This being revealed by the 
 Friar, was taken for f^ood Evidence. So the poor Maa was condemned 
 to be burnt as an Hcrccick. As he was led out to his Execution, he 
 faid, Fie on Falfhood^ fie on Friars^ Revealers of Confejfton ; Let never 
 Man truji them after me : They are Defpifers of God, and Deceivers of 
 Men. When they were confidering in what place to burn him, a fimple 
 Man that attended the Arch-bifliop, advifcd to burn him in fomc low 
 Cellar; For, faid he, the Smoak of Mr. Patrick Hamilton hai infe^ed all ', 
 
 thofe on whom it hlexv. 
 
 O o 2 Soon
 
 294- The Ei^ory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 i«i4i. Soon after this, Ahhzt Hamilton % Brother and Sifter were broughc 
 ^-''-v-^ into the Bilhop's Courts ; but the King, who favoured this Brother, 
 Afurthcr pejjwaded him to abient himfelf. His Sifter and fix others being 
 SsSiT brought before the Bifliop of Rofsy who was deputed by the Arch-bifliop 
 to proceed againft them, the King himfelf dealt with the Wciiun ro 
 abjure, which flic and the other fix did. Two others were more re- 
 folute, The one was N^/-iwj«</ Gtfivr/d>, who was charged with denying 
 the Pope's Authority in Scotland, and faying, There was no Purgatory ; 
 The other was David Straiton. He was charged with the fame Opi- 
 nions. They alfo alledged. That he had denied that Tithes were due 
 to Church-men ; and that when the Vicar came to take the Tithe out of 
 Tome Fi(h- boats that belonged to him, he alledged. The Tithe was to 
 be taken where the Stock grew, and therefore ordered the Tenth Fifli 
 to be caft into the Sea, and bad the Vicar to feek them there. They 
 X were both judged obftinate Hereticks, and burnt at one Stake the zitb 
 of Auzujly 1534. Upon this Perfecution, fome others, who were cited 
 to appear, fled into England. Thofe were Alexander Alejfe, John Fife^ 
 John Mackhee^ and one Mackdowgall. The firft of thefe was received 
 by Cromwell into his Family, and grew into great Favour with King 
 Henry^ and was commonly called his Scholar ; of whom fee what was 
 laid Page 205. But after Cromwell's Death, he took Fife with him, and 
 they went into Saxony, and were both ProfefTors in Leipfjck. Mackbee 
 was at iirft efltertained by Shaxton, Bifliop of Salisbury ; but he went 
 afterwards into Denmark, where he was known by the Name of Doctor 
 SiaccaheuSy and was Chaplain to King Chriftian the fecond. 
 
 But all thefe violent Proceedings were not effedual enough to quench 
 The Progrefs that Light which was then fliining there. Many by learching the 
 of the Rcfor- Scriptures, came to the Knowledge of the Truth, and the Noife of 
 niation. \f^{^^x. was then doing in England, awakned others to make further En- 
 quiries into Matters of Religion. Pope Clement the -jth apprehending 
 ttfiey. that King Henry might prevail on his Nephew to follow his Example, 
 wrote Letters full of earneft Exhortations to him to continue in the 
 Catholick Faith. Upon which King James called a Parliament, and 
 there in the Prefcnce of the Pope's Nuncio, declared his Zeal for that 
 Faith and the Apoftolick See. The Parliament alfo concurred with him 
 in it ; and made Ads againft Hereticks, and for maintaining the 
 Pope's Authority. That fame Pope did afterwards fend to defire him 
 tQ affift him in making War againft the King of England ; for he was 
 refolvcd to divide that Kingdom among thofe who would affift him in 
 driving out King Henry. But the firm Peace at that time between 
 tije King of England and the French King, kept him quiet from any 
 Trouble, which otherwife the King of Scotland might have given him. 
 Yet King Henry fent the Bifliop of St. David s, with the Duke of Nor- 
 folk's Brother, Lord William Howard to him, fo unexpedcdiy, that they 
 cQnjQ to him at Sterlin before he had heard of their being icnt. The 
 3u htitsm. Biltiop brought with him fome of the Books that had been writ for the 
 ii^ftifying King Henry^s Proceeding; he defired that King would impar- 
 tially examine them. But he put them into the Hands of fome about 
 him that were addided to thelntereftsof i^owf, who, without ever read- 
 ing them, told him they were full of peftilent Dod:rine and Herefie. 
 
 ,The fccret Bufinefs they came for, was, To pcrlwadc that King to 
 concur with his Uncle, and to agree on an Interview between them : 
 afj4 chay offered him in their Mafter's Name the Lady Mary in Mar- 
 riage,
 
 Book ill. of the Church of Engkad. 29^5 
 
 _ — - -_ .... 
 
 riage, and rhac he fliould be made Duke of Tork, and * Lord Licutc- h^ai. 
 naiu of ail England. But the Clergy diverted him from it, and per- "^^^v^ 
 I'waded him rather to go on in his Defign of a March with France. And uJP"', '^"^ 
 their Councils did fo prevail, that he relolvcd to go in Perfon, and fetch ^ '" 
 a Queen from thence. On the firft of Janiary i^l^- he was married 
 to Magdalen, Daughter to Francis the Firft. But fhe being then gone 
 far in a Coniiimption, died foon after he had brought her Home, on 
 the x8th of May. She was much lamented by all Perfons, the Clergy- 
 only excepted j for die had been bred in the Qiieen o( Navarre's Court, 
 and lo they apprehended flic might incline 'the King to a Reformation, 
 But he had feen another Lady in France, Mar-^ of Cuife, whom he then 
 liked fo well, that after his Qiieen's Death, he fent Cardinal Beaton 
 into France to treat for a Match with her. This gave the Clergy as 
 much Joy as the former Marriage had raifed Fear ; for no Family in 
 ChriJlenJom was more devoted to the Tnterefts of the Papacy than that 
 was. And now the King, though he had freer Thoughts himfelf, yet 
 was fo engaged to the pretended old Religion, that he became a violent 
 Perlecuror of all who differed from it. 
 
 The King grew very expenfive, he indulged himfelf much in his The King 
 Pleafurcs ; he built Four Noble Palaces, which confidering that King- ^HoiiyguidS^ 
 dom and that Age, were very extraordinary Buildings; he had alfo ^ '^''^^^^'"SY. 
 many natural Children, all which Things concurred to make him 
 very defirous of Money. There were two different Parties in the 
 Court. The Nobility on the one Hand reprefented to him the greac 
 Wealth that the Abbats had gathered ; and that if he would do as his 
 Uncle had done, he would thereby raife his Revenue to the Triple of 
 what it was, and provide plentifully for his Children. The Cler- 
 gy on the other Hand alTured him, That if he would fet up a {Irid: 
 Inquifition of Hereticks, he would difcover fo many Men of Eflates 
 that were guilty, that by their Forfeitures he might raife about an 
 Hundred Thouland Crowns a Year : And for his Children, the eafiefl 
 way of providing for them, was to give them good Abbeys and Prio- 
 ries. This they thought would engage both the King and his Sons 
 CO maintain their Rights more lleadily, if their own Intercfts were 
 interwoven with them. They alfo perfwaded the King, That if he 
 maintained the eftablifhed Religion, it would give him a good Ince- 
 reft in England, and make him be fet up by Foreign Princes as the 
 Head of the League, which the Pope and the Emperor were then pro- 
 jecting againfl: King Henry. Thefc Counfels being feconded by his 
 Queen, who was a wife and good Lady, but wonderfully zealous for 
 the Papacy, did fo prevail with him, that as he made Four of his 
 Children Abbats of Priors, fo he gave way to the perfccuting Humour of 
 his Priefts j and gave Sir Jamts Hamilton ([a Natural Brother of the 
 Earl of Arran's, in whom the Clergy put much Confidence,) a Com- 
 mifllon to proceed againfl all that were fufpecited of Herefie. In th^ 
 Year i^gg. many were cited to appear before a Meeting, of the Bf- 
 fhops at Edinburgh. Of thofe, Nine abjured, many were banifhed, 
 and Five were burnt. Forrejler, a Gentleman, SirApfon^ a Secular 
 Pricft ; Killore and Beverage, Two Friars ; and Forrefl, a Canon Regu- 
 lar, were burnt on the Caftle-hill of Edinlurgh. The lafl of thefe was 
 a zealous conflant Preacher, which was a rare Thing in thofc Days.- 
 His Diocefan, thf Bifliop of Dunkeld ^cni for him, and rebuked him for 
 it, and bid him, When he found a good Epijlle, or good Gofpsl, that made 
 
 fcf
 
 296 rfee Hijlory of the Reformation Book 111. 
 
 M<5i. /or r/;(f Lihertiescf the Holy Church, to preach on that, and let the reft 
 wOr"^ alone. The good Man anlvvered, He had read both the Old Tejiament, 
 and the NeWf and never found an ill Epiftle, or ill Go/pel in any of them. 
 The Bilhop replied, that he thanked God he had lived well theje many 
 Tears, and never knew either the Old or tfew : he contented himfelf with 
 his Portuife, and his Pontifical ; and if the other would trouble himfelf 
 with thefe tantafes, he would repent it when he could not help it. Foreft 
 faid. He was refolved to do what he conceived was his Duty, whatever 
 might be the Danger of it. By this it appears how deliberately the Cler- 
 gy at that Time delivered thcmfelves up to Ignorance and Superflition. 
 Two other In the fame Year /?«/f/, a Francifsan Friar, and one Kennedy, a young 
 M»rcyrs, Man of 18 Years of Agt, were brought before the Arch-Bilhop oi Glaf- 
 gow. That Bifhop was a learned and moderate Man, and was much 
 againft thefe cruel Proceedings ; he was alfo in great Credit with the 
 King, having been his Tutor. Yet he was forced by the Threatnings 
 of his Brethren, to go on with the Perfccutiou. So thofe two, Ruffel, 
 and Kennedy, being brought before him. Kennedy, that was young 
 and fearful, had refolved to fubmit and abjure. But being brought to 
 the Bar, and encouraged by Rufefs Difcourfes, he felt fo high a Mea- 
 ibrc of Courage and Joy in his Heart, that he fell down on his Knees, 
 and broke forth in thefe Words ; ' Wonderful, O God, is thy Love and 
 ' Mercy towards me a miferable Wretch; for now, when I would have 
 
 * denied thee, and thy Son my Saviour, thou haft by thine own Hand 
 
 * pulled me back from the bottom of Hell, and given me moft Hea- 
 
 * venly Comfort, which hath removed the ungodly Fear that before 
 
 * opprefled my Mind. Now I dcfie Death, do what you pleafc, I thank 
 
 * God I am ready. There followed a long Difpute between the Friar 
 and the Divines that fate with the Arch-Bilhop ; but when he percei- 
 ved they would hear nothing, and anfwered him only with Revilings 
 and Jeers, he gave it over, and concluded in thefe Words j ' This is your 
 
 * Hour and Power of Darknefs ; now ye fit as Judges, and we ftand 
 
 * wrongfully condemned ; but the Day cometh which will fhew out 
 
 * Innocence, and you Ihall fee your own Blindnefs to your everlafting 
 
 * Confufion ; Go on, and fulfil the Meafure of your Iniquity, This 
 put the Arch-Biftiop in great Confufion, fo that he faid to thofe abour 
 him. That thefe rigorous Executions did hurt the Caufe of the Church 
 inore than could well be thought of; and he declared that his Opinion 
 was. That their Lives iliould be fpared, and fome other Courfe taken 
 with them. But thofe that late with him faid, If he took a Courfe dif- 
 ferent from what the other Prelates had taken, he was not the Churches 
 Friend. This, with other threatning ExprelTions prevailed fo far on 
 his Fears, that he gave Judgment. So they were burnt ,• but at their 
 Death they exprcfledfo much Conftancy and Joy, that the People were 
 much wrought on by their Behaviour. Ruj[fel encomsged Kennedy, his 
 Partner in Sufferings, in thefe Words : * Fear not, Brother, for he is more 
 
 * mighty that is in us, than he that is in the World ; the Pain which 
 
 * we lliall fuffer is Ibort and light ; but our Joy and Confolation Ihall 
 . * never have an end. Death cannot deftroy us, for it is deftroyed alrea- 
 
 * dy by him, for whofe Sake wefufTcr. Therefore let us drive to entet 
 ' in by the fame flrait Way, which our Saviour hath taken before us. 
 With the Blood of fuch Martyrs was the Field of that Church Ibwcn, 
 which did quickly rife up in a plentiful Harvcft. 
 
 Among
 
 Book 111. of the Church of iingland. 297 
 
 Among tho'C that were at this Time in Hazard, George Buchanan was 1541. 
 one. The Clergy wore rclblved to be revenged on him for the Sharp- »-'~V 
 nels of the Poems he had written againil them. And the King had lb 
 abfoluccly left all Men to their Mercy, that he had died with the reft, if 
 he had not made his Efcape out of Prilon : Then he went beyond Sea, 
 and lived Twenty Years in that Exile, and was forced to teach a School 
 mofl part of the Time; yet the Greatnefsof his Mind was not oppref- 
 Icd with that mean Employment. In his Writings there appears, not 
 only all the Beauty and Graces of the Latin Tongue, but a Vigor of 
 Mind and Quicknels of Thought, fiir beyond Bembo^ or the other //«- 
 Hans, who at that time affeded to revive the Purity of the Roman Stile. It 
 was but a feeble Imitation of fully in them ; but his Stile is fo natural and 
 nervous, and his Reflexions on Things are fo lolid, (befideshis Immortal 
 Poems, in which hefhews how well he could imitateall the Roman Posts 
 in their feveral ways of Writing, that he who compares them, will be 
 often tempted to prefer the Copy to the Original,) that he is fuflly 
 reckoned the grcatell: and beft of our modern Authors. This was the 
 State of Affairs at this Time in Scotland. And fo I fliall leave this Digrel- 
 fion, on which if I have ftayed too long, my Kindnefs to my Native 
 Country muft be my Excufe ; and now I return to the Affairs of England. 
 The King went his Progrefs with his fair and beloved Queen, and 
 when he came to Tork^ he ifflied out a Proclamation, That all who had 
 
 * been aggrieved for want of Juftice, by any whom he had" formerly 
 
 * employed, fliould come to him, and his Council for Redrefs. This was 
 done to caft aJl pafl: Mifcarriages on Cromwell^ and to put the People in 
 Hopes of better Times. But upon his return to London^ he met with a 
 new AfBidtion. He was fo much taken with his Queen, that on All- 
 Saints Day, when he received the Sacrament, he openly gave God 
 Thanks for the good Life he led, and trufted flill to lead with her ; 
 and dcfired his Ghoftly Father to joyn with him in the fame Thanks- 
 giving to God. But this Joy lafted not long : For the next Day, the 
 Arch-bifhop o( Canterbury came to him, and gave him a doleful Account 
 of the Queen's ill Life, as it had been brought him by om John Laffeh : 
 "Who, when the King was in his Progrefs, had told him that his Sifter 
 who had been an old Servant of the Duke of Norfolks., under vvhofe 
 Care the Queen was brought up, faid to him, That the Queen was 
 lewd, and diat one Francis Deirham had enjoyed her often ; as alfo 
 one Mannock ; with other foul Circumftances, not fit to be related. 
 The Arch bifhop communicated it to the Lord Chancellor, and the 
 other Privy-Councellors that were at London They agreed. That the 
 Arch-bidiop (bould open it to the King. But he not knowing how to 
 (do it in Difcourfe, fet it down in Writing, and put it in the King's 
 'Hands. When the King read it, hefeemed much perplexed ; but loved 
 
 the Qiieen fb tenderly, that he looked on it as a Forgery. And no vv The Queen'* 
 the Arch-bifhop was in extream Danger, for if full Evidence had not »'.'. Life is 
 £)cen brought, it had been certainly turned on him to his Ruine. fj^g "J'icover'd. 
 •jKing imparted it to fomc other Councellors, and told them, That he 
 couM not believe it, yet he would try it out, but with allpoflible Secre- 
 cy. So die Lofd-Privy-Seal was fent to London, to examine Lajfels, 
 who flood to what he had informed. Then he lent the fame Lord into 
 *SuJ['ex, where /.tfj/if/Zs Sifter lived, to try if fhe would juftifie what her 
 Brother had reported in her Name. And fhe owning it, he ordered 
 Deirham and Mannock to be arrefted upon feme other Pretences ; bur 
 ■ '' • . tlicy
 
 29^ 
 
 ^Jhe Hijiory of the Reformation Book ill. 
 
 ' S4l 
 
 And coii- 
 
 fefled by hci- 
 
 ilt" and o 
 
 I '141. 
 A new 
 
 parliament 
 called. 
 
 they bt-ing examined, not only confclfed whit was infoi mcd, but re- 
 vealed iumc other Ciixumitances thatlhevved tlic Qiiccn had laid afide 
 all Scnle of Modcfty, as well as tiKi Fear of a Difcovery ; thre^ ftveral 
 >A'omeii having been Witnclfes to thefe her lewd PraQices. The Re- 
 port of that (truck the King into a moft profound Fenfivenefs, and he 
 burfl: out into Tears, and lamented his Misfortune. The Aich-biQiop 
 of Canterbury, and feme other Councellors, were lent to examine the 
 Qneen. She at firft denied every Thing j but when ihe perceived it 
 was already known, fhe confeffcd all, and let it under her Hand. 1 here 
 were alio evident Prefumptions that fhe had intended to continue that 
 tilers CouiTcof Life: For as (he had got Deirham into her Service, fo flie 
 
 had brought ore of the Women, who had been formerly privy to tlieir 
 Familiarities, to ferve about her Bed-chamber. One Culpeper was alio 
 charged upon vehement Sufpicion : For when the King was at Lincolrty 
 by the Lady Rochfor(i''s means, he was brought into the Queen's Cham- 
 ber at Eleven a Clock in the Night, and flayed there till Four the next 
 Morning. The Qieen alfo gave hioi a Gold Chain, and a rich Cap. 
 He being examined, confi^ired the Crime ; for which both Deirham and 
 he fuiFcred. Others were alfb indided of Mifprifiim of i'realbn, and 
 condemned to perpetual Imprifonment. But this occafioned a new Par- 
 liament to be fummoned. 
 
 On the i6th oi' January the Parliament met ; to which the Bifliops of 
 XVeftminfier, Cbefter, Peterloroitgh and Glocefier^ had their Writs. The 
 Lord Cromwell alio had his Writ, tliough 1 do not find by any Record 
 that he was refiored in Blood. On the 28th of January, the Lord 
 Chancellor moved the Houfe of Lord^ to confider the Cafe the King 
 was in, by the Queen's ill Carriage : And that there might be no ground 
 of Sufpicion or Complaint, he propofed that fome of their Number 
 fhould he fent to examine the Queen. Whereupon the Arch bifhop of 
 Canterbury, the Duke of Suffolk^ the Earl of Southampton, and the Bi- 
 fhop of Hejlminjler, were fent to her. How much (he confelTed to them 
 is not very clear, neither by the Journal, nor the Aft of Parliament ; 
 which only lays, That Ihe confeffed, without mentioning the Particu- 
 lars. Upon this, the ProcelTes of thofe that had been formerly attaint- 
 ed, being alfo brought as an Evidence, the kCi palTed in both Houles. 
 In it they pititioned the King. 
 
 * Firjl, Not to be troubled at the Matter, fince that miglit be a 
 ' means to fhorten his Life. 
 
 ' Secondly, To pardon every Thing that had been fpoken againlt the 
 ' Queen. 
 
 ' Thirdly, That the Queen and her Complices might be attainted 
 ' of High Treafon, for her taking Deirham into her Service ; and a- 
 
 * nother Woman into her Chamber, who had known their former ill 
 
 * Life ; by which it appeared what (he intended to do : And then ad- 
 
 * mitting Culpeper to be fb long with her, in a vile Place fo many 
 
 * Hours in the Night. Therefore it is defired, that flie and they, with 
 
 * the Bawd, the Lady Rochford, may be attainted of Treafon ; and 
 
 * that the Queen and the Lady Rochford Ihould fufFer the Pains of 
 
 * Death. 
 
 * Fourthly, That the King would not trouble himfelf to give his A^- 
 
 * fent to this Aft in his own Perfon, but gr^t it by his Letters Patents 
 
 * under his Hand and Great Seal. 
 
 The Aft 
 
 about the 
 Queen, 
 
 Fi0h
 
 Book IIL of the Church of England. 
 
 299 
 
 Fifthly, That t!ie Dutchefs Dowager of tforfo/k, Countefs of Bria/g- 154-: 
 
 * Witter, the Lord H ill/am Howard and Iiis Lady, the Four other Men, 
 ' and five Women, who were already attainted by the Courfe of Com- 
 ' mon-Law, (except the Dutchefs oi Norfolk^ and the Countels of 5r/<5^- 
 ' water,) tha!: knew the C^ecn's vicious Life, and had concealed it, 
 
 * Hiould be all attainted of Mifprifion of Treafon. 
 
 It was aifo Enafted, ' That whofoever knew any Thing of the In- 
 
 * continence of the Qiieen, (for the time being,) ihould reveal itvvith 
 
 * all pofTible fpeed, under the Pains of Treafon. And that if the King 
 
 * or his Succeltors fliould intend to marry any Woman, whom they took 
 
 * to be a pure and clean Maid ; if (he, not being lb, did not declare 
 
 * the fame to the King, it Ihould be High Trealbn ; and all who knew 
 
 * it, and did not reveal it, were guilty of Mifprifion of Treafoa. And 
 
 * if the Queen, or the Prince's Wife, Ihould procure any by AJertages, 
 ' or Words, to know her carnally ; or any other by MelTages, or Words, 
 ' fhould lullicire them; they, their Councellois and Abettors, are to be 
 
 * adjudged high Traitors. 
 
 This Aft being alfcnted to, by the King's Letters Patents, the Queen, Cenfures 
 and the Lidy Roc hf or <J, were beheaded on /"oiver- /;>?// the i ah of /e-P^^ "pon It. 
 Iruary. The Queen confeffed the Mifcarriages of her former Life, be- 
 fore the King married her : But ftood ab(6lutely to her denial, as to 
 any Thing after that : And protefted to Dr. White, afterwards Bifhop 
 of Wtncheder, That ftie took God and his Angels to be lier Witneifes, 
 tjpon the Salvation of her Soul, that Ihe was guiitlefs of that A£t of 
 defiling her Soveraign's Bed, for which fhe was condemned. Yet the 
 Lafcivioufnefs of her former Life, made People incline to believe any 
 ill Thing that could be reported of her. But for the Lady RochforcL, 
 every Body obl'erved God's Juflice on her ; who had the chief Hand 
 both in Queen Anne Boleyns, and her own Husband's Death : And it 
 now appearing fb evidently what fort of Woman (he was, it tended 
 much to raife their Reputations again, in whofe Fall her Spite and other 
 ArtiHces had fb great a Hand. She had been a Lady of the Bed-Cham- 
 ber to the laff four Queens : But now it was found how unworthy fhe 
 was of that Truft. 
 
 It was thought extream Cruelty to be fb fevere to the Queen's Kin- 
 dred, for not difcovering her former ill Life. Since the making fucha ' 
 Difcoi'ery had been inconfiftent with the Rules ofjuffice or Decency. 
 The old Dutchefs ot Norfolk, being her Grand-mother, had bred her of 
 a Child : And it was faid, for her to have gone and rold the King, That 
 (he was a Whore, when lie intended to marry her, as it was an un- 
 heard-of thing, fb the not doing of it, could not have drawn ib levcre 
 a Punifhment, from any but a Prince of that King's Temper. But the 
 King pardoned her, and moft of the reft ; though fome continued in 
 Prifbn after the rell were difcharged. 
 
 But for the other Part of this Ad, obliging a Woman to reveal her 
 own former Incontinence, if the King intended to marry her, (which, 
 by a Miftake, the Lord Herbert fays was paffed in another Aft, taking 
 it from Hall, and not looking into the Record :) It was thought a Piece 
 of grievous Tyranny ; fiiicc if a King, efpecially one of fb imperious a 
 Temper as this was, fliould defign flich an Honour to any of his Snb- 
 iefts, who h^d failed in their tormer Life, they muff either defame 
 themfclves, by publifhing fo difgiacclul a Secret, or run the hazard of 
 being afterwards attainted of Treafon. Upon this, tliolc that took an 
 
 P p indilcreet
 
 300 7he Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 i«;42. indifeieec Liberty to rally that Sex injuftly and feverely, faid th e King 
 s/"VNi» could induce none that was reputed a Maid to marry him : So that not 
 fo much Choice, as Neccflity, put him on marrying a Widow about 
 two Years after this. But this Part of the Ad was afterwards repeal- 
 ed in the firll Pailiament of King Edward the 6ih. 
 Aft about There paiTed another Aft in this Parliament, that made way for the 
 Hofpitais, £)i(folution of Colleges, Hofpitals, and otiier Foundations of that Na- ^ 
 ture. The Courtiers had been praftifing with the Prefidents and Go- 
 vernors oF fbme of thefe, to make Refignations of them to the King ; 
 which were conceived in the fame Stile that mod of the Surrenders of 
 Monafteries did run in. Eight of thefe were all really procured, which 
 are enrolled. But they could not make any great Progrels, becaufe it 
 was provided by the Local Statutes of moft of them, that no Prefident, 
 or any other Fellows, could make any fuch Deed, without the Confent 
 of all the Fellows in the Houfe; and this could not be fo eafily obtain- 
 ed. Therciore all Ibch Statutes were annulled, and none were any 
 more to be fworn to the Obfervation of them. 
 The Pa- In the Convocation that fate at that time, whicli, as was formerly 
 piftsdefign o^jftrved, Fuller miftakes lor the Convocation in the 3irt Year of this 
 the "ew^/'T'' King; the Tranllation of the Bible was brought under Examination, 
 Bible. and many of the BiJhops were appointed to perufe it. For it feems 
 
 Complaints were brought againft it. It was certainly the greateft Eye- 
 fore of the Popifh Party • and that which they knew would moft efFe- 
 ftually beat down all their Projeds. But there was no oppofing it di- 
 redly, for the King was fully refolved to go through with it. There- 
 fore the Way they took, was once to load the Tranllation then fet out^ 
 with as many Faults as they could ,• and fo to get it firft condemned, 
 and then to promife a new one : In the making and publifhing of 
 which, it would be eafie to breed many Delays. But Gardiner had 
 another fingular Conceit : He fanfi^d there were many Words in the 
 New Teftament, of fuch Majefty, that they were not to be tranfla- 
 ted ; but muft ftand in the Englifh Bible as they were in the Latin. 
 A Hundred of thefe he put into Writing, which was read in Convo- 
 cation. His Defign in this was vifible j That if a Tranflation muft be 
 made, it fhould be io daubed all through with Latin Words, that the 
 People fhould not underftand it much the better for its being in E»g- 
 lijh. A tafte of this the Reader may have by the fir ft Twenty of them; 
 Ecclefia^ PcEK/fentia, Potttifex, Ancilla., Contritus, Olocau/la, Juftitia, Ju- 
 Jiificatio^ Idiota, Elementa^ Baptizare^ Martyr, Adorare^ Sandaliuniy Sim' 
 plex, Tetrarcha, Sacr amentum^ Simulacrum^ Gloria. The Defign he had 
 of keeping fbme of thefe, particularly the laft fave one, is plain enough; 
 that the People might not difcover that vifible Oppofition, which was 
 between the Scriptures, and the Roman Church, in the Matter of Ima- 
 ges. This could not be better palliated, than by difguifing thefe Pla- 
 ces with Words that the People underftood not. How this was re- 
 ceived. Fuller has not told us. But it feems Cranmer found, that the 
 Bifliops were refolved, either to condemn the Tranflation of the Bible, 
 er to proceed (b flowly in it, that it fhould come to nothing. There- 
 lore he moved the King to refer the perufing of it to the Two Univer- 
 fities. The BiQiops took this very ill, when Cranmer intimated it to 
 them in the King's Name ; and objefted, that the Learning of the Uni- 
 verfities was much decayed of late ; and that the Two Houfes of Con- 
 vocation were the more proper Judges of that, where the Learning of 
 
 the
 
 « 
 
 Book ill. of the Church of England. qoi 
 
 the Land was chiefly gathered together. But the Arch-bifhop faid he 1541. 
 would Rick clofe to the King's Pleafure, and that the Univerfities fLould ^.^"V^ 
 examine it. Upon which, all the Bifhops of his Province, except Ely 
 and St. DaviJ\ proterted againft it ,• and foon after the Convocation 
 was dillolved. 
 
 Not long after this, I find Bonner made fome Injundions for his Btuner's 
 Clergy ; which have a llrain in them, fb far different from the reft of ''°J""^®"*- 
 his Life, tliat it's more probable they wet'e drawn by another Pen, and 
 impoled on Bonner by an Order from the King. They were fet out in 
 the J4th Year of the King's Reign ,• but the time of the Year is not ex- 
 preft. The Reader will find them in the Colkaion at their full length, 
 The Subftancc of them is,- 
 
 * Firfi, That all fliould obferve the King's Injundions. c»llMumt.i6, 
 ' Secondly, That eve y Clergy-man Ihould read and ftudy a Chapter 
 
 ' of the Bible every Day, with the Expofition of the Glofs, or fome 
 ' approved Doftor ; which having once ftudied, they (hould retain it 
 ' in their Memories, and be ready to give an Account of it to him, or 
 
 * any whom he fhould appoint. 
 
 * Thirdly, That they fhould ftudy the Book fet forth by the Bifhops, 
 
 * of the Inftitution of a Chrilfian Man. 
 
 ' Fourthly, That fuch as did not refide in their Benefices, fhould 
 ' bring their Curates to him, or his Officers, to be tried. 
 
 * Fifthly, That they fhould often exhort their Parilhioners to make 
 
 * no private Contrdfts of Marriage. 
 
 * Sixthly, That they fhould marry none who were married before, 
 ' till they were fufficiently affured that the former Husband or Wife 
 
 * were dead. 
 
 * Seventhly, That they fhould inftruft the Children of their feveral 
 
 * Parifhes ; and teach them to read Engli/h, that they might know how 
 
 * to believe, and pray, and live according to the Will of God. 
 
 * Eighthly, That they Ihould reconcile all that were in Enmity, and 
 
 * in that be a good Example to others. 
 
 * [Ninthly, That none fhould receive the Communion, who did not 
 
 * Confefs to their own Curates. 
 
 * Tenthly, That none (hould be fuffered to go to Taverns, or Ale- 
 
 * Houfes, and ufe unlawful Games on Sundays, or Holy-days, in time 
 
 * of Divine Service. 
 
 * Eleventhly, That twice every Quarter, they Ihould declare the Se- 
 ' ven deadly Sins, and the Ten Commandments. 
 
 * Twelfthly, That no Prieft Ihould go but in his Habit. 
 
 ' Thirteenthly, That no Priefl fhould be admitted to fay Mafs, with- 
 
 * out (hewing his Letters of Orders to theBilhop or his Officers. 
 
 * Fourteenthly . That they Ihould inftruft the People to beware of 
 
 * Blafphemy, or Swearing by any Parts of Chrift's Body ; and to ab- 
 
 * ftain from Scolding and Slandering, Adultery, Fornication, Glucto- 
 
 * ny or Drunkeonefs ; and that they Ihould prefent at the next Vifita- 
 
 * tion, thofe who were guilty ofthefeSins. 
 
 * Fijteenthly, That no Prieft Ihould ufe unlawful Games, or go to 
 ' Ale-houfes or Taverns, but upon an urgent Neceflity. 
 
 * Sixteenthly, No Plays or Interludes to be afted in the Churches. 
 
 * Seventesnthly, That there (hould be no Sermons preached, that 
 
 * had been made within thefe Two Hundred or Three Hundred Years, 
 
 * But when they preached, they ihould explain the whole Gofpel and 
 
 ^P ^ ' Epiftk
 
 5 02 The jHijlory of the Reformdtion Book ill, 
 
 I S4i. ' Epiitle for the Day, according to the niiod of Ibme good Dodor ai- 
 
 **'''V"Srf * lowed by the Church of England; and chiefly to infill on thole Fla- 
 
 ' ees thacmighc ftir up the People to good Works, and to Prayer j and 
 
 * to explain the ufc of the Ceremonies oF the Church. That there 
 
 * fliould be no raiHngin Sermons ; but the Preacher fhouid calmly and 
 ' difcreetly let forth the Excellencies of Vertue, and the Vilcnels of Sin ; 
 
 * and fhouid alio explain the Prayers for that Day, that lb the People 
 
 * might pray with one Heart ; and fliould teach them the ule of the 
 
 * Sacraments, particularly of the Mais ; but lliould avoid the reciting 
 
 * of Fables, or Stories for which no good Writer could be vouched ; 
 
 * and that when the Sermon was ended, the Preacher lliould in few 
 
 * Words relume the Subflance of it 
 
 Eighteenthly-, That none be luffcred to Preach under the Degree of a 
 ' Bilhop, who had not obtained a Licence, either from the King, or 
 
 * him their Ordinary. 
 
 The man- Thel'c Injunctions, efpccially when they are conHdered at their full 
 ?"°J^''[l"^''' length, will give great Light into the Temper of Men at that Time j 
 Time. and particularly inform us of the Defign and Method in Preaching, as 
 
 it was then fet forward. Concerning which the Reader will not be ill 
 pleated to receive fome Information. In the Time of Popery there had 
 been few Sermons but in Lent ; for their Difcourlcs on the Holy-Days, " 
 were rather Panegyricks on the Saints, or the vain magnifying of Ibme 
 of their Relicks, which were laid up in fuch or fuch Places. In Lent 
 there was a more Iblemn and fcrious Way of Preaching ; and the Fri- 
 ars, who chiefly maintained their Credit by their Performances at that 
 Time, ufed all the Force of their Skill and Induflry to raife the People 
 into Heats, by palTionate and afTeding Difcourfes. Yer thefe generally 
 tended to railb the value of fome of the Laws of the Church, fuch as 
 Abllinence at that Time, Confeflion, with other Corporal Severities ; 
 or fome of the little Devices, that both inflamed a blind Devotion, and 
 drew Money ; fuch as Indulgencies, Pilgrimages, or the enriching the 
 Shrines, and Relicks of the Saints. But there was not that Pains taken 
 to inform the People of the Hatefulnefs of Vice, and the Excellency 
 of Holinefs, or of the wonderful Love of Chrifl, by which Men might 
 be engaged to acknowledge and obey him. And the Defign of their 
 Sermons was rather to raife a prefent Heat, which they knew after- 
 wards how to manage, than to work a real Reformation on their 
 Hearers. They had alfo intermixt with all Divine Truths, fo many Fa- 
 bJes, that tMcy were become very extravagant ; and that Alloy had \o 
 embafcd the whole, that there was great need of a good Difcerning, to 
 deliver People from thofe Prejudices, which thcfe Mixtures brought up- 
 on the whole Chriftian Doftrine. Therefore the Reformers ftudied 
 with all pofllble Care, to inflruft the People in the Fundamentals of 
 Chriftianity, with which they had been fo little acquainted. From 
 hence it came, that the People ran after thofe New Preachers with 
 wonderful Zeal. It is true, there feem to be very foul and indifcreec 
 Refledbions on the other Party, in Ibme of their Sermons. But if any 
 have applied themfelves much to obferve what fort of Men, the Friars, 
 and the reft of the Popilh Clergy were at that Time, they Ihall find 
 great Excules of thofe Heats. And as our Saviour laid open the Hypo- 
 crifies and Impoftures of the Scribes and Pharifees, in a Style which 
 fuch Corruptions e:(torted : fo there was great Caufe given to treat 
 them very roughly ^ though it is not to be denied, but thofe Preachers 
 
 had
 
 Book III of the Church of En^rland. 
 
 had fomc Mixtures of their own Refencmcnts, 
 
 303 
 
 for the Cruelties and ill 15-41. 
 Ufagc which they received from them. 13ut now that the Reforma- ^^""V^ 
 tion made a greater Progrefs, much Fauis was taken to fend eminent 
 Preachers over the Nation ; not confining them to particular Charges 
 but fending them with the King's Licenib up and down to many Places. 
 Many of thele Licenfes are enrolled, and it is likely that many were 
 granted that were not fo carefully preferved. But Provifion was alio 
 made for Peoples daily Inftrudtion ; and becaufe in that ignorant Time 
 there could noc be found a fufficient Number of good Preachers, and 
 in a Time of ib much jugling, they would not truft the Inflrudlion of 
 the People to every one ; therefore none was to Preach except he had 
 gotten a particular Licenle for it, from the King, or his Diocefan. But 
 ro qualifie this, a Book of Homilies was Prmted, in which the Gof^ 
 pels and Epiftles of all the Sundays and Holidays of the Year were 
 fee down, with an Homily to every one of thele, which is a plain and 
 pradiical Paraphrafe on thefe Parcels of Scripture. To thefe are added 
 many ferious Exhortations, and fome fnort Explanations of the moll 
 obvious Difficulties, that fliew the Compiler of them was a Man both 
 of good Judgment and Learning. To thefe were alfo added, Sermons 
 upon feveral bccafions ; as for Weddings, Chriflnings and Funerals,- and 
 thefe were to be read to the People by fuch as were not Licenfed to 
 i'reach. But thofe who were Licenfed to Preach, being oft accufed 
 for their Sermons, and Complaints being made to the King by hot Men 
 on both Sides, they came generally to write and read their Sermons. 
 From thence the reading of Sermons grew into a Pradtice in this 
 Church ; in which, if there was noc that Heat and fire, which the 
 Friars had fhewed in their Declamations, fo that the Pallions of the 
 Hearers were not fo much wrought on by it ; yet it has produced the 
 greateft Treafure of weighty, gtave and folid Sermons, that ever the 
 Church of God had ; which does in a great Meafure compenface that 
 feeming Fiatnefs to vulgar Ears, that is in the Delivery of tKem. 
 
 The Injunctions take Notice of another thing, which the Sincerity Plays and 
 of an Hiftorian obliges me to give an Account of, though it was indeed E"f"'"'l« 
 the greateft blemilh of that time. Thefe were the Stage-plays and 
 Interludes, that were then generally adicd, and often in Churches. 
 They were Reprefentations of the Corruptions of the Monks, and fome 
 other Feats of the Popilh Clergy. The Poems were ill contrived, and 
 worfe exprelled ; if there lies not fome hidden Wit in thefe Ballads, 
 (for Verfes they were not), which at this Diftance is lofl. But from 
 the reprefcnting the Immoralities and Diforders of the Clergy, they pro- 
 ceeded to adl the Pageantry of their Worfhip. This took with the Peo- 
 ple much, who being provoked by the Mifcarriages and Cruelties of 
 fome of the Clergy, were not ill pleafed to fee them and their Religion 
 expofed to puWick Scorn. The Clergy complained much of this ; and 
 faid it was an Introdudlion to Atheifm, and all fort of Irreligion. For if 
 once they began to mock facted Things, no Stop could be put to thac 
 petulant Humour. The grave and learned fort of Reformers difliked 
 and condemned thefe Courfes, as noc fuitable to the Genius of true Re- 
 ligion; but the political Men of that Party, made great iife of them, 
 encouraging them all they could ; for they faid. Contempt being the 
 mod operative and lafling Affc<Stion of the Mind, nothing would more 
 effediually drive ou£ many of thofe Abufes, which yet remained, than 
 to expofc them to the Contempt and Scorn of the People. 
 
 in
 
 Q04 ^^^ Hifiory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 I4C1. In the end of this Year a War broke out between England and Scot- 
 y_^^^ land, fee on by the Inftigacion of the French King ; who was alfo be- 
 War be- jj^j^j^gt-Q jjg an uncafic Neighbour to thofe of the tnglijh Pale abou: 
 T^r^Jf^t- Callice. The King fct out a long Declaration, in which he very largc- 
 i»nd. ]y laid out the Pretenfions the Crown of England had, to an Homage 
 
 Irom the Kings of Scotland. In this I am no fit Perion to interpofe ; 
 the Matter being dilputed by the learned Men of both Nations. The 
 Scots faid it was only for fome Lands their Kings had in England, thac 
 they did Homage ; as the Kings of England did for Normandy and Gui- 
 enne to the Kings of France. But the Englijh Writers cited many 
 Records, to fhew that the Homage was done for the Crown oi Scotland. 
 To this the Scots replied, that in the Invafion of Edward the Firfl, he 
 had carried away all their Ancient Records ; fo thel'e being loft, they 
 could only appeal to the Chronicles that lay up and down the Nation 
 in their Monafterics : That all thefe affirmed the contrary, and that 
 they were a free Kingdom ; till Edward the Firft taking Advantage of 
 their Difputes about the Succcffion to their Crown, upon the Death of 
 Alexander the Third, got fome of the Competitors to lay down their 
 Pretenfions at his Feet, and to promife Homage : That this was alfo 
 performed by John Balliol, whom he preferred to the Crdwn of Scot- 
 land \ but by thefe Means he loft the Hearts of the Nation, and ic 
 was faid, That this Ad of Homage could not give away the Rights 
 of a free Crown and People. And they faid. That whatfoever Sub- 
 miffions had been made fince that time, they were only extorted by 
 Force ; as the Effedis of Vidtory and Conqueft, but gave no good 
 Right, nor juft Title. To all this the Englifh Writers anfvvered, Thac 
 thefe Submiflions by their Records, (which were the folemn Inftruments 
 of a Nation, that ought never to be called in Queftion), were fome- 
 times freely made ; and not by the Kings only, but by the Confent of 
 their States. In this Uncertainty I muft leave it with the Reader. 
 But after the King had opened this Pretenfion, ' He complained of 
 
 * the Diforders committed by the Scots ; of the unkind Returns he had 
 
 * met with from their King for his Care of him, while he was an 
 
 * Infant ; taking no Advantage of the Confufions in which that King* 
 ' dom then was, but on the contrary, proted:ing the Crown, and qui- 
 
 * eting the Kingdom. But that of late many Depredations |and Ads 
 
 * of Hoftility had been committed by the Scots ; and though fome 
 
 * Treaties had been begun, they were managed with fo much Shufling 
 ' and Inconftancy, that the King muft now try it by War. Yet he 
 concluded his Declaration ambiguoufly, neither keeping up nor laying 
 down his Pretenfions to that Crown ; but expreffing them in fuch a 
 Manner, that which Way foever the Succefs of the War turned, he 
 might be bound up to nothing, by what he now declared. 
 
 But whacfocvcr Juftice might be in the King's Title, or Quarrel, his 
 
 Sword was much the Sharper. He ordered the Duke of Norfolk to 
 
 Duke of wor- march into Scotland, about the End of OHohef, with an Army of 20000 
 
 ;<r/*'s Inroad Men. //a// tells us, they burnt many Towns, and names them. But 
 
 mto iv«;W. ^^^^ ^,^^^ ^^,y ^j^g,^ Houfes, or little Villages ; and the beft Town 
 
 he names is Kelfo, which is a little open Market-Town. Soon after 
 they returned back into England ; whether after they had fpoiled the 
 Neighbouring Country, they felt the Inconveniences of the Seafon of 
 the Year, or whether hearing the Scots were gathering, they had no 
 /nind to go too far, I cannot determine j for the Writers of both Na- 
 tions
 
 Book III of the Church of England. 205 
 
 tions difagrec, as to Rcafon the of their fpcedy Return. But any that 1542. 
 knows the Country they I'poilcd, and where they ftopc, mull conclude, ^■''"V"^ 
 that either they had Iccret Orders only to make an Inroad, and deftroy 
 fome Places that lay along the River of Tweed, and upon the Border, 
 which done, without driving the Breach too far, to retire back; or they 
 mull have had Apprehenfions of the Scotch Armies coming to lie in 
 thcle Moors and Hills of Sautrej, or Lammer Moor^ which they were 
 to pafs if they had gone farther j and there were about 10000 Men 
 brought thither, but he that commanded them was much blamed for do- 
 ing nothing ; his Excufe was. That his Number did not equal theirs. 
 About the End of t^ovemher^ the Lord Maxwell brought an Army of 
 15000 Men, together with a Train of Artillery of 24 Pieces of Ord- 
 nance. And fince the Duke of Norfolk had retired towards Berwick, 
 they refolvcd to enter England on the U'eftern fide by Solway Frith. 
 The King went thither himlblf, but fatally left the Army, and yet was 
 not many Miles from them when they were defeated. The Truth of 
 it was, that King, who had hitherto raifed the greateft Expectation, 
 was abourthat time dillurbed in his Fancy, thinking that he law Appa- 
 ritions, particularly of one, whom it was faid, he had unjuUiy put to 
 Death ; to that he could not reft, nor be at quiet. But as his leaving 
 the Army was ill advifed, fo his giving a Comminion to Oliver Sinclair, 
 chat was his Minion, to command in Chief, did extreamly difguft the 
 Nobility. They loved not to be commanded by any but their King, 
 and were already weary of the Infolence of that Favourite, who being The SntiSb 
 but of ordinary Birth, was defpifed by them ; fo that they were begin- ^j"*^ ^'^^^' 
 ning to feparate. And when they were upon that Occafion in great 
 Dilbrdcr, a fmall Body of Englijh, not above 500 Horfe, appeared. 
 But they apprehending it was the Duke of Norfolk's Army, refufed to 
 fight, and fell in Confufion. Many Prifoners were taken, the chief of 
 whom were, the Earls of Glencairn, and Cafillis, the Lords Maxwelty 
 Sommervell, Oliphant, Grdy, and Oliver Sinclair ; and about 200 Gen- 
 tlemen and 800 Souldiers; and all the Ordnance and Baggage was alfo 
 taken. The News of this being brought to the King of Scotland, en- 
 crenfed his former Diforders ; and fome few Days after, he died, leaving 
 an infant Daughter, but newly born, to fucceed him. 
 
 The Lords that were taken Prifoners, were brought to London, Many Prifo- 
 where, after they had been charged in Council, how unkindly they had ners taken. 
 ufed the King, they were put in the keeping of fome of the greateft: 
 Quality about Court. But the Earl of Caffillis had the beft Luck of 
 them all ; for being fent to Lamheth, where he was a Prifoncr upon his 
 Parole, Crjw/Mfrftudied to free him from the Darknefs and Fetters of Po- 
 pery ; in which he was fo fucccfsful, that the other was afterwards a 
 great Promoter of the Reformation in Scotland. The Scots had been hi- 
 therto pofTcllcd with moft extraordinary Prejudices againft the Changes 
 xh'ox had been made in England ; which concurring with the ancient 
 Animofities b-:'tween the two Nations, had raifed a wonderful ill Oivi- 
 nion of the King's Proceedings. And though the Bifhop of St. Da- 
 vid\ (Barlow) had been lent into Scotland \\\r}(\ the Book of the Infli' 
 tution of a Chriflian Man, to clear thefe ill ImprelTions ; yet his Endea- 
 vours were unfuccefsful. The Pope, at the Inftance of the French King, 
 and to make that Kingdom fure, made David Beaton, Arch-bilhop of 
 Si. Andrew^, a Cardinal ; which gave him great Authotity in the 
 Kingdom ; fo he with the reft of the Clergy diverted the King from 
 
 any
 
 Qo6 The Hiftory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1S41' any Correl'pondcncc with England, and nfllircd him of Vidlory if he 
 s^'-^NT^ would make War on Inch an Heretical Prince. The Clergy alio offered 
 the King 5-0000 Crowns a Year, towards a War with kngland ; and 
 poflefled all the Nation with very ill Thoughts of the Court and Cler- 
 gy there. But the Lords that were now Frifoners, (chiefly the Earl 
 of CafiUis, who was bed inftrudted by his Religious Hoft ,-) conceiv- 
 ed a better Opinion of the Reformation, and carried Home with them 
 thole Seeds of Knowledge, which produced afterwards a very fruit- 
 ful Harveft. On all thefe Things I have dwelt the longer, that it 
 might appear, whence the Inclination of the Scotijh Nobility to Re- 
 form, did take its firft Rife, though there was afterwards in the Me- 
 thods, by which it was advanced, too great a Mixture of the 
 Heat and Forwardnefs that is natural to the Genius of that Coun- 
 
 When the News of the King of Scotland s Death, and of the young 
 Qiieen's Birth that fucceeded him, came to the Court, the King 
 thought this a very favourable Conjuncflure to unite and fettle the 
 whole Ifland. But that unfortunate Princefs was not horn under fuch 
 happy Stars, though fhe was Mother to him, in whom this longdefired 
 Union took effed. The Lords that were then Prifoners began the 
 Motion ; and that being told the King, he called for them to Hampton- 
 Court, in the Chrijltnas-ume, and faid, Now an Opportunity was put 
 in rieir Hands, to quiet all Troubles that had been between thefe Two 
 Crowns, by the Marriage of the I*rince of iVales to their young Queen ; 
 in which he defired their Afliftance, and gave them their Liberty, they 
 leaving Hoftages for the Performance of what was then offered by 
 them. They all promifed their Concurrence, and feemed much taken 
 with the Greatnefs of the Englijh Court, which the King always kept 
 up, not without Affedation ; they alfo faid they thought God was bet- 
 ter ferved there than in their own Country. So on New-Tears Day they 
 took their Journey towards Scotland; but the fequel of this will appear 
 afterwards. 
 J - . , A Parliament was fummoned to meet the Two and twentieth of Ja- 
 
 nuary^ which fate to the ixfh of May. So the Seflion begun in the 
 34th, and ended in the 3^th Year of the King's Reign ; from whence 
 it is called in the Records, the Parliament of the ?4th and jsth Year. 
 Anew Par Here both the Temporality and Spirituality gave great Subfidies to the 
 liament. King, of Six Shillings in the Pound, to be paid in Three Years. They 
 fet forth in their Preambles, ' The Expence the King had been at, in 
 * his War with Scotland., and for his other great and urgent Occafions, 
 by which was meant a War with France, which broke out the follow- 
 ing Summer. But with thefe, there pafled other two Adts cf great 
 Importance to Religion. The Title of the firll: was, An A^ for the Ad- 
 vancement of True Religion, and Abolifhment of the contrary. The King 
 was now entered upon a War, fo it leemed reafonable to qualifie the 
 Severity of the late Ads about Religion, that all might be quiet at 
 c--fl»mfr pro- Home. Cranmer moved it firft, and was faintly feconded by the Bi- 
 motcs i Re- {}jops of Worcefler., Hereford, Chicheder, and Rochefler, who had pro- 
 mifed to flick to him in it. At this Time a League was almofi; finifhed 
 between the King and the Emperor, which did again raife the Spirits 
 of the Popifh Fadion. They had been much cafi; down ever fince 
 the lafl Qiiccn's Fall. But now that the Emperor was like to have an 
 Intereft in £»g///Z» Councils, they took Heart again ; and Gardiner op- 
 
 poled
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 
 
 307 
 
 if4?- 
 
 pofed the Arch-BiHiops Motion with all pofliblc Earncftneis. And that 
 whole Fadioa fell lb upon it, that the timorous BiOiops not only forfook 
 Cra»nter, but Heath of Roche/fer, and Skip of Hereford^ were very 
 earned with him to flay for a better Opportunity ; but he generoufly 
 preferred his Confciencc to thofe Arts of Policy, which he would never 
 Pradife ; and faid, He would pu(h it as far as it would go. So he plied 
 the King, and the other Lords fo earneftly, that at length the Bill paflcd, 
 though clogg'd with many Provilb's, and very much Ihorc of what he 
 had defigncd. 
 
 The Preamble fet forth, ' That there being many DifTentions about An Aft i. 
 
 * Religion, the Scriptures, which the King had put into the Hands of bout it, 
 
 * his People, were abufed by many Seditious Perlons, in their Sermons, 
 
 * Books, Plays, Rychmes, and Songs ; from which great Inconveni- 
 
 * ences were like to arile. For preventing thefe, it was necefTary.to 
 
 * eftabiidi a Form of fincerc Do(5lrine, conformable to that which was 
 
 * taught by the Apoflles. Therefore all the Books of the Old and 
 
 * l^ew Teflament, of Tindjl's Tranflation (which is called Crafty^ 
 
 * Falfe^ and Utttrue) are forbidden to be kept or ufed, in the King s 
 
 * Dominions ; with all other Books, contrary to the Dodtrine icz forth 
 
 * in the Year 1540, with Puniihments and Fines, and Imprifonmenc 
 
 * upon fuch as fold or kept fuch Books. But Bibles that were not of 
 
 * 7/Wj/'s Tranflation, were ftill to be kept, only the Annotations, or 
 
 * Preambles, that were in any of them were to be cut out, or daflied ; 
 
 * and the King's Proclamations and Injuncftions, with the Primmers 
 
 * and other Books Printed in Englifh , for the Tnftrudtion of the Peo- 
 
 * pic before the Year 1^40, were ftill to be in Force ; and among thefe, 
 
 * Chaucer's Books arc by Name mentioned. No Books were to be Prin- 
 « ted about Religion, without the King's Allowance. In no Plays, nor 
 
 * Enterludes, they might make any Expofitions of Scripture ; but only 
 ' reproach Vice, and let forth Vertue in them. None might read the 
 ' Scripture in an open Aflembly, or expound it, but he who was Li- 
 » cenfed by the King or his Ordinary ; with a Provifo, That the Chan- 
 ' cellors in Parliament, Judges, Recorders, or any others, who were 
 ' Wont in puWick Occafions to make Speeches, and commonly took a 
 ' Place of Scripture for their Text, might ftill do as they had done for- 
 
 * merly. Every Nobleman, or Gentleman, might caufe the Bible 
 to be read to him, in or about his Houfc, quietly and without Di- 
 
 ' fturbance. Every Merchant that was a Houfholder, might alfo 
 read it. But no Woman, nor Artificers, Apprentices, Journey-men, 
 Serving-men, under the Degree of Yeomen ; nor no Husbandmen 
 or Labourers, might read it. Yet every Noble Woman, or Gentle- 
 woman, might read it for her felf ,• and fo might all other Perfons but 
 thofe who were excepted. Every Perfon might read and teach in 
 their Houfes, the Book fet out in the Year 15:40, with the F falter. 
 Primmer^ Pater nofier, the Ave^ and the Creed in Englijh. All Spi- 
 ritual Perfons, who preached or taught contrary to the Do<5trine fet 
 forth in that Book, were to be admitted, for the firft Convidiion, to 
 renounce their Errors ; for the fecond to abjure, and carry a Faggot ; 
 which if they rcfulcd to do, or fell into a third Offence, they were 
 to be burnt. But the Laity, for the third Offence, were only to for- 
 feit their Goods and Chattels, and be liable to perpetual Imprifon- 
 ment. But thefe Offences were to be objected to them, within a Ycat 
 after they were committed. And whereas before, the Party accufcd was 
 
 Q.q ! not 

 
 k 
 
 — -^ .^ ,_ , 
 
 308 ^ he Hi flory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 I S43- ' not allowed to bring WitnelTes for his own Purgation ,• this was now 
 
 yy^>r^^ < grajited him. But to this a levere Provifo wa^ added, which feem- 
 
 ' ed to overthrow all the former Favour; that the a61 of the Six Ar- 
 
 ' * tides was ftiil in the fame Force, in which it was before the making 
 
 * of this A£1. Yet that was moderated by the next Provifo ; That the 
 
 * King might at any time hereafter, at hisPleafaie, change this Aft or 
 ' any Provifion in it. 
 
 This laft Provifo was made Wronger by another Aft, made for the 
 due Execution of Proclamations, in purfuance of a former Aft to the 
 fame Effeft, of which mention was made in the ^ift Year of the King's 
 Reign. By that former Aft there was fo great a Number of Officers 
 of State, and of the King's Houfhold, of Judges, and other Perfons, to 
 fit on thefe Trials, that thole not being eafily brought together, the 
 A^ had never taken any Effcft. Therefore it was now appointed, 
 that nine Councilors /bould be a fuflicient Number for thele Trials. 
 At the palTing of that Aft', the Lord Montjoy protefted againft it, ^ inch 
 is the fmgle Inftance of a Proteftation againft any Publick Bill ihiough 
 this King's whole Reign. 
 
 The Aft about Religion, freed the Subjefts from the Fears under 
 which they were before. For now the Laity were delivered from the 
 hazard of burning ; and the Spiritualty were not in danger, but upon 
 the third Conviftion. They might alfo bring their own WitnelTes, 
 which was a great Favour to them. Yet that high Power which was 
 given the King, of altering the Aft, or any Parts of it, made, that tliey 
 were not abfolutely fecured from their Fears, of which fome Inftances 
 afterwards appeared. But as this Aft was fome Mitigation of former 
 Severities, fo it brought the Reformers to depend wholly on the King's 
 Mercy for their Lives ; fince he could now chain up, or let loofe, the < 
 Aft of the Six Articles upon them at his pleafure. \ 
 
 A League Soon after the end of this Parliament, a League was fvvorn between 
 between the j-jjg King and the Emperor on /r/wiry-Sunday, Off^infive and Defenfive, 
 Emperor, ^for England, Calais^ and the Places about it, and for all Flanders \ with 
 many other Particulars to be found in the Treaty, fet down at large 
 by the Lord Herlert. There is no mention made of the Legitimation 
 of the Lady Mary ; but it feems it was proraifed. That Ihe (hould be 
 declared next in the SucceflTion of the Crown to Prince Edward, if the 
 King had no other Children ; which was done in the next Parliament, 
 without any Refleftions on her Birth ; and the Emperor was content 
 to accept of that, there being no other Terms to be obtained. The Po- 
 pifh Party, who had fct up their Reft on bringing the King and Em- 
 peror to a League, and putting the Lady Mary into the Succeffion, no 
 doubt prcft the Emperor much to accept of this; which we may rea- 
 fonably believe was vigoroufly driven on by Bonner, who was lent to 
 Spain an AmBaflador for concluding this Peace, by which alfo the Em- 
 peror gained m.uch ; for having engaged the Crowns of England 'aid 
 France in a War, and drawn off the King of England from his Ltague- 
 "with the Princes of Germany, he was now at more Lcilure to profecute 
 his Defigns in Germany. 
 A Treaty Efut the Negotiation in Scotland fuccecded not to the King's Mind, 
 ^^•'^hrh*'^'^'^ though at firft there were very good Appearances. The Cardinal, by 
 Queen of forgiiig a Will for the dead King, got himlelf and fome of his Party, to 
 smhnd. bc pUt inio the Government. But the harl of /4rrtf» {Hamilton') h^xng 
 the neareft in Blood to the young Queen, and being generally beloved 
 
 for
 
 Book I II. 0/ the Church of England. 309 
 
 for bis Probity, was invited to alTume the Government; which he ma- 1^45. 
 naged v^ith great Moderation, and an univerfal Applauie. He fum- w''"v-s=* 
 moned a Parliament which confirmed him in his Power, during the Mi- 
 nority of the Queen. The King fent Sir Ralph Sadler to him, to agree 
 the Marriage, and to defire him to fend the young Queen into England. 
 And if pi ivate Ends wrought much on him, Sadler was empowered to 
 offer another Marriage of the King's fecond Daughter, the Lady Eliza- 
 ietb, to his Son. The Earl of Arran was himfelf inclinable to Refor- 
 mation, and very much hated the Cardinal. So he was eafily brought 
 to confent to a Treaty for the Match, which was concluded in Augufi. 
 By which the young Queen was' to be bred in Scotland, till (he was 
 Ten Years of Age ; but the King might fend a Nobleman, and his Wife, 
 with other Perions, not exceeding Twenty, to wait on her. And foe 
 performance of this, Six Noblemen were to be lent from Scotland for 
 Hoftages. The Earl oi Arran being then Governour, kept the Cardinal 
 under Reftraint til! this Treaty was concluded : But he, corrupting his 
 Keepers, made his Efcape, and joyning with the Queen Mother, they 
 made a ftrong Faflion againft the Governour ; all the Clergy joyned 
 with the Cardinal to oppofe the Match with England, fince they look- 
 ed for Ruine if it fucceeded. The Queen, being a Sifter of Guije, and 
 bred in the French Court, was wholly for their Interefts ,• and all that 
 had been obliged by that Court, or depended on it, were quickly 
 drawn into the Party. It was alfo faid to every Body, that it was much 
 more the Intereft of Scotland to match with France, than with England. 
 If they were united to France, they might expeft an eafie Government. The diffe- 
 For the French being at fuch Diflance from them, and knowing how ^herc!"'*"^^^* 
 eafily they might throw themfelves into the Arms of England, would 
 certainly rule them gently, and avoid giving them great Provocations. 
 But if they were united to England, they had no Remedy, but mull look 
 for an heavier Yoke to be laid on them. This meeting with the rooted 
 Antipathy, that by a long continuance of War was grown up among 
 them, to a favage Hatred of the Englijh Nation ; and being inflamed 
 by the Confiderations of Religion, railed an univerfal diflike of the 
 Match with England, in the greatell: Part of the whole Nation; only a 
 few Men of greater Probity, who were weary of the Depredations and 
 Wars in the Borders, and had a liking to the Reformation of the Church, 
 were ftiil for it. 
 
 The French Court flruck in vigoroully with their Party in Scotland, ^^^^^^^f* 
 and lent over the Earl of Lenox ; who, as he was next in Blood to the vails. 
 Crown, after the Earl of Arran, lb was of the fame Family of the 
 Stewards, whi^li had endeared him to the late King. He was to lead 
 the Qiieen's Party againft the Hamiltons ; yet they employed another 
 Tool, which was John Hamilton, bale Brother to the Governour, who 
 was afterwards Arch bifhop of St. Andrews. He had great Power over 1 
 
 his Brother ,• who being then not above Four and Twenty Years of Age, 
 and having been the only lawful Son of his Father in his old Age, was 
 never bred abroad ; and fb underftood not the Policies and Arts of 
 Courts, and was eafily abufed by his bafc Brother. He affured him, 
 that if he went about to dellroy Religion, by matching the Queen to 
 an Heretical Prince, they would depofe him from his Government, 
 and declare him Illegitimate. There could be indeed nothing clearer 
 than his Father's Divorce from his firlt Wife : For it had been former- 
 ly proved, that fhe had been married to the Lord Tefier\ Son before 
 
 Qq a i he
 
 g I o ^ he Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 it^±2. he married her, who claimed her as his Wife ; upon which, her Mar- 
 riage with the Earl of Arran was declared Null in the Year 1^07. And 
 it was ten Years after, that the Earl of Arran did marry the Governor's 
 Mother: Of which things the Original Inftruments are yet extant. 
 Yet it was now faid, That that Pre-contra(5l with the Lord Te/ier's 
 Son was but a Forgery, to dinblve that Marriage j and if the Earl of 
 Lenoxy (^who was next to the Crown, in Cafe the Harl of Arran was 
 Illegitimated), ftiould by the Afliftance of France procure a Review of 
 that Procefs from Rome, and obtain a Revocation of that Sentence, by 
 which his Fathers firfl; Marriage was annulled j then it was plain that 
 the fecond Marriage, with the Iffiie by it, would be of no Force. All 
 this wrought on the Governor much, and at length drew him off from 
 the Match with England, and brought him over to the French Interefts. 
 Which being effedted, there was no further Ufe of the Earl of Lenox; 
 fo he finding himfelf negledled by the Qiieen, and the Cardinal, and 
 abandoned by the Crown of France, fled into England; where he was 
 very kindly received by the King, who gave him in Marriage his Niece, 
 Lady Margaret Dowglafs, whom the Queen of Scotland hid born to the 
 Earl of Angus, her fecond Husband. From which Marriage ifTued the 
 Lord Darnly, Father to King James. 
 
 When the Lords of the French Fadion had carried Things to their 
 Mind in Scotland^ it was next confidered, what they fhould do to re- 
 deem the Hoftages whom the Lords, who were Prifoners in England^ 
 had left behind them. And for this, no other Remedy could be found, 
 but to let them take their Hazard, and leave them to the King of 
 England's Mercy : To this they all agreed, only the Earl of Caffillis had 
 too much Honour and Vertue to do fo mean a thing. Therefore, after 
 he had done all he could for maintaining the Treaty about the Match, 
 he went into England, and offered himfelf again to be a Prifoner. But 
 as generous Ad:ions are a Reward to themfelves, fo they often meet 
 with that Entertainment which they deferve. And upon this Occa- 
 fion, the King was not wanting to exprefs a very great Value for that 
 Lord. He called him another Regulus, but ufed him better. For 
 he both gave him his Liberty, and made him noble Prefents, and fent 
 him and his Hoftages back, being refolved to have a leverer Repa- 
 ration for the Injury done him. AH which I have opened more fully, 
 becaufe this will give a great Light to the Affairs of that Kingdom ; 
 which will be found in the Reigns of the fucceeding Princes, to have a 
 great Intermixture with the Affairs of this Kingdom. Nor are they 
 juftly reprcfented by any who write of thefe Times ,• and having feen 
 fome Original Papers relating to Scotland at that time, X have done it 
 upon more certain Information. 
 
 The King of England mzdc War next upon France: The Grounds of 
 
 A War with this War are recited by the Lord Herbert. One of thefe is proper for 
 
 franct. me CO rcpcat ; ' That the French King had not defertcd the Bifliop of 
 
 ' Rome, and confented to a Reformation, as be had once promifed. 
 
 * The reft related to other Things, fuch as the fcizing our Ships ; 
 ' The detaining the yearly Pcnfion due to the King ; The fortifying Ar- 
 
 * </r(?j to the Prejudice of the £»g///^ Pale; The revealing the King's Se- 
 ' crets to the Emperor ; The having given, firft his Daughter, and 
 
 * then the Duke of G«(/^'s Sifter, in Marriage, to his Enemy, the King 
 
 * o^ Scotland ; and his confederating himfelf with the Turk. And 
 
 * Satisfa(5tion not being given in thefe Particulars a War is declared. 
 
 In
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. qi i 
 
 In July the King married /Catherine Parre, who had been tbrmefly 1^43. 
 married co t^evil Lord Latimer. She was a fecrcc Favourer of the Re- '^^"^/^•^ 
 formation J yet could not divert a Storm, which at this time fell on '^"j^'^'^o"''^' 
 lome in iVindfor. For that being a Place to which the King did oft Proteftants. 
 retire, it was thought fit to make lome Examples there. And now the 
 League with the Emperor, gave the Fopiih Fadion a greater Intereft 
 in the King's Counccls. There was at this time a Society at Windjor 
 that favourecf the Reformation. Anthony Perjon^ a Prieft, Robert 
 Tefiwood, and John AJarbeck, Singing Men, and Henry f timer of the 
 Town of Windjor, were the chief of them. But thole were much 
 favoured by Sir Philip Hobby and his Lady, and feveral others of the 
 King's Family. During Cromwelfs Power, none queflioned them ; but 
 after his Fall, they were looked on with an ill Lye. Dodtor London, 
 who had by the moft fervile Flatteries infinuated himlelf into Cromwell^ 
 and was much employed in the SupprcHTion of Monafteries, and ex- 
 prefTed a particular Zeal in removing all Images and Relicks which had 
 been abufed to Supentition, did now, upon Cromwell's Fall, apply 
 himfelf to Gardiner, by whofe Means he was made a Prebendary there. 
 And to fliew how dextroufly he could make his Court both ways, or to 
 make Compenfation for what he had formerly done, he took Care to 
 gather a whole Book of Informations, againft thole in Wind/or, who 
 favoured the New Learning, (which was the modeil Phrafe by which 
 they termed the Reformation). He carried this Book to Gardiner 
 who moved the King in Council, that a Commiflion might be granted 
 for fearching fufpedted Houfes at fVindfor, in which it was informed 
 there were many Books againft the Six Articles, The King granted 
 the Warrant for the Town, but not for the Caflle. So thole before 
 named, were feized on, and fome of thefe Books were found in their 
 Houfes. Dr. Mains, Dean of Exeter, and Prebendary of Wiudfory 
 being informed againft, was alfo put in Prifon ; fo was likewife 
 Sir Philip Hobby. But there were likewife fome Papers of Notes 
 on the Bible, and of a Concordance in Englifh, found in Marbeck's 
 Houfe, written with his own Hand ; and he being an Illiterate Man, 
 they did not doubt but thefe were other Men's Works, v. hich he was 
 writing out. So they began with him, and hoped to draw Difcoveries 
 from him. He was frequently examined, but would tell nothing that 
 might do Hurt to any other Perfon. But being examined, who wrote 
 thefe Notes, he laid. They were his own ; for he read all the Books he 
 could light on, and wrote out :vhat every Man had written on any 
 Place of Scripture. And for his Concordance, he told them, that being 
 a poor Man, he could not buy one of the Bibles, when they came firft 
 out in Englifh, but let himfelf to write one out ,- by which another 
 perceiving hislnduftry, fuggefted to him. That he would do well to write 
 a Concordance in Eyiglijh ; but he faid. He knew not what that was ; lo 
 the other Per fon explaining it to him, he got a Latin Concordance, and an 
 EngUp} Bible ; and having learned a little Latin when he was youn'^', Mariic^'s 
 he, by comparing the £«^i//^ with the Latin, had drawn out a Con- greatin^cni- 
 cordance, which he had brought to the Letter L. This fcemeo To °^^^^^^- 
 extravagant a thing to Gardiner, and the other Bifhops that examined 
 him, that they could by no Means believe it. But he defircd they 
 would draw out any Words o^" the Letter M, and give him the Latin 
 Concordance, with the Engli/h Bible, and after a little time they (hould 
 fee whether he had not done the reft. So the Trial was made, and in a 
 
 Days
 
 I 312 The Hijiory of the Reformcition Book III, 
 
 IS4?. Days Time he had drawn out Three Sheets of Paper, upon thofe Words 
 •^yw^^ that were given him. This both fatisfied and aflonifhed the 13ilhops, 
 wondering at the Ingenioufnefs and Diligence of fo poor a Man. It 
 was much talked of, and being rcl J the King, hcfaid, Marbeck (?w/>/oy- 
 ed his Time letter than thofe that examined him. For the others, they 
 were kept in Prifonat London^ till the Z4th of July, that the King gave 
 Orders to cry them at Windfor. 
 
 Three burnt There was a Court held there, on the 27 th oi July, where Ccipotty 
 
 at mndjor. Bifliop of Sarum, and Franklin, Dean of H^indfor, and Fachtl, Parfon 
 of Reading, and Three of the Judges, fate on thofe Four Men. They 
 were Indidted for fome VVords fpoken againft the Mafs. Marheck on- 
 ly for writing out an Epiftle of Calvin s againft it ; which, he faid, he 
 copied before the A(5l of the Six Articles was made. The Jury was 
 not called out of the Town, for they would nor trufl: it to them, but 
 out of the Farms of the Chappel. They were a!I found guiliy, and fo 
 condemned to be burnt, which was Executed on Three of them the next 
 Day ,• only Marheck was recommended to the BiOiop of Winchejler*s 
 Care, to procure his Pardon, which was obtained. The other Three 
 expreffed great Compofure of Mind in their Sufferings, and died with 
 much Chriftian Relolution and Patience, forgiving their Perfecutors, 
 and committing thcmfelves to the Mercies of God, through Jefus 
 Chrift. 
 Their Per- Buc in their Tryal, Doctor London, and Simonds, a Lawyer and an 
 
 fecutorsare Informer, had ftudied to filh out Accufations againft many of the 
 King's Servants, as Sir Philip Holhy, and Sir Thomas Cawarden, with 
 their Ladies, and fevcral others who had favoured thofe Men. With 
 thefe Informations, Oakam, that had been the Clerk of the Court, was 
 fent to Gardiner : But one of the Queen's Servants who had difcove- 
 red the Dcfign, was before him at Court. Upon the Advcrtifemenc 
 which he had brought, Okam was feized on at his coming to Court, 
 and all his Papers were examined ; in which they difcovered a Con- 
 fpiracy againft thofe Gentlemen, with other Plots, that gave the King 
 great Offence ; but the Particulars are not mentioned. So Do(3:or Lom- 
 dcn and Simonds were fent for, and examined upon this Difcovery. 
 Buc they, not knowing that chcir Letters were intercepted, denied 
 there was any fuch Plot ; and being put to their Oaths, Iwore it. 
 Then their own Hand-Writing was produced againft them. Upon 
 which, they being thus Perjured, were ordered to be carried onHorfe- 
 back, with their Faces to the Horfc Tails, and Papers on their Fore- 
 heads, for their Perjury ; and then to be fet in the Pillory, both in 
 Wind/or, Reading and Newhury, where the King was at that Time- TJiis 
 was accordingly cxecuccd on them; but funk fo deep in Dodor Lon- 
 don's Heart, chac he died foon alter. From all this it will appear what 
 Jort of Men the Perfecutors at that Time were. 
 
 But this was a fmall part of what Gardiner had Projedcd : For he 
 A Confpi- looked on thefe, as Perfons unworthy of his Difpleafure. Cranwer 
 
 cr-wwT'"'^ was chiefly aimed at by him. And therefore all that Party weie ftill 
 infufing it into the King's Mind, that it was great Injufticc to profe- 
 cure poor Men with fo much Severity, and let the chief Supporter of 
 Hcrefie ftand in fo eminent a Degree, and in fuch Favour about him. 
 At length the King, to difcover the bottom of their Defigns, feemed 
 to give Ear to their Accufations, and defired to hear what Particu- 
 lars could be objeded againft him. This gave them great Encou- 
 ragement J
 
 Book HI, of the Church of England. g r ^ 
 
 ragement ; for cill that Time, the King would let nothing be fa id a- is Ah 
 gainfl: Cranmer. So they concluded he would be quickly ruined, fincc ""-^^v"^ 
 the King had opened his Ear to their Informations. Therefore many 
 Particulars were quickly laid together, and put into the King's Hands ,• 
 who a little after that, going to divert himlclf on the River, ordered A"^'^- ^''^ 
 his Bargeman to Row towards Lambeth ; which being perceived by 
 fome of the Arch-Bifhop's Servants, they acquainted him with it^ 
 who hailed down to his Stairs to do his Duty to the King. When 
 the King faw him, he called him into the Barge; and they being 
 alone, the King lamented the Growth of Hcrefie, and the Diffenfions 
 and Confufions that were like to follow upon it ; and faid, He intend- 
 ed to find out the chief Encourager and Favourer of thcfe Hcrefies, 
 and make him an Example to the reft. And he asked the Arch Bi- 
 fhop's Opinion about it. Who anfwercd h{m, That it was a good Re- 
 folution ; but entreated the King to confider well what Herefie was, 
 and not to condemn thole as Hereticks, who flood for the Word of 
 God, agaitift humane Inventions. But after fome Difcourfe, the King 
 told him he was the Man, who, as he was informed, was the chief En- 
 courager of Herefie ; and then gave him the Articles that were brought 
 againll him, and his Chaplains, both by fome Prebendaries of Can- 
 terhury, and the Juftices of Peace in Kent. When he read them, hs 
 kneeled down, and dcfired the King would put the Matter to a Try- 
 al. He acknowledged he was ftill of the fame Mind he was of, when 
 he oppofed the Six Articles ; but that he had done nothing againft 
 them. Then the King asked him about his Wife. He franUy 
 confefled he had a Wife ; but faid, That he had fent her to Cermanyj 
 upon the pafling the Adi againft Priefts having Wives. His Candor 
 and Simplicity wrought fo on the King, that he difcovered to him the 
 whole Plot that was laid againft him, and faid, That inftead of bring- 
 ing him to any Tryal about it, he would have him try it out, and 
 proceed againft thofe his Accufers. But he excufed himfelf, and 
 faid it would not be decent for him to fit Judge in his own Caufe. 
 But the King faid to him, he was refolvcd none other fliould Judge 
 it, but thofe he fliould name. So he named his Chancellor, and his 
 Regifter, to whom the King added another : And a CommiiTion be- 
 ing given them, they went into Kent^ and fate Three Weeks to find 
 out the firft Contrivers of this Accufation. And now every one dif- 
 owned it, fince they faw he was ftill firmly rooted in the King's Efteem 
 and Favour. But it being obferved, that the ComniilTioners proceed- 
 ed faintly, C-><j«wf/s Friends moved that fome Man of Courage and Au- 
 thority, might be fent thither to canvafs this Accufation more care- 
 fully. So Dodor Lee^ Dean of Tork^ was brought up about AlL-hal- 
 lovotiJe, and fent into Kent. And he, who had been well acquaint- 
 ed with the Arts of dilcovering Secrets, when he was one of the Vi- 
 fitors of the Abbeys, managed it more vrgoroufly. He ordered a 
 Search to be made of all fufpe(5ted Perfons ; among whofe Papers, 
 Letters were found, both from the Bilhop of IVincheJler, and Do- 
 &OT London, and fome of thofe whom Cranmer had treated with the 
 grcateft Freedom and Kindnefs, in which the whole Plot againft him 
 Was difcovered. But ir was now near the Seftlon of Parliament ; 
 and the King was fatisfied with the Difcovery, but thought it not 
 fit to make much Noifc of it. And he received no Addrefles from 
 the Arch-Biihop to profecutc it further j who was lb noted for his 
 
 Clemency,
 
 5 1 4 The Hiflory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 i<j43. Clemency, and following our Sdviour's Rule, of t/oing Good for Evil, 
 ^^^^^/~'^ that it was commonly faid, The way to get his Favour, was to do 
 HisChri- him an Injury. Thefe were the only Inftances in which he txpref- 
 J^'jJ^TjP" led his Refentments. Two of the Conljjii-ators againft him, had been 
 Ferfons fignally obliged by him : The one was the Bifhop Suffragan 
 of Dover ; the other was a Civilian, whom he had employed much 
 in his Bufmefs. But all the Notice he took of it, was to fliew them 
 their Letters, and to admonifh them to be more faithful and honed 
 for the future. Upon which he freely forgave them, and carried it 
 fb to them afterwards, as if he had abfolutely forgotten what they 
 had contrived againft him. And a Peribn of Quality coming to him 
 about that time, to obtain his Favour and Afliftance in a Suit, in 
 which he was to move the King, he went about it, and had almoft 
 procured it : But the King calling to mind, that he had been one of 
 his fecret Accufers, asked him. Whether he took him for ins i-.rtcnd ? 
 He anfvvered. That he did fo. Then the King (aid, Tlie other was a 
 Knave, and was his mortal Enemy ; and bid him, when he fhould fee 
 him next, call him a Knave to his Face. CV<7«wfr anfvvered, 1 hat iuch 
 Language did not become a Bifhop. But the King fullenly comu:and- 
 ed him to do it -, yet his Majefty was fuch, that he could not obey 
 fo harCi a Command. And fo he palled the Matter over. When 
 thefe Things came to be known, all Perfons, that were not unjuftly 
 prejudiced againft him, acknowledged that his Behaviour was fuitable 
 to the Example and Doftrine of the meek and lowly Saviour of the 
 World ; and very well became fo great a Bifhop, and fiich a Reformer 
 of the Chriftian Religion ; who in thofe fublime and extraordinary 
 Inftances pra£iifed that which he taught others to do. The Year in 
 which this fell out, is not expreft by thofe who have recorded it ; but 
 by the concurring Circumftances, I judge it likelieft to have been done 
 this Year. 
 
 Soon after this the Parliament met, that was fummoned to meet 
 
 1^44- the 14th oijanmry, in the ?sth Year of the King's Reign; in which 
 
 the Aft of the Succeflion of the Crown pafled. Which contains, 
 
 A new t jj^gj. ji^g j^jjjg being now to pafs the Seas, to make War upon his 
 
 ar lament. ^ ^^^^^^^ Enemy, the French King, and being defirous to fettle the 
 
 Aft^aboutt SuccelTion to the Crown ; It is Enafted, That in default of Heirs 
 
 fion. ""''" ' of Prince ^y^Ws Body, or of Heirs by the King's prefent Mar- 
 
 * riage, the Crown fhall go to the Lady Mary, the King's eldeft 
 
 * Daughter : And in default of Heirs of her Body, or if Ihe do not 
 ' obferve fuch Limitations or Conditions as fhall be declared by the 
 
 * Kind's Letters Patents under his great Seal, or by his laft Will uti- 
 < der his Hand, it fhall next fall to the Lady Elizabeth, and her Heirs ; 
 
 * or if fhe have none, or fhall not keep the Conditions declared by 
 
 * the King, it fhall fall to any other that fhall be declared by the 
 
 * King's Letters Patents, or his laft Will figned with his Hand, There 
 
 * was alfo an Oath devifed, inftead of thofe formerly fworn, both 
 
 * againft the Pope's Supremacy, and for maintaining the Succeflion in 
 ' all Points according to this A.Q. : Which whofbever refuled to take, 
 
 * was to be adjudged a Traytor ; and whofoever fhould, either in 
 ' Words, or by Writing, fay any thing contrary to this Ad, or to 
 
 * the Peril and Slander of the King's Heirs, limited in the Ad, was to 
 ' be adjudged a Iraytor. This was done, no doubt, upon a fecret 
 Article of the Treaty with the Emperor ; and did put new Life into 
 
 the
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 
 
 V^ 
 
 H44- 
 
 the Popidi Party, all whofe Hopes depended on the Lady Mary. But 
 how much this lefleiicd the Prerogative, and the Right of Succeflion, 
 will be eafi'y dilcerned ; the King in the affefting an unufual Extent 
 of his own Fower, though with the Diminution of the Rights of his 
 SuccelTors. 
 
 There was another Bill about the qualifying of the Aft of tfie Six 
 Articles, that was fent divers times from the one Houfe to the other. 
 It was brought to the Lords the firrt of March, and read the firft 
 time ; and Ituck till the 4th, when it was read the fecond time ,• on 
 the 5th it was read the third time, and paiTed, and was fent down 
 to the Commons, with Words to he put in^ or put out of it. On the 
 6th, the Commons fent it up with fbnie Alterations : And on the 8th 
 the Lords lent it down again to the Commons ; where it lay till the 
 17th, and then it v\?.s fent up w ith their Agreement. And the King's 
 Alfcnt was given, by his Letters Patents, on the 2-9th oi March. The 
 Preamble was, ' That whereas untrue Accufations, and Prefentments, AftagainA 
 
 * might be malicioufly contrived againft the King's Subjefts, and kept ^°'^''^^'^"^'"- 
 
 * fecret till a Time were efpied to have them by Ma) ice convicted : 
 
 * Therefore it was EiiaQed, That none fiiould be Indifted, but up- 
 
 * on a Prefentment by the Oaths of Twelve Men, Two at leaft, 
 ' Three of the CommifTioners appointed by the King ; And that 
 
 * none fiiould be Liiorifbned, but upon an Indid:nient, except by a 
 
 * Special Warrant from the King ; and that all Prefentments fliould 
 
 * be made within one Year after the Offences were committed ,• and 
 
 * if Words were uttered in a Sermon, contrary to the Statute, they 
 
 * mufl: be complained of within Forty Days, unlefs a juft Caufe were 
 
 * given why it could not be fo (bon : Admitting alfb the Parties Indi- 
 
 * fted, to all fuch Challenges as they might have in any other Cafe of 
 
 * Felony. This Aft has clearly a Relation to the Conlpiracies menti- 
 
 * oned the former Year, both sgainft the Arch- bilhop, and fome of the 
 
 * King's Servants. 
 
 Another Aft pafTed, continuing fome former Afts for revifing the 
 Canon-Law, and for drawing up fuch a Body of Eccle/iaftical Laws, 
 as fhould have Authority m England. This Cranmer prelfed often with 
 great Vehemence ,• and to fhew the Neceffity of it, drew out a Hiort 
 Extraftoffbme PafTages in the Canon-Law, (which the Reader will 
 find in the CoIIcftion,} to fliew how indecent a Thing it was, to let coliMumkij. 
 a Volume, in which fuch Laws were, be rtudied or confidered any 
 longer in England. Therefore he was earneft to have fuch a Colleftion 
 of Ecclefiaftical Laws made, as might regulate the Spiritual Courts. 
 But it was found more for the Greatnefi of the Prerogative, and the 
 Authority of the Civil Courts, to keep that undetermined ; fo he could 
 never obtain his Dcfire during this King's Reign. 
 
 Another Aft pafTtd in this Parliament, for the Remiflioa of a Loan 
 of Money which the King had railed. This is almoft copied out of 
 an Aft to the ftme Hf^'-ft, that palled in the Twenty Firfl Year of the 
 King's Reign ; with this Addition, That by this Aft, thole who had 
 got Payment, either in whole, or in part, of the Sums fo lent the King, 
 were to repay it back to the Exchequer. All Bufinefs being finifhed, 
 and a general Pardon paffcd, with the ordinary Exceptions of Ibme 
 Crimes, among wi.icii Herefie is one, the Parliament vvas Prorogued 
 on the 29th of March, to the 4th oi'.Novemlcr. 
 
 R r 
 
 Tbc
 
 Q 1 6 7 he Hijhry of the Reformation Book 1 1 f . 
 
 15-44. T^^^ King had now a War both with France and Scot/and upon him. 
 ^''"V*-^ And therefore to prepare for it, he both enhanced the Value of Money^ 
 and embaled it ; for which, he that writes his Vindication, gives this 
 for the Reafon ; That the Coin being generally embafcd all over Europe, 
 he was forced to do it, left otherwife all the Money lliould have gone 
 oux of the Kingdom. He refolvcd to begin the War with Scotland, and 
 The Warj a- lent an Army by Sea thither, under the Command of the Earl of Hart- 
 ^IceflSi"'"'/'"'^' (afterwards Duke of Somerfe^i), who landing at Grantham, a little 
 above Leitb, burnt and fpoiled, Leith and Edinburgh; in which they 
 found more Riches than they thought could poflibly have been there ; 
 and they went through the Country, burning and fpoiling it every- 
 where, till they came to Berwick. But they did too much, if they in- 
 tended to gain the Hearts of that People, and too little, if they in- 
 tended to lubdue them. For as they befieged not the Caftle of Edin- 
 lurgh, which would have cod them more time and trouble,- fo they did 
 not fortifie Leith, nor leave a Garrifon in it, which was fuch an inex- 
 cufable OmiiTion, that it teems their Counfels were very weak and ill 
 laid. For Leith being fortified, and a Fleet kept going between ic and 
 Berwick or Tinmouth, the Trade of the Kingdom mult have been quite 
 ftopr, Edinburgh ruined, the Intercourfc between France and tlicm cue 
 ofT, and the whole Kingdom forced to iubmit to the King. But the 
 Spoils this Army made, had no other EfTeft, but to enrage the King- 
 dom, and unite them fo entirely to the French Interefts j that when the 
 Earl of Lennox was fent down by the King, to the Weftcrn Parts of 
 Scotland, where his Power lay, he could get none to follow him. And 
 the Governor of Dunbr it ton Cnftle, though his own Lieutenant, would 
 not deliver that Caftle to him, when he underftood he was to put it in 
 the King of England^ Hands, but drove him out ; others fay, he fled 
 away of himfelf, elle he had been taken Prilbner. 
 
 The King was now to crofs the Seas ; but, before he went, he 
 ftudied to fettle the Matters of Religion, fo that both Parties might 
 have lome Content. Jud/ey the Chancellor dying, he made the Lord 
 Wriothejly, that had been Secretary, and was of the Popifh Party, Lord 
 Chancellor ; but made Sir William Petre^ that was Cranmer's great 
 Friend, Secretary of State. He alfo committed the Government of 
 the Kingdom in his Abfence, to the Queen, to whom he joyncd the 
 Arch hi{\:o]i of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Hartford^ 
 and Secretary Petre. And if there was need of any Force to be raifed, 
 he appointed the Earl of Hartford his Lieutenant j under whofe Go- 
 vernment the Reformers needed not fear any thing. But he did ano- 
 ther Ad;, that did wonderfully pleafe tliat whole Party, which was, 
 the Tranflating of the Prayers, for the Proceftions, and Litanies, into 
 the Englijl) Tongue. This was fent to the Arch-bilhop of Canterbury on 
 the I lib of June, with an Order, That it fhould be ufed over all his 
 ' Colkft. Province, as the Reader will find in the CoUedtion. This was not only 
 Nurnt.2S. vcty acceptable to that Party, becaufe of the thing it felf; but it gave 
 them hope, that the King was again opening his Ears to Motions for 
 Reformation, to which they had been (hut now about fix Years : And 
 therefore they looked that more things of that Nature would quickly 
 follow. And as thefe Prayers were now fet out in Englifh, fo they 
 doubted not, .but there being the fame Reafon to put all the other Offices 
 in the Vulgar Tongue, they would prevail for that too. 
 
 Things
 
 Book III. of the Church of Englmd, oi-j 
 
 Things being thus fettled at Home, the King having fcnc his For- 104. 
 ces over before him, crofled the Seas with much Pomp, the Sails ^-^"V^ 
 of his Ship being of Cloth of Gold, He Landed at Calais the 14th 
 of July. The Emperor prcfled his marching ftrait to Paris. But he 
 thought it of more Importance to take Bulloign, and after Two Months 
 Siege, it was furrendred to him ; into which he made his Entry with BulhiiH tu 
 great Triumph on the i8th of September. But the Emperor having''«n- 
 thus engaged thofe Two Crowns in a War ; and defigning, while 
 they (hould fight it out, to make himfelf Mafler of Germany^ conclu- 
 ded a Treaty with the French King the very next Day, being the i^th 
 of September ; which is fet down at large by the Lord Herbert. On 
 the 20th of September y the King returned into Englan/i; in October 
 following, Bulloign was very near loll by a Surprife, but the Garnfon 
 put themfelvcs in order, and beat back the French. Several In- 
 roads were made into Scotland, but not with the fame Succefs that 
 the former Expedition had. For the Scots, animated with Supplies 
 fent from France, and inflamed with a Dcfirc of Revenge, refum- 
 ed their wonted Courage, and beat back the Englijh with confide- 
 rable Lofs. 
 
 Next Year the French King, refolving to recover Bulloign, and to take i < 4 <•' 
 Calais, that fo he might drive the Englijh out of France, intended 
 firft to make himfelf Mafter of the Sea. And he fet out a great 
 Fleet of an Hundred and Fifty greater Ships, and Sixty lefler ones, be- 
 lldes many Gallies brought from the Streights. The King kt out a- 
 bout an Hundred Ships. On both Sides, thcfe were only Merchant 
 Ships that were hired for this War. But after the French Fleet had 
 looked on England, and attempted to Land with ill Succefs, both iri 
 the Ifle of Wight, and in Sujfex, and had engaged in a Sea-fight for 
 feme Hours ; they returned back without any confiderable Adion : Nor 
 did they any thing at Land. But the King*s Fleet went to Normandyt 
 where they made a Defcenr, and burnt the Country. So that this Year 
 was likewife Glorious to the King. The Emperor had now done what 
 he loiigdeHgned; and therefore being courted by both Crowns, he un- 
 dertook a Mediation, that under the Colour of Mediating a Peace he 
 might the more effedually keep up the War. 
 
 The Princes of Germany faw what Mifchief was de/lgned againft The Ger=. 
 them. The Council of Trent was now opened, and was condemning "^j-^"""^ 
 their Dodtrine. A League was alfo concluded between the Pope and Peace. * 
 the Emperor, for procuring Obedience to their Canons and Decrees : 
 and an Army was railed. The Emperor was alio fetting on Foot old 
 Quarrels with fome of the Princes : A firm Peace was concluded with 
 the Turk. So that if the Crowns of England and France were not 
 brought to an Agreement, they were undone. They fent Ambafla- 
 dors to both Courts to mediate a Peace. With them Cranmer joined 
 Lis Endeavours, but he had not a Cromwell in the Court, to manage 
 the King's Temper, who was fo provoked with the ill Treatment he 
 had received from France, that he would not come to an Agreement ; 
 nor would he reflorc Bulloign, without which the French would hear 
 of no Peace. Cranmer had at this Time almoft prevailed with the 
 King to make fome further Steps in a Reformation. Bm Gardiner who 
 was then Ambaflador in the Emperor's Court, being advcrtifed of 
 it. wrote to the King ; That the Emperor would certainly joyn with 
 Fra;ice againft him, if he made any further Innovation in Religion, 
 
 R r 2 This
 
 3 1 8 The Bijlory of the Reforfnation Book iil. 
 
 mers 
 
 I5'4S. This diverted the King from it ; and in Augufl this Year, the only great 
 ''^%^'^rf Friend that Cranmer had in the Court, died, Charles Duke of Suffolk^ 
 who had long continued in the Height of Favour, which was always 
 kept up, not only by an Agreement of Humours between the King 
 and him, but by the conflant Succefs which followed him in all his 
 Exploits. He was a Favourer of the Reformation, as far as could 
 confift with his Interefl: at Court, which he never endangered upon any 
 Account. 
 Church Pre- N°^' Cranmer was left alone, without Friend or Support, Yet he 
 fermencs giv- had gained one great Preferment in the Church, to a Man of his own 
 Vm^"^"^' Mind. The Arch-Bifhoprick of Ti>r^ falling void by Lee's Death, Ro. 
 lert Holgate^ that was Bifhop of Landaff^ was promoted td that See 
 in January ; Kitchin being made Bilhop of Landaffy who turned with 
 every Charfge that was made under the Three fucceeding Princes. The 
 Arch-Bifliop of Tork fet about the Reforming of Things in his Pro- 
 vince, Vfhich had lain in great Confufion all his Predeceitors Time : So 
 on the third of March he took out a Licence from the King for ma-- 
 king a Metropolitical Vifitation. Bell, that was Biltiop of Worcejler 
 had refigned his Biflioprick the former Year, (the realon of which is 
 not fet down.) The Bifliop of Rochejler, Heathy was Tranflated to that 
 See ; and Henry Holheachy that favoured the Reformation, was made 
 Bifhop of Rochejler. And upon the Tranftation of Samp/on, from Chi- 
 ehejler to Coventry and Litchfield, Day, that was a Moderate Man, and 
 inclinable to Reformation, was made Bilhop of that See. So that 
 now Cranmer had a greater Party, among the Biftops, than at any 
 Time before. 
 
 But though 'there were no great Tranfadions about Religion in 
 England, this Year, there were very remarkable Things done in Scot- 
 land, though of a different Nature, which were the burning of Wifhartj 
 and fome Months after that, the killing of Cardinal Beaton -, the Ac- 
 count of both which, will not (I hope) be Ingrate-ful to the Read- 
 er. 
 H^-fhart's Mr. George Wijhart was defcended of a Noble Family ; he went 
 Ww.^^ '" ^^ fiiii^ l"'is Studies in the Univerfity of Cambridge, where he was fo 
 well inftrudted in the Principlps of true Religion, that returning to 
 Scotland, Anno i 544. He Preached over the Country, againfl the 
 Corruptions which did then fo generally prevail. He flayed moft at 
 Dundee, which was the chief Town in thefe Parts. But the Car- 
 dinal offended at this, fent a thrcatning Meffage to the Magiftrates j 
 upon which one of them, as Wijhart ended one of his Sermons, was 
 fo obfequious as to forbid him to Preach any more among them, or 
 spotfmtd. give them any further Trouble : To whom he anlwcred, * That God 
 
 * knew he had no Defign to trouble them, but for them to rcjedl 
 ' the Meffengers of God, was not the way to efcape Trouble ; when 
 
 * he was gone, God would fend MefTengcrs of another Ibrt among 
 ' them. He had to the Hazard of his Life, Preached the Word of 
 
 * Salvation to them, and they had now rejcded him ; but if it was 
 
 * long well with them, he was not led by the Spirit of Truth ; and 
 ' if unlocked for Trouble fell on them, he bade them remember this 
 ' was the Caufe of it, and turn to God by Repentance. From thence 
 he went to the Weftern Parts, where he was alfo much followed. 
 But the Arch-Bifliop of Glajgowy giving order, that he fhould not be 
 adrtiitted to Preach in Churches, he Preached often in the Fields ; 
 
 and
 
 Book 111. of the Church of Enaland. 
 
 and when in fome Places his Followers would have forced the Church- 
 es, he chcckc chem, and laid, Ic was the Word of Peace that he Preach- 
 ed, and therefore no Blood Ihould be flicd about it. But after he had 
 flayed a Month there, he heard that there was a great Plague in 
 Dundee^ which broke out the fourth Day after he had left it : Upon 
 which, he prcfently returned thither and Preached oft to them, (land- 
 ing over one of the Gates, having taken care that the Infedied Per- 
 fons ihould Hand without, and thofe that were clean within the Gate; 
 He continued among them, and took care to fupply the Poor, and to 
 vifit the Sick, and do all the Offices of a faithful Paftor in that Ex- 
 tremity. Once as he ended his Sermon, a Priefl coming to have kil- 
 led him, was taken with the Weapon in his Hand, but when the Peo- 
 ple were rufhing turioufly on him, Wijhart got him in his Arms, and 
 laved him from their Rage, . for he faid he had done no Harm, only 
 they faw what they might look for. He became a little after this 
 more than ordinary fcrious and apprehenfivc of his End : He was 'iztn 
 fometimes to rife in the Night, and fpend the greatefl: Part of it in 
 Prayer j and he often warned his Hearers, that his Sufferings were 
 at Hand, but that few fliould fuffer after him, and that the Light of 
 true Religion (hould be fpread over the whole Land. He went to a 
 great many Places, where his Sermons were well received, and came 
 lait to Lothian^ where he found a greater negledl of the Gofpel, 
 than in other Parts, for which he threatned them, That Strangers 
 p?ould chafe them from their Dwellings and poff'efs them. He was Lodg- 
 ed in a Gentleman of Q^ialitiesHoufe, Cocklurn, of Ormejlon, when in 
 the Night the Houfe was befet by fome Horfemen, who were fent by 
 the , Cardinals Means to take him. The Earl of Bothwel that had the 
 chief Jurifdidion in the County, was with them, who promifing 
 that no Hurt fiiould be done him, he caufed the Gate to be opened, 
 faying. The Blejfed ^Vill of God be done. When he prefented himfelif 
 to the Earl of Bothwel, he defired to be proceeded with according t» 
 Law, for he faid, He feared lefs to die openly, than to be Murdered 
 in Secret. The Earl promifed upon his Honour, That no Harm fhould 
 be done him, and for fome Time feemed refolved, to have made his 
 Words good, but the Qi-ieen Mother and Cardinal in the end prevailed 
 with him, to put Wijhart in their Hands, and they fent him to St. 
 Andrews, where it was agreed to make a Sacrifice of him. Upon 
 this the Cardinal called a Meeting of the Bifhops to St. Andrews^ 
 againfl the 27th of February, to deflroy him with the more Cere- 
 mony, but the Arch Bifliop of Glafgow moved, that there ftiould be 
 a Warrant procured from the Lord Governor for their Proceedings. 
 To this the Cardinal coniented, thinking the Governor was then (o 
 linked to their Interefts, that he would deny them nothing; but the 
 Governour bearing in his Heart a fecret Love to Religion, and being 
 plainly dealt with by a Noble Gentleman of his Name Hamilton, of 
 Prejlon, who laid before him the jufl and terrible Judgments of God, 
 he might look for, if he fuffered poor Innocents to be fo Murdered 
 at the Appetite of the Clergy, fent the Cardinal Word not to pro- 
 ceed till he himfelf came, and that he would not content to his Death 
 till the Caul'e was well examined ; and that if the Cardmal proceed- 
 ed againfl him, his Blood fliould be required at his Hands. But the 
 Cardinal refolved to go on at his Peril, for he apprehended, if he dc- 
 hycd it, there might be either a legal or a violent Refcuc made ; fo 
 
 he
 
 220 rhe Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 if4f. 
 
 he ordered a Mock-Ciration of H^i/hart to appear ; who being brought 
 the next Day to the Abbey-Church, the Proccfs was opened with 
 a Sermon, in which the Preacher delivered a great deal of good Do- 
 ftrine, concerning the Scriptures being the only Touchftone by which 
 Herefie was to be tryed. After Sermon, tlie Prifoner was brought to 
 the Bar : He rirft fell down on his Knees, and after a (hort Prayer, he 
 flood up and gave a long Account of his Sermons ; That he had preach» 
 ed nothing but what was contained in the Ten Commandments, the 
 Apoftles Creed, and the Lord's Prayer ; but was interrupted vi'ith re- 
 proachful Words, and required to anfwer plainly to the Articles obje- 
 fted to him. Upon which he appealed to an indifferent Judge : He 
 defired to be tryed by the Word of God, and before my Lord Gover- 
 nour, whole Prilbncr he was : But the Indiftment being read, he con- 
 feffing and offering to juftifie mofl: of the Articles objed:ed againft 
 him, was judged an obftinate Heretick, and condemned to be burnt. 
 All the next Night he fpent in Prayer ; In the Morning, Two Friars 
 came to Confefs him, but he faid, he would have nothing to do with 
 them; yet if he could, he would gladly ipeak with the learned Man 
 that preached the Day before. So he being (ent to him, after much 
 Conference, he asked him, if he would receive the Sacrament > Wijhan 
 anfwcred, He would moft gladly do it, if he might have it as Chrift 
 had inftituted it, under both Kinds ; but the Cardinal vt'ould not fuf- 
 fer the Sacrament to be given him. And fo Breakfaft being brought, 
 he difcourfed to thofe that were prefent, of the Death of Chrill:, and 
 the Ends of the Sacrament, and then having bleffed and confecrated 
 the Elements, he took the Sacrament himfelf, and gave it to thole that 
 were with him. That being done, he would tafte no other Thing, 
 but retired to his Devotion. Two Hours after the Executioners came, 
 and put on him a Coat of black Linen, full of Bags of Powd&r, and 
 carried him out to the Place of Execution, which was before the Car- 
 dinal's Caftle. He fpake a little to the People, defiring them not to 
 be offended at the good Word of God, for the Sufferings that followed 
 it ; it was the true Gofpel of Chriil that he had preached, and for 
 which with a moft glad Heart and Mind he now offered up his Life. 
 The Cardinal was fet in State in a great Window of his Caftle, looking 
 on this fad Speftacle. When fViJhart was tyed to the Stake, he cryed 
 aloud, Saviour of the World have Mercy upon me ! Father of Heaven 
 J recommend my Spirit into thy holy Hands. So the Executioners kind- 
 led the Fire ; but one perceiving, after Ibrae time, that he was yet alive, 
 encouraged him to call ftill on God : To whom he anfwered, * The 
 
 * Flame hath fcorchcd ray Body, yet hath it not daunted my Spirit ; 
 
 * but he who from yonder high Place (looking up to the Cardinal) 
 
 * beholdeth us with fuch Pride, Ihall within few Days lie in the fame, 
 
 * as ignominiouny as now he is feen proudly to reft himfelf. The 
 Executioner drawing the Cord that was about his Neck ftraiter, ftopt 
 his Breath fo, that he could fpcak no more, and his Body was (bon con- 
 fumed by the Fire. Thus died this eminent Servant and Witnefs of 
 Chrift, on whofe Sufferings I have enlarged the more, becaufe they 
 proved fo fatal to the Interefts of the Popifti Clergy ; for not any one 
 Thing haftened forward the Reformation more than this did; and fince 
 he had both his Education and Oidination in England^ a full Account of 
 him fcems no impertinent Digreffion. 
 
 The
 
 Book III. of the Church of England 321 
 
 The Clergy rejoyced much at his Death, and thought (according to i«j4^. 
 the conltant Vlaxim o\ all Ferlecutors) thit they fhould live more at 
 eafc, now when Wijhart was out of the way. They magnified the 
 Cardinal for proceeding fo vigoroudy, without, or rather againft the 
 Governour's Orders : t3ut the People did univerfally look on him as a 
 Martyr, and believed an extraordinary Mcafure of God's Spirit had reft- 
 ed on him, fince befidcs great Innocency and Purity of Life, his Pre- 
 diftions came lb oft to pafs, that he was believed a Prophet as well 
 as a Saint : And the Reformation was now fo much opened by his 
 Preaching, and that was lb confirmed by his Death, that the Nation 
 was generally polIeflTed with the Love of it. The Nobility were migh- 
 tily offended with the Cardinal, and faid Wijhart\ Death was no lefs 
 than Murder, fince the Clergy, without a Warrant from the Secular 
 Power, could dilpofe of no vian's Life : So it came univerfally to be 
 faid, that he now defcrved to die by the Law ,• yet fince he was too 
 great for a Legal Tryal, the Kingdom being under the feeble Govern- 
 ment of a Regency, it was fit private Ferfons fhould undertake it ; and 
 it was given out, that the killing an Ufuiper, was always cfteemed 
 a commendable AQion; and fo in that State of Things they thouglic 
 fecret Praftices might be juftified. This agreeing fo much with the 
 Temper of forae in that Nation, who had too much of the Heat and 
 Forwardnefs of their Country, a few Gentlemen of Quality, who had 
 been ill«ufed by the Cardmal, confpired his Death. He was become 
 generally hateful to the whole Nation ; and the Marriage of his Ba- 
 Itard-Daughtcr to the Earl of Crawford's eldefl Son, enraged the No- 
 bility the more againll him ; and his Carriage towards them all was 
 infolent and provoking. Thefe offended Gentlemen came to St. An- 
 eireviPs the xQth oi May, and the next Morning they, and their Atten- 
 dants, being but Twelve in all, firft attempted the Gate of his Caffle, 
 which they found open, and made it fure: And though there were no 
 fewer than an Hundred reckoned to be within the Calfle, yet they 
 knowing the Paffages of the Houfe, went with very little Noife to 
 the Servants Chambers, and turned them almofl all out of Doors ,• and 
 having thus made the Caftle fure, they fent to the Cardinal's Door : 
 He, who till then was fafl afleep, fiifpefting nothing, perceived at laft 
 by their Rudenefi, that they were not his Friends, and made his Door 
 faff againft them. So they went for Fire to let to it ; upon which he 
 treated with them, and upon Affurance of Life he opened the Door: 
 But they rufhing in, did moft cruelly and treacheroufly Murder him. 
 A Tumult was raifed in the Town, and many of his Friends came to 
 refcue him ; but the Confpirators carryed the dead Body, and expofed 
 it to their View, in the fame Window out of which he had not long 
 before looked on when Wifhart was burnt, which had been univer- 
 fally cenfured as a moft indecent Thing in a Church-man, to delight 
 in fuch a Speflacle. But thofe who condemned this AQion, yet ac- 
 knowledged God's Juftice in fo exemplary a Punifhment, and reflefl:- 
 ing on WifharPs lalt Words, were the more confirmed in the Opi- 
 nion they had of his Sanftity. This Fa6t was differently cenfured ; 
 fome juftified it, and faid, it was only the killing of a mighty Rob- 
 ber ; others that were glad he was out of the way, yet condemned 
 the Manner of it, as 'I reachero'js and Inhumane. And though fome 
 of the Preachers did afterwards fiy to that Caifle as a Sanfluary, yet 
 none of them were cither Adors or Confenters to it ; It is true, they 
 
 did
 
 52 2 The Hiflory of the Reformation Book III, 
 
 i<;-.e;. did generally extenuate it, yet I do not find that any of them jufti- 
 sj'^^r^^ Hed it. The exemplary and fignal Ends of almoft all the Conrpirators, 
 Icarcc any of them dying a natural Death, made all People the more 
 inclined to condemn ic. 1 he Day after the Cardinal was killed, about 
 140 came into the Cadle, and prepared for a Siege. The Houle was 
 well lurniihed in ail Things nccelTary, and it lying fo near the Sea, 
 they expefted Help from King Henry, to whom they fent a Meffen- 
 ger for his AfliQance, and declared for him. So a Siege following, 
 they were fo well fupplied from England^ that after Five Months the 
 Governour was glad to treat with them, apprehending much the foot- 
 ing the Englijh might liave, if thofe within, being driven to Extre- 
 mities, fhould receive a Garrifon from King Henry .- They had the Go- 
 vernour alio more at their Mercy ; for as the Cardinal had taken his 
 eldeft Son into his Houle, under the Pretence of educating him, but 
 really as his Father's Holbge, defigning likewife to infufe in him a vi- 
 olent Hatred of the new Preachers ; ib the Confpirators finding him 
 in the Caftle, kept him ftill to he!p them to better Terms. A Ireaty 
 beiuT agreed on, they demanded their Pardon for what they had done, 
 together with an Ablblution to be procured from Rome^ for the kill- 
 ing of the Cardinal ; and that the Caftle, and the Governour's Son, 
 fiiould remain in their Hands till the Abfolution was brought over. 
 Some of the Peachers apprehending the Clergy might revenge the Car- 
 dinal's Death on them, were forced to fly into the Caftle; but one of 
 them, John Rough, (who was afterwards burnt in England-, in Queen 
 Marys Time} being fo offended at the Licentioufnefs of the Soldiers 
 that were in the Caftle, who were a Reproach to that which they 
 pretended to favour, left them, and went away in one of the Ships 
 that brought Provifions out of England. When tlie Abfolution came 
 from Rome, they excepted to it, for lome Words in it, that eailed the 
 killing of the Cardinal Crimen trremiffilile, an unpardonable Crime ; 
 by which they faid the Abfolution gave them no Security, fmce it was 
 null, iftheFaft could not be pardoned. The Truth was, they were 
 encouraged from England., lb they refufed to ftand to the Capitulation, 
 and rejeded the Ablolution. But fome Ships and Soldiers being fent 
 from France, the Caftle was befieged at Land, and fhut up alio by Sea, 
 and which was worrt of all, a Plague broke out within it, of which , 
 many died. Upon this no Help coming fuddenly from England, they 
 V ere forced to deliver up the Place on no better Terms, than that 
 their Lives fliould be fpared ; but they weie to be baniftied Scotland., 
 and never to return to it. 'fhe Caftle was demoliflied according to 
 the Canon-Law, that appoints all Places where any Cardinal is killed 
 to be razed. This was not compleated this Year, and not till Two 
 Years after, only I thought it bell to )oyn the wliole Matter together, 
 and lit it down all at once. 
 A Parila- ^'^ November following a new Parliament was held ; where, toward 
 
 menc fits'' the Expence of the King's Wars, the Convocation of the Province of 
 Canterbury granted a Continuation of the former Subfidy of Six Shil- 
 lings in tlie Pound, to be payed in Two Years, But ibr the Tempo- 
 raltv, 'I Subfi^ly was demanded from them of another Kind : J "here 
 Cha ters ^''"-^ ^" ^''"^ Kingdom feveral Colleges, Chappels, Chanteries, Hofpi- 
 
 andnuntc- tals, and Fraternities, confifting of Secular Priefts, who enjoyed Pen- 
 
 rici given to ^q^jj fpf laying Mafj. for the Souls of thole who had endowed them. 
 
 the King. ^^^ ^^^ Belief of Purgatory being left indifferent, by the Do£frine 
 
 let
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 323 
 
 ^^t out by the Bifhops, and the Trade of redeeming >ouh being con- i ^^i;, 
 
 dcmncd ; it w as thought ncedkfs to keep up fo miny Hndowmcnts to w^'Vs^ 
 
 no Purpufe. Thofe Piiefls were alio generally ill-atfcded to the King's 
 
 Proceedings, fince their Trade was lb much IciTened by them. Tiicre- 
 
 fore many of them had been dealt with to makeRefignation : And four 
 
 and Twenty of them had furrendred to the King. It was found alfo, 
 
 that many of the Founders of thele Houfes had taken them into their 
 
 own Hands, and that the Mafier, Wardens, and Governoursof them* 
 
 had made Agreements for them, and given Leales of them : Therefore 
 
 now a Su'ofi ^y being demanded, all thele were given to the King by 
 
 AQ of Parliament ; which alio confirmed the Deeds that any had made 
 
 to the King; Empowering him, in any time of his Life, to iHue out 
 
 Commiffions for feizing on thefe Foundations, and taking them into 
 
 his ou'n PolTeifion : Which, being fo feized on, fhould belong to the 
 
 King and iiii SuccelTors foi- ever. They alio granted another Subfidy 
 
 for the War. When all their Bufiiiefs was done, theKiigcarne to the 
 
 Houle and mad>: a long Speech, of which I cannot fufBci;.ntly wonder 
 
 that no Entry is made in the Journals of the Houfe of Lords : Yet it is 
 
 not to be doubted but he made it, lor it was publilhed by Hall foon 
 
 after. 
 
 When the Speaker of the Houle of Commons had prefented the Bills, The King's 
 with a Speech full of Refpeft and Compliment, as is ufual upon thele ^^e Houfes. 
 Occafions ; The King anfwered, ' Thanking them for the Subfidy, and 
 the Bill about the Colleges and Chanteries ; and aiTured them, that 
 he fhoald take care both for fupplying the Miniflers, for encouraging 
 Learning, and relieving the Poor ,• and they fhould quickly perceive 
 that in thefe Things their Expedf ations fhould be anfwered. beyond 
 what they either wifhed or dcfired. And after he had expreifed his 
 Affedion to them, and the AlTurance he had of their Duty and Fi- 
 delity to him, he advifed them to amend one Thing ; which was, 
 that inftead of Charity and Concord, Difcord and Divifion ruled 
 every \\ here. He cited St. TauVs Words, That Charity was gentle^ 
 and not envious^ mr proud. But when one called another Heretick, 
 and the other called him Papifl and Pharifee, were thefe the Signs 
 of Charity ? The Fault of this he charged chiefly on the Fathers and 
 Teachers of the Spiritualty, who preached one againft another, with- 
 out Charity or Dilcretion ; fome being too ftiff in their old Mumpfi- 
 miis, others too bufie and curious in their new Sumpfimns ; and fcw" 
 preached the Word of God truly and fincerely. And how could the 
 poor People live in Concord, when they (owed Debate among them.'* 
 Therefore he exhorted them to let forth God's Word, by true Preach- 
 ing, and giving a good Example ; or elfe he, as God's Vicar and 
 high Miniifer, would fee thefe Enormities correfted ; which if he 
 did not do, he was an unprofitable Servant, and an untrue Officer. 
 He next reproved them of the Tcraporalty, who railed at their Bifhops 
 and Priells J whereas if they had any thing to lay to their Charge, 
 they ought to declare it to the King, or his Council, and not take 
 upon then"! to judge fuch high Points. For though they had the 
 Scriptures given them in their Mother-Tongue, yet that was only to 
 inform their own Confciences, and inlfrucl their Children and Fa- 
 milies ; but not to difpute, nor from thence to rail againft Priefts 
 and Preachers, as fome vain Perfons did. He was forry, that fuch a 
 Jewel as the Word of God was fo ill ufed •, that Rithms and Songs 
 
 S f * were
 
 324. The tiiflory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1545. * were taken out of it; but much more Ibrry chat Men followed it 16 
 ^•"V"Ni' * little ; for Charity was never fainter, a godly Life never lels appealed, 
 
 * and God was never lefs reverenced and worfliipped. Therefore he 
 ' exhorted them to live as Brethren in Charity together, to love, dread, 
 ' and fcrvc God ; and then the Love and Union between Him and them 
 ' ihould never be dillblved. And fo exhorting them to look to the 
 Execution of the Laws which thcmlclves had dcfired, he gave his 
 Royal Afient to the Bills, and difmifled the Parliament. 
 
 The King gave at this time a Commiflion to the Bifliops of Wefl- 
 
 minfler^ Worcefter and Chichejler^ and the Chancellor of the Court of 
 
 Augmentation, Sir Edward North, containing, ' That whereas the 
 
 ^ ' ¥<\ng had founded many Cathedrals, in which he had given large 
 
 ' Allowances, both to be diftributcd to the Poor, and to be laid out 
 
 * for the mending of High-ways : To Canterhury 100 Founds for the 
 . * Poor, and 40 Pounds for the High-ways : To Rocbefler ao Pounds 
 
 ' for the Poor, and lo Pounds for the High- ways ; To Wejiminfier 
 ' 100 Pounds for the Poor, and 40 Pounds for the High-ways: To 
 
 * Wincbejler 100 Marks for the Poor, and k.o for the High-ways: To 
 
 * Briftol, Glocefler, Chefter^ Burton upon Trent, Thornton, Ptterhorough • 
 
 * and Ely, 20 Pounds apiece for the Poor, and as much for the High- 
 
 * ways : To Worcefler 40 Pounds for the Poor, and 40 Pounds for the 
 
 * High ways : To Durefm ico Marks for the Poor, and 40 Pounds for 
 
 * the High. ways: And 10 Carlifle 15 Pounds for the Poor, and as muclt 
 
 * for the High-Ways : In all about 550 Pounds a Year to the Poor, and 
 
 * nhout 400 Pounds a Year for the High-ways : They were to enquire 
 
 * how this Money was diftributed ; and, if they faw Caufe, they 
 
 * might order it to be applied to any other Ufe which they fliould judge 
 
 * more charitable and convenient. But what followed upon this, does 
 not appear by the Records. 
 
 After the Parliament was diflblved, the Univcrfities made their Ap- 
 The King plications to the King, that thev might not be included within the 
 RightTo'fthege'ieral Words in the Ad of Di'fTolution of Colleges and Fraterni- 
 Univeriicies. ties. And Dr. Cox, Tutor to the Prince, wrote to Secretary Paget, ' To 
 reprefent to the King the great want of Schools, Preachers, and 
 Houfes for Orphans ; that Beggery would drive the Clergy to Flat- 
 tery, Superftition, and the old Idolatry : There were ravenous 
 Wolves about the King, that would devour Univerfiries, Cathedrals, 
 and Chantries, and a thoufand times as much. Posterity would 
 wonder at fuch Things : Therefore he defired the Univerfities might 
 be fecured from their Spoils. • But the King did quickly free them 
 from thefe Fears. 
 
 Now I enter into the laft Year of this King's Reign. The War in 
 France was managed with doubtful Succefs ; yet the Loffes were grea- 
 ter on the Englifh fide. And the Forces being commanded by the Earl 
 of Surrey, who was brave, but unfuccefsful, he was rtot only blamed 
 but recalled, and the Earl of Hertford lent to Command in his Room. 
 But he being a Man of an high Spirit, and difdaining the Earl of Hert- 
 ford, who was now preferred before him, let fall fome Words of high 
 Refcntmcnt, and bitter Contempt, which not long after wrought his 
 Ruine. The King was now alone in the War, which was very charge- 
 able to him ; and obferving the Progrcfs that the Council of Trent was 
 making, where Cardinal Poole being one of the Legates, he had reafon 
 rolook for lomc fevcre Decree to be made againft liimfelf ; fince none 
 
 of
 
 Book J II. of the Church of Enghnd, 025 
 
 of the Hereticks oi Germany were fo much hated by the Court of Romey 1546. 
 as he was : Therefore he hftned to the Counfels of Peace. And tho' ^-^"v^Ni* 
 he was not old, yet he felt luch Decays in his Strength, that being Peace with 
 extrcamly corpulent, he had no reafon 10 think he could live very ^'"""• 
 long : T herefore, that he might not leave his young Son involved in a 
 War of liich Confequence, Peace was concluded in June ; which was 
 much to the King's Honour, though the taking and keeping oi BulloigHy 
 (which by this Peace the King was to keep for eight Years,) coft him 
 above i ^00000 I'ounds, 
 
 . Upon the Peace, the French Admiral Annehault came over to Eng- a new De- 
 lanA. And now again a Relblution of going on with a Reformation '"'Sn fof Re- 
 was foe on foot ; for it was agreed between the King and the Admiral, ^°™"'°"' 
 That in both Kingdoms, the Mais fliould be changed into a Commu- 
 nion ; and Cranmer was ordered to draw a Form of it. They alfo re- 
 folved to prefs the Emperor to do the like in his Dominions, otherwife 
 to make War upon him. But how this Projed: failed, does not ap- 
 pear. The Animofities which the former War had railed between the 
 two Kings, were converted into a firm Friendfliip ,• which grew ib flrong 
 on Frances part, that he never was feen glad at any thing, after he had 
 the News of the King's Death. 
 
 But now one of the King's angry Fits took him iat the Reformers, fo •s^''*"'"'s A- 
 that there was a new Profecution of them, Nicholas Shaxton, that was^ 
 Bilhop of Salishury^ had been long a Prifoner j but this Year, he had 
 faid in his Imprilonment, in the Counter in Bread flreet^ That Chri[i^s 
 natural Body was not in the Sacramenty hut that it was a Sign and Memo- 
 rial of his Body that was crucified for us. Upon this he was Indidied, 
 and condemned to be burnt. But the King fent the Bifliops oi London ^ 
 and Worceflery to deal with him to recant ; which on the 9//; of July 
 he did, acknowledging, ' That that Year he had fallen in his old Age 
 '. in the Herefie of the Sacramentaries. But that he was now con- 
 
 * vinccd of that Error, by their Endeavours whom the King had fenc 
 ' to him. And therefore he thanked the King for delivering him, 
 ' both from Temporal and Eternal Fire ; and lublcribed a Paper of 
 
 * Articles, which will be found in the Colledion. Upon this, he had Collea. 
 his Pardon and Difchargc fent him the i^thof July, and loon after ^">"^■'^^ 
 preached the Sermon at the burning of Anne Askew; and wrote a Book 
 
 in Defence of the Articles he had lubfcnbed. What became of him all 
 £</w(7r^the6tlvstimc, I cannot tell : But I find, he was a cruel Profe- 
 cutor and Burner of Proteftants in Qiieen Mary^s Days. Yet it fcems 
 thofe to wliom he went over, did not confiderhim much, for they never 
 raifed him higlier than to be Sufiagran to the Bilhop of Ely. Others 
 were alfolndidcd upon the lame Statute, who got off by Recantation, 
 and were pardoned. But Anne Askew's Trial had a more bloody Con- 
 clufion. 
 
 She was nobly defcended. and educated beyond what was ordinary 
 in that Age to thole of her Sex. But flie was unfortunately married to 
 one Kyme, who being a violent Papift, drove her out of his Houlb, when TheTrou. 
 he found Ihc favoured the Reformation. So ihc came to London, where ^'?' of'*""* 
 Information being given of fome Words, that flie had Ipoken againlt the '*'^*'"'" 
 Corporal Prefcnce in the Sacrament, (lie was put in Prifon ; upon which 
 great Applications were made by many of her Friends, to have her let out 
 upon Bail. The Bilhop of London examined her, and after much Pains, 
 {he was brought to let her hand to a Recantation, by which (he ac- 
 
 S r X knnxylcdg'd,
 
 26 The Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 ii;46. knowlcdg'd, ' That the Natural Body of Chrifl: was prefcnt in the Sa- 
 <»-.^~V*w ' cramcnt, after the Conlecration ; whether the Prieft were a good 
 
 * or an ill Man ; and that, whether it was prelently confumed, or re- 
 ' fcrved in the F/x, it was the true Body of Chrift. Yet fhe added to 
 Her Subfcription, That fhe believed all Things according the Catho- 
 hck Faith, and not otherwife. With this the Bifliop was not fatisfied ; 
 but after much ado, and many importunate Addrefles, llic was Bai- 
 led in the end of March this Year. But not long after that, fhe was a- 
 gain apprehended, and examined before the King's Council then aC 
 Greenwich, where fhe leemed very indifferent what they did with her. 
 She anfwered them in general Words, upon which they could fix no- 
 thing, and made fome fharp Repartees upon the Bifhop of V*/inchefter. 
 Some liked the Wit and Freedom of her Difcourfe, but others thought 
 fhe was too forward. From thence flie was fent to Newgate, where flie 
 wrote fome Devotions, and Letters, that fhew her to have been a Wo- 
 man of mofl: extraordinary Parts. She wrote to the King, ' That as to 
 ' the Lord's Supper, fhe believed as much as Chrift had laid in it, and 
 
 * as much, as the Cacholick Church from him did Teach. Upon Shax- 
 tons Recantation they fent him to her to prevail with her. But fne in- 
 ftead of yielding to him, charged his Inconftancy Home upon him. She 
 had been oft at Court, and was much favoured by many great Ladies 
 there ,• and it was believed the Queen had fhewed Kindnefs to her. So 
 the Lord Chancellor examined her of what Favour or Encouragement fhe 
 had from any in the Court, particularly from the Dutchcfs erf Suffolk, 
 the Countefs of Hertford, and fome other Ladies. But he could draw 
 nothing from her, fave that one in Livery had brought her fome Money, 
 which he faid came from two Ladies in the Court. But they refolvcd to 
 extort further Confeflions from her. And therefore carried her to the 
 Tower, they caufed her to be laid on the Rack, and gave her a Taille of 
 it. Yet fhe confefTed nothing. That fhe was rackt is very certain, for 
 I find it in an Original Journal of the Tranfa(Stions in the Totver, writ- 
 ten by Anthony Anthony : But Fox adds a PafTage that feems fcarce cre- 
 dible, the Thing is fo extraordinary, and fo unlike the Charadler of 
 the Lord Chancellor, who though he was fiercely zealous for tlie <Ad 
 Supcrftition, yet was otherwife a great Perfon ; it is. That he command- 
 ed the Lieutenant of the Totver to ftretch her more ; but he refufed to 
 
 She enduresdo it, and being further preft, told him plainly he would not do it. 
 th*Rack. The other threatned him, but to no Purpofe; fo the Lord Chancellor 
 throwing off his Gown, drew the Rack fo fcverely, that healmoft tore 
 her Body aliinder; yet could draw nothing from her, for fhe endured it 
 with unufual Patienpe and Courage. When the King heard this, he bla- 
 med the Lord Chancellor for his Cruelty, and excufed the Lieutenant 
 of the Tower. Fox does not vouch any Warrant for this, fo that though 
 I have fctit down, yet I give no entire Credit to it : If it was true, it 
 fhews the flrange Influence of that Religion, and that it corrupts the 
 Nobleft Natures ; yet the poor Gentlewoman's being Rackt, wrought 
 no Fity in the King towards her, for he left her to be proceeded againft 
 according to the Sentence : She was carried to the Stake in Stnithfield a 
 little after that in a Chair, not being able to (land through the Torments 
 And IS burnt of the Rack, There were brought with her at the fame Time, one 
 thcrs. Nicolas Belenian a Prieft, John Adams a Taylor, and John Lajfels, one 
 
 of the King's Servants, (it is likely he was the fame Perfon that had di- 
 fcovercd Queen Katherine Howards Incontincncy, for which, all the 
 
 Popifh
 
 Book 111. of the Church of England. 327 
 
 Popifli Party, to be furc, bore him no good Will.) They were all con- i<; d,6. 
 vi(3:ed upon the Statute of the Six Articles, for denying the Corporal '^"W-* 
 Prelbnce of Chriftin the Sacrament. When they were brought thither, 
 Shax/on, to compleat his Apofta/re, made a Sermon of the Sacra- 
 ment, and inveighed againfl their Errors. That being ended, they 
 were tied to the Stake ; and then the Lord Chancellor fcnt and of- 
 fered them their Pardon, which was ready pafled under the Seal, if 
 they would recant. But they loved not their Lives fo well, as to re- 
 deem them hy the Lois of a good Confcicnce ; and therefore encourag- 
 ing one another to lufFer patiently for the Teftimony of the Trurh : So 
 they endured to the laft, and were made Sacrifices by Fire unto God. 
 There were alio two in Suffolk, and one in Norfolk, burnt on the fame 
 Account a little before this. 
 
 But that Party at Court having incenfed the King much againfl: AnewDe. 
 thofe Hercticks, refolved to drive it further; and to work the Ruine, ^f "j^^^*'"^ 
 both of the Arch-Bilhop of Canterlury. and of the Queen : Conclud- 
 ing, that if thcie Attempts were fuccefsful, they fhould carry every 
 thing clfe. They therefore renewed their Complaints of the Arch- 
 Bifhop of Canterbury ; and told the King, That though there were 
 evident Proofs ready to be brought againfl; him, yet becaufe of his 
 Greatnefs, and the King's Carriage upon the former Complaints, none 
 durfl; appear againfl; him. But if he were once put in the Toivery that 
 Men might hope to be heard, they undertook to bring full and clear 
 Evidences of his being a Heretick. So the King confented, That he 
 ihould be the next Day called before the Council, and fentto the ToW' 
 ery if they faw Caufe for it. And now they concluded him ruined. 
 But in the Night, the King ient Sir Anthony Denny to Lambeth, to 
 bring the Arch-Bilhop to fpeak with him. And when he came, the 
 King told him what Informations had been brought againfl: him, and 
 how far he had yielded to them, that he fliould be fent to the Tower 
 next Day : And therefore defired to hear from himfelf what he had 
 to fay upon it. Qranmer thanked him, that he had not left him in 
 the Dark, to be furprized in a Matter that concerned him fo near- 
 ly. He acknowledged the Equity of the King's Proceedings ; and 
 all that he dcfired, was. That he might be brought to make his An- 
 fwer : And chat fince he was to be Queftioned for fome of his Opi- 
 nions, Judges might be afllgned who underflood thofe Matters. The 
 King heard this with Afl:onifhment, wondering to fee a Man fo little The King's 
 concerned in his own Prefervation. ' But pleafantly told him, he was great c'are of 
 
 * a Fool that looked to his own Safety fo little. For did he think that ^^' 
 
 * if he were once put in Prifon, abundance of falfe Witnefles would 
 
 * not be fuborned to ruine him. Therefore, fince he did not take care 
 
 * of himfelf, he would look to it. And fo he ordered him to appear 
 next Day before the Council, upon their Summons ; and when Things 
 were objecfted to him, to fay, That fince he was a Privy-Councellor, 
 he dcfired they would ufc him, as they would look to be ufed in the 
 like Cafe : And therefore to move that his Accufers might be brought 
 Face to Face, and Things be a little better confidered before he was 
 fent to the Tower. And if they refufcd to grant that, then he was 
 to appeal Perfonally to the King, (who intended to be abfent that 
 Day,) and in token of it, fliould fliew them the King's Seal-Ring, 
 \vhich he wore on his Finger, and was well known to them all. So 
 
 (lie
 
 . I II inn _ i_ I — .„^. , >^. . ■ I.I. .1— .1 m 
 
 0^2^ ^ he Hiftory of the Reformation Book 111. 
 
 11546. the King, giving him his Ring, fent him privately Home again. Next 
 ^-^y^/--^ Morning a Mellenger of the Council came early, and fijmmoned him 
 to appear that Day bJbre the Council. So he went over, but was 
 long kept waiting in the l.obby, before he was called in. At this un-' 
 ufual fight many wtre aflonifhed. But Dodor Buts, the King's Phy- 
 fician, that loved Cranmer^ and prefunted more on a Difeafed King 
 than others durit do, went and told the King what a ftrange Thing 
 he had fccn : ' The Primate of all England waiting at the Council- 
 ' door, among the Footmen and Servants. So the King feni them 
 Word, That he fhouid be prefently brought in ; which being done, they 
 laid, That there were many Informations againfl: him, that all the 
 Herefic-, that were in England came from liim and his Chaplains. To 
 which be anfwered as ttie King had direftcd him. But they inflft- 
 ing on what was before projefted, he faid, He was fbrry to be thus 
 ulcd, by thofe with whom he had fate fo long at that Board, fb that 
 he muft appeal from them to the King : And with that took out the 
 King's King, and fhevved it. This put them in a wonderful Confufi- 
 cn, but they all rofe up and went to the King, who checkt them 
 ' Icverely for ufing the Arch-Bifliop fo unhandfomely. He faid, He. 
 ' thought he had a wifer Council, than now he found they were. 
 
 * He protefted by the Faith he owed to God, laying his Hand on his 
 
 * Breart, That if a Prmce could be obliged by his Subject, he was 
 
 * by the Arch-Bifhop, and that he took him to be the moil faithful 
 
 * Subjedl he had, and the Perfon to whom he was moft beholding. 
 The Duke of Norfolk made a trifling Excufe, and laid, They meant 
 no Harm to the Arch-Bi(hop, but only to vindicate his Innocency by.\ 
 fuch a Tryal, which would have freed him from the Afperfions that 
 werecaft on him. But the King anfwered, He would not fiift'er Men' 
 that were fb dear to him, to be handled in that Fafhion. He knew 
 the Fadions that we:e among them, and the Malice that fome oflj 
 tliem bore to others, which he would either extinguifli or punifh vcryr' 
 fpcedily. So he commanded them all to be Reconciled to Cratmery 
 which was done with the outward Ceremony of taking him by the 
 
 Afitiq.mk Hand ; and was moll real on his part, though the other Party did notj 
 in vitaXxM. fb eafily lay down the Hatred they bore him. This I place at this Time, , 
 though Parker, who related it, names no Vear nor Time in which it ' 
 was done; but he leads us very near it, by faying, it was after the 
 Duke o( Suffo I k'*s Death; and this being the only time after that, iaj 
 which the King was in an ill Humour againfl the Reformers, I con- 
 clude it fell cut at this time. 
 Another That Party finding it was in vain to puQi at Cranmer any more, did 
 Dcfign a- never again endeavour it. Vet one Defign failing, they let on another 
 Queen.^''* againll the Queen. She was a great Favourer of the Reformers, and 
 had frequently Sermons in her Privy-Chamber by Ibme of thofe Preach- 
 ers ; which were not fecretly carried, but became generally known : 
 When it came to the King's Ears, he took no notice of it. And the 
 Queen carried her felf, in all other Things, not only with an exad 
 Condud, but with that wonderful Care about the King's Perfon, 
 which became a Wife that was railed by him to fo great an Honour, 
 that he was much taken with her ; So that none durft adventure on 
 making any Complamts againfl her. Yet the King's Diflcmpcrs en- 
 creafing, and his peevilhnefs growing with them, he became more 
 unejfie ; and whereas fhe had frequently ufed to talk to him of Re- 
 ligion,
 
 Book ill. of the Church of Enghnd. 529 
 
 ligion, and defended the Opinion of the Reformers, in which he would 1^46. 
 fometimes pleafantly maintain the Argument ; now, becoming more 
 impitient, he took it ill at her Hands. And fhe had fometimc in the 
 heat of Difcourfe gone very far. So one Night, after fhe had left him, 
 the King being difpieafed, vented it to the Bifhop of Winchefler that 
 irood by ; And he craftily and malicioufly ftruck in with tiie King's 
 Anger, and (aid ail chat he could devife againft the Queen, to drive 
 his Refentments higher ; and took in the Lord Chancellor into the 
 Dcfign ro affill: him. They filled the King's Head with many Stories 
 of his Queen, and fbme of her Ladies ; and faid, They had fivour- 
 cd June Askewy and had Heretical Books amongll them ; and he per- 
 fuaded the King, that they were Tray tors as well as Hereticks. The 
 Matter went fb far, that Articles were drawn againft her, which the 
 King figned ,• for without that, it was not fafe for any to Impeach 
 the Queen. But the Lord Chancellor putting up that Paper carelefly, 
 it dropt from him : And being taken up by one of the Queen's Par- 
 ty, was carried to her. Whether the King had really defigned her 
 Ruine, or not, is differently reprefented by the Writers who lived 
 near that time. But fhe leeing his Hand to fuch a Paper, had reafbn 
 to conclude her fclf loft. Yet by Advice of one of her Friends, fhe 
 went to fee the King, who received her kindly, and fet on a Difcourfe 
 about Religion. But fhe anfwered, that Women, by their firft Cre- 
 ation, were made fubjeft to Men ; and they being made after the 
 Image of God, as the Women were after their Image, ought to in- 
 ftrud their Wives, who were to learn of them ; and fhe much more 
 was to be taught by his Majefly, who was a Prince of fuch excel- 
 lent Learning and Wifdom. Uot fo by St. Mary, faid the King, you 
 are become a Do^or able to Injlru^ us, and not to be Infirii£led by us. 
 To which fhe anfuered, That it feemed he had much miflaken the 
 freedom f]ie had taken to argue with him, fince fhe did it partly to 
 engage him in Difcourfe, and fo put over the time, and make him 
 forge: his Pain ; and partly to receive Inftruflions from him, by 
 which fhe had profited much. And is it evenfo ? faid the King, then 
 we are Friends again. So he embraced her with great Affedion, and 
 feoL her away with very tender AfTurances of his conftant Love to 
 her. But the next Day had been appointed for carrying her, and fome 
 of her Ladies, to the Toiver. The Day being fair, the King went to 
 take a little Air iii the Garden, and lent for her to bear him Compa- 
 ny. As they wer.; together, the Lord Chancellor came in, havin"- a- 
 bout Forty of the Guard with him, to have arretted the Queen. But 
 the King ftept afide to him, and after a little Difcourfe, he was heard 
 to call him Knave, Fool and Beafi^ and he bade him get him out of 
 his Sight. The innocent Queen, who underftood not that her Danger 
 Was lb near, ftudied to mitigate the King's Difpleafure, and interceded 
 for the Lord Chancellor. Bat the King told her, fhe had no reafon to i; 
 
 plead for him. ;■' ' 
 
 So this Defign mifcarried, which as it abfolutely difheartened the 
 Papills, fb it did totally alienate the King from them ; and in particu- 
 lar from the Bifhop of Wincbeder, whole Sight he could never after 
 this endure. But he made an luimble SubmiflTion to the King, which 
 though it prefcrved him from further Punilhment, yt:.\: could not re- 
 ftore him to the King's Favour. But the Duke o{ Norfolk, and his TijeCaufes 
 Son the Earl of Surry, fell under a deeper Misfortune. The DukCofNoVJiv* 
 
 ofDilk^-e.
 
 3 go ^I he Hijhry of the Reformation Book III, 
 
 1546. of Norfolk had been long Lord Trcafurcr of England. He had done 
 great Services to the Crown on many fignal Occafions, and Succefs had 
 always accompanied him. His Son, the Earl of Surrey^ was alfo a brave 
 and noble Perlbn, Witty and Lcarnc^l to an high Degree, but did not 
 command Armjcs with lUch Succefs. He was much provoked at the 
 Earl of Hertjorf{\ being fcnt over to France in his room, and upon 
 that had laid, That within a little while they Jhould [mart for it ; with 
 fomc other Expreliions that favoured of Revenge, and a Diflikeofthe 
 King, and a Hatred of the Councellors. The Duke of Norfolk had 
 endeavoured to aliy himl'elf to the Earl of Hertford, and to his Bro- 
 ther Sir Tbor/ias Seimour, perceiving how much they were in the King's 
 Favour, and how great an Intereft they were like to have under the 
 fuccecding Prince. And therefore would have engaged his Son, be- 
 ing then a Widower, to marry that Earl's Daughter : And prefled 
 his Daughter, the Dutchefs of Richmond, \Vidow to the King's Na- 
 tural Son, to mnrry Sir Thomas Seimour. But though the Earl of A'«/-- 
 rey advilcd his Sifier to the Marriage projedled for her, yet he would 
 not conlcnt to that deflgned for himfelf, nor did the Propofition 
 about his Sifier cake EfFcd:. The Seimours, could not but fee the 
 Enmity the Earl of Surrej bore them, and they might well be jealous 
 of the Greatnefs of that Family ; which was not only too big for a 
 Subjed of it felf, but was raifed lo high by the Dependance of the 
 whole Popifli Party, both at home and abroad, that they were like 
 to be very dangerous Competitors for the chief Government of Af- 
 fairs, if the King were once out of the way ; whofe Difeafe was now 
 growing fo faft upon him, that he could not live many Weeks. Nor 
 is it unlikely that they perfwaded the King, That if the Earl of Surrey 
 Ihould marry the Lady Mary, it might embroil his Son's Government, 
 and perhaps ruine him. And it was fuggefted, That he had fome fuch 
 high Projed in his Thoughts, both by his continuing unmarried, and 
 by his ufing the Arms ot Edward the Confeflbr, which of late he 
 had given in his Coat, without a Diminution. But to complcat the 
 Duke of NorfolFs Ruine, his Dutchefs who had complained of his 
 ufing her ill, and had been feparated from him about four Years, turn- 
 ed Informer againfl: him. His Son and Daughter were alfo in ill Terms 
 together. So the Sifter Informed all that (he could againft her Bro- 
 ther. And one Mrs. Holland, for whom the Duke was believed to 
 have an unlawful AfTedlion, difcovered all fhe knew ; but all amounted 
 to no more, than fome pafllonate ExprelTions of the Son, and fome 
 Complaints of the Father, who thought he was not beloved by the 
 King, and his Councellors, and that he was ill ufed, in not being 
 truftcd with the Secrcr of Affairs. And all Perfons being encouraged to 
 bring Informations againft them, Sir Richard Southwell charged the 
 Earl of Surrey in fome Points that were of a higher Nature ; which the 
 Earl denied, and dcfired to be admitted, according to the Martial Law, 
 to fight in his Shirt with Southwell. But that not being granted, he and 
 his Father were committed to the Tower. That which was moft in- 
 fvfted on, was, their giving the Arms of Edward the Confeflbr which 
 were only to be given by the Kings of England, This the Earl of Surrey 
 juftified ; and faid, They gave their Arms, according to the Opinion of 
 the King's Hcraulds. But all Excufes 'availed nothing, for his Father 
 and he were defigncd to be deftroyed, upon Reafons of State ; for 
 which, fome Colours were to be found our. 
 
 The
 
 Book III. of the Church of England 331 
 
 The Earl of Surrey being but a Commoner, was brought to his 1^47. 
 Tryal at GtdUhall ; and put upon an Inquefl: of Commoners confiding ''-''^"'n^ 
 of Nine Knights and Three Efquires, by whom he was found guilty of sJr^!y^Ex/-^ 
 Treafon, and had S'cntenceof Death pafTed upon him, which was exe-cuced, 
 cutcd on the i^fh of January at Tower-Hill. It was generally con- 
 demned, as an Ad of high Injufticc and Severity, which loaded the 
 Seimcurs \yi^h. a popular 0^//«w that they could never overcome. He 
 was much pitied, being a Man of great Parts and high Courage, with 
 many other Noble Qualities. 
 
 But the King, who never hated nor ruined any Body by halves, The Duke's 
 refolved to compleat the Misfortunes of that Family, by the Attain- Submiffion 
 tier of the Father. And as all his Eminent Services were now forgot- ^° ' ^ ' '"^ 
 teti, fo the Submifiions he made, could not allay a Difpleafure, that 
 was only to be fatisfied with his Life and Fortune. He wrote to the 
 King, protefting his Innocency : ' That he had never a Thought to 
 
 * his Prejudice, and could not imagine what could be laid to his 
 
 * Charge : He had fpent his whole Life in his Service, and did not 
 
 * know that ever he had offended any Perfon ; or that any were dif- 
 
 * pleafed with him, except for profecijting the Breakers of the A&. 
 
 * about the Sacrament of the Altar. But in that, and in every thing 
 
 * elfe, as he had been always obedient to the King's Laws, To he was 
 
 * refolved Hill to obey any Laws he ihould make. He dcfired he might 
 
 * be examined with his Accufers Face to Face, before the King, or 
 
 * at lead before his Council ,• and if it did not appear tliat he was 
 
 * wrongfully accufed, let him be punilhed as he defervcd. In Con^ 
 
 * clufion, he begged the King would have pity on him, and reflore 
 
 * him to his Favour ; taking all his Lands or Goods from him, or as 
 
 * much of them, as he pleafed. Yet all this had no Effeft on the 
 King. So he was dcfired to make a more formal Submiflion ; which 
 he did on the 12th of January under his hand. Ten Privy Councellors 
 being Witnefl^s. In it he confcfled, * Firft^ His dilcovering the 
 ' Secrets of the King's Council Secondly^ His concealing his Son's 
 'Treafon, in ufing to give the Arms of St. Edward t\\c Confeflbr, 
 
 * which did only belong to the King, and to which his Son had no 
 
 * Right. Thirdly, That he had ever fince his Father's Death, born in 
 
 * the firfl: Quarter of his Arms, the Arms of EngUnd ; with a Difference 
 
 * of the Labels of Silver, that are the proper Arms of the Prince ; which 
 
 * was done in Prejudice of the King and the Prince ; and gave Occafion 
 
 * for difturbing or interrupting the Succeffion to the Crown of the 
 
 * Realm. This he acknowledged was High-Treafon, he confeffed he 
 
 * deferved to be attainted of High-Treafon ; and humbly begged 
 
 * the King's Mercy and Companion. He yielded to all this, hoping 
 by fuch a Submiffion and Compliance to have overcome the King's 
 Difpleafure. But his Expectations failed him. 
 
 A Parliament was called, the Reafon whereof was pretended to be The I'arlia- 
 the Coronation of the Prince om^'ales. But it was thought the true ""^"^ "'""• 
 Caufe of calling it, was, to attaint the Duke of Korjolk ; for which 
 they had not colour enough, to do it in a Tryal by his Peers. There- 
 fore an Attainder by Ad: of Parliament was thought the better way. 
 So it was moved, that the King intending to Crown liis Son, Prince 
 of Wales, dcfired they would go on with all pofflble Haflc in the At- 
 tainder of the Duke of Norfolk ; that fo thefe Places which he held 
 by Patent, might be difpofcd of by the King to fuch as he thought 
 
 T t fir,
 
 332 The Hiflory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 I (547. fit, who fhould Aflifl; at the Coronation. And upon this flight Pre- 
 \y\'~-^ tence, flnce a better could net be found j the Bill of Attainder was 
 read the firfl Time on the iSth of JaMuary : And on the 19th and aotH 
 it was read the fecond and third Time ,• and To pa(Icd in the Houfe 
 The Duke of Lofds, and was fcnt down to the Commons, who on the %^x\\ 
 of ^'"^'''*A'^'renc it upaifopafl!ed. On the 27th the Lords were ordered to be in 
 their Robes, that the Royal Aflent might be given to it ,- which the 
 Lord Chancellor, with fomc others joined in CommifTion, did give by- 
 virtue of the King's Letters Patents. And it had been executed the 
 next Morning, if the King's Death had not prevented it. Upon what 
 Grounds this Attainder was founded, I can only give this Account 
 from the 34th Ad of the firft Parliament of Queen Mary ; in which 
 this Ad: is declared null and void, by the Common Law .of die 
 Land ,• for I cannot find the Ad it felf upon Record. In the Ad of 
 Repeal it is faid, * That there was no fpecial Matter in the Ad of 
 
 * Attainder, but only general Words of Trcafons and Confpiracies j 
 
 * and that out of their Care of the Prefervarion of the King and ^he 
 
 * Prince, they paflcd it. But the Ad of Repeal fays alfo, That the 
 
 * only Thing with which he was charged, was. For bearing of Arms, 
 
 * which he and his Anceftors had born, both within and without the 
 
 * Kingdom ; both in the King's Prefence, and in the Sight of his Pro- 
 ' genitors, which they might Lawfully bear and give, as by good and, 
 
 * fubftantial Matter of Record it did appear. Ir is alfo added, That 
 
 * the King died after the Date of the Commiflion ; That the King only 
 
 * empowered them to give his Afl^ent, but did not give it himfelf: 
 
 * Bind that it did not appear by any Record, that they gave it. That 
 
 * the King did not Sign the Commillion with his own Hand, his Stamp 
 
 * being only fet to it, and that not to the upper, but the nether part of 
 
 * it, contrary to the King's Cuftom. All thefe Particulars, though 
 cleared afterwards, I mention now, becaufe they give Light to this 
 Matter. 
 
 His As foon as the AiX was pafTed, a Warrant was feat to the Lieu- 
 
 tbcKiii*^'^ ''y tenant of the Tomr^ to cut off his Head the next Morning; but the 
 i"fis. j^.^^ dying in the Night, the Lieutenant could do nothing on that 
 Warrant. And it feems it was n©t thought advifeable, to begin the 
 New King's Reign with fuch an Odious Execution. And thus the Duke 
 of NorfolJi: efcaped very narrowly. Both Parties dcfcanted on this dif- 
 ferently. The Confciencious Papifts faid, It was God's juft Judgment 
 on him, who had in all Things followed the King's Pleafure, often- 
 times againft his own Confcience ; That he fliould fmart under that 
 Power, which himfelf had helped fo confiderably to make it be raifed 
 fo high. The Proteflants could not but obferve an Hand of God, irt 
 mealuring out fuch a hard Meafurc to him, that was fo heavy on all 
 Ftxx thofc poor People that were qucftioned for Herefie. But Cranmer*s Car- 
 riage in this Matter was fuitable to the other Parts of his Life, for ha 
 withdrew to CroytlcM, and would not fo much as be prefent in Parlia- 
 ment, when fo unjufl: an Ad was paffed, and his Abfcnce at this Time 
 was the more confiderablc, fince the King was fo dangcrouDy ill, that 
 it muft be concluded it could be no flight Caufe that made him with- 
 draw at fuch a Time. But the Duke of Norfolk had been his conftant 
 Enemy, therefore he would not lb much as be near the publick Coun- 
 cils,when fo flrangc an Aft was pafling. But at the fame Time the Bilhop 
 of Windrjlcr was officioufly hanging on in the Court ; and though he 
 
 was
 
 Book 111. of the Church of England. qq o 
 
 was forbid to come to Council, ycc always when the Councellors went M47, 
 into the King's Bed Chamber, he went with them to the Door, to make ^-'"V^ 
 the World believe he was one of the Number, and flaying at the Door 
 till the reft came out, he returned with them. But he was abfolutcly lofl: 
 in the King's Opinion. 
 
 There is but one other Step of Foreign Bufmcfs in this Reign, which The tm 
 was an Embafly fent over by the Duke o^ Saxony ^ to \ct the King peror's Dc" 
 know of the League between the Pope and the Emperor, for the Extir- ''S""gainft 
 pation of Herefie ; and that the Emperor was making War on him, and ftants^""' 
 the other Princes, in purfuancc of that League. Therefore he defired 
 the King's Afliftance. But at the fame Time, the Emperor did by his 
 Agents every where difown, that the War was made upon a Religious 
 Account ; and faid it was only to maintain the Rights of the Empire, 
 which thofe Princes had affronted. So the King anfwered, that as foon 
 as it did appear to him, that Religion was the Caufc of the War, he 
 would afflft them. But that which made this fo involved, was, Thac 
 though at Rome the Pope declared it was a Holy War, and ordered 
 Prayers and Proceffions to be made, for Succefs ; yet the Emperor h\ all 
 his Declarations took no notice of Religion : He had alfo divided the 
 Proteftant Party, fo that fome of them joined with him, and others 
 were Neutrals. And when in Germany it felf this Matter was fo littld 
 underftood, it was eafy to abufe Strangers by giving them a wrong Ac- 
 ' count of it. 
 
 The King Was overgrown with Corpulency and Fatnefs, fo thac he The King's 
 became more and more unwieldy. He could not go up or dowri Sickncii. 
 Stairs, but as he was raifed up, or let down by an Engine. And an 
 old fore in his Leg became very uneafy to him ; fo that all the Hu- 
 mours in his Body finking down into his Leg, he was much pained, 
 and became exceeding froward and intradable, to which his inexcu- 
 fable Severity to the Duke of Norfolk and his Son, may be in a great 
 Meafure imputed. His Servants durft fcarce fpeak to him, to put 
 him in Mind of his approaching End. And an A£l of Parliament^ 
 which was made for the Security of the King's Life, had fome Words 
 in it againft the Foretelling of his Death, which made every one a~ 
 fraid to fpeak to him of it ; left he in his angry and imperious Hu- 
 mours fhould have Ordered them to be Indidted upon that Statute. But 
 he felt Nature declining a-pace, and fo made the Will, be had Jefc 
 behind him at his laft going into France, be written over again, with 
 this only Difference, That Gardiner Bifhop of Winchejier, whom he 
 had appointed one of the Executors of his Will, that of the Coun- 
 cellor to his Son, till he came of Age, was now left out : Of which 
 when Sir Anthony Brown put the King in Mind, apprehending it was 
 only an Omiffion, he anfwered, That he knew Gardiner s Temper well 
 enough, and though he could Govern him, yet none of them would 
 be able to do it ; and that he would give them much trouble. And 
 when Brown at another Time repeated the Motion to the King, he 
 told him, If he fpake more of that, he would ftrike him out of his 
 Will too. The Will was faid to be Signed the 30th of December. 
 It is Printed at large by Fuller, and the moft material Parts of it by 
 Heylin. So I need fay little of it, only the moft fignal Claulein it, 
 was. That he excluded the Line of Scotland ouz of the Succellion, and 
 preferred the two Daughters of the French Queen by Charles Brandon 
 to them. And this leads mc to difcovcr fevcral Things concerning this 
 
 T t ?. Will
 
 ooA [he Hijiory of the Reformation Booklll* 
 
 i^Af, Will, which have been hitherto unknown. I draw them from a Let- 
 w-Vs^ ter written to Sir William Cecil, then Secretary of State to Queen 
 Elizabeth^ ( afterwards Lord Burleigh^ ) by VVilliam Maitland, of 
 ^ Lethingtom, Secretary of State to the Queen of Scotland. This Matt- 
 
 land was accounted a Man of the grcatefl: Parts of any in his Na- 
 tion at that Time ; though his Treachery in turning over to the Party 
 that was againft the Queen, very much blemifhed his other Quali- 
 ties ; but he expiated his Fault by a real Repentajice, which appqar- 
 ed in his returning to his Duty, and lofing all afterwards in hef 
 Co/. N«wJ. 30, Quarrel. His Letter will be found in t]\& ColleSlion. The Subftance 
 His latter g^j Dcfign of it is, to clear the Right his Miftrefs had to the Crowa 
 WiUaFor- ^^ England^ in cafe the Queen (hould die without Heirs ot her Body* 
 Therein after he had anfwcred other Objedions, he comes to this of 
 the Will. To it he fays, ' That according to the kG(. of Parlia- 
 
 * ment, the King's Will was to be Signed with his own Hand j tut 
 
 * this Will was only Signed by the Stamp. Then the King never Or- 
 
 * dered the Stamp to be put to it : He had been oft defired to Sign 
 
 * it, but had always put it off; but when they faw his Death approach- 
 
 * ing, one William Clark^ Servant to Thomas Hennage^ put the Stamp 
 
 * to :it, and fome Gentlemen that were waiting without, were cal- 
 
 * led in to Sign it as WirnefTes. For this he appeal'd to the Depo- 
 
 * fition of the Lord Pagetj and defired the Marquefs of Winchejler^ 
 
 * and Northampton^ the Earl of Pembroke, Sir William Petre, Sir Hen- 
 
 * rj Nevil, Sir Maurice Berkeley, Sir Anthony Denny, Dodor Buts, and 
 
 * iome others, might be examined ; and that their Depofitions might 
 
 * be entred into the Chancery. He alfo appealed to the Original Will, 
 
 * by which it would appear, That it was not Signed, but only Stamp- 
 ' ed ; and that not being according to the Adt of Parliament, which 
 
 * in fuch extraordinary Things mull be ftridtly taken, the Will was of 
 
 * no force. Thus it appears, what vulgar Errors pafs upon the World. 
 And though for Seventy five Years, the Scotijh Race has enjoyed the 
 Crown of England, and after fo long a Poflefllon it is very fuperflu- 
 ous to clear a Title which is univerfally acknowledged ,• yet the Read- 
 er will not be ill pleafed to fee how ill-grounded that Pretence was, 
 which fome managed very icditioufly during the Reign of Queen £//• 
 zaheth, for excluding that Line. 
 
 But if this Will was not figned by the King, other Grants were' 
 certainly made by him on his Death-Bed ; one was to the City of 
 London, of ^00 Marks a Year for endowing an Hofpital, which was 
 called C'/>r//?'i Hofpital; and he ordered the Church of the Francifcans^ 
 a little within Newgate, to be opened, which he gave to the HofpitaK 
 This was done the ^d. of January. Another was of Trinity College id 
 Cambridge, one of the Nobleft Foundations in Chriftendom. He conti- 
 nued in a Decay till the 27th of the Month ; and then many Signs of i 
 his approaching End appearing, few would adventure on fo unwelcome 
 a Thing as to put him in mind of his Change then imminent; but Sir 
 Anthony Denny had the Honefly and Courage to do it, and defired him 
 to prepare for Death, and remember his former Life, and to call on • 
 God for Mercy through Jefus Chrift. Upon which the King exprefi'ed 
 his Grief for the Sins of his pad Life, yet he faid he trufted in the 
 Mercies of Chrifl:, which were greater than they were. Then Denny 
 asked him if any Churchman fhould befent for; and he faid, If any, 
 h ihould be Arch-Bilhop Cranmer; and after he had relied a little, 
 
 finding
 
 Book III. of tbe Church of Engknd. o'lc. 
 
 finding his Spirirs decay apace, he ordered him to be fent for to Croy- 1 07 
 o/ojf, where he was then. But before he could come, the King was ^^-"^^ 
 Ipcechlcfs. So Cranmer defired him to give Ibme Sign of his dying in 
 the Faich of Chriil, upon which he fqueezed his Hand, and loon after 
 died, after he had Reigned Thirty fcven Years, and Nine Months, in 
 the Six and fiftieth Year of his Age. His Death was kept up Three 
 Days, for the Journals of the Houle of Lords Ihcw, that they conti- 
 nued reading Bills, and going on in Bufinefs till the ?ifl:. and no fooncr 
 did the Lord Chancellor fignify to them that the King was dead, and 
 that the Parliament was thereby diflblved. It is certain the Parliament 
 had no being after the King's Breath was out ; fo their fitting till the 
 31ft (hews, That the King's Death was not generally known all thole 
 three Days. The Reafons of concealing it lb long might either be 
 that they were confidering what to do with the Duke of Norfolk, or that 
 the Seymours were laying their Matters, fo as to be fccure in the Govern- 
 ment before they publifhed the King's Death. I fhall not adventure oa 
 adding any further Charader of him, to that which is done with i^o 
 much Wit and Judgment by the Lord Herbert ^ but fhall refer the Read- 
 er wholly to him ; only adding an Account of the blackefl: part of it 
 the Attainders that palled the lafl \ ? Years of his Life ; which are com- 
 prehended within this Book, of which I have call over the Relation to 
 the Conclufion of it. 
 
 ■ In the latter Part of his Reign, there were many Things that feem An Account 
 great Severities, efpecially as they are repreiented by the Writers of°^^''^.'^'"Ss 
 the /Jowjw Party, whofc Relations are not a little flrengthned by thegaTnft thePo* 
 faint Excufes and the miftaken Accounts, that moil of the Proteftant P'^ ^^">'- 
 Hiftorians have made. The King was natura^ily impetuous, and could 
 not bear Provocation j the Times were very ticklilh j his Subjects w'ere 
 generally addidted to the old Superllition, efpecially in the Northern 
 Parts ; the Monks and Friars were both numerous and wealthy ,• the '^ 
 
 Pope was his implacable Enemy, the Emperor was a formidable Prince 
 and being then M after of all the NetherlanJsy had many Advantages 
 for the War he dcfigned againfl: England. Cardinal Pool his Kinfman 
 was going over all the Courts of Chriftenckm^ to pcrfwade a League 
 againfl England, as being a Thing of greater Neccllity and Merit than 
 a War againfl the Turk. This being without the leall Aggravation 
 the State of AfTairs at that Time, it muft be confefTed he was lore put 
 to it. A Superllition that Was fo blind and headftrong, and Enemies 
 that v^ere both fo powerful, fo fpiteful, and fo induftrious, made Ri- 
 gour neccfTary ; nor is any General of an Army more concerned to 
 deal feverely with Spies and Intelligencers, than he was to proceed a- 
 gainfl all the Pope's Adherents, or fuch as kept a Correfpondence with 
 Pool. He had obfervcd in Hiftory, that upon much lefs Provocation 
 than himfelf had given, not only feveral Emperors and Foreign Prin- 
 ces had been dilpoflcfTed of their Dominions ; but two of his own kn- 
 ceftors, Henr) the Second, and King John, had been driven to great 
 ExtrcJmitics, and forced to unufual and moft indecent Submiflions by the! 
 Means of the Popes and their Clergy. 
 
 The Pope's Power over the Clergy was fo abfolute, and their De- 
 pcndance and Obedience to him wasfo implicite ; and the Popilli Clergy 
 had fo great an Intereft in the fuperftitious Multitude, whole Confci- 
 enccs they governed, that nothing but a flrongcr Paflion could either 
 tame the Clergy, or quiet the People* If there had been the leafl 
 

 
 Some Car. 
 thufians exe- 
 cuted for dc' 
 nying the 
 King's Supre. 
 maey. 
 
 3^6 The HJftory of the Reformdtm Book III. 
 
 1547. hope of Impunity, the bfl: Part of his Reign would have been one 
 continued Rebellion ; therefore to prevent a more profufe Effufion of 
 Blood, it feemed ncccffary to execuce Laws fevcrely in fbme parcicular 
 Inftances. 
 
 There is one Calumny that runs in a Thread through all the Hiflo- 
 rians of the Popifh Side, which not a few of our own have ignorant- 
 ly taken up, That many were put to Death for not fwearing the King's 
 Supremacy. It is an impudent Falfliood ; for not fo much as one Per- 
 fon fuffercd on that Account ; nor was there any Law for any fuch 
 Oath, before the Parliament in the x8th Year of the King's Reign, 
 when the unfufferable Bull of Pope Taul the 3d engaged him to look a 
 little more to his own Safety. Then indeed in the Oath for maintain- 
 ing the SuccefRon of the Crown, the Subjefts were required under the 
 Fains of Treafon, to fwear that the King was Supreani Head of the 
 Church of England; but that was not mentioned in the former Oath 
 that was made in the 2<;th, and enafted in the i6th Year of his Reign. 
 It cannot but be confeffcd, that to enaft under Pain ef Death that none 
 fhould deny the King's Titles, and to proceed upon that againft Offen-. 
 ders, is a very different Thing from forcing them to fwear the King to 
 be the Supream Head of the Church. 
 
 . The firll Inftance of thefe Capital Proceedings was in Eafier-Termy 
 in the beginning of the 27th Year of his Reign. Three Priors and a 
 Monk, of the Carthufian Order, were then indifted of Treafon, for 
 faying, That the King voas not Supream Head under Chrifl of the Church 
 of England. Thefe were, John Houghton Prior of the Charter-Houfe 
 near London^ Augujlin Wehfier Prior ot Axholme, Rohert Laurence Prior 
 oiBevoll, and Richard Reynolds a Monk oi Sion : This laft was efteem- 
 ed a learned Man, for that Time and that Order. They were tried ia 
 Weflminfler-Hall by a Commiffion of Oyer and Terminer : They pleaded 
 Not Guilty ; but the Jury found them Guilty, and Judgment was given 
 that they fhould fuffer as Tray tors. The Record mentions no other 
 Particulars ; but the Writers of the Popilh Side make a fplendid recital 
 of the Courage and Conflancy they expreffed both in their Tryal, and 
 at their Death. It was no difficult Thing for Men fo ufed to the Le- 
 gend, and the making of fine Stories for Saints and Martyrs of their Or- 
 ders, to drefs up their Narratives with much Pomp. But as their plead- 
 ing l^ot Guilty to the Indidlment, fhews no extraordinary Refolution; fo 
 the Account that is given by them of one Hall, a Secular Pricft, that 
 died with them, is fo falfe, that there is good Reafon to fufpeft all. He 
 is faid to have fufJered on the fame Account j but the Record of his At- 
 tainder gives a very different Relation of it. 
 
 He, and Rohert Feron, were indifted at the fame time, for having 
 faid many fpiteful and trcafbnable Things ; as, ' That the King was a 
 
 * Tyrant, an Heretick, a Robber, and an Adulterer ; that they hoped 
 
 * he (hould die fuch a Death as King John, and Richard the jd died ,- 
 
 * that they looked when thofe in Ireland and Wales fliould invade Eng- 
 
 * land; and they were afTured, that Three Parts of Four in England 
 
 * would be againft the King : They alfo faid. That they fhould never 
 
 * live merrily till the King and the Rulers were plucked by the Pates, 
 
 * and brought to the Pot; and that it would never be well with the 
 ' Church till that was done. Hall had not only laid this, but had alfo 
 written it to Feron the loth of March that Year. When they were 
 brought to the Bar, they at firft pleaded Not Guilty ,- but lull Proof 
 
 being 
 
 And Holl, 
 a Prieft, for 
 confplring 
 againft the 
 King.
 
 Book III. of the Church of Enghnd. 337 
 
 being broughr, they tlicmfelves confelTed the Indidmenc, before the 1547, 
 jury went atide, and put tliemlclvcs on the King's Mercy : Upon ^^•''''V'^'* 
 which, this being an imagining and contriving both War againft the 
 King, ar.d the King's Dcatti, Judgment was given as in Calcs of Trea- 
 fon : But no mention being made of t'cron\ Death, it leems he had his 
 •pardon. Hall fuftred with the Four Cartlmfians who u-eie hanged in 
 ■their Habits. 
 
 They proceeded no further in E^ifler Term : But in Trinity-Term there Three 0- 
 was another Ccmmiffion of Oyer and Terminer^ by wliich Humphrey^^" Monks 
 Middlemore^ William Exmeiv, and Sehaftian Nudigate^ three Monks of 
 che Charter- Houfe, near London, were Indifted of Treafon, for having 
 iaid on the isth of May, ' That they neither could nor would coa- 
 "* fent to be obedient to the King's Highnefs, as true, iaw£iil, and obe- 
 ^ dient Subied:s; to take him to be Supream Head on fiarth of die 
 '■'* Church of England. They ail pleaded t<!ot Guilty, but wei'e found 
 Guilty by the |ury ; and Judgment was given. When they were 
 condemned, they deflred that they might receive the Body of Chrilt 
 before their Death. But ( as Judge 5'/'f/»jd« writ) the Court would 
 not grant it, fincc that was never done in fuch Cafes but by Order 
 from tiie King. Two Days after that, they were Executed. Two 
 othei* Monks of that fame Order, John Rochefier, and James Wolveff 
 fui^ered on the (ame Account at Tork in May this Year. Ten other 
 Carthufian Monks were Ihut up within their Cells ,• where Nine of 
 them dyed, the Tenth was hanged in the beginning oi Angiift. Co;i- 
 cerning thofe Peifons, I find this (aid in fome Original Letters, That 
 they had brought over into England^ and vented in it, fome Books that 
 were written beyond Sea againlf the King's Marriage, and his other 
 Proceedings; which being fouad in their Houfe, they were prefled to 
 perufe the Books that were written for the Kii)g, bat obftinately re- 
 fus'd to do it; they had alio been involved in the Bulinefs of the Maid 
 of Kent, for which, though all the Complices in ii^ except thofe who 
 furTcred for it, were pardoned by Aft of Parliament, yet fijch as had 
 been concerned in it were flill under Jealoufy : And it ii no wonder 
 that upon new Provocations they met with the utterinofl Rigour of 
 the Law, 
 
 Thefe Tryals made way for two others that were more Signal ,• of fi^^''^ 
 the Bifliop of Rffihefter^ and Sir Thomas More. The firfi: of thefe had Tryai an4 
 been a Friibner above a Year, and was very fevercly ufed : He com- ^^'''■ 
 plained, in his Letters to Cromwell, that he had neither Cloaths, nor 
 Fire, being then about Fouilcore. This was underflood at Rome; and 
 Upon it. Pope Clemetit, by an orHcious Kmdoefs to him, or rather in 
 Spite to King Henry, declared him a Cardinal, and lent him a Red 
 Hat. When the King knew this, be lent to Examine him about it j 
 but he proteRed lie had ufed no Endeavours to procure it, and va- 
 lued it fb little, that if the Hat were fying at his Feet, he would not 
 take it up. It never came nearer him than Picardy ^ yet this did pre- 
 cipitate his Ruine. J3ut if he had kept his Opinion of the King's Su- 
 premacy to himielf, they could not have proceeded further. He would 
 not do that, but did upon fevcral Occafions fpeak againfl it ; lb he 
 was brought to his Tryal on the 17th of June. The Lord Chancel- 
 lor, the Duke of Suffolk, and fome other Lords, together with the 
 Judges, fate upon him by a CommilTion of Oyer and Terminer. H^ 
 pleaded Not Guilty ; but being found Guilty, Judgment was palled on 
 
 him
 
 338 ^he Hijlory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 1^4). him to die as a Traytor ; but he was, by a Warrant from the King, 
 ^-^'V"""*"^ beheiided. Upon the 2 2d of June, being the Day of his Execution, 
 he drcfled himfelf with more than ordinary Care ; and wlien his Man 
 took notice of it, he told him he was to be that Day a Bridegroom. 
 As he was led to the Place of Execution, being ftopt in the way by 
 the Croud, he opened his New Tedament, and prayed to this Purpofe; 
 That as that Book had been his Companion and chief Comfort in his 
 Imprifonment, fo then fome Place might turn up to him, that might 
 comfort him in his laft PalTage: This being faid, he opened the Book 
 at a venture, in which thele Words of St. 7o/j«'s Gospel turned up: 
 This is Life eternal to know thee the only true GoJ, and Jefus Chrifi tvhon* 
 thou haftfent. So he fhut the Book with much Satisfadion, and all the 
 way was repeating and meditating on them. When he came to the 
 Scaffold, he pronounced the Te Deum, and after fbme other Devotions 
 his Head was cut off. . ' ,, 
 
 HlsChara- Thus died John Vifher Bifhop of Rochefter^ in the 80th Year of his 
 ft«r- y\gc. He was a learned and devout Man, but much addided to the 
 
 Superftitions in which he had been bred up : And that led him to 
 great Severities againft all that oppoled them. He had been for many 
 Years Confeffor to the King's Grand-Mother, the Countels of Rich- 
 worifl', and it was believed that he perfwaded her to thole Noble De- 
 ligns for the Advancement of Learning, of Founding Two Colleges 
 in Cambridge, St, Johns, and ChrijF s College, and Divinity Profeflors 
 in both Univerfities. And in acknowledgment of this, he was chofeti 
 Chancellor of the Univerficy of Camhridge. Henry the 7th gave him 
 the Bifhoprick of Rochejler, which he, following the Rule of the Pri- 
 mitive Church, would never change for a better; he ufed to fay, his 
 Church was his Wife, and he would never part with her, becaule Ihe 
 was poor. He continued in great Favour with the King, till the Bu- 
 fmefs of the Divorce was fet on foot ; and then he adhered fo firmly 
 to the Queen's Caufe, and the Pope's Supremacy, that he was car- 
 ried by that headlong into great Errors, as appears by the Bufincfs of 
 the Maid of A^ent. Many thought the King ought to have proceeded 
 againft him rather upon that, which was a Point of State, than upon 
 the Supremacy, which was Matter of Confcience, But the King 
 was refolved to let all his SubjeQs fee, there was no Mercy to be 
 cxpe£led by any that denied his being Supream Head of the Churcli ; 
 and therefore made him and More Two Examples for terrifying 
 the reft. This being much cenfured beyond Sea, Gardiner, that 
 was never wanting in the moft fervile Compliances, wrote a Vin- 
 dication of the King's Proceedings. The Lord Herbert had it in his 
 Hands, and tells it was written in elegant Latin, but that he thought 
 it too long, and others judged it was too vehement, to be infertcd in 
 his Hiftory. 
 M»rf'sTryal On the firft of July, Sir Thomas More was brought to his Tryal, 
 and Death. ^\^q fpecial Matter in his Indictment, is, That on the 7 th of May pre- 
 ceding, before Cromwell, Bedfly and fome others that were preffing 
 him concerning the King's Supremacy, he faid he would not meddle 
 with any fuch Matter ; and was fully rtlolvcd to lervc God, and think 
 upon his Paffion, and his own Paffagc out of this World. He had 
 alfb lent divers MelTages by one George Gold to F/Jhcr, to encourage 
 
 * him in his Obftinacy j and laid, The Aft of Parliament is like a S^ord 
 
 * with Two Edges, for if a Man anfwer one way. it will confound 
 
 ' Ms
 
 r, 
 
 niih-.l /;-/• Ri\-- Clii'nrJL.il tl,.- K,]7:-,.niJ Ci-i'iriu-, in S. I'"'i/s (iiurx-li ih
 
 ijook J 11, of the Church of England. 2 2p 
 
 ' his Soul, and if he anfWcr another way, it u-ill confound his Body. 1^47- 
 He had laid the fame I'hing on the Third of June^ in the hearing of ^•'"V'v.* 
 th;^ Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk^ and others ; and that he 
 would not be the Occalion of (he fhortcning his own Life. And wheri 
 Rkhy the King's Sollicitor, came to deal with him further about it,- 
 but (iroceileJ that he came not with any Authority to examine him : 
 They difcourfcd the Matter fully j Rich prelTed him, * That fince t.he 
 
 * Parliament had Enacted, That the King was Supream Head, theSub- 
 ' jeQs oUiiht to agree to it ; and, faid Rkh^ what if the Parliament 
 
 * fhould t^eclare me King, would you not acknowledge me P I would, 
 ' faid More, Quia ( as it is in t!ie Indidment ) Rex per Parliament um 
 ' fieri potejly & per Parliame»tum deprivari ; but More turned the Argu- 
 
 * ment oa Rich^ and {a;d, what if the Parliament made an kOi that 
 
 * God was not God ; Rich acknowleJ}j,cd it cojld not bind : But, 
 
 * replyed to yj/orf , that fince he would acknowledge him King, if he 
 
 * were made lb by Aft of Parliaracnr, why would he not acknowledge 
 
 * the King Supream Head, fince it was Hnafted by Parliament :• To 
 that More anfwered, ' That the Parliament had Power to make a King, 
 ' and the People were bound to acknowledge him, whom they made • 
 
 * but for the Supremacy, though the Parliament had enaO:ed it, yet 
 
 * thofe in foreign Parts had never aflented to it. This was carried by 
 Rich to the King ; and all thefl- Particulars were laid together, and 
 judg:;d to amount to a denial of the Supremacy. Judge Spelman writ, 
 Thai; More being on his Tryal, pleaded ftrongly againft the Statute that' 
 made it Treafon to deny the Supremacy, and argued that the King 
 could net be Supream Head of the Church : When he was brought to 
 the Bar, he pleaded Not Guilty ; but being found Guilty, Judgment 
 was given againft him as a Traytor. He received it with that equal 
 Temper of Mind, which he had fhewed in both Conditions of Life^ 
 and then let himltlf wholly to prepare for Death,- he expielTed great 
 Contempt of the World, and that he was weary of Life, and longed 
 for DeatJi ; which was lo little terrible to him, that his ordinary faceti- 
 oufneli remained with him even on the Scaffold. It was cenfured by 
 many, as light and indecent; but others faid, that way having be^n fa 
 natural to him on all other Occafions,it was not at allaffefted; but lliew- 
 ed that Death did no way difcompofe him, and could not fo much a§ 
 put him out of his ordinary Humour. Yet iiis rallying every Thin*'^ 
 on the Scaffold, was thought to have more of the Scoick than the Chri- 
 ilian in it.r.i After {bme_time fpent in lecret Dw-votions, he was behead- 
 ed on the 6th of ^a/y./i iCw 'A : ~,h-\l b 
 . Thus did Sir Thomas More end hi? Days, in the <\ ^d Year of his Agd^ 
 
 He was a Man of rare Venues, and excellent Parts: In" his Yoirh li^' HisChara- 
 had freer Thoughts of Things, as appears by his Utopia^ and his Letters ^"^'^' 
 to Erafmm ; but afterwards he became (bp^rffitioufly devoted to the Ini 
 terells and Paffions of the Popifh Clergy : And as he ^ftrvc6 them wheh 
 heuas ia nuthority, even to affiff thtm in all their Cruelties; To "he 
 employed his Pen in tlie fame Caule, both, in writi'^g ^eainft all the 
 new vfpinions in general, and in pa-ticular agatnff Tindat, Frith, And 
 Barnes, as alfo an u'^knowa Writer, who itemed of neither Parry, blit 
 repr-ved thv Corruptions of the Clergy, and condemned their cruel 
 Proceedings, /"-lore yvas ,no Divific at all, and it is plain to any tJiat- 
 ftads his Wiling,, iJiat he knew i>otiiing of Antiquity, beyond rli;; Quo- 
 tations he found in the Canon- Law, ;jnd in the Mafter of the i>enten- 
 
 U u cesj
 
 340 The Hiflory of the Reformntion Book lil. 
 
 1 5 47. ces : (only he had read fome of Sr. Auftini Treatifes,) for upon ail Points 
 ^•'''V"^- of Controverfie, he quotes only what he found in thefe ColkQions j 
 nor was he at all converfant in the Critical Learning upon the Scrip- 
 tures; but his peculiar Hxctllency in Writing, vias, that he had a 
 natural eafic ExprefTion, and prefented all the Opinions of Popery with 
 tlieir fair Side to the Reader, dlfguifing or concealing the black fide 
 of them with great Art ; and was no lefs dextrous in expofing all the 
 ill Confequences that could follow on the Doftrine of the Reformers j 
 and had upon .all Occafions great Score of pleafant Talcs, which he 
 ap[jlicd wittily to his Purpofe, And in this confifts the great Strength 
 of his Writings, which were dtfigned rather for the Rabble, than for 
 Learned Men. But for Juftice, Contempt of Money, Humility, and a 
 true Genercfity of Mind, he was an Example to the Age in which he 
 lived. 
 
 But there is one thing unjuftly added to the Praile of thefe two 
 great Men, or rather feigned, on defign to leffen the King's Honour ; 
 that Fifher and he penned the Book which the King wrote againft: Lu- 
 ther. This i'^Wf/'jlirftpubrilhed, and i?f//4r»;/« and others (ince have 
 taken it up upon his Authority. Strangers rnay be pardoned fuch Er- 
 rors, but they are inexcufable in an Englijh Man. For in Morels prin- 
 ted Works there is a Letter written by him out of the Tower to Crom- 
 well, in which he gives an Account of his Behaviour concerning the 
 King's Divorce and Supremacy ; among other Particulars one is, ' That 
 
 * when the King fhewed him his Book againft Luther^ in which he had 
 
 * alTerted the Pope's Primacy to be of Divine Right, More defired 
 
 * him to leave it out ; fince as there had been many Ccntefts between 
 
 * Popes and other Princes, fb there might fall in fome between the 
 
 * Popeand thcJCing,* therefore he thought it was not fit for the Xing 
 
 * to publilh any thing,- which might be afterwards made ufe of againft 
 
 * himfelf; and advifed him either to leave out that Point, or to 
 
 * touch it very tenderly ,• but the King would not follow his Coun- 
 
 * fei, being perhaps lb fond of what he had writ, that he would ra- 
 ther run himfelf upon a great Inconvenience, th.m leave out any thing 
 that he fanfied fo well written. This fliews that More knew that 
 Book was written by the King's own Pen ; and either Sanders never 
 read this, or malicioufly concealed it, left it (hould difcover his foiil 
 Dealing. 
 
 Thefe Executions fo terrified all People, thqt there were no further 
 Provocations given; and all Perlbns cither took the Oaths, or did lb 
 dextroufiy conceal their Opinions, that till the Rebellions of Lincoln-^ 
 fhire, and the North, broke out, none fuffered after this upon a pub- 
 lick Account. But when thele were quieted, then the King refolved 
 to make the chief Authors and Leaders of thofe Commotions publick 
 Examples to the reft. The Duke of Norjolk proceeded againft many 
 of them by Martial Law, there were alfo 'Lryals at Common Law, of 
 a great many more that were taken Prilbners, and lent up to London. 
 Attainders The Lords Darcy and Hujfie were tried by their Peers, the Marquels 
 beiHonw^r ®^ E-xeter fitting Steward. And a Commilfion of Oyer and Terminer 
 (juieted. being ilTued cut for the Tryal of the reft, Sir Robert Conflalle^ Sir 
 John Bulmer and his Lady, Sir Francis Pigot, ^\t Stephen Hamilton, and 
 Sir Thomas Fiercy, and Ask, that had been their Captain ; with the Ab- 
 bats of Walley, Jerveux, Bridlington, Lenton, Wohurn and Kingftead^ 
 and Mackrall the Monk that fir ft railed the Lincoln/hire ilcbcllion, with 
 
 Sixteen
 
 BookllL of the Church of Enghnd. '^^i 
 
 Sixceen more were Indi£ted of High Truafon, for chelate Rebellions, if? 7. 
 And after all the Stcpi of tlie Rebellion were reckoned up, it is ad- <^^^ 
 ded in the Indiftmenr, that they had met together on the 17th of 
 Jamury, and conluked how to renew it, and profecute it further, be- 
 ing encouraged by ths new Rifings that were then in the Noith, by 
 which they had forfeited all tlie Favour, to whicJi they could have 
 pretended, by virtue of the Indemnity that was granted in the end 
 of December, and of the Pardons which tHey had taken out. They 
 were all found Guilty, and had Judgment as in Cafes of Treafbn ; di- 
 vers of thsm were carried down into Lincohi/hire, and Tork/hire, and 
 executed in the Places where their Treafons were committed ; but molt 
 of them fuilFered at London, and amDng others, the Lady Bulmsr, ^••'i 
 (whom others call Sir '^ohn Bulmer's Harlot) was burnt for it in Smith- 
 field. 
 
 The only Cenfure that paflfed on this, was, that Advantages were Cenfures 
 taken on too flight Grounds to break the King's Indemnity and Pardon -^^^ "Ponit. 
 lince it does not appear, that after their Pardon they did any thino- 
 more than meet and confhlt. But the Kingdom was fb fhakcn with 
 that Rebellion, that if it had not been for the great Condudl of the 
 Duke of tJorfolky the King had by all Appearance loft his Crown. 
 And it will not feem fbrange that a King, (efpecially fb tempered as 
 this was,) had a Mind to ftrike Terror into the reft of his Subjecis, by 
 fome fignal Examples, and to put out of the Way the chief Leaders 
 of that Defign : Nor was it to be wondered at, that the Abbats and 
 other Clergy-men who had been fo aftive in that Commotion, were 
 feverely handled. It was by their Means that the Difcontcnts were 
 chiefly fomented,- they had taken all the Oaths that were enjoyned 
 them, and yet continued to be ftill pradifing againft the State ; which, 
 as it was highly contrary to the peaceable Dodrines of the Chriftian 
 Religion, fo it was in a fpecial manner contrary to tlie Rules wliicli 
 they prOi'elTed, that obliged them to forfake the World, and to follow 
 a ReHgious and Spiritual Courfe of Life. 
 
 The next Example of Jufticc was a Year after this, of one Forreji i ? ? S= 
 an Ohfervant Friar,- he had teen, as Sanders laid, Confeifor to Qjeen f''"-'fl'f E- 
 Katherine^ but it ieems departed from her Interelh ; for he infinuatedaa^d^Herefie 
 himfclf lb into the King, that he recovered his good Opinion. Beincr 
 an ignorant and lewd Man, he was accounted by the better fort of 
 that Houfe , to which he belonged in Gremvich , a Reproach to 
 their Order, (concerning this, I have leen a large Account in an O- 
 riginal Letter written by a Brother of the fame Houfe.} Having re- 
 gamed the King's good Opinion, he put all thofe who had favoured 
 the Divorce under great Fears, for he proceeded cruelly againft them. 
 And one Rainjcroft, being iufpedcd to have given fecret Intelligence 
 of what was done among them, was (hut up, and [0 hardly iifed, 
 that he died in their Hands, which was (as that Letter relates) done 
 by Hriar Forrefl's Means. This Friar was found to have denyed the 
 King's Supremacy ,- for though he himfelf bad fworn it, yet he had 
 inluled it into many in Contelfion, that the King was not the Su- 
 pream Head of the Church. Being queftioncd for thefe Pratlices 
 which were fb contrary to the Oath that he had taken, ' heanfwer- 
 * ed, that he took that Oath with his outward Man, but his inward "'^'' 
 ' Man had never confented to it. Being brought to his Tiyal, and 
 aceufcd oi feveral Heretical Opinions that he held, he lubmitted him- 
 
 U u 2 Ic!f
 
 24.2 ^ he Hi fiory of the Reformation Book 111. 
 
 fclf to the Church. Upon this he had more Freedom allowed him 
 in the Frilon ; but fome coming to him diverted him from the Sub- 
 mifibn he had offered j fb that when the Paper of Abjuration was 
 brought him, he refufed to fet his Hand to it: Upon which he was 
 judged an Obftinate Heretick. The Records of thefe Proceedings are 
 Joft, but the Books of that Time fay, That he denied the Gofpel ; ir 
 is hke it was upon that Pretence, that without the Determination of 
 the Church it had no Authority, upon which, feveral Writers of the 
 Roman Communion have faid undecent and fcandalous Things of the 
 Holy Scriptures. He was brought to SmithfielJ^ where were prefent 
 the Lords of the Council, to offer him his Pardon, if he would ab- 
 iure. Latimer made a Sermon againft his Errors, and ftudied to per- 
 fuade him to recant ; but he continued in his former Opinions, lo he 
 was put to Death in a mod fevcre manner. He was hanged in a 
 Chain about his middle, and the great Image that was brought out of 
 Wales-, was broken to Pieces, and ferved for Fewel Co burn him. He 
 flicwcd great Unquietnefs of Mind, and ended his Life in an ungodly 
 Manner, as Hall fays, who adds this Character of him, * That he had 
 ' little Knowledge of God and his fmcerc Truth, and lefs Truft in 
 
 * him at his ending. 
 
 The Pro- ^^ Winter that Year a Correfpondence was difcovered with Cardi- 
 ceedings a- nal Pooly who was bare-faced in his Treafonable Dcflgns againft the 
 gainftCardi- j^jj^g_ His Brother Sir Geofrey Pool difcovered the whole Plot. Foe 
 Friends, which the Matqucfs of Exeter, (that was the King's Coufin-German 
 by his Mother, who was Edtcard the 4th"'s Daughter,) the Lord Moh- 
 tacHte, the Cardinal's Brother, Sir Ceofrey Fool, and Sir Edward Nevilly 
 were fent to the Toxver in the beginning of Novemher. They were ao 
 cufcd for having maintained a Correfpondence with the Cardinal, and 
 for exprelTing an Hatred of the King, with a Diflike of his Proceed- 
 ings, and a Readinefs to rife upon any good Opportunity that might 
 offer it felf. 
 
 The fpecial matter brought againft the Lord Montacnte^ and the 
 Marquefs of Exeter, who were tried by their Peers on the id and ^d 
 of December^ in the ^oth Year of this Reign, is, ' That whereas Car- 
 
 * dinaJ Pool, and others, had caft off their Allegiance to the King, 
 
 * and gone and fubmitted themfclves to the Pope, the King's mortal E- 
 
 * nemy, the Lord Montacute did on the 24th of July, in the aSth Year of 
 
 * the King's Reign, a few Months before the Rebellion broke out, fay, 
 
 * That he liked well the Proceedings of his Brother the Cardinal, but 
 
 * did not Hke the Proceedings of the Realm ; and faid, I truft to fee a 
 
 * Change of this World ; I truft to have a fair Day upon thofe Knaves 
 
 * that rule about the King ; and I truft to fee a merry World one Day. 
 Words to the fame Purpofe were alfb charged on the Marquefs ; the 
 Lord Montacute further faid, ' I would I were over the Sea with my 
 
 * Brother, for this World will one Day come to Stripes ; it muft needs 
 
 * fo come to pafs, and I fear we fhall lack nothing fo much as honeft 
 
 * Men: He alfo faid, He had dreamed that the King was dead, and 
 
 * though he was not yet dead, he would die fuddenly ; one Day his 
 
 * Leg will kill him, and then we fhall have jolly ftirring; laying alfo, 
 
 * That he had never loved him from his Childhood, and that Car- 
 
 * dinal Wolfey would have been an honeft Man, if he had had an ho- 
 
 * neft Mafter. And the King having faid to the Lords he would leave 
 
 * them one Day, having fome Apprehcnfions he might fhortly die, that 
 
 * Lord
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. * i?4i 
 
 * Lordfaid, If he will ferve us fo, we fliall hz happily rid ; a Time 
 
 * will come, I fear we ihall not tarry the Time, wc fhali do well e- 
 ' nough. He had alio faid, He was forry the Lord Ahert^avenny was 
 
 * dead, for he could have made Ten Thouiand Men,- and for his Pare 
 
 * he would go and live in the Weft, where the Marquefs of Exeter was 
 
 * ftrong ; and had alio laid upon the breaking of the Northern Rcbel- 
 
 * Hon, that the Lord Darcy played the Fool, for he went to pluck away 
 ' the Council, but he fhould have begun with the Head firft, but I be- 
 
 * flirew him for leaving off lb foon. Thefe were the Words charged 
 on thofe Lords, as clear Difcoveries of their Trealonablc Defigns ' 
 and that they knew of the Rebellion that brake out, and only intended 
 to have kept it off to a fitter Opportunity ; they were alfo acculed of 
 Correfpondence with Cardinal Pool^ that was the Ki/ig's declared Ene- 
 my. Upon thefe Points the Lords pleaded tJet Guilty ^ but were found 
 Guilty by their Peers, and fo Judgment was given. 
 
 On the 4th of December were Indided Sir Geofrey Pool, for holding 
 Correfpondence with his Brother the Cardinal, and faying, That he 
 approved of his Proceedings, but not of the King's ; Sir Edward Ue- 
 vill. Brother to the Lord Abergavenny, for faying, The King was a 
 Beaft, and vi'orfe than a Beaft ; George Crofts, Chancellor of the Ca- 
 thedral of Chichefter, for faying, The King ivas not, hut the Pope was, 
 Supream Head of the Church ; and fohn Collins, for faying, The Kin? 
 would hang in Hell one Day for the plucking down of Abbeys : All thofe 
 Sir Edward Nevill only excepted, pleaded Guilty, and fo they were 
 condemned ; but Sir Geofrey Pool was the only Perfon of the Number 
 that was not Executed, for he had difcovered the matter. At the 
 fame Time alfo. Cardinal Pool, Michael Throgmorton Gentleman, Johit 
 Hilliard and Thomas Goldwell Clerks, and William Peyto a Francifcan 
 of the Obfervance, were Attainted in Abfence; bscaufe they had caft 
 off their Duty to the King, and had fubjedied themfelves to the ^ii- 
 lliop of Rome, Pool being made Cardinal by him ; and for writing 
 Treafonable Letters, and fending them into England. On the 4th of 
 February following, Sir Nicholas Carew, that was both Maftcr of the 
 Horfe, and Knight of the Garter, was Arraigned for being an adhe- 
 rent to the Marquifs of Exeter, and having fpoke of his Attainder 
 as unjuft and cruel, he was alfo Attainted and Executed upon the jd of 
 March. When he was brought to the Scaffold, he openly acknow- 
 ledged the Errors and Superftitions in which he had formerly lived ,• and 
 bleffed God for his Imprifonment, ' for he then began to relifh the, Life 
 
 * and Sweetnefs of God's Holy Word, which was brought him by his 
 
 * Keeper, one Phillips, who followed the Reformation, and had for- 
 
 * merly fuffered for it. 
 
 After thefe Executions, followed the Parliament in the Year 15^9, i ^ ? 9. 
 in which not only thefe Attainders that were already pafled were SomeAtcair- 
 confirmed, but new ones of a flrange and unheard of Nature were i!°a"ng'the"'^ 
 Enadted. It is a blemifh never to be walhed off, and which cannot Parties. 
 be enough condemned, and was a Breach of the mofl; Sacred and un- 
 alterable Rules of Jufticc, which is capable of no Excufe; it was the 
 Attainting of fome Pcrfons, whom they held in Cullody, without 
 bringing them to a Tryal. Concerning which, I fliall add what the 
 great Lord Chief Jufticc Cook writes, ' Although I queftion not the 33 '^■^'' 
 
 * Power of the Parliament, for without Queftion the Attainder ftands 
 
 * of Force in Law, yet this I fay of the manner of proceeding, Au- 
 
 U u J ' ferat
 
 * 04.2 The Hijlory of the Reformatio fj Book IIL 
 
 * ferat Ohiivio, ft poteft, fi non utrumque fikntium tegat. For the more 
 J,^i^ ' high and abfolute the Jurifdidion of the Court is, the nwre juft and 
 
 * honourable it ought to be in the Proceedings, and to give Exani- 
 
 * pie of Juflice to Inferior Courts. The chief of thelc were the 
 Marchionefs of Exeter and the Countefs of Sarum. The Ipecial Mat- 
 ter charged on the former, is, her confederating her felf to Sir iV/Vo- 
 lai Carew in his Trcafons ; to which is added, ' That fhe had com- 
 ' mitted divers other abominable Treafons. The latter is laid to have 
 
 * confederated her felf with her Son the Cardinal, with other aggru- 
 
 * vating Words. It does not appear by the Journal, that any VVit- 
 nefles were examined ; only that Day that the Bills were read the 
 third Time in the Houlc of Lords, Cromwell Ihewcd them a Coat of 
 white Silk, which the Lord Admiral had found among the Countefs 
 of Sarurns Cloths, in which the Arms of England were wrought on 
 the one Side, and the Standard that was carried before the Rebels was 
 on the other Side. This was brought as an Evidence that Ihe approv- 
 ed of the Rebellion. Three Irijh Priefls were alio Attainted for car- 
 rying Letters out of Irelanri, to the Pope and Cardinal Foole, as alfo 
 Sir Adrian Fffrtefcue, for endeavouring to raife Rebellion, Thomas D'lng- 
 levy a Knight of St. John of Jerufaleniy and Robert Granceter Merchant, 
 for going to feveral Foreign Princes, and perfuading them to make 
 War upon the King, and adift the Lords Darcy and Hujfie in the Re- 
 bellion they had raifed. Two Gentlemen, a Dominican Friar, and a 
 Yeqman, were by the fame Adl Attainted, for faying, Ih^t that veno- 
 wous Serpent y the Bijhop of Rome, wat Supream Head of the Church of 
 England. Another Gentleman, two Prielts, and a Yeoman, are Attaint- 
 ed for Trcafon in general, no particular Crime being fpecificd. Thus 
 Sixteen Perfons were in this manner Attainted, and if there was any Ex- 
 amination of Witneflcs for conviding them, it was either in the Star- 
 Chamber, or before the Frivy-Council ; for there is no mention of a- 
 ny Evidence that was brought in the Journals : There was allb much 
 hafte made in the pading this Bill ; it being brought in the loth of May^ 
 was read that Day for the firft: and fecond Time, and the nth of May 
 ibr the third Time. The Commons kept it five Days before they fent 
 it back, and added fome more to thofe that wer,e in the Bill at firft ; 
 but how many were named in the Bill Originally, and bow many were 
 afterwards added, cannot be known. Fortefcue and Dingley fufTercd 
 the loth of jfw/y. As for the Countefs of Sarum, the Lord Herlert 
 faw in a Record, that Bulls from the Pope were found in her Houfc,' 
 
 * that fhe kept Correfpondencc with her Son, and that fhe forbad 
 
 * her Tenants to have the New Teftament in E^iglifh, or any other' 
 
 * of the Books that had been publiflied by the King's Authority. She 
 was then about Seventy Years of Age, but fhewed by the Anfwers :(he 
 made, tha': flie had a vigorous and Mafculine Mind: She was kept t\^t) 
 Years Prifoner in the Tower, after the Ad: had pafTcd, the King by 
 that Reprieve dcfigning to oblige her Son to a be^cr Behaviour j but up- 
 on a frefli Provocation by a new Rebellion in ^he North, fhe was be- 
 headed, and in her, the Name and Line of Plantagenet determined. 
 The Marchionefs of Exeter died a Natural Death. In t^ovemler this 
 Year were the Abbots of Reading, Glaffenlury and Colchefhr Attainted 
 of Trcafon, of which mention was made formerly.
 
 ' ■' ■ ■■— ^ ■ ■■^■— » ■ , . , - ., •! . . Il l, 
 
 BookJJL of the Church of Eno^md. ^^4-^ 
 
 In the Parliament that fate in the Year 1 540, they went on to follow i cat, 
 that ftrange Precedent, which they had made the former Year. By the 
 S6th Adl Giles Heron was Attainted of Treafon, no fpecial Matter bein? 
 mentioned. 
 
 By the S7th Adl, Richard Fetherjloun-, Thcinas Alell, and Erhvard 
 Toively Priefts, and k1^////am Horn^ a Yeoman, were Attainted for deny- 
 ing the King's Supremacy, and adhering to the Bilhop of Rome .- by tlie 
 lame Ad:, the Wife of one Tirrell^ Elq; was Attainted, for rcfufingih^: 
 Duty of Allegiance, and denying Prince Edward to be Prince and' Heir, 
 of the Crown ; and one Laurence Cooky of Doncafier, was alio Attaint- 
 ed for contriving the King's Death. 
 
 By the 58th A<fl, Gregory Buttolph, Adam Damplip, and Edward 
 Brindeholm Clerks, and Clement Philpot Gentleman, were Attainted 
 for adhering to the Bilhop of Rome^ for correfponding with Cardinal 
 Fooly and endeavouring to furprize the Town of Callais : By the fame 
 Ad:, Barnes, Gerrard znd Jerome were Attainted, of whole Sufferinos 
 an Account has been already given. ->i ^-. 
 
 By the <;9th Ad, William Bird a Prieft, arfd Chaplain to the Lord 
 Hungerford, was attainted, for having faid to one that was going to 
 aflift the King againftthe Rebels in the North, ' I am forty thou goelV 
 feeft thou not how the King pIucReth down Images and Abbeys every 
 Day : And if the King go tiiither himfelf, he will never come Home 
 again, nor any of them all which go with him, and in truth it were 
 pity he fliould ever come Home again. And at another Time, upon 
 ones faying, O good Lord, I ween all the World will be Hcreticks'in 
 a little Time : Bird faid, Doefl: thou marvel at that ? I tell thee it is 
 no marvel, for the great Mafter of all is an Herctick, and fuch a 
 one as there is not his Like in the World. 
 
 By the fame Ad the Lord Hungerford was likewife attainted. 
 The Crimes fpecificd are, that he knowing Bird to be a Traitor, did 
 entertain him in his Houi'e as his Chaplain ; that he ordered another of 
 his Chaplains, Sir Hugh Wood, and one Dr. Maudlin to ufe Conjur- 
 ing, that they might know how long the King fhouldlive, and whe- 
 ther he ftiould be vidorious overliis Enemies or not ; and tliatthefe 
 three Years laftpafl: he had frequently committed the deteflable Sin of 
 Sodomy with feveral of his Servants: All thefe were attainted by that 
 Parliament. The Lord Hungerford was Exccured the fame Day with 
 Cromivell; he died in fuch Dilbrder, that fome thought he was Frenetick 
 for he called often to the Executioner to difpatch him, and faid he was 
 Weary of Life, and longed to be dead, which feemed ftrange in a Man 
 that had fo little Caufe to hope in his Death. For Powel, Fetber/lottMy 
 and Ahell, they fuffercd the fame Day with Barnes and his Friends, as 
 hath been already (hewn. 
 
 This Year Sampfon Bilhop of Chicheffer, and one Dodor Wiljon were 
 put in the Tower, upon Sufpicion of Correfpondence with the Pope. 
 But upon their SubmilTion they had their Pardon and Liberty. In the 
 Year 1541, Five Prieils, and Ten fecular Ferfons, Ibme of them being 
 Gentlemen of Qiiality, were raifing a new Rebellion in Torkfhire ; which 
 was lupprefled in Time, and the Promoters of it being apprehended, 
 were Attainted and Executed, and this occafioned the Death of the 
 Countefs of Sarum, after the Execution of the Sentence had been de- 
 layed ahnoft two Years. 
 
 Tht
 
 ^ 244. 7he Hiflory of the Reformation Book IIL 
 
 ,549. The lad Inflance of the King's Severity was in the Year 154^. in 
 ^•"V"^ which one Gardiner that was the Bifliop of Winchefter's Kiniman and 
 Secretary, and Three other Pricfts, were tryed, for denying the King's 
 Supremacy, and foon after executed. But what fpecial Matter was 
 laid to their Charge, cannot be known, for the Record of their Attain- 
 der is loft. 
 • The Con- Thele were the Proceedings of this King againll thofe that adhered 
 clufion. to the Intercfts of Rorne : In which, though there is great ground for 
 juft Cenfure, for as the Laws were rigorous, fo the Execution of them 
 was raifed to the higheft that the Law could admit ; yet there is no- 
 thing in them to juftifie all the Clamours which that Party have raifed 
 againft King Henry, and by which they purfue his Memory to this Day ; 
 and are far fhort, both in Number and Degrees, of the Cruelties of 
 Queen Mary's Reign, which yet they endeavour all that is poflible to 
 extenuate or deny. . '. 
 
 To Conclude, we have now gone through the Reign of King Henry 
 the 8tb, who is rather to be reckoned among the Great than the Good 
 Princes. He cxercifed fo much Severity on Men of both Perfuafions, 
 that the Writers of both Sides have laid open his Faults, and taxed his 
 Cruelty. But as neither of them were much obliged to him, fo none 
 have taken fo much Care to fct forth his good Qualities, as his Ene- 
 mies have done to enlarge on his Vices : I do not deny that he is to be 
 numbered among the ill Princes, yet I cannot rank him with the 
 worjl. 
 
 The Bid of the Third Booh, and of the firfl Tart. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 AD-
 
 Book III. of the Church of England 343 
 
 ADDENDA. 
 
 After fome of the Sheets of this Hiflory were wrought off, 2 met 
 with Manufcripts cf great Anthority, out of which J have college d fe- 
 veral Particulars, that give a clear light to the Proceedings in thefe 
 Times ; which, fince they came too late to my Knowledge to he put in 
 their proper Places, I jhall here add them with References to the Pla- 
 ces to which they belong. 
 
 Ad Page 193. Line 54. 
 
 THere it is faid, That the Earl of Wiltfhire, Father to Queen 
 Anne Boleyn, was one of the Peers that judged her. 
 In this I too impUcitely followed Dodor Heylin ; he feem- 
 ing to write with more than ordinary Care for the Vindication of 
 that Queen ; and with fuch Aflurance, as if he had feen the Re- 
 cords concerning her, fo that I took this upon Trufl: from him. The 
 Reafon of it was, that in the fearch I made of Attainders, I did not 
 find the Record of her Tryal ; fo I concluded, That cither it was 
 deflroyed by Order during her Daughter's Reign, or was acciden- 
 tally loft fince that Time : And thus having no Record to direft me, 
 I too eafily followed the Printed Books in that Particular. But after 
 that Part of this Hiftory was wrought off, I by chance met with it in 
 another Place where it was miflaid ; and there I difcovered the trror 
 I had committed. The Earl of Wiltfhire was not one of her Judges ; 
 thofe by whom Ihe was cryed, were the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquifs 
 of Exeter, the Earls of Arundel, Oxford, Northumberland, Weflmore- 
 land, Derbi, Worcefler, Rutland, Suffex and Huntington, and the Lords 
 Audley, Delaware, Mountague; Morly, Dacres, Cobham, Maltravers, Powisy 
 Mounteagle, Clinton, Sands, tVindfor, Wentworth^ Burgh, and Mordant : In 
 all Twenty Six, and not Twenty Eight as I reckoned them upon a 
 Vulgar Error. The Record mentions one Particular concerning the 
 £arl of Northumberland-^ that he was taken with a fudden Fit of Sick- 
 nefs, and was forced to leave the Court before the Lord Rochford was 
 tryed. This might have been only Catual : But fince he was once in 
 Love with the Queen, and had defigned to marry her, ( fee Page 4+) 
 it is no wonder if fo fad a Change in her Condition, did raife an un- 
 ufual Difordcr in him. 
 
 When I had difcovered the Miftake I had made, as I refolved to 
 publifli this free Confeflion of it ; fo I let my lelf, not withont fome 
 Indignation to examine upon what Authority Do(5lor Heylin had led 
 me into it. I could find no Author that went before him in it, but 
 Sanders ; the chief Defign of whofe Writing was, to defame Queen 
 
 Elizabeth,
 
 34+ -^'^^ Hijlory of the ReforrHatkn Book 111. 
 
 Eiizaheth, and to blafl: her Title to the Crown. To that end it was 
 no ill Piece of his Skill, to pcrfuadc the World of her Mother's Lewd- 
 nefs, to fay, that her own Father was convinced of it, and condemn- 
 ed her for it. And Dot^orHeylin took this, as he has done many other 
 Things^ too cafily upon Sanders's Tcnimony. 
 
 j4c/ Page zcS. Line i6. 
 
 Coileft. The Articles of Religion, of which an Abflradl is there fet down, are 
 Addenda, intieed pubUfhed by fuller ; but he law not the Original, with all the 
 Nurnt.i. SubCcripcions.to it, which I have had in my Hands j and therefore I 
 have put it in the Collection with three other Papers, which were loon 
 after offered to the King by Cranmer. 
 Coiiea. The one is in the Form of Fifteen Qiierics, concerning fome Abufcs 
 Addenda by which the Pcoplc had been deceived ,- as namely, by thele Dod^rincs, 
 Kumb.z. j.j^^|. \yjtiiout Contrition Sinners may be reconciled to God: That it is 
 m the Power of the Prieft, to pardon or not pardon Sin at his pleafurc ; 
 and that God's Pardon cannot be attained without Pricitly Abfblution. 
 Alfb he complained that the People trufted to outward Ceremonies ; 
 And tlicir Curates, for their own Gain, encouraged them in it. It 
 was dbferved, that the Opinion of Clergy-mens being exempted from 
 the Secular Judge was ill-grounded ; that Bifhops did ordain without 
 due Care and Tryal ; that the dignified Clergy mifapply'd their Reve- 
 nues, did not follow their firft Inllitution, and did not rcfide upon their 
 Benefices. 
 Coiiea. And, in fine, he moves that the Four Sacraments, which had been 
 Addenda j^fj. undetermined by the former Articles, might be examined : Tlie 
 ^'"" ■ ^' outward Signs and Adions, the Promifcs made upon them, and the Ef- 
 ficacy that was in them being well confidcfed. 
 
 The fecond Paper confilts of Two Resolutions, made concerning 
 Confirmation by the Arch-bifhop of Canterbury^ and StokeJJy Biiliop of 
 London, ( by which I perceive the way of examining Matters, by gi- 
 ving out of Queflions to Bifliops and Divines, was Iboner pradlifed, 
 than when I fidl took notice of it, Page 286.) There are fcvcial other 
 Papers concerning Confirmation, but thele are only rubfcribed ; and 
 the reft do generally follow thele Two Prelates, who were then the 
 •Heads of Two different Parties. The Arch-bifliop went on this ground, 
 7^hat all Things were to be tryed by the Scripture ; but' Stokejly, and 
 ■almoft the whole Clergy, were for receiving the Tradition of the 
 Church, as not much inferior to the Scriptures, which he aflerts m 
 his Subfcription. 
 Coiieft. The third Paper was offered to the King by Cranmer, to perfuade 
 Addenda jiirn to procccd to a further Reformation ; that Things might be long 
 w«w^. 4. and ^vcll confidered before they were determined; that nothing might 
 be declared a Part of God's Faith, without good Proofs from Scripture; 
 the departing from which Rule had been the Occafion of all the Er- 
 rors that had been in the Church : That now Men would not be \cA 
 as they had been, but would examine Matters • that many Things 
 were now acknowledged to be Truths, fuch as the unlawfulnefs of 
 the Pope's ufurped Power, for which many had formerly liiff^crcd Death. 
 Whereupon he defires that fome Points might be examined by Scri- 
 pture ; as, whether there is a Purgatory j whether departed Souls 
 
 ought 
 
 \
 
 Book lif. of the Church of England. 2 j.c 
 
 ought to be invocated ; whether Tradition ought to be beh'evcd ■ whe- 
 ther there be any Satisfadion bcfidcs the Sacisfadion of Chrifl: • whe- 
 ther Free-will may difpofe it lelf to Grace ; and whether Images ought 
 to be kifled, or ufed to any other End, but as Reprcfentations of a 
 Piece of Hi{lory> In all thefc he defired the King would fuipcnd his 
 Judgment ; and in particular, that he would not determine agf iniV the 
 Lawfulnefs of the Marriage of the Clergy, but would for Jom? cime 
 (ilence both Parties. He alfo propofed that this Point might, by Or- 
 der from the King, be examined in the Univcrfities before indifferent 
 Judges : That all the Arguments againft it might be given to the De- 
 fendants Twelve Days before the pubhck Difputation ; and he offered 
 that if thofe who (hould defend the Lawfulnefs of Priefls Marriage, 
 were in the Opinion of indifferent Judges overcome, they fhould wil- 
 ^I'ingly fuffer Death for it ; but if otherwife, all they defired was. That 
 •in that Point the King might leave them in the Liberty to which the 
 Word of God left them. 
 
 Ad Fage 249. Line i8. 
 
 I have feen a much fuller Paper concerning Orders and Ecclefiaftical Coiieft. 
 Functions, (^which the Reader will find in the CoUedion) figned by ^'^'^'^''^^ 
 Cromwell, the Two Arch-bifhops, and Eleven Bi (hops, and Twenty Di- """ '^' 
 vines and Canonifts, declaring, That the Power of the Keys, and other 
 Church-Funcftions, is formally diftind from the Power of the Sword, 
 That this Power is not abfolute, but to be limited by the Rules that 
 are in. the Scripture ; and is ordained only for the Edification and 
 Good of the Church : That this Power ought to be dill prefcrved, 
 fuKC it was given by Chrift as the mean of reconciling Sinners to 
 God. Orders were alfo declared a Sacrament, fince they confiflcd of 
 an outward Aftion inflituted by Chrifl, and an inward Grace confer- 
 red with them : But that all Inferiour Orders, Janitors, Lectors, &c. 
 were brought into the Church to beautifie and adorn it, and were 
 taken from the Temple of the Jews : And that in the NeW Teflamoric 
 there is no mention made but of Deacons or Minifters, and Prieffs 
 or Bilhops : Nor is there belonging to Orders any other Ceremony 
 mentioned in the Scripture, but Prayer and Impofition of Hands. This 
 was figned either in the Year in'^j or i^?S, fince it is fubfcribed 
 both by John Hilfey, Bifhop o{ Rcchefler, and Edward Fox, BiHiop of 
 Hereford, for the one was confecrated in 1537, and the other dyed in 
 l^iay^^^S. •","-' 
 
 On this Paper I will add two Remarks ; the one is, That after this 
 I do never find the Inferiour Degrees under a Deacon mentioned in this 
 Church ; fo it feems at this time they were laid afide. They were firfl 
 fet up in the Church about the end of the Second, or the beginning of 
 the Third Century, in the middle of which we find both Cornelius ^x- 
 fhop of Rome, and St. Cyprian mentioning them as Orders that were 
 then eflabliflied ; and it feems they were defigned as previous Steps to 
 the Sacred Fundions, that none might be Ordained to thefe, but fuch 
 as had been longb:fore fcparated from a Secular State of Life, and had 
 given good Proofs of thcmfelves in thefe loWer Degrees. But it turned 
 in the Church of Rome to be only a Matter of Form ; and many took 
 the firft Tonfure, that they might be exempted from the Secular Power, 
 and be qualified for Commcndams, and fomc other worldly Advantages, 
 
 CO
 
 ^ .. , ■ ■■ ■ ■ — — ^ 
 
 r>A6 i he Hijlory of the Re form at ion Book ill. 
 
 CO which thefc lower Orders were lufficicnt, by thofe Rules which the 
 Canonills had brought iii. 
 
 Another Thing is, that both in this Writing, and in the ncccflary 
 Erudition of a Chriftian Man, Bifhops and Priefts arc Ipokcn of as one 
 and the fame Office. In the ancient Church they knew none of thofc 
 Subtikics which were founJ out in the latter Ages. It was then thought 
 enough that a Bifliop was to be dedicated to his Fundion by a new 
 Impofition of Hands; and chat fcvcral Offices could not be performed 
 without Bilhops ; fuch as Ordination, Confirmation, ©c, but they did 
 not refine in thefe Matters, lb much as to enc]uirc whether Billiops and 
 Priefts differed in Order and OfUcc^ or only in Degree. But after the 
 Schoolmen fell to examine Matters of Divinity with logical and unin- 
 telligible Niceties, and the Canonifts began to Comment upon the 
 Rules of the ancient Church, they fludied to make Bifliops and Priefts 
 feem very near one another, fo that the Difference was but Imall. 
 They did it with different Dcfigns. The Schoolmen havirfg fee up 
 the grand Myftery of Tranfubftantiation, where to exalt the prieflly 
 Office as much as was poffible : For the turning the Ifoft into God 
 was fo great an Adtion, that they reckoned there could be no Office 
 higher than that which qualified a Man to fo mighty a Perforraanc;; : 
 Therefore as they changed the Form of Ordination from wlsac it was 
 anciently believed to confift in, to a delivering of the Sacred VcfTels, 
 and held that a Prieft had his Orders by that Rite, and not by the Im- 
 pofition of Hands ; fo they raifed their Order or Office fo high, a? to 
 jnake it equal with the Order of a Bifliop : But as they defigned to 
 .extol the Order of Prieflhood, fo the Canonifts had as great a Mind 
 ico deprefs the Epifcopal Order. They generally wrote for PKcferment, 
 ^ahd the Way to it was to exalt the Papacy. Nothing could do that fp 
 .cfiedually as to bring down the Power of Bifhops. This only could 
 juftifie the Exemptions of the Monks and Friars, the Popes fetting up 
 Legantine Courts, and receiving at firft Appeals, and then -Qrigin^l 
 ■ Caufcs before them ; together with many other Enrroachmeints on 
 their Jurifdidion : All which were unlawful, if the Biflio^s.h^d by Dt- 
 >inc Right Jurifdidtion in their DiocefPcs: Therefore it w^s neccflary 
 to lay them as low as could be, and to make them think that tl>c 
 Power they held, was rather as Delegates of the Apoftolick See, than 
 by a Commiffion from Chrifl or his Apoftles : So that they looked on 
 -j'the declaring. Epifcopal Authority to be of Divine Right, asa Blo^ 
 that would be fatal to the Court of Rome ; and therefore they did afr«r 
 this at Trenf ufe all pofTiblc Endeavours to hinder any fuch Dccifjon. 
 It having been then the common Style of that Age to, reckon Bifliops 
 >nd Priefts as the lame Office, it is no wonder if a* this time the Clef- 
 *gy of this Church, the greateft Part of them being ftill l:cavcned with 
 the old Superftition, and the reft of them not having enough of fpnrc- 
 time to examine lefTer Matters, retained ftiil the former Phrafes in this 
 Particular. 
 
 On this I have infifted the more, that it may appear how little they 
 have confidcrcd Things, who are fo far carried with their Zeal againll 
 the eftablifhed Government of this Church, as to raalic much ufc of 
 fomc Pallage-? of ihc School-men and Canonifts, chat dpny them to be 
 diftinil Offices,- for thefe arc the very Dregs of Popery, the one rai* 
 fing the Pri.Os higher for the fake of Tranfubftantiation,, the other 
 pulling the Bilhops lower for the fake of the Pope's Supremacy, knd 
 
 <*
 
 Book III- of the Church 0/ England. 
 
 34-7 
 
 by fucli means bringing them almofl: to an equality. So partial are fome 
 mm to their particular conceits, that they make ufe of the moft mifchie- 
 voas Topicks when they can ferve their Turn, not coufidering how mucH 
 further thefc Arguments will run if they ever admit therti. 
 
 Ad Pag. 255. Li7i. 28. 
 
 The iPrinces of Germany did always prefs the King to enter into a Religi^ 
 Dus League with them : the firft League that was made in the year 1 53$. 
 Was conceived in general Term?, againft the Pope as the Common Enemy, 
 and for fetting up true Religion according to the Gofpel : But they did af- 
 terwards fend over AmbafTidors to treat about particulars, and they ha- 
 ving prefented a Memorial of thefe, there were Conferences appointed be- 
 tween them and fome Bidiops and Divines of this Church. I find no 
 Divines were fent over hither but Frederick Miconius Minifler of Gotha^ 
 by whom Melanthon, who could not be fpared out of Gehttany, fent fevc- Cdieft; 
 ral Letters to the King ^ the fuliefl: and iongefl of them will be found in tht^^^^lf^^ 
 CoUedion. It is all to (bis purpofe, to perfuade the King to go on vigoroufly 
 in the Reforming of Abufes, according to the Word of God. The King 
 fent over the particulars which they propofed in order to a perfed agree- 
 ment, to Gardiner who was then at Paris : Upon which he lent back his 
 Opinion touching thera ail 5 the Original of which, under his owrt hand 
 I have feen, but it relates fo much to the other Paper that was fent him, 
 which I never faw, that without it his meaning can hardly be underftood, 
 and therefore I have not put it in the Coliedion. The main thing in il, 
 at which it chiefly drives, is to prefs the King to finifh firft a Civil League 
 with them, and to leave thofe particulars concerning Religion to be after- 
 wards treated of. The King followed his Advice fo far as to write to the 
 German Princes to that effect. But when the King declared his Refoluti- 
 on to have the fix Articles eftablifhed, ull that favoured the Reformation 
 were much alarm'd at It, and prefled their Friends in Germany to inter- 
 pofe with the King for preventing ir. I have feen an Original Letter of 
 Hai7is Dean oi Exeter, in which he laments the fad Effeds that would 
 follow on that A61, which was then preparing ^ that all the Corruptions 
 in the Church rofe from the eftablifhing fome Points without clear Proofs 
 from Scripture : He wifhed ihtGermans would confider of it, for if the 
 King and Parliament fiiould make fuch a Law, this was a Prefident for the 
 Emperor to make the like in the Diet of the Empire. Neither were the 
 German Arabafiadors backward in doing their Friends in England all the 
 Service they could : for after they had held feveral Conferences with thefe 
 that were appointed by the King to treat with them ^ they finding they 
 could not prevail with them, wrote a long and learned Letter to the King, 
 againft the taking away the Chalice in the Sacrament, and againft private Coilea. 
 MafTes and the Celibate of the Clergy, with fome other Abufes which the Addenda 
 Reader will find in the Colledion, it as is Copied from the Original which ^"'*^' 7- 
 1 have feen. To this I have added the Anfwer which the King wrote to Coiieft, 
 it: He employed T!??j/?/z// Bifhop of Durefm to draw it, for I have feen a ''^'^'^^"'^' 
 rude draught of a great part of it written with his hand. By both thefe "'" ' 
 compared together, every indifferent Reader will clearly fee the force and 
 fimplicity of the Arguments on the one hand, and the art and ftiuffling 
 that was ufed on the other fide. As foon as the Ad was palf , notwith- 
 landing all their endeavours to the contrary, they in an Audience before 
 the King, reprefented the great concern their Maifters \VouM have, whert 
 
 X X the
 
 J«— »*^-^-^ Bll III - -■- — .. . J—' — " ■ ■ 
 
 348 The Hiftory of the Reformation Book III. 
 
 the Kino on whom they had rcly'd fo much, as the l). tender of the Faith, 
 fhould proceed with the feverity exprefled in that Aft, ngainit ihofe that 
 agreed with them in Dodrine, and prefled the King erirneftly 10 put a ftop 
 to the Execution of it. Ihe King promifed he would fee to it, and that 
 though he judged the Acl necclTary to reftrain the Infolenceof fomeofhis 
 Subjefts 5 yet it fliould not b^ Executed but upon great Provocation : He 
 alfo propofed the renewing a Civil League with them, without mention- 
 ing inattcrs of Religion. To this the Princes made anfwer, that the 
 League as it was at firfl piojeded, ivas chiefly upon a deGgn of Religion, 
 and therefore without a common confent of all that were in their League, 
 they could not alter it: they lamented this pafling of the late Ad, but 
 Writ their thanks to the King for flopping the Execution of it, and warn'd 
 him that fome of his Biftiops, who fet him on to thefe Courfes, were in 
 their Hearts flillfor all the old Abufts, and for the Pope's Supremacy, and 
 were prefling on the King to befevere againft his befl Subjeds, that they 
 might thereby bring on a Defign which they could not hope to effed any 
 other way : They advifed the King to beware of fuch Connfeis. They al- 
 fo propofed that there might be a Conference agreed on between fuch Di- 
 vines as rhc King would name, and fuch as they fhoulc] depute, to meet either 
 in GuelJres^Hamburgh^Bre7tie7i^ox any other Place that Ihould be appoint- 
 ed by the King, to examine the Lawfulnefs of private Mailb, of denying 
 the Chalice, and the prohibiting the Marriage of the Clergy. On thefe 
 things they continued treating till the Divorce oi AmieoiClevt;, and Oow- 
 well's fall, after which I find little Correfpondence between the King and 
 
 
 then}. 
 
 Ail Pag. 356. L'vi. 4. 
 
 CoiieA. When I mentioned the King's Letters, direding the Bifhops how to 
 mmb^'' proceed In a Reformation, I had not feen them, but I have fince feen ati 
 um . 9. Qr jginal of them fubfcrib'd by the King's Hand. In thefe he challenged 
 the Clergy as guilty of great hidifcretions : that the late Rebellion had 
 been occafioned by them ^ therefore lie required the Bifhops to take care, 
 that the Articles formerly publilhed fhould be exidiy obeyed 5 atld to go 
 over their Diocefes in Perfon, and preach Obedience to the Laws, and the 
 good ends of thofe Ceremonies that were then retained, that the People 
 might rcither defpife them, ror put too much truft in them : and to ll- 
 Jence all D.fputes and Contentions concerning thing"; indifferent, and to 
 fignifie to the King's Council, if there were any Pricfts in their Diocefes 
 that were Married, and yet did difcharge any Part of thePrieft/y Office. 
 All which, will be better underftood by the Letter it fclf, thatl have 
 put into the Colled ion. 
 
 A J Pag. 258. Lin. 8. 
 
 I do there acknowledge that I knew not what Arguments were ufed 
 againll the Neceflity of Auricular Confeflion : But I have made, fince that 
 time, a coiifiderable Difcovery in this particular, from an Original Letter 
 written all with the King's own Hand to Tonfiall-^ by which it appears, 
 there had been Conferences in the Houfe and that the Arch-Bilhop of 
 Turk, the Bilhop of WinckeJIer and Diirefm hnd pleaded much for it, as 
 iieceffary by a Divine Inftitution, and that both the King and the Arch- 
 Bithop oiCanterhjiry had maintained, that though it was good and profit- 
 able, yet it was not necclfary by any Precept of the Goipel : and that 
 tho' the Bilhops brought feveral Texts out of Scripture and ancient Do- 
 
 dorf.
 
 Book III- of the Church of Kn^hnd. 54.9 
 
 dors, yet thefe were (o clearly anfwered by the King, and the Arch-Bifliop, 
 
 that the whole Houfe was fatisfied with it : Yet Ton/hi/ divew up in a iM 
 
 writing all the Reafons he had made ufe of in that Debate, and brought C°"e<^. Ad- ^ 
 
 them to the King, which will be found in the Colle>aion, with the Anno- Jo!"^' ^'""*' 
 rations and Refltftions which the King wrote on the Margent, with his 
 hand, taken from the Original; together with the King's Letter written Coileft. Ad- 
 in anfwer to them : By this it will appear that the King did fet himfelf ^'^"'^^ ^'""''' 
 much to fludy Points of Divinity, and examined matters with a fcrupu-"' 
 Jous exactnefs. The iflue of the debate was, that though the PopiHi Par, 
 ty endeavoured to have got Auricular Confcffion declared to be Comman- 
 ded by Chrifi, as a Part of the Sacrament of Penance ^ yet the King 
 over-ruled that, fo it was enaded, That Auricular ConfelTion was neceffary 
 ond expedient to he retained m the Church of God. Thefe debates were 
 in the Houfe of Lords, which appears not only by the King's Letter, that 
 fpeaks of the Hoitfe^ but by the Adl of Parliament, in the Preamble of 
 which it is faid. That the King had come himfelf to the Parliament, and 
 had opened feveral Points of high Learning to them. 
 
 Ad Pag. 262. Lin. 23. 
 
 There I mention the King's diligence in drawing an Ad of Parliament 
 with his own hand 5 but fince that was Printed, I have feen many other 
 Ads and Papers, if not Originally Penned by the King, yet fo much al- 
 terred by his Corredions, that in fome fort they may be efleemed his 
 draughts. There are two draughts of the Ad of the fix Articles, both 
 correded in many places by the King, and in fome of thefe the Corredion 
 is three Lines long. There is another Ad concerning Precontrads of 
 Marriage, likewife Correded very much by his Pen. Many draughts of 
 Proclamations, particularly thefe about the ufe of the Bible in Englfjb are 
 yet extant interlined and altered with his Pen. There is a large Paper 
 written by Ton/ialy of arguments for Purgatory, with Copious Animad- 
 verfions on it, likewife written by the King 5 which (hew that then he did 
 not believe there was a Purgatory. 1 have alfo feen the draught of 
 that part of the NeceHary Erudition for a Chriftian Man, which explains 
 the Creed, full of Corredions with the King's own Pen 5 as alfo the Que- 
 ries concerning the Sacraments mentioned Page 289. with large Anno- 
 tations written with his hand on the Margent 5 likewife an Extrad ,^^''''*- ^^' 
 all written with his own hand of Paflages out of the Fathers againft the 12." ^ ^""' ' 
 Marriage of the Clergy : and to conclude, there is a Paper with which the 
 CoJleclion ends, containing the true Notion of the Catholick Church, 
 which has large Emendations added with the King's hand, thofe I have 
 fet by themfelves on the Margent of the Paper. 
 
 X X a
 
 350 
 
 TABLE 
 
 OF, THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 HISTORY. 
 
 B O O K I. 
 
 A Summary View of King Benry the Eighth's Reign, till 
 the Procefs of his Divorce was begun, in which the 
 State of EngJandy chiefly as it related to Religian^ is 
 opened. 
 
 I N G Henry'j Succeffwn to the 
 
 Crown, pag. 1 
 
 He proceeds againjl Dudley and 
 
 ibid. 
 p. a 
 
 ibid. 
 
 P- ? 
 
 ibid. 
 
 ibid, 
 ibid, 
 p. 4 
 ibid. 
 
 K 
 
 lie holds a Parliament y 
 His great Expenccy 
 yiffairs heycnd Seay 
 A Ptace and Match xvith Fraricc, 
 He offers hh Daughter to the Dolphin, 
 The King ff Spain cbcfen Emperor, 
 He com^s to England, 
 y1 fecond War with France, 
 Z'pon Leo the lOtb's deitrh, Hadrian chofen 
 Pop:, ibid 
 
 He dies, and Clement the 7th fucceeds, ibid. 
 Charles the 5th at VVindfor contrailed to the 
 
 KJr.gs Daughter, 
 Hut bridkj his Faith, 
 The Clementine League, 
 
 Rome tcl^cn andfackt. 
 
 The Pcfe is made a Prifoner, 
 
 The Kj^g^t Succefs againji bCOtland, 
 
 A Fadion in his Coun/el, 
 
 Catditial WoHey's rifing. 
 
 His Preferments, 
 
 The CharaBer of the Duhjs of Norfolk and 
 Suftoik, p. 9 
 
 Cardinal Wolfey againji Parliaments, p. 10 
 
 The King s breeding in Leerning, p. 1 
 
 He is flattered by Scholars, ibid. 
 
 The King s Prerogative in Ecclejiajlica! Af- 
 
 P- S 
 ibid, 
 ibid, 
 p. 6 
 ibid, 
 ibid. 
 
 p.. 7 
 ibid, 
 
 p. 8 
 
 fans. 
 It was jlill k(pt up bj himy 
 A conteji concerning Immunities 
 A publick^ Debate about them, 
 Hunne Murdered in Prifcn, 
 The Proceedings upon that. 
 The K'"Z '""'^^ courted by Popes, 
 And declared Defender of the Faith, 
 The Cardinal ahfolute in England, 
 He defigned to I{eform the Clergy, 
 And tofupprefs Monajierics, 
 Ti. e fevcral kjnds rf Comocaticns, 
 The Clergy grant a Suhfidy to the KJng, 
 Of the State of Monafteries, 
 
 The Cardinal Founds twi Colleges, 
 
 Tie firfi beginning cf I{tfoimation in Encland 
 
 p. 7.J 
 
 The Cruelties of the Church of Rome, ibid. 
 The Laws made in England ngtlnfl Here: kkj, 
 
 p. -4 
 IJnder Richard the id, ibid. 
 
 "Under Henry the 4tb, P* -5" 
 
 And Henry the 5th, p, ?,5 
 
 Ihrcfie declaied by the Kings "Judges, ibid. 
 Warham'; proceedings againji Hereiickj, p.17 
 , The 
 
 p. II 
 
 ibid. 
 
 p. 12 
 
 ibid, 
 p. 14 
 
 p. 1? 
 
 p. 18 
 
 ibid. 
 
 p. 19 
 
 ibid. 
 
 ibid, 
 p. 10 
 
 ibid. 
 p. '.I 
 
 ibid.
 
 A TABLE. 
 
 The Bifocp of London'^ proceedings agaivft 
 thettiy P- 19 
 
 The Progrefs of Luthcr'j DoBrine, ibid. 
 
 His Boch^s xvere Tran/latcJ into Englidi, p. 5c 
 The Kifig vDrote againfl him, ibid. 
 
 He ref'.ysd, ibid. 
 
 Endeavours to fupfrefs the New Jejiamentf 
 
 P ?* 
 Sir Thomas More writes againfi Luther, ib. 
 
 Bilney and others proceeded agaivft for Here- 
 /'Cy ibid. 
 
 351 
 
 1 
 
 BOOK IL 
 
 Of the Procefs of Divorce between King Henry and Queen 
 Katheriney and of what paffed from the i^th to the 2c^th 
 Year of his Reign, in which he was declared Supream 
 Head of the Church of England, 
 
 TH E beginning of the Sute of Divorce, 
 P; 35 
 Prince Arthur Married the Infanta^ ibid. 
 
 And died foon after, P- 34 
 
 A Marriage frofofed between Henry and her, 
 
 ibid. 
 It is allow'd by the Pope, ibid. 
 
 Henry protefted againfi it, p. 35 
 
 His Father dijfwaded it, ibid. 
 
 Being come to the Crown he Marries her, ibid. 
 She borefome Children^ but only the Lady Mary 
 
 livedy ibid. 
 
 Several Matches propojed for her, ibid. 
 
 "The Kjngs Marriage is queHioned by Foreign- 
 
 ers, p. 36 
 
 Anno IJij. 
 
 HE himfelf has Scruples concerning it, 
 ibid. 
 The Grounds of thefey P- 37 
 
 All his BifhopSy except Fifhcr, condemn d ity 
 
 ibid. 
 The I{eafons of State againft ity ibid, 
 
 W'oMiy goes into France, P- 3^ 
 
 The E^ing s fear s and hopes, ibid. 
 
 Arguments again {i the Bull, ibid. 
 
 Calumnies call on Anne Boleyn, p. 40 
 
 They are falfe and ill-contrived, P* 4' 
 
 Her Birth and Education^ p. 41 
 
 She was contraQed to tht Lord Piercy, 
 
 p. 43 
 The Divorce moved for at Rome, 44 
 
 The firft DIfpatch concerning it, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1518. 
 
 TH E Pope granted it, p. 46 
 
 And gave a Bull of Difpenfation, 
 
 ibid. 
 The Pipes craft and policy, p. 47 
 
 ibid. 
 
 P-4P 
 
 p. fo 
 ibid.- 
 
 p.fi 
 ibid. 
 
 pyx 
 ibid. 
 
 A fubtile Method propofed by the Pope, 
 
 p. 48 
 ?>X.z^\\\\cus fent from England, 
 The Cardinal's Letters to the Pope, 
 A fuDer Bull is defired by the KJng, 
 Gardiner and Fox are fent to Rome, 
 The Bull defired hy them, 
 Wolfey'j earneHnefs to procure it, 
 Campegio declared Legate, 
 He delays his Journey, 
 
 The Pope grants the Decretal BuBy j- - ., j 
 
 Two Letters from Anne Boleyn to Wolfey, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Wolfey defires the Bull may be feen bjfome of 
 
 the KJngs Council, p. j'4 
 
 The Emperor oppofes the Kjngs Bufinefsy 
 
 P: 55 
 
 A Breve is found in Spain, ibid. 
 
 It was thought to be forged, ibid. 
 
 Campegio comes to England, p. ^6 
 
 And lets the Kjng fee the Bull, ibid. 
 
 But refufes tojhew it to others^ ibid. 
 
 Wollcy moves the Pope that fome might fee it, 
 
 ibid. 
 But in vaitjy P- S7 
 
 Campana is fent by the Pope to England, 
 
 p-58 
 The KJng offers the Pope a GuarJy ibid. 
 
 The Pope inclines to the Emperor, ibid. 
 
 Threatnings ufed to him, P- S9 
 
 H 
 
 Anno I yip. 
 E repents the fending over 
 
 But feeds the K'"g ^i'h Promifesy 
 The Pope's ficknefs, 
 Wolfey afpires to the Papacy, 
 InfiruRion for promoting him^ 
 New motions fur the Divorce, 
 The Pope I^etapfcs dangercvfy. 
 
 a Bull, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 p. 60 
 
 p. 61 
 
 ibid. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 p. 6i 
 
 p. 63 
 
 A new 
 
 I 
 I
 
 35' 
 
 A TABLE. 
 
 A vem Difpiitch to Rome, p. 63 
 
 WoHey'j Bulls for the Blf,:opr!ck.of Winton, 
 
 p. 64 
 The Emperor ProteBs against the Legates, 
 
 P; ^5 
 
 Te( the Pope promifes not to recall ity ibid. 
 
 T/i« Legates write to the Popey p. 66 
 
 Campegio led an ill life, p. 07 
 
 ibe Emperor moves for an Avocation, ibid. 
 
 T/;e Pop:s Diffimulation, ibid 
 
 Great Contents about the Avccatidnt p. 68 
 
 The Legates begin the Procrfs, p. 69 
 
 A fever e Charge againsl the Queen, ibid. 
 
 'The Kj^S -""^ Si^f" appear in Court, p. 7 c 
 
 Tie Queens Speech, ibid. 
 
 T/je iO'«5 declares Lis Scruples, p. 7 I 
 
 T/)f Queen appeals to the Pope, ibid. 
 
 Articles framed; and Witneffes examined, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 An Avocation ^refsd at Rome, p. 72 
 
 T/jC Pope joyns with the Emperor, ibid. 
 
 Tet is in great perplexities, ibid. 
 
 J/;e Avocation is granted, P» 7 3 
 
 T/jf Proceedings of the Legates^ p. 74 
 
 Campegio adjourns the Court ^ ibid. 
 
 ff/;/c/j ^<«vff ^rMf Offence, p. 7 f 
 
 VVolfey'j Dtfn^^r, ibid. 
 
 Anne Boleyn returns to Court, p. j6 
 Cranmer'i Opinion about the Divorce^ ibid. 
 
 Approved by the Kjng, P- 71 
 
 Cardinal yNo\ky'sfall.s ' ibid. 
 
 The meanncfs of his Temper^ P- 7^ 
 
 He is Attached of Treafon, ibid. 
 
 He dies : His Charailer^ p 79 
 
 A Parliament called, ibid. 
 
 Complaints againft the Clergy, ibid. 
 
 The K'^S,'' f^fl"' """^ difchargedf p. 8e 
 
 The Pope and the Emperor unite, p. 8 1 
 
 \lJ:e fVcmcnspeafCy ibid. 
 
 Anno 1530. 
 
 THE Emperor is Crowned at Bononia, 
 
 Ti}e "Univerfitiet confulted in the Kjng s fuit 
 > -of Divorce^ ibid. 
 
 jjie Anfwert fratp Oxford and Cambridge. 
 
 ;•- ',/,'. . p-«5 
 
 Dr. Crook Imployed in Venice, p. 84 
 
 hlany in Italy wrote for the Divorce, P» 8 J 
 It was oppofed by the Pope and the Emperor, 
 
 p. u 
 
 tio Money given by the Kjn^s Agents, ibid 
 
 Xireat Rewards given by the Emperor, p. 87 
 It is determined ftr the K"-g at Bononia, Pa- 
 
 , dua, Fcrrara 4n(i Orleance, p. 88 
 
 At Paris, Bourge$ and Tiiolole, ibid. 
 
 The Opifiicns offome Reformers, p. 89 
 
 'And of the Lutiierans, p. yo 
 
 The K'"g ^ill "ii appear at Rnme, p. pi 
 
 Cranmer offers to dtf'end the Divorce, p. 9 1 
 
 The Clergy, Nobility and Gentry write to the 
 
 Pope for the Divorce, p. 92 
 
 The Pope's Anfwer to them, ibid. 
 
 A Proclamation againit Bul/tj p. 95 
 
 Bookj written for tie Divorce, ibid. 
 Reafons out of the Old and Kew Tejiament, 
 
 p- 94 
 
 The Authorities of Popes and Councils, p. 95 
 And the Greek and Lacine Fathers, ibid. 
 
 And Canonifts, p. 96 
 
 Marriage is Compleat by Confent, ibid. 
 
 Violent Prefumptions of the Confummation of 
 the former Marriage , p. 97 
 
 The Pope s Difpenfation of no force, ibid. 
 
 Bifhops are not to obey his Decrees, p. 98 
 
 The Authority of Tradition, P* 99 
 
 The Rcafons againji the Divorce, ibid. 
 
 Anfwcrs made to thcfe, p. I CO 
 
 The Queen is intraSiabUy p. loi 
 
 Anno ijji. 
 
 Aiejfion of Parliament, ibid. 
 
 The Clergy found in a Premunirey 
 
 ibid. 
 The Prerogatives of the Kings of England in 
 Ecclefiaslical Affairs^ iWd. 
 
 The Encroachments of Popes, p. loj 
 
 Statutes made againJl them, ibid. 
 
 The Popes endeavoured to have thofe repealed, 
 
 p. 106 
 But with no effeS. p. 108 
 
 The Clergy excufed themfelves, ibid. 
 
 Tet they fubmit and acknowledge the Kjng SU' 
 pre am Head of the Church, ibid. 
 
 The K.'"g Pardons them, p. 1 09 
 
 And with fome difficulty the Laity., ibid* 
 
 One Attainted for Pcyfoning, ihlo. 
 
 The Kjng leaves the Qiiecn, p. I i o 
 
 A diforder among the Clergy, ibid. 
 
 The Pope turns to the French, p. I H 
 
 And offers his Niece to the Duke of Orleance, 
 
 ibid. 
 The Turk invades the Empire, p. 1 1 a 
 
 Anno 1552. 
 
 THE Parliament complains of the Spiri- 
 tual Courts, ibid: 
 They rejeB a Bill concerning Hoards, ibid.. 
 An AEl againji Annates-, p. I r j; 
 The Pope writes to the Kj^'gy P- ' ^ 4 
 The K'"g'' Anfwer, ibid. 
 Sir Edward drfent to Rome, p. Ii5' 
 His Negotiation there, p. 1 1 6 
 He corrupts the Cardinal of Ravcnna, ibid. 
 Ihe Procefs against the Kj*>g at Rome, 
 
 ibid. 
 A Bull for new Bip^oprickj) P- "7 
 
 The
 
 A TABLE. 
 
 353 
 
 Toe Pope defirsj the Kjng would fubmit to him, 
 
 p. Ii8 
 A vew SeJJhn of Parliament, ibijl. 
 
 ^ Subfidy is voted, ibid. 
 
 The Ojthj the Clergy fwere to the Pope and to 
 
 tbeKi"it P- I'9 
 
 ChAttcellor More delivers uj> bis Office , 
 
 p. 120 
 
 The King meets with the French KJ"Si ''''<^- 
 Eliot /fwr (0 Rome, ibid. 
 
 The King Movies Anne Boleyn, p. 121 
 Hem cvertures for tbt Divorce, p. 1 12 
 
 Anno 1523. 
 
 ASeffion of Parliament, ibid. 
 
 Art AH agaitiji Appeals to Rome, 
 
 ibid. 
 Archbijkop Warham dies, p. 123 
 
 Cranmer Jucceeds him, ibid. 
 
 His Bulls from Rome, ibid. 
 
 His Confecration, p. 1^4 
 
 The Judgment of the Convocation concerning 
 
 the Divorce, P. ' 2 5 
 
 Endeavours to make the Queen fubmit, ibid. 
 But in vain, p. Ii6 
 
 Cranmer gives Judgment, ibid. 
 
 Cenfures that pafs upon it^ p. 1 17 
 
 The Pope united to the French Kifgt p. 1 18 
 A Sentence again/i the Kj^g* Proceedings, 
 
 ibid 
 Qtteen Elizabeth is lorn, p. I ip 
 
 An Enterview between the Pope and the French 
 
 King, ibid. 
 
 The Kjt^gfulmits to the Pope, p. I 50 
 
 The JtnferialiFls oppofe the Agreement^ ibid. 
 And procure a definitive Sentence, P- I 3 ' 
 The Kjng refohes to alolifh the Pope's Pomei 
 
 sn England, ibid. 
 
 It was long difputed, P- i 3 '^ 
 
 Arguments againfl it from Scripture, ibid. 
 And the Primitive Church, ?• ^ 3 ? 
 
 Arguments for the K'ng s Supremacy^ P" I ? 5 
 From Scripture and the Laws vf England, 
 
 p. 136 
 The Sufrtmacy explained, P* ^ 37 
 
 Pains takfn to fatisfie Fifher, p. ' 3 ^ 
 
 Anno I5'34. 
 
 ASeJfion cf Parliament, P» l 3 8 
 An aS for talking away the Pope's 
 
 Power, p, X39 
 
 About the Succejfum to the Crown ^ p. % ^o 
 
 For punifhing Heretickj, p. I4I 
 
 The SubmiJJion of the Clerg), p. I^z 
 
 About the EleBion of Bijhopsy p. 145 
 
 And the Maid of Kent, ibid. 
 
 The Infolence of fame Friars, p. 145 
 
 The liuns fpeech at her death, p. 1 47 
 
 Filher is dealt with gently, ibid. 
 The Oath for the Succejfion fallen by mavy,ip.\,\g 
 
 More and Fiflier refufe it^ ibid. 
 
 And are proceeded againfl, P* *S I 
 
 Annother Seffion of Parliament, ibid. 
 
 The Ki»gs Supremacy is EnaBed, ibid. 
 
 /In AH for Suffragan Bijhofs, ibid. 
 
 A Subfidy is granted, p. i j"! 
 
 More and Fifher are Attainted, ibid. 
 
 The Progrefs of the I{eformatien, P« * 5 ? 
 Tindal and others at Antwerp fend ever Bool{S 
 
 and the New Teftament, ibid. 
 
 The Supplication of the Beggars, p, 1 5-4 
 
 More anfwtrs, and Frith replies, ibid. 
 
 Cruel proceeding againfl I{eformers^ p. I 5<J 
 
 Biloey'j Sufferings, p. i^'j 
 
 The Sufferings of Byfield, P« ^ S 8 
 
 And Bainham, Ibid. 
 
 Articles abjured by fame, P* ^ 5*9 
 
 TracyV Tejlament^ ibid. 
 
 Frith'i Sufferings, p. i 60 
 His Arguments againU the Corporal prefence 
 
 in the Sacrament, p. 1 52 
 His Opinion of the Sacrament and Purgatory 
 
 for which he was condemned, p. l6:j 
 
 His Conjlancy at his Death, ibid. 
 
 A flop put to Cruel proceedings, p. 1 64 
 
 The Queen favoured the ^formers, p. 1 6f 
 
 Cranmer promoted it, ibid. 
 
 And was affifled by Cromwell, ibid. 
 
 A (Irong Party againfl it, p. 166 
 
 l{eafons ufed againfl it, ibid. 
 
 And for it, ibid. 
 The Judgment of fome Bifhops concerning a 
 
 General Council^ p. 1 67 
 
 A Speech of Cranmer'i of it, p. 1 68 
 
 BOOK
 
 35+ 
 
 A TABLE. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 '\» »^ 
 
 Of the other Tran factions about Religion and Reforma- 
 tion, during the reft of the Reign of King Hemj 
 Vill. 
 
 T 
 
 Anno IjT^j:. 
 
 \HE reft of the K'ngi K^>g» »'"»^ 
 
 troublefome^ pt I'Jl 
 
 By the fraHices bf the Clergy, 
 
 Which frovokfd the KJng muchj ibid. 
 
 The Bifkops fnear to the Kjng s Supremacy, 
 
 ?' *73 
 *Ihe Franc'fcans only refufe itj p. 174 
 
 A Vifttation of Monafteries, ibid. 
 
 7be Inftruiliotis of the Vifitors, p. ^ 7^ 
 
 InjunHions fent by them^ V-'^77 
 
 "The State of the Monafleries in England, and 
 
 their Exemptions, p. 178 
 
 I'hey were deftrteJ, but again fet up by KJng 
 
 Edgar, p. 179 
 
 Arts ufed by the Monhj, 5bid. 
 
 ^hey were generally corrupt, p. 180 
 
 And fo grew the Friars , p. 1 8 I 
 
 The Kings ether B^afons for fuppr effing Mo- 
 
 nafterics, ibid. 
 
 Cranmefj Defign in it, p. 1 8i 
 
 The Proceedings of the Vifitors, ibid. 
 
 Some Houfes refigncd to the KJngf P- 183 
 
 Anno lyj^. 
 
 QVcen Katherine diesy ibid, 
 
 A ScJJion of Parliament in iphich the 
 
 leffer Monaflerics tvere fuppreffcdf p^ iSj 
 The Heafonsfor doing it, ibid. 
 
 The Tranflaiion of the Bible in Englifli de- 
 Jigned, p. J 86 
 
 The reafons for it, ibid. 
 
 The oppofition made to itj p. '87 
 
 fiueen Anne'.f Vail driven on by the Popifh 
 
 P''rfy, p. J 88 
 
 Tlje KJ"g became jealous^ p. 1 89 
 
 She is put in the Tower, p, i go 
 
 She confeffcd feme indifcreet ttords^ ibid. 
 
 Cranmer'j Letters concerning ber^ ?• ^9' 
 She is brought to a Tryal, P- 1 9 3 
 
 And Condcmtied, p. i^^ 
 
 And alft Divo^cci, ibid. 
 
 She prepares for Death, P- 1 9 5 
 
 The Lieutenant of the Tower'; Letters about 
 
 /■>"■, ibid. 
 
 Her Execution, p. j ^6 
 
 T/;e Cenfuret made on tlity P- ^97 
 
 Lady Mary is rteincilei to het- PitbtTf Mi 
 
 makfs a full Submijfton^ >l^-^Kt>p. 198 
 
 Lady Elizabeth is xveli ufed by the KJ"g* 
 
 p. 199 
 A Letter of hers to the Quceif, p. loo 
 
 A new Parliament is called, ibid^ 
 
 An Afi of the Succejfion, ^'l \» RiH\;'(!p. lol. 
 The Pope endeavours a Reconciliation, p. 2oX 
 But in vain, ibid. 
 
 The Proceedings of the Convocation, p. lo? 
 Articles agreed on about Religion, p.iOd* 
 
 Publifaed by the KJ"gi Authority, p. 208 
 But vdrioufly cenfured, ibid. 
 
 The Convocation declared againft the Council 
 Summoned by the Pope, p. X09 
 
 The Kjng publifhei hit P^afons againit it^ 
 
 p. 210 
 Cardinal Pool nrites againft the K'f-g, p. 2 1 1 
 Many Books are written for the King, p. HI 
 Inftrudions for the Dijfotiitien of Monafteries, 
 
 ibid. 
 Great difcontents among aB forts, p. z i g 
 
 Endeavours to ^ualifie thefe, p. 214 
 
 The People ifere difpofed to I{ebel, ibid. 
 
 The K'"g -f InjunBions about Religion, p. 1 1 y 
 They were much cenfured, p. 2,1*^ 
 
 A Pjfing in Lincolnfhire, ibid. 
 
 Their Demands, and the K'"gt Anfwer, ibid^ 
 It was quieted by the Duke of Suffolk, p. Z 1 8 
 A great I{ebellion in the North, ibid." 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk was fent againft therry 
 
 p. IIO 
 They ddvance to Doncafter, ibid. 
 
 Their Demands, p. 211 
 
 The KJngs Anfmr to them^ p. lit. 
 
 Anno 1537. 
 
 TH E Pebc'Jion is quieted, 
 New rifings foon difperfed. 
 The chief Rebels Executed, 
 A new Vifuation of Monafteries, 
 Seme great Abbots rcfign, 
 Confrffion of horrid Crimes are made, 
 Some arc Attainted, 
 And their Albies Supprejfed, 
 The Siiperftition and Cheats of ti. 
 difccvered, 
 
 P'"3 
 p. 124 
 
 ibid. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 p. 21^ 
 
 p. 117 
 
 p. zz8 
 p. X30 
 
 fe Houfet 
 p. 131 
 
 Anno
 
 A TABLE. 
 
 355 
 
 Anno lyjS. 
 
 SOme Images fuhlickly brckpij p. 13 ^ 
 
 Thomas Becket'j fhrine broken, p. zj? 
 New InjunRiofi} about Religion, P'*?4 
 
 InveBives againfi the KJng at Rome, ibid. 
 The Pope's BuHs again fl the K'^gi P-'^3S 
 The Clergy in England declared a^itin[i thefe, 
 
 P-137 
 The Bible is printed in EngljQl, p. ajS 
 
 NeiP InjunEiions, ibid. 
 
 Prince Edward is born, P- *39 
 
 The Comfliance of the Popipi Party ^ p. x^O 
 Lambert appealed to the Kjngt P- 241 
 
 And is pubUckJy tryed, ibid. 
 
 JAany A'-guments brought against hinty p. 141 
 He is condemned and burnt, ibid. 
 
 The Popifh Party gain ground, p. 14^ 
 
 A Treaty tvith the German-i?r»»cf/, ibid. 
 
 Bonner'^f Dijfmulation^ p. 144 
 
 Anno 1539. 
 
 A parliament is called, p. 145 
 
 The fix Articles are propofedf ibid. 
 Arguments againfi themj ibid. 
 
 An AB pajjedfor them) p. 247 
 
 iVbieh is varioujly cenfured, p. 248 
 
 ^n A3 about the Suppre/Jion of all Monafleries, 
 
 ibid. 
 Another for ereHing new Bifhopric\sy p. ijo 
 The Kings defign about tbefe, ibid. 
 
 An AB of Obedience to the Kjngs Proclamati- 
 
 onsy p. 25 1 
 
 ^An A3 concerning Precedence^ ?• 1 5 ^ 
 
 Some ABs of Attainder^ ibid . 
 
 The Kings care of Cranmer, p- ^5 
 
 Who wrote againSl the fix Articles, p. xj.. 
 Proceedings upon that AB, ibid. 
 
 Bonner'/ Commiffion for holding his Bifhoprick 
 
 of the K'"g, P- ^J? 
 
 The total DiJJolution of Abbey s^ ibid. 
 
 Which were fold or given away^ p. 256 
 
 A ProjeB for a Seminary for Minifiers of State, 
 
 p. 2^7 
 A Proclamation for the ufc of the Bible-, 
 
 p. 2f8 
 
 The King deftgns to Marry Anne of Cleve, 
 
 ibid. 
 Who comes over^ but is dijliked by the K'^g, 
 
 p. 259 
 
 Anno i5'4o. 
 
 BVt he Marries her^ yet could never love 
 her, p. 261 
 
 A Parliament is called, ibid. 
 
 Where Cromwtl fpea^s as Lord Vicegerent, 
 
 p. 162 
 
 The Suppreffion of the Knights of St. John of 
 Jerufalem, p i^-j, 
 
 Cromwell' J Fall, ibij. 
 
 The Ki"i i' '" lo'"' ''"'^■' Kathcrine Howard, 
 
 p. 264 
 Cranmer'/ friend/hip to Cromwell, ibid. 
 Cromwell'/ Attainder^ p. z6$ 
 
 Cenfures paSi upon it^ p. 266 
 
 The K'^g'^ Divorce is propofed, p. 267 
 
 And referred to the Convocation^ ibid. 
 
 Reafons pretended for it, p. 268 
 
 The Convocation agree to ity ibid. 
 
 (Vhich was much cenfurcd, ibid. 
 
 It is confirmed in Parliament ^ p. 2 69 
 
 The Queen confents to it, ibid. 
 
 An AB about the Incontinence of PrieFls, 
 
 ibid. 
 An AB other about Religion, p. 270 
 
 Another concerning PrecontraBs, ibid. 
 
 Suhfidies granted by Clergy and Laity.) p. 271 
 Cromwell'/ Death, ibid. 
 
 His CharaBer, P^7l 
 
 Defigns againfi Cranmer, ibid. 
 
 Some Bifhops and Divines confiilt about /^e/»- 
 gion., _ P- 3-7? 
 
 An Explanation of Faith, ibid. 
 
 Cranmer'/ Opinion about it, p. 275 
 
 They Explain the Apojiles Creed, ibid, 
 
 find the Seven Sacraments with great care, 
 
 ibid. 
 As alfii the Ten Commandments, p. 277 
 
 The Loris Trayer, the Ave Maria and Free- 
 will, p. 278 
 AndJuSlificationy and good tVorkj, p. 279 
 Publifioed by the KJng, but much cenfured, 
 
 ibid, 
 ■f CorreBion of the Mijfals, p. 28 1 
 
 The Sufferings of Barnes and others^ ibid. 
 The^ are Condemned unheard, p. 285 
 
 Their Speeches at their Death, ibid. 
 
 Bonner'/ Cruelty, P- '^-Sf 
 
 Vew Bifhopricks Founded, p. 286 
 
 Cranmer'/ defign is defeated^ p. 287 
 
 Thefe Foundations are ctnfured, ibid. 
 
 The State of the Court, p. 288 
 
 The Bible is fet up in Churches, ibid. 
 
 An Order for Churchmens Hovfe-k_eeping, 
 
 p. 289 
 The King goes to York, p. -290 
 
 The State of Scotland, ibid. 
 
 The beginning of the I{eformation, p. 29 r 
 
 Patrick Hamilton'/ bufferings, ibid. 
 
 A further Per fecut ion, p. 294 
 
 The Ki^g 1"'^' wholly guided by the Clergy^ 
 
 p. 295- 
 Some put to death, others efcaped, p, 296 
 
 The Queens ill Life is difisovertdy p. 29 8 
 
 i 
 
 y r 
 
 Anno
 
 35<5 
 
 A TABLE. 
 
 Anno 1541' 
 
 A Parliament called, p. 199 
 
 An AH about the Queen much cenfu- 
 red, ibid. 
 
 A deftgn to fupfrefs the Englilh Bihle^ 
 
 p. 30c 
 T/ie Bible ordered to be revifed hj the Vniver- 
 fities, ibid. 
 
 B. Bonner' .f InjunBiontf P- 1°! 
 
 The way of Preaching at that time, p. :?02 
 riays and Interludes then ABedy P- 3 O 3 
 
 pyar between England tfw<i Scotland, p. 304 
 The Scots are defeated, and their K'^g dies, 
 
 P-305 
 
 Anno 15:43. 
 
 CRanmer Promotes a Reformation, p. 306 
 An AB of Parliament for it, p. 307 
 Another about the KJngs Proclamations, 
 
 p. 308 
 A League betipeen the King and the Emperor-^ 
 
 ibid. 
 A Match defigncd nith Scotland,- ibid. 
 
 But the French Party prevailed there, p. 309 
 
 j4 War with France, 
 
 p. 310 
 
 A Perfection of the ^formers. 
 
 p. ?II 
 
 Marbeck'j great Ingenioufnefsy 
 
 ibid 
 
 Three burnt at Windlbfj 
 
 P' 311 
 
 Their Pcrjecutors are Perjured, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 A defign again fi Cranmer, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 If came to nothing. 
 
 P-3M 
 
 His Chriflian behaviour^ 
 
 p. 314 
 
 Anno I5'44i 
 
 
 A NfW Parliament, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 jf\_ An AH about the SucceJJiony 
 
 ibid. 
 
 An A3 againji Con/piracies, 
 
 P-3IJ 
 
 An AH for revifing the Canon-Lav, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 A discharge of the Kjng s DebtSy 
 
 ibid. 
 
 The ffar againfi Scotland, 
 
 p. 316 
 
 Audley the Chancellor dies. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 The Prayers are put in Englirtl, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 BuUoign is takfiTiy 
 
 p. 317 
 
 Anno 15:45". 
 
 THE Germans Mediate a Peace be- 
 tween England and France, ibid. 
 Some great Church- Preferments^ P- ? '^ 
 WifhartV Suffering in Scotland, ibid. 
 
 Cardinal Beaton is kjlled. 
 
 Anno 15:4(5. 
 
 p. 311 
 
 ANfiP Parliament f p. jii 
 
 Chappels and Chartterles given to the 
 KJngt 't)id- 
 
 The KJngs Speech to the Parliament, p. jxj 
 The King confirms the PJghts of the 1/niverJi' 
 ties, p 324 
 
 A Peace with France, P- 31) 
 
 Dejigns of a further Reformation, ibid, 
 
 Shaxton s Apoftacy, ibid. 
 
 Ihe troubles of Anne Askew, ibid. 
 
 She endures the I{ackj p. 3^6 
 
 /Ind is burnt with feme others, ibid. 
 
 A defign againji Cranmer, p. ^2,7 
 
 The KJng takes care of him, ibid. 
 
 A defign againft the Queen, p. ^^8 
 
 The cnufe of the Duke of Norfolk'* Difgrace, 
 
 p. 3Z9 
 Anno 1J47. 
 
 THE Earl of Surrey is Executed, p. 33 1 
 The Duke of Norfolk'* Submi/^en, 
 
 ibid. 
 A Parliament meetSf ibid. 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk is Attainted, P- 331 
 His Death prevented by the KJng'i, ibid. 
 
 The Emperor's defigns againji the ProteJlantSy 
 
 P- 333 
 
 Vie King sficknefs, ibid. 
 
 His Latter Will a Forgery, p. 3 34 
 
 The Kjn^s Severities again fi the Popijh Party^ 
 
 P-33? 
 Some Carthufians Executed for denying the 
 
 King t Supremacy, P'33^ 
 
 And a Prieil for Treafon^ ibid. 
 
 Three Monks Executedj p. 337 
 
 FifherV Tryal and Death, ibid. 
 
 His Charaiier, p. 338 
 
 More's Tryal and Death, ibid. 
 
 His Charaiier, P- 339 
 
 Attainders after the I{ebeltion was quieted, 
 
 p. 340 
 
 Cenfurcs pajl upon it, p. 34 1 
 
 F. Forreft'* Equivocation and Hercjie^ 
 
 ibid. 
 
 The Proceedings againji Cardinal Pole'* Friends, 
 
 P- 34* 
 Attainders without hearing the Parties^ 
 
 * P- 34» 
 
 The Conclujion, * p. 344 
 
 Addenda. P' 343
 
 COLLECTION 
 
 RECORDS 
 
 AND 
 
 Original Papers; 
 
 With other 
 
 INSTRUMENTS 
 
 Referred to in the 
 
 Former Hiftory. 
 
 «
 
 o 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 A 
 
 Ji: 
 
 '). Hr 
 
 ETVidiMUj 
 
 k JL 
 
 Xj"
 
 Book I. 
 
 I. The Record of Card. AdrianV Oath of Fidelity 
 to Henry VII. for the Bijhoprick of Bath and 
 Wells. 
 
 HEnricus Rex, &c. Reverend, in Chrifto Patri Domino Sylveftro Treat, 
 Epifcop. Wigorn. venerabili viro Domino Roberto Sherbourn Rolls. 
 EccJefis Sandi Pauli London, decano, noftris in Romana curia 
 oratoribus, ac Magiftro Hugoni Yowng Sacra Theologiae Pro- 
 feflbri, falutem. Cum omnes oc finguli Archiepifcopi Sc Epifcopi hujus 
 noftri Inclyti Regni, quorum omnium nominationes, & promotiones, ad 
 iptas fupremas dignitates, nobis atrinent ex regali & peculiari quadam 
 Prxrogativa, jureq^ municipali, ac invcterata confuetudine, ha^^enus in 
 hoc nollro Regno inconcufTe & inviolabijiter obfervata, teneantur Ss. aftrin* 
 gantur, ftatim & immediate poft impetratas Eullas Apoftolica^, fuper eo- 
 .rundem promotione ad ipfam nofiram nominationem, coram nobis & in 
 prxfentia noftra, (i in hoc Regno noftro fuerunt, vel coram Commiirariis 
 noflris, ad hoc fufficienter & legittimedeputatis, (i alibi moram traxerunt, 
 non folum palam, publice &. exprefTe, totaliter cedere, & in manus no- 
 ftras renunciare omnibus, & quibufcunq^ verbis, claufulis, 6c fententiis in 
 ipfis Bullis ApoftoHcis contentis, & defcriptis, qus funt, vel quovis modo 
 in futurum elle poterunt, prxjudicialia, fivedamnofa, nobis, haredibufqj 
 de corpora noftro legittime procreatis Angliae regibus, Corona aut Regno 
 noftro, juribus vel confuetudinibus aut Prsrogativisejufdem Regni noftri, 
 S<. quoad hoc totaliter feipfos fubmittere & ponere in noftra bona venia 
 & gratia 5 fed etiam juramentum fidelitatis i5<: horaagii ad Sanda Dei E- 
 vangelia, per eofdem refpeftive corporal iter tafti, nobis facere & i^raftare: 
 Cumqj nos ob praclara merita eximiafq^ virtutes quibus Reverendiflimum 
 in Chrifto Patrem, Dominura Adrianum tituli Sanfti Chrifogoni Presby- 
 terum Cardinalem abundc refertum confpicimus, obq^ diuturnum & fidele 
 obfequium per ipfum Cardinalem nobis fadum & impenfum, eundem ad 
 Eccleftas Bathon. & Wellen. invicem unitas nominavimus(5c promovimu?, 
 qui idcirco & ob id quod in curia Romana continue moram trahit, non 
 poteft commode hujulmodi renunciationem ic juramentum coram nobis 
 perfonaliter facere & praftare : Hinc eft quod nos de fidelitatibus veftris 
 di provida circumfpedione, ad plenum confidentes, dcdimus, & concef- 
 fimus, ac per prafentes damus & concedimus, vobis, tribus aut duobus 
 veftrum, quorum prsfatum Epifcopum Wigorn. unicum efle voiumus, 
 f lenam poteftatem bi auroritatem, vice ^ nomine noftris, hujufmodi re- 
 nunciationem in manus veftras, & juramentum ad Sanda Dei Evangelia 
 corporaliter tada, juxta formara & verum tenorem, de verbo in verbum 
 inferius defcriptum, ab eodem Reverend ifli mo Domino Cardinali recipien- 
 di, exigendi, & cum eftedu praftari videndi 5 ipfumq^ Cardinalem, ut 
 hujufmodi renunciationem & juramentum per ipfum (ic ut permittaris fi- 
 endum & praftandum, manu ^C fubfcriptione fuis fignet, 6c muniat, re- 
 quirendi, &f ut ita fiat cum effedu videndi literas quoq^ 5c inftrumenta pub- 
 Jica fuper hujufmodi renunciatione, & juramento liferi petendi, & notarium 
 five notaries publico?, unum vel plures, ut ipfa inftrumenta confidant ; 
 Necnon teftes qui tunc pra^fentes erunt, ut veritati teftinionium pcrhibeant 
 rogandi (3i requireiidi, ipfaq^ juramentum vel inftrumenta talirer lienda, 
 vcrum ordinem rei gerend-e, <5c renunciationis ac juramenti teiiores in fc 
 
 continens
 
 A A CoUeclion Book I. 
 
 continens vel continentia, nobis deflinandi & tranfmittendi 5 Et gene- 
 raliter omnia & fingula facieodi, gerendi, & exercendi, quaj in prxdidis 
 5c qnolibet prsdictorum receilaria fuerint, feu quomodolibet opportuna, 
 ac qus rei qualitas exigit 6i requirit, dv qu^e nofipfi facere 5: exercere 
 poflemus fi prsfens 5c perfonalitcr intereilemire, etiam fi talia forent qua; 
 de fe mandatum exignnt inagis fpeciale. Tenor Renunciationisfequitur& 
 eft talis : Ego Adrianus miferatione divinatituli Sandi Clirifogoni Presbyt. 
 Cardinalis Epifcopus Bathon. & VVcUen. coriiin vobis Reverendo Patre E- 
 pifcopo Wigorn. Domino Roberto Shurborno decano SanftiPauli London. 
 & Hugone i'owng in Theologia ProfelFore, Coraminariis ad hoc a ferenif- 
 fiiHO atq^ excellentiflimo Principe Domino Henrico Dei Gratia Rege An- 
 glic, & Francis, &C Domino Hiberni^e, ejus nominis feptimo. Domino 
 ineo fupremo, fufficienter 6c legittime deputatis, exprefle renuncio, & in 
 his fcriptis manu di figillo meis in prafentia notariorum & teftium fub- 
 fcriptoriim munitis, totaliter cedo omnibus & quibufcunq- verbi?, claufu- 
 lis 5c fententiis, in buliis Apoflolicis mihi faftis de praedift. Epifcopat. Ba- 
 thon. bi Wellen. contentis Sk defcriptis, qus funt vel quovis modo in fu- 
 turum eHe poterint pra;judicialia live damnofa prsfato fereniflimo Regi, 
 Domino meo fupremoi & hairedibus fuis de corpore fuo legittime procrea- 
 tis Angl. Regibus, Coronsj aut Regno, five Majeftatis Juribus vel confue- 
 tudinibus, aut Prerogativis ejufdem Regni: ck quoad hoc me integralitec 
 fubmitto & ponoin gratia fuaeCelfitudinJs,humillime fupplicansfuamMa- 
 jeftatem, dignetur mihi concedere remporalia difti Epifcopatus Bathon. 6C 
 Wellen. quae recognofco tenere a fua Majeftate tanquam a Domino meo fu- 
 prenio. I'enor Juramenti fequitur (^ eft talis: Et ego idem Adrianus Car- 
 dinalis pr«dicli,sJuroad hxc SandaDciEvangeliaper me corporaliter tada, 
 quod ab hac die & in antea, vita mea naturali durante, ero fidelis & verus 
 Jigens, ac tidelitatem in ligencia mea pure & fincere fervabo, fideleq^ & 
 verum obfequium fecundum optimum pofle meum faciam & impendam fe- 
 renifiimo Principi Henrico ejus nominis feptimo, Dei Gratia Angl. 5c Fran. 
 Regi ac Domino Hiber, Domino meo fupremo, &i hxredibus fuis de cor- 
 pore fuo Jegittime procreatis Angl. Regibus, contra quafcunq^ perfonas cu- 
 jufcunq^ ftatus, gradus, pra^eminentia; autconditionis extiterint: nccquic- 
 quam faciam aut attemptabo fieri, re aut attemptari confentiam, quod in 
 damnum, incomraodum, aut prsjudicium, ipfius fereniflimi Regis aut ha:re-' 
 dum fuot urn pra^didorum, jurium, libertatum, Pra;rogativarum, privilegi- 
 crum &:confuetudinum fui incliti Regni, quovis modo cedere poterit ^ fed 
 omne id quod jam fcio, vel im^^ofterum cogilofcam inhonorabiJe, damno- 
 fum aut prajudiciale fuse Serenitati, aut Regno fuo, feu contrarium honori 
 aut Serenitati fuc-B Majeft;ttis, aut harcdum fuorum pradid:orum,non folum 
 impcdiam ad extremum potentia mta, fed etiam cum omni poflibili dili- 
 gentia id oftendam & fignificabo, oftendive aut figniticari faciam eidem 
 fereniflimo Rcgi, omni favore, metu, promilfo aut Jurejurando cuicunqj 
 perfon* aut quibufcunq^ perfonis cujufcunq^ flatus, gradus, ordinis, pras- 
 eminentia condiiionifve extiterunt, quod antehac per me faftumaut interpo- 
 fitum feu impoflerum fiendum aut interponendum, penitus fublato 6c non 
 obffantibus. Honorem infuper fua Majefhti ad extremum poteniijemex 
 fervabo, P..rliamentis quoq^ & aliis Confiliis fua Celfitudinis cum in ejus 
 Regno fuero diligenter artendam , Confilium quod fua Serenitas per fe feu 
 literas aut nuncium fuum mihi manifeftabit, neniini pandam, nifi iis qui- 
 bus ipfe jufferit: & fi confilium meum fuper aliquo fado Majeftos fuapo- 
 flulaverit, fideliter fibi confulam, bi quod magis fua Serenitati videbitur 
 expedire, 5c conducere juxta opinioncm & fcire meum? dkam (3c aperiam, 
 
 atque
 
 Book I. of Records, 
 
 atque id fi fuaSerenitas mandaverit pro pofTe meo diligenterfaciam. Cau- 
 fas infuper & negotia omnia fux Serenitatis mihi commilTa, feu impofterum 
 committcnda, in Curia Romana profequenda, pertraclanda (5c foJicitanda, 
 lideliter, accurate & diligenter, cum omnimoda dexteritate profequar, 
 pertradabo ^ folicitabo : Bullafq^ & alias literas Apoftolicas validas & 
 efficaces, in debita juris forma, fuper eifdem caufis ^ negotiis impetrare <5c 
 obtinere abfq^ fraude, dolo nut fmiftra quavis machinatione quantum in 
 me erit, cum omni efFedlu enitar, operam dabo & conabor : ac eafdem ta- 
 liter expeditas, cum ca quam res expoftulat diligentia, fus Serenitati 
 tranfmittam, aut per alios tranfmitti, tradi t^: liberari curabo, «5c faciam 
 Servitia quoq^ & homagia pro temporalibus difti Epifcopatus, qus recog- 
 rofco tenere a fua Celfitudine tanquam a Domino meo fupremo, fideliter 
 faciam 6c implebo. Ita me Deus adjuvet & hxc Sanda Dei Evangelia. In 
 cujus, 6cc. T.R. apudVVeftm. i3dieOdob. 
 
 Per ipfum Regem. 
 
 II. Fo^e JuliusV Letter to Archbi/hop Warham for ghing 
 K. Henry the 8ffc the Golden Rofe. 
 
 Julius Secundus Papa 'venerabili Fratri Gulielmo Archie fifcop. 
 Cantuarien. 
 
 VEnerabilis Frater, falutem 6c Apoftolicam Benedidionem. Clarifli- Regiftr. 
 mum in Chrifto Filium noftrumHenricum Anglis Regem llluftrif- ^f^arbami 
 fimum, quem peculiari charitate compledimur, aliquo infigni Apoftolico^°^'^^' 
 munere in hoc Regni fui primordio, decorandum putantes, mittimus nunc 
 ad eum Rofam Auream, Sando Chrifmate delibutam, & odorifero Mufco 
 afperfam, noftrifq^ manibus de more Romanorum Pontificura benedidam, 
 quam ei a tua Fraternitate inter Miffarum folemnia per te celebranda, 
 cum ceremoniis in notula aliigara contentis, dari voluraus noftra 6c Apo- 
 ftoJica benediftione. Datum Roms apud Sanftum Petrum fub Annulo 
 Pifcatoris 5 April, 1 5 10. Pontificatus uoftri Anno feptimo. 
 
 Sigifmundu?. 
 The l^ote of the Ceremonies of delivering the Rofe, referred to in the Let- 
 ter, vpas not thought worthy to be put in the Regifter. 
 
 111. A Writ for Summoning Convocations. 
 
 REX, 5cc. Reverendiflimo in Chrifto Patri Cantuarien. Arcliiepif. Tw/?. Re- 
 totius Anglis Priinati &C Apoftolica; fedis Legato, falutem. Qpi-giftFolj;. 
 bufdam arduis 6c urgentibus negotiis, Nos, defenfionem & fecuritatem 
 Ecclefis Anglicans, ac pacem, tranquillitatera, 5c bonum publicum, 6c de- 
 fenfionem Regni noftri 6c fubditorum noftrorum ejufdem concernentibus, 
 vobis in fide 6c diledione quibus nobis tenemini rogandi mandamus, qua- 
 tenus praemiflls debito intuitu attentis 6c ponderatis, univerfos Sc fingulos 
 Epifcopos veftrx Provincis, ac Decanos 6c Priores Ecclefiarum Cathedra- 
 lium, Abbates, Priores 6c alios Electivos, Exeraptos 6c nonexemptos,nec- 
 non Archidiaconos, Conventus, Capitula 6c Collegia, totumq^ Cleruni, 
 cujuflibet Diocefeos ejufdem Provincial, ad conveniendum coram vobis in 
 Ecclefia Sandi Pauli London, vel alibi prout melius expedire videriris, cum 
 omni celeritate accommoda, modo debito ccnvocari faciatis ad tradandum, 
 
 con fen-
 
 ^ A CoUeHiott Book I. 
 
 confentienduiu, & concUidendum fuper prxmiflls, 6c aliis qu;t (ibi ciarius 
 proponentur, tunc 6c ibidem ex parte noftra. Et hoc, ficut Nos & Itatuni 
 Regninoftri, & honorcm & utiliratein Ecclell^ pra-'dida: diligitis, iiulla- 
 tenus omittatis. Tefte n]eiplb,&c. apud VVeftmin. 6. Feb. x\nnoRegni 14. 
 
 Warham hi his Writ of executing this Summons^ prefixes the 20th of 
 April /or the dtiy of their meeting. 
 
 1 V. ^ Writ for a Convocation fummoned by Warham 
 on an Ecelefiafiical Account. 
 
 Regiftr. TTTlHielmus permiflione divina Cantuar. Archiepifcopus, fotius An- 
 Fitz,-Wil' YY gJi^ Primas & Apoftolica; fcdis Legatus, venerabiJi confratri no- 
 liamti f^ro Domino Ricardo Dei Gratia London. Epifcopo, faiutem d>i t'raternam 
 in Domino caritarem. Cum nuper Ecclefia Anglicana, qux majorum no- 
 flrorum temporibus, mukis ac magnis libcrtatibus 6c iramunitatibus gau.-. 
 dere folebat, quorundam iniquorum hominum malitiis, & nequitiis forti- 
 ter fuerit inquietata & perturbnta, qui omnia quse a majoribus npfiris fan- 
 dt &: pie, ob tranquillitatem didae Ecclefe fuerunt ordinata re fancita, 
 vel prava & finiflra interpretatione prope fubvertentes, vel Perfonas Ec- 
 clefiafticas male tradantes, ac eas contemptui habentes, diclani EccJefiam 
 pene proftraverunt ac pedibus conculcarunt ; Ne igitur dida Ecclefia An- 
 glicana ad calnmitatem inlignem feu ruinam ac jadturam, & quod abfit, de- 
 folationem perveniat, quas diu eadem Ecclefia Anglicana per diverfas per- 
 fonas, ut prxfertur pra3 oculis fuis Deum non habentes, nee cenfuras San- 
 ds Matris Ecclefis timentes, fuftinuit & fuftinebat, prout de verifimili 
 Reformatione non habita in futurum fuftincre debeat : Nos prout tenemur, 
 congruum remedium in hac parte providere cupientes, & ob id ipfum Prs- 
 iatos cS: Clerum noftrae Cantuar. Provincial convocare volentes ; Fraterni- 
 tati vellrs igitur committimus & mandamus, quatenus omnes Sc fingulos 
 didai noflrae Cant. Ecclefis Suffraganeos infra noflrani Provinciam confti- 
 tutos Sc abfentium Epifcoporura fi qui fuerunt Vicarios in Spiritualibusge- 
 nerale?, ac Diocelium vacantium Cuitodes Spiritualitatis,& Officiales citetis 
 feu citari facialis, peremptorie, ^ per cos Decanos & Priores Ecclefiarum 
 Cath. ac fingula Capitula corundem, Archidiaconos, Abbates 6c Priores, 
 Ccnventus fub fe habentes, & alios Ecclefiarum Prxlntosexemptos, ck'tion 
 exemptos, Clerumq^ cujullibet Diocefeos Provincias noftrx antedids, ci- 
 tari peremptorie & pr^moneri volumus 8c mandamus. Quod iidem Epif- 
 copi Suffraganei, noftri Vicarii Generalcs, Decani ^ Culto-Jcs five Offi- 
 ciales, Abbatcs, Priores, Archidiaconi & caeteri Ecclefiarum Pralati, ex- 
 empti 6c non exempti, perfonalitcr, <5c quodiibet Capitulum Ecckfiaruin 
 Cath. per unum de Capitulo graduatum, vel magis idoneum, didiq^ finguli 
 Abbates, five Priores Conventus fub fe habemcs, nulio oblbntt impedi- 
 mento legitimo, perunam Religiofaniperfonam deConventu graduatum fi 
 qua fit, ceu alias per unam magis idoneam de eodem Con\entu, Cleiufqj 
 cujullibet Dioc. Provinciae antedidse per duos procuratores graduates ejul- 
 dem Dioc. feu alias fi non fuerunt, per duos fufficientiores 6c habiliores 
 Dioc. in eorum Beneficiis realiter refidentes, compareant coram nobis aut 
 noflris in bac parte locum tenentibus, vel Comniiirariis, fi nos tunc (quod 
 abfit) impediri contigerit in Ecclefia Cathed. Sandi Pauh London, die Sab- 
 bat, viz. 26. menlis J;muarii, ^'c. Dat. in iVIanerio noftro de Lambeth 
 primo die menfis Novembris, Anno Domini milltfimoquingentefimonono, 
 di noltraj Tranflat. Anno Sexto. 
 
 V. Thr
 
 Book li. of Records. 
 
 V. The Preamble of the A^ of Subfidy granted by the Clergy. 
 
 QUum IlluftrifTimus & Potent! (Tiirms Dominus nofter Rex Anglia' Si An. Dom. 
 Francia:, DerenrorFidei&- Dominus Hibern.fempercxtititconfl-an- ^)V^' , -' 
 tiilimus Ecclefis Protedor &: Patronus optime meritus, atq; fuperiori- p : J*' ' 
 bus annis, in diebus fsilicis recorda.tionis Julii ejus nominis Papa^ fecundi, ^^/^ folicJ 
 grave Schifma in Fxclefia Romana exortum pacavit & extinxit ; (?< poftea .^^ ' 
 jpfam Ecclefiam Romanam contra vim & potentiam Gallorum, qui 
 rune Italiam d<. Urbem Romanam in fervitutem redi2;ere moliebantur va- 
 JidilTxm.o exercitu & bcllo longe omnium fumptuofiflimo fsliciter defen- 
 dit, & fecuram reddidit : Ac prarterea poftremis his diebus Lutheranas Hs- 
 refes,in Ecclefia: SacramentaEcclefisq; ftatum furiofe debacchantesdodii^ 
 flmoS^' numquam fatis laudato libello contudit & fuperavit , viciflini tam 
 gladio quam calarao hoftes Ecclefiam ftrenuiffime profligans, quibus me- 
 ritis fuam clariflimam famam immortali glorise pariter confecravit, tales 
 laudes S: gratias fua incomparabili bonitateab Ecclefia promeruit,quales 
 nunquam fatis dignas quilquam mortalium referre poterit,fed Deus effatim 
 perfolvet prxmia digna. Quumq; idem Rex nofter & Proteftor illuftrif- 
 llmus d Rege Gallorurh per Marc &■ per Terras, incolas hujus Rcgni con- 
 tra percuflum fcedus, promijiam fidem, & fuum ipfiusfalvum condudutn 
 aflidue infeftante, ik Scotos contra Regnumhoc inftiganteacfuisftipen- 
 diis conducente, atq^ Ducem Albania? in perniciem principis Scotorum 
 noftri Regis ex forore Nepotis impeliente, aliafq; injurias multas & gra- 
 ves contra Regiam Majeftatem fuofq; amicos & fubditos quotidie mul- 
 tiplicante, provocatur, irritatur atq^ urgetur ut bellum fufcipiat, fuumq^ 
 Regnum tam contra Gallosquam contra Scotos, ut decet inviftiffimum 
 Principem, potenter defendat ; non enim ultra pacem colere vel pacem 
 longius expe£tare convenit, poftquam Rex Gallorum fummum Pontifi- 
 cem bene moventem, &qu$pacisfuntfuadentem, audire recufat, exerci- 
 tum inftruens c\: bellum apparans, fortaflis in multos annos duraturum: 
 digniffimum eft ob pra;fata tam prxclara facinora, ut ficut Rex nofter iU 
 luftriflimusplus ca?teris Regibus antecelToribus fuis pro Ecclefia defenfio- 
 ne, utilitate S: honore infudavit, & plus expenfarum fuftinuit 5 ita ad fufti- 
 nenda bellorum onera imminentia, pro Ecclefia; 8f totius Regni hujus 
 defenfione, per Ecclefiam tali fiibfidio adjuvetur quale anterioribus 
 Regibus nunquam antehac conccffum eft, nee fortaflis pofterioribus Re- 
 gibus unquam fimile, nifi ob talia benefafta vel extremam bellorum nc- 
 ceflitatem poftea concedetur. Quocirca ut Regia Majeftas ad fovendam 
 & protegendam Ecclefiam, &: Clerum Anglix, magis indies animetur, 
 & ut jura, libertates & privilegia Ecclefis concefTa benigne Ecclefia,- fer- 
 vet, 6c ab aliis fervari faeiat, & ne prasfata benefafta in ingratos contu- 
 lilTe vidcatur : 
 
 NOS Pralati ^ Clerus Cant. Provinciae in hac Sacra Synodo Provin- 
 ciali five Prslatorum c\ Cleri ejufdem Convocatione, in Ecclefia 
 Cathed. Divi Pauli London, viceiimo die menfis Aprilis Anno Dom. mille- 
 fimo quingentefimo vicefimo tertio inchoata, ac ufq^ ad in decimum 
 quartum diem menfis Augufti proxime extunc fequentis de diebus in 
 dies continuata, congregati, Illuftrifiimo Domino Regi perpetuo cs: po- 
 tentiflimo Fidei c\ Ecclefix Defenfori, fubfidium dare ik concedcre De- 
 crevimus, quam noftram Benevolentiam ut gratam & acceptam habeat 
 humillime deprecamur, proteftantes exprcfil-, quod per praefentcm con- 
 cclTionem, quam tanquam novam & ante infolitam pro noftra fingulari 
 
 Z z 6< pcrfo'
 
 8 A Collecii'M Book ir. 
 
 & perfonali in Regiam MajeUatem obfervantia fiueexemplodonaraus, om- 
 nino nolumus EcclefixAnglicana; aut fucccfToribusnoftris in aliquo pr^judi- 
 ciiim generari, nee cafum hunc (ingularem ad fcquen. trahi : Qiiod fi prs- 
 fenrem Conceffionem pro exemplo & (ut vocaut) pro Prafidente ad fimiles 
 unquam ConcefTiones exigendas accipiendam fore prsefentiremus, certe in 
 earn omnino confentire recufafiemus , quandoquiduni fubfidium fub modis, 
 fotmis, conditionibus, exceprionibus ac provilionibus, <3c protefratione fu- 
 per t5v infrafcriptis, ^ non aliter, neq^ alio modo, Damus & Concedimus, 
 viz, Subiidium le extendensad Medietateni live mediam partem valoris om- 
 nium frufluura, reddituum, 6c proventuum, pofleflionum, unius anni, om- 
 nium & (inguJorum Epifcop^ituum, Ecclefiarum Cathed. & Collegiatarum, 
 Digniratum, Hofpitaiium Monad. Abbatiarum, Prioratuum aliarumque 
 domorum Religiofarum, necnon quorumcunq; bencHciorum 6c Pofleflio- 
 num Ecclefiafticarum, &c. 
 
 VI. ^/^pTonrtal'i Licence to Sir Thomas More /or 
 reading Heretical Books. 
 
 ^egift. ^^Uthbertus permiflione Divina London. Epifcopus CLiriflimo 5c Egre- 
 Tonf. Fol. VJ §i° ^'^'■0 Domino Thomse More fratri (3c araico Chariflimo Salutem iu 
 138. Domino <3c benedid. Quia nuper, poftquaui Ecclefia Dei per Germaniam 
 
 ab ha^reticis infefiata cit, jundi funt nonnulli iniquiratis Filii, qui vete- 
 rem & damnatam hxrefim Wyclifrianara 6c Lutherianam, etiam hsrefis 
 Wycliffianc-E alumni transferendis in noflratem vernaculam linguaracorrup- 
 tiflimis quibufcunqj eorum opufculis, atq^ illis ipfis magna copia impreffis, 
 in banc noftram Rcgionem inducereconantur j quam fane peftilendflimis 
 dogmatibus Catholics fidei veritati repugnantibus macuJare atq^ inficere 
 magnis conatibus moliuntur. Magnopere igitur vereudum efi; ne CathoJica 
 Veritas in totum periclitetur, nifi boni ^ eruditi viri malignitati tarn prs- 
 didorum hominum ftrenue occurrant ^ id quod nulla ratione melius & ap- 
 tius fieri poterit , quam fi in lingua Cathoiica Veritas in totum expugnans 
 ha-t; infana dogmata fimul etiam ipfiflima prodcat in lucem. Quo fiet ut Sa- 
 crarum Literarum imperiti homines in manus fumentes novos iftos Hsereti- 
 cosLibros, atq^ una etiam Catholicos ipfos refellentes, velipfiper feverum 
 difcernere, vel ab aliis quorum perfpicacius efl: judicium rede admoneri &C 
 doceri poflinr. Et quia tu,F' rater Chariflime, in lingua noftravernacula, fi- 
 cut etiam in Latina, Demofthenem quendam prxlTare potes, & Catholics 
 veritatis aflertor acerrimus in omni congveilu efle foles, melius fubcifivas bo- 
 ras, Ci quastuisoccupationibus fufFurari potes, collocare nunquam poteris, 
 quam in noftrate lingua aliqua edas qus fimplicibus & ideotis hominibus 
 fubdolam hasreticorum malignitatem aperiant, ac contra tam impios Ec- 
 clcfisfupplantatoresreddant eos inftrucliores: habes ad id exemplum quod 
 imiteris pr^-Eclariflimum, illuftriflimi Domini noflri Regis Henrici odavi, 
 quiSacramenta Ecclefiae contra Lutherum totis viribus ea fubvertentem af- 
 lerere aggreflus, imraortale nomen Defenforis Ecc'elia; in omne svum pro- 
 ineruit. Et ne Andabatarum more cum ejufmodi I'arvis ludcris, ignorans 
 ipfe quod oppugnes,mitto ad te infanas innoftrate lingui iflorum nasnia?,atqj 
 nna etiam nonnullos LutheriLibrusex quibushac opinionum monftrapro- 
 dierunt. Qiiibus abs te diligerter perledis, facilius inteliigas quibiis latibu- 
 iis toriuo(i lerpentes fefe condant, quibufq^ anFradibus clabi dcprehcnfi ftu- 
 deant. Magni enim ad vidoriam momcnti elt hoftium Gonfiha explorata 
 habere, & quid fentiant quuve tendant ptnitusnoiie : nam fi convellsre pa- 
 res quse ifti fe non fenfilTe diccnt, in totum perdas operam. Made igitur 
 
 vi.'tute,
 
 Book II. of Records. 9 
 
 virtute, tarn fanduin opus aggredere, quo (3^: Dei Ecclefirt' prolis, <3c tibi im- 
 inortale nomcn atq; sternam in Coelis gJoriam pares : quod ut facias atque 
 Dei EccleliTm tuo patrocinio munias, inagnopere in Domino obfecramus, 
 atque ad ilium finem ejufmodi libros & retinendi 5c Jegendi ficulratem 
 arque licentiam impertimur 5c concedimus. Dat. 7. die Martii, Anno 
 1527. & noftr^ Conf. fexto. 
 
 Ad Librum Secundum. 
 
 I. The Bull for the King's Marriage with Queen Katherine. 
 
 Julius Epifcopus fervus fervorum Dei, diledo filio Henrico clariflimi in CottonLihr. 
 Chrifto Filio Henrici Anglic Regis illuflrifT. Nato, <5c dile(a?E in Chri- ^'^f^^- B^iz- 
 Ito Fills Catharine Clariflimi in Chrifto Filii noftri Ferdinand! Regis, ac 
 Cariffim^ in Chrifto Filis noftri Elizabeth. Regins Hifpaniarum & Sici- 
 lis Catholicorum nat?B, illuftribus, falutem 6c apoftolicam Benediiiionem. 
 Romani Fontificis pr^cellens Autoritas conceiFalibi defuper utitur potefta- 
 te, prout perfonarum, negotiorum di temporum qualitate penfata, id in 
 Domino confpicit falubriter expedite. Oblarss nobis nuper pro parte veftra 
 peritionis feries continebat. Quod cum alias tu FiUa Catharina, 6c tunc 
 in humanis agens quondam Arthurus, Cariflimi in Chrifto Filii noftri Hen- 
 rici Anglis Regis illuftriflimi primogenitus, pro confervandis pacis & ami- 
 citis nexibus & foederibus inter cariftimum in Chrifto Filium noftrum 
 Ferdinandum, (3c cariffiraam in Chrifto Filiamnoftram Elizabeth. Hifpa- 
 niarum & Sicili* Catholicos, ac prasfatum Anglia: Reges 6c Reginam, ma- 
 trimonium per verba legitime de prsfenti contraxilTetis, illudq^ carnali Co- 
 pula forfan confummavilletis, Dominus Arthurus prole ex hujufmodi Ma- 
 rrimonio non fufcepta deceftit; Cum autem, ficuteadem petitio fubjunge- 
 bat, ad hoc ut hujufmodi vinculum Pacis 6c Amicitiae inter prafatos Reges 
 & Reginam diutius permaneat, cupiatis Matrimonium inter vos per verba 
 legitime de prafenti contrahere, fupplicari nobis feciftis, ut vobis in prs- 
 iniflisdeopportunae Difpenfationis gratia providere de benignitate Apofto- 
 Jica dignaremur ; Nos igitur, qui inter fingulos Chrifti fideles, prsfertira 
 Catholicos Reges & Principes, Facis 6c Concordije amoenitatem vigere in- 
 tenfis defideriis afFedamus, vofque 6c quemlibet veftrum a quibufcunque 
 Excommunicationis, Sufpenfionis 6c Interdid. aliifque Ecclefiafticis Sen- 
 tentiis, Cenfuris, Poenis, a jure vel ab homine, quavis occafione vel caufa 
 latis, fj quibusquomodolibet innodati exiftitis, adefftdum prafentium dun- 
 taxat confequendura, harum ferie abfolvente?, 6c abfolutos fore cenfentes 
 hujufmodi lupplicationibus inclinati, vobifcum, ut impedimento affinitatis 
 hujufmodi ex pramiffis proveniente, ac Conftitutionibus 6c Ordinationi- 
 bus Aportolicis c^terifq^ contrariis ncquaquam obftantibus, Matrimoni- 
 um per verba legitime de pra^fenti inter vos contrahere, Si in eo poft- 
 quam Contradum fuerit, etiamfi jam forfan hadenus de fado publico 
 vel clandeftine contraxeritis, ac illud Carnali Copula confummaveritis, 
 Jicite remanere valeatis, Audoritate Apoftolica tenore prsfentium de 
 fpecialis dono Gratia; Dilpenfamus ^ ac vos 6c quemlibet vcftrorum fi con- 
 traxeritis (ut praefertur) ab cxcefTu hujufmodi, ac Excommunicationis 
 Sententia quam propterea incurriftis, eadem Audoritate Abfolvimus, 
 Prolem ex hujufmodi Matrimonio, five contrado, five contrahendo, 
 fufceptam forfan vel fufcipiendam legitimam dccernendo. Provifo quod 
 
 Z z 2 tu
 
 I o A Colleciion Book 11. 
 
 tu (Fiiia Cathcirina) propter hoc rapta non fueris ^ volanius autem 
 quod ii hujufmodi Mitrim.oniurn de facto contraxiftis, Coufeilbr, pec 
 vos dc quemlibet vedrum eligendus, posnitentiam falutarcm propterea 
 vobis injunsjaf, quam adimplere teneamini. NuUi ergo omnino homi- 
 num liceat banc pagin.mi noftrs AbfolutioniSjDirpenfationis (?C Voluntatis 
 infringere, vel ei aufu teinerario contraire i^ fi quis autem hoc attemptare 
 praefunipferit, indignaticnem Omnipoteiitis Dei ac Beatorum Petri & PauJi 
 Apoftolorum ejus fe noverit incurfurum. Dar. RomiB apud Sandum Pe- 
 trum, Anno IncMrnationis Dominicje millefiino quingentclinio tertio, fep- 
 tinioCal. Januarii, Pontilic^rus noftri Anno prime. 
 
 II. The King's Protefiation againfi the Marriage. 
 
 CoiioHLxbi:. X N Dei Nomine, Amen. Coram vobis Reverendo in Chrifto Patre 
 yitell. B.I2. J^ & Domino Domino Richardo Dei & ApoftoJica; fedis gratia Epifco- 
 po Wintonienfi, Ego Henricus Wallis Princeps, Dux Cornubiai & Co- 
 mes Ceftris, dico, allego, S<. in his Scriptis propono, Quod licet ego mino- 
 rem ajtatem agens, & intra annos pubertatis notorie exiftcns, cum Sere- 
 ni(fima Domina Katharina Hifpaniarum Regis Filia, Matrimonium de 
 fa£lo contraxerim, qui quidem Contraftus, quamvis obftante ipfa minore 
 state mea de fe jam invalidus, imperfeftus, nullius eiEcacio-g aut vigoris 
 extiterit ^ quia tamen annis pubertatis & matura aetate jam fuperveniente, 
 ContraQus ipfe per taciturn Confenfum, mutuam cohabitationem, mu- 
 nerum aut interfignium dationem feu receptionem, vel alium quemcunq; 
 modum jure declaratum, forfan exiftimare feu videri poteric apparenter 
 validatus aut confirmatus 5 Ea-propter, Ego Henricus Wallia; Princeps 
 praediftus, jam proximus pubertate exiliens, & annos pubertatis attingens, 
 PrOteftor, quod non intendo eundem prstenfum contradum per qux- 
 cunque per me difta feu dicenda, fafta aut facienda, in aliquo approba- 
 re, validare, feu ratum habere, fed nunc in prsfenti, non vi, dolo, nee 
 prece indutus, fed fponte S< libere, nuUo modo coa£lus, contra hujufmodi 
 Contractum reclame, & eidem dilTentio, voloque & omnino intendo ab 
 eodemcontraftu Matrimoniali prstenfo, melioribus modo k forma, qui- 
 bus de jure melius, validius, aut efBcacius potero & poflim, penitus re- 
 fiiire, & eidem exprcfle dilTentire, prout in prsfenti contra eundem re- 
 clamo, & eidem dilTentio. Proteftorq-, quod per nullum diftum, faftum, 
 aftum, aut geftum per me, aut nomine meo per alium quemcunque, 
 quandocunque aut qualemcunque, impofterum faciendum, agendum, 
 gerendum, aut explicandum, volo aut intendo in praefatum contractum 
 Matrimonialem, aut in diftam Dominam Catharinam tanquam Spon- 
 fam aut Uxorem meam confentire. Super quibus vos omnes teftimoni- 
 uni perhibere volo, require, rogo, atque obteftor. 
 
 Per me Henricum Wal]i;t Principem. 
 
 LEfta fuit & faSa fuprafcripta Proteftatio, per pr.Tfatum Sereniflfimnm 
 Principem Dominum Henricum, coram Reverendo in Chrifto Pa- 
 tre tic Domino Domino Richardo permiffione Divina Winton, Epifcopo, 
 Judicialiter pro tribunali fedent. Et me Notarium infra fcriptom ad 
 tunc precfentem in ejus Aftorum Scribam in hac parte afTumente, i?-: Te- 
 llium infrafcriptorum prxfentiis. Anno Dom. i 505. Indi£lione oftava, 
 Pontificatus Sanftiffimi in Chrifto Patris & Domini noftri Julii, Divina 
 Providentia co nomine Papae fecundi Anno fecundo, Menfis vero Ju- 
 
 nii
 
 Book II. of Records. 1 1 
 
 nii die 27 ; quo die Dominus SereniflimusPrinceps proximuspubertati, 
 &; annos pubertatis attingens erat, Sc tunc ibidem aflerebat, in quadam 
 bafld Camera infra Palatium Regium Richmondi^, in parte occidentali 
 ejufdem Palatii fituat. Super quibus omnibus & fingulis, prosfatus Se- 
 reniffimus Princeps me Notarium pra^memoratum Inftrumentum confi- 
 cere, & teftes infra nominates teftimonium perhibere requifivic inltan- 
 ter &; rogavit. In quorum omnium & fingulorum fidem & teftimoni- 
 um, prxfatus Serenillimus Princeps fupra, & teftes, ut pr*mittitur, ro- 
 gati 2c requlfui, fua nomina propriis manibus infra fcripferunt. Ita eft 
 uc lupra, quod ego Joannes Raed manu Sc figno meo manuali Atteftor. 
 
 Giles Daubney, C. Somerfet. 
 Thomas Rowihale. 
 Nicholas Weft. 
 Henry Marny. 
 
 111. Cardinal Wolfey'j firfi: Letter to Sir Gregory Caffali, 
 about the Divorce. Tal^en from the Original. 
 
 DOmine Gregori, Poft meam cordatiffimani Commendationera, poft CottonlAhr. 
 ultimum veftrum a me difceffumex compendio ad vosfcripfi, ut ob FUell. B.9. 
 nonnuUas maximi momenti caufas procurare differretis quod de Regis Ma- 
 jeftatis negotio in quibufdam nobis traditis Commiflionibus contiuebatur, 
 quoad rurfus vobis fignificarem quid ea in re fieri vellemus. Ubi vero ad 
 Regiam Majeftatem rediiffem, variis crebrifq; cum ea habitis fermonibus, 
 adeo abunde ac diftincte illi apperui quam ex anirao ac diligenter, & quam 
 Cncere Si. ex fide,diu noduque exoptetis eidem Regis Majeftati infervire ; 
 neque ullura unquarn laborem, periculum aut moleftiam vos velle recufare, 
 ut omni ftudio ac viribus id fideliter praeftare poflitis quod illi gratum aut 
 acceptum quoquo modo eiTe poile cognoveritis, omnemq^ induftriam vos 
 eflc adhibituros quo veftrs fidei cursque commilTa optatum finem confe- 
 quantur :, quem veftrum animum propenfiffima voluntate fie fub mea fide 
 Regis Mdjeftati infinuavi, ut meam banc relationem atque fpoufionem pe- 
 clori fuo conftantiflime adfixerir, certiflimaque fiducia concepit, omnino 
 futurum ut noftrastunc expedationi quacunque in re 5c occafione refpon- 
 deatis ; Ex quo fit ut veftrs opers, curs atque prudentiaj ea nunc tradan- 
 da Si. procuranda committat, quibus nihil magiscordi habeat, nihil ardenti-1 
 us exopter, aut majoris fit momenti vel gravioris fucceiTus, nee uUum ha- 
 bet Confiiiarium, utcunque intimum, cui graviora poflit committere. 
 Quum itaque, me intercedente Si procurante, nunc vos Regia Majeftas pras 
 ca;teris ad hoc fidei adfciverit Si elegerit, ut in re tarn gravi fideliffima 
 veftra opera ac minifterio utatur, fidemque illi meam de vobis jam ei ad- 
 ftrinxerim, nihil ambigens quin poftquam ejus animam ac voluntatem cog- 
 noveritis, fueritifque abunde inftrucli quam maximi h$c qua; nunc expono 
 funt momenti, utpote qua potifiimum concernunt Regis confcientia,' exone- 
 rationem, animsque fus falutem, vits confervationem Si incolumitatem, 
 Regii Stemraatis continuationem, publi'cumque commodum Si quietem fub- 
 ditorum omnium, eorum pariter qui fub ejus imperio nunc vivunt vel qui 
 poflea unquam in hoc fuo Regno vivent 5 quumquc perfpiciam fedulum ve- 
 ftrum Minifterium hoc in negotio impendendum omnino redunduurum 
 efTe in prscipuam veftrara exaltarionem Si utilitatcm, poftquam infelices 
 
 iftos
 
 12 A Collecfion Book II, 
 
 iltos jam palTos fuccedus occadonem fe obniljlle videtis, qua veltra familia 
 hnjulmoji oper.iin huic SercnifTiino Principi navare poilit, quod ftatum 
 omnem veftrum in longe mrliorein quam antea fit haud dabie reftituturus 
 & adaudurus, certiflimum compertifTiniumque habeo, quod ob has tain 
 urgentes caufas & tarn graves fuccelliaros eftedus, adeo toto pedore vires 
 omnes vcftras induflria ac Audio tants conh'cienda- rei addicetis, ut omnia 
 queatis ad optatum cxitum perducere 5 atque ita promill'um fideinque me- 
 am praftabitis, tarn optimum Regis Majeltatis infiitutum juvabitis, ejus 
 defiderio (3v expedationi omni ex parte fatisfacietis, & prater bene perada2 
 rei honorem & Jaudem comparandim, mercedem quoque reportabitis tanti 
 Principis liberalitate dignam, qua; ccrtiflime cedet in perpetuum veftrum to- 
 tiufque veftrs familis commodum (5c incrementum : Et quuni jam mihi 
 perfuadeam futurum omnino ut officiis adionibufque \-eftris fitis promiffis 
 fponlionibufquemeisomninofatisfaduri, ad id pJuribus verbis neutiquaraad- 
 hortabor, proinde ad rem nunc ipfam venio. Ante hoc tempus vobis ape- 
 rui, quemadmodum Regia Majeftas, partim afliduoluodc eruditione, partim 
 relatuac judicio inultorum Theologorum^ 6c in omni Dodrinas genere Do- 
 dorum virorum aflcveratione, exiftimans confcientiam fuam non eflcfuffi- 
 cienter exoneratam, quod in cohjugio exifteret cum Regina, Deumque 
 primo &: ante omnia ac anim^e fus quietem & falutem refpiciens, mox vero 
 {\ix Succeflionisfecuritatem, perpendenfque accurate quara gravii hincraa- 
 Ja provenirent, aperte fentit qunm. raaxime futurum fit Deo moleftum, in- 
 honorificum fibi, &C ingratumapud homines, fuifque fubditis periculofum 
 ex hoc non fufficienti conjugio, fi deprehendatur dida Majeftas fciens ac vo- 
 lensin eo perft:are, & vivere prster modum debitum, juxtaque ritum 5i. le- 
 gitimaEcclefisStatuta : quibus igitur ex caufislongo jam tempore, intimo 
 iux confcientis; remorfu, fummique Dei rationem habens, exiltimat ani- 
 mam fuamlsfam (ScofFenfam, adeo quod, quum in fuis conatibus adionibuf- 
 que quibufcunque Deum potiflimum fibi femper proponat, ingenti cura 
 moleitia cordifque perturbatione in hoc Matrimonio degit ^ fuper qua re 
 maturum fanumque judicium confuluitclariflimorumceleberrimorumqjDo- 
 dorum aliorumquecomplurium in omni eruditionis genere excelientiorum 
 virorum ac Prajlatorum, partim Theologorum, partim jurifperitorum, 
 tun} in fuo Regno, turn alibi exiftentium, ut aperte vereque cognofcerer, 
 an Difpenfatio antea concelTa pro fe d\ Regina, ex eo quod Kegina Fratris 
 fui uterini Uxor antea extiterir, valida tk: fufliciens forer, necne^ demum- 
 queavariis multifq-, ex his Dodoribus aileritur, quod Papa non poteft 
 difpenfare in primo gradu affinitatis, tanquam ex jure Divino, moraliter, 
 naturaliterque prohibito, ac fi poteft, omties affirmant 6c confentiunt quod 
 hoc non poteft, nifi ex urgentiHimis dc arduis caufis, quales non fubfue- 
 runt ^ BuJia prsterea Difpenfationis fundatur & concelia eft Tub quibuf- 
 dam rationibus falfo fuggeftis & enarratis, in ea namque aileritur, quod hac 
 Regia Majeftas Matrimonium hoc cum Regina percupiebat, pro bono pacis 
 inter Henvicum feptimum Ferdinandum <3c Elizabetham, quum revera 
 nulla tunc difi'cntio aut belli fufpicio ellet inter didos Principes, vel Regi- 
 ani Majertatem pra'didam, qua in teneris adhuc annis, nee in difcretione 
 aut judicio conftitutis agebat ^nunquam deinde airenfit,aur quicquam cog- 
 novit de hujufraodi bulla Impetratione, nee unquani hoc Mjtrimonium 
 optavit, aut aliquid de eo accipit ante buUas Impctrationem. Qiiocirca ab 
 his omnibus Dodoribus atq^, Pralatis judicatur hujufmodi Difpcnlationem 
 non adeo validam t< idoneam effe ac efficacem, ut pradiduin Matrimonium 
 manifcfte juftum legitimumque fit^ fed potius quod mulra pollunt objici, 
 raagnis probabilibulque fundata ts: corroborata rationibus, in noa leve peri- 
 
 culum
 
 Book II. of Records, 1 3 
 
 culum Regias prolis, totiufque Rcgni ac fubditorum gravem pertiirbatio- 
 nem. Ad bxc poflqaam Regia Majeftas, qui Wallia; Princeps tunc erat, 
 decimum quartum annum attigillet, contractus Revocatio fubfecuta eft, Re- 
 jfe Patre expreffe nolenre quod hujufraodi Matriinoniuni ullo pacto fortiretur 
 effed:um. His caufis Rex hie Sereniflimus, tanquam bonus &: Cathoiicus 
 Princeps, timens ne ob tam diuturnam cum Regina continuationem, indig- 
 natus & iratus Deus citius ex humanis evocaverit Mafculam e Regina fuf- 
 cepram prolem, graviufque a Deo fupplicium expavefcit, (i in Matrimonio 
 hoc non legitimo perfeveraverit ^ exhacideo occafione, intimis pr^Bcordiis 
 hunc Confcientis fcrupulum concepir, in animo nihilominus habens, pro 
 animi confcientia^que (ux quiete 5c falute, prolifque fecuritate, ad Sandam 
 Domini noftri fedemque Apoftolicam confugcre, tants rei remediura im- 
 perraturus confidens, quod ob coraplura fua erga earn merita & officia tuin 
 calamo ingeniique viribus, turn arraisprjsftira,fubridia in Ecclefix cala- 
 mitatibus pron)pte fubminiftrata, Sandiffimus Dominus nofter non grava- 
 vabitur fua benignitate, authoritate ac facultate, intimum hunc Regiai 
 Majeftatls cordi inhsrentem dolorem amovere, eumque modum ac ratio- 
 nem inire qua Regia Majeftas prsdida Uxorem aliam ducere, d\, Deo vo- 
 lente, mafculam prolem in inx fucceffionis fecuritatem queat ex ea fufci- 
 pere, & tam ctrtam quietem in fuo Regno conftituere : Quumque ejus 
 Sanditas ab his nunc captiva detinearur, qui pro virili fua forfan conabun- 
 tur impedire, turbareque hoc Regis Majeftatis Defiderium & Statutum, 
 ipfa prsterea cogitur vias omnes excogitate, quibus difta Sanditas de hac 
 re dexterius 6: commcdius inftrui, &: facilius adduci queat ad ea conceden- 
 da, quorum medio & vigore Regiaj Majeftatis animus &c defiderium queat 
 optatum fortiri effedum : Proinde ipfa Regia Majeftas de fide, induftria, 
 dexteritate prudentiaque veftra pleniirime confidens, vult ut ftatini his li- 
 teris acceptis, rebus aliis omnibus quibufcunque ab eo vel a quovis alio vo- 
 biscommiffis omnino pofthabitis, vias modofque omnes poffibiles excogite- 
 tis quibus poteftis fecretiflime, mutato habitu & tanquam alicujus Mini- 
 fter, vel tanquam CommifTionem habens a Duce Ferraris pro nonnullis 
 inter Pontificem 6Ceumcomponendiscontroverfiis, vel alia qua licuerit fe- 
 curiori via, ad Pontificis prxfentiam & colloquium accedendi, omnibus 
 arbitris femotis, (i fieri pofiit, pro veftris obeundis raandatis ; quorum obti- 
 nendorum gratia, fi ita expedire judicaveritis, earn mercedem ac pecunia- 
 arum fummam promittetis ac tradetis, his qui revera volent atq^ poterunt 
 hocncgotium adeffedum pertrahere,quara fummam, &ejusliniitationem, 
 judicio, prudentisque veftrs integram Regia Majeftas remittit ; etiam (i 
 his danda foretqui Pontificem afiervant, vel cuicunque alio qui vostuco ad 
 fecretum cum fua Sanditate Sermonem adducere, in locumque tutum re- 
 ducere pofiet : Cujus rei gratia, aliifqueadhunc finem confequendum fufti- 
 nendis oneribus necelTariis, pecunix ad fummam decem mille ducatorum, 
 per Menfarios Venetias tranfmittentur, qui iJIic in promptu aderunt, 
 perfolvcnds 5c confignands Prothonotario Fratri veftro, Regio illicex- 
 iftenri Oraton ^ per eumque de tempore in tempus nd vos tranfmitti ea 
 fumma poteritquamhuic obtinendo negotio conduccre pofie exiftimaveri- 
 tis, nihilque ambigoquindidam pecuniam fideliter collocetis, ex Regias 
 Majeftatis utilitate, expedatione atquefententia. Atque ubi adSandum 
 Dominum noftrum accelleritis, poft filiales & cordatjflimas Regise Ma- 
 jeftatis mcafq^ devotas & humiiiiraas commcndationes, & poft exhibi- 
 tas a Rcge Credeutias literas, in quibus in negotii adjumentum claufula 
 vehcmens eft propria ejus manu confcripta, ut ex earum exemplo cog- 
 nofcctis, ejus Sandit^ti exponeiis quam grave, moleftumqj Regia: Majc- 
 
 ftatt
 
 i^ A Collet ion Book II. 
 
 ftati 6c mihi fit audire infailicilliinos eventus, calamicatemque miferandam, 
 in qua nunc ejus Sanclitascum Reverendill". Cardinalib. verfatur, cum gra- 
 viflimo detrimcnto irreparabiliquc fcdis Apollolica; illiufque Patrimonii 
 jaftura, ad qus mala fublevanda &C corrigenda nullum in Re^ia Majeflate 
 officium deGderabitur, quod ab ullo erga Sanftam Domini noftri vcl fcdein 
 Apoftolicam obfervantililmo Principe queat excogitari ^ in eoqj omne me- 
 uiu minifterium ac ftudium non minus promptum aderit, quam fi ex ea re 
 folum poflem mihi coslum comparare ^ quemadmoduni experientia, aliqua 
 in parte, jam docuit, 6c Deo duce pofthac uberius comprobabit : quara rem 
 copiofiusoptimifqj verbis agetis, prajfertim, quum fciatis quanto 6c quaiu 
 fincero affedu Regia Majeftas ejus Sanditatem profequatnr, & quanta mea 
 lit in ipfam devotio, in hifque fermonibus infiftetis prout loci, temporis, 
 negotiique ratio videbitur judicio veftro poftulare. 
 
 Secundo, Sandiffimo Domino noftra folita veftra dexteritate aperietis id 
 quod in his ipfis literisad vosfcripfi concernens hujus Matrimonii infuffi- 
 cientiam, ab hifq^ rationibus 5C caufis fundamentum capietis, qux fuperius 
 enarrantur, integrumq, difcurfum ejus Sanflitati declarabitis, non omit- 
 tentes intrinfeeum dolorem,confcientisfcrupuium,Dei rationem, Mafcula 
 prolis refpeflum, hujus Regni bonum,5c alia omnia ut fuperius fcripta funt: 
 addentes infuper, nihil vehementius optari a tota Regni Nobilitate, fubdi- 
 tifque omnibusnullodircrimine,quameRcgi2 Majeftatiscorpore Mafculum 
 h^t-redem a Deo (ibi dari, in perpetuam confolationem. gaudium, quietem, 
 acrotius Regni fecuritatem, pofteritatifque firmiflimumcolumcn^ pruden- 
 tiorumq^ opinionem efTe, quod Deus omnipotens a tanto bono concedendo 
 divinam fuam manum fubftrahit, ob errorem, culpamque in dido Matri- 
 nionio hadenusadmiffam, qua; nifi mature corrigatur, graviora ex hac occa- 
 fione in hoc Regno mala fuccedent, quam antea unquam fuerunt audita 5 
 etenim fi hoc negotium infufpenfo & indifcuflum relinqueretur, hujufmodi 
 poflent qujeftiones, controverfis & contentiones ac fadiones pofl defunduni 
 Regem exoriri, ob Regni hsreditatem, qus non poilent in multornm ajvo 
 reftingui, ut antea olim ex cauCi longe leviori accidit, neq^exretam ambi- 
 gua, tarn (xvx olim depopulationes, bella, inteftinsqj conrroverfis exorts, 
 Sz ad multum tempus continuatas funt» in extremum 6ffermeultimutn 
 Regni excidium 5 qus quum tam gravia funt, Sandiflimus Dominus noftet 
 veluti pater 5c gubernator Chriftianitatis profpicere ex officio debet, & qui- 
 bufcunque modis pofeft, pro viribusadniti 6cconari, ut hsc Regna acdomi- 
 iiia qus nunc fuperfunt in fide & obedientia Ecclefia; aflidue contineat, in- 
 ter qua;, Deo fit iaus, hoc Regnum baud recenfendum eft inter minima, 
 fed tanquam iilud quod hadenas juvavit, di. pofthac pro tuto prxfidio fem- 
 V per haberi poterit, adverfus ea qua; cedere poftent in Ecclefis Catholics 
 
 vel Sandai fidei detrimentum. 
 
 Tertio, Sandiffimo Domino noftro proponetis prsfentem Ecclefiae fta- 
 tum, rogabitifque ut in mentem velit reJigerc, quo nunc in ftatu fus Sandi- 
 tatis res cum Chriftianis Principibus verfentur, cumq ^privatfe contentiones, 
 qua; illi funt cum magna eorum Principum parte, addita «5v ambitione im- 
 nioderatoq^ regum appetitu & ex arbitrio fuo, Tcmporale jus omne atq^ 
 SpirituaJe tradandi, Ecclefiafticamq; Jurifdidionem & Authoritatem in- 
 vertendi, eo certeanimo ut fedis Apoftolica; dignitatem extinguant 5 his 
 omnibus in unum connexis ac bene confider.itis, ejus Sanditas manifeftc 
 cognofcet, Principem nullum, neq^ portum, aut refugium tam tutuni» 
 cui in omnem eventum queat inha;rerc, fibi rclidum efle, quara hac Regia 
 Majeftas eft quae nihil fibi vendicat, nil ambit, quo J pra,'judicio die poUit 
 dida- Sandititi, fed ejus, Apoftolitaique fedis, fcmpcr fuit, eftj cflcq^ de- 
 
 crevit
 
 Book 11. of Records, 1 5 
 
 crevit firmiflinmm fcutum, tatiiiimumqj propugnaculum, ira fuas adiones 
 cum cJEteris Principibus firmans & connedens, ut femper ex ea occnfione in 
 fuam h-Uic optimam fententiam reliquospoflit attrahere, adeoquod Regi 
 tam optime in Sandiflimum Dominum noftrum affedo nihil denes^ari debe- 
 at, utcumq^ maximum quod pollit ab ejus Sanditate pra^ftiri ordinaria vel 
 abfoluta fui Authoritate^ nam proculdubio, port vias modofq^ omnes ten- 
 tatos, oninino perfpicietur omnia alia amiciti« officia, fi huic quod petitur 
 comparentur, elTe perquam exigua, & hoc amicum officium hujufmodi fu- 
 turum, ex quo reliqua queant iucrementum capere, fine eo futura alioquin 
 parvi ac nuilius fere momenti. 
 
 Terrio, probe notandum eft, quod res nunc aperta& petita, a Regiaq; 
 Majeftate ta^topere optata, ex tam magno confcientia; fcrupulo, cordifq; 
 remorfu oritur, ut unicuiq^. debita fit, quantumcunq; niinori quam Regia 
 Majeftas fit de Sandiffimo Dominb noftro merito. Quocirca judicat, & pro 
 re coraperta fibi perfuadet, quod fi ulla meritorum vel officiorum ratio ha- 
 beatur, nunc iplius Sanditas huicfuodefiderio&petitionibenignillime li= 
 berrimeque adjuver, nuUo prorfus dubio, difficultate, contradidione auc 
 mora injeda. Negotiumque hujufmodi eft, ut cognita Difpenfationis in- 
 fufEcientia, quamvis id non requifiviflet Rex, ultro proponi ofFerriquc 
 debuilTet ab eadem Sanditate tanquam a Patre Spirituali, in ejus falutis S<. 
 confcientis beneficium. 
 
 In gratiam igitur ^ contemplationem prsmifTorum omnium inftantifli- 
 rae veheraentiflimeque a Sandiffimo Domino noftro requiretis S\ contende- 
 tis, ut dubio, metuque omni fepofito,refpicere velit ad caufs ftatum,(5c ^d ea 
 quae fubfequutura videantutj rationemq^ habere infinitorum commodoruiDj 
 quxex hac re (use Sanditati Apoftolicaeq;, fedi inde provenient rem hand 
 iiatiin, abfq; temporis tradu, & caufx citcumftantia, nemini eam apc-riens^ 
 libere concedere &: indulgere, nuUiq-, communicata fpecialem Commiffio- 
 nem ad hunc effedura 5c finem confedam in forma brevis concedere, 6c ad 
 me dirigere, Facultatem addens, ut mihi liceat quofcunq^ voluero ad me 
 vocare, mihiq; afcifceread procedendum in hac caufa, & inquirendum de 
 dids Bulla; ac Difpenfationis lufficientia, juxta formam ac tenorcm ex- 
 prelTum in quodani libelio hujus rei gratia confedo ; quern cum his ad vos 
 mittOjfic in debita forma confcriptum 6c digeftum ut non fit futurum opus quo 
 denuo ab ullo alio exfcribatur,fi forfan periculofum putaretur earn rem cuiq- 
 patefacere, vel indubiumautdilationem protradum iri negotium, fi ulii 
 ex SandiHimi Domini noflri officiariis committeretur rurfus confcriben- 
 dum ; fed quod in hujufmodi periculi eventum poflit ejus Sanditas fine 
 ullo difcrimine vel alicujus cognitione earn dido libelio fignaturam, figil. 
 lumq; apponere, ut aperte inde conftet, Pontificis meram voluntatem fie 
 efle, illiufque Signature ac Sigilli vigore, legitime & fufficienter poflim 
 ego procedere ad inquifitionem de dida Difpenfationis infufKcientia, cog- 
 nitionem 5c aliarum caufarum & rationum, qus adduci polTunt pro didi 
 Matrimonii invaliditate. 
 
 Item cum his ad vos mitto Difpenfationem in debita forma confedam & 
 fcriptam in modum Brevis, fecreto impetrandam dc expediendam eideni 
 Signaturam vel Sigillum apponendo, vel alio quovis mode valido : Et 
 quamvis ex hac re multa pendeant, ob qus ifta requiruntur, di quas, Deo 
 favente, neutiquam timenda funt 5 Attamen Regia Majeftas exemplo in- 
 nitens, di recordation! complurium return, qus olim prxteritis temporibus 
 fuerunt mjufte afferta, vel adduda, in animo habeas caufas fuas omnes abfq5 
 ulla controverfia aut difficultate ad pcrfedum finem perducere, 5c ne ullo 
 
 A a a quovia
 
 1 6 A CollecVion Book II. 
 
 quovis pratextu, arguniento aut colore, poftmoduiii emergente perturbaren- 
 tur, hoc a SanftilTimo Domino noftro requirir, veluti rem necclfdriam, qua 
 nullo pado carere qiieat ^ flrmiter confidcns, quoJ Sancliras fua, benigne 
 atq; amanter ifti ejus deliderio alTciitiet, <5c concedet (ine ulio obliacuio 
 diftani Commillionem, juxta formam quam Regis Majtftas petit 6e eodein 
 tempore, atq^ hsc omnia ita benigne ac liberaJiter expedite, fecretiori 5c 
 validiori quo fieri pofiit modo, quo optatus fini'. fabfequi poflir in cum effe- 
 dum, laudabileque propoliium, de quo fuperius didum eft • Qiia ex occa- 
 floneSandiilimum Dominu'm noftrum in perpetuum fibi adftringet, iodi/Jo- 
 lubiliq^ amicitia; vinculo banc Regiam Mnjellatem fibi alligabit, qus nulii 
 iabori, periculo, opibus, Regno, fubditis, nee ipfi fanguini parcens, ab ejus 
 Sanditate nunquam diveiletur aut earn deferet, fed totis fuis viribus con- 
 ftantiflime femper illi adha:.rebit, tum in fux fanditatis & Cardinalium li- 
 berationem, tum in hoftibusperfequendis; ad quern firera, magnam jam 
 pecuniarum fummam ad Regem Chriftianifiimum mifit, pro ilio Italic ex- 
 ercitu continuando, & praster id inanimo ftatutum habet, quod nifiCafar 
 de dida Sanditate liberanda confcntire, di ad pacem devenire voluerit, 
 belium gerere adverfus has inferiorcs Caefaris Regiones & Dominia, quo 
 vehementius urgeat Sandillimi Domini noftri liberationem, Ecclefiasq- in 
 priftinam fiiam dignitatem & authoritatem reftitutionem, eaque de fe indi- 
 cia exhibebit ut univerfo orbi manifeftum fit futurura, didam fuam Maje- 
 ftatem elle folidum perfedum amicum, filium obfequentiliimum 6c ejus de- 
 votirtimum^ a qua pedoris fui fententia, nullo thefauro, nulJis opibus, 
 nullis Regnis, feu Ditionibus, vel occafione quacunq^ unquam adducetur, 
 fed ex filial i fua obfervantia & in Chriftianam Religionem zcio, innatoqt 
 erga fedem Apoftolicam ftudio & pricipuo quodam affedu, quem Sandif- 
 finio Domino noftro gerit : in compenfationem quoq^ gratitudinis, quam 
 tam avide in hoc fuo negotio ab ejus Sanditate expedat, decretum prorfus 
 habet in conftantiflimo hoc &: indiffblubili amicitix & conjunftiouis vin- 
 culo finceriffimo perftare, id quod dida Regia Majeftas Sandiffimum Do- 
 minum noftrum vehememiflime rogat, ut probe velit in omnem partemli- 
 brare, vicifTemq^ eflicere, ut ex Regia; petitionis indulgentia palara conftet 
 parem benevolentiam 6c humanitatem a Sandiflimo Domino noilro ex 
 niutuo praftari. 
 
 Hscautem caufa ipfius Sinditati a vobis, ut didum eft, expofita-^ dc- 
 clarata, neutiquam dubitandum eft, quin benevole atq^ libenter /tatim 
 adnuat Regis Majeftatis expedationi ^ quod huic aflcntiet, didam Com- 
 niinionem fecreto modo ipfa concedens, neminem de ea re, ut didum eft, 
 participem faciens^ qui modus fervandus eft, ^\ vidcritis hsc effici non 
 poflTe, nifi cum periculo quin h?ec res eis communicetur, qui earn fiut in- 
 terturbaturi , vel ^\ id praeftare fucrit in SancLllimi Domini noftri arbi- 
 trio, tunc ejus Sanditas non gravetur, per Brevia, vcl per bullas, prout 
 vaJidius5cmagis fufficiens fore judicaverit, pr^miifa omnia concedere, ad 
 quod veftram omnem induflriam, prudentiam, ft udium, diligent iamq^ ad- 
 hibebitis; Sic omnia prudenter ae circumfpcde agentes, ne in difcnmen 
 deveniatur ncgoiium hoc his detegendi, qui iliud vtl impedire v^l retar- 
 date forfan \oJnerint aut poterint, fed potius quam ad id periculi res de- 
 ducatur comenti eritis fola didorum libel brum Signatura, in earn formam 
 confedi, qijum ex ea palam conftct, Fontificis a/lenfum in id achia liter 
 concurrille, qui poftea recentioribus fcriptis, ft ita opus fuerir, firmius 
 confirmari corroborariq^, porerit. 
 
 Et quoniani incertum eft, utrum ante veflrum ad Ponrificem accef- 
 ium, ejus Sanditas fuerit in fujm libertateni reftitut i, nccne, quae for- 
 fan
 
 Book II. of Records, 1 7 
 
 fan libera non taiiti faciec Regis Majeftatis amicitiam <Sc conjuuflionem, . 
 vel allegabit, fe nee audere nee pofle, ex fuis cum Ca;fare conventioni- 
 bus ifta eoncedere, nee fecreto ullo modo, jcl ullo colore, quod ea in re 
 feciflet apud Caifarem juflihcare, & pomiflet antea in Regic-e Majeftatis 
 auxilio pro fua libera tione fperans, dum adhue detineretur captivus^ eo 
 cafu SandifIin]o Dcmino noftro in mentein redigetis, quam parum fidere 
 podit uliis fibi factis a Cafare proniiffis, quum nulla in parte redundare 
 poffit in commodam aut fecuritatem, fed folum in extremuin excidiumac- 
 detrimentum fedis Apoftolics; 5 & licet ad breve tempus multa videretur 
 Csfar in ejus Sanclitatis gratiam faclurus, compertiflimum tamen femper 
 Pontifici elTe debet Cxfarianos ea facere, femperq^ faduros, qus Cxfarem 
 pofllnt exahare, &tendant ad ufurpationem, potius s^C deprellionem flatus 
 t-ccleliallici, quam ad ejus continuarionem, vel confervationem ;; & quo- 
 tiens adverfus Ecclefiam ifta tcntarentur, Regia Majeftas in hae fua petiti- 
 onep-iffa repulfam, quae alioquin eji'S Sanditati in omnem e\'entum fir- 
 niiffime adhafinTer, & alios fuos confcederatos in eandein fententiara per- 
 traxifler, quam, ea deficiente, in contravium facile polTent alici, quo ani- 
 mo futura lit, bi quam bene fuum affedum ^ obfervantiam collocaire ex- 
 iftimatura : fumms eft prudential omnia conliderare. 
 
 Hand incognitum prajterea eft Sandiilimum Dominum noftrum ad Cs- 
 faris inflamiam, quum non multam ab ejus Sanditate gratiam promeritus 
 ti^tx^ ei conceniile Difpenfatior.em & Abfolutionem a jurejurando ab illo 
 prxftito, de ducenda in Conjugem Domina Principifla, nulio ut par fuiilet 
 a Regia Majeftate habito, feu petito coiifenfu, non cbftante quod Csefar 
 in vaJidiflima forma, non folum prasftito jurejurando, fed c^utione 5c Ec- 
 clefiaflicarum cenfurarum <5c poenarum adhibita, quod perftringeretur de 
 dido Matrimonio perimplendo, ac ft Pontifex eontentus efle potuir, tan- 
 tum ei oftendere gratitudinen], quum veluti hoftis indies certior tunc pote- 
 rat haberi, & qui tnajora parabat quam jufte polTet optare, fuis petitio- 
 nibus, Regia Majeftate inconfulta, neutiquara parecns, quanto propenfius 
 ejus Sanditas adnuere debet ejus Principis voto, cujus fidem 6c obfervdhtiam 
 vere filialem fa;pe experta eft. Verum tamen ft Sandiffimus Dominus no- 
 fter difficulter vifus fuerit poffe adducL, ut in meam Perfonam cids Com- 
 miflioni aifentiar, allegans quod non fum indifferens, cui ex fux Sandi- 
 tatis honorehoc negotium eommitti pofiir, cum Regias Majeftati fum fub- 
 ditus <5v intimus eonfiliarius, tunc tamdiu perfiftetis ea in re, quoad vobis 
 vifiim fuerit conveniens, negotii expeditionem non ideo protrdhentes, aut 
 differentes, fed inftantes ut hujufraodi Commiftio concedatur ^ affirrtiabi- 
 tifq^ me pro re nulla quantumlibet grandi, nuUo favore, aut commodo, 
 quicquam tfFtdurura elle, quod averfetur officio meo, 5c erga Chriftum 
 praftits profeflioni, neq^ unum a redo, vero, juftoq^ tramite digreflurum; 
 Er quin Cardinalis fim & Apoftolicx fedis de latere Legatus, ejus San- 
 diratis honor, inregraque confcienJa, a me omnino confer varetur, ex 
 hujufmodJque conceffa Commiflione, omni ex parte exoneraretur. Tan- 
 dem ft ad hoe, nullis rationibus Pontifex potuerit adduci, ab ejus San- 
 ditate requ.rctis, ut didam velit Commiflionem eoncedere in perfonam 
 Domini Staph) lei Decani Rot«, qui 2k vir indifferens eft, & hujufmodi 
 rei ob erudiiionera accommodatus, nullo pado omittentes Difpenfationis 
 expeditionem, ut didum eft ; <3v hujus rei gratia Commiflionem nunc ad 
 vos mitto, in debira forma eonfedam & paratam, qu« fignetur ad didum 
 Dominum Staphyleum direda, quam Sandiffimo Domino noftro reddetis, 
 cafu quo alia nequcat obtineri, rogabitifq^ut cum dida Difpenfatione earn 
 Velit eoncedere. Et quoniam fieri poflit quod dum fieret mentio de me 
 
 A a a 2 exci-
 
 1 8 A Colkclion Book II. 
 
 excipiendo, forlitan ejus Sanditas aliquem aliuni quam Dominum Staphy- 
 leum nominaret, ad quern Commiflio hujufmodi dirigeretur, hoc vero in 
 Joco ten^ciffime ihfiftetis, tirmiterq^ inharebitis ei rei, nee in alium ali- 
 quem viruin exterum ullo paflo confentientes, fed folum pro eodem Do- 
 mino Sraphyleo inftantcs ejus Sanftitatem fuminis precibus vehcmentiflime 
 rogantes, t\ rationibus omnibus fuadentes, ne alium ullum nominate ve- 
 lit, afTerentes quod quum in Inflrutlionibu? vedris non contincatur, nee 
 de alio ullo tiat mentio, nifi illo,me recufato, iterum atque iternm ab eadem 
 Sanclitate petetis, ut nomine liujus Auditoiis Rots hxc fiat Sc expediatur 
 Commidio, vos nee audere nee poH'e vobis prsfcriptos fines tranfgredi. 
 De Regii vero defiderii ac petitionis fruftratione fuper dicta Commifli- 
 , one obtinenda dicetis unum & idem efle, banc illi denegare, vel alii con- 
 
 cedere quam in veftris Inftruftionibus contineatur, non quod Regia Maje- 
 ftasdealiorum reditudine nut indifferentia quicquam fufpicetur, vel quod 
 judicet eorum aliquem affeclibus obnoxium 5, fed quod pro re certiiliraa 
 credidit, quod Sandiflimus Dominus nofter inneminem tam facile conde- 
 fcenderer, quam in dida Rotas Decanum,ob idque de eo in Inftruftionibus 
 veftris mentionem fecit : fed Commidionesin debita forma cum his nomini- 
 bus fieri 5c confcribi juflit, quod fi hie credidiHemus, Dom.Staphyieuin 
 habitum iftie iri pro fufpedo, affirmare poteftis me fuilfc omnino miifurum 
 confiinilem Commiflionis formulam, fpatio relido pro aliquo alio infcri- 
 bendo nomine, aliquamq^ aliam fuper ea re Inftrudionem me daturum fu- 
 ifle^ 6c baud dubie, fi de nominibus duntaxat fuerit controverfia, hs ra- 
 riones facile poteruin Pontificem attrahere, ut in me confentiar, vel in 
 StaphyJeum. Dealiisvero neminem admitteti?, nee tamen Pontifici ap- 
 perietis vos, ne id facialis habere in mandaris, fed fuperius enarratas 
 Caufas in veftram excufationem allegantes, oranino ut vobis injungitur, 
 eain re infifleris. 
 
 Quod fi nullis raodis didam CommifTionem 6c Difpenfationem impetra- 
 rc poteritis, ad idq; nequiverit Pontifex adduci, nifi rem prius nlicui ex 
 Cardinalibus vel Officiariiscommunicaverit, in eo tune cafu, ejus Sandi- 
 tati in memoriamreducite, quot 6c quam gravia mala ex hujus negotii pro- 
 palatiore poifent provenire, \\ exea occafione aliqu* contrarietates vel im- ■ 
 
 pedimentum fuboriretur, unde Regi« Majefiatis expedatio poftmodum I 
 frufiraretur 5 Quo igitur, ^\ ?ill« injiciantur in hac re tradanda: difficul- 
 tates, ut Pontifex etiam faciliorad Rcgium \otum concedendum prompti- 
 orq^ reddatur, alias etiam prster has litems feorlim ad vos feripfi, quas 
 una cum his accipietis, in quibus copiofe aggefli, quam multas magni mo- 
 menri rationes, ob quas fententia judiciumq^ meum eft, neulio pado Pon- 
 tifex banc petitioi^.em Regi« Majelfatis deneget; quas literas) quum in 
 eisargumentum vehemenseft, nee ob prolixitatem ta?diofumaut mokftum 
 quod legatur, modum aliquem ipfius Sanditati legcndi invcnietis^fpemq; 
 certam habeo, Ci earum fumma, tenor, atq; fententia profunde perpenda- 
 tur, quam fatis id efie po'crit ad omncm tollcnd un difficultatem, qua; 
 pollit obverfari in dida Commiflione Difpenfationeq^ obtinenda, incis con- 
 tenta figillatim cxponetis adeo, quod hocnegotiuni confici queat, Arbi- 
 tris aut Confiliiribus ad id neutiquam aceitis ^\ fieri poflit : {\ tamen Pon- 
 tifex fpcraverit fe pofie ha;c omnia eos celarc qui huic rei forfan voluerint 
 refragari, (3c omniiio decreverit aliquos Cardinales vel ofticiaiios iftius cau- 
 ix participesfaeere, omnem tunc indultriam itatim adhibebitis, ut his cog- 
 niti?, eorum gratiani 6c favorem in re vobis comparetis, partim eisrcfpe- 
 dus, 6c eaulas omnes in meis Uteris contentas, etiam in eaufs commodum 
 facientes, uberius exponcntes, partim vero earn remunerationem illis dan- 
 
 tes.
 
 Book II. of Records, 1 9 
 
 tes, qus judicio veftro conveniens habebitur, dumniodo optatum res for- 
 tiatur effedum. Et ut omnia quentis prxftare commcdius cum his, hieas 
 Jireras accipietis quas ad Cardinalem SanElorum Quatuor (3c Collegiuiii 
 Cardinalium fcribo, cafqiie reddetis ut expedirecenlueritis, plane confi- 
 dens nihil a vobis omiliuin iri, ut hac in re eorum gratiam atq; favoreni 
 ^ueatis obtinere, in quera eventum ea munera ofFeretis, qus convenitntia 
 vifa fuerint, Regiaque Mnjeflasquicquid ejus nomine promiferitis, id fide- 
 ]iffime, uberrimeq^ prsftabit, pro quarum rerum exp^ditione, illis pecu- 
 niis uri poreritis per litera? Cambii Vcnetias tranfmifTis, quoufq^ fuffece- 
 rint necrir.riamq^ vos exiftimaveritis rei impetrands. Et quum ambigii- 
 um fit an vobis licuerit hoc tempore ad Pontificis praefentiam accedere, hu- 
 jufmodi acceflas defe^lus, fi alia- rem ad bonum exitum perducendi ratio- 
 nes non excogitarentur, caufa elle poflet longioris mors, &totius rei iin- 
 pedimento ^ proinde Regia M ijcftas, ut modos omnes experiatur, nee uni 
 foli inhasreat, hsc eadem in raandatis dedit Domino Secretario, quern non 
 procul ab Urbe efTe intellexi'iius, quemadmodum in his aliifq; meis bre- 
 vioribus literis continentur, ita quod alter veftrum, vel uterque fi fieri pof- 
 fit, ad Pontificis prsfentiam accefTum habeat, nihil tamen fubfpe Domini 
 Secretarii, veftrs vos diligenti* aut induflris omittetis, nee ilic fub fpe 
 Veflra, in re hac modis omnibus promovenda remiflior erit, fed nihil con- 
 jundim aut divifim intentatum rehnquetis. Quod fi uterq^ veftrum ad 
 Pontificem admittatur, alter de altero nefcius, id non oberit, fed multum 
 proficiet, etiam i\ ante alterius advent um negotium hoc alter impetrdfTet, 
 fed fi aliquis veftrum cognovcrit caufam hanc expeditam efte, omniaq:, pro 
 certo imperrata eife, tunc labori & fumptibus Pontificem pro eadena re 
 accedendi parcere poteritis, neq; in earn amplius ingerere, neq^ necelTarium 
 aut opportunum erit, ut pro ulla alia re in prsfentia quam pro hac apud 
 Sanftiflimum Dominum Noftrum agatis, fed folum nunc procurabitis de 
 Commiffione & Difpenfatione juxta formam ad vos raifiam obtinenda, nee- 
 non de profeftinatione ilJa, quam compendio ad vos dedi, in quibus om- 
 nibus & fingulis apte traftandis Regia Majeftas magnam fiduciam in veftra: 
 prudentia collocavit, in quibus cum. tarn magni fint momenti, ex Regis 
 Mnjeftatis fententia nunc vobis maxime elaborandum eft. 
 
 Deniq; quum intelligam Dominum Lautrek nonnihil mirari, quod Re- 
 gis Majeftatis iftic agentis, nullam fuorum mandatorum partem cum eo 
 conferunt, ad eum nunc fcribo, §C nonnulla Domino Roberto Jernyngham 
 eiexponendacommitto, concernentia adiones cum Ferraris Duce, 5c alia 
 qusdam eodem Dommo Lautrek 5 fignificans vos raiftbs efte ad didas cau- 
 fas juvand is, & Pontificis liberationera promovendam, quemadmodum ex: 
 literarum ad Dominum Jernyngham exemplo cognofcetis: expediens itaq^ 
 fuerit, ut pra; fe feratis, vos didse rei gratia miiTos cfie, ne forfan Dominus 
 Lautrek in falfani aliquam conjeduram aut fufpicionem incideret, quae 
 communibus rebus nocere poflbt, & in veftrarum quoq^adionura impedi- 
 mentum rcdundare. 
 
 Illuddeinde reticere nolui, quod fi ullo pado vobis liceatad Sandifli- 
 mi Domini noftri prsfentiam accedere, nihil omittatis in favorem & gra- 
 tiam Rcverendi Domini Datarii, de cujus animo nihil dubitamus, compa- 
 randam; eiq^ afieretis quod quum in noftris omnibus occurrentiis illius 
 opera ac Patrocinio femper ufi fuerimus.ipfe vero tantafemper fide ac fedu- 
 litate omnia effecerit qus nobis grata & optata eife cognovit, ut noftram 
 omnem operam fuis rebus reddiderit promptiirimam,6c fuai utilitatis & ex- 
 altationis cupididimam. Quocirca hsc Regia Majeftas hac in re, qua nul- 
 lam magiscordi habet, nee gtavioris momenti quicquam fibi accidere poftc 
 
 judicata
 
 20 
 
 A ColMion Book 11. 
 
 judicat, ex animi fui fententia conficienda, port Sanftiflimum Dominum 
 noftrum, in Domino Datario fpem omnem ccllocavit, qui ex hac occ^fione, 
 fi operam fuam ad optatum ufq^ exitum interponere non oravetur, Regice 
 Majeftaris animuai dC peftus, iic orani ex parte promercbitur, ut dida 
 Majeftas non folum omnia curatura fit, quae ex Domini Veronenfis com* 
 modo & omaniento fuerint, fed eametiam muniHcentiam (3c gratitudinerii 
 addet, quss majorem vel integram partem, a captivitate Redemptionis 
 perfolvenda^ compenfabit • in me vero non aliam fidemSc arnicitiam ex- 
 perietur, quam ab ullo fratrc poffet expeclare. Et bene valete. Londini 
 ex meis .£dibus. Die quinto Decemb. MDXXVil. 
 
 Vefter tanquam frater AmantilF. 
 
 T. Cardinalis Eborac. 
 
 Rome Jan. i. i 528. 
 
 IV. Trvo Letters of Secretary Knights to the Cardinal and the 
 Ktng^ gi'ving an Account of his Conference xcith the Pope about 
 his Divorce. Taken from the Originals. 
 
 CottonlAbv. T^Leafe it your Grace to underftand. That immediately upon the k- 
 Vitill.Q.io. tj ceipt of your Grace's Letters, feveralJy direcled unto Mr. Gregory 
 and me ^ he and I reforted unto the Pope his Holinef?, mal<in3 congra- 
 tulation of his Reftitution unto Liberty on yours and his behalf, to his 
 fingular Comfort and Confolation 5 and fo much the inore, becaufe that 
 I was the firfl; that made like Salutation in any great Prince's Name ; He 
 being well aHured that I fpake the fame on the behalf of his two chief, fm- 
 cere, and unfeigned Friends; Wherefore with great high Thanks, and 
 Jong Difcourfe, with rehearfal of the King's and your Merits and Aft;;, in 
 mofl \ ertuous and Catholick manner, employed for his Reftitution, and your 
 continual and efl'edual Study how the See Apofloiique might recover the 
 priftine .Reputation and Dignity ; He confirmed as much as I had fpoken. 
 After this Mr. Gregory and I enter'd into our Charge, Ihewjng at length 
 the high Dcfertsof the Princes and Realm dt Ejigland^iht Devotion of the 
 fame towards the Church; how expedient it was, as well for the See A- 
 poftolique, as for the fiiid Realm, to forefee and provide that all Occafi- 
 ons of Difieinion and War were extinct and put away ■-, which for lack of 
 Heir Male of our Sovereign's Line, and Stemm, fhonld undoubtedly fol- 
 low, with other Confiderations at length contained in our I nft ruction?. 
 We dcfired his HoJinefs to commit the Knowledge of the Difp^nfiriori 
 that was obtained in Time of Julius , of famous Memory, for Mritri- 
 niony to be had between the King and the Widow, Relict late of Prince 
 Arthur ; and that he might have it in Form as that was thac your Grace 
 fcnt hither. HisHolinc-fsantwered, That our Safying? J^d great likeli- 
 hood of Truth, for lacking of lllue Male of the King's Stemm, confiderin^ 
 the nature of Met) being prone unto NovcltieF, and difpofed unto Parties 
 and Factions, the Realm o^ England \vo\}.\([ not only enter into their aC- 
 Guffomed Divilion-, but alfo would owe or do fmall Devotion unto the 
 Church; wherefore his Holinefs was. right well content aixl ready to zi- 
 hibit all Remedy that in him was poflible as tliis time would fcrve. And 
 
 because
 
 Book 11. of Records. 21 
 
 becaufe he was not expert in making of Commiffions, he would confuJt 
 with the C:irdinal SjnBorum QuatHor^ and ufe his Advice, which we 
 fiiould (hortly know. 
 
 We perceiving that the obtaining of oar Charges after the King's and 
 your Grace's PJcafure, depended much upon the Advice of S/tnHorum 
 Quatiior, did prevent his going unto the Pope, and delivering your Grace's 
 Letters with Recommendations accordingly, we delired him to be good 
 and favourable unto our Requefts in the King's behalf ; and for the better 
 obtaining of our Defires, we proraifed to fee unto him with a competent 
 Reward. And this Communication had, we ftewed unto him the Com- 
 miffion, which he faid could not pafs without perpetual Difhonour unto 
 the Pope, the King, and your Grace ^ and a great Part of fuch Claufes as 
 be omitted, he hath touched and laid Reafon for the fame in a Writing, 
 which 1 do fend unto your Grace with this. Confidering his great Expe- 
 perience, Wifdom, Learning, and the entire Affedion that he beareth 
 unto the King and your Grace ; and that it was far from the King's De- 
 lire, and nothing for your Purpofes, that 1 {hould firif have fent the faid 
 Cardinal's Sayings unto your Grace and abide Anfwer, and eft-foons pre- 
 vent to do the fame : Confidering alfo tfrat the ftiid King delireth a Com- 
 mifllon convenient and fufficient, wedefired him to make the Minute of 
 one, which he gladly did ; When it was made, the Pope faid. That at 
 his being in the Caflle of St. Angela^ the General of the Obfervants in 
 Spain, required his Hoi inefs, in the Emperor's Name, not to grant unto 
 any Act that might be Preparative, or otherwife, to a Divorce to be made 
 between the King and the Queen: And moreover defired an Inhibition, 
 that the faid Caufe fbould not come in Knowledge before any Judge with- 
 in the King's Dominions. The Popie anfwered that Inhibitio non datur 
 nifi poft litem motam. And as unto the firft his Holinefs was content, if 
 any like thing were demanded, to advertife the Emperor before, that he 
 did let it pafsi; and this was in a manner for his Holinefs being in Cap- 
 tivity. But his Holinefs being yet in Captivity, as your Grape Reports, 
 and efteemeth him to be as long as the Jlmaines and SpaniarJj continueth 
 in It/tlj' 5 he thought if he (hould grant this Comrailfion, that he (hould 
 have the Emperor his perpetual Enemy, without any hope of Reconcilia- 
 tion: Notw'irhltanding he was content rather to put himfelf in evident 
 Ruin, and utter Undoing, than the King, or your Grace, (hould fufpeft 
 any point of Ingratitude in him, heartily defiring cufn fnfpiriis & Ucrymls, 
 that the Fang and your Grace, which have alwi.ys been fail: and good unto 
 him, will not now fuddenly precipitate him for ever 5 which (hould be 
 done, if imn;ediately upon delivering of the Commiflion, your Grace 
 Ihould begin Procefs. He intendeth tofave all upright thus : UMonJieur de 
 Lautrech would fet lorwards, which he faith daily that he will do, but 
 yet he doth not, at his coming the Pope's Holinefs may have good Colour 
 to fay. He was required by the Ambalfador df England of a like Commif- 
 fion. And denying the fame, becaufe of his Promife unto the General, 
 he wss eft-foons by i/hnfieur de haiitrech, to grant the faid Commilfion, 
 inafmuch as it was but a Letter of Juflice. And by this Colour he would 
 cover the Matter, fo that it might appear unto the Emperor, Thqt 
 the Pope did it not as he that would gladly do Difpleafiire unto the Em- 
 peror, but as an indifferent Prince that could not, nor might denyjuflice, 
 Specially being required by fuch Perfonages ; and ininjediately he would 
 difpatch a Commiilion, bearing Date after the time that Monjieur Lau^ 
 trech had been with him or nigh unto him. The Pope mofl inflantly be- 
 
 fecchcth
 
 22 AColkaion Book II. 
 
 feecheth your Grace, to be a mean that the King's Highnelsmay accept this 
 in a good Part, and that he will take Patience for this little time, which 
 as it is fuppofed will be but fhort, and (i« otnnem eventuni) I do bring a 
 Commiflion with me, and a Difpenfation, which I trufl the King and 
 your Grace will like well. 
 
 We have given unto my Lord Cardinal San^orum Quatuor 4000 
 Crowns, and unto the Secretary 30 Crowns. 
 
 With this Your Grace (hall receive a Letter from the Pope's Holinefs, 
 ' Item^ a Councel oiOUrand, that giveth Light unto the King's Caufe ; I 
 Ihall make the moft Diligence homeward that I can. Our Lord Jeius 
 preferve Your Grace. 
 
 At Orvieto^ this Your moft humble Servant 
 
 iirft Day of 
 January. and Chaplain, 
 
 W. Knight. 
 
 Rome Jan. i. 1528. 
 To the KING, 
 
 PLeafe it your Highnefs to under/land. That as foon as the Pope was at 
 liberty, and came unto Orvieto, I reforted unto his Holinefs with all 
 Diligence 5 and at my coming unto hira, did make Congratulation on your 
 Highnefs behalf 5 forafmuch as he was reftorcd unto his Liberty, which 
 he accepted very joyfully and thankfully, giving unto your Highnefs ma- 
 nifold and high Thanks for your great Goodnefs, as well proved in his 
 Adverfity, as when he was in his moft Felicity. After this he rehearfed 
 my being at /2ow^,how dangerous it was, inafmuchaswhen my being there 
 was deted, efpial was made, and I was not palled out oiRome by the fpace 
 of two Hours, e're two hundred Spaniards invaded and fearched the 
 Houfe. He fliewed alfo that he had received all fuch Letters as I at my 
 being in Rome did fend unto his Holinefs^ whereby he did perceive the 
 Effed of your Highnefs defire concerning your Difpenfation : And albeit 
 he did fend me word that I ftiould depart, and his Holinefs would fend unto 
 me the faid Difpenfation fully fpeed. Neverthelefs he trufted that your High- 
 nefs would be content to tarry for a time : For the General of the Obfer- 
 vants in Spainhtxng lately in Rome, had required him, according unto his 
 Inftriidicns, that he ftiould fuffer nothing to pafs that might be prejudici- 
 al, or againft the Queen, dircftly or indirectly, but that the Pope ihould 
 firft advertife thereof certain of the Ct^fariam here. And forafmuch as 
 this Difpenfation might encourage your Grace to caufe my Lord Legate 
 AuEloritate Legationh to hear and difcern in the Caufe that your High- 
 nefs intendeth, and his Holinefs ftandeth as yet in manner in Captivity 
 and Perplexity: His Holinefs therefore befcught your Grace to have 
 Patience for ;i time, and it fliould not be long e're your Highnefs ftiould 
 have, not only that Difpenfation, but any thing elfe that may lie in his 
 Power. I replied unto this. That his Hoiirefs had once granted it, and 
 that I had difpatched a Poft, and made Relation thereof, by my Writings, 
 unto your Highnefs 5 fo thit I could not imagine by what Rtalbn I might 
 
 perfwad«
 
 Book II. of Records. 1 3 
 
 perfwade unto you that he would perform the Promife that he had once 
 broken. In Conclufion ; He was content that your Highnefs (hould have 
 ir, but he would have it delivered with this Condition ; That the Prorho- 
 nottiry ?inA Gambora and I, (hould befeech your Highnefs not to attempt 
 any thing in your Caufe againft the Queen, till fuch time as the Pope 
 were frankly at his Liberty 5 which rould not be as long as the Alm^ynes 
 and Spaniards did thus reign in Italy ; and Promife made, we fliould de- 
 liver the Difpenfation : and in my poor Judgment, it was beft always to 
 be in PofTeflion of this Difpenfation. After this he fhewed the Minute 
 unto the Cardinal Sanctorum Qiiatnor, willing him to reform it according 
 to the flile of this Court ^ which done, he fiiewcd it unto me, and after 
 faid, That he thought good I fliould depart, becaufe I rode but competei]t 
 Journics, and the Prothonotary Gambora {"hould follow by Port and bring 
 the Bull with him, which is of the fame Form and Subftance that youc 
 Highnefs 's Minute is of : And if there be any thing omitted, or to be ad- 
 ded, hisHolmefs is always content to Reform it, and to put it under the 
 fame Date that the fame Difpenfation now beareth 5 the Copy whereof I 
 do fend unto your Highnefs with this, the Commiflion General and Pro- 
 tcftation being void, becaufe they were conceived chraiite Captivhate only. 
 And here on my behalf, none other thing being to be done, I took my 
 leave of the Pope and departed. At my coming unto Scarpsrii near unto 
 Bojwny, I did meet with Tbadens his Courier 5 which brought certain 
 Expeditions Triplicat 5 the one unto the Prothonotar Gambora, the other 
 unto Gregory de Caffali, and the third unto me , among which was a general 
 Commiflion Triplicat, the one to be committed to my Lord Legate, and 
 if that could not be obtained, becaufe my Lord Legate might be thought 
 Partial, then the fame to be committed unto Staphile'ms. Item , There 
 was a Copy of a Difpenfation, where 1 perceived, by your Grace's Letter, 
 that your Pleafure was to have your Difpenfation in Form, after the Mi- 
 nute that Barlow brought ; which was then fped, and already pafled ; fo 
 remained nothing to be fped, but the Commiflion your Highnefs pleafe?. 
 This knowing, 1 caufed my Servants to continue their Journey, and with 
 one Servant and this Courier, I returned unto Orvieto with Poft-Horfes, 
 vhcre Mv.Grezcry and J, with much Bulinefs, have obtained a Commif- 
 fion Jirefted unto my Lord Legate, not in the P'orra that was conceived 
 in En^landy but after fuch manner as is fufRcient for the Caufe, and as I 
 Eiuft (hall content your Highnefs; wherein the Lord Cardinal SanBoritm 
 Qttatuor, hath taken great Pains to Pen, as well your Difpenfation as the ■ 
 Commiflion ^ for which, and that hereafter he may do unto your Highnefs 
 the better Service, Mr. Gregory and I have rewarded him with 4000 
 CrowDs, of fuch Money as your Highnefs hath caufed to be made unto 
 Vemce for the furtherance of your Caufes. But albeit that every thing 
 is palled according to your Highnefs Pleafure, I cannot fee, but in cafe 
 the fame be put in Execution at this time, the Pope is utterly undone, and 
 fo he faith himfelf. 7 he Imper'ialifls do daily fpoii Caftles and Towns 
 about Rome ; Monfieur de Lautrek is yet at Bono7iy, and fmall hope is of 
 any great Ad that he intends. The Cafarians have taken, within thefe 
 three Days, two Caftles lying within fix Miles of this : And the Pope be- 
 ing in this Perplexity, not afluredof any one Friend but of your Highnefs, 
 that lieth too far off; if he do at this time any Difpleafure unto the Em- 
 perour, he thinketh he is undone for ever , wherefore he puts his Honour 
 and Health wholly into your Plighnefs Power and Dilpofition. This 
 Morning I return Homewards, and Gregory de CaJJ'al't goeth in my Com- 
 
 B b b pany
 
 24 A Colkaim Book II. 
 
 pany as tar as unto Florence:^ and from thence he goeth unto Mwfieur de 
 Laiurek, to folicit him forn'ards, if it may be. The Holy Ghoft fend 
 your Highnefs a profperous New Year, and many. 
 
 At Orvleto, the Your moft humble Subjed, 
 
 iirft Day of 
 Janitary. Servant, and Chaplain, 
 
 W. Knight. 
 
 Rome 16 ^an, 1528. 
 
 V. A Part of an Original Letter from the fame Perfin to Cardinal 
 Wolfey, bj which it appears that th^ Difpenfation was then 
 granted and Jent over. 
 
 Cotton'Lxhr.'XTOuT Grace coitimandeth, That I fhould fend the Commiffion and 
 yitell.B.12. J^ Difpenfation with diligence, in cafe they were fped, before the 
 receit of your Grace's Letters fent at this Time. Wherefore the Protho- 
 norar Gambora and I being commanded _^<i^ patna Excommitnicatlonis to 
 deliver the fame, with a certain Requeft to be made to the King's High- 
 nefs and his Grace, at the time of delivery, I fend the fame at this timo 
 unto Gambura, requiring him in any wife to make Diligence towards the 
 King's Higbnefs, and not to abide my coming 5 the Requeft and Caufe 
 thereof your Grace (hall perceive by mine other Letters adjoined herewith. 
 And fuppofing that when your Grace hath feen my Letters, and the Dif- 
 penfations, and confidered this time well, it may chance that the King 
 and your Grace will be rather well content with that that is pafTed, with- 
 out fuing for any other thing that could not be obtained without long 
 Trad, and peradventure not fo. Your Grace hath committed as much 
 unto Gregory de Cajfali at this time, as unto me, which being near unto 
 the Pope, will without fail do his bcft Diligence : And if it (hall be 
 thought good unto the King's Highnefs, and your Grace, that I do return 
 unto Orvieto, I (hall do as much as my poor Circafe may endure, and 
 thereby at T«rfni? I (hall abide the knowledge of your Grace's Pleafure.The 
 Datary hath clean forfaken the Court, and will ferve no longer but 
 only God and his Cure. The Cardinal Campegius continueth in 'Rome 
 fore vexed with the Gout ^ The Cardinals Pifane^ Triuitlcis, Urjine, Gadis 
 and Cejis, remaineth for Hoftages. The Cardinals, Monte^ SanBorxtm 
 Qnatmr^ Kidulph^ Ravenna, and ?erufno^ be with the Pope ; the reft 
 abides abfent. Our Lord Jefus preferve your Grace. 
 
 At AJle, the loth Your moft humble Bcadfman 
 
 Day o( January. 
 
 and Servant, 
 
 IV. Knigh:. 
 Orvieto
 
 Book II. of Records, 25 
 
 Orvieto the i ph £?/" January. 
 
 VI. Gregory CaffaliV Letter about the Method in which the Pope 
 de fired the Dhorce /hould be managed. Taken from a C opji 
 written by Cardinal Wolfey'j Secretary, 
 
 HEri (5c hodie ad multam diemfum alloquutus San6lum Domiiium no- Cotton Libn 
 ftrutn de mittendo legato, infequens ordinem a Reverendiflimo Dg- Fire//. B.io, 
 mino Eboracen. fuis Uteris 27. Decemb. milli yr^efcriptum. Pontifex 
 oftendit fe cunidifiimum fatisfaciendi Regis Excellentia;, cui omnia fe de- 
 bere fatetur, (5c nunc habuit mecum longum de hac re colloquium, ut 
 inveniatur modus omnia bene, firme (5c fecure faciendi, quo facto & tueri 
 pofljt 5 ideoque confulere voluit judicium Cardinalis Sahiiorwn Quntiior 6c 
 S}>f/io?iettie, qui excellentibr di dodior Auditor Rot^ eft, cum quibus fub 
 figillo confeflionis egit, ut ex eorum confilio inveniatur modus ad morani 
 toUendam, ^ caufam fecure peragendam: Atq^ ita Pontifex cum illi?, 
 in hoc quod fequitur, fe revolvit, videturq^ optmius, verus 6c fecurus mo- 
 dus, & me rogavir, ut nuilo pado dicam hoc obtinuifTe ab ejus Sanilitate 
 ficuti revera obtinui, nam Cxfariani eum ftatum pro fufpeu:o allegarent, 
 fed quod dicam me habuifTe a Cardinali Sanctorum Quatuor & k di(n:o au- 
 ditore. Dicunt quod Rex deberet committere iftic caufam Cardinali, 
 ratione CommilTionis quam attulit Secretarius, vel propria Authoritate 
 Legationis, quod facere poteft ; dc ubi caufa fuerit commifTa, fi Rex con- 
 fcientiara fuam perfentiat coram Deo exoneratam, 6C quod redle poflit 
 facere quod qusrit, quia nullus Doiflor in mundo eft, qui de hac re meliuS 
 decernere poUit quam ipfeRex, itaq^ fiin hoc fe refolverit, ut Pontifex 
 credit, ftatim caufam committat, aliam Uxorem ducat, litem fequatur^ 
 mittatur publicepro Legato, qui Confiftorialiter mittetur, ita enimmaxime 
 expediret : nam Cardinalis Sandorum Quatuor & Symonetta diCunt hoc 
 certum tKt, quod ^\ Regina citetur ilia nihil volet refpondere nifi quod 
 protelfabitur locum & judices furpe(fi:os effe, 6c Csfariani petent a Ponti- 
 fice per viam Signature-, juftitia^ Inhibitionem, qua Rex aliam nullam 
 poffit Uxorem capere, 6c fi capiat proles non fit legitima donee caufa non 
 definiatur, & petent Commiflionem qua Caufa audiatur in Curia; de In- 
 hibitionevero Pontifex non poteft negare, neq^ (5c Commiffionem nifi in- 
 juftitia & mera vis inferatur, adverfus quam omnis mundus exclamarer. 
 Quod fi Rex aliam Uxorem ceperit, hoc non poiTunt petere, ^ fi petant, 
 ncgabit Pontifex quod jure po{]it,nec aliud dicere poterunt vel al legate, nifi 
 quod Cardinalis Eboracen. &: Cardinalis mittendus (5c locus fit fufpedus,i5c 
 petere quod Caufa videatur hie, in quo fi deducatur, ftatim feretur fenten- 
 tia quam Pontifex maturabit, non fervatis termini? propter momentum ne- 
 gotii & alias rationes, quas fciet Pontifex adducere, <5c ita hie obtinebuntur 
 fententia; quae per totum Orbem approbabuntur, quibus nullos Hifpanus 
 aut Germanuspoterit contradicere, 6^ rnittentur in Angliam dcclaranda; 
 per Cardinales prout Rex voluerit, 6i hoc etiam non obftante Pontifex! 
 mittet Cardinalem. 
 
 Tandem hie eft modus rebus omnibus fecure medendi, ad quern fcqucn- 
 dum vos Pontifex hortatur, 6c rogat, ut nihil dicatur quod ab eo procedat. 
 Ifte modus non videtur inutilis, quia hie Auditor aflerit, non aliter efic 
 faciendum fi bene volumus^ & quia Reverendiffimus Cardinalis Doniinus 
 Eboracen. inftat pro celeritate, interim acccrfiri poterit qualifcunq^ Le- 
 
 B b b :? gatus
 
 0.6 A Col left ion Book II. 
 
 gatus Rex voluerit,&: magis fatisfiet vulgo in mittendo Legato,veIuti ad defi- 
 niendamcauram,oC hie ctinmut dixiomnia fiem quse Taper id Rex petierit. 
 Frxterea Pontifex, id quod fecit ot inc refolverem ad has Literas fcri- 
 bendum, contentuscft mitterequemcunq; Cardinalera ego petiero, fe^ ait 
 oportere ut aliquis mittatur habilis, id eft, Dodor injure, vel in Theologia, 
 qui funt ifti Campegins^ Cxf^rwmiSy Seiietijis, Cejis^ Araceli, Monte, qui 
 lenex eft iSc immobilis ; Cefis in obfidem ivir Neapolim, C<tjfariam4s Epi- 
 fcopatum habct in Hifpania, AracAi podagra laborat «3c Frarer eft, Senen- 
 Jis eft Imperialis & non valde prudens, Campegius elFet maxime ad propo- 
 fitum, fed Ronia3 eft Jocum tenens Pontificis, unde non poiTet difcedere, 
 continuantibus difcordiis inter Germanos^C Hi fpanos, neq^ auderetegre- 
 di a caftro ^ fed hoc periculum & dubium brevi expedietur, nam intra 
 odio dies Caifariani cogentur fibi confulere ut eant in Regnum, ft Dominus 
 Laurrek eo progrediatur, vel ibunt Senas per iter Florenti.^, bumicCampg' 
 ghis poterit exire, & fi Rex ita juOerit ftatim accingetur itineri. Pontifex 
 judit ut fcribam, quod nunquara ingcnio aut ftudio deerit in excogitando 
 ut adimpleat defiderium & voluntatem Regis. & quod folura ifta proponic 
 pro mehori fecuritate, ne ifta fiant qus poftea referri debeaut, quod pare- 
 rct dilationem & difficultatem, & quantum ego podim conjicere Pontifcx 
 exoptat fatisfacere Regis voluntati. Pontifex denuo replicavit quod fe to- 
 tum rejicit in Brachia Regias Majeftatis, & quod certus eft quod Csefar 
 nunquam hoc ilU ignofcet, & quod ex hac occafione vocabit eum ad Con- 
 cilium, vel nihil aliud qusret nifi ut eum omni ftatu & vita privet , &C 
 dida Sanctitas parvam fpem habet in Gallis, nifi quantum operabitur per 
 Regiam Majeftatem & Reverendiftimum Dominum Eboracen. Ad quod 
 refpondi, ilium ex praeteritis & prsfentibus pofte judicare futura. Tan« 
 dem affirrao, quod fi femel tollatur C^farianorum metus, poteritis ex at- 
 bitrio veftro difponere de Sede Apoftolica. 
 
 Cardinalis Canipegius ad Pontificem fcripfit, quod funt tres dies ex quo 
 frater Generalis communicaverat fecum negotium Regis; Majtftatis, 6C 
 quod dixerat ut ad ejus Sandiratera fcriberet, ut omnino faceret aliquam 
 Inhibitionem, ne caufa iftic tradaretur. Ad quod Pontifex non refpondir," 
 fed refpondebit, fe nihil de eo pofte facere, quia non pcndet caufa. 
 
 Januar. 1528. ad Collegium. 
 
 VIL A Duplkat. The Kind's Letter to the Cottedge of Cardi- 
 nals', from which it appears horv much they favour ec/ his Caufe, 
 
 CottonlAhX' T T Enricus Rex, Revercndiffimis in Chrifto Patribus Dominis Epjfcopis, 
 Vitcll. B.io. J~l Patribus c\ DiacDuis S. R. E. Cardinalibus&' Amicis noftrisCarifli- 
 iTUs lalutem. Nihil unquam tam grande effe poile putavimus, quin de 
 ifta Sarida fede, vcftrarumq^Reverendiflimarum Dominat. fumma crganos 
 benignitate, illud femper audader nobis fuerimus polJiciti, quod certc 
 S. Sandum iftud Collegium, quotiens ullam nobis gratiticandi occafionem 
 oblatam hibiiit, cumulatillime prasftitit : Cxterum benevolcntiam iftam 
 yeftram, 5c fingulare in nos ftudium, nunc longe fuperavit alacritas quani 
 in noftra omnium graviflima caufa, juvanda ac promovenda, in publico 
 pDnfiftorio, amantiflime omnes exhibuiftis, quo ccrte beneficio fie Sacro 
 ifti Collcgio Saiidifiimi^q;; ifti Sedi adftrido? nos fatemur, ut vehementifti- 
 mc optemus Gratiam, vel fanguine ipfo publico ac privatim Reverendifti- 
 
 rais
 
 Book 11. of Records, 27 
 
 mis Domimr. veftrisquoq^ poffe refcrre. Qiiocirca iterum eas impcnfe 
 rc^amus, ut in fuo erga nos affedu perfeverare non graventur, efficiemufq; 
 ( Deo bene juvante ) ut brevi perfpicient, apud gratum & niemorem Prin- 
 cipein, Sanv.4a'q; Rom. Ecclefis obfervantillimum, fua fe beneficii cS: ofli- 
 cia colIoc3fle. Interim vobis quas pofTumus ex animp, turn his literis, tusij 
 per Oratorera idic noftrura immortales gratias Reverend ifil mis vefi:ris 
 Dominis agiraus, exiftimetifq; quicquid i nobis prsftari quear, id fuo 
 ornamento ln: commodo promptiflimum futurum. 
 
 Febr. 10. 1528. 
 
 VIII. AVuplicateof the Cardinal\ Letter to the Pope^ about the 
 Divorce ; corre&ed with his own hand. 
 
 BEatifume Pater, pofl: humillimam Commendationemj 6<.Sandl(!Cimo-CottonLihr, 
 rum pedum ofcula, doleo atq^ graviflime excrucior, quod ea qusf^^^^'.B'io. 
 tanra folicitudine, Uteris oC nuntiis apud Beatitudinem veftram ago, neque- 
 am, ut unice 5c rerum omnium maxirae vellera, prius traftare, hoc eft, 
 negotium Potentifiimi Domini met Regis, negotium inquam reftiflimum, 
 honeftiffimum ac fanfliffimum, in quo procurando non aliter me interpono, 
 quam in ejus Regix Majcftatis falute tuenda, in hoc Regno confervan- 
 do, in publica tranquillitate fovenda, in Apoftolica Autoritate, in mei 
 deniq^vita & anima protegenda debeo. Beatiffime Pater, ad veftr^ San- 
 ftitatis genua provolutus, obfecro & obteftor, ut (i me Chriftianura virum, 
 fi bonum Cardinalem, fi S. San(So ifto Senatu dignum, fi Apoflohcx Sedis 
 membrum non ftupidum 6c inutile, firedi, juftitiaeque cultorem, fi fideleiii 
 Creaturam fuam, fi demum sternas Tilutis cupidum me exifiimet, nunc 
 velit mei Confilii & interceflionis rationem habere, & pientiflirnis hujus 
 Regis precibus, benigne, prompteq^ adnuere ^ quas nifi redas, fandas ac 
 juftas, efie fcirem, omne prius fupplicii geuus ultrofubirem, quam eas pro- 
 raoverem, pro hifq^ego vitam meam dc animam fpond«o. Alioquin ve- 
 reor (quod tamen nequeo tacere ") ne Regia Maieftas humano, divinoqj 
 jure f quod hibet ex omne Chriftianitate fuis his adionibus adjundum J 
 freta, poflquam vid^rit Sedis Apoftolic^ gratiam, 5cChrifl;i in terris Vica- 
 rii cleraentiam defperatam, Cxfaris intuitu, in cujus manu neutiquam eft 
 tarn Sanctos conatus reprimere, ea tunc moliatur, ea fux caufs perquirat 
 remedia, qus di non folumhuic Regno, fed etiam aliis Chriftianis Princi- 
 pibus, occafionem {•jbminifl:rarent, Sedis Apoftolics Autoritatem 6c Juris- 
 dictionem imminuendi, 6c vilipendendi non abfq ; Chriftiana^ Reip. per- 
 turbatione : quibus malispoteft veftra Sanditas fua autorirate 6c prudentia 
 mederi. Hsc loquot ut Chrifiianus, 6c ut devotiffimum iftius Se- 
 dis membrum fincere fuadeo ; non afFedus, non Principis amor, non 
 fervitutis vinculum me impellit, fed fola reditudine ad id adducor. Csete- 
 rum animi folicitudo non finit plura exprimere. Vefira Sanditas in tam 
 jufi:o Regis voto adnuendo, fie ejus Majeftatis animum fibi devinciet dc 
 Confervabit, ut non folum ipfe 6c ego, fed omnes ejus fubditi fint ad om- 
 nem cccafionem, opes, vire?, 6v: fanguinem inSinditatis vcftrx, Apofto- 
 licx Sedis beneficium, libentilTime profufuri. Mitto ad Beatitudinem ve- 
 ftram hujus rei gratia, Dominum Stcphanum Gardinerum, Primarium Sc- 
 cretiffimorum Conciliorum Secretarium, n)ei dimidium, 6:quoneminem 
 habcu cariorem ; referet ille cunda diftindius, meum pedus aperiet. Ve- 
 ftra m
 
 28 J Colled ion Book I L 
 
 ftram igitur Sanftitatem humillime rogo, ut euni loquentcm me loqui ex- 
 iliiraares, 6c earn fidem quam prsfenti mihi haberer, illi 5v Domino Ed- 
 wardo Foxo Regie familiari in omnibus prxftare, 5c me a tam anxia ex- 
 pedatione liberare dignetur. 
 
 IX. Cardinal Wolfey V Letter to Gregory Caffali, direBing 
 him to make Frefents at Rome. 
 
 Co«o» Libr.' I ^ Anta deinde funt , tamq^ magna officia, qu2 Reverendiflimus 
 ViuU3.io \^ Dominus S//nfi?i?r«w ^iw/;7/«?r, turn erga Regiam Majeltatem, turn 
 erga me,iiunquam non amantiflime exhibuit, ut quum ea in agendis gratiis 
 afTequi conantur, id animo faciliuscompledli, quam exteriori uJIo propenfas 
 noftra; ineum voluntatis teftimonio indicare queamus : ad noftriq^ in eum 
 furamum ftudii & affedionis cumulum, nunc tantum acceffir, quantum 
 vix unquam poflit a nobis exfolvi 5 licet q^ de ejus Reverend. Dominat. 
 ingenti Regime Majeflati, & mihi gratificandi ardore nunquam addubita- 
 verim, fie tamen pedus fuum, in Regis Majeftatis promovenda juvandaqj 
 caufa , fie in meis feorfim curandis expediendifq5 negotiis, operam, fidem, 
 autoritatemq^ fuam interpofuit, ut non minora femper efficeret, quam nos 
 optare potuerimus : quo certe nomine, ita utrumque noftrum, ilio fuorumqj 
 omnium commodo 5c ornamento devinxit, ut non prius conquicturi fu- 
 mus ,• quam aliquo indicio rebus ipGs noftram viciflira gratitudinem fue- 
 rimus teflati ^ quot enim modis & quanta folicitudine Reverendiflimus 
 SanBonmi Qiiatuor de nobis fit cptime meritus, res praftita indicat, 6c 
 Dominus Stephanus Secretarius mens fuo fermone ac relatu aflidue prxdi- 
 cat 5 & quamvis munufculum ilJud olim oblatum recufaverit, non tamen 
 Regi,-E Majeftati fatisfadum effe poteft, nifi mcmoris fui animi pignus aJi- 
 quod exhibuerit. Qiiocirca cum eodem Reverendiflimo Domino dexterri- 
 me agite, ut in familiari aliquo colloquio eliciatis, quibus rebus ille 
 maxime obledetur, mihiq; quam primum fignificate, num illi, aulaea, 
 Vafoaurea, aut equi maxime probentur, efficiamq, neputet apud Princi- 
 pem inhumanum aut ingratum fua fe officia coUocafle. Intellexi quoqj 
 ex eodem Domino Stephana, quam ardenter idem Dominus Sanitonim 
 Qitatuor cupiat aedificimn Sandi Petri abfolvi, veluti monumentum illud 
 Religionis ac pietatis perpetuo futurum, quod certe ejus animi confilium," 
 ut Sandum ita dignilTimum cenfeo, ut Chriftianorum Principum liberali- 
 tatem quam plurimum mereatur ; meo igitur nomine affirmabitis, fie me- 
 am me effe operam apud hunc Sereniflimum Regem interpofiturum, uc 
 palam conftet omnibus, me Ecclefis membrum non omnino inutile aut 
 llupidum effe. 
 
 De aliis veto rebus in quibus S. D. N. benignitatem & Reverendiflimi 
 
 - Domini SanBorum Qiiatnor opera & Patrocinio Regis Majedati & mihi 
 
 in prsfentia eft opus, per Dominum Stephanum copiofe vos infiruo, ite- 
 
 rum atq^ iterum impenfe rogans, ut folita vellra diligentia (Sl ledulitate 
 
 ex noftra expectaiione eas curare conficereq, velitis. 
 
 Rome 
 
 f 
 
 ^L
 
 Book II. of Records. 29 
 
 Rome Feb. 1527. 
 X. The Decretal Bull that veas de fire J in the King's Caufe. 
 
 Dlleclo, &c. SaUitem& Apoftolicam Benedift. Sed is Apoftolica^Su- CorAo« Libr. 
 preaiia Autoritis potcflatis fuas copiam fie omnibus exhibet, nt pro l^itell.B.iz- 
 caularum, perfonarum S< temporum qualitate remedia fingulis ad;tdifica- 
 tionem fubminiftrare, & caufas ad Canonum Sandiones expenfas asquiHi. 
 ma certillimaq^ lance tmtinans, laborantibus confcientiis & fluduantibus 
 confulere, fummamque ipfis tranquillitatem ftatuere contendar. Cnm 
 itaque ClariflimusinChrifto Filius nofter Henricns Oclavus Angli^e Rex, 
 Fidei Defenfor, & DoininusHibernia, fua nobis conqueftione monftra- 
 verat, quod cum Annos abhiiic decem 5z oflo nobilem Mulierem Catha- 
 rinam Ferdinandi quondam Hifpaniarum Regis Filiam, Illuflris Principis 
 Arthuri Fratris fuidefundi quondam Uxorem, hortatu, fuafu, ac confiliis 
 corum, quibus fe totum in prima Regni fui Adminiftratione crediderat, 
 quadam fedis Apoflolicas Difpenfatione prastenfa fibi bona fide Matrimo- 
 nio copulafTet, acab eo tempore ha denus cum eademtanquain cum Uxore 
 cohabitafTet, prole interim foemina fufcepta & fuperftite ex cadera, acjam 
 tandem poft defperatam prolem Mafculam, de ftabilienda& confirmanda 
 cjufdem Filis fu;Efuccefi^ione cogitaret, Juftratifque Scriniisdidamfupet 
 Matrimonio prxfato Difpenfationem faceret proferri, dodorumque Viro- 
 rurajudicia examinari, cujus quidem Difpenfationis tenor fequitur, & eft 
 talis, &c. 
 
 Quidam Sandionum & Canonum Ecclefiafticorum confulti, datum did^ 
 cum narratis ejufdem conferentes, aliafque nonnullas circumftantias quse 
 tum ante dids Difpenfationis impetrationem, quse etiam poft eandem nn- 
 petratam intervenerunt, ponderantes, tum quod caufa qu^ in Bulla pr«~ 
 tenfa eft pacis continuanda?, viz. qus ipfa tum coaluerat, foederibus per- 
 cuffis firma conftitcrat, mutuis etiam populorum commerciis auda, nul- 
 lum {u% violationis timorem incutiens, quijuftus & non omiiino vanusdi- 
 ci polTet, nee urgentifllma proinde nee evidentiflima videretur, qualem pro- 
 hibitionis relaxatio exigat& requirat ; tum quod precesfalfas erant dum 
 narrabatur Prsdeceflbri noftro, eundem Cariflimum Filium noftrum tum 
 cuperecum didacharifiima Domina Catharina contrahere Matriinoniura, . 
 ad hoc ut pacis foedera diutius continuarentur, cum eo tempore, ut afferit, 
 impetrationem prorfus ignoraret, & per gratis immaturitatem, duodeci- 
 mura, viz. annum non excedentis, affedum hujufmodi inducere non po- 
 tucrat ; tum quod Proteftatione poftmodum interveniente & vim Renuncia- 
 tionis habente, Difpenfatio tunc per Renunciationem extinda videretur 5 
 Deniquequod princi pes inter quosfosdera confervarentur, antcmandatam 
 execucioni BuUamfatisconeefierant ; Buliam ipfam, tum ex furreptionis 
 & obreptionis vitiis, quam aliis etiam de Caufis minus validam & -ineffica- 
 cemeflerenunciarunt &:retulerunt, fcrupuium didi Regis animoconfcien- 
 tixque gravem Injicientes eamqueilli opinionem inducentes, utMatrimo- 
 nium prsdidum non confifterc, neque hadenus jure conftitifie judicaret. 
 Porro autemcum frequentius apud ie, ut afl^erit, animo volveret, acmedi- 
 taretur, quales exitus hujufmodi nuptias prsfatse habuerunr, ex quibus, viz. 
 aliquot partus mafeuli imperfedi parumque vitales prodiere, atque ideo fe 
 omni fpe fucceftbris prorfus deftitui, quo fuam faraiiiam ad paucos redadam 
 confervaret, occurrente fimul memorix Divina interminarione qux Fra- 
 tris fui turpitudinem tevelanti, £< illius Uxorem contra S, Sandu Dei prs- 
 
 upta
 
 A Colkciion Book II. 
 
 cepra accipienti infcribitur,pia.'fertiin ubiDifpenfatiunon inter\eniar,qus 
 ex omni fua parte valeat £«: eonfiftat, nonnullis ctiam affirmantibus noflram 
 lion eatinus poteftatem pitcre ut in ea fpecie {^ratiam faciamus, etiamfi ut 
 fcribit de noftracpoteftatis plenitudinc noa dubitet, jufte dunraxat legiriine- 
 que interpofirar, quam fummam in terris agiiofcit &L veneratur, ad impro- 
 bnidas illas nuptias tantum undiquevidet confenfum ut illas animo abhor- 
 reat, nee aliorum rationibus polTet diiluaderi quin abominandas ea§ judicet,&: 
 Divins Majcftati odiofas. Denique idem Cariflimus FiJius nofter debits 
 cum inftantia nos precibus (bllicitaverit, quatenus perlons fua; &i Regni 
 r.obis Temper devotiflimi rationem habentes, maturo judicio ab anguftiis 
 liberemus, qaibus fe ufu prsefentis Matrimonii per legem confcicntia; pri- 
 vatum, nee ad aliud per leges publicas ante fententiam admillum, vehe- 
 menter conqueritur comprehenium cfle. Nos igitur confideranies quor, 
 quanta, tum in Sedem Apoftolicam, turn in fidem Chriftianamofficia prs? 
 ceteris exhibuerit, promeritus eo nomine ut noftife viciflim poteltatis gra- 
 nam uberrimam 6^ promt iflimam referat, aliamque iilius caulam atque pri- 
 vati eOe, ex qua nimirum pendeat falusplurimorum, nee poOe dicla- caufa? 
 decifionem diutius proferri <5c protelari fine grayi difcrimiriis periculo, didi 
 vero Princip's cruciatu maxima qu£ nos ex gratitudinis viciffitudine niinue- 
 rct debeamus, qua decet feftinatione procedi facientes ut ad finem celerrime 
 perducatur, de ConfilioFratrumnoitrorum, quorum in hac caufa tam gra- 
 vi atque urgenti judicium adhibuimus,_ac ctiameorum quos & Sacrs Theo- 
 logis peritilTimos «5t juris Ecclefiaflici callentiffiraos defuper confulendos 
 audiendofque putavimus, quoniam vitia & defeftus prsdidos ejufmodi efle 
 comperimus, qua; penfata prsfats Prohibitionis natura, vires ipfius Builx 
 nierito enervarent ^ quo magis, viz. atteftamur 6c palam faciamus, quan- 
 ta animi cum c\ folicitudine prsfati Cariflimi Fiiii noftri confcientiani 
 fiujuHnodi fcrupulis & difficultatibus impediri, implicari atque vexari fu- 
 /lineamus, cum alioquin te diledum Filium ncflrum Cardin. Eboraceu. in 
 ilia Provincial Apoftolics Sedis Legatum, a praclaris animi tui virtuti- 
 bus, ad juftitiam vero & aquitatem propenfiffimo /incerifTimcq^ afFcdu 
 nobis fie commendatum Sccognitum habeamu'^, ut tibi mcrito foliomoem 
 non;ram Authoritatem, cum in hac Caufa expedienda, tum etiam in reli- 
 quis committendam putaverimus, dignifiimus quidem nobis exifiimatus, 
 qui partes noftras trades devices abfentispofTes fiipplere : Tetamen Dile- 
 dum Filium — a nobis fp^eialiterifhic deftinandum duximus, ut conjundini 
 in hac caufa proeedere poflitis, ita nihilominus propter incertum cafuum 
 eventum mandatam Authoritatem tcinperantes, ut altero veftrum nolcnte 
 aut irapedito, alter omnia exequi 6c eaufam fine dcbito valeat terminare. 
 Vcbis ut prafertur conjiindim, 5: ut prxfcrtur divifim,:?d cognofcendum & 
 procedendum fumraarie (Sc de piano, fine ftrcpitu i5v figura judiei", ac de, & 
 fnper viribusdidx' Bulla' five Difpenfationis inquirendiur, ipfamqne Bul- 
 lain five Difpenfationem, fi de vitiis pradidis aut eorum aliquo rah prob.?- 
 tioneconlliterit, qu«e licet a liis minus clara videatur, animo tamen Reli- 
 oiofo, confcientixque vefiirs, aut ejus veftrum qui in hac Caufa procefierit, 
 divifim, ut prafertur, fatisfcccrit, <?<: verifimile j.ppiruerit, vel picem qua 
 in Bulla pracenditur fine hujus Matrimonii contractu confiiiere potuifle & 
 continuari, vel didum Chariflimum Filium noftrum, ut allegabatur, non 
 cupiifie contrahere Matrimonium ad hoc ut pacis foedera eonfervarentur, 
 vel dcpiq^ Principes in Bulla nnminatos, inter quos foedera per illud Ma- 
 trimonium rontiuuaium iri allegabatur, ante mandatam executioni Bullnm 
 fatisconccfiifie, ipfara nullam, minus validam, ex furreprione 6v obreptio- 
 lic inefficaccm, irritam 6c inanem fuifrc, fcmpcr 6c die pronuntiandam 6c 
 
 decla-
 
 Book II. ofRecords.^s 
 
 declarandtim ^ Matrimoniuin autem pr^sdidum, quod ejufdem virrute con- 
 fiftere videtur, nullum 'imul ac minus Jcgitimum t^t^ acpro nullo minufq; 
 ]egitimo haberi deberi decernendum ; ipfos porro contrabentes ab otnni 
 contractu .Matririioniali hujufraodi liberos, a confortid conjugali quod 
 hadenus obfervarunt feparari deberi fcntentiendum, & autoritate nolba 
 feparandum. DenVq^ utrumque ad contfahendum cum alio vel alia, novum 
 conjugium ineundi, licentiam 6c facuitatem tribuendum ^ concedendum, 
 citraomnem recufationem, aur .appellationis interpofitioncm, committi- 
 mus 5{demandamus vices nofiras; acvosconjun6tim,5c altero veftrum no- 
 Jente ut prsfertur aut impedito, divifim, ad prsmilTa exercenda & expe- 
 dienda, plens finaliq;, execution! deraandanda, Vicarios noftros & noftrum 
 Vicarium, aut fi quo alio nomine utipoterim us, quod demandatam in prs- 
 dictis Autoritatem ampliaret, cum omni poteftatisplenitudinetam abfolu- 
 t£ quam ordinari^, quatenus vel ad prsfati Matrimonij congruam difTclu- 
 tionem, vel novi contrahendi firmam Conftitutionem, expedire videbitur 
 aut pertinere 5 ita etiaro ut Autoritate prsfentis Commiflionis noftrSj-'cuni 
 omnibus illis Canonibus, ad validiorem efficacioremq^ procefTus veltri fir- 
 mitatem poteritis difpenfare, quscunq^ eidem obftare putabuntur, oni- 
 nemq; defeftum quacunq^ ex caufacontingentem noftr« Autoritatisinter- 
 pofitione, Difpeniationc Apoftolica fupplere poflitis & valeatis, t.im pro-^ 
 lem ex primo Matrimonio fufceptam propter bonam fidem Parentum,- fi 
 ita expedire vifuni fuerit, legitimam decernendo, pronuntiando 5c pro- 
 raulgando, quam ex fecundo Matrimonio fufcipiendam ; legitimitatem eti- 
 am utriufq; prolis, cenfuris & poenis Ecclefiafticis quibufcunque, per mo- 
 dum decreti aut Sandlonis perpetus muniendo 6c vallando, omnibus vaii- 
 dioribus & efficacioribus mod is 6C formis qu?e de jure concipi & excogitari 
 poterunt, facimus, conftituimus & ordinamus per pra^fentes : Et quicquid 
 per vos conjundim, ut pr^efertur, aut divifim procedentes, per cognitio- 
 nem judiciariam &fummariam, autextra-judiciariamjprocefrusquofcunq; 
 faciendo, prouunciando aut promulgando, eofdemve executioni mandando, 
 Difpenfationes quafcunq^ aut gratiasin prsmiffis concedendo & faciendo, 
 & generaliter in aliquibus prsdidorum poteftatem noilram vel ordinariam 
 vel abfolutam exercendo, utpra;fertur, adlum, geftum, decretum, difpen- 
 fatum, pronunciatum, mandatum, aut executuni fuerit, idomne&totum, 
 cum primum poterimus, ratum, gratum & firmum hnbentes, in validifli- 
 ma&efficaciflima forma confirmabiraus,neceorum aliquaunquam infirma- 
 bimus aut infringemus, aut eorum alicui contraveniemus, nee interim re- 
 vocabimus , declarantes etiam & proteftantes per prsfentes, noftrs inten- 
 tionis eiTe, ut prsfens Commiflio, five Delegatio Auloritntis noftrai, per- 
 petuo effedu gaudeat, ^ufq- ad finalcm praidiclorum conclufionemextre- 
 mumq^terminum duret & confiftat, non obftantibus quibufcunque decre- 
 tis, fententiis, mandatis refcriptis. Uteris aut Brevibus in contrarium, 
 deinceps per nos tanquam irriratoriis, derogatoriis aut revocatoriis pr-efen- 
 tis Conceflionis noitrs, emittendis, deftinandis aut promulgandis ^ quibus 
 omnibus exprefTe per prsefentcs derogantes, & ilia omnia pro nullis, caffis, 
 irritis <?C inanibus reputantes, ac talia efTe & haberi, iftifq5 omni no ante- 
 riora judicari, prsfentia vero femper pofteriora, & poll ilia repetita, emif- 
 fa & delHnata cenferi, ac tanquam ultima 6c pofteriora contrariis fie dein- 
 ceps emittendis derogare debere, & ceteris contrariis non obftantibus qui* 
 bufcunque. 
 
 G c c Rome
 
 c^2 A Colleton Book II. 
 
 Rome y^n. 15-28. 
 
 XI. The CardinaVs Letter to John Caffali about it ; Taken from 
 a Duplicate written by his Secretary. 
 
 CottonLihr.\^ Everende Domine Protonotari, tarquam Frater Amamiffime, cum 
 yitell. B.io. Xv 3!^'^ ^^^'5 liter is copiofe ad vos perfcripfi Regiai Majeftatis auimum, 
 <5<; defidcriuin fuptr his rebus quas vobis in prasfentia commiflr, fuo nomine 
 S. D. N. declarandas. 
 
 Nunc vero ob humillimam fincerainq^ meam Devotionem, qus ex jure 
 & officio non folum ejus Sanditati, fed miferis Ecclelia^ fublevandis rebus, 
 dignitatiqi Apoftolicai reftituends adftringor, his Uteris vos inftruam fu- 
 I>er quibuldam rebus, pr<x'cipue & accurate notandis & confiderandis, quas 
 pod huniilJimani, reverentifllniamq^ meam commendationcm didsSandi- 
 tati, meo nomine figillatim, fpeciatim declarabitis ; 5c cumcaufam concer- 
 nant, quani Regia Majeftas nunc raaxime optat &: requirir, eandem Sancli- 
 tatem vehementiflTime rogabitis, ut cunda legere 6c bene notare non gra- 
 ve tur. 
 
 Primo itaq^ indolens infelicem adverfumq^prajfentium rerumfuccef- 
 fum, in quo S. D.N. CarclinaUumq5 Collegium verfa tur, diuq^ acnoda 
 njente volven?, quo pado quibufve modis, totismeisviribus, omnifumptu 
 inoleftiaq^ negleda, & cum proprii fanguinis vitxque effufione, niinifteri- 
 um aliquod impendere, tantsque afflidioni folamen afFerre, dc Ecclefise 
 Sandiflimi Domini uoftri coUapfo ftatui opitulari, in quam rem hauddu- 
 bie quoadq; vita fuppetet incumbam : mihique in hac cogitatione versanti, 
 in mentem recordationemq; fubiit, rairus quidem & grandis affedus. Qui 
 divina fie difponente Providentia, ex inflanti alTiduaque mea opera provc- 
 nit, ut hunc optimum Dominuin meum Regem inducerem,eique perfuade- 
 rem quod ad ardiflimam iflam intiraamque cordis & animi conjundioneni 
 deveniret efga S. D. N. Eccle(ia;q; & fcdis Apoftolics tutelamac patroci- 
 I'iium fufcipiendum, memorix-qae Tuccurrunt innumer^ rationes a me ad- 
 duQ^, ut Regiara M.ijeftatem, qua: Casfari tenaciffime inhsrebat, addu- 
 - cerem, ad S. D. N. defenfionem, rerumq; Itah'carum tutelam arapleden- 
 dam, ac inter omnes allcgatas rationes, nulla fuit validior aut vehemcn- 
 tior, vel qu^ Regise Majeftatis pedus magis permoveret, quam intima fe- 
 curita?) perfedaque conftantia, quimei ailidue indefinenterq;infinuavi de 
 ejus Sanditatis vera optimaq^ & fl igranti corref pondentia in amore perpetuQ 
 iadinbiubiliq", amicitia,animo & voJuntate, petitionibus femper fua,' R. Ma- 
 jefl. (3c defideriis concedendis, quoad Ecclelis Thefaurus 6c Autoritas ejus 
 Sanditati ChrilH Vicarioconceila permittit, vel quoad Teextendit, feu poUit 
 exiendere j fuper idq^ omnia uberrima promifi, meara etiam falutera, ii» 
 dem, honorem animamque adltringens, quod omnia ex ipfius Regia; Ma- 
 jeftatis votis, in omne tempus pra;ftarentur, abfq^ ulla prorfus occalione 
 aut fcrupulo, ab hujufmodiindulgendis petitionibus digrediendi,adeo quod 
 Regia Majeftas, ex hoc meoalleveranti relatu, hunc proj^^nfum S. D.N. 
 in fe animum perfpiciens, mihique ejus Sanditatis nomine, vcluti Legato, 
 & fedis Apoftolicai niembro loquenti, firmam, rertamq^ fidem adhibens, 
 periculis omnibus poilhabitis, laboribus fumptibufq; fpreris, nuliaq; fui 
 Regni aut fubditorum habita ratione, animum adhxit, prorfufqj ftatutuin 
 & decretum in omnibus fe adjungere, atque perpetuo Si conftanter cum 
 S.D.N, in affedu concurrere, in eoq^ cercum habco vell<; decrevifleque 
 
 per-
 
 Bciok II. of Records, 33 
 
 perftare, ad mortem ufque, nififorf.in ex eventibus, longe diverfis a meo 
 promiiro &: ejus expedatione, occafiufubminiftrctur I'uam Regiim Majefta- 
 tem ab hocanimi fui dccreto amovendi. Id fi illi accideret (quodaverrat 
 Deus) merito mihi poiTet adfcribere perfidiam, levitatem, violationcmque 
 promiflionis, quo cafu quid mox officii aut minifterii poflem Sanftifiimo 
 Domino noflro prs:ftare, aut quae fides in Eccle(i« rebus mihi haberctur, 
 iingulari ejus Sanftitatis prudcnti.T judicandum relinquo : nunquam enim 
 meoinarbitrio pofthac eflet, quicquam alicujus momenti hinc efficere, in 
 ejus Sanditatis comraodum, hac nunc in re Regis Ma jeftatisconcepta fpe, 
 aut expeftatione fruftrata. 
 
 Eft fecnndo accurate confiderandura quantopere hoc negotium Regi.-c 
 Majeflati interfit, & quanti fit momenti, unde namque, prster Confcien- 
 ti* Regias exonerationcm, omnisquoque Regia^ lines, 6C flemmatis con- 
 tinuatio pendet 5 huic adneditur totius Regni foelicitas^ vel excidium, hie 
 fecuritas & faluseorum confiftit, qui fub Regis funt Imperio, & qui ullo 
 unquam tempore nafcentur in ejus Regno, qua ex re oriri potefl occafio, & 
 fomes tranquillitatis perpetual, aut difcordia^ belliq;atrocifIimi in univer- 
 fum Chriflianum Orbem,qus omnia majoris funt momenti & vigilantius pro- 
 i'picienda quam cujufq^ Frincipis vel Principilfe gratia, favor & expeclatio. 
 
 Tertio, Caufa ex fe eft hujufmodi ut in animam meamfpondere aufim, 
 ejus conceirionem, futuram non folum in confcientis, honorifq^Pontificis 
 exonerationem coram Deo & hominibus, fed in Coelis quoq^ gratara, ac- 
 ceptaraque extituram : In hac deinde re fecreta infunt nonnulla, fecretb 
 S. D. N. exponenda, & non credenda literis, quas ob caufaS, morbofq5 
 nonnulios, quibus abfq^ remedio Regina laborat, & ob animietiam con- 
 ceptum fcrupulum, Regia Majeftasnec poteft, nee vult ullo unquam poft- 
 hac tempore, ea uti, vel nt Uxorem admittere, quodcuncjue advenerit. 
 Nonexigua prsterea habenda eft ratio eorum, qus aliis meis literis conti- 
 nentuf , concernentia, qus pro ingenti Thefauro S. D. N. habere queat, 
 tarn certam Regime Majeftatisamicitiam, cum ejus Sanditate conftantillimc 
 conjundam futuram in profperis & adverfis, in quas etiam partes amicos fu- 
 os omnes pertraxit, 6c affidue pertrahit : Ad Ecclefis defenfionem, San- 
 ftiflfimi Domini noftri confervationem, caufas omnes fuas & attiones diri- 
 gens ; poflentq^ hi omnes, Regia Majeftate deficiente, in contrariuirl ver- 
 ti, &, ut veraloquar, nullum Principcm video in quo S.D.N, poflit, 
 quam in Regia Majeftate plenius aut perfcdius confidere, vel cujus medio 
 Apoftolicas fedis ftatus iu priftinam fuam dignitatem queit certiusrtftitui. 
 Cum abfq^ ejus fubfidio, nifi folus Deus cx immenfa i'ua bonitate manum 
 citilfime apponat, omninoimminutus iri videatur. Quod fi SandifTimus 
 Dominus nofter nunc (quod abfit) in his Regiis petitionibus durum fe^ 
 aut difficilem fe exhibuerir, mihi certe moleftiflimum eft futurum vivere 
 diutius, obinnumera mala, qux inde fubfecutura videntur, hocprxfertim 
 firmo, tutoque Regio fubfidio tarn ingrate abjedo 5 hocq^folum, (^C ccr- 
 tum, (5c falubre remedium videtur tanta; corrigenda; calaniitati fupcre/Te, 
 quo neglecto omnia corruant neceffe eft. Hac autem in re S.D.N, fua 
 erga Regiam Majeftatem animi gratitudine comprobata, poterit de illius 
 amicitia & conjunctione quxcunque volet (ibi polliceri, adverfus cos om- 
 nes, qui ejusAutoritatem aut dignitatem voluerint appugnarc. 7\andem 
 his caulis rationibufq^ omnibus in unumcongeftis, mecum ipfc! reputanc, 
 quam multa graviflimi momenti in hujus conjugij Dilfolutione occur- 
 rant, in tanta aquitate juftoque fundamento pofita, ob qua; hsc Dillblu- 
 tio nee pofTit abfq:, graviflimo detrimcnto, nee debeat diutius protralii 
 aut intermitli ; vidcns quoq^ quid allegari poffit i5c allegabitur omninond 
 
 C c c a Reeiaf
 
 34 
 
 A Colleflion Book 11. 
 
 Re^in; Majeftatisconfcientiam coram Deo purgandam, etiamiiidaS. D.N. 
 ncutiquam adraittatur, qux in hujufniodi allegationibus contifa, vcreor nc 
 in tanta rerura extremitate conllituta, pot i us qua m ingentia mala, qu« 
 hincapertifllme imminent, fuccedant, didla Regia MajeHasex duobusmslis 
 minus malum fligat, (?C foli (ux purzeq^confcientixinnitens, id agat, 
 quod nunc tarn reverenter a Sedis Apoftclicai Authoricatc exigit, unde Se- 
 dis contemptus indies gravior excrefceret, hoc pra^fertini tempore adrao- 
 dum periculoro : quaj omnia funt a S. D. N . fumma fua prudentia alte con- 
 fideranda, nuUo prorfus dubioaut difficultatc m re tam gravi mature cou- 
 cedenda interjeda; nee earn retardare debet cujufquam mortaiisinftantia, 
 contemplatio vel latisfadtio, praifertim quuin in mulris aliis rebus, forfan 
 noa tam raanifeftis &: apparentibus, Saiiditas fua liberalem, facilemque 
 erga alios fe fepe praftitent ; cui humillima reverentia prxmiffa meo no- 
 inine dicetis, quod hsc loquor tanquara fidele, utcunq^ Ecclefiae indignuni 
 membrum, omnia excogitans qux poffent in Ecclefia; augmentum c'v exifti- 
 mationem cedere, ea etiam admovens & confulens ut eviteiitur, quse ceiVu- 
 ra videantur in contrarium. Quocirca Sancliffimo Domino noitro affir- 
 mabitis, quod prxmiflis omnibus tam maximi moraenti exiftentibus pro- 
 be confideratis, Don veluti Mediator aut Interceiror, ob privatum ilJum 
 afFedum quem Regia; Majeftatis caufis, ut mei juris eft, promovendis 
 gero, fed tanquam is qui in re tanta 6c ex tam cetta fcientia 5c cognitione, 
 velim Sandillimo Domino noftro fuadere, ut quod nunc petitur omnino 
 concedat, idq; fuaderera etiara fi in hoc Regnum nunquara veiiiiiem, neqj 
 hie commune quicquani haberera ; togoque, precor, 5c obteftor ejus San- 
 ditatem, ut omni dubio, refpedu, metuq^ depofito, nullo pado neget aut 
 difFerat ea concedere aut adnuere, qux Regia Majeftas urgentiilimas ob cau- 
 fas tanta nunc animi follicitudine expofcit 5 fed his potius benignius libe- 
 raliterq^ adnuat, 6c omnia concedere non grayetur in plenior^ra inodum 
 qui hujus rei gratia poflit excogitari, compertiilimumq^ fibi fua Sanditas 
 habeat, fed id afledurum, quod coram Deo 6c hominibus juftum omnino 
 habebitur, ardilfimeq;, Rcgiam Majcftatem devinciet ad fus Sanditatis, 
 Ecclefis Apoftolicxq; Sedis, caufafq^ omnes pro viribus juvandas prote- 
 gendafque, nee ea in re, uUi labori, fumptui, Regno vel Subditis parcer, 
 nee ( fi opus fuerit) propriam Perfonam exponere recufabit, in ea opinione 
 conftantiflime permanfura, in eandemq^ fententiam Gallorum Regem 8c 
 alios confoederatos attrahet, turn pro fua; Sanditatis 6c Cavdinalium libera- 
 tione, turn pro fed.s Apoftolica; Autoritatis di dignitatis reftitutione 5 Sc 
 pfc^terquam quum didaSanditas mei humillima; fua; Creaturs fidem «5c 
 exiHimationem confervabit, quo in omnem even turn 6c nccelTitatem ea 
 poffini hie facilius commodiufq^ tradare qua; in Ecclefia^ commodum, 
 beneficium 6c fecuritatem ceffura videbuntur, in qu$ officia omnem meam 
 induflriara, zelum, ftudiumq^adhibcbo, liuncquoq^ Sereninimum Regem 
 in perpetuum fibi lucrifaciet. Quod fi harum rerum rationem non habue- 
 rir, vereor ne fir futurum in mea potcfiate, ut ullo niodo banc Regiam 
 Majeftatem vel alium ullura Principem ad ea adducam, quse Sandillimo 
 Domino noilro folatio aut fubfidio efie polfunt. Sed confido ab ipfius 
 Sanditate tantam malorumoccafionem fublatam iri, gratidimo, beoignidi- 
 mo, liberrimoqj animo, omnia ut petuntur conccfluram eile, nullo objedo 
 impedimento, contradidione aut mora. 
 
 Rome
 
 Book II. of Records. 55 
 
 Rome Jan. 10. 1528. 
 
 XII. StaphileusV Letter to the Cardinal^ that fhews hovo much 
 he was perfivadt'd of the Jufiice of the King's Cauje. The 
 OriginaL 
 
 REverendifiime & lUuftriffime Doraine D. mihi colendiffirae, ]po{\ CcttonUhr. 
 huraillimam cominendationcm D- V. Reverend, dignabitur intelli-F'jfe//.B.io, 
 gere qualiter quintadecima die poll receflum noftrum a Londinoconfcendi- 
 musnavem, retenti interim in portu ob tempeftatem Maris & contraries 
 ventos : interim in itinere fui cum Reverendo Domino Roffen. & difputa- 
 vimus materiam raultum, copiofe, & fatis prolixe, in prgefentia Domini 
 Dodoris Marraeduci, qui intellexit omnia ex utraq^ parte ab utroque dicta 
 di. fxpius replicata •, penes quern autem fteterit vidioria, vel faltem, uter 
 roflrum validius certaverit, D. V. Reverend, percipiet ex lideli relatione 
 prsfati D. Marmeduci. Unum certifico D. V. Reverend, quod pro uno 
 inediocri Epifcopatu defideraflem quod huic noftrs Difputationi interfuif- 
 fet Sereniffimus Rex nofter 6c D. V. & Regina, pro intelligentia vcriiatis 
 & pro modo difputandi : etenim commendo humiliter D. V. Reverend, 
 'iflum bonum virum, bonum fervitorem ac diligentem SerenilTimx Regime 
 IVIajeftatis & D. V. ReverendifT. Qyibus me quoq^ humiJlimum ac ex to- 
 to devotifliraura corum fervum quam humillime poflum, ex toto corde meo 
 femper commendo, praeftiturus utriq^ fideliff. & amantifl^. obfequium in re- 
 bus 6c negotiis mihi commiflis & committendis. Bene valeat D. V. Reve- 
 rend, quas dignabitur tenere me femper in bona gratia Sereniff. Regis noOri, 
 qui eft decus &ornaraentum Regis? dignitatis. Ex Bononia io. Jan. 1 528. 
 
 D* V. Reverend ifl^i 
 
 Humillimus Servitor, Epifcopus 
 Staphileus. 
 
 Ad Campegium, 152S. 
 
 XIII. The CardinaVs Letter to Campegius, tal^en from the 
 Draught of it -^ Corre^ed with his own hand. 
 
 REverendifiime in Chrifto Pater, grata femper huic Regi^ Majeftati Cotton Libr. 
 extiterunt Veftr* Reverend. Dominat. officia, fed gratitlimumomni- ^''^^^- S'°* 
 um illud fuit, quod tanta fide & fedulitate in ipfius promovenda caufa ab ea 
 fuifTe prxflitum ex Reverendi Domini Jerdonen. fermone cognovit : quam 
 opiimismorisfignificationera totopedorearaplexatiir, juflitq^ut fuisnomi- 
 nibus ingentes veftrae Reverendiflims D. gratiashaberemus: Cui egoeo 
 quoq^ nomine maxime quoq^ me debere fateor, nulla eniiia in re magia ob- 
 noxium me fibi poteft eflicere, quam fi totis fuis viribus, omni gratia Sk Au - 
 thoritate adnitatur, quo negotium hoc ex Regime Majcftatis fententia quam 
 cilifTime conticiatur ^ hujufmodi enim eft ut nullum gravius poflit acciderc, 
 dilationem nullam patitur, utpote quod totiushujus Regni conlervationem, 
 Rcgiae fobolis continuationem, C\: ejus animi falutem in fe contineat: caufa 
 
 quidem
 
 3<J 
 
 A Colleclion Book IL 
 
 quidem manifcjiior eft qd.nii difputatione cgear, is. fandior quani debcat in 
 controverfiain adduci, lianc un.mi gratiam cCnuncprimum aSede Apoftoli- 
 ca votis omnibus petit, u'v earn turn ex rei juftitia, turn ex fua in S. D. N. 
 iiliaJi devotione, fpern concepit, uf nullo paclo libi perl'uadeat unqnam fie- 
 ri pofle lit fua expeclatione fruftretur, quam fit veftraj R. D. opeia ac pio 
 patrocinio niaxiine polTe juvari. 
 
 Iteruin igicuratq^ iterum ReverendifTimam D. veftram obfecro, ut poff- 
 quam recenti c\ claro hoc teftimonio purgavit quicquid antea in Regiam 
 iVlajeftatem fide finiftrc fuerit ad nos delatura, ^ noftrum animum fibi to- 
 tum devinxir, non gravetur nunc ftrenue in hoc Regio promovendo negotk) 
 adoptatuin ufq^ finem pcrfeverare, quod ita comoftrum premit,ut vel pro- 
 prio fanguine id vcllemus pofll- a S. U. N. iinpetrare. Castera, veftra Re- 
 vercndifiima D. ubcrius ac diftinftius cognofcet ex Reverendo Domino 
 Epifcopo Jerdoiienfi, 6c ex Domino Stephano Gardinero intimo meo ferva, 
 &C Domino Edwardo Foxo Regio familiari, quibus rogo ut certiflimam ill 
 omnibus fidem velit habere. Et feliciflime valeat* 
 
 Maij 7. 1518. 
 
 XIV. The CardinaTs Letter to G. Caffali, defiring a Decretal 
 Bull to be fent over, A Duplicate. 
 
 Cotton Libr. "^ yf Agnifice Domine Gregori, Scc. Ingentcm Sefeniflima Regia MajC. 
 
 f^iiell. B. lo. ]\\ ftas 5c ego Istitiam concepimus, quum turn ex Domini Stephani li- 
 teris, rum vero ex Domini Foxi relatu cognovimus, quanta fide, induftri?, 
 ac vigilantra ufi fitis in ejufdem Regis Majeftatis conficiendo negorio, 
 quern veftrurn animum, etfi fepe antea arduis in rebus exploratifllmum cer- 
 tiffimumq^ haberemus, hoctamen tarn claro te/limonio nihil a vobis omif- 
 fum perfpicimus, quod votum noftrum utcunq^ juvare potuifier. Cjeteruna 
 quum nonnulla adhuc meoaliorumq^ Dodill'. virorum judicio f upcrcile vide— 
 antur,ad Regis Majeftatis caufamfecurifiimeftabi I iendam finienda-mquede 
 quibus ad D Stephanum in prsfentia perfcribo :, Vos iterum atq^ iterum ro- 
 go, ut de illisimpetrandisapud S.D.N, una cum Domino Stephano veffram 
 gratiam (3*: Authoritatem, quam apud ejus Sanditatem maximam. cfie cS: audio 
 & gaude^, pro viribys interponatis, maxiine autem ut in Commiftione ilia 
 Decretali a S. D. N. nullis Arbitris feu Confultoribus admifli^ concedenda, 
 8f fecreto ad me mittenda, omnes vires ingeni], prudentix' dirTgentiacq^ veftrx 
 adhibeatis, affirmabitifq^ <5c in falutem amraamq^ meam eidem S. D. N. 
 fpondebitis, quod didam Bullam fecretiflime nullis mortalium oculis coii- 
 fpiciendum apud me aflervabo, tanta fide l^ cautione, ut nc minimum qui- 
 dem ex ea re periculum, vel periculimetumejusSandirasfit fenfura; nctfi 
 enim eoconlilio aut animoeam Commiflionem impetrari tarn vehementer 
 cupio, ut vel illiusvigore ullus procelTus aut aliud prsterea quicquid agc- 
 retur, vcl eadempublice privatimve legere ilia uUi exhiberetur, fed uthac 
 quafiarrha «;>C pignore fumma'patcrnxq^ S. D. N. erga Regiam Majeftatem 
 bcnevolentixapud medepolito, quunivide.it nihil iilidegencraturum quod 
 petiverir, perfpiciatq^ ranfum fidei ejus Sanctitatcni in me repofuilfe, fie 
 mca apud didim Majeftatcm augcatur Authoritas, ut quanquam viies om- 
 nes fii as ope fq; Apoftolicai Sedis confervationi (^v in priiiinum ftjtuiii rc- 
 parationi fjc fponre dicaverit, me tamen fualbre be confulrore omnia in 
 poftcfura, &i. in fangulnis effufionem fit cmiccfi'ura &: effeilura, qu^ in 
 
 ejufdem
 
 Book II. of Records. 57 
 
 cjufdemSedis & fux Beatitudinis fecuritateni, tranquillitatem & commo- 
 duui, quaquam ratione cedere poterunt. 
 
 XV. The Brieve of Pope Julius for the King's Marriage ; 
 fujpe^ed to be forged. 
 
 Julius Papa Sccundus. DiJede Fili & dileda in Chtifto Filia, falutem Cotton Libr. 
 &C Apol^olicam Benedidionem. Roinani Pontificis prceccllens Autho- Vitell. B.ii. 
 ritas ronceff'a fibi defuper utitur poteftare, prout (psrfonarum, negotiorum 
 & temp irum qualirate penfata ) id in Domino confpicit expedire. Oblatx 
 nobis nuper pro parte veflra petitionis feries continebat, quod cum alias ru 
 Fiiia Catharina, 6c tunc in humanis agens quondam Arthurus Cariilimi in 
 Chriflo Filij noltri Henrici Anglic Regis illuftridimus primogenitUs, pro 
 confervandis pacis<3c amicitia; nexibus& fcederihus inter prsfarum Angli^e 
 Regcm, ts: Cariirunum in Chrifto Filium noftrum Ferdinanduni Rcgem, 
 & CarilTimam in Chrifto Filiam noftram Elizabeth. Reginam CathoJicos 
 Hifpaniarum 6c Sicilian, Matriraonium per verba legitime de pra;fenti con- 
 traxeritis, illudq-^ carnali copula confummaveritis^ quia tamen Dominus 
 Arthurus prole ex liujufinodi Matrimonio non fnfcepta, decelTit, & hujuf- 
 modi vinculum pacis <^ connexitatis inter prsfatos Reges 6c Reginam ita 
 firmiter verifimiliter non perduraret, nifi etiam illud alio affinitatis vinculo 
 confoveretur & confirmaretur, ex his (?C certis aliis caufis, defideratis Ma- 
 trimonium inter vos per verba legitime de prsfenti contrahere : Sed quia 
 defiderimn veflrum in praemiflis adimplere non ]^oteftis, Difpenfatione 
 Apoftolica defuper non obtenta, nobis propterea humiliter fupplicarifeciflisj 
 ut vobis providere in prasmiflfis de Difpenfationis gratia & benignitate Apo- 
 ftolica dignaremur. Nos igitur qui inter (ingulos Chrifti fideies, prsfertim 
 Catholicos Reges 5c Principcs, pacis & concordia amoenitatem vigere in- 
 tenfis defideriis afFeclamus, his & aliis caufis aniraum noftrum moventibus^ 
 hujufmodi fupplicationibus inclinati, vobifcum, ut aliquo impedimento 
 affinitatis hujurraodi ex prsmiflis proveniente nonobftante, Matrimonium 
 inter vos contrahere, & in eo poftquam contradum fuerit, remanere libere 
 & licite valeatis, Authoritate Apoftolica per prsfentes Difpenfamus; 6C 
 quatenus forfan jam Matrimonium inter vos de fado publice vel clandeftine 
 contraxeritis, accarnali copula confummaveritis, vos & quemlibet veftrum 
 ab excefTu hujufmodi, ac Excommunicationis fententia quam propterea in- 
 curriftis,eadem Authoritate abfolvimus, ac etiam vobifcum ut in hujufmodi 
 Matrimonio (ic de fadto contrado remanere, feu illud de novo contrahere, 
 inter vos libere &i licite valeatis, fimiliter Difpenfamus, prolemex hujuf- 
 modi Matrimonio five contrafto five contrahendo fufcipiendam legitimam 
 decernendo. Volumus autem, fi hujufmodi Matrimonium defado con- 
 traxiftis, Confefibr, per vos & quemlibet veftrum eligendus, poRuitentiam, 
 quam adimplere teneamini, propterea vobis injungat. Dat. Romai apud 
 Sandum Petrum fub annulo Pifcatoris, die 26. Deccnib. millefimoqain. 
 gentefimo tertio, Pont, noftri Anno primo. 
 
 Sigifmundus, 
 
 XVI. A
 
 38 
 
 A CoUeclion Book IF^ 
 
 XVI. A Part of the Cardinal s Letter to G. CafTali, de firing leave 
 to Jhexv the Decretal Bull to fome of the Kings Council. A 
 Duplicate. 
 
 CottonWhv. "¥" Llud igitur video maxime necefTarium fuperefle, utDecretalis Bulla, 
 Vitell.'&.io. J^ quamReverendiilimus DominusLegatuslecumdeferr, fecreto legenda 
 exhibeatur nonnuUis ex Regis Confultoribus, eo quidem confiiio, non ut 
 in judicium prnferatur, vel ad caufam definiendam adhibeatur, fed folum 
 ut perfpicientes illi, quorum Prudentia 6c Autoritas non parva elt, nihil ^ 
 me fuiiie omiHum, quod caufam Regis poffit fecuriflimam reddere, omnia- 
 que fuiiie a S. D. N. concelTa, qua in caufs tirmamentum ullo paclo queant 
 excogitari facilius, ubi Regis Majeftatis fecuritati, Regni quieti, 5cpcr- 
 petuo totius rei ftabilimento undiq^confultum viderint, in fententiam no- 
 ftram deveniant, fummaq^ cum diligentia in Autoritate Apoftolica ad Dei 
 gloriam conjuiifta rectiflime abfolvantur, Proinde, Domine Gregori, 
 iterum arq^ iterum vos impenfe rogo, quod ad S. D. N. genua devoluti ejus 
 Beatitudinem meo nomine obfecretis, ut hoc reliquum mtx. fidei mesq; 
 dexteritati de Bulla Decretali oftendenda committere velir, quam rem fie 
 moJerabor, ut nullum prorfus periculuui, nullum damnum, nullum odium 
 queat unquam fibi, vel Sedi Apoftolicie provenire 5 hocq^ ram inftanter 
 precor, ut pro falute mea confervanda petere queamardentius nihil. 
 
 XVII. John Caflali'j Letter about a Conference he had with the 
 Tope. An Original. ] 
 
 Reverendiffime ac illuftriffime Domine D. mi Colendiffi-^ 
 me ! &c. 
 
 Coff o» Libr. X^ Uum Tabellarius D. Veftr;« Reverendiflimje cum ejus mandatislife- 
 yitell. B.io. y^ rifq5 die 2. Novemb. datis Bononiam ad Equitem ftatrem pervenif- 
 fet, neq; ipfetunc pofifet pr3e debilitate properatis itineribus Romam venire, 
 ne ad earn rem longioris temporis moram interponeret, mifit ppr difpofitos 
 equos D. Vincentium Calfalium fratrem noftrum patruelem,volens ipfuni 
 Itatum fubfequi ^ venit igitur D. Vincentius Cailalius. At ego veftrs Do- 
 mlnationis Reverendiflims Jiteris ledis ac perpenfis, S. D. N. adivi, & ea 
 quai D. V. Revcrendiflima fcripferat, diligenterejusSanditati expofui, ipj 
 fafq^etiam literas recitavi, qua prudentiHime(5c efficaciiljine omnia expli- 
 cabant. Atq;^ hujufmodi verbis fum Icquutus^ 
 
 Non locus hie nee tempu? poftuht, Beatiilime Pater, ut ego nunc eom- 
 memorcm> qu^nto amore, quanto animi afFeftu, quibufq", officiis ilia Regia 
 Majeilas Apoftolicam Sedcm Sanftitatemq^ Veltram fit ubiq^ omni tempore 
 profecuta, quantaq^ obfervantia &i fide Reverendiflimus DominusEboraceo. 
 iemper coluerit^ nee reccnfendum hie videtur, quot labores, quot incom- 
 nioda Tubiverinr, qus ofticia, quas multoties impenfas effecerint, qusrentes 
 Ecclefiafticumllitum, ChriflianamReligionem, &: Catholicim Fidempro- 
 tegere ac confervare : nee veftra Sanditas ignorare debet, quibus laboribus, 
 quantis precibus, quot tabellariis, quot oratoribus miflls, quot non dicam 
 iiteris, fed voluminibus confc riptis, port inulta inluper Jurifperirorum confi- 
 Jia, turn ex Anglia alluta, turn hie ctiam formata, fuerit tandem -^ veftra 
 
 Sandi- 

 
 Book II. of Records. gp 
 
 Sanctirate impetratum, ut res eo, quo fuit pa(So, componererur : Qua 
 ratione RegijE Majeftatis dt-fiderio indalgebatur, 5C Beatitudinis veftr* 
 honori ac confcientiae, juftitisq^ 6c equitati confulebatur. At imnc Sariffii- 
 tas Veftra animadvert it illos, prater omnium noftrumfpem & Opinio- 
 nem, omni auxilio penitus efTe deftitutos : RevcrcndifT. Carapegius non 
 modo non oftendir, fe adeo urgenribus precibus SerenifTimi Regis obrem- 
 perare velle 5 fed ut primum ad Colloquium venir, rem totam pervertit, 
 jRegiam Majeftatem a Divortio difTuafir, perinde acfi ei Legatio deman- 
 data fuerit, ut Serenifiimo Regi ex parte Regins perfuadere debeat, ut I'e 
 a Divortio abftineir, adeo ut non poflit Regia Majeflas ftimulum hunc 
 Confcientis ex fuo peclore evellcre, femperq^ in ea mentis perturbatione 
 illi fit permanendum, ut omnibus horis cogitet fuccefTorem fui Regni ex 
 fuo fanguine defuturum. Neq^ adhuc Reverendiflimus Carapegius ullam 
 fignificationem dedir, velle fe ad id cxequendum defcendere, quod priore 
 ilia generali Commiffione continetur^ verum, quod pejus etiam eft, quum 
 multis precibus Bulla Decretalis in hac caufa Regia impetrata fuerit, pro- 
 miferitq, Veftra Sanditas fe permiflurum ut Sereniffimo Regi ac Reverend. 
 D. Eboracen. oftenderetur, & eorum manibus crederetur, quam ipfi ali- 
 quibus ex Secretiffimis Confiliariisoftenderent, ut Sereniffimus Rex de toti- 
 us negotii xquitate inftrudior lieret, noluit Reverendiflimus Camptgius 
 cam credere Sereniffimo Regi, aut ReverendifTimo Domino Eboracen. fuo 
 in ea caufa Collegs. Cur autem velit Veftra Sanditas Regiara Majefta- 
 tem in earn fpem adduxifle, ut deinde hoc pado illam fruftretur ac deludat. 
 Tunc S. D. N. injeda in meum brachium manu, me ulterius loqui prohi- 
 buit, fe ira accenfum non abfcondens, dixit, non parum fibi de D. V. Reve- 
 rendifliraa conquercndum efte, atq^ fub ejus fide fe deceptum efTe 5 Bullara 
 Decretalem dedifle, ut tantum Regi oftenderetur, concremareturq^ ftatim : 
 ad hoc me (inquit) multis ille magnifq^ precibus protraxit, oftendens, fi 
 id non daretur, manifeftum fus; faluti ruinam impendere ^ nunc autem 
 earn Bullam, qua debuit efle Secretifliraa, vult divulgate, neqj unquam 
 fe promififle concefTurum ut Confiliariis oftendatur .• literas( inquit) ipfas 
 Reverendiflimi Eboracen. proferre poftum, quibus id tantum, quod dixi, 
 petit, &■ ipfum Equitem CafTalium teftem volo, quod Dominus Stephanus 
 Gardinerus5c ipfe nihil aiiud a me poftulaverunt, nee fi poftulaflent, quic- 
 quam amplius obtinuiflent ^ atq^utinam aliter rem petiftent, earn namq^ 
 facile denegaftem, nee ad hanc poenitentiam veniflem, ex qua vel unius 
 digiti jadura (modo fieri poflit) quod fadum fuit revoc.irem, video,enim 
 quantum mail ex eo mihi fubeundum fit. Quum S. D. N. hsc &i. fimiiia 
 contra fuum morem dixifiet, ego in earn fententiam fubfecutus, fciendum 
 efTe, quod D. V. Reverendifliraa petit, non efte ab eo, quod ejus Sanditas 
 conftitutum fuifle dicit alienura, nee D.V. Reverendiffima hanc rem divul- 
 gari velle, aut fecundum earn Bullam fententiam ferri ; Ca'terum Regis Ma- 
 jeftati& fibi tradi, utpoflentaliquibusfidelioribuscarioribufq^ Confiliariis 
 oftendere, ut ipfi de re tota fiant inftrudiorcs, quod perinde arcanum crit, 
 ac fi in nuilius notitiam devenilTet. At non (inquain) Sanditas veftra 
 plerofq^ habet quibus quum aliquid arcanum crediderir, putet id non mi- 
 nus ceJatum cfle, quam fi uno tantum pedore contineretur, quod multo 
 magis Sereniflimo Anglix Regi evenire debet cui finguli in fuo Regno 
 funt fubjedi, neq^ etiamfi velint, poflunt Regi non efie fideliflirai : Va; 
 namq^ illis fi vel parvo momento ab illius voluntate recederent. Quid 
 hoc prsEterea obefie poteft ? an non fie petitum, fie conftitutum fuit > qua; 
 ratio Sanditatem Veftram propofitum mutare cogit? Ibi Pontifcx iracun- 
 dus, 6c ccncitatior etiam quam paulo ante, Haud (inquit) ita fuit confti- 
 
 Ddd tutum,
 
 4.0 A Collet ion Book il. 
 
 tutam, nee me htcc, quid de c^ Bulla facere cogitent, & cujufuiodi ex eo 
 raihi damnum redundaturum fit ^ firmum igitur iilud habeatis, me decre- 
 vifTe, neq5 fententiam muto, nolle quicquam amplius hac in re permittere. 
 At ego, nolit ( qu;Efo ) veftra Sanititas fie ex certa animi fententia Joqui, 
 ac potius in his Uteris ReverendifTimi Domini Eboraccn. confideret damna, 
 ruinas, hxrefes,quajVeftra5Sanftitatis culpa in illo Regno orirentur :Regia 
 cnim Majeftas, male a Veftra Boatitudine tradata, injuria, & ignorainia 
 afFedta, ftudium & voluntatem, quara femper optimam in Scdem Apofto- 
 lienn habuit, in contrariam partem convertere pofiet, hoc eft Domination! 
 Veftrs toto pedore confiderandum : Efto quod de hujus negotii aquitate 
 difceptatum non fit, concedamus etiam hanc rem malam, & mali exempli 
 futuram (quod quidera fecus elle judicaverunt omnes) an non Veftra San- 
 ftitas novit pleraqj quae non bona funt, pr«ferri nonnunquam d nobis fole- 
 re, ne pejora patiamur ; atq^ hoc turn aliis in rebus, turn imprimis hsrefi- 
 um evitandarum caufa providendum eft, quas videmus, quum femel 
 altiores radices egerinr, non pofle amplius extirpari : atq^ ibi ad iilius pe- 
 des -genibus flexis, earn precibus omnibus fum obteflatu?, ut amicitiain 
 potentiffimi Regis confervare, obfervantiam Dominationis VeftrsReve- 
 rendiffiras erga ejus Sanclitatem, noftramq^ fervitutem refpicere vellet 5 
 re)i(ila namqj Regis Majeftatis amiciti^, religionisinimiuutio fubfequere- 
 Tur, & Regni iilius a tam antiqua cum fede Apoftolica conjandione diflb- 
 lutio, ac Dominationis \'eftra£ ReverendifTims gratia 6c Autoritas apud 
 SerenilF. Regein non fuo merito deficeret, ejufq^ fortalTe falus periclitare- 
 tur 5 Nos autem qui femper Beatitudini Veftrse infervivimus, pro qua tot 
 bonis officiis fundi fumus, & tantum opera perfecimus, ad integrum amici- 
 tiam inter Regiam Majeftatera dC Veitram Sanditatem confervandam, in 
 medio noftrarum adionum, Regni iilius damna & calamitatem, Noftraraqj 
 certiffimam ruinam confpiccremus. Ad hasc S. D. N. & brachiorum &c 
 totius corporis agitatione, animum commotum oflendens, volo(inquit) 
 ego ruinam, qua mihi modo immineat, confiderare, & id ipfum quod feci 
 valde me angic j Si harefes, vel alia mala oritura funt, quanam in eo mea 
 culpa erit ? f itis meas confcientix fuerit me vacafle culpa, cui ellem obnoxius, 
 fi hoc etiain quod nunc ex me petitur concedercn] : Nee Revcrendifli- 
 mus Dominus Eboracenfi?, nee vos uUam caufam de me conquerendi habe- 
 tis, quicquid nunc pollicitus fum prslliti, neq^ aliud unqudm, etfi mihi 
 faciendi efiet facultas Regia Majeftas (5c Reverend idimris Dominus Ebora- 
 ccn. a me petierunr, quod non promptiflime concelierim, ut quifq^ facile 
 intelligat, quanti eas femper fecerim j ad aliqua etiam Veftri c;iufa faci- 
 iiorem meprabui. Csrerum ubi vertitur mei confcientis integritas, omnia 
 pofthabenda cenfeo, agant per fe ipfi quod volunt, Legatum remittant eo 
 pratextu, quod in caufim u'terius prccedi nolint, & deinctps ut ipfi vo- 
 lent rem confidant, modo ne me autore injufte quicquam agatur. Tunc 
 ego, Nonne Veftra S.^nditas vulr, ut ex vigore Commiflionis proeedatur > 
 quod quumvelleaffirmaflet, dixi, igitur Reverendiflimus Campegius Saii- 
 dilatis Veftra Voluntati adverfatur, Divortium enim Regi difiuafit ; Ac 
 Pontifex Egofinquit) illi impofiii, ut Divortium Regi dilfunderet, perfua- 
 deret Regina :, quod autem ad Commiftionem pertinct, fi requiratur, ex- 
 cquefur. Sumus ergo ('itiquamjconcordes, Beatiflime Pater, quod quum 
 ita fit, quid noc>;re poterit Decretalem Bullam aliquibus fecretifjiniisac ju- 
 ramento'adrtdis Conliliariis oftendifie ? Turn quaflans caput, Scio (inquit) 
 quid de ei re facere conftituint, verum nondum Campegii iiteras ex An- 
 glia legi, quaproptcr die cr.iftino ad me redibitis. Hoe nado S. D. N. prj-r 
 mo die me dimifit. A^dfuit his fermonibus Dominus Vincentius Gafialius, 
 
 qucm
 
 Book II. oj Records. ^.i 
 
 quem ob equitem fratrem hue miirum dixi, qui equitcm ipfum excufavir, 
 quod quamvis ille animadverteret negotium hoc tanti momenti efle, ut 
 etiara cum vits difcrimine Roiuam per difpofitos equos fibi properatidum 
 efle videret, rJhilominus fuperfedifle videns quod fi id feciflct uecefle fibi 
 futurum domi, (5c iu leduio, perinanere potius, qaam de retanta coram 
 ejus Sanditate agere. Atq^ interim Dominus Vincentius multas rarioncs ad 
 perfuadendura, equitis Cailalii nomine adhibuir, quas eodem pado ejus 
 Sanctitas in fLquentem diem rcjecit. 
 
 Poftridie ejus diei iignatura habi:a eft, cui ego tanquam referendarius 
 interfui, in vefperumq; eft prorrada, nee judicavi opportunum Poniificem 
 fignatur^ munere defeffum aggredi, quum prsefertim ejus Sanditas diceret 
 fe nondum Campegii literas pcrlegifle. Res igitur irerum in diem proximuni 
 rejeda fuit, quo poftea horam commodam nadus, Fontiiicem adivi, quum- 
 que omnium Capitum, qua; D. V. Reverendiflima; Jiteris conrinebantur, 
 quafi fumraam effeciflcm, ne quicquam per oblivionem prxterirem, ab ea 
 primum parte coepi, in qua dicitur fuamSanditatem concefliile Commifli- 
 onem generalem in ampliflima forma, & promifiHeferendam fententiam,fe 
 xatiiicaturum. Pontifex hoc verum efle affirmavit, dicens fe contentum efle, 
 ut ad fententiam procedatur ; Qua vero parte eft, ejus Sanditatem BuIJam' 
 DecretaJem concefliil"e,ut fecretiores Regis Majeftatis confiliarios inftruerer, 
 id a veritate longe remotum dixit, pofl'eq^ ad id fe literas D. V. Reveren- 
 dilTimx oftendere : Atq; ea repetivit, qus priore die fuper hoc dixerat, viz, 
 Dominum Stephanum Gardincrum 5^: Equitem Caifalium fe teftes habere, 
 hanc Ballam non ea conditione petitam fuiife ut oftenderetur cuiquam, 
 prsterquara Serenillimo Regi & D. V. Reverendiffims;, 6c Campegium 
 nunc ad fe fcribere tantundera effecifle, quo fado ex conventione BuJlam 
 comburi debere, proraiflurum quoq^ fe dixit, ut fi qua allegantur, pro- 
 bentur, ad fententiam terendam procedatur, fe id ratum habiturum, Qi-ium- 
 que ego qusjfiflem an vellet, qua fierent per earn BulJam comprobare, 
 ininime id oportere dixit 3 negavit quoque enm confiliariis oftendendam 
 eife, qui tametfi rem bonam non judicarent, approbarent tamen fuper ejus 
 Sanditatis Confcientiam. ^ ac fapius interim repetivit, non efle amplius 
 in ea re commorandum. Ad aliam igitur partem deveni, in qua D. V. 
 Reverendiflima dicit, Reverendiflimum Campegium Divortium inter Re- 
 gem SerenifTimum & Reginam conatum difTuadere : Tum Pontifex Cam- 
 pegium fcribere dixit, eo fe etiam fundurum officio, ut Regins Divortium 
 perfuaderet, quam abeo aUenam invenerit 5 modefte tamen earn, ait, Jo- 
 cutam fuifle, & Confiliarios petiifle, qui ex Hifpania denegati fuerint, 
 ex FJandria autem conceili. Dixit etiam S. D. N. fe Jiteras ad Re- 
 gem, Reverendilfirao Campcgio ex fuo Chirographo dedilie, ut Regia 
 Majeftas fidem his haberet, qu* ReverendifTimus Campcgius fux San- 
 ditatis nomine diceret. Ad ilkm deinde partem deveni, ubi eft : Cau- 
 fam Regis perinde diSert, ac (i nolit ad judicium, fententiamque in 
 partem fuae Majeftatis fercndam defcendere, donee S. D. N. certio- 
 rem prius effecerit, de his ad hanc caufam conccrnentibus, qua; ibi vidit & 
 audivit. Ad hajcrefpondit, Campegium quandocunque requifitus fue- 
 rit, procefliurum, neque de fuperfedcndo Commiflionem habere 5 fe tan- 
 tum injunxifle, ut quum procedi coeptum eflet, fc certiorem faceret, ne 
 tamen interim mor^e aliquid interponeretur. At ubi eft, nulio pado 
 adduci vult, ut mihi fuo College Commiflionem hanc Dccretalem credat. 
 Dixit verum id efle, ideo fadum ne pJuribus palam fieret, eaque con- 
 ditione qua petitum fuit, oftenfam nequicquam amplius expedandum, 
 ea rcpetens, qua prius etiam circa hoc dixerat. At ego, videat Sandi-^ 
 
 D d d 2 tas
 
 A Colleciion Book II. 
 
 tas veftraquod ex his verbis, quae hie fcripta funt loqnor, qua; dicunt San- 
 ditatem veflram Comiiiifiionein Decretalem concedilie, ea conditione ut 
 aliquibus Regiis Confiliariis oftenderetur. Turn Pontifcx iterum excan- 
 defcens; Oftendam (inquir) literas ipfius Reverendiflimi Eboracen. nee 
 loqtior mendacia, & non minus meis verbis, litcrifq^ priori bus Reveren- 
 didiiui Eboracen. fides eft habenda quim his qua nunc affertis. Turn 
 ejus Sanditatem roitigarl qua-fivi, (i minus urgenter mandata exequerer, 
 quoniam id a me fieri oportet. Qiiod ad Regni ruinas, damna, cai^mita- 
 tes, fcandala, 6c diminutionem Reli2;ionis, muita in eanduu fcnrciniam 
 dixit, in quam prirao die locutusfuic; qaum dicerer, Egregium vero 
 decus Sereniffimo huic Regi fuerit, (i iple, qui Fidei Defenfor & fit 6c 
 appeltetur, qui libros etiam pro ejus defenfione ediderir, eandcni nunc im- 
 pugnare cogalur. Ad hac quam rede fint venturi, viderint ipiL Eo au- 
 tem loco, in quo dicebatur aliquid de Regio negotio, inter GcntraJem 
 Fratrum de obfervantia, & ejus Sanditatem convenille,' S\ eo autore foe- 
 das inter ejus Sanditatem & Csefarianos componendum , Dixit, id often- 
 dere, quod de Regio negocio nihil promiferit, quod qiiicunq^ poilicitus fit, 
 & quin poterit habita ritione fu» confciei>tia;, re ipfa prsfiare velir; In 
 eoautem quod de Pace tradanda afiertur, dixit, fe nuJlum modutn in tali 
 negotio invenire, ncq^ fe adhuc fcire, quod ifle Generajis ulias paciscon- 
 ditiones fitallaturus ; atq^ ea infuper addidit, quas meis Jiteris die 15 
 Npyemb. datis D.V. Reverendiflimaefiguificavi. 
 
 Aiiis deinde diebus S. D. N. fspifiime fum alloquutus, qui decrevit 
 cum Reverendifllrais de Monte 5c Sandorum Qiiatuor Cardinalibus de his 
 rebus omnibus loqui, prsterquara de Bulla Dccretali, de qua cum nemine 
 vuit uJlam fieri mentionem, juflitq^ ex omni Scriptura ejus memoriam ex- 
 imi. De reliquis itaq^ rebus omnibus loquutus lum cum his duobus Car- 
 dinalibus qui dixerunt Pontificem contentum fore, ut ad fententiam pro- 
 cedatur, tametfi id plerifq;; aJienum videatur: deque eo nonnulliex Car- 
 dinalibus cum obtredatione loquuntur, 6c Carfaris Orator, ne procedatur, 
 proteftatur, voluntq^ fieri in Curia Caufx advocationem, Commiiiioncmq5 
 cum Inhibit.ioue ad partes 5 dicunrq^ hi duo Rcverendifiimi, quod qua? po- 
 ftulant illi, jufta funt,nec minimo cuiq^ denegari poifent, nolle tamen Regi^ 
 JVlajeftatis caufa S.D.N, quicquam ex eo quod fadum fit immutare. 
 
 Qimm alio etiam die Pontificem otiofum n?.dus ellem, multa cum ejus 
 Sanditate, de rebus prsteritis diiferui, deque eo, quod ego ad ejusutilita- 
 tera cum Venetis egiffem, quoniam fcirem Sereniiiimi Regis, .IS: D. V. Re- 
 verendifi^ims voluntatem efie, ut quotiefcunque occsfixj daretur, pro fuae 
 Sanditatis commodo omnia fierent : Expofui deinde qu mtopere elaboraf- 
 fem pro negotio Cervia;i5c Ravenna, utque multa GalJici Oratorts egiflent 
 ^ D. V. Reverendifljma potiffimum inftigati^ Addidi etiam efiicaciffima 
 verba, quibus ufus efl: Dominus Stephanus Gardinerus. Ad omnia S. D. N. 
 refpondit, fc ca de re Regis Majcftati, ac D. V. Revercndiflimx gratias 
 habere, & inihi quoque gratias egit ; dixitque, non tamcn rmr.es fimu[ 
 tantuni efticere potuiftis, ut mihi meae civitates reddcrentur. Sciris autein 
 conditiones tcedcrisin quo ego quoque eram, fuifle, utquum quisnoflrum 
 injuria afficeretur, abeo caeteri coufcedtrati injuriam propuHarent, quod 
 multo raagis pro m.e faciendum erat, quura qui in ipfo fogdtrc elfon, mi- 
 hi in}uj-iarentur ; Et inde Cafariani volunt mihi perfuadere Venefa? non 
 fuiife id faduios, {\ putallent Regi Anglian autChriflianilTimo difpiicitu- 
 nira: Neque interim defiftunt, multa, magnaq^mihi polliceri, und^- ego 
 
 quod
 
 Book II. of Records, z|.^ 
 
 quod alias etiam dixi, id quod afFertur, quum aliter facere nequeam, ac- 
 cipere cogar, IlJudq^ etiam vos fcire volo promi/liim mihi fuiffe, fi le- 
 gatus hie in Angliam mitteretur, futurum ut mihi civitates a Veneris re~ 
 fiituerentur. Turn ego, non omnia, Beatiflime Pater, adhuc funt per- 
 fcda. Rex enim potentiffimus omnino operam dabit, ut ills civitates Bea- 
 ritudini Veflras reftituanrur : An non, qua; ejus Majertas fcribit, Veftra 
 Sanctitas animadvertit ? Cui videndum imprimis eft, ne de ipfa Serenifiimo 
 Regi fit conquerendum , & ex hac occafione iterum ad Regiam Caufam 
 redii. At ejus Sanftitas dixit, fe omnia quse potuiffet pro Regia Maje- 
 Itate 5c D.V. Reverendiflimafeci/Te, facluramq^ etiam libenter. 
 
 Nonne igitur (inquam) polfct ratio aliquainveniri, qua concederetur 
 earn Bullam aliquibus ex, Secret ioribus Conliliariis oftendi polTe? Turn 
 Pontifex, non (inquit) Non poteft hoc fieri, nee a me impetrari ^ quod 
 fi uUo modo fieri potuiffet, minime tam inultas magnafque preces a Sere- 
 nillimo Rege, ^ Reverendiffimo Domino Eboracen. expetlallem 5 quum- 
 que quibufdam validis Argumentis infhrem, prohibuit me ulterius de hu- 
 jafmodi re loqui. Nolui ego unquam dicere, equitem fratrem brevi eife 
 venturura, ne Pontifex rem in iihus adventura protraheret, ea tantum de 
 caufa, ut moram interponerer. 
 
 Omnibus deinde aliis diebus fuper eodem negotio inftiti, nunquam ta- 
 men Pontifex fententiam fuam ulla ex parte imrautare voluit 5 tan turn il* 
 lud decrevit,"Nuntiam mittere velle, qui fuam fententiam verbis explicaret: 
 quumqj nulla mihi amplius fpes relinquefeturquicquamamplius impetran- 
 di, turn demum dixi, Equitem fratrem Rom^e futurum fequenti die, qui 
 quum adeo gravis momenti rem cerneret, ncluerit fus; vaietudini confu- 
 lere, 5c quod is minime putaffet, fus fervitutis in ejus Sandlitatem merita 
 hoc modo male tradanda fuiffe. Gratum fibi dixit Pontifex Equitis ad- 
 ventum fore, quodque cum ipfo& conftituerentur omnia, negans fe tameii 
 ullo paclo id quod nunc petitur concefTurum : Venit itaq, Eques frater, 
 qui non fecus ac (i nunquam quifquam de hac re cum Pontifice egiflet, 
 fingula de integro tradtavir, omnibus his modis & rationibus tentatis qua 
 excogitari poterunt. Qua; omnia minutim Dominus Vincentius Caflalius 
 nofter pitruelis, quem ad ipfum mittimus, verbis coram expiicabat, ego- 
 que ne D. V. Reverendillims jam nimis moleftus lira, de hac ulterius noa 
 fcribira. 
 
 Quod ad Wintonienfem Expeditionem fpedat, multum hi Reverendif- 
 fimi Domini Cardinales offendebantur, nunc ab ipfis pccuniarum remillio- 
 nes poftulari, quum depr^data eorum bona fint, ip(iq^ propter id ad pau- 
 periatem redadi. Quibus ego oftendi, majus emolumentum ad ipfos ven- 
 turura, fi D. V. Reverend iflim a unam Ecclefiam acciperet, "alteram depo- 
 neret, quam fi alter tantum Wintonienfis Ecclefiaj expeditionem faceret^ 
 Deque D. V. Reverendiflimam nimis hanc permutationem optare dixi, 
 quum Wintonienfis non mulro Ecclefia Dunelmenfi fit ditior. Ad h.-ee 
 dixerunt, quod iibentiusD. V. Reverendiflimse quam cuiquam alteri erunt 
 gratificaturi, quoniam ipfa de fede Apoftolica fit femper benemerita, non 
 tamen fevereri, quin D. V. Reverendiflima Wintonienfem Ecclefiam illius 
 Regni primariam fit acceptura. Ego quum Pontificem, & deinde Cirdi- 
 nales eos qui magis rebus noflris ftudent ambifTem, efFeci, ut Pontifex dc 
 ea re in Confiftorio referret, quod ejus Sanditas effccit, multis etiam addi- 
 tis laudibus D. V. Reverendiflima;, quibus aliqui Cardinales, & maxime 
 Neapolitani,rcfponderuntca qua; fuperius dixi. IlJud tandem decreverunt, 
 quod quum D.V. Reverendiflima folvere debeat, pro cxpcditione Winto- 
 nienfis
 
 44 A Collecii'm Book II. 
 
 nienfis Ecclefise, <5>: pro rctenfione Ecclefi^ Eboracenfis c^: Abbatise Sancti 
 Albani, habita ratione totius fummcT, ejus pars diraidia V.D. Reveren- 
 difllma; condonaretur, ^ utad 13 vel i4millia aureorum remittant, cS; 
 non multo plus eo, quod pro Winronien. turn Ecclefia deberet folvure. Id 
 ReverendiflimisGardinalibus ideo difplicebat, quoniam nollentres hujuf- 
 niodi in exeinplum trahi, quuni pra^fertim Magnus Francia^ CancelJarius, 
 ipfe quoque in magna quadam Expeditione, id ipfum in prsfentia flagitar, 
 quod ifti concedere nolunr. 
 
 Cxtera ex Domino Vincentio D. V. Reverend iffima copiofius ccrair. in- 
 telligatj Qu.t benevaleat. Dat. Roiuaedie i/Decemb. 1528. 
 
 Humillimus fervus 
 
 Jo. Caffalius, 
 
 Prothonotar, 
 
 XVIII. The Pope's Letter to the Cardinal, giving Cre- 
 dence to Campana. An Original. 
 
 Drle^o Filio nodro Thorns San&dS Cecilid£ Presbytero^ CardinaH 
 Eboracen . in Regno Angli<£ mfiro fy Sedis de Latere Legato, 
 
 CottonWhx, 1 Allege Fili nofter, falutem & Apoftolicam Benedidionem. Exifli- 
 Vittll. B.io. JLy mavimus non tam commode per literas refponderi pofle his, de qui- 
 bus poftremo Oratores Cariflimi in Chrifto Fiiii noftri iftius Regis nobif- 
 cum egerunt, Itaq^ proprium hominem Francifcum Campanam familia- 
 rem noftrum idiic mittimus, ex quo fua Serenitas ac CirCumfpeclio tua 
 plenius intelligent qua^ nobis occurrant, tam de rebus ad pacem i3< pubJice 
 ad univerfam Chriftianitatem fpedlantibus, quam fuper pnvatis Serenitatis 
 fuse, de quibus nobis per literas & Oratores veftros fignlficaftis, quas qui- 
 dem fuminopere cordi habemus. Circurafpectionem tuam hortamur, ut fibi 
 ac Serenitati fu^e perfuadeat nos patemam benevolentiam atq- animuni 
 geflifle Sc gerere erga Serenitatem fuam, ab eodcmq^ araore prolicifci om- 
 nia qua^cunqj illi fignificamus, ut pJuribus Circumfpedionem tuam, quam 
 meriro multum amaraus, exponet Diled. Fil. Card. Campegius, Legatus 
 una tecum nofter, ac didus Francifcus, quibus pleniflimam fidem habebi- 
 tis. Datum Romx i 5. Decenibris MDXXVIII. 
 
 J. . 
 
 Clemens manu propria. 
 
 Decemb. i. 1528. 
 
 XIX. A Tart of Peter Vannes his Inflru&ions^ direfiing him 
 to threaten the Pope. An Original, 
 
 — AND Feter^ as ofhimfelf, fhall a part fay unto his Holinefs 5 
 
 ±^\, Sir, I being an Italian, cannot but with a more fervent Zeal 
 
 and Mind than any other, Audy and defire the Weal, Honour and Safetv 
 
 of
 
 Book II. of Records. 4.5 
 
 of your Holinefs and the See Apoftolick^ which compel leth me to fhew 
 unto your Holinefs, frankly, v^hnt I fee in this Matter. Surely, Sir, in 
 cafe your Holinefs contmuing this particular refped of Fear of the Empe- 
 ror, do thus delay, protraft, and put off the Accomplifhment of the King's 
 fo inftant Defire in this Matter, and not impart to his Majefty therein boun- 
 teoufly of the Treafure and Goods of the Church, and the See Apoftolick, 
 quantum fotefiis ex Thefauro Eccleji<e. ^ ex ptenitudine Votefiatis ac An- 
 tJjioritate d Deo vel ab Ecclejia coUata 5 I fee afTuredly, thnt it will be a 
 means fo to alienate the faft and entire Mind which his Highnefs beareth 
 to your faid Holinefs, as cot only thereby his Grace, Nobles, and Realm, 
 but alfo many other Princes his Friends and Confederates, with their No- 
 bles and Realms, fhall withdraw their Devotion and Obedience from your 
 Holinefs, and the See Apoftolick, ftudying how they may acquit this your 
 Ingratitude, in the highefl Caufe that can be devifcd, fhewed, and fo 
 long continued with the Semblable. And therefore. Sir, at the Reverence 
 of Almighty God, caft not from you the Heart of this noble virtuous 
 Prince, who finally cannot fail, the Pe^ce had, which Chriftendom may 
 not long forbear, to have in his PuilTance, fuch a Stay as may be able, in 
 the higheft and largeft Manner, to Recompence his Friends, and to acquit 
 the contrary. 
 
 Henry R. 
 
 XX. The Cardinars Letter to the Ambaffadors about his 
 Promotion to the Popedom. An Original 
 
 MagnificQ Equiti Domino Gregorio Cajjalio ac Domino Petro Vanni^ 
 Serenijfimi Domini Anglice fy Francidi Regis in Rom. Curia ora- 
 toribus. 
 
 MAgnifice Domine Gregori 6c Domine Petre falutem. Sicuti incom- Cotton Libr. 
 modifTnnus totius Reipublics Chriftianx, ac potiflimum Regis Ma- ^^tell. B.io. 
 jeftatis negotiis S.D.N, obitus accidit, ita etiam vos non latere puto quan- 
 tum periculi&difcrirainis hujusSereniflimi Regis faluti 5c honori, ac Reg- 
 ni fui quieii ab hac futuri Pontificis Eledione immineat, & quantopere 
 vobis adnitendura, ac veftro fludio, diligentia, induftria 8f prudentia oc- 
 currendum 6c obftandum fit, ne aliquis eligatur Pontifex alienus ab hac 
 Regia Majeftate 5 6c quid pro me promovendo facere ac tradare debeatis, 
 cumulate per communes meas literas vos admonui : nee oportet per has 
 quicquid aliud replicare, quas folum ad vos fcribere volui, ut fignificem 
 Vobis me totum hoc graviflimum 6c omnium maximum negotium, de quo 
 aduri eftis, veftrs prudentis, fidei, 6c dexteritati, quam longo temporis 
 ufu expIoratifFimam habeo, committere 6c credere, fperoq^ vos fpei d\ opini- 
 oni mese de vobis concepts omnino refponfuros, 6c bene valetc. Lon- 
 dini die 6 Feb. I'^'^B. 
 
 Vefter amantiflimus Fratcr, 
 T. Cardin.Eborac. 
 
 XXI. An
 
 46 
 
 A ColMion Book IL 
 
 XXI. An Information given to the Pope about the 
 Divorce. An Original. 
 
 Adnotatio Summaria eorum qu<£ aliis libeUis fufius explicata 
 S. D. N. turn I'tcere^ turn expedite^ perjuadent^ ut in Caufa 
 Regict MajefiatU Sentmtiam dhortij ferat, 
 
 CottonUhr. T]) Rimum licet atque etiam expedit dirimere hoc Matrimonium, quod 
 
 Fipell.B.ii. J[7^ juri rum divino turn humane repugnar. 
 
 Divinum enim jus duci prohibet Uxorem fratris, quin hie fratris Uxo- 
 rem dudam fuifife /it notoriura. 
 
 Humanum vero jus, duo hujus Marrimonij impedimenta continet, al- 
 terum affinitatis, quod divino jure induftum feveriflime fancivit :; alterum 
 publico Honeftatis & juftitix, quod promulgavit Deus: fi ex definitione 
 Matrimonii, divini, humanique juris comiautatio interveniret, quibuf- 
 nam aufpiciis hoc Matrimonium conftafe dicemus, quod utroque jure ad- 
 verfante ac repugnante contraftum eft, coit, & utcunque confiftit ? 
 
 Ssd ceflavit, inquiunt, in hacfpecie juris utriufque prohibitio per gra- 
 tiam 5c Difpenfationem fummi Pontificis. 
 
 Refpondetur quidem iftis multis modi?. Prime noneife videri, quoj 
 nullum eft, nullum autem haberi quod fine Autoritate legitima fiat ;; de- 
 niq; Pontificis Autoritatem non catenas pertinere, ut in gradibus divina 
 lege prohibitis difpenfare poffit : non opinionibus Scripturientium, qui 
 Pontificis Authorifatem imminutamvelint, fed ipfius Pontificis fententia 
 conftat, quern fuse Jurifdictionis modum, 6c optime novifie 6c ampliare 
 yellepotius quam reftringere credendum eft^ quas qvium ita fint, ctiam fi 
 human! juris prohibitio per difpenfationem fublata videatur, mrfnet nihi- 
 lominus immotum, quod Divinum eft, fi ipfis contra feipfos credimus 
 Pontificibus. 
 
 Deinde, ut pofTe Pontifices difpenfare fateamur, \' in ea parte tribua- 
 mus plus Authoritatis quam ipfi fibiipfis audeant arrogare, tamen non 
 paflim, non quocunque modo, non tcmere, <5<: fine omni confideratione, 
 pofle eos difpenfare 5 atque fatendum eft ne fuo teftimonio Diflipatores 
 veriiis, quim Difpenfatores appellentur. Itnque ut caufam urg;entiflimain 
 & evidentifiimam, turn etiam manifeftifiimam debet habere Difi enfatio, 
 f rccibus denique \eris, non ementitis atque confiftis inniti 
 
 In Difpenfatione autcm, quo conffst hoc Matrimonium, verbis qui- 
 <^em pacis caufa proponitur, fed non ideo quia fie refertur, re ip'a fubfiftit, 
 Pontificis fafra non ad verborumfuperficiem, fed rei ipfius folid-im verita- 
 tem expendi convenit. 
 
 Certum eft, pacem muhis modis, turn firmiflimam fuiflfe unoqueMa- 
 trimonio conciliatam, paflorum denique ac fcederum vi conftantem, iftud 
 nece/fario Matrimonium non defiderafle, 6c jam Difpenfationem fine cau- 
 /a intervenifle dicimu«, cc confequenter nuil?m elfe, rnanereque adhuc 
 divinam prohibitionem atque adeo & humanam. 
 
 Porro ctiam, fi aliqua fir, Sc caufam haberet, turn mendaciis conflata 
 eft, fubreptitia 6c obreptitia mcriro appeilanda, jure turn divino, turn 
 humano reprobata. 
 
 Nam quum quod alioqui Canonibus cautum fi*-, ipfius etiam Difpenfa- 
 tionis procemium contnicat, " Romnni Pontificis Auroritatein concefia 
 
 " fibi
 
 Book II. of Records. ^j 
 
 *' fibi dcfuper uti poteftate, prout perfonarum, caufarum, (S: temporum 
 *' qualitate penfara, id in Domino falubriter confpicit expedire ; Qiionio- 
 do potuit S. D. N. hujus Serenifllmi Regis qaalitates penfare quas igno- 
 ravir > Neq; eOim de state quicquain, qus in contrahendo hoc Matri- 
 monio prscipua qualitaserar, narrabatur, & tamen ilium annum eoten;- 
 pore duodecimum non exceflifTe notorium eft ; & tacita ad hunc niodura 
 atate, mendacium pro caufa fuggeftum eft manifeftiflimum^ CupiilTe 
 viz. tunc Serenifllmum Regem contrahereMatrimonium, ad hoc ut pacis 
 foedera continunrentur : fadi Veritas eft, turn quid ageretur ignorafle, & 
 etiamli turn fcivillet, ramen non fuifte veruni quodcuperet, ad hoc ut pacis 
 foedera continuarentur : stas oftendit, qu?E per communis juris difpofitionera 
 difcretionem non admittit 5 cupere quidem afFedus eft, caterum cupere 
 contrahereMatrimonium, ad hoc ut pacis foedera continuarentur, judicij 
 eft &difcretionis. Porro autem, quum decontinuandis inter duos Frinci- 
 pis foederibus ageretur, alter ante mandatam executioni Bullam fatis con- 
 ceflif, & re Integra, caufa, ft quas fuit, ceflavit. 
 
 Scd producitur aliud Breve tenorls tarn efficacis ut iftas Objediones 
 non admittat. 
 
 Sed manet nihilominus corum fententia, qui Pontificem non pofTe di' 
 fpenfare affirmant, fecundum quos nee Breve nee Bulla confiftit , deinde 
 Breve falfum elTe, 6-: pro falfo judicari debere, multis rationibus convin- 
 citur; deniq; falfum cum fit, & tamen prioris Bullx errores corrigat, 
 illam opinionem merito confirmet, ne prior Difpenfatio effieax videatur, 
 vei eorum judicio, qui hoc Matrimonium defendere ftuduerunt, viz. qui 
 veris allegationibus diffifi, ad falfas Sc confidas Difpenfationes, vitia ob- 
 je^a removentes confugere coacli funt. 
 
 Ifla, fi fingula minus fufficiant, faltem collata, obtineant & perfuade- 
 ant licere. IlJa vero opinio multis perfuafa, Pontificem viz. non potuifTe 
 difpenfare, ut fola infirmet Difpenfationeni, non petitur, fed habet nihi- 
 lominus aliquid confiderationis ; quanquam enim refellatur a quibufdam 
 & reprobelur, manet tamen fcripta, atq^ adeo teftimonio ipfius Pontificis 
 comprobata. Perpendatur deinde caufa ^ fuggeftionis Veritas, ^\ menda- 
 cium interyeniftc apparet, 6c qucd eft notorium, illam Difpenfationem 
 adverfariorum factis in novi Brevis fabricatione tacite reprobari, quis 
 non videt ex his caufis licere ut fententia Divortij proferatur } 
 
 Poftremo expedit ut id pronuntietur, quod in omnium fententias con- 
 fentiat, Reprobatio autem Difpenfationis cum omnibus convenit opinio- 
 nibus, five quia Authoritas abfuit, five quia non rede interpofita dicatur^ 
 Approbatio veto cum iftis diirentit omnibus. 
 
 Expedit ut firma fit &i. inconcufla Regni Succeffio, quse contra has 
 opin ones confirmari non poteft. 
 
 Expedit ut confcientia Sereniffimi Regis his fcrupulis impedita, & tuc- 
 bata, expedita & tranquilla reddatur. 
 
 Breviter, expedit votis Sereniffimi Regis fatisfieri, qui pro genuinis^v 
 innatis fuis virtutibus, non nifi optima cupit, & mode etiam optimo 
 votorum fuorumcompotem effici laborat :, fi non virtutctn fpedaret, cete- 
 ra nihil haberent difficultatis, fed omnium virtutum cogitationem quan- 
 dam efleanimadvertcns fuum juftitis decorum, quod temperantia eft qua;- 
 rit, ut juftum, jufto modo, obtineat bi allequatur. Itaque expedit no 
 auxilium denegctur, vcl difftratur ei qui id jufte implorat. 
 
 E e c XXII. The
 
 48 
 
 A Collect on Book II. 
 
 XXII. The feccnd Tart of a long Difpatch of the Cardinals con- 
 cerning the Divorce. An Original. 
 
 To my loving Friends Majier Stephen Gardiner Do&or of 
 hoth Laws ; Sir Francis Brian, and Sir Gregory CafTalis, 
 Knights ; and Mr Peter Vannes Secretary to the King's 
 Highnefs for the Latin Tongue ; His Graces Orators^ I^^fi- 
 dents in the Court of Ronae. 
 
 CottcnWhv.—* A Nother part of your Charge Confifteth in expedition of the 
 
 Vitell.^.iu _/^King's great and weighty Caufe of Matriniony, whereupon 
 
 depend lo miuy high Confequences, as for no earthly Caufe to fufFeror 
 tolerate, trad or delay, in what cafe foever the Pope's Holinefs be of 
 amendment or danger of life ; nor as is aforefaid, oweth to be by his Ho- 
 linefs preteromitted, whether the fame be in the ftate of Recovery, or in 
 any doubt or dcfpair thereof: for one afTured and principal fundamental 
 and ground is to be regarded, whereupon the King's Highnefs doth plant 
 and build his Acls and Cogitations in this behalf, which is from the rea- 
 fonable favour and juftice, being the things from the which the Pope's 
 Holinefs, 7M profperis nee adverfn.^ may lawfully and honeftly digrefs ^ and 
 when the plainnefs of his caufe is well confidered, with the manifeft Pre- 
 fumptions, Arguments, and fufpicions, both of the infufficiency of the 
 Bull, andfilfity of the Brief, fuch as may lead any Man of reafon or in- 
 tendment, well to perceive, and know, that no fufficiency or ailured truth 
 can be therein ^ How may the Pope's Holinefs, ex Aqiio&]ufto^ refufe 
 Or deny to any Chriftian Man, much lefs to a Prince of fo high merits, 
 and in a caufe whereupon depend fo many confequences, to his Holinefs 
 well known, for a vain refpeft of any Perfon, or by excufe of any Sicknefs, 
 juftifie, colour, or defend any manner refufal, trad, or delay, ufcd ia 
 decLlration of the truth in fo great a Matter, which neither for the in- 
 finite conveniences that thereby might enfue, admirteth or fuffereth to 
 be delayed, nor by other than himfclf, his Ad or Authority,- may law- 
 fully be declared ? And well may his Holinefs know. That to none it 
 appertaineth more to look unto the juflnefs of the King's defire in this 
 behalf, than to his Highnefs his felf, whofe intcreft, vvhofe Caufe, with 
 the fame of his Realm and fucceflion refteth herein ^ for if his Grace were 
 minded, or would intend to do a thing inique or unjufl, there were no 
 need to recur unto the Pope's Holinefs for doing thereof. But becaufe 
 his Highnefs awd his Council, who befl know the whole of this Matter, 
 and to whofe part it belonged! moft profoundly to weigh and ponder eve- 
 ry thing concerning the fame, be well aflurcd of the truth of the Matter, 
 needing none other thing but for obfervance of his Duty towards GoJ 
 ^nd his Church, to have the fame Truth alfo approbate and declared by 
 him to whom the doing thereof appertaineth 5 his Grace therefore feeing 
 an untruth alledged, and that fo craftily as by undue and perverfe ways, 
 the fame without good reafon adhibited, may for a fcafon bring things 
 into confufion, doth communicate unto the Pope's Holinefs prefumptions 
 and evidences enough, and fufficient to inform the Confcienceof his Ho- 
 Jinefs of the very truth : which then, if his Holinefs will not fee, but 
 either for affcdion, fear, or other private caufe, will hearken to every 
 
 dilatory
 
 Book II. of Records 49 
 
 dilntory and vain allegation of fuch .is led upon undue grounds would co- 
 Jour the Truth ^ Whnt doth his Holinefs lefs therein, thin under a right 
 vain colour exprelly deny and refufe the faid Juftice, which to be done 
 either in health or ficknefs, in a matter of fo great moment, is in no wife 
 tolerable ? But for the fame reafons that be before mentioned, is the thing, 
 whether the Pope's Holinefs be in hope or defpair of life, without further 
 tradl to be abfolved and determined ^ for if Almighty God grant his Ho- 
 linefs life, this Ad is, and always ftiall be, able to bear it felf, and is meet 
 to be an example, a Prcfident and a Law, hi all like Cafes emerging, the 
 Circumftances and Specialties of the fame in every part concurring as they 
 do in this^ nor can the Emperor make eKceptions at the fame, when he 
 beft knowing, percafe, the untruth fliall fee the grounds and occafions, 
 that of neceffity and mjcer juflice have enforced and conflrained the Pope's 
 Holinefs thereunto ; which he could not refufe to do, unlefs he would 
 openly and manifeftly commit exprefs injury and notorious injuftice. For 
 be it that the Pope's Holinefs hearkning to the faid frivolous and vain Alle- 
 gations, would refufe to declare the Law herein to the King's purpofe. then 
 muft his Holinefs, either flanding in doubt, Jeave and fuffer the C'lufe to 
 remain in fufpence to the extream danger of the King's Realm and Suc- 
 cefTion for ever, or elfe declare the Bull or Breve, or both to be good, 
 which I fuppole neither his Holinefs, nor any true Chriftian Man can do, 
 ftanding the manifeft occafions, prefumptions, and apparent evidences 
 to the contrary. Then if the matter be not to be left in fufpence, no 
 Judgment can be truly given to the approbation of the Bull or Breve ; 
 how can the Pope's Holinefs of Confcience, Honour or Vertue, living oc 
 dying, thus procraftinate or put over the immediate finifhing thereof, ac- 
 cording to the King's defire ? or how may his Holinefs find his Confci- 
 ence toward's God exonerate, if either living he fhould be the caufc of fo 
 many evils as hereof may arife- or dying, wilfully leave this io grtat a 
 Matter, by his own default, in this confulion, incertainty and perplexity ? 
 It is not to be fuppofed, that ever Prince mofl devout to the See Apofto- 
 lick, could fo long tolerate fo high an injury, as being fo merited towards 
 the faid See, is both unacquainted for his kindnefs with any fpecial Grace, 
 and alfo denied upon his petition of that which is evident to be plain Ju- 
 ftice. This thing is otherwife to be looked upon, than for the Pope's 
 Sicknefs, where moft need were to put an end unto ir, to be delayed, fee- 
 ing that living and amending, it is of it felf expedient and juflifiablej 
 and dying, itfhallbean act both neceilary, meritorious and honourable. 
 For this caufe ye now knowing the King's mind in this behalf, fhall if ye 
 have not already before this time fpoken with the Pope's Holinefs at length 
 in the!e Matters, as the King's Grace trufteth ye have done, follicite as 
 well by the means of Meffiere Jacoho Salviati, as by the Bifhop of Verone^ 
 and otherwife as ye can think beft, to have fuch commodious accefs unto 
 his Holinefs, as ye may declare the premifes unto hiin • which by your 
 wifdoms, in as effeclual and vive manner as ye can, open it unto his Ho- 
 linefs. It is undoubtedly to be thought the fame fhall rather be to his 
 comfort and encreafe of Health, than to any his trouble or unquietnefs; 
 and that his Holinefs hearing thefe reafons not evitable, will whether 
 he be in way and hope of amendment, or otherwife, both proceed to the 
 faid indication, and alfo to the Declaration of the Law, and pafTing of a 
 fufficient and ample Decretal, as hiith been deviled in the King's f lid 
 Caufe, with other fuch things, as by former Letters and infhu:^ions, by 
 the Decrees mentioned in the fame, that failing have been committed un- 
 
 E e e 3 to
 
 50 
 
 A CoUeclion Book II. 
 
 — - — - — ' i. 
 
 to you, to be folicited and procured there ; in the labouring whereof, 
 albeit lince your departures from hence, the things hive by reafon of the 
 Pope's fore ficknef'?, otherwife chanced than was here fuppofcd, by means 
 whereof ye not inftrufted what to do in any fuch cafe, were peradventure 
 not over-h^fty or iinportune to labour thefe Matters, tiil the Pope's Ho- 
 Jinefs might be better amended, nor could percafe find the means to have 
 convenient accefs unto his prefence for the fame, ye muff neverthelefs ad- 
 hibit fuch diligence, as howfoever the ficknefsof his Holinefs fliall ceafe, 
 amend, or continue, thefe things be nor for the fame, or any other caufe 
 traftcd or left in longer fufpence ; but finding polhbie means to conje un- 
 to the Pope's prefence, to declare all fuch things unto the fame, mention'J 
 both in the former Letters and indruQions given unto you, and alfo in 
 thefe prefents, as may make to the purpofe^ and failing of often accefs 
 inyour own Perfons to his Holincts, }e caufe the Bilhop of Ferone^ and 
 other fuch afllired Friends as ye can attain, being about him at fuch times 
 as they may ha\e with his Holinefs, to inculcate unto him the faid Points 
 and Confiderations, and all other that ye can excogitate and devife to 
 the furtherance ai'd advancement of thefe Matters, not forbearing or fpa- 
 ring alfo, if ye (hall feedifiicuky at the Pope's h^nd, or in audience to be 
 given to you or your Friends there, being about his Perfou, to break and 
 open after a good fafhion aiid nsanner the fame unto fuch of the Cardinals, 
 as ye may perceive afibredly and conftantly to favour the King's Highnefs, 
 and the French King in Election of a future Pope, in cafe (as God forbid) 
 the Pope's Holinefs (hould deceafe ; and to (hew unto the fame Cardinals, 
 all fuch things as you fliall think meet, both for their more amp'e inllru- 
 d-ions in the truth and fpecialties of the Matters, as well concerning 
 the Indication of Truce, as the King's faid Caufe, and the prefumptuous 
 Reafons, and plainer Evidences, leading to the infufficiency of the Bull, 
 and apparent falfity of the faid Breve i^ to the intent, that as many of the 
 laid Cardinals as ye can win, made fure in thofe Matters, they may, both 
 in time of (icknefs, and alfo of amendment, move and induce the Pope's 
 HoHnefs thereunto, laying before him as well the Merits and Honour that: 
 may enfue by the perfection of the Premifes, as the danger imminent by 
 the contrary: and femblably it (hall be expedient that ^e win and make 
 fure to the fame purpofe, as many of the Officers of the Rota and other 
 as ye can, who as ye write be not accuftomed, nor will give counfel 
 to any Pcrfon but the Pope's Holinefs 3 for albeit ye cannot have them 
 to be of the King's Council, yet neverthelefs they miy do as much 
 good, or more, in training and counfelling the Pope's Holinefs, upon 
 the great Reafons that you can (hew unto them, to hearken unto your 
 Overtures on. this behalf. To which purpofe you ihall .adjure, make, 
 ajid win, as ihany Friends of the Cardinals, of them, and other, as 
 ye pollibly may, as for the thing which the King's Highnefs and I 
 more edeem than twenty Papalities; and amongff others ye (liall infift, 
 by all means and good perfunlions ye can, for the continuance there of" 
 the faid ^\^0])q: Verone, fo as he may countervail the A-rch-Bifhop of 
 Capiian ^ who, as it feemcth, is continually about the Pope's Perfon, 
 and were neccllary to be met with in the labours and perfuafions, 
 which by likelyhood hemaketh to the hindrance of the King's Purpofe : 
 For the better continuing of the which Bifho^ of Fendfie, not only 
 the King/s Highnefs and I write unto him ^t this tim?, as by the 
 Copy of the fame fcveral Letters being herewith ye (hall perceive, 
 but aifo the French Kin_^ will do tlie-fem!)lablc. Aijd (urthermore, 
 
 to
 
 Book II. of Records. 51 
 
 to the intent that the Pope's Holinefs imy well perceive that not only the 
 faid French King raindeth the King's faiJ Ciufe, and takcth it to hesrt as 
 iDVJch as it vvere his own, and will effedually join and concur wirh the 
 King's Highnefs therein, but that alio he is and will be confcmiabie to 
 the laid Indication ^ He will fend thither, with all fpeed, the Bi(}iop of 
 Ba}'on to further, follicite, and fet forth the fame; who, betore his 
 departure from hence, which was a good feafon pafl'ed, was and is fuffi- 
 ciently and amply it:ftructed in all things requifite to this purpofe 5 at:d 
 not only in tbefe Matters, but alio in fuch other as were written unto 
 you by Vincent de C^Jfalis^ and Hercules, upon advertifement given 
 hither that the Pope's Holinefs was deccafed ; fo as ye may be fuie ro 
 have of him effeftuU concurrence and advife in the furtherance and folli- 
 citation of your Charge?, whether the Pope's Holinefs amend, remain 
 long ficl<, or (as God forbid) ftinuld fortune to die 5 trufting, that be- 
 ing fo well furnifhed by all ways that can be devifed, ye wiJI not fail to 
 ufe fuch diligence as may be to the confecuting and attaining of the King's 
 Purpofe : wherein, tho' ye be fo amply and largely inftrudfed, that more 
 cannot be 5 yet neverthelefs having lately received from the BiOiop 
 of Worcefter a Memorial of diverfe great things to be well noted and 
 confidered, for trial of the falfity of the faid Breve, I fend you herewith a 
 Copy of the fame Memorial, to the intent ye fubftantially vifiting and 
 perufing the fame, may follow and put in execution fuch part thereof, 
 for better trial of the falfity, as is to be done there, like as the reft meet to 
 be done here, Ihall not fail to be CKCcuted with diligence accordingly. 
 
 Thus be ye with thefe,and other former Writings, fufficiently inltrud:- 
 ed what is to be done by you there, whether the Pope's Holinefs conti- 
 nue long in his ficknefs, or whether the fame fortune to deceafe, or foon, 
 God willing, to amend. There refteth no more, but that ye always take 
 for a perfed ground, That tho' to every new chance not before 
 known, fufficient Provifion and Inilruction could not be given to you at 
 your departure, ye always note, remember, and regard. That this the 
 King's Caufe admitteth nor fuffereth any manner negative, trad, or delay ; 
 wherefore knowing that fo well as ye do, and alfo how much the Indidi- 
 on of the Truce (hall be commodious and necefiary, both to the King's 
 Highnefs in particular, and to all Chriftendom in general, by means 
 whereof his Grace (hall avoid Contribution, and other Charges of the 
 War, ye mufr now, if ever you will have thinks, laud, or praife for your 
 Service, imploy your felves opportune <& mfortitne, to put an end to the 
 Points to the King's fatisfadion and defire ; and in every diiHculty to ftudy, 
 by your Wifdoms, the beft and next Remedy, and not always to trad your 
 doings, till upon yonr Advertife.nent hither, ye (hall have new knowledge 
 from hence : For thereby the matter it feif, and alio your demurr there, 
 be of over long a continuance, and iiifinitemconveniences by the fame may 
 enfue. I therefore require you according to the fpecial tniif and confidence 
 that the King's Highnefs and 1 have in you, now for ever to acquit 
 your felves herein with all effe!!: pollible, accordingly fo as the King's 
 Highnefs be not longer kept in this perplexity and fufpence, to his Grace's 
 intolerable inquietnefs, and the great heavinefs of all thofe that obfcrve 
 and love the fanie. 
 
 Furthermore, tho' it fo be that the King's Truft, and alfo mine is, Ye 
 will by your Wifdom find fuch good means and ways as ye fhall not fail, 
 God willing, to open and declare unto the Pope's Holinefs, the whole of 
 the King's Mir.d, and all and fingular the I'remilTes, with the refiduc 
 
 above
 
 52 A Collecfion Book II. 
 
 above mentioned in your former Inlhuclions and Letters lent unto you : 
 let nevtrthelefs confidering what ye wrote of the doubt of continuance of 
 the Pope's ficknefs, and to make fure for all Events and Chances, in cafe 
 his HoJinefs (as God f jrbid) fhould long remain in fuch flate, as he might 
 either take upon him the naiiungof the Peace, journeying and repairing 
 to the facred Diet, nor aifo hear the whole of the things by you to be 
 opened and propounded touching the King's faid Caufe: It hath hztn 
 thought to the King's Highnefs convenient rather than thefe great and 
 weighty Matters (houJd hang in longer fufpence, to excogitate fome other 
 good means and way how thefe Matters, fo neceilary, may by fbme ways 
 be conduced and brought to an end: And it is this 3 That the Pope's 
 Holinefs not being able to travel to the place devifed, where the Princes 
 may be near him for Treaty, and managing of the peace, he do depute 
 me and my Lord Cardinal Campeghts, conjujiBim d> divifim, as his Le- 
 gates for that purpofe, to do and execute all fuch things in his Holinefs'^ 
 Name, as the fame fhould do in that behalf if he were there prefent 5 
 ^'hereunto, for the well of Chriftendom, we fliall be contented to conde- 
 fcend. So always, that as hath been written heretofore unto you, before 
 I pafs or fet forth to any Convention or Place, to the intent before fpecified, 
 the King's Highnefs be fully fatisfied and pleafed in his faid matter of 
 Matrimony, without which, neither with nor without the Pope's pre- 
 fence, 1 will ever begin or take that Voyage : for performance whereof, 
 this Article following is of new devifed, to be by you propounded unto 
 his Holinefs, if the Dscretals cannot be obtained, or fome other thing, 
 that ye (hall well know and perceive, by advice of expert Counfel there, 
 to be better to the Kings purpofe than this thing now devifed, and that 
 may without tract be pafled or granted x, that is to fay, That his Holi- 
 nefs do enlarge, extend, and amplify his Commiflion given to me anj 
 my Lord Legate Campeghts^ whereby we jointly and feveraily may be 
 fufficiently fumifted and authorized, to do as much in this caufe of 
 Matrimony, with all the emergents and dependencies upon the fame, as 
 his Holinefs may do of his ordinary and abfolute Power, with fufficient 
 and ample Claufes, aJ Decernend. df hnpetranJ. jura, leges, ^ Re- 
 fcnpia quxcmiqiie hoc Matrimonium concernentia, una cii?ji omnibus &• 
 Jlngitlis (Jubiis in eadcjn caitfa emergenubus. And further, to make out 
 Compulfories to any Princes, or Perfons of what prehcminence, dignity. 
 Hate, or condition fcever they be, Etiamfi Impenali, Regali,^vel alia 
 quacwique di^nitate perftdgeant, fub qinbufamq-^ pcen'is, and in what 
 Countries and places foever they be, to exhibit and produce any manner 
 VVitnefs, Records, Originals, Refcripts or other thing, in what place, 
 or time we, or the one of us fliall require them, or anv of them in this 
 behalf, with all ani lingular the Circumft.mccs requifue and necefTary 
 to fuch a Commiffion, after fuch ample and aflured manner, as the fame 
 once had, we (hall not need for any Objec1:ions, doubt, or other thing 
 that might infringe or lack, to fend of new to the Pope's Holinefs for 
 other provilion, whereby the King's faid Caufe iriighr hang in any longer 
 trad or delay. In v^^hich cafe of coming to this Commillion, ye Mr. 
 Btevbis mull have fpecial regard to fee the fame fufficiently and fubflan- 
 tially penned, by advice of the mofl expert Men that ye can find to that 
 purpofe : For the better doing whereof, I fend unto you herewith a Copy 
 of the laid Commiflion to me and my Lord Campeghis, with certain Ad- 
 ditions ihereunto noted in the Margin, fuch as have been here devifed 5 
 and alfo a Copy of certain Claufes in a Bull, to the intent ye may fee how 
 
 amply
 
 Book II. of Records. t^i 
 
 amply the fame be couched, to avoid appellations and other de/ajs in 
 Caufes of far lefs moment and importance than the King's i?. Nevcr- 
 thelefs ye muft, it it fhallcomcto the obtaining of this new commifljon, 
 fee to the penning and more fully perfeding thereof, fo as the fame 
 may be in due perfedion, without needing to fend et'tfoons for remedy- 
 ing of any thing therein, as is aforefaid 5 looking alfo fubflantiaily 
 whether the Chirograph of Pollicitation, being already in your hands, 
 be fo couched, as the Date, and every thing confidered, it may fufficiently 
 oblige and aftringe the Pope's Holinefs to confirm all that we, or one of 
 us, fhall do, by virtue of this New or the Old CommiflTion : And if it be not 
 of fuch efficacy lb to do, then mufl: ye in this cafe fee, that either by 
 fufficient and ample words to be put in this new Commifllon, if it may 
 be fo had, or by a new Chirograph the Pope's Holinefs may be fo aftringed 5 
 which Chirograph, with tbi Commiflions before fpecified, if ye obtain 
 the fame, the King's pleafure is, That ye Sit Francis Brian fliall bring 
 hither, in all poffibis dihgence, after the having and obtaining thereof, 
 foiliciting neverthelcfs, whether the Pope be to be facilly fpoken with, or 
 not, the immediate Indication of the Truce, as is aforefaid, without 
 which in vain it were for me, either wither without the Pope, to travel 
 for labouring and conducing of the Peace. And fo by this way fliould the 
 Pope's Holinefs, with his merit aud fufficient juftification, proceed for the 
 Truce, as a fundament of Univerfal Peace, fatisfy the King's defires, and 
 avoid any doubt of the Emperor; forafmuch as his Holinefs might alledg. 
 That being fo extreamly fick, that he was not able to know of the Caufe 
 Iiirnfelf, he could no lefs do of juftice, than to commit it unto other, 
 feeing that the fame is of fuch importance as fufFereth no tradl or delay. 
 And finally, the King's Highnefs, God willing, by this means, ffiould 
 have an end of this Matter. One thing ye (hall well note, which is this 5 
 Albeit this new Device was now for doubt of the Pope's long continuance 
 in ficknefs, firft excogitate ^ yet it is not meant, nor ye be limited to 
 this Device, in cafe ye can obtain any other, nor ye be alfo commanded, 
 to prefer this before all the other Devices ; but now that ye fliall fee and 
 underftand what this Device is, and knowing what thing is like or pofii- 
 ble to be obtained there, without long putting over of your purfuits, ex- 
 pend, confider, and regard well with your felf, what thing of this, or 
 any other that may bed ferve to the brief and good expedition of the 
 King's Caufe. So always that it be a thing fure, fufficient, and available 
 to his Grace's purpofe, that may without any further trad: be there had 5 
 and then by your Wifdom taking unto you the bell: Learned Counfel 
 that ye can have there, leave you to the expedition of that which lb may be 
 moftmeet, as the times require andfufFer, to the brief furnifhitig of the 
 King's faid Caufe to this purpofe, without traft or^delay, and that ye 
 roay fee is the thing, which as the matter Hands, can fpeedily be ob- 
 tained and fped, ns is aforefaid. For whether the Decretal be better 
 thqn this, or this better than that, or which foever be bcfl, far it (hall 
 be from Wifdom to flick, andftill to reft upon a thing that cannot be 
 obtained ; but fince ye know the King's meaning, which is to have a way 
 fufficient and good for the fpeedy finiffiing of this caufe to his Grace's 
 purpofe, note ye now, and confider with your felf, by advice ot Learned 
 Ccunfcl, as is aforefaid, how ye may bring that to pifs, and fliall ye 
 deferve as high thanks as can be poffible. So always that it be lo well 
 provided and looked upon, that in it ba no fuch limitations or defaults, 
 as fhall compel us any more to write or fend forreibrmation thereof: 
 
 And
 
 54- ^ ColMion Book 11. 
 
 And coining to this CommifTlon, tho' percafe ye c^n by no njeans or iHck- 
 ing have it in every point as the Copy, which I lend you with the An- 
 notations do purport 5 yet fhall ye not therefore rcfufe ir, but take it, or 
 any other thing as can be had, after fuch form as may fubftantially ferve, 
 and as ye can by your wifdom and good foUicitations obrain, for the fpeedy 
 finifhing of the King's Caufe to his purpofe, a? is aforefaid, vvhicli is the fcope 
 whereunto we muft tend at this time^ and therefore ye be tiot limited or 
 toaded u-ithin any fuch bounds as ye (hould thereby be coiiipeJled oi 
 driven, for Jack of obtaining any thing or point mentioned in thefe oc 
 other your InRructions, or former Writings, to ftnd hither again for fur- 
 ther knowledge of the King's pleafure ^ but ye be put at liberty fo to qua- 
 lify, fo to add, dctray, immix, change, chufe or mend as ye (hall think 
 good ; fo always that ye take the thing that bed can be had, being fuch ag 
 may asefFedually as ye can bring about, ferve to the King's purpofe, and 
 to put indelayed end to it, according to his Grace's delire, without further 
 trad, or fending thither, which is as much as here can be f ;id or devifed. 
 Aixl tiierefore at the reverence of Almighty God, bring us out of this per- 
 plexity, that this Vertuous Prince may have this thing fped to the purpofe 
 dcfired, which (hall be the moftjoyousthing that this day in Earth may chance 
 raid fucceed to my heart ^ and therefore I eftfoons befeech you to regard 
 It accordingly : Howbeit if the Pope's Holinefs refuting all your delires, 
 flKall mike difficulty and delay there, it is an evident (ign and token, that 
 his Holinefs is neither favourable to the King's reafonable Petitions, not 
 indifferent, but fliould thereby (how himftlf both partial, and exprefly 
 averfe unto his Grace ^ wherefore in that cafe finding in his Holinefs fuch 
 unreafonablenefs, as it can in no wife be thought ye fliall do. The King's 
 pleafure is, that ye proceed to the Proteltations mentioned in the fir(t In- 
 urudions given to Mr. Stevins, for you and the rciidue of your Colleguesj 
 and that ye not only be plain and round with the Pope's Holinefs therein, 
 ifye come to his Speech j but alfo ye (how and extend unto the Cardinals, 
 and other that be your Friends, which may do any good with him, the 
 great peril and danger imminent unto the Church rind See Apoftoiickj 
 thereby exhorting them, That they like vertuous Fathers have regard 
 thereunto, and not to fuffer the Pope's FTolincfs, if he would thus wilful- 
 ly, whhout reafon or difcrction to precipitate himfelfand the faid See* 
 which by this refufal is like to fufFer ten times nwie detriment, than it 
 could do for any mifcontentment that the Emperor could take with the 
 contrary: for ye fliall fiy, fure tliey n)ay bf, and fo I for my difcharge 
 declare, both to the Pope's Holinefs and to them, If this Noble and Ver- 
 tuous Prince, in this fo great and fo reafonable a Caufe, be thus extreanily 
 denied cf the grace and lawful favour of the Church, the Pope's Holinefs 
 fliall i-:ot fail for the fame to lofe Him and his Realm, the fjvwt/j King 
 and his Realm, with many other their Confederates ; belides thofe that 
 having particular Qiiarrels to the Pope, and ^o aforefaid will not fail, 
 with divcrfe other, as they daily feck occafions, and provoke the King's 
 Highnefs thereunto, which will do the femb'nble, being a thing cf ano- 
 ther fort to be regarded, than the refped to the Ei^iiperor, for two Cities, 
 which ncvcrthelefs (hall be hid well enough, and the Emperor, neither 
 fo evil contented, nor fo much to be doubted herein, as Jsthcrefuppofed. 
 This, whh other words mentioned in your Inflrudions concerning like 
 jnatter, ye fliall declare unto his Holiiiefs, and to the faid Cardinals, and 
 others being your Friend'^, if it come to that point; whereby it is not to 
 foe doubted, but they perceiving the danger aftiefaid, (I'-all be glad to 
 
 exhort
 
 Book II. of Records. 55 
 
 exhort anj induce his Hoiinef«, for the well of himfelt" and the Church, 
 to condefcend to the King's defire ; which is as much as can be here 
 thought or deviled, to be by you done in all Events and Chances: And 
 therefore I pray you, eftfoons, and moft inflantly require you, as afore, to 
 handle this Matter with all effcft pollible. Coining to this new Commi- 
 ilion, when you fhall have once attained fuch things asfliall be fufficient 
 for the King's purpofe as is aforefaid , and that you have it in your hands 
 and cuftody, and not afore, left thereby ye might hinder the expedition 
 thereof, ye fhall by all ways and means poflible, labour and infill, that the 
 King's Highnefs, as need ihall be, may ufe and enjoy the benefit of the 
 Decretal, being already in my Lord Cardinal C^mpcfjrius's hands, where- 
 unto his Highnefs rind I defire you to put all your ef^eftual labour for the 
 attaining of the Pope's confent thereunto accordingly. 
 
 Ye {hall furthermore underfland. That it is thought here, in caf6, as 
 God forbid, the Pope fliould die before ye fliould have impetratc any thing 
 that may ferve to the abfolution of the King's Matter, 1 hat the Colledge 
 of Cardinals have Authority, Power, and Jurifdidion, y^.V^ vacante, to 
 inhibit, avoke, c?- ex confeque7itt, to pafs and decide the King's Matter, 
 feeing that the fame is of fo high moment and importance concerning the 
 furety of a Prince and his Realm, as more amply ye fhall perceive in the 
 Chapters, uhi Perkiihmi de EleFtione, ne Romani^ de Jurejnratido^ d> capite 
 primo de Scbif'riaticis 5 Wherefore the King's Pieafure is. That ye Mr. Ste- 
 vins fhall diligently weigh and ponder the efFeft of the faid Chapters, not on- 
 ly with your felf, but alfo with fuch the King's Learned Counfel as ye and 
 your Collegues have conduded there ; and what Jurifdidion, fede vacafite^ 
 the Colledge of Cardinals have either by the Common Law, ufage or pre- 
 fcription, which may far better be known there than here : And if ye find 
 that the Cardinals have in this the King's Caufe, and fuch other like Au- 
 thority and Jurifdidions to inhibit, avoke and decern, then, hi c^fu r/wrds 
 Fontifids, quod Dens avertat^ ye fhall fpecially forefee and regard that for none 
 interceflion or purfutemade by the Emperor and his Adherents, they Ihall 
 either inhibit or avoke : And aifo if before fuch Death, ye fhall not have ob- 
 tained fuch thing to the King's defire and purpofe, as thefe prefent Letters 
 before do purport, his Grace's pleaf-jrc is. That ye fhall purfue the eftedu- 
 al expedition of the fame, at the hands of the faid Colledge, Sedevacan- 
 te, ne res qxiA nuUain dilacionem expofcit, tantopere itfqiu ad EleBionem 
 novi Pontificis qitoquam niodo differ atur 5 uling for this purpofe all fuch Rea- 
 fon. Allegations, and Perl wafions mentioned in thofe Letters, and your 
 former Inflructions, as ye fhall fee and perceive to ferve to that effed; 
 and fo to endeavour and acquit your felf, that fuch things may be attained 
 there, as may abfolve this the King's Matter, without any further trad or 
 delay 5 whereby ye fhall as afore highly deferve the King's and my fpecial 
 thanks, which fhall be fo acquitted, as ye fhall have caufe to think your 
 pains and diligences therein in the beft wife imployed, trufting in God 
 that howfoever the World fhall come, ye fhall by one means orothet bring 
 the King's Matter, which fo highly toucheth his Honour and quiet of 
 Mind, unto the dcfired end and pcrfedion. 
 
 Finally ; Ye fhall underftand that the French King, among other things, 
 doth commit at this time to the Bifhop of Bayon, and Mr. John Joakim 
 to treat and coniltide the Confederation heretofore fpoken of, between 
 his Holinefs, and the King's Highnefs, the French Kin?, the Venetians, 
 
 Fff ' and
 
 55 
 
 A CoUecli'M Book II. 
 
 and Other Potentates of /^/z/^', foracontinu.il Army to be entertained to 
 invade Sp^ii/i in cafe it ftand by the Emperor, th.it the Peace (hall not take 
 effect : Wherefore the King's pleafure is, That ye having conference with 
 them at good length in that Matter, do alfo for your parts, follicite, 
 procure, and fet forth the fame ^ entring alfo on the King's behalf unto 
 the Treaty, and conclufion thereof, after fuch manner as your former 
 Inflruftions and Writings do purport. So as like as the French King is 
 determined, that his Agents fliall join and concur with you in the King's 
 Purfuits and Caufes 5 So ye mull alfo concur with them in advancement 
 of their Affiir?, the fucceffes whereof, and of all other your doings there, 
 it fliall be expedient )e more often notify hitherto than ye do, for many 
 times in one whole month no knowledge is had from you, which is not 
 meet in thofe fo weighty JMatterr, fpecially confidering that fometimeby 
 fuch as pafs to Lyons^ ye might find the means to fend your Letters, 
 which fliould be greatly to the King's and my confolation, in hearing 
 thereby from time to time, how the things fucceed there;; 1 pray you 
 therefore to ufe more diligence therein, as the King's and my fpeciai truft 
 is in you. And heartily fare you well. From my Palace belides^r^- 
 in'mjler, the fixth day of April. 
 
 The French King hath fent hither an AmbafTiate, Monjieur tie Langes^ 
 Brother to the faid Bifliop of Bayon^ with certain claufes in his Initrudi- 
 onf, concerning the faid Treaty of Confederation, the Copy whereof ye 
 Ihall receive herewith, for your better carrying on that Matter. Praying 
 God to fpeed you well, and to give you grace to make a good and Ihort 
 end in your Matters. And efi-foons fare ye well. 
 
 Your Loving Friend, 
 T. Cardin. Ehorac 
 
 XXUI. Another Difpatch to the Ambaffadours^ to the fame 
 purpofe. A Duplicate. 
 
 tottmLihv. T3 ^^^^^ ^^'' beloved Friends, I commend me unto you in my hearty 
 f'/W/.B.ii- JLv manner letting you wit, that by the hands of Thadeus hcAXQt 
 hereof, the King's Highnefshath received your feveral Letters to the fame 
 dircded with the Pope's Pollicitation mentioned in the fime, and fembla- 
 bly 1 have received your Conjund and feveral Letters of the date of the 
 18. and 29. days oi March -.^ the 8, 19, 20, and 02. oi April, tomedi- 
 reftcd, wherein ye at right good length have made mention of fuch Dif- 
 courfes. Conference?, Audiences, and Communications as ye have had 
 concerning your Charge, fince the time of your former Advertifeinents 
 made in that behalf, with all fuch Anfwers and Replications as have been 
 made unto you by the Pope's Holincfs, and other on bis behalf concerning 
 the fame. In the Circumftanccs whereof ye havefo diligently, difcrcetly, 
 and fubftantially, acquitted your fehes, as not only your firm and fer- 
 vent defire, to do unto the King's Highnefs fpeciai and fingular fervice 
 in this his groat and weighty Caufe^ bur alfo yonrWifdom, Learning, 
 and perfect dexteiities, heretofore v/cll known, hath every one for his 
 part thereby been largely of new Qiewed, coraprobate and declared to the 
 
 King's
 
 Book II. of Records. c^j 
 
 King'? jTood contentmenr, my rejoice and gladnefs, and to your great laud 
 and praife. For the which his Grace giverh unto you right hearty thanks, 
 and I alfofor my part do the femblable; afTuring you, in few words, tho' 
 the time and ftate of things hath not fufFered that your defires might at 
 this time be brought unto effeift ; yet the King'sGrace well knowcth, pcr- 
 ceiveth, and taketh, that more could not have been doi]e, excogitated, or 
 devifed, than ye have largely endeavoured your felf unto for conducing 
 the King's purpofe, which his Grace accepteth, as touching your merits 
 and acquittal in no lefs good and thankful part, than if ye finding the 
 difpofition of things in moredired (late, had confecute all your purfuits 
 and defires : Nor ye ihall doubt or think, that either the King's Highnefs 
 or I have conceived, or thought any manner negligence in you for fuch 
 things as were mentioned in the laft Letters fent unto you by AlexanJer-y 
 Meftenger, but that albeit his Highnefs had caufe, as the fame wrote, to 
 marvel of your longdemor, and lack of expedition of one or other of the 
 things committed to your charge ^ yet did his Highnefs right well per- 
 fwade unto himfelf the default not to be in you, but in forae other caufe 
 whereof his Grace not knowing the fame, might juftly and meritoriouOv 
 be brought onto admiration, and marvel : And therefore be yeallofgoocl 
 comfort, and think your perfed endeavours ufed, and fervices done, to 
 be employed there, as it can right well, in every part regarded and con- 
 fidered.^ "** ' 
 
 In efFefl: coming to the Specialities of the things now to be anfwered 
 The King's Highnefs having roundly noted and confidered the whole 
 continue and circumflances of all your faid Letters and Advertifements, 
 iindethandperceiveth evidently, that whatfoever Purfuits, and Inftances 
 and Requefts have been, or (hall be for this prefent time, made there by 
 you on his Grace's behalf to the Pope's Holinefs, for the furtherance of 
 the faid great and weighty Caufe 5 and how much foever the neceflity of 
 Chriflendom for the good of Peace, the importance of the Matter, the 
 juflnefs of the thing it felf, reafon, duty, refped: to good Merits, detect- 
 ing of Falfities ufe;!, evident Arguments and Prefumptions to the fame, or 
 other thing whatfoever it be, making for the King's purpofe, do weigh • 
 the Times be now fjch, as all that fliail be done in any of the Premi/lcs 
 there, is apparent by ftich privy Intelligence and promife as is between 
 the Pope and the Emperor, to hang and depend upon the Emperor's Will 
 Pleafure, and Arbitre, as whom the Pope's Holinefs neither dare nor will 
 inany part difpleafe, offend, or mifcontent, nor do by himfelf any thing 
 notable therein, which he (hall think or fuppofe to be of moment, the 
 faid Emperor hrff inconfulted, or not; conlenting thereunto. And for 
 that caufe, fince the Emperor not only is theAdverfary ofUniverfal Peace 
 Letter, and Impcachcr thereof, but alfo, as hath appeared by fundry 
 Letters heretofore, and now of new fent out of Spain, doth (hew 
 himfelf adverfe, and entcrponing himfelf as a Party againfl: the King'sfaid 
 great Matter^ It were in manner all one to profecute the fame at the Em- 
 peror's hands, as at the Pope's, which h totally dependeth upon the Em- 
 peror 3 and as much Fruit might be hoped ofthe one as of the other, fo as 
 far difcrepant it \-itrc from any wifdom in a thing fo neceifary, and which 
 as ye know muft needs be brought unto an end without any further dchy, 
 to confurae and fpend time, where fuch exprefs contrariety and in man- 
 ner defpair appeareth to do good therem, and where fhould be rone other 
 but continual craft, colour, abufes, refufes and dchys, but rather to pro- 
 ceed unto the fame in place, and after fuch form as may be appearance 
 
 F f f 8 of
 
 58 
 
 A Colkaion Book II. 
 
 of fome good and brief efFcd to infue. Wherefore to fhew you in Coun- 
 fcl, and to be referveJ unto your felvcs, The Kings Highnefs finding this 
 ingratitude in the Pope's Holinefs, is minded for the time to dilFembJe the 
 flatter, and taking as much as may be had and attained there to the benefit 
 of his Caufe, to proceed in the Decilion of the fame here, by vertue 
 of :heCoramiffion already granted unto me and my Lord Legate Cam- 
 peghis. 
 
 And forbecaufe thit ye Mr. Stev'ms be largely ripened and acquainted 
 in this Matter, and thr.t both the King's Highnefs and I have right large 
 experience of your entire zeal and mind to the ftudying and fetting forth 
 of fuch things concerning the Law, as may be to the furtherance hereof ; 
 ccn/idering alfothat for any great thing like to be done there herein, fuch 
 Perfonages as be of good Authority, Wifdom, and experience, tho' 
 they be not learned in the Law, may with fuch Counfel as ye have retain- 
 ed there, right well ferve to the accomplifliment of fuch other things as 
 fnall occur, or be committed unto them on the King's behalf, tho' fo 
 many Ambailadors do not there remain and continue ; His Grace 
 therefore willing and minding to revoke you all by little and little, except 
 you Sir Gregory ^hting his Ambafladour there continually refiding, willetb. 
 That after fuch things perfected and done, as hereafter fliall be mentioned, 
 ye Mr. Stev'msy and you Sir Fr^/ncis Brian, fliall take your leave of the 
 rope's Holinefs, and with diligence return home. For if ne had been 
 the Abfence of you Mr. Scevins, feeing that there is fraall appearance of 
 any Fruit to be obtained there, the King's Highnefs would have entred in- 
 to Procefs here before this WntfufituJe : But becaufc his Grace would 
 have you here prefent, as well for the forming of the faid Procefs, and 
 for fuch things as he trufted that ye (hall obtain and bring with you, 
 as alfo for the better knowledge to be had in fundry Matters, whereia 
 you may be the better ripened and informed by means of your being in 
 that Court, and othervvife, his Highnefs will fomewhat the longer defer 
 the commencement of the faid Procefs, and rcfpitc the fame, only for 
 your coming ; which his Grace therefore defireth you fo nmch the more 
 to accelerate, as ye know how neceifary it is, that all diligence and ex- 
 pedition be ufed in that Matter. And fo yc all to handle and endeavour 
 your felvcs there, for the time of your demor, as ye may do the moft be- 
 nefit and advantage that may be to thefpeedy furtherance of the laid Caufe. 
 
 And forafmuch as at thedifpatch of your faid lafl Letters, ye had not 
 opened unto the Pope's Holinefs, the lad and uttermofl Device here 
 conceived, and to you written in my Letters fcnt by the faid Alexander, 
 but that yc intended, as foon as ye might have time and accefs, to fet 
 forth the fame 5 wherein it is to be trufted, fince that thing could by no 
 colour or rcfpedl to the Emperor be reafonably denied, ye have before 
 this time done fome good, and brought unto perfedlion 5 I therefore re- 
 mitting you to fuch Inftruftions as ye received at that time, advertife 
 you that the King's mind and pleafure is, yc do your beft to attain the 
 Ampliation of the faid Commiflion, after fuch form as is to you, in fhc 
 fjid lad Letters and Inftruclions, prcfcribed 5 which it ye cannot in every 
 thing bring to pafs, at the leall to obtainas much to the King's purpofe, 
 and the benclit of the Caufe as ye can :, wherein all good policy and 
 dexterity is to be ufed and the Pope's Holinefs by all perfuafions to be 
 induced thereunto ; ihewing unto the fame how ye have received Let- 
 ters from the King's Highnefs and uic, refponfives to fuch as ye wrote 
 of ilie Debates before rehearfcd , whi rcby ye be advenifcd that the 
 
 Kincr's
 
 Book II. of Records. 5p 
 
 King's Hi^hnefs, perceiving the Pope's ftrange demeanour in this his great 
 and weighty Caufe, with the little refped that his Hohnefs hath, either 
 to the importance thereof, or to do unto his Holinefs at this his great ne- 
 ceflity, gratuity and pleafure ; not only cannot be a little forty and heavy 
 to fee himfelf fruftrateof the future hope and expectation that his Grace 
 had, to have found the Pope's Holinefs a mofl: loving; faft, near and kind 
 Father, and ailured Friend, ready and glad to have done for his Grace, 
 that which of his Pou'er Ordinary or abfolute, he might have done in 
 this thing, which fo near toucheth the King's Confcicnce, Health, Suc- 
 ceflion, Realm, and Subjecls ; But a If o marvelleth highly, That his Ho- 
 linefs, both in matters of Peace, Truce-, in this the King's Caufe, and 
 in all other, hatli more refped to pleafe and content him of whom he 
 hath received moft difpleafures, and who ftudieth nothing more than the 
 detriment of the See, than his Holinefs hath either to do that which a 
 good common Father, for the well of the Church, Himfelf, andallChri- 
 fiendom, is bounden, and owethtodo, or ,Tlfo that which every thing well 
 pondered, it were both of Congruence, Right, Truth, Equity, VVifdom, 
 and Conveniency for to do. Thinking verily that his Highnefs deferved 
 to be far otherwife entreated, and that not at his moflneed in things near- 
 eft touching his Grace, and where the fame had his chief and principal 
 confidence, thus to have his juft and reafonable Petitions rejefted, and to- 
 tally to be converted to the arbitre of his Enemy, which is not the way 
 to win, acquire and conferva Friendsto the Pope's Holinefs andSeeApo- 
 flolick, nor that which a good and indifferent Vicar of JefusChrift, and 
 common Father unto all Princes oweth and is bound to obferve. Ne- ■ 
 verthelefs ye fhallfay the King's Highnefs, who always hath fhewed, and 
 largely comprobate himfelf a moft devout Son unto the See Apoftolick, 
 muft and will take patience ; and (hall pray to God to put in the Pope's 
 mind, a more direcland vertuous intent fo to proceed in his ads and do- 
 ings, as he may be found a very Father, upright, indifferent, loving and 
 kind 3 and not thus for a partial refped, fear, or other inordinate AfFefti- 
 on, or caufe, to degenerate from his beft Children, fhowing himfelf unto 
 them, as a Step-Father, nor the King's Highnefs ye (hall fay can perfuade 
 unto himfelf, that the Pope's Holinefs is of that nature and difpofition, 
 that he will lb totilly fail his Grace in this Matter of fo high importance, 
 but that by one good mean or other, his Holinefs will perfeftly compro- 
 bate the intire love that always the fame hath (hewed to bear towards his 
 Highnefs, wherein ye (hall defire him now to declare by his Ad? the 
 uttermoft of his intent and difpolition ^ fo as ye Mr. Stev'ms and Mr. Bri- 
 an^ who be revoked home, do not return with void hand?, or bring with 
 you things of fuch meagcrnefs, or little fubftance, as (hsll be to nopur- 
 pofe ; And thus by thefe, or like words, feconding to the fame cffed, 
 which as the time (hall require, and as he (hall have caufe, ye by your 
 Wifdomscan qualifieand devife. It is not to be doubted, but that the 
 Pope's Holinefs perceiving how the King's Highnefs taketh this Matter, 
 and that two of you (hall now return, will in expedition of the fa id ' 
 
 Ampliation of the Commifllon, and other things requi(ite, (train him- 
 felf to do unto the King's Highnefs as much gratuity and pleafure as may 
 be ; for the better attaining whereof, ye (hall alfo (hew, how heavy 
 and forry I with my Lord Legate Campe^hu be, to fee this manner of pro- 
 ceeding, and the large promifes which he and I fo often have made unto 
 the King's Highnefs, oK the Pope's faft and affured mind, to do all that 
 his Holinefs, et'tatn ex plenjtu:li»e pote/iatis^ might do, thus to bediCip- 
 
 pointed :
 
 6o A CollecJion Book II. 
 
 pointed : mod humbly befeeching his Holinefs on my behalf, by his high 
 VN'ifi-lom toccnlider, what a Prince this is ^ the infinite and excellent gra- 
 titudes which the fame hath exhibited to the Pope's Perfon in particular, 
 and to the See Apoitolick in the general ; the magnitude and importance 
 of this C?ufe, with the Confequences that may follow, by the good or 
 jil entreating of the King's Highnefs in the fame 5 wherein ye fhali fay, 
 1 have fo largely written, fo plainly for my difcharge declared the truth 
 unto his Holinefs, and fo humbly, reverently, and devoutly, made in- 
 terceffion, that more can I not add or accumulate thereunto, bur only pray 
 unto God that the fame niay be perceived, underftood, and taken, as the 
 exigence of the Cafe, and the merits of this Noble Prince doth require 5 
 trufting always, and with fervent delire, from day to day, abiding to "hear 
 from his faid Holinefs fome fuch thing as I fliall now be able conflanrJv 
 to juftifie and defend, the great things which I and my faid Lord Legate 
 have faid and attefted on .his Holinefs's behalf. 
 
 This, vvith all other fuch matter asiTiay ferve to the purpofe, ye fiiall 
 extend as well as ye can, and by that means get and attain as much to your 
 purpofe for the corroboration and furety of all things to be done here as is 
 poilibie, leaving to fpeak any more, or alfo to take or admit any refcripts 
 for exhibition of the Brief, advocation of the Caufe, or other of the for- 
 mer degrees, feeing that all which fliall or can be done or attamcd there, 
 fhall hang meerly upon the Emperor's Will, Confent, and Arbitre : and 
 therefore nothing is now or hereafter to be procured, that may rend to 
 any Adl to be done, in decifion of the Caufe or otherwife there, or which 
 may bring the adverfe Party to any advantage to be taken by the favour or 
 partiality, that the fame may have in that Court 5 but to convert and 
 employ all your fuit, to that thing which may beto the moft convalidatioii 
 and furety of the Procefs, and things to be done here, as well by attaining 
 as ample, large, and fufficient words, claufes and fentences as yecanger^ 
 for ampliation of the new Commiflion ; as for the defeatingof any thing 
 that may be procured to the Impeachment of the Procefs thereof, and the 
 corroboration of the things to be palled, and done, by virtue of the.fame. 
 
 And amongft other things, whereas ye with thefe lad Legate?, 
 fent the Pope's Pollicitation, for the non-inhibition or avoking of 
 the Caufe, the ratifying and confirming of the Sentence by us his 
 Legates herein to be given, and other things mentioned in the lame, 
 ye (hall underftand, that the faid Pollicitation is fb couched and 
 qualilied, as the Pope's Holinefs whenfocver he will may refile5 like 
 as by. certain Lines and Annotations, which inthc M;jrgin of a Copy of 
 the faid Pollicitation I fend you herewith, ye (hall pciceive more at large : 
 And therefore after jour other fiiits, for the ampliation of the new Com- 
 miflion, if any fuch may be attained, brought unto as good a purpofe as 
 ye can, ye (hall by foivic good way find the mean to attain a new Polli- 
 citation, with fuch, or as many of the words and additions newly devifed 
 as ye can get 5 which ye may do under this form and colour, that is to 
 fay, to (hew unto the Pope's Holinefs, by way of forrow and doleance, 
 how your Courier, to whom ye committed the conveyance of the faid 
 Pollicitation, fo chanced, in wet and water in the carriage thereof, as 
 the Pacquet wherein it was, with fuch Letters as were with tl>e fame, and 
 ainongft others the Rcfcripts of Pollicitation, were totally wet, defaced, 
 and not legible^ fo as the Pacquet and Refcript was and is deteined by 
 him to whom ye dired: your Letters, and not delivered amongfl the other 
 anto tlie King's hands ^ and unlcfg his Holinefs, of his goodnefs unto 
 
 you.
 
 Book II. of Records. 6i 
 
 you, will grant you a Double of the fiid Pollicitation, ye fee not but there 
 fliall be fome notable blame imputed unto you for not better ordering 
 thereof, to the confervatioa of it from fuch chance. And thus coming to 
 a new Pollicitation, and faying, ye will devife it as near as ye can remem- 
 ber, acc-ordingto the former, yeby your Wifdoms, and namely yeMr. Sr^-i. 
 vim J may find the means to get as many of the new and other pregnant, 
 fat, and available words as is pofiible, the fame ligned and fealed as the 
 other is, to be written in Parchment , the Politick handling whereof, the 
 King's Highnefs and I commit unto your good difcretions ; for therein, as 
 ye Mr. Stevini know, refteth a great ftrcngth and corroboration of all that 
 fliail be done there, in decifionof the King's faid Caufe 5 and as ye write 
 may be in manner as beneficial to the King's purpofe, as the Commifiioii 
 Decretal. 
 
 And to the intent ye may the better know how to proceed in this Buli- 
 nefsjl advertife you that the King's Highnefs hath now received frelh Let- 
 ters out of Spain, anfweringto thofe fent by Curfo/i jointly with a Servant 
 of the Queen'?, for exhibition of the Original Brief here, of whofe expe- 
 dition you Mr. Ste^cins -were, privy before your departure. The Letters 
 were of fundry dates, the laft whereof, is the 2 1 of Jpril, at which rime 
 the Emperor was at Cxfar Augitfta^ upon his departure toward Barfdona. 
 In efrecl, the Emperor minding by his departure thither, and other his 
 Ads, to make a great demondration of his coming into Italy^ who is t6 
 nothing, as the King's Ambafladours write, more unmeet and unfurnifhed 
 than to that N'oyage, not having any Gallies there but three, which lay 
 on dry Land unrigged, as they have done a long timepaft, none ail'embly 
 of the States of that Land, none order, provifion of Vidual. t0';i'ard- 
 nefs in confrription of P»len of War, or appearance of fuch thing, but 
 that his going to Barfelona^ is chiefly under pretext to attain certain old 
 Treafure there remaining, and to give the better reputation to his xAffairS 
 in Itdy. As to the matter of Peace and Truce, he fcemeth not fo alien 
 from it, but that he would, under colour thereof, be glad to feparate and 
 dif-join other from the fincerity of confidence that is between them, work- 
 ing fomewhat with the French King, which he himfelf confeileth to be 
 butabufes. On the other fide, he maketh overture of Peace or Truce to 
 be had with the King's Highnefs apart 5 and in the mean time entertain- 
 eththe Pope's Holinefs as one whom, won from the refidue of the Confe- 
 derates, he thinketh himfelf moft alTuredof: Howbeitin all this hisBu- 
 finefs, ye mjy conftantlyafiirm, that his CompaiTes cannot prevail in any 
 thing that may be excogitate to the feparation of the King's Highnefs and 
 the French King, who fo int i rely proceed together, that the Emperour 
 coming or not coming into Italy, the faid French King intendeth to profe- 
 cute him in the place where his Perfon ftiall be. To whom the King's 
 Highnefs now fendeth the Duke of Suffolk, with the Treafurer of his ho- 
 nourable Houlhold 5 who, if the Pope will not really and adlually in- 
 tend to the m lintaining of the Peace, coming to the convention of his Ho- 
 linefs, moved as the cafe fiiall require, (hall be furnifhed of a fubftantial 
 number of Men of War out of his Realm to the alTiftance of the faid 
 French King, if the Emperor happen to defcend in Italy. So as his things 
 there, be not like to be in fuch furety as might bring the Pope's Holinefs 
 to this extremity of fear and refped. And all the Premises touching this 
 knowledghad out of Spain, and the frit-w^ King's Interelt with the King's 
 Concurrence, ns afore, it ihall be well done ye declare to the Pope's Ho- 
 linefs, whereby peradventure the faUiC (hall be removed from fome part of 
 his faid overmuch refped to that part. As 
 
 R
 
 62 A Colleclion Book IL 
 
 As to fending of the Breve, the Emperor refufing to fend it into Elf 
 glayid, (lieweth fome. rowardnefs of fending it to Romey minding nnd in- 
 tending to have the King's Matter decided there and not here • hovvbeit? 
 all be but vain Colluiions: For as ye (hall perceive by fucli things as be 
 extraded out of the Letters of the King's Orators Refident in Spain, a Cg-; 
 py whereof I fend you herewith, the more the laid Ereve cometh intd 
 light and knowledge, the more falfities be deprehended therein 5 and 
 amongft other, one there is fpecially to be noted ^ making, if it be true, 
 a clearer and raanifeft proof ol the fame faKity 5 which becaufe if it were 
 perceived by the adverle Party, or any of their Friends, Counfellers, or 
 Adherent?, it might foon by a femblable faliity be reformed, is above all 
 other things to be kept fecret, both from the Pope, and all other there, 
 except to your fc Ives : for in computation of the Year o^ our Lord is 
 a diverfe order obferved in the Court cf Rome in Bulls and Breves 5 That 
 is to fay, in the Bull beginning at the Incarnation cf our Lord, in the 
 Breve at the Nativity ; fo as the thing well fearched, it is thought it <hall 
 be found, that the date prefuppofed to be of the Breve, which is 16. De- 
 ceiiib. Anno Dom. 1 503. Pontificatm Julij Anno primo^ well conferred witji 
 the manner and ufages of ih'^t Court: He that counterfeited the Breve, 
 not knowing fuch diverfity between the Date of the Bull and the Brevepj 
 and thinking to make both Dates of one day, dated the Breve at a day 
 before Pope Julius was Pope ; which ye (hall more plainly perceive by the 
 faid Copy, and (pecially if under fome good colour ye ripen your felves 
 there, whether the year in the date of Breves change upon Chnfltnas day, 
 or upon New-years day, wherein the King's pleafure is, that ye enfearch 
 and certilie here what ye (hall know and perceive. And if ye (hall by fuch 
 inquiry find matter making to the purpofe, as it is not doubted but ye (hall 
 do, then for the more fure juflification and proof thereof before the Judg_ 
 es 5 It (hall be expedient ye in writing make mention of fuch a doubt, find- 
 ing the means that it may be anfwered and declared in the fame Writing, 
 by certain expert perfons of the Secretaries, and other Officers of that 
 Court, withfubfcription of their Anfwer, and Names: whereby it may 
 appear here before us as Judges, as a thing true and approved : Howbeir, 
 great dexterity is to be ufed for the fecrecy thereof 5 for if fuch Excepti- 
 ons might come to the Knowledge of the Adverfe Party, they might, as 
 the faid Orators write, foon reform that default by ditrahing one Letter, 
 or Title, or forging a new Breve, alledging error in the Tranfumpts, 
 which might be the total dif^ppointment of deprehenfion of the falhty in 
 that chief and principal point. 1 pray you therefore to regard that matter 
 fubftantially, and to order it by your good Wifdoms accordingly. 
 
 XXIV. The two Legates Letter to the Tope^ aduifing a 
 Decretal Bull. A Duplicate. 
 
 Ccfrc»Libr.T3^'°^'i^"-'s noftris ad Sandtitatem Veftram Uteris quid hie ageremu?, 
 ViteU.B.ii. X^ quovein flatu caufa hsccllef expofuimus:^ poftea quum, <?C res ip- 
 la, &\ dcfiderium Regis admodum urgeret, ut ad Caufci; ipfius merita ag- 
 nofcenda accingeremur, quando in fufpenfo, non modo horum Reguia 
 vota, fed nechujus Regni firmandi ratio, diutius haberi poted, omnifua- 
 (ion is genere horum anmiis prius adhibiro, ut alrcrius voluntati alter cc- 
 dcret, eique morem gercreiit, cum nihil profccctiujus, ad Judicij inditu- 
 
 tionem
 
 Book II. of Records. ^^ 
 
 tutionem accedentes, de modo caufam ipfam pertradlandi, multa longiori- 
 bus coiloquiis inter nos coLnnientati fumus ^ qua in re, duin quaj necefla- 
 ria fuiit adornantur, exhibitum eft per Rcginani cxerapluin Brevis Julij 2. 
 modern tempore quo «3c Bulla fuper hac materia, dati & fcripti, fed atten- 
 tiore cura i^ longe confidcratiore niente confecti, quod, quia in fubftanti- 
 alibus etiam abipfa Bulla diverfum eft, non modo Regium, fed noftrum 
 quoq^ animum, mire fufpenfum liabuit, ufq^ adeo ut de ejus veritate plu- 
 rimum fufpicari libeat ; nam praster infperatam in tanta opportunitate 
 ejus apparitionem, incredibilevijetur, ut eodem tempore idem author, eif- 
 dem paTtibus, in eadem Caufa, diverfa admodum ratione caverir, & per- 
 manfuro Diplomati ejufq; Decreto, ad perpetuam rei meraoriam, profe- 
 rendo, d<. plumbeo charactere excudendo dormitaverit, brevioribus vero 
 Uteris molli cera coinmuniendisexadiflQmi ftudij & fobris cogitationis fpe- 
 ciem imprefTerit: netamen Majeftashsc rem hancdamnatam priufquam 
 exploratam habeat, quippequs magisin veritate quam in voro fuo, Cau- 
 fe hujus eventum fufceptura videtur, ad ipfius Brevis exhibitionem inftat, 
 quod, quia honeftura SCrationiconfonum videtur, a nobis etiatu probatur, 
 propterea omni ftudio curamus, ut breve ipfum, quod in Hifpaniis effedi- 
 citur, 6c a quo exemplumhoceffigiatum aiunt proferatur ; atq;ut hoc ex- 
 peditiore cura, 6c majore compendio aftequamur, prater primam &C fum- 
 niam ilJam de Caufa cognofcendi poteftatem, quam a Sanditate veftra ha- 
 bemus, aliam quoq; ad hunc fpecialiter articulum habendam putamus, per 
 quam poffimus etiam per cenfuras, omnes etiam Regia&Imperiali Autho- 
 ritate ftilgeiites, monere 8c adigere ut didum Breve nobis exhibeanr, fine 
 quo caufa hac nedum abfolvi, fed nee commode tradari quear. Atque 
 hoc primum eft, quod Majeftas h^ec, in tanta animi fludtuatione qua nunc 
 aftuat, a nobis curandum putat, quo impetrato, Judicij via infiftentes ad 
 Caufs cognitionem procedemus , quod ft non proferatur, vel inutile Sc 
 vitiatum, 6: fide fua facile rejiciendum, prolatum fuerit, nihil prohibebit, 
 hoc fublato obice, quin ex officio noftro reliqua profequamur ; fin vero ex- 
 hibeatur, & \ erirate fua, vel adeo fcite conrida fallacia, ita fe tueatur ut 
 acriori examine id inquiri debeat, patefaclo jam patronorum cavillis 5i. ca- 
 Jumniis foro, quibus nndis SC judicij fludibus non folum articulum hunc 
 Brevis, fed univerfamCaufaui implicaturi fimus, nullus non viderit^ ne- 
 que enim deeruut q\ix fufpcdam ipfius Brevis fidem faciant, vel ex hoc 
 maxime, quod cum maximc Regis & Rcgui hujus interfir, nihil prorfus 
 de eo antehac auditum fuerit, nee ejus memoria aut ratio uUa extet in Scri- 
 niis Regiis, in quibus eriam minima qu^eque ad Regnumfpedantia alferva- 
 ri folent; nam verifimile non eft in Hifpaniis majorem Anglicsrei curam 
 fijifie quam in ipfa Anglia, neq; quempiam folerti (k acri adeo ingenio fuiiFe, 
 qui hujufcemodi diflidium vigefimo quinto abhinc anno fuboriturum, & 
 hac fola ratione fublatum iri pofie divinaverit, nulla ut diximus apud 
 hunc Regem, & in hoc Regno talis rei memoria extante. Forro Ci ex 
 Breviad Bullam, & ex Bulla ad Breve tranfitus fiat, atq^ iliius jejunita- 
 tem &C ariditatem infedemur, hujus pr^xgnantia verba, Si ad omnes fere 
 exc^ptiones tollendas, fupcrftitiofam quodammodo vigilaniiam conferamus, 
 &C qua utrinq^ deduci poterunt in Refcriptis Apoftoiicis asquo animo au- 
 diamu'^, periclitaturi ccrte fumus, ne, quod minime cupimus, SedisApo- 
 ftolica,' Authoritatem patientia noftra in difcrimen rapiamus, atque dum 
 Regno, Si. Regi hinc fuppetias ferre volumus, rem dignitatemq^ noftram 
 multo minorem faciamus, cui tum pofita etiam anima, favere Si adelfe 
 femper cupimus Si debemus. Propterea, Beatifliuie Pater, non folum pro 
 Regis Si Caufx hujus commodo, fed pro dignitate quoqi^ Ecclefijftlca Si 
 
 Ggg San-
 
 H 
 
 A CoUeHi'm Book II. 
 
 S.'inciitatis Veltn-B Autoritate hie tuenda & conferv^nda, nullo paclo com- 
 mittendum ducimus, lit nobis fpedantibus & audientibus, de Poteftat^ 
 Romani Pontifici?, de lirerarum Apoftolicarum fub piumbo & fub annuJo 
 fcriptarum fide, & repugnantia, dequejurisdiviniabrogationeditccptetur, 
 maxime in Regiium caufa oppugnanda (5c defendenda, qui, ut fublimiore 
 funtfaftidio cbilocati, ita inicjuiore animo patiuntur Caufe fua? cafum, 
 cum qua & dignitatem & exiftimationem fuam diminuf am iri inteJIigunt, 
 qus fi ignobilium etiam animos quofque exulcenre, ipfa rerum experien- 
 tia docli cernimus, qualiter quxfo putamus Regies 5c generofos afiedura ? 
 Itaque qiioniam banc charybdim & hos fcopulos evitaffe femper tutum erir, 
 propterea liujufmodi iucommoda quodammodo prastervedi, ubi ad litis 
 moleftias & incertas fori fladuationes caufam deducendam peiTpicimus, 
 fuadere, rogare 6c fummisprecibus parique reverentia contendere non de- 
 finemus, ur fi exhibitio Brevi pura Veritas ita iatitaverit, quod rcdumne 
 an falfum, vitiatum feu adulterinura fuerit judicata ac decemere minime 
 vaJeamus, Sanditas Veflra Caufam banc ad fe avocet, non folum uttanro 
 difcriniine, & perplexitate nos eximat, fed ut paterno affedu, Caufs 6c 
 Regi huic optimo fubveniat & opem ferat, atque ex potcftatis fuaj plenitu- 
 dine & fumma prudentia finem huic rei optatum imponat, qu^E non fine 
 inagno hujus Regni Sc Ecclefiafticae dignitatis periculo diutius trahi poteft : 
 Speramus autem Sereniffimum hunc Regehi in hujufmodi avocands Caufre 
 confilio facile quieturum, falebrofa h«c litium itinera & labyrinthos evi- 
 raturum, mode in fide Sanditatis Veftras chirographo manus fux teftata, 
 cognoverit, fe diutius fufpenfo inhac re animo detinendum non fore, atq; 
 ab hujufmodi Matrimonio fe tandem Jiberandum, in quo nee huraano nee 
 divino jure permanere fe poffe putat, ex caufis Sanditati Veftras forfanno- 
 tis, & per hos fuos nuntios longioribus verbis explicandis. Quod fi San- 
 ditas Veftra commodius exiftimaverit, Avocatione hujufmodi poflhabita, 
 per DecrctaJis unius conceflionem huic caufje occurri bi. fuccurri poflc, in 
 hanc quoq; rationem reg^s animum paratum dabimus; bi propterea con- 
 cepto quodam Dccretalis modulo, eum per hos ipfos Majeftatis fuse nun- 
 tios mittimus, ex quibus abunde intelliget, quodque non abfque exeraplo 
 ifliufmodi auxiJia proponantur, & quam non tcmere nee ablque ratione 
 Majeftas ha;c defiderio huic fuo inha;rent: interea vero, duui hac vel 
 ilia ratione huic rei occurritur6c Breve ipfum perquiretur, poifet utique 
 SinditaS Veilra iterum Regina: animum tentare, ^ adReligionem emol- 
 Jire, curando C ut quod maxime apud earn gratia 6C Autoritate efiTe 
 debeant ) & literis, (5c ptecibu?, & nuntiis, omnique alia ratione, hac 
 ipfa via, fibi, fuifquc rebus omnibus atque aliis optime confulaf. Cujuf- 
 modi multa, pro falute Regni & publica cum dignitate, turn trarquilli- 
 tate animo agitamus, ut tandem optimo Regi prafidio fimus, qui incredi- 
 bili patientia & humanirate, noftram & Sanditatis Veftrs opem expedat, 
 fed tanta obftfTus cura, follicitudinc S\ anxietate, ut nuilus fscile expli- 
 cate pofiit, vix enim inhocipfo, oculis &auribus noflris credimus; cu- 
 jus ufque adeo nos mifcret, ut nihil ingrato magis animo audiamus 
 quam ejus de hac re verba, querelas bi cruciatum : jure, an injuria 
 liceat nobis hoc, Beatilfime Pater, cum Sanditate Veflra tacere, ne 
 praijudicium nobis aut aliis faciamus, fed quem non excitet tot annorum 
 Confcientix Carnificina, quam ut tranfverfum 6s: modo in has ck modo 
 in illas partes agantTheologorum difputationes, & Patrum decrcta, nui- 
 lus non videt , qua in re enucleanda ita anibiguo laboratur fcnfu, ut 
 jam non dodioris fed melioris hominis luminc & pietate egeamus & 
 propterea fadum eft com ab utraque parte ftant affcrtores maximi, in 
 
 illain
 
 Book 11. of Records. 6^ 
 
 illam tnagis Mnjeftas fua inclinat, qtins ab offcnfionibu'; & pcriculis m:igi? 
 remon videtur. Qiiem pr.Tterea non movcat dukis illi infitaque foboli^ 
 fucceffio, in qua niorientes cS: nnimam exhalnturi conqukfccre, mtun ip- 
 fa, videmur omnes ? quern infuper non accendar, Regni atque imperii 
 propigatio, & per folos liberoscontinuatn quxdam fruitio ?' qucin deinq' 
 popiilotum fidei ac ejus curse conimillbrum tranqailliras tk feciirirn«:, qua) 
 in defignatis jam regibus (^Cprincipibusnutritur & vivir, non foliicitft } \tA 
 ut tanri adeoq; communis boni fundnmcnti nulla a fe jac^-i, non do?eat S: 
 fufpiret, cum in extremis ejus diebus, extrema quoque tempora eis adven- 
 tare fentiat, arq^ fecura crania quodammodo in ruinam trahi ? Majores 
 haber, BeatidimeParcr, Caufa hsc anfraclus*^' difficultnrcs, qnain fuper- 
 iicie tenus infpednntibus offerantur, in qua vel h.t? potiilims fur.t quod nee 
 moram patitur, & in alteram partem non inclinat quidciu, fed'ohitiino cQ- 
 git, ni velimusabea pr.Tcipites (?C maxima cum privarffi turn pub lic.-E rcl 
 jacluracadere 3 nam qui vel Regin?e odio, vel fperatjc, ncc dum fcrfan nd- 
 Xds, future conju^is iliecebra «?^ titillatione Regcm agi putart, ij excor- 
 des plane & toto, quod aiunt, coeloerrare videntur : utenim credere dig- 
 numeft, nuUis ullins quamlibet duris moribus aut injorunda confuctu- 
 dine, vel ulterioris fobolis fpe deCperata, Regium animum tanto periculo 
 ad odium impslli polle ^ ita nee in hominis bene fani m-nrefii cadere debet, 
 Kegem hunc imb^cilloadeo efle animo, ut fenfuum fuadela earn abrum- 
 perecupiat confuecudinem, in qua adolefcentic-e (us florentes annos exege- 
 rit perfande adeo, ut in hac quoque flacluatione, non fine reverentia & 
 honoreverfetur. Ineft, credite omnes, voluntateejus non raodo divinas 
 ]egis timor, fed humani quoque juris ratio eximia, iTEcq^ non privata 
 fed publica, ad quam cum ejus animum trahant, utriufq^ juris perififlimi, 
 ^ Regnihujus iui proceres, 6c primates omnes, nihil tamen fuo, aut fuo. 
 rum tantum arbitrio conftitutum habere cupit, fed Apoftolic-c Sedls 
 judicio 5 qua in re quanta fit pietate, m^xune oftendit, quum non ex 
 niagorum carminibus, Sccirculatorum impoftuiis, aliifve malis artibus, 
 fed Sandiflima'Pontiiicis manu, tanto huicvulneri fuo opem pcrat, de 
 quo vel plura forte quam licuiffetSan^titati Veftrxfubjecimus, quoniam 
 ha:C ipfa ulcera minibus noftriscontreLtavimus, & quantum vitalcs fpi- 
 ritus exhalent, cognovimus: proinde Sanditas Veftra, pij patris & peri- 
 tiflimi mcdici more, dum virtus adhuc ftat, dum falus non defperatur, 
 dum sger ipfe fcfe fuAinet& legitima pesfit auxilia, Regem de fc 6C/\po- 
 ftolica fede optime meritum in pietatis fuse finu fovent, illudq-, ei indul- 
 geatquod necdifputationum immortalia diflidia, nee lirium immenfum 
 chaos unquam dabit, nee fine maximo difcrimine urquam tradtabitur • 
 atque illud etiam fecum reputet, quam injurium, 6c cum privatis turn 
 publicis rebus incommodum fit, extremos juris apices confetlari, quin- 
 quam non expediar ex fcripto jure femper judicari, cUi, quia Pon- 
 tifices bi Principes miro omnium confenfu, a Deo ipfo prxfedi, cen- 
 fentuT Spiritus d<. anims vice, merito in ambiguis, & ubi multa peri- 
 clitatur liominum falus, arbitrio fuo ejus duritiem moderari poflunt 5c 
 debent, in quo Sanchitas Veftra (5v Regem & Regnum hoc plane ferva- 
 verit. Quod fi alia ratione vel aliunde parand.i fibi fuerint auxilia, ve- 
 remur ne de Regno i^v Rege hoc ndum fit, quicquid enim a'ia manu 
 huic vulneri impofitum fucrit, nihil minus facut quam fanitatem, fedi- 
 tionibus cnim & tumultibus omnia cxponentur, atq:^ imprimis Ecclefia- 
 ftica Dignitas bi Apollolicai Sedis Authoritas hinc deturbabitur ^ quod 
 non crit difficile, ;iut ingratum quibufdam, qui Rege cum Smc^irate Vc- 
 fha nunc coi;junctiflimo, impietatis fu^t^ veicmim perbellc diflimolant ;, 
 
 G g g J Cujuf-
 
 66 A Colleaion Book 11. 
 
 Cujufmodi jacluram fi dura hsc tempora noftra feceruut, quod deindefpc- 
 randum fit, non videmus. Confervandus itnq^ Rex eft, ejufq^eximia iii 
 Apoftolicam Sedeni voluntas c\' fides, ne eo a nobis abalienato, ron modo 
 Anglic Regcm, fed Fidei quoq^ Defenrorem amittamus, cu;us virtutes »?<: 
 Reiigionera tanto plaufu orbi commendavimus. Brevitati ftudentes inulta 
 prsterimus, di. praifertim quid Regni proceres,Nobiles;i;que arque ignobi- 
 les dicant, qui fremunt oi acerbilumeindignantur, fe tamdiu fufpenfos 
 haberi, atquc ab aliorum nutu & voluntate exfpeclare, quid de forfunis 
 eorum omnibus &i. capitibus ftatuant, aut decernent : atque hac potiffirauni 
 viainfiftunr, qui nullam aut certe diminutam hie Romani Fontiiicis Au- 
 thoritatem velienr, quorum plerique in his difceptationibus, quibus aJter 
 alteri, ut ulu \enire folet, re in auibiguo pofit,), adverfatur, ea dicunt 
 qua; non abfque horrore referri queant ; nam inter catera illud maxime in 
 ore obvium habenr, 6c predicant, fe nunquam fatis demirari, autridere 
 pofle quorunda'ii ignaviam, qui patienter audiunr, Fontihcibus injure 
 Divino tigendu (3c refigendo licere, PontificiPontificirceram aut plumbum 
 conflare non permitti 5 nos, ut hosfcopulos & has lyrtes evitemus, nihil 
 non agimus, (Sv ne pra;ceps, hue vel iliuc. Rex hie ruat, curamus, qucni 
 jji officio vixcontinere pofie confidimus, duni aSanditate Veftra his Jire- 
 ris refcribatur : quibus li utfperanius (5c cupimus aliquid refcriptura fucrir, 
 per quod dc Regem <5c horum omnium animo; quietiores reddere valeamus, 
 accedet nobis quoque vis aliqua ca;tera faliciuspejfifiendi ; fin minus, 
 omnia in deterius itura non ambigiraus. Qua; ur ctlerius Majeftasfua 
 cognofcar, prasfentes hos nuntios fuos per difpofitos cquos ad Sanditatem 
 Veftram mittit, ex quorum fermone plura quoque inteliiget quam literal 
 ipf?e commode capere potuerunt. Ignofcet vero Sanditas Veftva literarum 
 iioftrarum prolixitati, quz tametfi moduQi excedunt, rei tamen hujus 
 difficultatem cS: periculum majori ex parte minirae attingunr. 
 
 May 21. 1509. Richmont. 
 XXV. Another Difpatch to Rome. An Origtnal. 
 
 Right well beloved Friends, I commend me unto you in my mod 
 hearty manner, by the Hands ofjilexaiuler, Meflenger ^ I have in 
 good diligence received your Letters of the ^rh of this Month ; and fem- 
 blably the King's Highnefs hath received your other Letters, fent by the 
 lame Meflenger unto his Grace; By tenour whereof it well appeareth that 
 the King's Highnefs is now fruftrate of the good hope and expedation 
 that his Grace and remblnbJy I were in of the Pope's determination, to 
 have done for his Highnefs in this great and weighty Caufe of Matrimo- 
 ny, as his Holinefs by his Ch.imberlain promifed ; not only that which 
 might be done of power ordinary, but alfo of abfolute :, and that ye be 
 utterly in defpair to confecute or attain any thing to the purpofe there, to 
 the benefit of thefaid Caufe, with the ftrange demeanour that hath been 
 ufed in calling you to make anfwer, why the fuppjications prefented by 
 the Emperor's Ambaflador for advocation of the Caufe fiiould not proceed 5 
 and how difcreetly and fubftintially ye have anfwered and ordered your 
 fclves therein : Affirming finally, that as to that Matter, ye think it fhall 
 notferve to any purpofe, but only to flop your fuit in the obtaining of a 
 new Couiiuiiiion, and defiring to be afctrtained of the King's pleafure 
 
 touching
 
 Book 11. of Records. 6-] 
 
 Touching the Proteflation mentioned in your Inftrudions, and how tlie 
 fame is meanc and utiderflood, with rniny other things comprifed in your 
 faid Letters, right well and fubflaiitially couched and handled ^ for the 
 which the King's Highnefs giveth you hearty thanks, and I alfo thank you 
 in moit hearty manner for my P'*""* 
 
 Afcertainingyou, thatby T^^i:/<??/5, Courier, upon receipt of your for- 
 mer Letters fent by him, who I truft be arrived with you long before 
 this tinae ^ I wrote unto you the King's mind and pleafure, as well to 
 forbear any further purfuits of the Degrees committed imto your Charge, 
 except only the expedition of a new Commiflion and Pollicirarion men- 
 tioned in the fame, as alfo that you Mr. Stevins, and Sir Francis Briati/ 
 (hould return home, like as my faid Letters purported. And forafrauch 
 as now it appeareth, that there is no hope for ycu to attain the faid 
 Commiflion and Pollicitation, the King's Highnefs fuppoling that ye the 
 faid Mr. 5;<?t7«j and Sir. Francis be on your way homeward; and per- 
 ceiving that it (hould be necedary for his Grace to have there a fubltan- 
 tial Counfellor of his, well learned in the Law?, as well to defend all 
 fijch things as fliall be procured or fet forth by the Cmfareans^ to the hin- 
 drance of the King's Caufe, as to let and impeach any Advocations, In- 
 hibitions, or other thing that may be dammageable thereunto, hath di- 
 fpatched thither this Bearer and Mr. Bentn'tf who hath Commandment to 
 fliew unto you, and every of you, wherefoever he fhall meet with or find 
 you, his whole Inftruflions, by tenour whereof ye (hall be advcrtifedof 
 the King's further mind and pleafure in that Behalf; wherefore this fliall 
 be only to fignifie unto you, how his Highnefs will that ye now forbear 
 any further purfuit, either for Comminion, Pollicitation, or Refcripc to 
 be fent to the Emperor for exhibition of the Brief, either here or at Rome ^ 
 but that following in every part the tenor of the faid Inftrudions, ye Mr. 
 Stevins and Sir Francis Bryan ufe all the diligence po'Tible in your Voyage 
 homeward, and therefidue of you to intend to fuch things as be mention- 
 ed in the faid Inftrudions;; afcertaining you, that whereas ye were in 
 doubt what is meant by the Proteftation fpoken of in ray former Letters 
 and your Inftruftions, it was none other thing than in the fame Inflrudi- 
 ons was plainly fpecified and declared; That is to fay, Failmgof all your 
 Requefts and Purfuits touching the King's great Matter, to have fliewed 
 unto his Holinefsthe danger that might enfue, by lofing the entire favour 
 of this Prince, by mean of his fo llrange and unkind dealing with his 
 Grace ; howbeit, confidering in what (late the things now be, and how 
 much the Pope's Holinefs feemeth to be inclined to the Emperor's part 5 
 and yet as appcareih bo h by your Letters, and by fuch other knowledge 
 as the King hath, his Holinefs would gladly confervethe King's Love and 
 Favour, and is lorh to do any thing to the prejudice of his Caufe : It is no 
 lime to come to any rigorous or extrcam words with his Holinefs, but in 
 gentle and mcdell manner to fhew himfelf in fuch words as be mentioned 
 in my fiid laft Letters fent by Tbadeus ; and fo without irritation of him, 
 but with confervation of his favour to entertain his Holmefs in the bell 
 manner that may be, without medling in any other Protertation, but only 
 to look what may be done touching fuch Protellations apart, as is menti- 
 oned in the faid Inftrudions given to Mr. Bennet, which with thefe Let- 
 ters (hall be a fufticient information of you all, what to do in the Caufes 
 to you committed, not doubting but in all other particular fuits of Bulls, 
 and other things committed unto you, ye Mr. i^tevins andSir trancii Bryan, 
 have or will do your belt to bring the fame with you -, the expedition 
 
 whereof,
 
 68 A CollecTion Book II. 
 
 whereof, if they be not ffed a!readv, the King's Highnefs committcth 
 to the Wifdoras of fiich of you as ftiall fortune to be in th: Court of 
 Uflwd- at the receipt hereof ;, wherein, and in all other thing?, his High- 
 Kefs truftctb, and I do the femblable, that yc will order your fcJvts 
 with all effeftual diligence, as the fpecial confidence that is put in jou 
 doth appertain. 
 
 And forafmuch as the greateft thing that is to be looked unto is the im- 
 portune Suit of the Cxjareans^ not only to flop any further things to be 
 granted to the King's Highnefs, but alfo to revoke the Cointniflion given 
 to the Lord Legate Camfeghis and to ine, which fhould be a clear dif- 
 appointment and fruftraticn of the King's Caufe ^ ye Hiall therefore look 
 fubilantially by all politick means to withftand, th;it no fuch thing be 
 granted ^ a/Turing the Pope and all the Cardinals, and fuch other as have 
 refpeft to the well of the See Apoftolick, that if he fliould do fuch an high 
 injury to the King and his Realm, and an Act fo contumelious ro ushis 
 Legates, and fo contrarious to his Faith and Promife, he ihould thereby 
 not tail fo highly to irritate the King and all the NobJes ofihisRealm^ 
 that undoubtedly thty ftiould decline from the obedience of the See Apo- 
 ibliik, and confequentiy all other Realms (hould do the femblable, 
 forafmuch as they Ihould find in the Head of the fame, neither juft- 
 nefs, uprightnefs, nor truth :^ and this fhall be neccffary, as the cafe (hall 
 require, well to be inculked ai;d put in his head, to the intent his Ho- 
 Jinefs by the fame may bepreferved from grantmg, pali]ng,orcondefccnd- 
 ing to any fuch thing. 
 
 After thefe Letters perfected hither, and read unto the King's High- 
 refs, albeit that mention is made in fundry places heretofore, that as well 
 ye Mr. Stcvi/is, and Sk Francis Brian, if ye be not returned from the 
 Court of Romej as alfo the reft of the King's Ambafiadours, which at the 
 arrival of Mr. Doflor Bennet (hall fortune to be there, (hall forbear to 
 make any further means or purfuit for the New Commifllon and Pollici- 
 tation, but clearly to ufe filence therein ^ yet neverthelefs regarding, and 
 more profoundly confidering the effecl of your Letters laft fent, it doth 
 plainly appear, that tho' after the overture made to the Pope's Holinefs of 
 the faid New Commifllon, the Bufinefs chanced to be made by the Em- 
 peror's Ambnflador, upon preferring a Supplication for advocation of the 
 Caufe ; which thing by your writing, Mr. Stevius, to Capifuke was well 
 avoided :, yet was there none exprcfs refufal made by the i^ope's Holiiiefs 
 to condefcend unto the faid New Commifiicn, but order given that you 
 fhould confult and confer wiih the Cardinal Ancon'itane and Synionette 
 upon the fame- which Conference, by means of the faid Huhnefs, was 
 deferred and difappointed, without any final conclufion or refolution taken 
 thereupon. Wherefore inafmuch as yet there appeareth none utter de- 
 fpair of obtaining the faid New Commiflion atid Pollicitation, withfome 
 more fat, pregn^mt, and effectual Claufes xhm the other hath^ The King's 
 pleafure is, That notwithftanding any words before mentioned, both ye 
 the faid Mr. ^Yd-wwj, nnd^n Francis Brian^ if ye be not departed from the 
 Court oi Rorne, do or the time ot your demur there, which the King's 
 pleafure is ftiall not be long, but only for taking of your leave ^ and alfo 
 the reft of rhe King's laid Orators, alter your departure, fhall, as ye fhall 
 fee the Cnfe require, endeavour \our felves as much as may be, to obtaia 
 the faid New Commillion and Pollicitation, forcfceing aU'ays that you 
 handle the matter after fuch manner, asthereby rhe Pope be not the rather 
 iixiutcd to hearken and uiclme to any purluits of the Inipeii^Is for advo- 
 
 cation
 
 Book II. of Records, 69 
 
 cation of the Caufe, which were a totaJ fruftration of aJJ the King's intent, 
 but fo to ufe your fclves, as ye (hall fee to be to the benefit, and not to 
 the hindrance thereof: Which done, the King's Grace doth refer the 
 good handling of this thing to your wifdoins and difcretions, neither 
 ro leave the purfuir for the faid CommifTion and Pollicitation, if it may 
 without damm3ge be followed 5 nor to follow it, if thereby you (hall fee 
 apparent danger of any fuch Advocation, or advantage to enfae to the pur- 
 pofe of ihtlmperialijis^ like as hisHighnefs doubteth not, knowing now 
 the King's mind and pleafure, you will with wifdom and dexterity, order 
 your felves herein accordingly. 
 
 And furthermore, you (hail in any wifedifTuade the Pope for fending 
 either by his Nuntio, to be fent unto Spain, or otherwife, for the Origi- 
 nal Brief; And if the Nuntio be already pafled, having charge tofpeak 
 for fending the fame to the Court of Rome, then to find the means th t a 
 Commandment be by the Pope's Holinefs fent after him, not to make any 
 mention thereof : Which done to you, the King's faid xAmbalfador (hall 
 have a good colour to induce the Pope's Holinefs, faying, as of your fclf. 
 That you have well confidered your own purfuits for producing the Brief 
 at 'Rome 5 and becaufe the Emperor might per-cafe think that the Pope 
 were about to arect unto him thefalfity of the faid Brief, therefore you can 
 be contented that that matter be put off, and no mention to be made 
 thereof by his Nuntio, or otherwife 5 whereunto it is not to be doubted 
 but the Pope's Holinefs wiij have fpecial regard, and facilly condefcend to 
 your defires in that behalf. 
 
 Finally ; It appeareth alfo by certain your Letters fent, as well toth?. 
 King's Highnefs as to me, that the Pope's Holinefs is muchdefirousto fludy 
 and find a mean and way to fatisfie the King's Highnefs in this behalf ; 
 Amongft which one claufe in his Letters to me is this ; Tametft enim ju- 
 rifperkoriim con/ilium qit^fiverhnus, fed }iihil repermits, quo J bonis orato- 
 ribusfimul d^jitflk'tA ac honori noflro fathfaceret ; [ed Tamen agimu: om- 
 nia & tentamiis omnesmodos RegJAfu&SerenitaU^ ac clrcumfpeElioni tu£ 
 fatisfaciendi. (And it is added inthe Margin, with fFoZ/^'s hand 5 
 
 Mi Petre, refer as ttiis Uteris pervelim quid tihi €^ mihi Pontifex dixe- 
 rit demodis excogitandis, d/^ quomodo [nbridens dicebat, hi nomine Pa- 
 trisy &c.) 
 
 "Wherefore fince his Holinefs fo plainly declared, that he feeketh the 
 ways and means to fatisfie the King's Highnefs, it (hall be in any wife 
 expedient, that you the faid Orators perceiving any toward nefs of Advo- 
 cation, lay this to the Pope's Holinefs, faying. That that is not the way 
 to fatisfie his Grace ^ and yet belidcs that, by your Wifdoms to find the 
 means to underfland and know of his Holinefs what be the ways and 
 means, which his Holinefs hath (ludied or can ftudy to fatisfie the King 
 according to his writing in this behalf, whereof they (hall fay his Grace 
 is glad, and is very defirous to know and underftand the fame ^ and as you 
 (hall perceive any towardnefs or untov/ardncfs in the Pope in that behalf, 
 fo to fet forth your purfuits to thebeft purpofe accordingly. And thus 
 heartily fare you well. From Richmond^ the 21 day of ^%. 
 
 Your loving Friend, 
 
 T. Cnrdin.Eborac. 
 
 May
 
 JO A Collection Book II. 
 
 May gi. Roma? 1529. 
 
 XXVI. A Letter of the Pope's to the Cardinal. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 Dik^o Filio mjiro Thomae tituli SdnEl<£ Cecilice Preshytero, 
 Cardinali Eboracenji^ noftro iy [edis Apofiolicce Legato de latere^ 
 
 Clemens rnamt propria, 
 
 Dllefle Fill nofter, falutem & Apoftolicam benediftionem. Cum An- 
 glic Rex ac Circiunfpectio veftra, vctera veftra erga nos & Sedem' 
 ApoftoJicam merita novis officiis augereris, optabimus occafionem, in qua 
 & vos noftrum amorem cognofcere poiletis; fed moleftiflime tulimus eaiii 
 primum effe oblatara, in qua circumfepti angulHs terminisjuftitis, non 
 poffemus progredi quantum vellemus, ftudio vobis gratificandi, multis 
 ac rationabilibus Caufis defiderium veltrum impedientibus, quod quideni 
 RcgijsOratoribusiftucredeuntibus demonltrare conati furaus. Sed I'uper 
 his Sc publicis negotijs copiofius vobifcum loquetur Diledus Filius nofter 
 Gardinalis Campegius.' Datum Roms die ultima Maij, 1 529. 
 
 J 
 
 April 6. 1529. 
 
 X5([^VII. The King's Letter to his Ambajjadours^ to hinder an. . 
 Avocation of the Suit. An Original, 
 
 By the King. 
 
 lienry Rex. 
 
 CottmLihT.'^Jt ^Rufty and right well-beloved we greet you well. Since your de- 
 Fitell.B.ix, J^ parture from hence, we have received fundry your Letters to us 
 direfted, whereof the lift beareth date at Rome, the 4c/j day of thclall: 
 month 5 and have alfo feen fuch other as from time to time ye have fent 
 to the moft Reverend Father in God, our mod entirely well-belovcd 
 Counfellor the Lord Legate, Cardinal, Arch-Bifhop of Tork^ Primate of 
 Eiighn^J, and our Chanccllour; By continue whereof, we have been ad- 
 veitifed of the Succefles, as well of your Journey thitherwards, as of fuch 
 things as ye to that time had done in our Caufes to you comniirtcd j for 
 the which your diligent advertifcment, andgood acquittif, we give unto 
 you condign thanks; afcertaining you, We do not a Jirtic marvel, that 
 in yourfaid laft Letters you fliew k) much defpcration of any great favour 
 to be had at the Pope's hand in our faid Caufes ; conhdering th.it neither 
 yc then had fpoken with his Holinefs in the fame, norby fuch Conferen- 
 ces asyc had had with Mr. Jaivh Salvia!:, or oihcr on his behalf, wc can 
 
 perceive
 
 Book II. of Records. •Ji 
 
 perceive but all good favour and towardnefs ^tho' per-cafe the fuperioriiy of 
 the Imperials, and the common fame, led you to think the contrary : How- 
 beit as you know no credence is to be given unto fuch common report, nor 
 we truft the fame fhall prove more true, than hath done the Opinion that 
 was of the Lord Legate Cinipegins now here Refidbnt, whom vve f,nd anc^ 
 certainly know to be of a far other fort in his Jove and inclin ition towards 
 us, than was fpoken, not having fuch afFeftion towards the Emperor, as 
 in him was fufpeL^led. And to be plain with you, if ever he had been of 
 other mind, we have faid fomewhat to him after fuch manner as might 
 foon change that intention. So that little faith is to be given to the out- 
 ward Sayings and Opinions of fuch People as meafure every thing at their 
 pleafure^ which we doubt not but ye right wifely doconfider, and that 
 ye have before this time, by your diligent follicitation made to fpeak with 
 the Pope's Holinefs for declaration of your Charge, proved the contrary. 
 Whereof we (hall be glad and joyous to hear ^ willing and defiringyou 
 therefore, according to the great and fpecial confidence that we have in you, 
 to pretermit no time in the diligent handling and execution of your faid 
 Charge, but by one good way or other to find the mean, if you have not 
 already done it, to declare the fame unto the Pope, wherein the good ad- 
 vice and addrefs of the Bifliop of Vemie fliall. We truft, do you great fur- 
 therance ^ and by whofe means^ if ye for the Pope's extreme debility or 
 ficknefs, might in no wife be often admitted unto his prefence, ye may 
 fignifie unto him at great length, our whole Mind, Dcfire, and Intent, 
 after fuch form as vour Inflruftions and Letters given and fent unto you 
 in that behalf do purport : For fure ye may be, it (hall highly confer un- 
 to the beneiit of our Caufes, that ye have thete prefent one fo faft and 
 affured Friend unto us, as we truft the Bifhop of Ferone'is, who fliall be 
 able right largely to countervail, and meet with the malicious practices of 
 the Arch-Bifliop of Capuay who is thought to be one of the chief Authors 
 and contrivers of the Falfities, Crafts, and Abufes, fet forth to the hin- 
 drance of our faid Caufes ; which no Man fliall more politickly and 
 facilely deprehend, than the faid Bifliop of Ferone may do : And there- 
 fore he is by you, with all good means and ways poflible, to be entertain- 
 ed ; as we doubt not but you will have fpecial eye and regard to the 
 making, winning, and confervation of as many Friends to our purpofe as 
 ye can poflibly obtain ; fo handling your felf, as now may appear your 
 dexterity and perfecl endeavour to conduce, with your diligent labour 
 and policy, our Matters to the fpeedy, indelayed, and defired endand 
 effe(a, which ye may be fure we fliall not put in oblivion, but will have 
 the fame in remembrance accordingly. Marvelling nevcrthelefs, that 
 though ye Mr. Stevins could not bring hitherto our great Caufes to per- 
 feftion, ye had not in the mean feafon advertifed us what is done touch- 
 ing fuch Bulls as were to be fped for our other particular Matter?, 
 whereof no mention is made in your faid Letters^ willing and defiring 
 you therefore, by your next Letters, to advertifc us in what (hte and 
 train the fame be 5 knowing right well that ye, beingnot only by the 
 former Letters and Writings, but alfoby fuch as be fent unto you at this 
 time, fufficiently and amply inftrufted of our Mind and Pleafure, will 
 now fo acquit your felf, as (hall correfpond to the perfect expedation, 
 'and firm opinion that we have of you, which we (hall not fail to have in 
 out tender confideration to your well, as is aforefaid. You fliall alfo, in 
 your Conferences with the faid Bifliop of Verone^ underfland and know 
 of him, by what ways and means ye may belt further his advancement 
 
 Hhh to
 
 72 J ColUaton Book II. 
 
 to the Cardinality ^ exhorting him, for the manifold good effects that 
 thereof may enfue, to conform himfelf to the acceptation thereof, if it 
 may be obtained ; for doubtlefs his Vertue, Wifdom, Experience, Fide- 
 lity, and other great and commendable merits well confidered, vce think 
 no Man more meet at this time to be preferred thereunto than him : And 
 therefore our exprefs Mind and PJeafure is, that ye do it by all the ways 
 and means to youpofTibie. And finally wevvill that ye (how unto him 
 how effectually we have written unto you in that behalf, to the intent, 
 being advanced thereunto, he may give us the better thanks, and in every 
 way bear to us the more perfed affeftion. And by your next Letters, 
 we will that ye advertife us what Advocates ye have on our parr, with theic 
 Names and Qualities ; finding the means alfo, if it be poflible, to retain 
 fome notable and excellent Divine, a Frier, or other that may, can, or 
 will firmly ftick to our Caufes, in leaning to that, QtiodPontifex exju- 
 re Divino ?wn potejl difpenfare, &c. and of all theSucceffes to advertife 
 us, as our fpecial truft is in you. Given under our Signet, at out Man- 
 norof Greenmcb^ the 6th of this April. 
 
 .;> 
 
 XXVIII. The King's Letter to his Ambaffadours, about 
 his Appearance before the Legates. An Original. 
 
 Henry R. 
 
 CottonUhr. | 'Rufty and right well-beloved, we greet you well. By formet Lef- 
 ViteU. B.I I, J[ ters and Writings fent to you, Sir Gregory and Mr. P^ter, with 0- 
 ther of your Collegues then being at Rowe^ and by fuch conference as was 
 had with you Mr. Bemet before your departure, you were advertifed in 
 whatftate then flood our Caufe and Matter of Matrimony, and how it 
 was intenL^ed that theProcefsof the fame fhould with diligence be com- 
 menced before the Pope's Legates here, being authorized for that purpofe. 
 Since that time, enfuing the dehberation tiken in that behalf, the faid 
 Legates, all due Ceremonies firft obferved, have direfted Citations both 
 to us and to the Queen, for our and for her appearing before them the 
 i8th of this Month: which appearance was duly on either Party kept, per- 
 formed, and all requifite Solemnities accomplifhed : At which time the 
 Qiicen trudingmore in the Power of the luiperialifts, than in thejuflnefs 
 of herCaufe^ and thinking of likely hood, by frurtratory allegations and' 
 delays, to tract ami put over the matter to h:r adv;intage, did proteft at 
 the faid day, putting in Libels, Recufatori^sof the Judges ; and alfo made 
 fi Piovocation, alkdging the Caufe to be avokcd by the Pope's Holinefs,
 
 Book II. ef Records, 75 
 
 O- litis penden'iamcoram eodem jdefiring to be admitted for probation there- 
 of, and to have a term competent for the (hme : Whereupon day was given 
 by the Judges til] the 2 1 of the fame month, for declaration of their minds 
 and intentions thereunto ; The Qiaeen in Perfon, and wc by our Frodor en- 
 joined to appear the fame day, tohear what the faid Judges fliould deteriiiine 
 in and upon the fame. At which time both we and the Qiieen ;fppeared in 
 Perfon ^and notwithftanding that the faid Judges amply and fufficiently de- 
 clared, as well the iincerity of their mindsdireftly, juftly to proceed without 
 favour, dread, affedion, or partiality 5 as aifo that no fuch Recufation, Appei- 
 lation, or term for proving of Li^/jp^H^tf^j'ww, could or might be by them ad- 
 mitted : yet fhe neverthelefsperfiftingin her former wilful nefs, and in her Ap- 
 peal, which alfo by the faid Judges was likewife recufed -.And they minding to 
 proceed further in the Caufe, the Queen would no longer make her abode to 
 hear what the faid Judges would fully difcern,but incontinently departed out 
 of the Court 5 wherefore (he was thrice preconnifate, and called eft-foonsto 
 return and appear J which Ihe refuting to do, was denounced by the Judges 
 Conttimax^ and a Citation decerned for her appearance on FriJay next, 
 to make anfwer to fuch Articles and Pofitions as (hould be objvfcled unto 
 her : So as now it is not to be doubted, but that fhe will ufe all the ways 
 and means to her poflTible, to impetrate and attain fuch things as well by 
 her own purfute, as by her Friends, as may be to the impeachment of the 
 rightful Frocefs of this Caufe, either by Advocation, Inhibition or other- 
 wife : Wherefore feeing now in what ftate this our Matter ftandeth and 
 dependeth, necefTary and requifite for the great Confequences hanging 
 upon the fame, rot only for the exoneration of our Confcience, but alfo 
 for the furety of our Succeffion, and the well of this our Realm and Peo- 
 ple, to be with all celerity perfected and obferved 5 It was thought conve- 
 nient to advertife you of the Premiffes, to the intent ye being well and 
 fufficiently inftruded in all things concerning the fame, fhallby your wif- 
 doms and diligences have fpecial regard that nothing pafs or be granted 
 there by the Pope's Holinefs, which may either give delay or difappoint- 
 ment to the direct and fpeedy Procefs to be ufed in this Caufe, neither by 
 advocation of the Caufe, Inhibition or otherwife 5 but that if any fuch 
 thing fhall, by the Cjifareans^ or by her Agents, or other, be attempted, 
 or de/ired, the like Men of VVifdom, good Zeal, Learning, and Experi- 
 ence, diligently procure the flopping thereof, as well upon fuch Reafons 
 and Confiderations as before have been figniiied unto you, as by inferring 
 the high and extreim diflionour, and intolerable prejudice that the Pope's 
 Holinefs thereof fhould do to his faid Legates ; and alfo the contrariety 
 both of his Bull and Commiflion, and alfo of hisPromife and Pollicita- 
 tion piffed upon the fame^ befide the notable and excellent difpleafure 
 thereby to be done by his Holinefs to us, and our Realm, clear contrary 
 to our merits and deferts ^ extending alfo the other dangers mentioned :n 
 the faid former Writings, apparent to enfue thereby to his Holinefs, and 
 the See Apoflolick, with the manifold, and in manner, infmite inconve- 
 niencies like to follow of the fame to all Chriflendom, and all other fucH 
 reafons, introductions and perfwafions ye can mike and devife for that pur- 
 pofe : putting him alfo in remembrance of the great Commodity coming 
 unto his Holinefs herein, by reafon that this Caufe being here decided, 
 the Pope not only is delivered from the pains that he (hould in thhi time of 
 DifeafeandSicknefs, to the extream peril of his Life, fuflain with the 
 fame, feeing that it is of fuch moment and importance, as luffercih no 
 trad or delay ; but alfo his Holinefs fhallby futh decifion here efchcw 
 and avoid alldif^lcafure that he fliould not fail to have, if it were or flioulJ 
 
 H h h 2 be
 
 74- 
 
 A CoUecli'M Book II. 
 
 be paHed elfewhere : which matter is no little wifdom well to forefee and 
 confider, and not only to forbear to door pafs any thing derogatory or pre- 
 judicial to hisfaid CommUlion, but alfo by all means poflible to corroborate 
 and fortifie the fame, and allfuch Afts judicial as (hall pafs by his faid 
 Legates by virtue thereof. Like as we doubt not but that the Pope's Ho- 
 Jinefs, of his Upright uefs, Vertue, and perfcft Wifdom will do ; and ra- 
 ther like a moft loving Father and Friend, tender and favour our good, 
 juft andreafonable Caufes and Defires, putting thereunto all the furthe- 
 rance hemay do, than to do orconfent to be doneany thinghurfful, pre- 
 judicial, dammageable, or difpleafant unto us, or this our faid Caufe. 
 Andrinally ^ if need fliall be, we will ye alfo infer, as the cafe Ihall re- 
 quire, how inconvenient it were this our matter fliould be decided in the 
 Court of Rot;ie • which now dependeth totally in the Emperor's Arbitre, 
 having fuch puiflance near thereunto, that, as hath been written by the 
 Pope's own Letters, their State and Life there is all in the Emperor's 
 hands, whofe Armies may famifii or relieve them at their pleafure. And 
 femblably ye (hall not forget the prerogative of our Crown and Jurifdi^ti- 
 on Royal, by the ancient Laws of our Realm, which admitteth nothing 
 to be done by the Pope to the prejudice thereof, and alfo what danger they 
 fliould incur that would prefume to bring or prefent any fuch thing unto 
 the faine, as in our Jaft Letters fent by Alexamler was touched at good 
 length. Wherein fincc ye be already fo well and amply inftruded, know- 
 ing alfo how much the Matter imports and toucheth us, and what profit 
 and agreeable fervice ye may do unto us herein, with the high thanks that 
 ye may deferve forthe fame 3 We (hall not be more prolix, but refer the 
 fubftantial, perfeft, and affured handling hereof to your circumfpedions, 
 iidelities, and diligences, not doubting but that ye will now above all 
 other things, look vigilantly hereunto, and fo acquit your felves in the 
 fame, as it may well appear that your Ads (hall be correfpondcnt to our 
 firm truft and expedation, and no lefs tender this thing than yc know it 
 to be imprinted in the bottom of our Heart, nor than as ye know both the 
 importance and high moment, aiid alfo the\ery necefljty of the M^jtter 
 doth require. In which doing, befide the laud and praife that ye fhali 
 confecute thereby of ail good Men, we (hall fo have your acquitals in 
 our remembrance, as ye (hall have caufe to think your travels, pains, and 
 iiudies herein, in the bcft wife collocate and employed. Given under 
 our Signet, at our Palace of Bridewel, the 23^/ day of "June. 
 
 Rome 9. July i 519. 
 
 XXIX. Vo&or Bennet'i Letter to the Cardinal^ JI)ewing how 
 little they might expeB from the Pope. An Original. 
 
 Cuffw Libr.T)!- eafe it your Grace to underfland, that the6[h day of this month the 
 fisell. B.i I .Jf^ Pope's Holinefs fent for us : Albeit we had made great fute for Au- 
 dience before to his Holinefs, foon after that we had undcrflanding that 
 his Holinefs was recovered of this his hit Sicknefs, into the which he fell 
 the fecond day, after I had my firlf audience of his Holinefs, which was 
 the 21. day of the laft month: And after our long communication and 
 reafoning in the King's Highnefs Caufe, which at length, we have writ- 
 tp,nto your Grace in our common Letter, for a confirmation of many in- 
 con.
 
 
 Book II. of Records. 75 
 
 convenience? and dangers which we perfvvaded to his HoIinelV, fo foJIou^ 
 both tohimfelf and to the See Apoftolick. in cafe his Holinefs fhould 
 avoke the craife^ I thought mach convenient at that fame time to deliver 
 the King's famili.vf, nnd iikewifeyour Grace's Letter, and fo to fhevvyour 
 Grace's Credence to his Holinefs. After the forefaid Letters delivered, 
 and by his Holinefs read, his Holinefs fliewed me, that he perceived by 
 your Grace's Letters, that I had certain Credence to flievv unto him of 
 great moment and importance, concerning him and the See Apoftolick, 
 I (hewed to his Holinefs your Grace's Faith and obfervance, his Holinefs 
 doth beft know ; moft humbly befoughthis Holinefs to beleive thefe un- 
 doubtedly to follow, That if his Holinefs fhould, at the labours of the difa- 
 reans, avoke the Caufe, he fliould not alonly offend the King's Highnefs, 
 which hitherto hath been a ftay, a help, and a defence of the See Apoflo- 
 Jick; butalfoby reafonofthis injury, without remedy, ftiall alienate his 
 JVlajefty and Realms, with others, from the devotion and obediente of the 
 See Apoftolick. This I (hewed his Holinefs, that your Grace doth evi- 
 dently perceive to follow, in cafe his Holinefs (hould incline to the C^fa- 
 reans defire on this behalf : Yea further, I faid, that your Grace mofl: 
 clearly perceiveth alfo by that Aft, the Church of EnglanJ utterly to be 
 deftroyed, and likewife your Perfon :; and that thefe your Grace, with 
 weeping tears, molt lamentably committed unto me to (hew to his Holi- 
 nefs. Furthermore 1 (lie wed to his Holhiefs, that your Grace, howfo- 
 ever you (hould proceed in this Gaufe, did intend to proceed fo fincerely, 
 indifferently, and juftly, that you would rather fuffer to be jointed. Joint 
 by Joint, than either for affedion or fear, do any ad either againft your 
 Confcience or Juftice. Furthermore I faid, that feeing his Holinefs may 
 be fo well affured, that your Grace will do nothing but according to 
 Juftice in this Caufe, he may the more boldly deny Avocations to the 
 C^fareansy feeing that the Queen and the Emperor can defire but Juftice, 
 which they may have at your Grace's hand, and my Lord Ca?npeghts^ 
 as well there as here, and by this meatishis Holinefs fhould deliver him.- 
 felf from great pains and unquietnefs of mind, which he (hould fuftain 
 in cafe the caufe (hould be known here, where he (hould ha\e the King's 
 Highnefs on one part, and the Emperor on the other (ide, daily calling 
 upon his Holinefs. To this his Holinefs moft heavily, and with tears, 
 anfwered and faid. That now he faw the deftrudion of Chriftendom, 
 and lamented that his fortune was fuch to live to this day, and not 
 to be able to remedy it, ( faying thefe words ) For God is my Judge, 
 I would do as gladly for the King, as I would for my felf 5 and to that 
 I knowledge my felf moft bounden, but in this cafe 1 cannot fatistie his 
 de(ire, but that I (hould do manifeftly againft Juftice to the Charge of 
 my Confcience, to my rebuke, and to the di(honour of the See Apofto- 
 lick 5 affirming, that his Counfel (hews him, that feeing the Cxfureans 
 have a Mandate or Proxie of the Queen, to ask the Avocations in her 
 Name, he cannot of Juftice deny it, and the whole Signature be in that 
 fame opinion 5 fo that though he would moft gladly do that thing that 
 might be to the King's pleafurc ^ yet he cannot do it, feeing that Sign i- 
 ture would be againft him whenfoever the Supplication (hould be up there : 
 And fo being late, we took our leave ot his Holinefs, and departed, 
 feeing that we could obtain nothing of the Pope for flopping the Avo- 
 cation, we confulted and devifed for the deferring of it, till fuch 
 time as your Grace might make an end in the Caufe there. And fo 
 concluded upon a new Device, which at length we have written in our 
 
 common
 
 76 
 
 A ColMion Book II. 
 
 common Letter, wherein 1 promife your Grace, Mr. Gree^ory has ufed 
 great diligence, and taken great labours at this time, we can do no more 
 for our lives: And if your Grace faw the importune labour of the Am- 
 bafladoursof the Emperor's and F<fri:/i;w7!^0(?j, you would marvel, I pro- 
 mife your Grace they never ceafe^ wherefore in flaying hitherto, as we 
 have done, it is marvel, as God knoweth, whom I pray to preferve your 
 Grace in health and profperity acltnukos antios. I befeech your Grace 
 niofl: humbly to commend me to the King's Highnefs ; and likewife I be- 
 feech your Grace to pardon my ill writing. At Rome the <^ch day of Jul/. 
 
 Your daily Beadman 
 
 and Servant, 
 
 TK Benet, 
 
 XXX. A Letter of the Papers to the Cardinal concerning the 
 Avocation. An Original. 
 
 19; Julij, 1529. 
 
 Cotton Libr. T~\lle(fle Fili nofter, falutem 6c Apoftolicam Benedidionem. Difficile 
 VitelL B.ii. JLy eft nobis explicare Uteris, qua noftra moleftia feu potius dolore 
 fuerimus coacli ad Avocationem Caufx iftic commiiTae concedendam; 
 nam etfi res ita fuit jufta ut tanto tempore differri non debuerit, tamen 
 nos qui ifti Sereniffimo Regi pro ejus fingularibus erga nos Sc Apofloli- 
 cam fedem meritis placere in omnibus cupimus, ficut confuevimus, xgxe 
 nunc addudi fumus, ut quamquam juftitia cogente, quicquid contra ejus 
 voluntatem concederemus. Nee vero minus, Fili, doluimus tua caufa 
 cui rem hanc tants curs effe perfpeximus quantum tua erga diflum Re- 
 gem fides & amor poftulat ; fed tamen quod datur juftitiaj minus eile mo- 
 leftum debet, cum prafertim idfuerittam dilatum a nobis, omniaq^ antea 
 pertentata ne ad hoc defcenderemus. Itaqj optamus in hoc adhiberi a te 
 illam tuam fingularem prudentiam & squitatem, perfuadereq^ te tibi id 
 quod eft, nos, qui femper vobis placere quantum nobis licuit ftuduimus, 
 id quod veftro maximo raerito fecimus, &C femper faduri fumus, nunc non 
 nifi inviros & juftitia coados quod fecimus, fecifle : Teq^ omni ftudio & 
 amore hortamur, ut didum Regem in folita erga nos benevolentia retine- 
 le velis, cique ptrfuadere, nihil ex hoc apud nos de benevolentia erga fe 
 veteri imminutum unquam fore, quod recipiemus a Circumfpedione tua 
 longe gratiffimum. Quemadmodum plenius diledus Filius nofter Cardi- 
 iialis Campegms hsc Circumfpedioni tux explicabit. Dat. Romas apud 
 Sandum Petrum fub annulo Pifcatoris die i9.Julij 1529. Pont, noftii 
 anno fexto, 
 
 Blofius. 
 
 Ad 25. 
 
 I
 
 Book II. of Records. jj 
 
 A6t 1(3. Anno Regni 11. Henr. 8. 
 
 XXX. An ASi for the releafing unto the King his Hightiefs of 
 fuch Sums of Money as vpoa to be required ofhim^ ^^"J* his 
 Stibje&Sj for any Manner of Loan^ by his Letters Miffiijes^ 
 or other ways or manner whatfoeijer. 
 
 I Tern quoiJam alia hiUaformam cnjnfdam aBus hi fe continens^ exhib'ita 
 eft prdzfato Dombio Regi in F arliamento prjiJiBo, cujus qu'idem biUx. 
 tenor feqmtiir in hxc verba. The King's humble, faithtiil, and loving 
 fubjeds the Lords Spiritual and temporal, and Commons in this prefent 
 Parliament aflembled, confidering and calling to their remembrances, the 
 ineftimabJe Cofts, Charges, andExpences, which the King's Highnefs ne- 
 ceffarily hath been compelled to fupport and fuftain, fincehisallumption 
 to his Crown, Eftate, and Dignity Royal 5 as well firft for the extinLlion 
 of a right dangerous and damnable Schifm fprung and rifen in the Church t 
 which by the providence of Almighty God, and the high prudence, and 
 provifion, and afliftance of the King's Highnefs, was, to the great honour, 
 laud, and glory of hisMajefly, reprelled^ the Enemies then being of the 
 Church reformed, returned, and rellored to the unity of the fame, and 
 pcice over all componed and concluded, as alfo for the modyfying of the 
 infatiable and inordinate ambition of thofe which do afpire unto the Mo- 
 narchy of Chriftendom, did put univerfal trouble anddivifionsinthefamej 
 intending, if they might, not only to have fubdued this Realm, but alfo 
 all the reft unto their Power and Subjeftion : For the refiftance whereof, 
 the King's Highnefs was compelled, after the Univerfal Peace, by the 
 great Rudy, labour, and travel of his Grace conduced, and the fame by 
 forae of the Contrahents newly violate and infringed 5 in (hewing the form 
 of the Treatife thereupon made again, to take Armour. And over and be- 
 fide? the notable and exceflive treafure and fublf ance which his Highnefs 
 inhishrft Wars had employed for the defence of the Church, the Faith 
 Catholick, and this his Realm, and of the People end Subjeds of the fame 
 was eft foons brought of necefiity to new, excellent, and marvellous Char- 
 ges, both for the fupportation of fundry Armies by Sea and by Land , 
 and alfo for divers and manifold Contributions outward, to fe'rve, keepj 
 and contain his own Subjefls at home in reft and repofe 5 which hath been 
 fo politickly handled and conduced, that when the moft part of all Reli- 
 gious Chriftians have been infefted with cruel Wars, Difcords, Divifions, 
 and DifTentions, the great Heads and Princes of the World brought unto 
 Captivity ; Cities, Towns, and Places, by force and fcdition, taken, 
 fpoiled, burnt, and facked ^ Men, Women, and Children found in the 
 fame flain and deftroyed ; Virgins, Wives, Widows, and Religious Wo- 
 men, raviflied and defioured 5 Holy Churches and Temples polluted, and 
 turned unto prophane ufe^ the Reliques of the Holy Saints irreverently 
 treated^ Hunger, Dearth, and Famine, by mean thereof in the faid 
 outward Regions, infuing and generally over all, was depopulation, dc- 
 flruclion and confufion ^ the King's faid Subjects in all this tnne, were by 
 the high providence and politick means of his Grace neverthelcfspreferved, 
 defended, and maintained, from all thefe inconveniences and dangers ^ 
 
 and fuch provifions taken, by one way or other, fo as reafonable commo- 
 dity
 
 78 
 
 A ColleBkn Book 11. 
 
 dity was always given unto them to exerci'e their Traffiquts of Merchan- 
 dife, and other their Grafts, Myfteries, and Occupations fbr their living 5 
 which could not poflibly h ive been brought about, unlefs then the King's 
 Highnefs, with continual ftudies, travels, and pains, and with his infi- 
 nite Charges and Expc-nces, had converted the peril and danger of the 
 Enterprifesand Exploits, fet forth for the redudion of the Enemies unto 
 Peace, from his own Siibjefts unto Strangers : Whereof finally fuch Fruit 
 and EfFeft is enfued, as by the King's policy, puifTance, and means, gene- 
 ral and univerfal Peace is eftabiifhed amorlgft all Chriftian Princes 5 and 
 this Realm now, thanked be God, conftitute in free, better, and more 
 afTured and profitable Amity with all outward Parties, than hath been at 
 any time whereof is memory or remembrance. Conlidering furthermore, 
 7'hat his Highnefs, in and about the Premiffes, hath been fain to imploy, 
 not only fuch fums of Mony as hath rifen and grown by any manner of 
 contribution made unto his Grace by hisfaid loving Subjcds; but alfo over 
 and above the fame, fuudry other notable and excellent Surnms of his own 
 Treafure, and yearly Revenues, which elfe his Grace might have kept 
 and It jrved to hisownufe^ amongft which manifold great Sunims fo 
 employed, his Highnefs alfo, as is notorioufly known, and as doth evi- 
 dently appear by the accompts of the fame, hath to that ufe and none other, 
 converted all fuch Money, as by any hisSubjeflsand People Spiritual and 
 Temporal, hath been advanced unto his Grace by way of Preft and Loan,' 
 either particularly, or by any Taxation made of the fame, being a thing- 
 fo well collocate and beftowed, feeing the faid high and great Fruits and' 
 effeds thereof enfued, to the honour, furety, well, pcrfedt commodity, 
 and perpetual tranquillity of this faid Realm, as nothing could- better nor* 
 more to the comfort of his faidSubjedsbe defircd, fiudied, or imagined 5 
 Of one mind, confent and afient, and by Authority of this prefent Parlia- 
 ment, do for themfelves, and all the whole body of the Realm whom they 
 do reprefenr, freely, liberally, and abfolutely, give and grant unto the 
 King's Highnefs, by x^uthority of this prefent Parliament, all and every 
 Sum and Sums of Money, which to them, and every of them, is, ought, 
 or might be due, by reafon of any Money, or any other thing, to his 
 Grace at any time heretofore advanced, or payed, by way of Preft or Loin, 
 either upon any Letter or Letters under the King's Privy Seal, general 
 or particular. Letter Mifiive, Promife, Bond, or Obligation of payment, 
 or by any Taxation, or other afleOing, by vertue of any Commiilion or 
 Commitlions, or by any other mean or means whatfoever it be heretofore 
 pified for that purpofe, and utterly, frankly, liberally, and moft willingly 
 and benevolently, for them, their Heirs, Executor?, and SucceHbrs, do 
 remit, relcafe, and quit claim, unto his Highnefs, his Heirs, and Suc- 
 cciibrs for ever, all and every the fame Suras of Money, and every parcel 
 ihereof, and all and fingular Suits, Petitions, and demands, which they, 
 or any of them, their Heirs, Succelfors, or Executors, or the Heirs, Exe- 
 cutors or fucct-nbrs of any of them, have, had, or may have for the fame, 
 or any parcel therecf5 mofl humbly and lovingly befeeching his High^ 
 i:efs, for the more clear difcharge for the fame, that it may be ordained 
 and enaded by the King, our faid Sovereign Lord, the Lords Spiritual 
 and Temporal, and the Commons of this prefent Parliament afTembled, 
 and by Authority of the fame, that all Promifes, Bonds, Writings, 
 Obligatory Letter.-, under the King's Privy Seal, Signet, Sign Manual, 
 or Great Seal palled, and other Bunds or Pronnfes, whatfoever they bc^ 
 had, made, to any Perfon or Perfons, Spiritual or Temporal, Shire, 
 
 City,
 
 Book II. of RecordSo 7p 
 
 City, Burrough, Waxentale, Tranftiip, Hamlet, Village, Monaltery, 
 Church, Carhedral, or Collegiate, or toany Guild, Fraternitv, or Body 
 Corporate, Fellowlhip, or Company, or other whatfoever, having ca- 
 pacity to take any Bond efpecially and generally, jointly or feverallyi 
 touching or concerning the fame Prcfl: or Loan, or every of them, or 
 the repayment of any Sum or Sums of Mony for the fame, be from 
 henceforth void and of none effeft. Cut quidc'm billa probe c^ nd plenum 
 vitelleB^per d'lEium Dommwn Regem ex affenfu ^ Autborhnte Parlia- 
 wenti prxdiB't t<iUter eft refponfum. Le Roy remercie tes Seigneurs C> 
 fes communes de leur bcnne cceurs en far f tint cefi graiint^ <& icelle fa Maje- 
 fie accepte & tout le contenu, C^ ceft efcrknre a gvaunt & aprove avscqites 
 tous les articles en cejle efcriptiire fpecifes. 
 
 XXXII. A Letter frem Gardiner and Fox, about their Fro- 
 ceedings at Cambridg. An Original. 
 
 Feb. I 530. from Cambridg by Stephen Gardiner. 
 To the Kings Highnefs. 
 
 PLeafethit your Highnefs to be advertifed. That arriving here ?it CottonUhr. 
 Cambridge upon Saturday laft paft at noon, that fame night, and Sun- j^itell. B j j, 
 day in the Morning, we deviled with the Vice Chancellor, and fuch "** 
 
 other as favoureth your Grace's Caufe, how and in what fort to com- 
 pafs and attain your Grace's Purpofe and Intent ^ wherein we affure your 
 Grace, we found much towardncfs, good will, and diligence, in the 
 Vice-Chancellour and Dr. Edmunds^ being as fludious to ferve your 
 Grace as we could wifh or defire : Nevertheiefs there was not fo much 
 care, labour, ftudy, and diligence imployed on our Party, by them, 
 our felf, and other, for attaining your Graces Purpofe, but there 
 was as much done by others for the lett and empeachment of the 
 fame 5 and as we affembled, they aflembled, as we made Friends they 
 made Friends, to lett that nothing (hould pafs as in the Univerfities 
 Name ; v/h'^rein the firft day they were Superiors, for they h^d put in 
 the ears of them, by whofe Voices fuch things do pafs, mnltas [abulai, 
 too tedious to write unto your Grace. Upon Sunday at afternoon 
 were affembled, after the manner of the Univerlity, all the Doctors, 
 Batchellors of Divinity, and Matters of Art, being in number almoft 
 two hundred : In that Congregation we delivered your Grace's Letters, 
 x^'hich were read openly by the Vice-Chancellor. And for anfwer to 
 be made unto them, firft the Vicc-Chancellor calling apart the Doclors, 
 asked their Advice and Opinion ; whereunto they anfwcred feverally, 
 as their Affeftions led them, €>^ res erat in multa confujiojie. Tandem they 
 were content Anfwer (hould be made to the Queftions by mdifferent Men .• 
 But then they came to Exceptions againft the Abbot of St. Benets, who 
 feemed to come for that purpofe 3 and likewife againlf Dr. Reppes, and 
 Dr.Gro;;;^; and alfo generally againft all fuch as hnd allowed Dr. Cranrner'3 
 Book, inafmuch as they had already declared their Opinion. We faid 
 thereunto, That by that reafon they might except againft ;d! ^ for it wa3 
 lightly, that in a Qusftion fo notable as thisi-?, every Man Learned hath 
 
 I i i faid
 
 8o A Collection Book II. 
 
 f lid to his Friend as he thinketh in it tor the tune ^ but wt ought not to 
 judge of any Man, that he fetttth more to defend thnt which he hath once 
 faid, than Truth afterward kijown. Finally, ThcVice-Chancdlor, be- 
 caufe the day was much fpent in thofe altercations, commanding every 
 Man to refort to his Seat apart, as the manner is in thofe Alleniblies, 
 willed every Mans mind to be known fecretly, whether they would be 
 content with fuch an Order as he had conceived for anfwer \o be made hy 
 the Univerfity to your Grace's Letters; whereunto that night they would 
 in no wife agree. And foralmuch as it was then dark night, the Vice- 
 Chancellor continued the Congregation till the next day at one of the 
 Clock f, at which time the Vice- Chancel lor proponed a Grace afterthe form 
 herein inclofed ^ and, it was firft denied ; When it was asked again, it was 
 even on both Parties, to be denied or granted^ and at the laff, by labour 
 of Friendsto caufefometo deputthe Houfe which were againft if, it was 
 obtained in fuch form as the Schedule herein enclofed purporteth ; where- 
 in be two Points which we would have left out 5 but confidering by put- 
 ting in of them, we allured many, and that indeed they (hall not hurt the 
 Determination for your Grace's part, we were finally content therewith. 
 The one Point is that where it was firft, that quieqiiid jnajor pars .of them 
 that be named decreverky fliould be taken for the Determination of the 
 Univerfity. Now it referred ad duas partes^ wherein we fuppofe fhall be 
 no difficulty. The other Point is. That your Grace's Queftion (halt be 
 openly difputed, which we think to be very honourable ; and it is agreed 
 amongfl us, That in that Difputation, ftiall anfwer, the Abbot of 
 St. Benets, Dr. Reppes, I and Mr. Fox^ to all fuch as will objed any 
 thing or reafon againft the conclufion to be fuftained for your Grace's 
 parr. And becaufe Mr. Doctor Cl/ffs hath faid, That he hath fomcwhat 
 to fay concerning the Canon-Law 5 I your Secretary (hall be adjourned 
 unto them for anfwer to be made therein. In the Schedule which we> 
 fend unto your Grace herewith, containing the Names of thofe who fliall 
 determine your Grace's Queftion, all marked with the Letter A. be al- 
 ready of your Grace*s Opinion ^ by whic h we truft, and with other good 
 means, to induce and obtain a great part of the reft. Thus We befeech 
 Almighty God to preferve your mofl Noble and Royal Eftate. From Cam- 
 bridge the day of febniary, _ 
 
 Yoar Highnefs's moft humble 
 
 Subjeds and Servants 
 
 ^Ste^hen Gar diner y 
 
 Edward Foze. 
 
 The
 
 Book li. 
 
 of Records. 
 
 8r 
 
 The Grace purpofed and obtained, Feb. 15^0. 
 Placet mbU ut 
 
 A. Vlcecanccllarius. 
 
 Do&ores, . 
 A. Salcot. The Abbot of St. Benets. 
 
 Watfon. 
 A. Repps. 
 
 Tomfon. 
 
 Venetus, de ifto bene fferatur, 
 A. Edmunds. 
 
 Downs. 
 A. Crome. 
 A. Wygan. 
 A. Bofton. 
 
 Afagiftri in Theologia. 
 
 Middleton. 
 A. Heynes. 
 
 Mylfenr,^.? i/io bene f^eratiir. 
 A. Shaxton. 
 A. Latimer. 
 A« Simon. 
 
 Longford, de ifto bene fperatur . 
 
 Thyxtel. 
 
 Nicols. 
 
 Hutton. 
 A. Skip. 
 A. Goodrich. 
 A. Heth. 
 
 Hadway, de ifto bene fperatur. 
 
 Day. 
 
 Bayne. 
 A.A. Duo Procuratores, 
 
 HAbeant plenam facultatem dC Authoritatem, nomine totius Univer- 
 fitatis, refpondendi Literis Regis Majeftatis in hac Congregatione 
 ledis, ac nomine totius Univerfitatis definiendi & dcterminandi qusfti- 
 nem in didis literis propofitam : itaquod quicquid dus partes eorum prs- 
 fentium inter fe decreverint, refpondendi didis literis, & definierint ac 
 detcrminaverint fuper qua^ftionepropofita, in iifdem habeatur, SCrepute- 
 tur pro Refponfione, Definitione di Determinatione totius Univerfitatis 
 6c quod liceat Vicecancellario, Procuratoribus&Scrutatoribus, literis fu- 
 per didarum duarum partium definitione 6c determinatione concipienda 
 figillum commune Univerfitatis apponere ; fie quod difputetur Qu^ftio 
 publice & antea legatur coram Univerfitate abfqj ulterioti gratia defuper 
 petenda aut obtinenda. 
 
 Tour Highnefs way perceive by the Votes ^ that we he already fure of as 
 many as berequifite^ wanting only three j and we have good hope of 
 four-j of which four if ive get two, end obtain of another to be abfent^ 
 it is fiifficierit for our purpofe. 
 
 Hi 
 
 July
 
 82 ACoUenim Boqk II. 
 
 ^^TT ; July- '530.- .,,^^., -j-r 
 
 XXXllI. A Letter from Crook OKf of Venice, concerning the 
 Opinions ofDimnes about the Dhorce. 'An Original. 
 
 CmonLihr. 'OLeafe it your Highners tobe advertifed. That as this diy I obtained 
 ViielLB.!^'. JL ^^^^ Comincn Seal of the Univerfity ofPaJna^ in fubflantial and good 
 form ; for all the Dodors were aflembled upon Sunday^ and the Cafe 
 was amongft them folemnly and earneftly difputed all Monday^^ TuefJay, 
 Wednefd^y, and Thurfday, and this prefent Friday in the morning again : 
 and thereupon they conclude^ with your Highnefs, and defired a Notary 
 tofct his Sign and Hand unto an Inflrument, by Leonicus and Simonettiis 
 devifcd, in corroboration of your Caufc, and thereby to teftify that this 
 Inftrument was their Deed, Device, Aft, and Conclafion ^ and for the 
 more credence to be given to the faid Inftrument, they caufed the Chan- 
 cellor of the Pote(late here to fet his hand and Seal for the approbation of 
 the Authority of the Notary ; A Copy of all the which things I fend un- 
 to your Highnefs by this Bearer, in moft humble wife befeeching the fame 
 to be advertifed, that the General of the Black-Friers hath given a Com- 
 mandment, That no Black- Frier difpute the Pope's Power^ Notwithftand- 
 ing P^ior Thomas Ow7^i^(7»?^5 procureth daily new Subfcriptions, and will 
 do till the Brief of contrary Commatidment fhall come unto his hands. 
 
 My fidelity bindeth me to advertiife your Highnefs, that all Lutherans 
 be utterly againft your Highnefs in this Caufe, and have letted as much 
 with their wretched Power, Malice, without reafon or Authority, as 
 they could and might, as well here, as in ?adua and Ferrara, where be no 
 fmall Companies of them. I doubt not but all Chriflian Univerfities, if 
 they be well handled, will earneftly conclude with your Highnefs. And 
 to obtain their aflent, as well through ItaJy^ France^ Almoin, AriJIrich^ 
 Hungary and Scotland^ I think it marvelous expedient, for the prefer- 
 ment of this your moft honourable and, high Caufe y As from the Seignio- 
 ry and Dominion of Venice towards Rome, and beyond Rowe^ I think 
 there can be no more done than is done already. Albeit, gracious Lord, 
 if that I had in time been fufliciently furnilhed with Mony, albeit I have 
 befide this Seal procured unto your Highnefs an hundred and ten Subfcrip- 
 tions, yet it had been nothing in comparifon of that that I might eafily and 
 would have done 3 and at this hour 1 allure your Highnefs, that I have 
 neither Provifion nor Mony, and have borrowed an hundred Crowns, the 
 which alfo arc fpent about the getting of this Seal^ of the which my need, 
 and divers impediments in your Highnefs's Caulehcre, I have advertifed 
 your Highnefs by many and Sundry Letters, and with the fame fent 
 divers Books and Writings, part loHierom Molins a Venetian, and Faftor 
 to M'lppheus Bernardus by the hands of your Subjecl Edmwid Hartvel, part 
 direded to Mr. Toke, whaeof I am nothing afcertained whether they be 
 exhibited unto yo4r.Hig]inefs or not, to nolittledifcomfortuntomej not- 
 withftanJinglhaverefervedaCopy of all things, Letters, and other, and 
 herein inclolld a Bill, fpccifj ing by whom and to whom I direfted my laid 
 Letters, in moft humble wife, befeeching your moft Royal Clemency, to 
 ponder my true, fure, and good endeavour?, and not to fuffer me to be 
 deftituteof Mony, to my undoing, and utter lofs of your moft high Caufes 
 here : for of my i'elf I ha\ e nothing whereby to help my felf And thus 
 
 the
 
 Book II. of Records. 82 
 
 - - ^ - ■■ ■ — " — ■■ ^ ■ ■ - - 
 
 the inofl: BleflTed Trinity keep and preferve your Highnefs in his woll 
 Royal Eftate. At Venicffy the firft day of July at night. Anno go. 
 
 R. Crook. 
 
 XXXIV. The Judgment of the Univerfities concerning 
 the King's Marriage ; taken from the Printed Edition 
 of them. London^ 153a. 
 
 Cenfura Facultatis SacY<£ Theohgi<£ alm<£ VniverJitatU Farifimjis. 
 
 DEcanus 6c Facultas Sacras Theologis almas Univerfitatis Parifienfis, 
 omnibus, ad quos pr^fens fcriptum pervenerit, falutem in eo qui 
 elt vera Saius. Cum nuper fuborta magn:^ difficultatis controverfia fuper 
 invaliditate Matrimonii, inter Sereniflimum Henricum Odavum An^lia? 
 Regem, Fidei Defenforem, & Dominum Hibernia;, ac Illuflriflimam t)o- 
 minam Catharinam Anglic Reginam, clars memorise Ferdinand! Regis 
 Catholici Filiam contradi, & carnali copula confummati, ilia etiam no- 
 bis Quaftio in juflitia, 6c veritate difcutienda & examinanda propofita 
 fuerat, videlicet. An ducere relidam fratris mortui fine liberis fie eflet ju- 
 re divine bi naturali prohibitum, ut interveniente fummi Pontificis Dif- 
 penfatione, non poffet fieri licitum, ut quis Chriflianus relidam fratris 
 ducat, & habeat in Uxorem , Nos Decanus & Facultas antedida, cogi- 
 tantes, quam effet pium & fandum, nec-non debito charitatis, & noftraj 
 Profeflioni confentaueum, ut his, qui in lege Domini fecura, tranquil laq^ 
 confcientia vitam hanc ducere, & tranfigere cupiant, viam juftitis often- 
 deremus, noluimus tam juftis 6i piis votis deefle. Hinc more foliro, apud 
 sdem S. Mathurini per juramentum convenientes, & folemni Miffa cum 
 Invocatione Spiritus Sandi ob hoc celebrata, nee non prseftito juramento 
 de deliberando fuper prsfata qusftione, fecundum Deum & Confcienti- 
 am ; Port varias & multiplices Sefliones, tam apud sdem S. Mathurini, 
 quam apud Collegium Sorbona;, ab odava Junij ufq^ ad fecundum Juiij 
 habitas, & continuatas, pcrfcrutatis prius excufllfq^ quam diligentifiime, 
 ac ea qua decuit reverentia S\ Religione, Sacrx Scriptural Libris eorumq5 
 probatifiimis interprctibus, nec-non Sacro-fands Ecclefia; generalibus ac 
 Synodalibus Concilij Decretis & conftitutionibus longo ufu receptis 6C 
 approbatis : Nos pra;didi Decanus & Facultas de prsdida Qusftione dif- 
 ferentes, & ad earn refpondentes, fequentes unanime judicium & confen- 
 fura Majoris partis totius Facultatis, Alferuimus^cdeterminavimus, prout & 
 in his Scriptis per praefentes Aflferimus & Determinamus, quod pradids 
 nuptis cum relidis fratrum decedentium fine liberis, fie naturali jure 
 pariter &divino funtprohibitae, ut fuper talibus Matrimoniis contradis, 
 live contrahendis, Summus Pontifex difpenfare non poilit. In cujus noflr<c 
 Aflertionis & Determinationis fidera 6c teflimonium, figillum noftras 
 Facultatis cum figno nnftri Notarij, feuBsdelli pra^fentibus apponi cura- 
 vimus. Datum in generali noftra Congregatione per juramentum celebra- 
 ta apud S. Mathurinum. Anno Domini Millefimo quingentefimo trige- 
 fimo, Mcnfis verojulij die fecundo. 
 
 dnfura
 
 A Collecllon Book If. 
 
 On fur a facultatU Vecretorum alm^ Vnher/iiatis Tarijienfis. 
 
 IN Nomine Domini Amen. Cum propofita fuillct coram nobis Decano 
 c\'ColIegio ConfuUiflimje Facultatis Decretorum l^arifienfis Univerlita- 
 tis Qijxftio 5 An Papa poflit Difpenfare.quod Frater poflit in Uxorera duce- 
 re, five accipere ieliflam Fratris fui, Matrimonio confummato per Fra- 
 irem prsmortuuiu? Nos Decanus 6c Collegium prrctata; Facultatis, poft 
 mulfas Difpurationes dC Argumenta hinc inde fuper hac materia facia ac 
 liahita, cum magna & longa librorum, tam divini, quara Pontificii & Ci- 
 vjjis, jurium revolutione confulimus, 6c dicimus, Papam non polFe in 
 fsdo propoiito difpenfare. In cujus rei teftiraonium, has prsfentes Si- 
 gillo noflra; Facultatis, ^' figno noftri fcribs primi Bedelli muniri feci- 
 inus. Datum in Congregaiione noftra apud Sandum Joannem Lateranen- 
 iem, Parifiis die vicefima tertia mentis Maij,- Anno Dom. raillefimo 
 quir,gentefimo trigeiimo. 
 
 Cenfura alma Vnherfitatls Aurelianenfis- 
 
 CUM ab hinc aliquod tempus nobis Collegio Doclorum Regenrium 
 alma Univerfitatis Aurelianenfis propofita: fuerint, qu* fequuntur 
 Qiiajftiones, videlicet^ Si jure di vino liceat fratri Relictam fratris ( quam 
 Fratriam vacant ) accipere Uxorem ? Item cS: fi hoc fit eo jure vetitum, 
 utrura divine Legis prohibitio Pontificali Difpenfatione remitti poflit ? Nos 
 pr:edidum Collegium, poll multas ad pradiftorum dubiorum Difputatio- 
 rem, (de more noftro) faftas SelTiones & Congregationes, poftque Juris 
 tum Divini turn Canonici locos (quod facere potuiraus) examinatos, tx: 
 omnibus mature atq; exafte penfatis ck confideratis : Definivimus, pne- 
 didas nuptias citra divinx legis injuriam attentari non pofle, etiamfi fum- 
 mi Pontificis accedat indulgentia, vel permillus. In cujus rei tcftimoni- 
 \\m pr^t fens publicum Inftrumentum a Scriba prafatx alm.T Univeriiratis 
 fublign.-iri fecimus, ejufdemq^ Sigillo communiri. Adum in Sacello Bea- 
 ts Maris Boninuntij Aurelianenfis. Anno Dom. Millefimoquingentefi- 
 mo vigefimonono, die quinto Menfis Aprilis. 
 
 Cenjt'.ra Focultatum Juris Pontificij fy legum 41^^ 
 Vnwerjjtatls Andegavttijis. 
 
 CUM certo ab hinc tempore nobis Redori & Dodoribus Regentibus 
 in Ponrificiai3c legum difciplina almas Univerfitatis Ande^avenfis fe- 
 qucntes Qiixfiiones propofits fuerint, fcilicet, Utrumjure Divmo pariter 
 ^ iKiturali illicitum fit hommi Chrifiiano Relidara fratris fui, etiani abfq5 
 liberis, fed Matrimonio jam confummato defundi, ducere Uxorem? bt 
 an Sun^mo Pontifici liceat fuper hujufmodi nuptiis difpenfare ? Nos 
 pra;faii Redor & Dodores, poft plures ad Difputationem hujufmodi qua»- 
 llionum, >?C veritatcm comperiendam fadas, ex more, Congregationes <5c 
 Sefliont?, poftq^ vario? Juris ram Divini, quam humani locos, qui ad earn 
 rem pertmere videbantur, difcuflbs, multas quoque rationes in utramque 
 ITTirtem addudas (?c examinatas, omnibus fideliter confideratis, & matura 
 o'eiiberritione prahabita, Definimus neque Divino nequeNaturaliJure per- 
 mitti homini Chriliiano, eriam cum Sedis Apoftolica; Authoruate feu 
 Difpenfatione fuper hoc adhibita, Reiidam fratris, qui etiam fine liberis 
 pofl cGiifummatum Matriuioniuni deccficrit, Uxorem accipere vel habere. 
 
 In
 
 Book II. of Records. 7^ 
 
 In quorum omnium fupradidorum fidem, pra3fens publicum Inftrumen- 
 tum a Scriba feuNotario prasfats Almje Univerlitatis fubfignari juHimus, 
 ejufdemquf Univerfitatis Magno Sigillo muniri, Adum in ?ede facra 
 Divi Petri AncJegavenfi, in Collegio noftro, Anno Domini Millelimo 
 quingentelimo triceiimo, die feptimo Maij. 
 
 Cenfuraalmdi Vniverfitatis Blturic^nfis* 
 
 NOS cum Decano Theologi^, Facultas in Univerfitate Bituricenfi (ut 
 Dodoris Gentium Pauliexemplo plerifque locis aufpicemur fcrip- 
 tum nortrum a precatione ) omnibus diledis Dei in quibus vocati eflis, 
 Leclores Chariflinii, quiq; ad quo3 fcribimus. Gratia vobis <5c pax a Deo 
 Patre 6c Domino noiiro Jefu Chrifto. Dum complerentur dies inter Oda- 
 vas Pentecoftcs, & eflemus omnes pariter in eodem loco, corpore & ani- 
 mo congregati, fedentefque in dome didi Decani • fafta eft nobis rurfus 
 Quxftio eadera, qa* fsepius antea, non quidem parva hunc in modum ; 
 An rem facial illicitam necne, frater accipiens Uxorem a praemortuo fr.i- 
 tre relidam, confummato etiam Matrimonio ? Tandem rei ipfius verita- 
 tedifquiCta &perfpeda, multo fingulorum labore, 6c Sacrorum iterata 
 atque iterata revolutione codicum, unufquifque noftrum non fafcinatus, 
 quo minus veritati obediret, coepit, prout Spiritus Sandus dedir, fuum hoc 
 unum arbitrium eloqui, ablque perfonarum acceptione in vcritate compe- 
 ri, perfonas mcrcoratas in Capita Levitici odavo fupra decimum prohi- 
 bitaseflejure ipfo naturali, authoritate humana minime relaxabiii, &vc- 
 titas, ne invicem Matrimonium contrahant, quo fit fraterna; turpitudinis 
 abominabilis Revelatio. Et hoc nobis fignum noftri Bedelli Notarij pub- 
 lici, cum Sigillo diets fupra noftrs facuitatis pr«fentibus appenfo. Die 
 decimojunij, Annovero a Chrifti Nativitate, Millefimo quingenteiimo 
 tricefimo. Ut autem noftrae fcriptionis pes & caput uni reddantur forms, 
 quemadmodum fumus aufpicati a precatione, ita claudamus illius quo 
 utimur exemplo. Gratia Domini noftri Jefu Chrifti, charitas Dei, 6c 
 communicatio Sandi Spiritus fit cum omnibus vobis. Amen. 
 
 Cenfura Alma Vni'verjitatU Tholofan<£. 
 
 TRadabatur in noftra Tholofana Academia perquam difRcilis Qii«- 
 ftio, Liceatne fratri earn, qua jam olim dcfuncto fratri Uxor fue- 
 rat (nuUistamen reliftis liberis) in Matrimonio fibi conjungere ? Acce- 
 debat 5v alius fcrupulus, qui nos potiffimum torquebat, Si Romanus Pon- 
 tifex, cui eft commifia gregis Chriftiani cura, id fua, quam vocamus, 
 Difpenfatione ^lermittat, tunc faltem liceat ? Ad ulramque Qiixftioneni 
 agitandam Doclores omnes Regentes, qui tunc Tholofx aderant, coegit 
 Redor in Concilium, neque id femel tantum fed etiani iterum : Quippe 
 exiftimavit prxcipitari non oportere Confilia, indigereque nos tempore, 
 lit aliquid maturius agamus. Demum, cum in unum locum conveniftent 
 omnes, turn Sacrarum Literaruni difertiflimi Interpretes, turn utriufque 
 - Ccnfurx Gonfultidimi, denique qui quavis in re 5c judicio di. oratione vi- 
 rifcelicibus ingeniis non mediocriter exercitati eilenr, acfefe Sacrofandis 
 Conciliis parere velle, Sanftorumque Patrum haudquaquam piis animis 
 violanda Decreta imitari juralTent, 6c unufquifque fuam fententiam pro- 
 tulifllt, atque in utramque partem diflufe decertatum elTet ; tandem in 
 earn Sententiam fie frequentius itum eft, ut uno omnium ore Alma noftra 
 UniVerfitas animis fiucerifiimis ut nulloque fcrmento vitiatis ccnfue- 
 
 rit,
 
 86 A CoUeclim Book II. 
 
 . — I ... ^-1— .TT. 
 
 rit, Jure divino p.iriter ts: Natural! Uxorein relicbin frarris fui nemini 
 licere accipere. At poflquam id lege eadem non licer, refponfum eft^ 
 nonpoiVe Pontificem aliquem ea lege folvere. Nee Iiuic fentcntrs refra- 
 gari potefl:, quod cogeretur olim frater Uxorem demortui fr^tris accipere. 
 Nam hoc figura erat, a; que uuibra futurorum, quas omnia advtniente 
 luce & veritate Evangelij evanuerunr. Hajc quoniam ita Ic habent, in 
 banc formain redegimus, & per Notarium, qui nobis eft a Secretis, 
 lignari, (igillique autentici ejufdcm noftrai Almit Univerfir.itis juflimiis 
 Appenlione communiri. Tholofx Kal. Odob. Ann. a Chrifto nato 
 MDXXX. 
 
 Cenfura Facultatis Sacr<£ Theologia Vn'i'verjitatis Bomn'ten/is. 
 
 CUM Deus Optimus Maximus veterem Legem ad niorum vitxque 
 informntionem nc inftitutionem ore fuo trad iderit, idemque huma- 
 iiitate I'umpta, mortaliuin Redemptor Deus novum condiderit Teftamen- 
 tum, fed ad dubia, qux in multis emergebant, tojlenda declarandaque 
 contulerit, qus ad hominum perfedionem eiucidata nonnihil conferunt 5 
 nortras partes Temper fore duximus hujufmodi fanftifilma Patris «terni do- 
 cumentafediri, 60 in rebus arduis ac dubitabilibus, fupcrno illufi rates lu- 
 mine, noltram ferre fententiam ubi caufa mature conlulta, multifqua 
 hincinde rationibus, fcriptifque Patrum dilacidata fuerit, nihil quod pof- 
 fumuF, in aliquo temere ferentes. Cum itaque nos, pra;ftantes quidam 
 <3c clariflimi viri obnixe rogarint, ut fubfequentem cafum maxima dili- 
 gentia perfcrutaremur, noftrumque fubinde in earn judicium ferrcmus 
 a^quiflime, foli veritati innitcntes in unum omnes Almai Univerlitatis 
 hujus Dodores Theologi convenimua, cafu prius per unumquemque no- 
 itrum ligillatim domibus propriis examinato, fummaque folertia per dies' 
 pJurimos contrado: Illud una mox vidimus, examinavimus, contuJiraus,. 
 ad amuflimque fingula qusque pertraflantes ponderavimus, rationes quaf- 
 cunquecoctraria?, quas fieri pofle cenfuimu?, in medium afferent es arq tie 
 folvente?, etiamipfiusReverendi(f]anD. D. Card. Cajctani, necnon Deu- 
 teronomicam Difpenfationem de fratris fufcitando femine, «3c reliquas 
 tandem omnes fententias oppofitas, qus ad id riegotij faccre viderentur. 
 Qi.i^iitum efl: igitur a nobis. An ex fula Ecclefias inilitutione vel etiam 
 jure Divino prohibitum fuerit, ne quis Relidam a fratre line liberis in 
 Uxorem ducere valeat ? Q_uoJ (i utvaque lege ne fieri pollit, cautmneft. 
 An quenquam pollit Beatillimus Pontifex fupjt ejulmodi contrahendo 
 JMatrlmonio difpenfare? Qiia diligentifiime fut diximusj ac exadifij- 
 mefeorfim palamque examinata, ac pro vinbus roftiis, optime difcufla 
 Quieffione, Cenfemus, Judicaniu?, dicimus, conlbntiilune Teftamur 6l 
 indubie affirmamus, hujufmodi Matrimoniuu), tales nuptias, tale conju- 
 gium horrendum fore, txecvabile, deteftandum, viroque Chriffiano, im- 
 mo etiam cuilibet infideli prorfus abominabile, atque a Jure n.itura; divino 
 & huniano diris pCenis prohibitum* Necpollc Sandifiimum Papun (qui 
 tamen fcrc omnia potelt) cui collatajfuni a Chrifto cla\€s Regni Ccelo- 
 rum ; Non inquam polTe aliquaex caufa fuper hujufnjodi contrahendo Ma- 
 trimonio, qutnquam difpcnlare. Ad huj-us Conclulionis veriratem tutan- 
 dam, omnes in omnia loca ^ tempera parati fumus. In quorum fidem 
 has Icripfimus, alm;tque noflta; Univerfitatis ac Sacrivenerabilium 'I'heo- 
 Jogorum Collegij Sigiilo raunivimus, folita noftra gcnerali fubfcriptionc 
 Sign.uues. Bonoui^ in Ecclc!ia Cathedrjdi, decima Junij, Anno Dom. 
 M.D.XXX. lub Divi dementis 7. Portificatu. 
 
 Cenfh ra
 
 Book II. of Records. 87 
 
 Cenjura Facultatis Sacr<£ Theologia Alma Vnwerfitatis 
 
 Tatavienfis. 
 
 TEftantur, qui Catholicam fidem aftruunt, Deum Optimum Maxi- 
 mum legis veteris prscepta filiis Ifrael ad exemplar vita; ac moruni 
 noftrorum inflitutionem ore proprio rradidiffe, eundemq ^ trabea humani- 
 tatis indutum, Redemptorem omnium fadum, Novum Teftamentum 
 condidifTe, & nedum propter hoc, fed ad dubia quscunq ^ emergentia re- 
 movenda, dilucidandaq^ nobis mifericorditer condonalle, quse ad noftri 
 perfedionera enucleata frudus uberea conferunt & falutarej. Noflrurn 
 iemper fuit eritque per fecula (uti Chrifticolas decer) hujufmodi ceJebrati- 
 ffima Summi Pontiticis inftituta fectari, fiv in quibufq ^ dubitationibus, ac 
 arduisQujeftionibus fupernaturali lumine freti, noftrum proferre Judici- 
 um, ubi resipfa optime confiderata, multifq^hincinde demonftrationibus, 
 arqj Patrum Authoritatibus mature declarata fuerit , temere quoad poffu- 
 mus nihil omniuo judicantes. Cum igitur nos, quidam oratores clarifli- 
 mi fuppliciter exorarint, ut fubfequentem cafum diligcntifTime perfcruta- 
 ri dignaremur, atque noftram ferremus exinde fententiara, foli veritati 
 fimpliciter attendentes : Qiia ex re omnes hujus Alms Univerfitatis Do- 
 ftores Theologi in fimul convenimus, re ipfa prius per noftrum quemlibet 
 particulariter propriis domibus examinata, fummaque cum folertia enu- 
 cleata, mox in uuum redadi cunda confideraviraus, examinavimus, ora- 
 niaqj figillatim ponderavimus, Argumenta quscunq^ contraria, qua; fieri 
 quoquo modo pofTe putavimus, adducentes, atq^ integerrime diffolventes, 
 necnon Deuteronomicam Difpenfationem de Fratris fufcitando femine, 6c 
 reliquas omnes rationes atque fententias oppofitas, quas ad id facere vide- 
 bantur : Qusftio igitur talis fuit expofita. An ex fola Sands iVIatris Ec- 
 ckfix inflitutione, vel etiam de Jure Divino prohibitum fuerit, ne quia 
 tlclidam fratris abfq; liberis in Uxorem ducere valeat ? Quod fi utrobiq* 
 fieri nequeat cautum eft, An Beatiflimus Pontifex fuper hujufmodi con- 
 trahendo Matrimonio quenquam difpenfare legitime poflit ? Quo exadi- 
 fiirae Cut didum eft) feorfim publiceq^ difcufTo, ac pro viribus dilucidato 
 quaefito, Diciraus, Judicamus, Decernimus, Atteftamur, atq^ veridice 
 AfRrmamus, Matriraonium hujufmodi, tale conjugium Si. tales nuptias 
 rtullas efTe, immo deteftabiles, atq; execrandas Chriftiano cuilibet efie, 
 prophanas, & ut fcelus abominandas, crudeliflimis poeni?, jure nature, 
 divino 6c huraano clariflime effe prohibitas. Nee Beatiffimum Pontificem, 
 cuiclaves Regni coeleftis a Chrifto Dei Filio funt collate, uUa ex caufa 
 pofTe fuper tali Matrimonio contrahendo quenquam juridice difpenfare. 
 Cum ilia qux funt a Jure Divino prohibita, non fubfint ejus poteftati, nee 
 in ilia gerit vicem Dei, fed folum fuper ea, quas funt commifTa jurifdidi- 
 oni hominura. Ad cujus Sententia ac conclufionis veritatem tutandam 5c 
 ejufdem certiflimam defenfionem, Nos omnes unanimes femper Sc ubique 
 parati fumus. In quorum fidcm has noftras fecimus. Alma; Univerfitatig 
 noftrae, ac Sacri Reverendorum Theologorum Collegij Sigillo folito com- 
 munivimus. Datum Paduae in Ecclelia Hermitarum S. Augiiftini, die 
 primo Julij, M. D. XXX. 
 
 K k k XXXV. The
 
 88 A Collection Book IL 
 
 XXXV. The Judgment of the Lutheran Divines about the 
 King's Marriage^ ex MSS. R. Smith, London. 
 
 EX hac CoUatione in qua audivimus Argumcnta de Controverfia 
 Divortij Sereniflimi &i lUultriflimi Regis Angli.T, Francis, &c. 
 propofita ^ diligenter agitata a Reverendo D. D. Edwardo Hereford. 
 Epifcopo, D. Nicolao Archidiacono 6c D. D. Barnes, intelleximus Sere- 
 luflimum Regem maximis & graviflimis Caufis addudum, fuperatum 6c 
 conclufum elT'e, ut in hoc negotio Matrimonij fui faceret quod fecit : Nam 
 hoc inanifeftum eft 6C negare nemo poteft, quod Lex Levit. tradita 
 Lev. i8. V. 20. prohibet ducere fratris Uxorera, 6cc. fed divina, natu- 
 ralis, 5i. moralis Lex eft intelligenda tarn de vivi quam de mortui fratris 
 Uxore, 6c quod contra hanc legem nulla contraria lex fieri aut conftitui 
 poflit, ficut 6c tota Ecclefia femper hanc Legem retinuit, 6c judicavit hu- 
 jufmodi nuptias inceftas efle, ficut teftantur Synodorum Decrera 6c Sandi- 
 ilimorum Patrum Glariflimge Sententias, 6c has nuptias prohibent 6c vo- 
 cant inceftas etiam jura Civilia. Proinde Sc nos fentimus, 6c hanc Le-. 
 gem de non ducenda Uxore fratris in omnibus Ecclefiis fervandam effc 
 veluti divinam, naturalem, 6c moralem Legem 5 Nee in noflris Ecclefiis 
 vellemus difpenfare aut permittere, prsfertim ante fadum, ut ejufraodi 
 nuptis contraherentur, 6c hanc dodnnam polFumus 6c volumus Deo vo- 
 Jente facile defendere. Ca;terum quantum ad Divortium pertinct, non- 
 dum fumus plene perfuafi ut fententiam noftram ferre pofltmus. An poft: 
 Contradum Matrimonium in hoc cafu Sereniflimi Regis debuerit fieri, 
 Divortiurn. Rogaraus igitur Seren. Regein ut se<]uo ammo ferat, differ- 
 ri noftram Sententiam in hac re donee erimus certiores. 
 
 :i(XXVI. An Abftraft of the Grounds oif the Divorce. 
 
 Written in the beginning^ Thomas Caiituarien. 
 
 Articuli ex quihus plane admodum Jemonfiratur Divortium in^ 
 ter Hen. 8. Anglia Regem Invi&iff. (i^ Sennifimam Ca* 
 tharinam necejjario ejfe faciendum. 
 
 CottmLibr ^' A f^^^it^s quje DiVJnO Bi Naturali Jure impedit re Matrimonium 
 refp. B. c.' ^LX contrahatur, d<. contradum dirirait, folo nuptiali fcedere indu- 
 citur. 
 
 2. Subftantia Matrimonij, verurn perfedumq^ conjugium, fola conju- 
 gali paftione, 6c non carnali copula efficitur. 
 
 3. Vir 6c Uxor folo fcedere conjugali, Deo inprimis cperante, una 
 mens 6c una care fiunt. ./ 
 
 4. Carnali9 Cupula affinitatem folo'Jdr^ fecclefiaftico repertam inducit. 
 
 5. Affinitas fola Carnis concubitu orta Sandibhe humana folum impe- 
 dit, ne Matrimonium contrahatur, 6: contradum diifolvir. 
 
 6. Carnalis Copula Matrimonium neceflario reddit confummatum. 
 
 7. Poteft Matrimonium Carnali Copula confummari, etiam Uxoris 
 Virginitatc irrecupcrabili non amifla. 
 
 8. Sere-
 
 Book II. of Records. 89 
 
 8. Sercniffimnm Catharinam ab Illuftrinimo Principe Arthuro relictam 
 Virginctn iion fuifTe affirmamus. 
 
 9. SereniiT. Catharinam ex Judiciis quam plurimis atteftantibiis, dc 
 violentani prsfumptionem inducetitibus, ab eodem lUuflriflimo Principe 
 Arthuro corruptam, atq^ Matrimoniuin inter eosconfummatum fuilie non 
 dubitanaus. 
 
 10. Serenifllma Catharina, Prsfumptione violenta hujufmodi conftan- 
 te , Virginitatem luam Juramcnto prsfertim publico probate nequir. 
 
 11. Judex eandem Sereniflimam Catharinam, fuper ea caufa jurare 
 rolentem, ad juramentum jure quidem admittere non poteft. 
 
 12. Henrici odavi Angli^e Regis Invictiflimi 6c Sereniffimx Catharii1$ 
 prstenfum Matrimonium, lege Divina & naturali prohibente, nullum 
 omnino fuifle ntquc efl'e pofle Genfemus. 
 
 XXXVII. A Bull fent to the Anh-B'tjhop of Canterbury, 
 againj} the Statutes of ProTjifors. 
 
 MArtinus Epifcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, venerabili Fratri Ar- £x MS. D. 
 chiepifcopo Cantuaricnli falutera & Apoftolicam Benediftionem. Petyt. 
 Si quam diftrido Dei Judiciode commi/ns tibi ovibus rationem redditurus 
 es, aliquando cogitares, fi meminiiTes & tu qus paftoralis officij cura cfCe 
 debet, quantumq; Ecclefise Romana!3, a qua dignitatem & audloritatem 
 vendicas, jusatq; honorem tueri obligatus es, in confiderationem duceres 5 
 profedo non ufq^ adeo dormitares neq; ncgligeres : Surrexiffes jamdudum, 
 di poft eves jam longe aberrantes inclamarcs, ac pro viribus refilteres ijs, 
 qui jura ac privilegia a fummo Ecclefiarura capite omnium Chrifto, Ec- 
 clefise Romans tradita, facriiego vel aufu violant atq^ contemnunt. Num- 
 quid ideo Pontificalis Dignitas tibicommifia eft uthominibus pr«fis, opes 
 cumules, 6c qux tua funt non qux Jefu Chrifti qusrere dcbeas ? Si id ex- 
 iftimas vehemcnter erras, & a Chrifti intentione longe abes, qui cum 
 Beato Petro oves fuas committeret, nil ei aliud nifi ut illas pafceret in- 
 dixit, priufq^ non femel, fed bis ac tertio, an ab eo diligerecur expoftu- 
 lans, Eftne hxc in Chriftum dilcdio quam habes ? Eftne hoc amare ac 
 pafcere oves? Itine debitum quo Ecclefise Romanas aftringeris, refle ex- 
 folvis ? En ante oculos tuos ab ovili errantes in prsecipitium labuntur oves, 
 nee ilias revocas neq^ reducis. In confpedu tuo herbas pergunt peftiferas 
 pafcere, nee illas prohibes, immo ( quod abominabile eft ) tuis quafi 
 nianibus hujufmodi probes mortiferum cibum. Tevidente, lupus illas 
 difpergit, 6c taces tanquam canis mutus non valens latrare. Afpicis fimul 
 6c Chrifti & Ecclefia; <3c fedis Apoftolicae mandata, audoritatcm, reve- 
 rentiamq^ contemptui habcri, nee femel unum murmuras verbum, clan- 
 culum faltem, fi noUes palam. An ignoras ante a;terni tribunal judicis 
 hujufmodi reatus & culpa^ ufq^ ad minimum quadrantem redditurum te 
 rationem > num credis, ii qua tuo negledu pcrierit ovium Cpereunt autem 
 multsej de tu'5 manibus fanguis earum exigetur*' Quid per oi Ezechielis 
 Dorainus comminatur, memorare di extimefce. Ipfe, inquit, Specu- 
 Jatorcra Domini pofuit te Deus, fi videris gladium venientem, & non in- 
 fonueris buccina, 6c aliquis perierit, fanguinem ejus de manibus tuisre- 
 quiram ; 1:2c dicit Dominus. Qualis autem 5c qualis iniquitatis ts: abomi- 
 nationis gladius in Anglia- Regnum atqj oves tuas defcenderir, tuo judicid 
 ffiratione uterisj relinquimus. Perlege illud Statutum Regium, Ci tamen 
 
 K k k 2 Statu"
 
 go 
 
 A CoUeaim Book II. 
 
 Statutuni, fi tamen Regiura dici fas eft. Nam quomodo Statiitum, quod 
 Statuta Dei(5\:Eccleli-i2deftiuit ? Qiiomodo Re^ium >' quod Inflirurapere- 
 mit ? contra illud quod fcriptum elt. Honor Regis Judicium diligit. Et 
 judica, vencrabilis Frater & Chriftiane Epifcopc, ac Catholice Pr^eful, d 
 juftum, (i a'quum, (i a PopuJo Chriftiano fervari eft. Imprimis per illud 
 execrabile Statutuin ita Rex Anglix de Ecclefia cum Provirionibu?«5i: Ad- 
 rainiftrationibusdifponir, quafi Vicarium fuum Chrifius eum inftituiHer. 
 Legem condit fuper Ecclcfias, beneticia, Clericos 6t Eccleliafticum fttf- 
 tum, ad fefuamq^ laicalem Curiam iionnullas caufasSpirituales6cEccle- 
 fiafticas jubet introduci ^ & ut uno verbo concludamus, ita deClericis Oa- 
 tuit, de Ecclefiis & Ecclefiaftico Statu, quafi Ecclelia? claves in manibus 
 haberet, & i^on Petro, fed (ibi hujufmodi cura commifl'a forct. Fraeter 
 hanc nefandam Difpofitionem, vipereas quafdam contra Clericos adjecit 
 poenas, qua; ne quidem contra Judxos vel Saracenos, per ullum de ftatutis 
 fuis, promulgata; inveniuntur. PoflVnt ad Anglia[i Regnum cujufjibet 
 generis homines libera proficifci 4 fali acceptantes beneficia Au(fk)- 
 rirate Summi Pontificis, Vicarij Jefu Chrifli, jubentur exulari, capi, in- 
 carcerari, omnibufq^ bonis exui, executorefq^ literarum Apoftolicarum, 
 Procuratores, Notarij, ac quicunq^ alij Cenfuram feu Proceflum ab Apo- 
 flolica fede in Regnum mittentes aut deferentes, ultimo fupplicio depu- 
 tantur, projeftiq^ extra protectionera Regis exponuntur ab omnibus cap- 
 tivandi. Vide ii audita eft unquam fimilis Statuti iniquitas : Confidcrec 
 prudentia tua, fi Regemaut Regnum hujufmodi Statuta decent : .Cogita fi 
 te taiia infpicientem filere oporteat, &i non magis claniare, contradiccre, 
 & proviribus refifterc. Eftneifta filialisRevcrentia? Eftne ifta Chrifti- 
 anadevotioquam Regnum Anglisfuae Matri Ecclefiaj ac Sedi Apoftolics 
 exhibet? Poteftne Catholicum Regnum dici, ubi hujufmodi ftatuuntur 
 profana leges di. obfervantur, ubi prohibetur adiri Vicarius Chrifti, ubi 
 ovcs fuas Succellbr Apoftoli Petri pafcere juxta mandatum Domini non 
 permittitur > Chriftus dixit Petro fuifq^ Succelforibus, Pafce oves meas ; 
 Statutum autem Rcgni pafcere ipfas non finit, fed vult ut Rex ipfe pafcat, 
 devolvendo ad eum in certis caiibus Apoftoiicam Audoritatem. Chriftus 
 adifeavit fupra Petrum Ecclefiam, fed Regni Stitutum idprohibet: 
 Nam non patitur Petri Cathcdram de Ecclefia prout judicaverit, expedire, 
 ordinarevel difponere. Chrifius voluit quod quicquid fummus Pontifex 
 in terris folverit aut ligaverit, folutuniJigatumvcefiet inccElis5 Statutum 
 huicdivina; voluntati non afientit: Nam fi quos Saccrdotes ad ligsndum 
 folvendumq^animas Chrifti Vicarius in Regnum contra Statuti tcnorern 
 defiinaret, non modo ipfos non adinittit Statutum, fed exulare juber, 
 bonis privari, aJiifq^ poenis aflligi, & cenfuram f<.u Procefi"um Apofioli- 
 cum in Regnum deferens, tanquam Sacrilegus capite punitur. Q.uid ad 
 hoc tua Difcretio refpondebit ? Eftne hoc Catholicum Statutum ? Po- 
 teftne fine Chrifti injuria, fine Evangelij tranfgreflione, fine anim.x* in- 
 teritu tolerari aut obfervari ? Cur igitur non clama?, <3>; quafi tuba ex- 
 akas vocem tuam, annuncians popuio tuo peccata fun, Domui Ifrael 
 fcekra eorum, ne fanguis eorum dc manibus tuis requiratur ? Quod ^ 
 fioranes quibus populorum cura comniifl'a eft, facere teneantur, quanto 
 magis id tibi erit neceffarium exequi, cui populos t?^ populorum mi- 
 niftros, oves & ovium paftores, tu« follicitudini Romana deputavit Eccle- 
 fia, a qua & priniatum «3c Sedis Apofioiicx legationem fuper Anglicanas 
 Ecclefias fufcepilti, & ipfius gloriofifliini Martyris Beati Thom';e olim 
 Cantuariae Archiepifcopi SucceHor effedus es, qui adverfus fimilia deccr- 
 tans Statuta, holocaullum fe Deo offcrens pro Libertate Ecclefiaftica oc- 
 
 cubuif.
 
 Book II. of Records. pi 
 
 cubuit. Tu certe ob ha;c, omnium primus qui vexilJo aflbmpto in aciem 
 prodire deberes, & fratres Co-epifcopos tuos tuo exemplo in certamine 
 fiftere, primus omnium terga vertis, 6c aliqaos qui forte refiflendi impetum 
 caperent, tun five pufiUanimitate, five diflimulatione, five (ut omnes at- 
 teftantur; evidcnti praevaricatione 4 bono propofito dejicis. Itaque fi de 
 te queritur Ecclefia, fi in te omnis culpa transfertur, non inirari fed dolere, 
 immo potius tcipfuin corrigere dcbes, & debitum quo ovium ji!ire aftriclus 
 cs audafter exolvere : pro qua re efficienda, i\ velis quam pores opcram 
 adhibere, non magnum certamen fubeundum eft. Pevfuade tuo pro offi- 
 cio & Audor irate tua, fecularibus, & eos veritatetn inftruc. Oftende eis 
 peccatum quo obfervantes pr£Edi(flum Statutum illaqueantur ; Et erunt 
 (ut omncs alierunt) prava in direcla, &. afpera in vias planas. Neergo, 
 •fi tacueramus ^ nos, tuam aliorumq;^ defidiura diflimulantesfimilis apud 
 omnipotentem Deum culps reos efficiat, neve ovium noftrarum fanguis (jH 
 neglexerimns) de manibusnoftrisexigatur, tuam fraternitatem quapofiu- 
 musinflantia, totocorde, totcqj affedu hortamur, monemus, requirimus, 
 &in virtute Sanftai obedientix, & fub Excommunicationis poena cui({i 
 neglexeris) ipfo f ido te fubjicimus, direde prsecipiendo mandamus, qua- 
 tenus quampiimum ad locum ubi Confiliarij Chariflimi in Chrifto FiJij 
 noftri Henrici Angfu-E Regis Illuftris convcniunt, perfonaliter accedas, 
 eofq; tarn Eccleiiafticos quam Seculares pro fapientia tua, quam tlbi Domi- 
 nus infpiraverit, rarionibusacmonitionibusreddas inftrudos, utprc-ediduni 
 Statutum in proximo Parliaraento tollant penitus & aboleant : Cum enim 
 Divine 6c Humans rationi, Veteris acNovi Teftamenti, Conciliorum, 
 Sanftorum Patrum, Summorum Potitificum Decretis, ipfius deniqueUni- 
 verfalis Ecclefis obfervantias evident iffime contradicat, nee fine interitu 
 falutis asterns quovis modo fervari poflit. Iliudque inter alia dicere norr 
 omittas, qua] iter Ecclefiaftic^e libertatis violatores, facientefque Statuta 
 aut confuetudines contra libettatem fervari. Officiates, Re(Sores & Confi- 
 liarij locorum ubi hujufmodi Statuta vei confuetudines edits fuerunt vcl 
 fcrvats; Ac etiamqui fecundum prsdida judicaverint, ipfo jure Excom- 
 municationera incurrunt, quae quantum fit Chrifl:i fidelibus metuenda, ipfis 
 picne poteris declarare. Idem fub poena eadem te facere voluniuscum 
 Parliaraentum inchoabitur, fam erga prxdidos Confiliarios quam Com- 
 munitates, & alios qui vocem in ipfo habuetint Parliamento. Infuperut 
 pluribus vijs bonori Dei & Sanda; Matris Ecclefis, ^ animarum faluti 
 provideatur, fub fimili pceni mandes acprxcipias omnibus tarn Redoribus 
 Ecclefiarum, quam alijs officium prxdicationis obtinentibus, S cularibus 
 & Religiofis, ut frequenter infermonibus fuispopulos de pradida materia 
 inftruerenon omittant. Volumusautem ut quicquid fuper prxdidis fe- 
 cerisper tuas literas (quibus faltem dus graves perfons, qus ipfis re- 
 quifitionibus per te faciendis interfuerint, fe fubfcribant) nos certiores 
 efficias. Dit. Rom. apud Sandos Apoftolos quinto die Decembris, Pon- 
 tificatus noftri Anno decirao. 
 
 XXX VI II. A Letter to King Henry the Sixth for Repealing 
 
 that Statute, 
 
 MArtinus Epifcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, Chariflimo in Chrifto 
 Filio Henrico Regi Anglia.- Illuftri, falutem & Apofiolicam Bene- 
 diftionem. Quum poft multos nuncios ad tuam Serenitatcm pro aboliti- 
 
 one
 
 92 
 
 A Colle^ion Book II. 
 
 one illius deteflabilis Statuti contra libertatem Ecclefi^fticain editi oJim 
 tranfininos,poftremodiledum filium Magiftrum Julianum caufarum curi« 
 Cameras Apoftolies Auditorem, proeademcaufadeftinaiTcmus ; per ipfum 
 tua Celfitudo tunc nobis refpondir, quod quamprimum commode poffir, 
 Parliamentum, fine quo idem nequit aboleri Statutum, convocaret, & in 
 eo quod fibi poflibile forct pro noftr* requifitionis impleniento f^cerer, 
 proteftans quod Sanclas Romans Ecclcfia; fedifq^ Apodolica; Juribus ac 
 Privilegijs nullo modo detrahere aut derogarc intendebat : Nosobhoc, 
 ficut deinde alijs Uteris tibi fignificavimus, ufq^ ad idtempuscum patien- 
 ria expeftare decrevimus, fperantes quod in verbo Regio nobis pollicitus 
 fueris, id tempore fuo exequi non differres j itaque quicquid ex parte noftra 
 hadenus faciendum fuit, omnem manfuetudinis 6c paticntis inodum ex- 
 perientesjam fecimus. Et licet gravibus interim peraiiquos de Regno tua 
 iaceffiti fumus injurijs, volumus tamen (ne quid contra prominum fieri 
 videretur) ufque ad id tempus (non fine rubore Sedis Apoftolics) expedare, 
 ut merito iiiud verbum Evangelicum jnm dici pofiit, Quid debui huic 
 vines facere & non feci ? Tu vero, Fili Charifiime, cum ipfius Parlia- 
 menti jam tempus inftet, quod ex tua parte agendum reftat, juxta pro- 
 iniflionem tuani ac verbum Regium implere non omittas, ad quod & Jure 
 Divino (5< Humano tanquara Chriftianiflimus Princeps obligatus, finecu* 
 jufvis requifitione pro tua & tuorum fubditorum falute & honore facere 
 teneris : prxfertim quum taiia obtuleramus, ob quas nee tibi nee dido 
 Regno ex prasdidiStatuti abolitione prsjudicium ullum redundarc poflit 5 
 providere enim ijs omnibus qu« caufamStatutodediffedicuntur, jam fspc 
 noftro nomine oblatum eft, 6i nunc de novo ofFeriinus. Jam igitur cum 
 nulla qusvis contradicendi occafio prstendi poffit, fperanius in dido Par- 
 jiamento tuam Serenitatem ita faduram, ut prsdidumtam execrabile Sta- 
 tutum penitus deeodem Regno tollatur. Qtiod fi feceris,falvabis primam, 
 tuam, turn vero multorum animas, qua; obdidum Statutum gravi crimine 
 ilJaqo.eats tenentur ; Providebis deinde tuo & ipfius Regni honori, quod 
 utique propterea non modicum eft notatum : Demiim nosac fedemipfam 
 femper tuis juftis defidenjs obligabis. Super ijs autem omnibus 5c de 
 noftra intentione plene per litcras noftras inftrudo, diledo Filio magiftro 
 Joanni de Obizis in dido Regno Nuncio & Coliedori noftro, dabis cre- 
 dentix fidem plenam. Dat.Rom. die decimo tertio Odobris, Pontificatus 
 noftri Anno decimo. 
 
 XXXIX. A Letter to the Parliament upon the fame Occajion, 
 
 MArtinus Epifcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, venerabilibus Fratribus 
 S< diledis Filijs, Nobiiibus viris Parliamenti Regni Anglis, faiu- 
 tem tS: Apoftolicam Benedidionem. Multis nuncijs ac frequent ibusex- 
 hortationibus, pro debito piftoralisofficij, vosacRegnum veftrum hade- 
 iius admonuimus, ut pro falute animarum veftrarum, 5c ipfius Regni ho- 
 nore quoddam detcftabile Statutum contra Divinum & Humauum Jus edi- 
 tum, quod fine interitu falutis xtern.T3 niillatenus fervari poteft, abolcre- 
 tur. Et quoniani id fine Parfiamento tolli non poife, ex parte Ch.trifiimi 
 in Chrifto Filii noftri Henrici Regis Anglia: illuftris, Diledo Filio Ma- 
 giftro Juliano Caufarum curisE Cameras ApoftolicaiAuditori, tunc Nuncio 
 noftro, refponfum extitit, in quo (quam primum pofTet) convocato, quod 
 fibi poflibile foret pro noftrs Requifitionis executionc fe fadurum, idem 
 
 Rex
 
 Book II. of Records. p^ 
 
 Rex pollicicuseft, proteftansjuribusac PrivilegijsSanft* Romans Eccie- 
 fis &: Sedis Apoftolicx in nullo velJe detrahere aut derogare. Nos vo- 
 lentesfolita erga vos manfuetudine uti, decrevimus ufq;, ad ipfius Parlia- 
 menti tempus expeftare, fperantes quod tarn Rexjuxta fuam RegiamPro- 
 mMionem, quani vos pro falute animarum veftrarum, Sande ac Gatholice 
 fecundum noftram Requifitionem concludetis. Itaq^ cum Parlinmentum 
 (m fertur) jam inflet, vos omnes quorum animas noltrs curx Dominus 
 nofter Jefus Chriftuscommifir,horramur, monemus, obfecramus, ut una- 
 •niraes veftrarum animarum falutem,ac confcientiarum puritatem prse cete- 
 ris rebus araantes, prsedidum abominabile Statutum (quod qui obfervac 
 vel obfervari faciat falvari non poteft) penitus toUatur, bi. de Regno in 
 pcrpetuumaboleatis. Quod fi quis forfitan vobis contrarium perfuadere 
 audeat, quicunq;, ille fit, Sxcularis vel Ecclefiaftici Status, tanquam 
 hoftem animarum veftrarum & honorum, nullatenus audita 5 neceuni 
 virum Catholicum reputetis, qui adverfusRomanas Ecclefix Audoritatem, 
 Juraque& Privilegia Sedi ApoftolicxDivinitusconcefla, aliquid machi- 
 nari pra^fumpferit, quibus ipfe Rex vefter Illuftris nolle ullatenus deroga- 
 re publice proteftatus eft. Nos quidcm ipfi fumus ab omnipotenti Deo 
 Jefu Chrifto fuper vosSc Univerfalem Ecclefiam conftituti, cujus Dodrins 
 ac perfuafioni fine ulla contradidione omnimodam fidem vos & quilibet 
 Chriftianus habere debetis : Nos tamen, etfi indignos, oves fuas pafcere 
 Chriftusvoluit, clavefq^ aperiendi ac folvendi Coelos tradidit. Et fi quis 
 nos audit, fervi Chrifti teftimonium Chriftianum audit 5 & fi quis nos 
 fpernit, Chriftum fpernere convincitur. Et quoniam de vobis ac fingulis 
 Chriftianis in diftrido Dei Judicio rationera reddituri fumus, ideo vos pro 
 falute veftra tarn fxpe tamque efficaciter admonemus 5 &ne quifquam fub 
 alicujus damni temporalis prsetextu vos ab hac noftra Catholica Dodrina 
 fubmoveat, ecce nos promptos paratofq^ ofFerimus, omnibus caufis, prop- 
 ter quas didum Statutum conditum effe prastenditur, falubriter providere, 
 ita ut nee Regno nee cuiquam private perfonas prasjudicium aliquod ex 
 ipfius Scatuti abolitione poflit accidere. Super his omnibus & noftra in- 
 tentione plene inftrudo diledo Filio Magiftro Joanni de Obizis, in dido 
 Regno Nuntio & Colledori noftro, dabitis Credenti« plenam fidem. Dat. 
 Roms apud Sandos Apoftolos tertio die Odobris, Pontificatus noftri 
 Anno decirao. 
 
 XL. An Infirument of the Speech the Archb'tjhop 0/ Canterbury 
 made to the Houfe of Commons about it. 
 
 1 AIE veneris penultimo menfis Januarij, Anno Domini fecundum cur- 
 JLy fum SccompulationemEcclefias Anglicanas millefimo quadringentc- 
 fimo decimo feptimo, indidione fexta, Pontificatus Sandiffimi in Chrifto 
 Patris & Domini noftri Domini Martini Divina Providentia Papx quinti 
 Anno undecimo, Reverendiffimi in Chrifto Patres dc Domini Domini, Hen- 
 ricus Dei Gratia Cantuarienfis& Johannes EboracenfisArchiepifcopi, nee 
 non RevercndifT. Patres W. Londinenfis, Benedidus Menevenfis,Philippus 
 Elienfis, Jochen & W. Norvicenfis, Epifcopi, & cum eis venerabiles Patres 
 & viri religiofi Weftmonafterij & Radingas Abbates de palatio regio Weft- 
 monaftericnfi de Camera, viz. Ubi tarn Domini Spiritualesquam Tempo- 
 rales in Parliamento adtunc tento negotia Regni tradaverint dc tradare 
 folebant, recedentes, & dimiflis ibi Dominis Temporalibus, in fimul tran- 
 
 iicrunt
 
 H 
 
 A Colkaion Book If. 
 
 iierunt ad virosillos qui pro communitate R'^gni ad Parliamenrum hujuf- 
 modi venerant in loco folito, viz. in Refedorio Abbatis Weftmonafteri- 
 enfis praedids perfonaliter exiftentes, 61: incontinenter eifdem Dominis 
 Spiritualibus cum reverentia debira, prouc decuit a viris hujufmodi com- 
 munitatem Regni facientibus dc reprsfentantibus, receptis: Pr.tfatus Re- 
 verendiflimus Pater Archiepifcopus Cantuarienfis caufam adventus fui 6c 
 confrarrum fuorum adtunc exponere coppit in vulgari ^ Proteftando pri- 
 initus, (3v proteltabaturidem Dorainus Cantuarienfis vice fua& Confratrum 
 fuorum prajdiclorum, quod pro dicendo rune ibidem non intendebat ipfe 
 Rcverendiflimus Pater, aut aliquisconfratrum fuorum, Domino Regi An- 
 glic aut Corons fuae vel communitati Regni in aliquo derogate, 5c fie ad- 
 hxrendo Proteftationi (xix hujufmodi, idem Reverendifiimus Pater pro- 
 fequebjtur & expofuir folemniter caufam adventus fui(5«Cconfratrum fuo- 
 rum, fumpto quafi pro theraate, Reddite qux funt Caefaris, Cxfari, & qua 
 funt Dei Deo. Super quo procedendo, ea qua ad Jurifdictionem Ecelefiafti- 
 cam, (Sv ea qus ad Csfaream pertinebajit, notabiiitcr Sc ad longum decla- 
 ravir, materiara Provifionis & pro Statuti iliius contra Provifores editi 
 abolitione, cumbona Scmaturadeliberatione profequendo, & in proceflu 
 declarationis hujufmodi jura nonnuUa & Sacr* fcriptur* Audloritates con- 
 venientes allegavit, pro jure Domini nofiri Papain Provifionibushaben- 
 dis, ficut Sanfti Prsdeceifores fui fummi Pontifices in Regno AnglizSc 
 alibi per Univerfalem Chriftianitatcm habuerunt, ipftq^ Dominus Papa 
 modernus in ceteris Regnis habet &poflidet in prsfenti ; Unde prsmiflis, 
 Bullifq^ &i. Jitcris Apofl:olicis, quas pro hac re idem Dominus Papa jam 
 tarde ad Regnum tranfmiferatj diligenter confideratis, & quod di6tus Do- 
 minus nofter Papa tot Ambamatas &C nuncios folemnes ad profequendurai 
 jus fuum &C Ecclefix libertatem in pramiflis, non abfq; laboribus magnis, 
 pericuiis & expenfis, de Curia Roraana ad Regnum Angliae deftinavit, 
 idem Reverendiffimus Pater Cantuar. Archiepifcopus, nomine fuo & con- 
 fratrum fuorum adtunc ibidem pr^efentium, 6c abfentium in dido Parlia- 
 mcnto per procuratores comparentium, ad quos ut afleruit divifim faltein 
 principalis cura animarum totius Communitatis Regni pertinere dignofci- 
 tur, didos viros omnes & fingulos tunc ptccfentes, Communitatem f uc 
 prsmittiturj reprsfentantes, requifivit &Z in Domino exhortabittur, qua* 
 tenus ob falutem animarum fuarum totiufq^ Regni profperitatem 6c pacem, 
 materiam prsdidam fie pondcrarent, 5c raliter in eodem Parliamento fu- 
 per eadem deliberarent, ut Sandiflimus Dominus nofier Papa placari, 
 ac Regis zelum ad Sedem Apoftolicam totiufque Regni devotionem in 
 hac parte habere poifet materiam commcndandi. Et addidit ultra hujuf- 
 modi Requifitionera & Exhortationem pr^efatus Rcverendiflimus Pater 
 Archiepifcopus Cantuarienfis : & ex corde, ut apparuit, expofuit lacry- 
 mando, pericula per cenfurarum, viz. Ecclefiafticarum &: etiaui Interdidi 
 fulminationcm, &i. alias tam Regiquam Regno fquodabfitj verifimiliter 
 eventura alia, in cafu quo refponfio Parliamenti iliius, in materia tunc 
 declarata, grata non foret Domino Papx&accepta, fie dicendo ^ Forte vi- 
 detur quibufdam veftrum, quod h«c qua Regni Pralatos potiflime con- 
 cernunt ex corde non profero, Sciatis pro certo, <5c in fide, qua Deo 
 teneor & Ecclefiae ; aflirmo coram vobis, quod mngis mihi foret accep- 
 tum nunquam conferre aut etiam habere aliquod beneficium Ecdefiafti- 
 cum, quain aliqua talia pericula feu procellus meo ttmpore in Ecclefia 
 Anglicanae Scandalum venirent. Ulterius idem Reverendifijmus Patct 
 cxprcfie declaravir, qualiter didus Dominus nofter Papa in diverfis Bul- 
 iis fuis obtulit \' proaiifir, fe5c S«dcm Apoftolicam, ad quafcunq^ caufas 
 
 6c ccca- 
 
 i
 
 Book IL of Records,: . ^5 
 
 & occifiones ediiionisStatuti pradidi rationabile remedium apponere, 
 dc materias caufarum 6C occaiionum hujufmodi Statuti in toto tollere &C 
 abolere^ cS: fic Requifitione, Exhorratione (5cpericulorum hujufmodi ex- 
 pofitione finitis, Reverendiflimi Patres Cantuar. & Eborac. Archiepif- 
 copi, cum confratribus fuis Epifcopis 6c Pra?latis prsdidis, recelferuntj 
 Regni Communitate, feu fakem didis viris Communitatem Regni re- 
 prajfentantibus remanentibus, & circa materiam eis expofitam traftand- 
 bus, prjfcfentibus, 6c Declarationem, Requifitionem, & Exhortationemj 
 hujufmodiq^ perjculorum expofitionem per diclum Dominum Archiepifco- 
 pum Cantuarienfem (ut prsemittitur) fadas audientibus, venerabilibus 
 viris Richardo Coudray Archidiacono Norwici in Ecclefia Norwicenfi, 
 Magiftro Joanne Forfter Canonico Lincolnienfi, die. 8c Joanne Boold 
 Notario Publico & multis aliis. 
 
 Aft. 33. Anno Regui vicefimo tertio. 
 
 XLI. An A3 concerning Refiraint of payment of Annates 
 
 to the See o/Rome- 
 
 FOrafmuch as it is well perceived, by long approved experience, that 
 great and ineftimable Sums of money have been daily conveyed out 
 of this Realm, to the impoveriftiment of the fame 5 and fpecially fuch fums 
 of Money ss the Pope's Hoiinefs, his PredeceiTors, and the Court of 
 Rome J by long time have heretofore taken of all and Angular thofe Spiri- 
 tual Perfons which have been named, elefted, prefented, or poftulated 
 to the Archbifhops or Biftiops within this Realm of England, under the 
 Title of Annates^ otherwil'e called Firft-Fruits. Which Annates, or 
 Firft-Fruits, have been taken of every Arch-Bifhoprick, or BiOioprick, 
 within this Realm, by rellraint of the Pope's Bulls, for Confirmations, 
 Elections, Admiffions, Poftulations, Provifions, Collations, Difpofitionsj 
 Inftitutions, Inftallations, Inveftitures, Orders, Holy Benedidions, Palls, 
 or other things requifite and neceiTary to the attaining of thofe their Pro- 
 motions j and have been compelled to pay, before they could attain the 
 fame, great fums of Money, before they might receive any part of the 
 Fruits of the faid Arch-Biflioprick, or Bifhoprick, whereunto they were 
 named, eleded, prefented, or populated 5 by occafion whereof not only 
 the Treafure of this Realm hath been greatly conveighed out of the fame^ 
 but alfo it hath hapned many times, by occafion of death, unto fuch 
 Arch-Bifliops, and BiOiops,. fo newly promoted, within two or three 
 years after his or their Confecration, that his or their Friends, by whom 
 he or they have been holpen to advance and make painient of the faid An- 
 nates, or Firft -Fruits, have been thereby utterly undone and impoverifh- 
 ed. And for becaufc the faid Annates have rifen, grown, and increafed, 
 by an uncharitable Cuftom, grounded upon no juft or good title, and 
 the paiments thereof obtained by reftraint of Bulls, until the fame 
 Annates, or Firft-Fruits, have been paid, or Surety made for the fame 5 
 which declareththc faid Paiments tobeexaded, and taken by conflraint, 
 againft all equity andjuftice. The Noble Men therefore of the Realm, 
 and the Wife, Sage, Politick Commons of the fame, alTembied in this pre* 
 fent Parliament, confidering that the Court of Rome ccafeth not to tax, 
 take, and exad the faid great Sums of Money, under the T\i\coi Annates ^ 
 
 L U ot
 
 96 
 
 A CoUeBion Book II. 
 
 or Firft-Fruits, as is aforefaid, to the 2,reat damage cf the faid Prelates, 
 and this Realm ^ Which Annates^ or Firft-Fruits, were firfl: fuffered to 
 be taken within the fame Realm, for the only defence of Chriftian Peo- 
 ple again ft the Infidels, and now they be claimed and demanded 
 as msre duty, only for Lucre, againft all right and confcience. 
 Infomuch that it is evidently known, that there hath paifed out of this 
 Realm unto the Court of Rome, fithen the fecond year of the Reign of the 
 moft Noble Prince, of famous memory, Kmg Henry the Seventh, unto 
 this prefent time, under the name o{ Annates^ or Firft-Fruits, payed for 
 the expedition of Bulls of Arch-Bifliopricks and Bifliopricks, the fum of 
 eight hundred thoufand Ducats, amounting in Sterling Money, at the 
 leaft, to eigbtfcore thoufand pounds, belides other great and intolerable 
 Sums which have yearly been conveyed to the faid Court of Roriie^ by 
 many other ways and means, to the great itnpoverifhment of this Realms 
 And albeit, that our faid Soveraign the King, and all his natural Subjed:s, 
 as well Spiritual as Temporal, been as obedient, devout, Catholick and 
 humble Children of God, and Holy Church, as any People be within 
 any Realm Chriftned ; yet the faid exadions of Annates, or Firft-Fruits, 
 be fo intolerable and importable to this Realm, that it is confidered and 
 declared, by the whole Body of this Realm now reprefented, by all the 
 Eftates of the fame afTembled in this prefent Parliament, that the King's 
 Highnefs before Almighty God, is bound, as by the duty of a good Chri- 
 ftian Prince, for theconfervation and prefervation of the good Eftjtc and 
 Common-Wealth of this his Re^lra, to do all that in him is to obviate, 
 feprefsj and redrefs the faid abufions and exadions of Annates, or Firft- 
 Fruits. And becaufe that divers Prelates of this Realm being now in 
 extreim Age, and in other debilities of their Bodies, fo that of likely- 
 hood, bodily death in ftiort time Ihall or may fucceed unto them 5 bjr 
 reafon whereof great fums of Money ftiall ftiortly after their deaths, be 
 conveighed unto the Court of Rome, for the unreafonable and uncharita- 
 ble Caufes abovefaid, to the univerfal damage, prejudice, and impove- 
 rifhment of this Realm, if fpeedy remedy be not in due time provided: 
 It is therefore ordained, eftablifhed, and enabled, by Authority of this 
 prefent Parliament, That the unlawful paiment of Annates or Firft- 
 Fruits, and all manner Contributions for the fau^e, for any Arch-Biftio- 
 prick, or Cifhoprick, or for any Bulls hereafter to be obtained from the 
 Court oiRome, to or for theforefaid puipofe and intent, ftiall from hence- 
 forth utterly ceafe, and no fuch hereafter to be payed for any Arch*Biftio- 
 prick or Bifhoprick, within this Realm, other or otherwife than hereafter 
 in this prefent Aft is declared ; And that no manner Perfon, or Perfons 
 hereafter to be named, elefled, prefented, or poftulated to any Arch- 
 Biftioprick, or Bifhoprick, within this Realm, fliall pay the faid Annates, 
 or Firft-Fruits, for the faid Arch-Biftioprick, or Biftioprick, nor any other 
 manner of Sum or Sums of Money, Penfions or Anfiates for the fame, or 
 for any other like exadion, or caufe, upon pain to forfeit to our faid So- 
 vereign Lord the King his Heirs and SuccefTors, all manner his Goods and 
 Chattels for ever, and all the Temporal Lands and PofTeflions of the fame 
 Arch-Biflioprick, or Bifhoprick, during the time that he or they which 
 ftiall oftcnd, contrary to this prefent Ad, fhnll have, pofTefs, or enjoy 
 the Arch-Bifhoprick, or Bifhoprick, wherefore he ftiall fo offend con- 
 trary to the form aforefaid. And furthermore it is enaded, by Authority 
 of this prefent Parliament, That if any Perfon hereafter named and pre- 
 sented to the Court of Rvme by the King, or any of his Heirs or Succef- 
 
 fors.
 
 Book II. of Records. ^j 
 
 Ibrs, to be Bifhop of any See or Diocefs within this Reahn hereafter, (halt 
 be letted, deferred, or delayed at the Court cfR(?w<?from any fuch Bifho- 
 prick, whereunro he fhall be fo reprefented, by meansofreftraint of Bulls 
 Apoftolick, and other things requifite to the fame ; or (hall be denied, at 
 the Court of Rofne, upon convenient fnit made, any manner Bulls requifite 
 for any of the Caufes aforefaid, any fuch Perfon or Perfons fo prefented, 
 may be, and Ihall be confecrated here in Englaiidhy the Arch-Bifhop, in 
 whofe Province the faid Bilhoprick fhall be, fo alway that the fame Perfon 
 fliall be named and prefented by the King for the time being to the fame 
 Arch-Bilhoprick: And if any Perfons being named and prefented, as afore- 
 faid, to any Arch- Bilhoprick of this Realm, making convenient fuit, as 
 is aforefaid, fl:all happen to be letted, deferred, delayed, or othervvife 
 difturbed frcmthefanie Arch-Biflioprick, for lack of Pall, Bulls, or other 
 to him requifite, to be obtained in the Court of Rome in that behalf, 
 that then every fuch Perfon named and prefented to the Arch-Bilhop, 
 may be and fhall be, confecrated and invefled, after the prefentation 
 made, as is aforefaid, by any other two Bilhops within this Realm, whom 
 the King's Highnefs, or any of his Heirs and Succeflbrs, Kings oi England 
 for the time being, will affign and appoint for the fame, according and 
 in like manner as divers other Arch-Bifliops or Bilhops have been hereto- 
 fore, in ancient time by fundry the King's moll noble Progenitors, made, 
 confecrated, and invefted within this Realm ; And that every Arch-Bifiiop 
 and Bilhop hereafter, being named and prefented by the King's Highnefs, 
 his Heirs or SuccelTors, Kings of England, and being confecrated and in- 
 vefted, as is aforefaid, Ihall be inftalled accordingly, and fhall be accept- 
 ed, taken, reputed, ufed, and obeyed, as an Arch-Bilhop or Bilhop of 
 the Dignity, See, or Place whereunto he fofhall be named, prefented, and 
 confecrated, requireth ; and as other like Prelates of that Province, See, 
 or Diocefs, have been ufed, accepted, taken, and obeyed, which have had, 
 and obtained compleatly, their Bulls, and other things requifite in that 
 behalf from the Court of Kome^ and alfo fhdl fully and entirely have and 
 enjoy all the Spiritualities and Temporalities of the faid Arch-Bi(hoprick, 
 or Bilhoprick, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner, as any o: his or 
 their Predeceflbrs had, or enjoyed in the faid Arch-Bifiioprick, or Bilho- 
 prick, fatisfying and yielding unto the King our Sovereign Lord, and to 
 his Heirs and Succellors, Kings of England^ all fuch Duties, Rights and 
 Intereftt;, as before this time had been accultomed to be paid for any fuch 
 Arch-Bilhoprick, or Bilhoprick, according to the ancient Laws and Cu- 
 flcras of this Realm, and the King's Prerogative Royal. And to the intent 
 our faid Holy Father the Pope and the Court of Rome, fhall not think 
 that the pains and labours taken, and hereafter to be taken, about the * 
 writing, fealing, obtaining, and other bufinefles fuftained, and hereafter 
 to be (uftained by the Ofhcersof the faid Court of Rome, for and about the 
 Expedition of any Bulls hereafter to be obtained or had for any fuch Arch- 
 Bifhoprick, or Bilhoprick, fhall be irremuneratcd, or fliall not be fufTici- 
 ently and condignly rccompenftd in that behalf. And for their more rea- 
 dy expedition to be had therein, it is therefore enafted, by the Authori- 
 ty aforefaid, 7 hat every Spiritual Perfon of this Realm, hereafter to be 
 named, prefented, or poftulated, to any Arch-Bifhoprick or Bilhoprick 
 of this Realm, fliall and may lawfully pay for the writing and obtaining 
 of his or their faid Bulls, at the Court of Ro7ne, and cnfealing the fame 
 with Lead to be had without payment of any Annates^ or Firft-Fruits, 
 or other charge or exadion by him or them to be made, yieldcn, 
 
 L 1 1 2 or
 
 98 
 
 A CoUeBi'm Book II. 
 
 or paied for the fame, five pounds Sterling, for and after the rate of the 
 clear and whole yearly value of every hundreth pounds Sterling, above 
 all charges of any fuch Arch-Biflioprick, or Bilhoprick, or other Money, 
 to the value of the faid five pounds, for the clear yearly value of every 
 hundreth pounds of every fuch Arch-Bifl:iopricIc, or Bifhoprick, and not 
 above, nor in any other wife, any thing in this prtfent Ad: before writ- 
 ten notwithftandino'. And forafmuch as the King's Highnefs, and this 
 his High Court of Parliament, neither have, nor do intend to ufein this, 
 or any other like Caufe, any manner of extremity or violence, before gen- 
 tle courtefie or friendfhip, ways and means firft approved and attempted, 
 and without a very great urgent caufe and occafion given to the contrary, 
 but principally coveting to disburden his Realm of the faid great exactions, 
 and intolerable charges o{ Annates, and Firft-Fruits, h;^ve therefore 
 thought convenient to commit the final order and determination of the 
 Preiiiines, in all things, unto the King's Highnefs. So that if it may 
 feem to his high wifdom, and mofl prudent difcrction, meet to move the 
 Pope's Holinefs and the Court of Rotiw, amicably, charitably, and reafo- 
 nably, to compound^ other to extind and make fruftrate the payments of 
 the faid Annates^ or Firfl-Fruits; orelfeby fome friendly, loving, and 
 tolerable compofition to moderate the fame in fuch wife as may be by 
 this Realm eafily born and fuflained ; That then thofe ways and compo- 
 fitions once taken, concluded, and agreed, between the Pope's Hohnefs 
 and the King's Highnefs, (hall (land inftrength, force, and efieclofLaw, 
 inviolably to be obferved. And it is aifo further ordained, and enacted 
 by the Authority of this prefent Parliament, That the King's Highnefs 
 at any time, or times, on this fide the Fealt of Enjler, which (hall be in 
 the Year of our Lord God, a thoufand five hundred and three and thirty, 
 or at any time on this fide the beginning of the next Parliament, by his 
 Letters Patents under his Great Seal, to be made, and to be entred of 
 Record in the Roll of this prefent ParUament, may and (hall have full 
 power and liberty to declare, by the faid Letters Patents, whether that 
 the PremifTes, or any part, claufe, or matter thereof, fhall be obferved, 
 obeyed, executed, and take place and effed, as an Ad: and Statute of this 
 prefent Parliament, or not. So that if his Highnefs, by his faid Letters 
 Patents, before the expiration of the times above limited, thereby do de- 
 clare his pleafureto be. That the premifles, or any part, claufe, or matter 
 thereof, ihall not be put in execution, obferved, continued, nor obeyed, in 
 that cafe all the faid premifles, or fuch part, claufe, or iriatter,as the King's 
 Highnefs fo Ihall refufe, difaffirm, or notratifie, (hali (land and be from 
 henceforth utterly void and of none effedl. And in cafe that the King's High- 
 nefs, before the expiration of the times afore -prefixed, do declare by his 
 faid letters Patents, his pleafure and determination to be, that the faid 
 Premifles, or every claufe, fentence, and part thereof, that is to fay, the 
 whole, or fuch part thereof as the King's Highnefs fofliall affirm, accept, 
 andratifie, fhall in all points Rand, remain, abide, and be put in due and 
 eftedtiai execution, according to the purport, tenour, elled, and true 
 meaning of the fame; and to itand and be from henceforth for ever after, 
 as firm, fledfaft, and available in the Law, as the fame had been fully 
 and perfcdly eftablifhed, enadcvl, and confirmed, to be in every part 
 thereof, immediately, wholly, and entirely executed, in like manner, 
 form and effect, as other Ads and Laws ^ 7 he which being fully and 
 detcrminately made, ordained, and enadcd in this prefent Parliament : 
 And if that upon the forefaid reafonable, amicable and charitable ways 
 
 and
 
 Book II. (f Records, pp 
 
 and means, by the King's Highnefs to be experimented, moved,or compound- 
 ed, or othervvife approved, it (hall and may appear, or be feen unto his 
 Grace, that this Reahn fhall be continually burdened and charged with this, 
 and fuch other intolerable Exaclions and Demands, as heretofore it hath 
 been. And that thereupon, for continuance of the fame, our faid HoJy 
 Father the Pope, or any of his SuccefTors, or the Court of iJ^w^-, u-ill^ or 
 do, orcaufe to be done at any time hereafter, fo as above is rehearfed, un- 
 juftly, uncharitably, and unreafonably vex, inquiet, moleft, trouble, or 
 grieve our faid Sovereign Lord, his Heirs or Succeflbrs, Kings of England 
 or any of his or their Spiritual or Lay-Subjeds, or this his Realm, by Ex- 
 communication, Excommengement, Interdiction 5 or by any other Procefs 
 Cenfures, Compulfories, Ways, or Means ^ Be itenadicd by the Autho- 
 rity aforefaid, That the King's Highnefs, his Heirs and SuccefTors, Kings 
 o^ England, and all his Spiritual and Lay Subjefts of the fame, without any 
 fcruples of Confcience, flialJ and may lawfully, to the honour of Almighty 
 God, the encreafe and continuance of Vertue and good Example within 
 this Realm, the faid Cenfures, Excommunications, Interdidions, Com- 
 pulfories, or any of them notwithftanding, minifter, or caufe to be mi- 
 niflred, throughout this faid Realm, and all other the Dominions and 
 Territories belonging or appertaining thereunto ; All and all manner of 
 Sacraments, Sacramentals, Ceremonies, or other Divine Services of the 
 Holy Church, or any other thing or things necefTary for the Health of 
 the Soul of Mankind, as they heretofore at any time or times have been 
 vertuoufly ufed or accuftomed to do within the fame 5 and that no man- 
 ner fuch Cenfures, Excommunications, Interdidions, or any other Pro- 
 cefs or Compulfories, (hall by any of the Prelates, or other Spiritual Fa- 
 thers of this Region, nor by any of their Minifters or Subftitutes, be at 
 any time or times hereafter publiflied, executed, nor divulged, nor fu(fer- 
 ed tobepubli(hed, executed, or divulged in any manner of ways. Cut 
 quid em Billdi pr^diB/z & ad plenum intelleBdi per diSiim Dommum Regent 
 ex ajjenju <& Auihor'itate Parliamenti prmdi&i taliter e(l Refponfitm : 
 
 Le Roy le veult. Soit Bailie aux Communes, 
 
 A ceft Bille les Communes font ajfentes. 
 
 MEmorand. quod nono die Julij, Anno Regni Regis Henrici vicefimo 
 quinto, idem Dominus Rex per Literasfuas Patentes (ub magno 
 iigillo fuo figillar. Actum praedidum ratificavit & con(irmavit, 5c adui 
 illi afTenfumfuura regium dedit, prout pereafdemLiteras Patentes, cujus 
 tenor fequitur in hsc verba, magisapte conftat. 
 
 Here follows the Kings Ratifcation^ in which the A£l is again 
 recited and ratified* 
 
 XLII. The
 
 I oo ^ ColleBion Book II. 
 
 XLII. The King's laft Letter to the Pope. A Duplicate. 
 
 To the Pope's Hoi inefsy 1531.' 
 
 CottofiVxht. jk Fter raoft humble commendations, and moft devout kiffing of your 
 Vitell.h.11. £^ blelFcd Feet. Albeit that we have hitherto differred to make anfwer 
 to thofe Letters dated at Bonony the jth day of OBober 5 which Letters 
 of late were delivered unto us by ?aul oiCaffhli .- Yet when they appear 
 to be written for this Gaufe, that we deeply conlidering the Contents of the 
 fame, (hould provide for the tranquillity of our own Confcience, and 
 (hould purge fuch fcrupies and doubts conceived of our Caufe of Matri- 
 mony^ We could neither negled: thofe Letters fent for fuch a piirpofe, 
 nor after that we had diligently examined and perpended the efPeds of the 
 fame, which we did very diligently, noting, conferring, and revolving 
 every thing in them contained, with deep Itudy of mind, pretermit ne 
 leave to anfwer unto them. For fith that your Holinefs feemeth to go 
 about that thing chiefly, which is to vanquifh thofe Doubts, and to take 
 away Inquietations which daily do prick our Confcience j infomuch as 
 it doth appear at the firft fight to be done of Zeal, Love, and Piety, we 
 therefore do thank you of your good will. Howbeit fith it is not per- 
 formed in Deed, that ye pretend, we have thought it expedient to re- 
 quire your Holinefs to provide us other Remedies 5 wherefore forafniuch 
 as your Holinefs would vouchfafe to write unto us concerning this Matter, 
 we heartily thank you, greatly lamenting alfo both the chance of your 
 Holinefs, and alfo ours, unto whom both twain it hath chanced in fo high 
 a matter of fo great moment to be fruftrated and deceived 5 that is to fay. 
 That your Holinefs not being inflruded, nor having knowledge of the 
 Matter, of your felf, fhould be compelledto hang upon the Judgment of 
 others, and fo put forth and make anf»vers, gathered of other Men, be- 
 ing variable and repugnant among rhemfelves. And that wc being fo long 
 fick, and exagitate with this fame Sore, fliould fo long tinve in vain look 
 for Remedy 5 which when we have augmented our a-gritude and diflrefs, 
 by delay and protrad:ing of time, ye do fo cruciate the Patient and Affli- 
 ded, as who fceth it (hould much avail to protradl the Caufe, and through 
 vain hope of the end of our defire to lead us whither ye will. But to 
 I fpeak plainly to your Holinefs 5 Forafmuch as we have fuffered many Inju- 
 
 ries, which with great difficulty we do fultain and digefl^ albeit that 
 among ail things pafTed by your Holinefs, fome cannot be laid, alledged, 
 nor objected againlf your Holinefs, yet in miny of them fome default ap- 
 pearcth to be in you, which I would to God we could fo diminifti, as it 
 might appear no default ^ but it cannot be hid, which is fo manifeft, and 
 tho' we could fay nothing, the thing it felf fpeaketh. But as to that rhaz 
 is affirmed in your Letters, both of God's Law, and Man's, otherwife 
 than is ncceffary and truth, let that be afcribcd to the temerity and igno- 
 rance of your Counfellors, and your Holinefs to be without ail de- 
 fault, fave only for that ye do not admit more difcreet and learnd Men 
 to be your Counfellors, and (top the Mouths of them which l;ber?.lly 
 would fpeak the truth. This truly is your default, and Vv.iily a great 
 fault, worthy to be alienate and abhorred of Chrift's Vicar, in that 
 ye have dealt fo variably, yea rather fo inconftantly and deceivably. 
 Be ye not angry with my words, and let u be lawful for mc to 
 
 fpeak
 
 Book II. of Records. i o r 
 
 fpeak the Truth without Difpleafure 5 if your Holinefs fhall be difplea- 
 fed with what we do rchearfe, impute no default in us, but in your own 
 Deeds ; which Deeds have fo molefted and troubled us wrongfully, that 
 we fpeak now unwillingly, and as enforced thereunto. Never was there 
 any Prince fo handled by a Pope, as your Holinefs hath intreated us. 
 Firft, When our Caufe was proponed to your Holinef?, when it was 
 explicated and declared afore the fame 5 when certain Doubts in it were 
 refolved by your Counfellors, and all things difcufled, it was required 
 that Anfwer might be made thereunto by the order of the Law, There 
 was offered a Commiflion, with a Promife alfo that the fameCommiflion 
 Ihould not be revoked ; and whatfoever Sentence fliould be given, fhould 
 flraight without delay be confirmed. The Judges were fent unto us, the 
 Promife was delivered tons, fubfcribed with your Holinefs's Hand^ 
 which avouched to confirm the Sentence, and not to revoke the Commif- 
 iion, nor to grant any thing elfe that might iett the fame 5 and finally to 
 bring us in a greater Hope, a certain Commiflion Decretal, defining the 
 Caufe, was delivered to the Judges Hands. If your Holinefs did grant us 
 all thefe things juftly, ye did injuftly revoke them ; and if by good and 
 truth the fame was granted, they were not made fruftrate nor annihilate 
 without fraud 5 fo as if there were no deceit nor fraud in the Revocation, 
 then how wrongfully and fubtilly have been done thofe things that have 
 been done ! Whether will your Holinefs fay. That ye might do thofe 
 things that ye have done, or that ye might not do them ? If ye will fay 
 that ye might do them, where then is the Faith which becometh a Friend, 
 yea, and much more a Pope to have, thofe things not being performed, 
 which lawfully were promifcd ? And if ye will fay that ye might not do 
 them, have we not then very juft caufe to raiftruft thofe Medicines and 
 Remedies with which in your Letters ye go about to heal our Confcience, 
 cfpecially in that we may perceive and fee thofe Remedies to be prepared 
 for us, not to relieve the Sicknefs and Difeafe of our Mind, but for 
 other means, pleafures, and worldly refpeds } And as it (hould feem 
 profitable, that we Ihould ever continue in hope or defpair, fo always 
 the Remedy is attempted; fo that we being always a-healing, and never 
 healed, fhould be fick ftill. And this truly was the chief Caufe why we 
 did confult and take the advice of every Learned Man, being free^ 
 without all affedion, that the Truth (which now with our labour and 
 ftudy we feem partly to have attained) by their Judgments more mani- 
 feftly divulged, wc might more at large perceive 5 whofe Judgments and 
 Opinions it is eafie to fee how much they differ from that, that thofe ftrjj 
 Men 0*" yours do fhew unto you, and by thofe your Letters is fignified. 
 Thofe rew Men of yours do affirm the prohibition of our Marriage to be 
 indulged only by the Law pofitive, as your Holinefs hath alfo written 
 in your Letters 5 but all others fay the prohibition to be induced, both by 
 the Law of God and Nature : Thofe Men of yours do fuggefl, that it 
 may be difpenfed for avoiding of Slanders 5 the others utterly do con- 
 tend, that by no means it is lawful to difpenfe with that, that God and 
 Nature hath forbidden. We do feparatefrom our Caufe the Authority 
 of the See Apoffolick , which we do perceive to be deflitute of that 
 Learning whereby it fhould be directed ; and becaufe your Holinefs 
 doth ever profefs your Ignorance, and is wont to fpeak of other Men's 
 Mouths, we do confer the Sayings of thofe, with the Sayings of them 
 that be of the contrary Opinion ^ for to confer the Reafons it were too 
 Jong, But now the Univerfities of Cambridge, Oxford^ in our Realms 5 
 
 Paris.
 
 1 02 A CoUe^ion Book II. 
 
 Farts, Orleancey Biturifen, Awleg^ven, in France -^ and Bonony in Italy, 
 by one confent ; and alfo divers other of the moft fAmous and Learned 
 Men, being freed from all afFedion, and only moved in refped of verity, 
 partly in Italy, and partly hi France, do affirm the Marriage of the Bro- 
 ther with the Brother's VVife, to be contrary both to the Law of God and 
 Nature • and alfo do pronounce that no Difpenfation can be lawful or 
 available to any Chriftian Man in that behalf: But others think the contra- 
 ry, by whofe Counfels your Holinefs h ith done that, that (ithence ye have 
 confefTed ye could not do, in promifing to us as we have above rehearfed, 
 and giving that Commiflion to the Cardinal Campege to be (hewed unto 
 us 5 and after, if it fo Ihould feem profitable to burn it, as afterwards it 
 was done indeed as we have perceived. Furthermore, thofe which fo 
 moderate the Power of your Holinefs, that they do affirm. That the fame 
 cannot take away the Appellation which is ufed by Man's Law, and yet 
 is available to Divine Matters every where without diftinftion. No 
 Princes heretofore have more highly efteemed, nor honoured the See 
 Apoftoiiik than we have , wherefore we beths more forry to be provoked 
 to this contention, which to our ufage and nature is moft alienate and ab- 
 horred. Thofe things fo cruel we write very heavily, and more glad 
 would have been, to have been filcnt if we might, and would have left 
 your Authority untouched with a good will ^ and conftrained to feek the 
 verity, we fell, againfl our Will, into this contention :;, but the fincerity 
 of the Truth prohibited us to keep filence, and whatfhould we do in fo 
 great and many perplexities ? For truly if we fhould obey the Letters of 
 jour Holinefs, in that they do affirm that we know to be otherwife, we 
 ihould offend God and our Confcience, and we fhould be a great flandec 
 to them that do the contrary, which be a great number, as we have be- 
 fore rehearfed; Alfo, if we fhould diffent from thofe things which your 
 Holinefs doth pronounce, we would account it not lawful, if there were 
 iiot a Caufe to defend the Fad, as we now do, being compelled by ncceffi- 
 ty, left we fhould feem to contemn the Authority of the See Apoflolick. 
 Therefore jour Holinefs ought to rake if in good part, tho' we do fome- 
 what at large and more liberally fpeak in this Caufe, which doth fo op- 
 prefsus, fpecially forafmuch as we pretend none atrocity, nor ufe norhe- 
 torick in the exaggerating and encreafing the indignity of the Matter^ 
 but if I fpeak of any thing that toucheth the quick, it proceedeth of the 
 meet verity, which we cannot nor ought not to hide in this Caufe, for it 
 toucheth not Worldly Things but Divine, not frail but eternal'; in which 
 things no feigned, falfe, nor painted Reafon?, but only the Truth, ffiall 
 obtain and take place: and God is the Truth to whom we are bound to 
 obey rather than to Men 5 and neverthefefs we cannot but obey unto men 
 alfo, as we were wont to do, unlfefs there be ari exfrefs caufe why we 
 fl:!ould not 5 which by thofe our Letters we now do to your Holinefs ; 
 and vvc do it with charity, not intending to fpread it abroad, nor yet 
 further to impugn jour Authority, unlefs you do compel us 3 albeit alfo, 
 that that we do, doth not impugn your Authority, but confirmeth the 
 f ime, which we revocate to its firft foundations ^ and better if i? in the mid- 
 die way to return, than always ro run forth head long and do ill. Where- 
 fore it your Holmefs do regard or efleem the tranquillity of our Mind, 
 let the fame be eftablifhed with verity, which hath been brought to 
 liglit by the confent of fo many Learned Men ^ fo fliall youi- Holinefs reduee 
 and bring us to a certainty and quietnefs, and fhall deliver us from all 
 anxiety, and fhall provide bcth fur us and our Realm, and finally (hall 
 
 do
 
 Book II. of Records, [ ag: 
 
 do your Office and Duty. The refidue of our Affairs we have committed to 
 our Ambafladors to be propounded unto yoii, to whom we befeech yDur 
 HoHnefs to give credence, &c. 
 
 XLlil. A Promifi made for engaging the Cardinal of Ravenria. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 Rome Febr. 7. 1552. 
 
 EG O Willielmus Bennet Sereniffimi Domini mei D. Henriciodlavi Co«o« Libn 
 Anghs, (Sec. Regis, in Romana Curia Orator, habeas ad infcriptaF/fe//. 6.1:5, 
 ab ipfoRege poteftatem 5c facultatem, prout conftat per iplius Majefta- 
 tis Literas Patentes datas in Regia fua Grenewici die penultima Decerab. 
 M.D.XXXI. manu fua propria fuprafcriptas, & fecreto figillo fuo figii- 
 Jatasj Quoniam in ipfius Regis arduis negotiis expertus fum fingularem 
 & prsclaram operam Reverendiffimi inChrifto Patris(5<: Domini D. Hen- 
 rici Sandi Eufebij S. R. E. Presbyter i Cardinalis Ravenna^, quibus & 
 deinceps uti cupio, ut eandem femper voluntatem &i. operam fua Domina- 
 tie Reverendiffima erga ipfum regem prsftet, libere promitto eidem Car- 
 dinali nomine didi mei Regis, quod fua Majeftas provider! faciet eidem 
 Cardinali, de aUquo Monafterio feu Monafteriis aut aliis beneficiis Eccle- 
 fiafticis in Regno Gallic primo vacaturis, ufque ad valorem annuum fex 
 milJium ducatorum: Et infupec promitto quod RexAnglis prxdidus 
 prxfentabit, feu nominabit eundem Cardinalem ad Eccleliam Cathedra- 
 lem primo quovis modo vacaturam, feu t\ ad prsfens vacantem, in Regno 
 Angiis, & de ilia ei provider! faciet 5 & cafu quo Ecclefia primo vacatu- 
 rahujufmodi, ceu ad prsfens vacans, nonfit Ecclefia Elienfis, promitto 
 etiam quod fuccedente poftea vacatione Ecclefia:; Elienfis, Rex Anglic 
 transferri faciet eundem Cardinalem, fi ipQ Cardinali magis placuerit, ab 
 ilia alia Ecclefia de qua provifus erit, ad Ecclefiam Elienfem : & dido- 
 rum Monafteriorum & Beneficiorum Ecclefiaflicorum in Regno Galli* 
 & Ecclefis Cathedralis in Regno Angliai pofleffionem pacificain, cum' ^" " -"f 
 fruduum perceptione, ipfum Cardinalem afTequi faciet : Et hxc omnia ZsZn hZd, 
 libere promitto, quod Rex meus fupradidus pleniffime&fine ulla prorfus""'^ was feat 
 exceptione ratificabit & obfervabit 6c exequetur ; in quorum fidern ^ix-tle'^Kin'''""" 
 fentes manu mea propria fcripfi & fubfcripfi, figilloque munivi. Dat. ^ '"^' 
 Rom. die feptiino Februarij, M. D. XXXII. 
 
 M m m XLIV. Bott-
 
 1 04 A ColleBion Book II. 
 
 XLIV. Bonner^s tetter about the proceedings at Rome. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 Rome, ^prf/ oy;~ i5Ja. 
 
 CoffwjLibr. TT^Lcafe it your Highnefs ^ this is to advertife the fame. That firhen 
 Vitill. B.i ;. j^ ^yg William Bennet, Edward iT^rw^^ and Edmond Bo?mer, fent over 
 Letters of the yth of this prefent to your Highnefs 5 There Iiath been 
 two Difputation? publick, the one the i^tb of this, the other the 20th day 
 of the fame, according to the order givehacfd afTigned, which was three 
 Conclufious to be difputed every Confiftory ; and what was fpoken, as 
 well by your Highnefs's Counfel, for the juftification of the Conclufion 
 purpofed the faid i^tb, as alfo for the itnpugnation thereof by the party 
 adverle, with Anfwers made thereunto by your Highnefs's faid Counfe!, 
 as fully as were any wife deduced, your faid Highnefs (hall perceive by 
 the Books fent herewithall containing the fame j atid alfo the Juftificati- 
 cns, Objedions, and Anfv^'ers, made in the 6f/:J of this prefent, according 
 as I Edivard Kame in my faid Letter^ promifed. The Copies of all the 
 which Juftification?, Objcd^ions, and Ahfvvers, after that they were ful- 
 ly noted and deduced in^ writing, and maturely confidered by your High- 
 nefs's Learned Counfel, I Edward KarnedtA bring to the Pope's HoHnefs, 
 and to the Cardinals, for their better information ; and likewife did o£ 
 the firft, alwife afore the Confiftory, accbrding to the order afligned 
 at the beginning ;,, looking infikewife that the Qiteeiv's Counfel fhould do 
 this fame, but as yet they have done nothing therein, though your Am- 
 baifadors and I have called upon the Pope many times for the fatne. Andl 
 as concerning fuch things as were fpoken and donefoi either part in ths; 
 Difputation of the 2.0?/) day,, it is not poflible for us, by rcafon of th'^ 
 (hortnefs of time, to reduce all in good order, and to fend the fime to 
 your Highnefs at this time ^ neverthelcfs with all fpeed it fhallbc made 
 ready, and fent to your Highnefs by tlie next Courier. After the Difpu- 
 tation done, the faid 15?^ day of this prefent, the Advocate of the party 
 adverfe didalledge, That we did feek this Difputation but only to defer 
 theProcefs^ protefiing therefore, That the Queen's Counfel would dif- 
 puteno raore^ and de&ing therefore the Pope's Holinefs and the whole 
 Coiififtory, to makeprccefs in the principal Caufe. Whereunto I EdnvarJ 
 Karnc^ f^id. That the Pope's HoHnefs, with the whole Senate, had 
 granted the Difputations upon the ^iatters, and given an order that the 
 Conclufions publiflied (houid be difputed according to the fame. Where- 
 upon Idefired thatforafmuch as there remained fixteen Conclufions not dif- 
 puted (which to propofe and juftify, with your Highnefs's Counfel, I would 
 be ready at a 11 times) that if the party adverfe knowing the conclufions to 
 be Canonical, would not confefs them, and thereby avoid Difputations, 
 that then the faid party (hould difpute them, and upon the retufal of both 
 the fame, the Matters excufatories to be admitted by his Holinefs, efpe- 
 cially becaufe the faid Party adx'erfe haih nothing material that could be 
 perceived to lett the fame. The Pope's Holinefs anfwered, that he 
 would deliberate upon the demand of both Parties. The \6tb of this pre- 
 fent, the Ditary on the Pope's behalf fent unto me Edward Karne^ an 
 Intimation for difputation of the Confiflory to be kept the 20. of this 
 prefertt, and that I (hould fend the Conclufions not difputed, that they 
 might be in the faid Confiftory difputed ; adding withill, that the faid 
 
 Con-
 
 Bbok II. of Records: 105 
 
 Conliltory ihould heultimus e^ peremptorius terminus quoad alias Dijpii. 
 tationes. Of the which Intimation your Highnefs fhall receive a Copy 
 herewith. Upon this, with the advice of your Ambaifadors and Gounfel 
 here, I repaired unto the faid Datary, and brought unto him three Con- 
 clufions tobedifputed, with a Proteftation, De non recedendo ah orAine 
 haBenns obfervato, according to the Proem of the faid Conclufions, the 
 Copy whereof your Highnefs fhall receive herewith. Afterwards, with 
 the fame Conclufions and Proteftation, I went to Cardinal de Monte, who 
 faid, at the beginning, That all the Conliifory criethouc upon the Difpu- 
 tations, and that we had been heard fufficientiy, and that it was enough 
 that we fhould have the fourth Difputation ; adding withall. That it was 
 a thing never fcen before after fuch fort 5 and that it ftood not with the 
 honour of the See to have fuch Difputations in the Confiftory, to the 
 great difquieting of the Pope and the Cardinals, efpecially confidering 
 the manner that is ufed, and that all the Conclufions be touched which 
 (hould content us. To this I anfwered, and defired his moft Reverend 
 Lordlhip to call to his remembrance, what he had promifed to your 
 Highnefs's Ambailadors and me, in the Cajiel- Angel upon Sbrove-Sunday^ 
 the Pope being prefent, and allowing the fame, contented that all the 
 Conclufions fhould be ^\{p\iitdifingitlariter ^ and that I fliould at my plca- 
 fure, from time to time, chufe the Conclufions to be difputed. And how 
 alfo afterward, viz. 17 ¥ebr. the Pope's Holinefs, Cardinal -4«(;o«^, and 
 his Lordlhip, not going from that promife, gave direftion for three Con- 
 clufions to be difputed every confiftory ^ the choice whereof to be at my 
 liberty (according to the copy of the faid Order which I fent to your 
 Highnefs with my Letters, of the date of the 22. of the laft); And fur- 
 thermore, that what time the order to difpute three conclufions in a con- 
 fiftory was fent unto me, and I required to fend the conclufions firft to be 
 difputed according to the faid order ^ I did, to avoid all manner of doubts 
 proteft afore I would accept it, and in the deliverance of the faid conclu- 
 iions, that I would not otherwife accept it, but that all the Conclu- 
 fions, according to the order promifed in Cafiel-Angel, ftiould be difpu- 
 ted and examined fmgnlariter, and that {landing, and not otherwife, I 
 delivered my faid Conclufions according to the Order of the 17 of Fe- 
 bruary J which Order the Pope's Holinefs hitherto had approved and obfer- 
 ved, and from that I neither could nor would go : And where he faid 
 that we had been heard fufficientiy 5 I faid, that Audience and Informa- 
 tion of lefs than the one half of a Matter could not be fufficient • and if 
 they intended to fee the truth of the whole, every point muft be difculfed. 
 And as for the crying out of the Cardinals, I faid, They had no caufe 
 fo to do, for it was more for the honour of- the See Apoftolick, to fee 
 fuch a Caufe as this is, well and furely tried, fo that the Truth may ap- 
 pear, and the Matters be well known, than to proceed prxcifitantery as 
 they did at the beginning of this Matter, afore they well knew what the 
 Matter was. And as touching the difquieting the Pope's Holinefs, and 
 the faid Cardinals, I faid, your Highnefs for their pains was much behol- 
 den unto them p neverthelefs, I faid, that they might on the other fide 
 ponder fuch pains as your Highnefs hath taken for them, in part declared 
 by me ^ which was much more than for them to fit in their Chairs two 
 or three hours in a week, to hear the juftice of your defence in this caufe. 
 And as touching the manner ufed in the faid Difputation, 1 faid his Lord- 
 fiiip knew wellthat it was by the Party adverfe, which all manner of wayes 
 goeth about to fatigate and make weary the Confiftory of the Difputa- 
 
 M m m 2 lions.
 
 1 06 -d ColMion Book II„ 
 
 tions, fpecially in chiding, fcolding and alledging Lrxs and Dicilions 
 that never were, nor fpoken of by any Dodor, and vainly continuing 
 the time, to the intent that the Pope's Holinefs, and the Cardinals, dif- 
 folving the Confiftory, and not giving audience, the faid Party, with- 
 out Law, Renfon, or any good Ground, might attain their Defire, and 
 keep under the Truth, that it fiiould no,t appear 5 and if any thing was 
 fharply fpoken of our Party, I faid it was done only for our Defence, and 
 to (hew the Errors and Falfity of the Qyeen's Advocates in their Allegati- 
 ons, wherein, 1 faid, they Ihould not be fpared. And forafmuch as on- 
 the behalf of jour Highnefs there was nothing fpoken but that which was 
 grounded upon Law, and declared in what Place, fo that it cannot be 
 denied 5 I defired his Lcrdfhip that he would continue his goodnefs in this 
 Matter, as your Highnefs's efpecial trufl was he would do ^ and that we 
 might always, as we were accuftomed, have rccourfe unto the fame in 
 all our Bufinefs for his good Help and Counfel. His Lordfliip not yet 
 latisfied, faid. That as concerning the Order, the Pope's Holincfs might 
 interpretate and declare what he meant by it ; and as touching the Con- 
 clufions, they were fuperiluous, impertinent, and calumnious, only pro- 
 pofed to defer the Matter. I anfwered, and faid. That to interpretate 
 the faid Order where it is clear out of doubt the Pope's Holmefs confi- 
 dering the Promife made on Sbrave-jSunJaj/, with my Proteftation fore^ 
 faid and the execution of the faid Order to that time, in divers Confi- 
 ftories obferved, could not by right interpretate the faid Order, admit- 
 ting Difputation upon all the Conclufions 5 and of this I fiid. That if 
 fuch Alterations were made, without any caufe given of your Highnefs's 
 Party, there was little certainty to be reckoned upon amongft them. And 
 as touching the fuperfluity and impertinency of the faid Conclufions, I 
 faid. That that was the faying of the Party adverfe, that did not under- 
 fland the fame Conclufions. And further, that fuch Conclufions as 
 were clamoroufly, by the Advocates of the Party adverfe, alledged to 
 be fuperfluous, his LordOiip in the Difputation and Trial thereof in the 
 Confiftory, did manifeflly perceive that it was not fo. And where Mt 
 was alledged the faid Conclufions to be Calumnious, and laid in to de- 
 fer the Procefs. I anfwered. That we might well allcdge again the 
 Counfel of the Party adverfe, the thing againfl us alledged, and fay 
 truly, that we were calumnioufly dealed withal, feeing the matters were 
 fo juft and clear, and yet not admitted. Then his Lordfiiip went fur- 
 ther, and faid, that Impedimentum alU^atwn erat perpetituw^ becaufc your 
 Highnefs, ex caufa reipublic^e, could not come out your Realm, and quia 
 digJiitas ve/Jra e/i perpetna •, and alfo quod Caufa requ'irit celentatem. To 
 this I faid, that his Lordfliip miltook the Matter, for we faid not in 
 the matters that your Highnefs could not go out of your Realm to no 
 Place, but we faid, that the fame could not go, ad loca tarn remota^ as Rome 
 is: So that it was not perpetinim mpedmenium. And to the other I Ihew- 
 ed him a Text, and the common Opinion of Doftors in a Caufe of Ma- 
 trimony, being inter Regent (^ Reginavi which took away the thing 
 that he had faid. Then his Lordfiiip faid. That it was enough that the 
 Place were fure to the Procurator by the Chapter, Cum olun de lejiibus. 
 I faid, T hat that Chapter did not prove that Allegation, and that they 
 niifiook the Text that fo did undcrltand it, for the Alternative that is 
 in that Text is not referred ad locum tutwn^ but adordinem Citationis in^ 
 choandA in perform principally aut ejus proctiratore 5 and fo Petrus de Ati' 
 
 khorano 
 
 -\
 
 Book II. of Records. 107 
 
 chorano underftandeth thnt Text ; and otherwife underftanding the fame 
 it (hould be against the Chapter, Ex parte de appellatione, and the coin- 
 inon opinion there. Then he faid that Aretine faith, Qtiod fufficit qunm 
 locus fit tittus procziratori. I faid, that under his favour, Arethie faith the 
 contrary, for he faith, Qjtod partibus debet locus tutus ajjignarifi potent^ 
 ^ fi no?} poterit partibus, detur procitratoribtts. Then his Lordfhip faid to 
 me. That I knew well he began to fet forward thefe Difputations, and 
 that he would do the beft he could for the furtherance thereof. 
 
 The 19?/^ of this prefent I went with your Highnefs's AmbafTadors to 
 the Pope, and delivered his Holinefs in writing thofe things that were 
 done in the Difputation of the i^th of this : And then your Ambafladors 
 were in hand with the Pope to alter the Intimation, and to put out the 
 Term peremptory, aiid other that were exclufory of further Difputati- 
 ons to be had upon the fame Conclufions. The Pope's Holinefs faid. 
 That Difputations was no ad Judicial requiring to be in the Conliftory 3 
 and therefore he faid, he would call certain Congregations of Cardinals, 
 on fryday and Monday following, to hear the Difputations. Then 
 I William Benet faid. That that could not ftand very well with the De- 
 cree "bf the Intimation, which was peremptory for any farther Difputa- 
 tions after the 2Qrh of this prefent ; and therefore I fpake that the fame 
 Term peremptory might be put out of the Intimation, alledging withal, 
 that upon the faid Fryday or Monday it was no time to hear the Difputa- 
 tion, being fo nigh after ;, and that his Holinefs hitherto hath obferved 
 the Confiftory for the Difputations, which Confiftory cannot be unto 
 after Eajier, if the manner of the Court be obferved. Then the Pope 
 faid, he might call a Confiftory when he would, as he hath done in 
 making of Cardinals, an Aft much more folemn than a Difputation. 
 To that I faid, his Holinefs might fo do if he would ; howbeit, it 
 Ihould be prater folitum tnorem : and therefore defired his Holinefs to 
 confider therein the Order before affigned, and that this Term peremptory 
 would not ftand with the Order. His Holinefs then willed we (hould 
 inform the Cardinals, Ancona and de Monte, and fo we did , Ancona fiiew- 
 cd himfelf fomewhat reafonable, and was contented the Term peremptory 
 lliould be put out. De Monte faid that the Pope woitld proniife to hear 
 tile Conclufions difputed in Congregations, calling thereto certain Car- 
 dinals, fo that the Term peremptory fliould not be prejudicial. Then I 
 Edward Karne defired him, that if the faid Term fliould not be prejudi- 
 cial, that it might be firicken out, for I told him plainly that I would not 
 ftand to words, the writing (hewing the contrary 5 adding withal, that 
 I would not Difpute in this Term, tanquam peremptorio, but would mani- 
 feftiy fhew and proteft. That 1, with other your Highnefs's Counfcl, 
 were ready to defend the Conclufions publiflied according to the Order 
 given, and hitherto obferx'ed ^ alledging alfo, that the Conclufions be- 
 ing juftified, the Matters ought to be admitted ; and that if the Pope's 
 Holinefs and the Cardinals would not give Audience to me and your 
 Highnefs's faidCounfel, for the manifeft Trial and ftiowing of the Truth, 
 they (hould give us caufe to complain upon them, and to cry out ufque ad 
 Sidera, your Highnefs's Ambafiadors all affirming the fame. Then the 
 faid Cardinal de Monte faid, that the Pope's Holinefs would provide for 
 the Difputations, notwithftanding the Term peremptory afligned, and faid 
 alfo, that in the Morning he would fpeak with the Pope, and give your 
 Ambaifadors and me an Anfwer. 
 
 In
 
 o8 A ColleBion Book IL 
 
 111 the Morning, which was the 20th of thisprefent, the faid Car- 
 dinal would, that nothing of the Decree of Intimation fhould be mani- 
 fefted, becaufe the other part had a Copy thereof, but would the Pope's 
 Holinefs to give an Order that the word perewptory fhould be only for 
 Difputations to be had in the Confiftory, and not in Congregations, in 
 which Congregation?, the Conclufions remaining might be difputed^ 
 and tho' they had drawn out this Order, yet becaufe it was nothing plain, 
 neither certain to be conformable to the former Order, I would have 
 had the faid Cardinal to fpeak to the faid Datary for to make it as afore 5 
 and he was then contented, howbeit the Pope's Holinefs commanded all 
 the Cardinals to their Places, fo that I could not have the faid Order^ 
 and was driven thereby either to Difpute and accept the Term, tanquam 
 peremptorhmi, or elfe to fly the Difputations, giving occafion to the ad- 
 verfe Party to fay, that I diffided in the juftnefs of the Matter?, and de- 
 fence of the Conclufions. Whereupon your Highnefs's Amballadors 
 and we, with other your Learned Counfel, concluded, that I Edward «, 
 
 Karne (hould proteft, De non confent'ierijo in terniino, tanquam perempto- M 
 
 i-w, and afterward to proceed to the propofing of the Conclufions, and 
 fo I did by Mouth according to the Tenor of a Copy, which herewithal 
 your Highnefs (hall receive. When 1 had protefted, and the Pope 
 had fpoken this word Jcceptam'is, the Queens Advocate began to 
 Proteft that they would Difpute no more, and defired his Holinefs to 
 proceed in the principal Caufe. Then I 'Edward Karne faid. That the 
 Pope's Holinefs did well perceive, that the Conclufions were publifhed 
 and propofed, not only for them to Difpute, but alfo for all other, 
 come who would, for the Information of his Holinefs, and the whole 
 Confiftory. And therefore I faid, that tho' they would not Difpute, yet 
 I was there, with other your Highnefs's Learned Counfel, to propofe 
 the Conclufions, according to the Order given, jufl:ifying them to be 
 Canonical, and ready to defend them againft all thofe that would gain- 
 fay them ; and thereupon defired the Pope's Holinefs, that tho' the 
 Counfel of the Party Adverfe would not Difpute, yet I with your 
 Highnefs's Learned Counfel might be heard again j againft which my de- 
 fire the Queen's Advocate made great Exclamations, till at the laft the 
 Pope commanded him to Silence, and willed us to go to the Conclufions, 
 which we did. 
 
 And here now it is determined. That we fhall have no more Difpu- 
 tations in the Confiftory, but the reft of the Conclufions to be Difputed 
 in Congregations before the Pope, purpofely made for the fame 5 and 
 W'hat therein fhall be determined or done, your Highnefs from time to 
 time fhall thereof by us be advertifed, and of all other our doings in 
 that behalf. 
 
 And as concerning the Letters which your Highnefs fent by Francis 
 fhe Courier, of the laft oi February, as well to the Pope, as to me Edward 
 Karne, for the admiflion of me and the Matter excufatory, we fhall, ac- 
 cording to your Highnefs's Pleafure and Order affigned, in the common 
 Letter fent unto us by your faid Highnefs, proceed and do therein as may 
 bb moft Beneficial and Profitable for the fame. 
 
 And
 
 Book II. of Records, 1 09 
 
 And thus moft humbly we commend us to your Highnefs, befeeching 
 Almighty God to preferve the fame in felicity and health many Years. 
 At Rome the i%th of March. 1532. 
 
 Your Highnefs's moft humble Subjeds, 
 
 Servants, and Chaplains, 
 
 WiUiam Bennet, 
 
 Edward Karne, 
 
 Edmond Bonner. 
 
 XLV. Another Letter concerning the Procsfs at Rome. 
 
 An Original, 
 
 PLeafeth it your Highnefs, fithen our Letters of the 25 of March,Cotto»l.{W. 
 here hath been great Labour, and Solliciting, to bring the Difpu- Vitell.B.i ?<,' 
 ration publick out of the Confiftory kept once in the Week, into the 
 Congregations, to be obfervcd and kept before the Popes's Holinefs and 
 the Cardinals, in fuch Place, and as oft as fhould pleafe them 5 to the in- 
 tent, as we perceived that the faid Difputation might be the fooner ended, 
 and not take fuch efied as it was devifed for. And upon this great 
 importune Labour, I, Edward Karne , was monifhed oftentimes to fend 
 Conclufions to be propofed in the faid Congregations, as well in Palm- 
 Sund/ty-V^etkj as in £^y?^r- Week, as appeareth by the Copies of the In- 
 timations fent herewithal to your Highnefs : Upon which Intimations 
 I delivered certain Conclufions, according to the Order taken at the begin- 
 ning, with a Proteftation devifed by your Grace's Counfel here, De 7ion 
 tecedendo ab eodem or dine ^ ^ de proponendo eafdem Conchtftones in Con- 
 JiftoriOy juxta eitndetn ord'mem C^ non aliter. That notwithflanding the 
 Pope's Holinefs caufed me to be monifiied again, cum Comminationey that 
 if I would not come in, cum Advocatis^ the third Day of Jpril^ proc^- 
 deret ad ulterior a^ protefiatione niea previa non oh/iante. Whereupon, 
 with the Advice of your faid Learned Counfel, I conceived a Protefta- 
 tion, and the fame delivered to the Pope's Holinefs the faid third Day in 
 the Morning, protefling as it was therein contained, and caufing it to 
 be regiftred by the Datary ^ of the which Proteftation your Highnefs 
 fhall alfo receive a Copy herewithal. This notwithftanding the Pope's 
 Holinefs, the faid third Day in the Afternoon made a Congregation, 
 where the faid Proteftation was examined ^ and after the Treaty had 
 upon the fame, we were in Condufion remitted again to the Confiftory, 
 there to be heard, as much as the Confiflory intendeth to hear, upon the 
 Conclufions that are publifhed ^ which was much more beneficial to us, 
 than to have had all propofed in Congregations to have been kept, as 
 is afore. And by this means the Matter was fhifted off-, and deferred 
 unto the iof/:?of this Month, at which Time the Pope's Holmefs kept 
 
 the
 
 no A CoUeclkm Book . IL 
 
 
 the Conllftory. And one Mr. FroviJel, a Hngular good Clerk, which 
 came from Boiiony for the furtherance of your Highnefs's Caufe, very 
 compendioufly, and after good fafhion and handling, to the great cori- 
 tcntation, as appeared, of the Audience there, propofed three Conclufi- 
 ons, of the which two concerned the habiliration of me Edward Kartie, to 
 Jay in the Matters Excufatory : And the third was, that the Caufe ought 
 to bs ciommitted, extra curiam, ad locinn tzitiim utrique parti : Of the 
 which Conclulions, and alfp his Sayings, the faid lor^Day, yourHigh- 
 nefs (hall receive a Copy herewithal. And forafmuch as at the faid 
 Confiftory, neither the Imperials, neither yet the Queen's Counfel, did 
 appear 5 {^Edward Karne, with the Advice of your Highnefs's Counfe], 
 faid to the Pope's Holinefs, after the Propofition made by Mr. Provide!., 
 that his Holinefs might perceive well, that if the Party adverfe had any 
 good matter to alledge, againft fuch things as were deduced for the ju- 
 llification of the Conclufions, and matter Excufatory, and did not dif- 
 iide of their Part, they vyould not have abfented therafelves, or Oirunk- 
 en from the Difputations, which they afore had accepted and taken 5 
 wherefore I accufed their contumacy and abfence, defiring th^t it might 
 ht enafted ; and tl^ercupon departed from the Confiftory, for tRat Day 
 dillblved. 
 
 The \\th of this prefent, the Pope's Holinefs caufed Intimation to be 
 made unto me, of the Confiftory to be kept the ijth of the fame ; willing 
 me to be there, cum Advocatisy to difpute all the Conclufions not propo- 
 fed and difputed ; Upon the which Intimation, I delivered to the Datary 
 three Conclufions, the 19, the 20, and the 21 in order, with a ProteftaJ 
 tion devifed by your Learned Counfel, fent here-withal to your Highnefsl 
 And in the faid Confiftory, Mr. Frovidel did alfo alledge for the juftifi- 
 cation of the Matters and Conclufions^ and over that anfwered to fuch 
 Objections as he thought the Party adverfe to make foundation upon, and 
 that very compendiously, being forry that the Imperials^ and Queen's 
 Counfel, did not come in to difpute the faid Conclufions 5 and the Say- 
 ings of the faid Mr. Providel'm the faid Confiftory, with my Proteft^ati- 
 on alfo, in not agreeing to the Term, as peremptorj/, your Highnefs fhall 
 perceive in writing fent here-withal. 
 
 As concerning the feven Conclufions yet remaining undifputed, we 
 think the Pope's Holinefs will hear us no further in the Confiftory 5 fay- 
 ing, that the Part adverfe will not abide the Difputations, nor come into 
 the fame : Neverthelefs to take otherwife out of the Confiftory, with the 
 Cardinals Information, his Holinefs is well contented. 
 
 And verily. Sir, to Itudy, labour, fet forward, and call upon fuch 
 things as may confer to the advancement of the Matter, and your High* 
 nefs's Purpofe, there (hall not want neither good Will, neither Diligence 
 to the uttermoft, that we can excogitate or defire, as hitherto furely nei- 
 ther Party hath failed 3 trufting in God that thereby if Juftice be not op- 
 prefTed, fome good Effeft ftiall follow, to the good contentation of your 
 Highnefs. With thefe Prefents, your Highnefs ihall alfo receive a Copy 
 of all things that were fpoken, as well for your Highnefs's behalf, as by 
 the Party adverfe in the Confiftory, the 2 or/? Day oi Mar£b. 
 
 And
 
 Book II. of Records. 1 1 1 
 
 II — «».pii^^— ^— — ■ II ■^^^.— — — — .^— ^___^^_^_^______— ^-__ 
 
 And thus moft: humbly we commend us to your Highnefs, befeeching 
 Almighty God long to continue the fame in his moft Royal Eftate: At 
 Rome^ the 7<^th oi April. 
 
 Your Highnefs's moft humble Subjeds, 
 
 and poor Servants, 
 
 Edward Karne^ 
 
 4 
 
 Edmond Bonner. 
 
 XLVI. A Letter from Bennet dwt/Caffali about the Procefs. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 SEreniflime (?^: Invicliflime Domine nofter Supreme, faiutem. Tubus CottonUhr. 
 Superioribus Confiftoriis ante vacationes habitis, deCaufa Excufato-f^,W/.B.i;;. 
 ria adura fuit 5 fed quid illud fuerit quod in primo egerunt refcire non 
 potuimus, quia Cardinales poena Excoramunicationis prohibiti fueraut 
 quicquam revelare. Secundo etiam aliquid fuper eadem caufa tradarunt 
 quod itidem nos celaverunt. Sed ultimo illo, quod die o<flavo Julii con- 
 gregatum fuit, ita ut inferius patebit, conftituerunt. Qiium ergo poftero 
 die Pontificem adivifTemus, ut quod decretum foret cognofceremus, ab ed 
 fie accepiraus, nolle fe ore fuo, proptereaquodjurifperitus, nonfitCon- 
 fiftorii deliberationem pronunciare 5 quocirca die fequenti ad ipfum redi- 
 remus, quoniam veliet Cardinales Montem &C Anconitanum id ipfum 
 cobis proferre : Et nihilominus idem quod deinde ex ipfis Cardinalibus 
 audivimufi tunc explicavit, noluit tamen nobis elfe Refponfi loco. Igitur 
 ■ficut dixerat, redivimus, ^^ nobis duo ill i Cardinales fie retulcrunt fum- 
 mum Dominum Si. Cardinales decrevifTe, literas Exhortatorias cum a Pon- 
 tifice, turn aColIegio Cardinalium, Majeftati veftra3 fcribendas elTe, qui- 
 bus veftram Majeftatem adhortarentur, ut velit hie ad Caufam Procura- 
 torem conftituere, idqj per totumOtHiobrem proximum facere. Pontifex 
 praiterea fuadebat ut ad idem nos Majeftatem Veftram cohortaremur, 
 idemqj fecerunt Cardinales volentes omnes ambiguitates <3c dubitationes 
 tollere. Refpondimus, velle quod nobis injungebatur Majeftati Veftr.i: 
 fcribere ; verum illud non polle reticere quod erga Majeftatem Veftram 
 inique actum videbatur ; quum neque Excufator Admiilus, neque ipfius 
 allegationes forent probata ac recepta;, id quod tarn fa^pe inftantiflime 
 petitum fuerat. Praeterea non poffe nos non valde mirari ac etiam fum- 
 mopere conqueri, quod quum pro comperto haberemus juris efle id fieri, 
 efict nihilominus denegatum 5 quum praefertim petendo Mandatum procu- 
 ratorium, tacite vid^rentur rejicere Excufatorem, & per ipfum allegata. 
 Sic autem illi nobis Refponderunt, neque Excufatorem fuifie rejedum, 
 neque per ipfum allegata fed in eodem quo prius, ftatu pcrmnnerc 5 hoc 
 autem excufatorium negotium minime, ut nobis judicibus clarum, fed 
 dubiura videri. ibique, Anconitanus qusedam noftris contraria adJuxir, 
 qus D. Karne fuis Uteris recenfet. Dicebant quoq^ in hac re favorabilius 
 nos, quam adverfariosfuiife tra^latos; illud etiam addcntes, quod liprocu- 
 
 N n n ratoriuth
 
 112 A CoUe^ion Bqo^ II. 
 
 ratorium mandarum mirtatur, juflitia optime miniflrabitur, ac etiam qua- 
 tenus fieri poffit, fav'orabilitcr ^ idque & Pontifex iScGardinalesalnbocon- 
 ftanter afleverabatit. Quum vero nos fepius dicererauj, cxcufator^in ad- 
 mitti debuifle ^ dixerunt, fi rede confider.ire velimug, nos idem Ipfum rt 
 habuifle; fienim (aiebant), Procurator hie conftituatur, Jitera' RemifTo- 
 ria & Compiilforis decernentur, ad teftes in partibus examinando?. 
 Itemq^ vir aJiquis probus ad id delegabitur ad utramque partem, teftefque 
 fcil. examinandos, ita ut procelfus in partibus fiat ; Atque hoc pado nos 
 id confequi quod defideramus, quoniam quod ad totius caufa; decifionem 
 pertinet ex eo quod de Fontiiicis poteftate cognofcendum, &C de jure Di- 
 vino difceptandum fit, ac aliis etiam de caufis, ipfam Decifionem Pontifici 
 integram fempcr refervari nihilominus oporterer, qnamvis caufam alibi 
 quam Romx- cognofci permiflura tuiffet. Nobis certe vifum eft, baud 
 parum elFe quod obtinuimus, longe enim pejora timebamus, quum *eiiio 
 in urbe eflet, qui non crederet Excufatorem una cum fijis allegationibus 
 rcjedum iri. Hunc quidem eventum rei Casfariaui segerrimeituleruur. 
 Optime valeat Majeftas veftra. Roms die 13 JuJii 1 532. 
 
 .'•-.■.■.' .;.tO i.i'v. 
 Veftras Regiae Mijeftatis 
 
 Hier« Epifcopus Wig«-ni8h. 
 
 ■■Ill f- 
 
 W. BeneL 
 
 . . y.ivn 
 
 Part 
 
 XLVII. The Sentence of Divorce. > t 
 
 ^nno Incarmtionis miUejimo quingentefimo tricefimo tertiQ^ Indi- 
 ditiione fexta^ dementis Papde decimo^ m'enjis Maii 'uicejimo 
 tertio^ in Ecclefia Conuentuali Monaflerii SanBi Petri Vunjia- 
 blidf^ Ordinis San&i Auguftini Lincoln. Diocef mftri Cantua^ 
 rien, Fromncidi. 
 
 Jnariinfpexi-'W'jsj [)ei Nomine, Ameit. Nos Thomas Permifiionc Divina Cantu- 
 ^5^'ifeg.' ad!" X arien. Archiepifcopu?, totius Anglire Primas, & Apoftolicx Sedis Le- 
 gatus, in quadam caufa inquifitionis de & fuper viribus Matrimonii inter 
 IJIuftrifiimum 6c Potentiflimum Principem & Dominum noftrum Hen- 
 ricum Odavum Dei Gratia Anglia; & Francis Regem, B'idci Defenfo- 
 rem & Dominum Hibcrnis, ac Sereniflimam Dominam Catharinam no- 
 bilis mcmori.-E Ferdinandi Hifpaniarum Regis Filinm contradi & confum- 
 inati, qua coram nobis in judicio ex officio roftro mcro ;iliquandiu ver- 
 tdbatur, 6c adhuc vertitur, 6c pendet indecifa, rite »S: Jegitimeprocedentes 
 vifis priraitus per nos & diligenter infpcdis, articulis five capifulis in dida 
 caufa objedis & miniftrati?, una cum rcfpoijfis eis ex parte didi Illuftrif- 
 fimi & Potentiflimi Principis Hcnrici Odavi fadis & redditis, vififque 
 dz Ijmiliter per nos infpedis plurimorum NobiJium & aliorum teftium 
 fide dignorum didis & depofitionibus in eadem caufa habitis & fadis, 
 vififque pra^tcrea ^ fimiliter per nos infpedis, quamplurimum fere toti- 
 us Chrifliani orbis PrincipaUum Acadeiniarum, Cenfuris feu Cunclufio* 
 nibus Magiftralibus, etiam tarn Theologorum quam Jurifperitorum re- 
 
 fponfis
 
 Book II. of Records, 1 1 o 
 
 fponfis&opinionlbus, utriufquc denicj^ue Provincic-e AnglicanxConcilio- 
 rum provincialium afTcrtionibus 6c aftirmationibus, aliifque falutaribus 
 monitis & doctrinis fuper dido inatrinionio defuper refpcdlive habitis 6c 
 fa^is 5 vififq^ulterius, & pari modo per nos infpedis, padis feufcederi- 
 bus pacis, & amiciti« inter perennis fain« Henricum feptimum nuper Re- 
 gein Anglias, di didum nobilis memoriaiFerdinanduin nuper Regcra Hif- 
 panix defuper initistS: fadis ^ vifisquoque perarapliiis, &diligenter per 
 nosinfpedis, omnibus 6c fingulisadisaditatis, literis,proceffibus, inftru- 
 mentis, fcripturis, monumentis, rebufq^aliis univerfis indidacaufa quo- 
 modolibet geflis & fadis, ac aliis omnibus & fingulis per nos vifis & infpe- 
 dis, atq^ a. nobis cum diJigentia &maturitate ponderatis & recenfitis, fer- 
 vatifq^ ulterius per nos in hac parte de jure fervandis, nee non partibus 
 prxdidis, videlicet pr^fato iliuftriflimo & potentifTimo Principe Henrico 
 Odavoper ejus Procuratorem idoneum coram nobis in didacaufa legitime 
 comparente, dida vero Sereniflima Domina Catharina per contumaciam 
 abfentc, cujus abfentia Divina repleatur prxfenria, de Confiliajurifperi- 
 torum 6c Theologorura, cum quibus inhac parte communicavimus, ad fen- 
 tentiam noftram definitivam five finale Decretum noftrum in dida caufai 
 ferendam five ferendura ficduximus procedendum, &procedimusinhunc 
 modum. Quia per ada aditata, deduda, propofita, exhibita, 6c allegata, 
 probata pariter &: confefTata, articulataque, capitulata, partis refponfa, 
 teftium depofitiones, & dida inftrumenta, monumenta, literas, fcriptu- 
 ras, cenfuras, conclufiones Magiftrales, opiniones, confilia, alTertiones, 
 affirmationes, tradatus & fcedera pacis, procelTus, res alias, & caitera pro- 
 mifTa coram nobis in dida caufa refpedive habita, gefta, fada, exhibita 
 & produda ^ Necnon ex eifdem, 6c diverfis aliis ex caufis 6C confideratio- 
 ribus, argumentifq^^c probationum generibus variis, & multiplicibus, 
 validis quidem Scefficacibus, quibus animum noftrum hac in parte ad ple- 
 num informavimus, plene 5c evidenter invenimus 6c comperimus didum 
 Matrimonium inter prsfatos lUuftrifliraum 6c Potentiffimum Principem 
 6c Dominum noftrum 'Henricum Odavum, ac Sercniffimam Dominara 
 Catharinam, ut prpcmittitur, contradum 8c confuramatum, nullum 6c om- 
 nino invalidum fuiffc &i efTe, 6c Divino Jure probibente contradum 6c 
 confummatum extitiiTe : Idcirco nos Thomas Archiepifcopus Primas 6c 
 Legatus antedidus, Chrifti nomine primitus invocato, ac folumi Deum 
 pra oculisnoftris habentes, pro nullitate6c invaliditate didi Matrimonii 
 pronunciamus, deccrnimus 6c declaramus, ipfumqj prstenfum Matrimo- 
 nium fuifle 6Cefre nullum 6C invalidum, ac Divino Jure prohibente con- 
 tradum 6c confummatum, nulliufq; valoris aut momenti efle, fed viribus 
 6c firmitate juris caruiife ^ carere, prsfatoque Illuftrifiimo be Potentiflimo 
 Principi Henrico Odavo 6c Serenilfima: Doming Catharine non Jicere 
 in eodem prstenfo Matrimonio remanere, pronunciamus, decernimus 
 6c declaramus ^ ipfofq^, IlluftrifTimum6c Potentiflimum Principem Henri- 
 cum Odavum ac Sereniflimam Dominam Catharinam, quatenusdc fado 
 6c non de jure didum praetenfum Matrimonium ad invicem contraxerunt 
 6c confummarunr, ab invicem feparamus 6c divorciamus, atq; fie fcpa- 
 ratos6cdivorciatos, necnon ab omni vinculo Matrimoniali refpedu didi 
 prajtenfi Matrimonii liberos 6c immunesfuifle !:>i efie, pronunciamus, de- 
 cernimus & declaramus, per banc noftram fentcntiam definitivam, five 
 hoc noftrum finale Decretum, quam five quod ferimus 6c promulgamus 
 in his fcriptis. In quorum praemifTorum fidem 6c teftimonium, has lite- 
 ras noftras tcftimoniale?, five prae fens publicum fententis vel Decrcti in- 
 ftrumentum, exinde fieri ac per Notaries Publicos fubfcriptos, fcribas 
 
 N n n 2 6c audua-
 
 114 A ColMion BookIL 
 
 (Sv p.uftuarios noftros inea parre fpecialireraflumptos, fubfcnbi^C I'ignari, 
 noftriqj figilli appenlione juffimus t3c fecimus communiri. 
 
 He likewife faffed 'Judgment {confirming the Kings Marriage 
 withQuee7i Ann) at Lambeth, May 2b. 1533. xchich k 
 in the fame Infpexiinus. 
 
 A6fc ^. Anno Regni 25. 
 
 XLVIII- An ASi concerning the Deprivations of the Bijhops of 
 Salisbury and Worcefter. 
 
 WHere before this time the Church of England^ by the King's moft 
 noble Progenitors, and the Nobles of the fame, have been 
 founded, ordained, and eflabliOied, in the Eflate and degree of Prcla- 
 tick Dignities, and other Promotions Spiritual, to the intent and purpofe 
 that the faid Prelates, and other Perfons, having the fa id Dignities and 
 Promotions Spiritual, continually fliould be abiding, and Refeants upoti 
 their faid Promotions within this Realm ; and alfo keep, ufe, and exercife 
 Hofpitality, Divine Services, teaching and preaching of the Laws of 
 Almighty God, tofuch Perfons as were and have been within the pre- 
 cind of their Promotions or dignities, for the Wealth of the Souls of 
 their Givers and Founders, greatly to the honour of Almighty God. Of 
 the which faid Spiritual Perfons, the King's Highncfs, and his moft noble 
 Progenitors, have had right honourable, and well-learned Perfonages, apt, 
 meet, and convenient, for to guide and inflruct his Highnefs, and his 
 moft noble Progenitors, in their Counfels, concerning as well -their 
 Outward as Inward Affairs, to be devifed and pradifed for the utility and 
 prefervation of this Realm 5 by reafon whereof the lilucs. Revenues, 
 Profits, and Treafurc, rifing and coming of the faid Spiritual promotions 
 and Dignities^ were andfhould befpent, employed, and converted with- 
 in this Realm, to the great profit and commodity of the King's Subjedsof the 
 fame. And where alfo by the laudable Laws and Provilions of this Realm, 
 before this time made, it hath been ordained, ufed, and eftablifhed, that 
 no Perfon nor Perfons, of whatfoever Eftate, Degree, or Quality he or 
 they were, fliould take or receive within this Realm of EnglmiJ, to Farm, 
 by any Procuracy, Writ, Letter of Attorney, Adminiftrations, by Inden- 
 ture, or by any other Mean, any Benefice, or other Promotion within 
 this Realm, of any Perfon or Perfons, but only of the King's true and 
 lawful Subjeds, being born under the King's Dominions. And alfo that 
 no Ptrfon or Peri'^ons, of what eftate and degree foever he or they were, 
 by reafon of any (uch Farm, Procuracie, Letter of Attorney, Admini- 
 flration. Indenture, or by any other mean, as is aforefaid, fhould car- 
 ^ry, conveigh, or caufe to be carried and conveighed out of this Realm 
 any Gold, Silver, Treafure, or other Commodity, by L ctter of Ex- 
 change, or byway of Merchandii'e, orotherwife, for any of the Caufes 
 aforefaid, to the profit or commodity of any Alien, or other Stranger, 
 being born out of this Realm, having any fuch Promotion Spiritual 
 within the fame, without licence of the King's Highnefs, by the advice 
 of his Council, as by the fame Laws, Statutes and IVovifions, more 
 
 plainly
 
 Book II. of Records. 1 1 5 
 
 plainly at large it may appear ; which faid laudable Laws, Statutes, and 
 Provifions, were made, devifed, and ordained, by great policy and fore- 
 fight of the King's mofi: noble Progenitors, the Nobles and Commons of 
 this Realm, for the great profit, utility, and benefit of the fame, to the 
 intent that the Gold, Silver, Treafure, Riches, and other Commodity of 
 the fame, by the occafion aforefaid, fliould not be exhaufted, employed, 
 converted, and otherwife tranfported out of this Realm and Dominions 
 of the fame, to the ufe, profit, and commodity of any Stranger being 
 born out of this Realm, or the Dominions of the fame ; But only to be 
 fpcnt, and ufed, andbeftowed within the fame, to the great comfort and 
 confolation of the Subjeds of this Realm. Notwithltanding which faid 
 wholfom Law?, Statutes, and Provifions, the King's Highnefs being a 
 Prince of great Benignity and Liberality, having no knowledge, nor 
 other due information, or inftruftion of the fame Laws, Statutes, and 
 provifions, heretofore hath nominated, and preferred and promoted Lau- 
 rence Campegius Bilhopof Sarum, with all the Spiritual and Temporal 
 PofiTefiions, Promotions, and other Emoluments and Commodities in any 
 wife belonging or appertaining to the fame : And alfo hath nominated, 
 preferred, and promoted Hierome, being another Stranger, born out of 
 the King's faid Realm and Dominions, to the See and Biflioprick of Wor-- 
 cefier, with all the Spiritual and Temporal Promotions, and other Emolu- 
 ments and Commodities, in any wife belonging or appertaining to the 
 fame. Which faid two Bilhops^and namely the Bifliop of 5<zr?/w, nothing 
 regarding their Duties to Almighty God, nor their Cures of the faid Bi- 
 (hopricks, everfith or for the more part of the time of their faid Pro- 
 motions or Profedions into the fame, have been, and yet be refidenr, 
 dwelling and abiding at the See of V.ome, or elfewhere, in other parts 
 beyond the Sea, far out and from any of the King's faid Dominions ; by 
 reafon whereof, the great Hofpitality, Divine Service, teaching and 
 Preaching the Laws, and Examples of good living, and the other good 
 and necefiary effeds before rehearfed, ha^'e been many years by-paft, and 
 yet continually be, notonly withdrawn, decayed, hindred, and minilhed, 
 but alfo great quantity of Gold, Silver, and Treafure, to the yearly fum 
 and value of goco I at the leaft, have been yearly taken and conveighed 
 out of this Realm, to the fingular profit, and great enriching of the faid 
 Bilhops, and daily is like to be conveighed, tranfported, and fent, con- 
 trary to the purport and effed of the faid former wholfome Laws and Sta- 
 tutes, to the great impoverifhing of this Realm, as well prefently as for 
 to come, if fpeedy remedy be not had therefore in brief time provided. 
 In confideration whereof, be itenaded by the Authority of this prefent 
 Parliament, that the faid two feveral Sees and Bifhopricks of Salisbury 
 and Worcejler^ and either of them from henceforth, fhali be taken, repu- 
 ted, and accounted in the Law to be utterly void, vacant, and utterly de- 
 flituteof any Incumbent, or Prelate, &c. 
 
 XLVIII. A Letter from Cromwel to Fifher, about the Maid 
 of Kent, Anno 34, or end of 2^. 
 
 MY Lord, in my right hearty wife 1 commend me to your Lordfhip, CottonLihr. 
 doing you to underftand, that I have received your Letters dated c/«o/>. E. 4. 
 at Rochejler^ the iSf/^day of this Month, in which ye declare what 
 
 craft
 
 1 1 5 J[ Colleclion Book ll. 
 
 craft and cunning ye have to perfwade, and to fet a good Co-jntenance up- 
 on an ill Matter, drawing fome Scriptures to your purpofe ^ which well 
 weighed, according to the places whereout they be taken, make not fo 
 much for your purpofe as ye alledge them for ; and where in the firft Leaf 
 of your Letters ye write, that ye doubt nothing, neither before God 
 nor before the World, if need (hall that require, fo to declare your feif, 
 vvhatfoever hath been faid of you, thit ye have not deferved fuch heavy 
 words, or terrible threats, as hath been fcnt from me unto you by your 
 Brother. 
 
 How ye can declare your felf aFore God and the World, when need 
 fhall require, I cannot tell ^ but I think verily that your Declaration made 
 by thefe Letters, is far infufficient to prove that ye have deferved no hea- 
 vy words in this behalf. And to fay plainly, I fent you no heivy words, but 
 words of great comfort, willing your Brother to fliew you how benign and 
 merciful the Prince, was : And that 1 thought it expedient for you to 
 write unto his Highnefs, and to recognize your Offences, anddefire his 
 pardon, which his Grace would not deny you now in your age and (ick- 
 nefs 5 which my counfel I would you had followed, rather than to have 
 written thefe Letters to me, excufing your felf altho' there were no man- 
 ner of default in you. But, my Lord, if it were in another manner of 
 cafe than your own, and out of the Matter which ye favour, I doubt not 
 but that ye would think him that (hould have done as ye have done, not od- 
 ly worthy heavy Words, but alfo heavy Deeds 5 for where ye labour to 
 excufe your felf of your Hearing, Bribing, and concealing of the Maiden's, 
 falfe and feigned Revelations, and of your manifold fending of your Chap- 
 lains unto her, by a certain intent which ye pretend your felf to have 
 had, to know by communing with her, or by fending your Chaplains un- 
 to her, whether her Revelations were of God, or no, alledging divers 
 Scriptures that ye were bound to prove them, and to receive them after 
 they were proved. My Lord, whether you have ufed a due means to try 
 her and her Revelations, or no, it appeareth by the procefs of your own 
 Letters. For whereyou writethat ye had conceived a great opinion of 
 the holinefs of this Woman, for many conliderat ions rehearfed in your 
 Letter?, comprifed in fix Articles ^ whereof the fir ft is grounded upon the 
 bruit and fame of her ^ thefecond, upon her cntring into Religion after 
 her trances and diffiguration ^ the third, upon rehearfal that her Ghoftly 
 Father being Learned and Religious, (hould teftify that (he was a Woman 
 of great holinefs 5 the fourth, upon the report that divers other vertuous 
 Priefts, Men of good Learning and Reputation, (hould fo teftifie of 
 her, with which Ghoftly Father, and Priefts, ye never fpake, as ye 
 confefs in your Letters; the fifth, upon the praifes of my late Lord of 
 Canterbury, which (ho wed you, as ye write, that (he had many great Vi- 
 fions; theiixth, upon the faying of the Prophet Amos, Von fadet Do- 
 minm Dem Verbiimy n'lfi revelaverit ftfcrettim fuum ad fervos fuos Prophe- 
 tas. By which Confiderations ye were induced to the defire to kno«r 
 , the very cer'ainty of this Matter, whether thefe Revelations which were 
 pretended to be (hewed to her from God, were true Revelations or not. 
 Your Lord(hip in all the fequel of your Letters, fhetv not that ye made 
 any further triahipon the truth of her and her Revelations, but only in 
 communing with her and fending your Chaplains to her with idle Q.'-ie- 
 flions, as of the three Mary Magdaletis, by which your communication 
 and fending, ye tried out nothing of her fallhood, neither (as it is 
 
 credibly
 
 Book II. of Records, 117 
 
 credibly fuppofed) inten;led to do as ye might have done, in any wife n}ore 
 eafily than with communing with her,or fending to her 5 for little credence 
 was to be given to her, affirming her own feigned Revelations to be from 
 God 3 for if credence Ihould be given to every fuch lewd Pcrfon as would 
 affirm himfelf to have Revelations from God, what readier way were there 
 to fubvert all Common-Weals and good orders in the World ? 
 
 Verily, my Lord, if ye had intended to trace out the truth of her, 
 and of her Revelationp, yc would have taken another way with you, 
 firft, you would not have been converted with the vain Voices of the 
 People, making bruits of her Trances and Diffiguration, but like a wile, 
 difcreet, and circurafpedl: Prelate, ye ffiould have examined (as other 
 fince) fuch fad and credible perfons as were prefent at her Trances and 
 Diffigu rings, not one or two, but a good number, by whofe teftimony 
 ye ffiould have proved, whether the Bruits of her Trances and Diffigura- 
 tions were true or nor. And likewife ye ffiould have tried by what craft 
 and perfwahon ffic was made a Religious Woman 5 and if ye had been 
 fo deiircus, as yc pretended, to enquire out the truth or falffiood of this 
 Woman, and of her Re\'elations 5 it is to be fuppofed ye would have 
 fpoken with her good, religious, and well learned Ghoftly Father e're 
 this time, and alfo with the vertuous and well-learned Priefts, (as they 
 were efteemcd) of whofe reports ye would have been informed by them 
 which heard them fpeak ^ or ye would alfo have been minded to fee the 
 Book of her Revelations, which was offered you, of which ye might 
 have had more trial of her and her Revelations, than of a hundred 
 communications with her, or of as many fendings of your Chaplains un- 
 to her. As for the late Lord oi Canterbury's faying unto you, that ffie had 
 many great Vidons, it ought to move you never a deal to give credence 
 unto her or her Revelations ^ for thefaid Lord knew no more certainty of 
 her or of her Revelations, than he did by her own Report. And as touch- 
 ing the faying of Amos the Prophet, I think verily the fame moved you 
 but a little to hearken unto her 5 for fithence the Confuramation and 
 the end of the Old Teftament, and fithen the Paffion of Chrift, God 
 hath done many great and notable things in the World, whereof he 
 fliewed nothing to his Prophets that hath come to the knowledge of Men, 
 My Lord, all thefe things moved you not to give credence unto her, but 
 only the very matter whereupon ffie made her falfe Prophecies ; to which 
 matter ye werefo affected, as ye be noted to be in all matters vvhich ye en- 
 ter once into, that nothing could come amifs that made for thatpurpofe. 
 And here I appeal to your Confcience, and inftantly defire you to cnfwer. 
 Whether if ffie had ffiewed you as many Revelations for the confirmation 
 of the King's Grace's Marriage, which he now enjoyeth, as ffie did to 
 the contrary, ye would have given as much credence to her as the fame 
 done, and would have let the trial of her and her Revelation?, to overpafs 
 thofe many years, where ye dwelt not from her but twenty miles in the 
 fame Shire where her Trances, and Diffigurings, and Prophecies in her 
 Trances were furmifed, and reported. And if percafe ye will fay (as is 
 not unlike but ye will fay, minded as ye were wont to be) that the matter . 
 be not like, for the Law of God, in your opinion, ftandeth with the 
 one and not with the other : Surely, my Lord, 1 fuppofe there had 
 been no great caufe to truft the one more than the other ^ for ye 
 know by Scriptures of the Bible, that God may by his Revelation di- 
 fpenfewith his own Law, as with the IfraeliCes fpoiling the JLe^yptiant^ 
 and with Jacob to have four Wives, and fuch other. Think you, my 
 
 Lord,
 
 1 1 8 A CoUe^iion Book IL 
 
 Lord, that any indifferent Mm, conlidering the quality of the Matter, 
 and your afFedions, and alfo the negli?;ent pafling over of fuch lawful 
 Trials as ye might have had of the faid Maiden, and her Revelations, is 
 fo dull, that cannot perceive and difcernthat your communing,and often 
 fending to the faid maid, was rather to hear and bruit many of her Revela- 
 tions, thm' to try out the truth and fal(hood of the fame > And in this Bu- 
 llnefs, I fuppofe, it will be hard for you to purge your felf before God, or 
 the World, but that ye have been in gi'eat default in heiriiig, believing, 
 and concealing fuch things as tended to the dcflrudion of the Prince 5 
 and that her Revelations were bent and purpofed to that end, it hath been 
 duly proved afore as great Affembly and Council of the Lords of this 
 Realm, as hath been feen many years meet out of a Parliament. And 
 what the faid Lords deemed them worthy to fuffer, which faid, heard, 
 believed, and concealed thofe falfe Revelations, be more terrible than 
 any threats fpoken by me to your Brother. 
 
 And where ye go about to defend, that ye be not to be blamed for con- 
 cealing the Revelations concerning the King's Grace, becaufe ye thought 
 it not neceflary to rehearfe them tohisHighnefs, for fix Caufes following 
 in your Letters 5 afore I fhew you my mind concerning ihefe Canfes, f 
 fuppofe that albeit you percafe thought it not neceflary to he (hewed to 
 the Prince by you, yet that your thinking fhall not be your Trial, but 
 the Law muft define whether ye oughted to utter it or not. 
 
 And as to the firfl: of the faid feven Caufes 5 Albeit the told you that 
 fhe had fliewed her Revelations concerning the King's Grace to the King 
 her felf 5 yet her faying, or others, difcharged not you, but that ye were 
 bound, by your fidelity, to (hew to the King's Grace that thing which 
 feemcd to concern his Grace and his Reign fo nighly : for how knew you 
 that (he (howedthefe Revelations to the King's Grace, but by her own 
 faying, to which ye (hould have given no fuch credence, as to forbear the 
 utterance of fo great Matters concerning a King s Weal ? And why (hould 
 you fo fincerely judge the Prince, that if ye had (hewed the fame unto 
 him, he would have thought that ye had brought that tale unto him, more 
 for the (trengthning and confirmation of your Opinion, than for any 
 other thing elfe. Verily, my Lord, whatfoever your Judgement be, I 
 fee daily fuch benignity and excellent humanity in his Grace, that I 
 doubt not but his Highnefs would have accepted it in good part, if 
 ye had fliewed the fame Revalations unto him, as ye were bounden by 
 your fidelity, 
 
 To the fecond Caufe : Albeit (he fhowed you not that any Prince, or 
 other Temporal Lord (hould put the King's Grace in danger of his Crown 5 
 yet there wtre waves enough by which her faid Revelations might have 
 put the King'sGrace in danger, as the forefaid Council of Lords havefub- 
 ftantially and duly coniidercd : And therefore albeit (he fliewed you not 
 themeins whereby the danger fliould cnfue to the King, yet ye were ne- 
 verthelefs bounden to (hew him of the danger. 
 
 To the ihird^ think you my Lord, that if any Petfon would come unto 
 you, and (hew you, that the King's deflrucHon were coufpived againfl a 
 certain time, and would fully fliew you that he were fent from his Ma- 
 iler to fliew the fame to the King, and will fay further unto that, he 
 would go ftrcight to the King ^ were it not yet your duty to certilie the 
 King's Grace of this Revelation, and alfo to enquire whether the faid 
 Parlor* had done his forefaid Meflage or no? Yes verily, and fo were ye 
 
 bound.
 
 Book II. of Records. 1 1 p 
 
 bound, tho' the maiden fhewed you it was her Meffage from God to be 
 declared by her to the King's Grace. 
 
 To the fourth , Here ye tr^nflate the temporal Duty that ye owe to 
 your Prince, to the fpiritual Duty of fuch as be bound to declare the 
 Word of God to the People, and to (hew unto them the ill and punifh- 
 raent of it in another World 5 the concealment whereof pertaineth to the 
 Judgment of God, but the concealment of this Matter pertaiueth toother 
 Judges of this Realm. 
 
 To the fifth; There could no blame be imputed to you, if ye had 
 fhewed the Maidens Revelations to the King's Grace, albeit they were af- 
 terward found falfe, for no Man ought to be blamed doing his Duty ; And 
 if a Man would fhew you fecretly, that there were a great Mifchief intend- 
 ed againft the Prince, were ye to be blamed if ye (hewed him of it ^ albeit 
 it was a feigned talk, and the faid mifchief were never imagined? 
 
 To the fixth ; Concerning an Imagination of Mr. ?ary^ it was known 
 that he was beiide himfclf, and therefore they were not blamed that made 
 no report thereof, but it was rot like in this cafe, for ye took not this 
 Maiden for a mad Woman, for if ye had, yc would not have given unto 
 her fo great credence as ye did. 
 
 To the final, and feventh Caufe 5 Where ye lay unto the charge of out 
 Sovereign, that hath fo unkindly entreated you with grievous Words, 
 and terrible Letters, for fliowing his Grace truth in his great Matter, 
 whereby ye were difcomfotted to fhew unto him the Maidens Revelations; 
 I believe that I know the King's Goodnefs, and natural Gentlenefs fo 
 well, that his Grace would not fo unkindly handled you, as your unkind- 
 ly writings him, unlefs ye gave him other Caufes than be expreffed in 
 your Letters. And whatfoever the King's Grace hath faid or written 
 unto you heretofore, yet notwithftanding ye were neverthelefs bounden 
 to utter to him thofe pernicious Revelations. 
 
 Finally 5 Where ye de(ire, for the Paffion of Chrift, that ye be no 
 more twitched in this matter, for if ye be put to that ftrait, ye will not 
 lofe your Soul, but ye will fpeak as your Confcience bindeth you, with 
 many more words of great courage. My Lord, if ye had taken my coun- 
 fel fent unto you by your Brother, and followed the fame, fubmittingyour 
 felf, by your Letters, at the King's Grace, for your offences in this behalf, 
 I would have trufted that ye ftiould never be quykkrand in this matter 
 more. But now, where ye take upon you to defend the whole Matter, 
 as ye were in no default, I cannot fo far promife you : And furely, ray 
 Lord, if the Matter come to trial, your own confeffion in this Letter, 
 ,befides the Witnefs which be againft you, will be fufficient to condemn 
 you : Wherefore, my Lord, I will eft-foons advifc you, That laying 
 apart all fuch excufes as ye have alledged in your Letters, which in my 
 opinion be of fmall efFed, as I have declared, ye befeech the King's 
 Grace, by your Letters, to be your Gracious Lord, and to remit unto 
 you your negligence, over-fight, and offence, committed againft his 
 Highnefs in this behalf , and I dare undertake that his Highnefs (hall 
 benignly accept you into his gracious favour, all matters of difpleafure paft 
 afore this time forgotten and forgiven. As touching the fpeaking of 
 your Confcience, It is thought that ye have written and have fpoken as 
 much asyc can, and many things, as fome right probably believes, againft 
 your own Confcience: and Men report, that at the laft Convocation, 
 ye fpake many things which ye could not well defend ; and therefore ic 
 
 O is
 
 Mw- 
 
 1 20 AColleSion Book II. 
 
 is not greatly feared what ye canfay or write in that Matter, howfoever 
 ye be quykkrane and ftartled. And if ye had taken, &c. 
 
 ' ' ' i/S ' ' ' ' " ' - ' .j r .v'* "" j^"' 
 
 L. A Renunciation of the Vo^e s Supremacy Jigned by the 
 
 Heads of fix Religiam Houjis. ■. 
 
 i. 
 
 QUum ea fit non foluin Chriftian^e Religionis & pietatis ratio, fed 
 noftrrt etiam obediential regula, ut Domino noftro Henrico, qui 
 tioniinis pro Doininio Reg'o Odavdj cui uni di foli pofl Chriftum Je-^ 
 fum Salvatorem noftrum debentur omriia,non modoomnimodam inChrifto, 
 &t eandera (incerain, perpetuamq^^ anirtii devotionem fideni, obrervantiam, 
 honorem, cuitum, revereritiam prajfteraus, fed etiam de eadem fide dC 
 obfervantia noftra rarionem quotiefcunque poftulabitur reddamus, 5c pa- 
 lam omnibus fi res pofcat libentiflime tefleniur : Norint univerfi ad quos 
 prsfens fcriptum pervenit, quod nos Priores & Conventus firatrum, viz. 
 prasdicatores Langley Regis ordinisSandi Dominici, Minorum de Aiisbury 
 Ordinis Sandi Francifci, prajdicatcrumDunftopli* Ordinisamedifti,Mi- 
 ftorum de Bedford Ordinis Sandi Francifci, Fratrum Carfnclitarum dc 
 Hechyng Ordinis Beatae Maris, Minorum de Morea Ordinis S.indi Fran- 
 cifci, 'uno ore & voce, atque unanimi omnium dC fingulorum confenfu 5c 
 affenfu, hocfcripto noftro fub figillis noftris communibus, & in doraibus 
 fioftris capitularibus dato, pro nobis dC fuccefloribus noftris omnibus &C 
 fingulis, in pcrpetuum profitemur, teflamur &C fideliter promittiuius & 
 fponderaus, nos didos Priores 5c Conventus & Succeflbres noftros, omnes 
 Sc fingulcs, integram, inviolatam, finceram perpetuamq^ fidem, obfer- 
 Vantiamck" obedientiam femper prsftituros erga Dominum Regem no- 
 ftrum Hcnricum Odavum, & erga Serenifli mam Reginam AnnjimUx'o- 
 tem ejufdem, &erga caftum fanduraq^ Matrimonium niiper non folum 
 inter eofdemjufte & legitime contradum, ratum & confunimatum, fed 
 etiam tarn in duabus Convocationibus Cleri, quam in ParlianientoDorai- 
 norum Spiritualium &Tempora!ium atq^ Ccmmunium in ecdein Parlia- 
 tnento congregatorum & prsfentium detefminatum, & per Thomam 
 Cantoarien. Epifcopum folenniter confirmatum, ^ erga quamcunq; aliara 
 ejufdem Henrici Regis noftri Uxorem, poll mortem pr.?Edida; Ann^ 
 nunc Uxoris fus legitims; ducendam, 6c erga fobolem didi Domini Regis 
 Henrici ex pra^dida Anna legitime tarn progenitam quam progignendam, 
 Sc erga fobolem didi Domini Regis ex alia quacunq^legitima Uxorc poft 
 inortem ejufdem Anns legitime progignendam, d<. quod eadem populo 
 notificabimus, prsdicabimus 6c fuadebimus, ubicunque dabitur loais & 
 occ.ifio. Item, quod confirmatum, ratuinq5 habemus feraperq^ perpetuo 
 habituri fumus,* quod prsdidus Rex nofter Henricus eft Caput Ecclelias 
 Anglicanaj. Item, quod Epifcopus Romanus, qui in fuis Builis Paps 
 n6mcn ufurpat 5c fummi Pontificis Principatum fibi arrogat, nihilo mnjoris 
 fieq-, Audoritatis aut jurifdidionis habendus fit, quam caeteri quivis 
 Epifcopi in Angiia alibi in fua cujufq^ Diocefe. Item, quod foli dido 
 Domino Regi ^ SuccefToribus fuis adhsrebimus, atq:; ejus Proclama- 
 tione?, infuper omnes Anglis leges atque etiam Statuta omnia, in Parlia- 
 mento 6c per Parliamentum decreta, confirmata, ftabilita & ratificata, 
 perpetuo maniirenebimus. Epifcopi Romani legibus, decrctis Sz Gano- 
 nibiJ5, fi qai contra legem Divinanj 6C Sacram Scripturam eHe invenientur, 
 
 ia
 
 Book II. 
 
 of Records. 
 
 121 
 
 in perpetuum renunciantes. Item, quod nullus noftrum omnium in uiJa 
 vel privata vel publics concionequicquamexSacrisScripturis defumptum 
 ad alifenum fenfum detorquere prxfumet, fed quifquis Chriftum ejufque 
 vera prxdicabir Catholice & Orihodoxe. Item, quod unufquifque infu- 
 is orationibus & comprecationibus de more faciendis, primum omnium 
 Regem, tanquam Supremum Caput Ecclefia^ Anglicans, Deo d<. populi 
 precibus commendabit j deinde Reginam cum fua fobole, turn demum 
 Archiepifcopum Cantuarien. cum casteris Cleri Ordinibus, prout videbi- 
 tur. Item, quod omnes & finguji prxdidi Priores <5c conventus & Suc- 
 ceflbres noftri, Confcientis & Jurisjurandi Sacro firmiter obligaraur, 
 quod omnia & (ingula prxdifta lideliter K in perpetuum obfervabimus. 
 In cujus rei teftimonium huic Inftrumento, vel fcripto no(tro, communia 
 figiila noftra appendimus, & noftra nomina propria quifque manu fub- 
 fcripfimus, Sacris in Domibus noftris Capitularibus, die quinto Menfis 
 Mali, Anno Chrifti millefimo quingentefirao trigelimo quarto, Regni 
 vero Regis noftri Henrici Odavi vicelimo fexto. 
 
 £go Frater Richardus Ingerth 
 Prior Conventus , & Prxdicator 
 Langley Regis, cum confenfu om- 
 nium Fratrum Conventus prs- 
 didi, non coaclus fed fponte fub- 
 fcribo. 
 
 Ego Frater Johannes Cotton, 
 Prior Conventus Prsdicatorum 
 Dunftablix, cum afTenfu omnium 
 Fratrum Conventus prsdicli, non 
 coaftus fed fponte fubfcribo. 
 
 Ego Frater Joannes Sutler, Pri- 
 or Conventus Carmelitarum Hic- 
 chias, cum Aflenfu omnium Fra- 
 trum Conventus pra;dicli, non 
 coadus fed fponte fubfcribo. 
 
 Ego Frater Edwardus Tryley 
 Sacrs Theologia; Bacalaureus, & 
 Conventus Ailsberis, cum aflenfu 
 omnium Fratrum Conventus prx- 
 didi, non coadus fed fponte fub- 
 fcribo. 
 
 Ego Frater Johannes Wyatt, 
 Sacra; Theologis Dodlor Conven- 
 tus Bed. una cum aflenfu omnium 
 Fratrum, fponte hoc fcribo & non 
 coaftus. 
 
 Ego Frater Johannes Chapma- 
 nus, Sacrs Theologi^ Bacalaure- 
 us, Magifter immerito Conven- 
 tus Mare , cum afTenfu omnium 
 Fratrum, mea fponte fubfcribo. 
 
 Another Declaration to the fame prirpofe^ Mutatis mutandis, is made by 
 the Prior efs of Bedford in Kent, of the Order of St. Dominick, May 4. 
 1534. Rcgu. vicefimo fexto. Rot. Claufa. 
 
 O 
 
 2 
 
 LI. A
 
 122 A ColleHion Book 11. 
 
 LI.3 f^ Mandate for the Confecratton of a Suffragan B'ljhop. 
 Rot. Pat. 2. Par. oyRegni. 
 
 RE X Revercndiffimo in Chrilto Patri & perdileflo Confiliario no- 
 ftro Thorns Cantuarienfi Epifcopo falurein. Reverendus Pater 
 tS: diledus Confiliarius nofter Richardus Norvicenfis Epifcopus nobis fig- 
 nificavit, qurd Dioecefis fua Epifcopi Suffraganei folatio, qui fu^ follici- 
 tudinis partem fuftinere confuevit, deftituta eft & exiftit ^ & ideo reve- 
 rendos Patres Gregpriuin Abbatem Monaflerii Beatae Marise de Leyftone, 
 (?<: Thomam Mantiynge Priorem Monafterii Beats Maria:; de Biitley, 
 Norvicen. Dioc. Qrdine Sacerdotali rite infignitos, & legitimo Matri- 
 monio natos, 5c in state legitima conftitutos, virofque in Spiritualibus 
 di Temporalibus multum circunifpeftos, quibus de Canonicis nihil ob- 
 viant inftituta, quo minus (ut aflerunt) ad Epifccpilem Suffraganei 
 Dignitatem admitti poffint & deberent, nobis perfuas literas fuo magno 
 figUlo munitas prasfentavit, humiliter 5c devote fupplicans, quatenus nos 
 alterum ipforum fie praefentatorura ad aliquam fedem Epifcopi Suffra- 
 ganei infra Provinciam Cantuarienfem exiftentem ncminare, ipfique fie 
 nominatoStylum, Titulum & Dignitatem hujufmodi fedis donate dig- 
 naremur: undenosex gratia noftra fpeciali & mero motu noftris, di- 
 ctum Reverendum Patreni Thomam Mannynge Priorem Monafterii 
 Beats Maris de Butley prsdifti, alterum ex diftis, prasfentamus in 
 Epifcopum Suffiraganeum SedisGips vici Norvicen. Diocef. antedift^e, no- 
 minamus, eique Stilum, Titulum & Dignitatem ejufmodi Sedis Epifcopi 
 Suffraganei damus & conferimus. Atque hsc vobis tenore Prsfenti- 
 um, iignificamus, requirentes vos, quatenus eundcm Pattern fie per nos 
 nominatum, in Epifcopum Suffraganeum cjufdem Sedis Gips vici confe- 
 cretis, eique Benediftionem ac omnia Epifcopaiia Infignia confcratis 5 
 csteraqj omnia 5C fingula quae veftro in hac parte incumbunt officio pa- 
 fforali, juxta modum ^' formam Statuti Parliamenti in vicefimo fexto 
 Anno Regni noftri apud Weftmonafterium nuper editi peragetts. 
 
 T. R. apud Weflm. 5. die Martii 27 Regn. 
 
 t'.< 
 
 Ad
 
 Book III. of Records, 123 
 
 Ad Librum Tertium. 
 
 L Inftruclions for the General Vifitation 
 of the Monafteries. 
 
 Artiadi Regime Inquijitionis^ In Monafiicam vitam agentes^ exbo-^ 
 nend't^ ^ pracipue in ezemptos a jur'tfdiSiom Vioccefana^ jam 
 tantum Regia Majeftati ify ejus jurifdi&ioni fubditos (y fub- 
 je^fosj ac hujus tnclyti fui Regni Statutis fy' legibus^ nullif- 
 que alils penitus^ ohnoxios fy ajiri&os. 
 
 1. "W^ primis 3 Whether Divine Service be folemnly fung- faid, oh- CottonLxhv. 
 
 I ferved, and kept in this Monaftery, according to the Number and C/eop. E. 4. 
 
 ■ the x'\bilities thereof, by Night and by Day, in due time and 
 •^^ hours ? and how many be prefent commonly at Mattins, andother 
 Service, and who be abfent, and fo accuftomed to be, without caufe or 
 Ccknefs > 
 
 2. Item-^ How many Monks, Canons Regulars or Nuns, be with- 
 in this Monaftery, and how many there ought to be, and whether the 
 number be compleat according to the Founder's Will, or the Statute?, 
 Ordinances, and laudable cuftora of this Houfe , and whether the number 
 be augmented or diminifhed now of late ? 
 
 3. hem '^ Who were the firft Founders of this Houfe? 
 Funclationem primam ^ fecunJarn^ tertiam^ d^ quotquothabent^ exbibeant^ . 
 
 4. Item -^ Whether this Houfe hath any encreafe of Lands given to it 
 fitbence the firft Foundation thereof } by whom ? by how many ? and 
 tvhea > 
 
 5. Item 5 To what Sum of Money thofe Revenues and Rents of this Houfe 
 do extend and amount yearly > 
 
 6. Item ; Whether this Houfe was ever trandated from one habit and 
 order to another > by whofc Authority ? and for what Caufe > 
 
 Tranjlationem exhibeant. 
 
 7 . Item 3 How the Lands and PofTeflions appertaining unto this Mo- 
 naftery, given by the firft Founder, and all other Lands given fithence 
 the firft Foundation, were granted, given, and eftablilhed, and fo firft 
 brought to Mortemain } whether by the only Authority of the Giver, or 
 by the Autorization of the Prince for that time reigning, and by whatte- 
 nour and form ye hold them ? 
 
 Donationem & Confirmntionem exhibeant. 
 
 8. Ite?n-^ What evidence have you to fticw for all and lingular your 
 Lands, Manors, Tenements, and other your PoiTeflions Mortifate, rfni 
 given unro you, and this your Monaftery > 
 
 9. Item 3 Wherefore, for what Caufcs and Confiderations ye were ex- 
 empt from your Diocefan > and what was your Suggeftion and Motive at 
 the obtaining of your faid Exemption? 
 
 Exemptionem exhibeant, 
 10. Item-^
 
 1 ■ ■ — — " ■ . . I- r ,.i a 
 
 1 2 A. A CoUedion Book III. 
 
 10. Item:^ Whether ye have any private, peculiar, or local Statutes, 
 Confirmations, Ordinances, or Rules, made only tor the behoof, good 
 order, and (ingular weal of this Houfe , befides the Rules of your Profefli- 
 on ? and whether they were mide cither by your Founders before your 
 Exemption, or by the good Fathers of this Houfe, with the whole confent 
 of the Brethren, being fithen your exemption: to what ul'e ihey were 
 made, and how ye obferve them > 
 
 Statnta ilia localia, €^ ^lia quotqitot hahent^ exhibeanU 
 
 1 1. Ite?ii -^ By what way and form the Mafter of this Houfe was elected 
 and chofen ? And whether all the Brethren having, or ought to have.by 
 the Law, Statutes, or laudable cuftom of this Houfe, Voices in the Eiefti- 
 dn, were prefent in the fame Election, or Lawfully called or cited to it ? 
 
 12. Iterfi'^ Whether any Perfons Excommunicate, Sufpended, or In- 
 terdicted, did give Voices in the fame Eledion > 
 
 15. Item-^ Within what time after the Eleftion was made and done, 
 the Mafter cf this Houfe was confirmed ? and by whom ? 
 
 14. Ice^fi; Whether unto the Confirmation, all that had Intereft, or 
 that would objedl againft the fame, were lawfully cited, monifhed, and called? 
 
 Exhibeat E.leBic7iem, Confirmationtm & Tituhimfiia hicumbentioi. 
 
 15. Item ; What Rule the Mafter of this Houfe, and other the Bre- 
 thren, do profefs ? 
 
 16. Item ; How many be profefied, and how many be Novices ; and 
 whether the Novices have like Habit, or ufe to wear an Habit diftinft 
 from the Habit of the Brethren Profefied? 
 
 17. Item ■ Whether ye do ufe to profefs your Novices in due time, and 
 within what time and fpace after they have taken the Habit upon them? 
 
 18. Item-^ Whether the Brethren of this Houfe do know the Rule that 
 they have profefled, and whetherthey keep theit ProfefTion according to that 
 their Rule, and Cuftom of this Houfe 5 and in efpecial, the three fubftantial 
 and principal Vows, that is to fay, Foverty, Chafiity^ and Obedience^ 
 
 19. ltem\ Whether any of the Brethren ufe any propriety of Money, 
 or of Plate, in their Chambers: or of any other manner thing unwarre 
 of the Mafter, and without his knowledge and licence, or by his fuffe- 
 rance and knowledge ? and for what caufe ? 
 
 20. hem ^ Whether ye do keep Chaftity, not ufing the Company of 
 any fafpcd Woman within this Monaftery, of without ? And whether 
 the Mafter, or any Brother of this Houfe be fufpedcd upon Incoutinency, 
 or def^imed for that he is much converfant with Women ? 
 
 2 1 . Item ; Whether Women ufeth and reforteth much to this Monaftery 
 by back ways, or otherwife > and whether they be accuftcmably, or at 
 afiy time lodged within the Precinft thereof? 
 
 22. Item-^ Whether the Mafter, or any Brother of this Houfe, ufeth 
 to have any Boys or young men laying with him ? 
 
 23. Item; Whether the Brethren of this Houfe keep their Obedience, 
 being ready at their Matter's Commandment, in all things hondl, lawful, 
 and reafonable ? 
 
 Seguimtur Reguu Ceremoiiales. 
 
 24. Item 1, Whether ye do keep filence in the Church, Cloiftcr, Fraitrie, 
 and Dormitoric, at the hours iind time fpecified in your Rule ? 
 
 25. Item-^ Whether ye do keep Fafting and Abftincnce, according to 
 your Rules, Statutes, Ordinances, and laudable Cuftoms of this Houfe? 
 
 26. Ite^m-,
 
 Book III. of Records. 125 
 
 26. Item ; Whether ye abftain from Flefti in nmto^ Advent, and ofiier 
 times decJared and fpecified by the Law, Rules, and laudable Cuftoms of 
 thisHoufe? 
 
 27. Item:, Whether ye wear Shirts and Sheets of Woollen, or that 
 ye have any Conftftution, Ordinance, or Difpenfation, granted or made 
 to the contrary, by fufficient and lawful Authority ? 
 
 Profitentes Re^tdam BenediSii quam arBiJfime tenentur ad pr.adiBa. 
 C^eremonialia obfervanda. 
 
 28. Item 5 Whether ye do fleep altogether in the Dormitorie^ under one 
 Roof, or not > 
 
 29- Item'^ Whether ye have all feparate Beds, or any one of you doth 
 lay with another ? 
 
 go. Item ; Whether ye do keep theFraitry at Meals, fo that two part^;^ 
 or the leafl, the two parts of the whole Covent be always there, unlefs the 
 Matter at every one time difpenfe with you to the contrary > 
 
 31. Item -^ Whether ye do wear your Religious habit continually, and 
 never leave it off but when ye go to bed > 
 
 32. Item ^ Whether every Brethren of this Houfe have lightly departed 
 hence, and hath gone to any other Houfc of like Order and Profeffion, 
 without fpecial Letters and Licence of their Mafter > 
 
 33. Item ^ Whether the Mafter and Brethren of this Houfc have re- 
 ceived and admitted any Brother of another Houfe, without fpecial Li- 
 cence and Letters of his Mafter and Head ? 
 
 34. hem ; Whether any of you, fithencethe time of your Profeffionj 
 hath gone out of this Houfe to his Friends, or otherwife ? 
 
 3 5. Item 5 How oft-times he did fo, and how long at every time ye 
 tarried forth ? S*,'^"' 
 
 36. Item ; Whether ye had fpecial Licence of your Mafter fo to go 
 forth, or not > 
 
 37. Item ; Whether at every time of your being forth, ye changed ot 
 left off your habit, or every part thereof ? ^ 
 
 38. hem-^ Whether ye, or any of you be, or hath been, in manifeft 
 Apoftafy, that is to fay. Fugitives or Vagabonds ? 
 
 39. Item ^ For what caufe or occafion ye have fo gone forth and been 
 in Apoftafy ? and whether the caufe of your going forth was by rcafon of 
 the great cruelty of your Mafter, or by his negligence, not calling you 
 home to your Cloiiter ? 
 
 40. Itemz, Whether ye be weekly fiiaven, and do not nourifli or fufPec 
 your Hair to be long ? and whether ye wear your Apparel according to 
 the Rule, not too excelTive, nor too exquifite ^ and in like wife the ttap- 
 po's of your Horfes, and other your bearing Beafts ? 
 
 41. Item-^ Whether the Mafter and Head of this Houfe do ufe his 
 Brethren charitably, without partiality, malice, envy, grudge, otdifplea- 
 fure more fliewed to one than to another > 
 
 42. Item ; Whether he do ufehisDifciplines, Correftions, and Punifti- 
 ments upon his Brethren, with mercy, pity, and charity, without cruelty, 
 rigoroufnefs, and enormous hurt, no more favouring one than another > 
 
 43. Item 5 Whether any Brother, or Religious Perfon of this Houfe, 
 be incorrigible } 
 
 44. Item 5 Whether the Mafter of this Houfe do ufe his Brethren cha- 
 ritably when they be fick and difeafed 5 and whether in time of their 
 fickncfshe do procure unto tlicm Phyficians, and all other necefl;iries > 
 
 45. Item^
 
 12(5 A ColleBion Book III. 
 
 45. Item '^ Whether he make his Accompts (as he ought to do; once 
 everyyear before his Brethren, and chiefly the Seniors and Officers, to 
 the intent they may be made privy to the ftate and condition of the Houfe, 
 and know perfedly the due adminiftration thereof? 
 
 46. Item 5 Whether the Prior, Subprior, SeJlerer, Kitchener, Ter- 
 rure, Sacriftcn, or any fuch-like Officer, having Adminiftration of every 
 manner Revenues of this Houfe, do make his whole and true Accompr, 
 according as he is bound to do, not applying any thing by him received 
 to his own proper ufe or commodity? 
 
 47. Item 5 Whether any Religious Perfon of this Houfe do bear, occu- 
 py, or exercife more Offices than one, for, and to his own fingular commo- 
 dity, advantage, or profit, by the partial dealing of the Mafter ? 
 
 48. Item ; Whether all and fingular the Revenues and Profits of this 
 Houfe bcconverfed and employed to the Behove and ufe thereof, and of 
 the Brethren, and according to the Founder's mind and Giver ? 
 
 49. Item ; Whether the Mafter do make fufficient reparations upon his 
 Monaftery, as the Church and all other houfing thereto adjoyned, and 
 alfo upon all other the Lands, Granges, Farms, and Tenements belong- 
 ing to the fame, and whether he fuffer any dilapidation, decay, ,or ruine 
 in any part of them? ■;.!|[ ^^ ^^r„'^A ■,-.,\^r- -^ca ?■■>■■ -:■ ,-^' .rf 
 
 50. Item J Whether there be any Inventory made of all and fingular the 
 Moveables, Goods, which from time to time have been, and yet be in 
 this Houfej as of Jewels, Reliques, Ornaments, Veftiments, ready Mo- 
 ney, PJate, Bedding, with other Utenfils 5 alfo of Corn, Chattels and 
 other Commodities, to the intent the ftate and condition of this Houfe 
 may be always known? 
 
 51. Jtefrii, That ye exprefs truly and fincerely the whole ftate and con- 
 dition of this Houfe, as in Money, Plate, Cartel, Corn, and other Goods> 
 
 52. Item-^ Whether this Monaftery be indebted? to whom ? and for 
 what caufe ? 
 
 53. Item-^ Whether any of the Lands be fold, or mortgaged 5 and for 
 what Sums ? i 
 
 54. Item ; Whether any be let to Farm by the Mafter of this Houfe 
 for term of years, and for how many years ? and fpecially whether they be 
 letten for fmall Sums, or for lefs Sums than they were wont to be letten 
 for, to the intent to have great Sums of ready Money before hand ? 
 
 55. Item-j Whether he do enforce, compel, or conftrain his Brethren, 
 or any of them, to confent to the fealing of any Leafes, Grants, Farm- 
 Holds, Annuities, Corrodies, or any other Alienations ? '\ . \ 
 
 56. Item ; Whether the Plate and Jewels, or any part or parcel thereof 
 or of any other moveable Goods of this Houfe be laid to pledge, fold, or 
 alienated for a time, or for ever? for what caufe, and to whom? or other- 
 wife imbezled, or confumed ? 
 
 57. Item ^ Whether the Mafter of this Houfe be wont to give under 
 his Seal of Office, or Covent-Seal, Farms, Corrodies, Annuities, or Offices, 
 to his Kinsfolk, Alliances, Friends, or Acquaintance, for term of years, or 
 otherwife, to the hurt, hindrance, dammage, and impoveriOiment of 
 this Houfe? . 
 
 58. hem 3 Whether he be wont to grant any Patent, or Covent-Seal, 
 without the Confent of his Brethren? : 
 
 59. Item 5 Whether the Covetrt-Seal of this Houfe be furely and fafely 
 kept under three Keys 5 that is to fay, one remaining and being in Cuftody 
 of the Mafter, and the other two io the Cuftody of two Seniours ? 
 
 6c, Item^
 
 Book III. of Records, u 127 
 
 60. hem; Whether the Muniments and Evidences of the Lands, 
 Rents, and Revenues of this Houfe, be fafely kept from Vermine and 
 Moillnefs > 
 
 61. he7ti • Whether the Mafter do keep Hofpitality according to the 
 ability of his Houfe, and in like manner as other Fathers hereof have 
 done heretofore ? 
 
 62. hem ^ Whether the Mafter of this Houfe, in receiving; any No- 
 vice, being of willing and toward Mind to enter into Religion, hath de- 
 manded or received, or convented to receive any Money, Rewards, or 
 any other temporal Commodities of him fo entring, or willing to enter, 
 or of any other his Friends ? and whether for not promifing, granting, 
 or giving fuch Rewards or Gifts, any hath been repelled and not received } 
 
 63. hem ; Whether the Novices, and other received into Religion, 
 have a Preceptor and Mafter deputed unto them to teach them Grammar 
 and good Letters ? 
 
 64. hem-^ Whether any Seniour of this Houfe be deputed to declare, 
 inform, and inftru6l them their Rules, and whcreunto they ftiall be boun- 
 den to obferve and keep, after their Profeflion ? 
 
 65. hem -^ Whether any of you have taken upon him the Habit and 
 Profeffion of your Religion, chiefly for the intent, hope, or truft to be 
 made Head and Mafter of this Houfe > 
 
 66. Item ^ Whether the Mafter of this Houfe, in giving any Advoca- 
 tion, Nomination. Prefentation, or Collation of any Parfonage, Vicarage, 
 Chapel, or Benetice of the Patronage and gift of this Houfe, do take, or 
 ufe to take any manner Penfion, Portion, or other Commodity or Gains 3 
 or elfe doth make any Convention or Companion, whereby any lucre may 
 enfueto him in that behalf? 
 
 67. hem 5 Whether he do receive, or ufe to receive, the Fruits and 
 Revenues of every fuch Benefice vacant, or ufe to borrow any Money of 
 him to whom he intendeth to give fuch Benefice unto, exprefly covenant- 
 ing or intending, that hefo obtaining the faid Benefice, ftiall freely and 
 clearly remit the faid Money fo borrowed ? 
 
 68. hem'> What, and how many Benefices the Mafter of this Houfe 
 doth occupy and keep in his own hands > 
 
 6(^. hem ^ Whether the fame Benefices be appropriate and united to 
 this Houfe by fufficient Authority ? 
 
 70. hem 5 Whether the Mafter of this Houfe doth make Diftributions 
 amongft the Pariftiioners of the Benefices appropriate, and doth keep and 
 obferve all and fingular other Provifions and Ordinances fpecificd and ex- 
 prcfTed in the Appropriations of the fame Benefices ? 
 
 V • Exhibeant omnes d^fingiilas Appropriationes, una cum OrdinatiO' 
 
 nibus ^ Donationibus Vicariatuum, 
 
 71. hemi^ Whether he do promote unto fuch Benefices, as be of his 
 Gift, fufficient and able Perfons in Learning, Manners, and Vertue } 
 
 72. hem-^ Whether any Brother of this Houfe do ferve any Parifh- 
 Church, being appropriate and united to the fame, and how many Churches 
 appropriate be fo ferved ? 
 
 73. hem ; Whether the Mafter of this Houfe hath and poftelleth any 
 Benefice with Cure, or any other Dignity with his Abby ? 
 
 Si aliqiwd tale habet^ Difpenfaiionem exbibeat. 
 
 P p p 74. hem 
 
 3
 
 128 A ColleBion Book III. 
 
 74. Item ; Whether the Mailer of this Houfe at any time fince he Was 
 firil: made Abbot, or Mafter, did know or beh'eve that he was Sufpetided, 
 orExcommunicate, either by the Law, or by any Judge ; and whether he 
 knowing or fuppofing himfelf to be, did fing Mafs ift the mean time, and 
 before he was abfolved ? 
 
 In Vifitatione Monialium ad Tfdemijfa addantur h<£c. 
 
 75'. Ir.etu'^ Whether this INIonaftery hath good and fufficient Enclofure, 
 and whether the Doors and the Windows be diligently kept (hut, fo that 
 no Man can have any entry into the fame, or any part thereof, at incon- 
 venient times ? 
 
 Propter quod neceffarhm erit Vifitatori circumire Monafierium, at 
 v'ldere C^ rlmare difpofitiojiem izdijidoruniy e^ an fait nliqua loca 
 pervia per quA fecrete intrari poffit '^ df' una fecum habeat Abba- 
 tiffam mm dnabus aiit tribus fenioribus Monialtbus, a qu'tbus turn 
 interrogety an ojlia Monnfterii fingnlls qitibiisqiie noElibtts fub cla- 
 <"' i^ibus elan fa teneantur, e^ qrix earum Monialium fenio confe&^rum., 
 vel an Abbas ipfa clavium cuftoJinm tempore noElumo habeant c^ 
 teneant : natn non eft tutum clavium cuJioJem Junioribus commit* 
 te^e. 
 
 j6. Item -J Whether Strangers, both Men and Women, ufeth com- 
 monly to have communication with the Sifters of this Houfe, without 
 licence of the Abbefs or Priorefs, fpecially in fecret Places, ah3 in theab- 
 fence of their Sifters } ' " ' ' ! 
 
 77. Item; Whether any Sifter of this Houfe were profeffed- for hny 
 ftianner of Compulfion of her Friends and Kinsfolks, or by the Abbefs dr 
 Priorefs? '•' i-'-''^"-'^''' -*' -»''fiv/ oi fii..i 
 
 78. Itetn ; Whether any of the Sifters of thts feu^e uTeth fo'^o'fo'rth 
 any whither out of the Precinft thereof, without fpecial Licence of their 
 Abbefs Or Priorefs .> 
 
 79. Item 3 Whether any Sifter doth ufe her Habit continually out of 
 her Cell > 
 
 80. Item ? Wherein every one of you occupieth her felf, befide the time 
 of Divine Service > 
 
 8r. Item ^ Whether any Sifter of this Houfe hath any familiarity with 
 Religious Men, Secular Priefts, or Laymen, being not near of kin unto 
 them? 
 
 82. Item} Whether any Sifter of this Houfe hath been taken and found 
 with any fuch accuftomably fo communing, and could not ftiew any rea- 
 fonnble caufe why they did fo ? 
 
 ''■63. Item 5 Whether any of you doth ufe to write any Letters of Love, 
 or Jafcivious fifliion to any Peifon, or receive any fuch, or have any pri- 
 vy Meflengers coming and reforting unto you, or any of you, with Token 
 or Gifts, from any manner fecular Perfon or other ? 
 
 84. Item ; Whether any of you doth ufe to fpeak with any manner of 
 Perfon, by night or by day, by Grates or back Windows, or other pri\7 
 Places within this Monaftery, without licence of your Head? 
 
 85. Item * Whether the ConfelFor of this Houfe be a difcreet Man, of 
 good learning, vertue and honcft behaviour, of good name and fame, and 
 whether he hath been alivajs fo taken ^ 
 
 86. Item J
 
 Book III. (f Records. 1 29 
 
 86. Item i, How oftimes in the Year the Sifters of this Houfe ufeth to 
 be ConfefiVd and Communicate ? 
 
 Reflat pro Ecclefiis CoUegiatis, Hofpitalibus, Ecclefiis CathedraU- 
 bits^ Parochialibtts Ecclefiis^ Epifcopo, ^ Archiepifcopo^ pro 
 or dine Jerofolmkarttm .<? 
 
 Exhibeant omnia fcripta^ Munimenta^ hwentdria, Schedulas quafiiinq^ 
 wide aliqind cognitionls eoriiin refer mationt Nlonafterionim^ five domonun 
 utilitati, necejfarix. explicariy ant qiwquo viodo coUigi pojjit. 
 
 II. General Injun&ions to be given on the King's Highnefs*s be- 
 half in all Monafteries and other HoufeSy of vphatfoeuer Order 
 or Religion they be. 
 
 Flr/l ^ That the Abbot, Prior, or Prefident, and all other Brethren of Cor^owLibrr 
 the PJace that is vifited, fliall faithfully, truly, and heartily, keepcLp. E.14. 
 and obfcrve, and caufe teach, and procure to be kept and obferved of 
 other, as much as in them may lie, all and lingular Contents, as well in 
 the Oath of the King's Highnefs Succefiion, given heretofore by them, as 
 in a certain Profeffion lately fealed with the Common Seal, and Subfcribed 
 and Signed with their own Hands: Alfo that they fhall obfetve and ful- 
 fil, by all the means that they belt may, the Statutes of this Realm, made 
 or to be made, for the fuppreflion and taking away of the ufurped and pre- 
 tenfed Jurifdiclion of the Bi(hop of Rome within this Realm ; and for the 
 afi'ertion and confirmation of the Authority, Jurifdidion, and Preroga- 
 tive of your moft noble Sovereign Lord the King, and his SuccelTors 5 and 
 that they (ball diligently inflrud their Juniors and Youngers, and all other 
 committed to their Cure, That the King's Power is by the Laws of God 
 moft excellent of all under God in Earth; and that we ought to obey him 
 afore all other Powers, by God's Prefcript; and that the Bifhop of Rome's 
 Jurifdidion or Authority heretofore ufurped, by no means is founded or 
 eftablifhed by Holy Scripture : but that the fame, partly by the craft and 
 deceit of the fame Biftiop of Rome, and by his evil and ambitious Ca- 
 nons and Decretals ^ and partly by the toleration and permiflion of Princes, 
 by little and little hath grown up 5 and therefore now, of moft right and 
 equity, is taken away, and clean expelled out of this Realm. 
 
 Alfo, that the Abbot, Prior, or Prefident and Brethren, may be decla- 
 red, by the King's Supream Power and Authority Ecclefiaftical, to be 
 abfolved and loofed from all manner Obedience, Oath and Profeffion 
 by them heretofore perchance promifed, or made to the faid Bifhop of 
 Rome, or to any other in his ftead, or occupying his Authority, or to 
 any other Foreign Prince, or Perfon : And nevcrthelefs let it be en- 
 joyned to them, that they fhall not promife or give fuch Oath or Profef- 
 fion to any fuch Foreign Potentate hereafter. And if the Statutes of 
 the faid Order Religious, or Place, fecm to bind them to Obedience, or 
 Subjedion, or any other Recognizance of Superiority to the faid Bi- 
 fhop oi Rome, or to any other Foreign Power, Potentate, Perfon or Place 
 by anyways: futh Statutes, by the King'sGrace'sVifitors, be utterly an- 
 nihilate, broken, and declared void and of noneeffed; and that they be 
 
 P p P 2 in
 
 i>5.o A Colle^ion Booklll. 
 
 in no cafe bouodcn or obligate to the fame, and Ibch Statutes to be forth- 
 \vith utterly put forth and abolifhed out of the Books or Muniments of that 
 ReHgion, Order or Plnce, by the Prefident and his Brethren. 
 
 Ahb, that no Monk, or Brother of this Monaltery, by any means go 
 forth of the Piccincl of the fame, 
 
 Alfo, that Women, of what (late or degree foever they be, re utterly 
 excluded from entring into the Limits or Circuit of this Monaftery, or 
 Place, unltfs they firll obtain Licence of the King*s Highnefs, or his 
 Vifitor. 
 
 Alfo, that there be no entring into this Monsftery but one, and that 
 by the great Fore-Gate of the fime, which diligently Ihall be watched and ' 
 jkcpt by fome Porter fpecially appointed for thatPurpofe, and fhallbefhut 
 and opened by the fame both Day and Night, at convenient and accu- 
 ftomed Hours ^ which Porter Ihall repel all manner Women from entrance 
 into the faid Monaftery. 
 
 Alfo, that alland Angular Brethren, and Monks of this Monaftery, take 
 their refedions altogether in a Place called ihe MiferkoriJie, fuch Days as 
 they eat Fielh, and all other Days in their Refedory 5 and that at every 
 Mefs there fit four of them, not of duty demanding to them any certain, 
 ufuaJ» or accuftomed duty or portion of Meat as they were wont to do 5 
 but that they be content with fuch Viduals as is fet before them, and 
 there take their Refedions foberly, without excefs, with giving due thanks 
 to God ; and that at every fuch Refedion, fome Chapter of the New-Te- 
 ftament, or Old, by fome of the faid Brethren, be read and recited to the 
 other, keeping Silence, and giving Audience to the fame. 
 
 Alfo, that the Abbot and Prefident do daily prepare one Table for hira- 
 felf and his Guefts thither reforting,and that not over-fiimptuous, and full 
 of delicate and ftrange Difljes, but honellly furniftied with common Meats ^ 
 At which Table, the faid Abbot, or fome Senior in his ftead, (hall fit to 
 receive, and gently entertain the Strangers, the Guefts. 
 
 Alfo, that none of the Brethren fend any part of his Meat, oir the lea- 
 vings thereof to any Perfon, but that there be alligned an Almoner, which 
 (hail gather the Leavings, both of the Covent and Strangers Tables, af- 
 ter that the Servants of the Houfe have had their convenient Rcfcdions, 
 and diftribute the fame to poor People 5 amongfl whom fpecial ^ofefide-' 
 ration be had of fuch, before other, as be Kinsfolk to any of the faid Bre- 
 thren, if they be of like power and debility as other be ^ and alio of thofe 
 which endeavour themfelves, with all their Will and Labour, to ^t their 
 Living with iheir Hands, and yet cannot fully help themfelves for their 
 chargeable Houihold, and multitude of Children : yet let them not be fo 
 cherilhed, that they (hall leave Labour and fall toldlenefs^ with confide- 
 ration alfo fpecially to be had of them, which by weaknefs of their Limbs 
 and Body be fo impotent that they cannot Labour ^ and by no means let 
 fuch Alms be given to valiant mighty and idle Beggars and Vagabonds, as 
 commonly ufe to refort about fuch Places : which r.ither as drove-Beafts 
 ■qnd Mychers, (hould be driven away and compelled to Labour, than in 
 their Idlcnfs and Lewdnefs, againlt the form of the King's Grace^s Sta- 
 tute in this behalf made, clKrilhed and miinrained, to tlie great hindrance 
 and damage of the Commoi>Weal. 
 
 Alfo, that all other Almfes or Didributions due, or accuftomed to be 
 made, by rcafonof the Foundation, Statutes, or Cuftoms of this Place, 
 be made and given, as largely and as liberally as ever they were at any 
 time heretofore, 
 
 Alfo,
 
 Book III. 
 
 of Records, 
 
 131 
 
 Alfo, that the Abbot, Prior, or Prefident, fhall find Wood and 
 Fewel fufficient to make Fire in the Refectory, from Alha/Iow-even to 
 GooJ-Frifay, 
 
 Alfo, that all the Brethren of this Houfe, except the Abbot, and fuch 
 as be fick, or evil at eafe, and thofe that have fulfilled their Jubilee^ lie 
 together in the Dormitory, every one by hirafelf, infeveral Beds. 
 
 Alfo, that no Brother, or Monk, of this Houfe, have any Child or 
 Boy laying, or privily accompanying with him, or otherivife haunting 
 unto him, other than to help him to MaC?. 
 
 Alfo, that the Brethren of this Houfe, when they be fick, or evil at 
 eafe, be feen unto, and be kept in the hifirmary duly, as well for their 
 fuflenance of Meat and Drink, as for their good keeping. 
 
 Alfo, that the Abbot, or Prefident, keep and find in fome Univerfity, 
 one or two of his Brothers, according to the Ability and Pollefiions of 
 this Houfe 5 which Brethren, after they be learned in good andholy Let- 
 ters, when they return home, may inftrud: and teach their Brethren, and 
 diligently preach the Word of God. 
 
 Alfo, that every day, by the fpaceof one hour, a LeiTon of Holy Scrip- 
 ture be kept hi this Covent, to which all, under pain by this faid Prefident 
 to be moderated, fiiallrefort- which Prefident (hall have Authority to 
 difpenfe with them, that they, with a low and treatable voice, fay their 
 long hours, which were wont to be fung. 
 
 Alfo, that the Brethren of this Houfe, after Divine Service done, read 
 or hear fomewhat of Holy Scripture, or occupy themfelves in fome fuch 
 like honeft and laudable exercife. 
 
 Alfo, that all and every Brethren of this Houfe fhall obferve the Rule, 
 Statutes, and laudable Cuftoms of this Religion, as far as they do agree 
 with Holy Scripture and the Word of God. And that the Abbot, Prior, 
 or Prefident of this Monaftery, every day ftiall expound to his Bre- 
 thren, as plainly as may be, in Englilh, a certain part of the Rule that 
 they have profeffed, and apply the fame always to the Do(flrine of 
 Chrift, and not contrariwife 5 and he fliall teach them, that the faid 
 Rule, and other their principles of Religion (fo far as they be laud- 
 able) be taken out of Holy Scripture ; and he fhall fliow them the pla- 
 ces froin whence they were derived 5 and that their Ceremonies, and 
 other obfervances of Religion, be none, other things than as the fitft 
 Letters or Principles, and certain Introdudions to true Chriftianity, or 
 to obferve an order in the Church. And that true Religion is not con- 
 tained in Apparel, manner of going, fhaven Heads, and fuch other 
 marks 5 nor in filetice, falling, up-rifing in the night, finging and fuch 
 other kind of Ceremonies, but in cleannefs of mind, purenefs of living, 
 Chrifl's Faith not feigned, and brotherly Charity, and true honouring 
 of God in Spirit and Verity. And that thofe above-faid things were 
 inflituted and begun, that they being firfl excrcifed in thefe, in procefs 
 of time might afcend to thofe as by certain fteps, that is to fay, to the 
 chief point and end of Religion : and therefore let them be diligently 
 exhorted, that they do not continually flick and furceafe in fuch Cere- 
 monies and Obfervances, as though they had perfedly fulfilled the chief 
 and outmofl of the whole true Religion^ but that when they have once 
 pafl fuch things, they endeavour themfelves to higher things, and convert 
 their minds from fuch external Matters, to more inward and deeper 
 Confiderations, as the Law of God and Chriftian Religion doth teach 
 and fhow. And that they allure not themfelves of any Reward or 
 
 Com»
 
 I Q2 A CoUeciion Book III. 
 
 Commodity any wife, by reafon of fach Cereinonies and Obfervances, 
 except they refer all fuch to Chrift, and for his fake obferve them 5 and 
 for that they might thereby the moreenfily keep fuch things as he hath 
 commanded, as well to them as to all Chriflian People. 
 
 Aifo, that the Abbot and Prefident of this Ji^lace (hall make a full and 
 true reckoning and accurapt of his Adminiftration every year to his Bre- 
 thren, afwell of his Receipts as Expences ; and that the faid Accompt 
 be written in a great Book remaining with the Covenr. 
 
 Alfo, that the Abbot and Prefident of this Houfe fhall make no wafte of 
 the Woods pertaining to this Houfe, nor fhall fct out unadvifedly any 
 Farms of Reverfions, without the confent of the more part of the Convent. 
 
 Alfo, that there be afligned a Book and a Regifter that may copy out 
 into that Book all fuch Writings, word by word, as fhall pafs under the 
 Convent-Seal of this Houf^. 
 
 Alfo, that no Man be fufFered to profefs, or to wear the Habit of Reli- 
 gion in this Houfe e're he be 24 years of Age compleat ; And that they 
 entice nor allure no Man with fuafions and blandiments to take the Reli- 
 gion upon him. 
 
 Item^ That they (hall not (hew no Reliques, or feigned Miracles, for 
 encreafe of Lucre, but that they exhort Pilgrims and Stranj;ers to give 
 that to the Poor, that rhey thought to offer to their Images or Reliques. 
 
 Alfo, that they fhall fufFer no Fairs, or Markets, to be kept or ufed 
 within the limits of this Houfe. 
 
 Alfo that every Brother of this Houfe that is a Prieft, fhall every day 
 in his Mafs, pray for the moft happy and profperous eftate of our Sove- 
 reign Lord the King, and his moft noble and lawful Wife Queen Ann. 
 
 Alfo, that if either the Mafter, or any Brother of this Houfe, do in- 
 fringe any of the faid Injunftions, any of them fliall denounce the fame, 
 or procure to be denounced, as foon as may be, to the King's Majefty, or 
 to his Vifitot-General, or his Deputy. And the Abbot, or Mafter, fhall 
 minifter fpending Money, and other NecefTarics, for the way to him 
 that fhall fo denounce. 
 
 Other fpiritual Injuniftions may be added by the Vifitor, as the place 
 and nature of the Comperts fhall require, after his difcretion. 
 
 Referving Power to give more Injunftions, and to examine and dif- 
 ciifs the Comperts, to punifh and reform them that be convid of any 
 notable Crime, tofcarch and try the Foundations, Charters, Donations, 
 Appropriations and Muniments of the fnid Places 5 and to difpofe all 
 fuch Papiftical Ffcripts as fhall be there found, to the Right Honourable 
 Mr. Thom.is Cromwell General-Vifitor to the King's faid Highnefs, as fhall 
 feem mofl expedient to his high wifdom and difcretion. 
 
 III. Some Particulars relating to the Dijfolution of Monnjieries. 
 
 Seftioii I. 
 
 The Preamble of the Surrender of the Monaflery o/Langden. 
 
 Mnibus Chrifti fidelibus, <5cc. Willielmus Dyer, Abbas Monnflerir 
 
 1 Com. 
 
 diclaj 
 
 domus 
 
 V_/ Beat^Mariai Virginisck: S, ThornxMartyris deLangdcn, in Com. 
 Kentj&ejufdem loci Conventus, Ordinis Prxmonftrat. ca^ntulum diclaj
 
 Book III. 
 
 of Records, 
 
 iv 
 
 33 
 
 domus plene facientes, ejufdemq^ domus (qus in fuis fruftibus, redditi- 
 bus provenien. even. ^ emolumcn, non mediocriter dereriorata eft, 6c 
 quafi in totuin diminuta, ingentiq^ xrealieno obruta, opprefla, (3c gra- 
 vata extirit) ftatum ufq^ adeo matura deliberatione, & diligenti traftatu, 
 confidttantes, poiiderantes, & panfantes, quod nifi celeri remedio, regia 
 provifione huic Monafterio five Prior^tui (quippe quod de ejus fundatione 
 3c perfonatu exiftit) brevi fuccurratar <3«: provideatur, funditus in Spi- 
 ritualibus &: Temporalibus annihiletur, per prsfentes damus & con- 
 dimus, &c. 
 
 The reft follows in the ordinary form of Law : but the ordinary Preamble 
 in mojl Surrenders is^ 
 
 Omnibus Chrifli fidelibus, 5cc.Nos — Salutem. Sciatis quod nos, deli- 
 berate, certa fcientia, «5c mero motu, noftris, ?x quibufdam caufis, juftis, 
 6c rationabilibup, nos, animas & confcientias noftras fpecialiter moventi- 
 bus, ukro i^ fponte dedifleSc concefliffe Domino Regi, 6cc. 
 
 But it fcems fome few Houfes though they were prevailed with to fur- 
 render, yet would not do it with fuch a Preamble, for there are about 
 twenty Surrenders without any Preamble at alJ, made to John London 
 Clerk, ad uftm Domini Regis, 
 
 Section II. 
 
 A Lift of Religious Houfes^ which by the Kings Letter i "Patents 
 were of new founded and preferved from the Dijfolution of 
 Lefjer Monafieries. 
 
 ST. Mary of Betlefden, Buckirtghamfliire, Ciflercians- 
 St. Mary of Huntington, Auguftians. i 
 
 Chertfey, Cambridg-fhire, Benedift. Nuns. r^7' ■^'^Wft' 
 
 St. Mary in Winton,Southamp. (hire, Benedid. Nuns, 
 Grace-dieu, Lefcefterfhire, Auguft. Nuns. 
 Sr. Michael Hull, Yorkfhire, Carthufians. 
 St. Clare ^/Denby, Cambridglhire, Nuns. 
 Kymme, LincolnOiire, Auguftin. 
 St. Ann Marick, York-ihire, Benedict. Nuns. 
 St. Maryo/Bindon, Dorfet-(hire,Ciftercians. 
 St. Mary Harpa, VVeflmor. Prsmonftrat. 
 St. Mary of Hynnings Lincoln-fhire, Cifterc. Nuns. 
 St. Mary de la-Pray, Northamp. fhire. Nuns. 
 St, Mary of Kelling, York-fliire, Nuns. 
 Sr. Maryo/Cockerfand, Lancafli.Prasmonflrat. Nuns. 
 De-la-val, York-fhire, Carthuf. 
 St. Mary New-ftead, Nottinghamfti. Auguft. Nuns, 
 Wormfley, Herefordfli. Auguft. 
 St. Mary o/'Alnewick, Northumb. Prsmonft. 
 Bellalanda, Yorkfh. Cifterc. 
 St. John Bapt. Eggleftonc, Yorkfti. 
 St. Mary de Nith,Glamorganfli. Cifterc. 
 St. Mary Ulneftock, Leiceftcr/li. 
 
 Anno Regni 
 
 28. 
 
 27- 
 28. 
 
 2. September, 
 
 9- 
 16. November, 
 
 16. 
 
 27. 
 
 15. December. 
 
 14. 
 
 19. 
 2. January. 
 
 27. 
 30. 
 30. 
 30. 
 30. 
 30. 
 
 St. Mary
 
 134^ 
 
 A ColUmon Book III, 
 
 St. Mary 0/^ Dale Derby fh. Auguft- ^o. January. 
 
 Sr. Katharine of Polefloo, Devonfb. Benedict. Nuns. 30. 
 
 Sr. Mary Lacock, Wiltfti. Auguft. Nans. 30. 
 
 St. Mary Chefter, Nun?. 30. 
 
 Sr. Mary of Studely, Oxforddi, Nun?. 30. 
 
 Sr. Mary 0/ Canon Leigh, Dcvonfh. Nuns. i7.Fchniary. 
 
 Cockhil], VVorcefterfh. Augult. Nun?. 5- March. 
 
 Sr. Birtholomcw, Ncw-Caflle, Nuns. 30. 
 
 St. Mary of Wallingwells, Yorkfh. Jpril. 
 
 The Grants for thefe Hoiifes are all in the 7^l\\year of the King, to be 
 held'iw perpctuam eleemofynam, an I are enrolled in the ift^^d^^tb, 
 and <yth, parts of the Vatent Rolls for that Tear. 
 
 Section III. 
 
 A Lifi- of the Surrenders of Abbies^ which are yet extant in 
 
 the Augmentation Office. 
 
 '^egni 27. T" Angden, Pr.xmonfl:. figned by the Abbot and 10. Monks, 
 
 i J Com. Kent. i^.t<ov ember* 
 
 t'oikcfton, Benedi^'t. the Prior, Kent. • 15. 
 
 Dover, the Prior, 8 Monks, Kent. 16. 
 
 Merten, Auguft. the Prior and 5 Friers, Yorkfh. ^. February. 
 
 Hornby, Prasmonft. the Prior and two Monks. 25. 
 
 Tiltyj Cift^tc.the Abbot and 5 Monks, EfTex. ?8. 
 
 Bilfington, the Prior and two Monks, Kent. : *i.^ 
 
 Tl^efe are all enroUed Rot. Claitf. Part . iji-, , > 
 
 ..\". 
 
 Regni 23. FurnefTe, the Abbot and 30 Monks, Lancafhire. g. April. 
 
 Bermondfey, the Abb. Surrey. I.June. 
 
 Buftiliiham. B^. of St. Davids, Commendator, Eerk. 5- J"^- 
 
 ,/; 
 The Originals of thefe two laft are lofi, but enrolled 
 Rot.Clauf. Part 2d. Regn. 28. 
 
 Regnt 29.Lanthony, Auguft. the Prior and 21 Monks, Gloceftfti. lo.M/ij. 
 
 Abbington, Bened. the Abbot and 2 5 Monks, Bcrkfii. 29. 
 
 Charterhoufe, the Prior, London, 10. June. 
 Chertfey, — the Abbot and 14 Monks. 6.^uly. 
 
 VV.'irdon, Cifterc. the Abbot a,nd 14 Monks, Bedfordfti. 4. December. 
 St. Auftins Canterb. the Abby Seal. 5. 
 
 ^^■'eftacre, Auguft. the Prior and 8 Monks, Norfolk. ijs^, January. 
 Kingf wood, Cifterc.Gloceftfti. the Abbot and 13 Monks. i. February. 
 Coxhall, Cifterc. the Abbot, Eilex. 5. 
 
 St. Andrew, Bened. Northampt. tlie Prior and 12 Fr. 2. March. 
 
 Holcultrin — the Abbot and 25 Monks, Cumberland. 6. 
 
 Bufley, Auguft. the Commend, and 8 Monks, Sufl^blk. 7. 
 
 Stradford— Langthorn,Cift. the Abbot and 14 Mon. Eflex. 8. 
 Southwick, Auguft. Hampfh. 7. April. 
 
 Kennel-
 
 Book III. 
 
 of Records, 
 
 35 
 
 Kennelworth. Bened. the Prior and i6Mon. Warwickfh. 
 Merton, Aiiguft. the Abbot and 14 Monks, Surrey. 
 Font-Robert, Cillerc. the Abbot and 8 Monks, Suffex. 
 Belloloco, Cifterc. the Abbot and 19 Monks, Hamp. 
 
 Be fides thefe, the following Surrenders are enrolled. 
 Lewes, Cluniac. Suflex, the Prior. 
 Cartel- Acre, Cluniac. Norfolk, the Prior. 
 Tichfield, Prxmonlt. the Commend. Southamptfh. 
 Muchelling, Bened. Somerfetfh. the Abbot. 
 Boxley, Cifterc. Kent, the Abbot. 
 
 I a. April. 
 
 16. 
 
 16. 
 
 17. 
 
 16. Novemberi 
 22. 
 
 18. Dece7f:ber. 
 ^.Janunry. 
 26. 
 
 Waiden. Bened. ElTex the Bp. Suffr. of Colchefter. Com- 
 
 mend. 
 
 22. March. 
 
 Almojl xll thefe Ahhiei Were Above the value of two hundred pound, 
 fo that they were not within the Statute for fupprejjing the leffer 
 Abbtes, hut the Abbots were prevailed on by other Motives to 
 furrender their Houfes to the Kjng, 
 
 Batle, Bened. Suflex, the Abbot and 16 Monks. aj.Ma). 
 
 Thurgarron, Auguft. YorklTi. the Prior and 8 Frat. i^.June. 
 
 Bufhlifham, Bened. Berkfh. the Abbot and 15 Monks. 19. 
 Axiholm, Carthuf. Lincolnfh. the Prior and 8 Monks. 2j. 
 Rupa, Cifterc. Yorkfh. the Abbot and 17 Monks. 2j. 
 
 Walbeck, Prsmonft.Nottingfh. the Abbot and 18 Monks. 20. 
 Huntington Canons, Aug. the Prior and 8 Canons. ii.Juljf. 
 
 Lincoln, Gilbertines the Prior, and ij* Monks. 14. 
 
 Feverfham, Cluniac. Kent, the Abbot and 8 Monks. 8. 
 
 Bordefly, Cifterc. Worceftfh. the Abbot and 1 9 Monks. 17. 
 Cumbermore, Auguft. Chefh. the Abbot. 27* 
 
 St. Auftins, Canterb. Bened. the Abbot and Jo Monks^ ^o. 
 St. James, NorthamptonCh. Bened. the Abbot Eleft and 
 
 5 Monks. 2%.Augu(l. 
 
 Fordham Gilbertines, Cambridgfh. the Prior and 3 Frat. i. Septembers 
 Chateras, Black-Nuns, Cambfh. the Abbefs and loNuns. j. 
 Val-royal, Chefli. the Abbot and 14. Monks. 7. 
 
 Croxton, Prsmonft. Leiceftfh. the Abbot and 22 Monks. 8. 
 Haughmond, Canons. Shropfh. the Abbot and 10 Monks. 9. 
 Tudbury, Bened. Staflordfh. the Prior and 8 Monks. 14. 
 De-la-pray, no Subfcriptions, only the Common Seal. 16. 
 Roftiter, Auguft. Staffordfh. the Abbot and 8 Monks. 16. 
 Crockefden, Cifterc. StafFordfh. the Abbot and 1 2 Monks. 1 7. 
 Hilton, Cifterc. Staffbrdfh. the Abbot and 8 Monks. 
 Semperingham, f Gilbertines, the Prior and 8 Monks. 
 Sulby, Praemonft. Northampfh. the Abbot and 1 1 Monks. 
 Haberholm, Gilb. Lincolnfh. the Prior and 6 Can. 
 Betlefden, Cifterc. Bedfordlh, Abbot and 1 1 Monks. 
 Cately, Gilb. Lincolnfh. the Prior. 
 Bolington,Gilb. Lincolnfh. the Prior and 9 Monks. 
 Thelsford,the Holy Trinity, Warwickfti, Priori ^ Monks. 26. 
 Sixhill, Gilb. Lincolnfh. the Commend, and 8 Monks. 27. 
 Thetford, Auguft. Norfolk, the Prior. 27. 
 
 Alvinghame, Gilb. Lincolnfti. the Prior an J 27 Monks. 29. 
 Ormesby, Gilb. the Prior and 6 Frat. ?o. 
 
 aqq 
 
 Regni 30. 
 
 18. 
 18. 
 26. 
 24. 
 25. 
 
 25- 
 26. 
 
 •}■/« ihc Houfes 
 of this Order 
 there were 
 Ckifiers for 
 both Sexes, St. 
 Gilbert X. of 
 Sempering- 
 ham founded, 
 it J the Up. of 
 Landaff v>as 
 at this time 
 Commcniatir 
 of the nhole 
 Order . 
 
 Linn
 
 T-ti-'i-fc; 
 
 136 
 
 A ColleBion Book III. 
 
 Linn Carmelites, CThe Prior and 10 Fra. 1 
 
 Linn Dominicans, < The Prior and 11 Fra. Norfolk. ^:^o. September. 
 
 Linn Augult. CThe Prior and 14 Fra. ) 
 
 Linn, Francifc. the Warden and 9 Frat. 1. October. 
 
 Alesbury, Francifc. Buckinghamlh. the Warden and 6 Frat. r . 
 
 Coventry, Carm. Warwickfh. the Prior and i j Frat. 1. 
 
 Newftead, Gilb. the Prior and 5 Monks. 2. 
 
 Matterfey,Gilb. the Prior and 4 Monks. ^. 
 
 Coventry, Franc. Warden and 10 Frat. 5. 
 
 Marmond, Canons, Cambridgfh. the Prior and i Monk. <j. 
 
 Stamford, Auguft. Lincolnfh. the Prior and 5 Frat. 6. 
 
 Stamford, Dominic, the Prior and 9 Frat. 7. 
 
 Grinsby, Francifc. Lincolnfh. the Prior and 5 Frat. 9. 
 
 Miraval, Cifterc. Warwicklh. the Abbot and 9 Monks. 1 j. 
 
 Shouldham, Gilb. Norfolk, the Prior, 9 Monks, 7 Nuns, i \. 
 
 Bray wood, Black-Nuns, Staffordfh. the Priorefs. 16. 
 
 Lilkfhull, Auguft. Shropfh. the Abbot and 10 Monks. 16, 
 
 Stafford, Auguft, the Prior and 5 Monks. 1 6. 
 
 Northampton, Dominic, the Prior and 7 Frat. 16. 
 
 Northallerton, Carmel. Yorkfh. the Prior and 9 Frat. 17. 
 
 Warwick, Dominic, the Prior and 6 Frat. 20. 
 
 Northampton, Carmel. the Prior and 8 Frat. 20, . 
 
 Weatheral, Dominic. Cumberland, the Prior, 20. 
 
 Chickfand, Gilb. Bedfordfti, the Prior, 6 Monks, 1 8 Nuns. 22. 
 
 Darley,Auguft. Derby th. the Abbot, and ij Monks. 22. 
 
 Dale, Premonft. Derby fh. the Abbot, and 16. Monks. 24. 
 
 Repton, Auguft. Derbyfh. the Subprior, and 8 Monks. 25. 
 
 Grace- dieu, Auguft. Nuns, Leicefterfh, the Priorefs. 27. 
 
 Northampton, Francifc. the Warden and loFrat. 28. 
 
 Northampton, Auguft. the Prior and 9 Frat. 28. 
 
 Mallen Nuns, Kent, the Abbefs and lo Nuns. 29. 
 
 Bardeny, Bened. Lincolnfh. the Abbot and 15 Monks. i. JSJovember, 
 
 Barnwell, Auguft. Can. Cambridgfh. the Prior and 6 Monks. 8. /. 
 
 Lcicefter, Francifc. the Warden and 7 Frat. 10. '■ 
 
 Dominic, the Prior. 10. " 
 
 Auguft. the Prior. 10. 
 London, Dominic.the BpofRocheft. Commend. & 1 5 Frat. 10. ft 
 
 Auguft. the Prior and 12 Frat. 
 
 Francifc. the Warden and 25 Frat. 
 
 Crofs- Frier?, 6 Frat. 
 Doncafter, Carm. Yorkfti. the Prior and 6 Friers. 
 Werkfop, Auguft. Nottingham fti. the Prior & 15 Friers. 
 
 Pipewell Lincolnfli. the Abbot and i j. Monks. 
 
 Wigemore — Herefordfli. the Commend, and 10 Friars. 
 York, Auguft. the Prior and 7 Friars. 
 Doncafter, Francifc. Guardian, 6 Friars % Novices. 
 Monkbreton, Bened. Yorkfh. the Prior, and 13 Monks. 
 S. Helens Lond. a Nunnery, no Hands, only the Seal. 
 Pomphret, Dominic. Yorlifli.the Prior, 7 Friars, i Novice 
 York, Carmel. the Prior, 9 Friars, 3 Novices. 
 
 Francifc. the Guardian, 15 Friars, 5 Novices, 
 
 Dominic, the Prior, 6 Friars, 4 Novices. 
 
 Gilbertines, the Prior, 3 Monks. 
 
 I 
 
 12. 
 
 
 12. 
 
 
 >?• 
 
 
 M- 
 
 
 >4- 
 
 
 15. 
 
 
 18. 
 
 
 18. 
 
 
 20. 
 
 
 21. 
 
 
 25. 
 
 
 26. 
 
 * 
 
 27. 
 
 
 27. 
 
 27. 
 
 
 28. 
 
 
 Auguft, 
 
 I
 
 9s:. 
 
 Book III. rf Records. 1 37 
 
 Auguft. the Prior, 9 Friars, 4 Novices. i^^Vovember. 
 
 Bellalanda, Ciflerc.Yorklh. the Abbot and 24 Monks. 30. 
 Dunnington, the Order of the Trinity, Bcrkfli. the Miniftcr.3o. 
 
 Ryeval, Cifterc. Yorkfh. the Abbot and 23 Monks. ^-Decemler. 
 
 St. Albans, Bened. Herefordfti. the Abbot and 37 Monks. 5. 
 
 Anftam, Bened. Oxfordfh. the Prior and 8 Monks. 4. 
 
 Kirkham, Auguft. Yorkfli. the Prior and 17 Friers. 8. 
 
 Notely, Yorkft. the Abbot and 17 Monks. 9. 
 
 EJJerton, Gilber. Yorkfh. the Prior and 4 Friers. 1 1. 
 York, the H. Trin. the Minifter and 10 Priefts. 
 Yarom, Dominic, the Prior and 5 Friers and 6 Novices. 
 
 JDarby, Dominic, the Prior and $ Friers. ^. January. 
 
 Semperlngham, Gilber. the Commend, and 3 Monks. 6. 
 Newcaftle, Firancif. the Warden, with 8 Friers and 2 Nov. 9. 
 
 NewcaftJe, Auguft. 9. 
 
 Kewcaftle, Dominic, the Prior and 1 2 Ftiers. 10. 
 
 Newcaftle, Carmei, the Prior, 7 Friers, and 2 Novices. 10. 
 
 WalknelJ, Newcaftlej H. Trin. the Prior. 10; 
 Tinmouth. Bened. Northumberl. Prior, 1 5 Prebend. 3 Nov. 1 2. 
 
 Warwick, Bened. the Prior, and 12 Monks. 15. 
 
 Coventry, Carihuf. the Prior and 7 Monks. 16. 
 
 York, Auguft. the Prior and 17 Fellows. 17. 
 
 Bredneftock, Wiltlh. the Prior and 13 Monks. 1 8. 
 
 Richmond, Yorkfli. Francif. the Prior and 14 Friers. 19. 
 
 Lacock, Wiltfli. Nunnery, the Abbefs. 21. 
 Combe, Warwickfli. Cifterc. the quondam Abbot, 1 3 Monks. 2 1. 
 
 Kienifliam, Somerfetfli. Auguft. the Abbot and 10 Monks. 23. 
 
 Bolton, Yorkfli. Auguft; the Prior and 14 Friers. 29. 
 
 Cockcrfand, Lancafli . Preraonf. the Abbot and 22 Monks. 29. 
 PoUfworth, Warwickfli. Nunnery, no Hands, only the Seal. 3 1. 
 
 Nottingham, Carmei. the Prior and 6 Friers. '^.fehruaryi 
 
 Francif. the Prior and 7 Friers. 5. 
 
 Athelny, Sommerfetfli. Bened. the Abbot and 8 Monks. 8. 
 
 Taunton, Sommerfetfli. Auguft. the Prior and 1 2 Monks. lo. 
 
 Buckland, Sommerfetfli. Nunnery, the Priorefs. 10. 
 
 Dunkefwell, Sommerfetfli. Cifterc. 12. 
 
 Polleflow, Devonfli. Nunnery, the Priorefs. 14. 
 
 Witham, Sommerfetfli.Carthuf. the Prior and 12 Monks. 15. 
 
 Euflifliam, Devonfli. 19. 
 
 Cannonleigh, Devonfli. Nunnery, no Hands, but the Seal. 19. 
 
 Hartland, Devonfli. Auguft. the Abbot and 4 Monks. 21. 
 
 Torry, Premonft. Devonfli. the Abbot and 1 5 Monks. 23. 
 
 Launcefton, Cornwal, Auguft. the Prior and 8 Monks. 24. 
 
 Buckfaft, Devonfli. Cifterc. the Abbot with 10 Monks. 2 5. 
 
 Buckland, Devon. Cifterc. the Abbot. 27. 
 
 Bodmyn, Cornwal, Auguft. the Prior and 8 Monks. 27. 
 
 Edingdon, Wiltfli. Auguft. the Reftor and 1 2 Monks. 28. 
 Piimpron,Canons,Auguit. Devonfli. the Prior and 18 Monks, u March. 
 
 6t. German?, Can. Aug. Cornwal, the Prior 7 Monks. 2. 
 
 Ford. Cifterc. Devon, the Abbot and 1 3 Monks. 8. 
 Mi dleton, Bened. Devon. Abbot &Bp.3uff. of Shaftf. 12 Mo. II. 
 
 Abbots-bury, Bened. Dorfetfli. the Prior and 10 Monks. 12. 
 
 Tarent Nunnery, Dorcetfli. the Abbefs and 18 Nuns. t^^March, 
 
 (X q q a Bindon
 
 138 
 
 A Collection Boolk;!!!. 
 
 Bindon, Cifterc. Dorcetfli. the Abbot and 7 Monks. 14. M^rch. 
 
 ■Cerne,Bened. Dorcetfli. the Abbot and 16 Monks. i"?. • 1 
 
 Sherburn, Beped. Dorcetfh. the Abbot and 16 Monks. 18. 
 Montecute Cluniac. Somerletfl}. the Abbot and i g Monks. 20. 
 Tavenftock, Bened. Somerretfh. the Abbot 6c 20 Monks. 20. 
 Shaftsbury Nunnery, Dorcetfli. the Abbefs. 25. 
 
 Wilton Nunnery, WiUfli. the Abbefs. 25. ,\ 
 
 Hinton Carthuf.Somerfctfli. the Prior and 19 Monks. 51. 
 Bruton Canons, Auc^ufl. Somerfetlh. the Abbot and 14 Mo. \.Jpril^\,:{ 
 Hide, Bened. Hampfh. Bp Btingor Commend, and 21 MonJiPi,^., ;^^/ 
 in -^/"r//, but no date. loQ . .ion;/ 
 
 •v 
 
 Without' dm e there Are four. 
 
 [oQ ,7d-!r,Q 
 
 FrancifcansCambr. the Guardian and 25 Frat. 
 
 Dominicans Cambr. the Prior and 15 Frat. -i ^' 
 
 Thetford Dominic, the Prior. 'T • 
 
 SanO:a Maria de Pratis, the Abbot and 19 Monks. 7 -* 
 
 Hofpitals reftgned this Tear. 
 
 St Thomas Southvvark, the Mafter and i Brother. ?5- J*^- 
 
 St. John Wells, the Mafter and 3 Brothers. ?• PehruarJ/. 
 
 Bridgwater, the Mafter and 7 Brothers. 3- . / 
 
 St. John Exon, the Mafter and 2 Brothers. 20. ; 
 
 J/l the former Refignations have the Covent Seals fut to them, except thofe 
 of feme few fjoufes of Begging Friars^ which fer haps had no Seals; 
 they are alfo enrolled irs the firjl, fecond, third, and fifth Clauf Rolls of 
 that Tear. There are likewife fomefm more enrolled^ of which the Ori- 
 ginals are lojl, which follow. 
 
 Hales-Owen, Premonft. Salop, the Abbot. 9- 7«'»*- 
 
 Clattercott. Gilbert, the Prior. ^'^•i%^V' 
 
 Bedford , Francifc. the Warden. ?• Oclober. 
 
 Stamford, Francifc. the Warden. o- 
 
 Derlevghs, Cifterc. Staffordfh. the Abbot. 20. 
 
 Pipeldeth, Cifterc. Northamptonfh. the Abbot. '^.hovembtr. 
 
 De-la-pray Nunnery, Northamptonfh. the Abbefs. 16. December, 
 
 Northallerton, Carmel. Yorkfti. the Prior. 20- 
 
 Poulton, Gilbert, the Prior. 16. January. 
 
 Newburg,Auguft. Yorkfh. 22. 
 
 Bath Cathedral, Bened. 27. 
 
 Brufy ard Nunnery, Suffolk, the Abbefs. 1 7- ^/'"'^f ^ 
 
 Ncwham, Cifterc. Devonfti. the Abbot. 8. March. 
 
 Here follow the Refignations made in the 3 I Tear of the Kings 
 Reign^ of vehich the Originals are yet extant. 
 
 KImme Can. Auguft. Lincolnfh. the Prior and 9 Monks. 6.Jul^. 
 BevoU Carthul. Nottinghamfti.tbc Prior and 7 A lonks. 8. .^ 
 
 Irthiorth Nunnery, LincolnQi. the Priorefs and 17 Nuns. 9. 
 Nuncotton Nunnery, Yorkfh. without Subfcriptions. n- 
 
 Hynmgs
 
 Book III. of Records. i ^p 
 
 Hyninos Nunnery, Lincolnlh. no Subfcriptions. 1 1 . Julj. 
 
 Fofle Nunnery, Lincolnlh, the Prioref?. ii. 
 
 Newftcad Premonft.NotringhamdLthe Prior and nMonks. 21. 
 Sr.Ofith. Can.Auguft. Eilex, the Abbot and 16 Monks. 28. 
 Eliftu Nunnery, Bedfordfh. the Abbefs, 16. Anguft. 
 
 Hamond, a Commiilion to the Bp. of Chefler to take the 
 
 Surrender of it. 51. 
 
 Swine Nunnery, Yorl<fh. no Subfcriptions. :^. September. 
 
 Haughmond Can. Auguft. SaJlop, the Abbot and 10 Monks. 9. 
 Nunkehng Nunnery, Yorkfh.no Subfcription but the Seal. lo. 
 "Nunniton Nunnery, the Priorefs, 27 Crofles for Subfcript. 12. 
 Ulnefcrofr, Leicellerfli. the Prior and 11 Friers. 15. 
 
 Marrick Nunnery, Yorklh. the Priorefs. 15. 
 
 Burnham Nunnery, Bucks, the Abbefs and 9 Nuns. 19. 
 
 St. Bartholomew Smithfield, the Prior. I'y.OSiober. 
 
 Edmundsbury Bened. Suffolk, the Abbot and 44 Monks. 4. November. 
 A Comraiffion for the furrenderofSt. Alborough, Chelh. 7. 
 Bcrkin Nunnery, Elfex, the Abbefs. 14. 
 
 T-^me, Oxtordih. Bp. * Roanen and 16 Monks. 16. * what this 
 
 Ofney, f^/^/.i./. and 12 Monks. 17. ' t'tZ'/aZ. 
 
 Godftow Nunnery, Oxibrdfli. fnbfcribed by a Notary. 17. ' "" ""^^ **"' 
 
 Studley Nunnery, Oxfordfh. figned as the former. 19. 
 
 Thelsford, Norfolk, the Prior and 19 Monks. 16. February. 
 
 Weftminfter Bened. the Abbot and 27 Monks. 16. January, 
 
 A CommifGon to the Arch- Bp. of Canterb . fcr taking the ^ 
 
 furrender of Chrift's-Church Canterbury: >2o. March. 
 
 And another for the furrender of Rochefter, both dated ) 
 Waltham Bened id. EfTex, the Abbot and 17 Monks. 25. 
 
 St. Mary Watte, Gilber. Biihop of Landaffe Commend. 
 
 8 Friers and 14 Nuns. 
 
 There is alfo in the Augmentation-Office.^ a Book concerning the 
 Refignations and Supprejfions of the follovoing Monafieries. 
 
 St. Swithins VVinchefter. 1 5. November. 
 
 St. Mary VVinchefler. 17. 
 
 Wherewel, Hampfhire. 21. 
 Chrift's-Church, Twinhain, the Comraefidator thereof is 
 
 called Epifcopus NeopoliCanus. 28. 
 Winchelcouib. ^.December, 
 
 Ambrofe Bury. 4. 
 
 St. Auflins, near Briftol. 9. 
 
 Billeflwick, near BriftoL 9^ 
 
 Malmesbury. 1 5. 
 
 Cirenceftef. 19. 
 
 Hales. 24. 
 St. Peter's Glocefler. 2. January. 
 
 Teuksbury. 9. 
 
 There are alfo fever al other Deeds enrolled^ which folloro. 
 
 St. Mary-Overhay, in Southwark. i/[.OElober. 
 
 St, Michael, near Kingfton upon Hull, Carthuf, 9- November. 
 
 Burton
 
 140 
 
 A CoUeHion 
 
 Book III. 
 
 Burton upon Trent, Staffordfh. 
 
 14* November 
 
 Hampol Nunnery, Yorkfh. 
 
 19. 
 
 St. Ofwold, Yorkfh. 
 
 20. 
 
 Kirkftal, Yorkfh. 
 
 22. 
 
 Pomfret, Yorkfh. 
 
 2J. 
 
 Kirkelles, Yorkfh. 
 
 24. 
 
 Ardington, Yorkfh. 
 
 26. 
 
 Fountains, Yorkfli. 
 
 26. 
 
 St. Mary York. 
 
 ^9- r. . 
 
 St. Leonard York. 
 
 1. Decemberi 
 
 Nunnapleton Nunnery, Yorkfli. 
 
 5. 
 
 St. Gelmans Selbe, Yorkfli. 
 
 6. 
 
 Melfey, Yorkfli- 
 
 II. 
 
 Malton, Yorkfli. 
 
 II. 
 
 Whitby, Yorkfli. 
 
 14. 
 
 Albalanda, Northumb. 
 
 18. 
 
 Montgrafle Carthuf. Yorkfli. 
 
 18. 
 
 Alnewick Premonflrat. Northumb. 
 
 22. 
 
 Gisburn Auguft. Yorkfh. 
 
 22. 
 
 Newfliame, Dunelme. 
 
 29. 
 
 St. Cutchberts Cathedral of Durefme. 
 
 ?i. 
 
 St. Bartholomew Nunnery, in NewcafllCi 
 
 }. JanuAty, 
 
 EgleHflon, Richmondfh. 
 
 5- 
 
 St. Mary CarUle, Cumber. 
 
 9- 
 
 Hoppa Premonfl. Weflmoftland. 
 
 14. 
 
 St. Werburg. Chefler. 
 
 20. 
 
 St. Mary Chefler, a Nunnery, 
 
 21. 
 
 St. Peters Shrewsbury. 
 
 24. 
 
 Sc. Milburgh Winlock, Salop. 
 
 2<f. 
 
 SeaiSn IV. . 
 
 
 IT fecms there was generally d Confeflion made with the Surrenden 
 Of thefe fome few are yet extant, though undoubtedly great care 
 was taken to deftroy as many as could be in Queen Marf^ time. That 
 long and full one made by the Prior of St. Andrews in Northampton, the 
 Preamble whereof is printed by Fuller^ and is at large printed by Weti' 
 ^'ffr, is yet preferved in the Augmentation-Office. There are fome few 
 more alfo extant, fix of thefe I have feen, one of them follows. 
 
 FOrafmuch as we Riehurd Green, Abbot of our Monaflery of our 
 BlelTed Lady St. Mar]/ of Betlefden, and the Convent of the faid 
 Monaftery, do profoundly confider, That the whole manner and trade of 
 living, which we and our pretenfed Religion have pra£lifed, and ufcd 
 many days, does moft principally confift in certain dumb Ceremonies, and 
 other certain Conftitutions of the Bifhops of Rome, and other Forinfecal Po- 
 tentates, as the Abbot of Cijiins, and therein only nulled, and not taught 
 in the true knowledg of God's Laws, procuring always Exemptions of the 
 Bifliopsofi?o»>e from our Ordinaries and Diocelans : fubmittingour lelves 
 principally to Forinfecal Potentates and Powers, which never came here 
 to reform fuch diforders of living and abufcs, as now have been found to 
 have reigned amongft us. And therefore now alTuredly knowing, 
 that the raoft ^erfe^t way of living is molt principally and fufficiently 
 
 decla- 

 
 Book III. of Records. i/j.i 
 
 declared unto us by our Mafter Chrifl:, his Evangelifts and Apoflles, and 
 that it is moft expedient for us to be governed and ordered by our Supreme 
 Head, under God, the King's moft noble Grace, with our mutual A/lent 
 and Confent, fubmit our felves, and every one of us, to the inoft benign 
 Mercy of the King's Majefty j and by thefe Prefents do Surrender, &c. 
 
 The Surrender folloxes in common form, figned by the Abbot, Sub prior ^ 
 and 9 Monks, 25 Septemb. Regni 30. 
 
 There are others to the fame purpofe, Signed by the Guardian and fe- 
 ven Francifcans at ^/jj^ur;', thehrfl of OBober, By the Francifcans at 
 Bedford^ the third of Oaober. The Francifcans in Coventry the fifth of 
 October. And the Francifcans in Stamfordiht eighth of Odober. And the 
 Carmelites in Stamford u^on the fame day, which I fliall alfo infert, the 
 former four agreeing to it. 
 
 FOrafrauch as the Prior and Friers of this Houfe of Carmelites in 
 Stamford, commonly called the White-Friers in Stamford, in the 
 County of Lincoln, do profoundly confider that the perfedion of Chri- 
 ftian living doth not confifl; in fome Ceremonies, wearing of a white Coat, 
 difguifing our felves after ftrange fafhions, dockying and becking, wear- 
 ing Scapulars and Hoods, and other-like Papifticai Ceremonies, wherein 
 we have been moft principally praftifed andnufled in times paft ; but the 
 very true way to pleafeGod, and to live a true Chriftian Man, without 
 all hypocrify and feigned diffimulation, is fincerely declared to us by our 
 Mafter Chrift, his Evangelifts, and Apoftles^ being minded hereafter to 
 follow the fame, conforming our felf to the Will and Pleafure of our Su- 
 preme Head under God onEarth, the King's Majefty ; and not to follow 
 henceforth the fuperftitious Traditions of any Forinfecal Potentate or Pow- 
 er, with mutual Affent and Confent, do fubmit our felves to the Mer- 
 cy of our faid Sovereign Lord, and with the like mutual AlTent and Con- 
 fent do Surrender, c^c. 
 
 Signed by the Prior, and fix Friers. 
 
 Section V. 
 
 Of the manner of fu^^reffing the Monajieries after they were 
 
 Jurrendred. 
 
 HE Reader will beft underftand this by the following account 
 of the Suppreftionof the Monaftery of Teukfbury, copied from 
 a Book that is in the Augmentation-Office, which begins thus : 
 
 THE Certificate of Ro^ifrf Southwell Efquire, William Vetre, Edward 
 Kairne, and 'John London, Doctors of Law : John Ap-price, John 
 Kingfman, Richard Paiilet, and William Bernars, Efquires, Commillio- 
 ners alTigned by the King's Majefty, to take the Surrenders of divers Mo- 
 nafteries, by force of his Grace's Commidion to them, 6, 5, 4, or 5 of 
 them, in that behslf direfted; bearing date at his Highnefs's Pnlace of 
 Weflminfier, the yth day oi November, in the 31 year of the Reign of our 
 moft Dread Soveraign Lord Henty the Eighth, by the Grace of God, 
 
 King 
 
 T
 
 142 
 
 A Colle^ion 
 
 Book IIL 
 
 King of EiiglaiiJ^ and of France, Defender of the Faith, Lord of he- 
 land, and in Earth immediately under Chrifl Supreme Head of .the 
 Church of Englani, of all and fingular their Proceedings, as well in and 
 of thefc Monafteries by his Majefty appointed to be altered, as of otheri 
 to be dilTolved, according to the teno'.ir, purport and efied of his Grace's 
 faid CommifTion 3 with Inftructions to them likewife delivered, as here- 
 after enfueth. 
 
 Teukfbury late 
 Monaftery 
 
 Com. Glocejier, 
 
 Surrendred to the ufe of the King's Majefty, and of his 
 Heirs and Succeflbrs for ever made, bearing date un- 
 der the Covent-Seal of the fame late Monaftery, the 
 c)th day of January^ in the 31 Year of the Reign of 
 our nioft dread vidorious Sovereign Lord King Henry 
 the Eighth : and the faid Day and Year clearly diflbl- 
 ved and fupprelied. 
 
 The clear ''As well Spiritual as Temporal, over and' 
 
 yearly value 
 ofallchePof- 
 feflions be- 
 longing to the 
 faid lace Mo- 
 naftery, 
 
 <! 
 
 befides 136 /. 8 j. i cL in Fees, Annui- 
 ties, andCuftodies granted to divers Per- 
 fons by Letters Patents under the Covent- 
 Seal of the faid late Monaftery for term 
 of their Lives. 
 
 /. s. 
 
 06 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 t'l 
 
 I 
 ■,Joh?iWich, late Abbot there 266 13 04 
 \john Beley, late Prior there 16 00 00 
 . Penfions a[- iJ.BromefgrovehteFr.ofDelcharfii^ c6 08 
 fignedto the I RokCirce/Ier ?riov of St. Jaf/ies 13 06 08 
 ^^}'^^^\'S\ou'}miLDidcote?noTo{Cran^orne 10 00 co 
 
 difpatched 
 that is to 
 fay, to 
 
 > 551 06 o8. 
 
 Robert Cbehenhem B. D. lo 00 co 
 
 Two Monks 8 /. a piece 16 00 00 
 
 One Monk 07 00 00 
 
 .27 Monks 6/. i^j-. 4 <^. each 180 00 co. 
 
 /. J", d. 
 And fo remainsclear 1044 <^^ ^'^ 
 
 jj , J (.Belonging f Remain in the Treafury there under the Cu- 
 
 ivecoros ana \ ^^^ jate^ftody of JohnWhiuington, Kt. the Keys thcre- 
 
 nviaences ^ ]vionaftcry (of being delivered to Richard Paulet Receiver. 
 
 The Lodging called theAVj'/'zr^, leading from 
 the Gate to the late Abbot's Lodging, with 
 Buttery, Pantery, Cellar, Kitching, Larder 
 and Paftry thereto adjoyning. Thelate Ab- 
 bot's Lodging, the Hoftcry, the great Gate 
 entring into the Court, with the Lodging 
 over the fame^ the Abbot's Stablc,Bakehoufe 
 Brewhoufe and Shughterhoufe,the Almry, 
 Barn, Derry-houfe, the great Barn next A- 
 ven^ the Maltinghoufe, with the Garners in 
 the fame, the Oxhoufe in the Barton, the 
 Barton-gate, and the Lodging over the fame.j 
 
 The 
 
 Houfes and 
 Buildings 
 afligned co 
 remain unde- 
 taced. 
 
 CommitteJ 
 to the cufto- 
 Vdy of John 
 Whittingtony 
 Knight.
 
 Book III. 
 
 of Records. 
 
 +3 
 
 Deemed to 
 be fuperflu- 
 ous. 
 
 'The Church,with Chappels,CIoifters,Chap-" 
 terhoufe, Mifericord, the two Dormitories, 
 Infirmary, with Chappels and Lodgings 
 within the fame ^ the Work-hay, with ano- 
 ther Houfe adjoyning to the fame, the Co- 
 vcnt-Kitchen, the Library, the old Hoftery, 
 the Chamberers Lodging, the new Hall, the 
 old Parlor adjoining to the Abbot's Lodg- 
 ing 5 the Cellarers Lodging, the Foultry- 
 houfe, the Gardner, the Alraary, and all o- 
 ther Houfes and Lodgings not above re* 
 ferved. 
 
 ■The Quire, lies, and Chappels annext the" 
 Leads remain- J Cloifter, Chapter-houfe, Frater, St. Mi-{ 
 ing upon / chaeV^ Chappel, Hall» Fermory, and Gate-( 
 houfe, efteemed to 
 
 Committed 
 as abovefaid. 
 
 Bells remain 
 ing 
 
 ■-{ 
 
 In the Staple there are eight poize, by" 
 eftimation. 
 
 1 80 Foden 
 
 14600 
 Weight. 
 
 ^Xufe'oflheW^^'" garniflied with gilt, rugged, 
 King's Majefty. J Pearls, and counterfeit Stones. 
 
 3. 
 
 Plate of SilverCSilvergilt 
 referved to the-^ Silver parrel gilt 
 fame ufe. CSilver white 
 
 329 ounces.Y 
 
 605 ounces. > 1431. 
 
 497 ounces.) 
 
 Ornaments re- 
 ferved to the faid 
 ufe. 
 
 •One Cope of Silver TifTue, with one. 
 Clefible, and one Tunicle of thei 
 fame 5 one Cope of Gold Tillije,^ 
 with one Clef, and two Tunicles ot'^ 
 the fame. 
 
 Ornaments, \ Sold by the faid Commiffioners, as in a / 
 
 Goods , and 
 Chattels belong- \ 
 ing to the faid / 
 late Monaftery. (. 
 
 \ ooia oy tne laia v^ommiinoners, as in a / » 
 
 J particular Book of Sales thereof made( ' ^X 
 
 \ ready to be (hewed, as more at large^ ^^ 
 
 00. 
 
 may appear. 
 
 r To the fTo 38 late Religious Perfons of the' 
 VateRe- faid i^fe Monaftery of the King's] 
 
 ^ay- :^^^^T Mat. reward. ' 
 
 meats ynd Ser- ' 
 
 C patcht I To an 144 late Servants of the faidl' 
 I late Monaftery, for their Wages and) 
 w Liveries. 
 
 80 13 04. 
 
 75 10 00. 
 
 Rrj 
 
 Pay-
 
 H4- 
 
 A Collemon 
 
 Bocklir. 
 
 Pay- 
 ments 
 
 CTo divers Perfons for Victuals and Ne- 
 
 ceflaries of them had to the ufe of the 
 
 faid Monaftery, with lo/. paid to 
 
 the Jate Abbot there, for and in full 
 
 U^ ^^^^ A payment of 1 24 /. 5 s. 4^. by him to ^ 
 
 f For 
 I debts 
 I owing 
 i by the 
 j faid late 
 
 /. s. d. 
 
 i3 I 
 
 2 00 
 
 ^ftery. 
 
 be paid to certain Creditors of the ' °^ f"m^J»0 
 faid late Monaftery , by Covenants 
 made with the aforefaid Commifiio- 
 
 ners. 
 
 ' And fo remains clear — ^19 12 08 
 
 Thetj follows a Uft of fomefmall Debts owing to and by the 
 , faid Monajlevy, 
 
 )-'* ... . '^' '''.•■ 
 
 Then follows a Lift of the Livings in tbei^Gift, 
 
 Com. Gloceji. Four Parfonages and 10 Vicarages. 
 Cora. Wigorti, Two Parfonages and 2 Vicarages. 
 Com. Warwic. , Two Parfonages. 
 
 Br^'ol ^ ' \ ^^"^^ Parfonages and 1 Vicarage. 
 Com.WiUs0 00 2 Vicar." 
 
 Cora. Oxon. One Parf. and 2 Vicar. 
 Com. Borf Four Parf. and 2 Vicar. 
 Com. So?nmerf. Three Parf. 
 Com. Devon. 00 1 Vicar. 
 
 2 Vicar. 
 
 .LCJI / 
 
 Com 
 
 
 Com. Comub. 00 
 
 00 
 
 )m. GlamorpJ\ ,,. 
 
 o„4 M e 00 5 Vicar, 
 
 and Morgan, j ^ 
 
 In all 21 Parfonages, and 27 Vicarages. 
 
 C .l.iti 
 
 IV. Queen Ann BoleynV laft Letter to King Henry* 
 
 ^ ^ ^' y/ri 
 
 Cotton Libr. '^/'Our Grace's Difpleafure, and my Imprifonmeiit, are things fo ftrange 
 
 Otho. C, lo. _I_ unto me, as what to write, or what to excufe, I am altogether igno- 
 rant. Whereas you fend unto me (willing me to confefs a Truth, and io 
 obtain your Favour) byfuch an one whom you know to be mine antient 
 
 pro-
 
 Book III. of Records. 14.5 
 
 profelled Enemy. I no fooner received this MefTage by him, than I rightly 
 conceived your meanings and if, as you fay, confefling a Truth indeed 
 may procure my fafety, I (hall with all willingnefs and duty perform your 
 Command. 
 
 But let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor Wife will ever be 
 brought to acknowledge a Fault, where not fo much as a thought thereof 
 preceded. And to fpeak a Truth, never Prince had Wife more loyal in ;ill 
 Duty, and in ail true AfFedlion, than you have ever found in Ann Boleyn, 
 with which Name and Place I could willingly have contented my felf, if 
 God, and your Grace's Pleafure had been fo pleafed. Neither did 1 at 
 any rime fo far forget my felf in my Exaltation, or received Queenlhip, 
 but that 1 always looked for fuch an alteration as now I find 5 for the 
 ground of my Preferment being on no furcr Foundation than your Grace s 
 Fancy 5 the leaft alteration I knew, was fit and fufficient to draw that 
 Fancy to fome other Subjed:. You have chofen me, from a lovy Eflate, 
 to be your Qiieen and Companion, far beyond mv defert or defire. If 
 then you found me worthy of fuch Honour, Good your Grace let not any 
 Jight Fancy, or bad Counfel of mine Enemies, withdraw your Princely 
 Favour from me 5 neither let that Stain, that unworthy Stain-'of difloyal 
 Heart towards your good Grace, ever call: fo foul a blot on your moft 
 dutiful Wife, and the Infant-Princefs your Daughter ; Try me, good 
 King, but let me have a lawful Trial, and let not my fworn Enemies fie 
 as my Accufers and Judges 5 yea, let me receive an open Trial, for my 
 Truth fliall fear no open fliame ; then (hall you fee, either mine Inno- 
 cency cleared, your Sufpicion and Confcience fatisfied, the ignominy and 
 flander of the World flopped, or my Guilt openly declared. So that 
 whatfoever God, or you may determine of me, your Grace may be freed 
 from an open Ccnfure 5 and mine Offence being fo lawfully proved, your 
 Grace is at liberty, both before God and Man, not only to execute wor- 
 thy Punilhment on me as an unlawful Wife, but to follow your Affedion, 
 already fetled, on that Party, for whofe fake I am now as I am, whofe 
 Name I could fome good while fince have pointed unto, your Grace being 
 not ignorant of my fufpicion therein. 
 
 But if you have already determined of me, and that not only my Death, 
 but an infamous Slander muft bring you the enjoying of your defired hap- 
 pinefs ^ then I defire of God, that he will pardon your great Sin therein, 
 and likewife mine Enemies, the Inftruments thereof ^ and that he will 
 not call you to a i\x\^ account for your unprincely and cruel ufage of me, 
 at his General Judgment-Seat, where both you and my felf muft (hortly 
 appear, and in whofe Judgment I doubt not (whatfoever the World may 
 thinkof me) mine Innocence (hall be openly known,and fufiiciently cleared. 
 
 My laft and only Requeftfhall be, That my felf may only bear the bur- 
 den of your Grace's difpleafure, and that it may not touch the Innocent 
 Souls of thofe poor Gentlemen, who (as I underftand) are likewife in 
 ftrait Imprifonmeni for my fake. If ever I have found favour in your 
 fight, if ever the Name of Ann Eoleyn hath been pleafing in your Ears,- 
 then let me obtain this Requefl 5 and I will fo leave to trouble your Grace 
 any further, with mine earned Prayers to the Trinity to have your Grace 
 in his good keeping, and to direcl: you in all your Adions. From my dole- 
 ful Prifon in the Tower, this 6th of May. 
 
 Your mod Loyal and ever Faithful Wife, 
 
 Ann Boleyn, 
 R r r 2 V.rbe
 
 1^6 A CoUeaiom Book IIL , 
 
 V. The Judgment of the Convocation concerning General-Counctls, ' 
 Publ'i/hed by the L. Herbert from the OriginaU 
 
 Jon 53 
 
 AS concerning General-Councils, like-as U'c (taught by Jong expe- 
 rience) do perfedly know that there never was,- nor is, any thing 
 deviled, invented, or inftituted by our Fore-Father?, more expedient or 
 more neCeflary for the eftablilhment of bur Faith', for the extirpation of 
 Herefies, and the abolilhing of Seds and Schilins 5 and finally, for the 
 reducing of Chrift's People unto one perfect unity and concord in his 
 Religion, than by the having of General-Councils 3 fo that the fame be 
 lawfully had and congregated in Spiritu San^o, and be alfo conform and 
 agreeable, as well concerning the furety and indifrerency of the Place?, as 
 ail other Points requifite and neceflary for the fame, unto that vi-hol- 
 fonie and godly Infiitution and Ufage, for the which they were at firft 
 devifed and ufed in the Primitive Church : Even fo on the other lide, 
 taught by like experience, we efleem, repute, and judg. That there is, 
 ne can be aify thing in the World more peftilent and pernicious to the 
 Commcn-Weal of Chriftendom/ or v;hereby the Truth of God's Word 
 hath in times paft, or hereafter may be fooner defaced or fubverted, or ^4 
 
 whereof hath and may enfue more contention, more difcord and other 
 devilifh Effeds, than when fuch General Councils have or fhall be 
 a/iembled, not chrirtianly, nor charitably, but for and upon private ma- 
 lice and ambition, or other worldly and carnal Refpefts and coniiderati- 
 ons, according to the faying of Gregory ISa&ianzeniis ^ in his Epiftle 
 to ont Procopius, wherein he writeth this Sentence following 3 Sic fenth, 
 fi veruTH fcribendtim eji, omnes Conventus Bpifcoportm fugiendos efje, 
 quia nitllhis Synodijinem vidi bo7ntm, neqiie habentem tuagis folntiojiem ?>ia- 
 hrw», qriam t7icrenie7itum : l^a7n cupidirates contentionwn^ t^ gloria (,feJ 
 jie putes me odiofwn iftafcribentsm') viiicimt ratmiem. That is to fay 5 
 *' I think tbi?, if I fhouid write truly, That all General Councils be j 
 
 " to be efchewed, fori never faw that they produced any good End or » 
 
 *' EflFed, nor that any Provifionor Remedy, but rather increafe of Mif- i 
 
 " chiefs proceeded of them. For the defire of mnintenance of Mens ■ 
 
 " Opinions, and ambition of Glory (but reckon not that 1 write this of |* 
 
 "Malice) hath always in them overcomed Reafon. Wherefore we think 
 that Chriflian Princes, efpeciaily and above all things, ought and niuft, 
 with all their Will?, Power, and Diligence, forefee and provide 5 ^^,? 
 Sa7i8?/Jima bac hi parte majorwri J7iflitiita, ad improbijjimos ambitionis aut 
 rnalitiA effeElns explendos, diverjiffimo fuo fiite & feeler aujjiino perver- 
 Taniitr : ISIeve ad ahum pr^texun/t pojjint valere, & longe dlverfum 
 effe^um orbi producere quatu San8iJJi7na rei fades prA fe ferat. That 
 is to fay, " Left the molt noble wholfomelnftitutions of our Elders in 
 *' this behalf, be perverted to a mod contrary and moft wicked End and 
 •' Effcd 3 that i& to fay, to fulfil and fati^fy the u icked .iffeftions of Mens 
 " Ambition and Malice ^ or, left they might prevail for any other co- 
 " lour, or bring forth any other EfFeJl, than their mofl vertuous and 
 laudable Countenance doth outwardly to the World fliew or pretend. And 
 firfl of all, we think they ought principally toconfider who hath the 
 Authority to call together a General Council. Secondly, Whether the ^j 
 
 Caufes alledged, be fo weighty and fo urgent, that neccflanly they 
 
 require
 
 Book III. of Records. 147 
 
 require a General Council, nor can otherwife be remedied. Thirdly, Who 
 ought to be Judges in the General Council. Fourthly, What order of 
 proceeding is to be obferved in the fame 5 aad how the Opinionsor Judg- 
 ments of the Fathers are to be confultcd or asked. Fifthly, What Do- 
 drines are to be allowed or defended, with divers other things which in 
 General Councils ought of reafon and equity to beobferved- And as unto 
 ■ the firft Point, We think that neither the Bilhopof Rome^ nor any one 
 i Prince, of what Ellate, Degree, or Preheminencc foever he be, may, by 
 -his own Authority, call, indid, or fummon any General Council, without 
 the exprefs confent, ail'ent, and agreement of the refidue of Chriftian 
 ■Princes, and efpecially fuch as have within their own Realms and Seignio- 
 ries, Imperhtm nierum, that is to fay, of fuch as have the whole, intire, 
 and fupream Government and Authority over all their Subjefts, without 
 Icnowledging or recognizing of any other fupream Power or Authority. 
 And this to be true, we be induced to think, by many and fundry, as \vt\i 
 Examples as great Reafons and Authority. The which, forafmuch as it 
 fliould be over long and tedious to exprefs here particularly, we have 
 thought good to omit the fame for thisprefent. And in witnefs that this is 
 our plain and determinate Sentence, Opinion and Judgment, touching the 
 Premifles, we the Prelats and Clergy under-written, being congregate 
 together in the Convocation of the ^lovvacto^Canterbury^ and reprefenting 
 the whole Clergy of the fame, have to thefe Prefents fubfcribed our Names 
 ihe 20th of July, in the Year of our Lord 1556. 28 Hen. 8. 
 
 Signed by 
 
 Thomas Cromwel, Thomas Cantuarienjis, There were 
 Johannes London, with 13 Biftiops iSj-pH^L 
 and of Abbots, Priors, Arch- Deacons, ?ww«ce r/ 
 Deans, Proflors, Clerks, and other ^^;^^'''f"">' 5 
 
 TV4- -n. ' dniRochefter 
 
 MmilterS, 49. being vacant, 
 
 of the other 1 6, 
 — __________ _ __^ 14. iiiH ftgn 
 
 this. 
 
 VI. Infiru& ions for the King's CommiJ/ioners^ for anewSur'vey; 
 and an Inventory to be made of all the Demefnes^ Lands^ 
 Goods and Chattels appertaining to any Houfe of Religion of 
 Monks^ Canons.^ and "Huns within their Commiffion^ according 
 to the Articles hereafter following. The number of which 
 Houfes in eifery County limited in their Commiffion.^ being an- 
 nexed to the fata CommiJ/ion. An Original. 
 
 Henry R. 
 
 Flrft ^ After the Divifion made, one Auditor, one particular Receiver, e^ MSS. 
 one Clerk of the Regifler of the laft Vifitation, with three other dif"- Nob. D.G. 
 crcet Perfons to be named by the King, in every County where any fuch Pierpoint. 
 Houfes be ^ after their repair to fuch Houfe, fhall declire to the Gover- 
 nour, the Religious Perfons of the fame, the Statute of Dilfolution, the 
 Commiffion, and the Caufe and Purpofe of their repair for that time. 
 
 Item; That after the Declaration made, the faid Commiflloners fhall 
 fwear the Governours of the Houfes, or fuch other the Officers of the 
 
 fame
 
 1^8 
 
 A CoUe^iim Book III. 
 
 fame Houfe, or other, as ye fhall think can beft declare the ftate and 
 plight of the fame, to inake Declaration and Anfwer to the Articles 
 there under-written. 
 
 Item -^ Of what Order, Rule, or Religion, the fame Houfe is, and whe- 
 ther it be a Cell or not : and if it be a Cell, then the Commiilioners to de- 
 Jiver to the Governour of the Houfe a Privy Seal ; and alfo to injoin hiro^ 
 in the King's Name, under a great pain, to appear without delay before 
 the Chancellor of the Augmentations of the Revenues of the King's Crown 
 and the Council ; and in the mean time not to meddle with the fame 
 Cell, till the King's Pleafure be further known. 
 
 Item ^ What number of Perfons of Religion be in the fame, and the 
 converfationof their Lives ^ and how many of them be Priefts, and how 
 many of them will go to other Houfes of that Religion , or how many 
 will take Capacities ; and how many Servants or Hinds the fame Houfe 
 Iceepeth commonly, and what other Perfons have their living in the 
 fame Houfe. 
 
 Item ^ To furvey the quantity or value of the Lead and B^lls of the fame 
 Houfe, as near as they can ^ with the ruin, decay,{late and plight of rhefame, 
 
 Item-^ Incontinently to call for the Covent-Seal, with all Writings 
 and Charters, Evidences and Muniments concerning any of the Poflefli- 
 ons to be delivered to them, and put the fame in fure keeping 5 and to 
 take a jufl: Inventory betwixt them and the Governour, or other Head- 
 Officer, by Indenture, of the Ornaments, Plate, Jewels, Chattels, ready- 
 Mony, Stuff of Houfhold, Coin, as well figned as not (igned 5 Stock and 
 Store in the Farmers hands, and the value thereof, as near as they can, 
 which were appertaining to the fame Houfes the firft day of March Jaft 
 paft 5 and what Debts the Houfe doth owe, and to what Perfon 5 and 
 what Debts be owing to them, and by whom. 
 
 Itefn 5 After, to caufe the Covent, or Common-Seal, the Plate, Jew- 
 els, and ready Mony, to be put in fafe keeping, and the refidue of the 
 Particulars fpccified in the Inventory, to be left in the keeping of the 
 Governor, or forae other head Officer, without wafting orconfumption of 
 the fame, unlefs it be for neceffary expcnce of the Houfe. 
 
 Item-^ That they command the Governour, or other Receiver of th.e 
 fame Houfe, to receive no Rents of their Farms, until they know further of 
 the King's Pleafure, except fuch Rents as muft needs be had for their ne- 
 cefTary Food or Suftenance, or for paiment of their Servants Wages. 
 
 Itejn 5 To furvey difcreetly the Demefnes of the fame Houfe ; that is 
 to fay, fuch as have not been commonly ufed to be letten out, and to 
 certify the clear yearly value thereof. 
 
 ' Item ; To examine the true yearly value of all the Farms of the fame 
 Houfe, deducting thereof Rents refcrved, Penfions and Portions paid out 
 of the fame, S)nodals, and Proxies^ Bailiffs, Receivers, Stewards, and 
 Auditors Fees, and the Names of them to whom they be paid and due, 
 and to none other. 
 
 Item ; WhatLenfes h^ve been made to any Farmer, of the Farms per- 
 taining to the fame Houfe , and what Rent they refcrved, and to whom, 
 and for how many Years ^ and a Copy of the Indenture if they can get it, 
 or elfe the Counter-pane. 
 
 Item-^ To fearch and enquire what Woods, Parks, Forrefts, Common?, 
 or other Prolit, belonging to any of the Poireiiions of the fame Houfes, the 
 Number of the Acres, the Age and Value, as near as, they can. 
 
 Item ;
 
 Book III. of Records, i^(^ 
 
 Item -^ What Grants, Bargains, Sales, Gifts, Alienations, Leafes of 
 any Lands, Tenements, Woods, or Offices, hath been made by any the 
 faid Governors, of any of the faid Houfes, within one Year next before 
 the ^th day o{Pebniarj>h{\. pail:, and of what things, or to what value, 
 and to whom, and for what eftate. 
 
 Item -^ It there be any Houfc of the Religion aforelaid omitted and not 
 certified in the Exchequer^ then the faid Commiflioners to farvey the 
 fame, and to make Certificate accordingly. 
 
 Item ^ That they ftraitly command every Governour of every fuch 
 Houfe limited in their Coinmiflion, to fow and till their Grounds as they 
 have done before, till the King's Pleafure be further known. 
 
 Item 5 If there be any Houfe given by the King to any Perfon, in any of 
 the faid feveral Limits of the faid Commiilion, the Names whereof (hall 
 be declared to the liiid CommifTioners, Then the faid Commiffionersfhall 
 immediately take the Covent from the Governour, and take an Inventory 
 indented of the Lead, Bells, Debts, Goods, Chattels, Plate, Jewels, Orna- 
 ments, Stock and Store, to the King's ufe , and to make fale of the Goods, 
 Chattels, and other Implements, Plate and Jewels only excepted. 
 
 Item ^ The faid Commiflioners in every fuch Houfe, to fend fuch of the 
 Religious Perfons that will remain in the fame Religion, to fome other 
 great Houfe of that Religion, by their difcretion, with a Letter to a Go- 
 vernour for the Receipt of them ; and the Refidueof them that will go 
 to the World, to fend them to my Lord of Canterbury^ and the Lord 
 Chancellor for their Capacities, with the Letter of the fame Commiflio- 
 ners. 
 
 Item:, The faid Commiflionersto give the faid Perfons that will have 
 Capacities, fome reafonable Rewards, according to the diftance of the 
 place, by their difcretions to be appointed. 
 
 Item ; 7 he faid Commiflioners to command the Governour to refort to 
 the Chancellor of the Augmentation for his yearly Stipend and Penfion. 
 
 Item i, If there be any Houfe dilTolved or given up to the King by their 
 Deed, then the Commiflioners (hall order themfelves in every point and 
 purpofe, as the Houfes given by the King to any other Perfon, in form 
 aforefaid. 
 
 Item ; Every of the faid Commifl[ioners having in charge to furvey 
 more than one Shire within the Limits of their Commiflion, immedi- 
 ately after they have perufed one Shire, parcel of their Charge, in form 
 aforefaid, fliall fend to the Chancellour of the Court for the Augineil' 
 tation of the Revenues of the King's Crown, a brief Certificate of all 
 thefe Comperts, according to the Inflruftions aforefaid, what they have 
 done in the premilTes ; and in every County fo furveyed, then to pro- 
 ceed further to another County ^ and fo as they pafs the faid Counties to 
 make the like Certificate, and fo forth, till their Limits be furveyed, and 
 there to remain till they know further of the King's pleafure. 
 
 hem 5 If the faid CommifTioners have but one County in charge, then 
 to certify the faid Chancellor in form aforefaid, and there to remain 
 till they know further of the King's Pleafure. 
 
 VII. In-
 
 150 A Collet ion Book III. 
 
 VII. Injim&ions gwen by the Authority of the Kings 
 Highmfsto the Clergy of thU Realm. 
 
 Regiftr. X N the Name of God. Amen. In the Yegr of our Lord God, One 
 Cranm. \^ thoufand five hundred thirty fix, and of the moft noble Reign of our 
 Fol. 47. Sovereign Lord Henry the Eighth, King of England and France the 
 28th Year, and the day of I Thomas Cromwel Knight, 
 
 Lord Cromwel^ Keeper of the Privy-Seal of our fnid Soveraign Lord the 
 King, and Vicegerent unto the fame, for and concerning all his Jurif- 
 didions Ecclefiaflical within the Realm, vifiting by the King's High- 
 nefs's Supream Authority Ecclefiaftical, the People and Clergy of this 
 Deanry of by my trufly CommilTary Jawfully de- 
 
 puted and conftJtute for this part, have, to the glory of Almighty God, 
 to the King's Highnefs's honour, the Publick-wealof this his Realm, and 
 encreafe of Vertue in the fame, appointed and affigned thefe Injunctions 
 enfuing to be kept and obferved, of the Dean, Parfons, Vicars, Curats, 
 and Stipendaries refiant, or having cure of Souls, or any other Spiritual 
 Adminiftrations within this Deanery, under the pains hereafter limited 
 and appointed. 
 
 The firffcis; That the Dean, Parfons, Vicars, and other, having cure 
 of Soul any were within this Deanery, fhall faithfully keep and ob- 
 ferve, and as far as in them may lie, fhall caufe to be obferved and kept 
 of other, all and lingular Laws and Statutes of this Realm, made for 
 the abolilhing and extirpation of the Bifhop of Rome's pretenfed and 
 ufurped Power and Jurifdidion within this Realm. And for the efta- 
 blifhment and confirmation of the King's Authority and Jurifdidion 
 of the fime, as of the Supream Head of the Church of E?igland -^ and 
 fhall, to the uttermoft of their Wit, Kno'vledg, and Learning, purely, 
 finrerely, and without any colour or diffimulation, declare, manifeft, 
 and open, for the fpace of one quarter of a year next enfuing, once every 
 Sunday^ and after that at the leaft-wife twice every quarter, in their 
 Sermons and other Collation?, that the Bifhop of Rome's ufurped Power 
 andjurifdiftion, having no eftablilhment nor ground by the Law of God, 
 was of molt juft caufes taken away and abolilhed ^ and therefore they owe 
 unto him no manner of Obedience or Subjedion ; and that the King's 
 Power is within his Dominion the higheft Power and Potentate, under 
 God, to whom all Men within the fame Dominions, by God's Com- 
 mandment, owe moft Loyalty and Obedience, afore and above all other 
 Powers and Potentates in Earth. 
 
 Itew^ Whereas certain Articles were lately devifed and put forth by 
 the King's Highnefs's Authority, and condefcendcd upon by the Prelates 
 and Clergy of this his Realm in Convocation, whereof part are necef- 
 fary to beholden and believed for our Salvation, and the other part do 
 concern and teach certain laudable Ceremonies, Rites, and Ufagcs of 
 the Church, meet and convenient to be kept and ufed for decent and 
 politick order in the fame, the laid Dean, Parfons, Vicars, and other 
 Curars, (hall fo open and declare in their faid Sermons, and other 
 
 Collations,
 
 Book III. of Records. ' 151 
 
 Collations the faid Articles unto them that be under their Cure, that they 
 may plainly knou' and difcern which of them be necellary to be believed 
 and obferved for their Salvation, and which be not neceflary, but only 
 do concern the decent and politick order of the faid Church: according 
 to fuch Commandment and Admonition as hath been given unto them 
 heretofore, by Authority of the King's Highnefs in that behalf. 
 
 Moreover, that they fliall declare unto all fuch as be under their Cure, 
 the Articles likeuife devifed, put fortli, and authorized of late, for and 
 concerning the Abrogation of certain fuperfluous Holy-days, according 
 to the effed and purport of the fame Articles : and perfwade their Pa- 
 rifliioners to keep and obferve the fame inviolable, as things honeftly pro- 
 vided, decreed, and ellablillied, by common confent, and publick Autho- 
 rity, for the Weal, Commodity, and Profit of all this Realm. 
 
 Befidesthis, to the intent that all Superdition and Hypocrifie, crept 
 into divers Mens hearts, may vanifli away, they fliall not fet forth or ex- 
 tol any Images, Reliques, or Miracles, for any Superftition or Lucre ; 
 nor allure the People by any Inticements to the Pilgrimages of any 
 Saint, otherwife than is permitted in the Articles lately put forth by the 
 Authority of the King's Majefty, and condefcended upon by the Prelates 
 and Clergy of this his Realm in Convocation ; as though it were pro- 
 per or peculiar to that Saint to give this Commodity, or that : feeing 
 all Goodnefs, Health, and Grace, ought to be both asked and looked for 
 only of God, as of the very Author of the fame, and of none other, 
 for without him it cannot be given : But they fliall exhort, as well their 
 Parifliioners as other Pilgrims, that they do rather apply themfelves to , 
 the keeping of God's Commandments, and fulfilling cf his Works of 
 Charity : perfwading them that they fliall pleafe God more by the true 
 exercifing of the bodily Labour, Travail, or Occupation, and providing 
 for their tamilies, than if they went about to the faid Pilgrimages; and 
 that it fliall profit more their Souls health, if they do beftow that on the 
 Poor and Needy, which they would have bellowed upon the faid Images 
 or Reliques. 
 
 Alfo in the fame their Sermons, and other Collations, the Parfons, 
 Vicars, and other Curates , aforefaid, fliall diligently admonifli the Fa- 
 thers and Mothers, MaftersandGovernours of Youth, being within their 
 Cure, to teach, or caufe to be taught, their Children and Servants, 
 even from their Infancy, their Pater Nojier, the Articles of our Faith, 
 and the ten Commandments, in their Mother Tongue : And- the fame 
 fo taught, fliall caufe the faid Youth oft to repeat and underftand. And 
 to the intent that this may be the more eafily done, the faid Curates 
 fliall, in their Sermons, deliberately and plainly recite of the faid Pater 
 tJofler, the Articles of our Faith, and the ten Commandments, one 
 Claufe or Article one day, and another another day, till thofe be taught 
 and learnt by little ; and fliall deliver the fame in writing, or fliew where 
 printed Books containing the fame be to be fold, to them that can read or 
 will defire the (ame. And thereto that the faid Fathers and Mothers, 
 Matters and Governours, do beftow their Children and Servants, even 
 from their Childhood, either to Learning, or fome ether honefl: Exer- 
 cife, Occupation, or Husbandry : exhorting, counfelling, and by all the 
 ways and means they may, as well in their faid Sermons and CoIJati- 
 
 Sff ons,
 
 15 
 
 A ColleBion Book III. 
 
 ons, asotherwife, perfwading the faid Fathers, Mothers, Mafters, and 
 other Governours, being under their Cure and Charge, diligently to 
 provide and forefee that the faid Youth be in no manner-wile kept or 
 brought up in idlenefs, left at any time afterwards they be driven, for 
 lack of fome Myftery or Occupation to live by, to fall to begging, (deal- 
 ing, or fome other unthriftinels; forafmuch as we may daily fee, through 
 floth and idlenefs, divers valiant Men fall, fome to begging, and fome 
 to thett and Murder ; which after brought to calamity and mifery, im- 
 pute a great part thereof to their Friends and Governours, which fuf- 
 fered them to be brought up fo idely in their Youth ; where if they had 
 been well educated and brought up in fome good Literature, Occupa- 
 tion, or Myftery, they fliould, being Rulers of their own Family, have 
 profited, as well themfelves as divers other Perfons, to the great commo- 
 dity and ornament of the Common-weal. 
 
 Alfo, that the faid Parfons, Vicars, and other Curates, fliall diligently 
 provide that the Sacraments and Sacramentals be duly and reverently 
 rainiftred in their Parities ; and if at any time it hapncd them, either in 
 any of the Cafes exprefled in the Statutes of this Realm, or of fpe- 
 cial licence given by the King's Majefty to be abfent from their Benefi- 
 ces, they lliall leave their Cure, not to a rude and unlearned Perfon, 
 but to an honeft, well learned, and expert Curate, that may teach the 
 rude and unlearned of their Cure wholfom Dodtrine, and reduce them 
 to the right Way that do err; and always let them fee, that neither 
 they, nor their Vicars, do feek more their own profit, promotion, or 
 advantage, than the profit of the Souls that they have under their Cure, 
 or the Glory of God. 
 
 Alfo, That every Parfon, or Propietary of any Paridi- Church withiri 
 this Realm, fliall on this Side the Feaft of St. Peter ad fincula next, 
 coming, provide a Book of the uhole Bible, both in Latin, and alfo in 
 Engli(h, and lay the fame in the Quire, for every Man that will to 
 read and look therein, and (hall difcourage no Man from the Reading 
 any Part of the Bible, either in Latin or Englilh ; but rather comfort, 
 exhort and admonifli every Man to read the fame as the very Word 
 of God, and the Spiritual Food of Man's Soul, whereby they may the 
 better know the Duties to God, and to their Sovereign Lord the King, 
 and their Neighbour : Ever gently and charitably exhorting that ufing 
 a fober and a modeft Haviour in the Reading and Inquifition of the 
 true fenfe of the fame, they do in no wife ftiffly or eagerly contend 
 or ftrive one with another about the fame, but refer the Declaration 
 of thofe Places that be in Controverfy to the Judgment of them that 
 be better Learned. 
 
 Alfo, the faid Dean, Parfons, Vicars, Curats, and other Priefts, {hall 
 in no wife, at any unlawful time, nor for any other caufe, than for 
 their honeft neceflity, haunt or refort to any Taverns or Ale houfes ; 
 And alter their Dinner and Supper, they Ihali not give themfelves to 
 Drinking or Riot, fpending their time idlely, by Day or by Night, ac 
 Tables or Cards-playing, or any other unlawful Game; but at fuch 
 times as they fhall have fuch leifure, they (hall read or hear fome- 
 vvhat of Holy Scripture, or fliall occupy themlelves with fome other 
 honeft Exercile j and that they alway do thofe things Ivhich appertain 
 
 to
 
 Book III. of Records. 153 
 
 to good congruence and honefty, with profit of the Commonvveai, 
 having always in mind , That they ought to excel all others in 
 purity of life, and fliould be Examples to all other to live well and 
 Chriftianly. 
 
 Furthermore ; Becaufe the Goods of the Church are called the Goods 
 of the Poor, and at thefe days nothing is lefs feen than the Poor to 
 be fuftained with the fame,- all Parfons, Vicars, Penfionaries, Preben- 
 daries, and other Beneficed Men within the Deanery, not being refi- 
 dent upon their Benefices, which may difpend yearly 20 /. or above 
 within this Deanery or elfevvhere,fhall diftribute hereafter yearly amongft 
 their poor Parifliioners, or other Inhabitants there, in the prefence of 
 the Church- Wardens, or fome other honefl Men of the Pariih, the for- 
 tieth part of the Fruits and Revenues of the faid Benefices : left they 
 be worthily noted of Ingratitude : which referving fo many parts to 
 themlelves, cannot vouchiafe to impart the fortieth portion thereof a- 
 mongft the poor People of that Pariih, that is fo fruitful and profitable 
 unto them. 
 
 And to the Intent that Learned Men may hereafter fpring the more 
 for the execution of the Premifles ; Every, Parfon, Vicar, Clerk , or 
 beneficed Man within this Deanery, having yearly to difpend in Be- 
 nefices, and other Promotions of the Church, an 100/. (hall give 
 competent exhibition to one Scholar ; and for as many hundred 
 pounds more as he may difpend, to fo many Scholars more (hall give 
 like exhibition in the Univerfity of Oxford or Qamlr'tdge , or fome 
 Grammar School ; which .after they have profited in good Learning, 
 may be Partners of their Patrons Cure and Charge, as well in preach- 
 ing as otherwife, in the execution of their Offices ; or may, when 
 need Ihall be, otherwife profit the Common-weahh with their Coun- 
 fel and Wifdom. 
 
 Alfo, that all Parfons, Vicars, and Clerks, having Churches, Chap- 
 pel,<:, or Manfion within this Deanery , (hall beftow yearly hereafter 
 upon the lame Manfions , or Chancels of their Churches being in 
 decay, the filth part of their Benefices till they be fully repaired : and 
 the fame fo repaired, (hall always keep and maintain in good ftate. 
 
 All which and fingular Tnjundions (lull be inviolably obferved of 
 the faid Dean, Parfons, Vicars, Curats, Stipendaries, and other Clerks 
 and beneficed Men, under the pain of (ufpenfion and fequeftration of 
 the Fruits of their Benefices, until they have done their duty accord- 
 ing to thefe Injundtions. 
 
 Sff z VIII. Crom-
 
 -iV--- 
 
 154 ACoUeUion Book 11 L 
 
 VlII- Cromwell Letter to Shaxton, !B/y/?op of Sarum, taken frotn a 
 Copy writ by Morifone his Secretary. 
 
 Cott. Libr. TV /I Y Lord, after hearty Commendations, I cannot but both much 
 Chop. E. 4. iW^ marvel that you whom I have taken as mine trufly Friend, fhould 
 judge me, as I perceive by your Letters you do, and aUo be glad that ye 
 fo frankly utter your Stomach to me. I would thank you for your plain 
 writing and free Monitions j faving that you feem fuller of Sufpicion 
 than it becometh a Prelate of your fort to be : and ( to fay that makech 
 me more forry ) much worfe perfwaded of me than I thought any of 
 your Learning and Judgment could have been. I took a Matter out of 
 your Hands to mine, if upon Confiderations mine Office bind me to do 
 fo, what caufe have ye to complain ? If I had done this, either upon 
 Affedion, or intending Prejudice to your Etiimation, you might have 
 expoftulated with mej and yet if ye then had done it after a gentler 
 fort, 1 Ihould both fooner have amended that I did amifs, and alio have 
 had better caufe to judge your writing to me, to be of a friendly Heart 
 towards me. If ye be ofjfended with my fliarp Letters, how can your 
 tefty words ( I had almoft given them another Name ) delight me ? I 
 required you to ufe no Extremity in your Office, tJurus eft hicfermoy ye 
 call it; and when ye have done, ye begin again, even as though all be- 
 ing faid, all were ftill behind. If ye have ufed none Extremity, I am 
 I enfure you as glad of it as I ought to be : And though ye do not, yet 
 rpon a Complaint my Office bindeth me to fuccour him that faith he is 
 over-matched, and is compelled to fultain wrong. I was thus inform'd, 
 and by Perfons to whom I gave more Credit than I intend to do hereaf- 
 ter, if they have abufed me, as ye would make me believe they have. 
 They thus complaining, could I do lefs than grant unto them fuch Re- 
 medies as the King's Highnefs and his Laws give indifferently to all his 
 Subjects ? Might I not alfo fomewhat gather, that ye proceeded the forer 
 againft the Reader, Roger London^ when I had feen how much you de- 
 fired the Preferment of your Servant to that Revenue ? My Lord, you 
 had fhewed your felf of much more Patience, I will not fay of much 
 more Prudence, if you had contented your felf with their lawful Ap- 
 peal, and my lawful Injunctions; and rather have written fomewhat 
 fully to inftrud us in this Matter, than thus to defire to conquer 
 me by fhrewd Words, to vanquifh me by fharp Threp of Scripture, 
 which as I know to ufe travel, fo I truft to God as great a Clerk 
 as ye be, is done already. Thus out of their place, it becometh 
 me not, neither yet 1 am wont to vaunt my felf of well-doing, I 
 know who worketh all that is well wrought by me; and whereas he 
 is the whole Doer, I intend not to ofier him this wrong, to labour, 
 and I to take the Thanks ; yet as I do not ccafe to give thanks, that 
 it hath pleafed his Goodnefs to ufe me as an Inftrument, and to 
 work fomewhat by me, fo I truft I am as ready to ferve him in my Cal- 
 ling, to my little Power, as ye are preft to write worfe of me than ye 
 ought to think. My Prayer is, That God give me no longer Life, than 
 I lliall be glad to ufe mine Office in ccdificatiomm^ and not in deftruUio- 
 ttem, as ye bear me in Hand I do. God, ye fay, will judge fuch ufing of 
 Authority, meaning flatly, that I do abufe fuch Power as hath pleafed 
 God and the King's Higlinefs to fet me in ; God, i fay, will judge fuch 
 
 Judges 
 
 I
 
 Book III. of Records, 155 
 
 Judges as ye are, and charge alfo fuch Thoughts as yc mifufe : ye do not 
 fo well as 1 uould ye lliould do, if ye lb think of me as your Letters 
 make me think ye do. The Crime that ye charge me withal, is greater 
 tlian I may or ought to bear, untruer, 1 trurt, than they that would f'aincfl: 
 fliall be able to prove. It is a ftrange thing, }ou fay, that I neither would 
 write, nor fend you Word by Mouth, what ye ihould do with the Po- 
 pilh Monks of Ahington 3 and that the Abbot of Redoing could get 
 ftraight-way rhy Letters to inhibit your juft Doings 5 That v\a3 not my 
 Mind which I wrote, I did not intend to lett your juft Doings, but ra- 
 ther to require you to do juftly ,• neither was I fwift in granting my Let- 
 ters to him, albeit I am much readier to help him that complains of 
 wrong, than preft to further on him that defireth Punifliment of a Per- 
 fon whom I am not fure hath offended. I .made you no anl'wer, a firange 
 thing ! my Lord, I thought ye had better known my Budnefs, than tor 
 luch a Matter to efteem me not your Friend ; you might have better 
 judged that I was too much cumbred with other Affairs, that thofe which 
 Ibed for the Abbot, could better efpy their time than you could. Some 
 Man will think it rather utter Difpleafure conceived before, than that ye 
 have any urgent Occafion here to misjudge my Mind towards you. As con- 
 cerning your Manor, you muft ufe your Priviledgcs as things lent unto 
 you, fo long as ye Ihall occupy them well, that is, according to the Mind 
 and Pleafure of them that gave you them. I took neither the Monk's 
 Caufe, nor any other, into my Hands, to be a Bearer of any fuch whom 
 their upright DeaHngs is not able to bear. No, you know I think, that 
 I love fuch Readers of Scripture as little as ye do: would God Men of 
 your fort were as diligent to fee that in all their Diocefes good were 
 made, as I am glad to remove things when I know them ; if ye had ta- 
 ken even then but half the Pains to fend up fuch things againfl him as 
 ye now fend, neither you fhould have had Caufe, no nor Occafion thus 
 eafily to divine of my good or evil-will towards you, nor I have been 
 Cumbred with this Anfwer. My Lord, I pray you, while I am your 
 Friend, take me to be fo, for if I were not, or if I knew any Caufe 
 why I ought not, I would not be afraid to fhew you what had alienated 
 my Mind from you j fo you fhould well perceive that my Difpleafure 
 fhould laft no longer than there were caufe. I pafs over your ffemo Ite- 
 ditur ntfi a feipfo, I pray with you this firfl: Part, Our Lord have pity 
 upon me ; the other Part is not in my Prayers, That God Jhould turn 
 my Hearty for he is my Judge^ I may err in my doings for want of Know- 
 ledge, but I willingly bear no Mifdoers, I willingly hurt none whom 
 Honefty and the King's Laws do not refufe. Undo not you your felf, I 
 intend nothing lefs than to work you any Difpleafure. If hitherto I 
 have (hewed you any Pleafure, I am glad of it : I fbewed it to your Qua- 
 lities and not to you ; if they tarry with you, my Good- will cannot 
 depart from you, except your Prayer be heard, that is, My Heart he 
 turned. I afTure you I am right glad ye are in the Place ye are in, and 
 will do what fViall lie in me to aid you in your Office, to maintain your 
 Reputation, to give you Credit among your Flock, and elfe where ; aS 
 long as I fhall fee you faithful to your Duty, according to your Calling. 
 I will not become your good Lord, as your defire is, I am and have 
 been your Friend, and take you to be mine ; caft out vain Sufpicion ; 
 let rafh Judgment rule Men of lefs Wit and Difcretion ; Wilfulnefs be- 
 cometh all Men better than a Bilhop, which (hould always teach us to 
 lack gladly our own Will, becaufe you may not have your own Will. 
 
 Here
 
 Tt 
 
 ^6 A Collection Book III. 
 
 Here is Chri/Ius paap. facit © ditat, cum Domims dedit & Domims abflu- 
 lity to what porpofe ? Sit nomen Domini henedidum^ can never lack his 
 Place, it becomcth always in Seafon ; or elfe as great a Divine as ye are, 
 I would fay, it were not the belt placed here, except thou wift better, 
 you had rather lofe all than any part of your VVill. I pray you teacli 
 Patience better in your Deeds , or cUe fpeak as little of it as ye can. 
 My Lord, you might have provoked another in my place, that would 
 have liled lefs Patience with you, finding fo little in you; but I can take 
 your Writings, and this Heat of your Stomach, even as well as I can, I 
 truft, beware of Flatterers. As for the Abbot of Redding^ and his Monk, 
 if I find them as ye fay they are, I will order them as I Ihall think good. 
 Ye fliall do well to do your Duty ; if you fo do, ye have no Cau(e to 
 miftrufl my Friendfhip; if ye do nor, I muft tell it you, and that fome- 
 V hat after the plaineft fort, To take a Caufe out of your Hands into 
 mine, I do but mine Office, you meddle further than your Office will 
 bear you, thus roughly to handle me for ufing of mine. If ye do fo no 
 more, I let pafs all that is paft, and offer you fuch Kmdnefs as ye fhall 
 lawfully defire at my Hands. Thus fare you well. 
 
 IX, The Sentence given out by Pope'Pu«/ the Third, againft 
 
 King Henry. 
 
 'Damnat'to <(sr Excommumcatio Henrici 8 ^gls Angliae , ejufque 
 fautorum <^ Complicumj cum aliarum p(Knaru?n adjiBione. 
 
 Paulus Epifcoj^us SerVus SeryorumVei adper^etuam re'i memoriam, 
 
 Cherulmi |J JUS qui immobilis permanens fua provident! a ordine mirabili dat 
 
 BuUaritim J[^ cunda movcri, difponente dementia, vices, licet immeriti geren- 
 
 Tom. 2. jgs in terris, & in fede jufliti;r conflituti, juxta prophets qucquc Hicre- 
 
 P2g-7->4. mire vaticinium dicentis : Ecce te conftitui fuper genres & Regna, ut 
 
 evellas & deflruas a^difices , plantes , prascipuum fuper omnes Reges 
 
 Univcrfa: Terrae cundofq,- populos obtinentes principatum : ac ilium qui 
 
 pius & miftricors eft, & vindidam ei qui illam prxvenit paratam tempe- 
 
 rat, nee quos impcenitentes vidct fevera ultione caftigat, quin prius com- 
 
 minetur, in allidue autem peccantes & in peccatis perleverantes, cum 
 
 exccfius mifericordias fines pr.xtereunt ut faltcm metu poena: ad cor re- 
 
 vcrti cogantur , juftiticc vires exercet, irnitantes ; ex incumbenti nobis 
 
 Apoftolicx follicitudinis ftudio 0er-urgemur, ut cundarum perfona- 
 
 rum noftra: curx ccelitus commiflarum falubri ftatui folertius intenda- 
 
 mus, ac errcribus & fcandalis , qua: Hoftis antiqui verfutia imminere 
 
 confpicimus, propenfius obviemus, exceflufq; & enormia ac fcandalofa 
 
 I crimina congrua feveritate coerceamus , & juxta Apoftblum inobedien- 
 
 tiam ovium promptius ulcifcendo , illorum perpctratores debita corre- 
 
 dione fie compefeamus , quod eos Dei iram provoeafle pOeniteat, & ex 
 
 lioc aiiis excmplum eautela: lalutaris accedat. 
 
 Sane cum I'uperionbus dicbus nobis relatum fuiffet, quod Hcnricus 
 Angliae Rex , licet tempore Pontificatus fal. record. Leonis Papse X. 
 Pra:deeefloris noflri diverlorum ha:reticorum Errores, facpe ab Apofto- 
 lica Sede & Saeris Coneiliis practeritis temporibus damnatos, & novifli- 
 me noftra astate per perditionis alumnum Martinum Lutherum fufcita- 
 
 tos
 
 Book 111. of Records, 157 
 
 tos & innovates, zelo Catholicae Fidei, & erga didtam Sedem devotio- 
 nis fervore indudius, non minus dode quam pie, per quendam iibrunn 
 per eum defuper compofitum, & cidem Leoni Pra:decelTori ur eum exa- 
 minaret & approbaret oblatum, confutaflct, ob quod ab eodem Leone 
 Prxdeceflore ultra didi libri, cum magna ipfius Henrici Regis laude & 
 commendatione , approbationcm , titulum Defenforis Fidei reportaverif, 
 a recSa Fide & Apoftolico tramite dcvians, ac propria: lalutis, famx, & 
 honoris immemor, poftquam Charillima in Chrifto Filia noflra Catha- 
 rina Anglfre Regina illullri fua progenia conjugc, cum qua publice in 
 facie Ecclefia: Matrimonium contraxerat, & per pJures annos continuave- 
 rat, ac ex qua, dido con ft ante Matrimonio, proicm pluries fufceperat; 
 nulla legitima fubfiftente caula, & contra Ecclefia: proliibirionem dimifla, 
 cum quadam Anna Bolena, Muliere Anglica, didta Catharina adhuc vi- 
 vente, de fadto Matrimonium contraxerat, ad deteriora profiliens, qua(- 
 dam leges ceu generales Conftitutiones edere non erubuit, per quas fub- 
 ditos fuos ad quofdam hicreticos 6c fchifmaticos Articulos tenendos, inter 
 quos & hoc erat quod Romanus Pontifex Caput Ecclefia:, & Chrifti 
 Vicarius non erat, & quod ipfe in Anglica Ecclefia fupremum Caput exi- 
 ftebat, fub gravibus etiam mortis posnis cogcbat. Et his non contentus, 
 Diabolo facrilegii crimen fuadente, quampiures Prelates, etiam Epifco- 
 pos, aliafq; perfonas Ecclefiafticas, etiam Regulates, necnon Sa:culares, 
 fibi ut hseretico & fchifmatico adha:rere, ac Articulos prcedidos Sando- 
 rum Patrum decretis & Sacrorum Conciliorum Statutis, imo etiam ip(i 
 Evangelic^ veritati contrarios, tanquam tales alios damnatos approbate, 
 & fequi nolentes, & intrepide recufantes, capi & carceribus mancipari. 
 Hifq; fimiliter non contentus, mala malis accumulando, bonae memorial . 
 Jo. H. S. Vitalis Presbyt. Cardinal Roffen. quern ob fidei conftantiam & 
 vitae Sandimoniam ad Cardinalatus dignitatem promoveramus, cum di- 
 <Stis ha:rcfibus &erroribus confentire noUet, horrenda immanitate & de- 
 teftanda fa^vitia, publice miferabili fupplicio tradi & decoUari mandave- 
 rat, & tecerat, Excommunicationis, & Anathematis, aliafq, gravilfimas 
 fententias, cenfuras, & prenas in Uteris & conftitutionibus recolendas 
 mem. Bonifacii VIII. Honorii III. Roman. Pontificum Prxdecedorum no- 
 flrorum defuper editis contentas, & alias in tales a jure latas damnabili- 
 ter incurrendo, ac Regno Angliae, & dominiis qua: tenebat, necnon 
 regalis faftigii celfitudine ac praetati tituli prxrogativa, & honore fe io- 
 dignum reddendo. 
 
 X. Nos licet ex eo, quod prout non ignorabamus, idem Henricus 
 Rex certis cenfuris Ecclefiafticis , quibus a pise memorix Clemente 
 Papa VII. etiam prxdeceffore noftro, poftquam humaniftimis Uteris & 
 paternis exhortationibus, multifq; nunciis & mediis, primo & poftre- 
 mo etiam judicialiter, ut prxfatam Annam a fc dimitteret, & ad prxdi- 
 das Catharinae fua: verac Conjugis confortium rediret, fruftra monitus 
 fuerat, innodatus extiterat, Pharaonis duritium imitando, per longum 
 tempus in clavium contemptum inforduerat, & infordefcebat, quod ad 
 cor rediret, vix fperare poile videremus, ob pater nam tamen Charita- 
 tem qua in minoribus conftituti donee in obedientia, & reverentia Sedis 
 prxdida: pcrmanfit, eum profecuti fueramus, utq; clarius videre pofle- 
 mus, an clamor qui ad nos delatus fuerat, ( quem certe etiam ipfius F3en- 
 rici Regis refpcdu falfum efle defideramus ) verus eflet, ftatuimus ab ul- 
 teriori contra ipfum Henricum Regem proceflu ad tempus abftinendo, 
 hujus rci veritatem diligentius indagarc. 
 
 li Cum
 
 T58 
 
 A Collection Book III. 
 
 3. Cum autem debitis diligentiis defuper fadis clamorem ad nos, ut 
 prjcfertur, delatum , verum die, fimulque, quod dolenter referimus , 
 didlum Henricum Regem ita in profundum maloram delcendifle , ut de 
 ejus refipifcentia nulla penitus videatur fpes haberi pofle , reperimus : 
 Nos attendentes vetere lege, crimen adulterii notatum lapidari mandatum, 
 ac auilores Schifmatis halitu terrx ablorptos , eorumq; fequaces ccelefli 
 ifTne confumptos, Elymamque Magum viis Domini refiftentem per Apo- 
 flolum artcrna feveritate damnatum fuifle, volentefq; ne in diQrido exa- 
 mine ipfius Henrici Regis & fubditorum fuorum, quos Tecum in pcrdi- 
 tionem trahere vidcmus, animarum ratio a nobis expofcatur, quantum 
 nobis ex alto conceditur, providere contra Henricum Regem, ejufque 
 complices, fautores, adhrcrentes, & fequaces, & in prxmiilisquomodo- 
 libct culpabiles, contra quod ex eo quod exceffus, & delida pr£di<Sta 
 adeo manifefta funt & notoria, ut nulla poHint tergiverfatione celari, 
 abfque ulteriori mora ad executioncm procedere poITemus, benignius a- 
 gendo, decrevimus infrafcripto modo procedere.' 
 
 4. Habita itaque fuper his cum venerabilibus fratribus noftris S. R. E. 
 Cardinalibus deliberatione matura , 6f de illorum confilio & aflenfu , 
 prxfatum Henricum Regem, ejufque complices, fautores, adhxrentcs, 
 confultores & fequaces ac quofcunque alios in pracmilTis, ceu eorum ali- 
 quo quoquo modo culpabiles, tarn Laicos quam Cfericos, etiam regulares 
 cujufcunque dignitatis, flatus, gradus, ordinis, conditionis, pra:cminen- 
 tice, & excellentia: exiftant, (quorum nomina & cognomina, permde 
 ac fi prscfentibus infererentur, pro fufficienter exprelfis haberi volumus) 
 per vifcera mifericordis Dei noftri hortamur, & requirimus in Domino, 
 quatenus Henricus Rex a prcedidlis erroribus prorfus abllineat, & confti- 
 tutiones, feu leges prxdidtas, ficut de fado eas fecit, revocet, caflet, & 
 annullet, & coa(5lione fubditorum fuorum ad eas fervandas, necnon 
 carceratione , captura, & punitione illorum , qui ipfis conllitutionibus 
 feu legibus adhsrere, auteas fervare noluerint, & ab aliis erroribus prx- 
 didis penitus, & omnino abftineat, & fi quos pra-milTorum occafione 
 captivos habeat, relaxet. 
 
 5. Complices vero, fautores, adhxrentes, confultores, & fequaces 
 didti Henrici Regis in prxmiffis, & circa ea ipfi Henrico Regi luper his 
 de cxtero non adfiftant, nee adhirreanr, vel faveant, ncc ei conlilium, 
 auxilium, vel favorem, defuper prseflent. 
 
 6. Alias fi Henricus Rex, ac fautores, adbazrentes , confultores, & 
 fequaces , hortationibus & rtquifitionibus hujufmodi non annuerint 
 cum efTedtu, Henricum Regem, fautores, adhxrentes, confultores & 
 fequaces, ac alios culpabiles prxdidtos, audoritate Apollolica, ac ex cer- 
 ta noflra fcientia, & de Apotlolicx potellatis plenitudine, tenore prx- 
 fenf.um, in viriute (andx obedientix, ac fub majoris Excommunicatio- 
 nis lata fententia, a qua etiam prxtextu cujutcunque privilegii, vel facul- 
 tatis, etiam in forma confeHionalis, cum quibufcunque eificacillimis clau- 
 fulis nobis & bede prxdida quomodolibet concellis, & etiam iteratis 
 vicibus innovatis, ab alio quam a Romano Pontifice, practerquam in mor- 
 tis Articulo conftituti, ita tamen, quod fi aliquem abiolvi contingat, qui 
 poftmodum convaluerit, nifi poft convalefcentiam, monitioni & manda- 
 tisnoUris hujufmodi paruerit cum efTedtu, in eandem Excommunicationis 
 fententiam reincidant, abfolvi non poflint. 
 
 7. Necnon rebellionis, & quoad Henricum Regem, etiam perditio- 
 nis Regni , & Dominiorum prxdidorum, & tarn quoad eum, quam 
 quoad alios monitos fupradi(ilos fupra & inlralcriptis pcenis, quas fi didlis 
 
 men:- 
 
 i
 
 Book III. of Records. 159 
 
 monitioni & mandatis, ut prsrfcrtur, non paruerint, eos & eorum fin- 
 gulos, iplb fado refpcdive incurrerc volumus, per pra:lentes niontmus ; 
 clique 6v eorum cuilibet diftride pnccipiendo mandamus, quatcf-us Hen- 
 ricus Rex per fe, vel procuratorem legitimum & fufficienti mandato faf- 
 fultum, iniVa nonaginta, complices vero, fautores, adhaij ites, conlul- 
 tores, & fequaces, ac alii in privmiHis quomodolibet culpabiles iupra- 
 di(3i,SjECuIares & Ecclefiaftici etiam rcguiares, perfonaliter mtra fcxaginta 
 dies compareant coram nobis, ad fe fuper pramiffis legitime excufandum 
 & defendendum ; alias videndum & audiendum contra eos & eorum 
 fingulos, etiam nominatim, quos fic monemus, quatenus expediat, ad 
 omnes & fmgulos, adus, etiam fententiam definitivam, declaratoriam, 
 condtmnatonam, & privatoriam , ac mandatum executivum procedi. 
 Quod n Hcnricus Rex, & alii moniti prxdidi intra didJos terminos eis 
 m praefertur, reipedive pra:fixos non comparuerint, & prxdidam Ex- 
 communicationis fententiam per tres dies, pofl: lapfum didorum tcrmi- 
 norum animo, quod abfit, fuftinuerint indurato, cenfuras ipfas aggrava- 
 raus, & fuccedive reaggravamus, Henricumq; ipfum, privationis Rf'gni 
 & Dominiorum prardidtorum., & tarn eum quam alios monitos prxdidos 
 & eorum fingulos, omnes & fingulas alias poenas pr<j:didas incurrilfe, ab 
 omnibuiq^ ChrilH fidelibus, cum eorum bonis perpetuo diffidatos elle. 
 Et fi inter.m ab humanis decedat, Ecclef.aftica debere carere fepuitura 
 auiSoritate & poteftatis plenitudine prxdidis decernimus, & declara- 
 mus, eofque anathematis, maledidionis, & damnationis xternx mucrone 
 percutimus. 
 
 8. Necnon qux prxfatus Henricus Rex quomodolibet, & ex quavis 
 caufa tenet, habet, aut pofFidet, Quamdiu Henricus Rex, & alii moniti 
 praedicSti, & eorum finguli in aliis per didum Henricum Regem non ten- 
 tis, habitis, aut pod -His permanferint, & triduo pofl eorum inde recef- 
 fum, & alia qua!cunq; ad quje Henricum Regem, & alios monitos prxdi- 
 dos, poil lapfum didorum terminorum declinare contigerit, Dominia, 
 civitates, terras, caftra, villas, oppida, Metropolitanafque, & alias Ca- 
 rhedralcs, cxterafq; inferiores Ecclefias, necnon Monafteria, Prioratus, 
 Domes, Conventus, & loca religiofa, vel pia cujufcunqoe , etiam S. Be- 
 nedid:. Cluniacen. Ciftercien. Prxmonftraten. ac Pra:dicatorum, Mino- 
 rum, Eremitarum , S. Auguftini, Carmelitarum, & aliorum Ordinum, 
 ac Congregationum , & Militiarium quarumcunque in ipfis Dommiis, 
 Civitatibus, terris, caHris, villis, oppidis, & locis exiftentia, Ecclefiallico 
 fupponimus Interdido, ita ut illo durante in iis etiam prxtextu cujufcun- 
 que Apofiolici indulti, Ecclefiis, Monafteriis, Prioratibus, Domibus, 
 Conventibus, locis, ordinibus, aut perfonis, etiam quacunq; dignitate 
 fulgentibus concefli, prarterquam in cafibus A jure permits, ac etiam in 
 illis alias quam claufis januis, & Excommunicatis & interdidis exclufis, 
 nequcant Mifla:, aut alia divina officia celebrari. 
 
 9. Et Henrici Regis, complicumque, fautorum, adhccrentium, con- 
 fuirorvim, ftquacium, & culpabilium pra:didorum filii, poenarum, ut hie 
 in hoc cafu par eft, participes fint, omnes & fingulos ejufdem Henrici 
 Regis ex dida Anna, ac fingulorum aliorum prardidorum filios natos, & 
 nafcituros, aliofque defcendentes, ufque in eum gradum, ad quem jura 
 poenas in cafibus hujufmodi extendunt (ncminc excepto, nullaq; mino- 
 ris aetatis, aut fexus, '^el ignoranti.x, vel alterius cujulvis caufae habita 
 ratione) dignitatibus, & honoribus in quibus quomodolibet conllituti 
 exiftunc, leu quibus gaudent, utuntur, potiuntur, aut muniti funt, nec- 
 non privilegiis, conceHTionibus, gratiis, indulgentiis, immunitatibus, re- 
 
 T 1 1 miliionibus,
 
 i6o ACoUe&ion Book III. | 
 
 miflTionibus, libertatibus, & indultis, ac dominiis, civitatibus, caftris, 
 terris, villis, oppidis, &: locis, etiam Commendatis, vel in Gubernium 
 conceflis, & qux in feudum, emphvreuf.m, vcl alias a Romanis, vel 
 aliis Ecclefiis, Monafteriis, & locis Ecclefiaflicis, ac fecularibus Princi- 
 pibus, Dominiis, Potentatibus , etiam Regibus 6f Imperatoribus, aut 
 aliis privatis, vel publicis perfonis quomodolibet habent, tenent, aut 
 poflidenr, ccrterifq; omnibus bonis, mobilibus & immobilibus, juribus 
 & a(3:ionibus, eis quomodolibet competentibus privatos, didaq; bona 
 teudalia, vel emphyteutica, & alia quxcunq; ab aliis quomodolibet ob- 
 tenta, ad direitos dominos, ita ut de illis libere dilponere pofllnt, re- 
 Ipedlive devoluta, & eos qui Ecclefiaftici fuerint, etiamfi religiofi exi- 
 ftant, Ecclefiis etiam Cathedralibus, & Metropolitanis, necnon Mona- 
 fteriis & Prioratibus, prxpofituris, prazpofitatibus, digniatibus, pcrfo- 
 natibus, Officiis, Canonicatibus & Prxbendis, aliifq; beneficiis Ecclefia- 
 fticis per eos quomodolibet obtentis privatos, & ad ilia ac alia in pofte- 
 rum obtinenda inhabiles efle, fimiliter decernimus & declaramus j eofq; 
 fic refpedive privatos ad ilia, & alia quxcunq; fimilia, ac dignitates, ho- 
 nores, adminiftrationes, & officia, jura, ac feuda in poflerum obtinenda, 
 audtoritate & fcientia, ac plenitudine fimilibus inhabilitamus. 
 
 10. Ipfiufq; Henrici Regis, ac Regni omniumq; aliorum dominiorum, 
 civitatum, terrarum, caftrorum, villarum, fortalitiorum, arcium, op- 
 pidorum, & locorum fuofum, etiam de faclo obtentorum Magifiratus, 
 judices, Caflellanos, Cuftodes & Officiales quofcunque, necnon Coni- 
 raunitates, Univerfitates, Collegia, Feudatarios, vaOallos, (ubditos, ci- 
 ves, incolas, & habitatores etiam forenfes, didto Regi de ["ado obedien- 
 tes, tam fa;culares, quam fi qui rationis alicujus tcmporalitatis ipfum 
 Henricum Regem in fupcriorem recognofcant, etiam Ecclefiafticos, a 
 prxtato rege, leu ejus co'mplicibus., fautoribus, adhxrentibus, confulto- 
 ribus, & ftquacibus fupradidis depuratis, a juramento fidelitatis, jure 
 vaOallitico, & omni erga Regem, & alios prxdidos fubjedlione abfol- 
 vimus, ac penitus liberamus. His nihilominus lub Excommunicationis 
 poena mandantes, ut ab ejufdem Henrici Regis, fuorumqj officialium, 
 judicum, & magiftratuum quorum.cunq; obedientia penitus & omnino 
 recedant , nee liios in fuperiores regnofcant, neque iliorum raandatis 
 obtemperent. 
 
 11. Et ut alii eorum exemplo pertcrriti difcant ab hujufmodi excel^ 
 fibus abflinere, eildem audoritate, fcientia, & plenitudine, volumus, 
 ac decernimus, quod Henricus Rex & complices, fautores, adhxrentes, 
 confultores, fequaces, & alii in prxmiffis culpabiles, poflquam alias 
 pcenas prxdidas, ut prxfertur, refpedtive incurrerint, necnon prxfati 
 defcendentes, ex tunc infames exiftant, & ad teftimonium non admit- 
 tantur, teftamenta, & codicillos, aut alias difpolltiones, etiam inter vi- 
 vos concedere, & facers non poflint, & ad alicujus fucceffionem ex 
 tcftamento, vel ab inteftato, necnon ad jurifdidlionem, feu judicandi po- 
 teftatem, & ad Notoriatus Cfficium, omnefq; ados ligitimos quolcunqi 
 ita ut eorum proceflus, five inftrumenta atq; alii adus quicunque, nul- 
 lius fint roboris vel momenti, inhabiles exillant, & nulli ipfis, led ipfi 
 aliis luper quocunque debito & negotio, tam civili, quam criminal!, 
 de jure refpondere teneantur. 
 
 iz. Et nihilominus omnes, & fingulos Chrifti fidcles, fub Excom- 
 municationis, & aliis infrafcriptis posnis, moncmus, ut monitos, Ex- 
 communicatos, aggravates, interdidos, privatos, maledidos, & dam- 
 natos pra:didos evitent, & quantum in eis eft, & ab aliis evitari 
 
 faciant.
 
 Book Jil. of Records. i6i 
 
 faciant , nee cum eifdem , feu pr;i;rati Regis Civitatum , Dominiorum 
 Terrarutn , Caftrorum, Comitatuum , Villarum, Fcrtalitiorum , Oppi- 
 dorum, &: locorum prxdidornm civibus, incolis, vel habitatoribus auc 
 fubditis & vafiallis, emtndo, vendendo, perrautando, aut quamcunquemcr- 
 caturam, feu negotium exercendo, commercium, feu aliquam converl'ati- 
 ontm, ftucomm'unionem habeant: aut vinum, granum,lal, leu alia vidlu- 
 alia, arma, pannos, merces vel quafvis alias mercantias, vel res per marc in 
 eorum navibus, triremibus,aut aliis navigiis, five per tcrram cum mulis, vel 
 aliis animalibus, dcferre aut conducere, feu deferriautconduci facere, vel 
 delata per ilios recipere, publice vel occultc, aut talia facientibusauxilium, 
 cootilium, tavorem publice vel occulte, direde vel indirede,quovisqu:x:rito 
 colore, per fe, vel alium, feu alios quoquo mode pra:[larc prarlumant. Quod 
 ft tecerint, ultra Excommunicationis pra:did:r, etiam nullitatis contradu- 
 um quos inirent, necnon perditionis mercium, vidualium, & bonorum 
 omnium delatorum, qucc cap'.cntium fiant, pcenas fimiliter eo ipfo incurrant. 
 i\. Ca:terum quia convenire non videtur, ut cum his qui Eccleliam 
 contemnunt , dum pra;rertim ex corum pertinacia fpcs corricribilitatis 
 non habctur, hi qui divinis obfequiis vacant, converfi;ntur, quod etiam 
 illostuto tacere non pofledubitandum ell, omnium & fingularum Metro- 
 politanarum & aiiarum Cathedralium, crterarumq,- inferiorum Ecclefia- 
 rum & Monaltcriorum, domorum & locorum Rcligioforum, & piorum 
 quorumcumque, etiam S. AuguHini, S. Benedidli, Cluniacen. Ciftercien. 
 Pra'monklraten, ac Pr.rdicatorum, Minorum, Carmelitarum, aliorum- 
 que quorumcumq; ordinum, & Militiarum, etiam Hofpitalis Hierofoly- 
 mitani, Prxlatis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Prxceptoribus, Pnrpofitis, Mi- 
 niftris, Cullodibus, Guardianis, Conventibus, Monachis & Canonicis 
 necnon Parochialium Ecclefiarum Redoribus, aliifque quibufcunq; pcr- 
 fonis Ecclefialiicis in Regno & Dominiis pr^cdidis commorantibus, Tub 
 Excommunicationis ac privationis Adminiflrationum & rcgiminum Mo- 
 nafleriorum, dignitatum, perfonatuum, adminiflrationum, acofficiorum 
 Canonicatuumquc, & Prrcbendarum, Parochialium Ecclefiarum, & alio- 
 rum beneficiorum Ecclefiafticorum quorumcumq,- quomodolibet qualiH- 
 catorum, per eos quomodolibet obtentorum, poenis mandamus, quate- 
 nus infra quinq; dies, pofi: omnes & fingulos terminos prjedidos elapfos, ' 
 de ipfis Regno , & Dominiis, dimiflis , tamen aliquibus Presbyteris in 
 Ecclefiis quarum curam habucrint, pro adminiftrando baptifmate par- 
 vulis, & in panitentia decedentibus, ac aliis Sacramentis Ecclefiafticis, 
 quae tempore Interdicli miniflirari permittuntur, exeant & difcedant, ne- 
 que ad Rcgnum, & Dominia prardida revertantur ; donee monirl, & 
 Lxcommunicati, aggravati, reaggravati, privati, maledidi, & damnati 
 prxdidis monitionibus, & mandatis noflris hujufmodi obtemperaverint 
 merucrint a cenfuris hujufmodi abfolutionis beneficium obtinere, feu In- 
 terdidum in Regno, & Dominiis prxdidis, fuerit fublatum. 
 
 14. Prccterea fi prarmidis non obitantibus, Hcnricus Rex, Complices, 
 fautores, adhxrentes, confultores, & fequaces prxdidi in eorum perti- 
 nacia pcrfeveraverint, nee confcientix ftimulus eos ad cor rcduxent in 
 eorum forte potentia, & armis confidentts, omncs & fingulos Duces 
 Marchiones, Comites, & alios quofcunq; tam Seculares, quam Ecclella- 
 fticos etiam forenfes, defadodido Henrico Regi obedientes, fub cjul- 
 dem Excommunicationis, ac perditionis bonorum fuorum (quce, ut in- 
 fra dicitur, fimiliter capientium fiant ) poems, rcquinmus & monemus 
 quatenus omni mora, & cxcufatione poflpofita, cos, & corum fingulos, 
 ac ipforum railites & flipendiarios , tam equellres quam pedcftres, ali- 
 
 T 1 1 X ofquG
 
 i62 ACoUe&ion Book III. 
 
 t 
 
 ofque quofcumque, qui eis cum armis faverint, de Regno & Dominis 
 prxdidtis, etiam vi armortim, fi opus fuerit, cxpellant : ac quod Hen- l 
 ricus Rex, & ejus complices, fautorcs, adhrcrentes, confultores, & fe- \ 
 quaces, mandatis noftris non obtemperantcs pra'didti, de Civitatibus, I 
 Terris, Caftris, Villis, Oppidis, Fortalitiis, aut aliis locis Regni & Do- | 
 minii prardidonim fe non intromittant, procurent :• eis Tub omnibus & \ 
 Tingulis pocnis prxdidis inhibentes, ne in lavorem Henrici, ejufque com- 
 plicum, fautorum, adhxrentium, confultorum, & Icquacium aliorumq; 
 monitorum. prxdidorum, mandatis noflris non obtemperantium, arma \ 
 cujudibct generis offenfiva, vel defenfiva, Machinas quoq; bellicas, feu t' 
 tormenta (artellarias nuncupata) fumant aut teneanr, leu illis utantur, 
 aut armatos aliquos pnrter conluetam familiam parent, aut ab Henrico 
 Rege, complicibus, fautoribus, adhxrentibus, confultoribus, & fequa- \ 
 cibus, vel aliis in Regis ipfius favorcm paratcs, quomodoliber, quavis 
 occafione vel caufa, per fe vel alium.feu alios, publice vel occultc, dircfle 
 vel indirede teneant, vel receptent, aut dido Henrico Regi, feu illius 
 complicibus, fautoribus, adhxrentibus, confultoribus, & fequacibus pr^- 
 didlis, confilium, auxilium, vel quomodolibet ex quavis cauia, vel quovis . V 
 quxfito colore five ingenio, publice vel occultc, direfte vel indirede, f 
 tacite vel exprefle, per fe vel alium feu alios prirmiflis, vel aliquo prae- 
 miOxDrum pr^flent, feu prxHari faciant quoquomodo. 
 
 If. Prxterea ad didtum Henricum Regem facilius ad fanitatem, & 
 prxfata: Sedis obedientiam reducendum, omnes & fmgulos Chrillianos 
 Principes, quacunq; etiam Imperiali & Rcgali dignitate fulgentes, per 
 vilcera milericordur Dei noUri ( cujus caufa agitur } hortamur & in 1 
 Domino requirimus, eis nihilotninus, qui Imperatore & Rcge infcriores 
 fuerint, quos propter excellentiam dignitatis a cenl'uris excipimus, fub 
 Excommunicationis pcena mandantes, ne Henrico Regi ejufq? compli- 
 cibus, fautoribus, adhxrentibus, confultoribus, & fequacibus, vel eoruin 
 alicui, per fe vel alium feu alios, publice vel occulte, diredle vel in- 
 diredc, tacite vel exprefle, etiam fub prxtextu confadsraticnum aut ob- 
 ligationum quocumque eiiam juramento, aut quavis alia firmitate robo- 
 ratarum, & frpius geminatarum, a quibus qaidem obligaticnibus & ju- 
 ramentis omnibus, nos eos & eorum fingulos eifdem audtoritate & fcien- 
 tia ac plenitudine per prxfentes abfolvimus, ipfafque confoederationes & 
 obligationes tam fadas, quam in pofterum faciendas, quas tamen (in 
 quantum Henricus Rex & complices, fautores, adhxrentes, confiiltores, "i' 
 & fcquaces prxdidli circa prxmifla, vel eorum aliquod fe direde vel in- " 
 
 direde juvare poflent) fub eadem po:na fieri prohibemus, nullius ro- 
 boris vel momenti, nullafque, irritas, cafllus, inanes, ac pro infedis 
 habendas fore decernimus & declaramus, confilium, auxilium, vel fa- 
 vorem quomodolibet prxftent, quinimo fi qui illis, aut eorum alicui ad 
 prxfens quomodolibet afliftant, abipfis omnino 6: cum afiedu rccedant. 
 Qiiod fi non fecerint poflquam prxfcntcs publicatx& exccutioni dcman- 
 datx fuerint, & didi termini lapfi fuerint, omnes & fingulas civitates, 
 terras, oppida, caftra, villas, & alia loca eis (ubjcda, fimili Ecclefiallico 
 Interdido fupponimus, volentes ipfum Intcrdidum donee ipfi Principes a 
 Confilio, auxilio, & favore Henrico Regi & complicibus, fautoribus, ad- 
 hxrentibus, confultoribus & fequacibus prxdidis prxftando delliterint, 
 perdurare. 
 
 i6. Infupcrtam Principes prxdidos, quam quofcumq; alios, etiam ad 
 ftipendia quorumcumq; Chrilli fidelium militantes, & alias quafcumq; 
 perfonas, tam per mare, quam per terras, armigeros habentes, fimiliter 
 
 hortamur
 
 Book III. of Records. 163 
 
 hortamur & requirimus, & nihilomiaus eis in virtute landie obedientix 
 mandantes, quatenus contra Henricum Regem, complices, fautores, 
 adhaerentes, confultores, & fequaces prxdidos, dum in erroribus prse- 
 didis, ac adverfus Sedem prxdidam, rebellione permanferint, armis in- 
 furgant, eofq; & eorum fingulos perfequantur, ac ad unitatcm Ecclefia:, 
 &obedientiam didxSedis redire cogant & compellant; & tarn eosquam 
 iplorum fubditos & vadallos, ac civitatum, terrarum, caftrorum, oppi- 
 dorura, vilhrum, & locorum fuorurn incolas, & habitatores, alioCque 
 omnes & fingulas pcrfonas fupradidlis mandatis noftris, ur pra:fertur, non 
 obtemperantes, & qure prarfatum Henricum Regem, poflquam cenfu- 
 ras, & pcenas pia'dicftas incurrerit, in Dominum quomodoliber, etiam 
 de fadlo recognoverint, vcl ei quovis mode obtemperare praEfumpferint, 
 aut qui eum, ac complices, fautores, adhxrentes, confultores, fequaces 
 ac alios non obtemperantes prsdidios, ex Regno & Dominiis prardidtis, 
 ut prxfcrtur, expellere noluerint, ubicunq,- eos invenerint, eorumque 
 bona, mobilia 8c immobilia, mercantias, pecunias, navigia, credita, res, 
 & animalia, etiam extra territorium dicfli Henrici Regis ubilibet confi- 
 Itentia, capiant. 
 
 17. Nos cnim eis bona, mercantias, pecunias, navigia, res, & ani- 
 /nalia praLdicSta fic capta, in proprios eorum ufus convertendi, eifdem 
 audoritatc, fcientia, & poteflalis plenitudine, plenariam licentiam, facul- 
 tatem & auftcritatem concedimus, ilia omnia ad eofdem capientes ple- 
 narie pertinere, & fpedare, & perfonas ex Regno & Dominiis prxdidis 
 originem trahentes, feu in illis domicilium habentes, aut quomodolibet 
 habitantes, mandatis noilris prrsdidis non obtemperantes, ubicunq; eos 
 capi contigerit, capientium lervos fieri decernentes : prefcntefque literas 
 quoad hoc ad omnes alios cujufcunq; dignitatis, gradus, flatus, ordinis, 
 vel conditionis fucrinr, qui ipfi Henrico Regi, vel tjus complicibus, fau- 
 toribus, adhxrentibus, confultoribus, & lequacibus, aut aliis monitio- 
 nibus, & mandatis norths hujufmodi quoad ccmmercium non obtcm- 
 perantibus, vel eorum alicui vidualia, arma, vel pecunias fubminiilrare, 
 aut cum eis commercium habere, feu auxilium, confilium, vel favorem, 
 per fe vel alium, feu alios, publice vel occultc, direde vel indirede, 
 quovis modo contra tenorem prxfentium prxftare prxfumferint, exten- 
 dentes. 
 
 18. Et ut prxmiffa facilius iis quos concernunt innotefcant, univerfis 
 & fingulis Patriarchis, Archiepifcopis, Epifcopis, & Patriarchalium Me- 
 tropolitan , & aliarum Cathedralium , & Collegiatarum Ecclefiarum 
 Prxlatis, Capitulis, aliifq; perfonis Ecclefiafticis, Sxcularibus ac quorum- 
 vis crdinum Regularibus, necnon omnibus & fingulis, etiam mendican- 
 tium ordinum Profefforibus, exemptis & non exemptis, ubilibet con- 
 flitutis, per eafdem prxfentes fub Excommunicationis & privationis Ec- 
 clefiarum, Monafteriorum, ac aliorum Beneficiorum Ecclcfiallicorum, 
 graduum quoque & officiorum, necnon privilegiorum, & indultorum 
 quorumcunq; etiam a Sede prscdida quomodolibet emanatorum pcenis 
 jpfo fadio incurrendis, prxcipimus & mandamus, quatenus ipfi ac eoj 
 rum finguli, fi, & poflquam vigore prxfentium defupcr roquifiti fucrint, 
 infra trcs dies immediate fequentes, prxfatum Henricum Regem, omnefq; 
 alios cv fingulos, qui fupradidas cenfuras £: pcenas incurrcrint, in eorum 
 Ecclefiis, Dominicis & aliis feflivis diebus, dum major inibi populi mul- 
 titudo ad divina convenerit, cum Crucis vcxillo, pulfatis, campanis, & 
 accenfis, ac dcmum extintlis, & in terram projedlis, & conculcatis can- 
 delis, & aliis in fimilibus fervari folitis cxremoniis fervatis, Excommuni- 
 
 catos
 
 164 
 
 A Colletfion Book ill. 
 
 catos publice nuncienr, &ab aliis nuntlari, ac ab omnibus ard:ius evitari 
 faciant& mandent,nccnon fub fupradidis cenl'uris & pG}nis,pra:rentes lite- 
 ras, vel earum tranfumptum, Tub forma intrafcripra ccnfedlum, infra ter- 
 ininum trium dierum, poftquam, ur prxfertur, requidti fuerint, in Ecclefiis, 
 Monafteriis, Conventibus, & aliis eorum locis, pubiicari & affigi facianf, 
 
 19. Volentes, omnes & fingulos cujufcunq; Itatus, gradus, conditionis, 
 prireminentior, dignitatis, aut exccllentix fucrinr, qui quo minus pra^lenies 
 liierx vel earum tranfumpta, copix, feu exemplaria, in (uis civitacibuj, 
 tcrfis, cafti is, oppidis, villis, & locis Icgi & affigi, ac pubiicari pofunt, per 
 fe, vel alium, feu alios, publice vel occulte, dircifte vel indirede impedi- 
 verint, ealdem cenfuras & pccnas, ipfo tacto incurrcre. Etcum fraus & 
 dolus ncmini debeant patrocinari, ne quifquamex his, qui alicui regimini 
 & adminiflrationi deputati funt, inira tempus (ui regiminis feu admini- 
 ilrationis pnvididtas fententias, cenfuras & pcenas fuftineat, quafi port di- 
 dlum tempus fententiis, cenfuris (5v pccnis pra:didis amplius ligatus non 
 cxidar, quemcunque qui dum in regimine, & adminiftratione exiflens, 
 monitioni & mandato noUris, quoad pra-miila vel aliquid corum obtcm- 
 perare noluerit, ctiam depofito regimine, &: adminilbaiione hujufmodi, 
 nifi paruerir, eifdem cenfuris & pccnis fubjaccre decernimus. 
 
 zo. Et ne Henricus Rex cjufqj complices, &: fautores, adhirrentcs, con- 
 fultores, & fcquaces, aliiq; quos pramilTa concernunt, ignorantiam earun- 
 dem pnrfentium literarum, & in eis contentorum pnttendere valeant, 
 litcras ipfas (in quibus omncs & fmgulos, tarn juris, quain fadi, etiam 
 lolemnitatum, & proceduum, citationumq; omillarum defedus, etiam fi 
 tales fint, de quibus fpecialis, & expreHa mentio facienda eflet, propter 
 notorietatem fadi, audoritate, fcientia, & poteftatis plenitudine, fimili- 
 bus, fupplemus) in Bafilica: Principis Apoftolorum, & Cancellarix Apo- 
 flolicx de urbe, & in partibus in Collcgiatx 13. Marian Burgcn. Tornacen. 
 & Parocliialis de Dunikerke oppidorum Morinenfis dicccefis, EccleTiarum 
 valvis affigi, & pubiicari mandamus : Decernentes quod earundem litera- 
 rum publicatio fie fada, Henricum Regem, cjufque complices, fautores, 
 adha:rentes, confultores, & fcquaces, omnefq; alios, & fingulos quos literiE 
 ipfa; quomodolibet concernunt, perinde eos ardent, acfi litcra: ipte eis 
 perfonaliter led;-e, & intimatx fuificnt, cum non fit verifimile, quod ea, 
 qus: tarn patenter fiunt, debeant apud eos incognita remanere. 
 
 II. Ca:terum quia difficile foret prxfentes literas ad fingula quxque 
 loca, ad qua: neceflarium eflet deferri, fingula volumus & dida au6tori- 
 tate decernimus, quod earum tranfumptis manu publici Notarii conte- 
 dis, vel in alma urbe impreffis, ac figillo alicujus pcrfonx in dignitate 
 Ecclefiaflica conftituta: munitis, ubiq; eadcm fides adhibeatur, qua: ori- 
 ginalibus adhiberetur, fi eilent exhibits vel oftenfa:. 
 
 2x. Nulli ergo omnino horainum Hceat banc paginam noflra; monitio- 
 nis, aggravationis, reaggravationis, declaraiionis, pcrcuHionis, luppofi- 
 tionis, inhabilitationis, abfolutionis, liberationis, requifitionis, inhibitio- 
 nis, hortationis, exceptionis, prohibitionis, conceffionis, extenfionis, fup- 
 pletionis, mandatorum, voluntatis, & decretorum, intringere, vel ci aufu 
 te'pierario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare prxfumpferit, indig- 
 nationem Omnipotentis Dei, ac Beatorum Petri & Pauli Apoflolorum 
 ejus fe noverit incurfurum. 
 
 Datum Romx apud Sandum Marcum, Anno Incarnationis Do*^ 
 mini ij^y. 3 Kal. Sept. Pont, nollri Anno i. 
 
 Sequitur
 
 Book III. of Records. 165 
 
 Sequitur Jufpenfio ExecHtiouis diSl^ !BulUj O* tandem ejus revocatio^ 
 
 O' Executw. 
 
 Pauliis B^'tfco^tis SerVtis SerVonwi Dei, ad^er^etuam ret memoriam. 
 
 CU M Redemptor nofter ideo ilium qui ipfum negaverat, Petrnm, 
 viz. Univerfe Ecclefix prxficere voluerit, ut in fua culpa dUceret 
 aliis elle miferendum, non immerito Romanus Pontifex qui ipfnis Petri 
 indignitate Succelior exiftir, debet etiam in Officio exercendj: mifericor- 
 disB ipfius efle Succeflbr. Sed cum in eum dirigitur mifericordia, qui ex 
 hoc lit infolenticr, & obftinatior, aliofq; fecum trahit in perditicncm, 
 debet ipfe Romanus Pontifex, poftpofita in eum mifericordia, omnem 
 feveritatem adhibere, quo membrum illud putridura ita a corpore fepa- 
 retur, ut reliqua membra abfq; metu contagionis falva remaneant, prxfer- 
 tim cum plunbus curis adhibitis, & mulco tempore in hoc confumpto, 
 morbum quotidie magis invalefcerc, ipfa experientia comprcbat. 
 
 1. Alias cum nobis relatum fuiflet, quod Henricus Anglia; Rex, pras- 
 ter ea qus Matrimonium de ladto, & contra prohibitionem Ecclefia: te- 
 merarie contradtum concernebant, quafdam leges, feu generales confti- 
 tutiones fubditos fuos ad hrcrefim, & fchifma trahentes ediderat, & bon^E 
 memorise Joann. tit. San6ti Vitalis Prcsbyterum Cardinalem Roffen. 
 publice damnari & capite puniri, ac alios quamplures Pra:latos, necnon 
 alias perfonas Ecclefiaft. Hscrefi & Schifmati hujuimodo adhxrere noientes, 
 carceribus mancipari fecerat ; Nos, licet illi qui talia nobis retulerant ta- 
 les client, ut nullo modo de veritate fuorum didorum ambigendum ef^ 
 fet , cupientes tamen refpedu ipfius Henrici Regis, quem antequam ia 
 has inlanias incideret, peculiari quadam charitate profequebamur, prx- 
 di<Sa falfa reperiri, de eis intormationem ulteriorem habere procuravi- 
 mus, & invenientes clamorem ad nos delatum verum efle, ne noftro Of- 
 ficio deelTemus, contra eum procedere decrevimus, juxta formam quarun- 
 dam literarum noltrarum, quarum tenor fequitur. Et eft talis, &c. 
 
 Omittitur infertio, quia bulla ipfa eft quas praccedit. 
 
 2. Dum autem poftea ad didiarum literarum executionem devenien- 
 dum efle ftatuiflemus, cum nobis per nonnullos Principes, & alias in- 
 fignes perfonas perfuaderetur, ut ab executione hujufmodi per aliquan- 
 tum temporis fuperfederemus, fpe nobis data, quod interim ipfe Henri- 
 cus Rex ad cor rediret & refipifceret ; nos qui, ut hominum natura ferr, 
 facile credebamus quod defiderabamus, did^tam executionem fufpendi- 
 mus, fpcrantes (ut fpes nobis data erat } ex ipfa fufpenflone, corredtio- 
 nem & reflpifcentiam, non autem pertinaciam & obftinationem, ac ma- 
 jorem delirationem, ut reieffedus edocuit, proventuram. 
 
 ^. Cum itaq; refipifcentia & Corredio hujufmodi quam tribus fere 
 annis expedtavimas , non folum poftea fequuta non flt, ied ipfe Henricus 
 Rex quotidie magis fe in lua feritate, ac temeritate confirmans in nova 
 etiam Ictlera proruperit, quippe cum non contentus vivorum Prcelato- 
 rum & (acerdotum crudclinima trucidatione, etiam in mortuos, & eos 
 quidcm quos in fand:oram numerum relates Univerfalis Ecclcfia pluribus 
 Ixculis venerata eft, fentatcm cxercere non expavit, Divi enim Thomx 
 
 Can-
 
 1 66 A ColkBion Book III. 
 
 Cantuarien. Archiepifcopi, cujus o(Ta, qux in dido KCgno Anglic po- 
 tilTimum, ob innumera ab omnipo:enti Deo i! .,, perpetraca miracula, 
 furtima cum vencratione in area aurca in Civitate Cantuarien. fervaban- 
 tur, poflquam ipfum Divum Ihomam, ad majorem Rcligionis con- 
 temptum, in judicium vocari, & tanquam contumacem damnari ac pro- 
 ditorem dcclaraii fecerat, exhuman, & comburi, ac cineres in ventum 
 fpargi juflic, omntm plane cundarum gentium crudelitatem fuperans, 
 cum ne in bello quidem holies vidores fevire in mortuorum cadavera 
 foliti funt ; zAhxc omnia ex diverforum Regum etiam Anglorum, & alio- ' 
 rum Principum liberalitate donaria, ipfi area: appcnfa, qux multa, & 
 maximi prctii erant, fibi ufurpavit i nee putans ex hoc fatis injuria: reli- 
 gionis intuiiflc, Monaderium Divo illi Auguftino, ii quo Cliriftianam 
 fidem Angli acceperunr, in dida civitate dicatum, omnibus Thefauris, 
 qui etiam mnltt & magni erant, fpoliavit, & ficut fe in belluam tranf- 
 mutavit, ita etiam belluas quafi focias luas honorare voluit, feras videli- 
 cet in dido Monafterio, expulfis Monachis, "intromittendo, genus quidem 
 fcelcris non modo Chrifti fidelibus, fed etiam Turcis inauditum & abo- 
 minandum. 
 
 4. Cum itaq; morbus ifte a nuilo quantumvis peritiflimo medico alia 
 cura fanari poiiit, quam putridi membri abfciflione, nee valeret cura 
 hiijufmodi, abfq; eo, quod nos apud Deum caufam banc noftram efficu- 
 mus, ukerius rctardari, ad didarum literarum (quas ad hoc ut Henri- 
 cus Rex, ejufque Complices, Fautores, adhxrentes, confukores, & le- 
 quaces, etiam fuper excedibus per eum novilFime, ut prariertur perpe- 
 tratis, intra terminum eis, quoad alia, per alias noftras literas p'-xdidas 
 refpcdive prefixas, fe cxculare, alias pcenas ipfis literis conrentas incur- 
 rant, extendimus & ampliamus } publicationem, & deindc, Deo duce, 
 ad executionem procedere omnino flatuimus. Et quia a fide dignis ac- 
 cepimus, quod fi ipfarum & prxfentium literarum publicatio Diep Ro- 
 ihomagen. vel Bolonix Ambianen. Dicec. Oppidis in Francix, aut Civi* 
 rate Sandi Andrex, feu in Oppido Calliftren. Sandi Andrex Dioec. in 
 Scotix Regnis, vel in Thuamien. & Antiferten. Civitatibus, vel Dioec. 
 Dominii Hibernix fiat, non folum tam facile, ut fi in locis in didis literis 
 expreflis fieret, fed facilius ipfarum literarum tenor, ad Henrici, & alio- 
 rum quos concernunt, prxfertim Anglorum, notitiam deveniret; Nos 
 volentes in hoc opportune providere, motu, fcientia, & poteftatis ple- 
 nitudine prxdidis decernimus, quod publicatio literarum fuptrius infer- f 
 tarum, quarum infcrtioni fuperius fadx, ac ipfis Originalibus quoad 
 validitatem publicationis, feu executionis prxfentium, fidem adhiberi 
 volumus, in doubus ex locis prxfentibus litcns exprelfis, alias juxta fu- 
 pra infertarum, & prxfentium literarum tenore fada, etiam fi in locis 
 extra Romanam Curiam in didis prxinfcrtis literis fpecificatis hujufmodi 
 publicatio non fiat, perinde Henricum Regem, & alios quos concernunt 
 prxlertim Anglos afficiat,.ac fi Henrico Regi & aliis prxdidis prxfertim 
 Anglis perfonaliter intimatx fuificnt. 
 
 5. Quodq; prxfentium tranfumptis, juxta modum in prxinfertis lite- 
 ris exprclTum fadis, tam in judicio quam extra, eadem fides adhibeatur, 
 qux Originalibus adhiberetur, fi forent exhibitx, vel oftenfx. 
 
 6. Non obftantibus Conftitutionibus & Ordinationibus Apodolicis, 
 necnon omnibus illis, qux in didis literis voluimus non obftare, cxterifqj 
 contrariis quibufcunque. 
 
 7. Nulh ergo omnino hominum liceat banc paginam noftri Decreti, & 
 voluntatis intringere, vel ei aufu temerario contrairc. Si, quis autem 
 
 hoc
 
 Book IJI. of Records, i5y 
 
 hoc attentare prnzfumpferit, indignationcm Omnipotentis Dei, ac Beato- 
 rum Petri (S: Pauli Apoftolorum ejus fe noverit incurfurum. 
 
 Da t Roma: apud S. Petrum, Anno Incarnationis Dominica: 1558. 
 decimo fexto Kal. Januarii, Pontificatus noftri anno quinto. 
 
 X. Ihe Judgment of fome 'Bifl?ops concerning the IQngs Supremacy. 
 
 An Ormnal. 
 
 TH E Words of St. John in his zofh Chap. Stent mi/it me Vater^ & Ex MSS. 
 ego mitto vos, &c. hath no refpedt to a King's or Prince's a Power, D- Stilling- 
 but only to (hew how that the Minifters of the Word of God, chofenV"^' 
 and fcnt for that Intent, are the Meflengers of Chrift, to teach the 
 Truth of his Gofpel, and to loofe and bind Sin, &c. as Chrift was the 
 Mcflenger of his Father, The Words alfo of St. Fj«/, in the zoth Chap, 
 of the A^s ; Attendite vohis & miverfo gregi, in qua vos Spiritus San^us 
 pofuit Epifcopos regere Ecclejiam Dei^ were fpoken to the Bifhops and 
 Priefts, to be diligent Pallors of the People, both to teach them dili- 
 gently, and alfo to be circumfpedl that falfe Preachers fhould not feduce 
 the People, as foiloweth immediately after in the fame Place. Other 
 Places of Scripture declare the Highnefs and Excellency of Chriftian 
 Princes Authority and Power ; the which of a truth is mofl high, for 
 he hath Power and Charge generally over all, as well Bifliops, and Priefl:, 
 as other. The Bifliops and Priefts have charge of Souls within their own 
 Cures, Power to minifter Sacraments, and to teach the Word of God • 
 to the which Word of God Chriftian Princes Knowledge themfelves 
 fubjed ; and in cafe the Bifliops be negligent, it is the Chnftian Princes 
 Office to fefi them do their Duty. 
 
 T. Cantuarien. 
 
 Joannes London. 
 
 Cutbhertus Dunelmea. 
 
 Jo. Batwelkn. 
 
 Thomas E'ien. 
 
 Nkolaus Sartshurien. 
 Hugo IVygorn, 
 
 J. Roffen. 
 
 X[. InjunBions to the Clergy nude by Cromwell. 
 
 IN the Name of God, Amen. By the Authority and Commiflion of Regift. 
 the excellent Prince Henry, by the Grace of God, King of England Cranmer. 
 and of France, Defenfor of the Faith ; Lord of Ireland; and in Earth 
 Supream Head, under Chrifl, of the Church of England. ] Thomas Lord 
 Cromwell, Privy-Seal, and Vicegerent to the King's faid Eiighnefs, for 
 all his J urifdidion Ecclefiaflical within this Realm, do, for the Advance- 
 ment of the true Honour of Almighty God, Encreafe of Vertue, and 
 Dilcharge of the King's Majefty, give and exhibit unto you thefe 
 
 Injundions following, to be kept, obl'erved, and fulfilled, upon the 
 Pains hereafter declared. 
 
 Firjl; That ye fliall truly obferve and keep all and fmgular the 
 King's Highnefs Injunctions, given unto you heretofore in my Name, by 
 his Grace's Authority ^ not only upon the Pains therein expreHcd, but 
 
 U u u alfo
 
 68 
 
 A Collccfion 
 
 Book III. 
 
 alfo in your default after this fecond Monition continued, upon further 
 punilhment to be ftraitly extended towards you by the King's Highnefs 
 Arbitriment, or his Vicegerent aforefaid. 
 
 rtem ; That ye fliall provide on this fide the Fcaft of next 
 
 coming, one Book of the whole Bible of the largeft Volume in EngJilh, 
 and the fame fet up in fome convenient place within the faid Church 
 that ye have Cure of, w hereas your Parifliioners may mod commodioufly 
 refort to the fame and read it; the Charge of which Book fliall be rata- 
 bly born between you the Parfon and the Parifliioners aforefaid, that is 
 to fay, the one half by you, and the other half by them. 
 
 , Item; That you fliall difcourage no Man privily or apertly from the 
 reading or hearing of the faid Bible, but fliall exprefly provoke , ftir, 
 and exhort every Perfon to read the fame, as that which is the very 
 lively Word of God, that every Chriflian Man is bound to embrace, 
 believe, and follow, if he look to be faved ; admonifliing them never- 
 thelefs to avoid all Contention, Altercation therein, and to ufe an ho- 
 neft Sobriety in the Inquifition of the true Senfe of the lame, and re- 
 fer the Explication of the obfcure Places to Men of higher Judgment id 
 Scripture. 
 
 Item ; That ye fliall every Surte/ay and Holy-day through the Year^ 
 openly and plainly recite to your Parifliioners, twice or thrice together, 
 or oftener, if need require, one Particle or Sentence of the Pater Nofier, 
 or Creed, in Englifli, to the Intent they may learn the fame by Heart; 
 And fofrom Day to Day, to give them one little Lcflbn or Sentence of 
 the fame, till they have learned the whole Pater Mojler and CreeJ, in 
 Englifli, by rote. And as they be taught every Sentence of the fame by 
 rote, ye fliall expound and declare the underflanding of the fame unto 
 them, exhorting all Parents and Houfliolders to teach their Children 
 and Servants the fame, as they are bound in Confcience to do. And 
 that done, ye fliall declare unto them the Ten Commandments, one by 
 one, every Sunday and Holy-day, till they be likewife perfed in the fame. 
 
 Item ; That ye fliall in Confefllons every Lent examine every Perfon 
 that Cometh to Confefllon unto you, whether they can recite the Arti- 
 cles of our Faith, and the Pater Nojler in Englifli, and hear them fay 
 the fame particularly ; wherein if they be not perfed, ye fliall declare 
 to the fame. That every Chriftian Perfon ought to know the fame be- 
 fore they fliould receive the bleffed Sacrament of the Altar ; and monifli 
 them to learn the fame more perfedly by the next Year following, or 
 eUe, like-as they ought not to prefume to come to God's Board without 
 perfed Knowledge of the fame, and if they do, it is to the great Peril 
 of their Souls ; fo ye fliall declare unto them, that ye look for other 
 Injundcns from the King's Highnefs by that time, to Itay and repel all 
 fuch from God's Board as fliall be found ignorant in the Premifles, 
 whereof ye dothus admonifli them, to the Intent they fliouId both ef- 
 chew the Peril of their Souls, and alfo the worldly Rebuke that they 
 might incur after by the fame. 
 
 Item ; That ye fliall make, or caufe to be made, in the faid Church, 
 and every other Cure ye have, one Sermon every Quarter of the Year 
 
 at
 
 Book ill. of Records, 16^ 
 
 at lead, wherein ye Hiall purely and /inccrcly declare the very Gofpel 
 of Chriil, and in the Came exhort your Hearers to the Works of Chari- 
 ty, Mercy, and Faith, elpecially prcfcribed and commanded in Scrip- 
 ture, and not to repofe their truft or affiance in any other Works devi- 
 fed by Mens Fantafies bel'ides Scripture : as in wandring to Pilgrimages, 
 offering of Money, Candles, or Tapers, Images, or Reliques; or 
 killing or licking the fame over, faying over a Number of Beads, not 
 underliandcd or minded on, or in fucH-like Superllirion; for the do- 
 ing whereof, ye not only have no Promife of Reward in Scripture, but 
 contrariwife great Threats and Maledidions of God, as things tcnJin,-T 
 to Idolatry and Superllition, which of all other Ofl'ences God Almighty 
 doth moft deteft and abhor, for that the fame diminilheth moH his Ho- 
 nour and Glory. 
 
 Item ; That fuel) feigned Images as ye know in any of your Cures to 
 be fo abufed with Pilgrimages or Offerings of any thing made thereunto, 
 ye fliall, fcr avoiding of that moft deteftable OiTence of Idolatry, forth- 
 with take down, and without delay ; and Hiall fuffer from henceforth 
 no C andlcs, Tapers, or Images of Wax to be fee afore any Image or 
 Pidture, but only the Light that commonly goeth a-crofs the Church by 
 the Root- loft, the Light before the Sacrament of the Altar, and the 
 Light about the Sepulchre ; which for the adorning of the Church, and 
 Divine Service, ye Ihall fuficr to remain: (till admonilliing your Parifhi- 
 oners, that Images ferve for none other purpofe, but as to be Books of 
 unlearned Men, that ken no Letters, whereby they might be otherwife 
 admonillied of the Lives and Converfation of them that the faid Images 
 doreprefent; which Images if they abufe, for any other Intent than for 
 fuch Remembrances, they commit Idolatry in the fiimc, to the great Dan- 
 ger of their Souls : And thcrelore the King's Highnefs gracioufly ten- 
 dring the Weal of his Subjects Souls, hath in part already, and more will 
 hereafter, travail for the abolilhing of fuch Images as might be an Oc- 
 cafion of fo great an Offence to God, and fo great a Danger to the Souls 
 of his loving Subjects. 
 
 Item; That in all fuch Benefices, or Cures, as ye have, whereupon 
 ye be not your felf Refident, ye fliall appoint fuch Curates in your (lead, 
 as can both by their Ability util. and alio promptly, execute thefe In- 
 junctions, and do their Duty otherwife ; that ye are bounden in every 
 behalf accordingly, and may profit them, no lefs with good Examples 
 of living, than ui'.h declaration of the Word of God, or elfe their Lack 
 and Defaults fliall be imputed unto you, who (hall (Iraitly anfwer for the 
 fame if they do otherwife. 
 
 Item ; That ye fliall admit no Man to preach within any your Bene- 
 fices or Cures, but fuch as fliall appear unto you to be fulTiciently li- 
 cenled thereunto by the King's Highnefs, or his Grace's Authority, by 
 the Arch-billiopof Canterbury^ or the Bifliop of this Dioccfs; and fuch 
 as fliall be fo licenfed, ye fliall gladly receive to declare the Word of 
 God, without any Refinance or Contradidiion. 
 
 Item ; If ye have heretofore declared to your Parifliioners any thing 
 to the extolling or letting forth o\ Pilgrimages, feigned Reliques, or 
 Images, or any fuch Superftition , that you fliall now openly afore the 
 
 U u u 2 fame
 
 Tyo A Colltcfwrt Book III. 
 
 fame recant and reprove the fame, fiiewing them (as the truth is) that 
 ye did the fame upon no ground of Sciipture, but as one led and fcdu- 
 ccd by a common P>ror and Abufe crept into the Church, through the 
 Sufferance and Avarice of fuch as felt Profit by the fame. 
 
 Itetn ; If ye do or (hall know any Man within your Parilli, or clfe- 
 where, that is a Letter of the Word of God to be read in Englilh, or 
 fmcercly preached, or of the execution of thefe Injundinns ; or a fa- 
 vourer of the Bifl.op of Rome's pretenled Power, now by the Laws of 
 this Realm judly rejcdled and extirped ; ye fliall detect and prefent the 
 fame to the King's Highnefs, or his honourable Council, or to his Vice- 
 gerent aforefaid, or the Juftice of the Peace next adjoining. 
 
 If em; That you, and every Parfon, Vicar, or Curate within this Dio- 
 cc!s, lliali for every Church keep one Book or Regifler, wherein he 
 fliail write the Dav and Year of every Wedding, Chriflning, and Bury- 
 ing, made within yonr Panfli for your time, and fo every Man fucceed- 
 ing youlikeuiie; and alfo there infcrt every Perfon's Name that lliall 
 be fo wedded, chriftned, and buried ; and for the fafe keeping of the 
 fame Book , the Parifli fliall be bound to provide, of their common 
 Charges, one fure Coffer with two Locks and Keys, whereof the one to 
 remain with you, and the other with the Wardens of every fuch Parifli 
 wherein the faid Book fliall be laid up j which Book ye fliall every 6"««- 
 e/ay take forth, and in the prefence of the faid Wardens, or one of them, 
 write and record in the fame, all the Weddings, Chriftnings, and Bu- 
 ryings, made the whole Week afore; and that done, to lay up the Book 
 in the faid Coffer, as afore : And for every time that the fame Inall be 
 omitted, the Party that fliall be in the fault thereof, fliall forfeit to the faid 
 Church -^s. 4 ri'. to be employed on the Reparation of the faid Church. 
 
 Item; That ye fliall every quarter of a Year read thefe and the other 
 former Injundlions, given unto you by the Authority of the King's High- 
 nefs, openly and deliberately before all your Parifliioners, to the intent 
 that both you may be the better admoniflied of your duty, and your faid 
 Parift-.ioners the more incited to enfue the lame for their part. 
 
 Item ; Forafmuch as by a Law eftabliflied, every Man is bound to pay 
 the Tithes; no Man fliall, by colour of duty, omitted by their Curates, 
 detain their Tithes, and fo redouble one wrong with another, or be his 
 own Judge, but fliall truly pay the fame^ as hath been accuftomcd, to 
 their Parlons and Curates, without any reflraint or diminution ; and fuch 
 lack or default as they can juflly find in their Parfons or Curates, to call 
 for reformation thereof at their Ordinaries, and other Superiors hands ; 
 who, upon complaint, and due proof thereof, fliall reform the fame ac- 
 cordingly. 
 
 Item; That no t'arfon fliall from henceforth alter or change the order 
 and manner of any Faftingday that is commanded and indided by the 
 Church, nor of any Prayer, or of Divine Service , otherwilc than is 
 Ipccihed in the faid Injunctions, until fuch time as the lame fliall be fo 
 ordered and tranfported by the King's Highnefs 's Authority ; The F.ves 
 of fuch Saints, whole Holy-dayes be abrogated, be only excepted, uhich 
 fliall be declared henceforth to be no Falting-dayes; excepted, alio the 
 
 commcmop-
 
 Book III. of Records, i j 
 
 commemoration of Thomas Beckett fome-time Archbiiliop of Canter- 
 iury^ which Ihall be clean omiited, and in the (lead thereof, the Ferial 
 Service ufcd. 
 
 Item-^ That the knelling of the A vies after Service, and certain other 
 times, which hath been brought in and begun by the pretence of the 
 Biiliop of Rome's Pardon, henceforth be left and omitted, Jeft the People 
 do ht-i^after truft to have Pardon for the faying of their Avies, between 
 the faid knolling, as they have done in times pafl. 
 
 Item ; Where in times part Men have ufed in divers places in their 
 Proceffions to fmg Ora pro nohis to fo many Saints , that they had no 
 time to fing the good Suffrages folio A'ing, as Farce nohis D amine , and 
 Libera rtos Domine, it muft be taught and preached, that better it were to 
 omit. Ora pro nobis^ and to fing the other Suffrages. 
 
 All which and fingular Injundtions I minifter unto you and your Suc- 
 cefTors, by the King's Highnels Authority to me committed in this part, 
 which I charge and command you by the fame Authority to obferve and 
 keep upon pain of Deprivation, Sequeftration o{ your Fruits, or fuch 
 other coercion as to the King's Highnefs, or his Vice-gerentfor the time 
 being, fliall feem convenient. 
 
 " Thefe arealfo in the Bp. of London'^ Regifler, Fol. 19, 30. with Bonner'x 
 Mandate to his Arch Deacons for obfervmg them, 30 Sept. 1541. 
 Anno Regn. 31. 
 
 XII. InjmiEiions given by Thomas Jrch BijJ?ol> of Canterbury, 
 to the TarfoHS , Vicars^ and other Curats in his Ftfitation, ke^t 
 ( fede vacante ) within the 'Diocefs of Hereford, Anno Do- 
 mini 1538. 
 
 I. 
 
 FIrft ; That ye, and every one of you, (hall, with all your diligence 
 and faithful obedience, obferve, and caufe to be obferved, all and 
 fingular the Kings Highnefs Injundions, by his Graces Commiflaries gi- 
 ven in fuch places as they in times paft have vifited. 
 
 1 1. 
 Item ; That ye, and every one of you fliall have, by the firfl: day of 
 Augiifl next coming, as well a whole Bible in Latin and Englifh^ or at the 
 leaft a New Tefiament of both the fame Language, as the Copies of the 
 King's Highnefs Injundlions. 
 
 III. 
 Item ; That ye fliall every day ftudy one Chapter of the faid Bible, 
 or New Teftament, conferring the Latin and fwg/i/Z' together, and to 
 begin at the firfl part of the book, and fo to continue until the end of 
 the fame. 
 
 IV. 
 Item ; That ye, or none of you, fliall difcourage any Lay-Man from 
 the reading of the Bible in Engltjh or Latin^ but encourage them to that, 
 admonifliing them that they lo read it, for reformation of their own 
 
 Life,
 
 — — • ■• — V 
 
 i'72 A Collethon Book III. f 
 
 XIII. A Letter of CromweH'i to the ^if^op of LandaflF, dlreSllng. 
 him how to proceed in the ^formation. An Original. 
 
 Co«o» Libr. A F T ER my right hearty Commendations to your Lcrdfliip, ye (hall 
 CUof.E.^.£\ herewith receive the King's Highnefs Letters addrelTed unto you, 
 to put you in remembrance o\ his Highnefs Travels, and your Duty touch- 
 ing order to be taken for Preaching, to the Intent the People may be 
 taught the Truth, and yet not charged at the beg nning with over-m,any 
 Novelties; the Publication whereof, unlefs the lame be tempered and 
 qualified with much W'ifdom , do rather breed Contention, DiviHon , 
 and Contrariety in Opinion in the unlearned Multitude, than either 
 edifie, or remove from them, and out of their Hearts, fuch Abulis as, by 
 thecoirupt and unlavoury teaching of the Bifhop of Rome and his Dif- 
 ciplcs, have crept in the fame. The Effedt of which Letters albeit I 
 doubt not, but as well for the Honefty of the Matter, as for your own 
 Dilcharge, ye will fo confider and put in Execution, as Hiall be to his 
 Grace*s SatisfadJion in that behalf: Yet foraimuch as it hath pleafed his 
 Majelly to appoint and conflitute me in the Room and Place of his bu- 
 pream and Principal Miniiter, in all Matters that may touch any thing 
 his Clergy, or their doings, I thought it alio my Part, for the Exonera- 
 tion of my Duty towards his Highnefs, and the rather to anfwer to his 
 Graces Expecilation, Opinion, and Truft conceived in me, and in that 
 
 amongft 
 
 Life, and knowledge of their Duty ; and that they be not bold or pre- 
 fumptuous in judging of Matters afore they have perfed Knowledge. 
 
 V. 
 
 Item-^ That ye, both in your Preaching and fecret Confeflion , and 
 all other Works and Doings, fhall excite and move your Parilhioners 
 unto fuch Works as are commanded expreOy of God, for the which God 
 fliall demand of them a (trid Reckoning ; and all other Works which Men 
 do of their own Will or Devotion, to teach your Parifhioners that they 
 arc not to be fo highly cfteemed as the other; and that for the not do- 
 ing of them God will not ask any accompt. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Item', Thnt ye, nor none cf you, fuffer no Friar, or Religious Man, 
 to have any Cure or Service within your Churches or Cures, except they / 
 
 be lawfully difpenfed withal, or licenfed by the Ordinary. % 
 
 V n. « 
 
 Item; That ye, and every one of you, do not admit any young 
 Man or Woman to receive the Sacrament of the Altar, which never 
 received it before, until that he or flie openly in the Church, after Mafs, 
 or evening Song, upon the Holy day, do recite, in the vulgar Tongue, 
 the Pater- NoJIer, the Creed, and ihc Ten Commane/mefits. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 [rem ; That ye, and every one of you, (liall two times in a Quarter '^■^,. 
 declare to your Parilliioners the Band of Matrimony, and what great 
 Danger it is to all Men that u(eth their Bodies but with luch Perfons as ,; 
 
 they lawfully may by the Law of God. And to exhort in the faid 
 Tim°s your Parilliioners, that they make no privy Contrads, as they 
 will avoid the extream Pain of the Laws ufed v^ithin the King's Realm, 
 by his Grace's Authority.
 
 Book III. of Records. 17^ 
 
 amongfl otlier committed to my fidelity, to dcfire and pray you, in fuch 
 fubftantial fort and manner, to travel in the execution of the Contents 
 of his Grace's faid Letters; namely, for avoiding of Contrariety in 
 Preaching, of the pronunciation of Novelties, without wife and difcreet 
 qualification, and the rcprellion of the temerity of tliofe, that either 
 privily, or apertly, diredly or indiredlly, would advance the pretended 
 Authority of the BiOiop of Rome ; as I be not for my difcharge en- 
 forced to complain further, and to declare what I have now written 
 unto you for that purpofe, and fo to charge you with your own fault, 
 and to devife fuch remedy for the fame, as ihall appertain : defiring 
 your Lordlhip to accept my meaning herein, tending only to an honeft, 
 friendly, and Christian .Reformation, for avoidage of further inconve- 
 nience, and to think none unkindnefs, tho in this Matter, wherein it is 
 almoft: more than time to fpeak, I write frankly, compelled and enfor- 
 ced thereunto, both in refped: of my private Duty, and other wife, for 
 my difcharge ; forafmuch as it plcafeth his Majefly to ufe me in the lieu 
 of a Couniellor, whofe Office is as an Eye to the Prince, to forefee, and 
 in time to provide remedy for fuch Abufes, Enormities, and Inconvenien- 
 ces, as might elfe uith a little fufferance engender more evil in his Pub- 
 lick Weal, than could be after recovered, with much labour, ftudy, di- 
 ligence, and travails. And thus moll heartily fare you well. From 
 the RoUs^ the yth of January. 
 
 Vour Lordlhip's Friend, 
 
 Thomas CromweS. 
 
 XIV. The CommifTion by which 'Bonner held his 
 Biflioprick of the King. 
 
 Lkentia ^^ia concejja Domino Epifcopo ad exercendam 
 .Junfdt^iomm Epijcopalem. 
 
 HEnricus Odtavus, Dei Gratia Angli^e & Francis Rex, Fidei Defen- Regifl. 
 for, Dominus Hibernise, & in Terra Supremum Ecclefix Anglica- Bonner, fol.' 
 na: fub Chriflo Caput, Reverendo in Chriflo Patri Edmundo Londonenfi /"'"'"'• 
 Epifcopo Salutem. Quandoquidem omnis jurifdiccndi Autoritas, atq,- 
 etiam jurifdidio omnimoda, tarn ilia qua; Ecclefiaftica dicitur quam Sx~ 
 cularis, a Regia Potellate velut a Supremo Capite, & omnium infra 
 Regnum noftrum Magiflratuum fonte & fcaturigine, primitus emanavit, 
 fane illos qui jurifdictionem hujulmodi antchac non nifi precario funge- 
 bantur, beneficium hujufmodi fic eisex liberalitate Regil indultum gra- 
 tis animis agnofcere, idq; Regix Munificentix folummodo acceptum 
 referre, eiquc, quotiens ejus Majeflati videbitur, libentcr conccdere con- 
 venit. Quum itaq; nos pcrdiledum Commiifarium noflrum Thomam 
 Cromwell Nobilis ordinis Gartcrii Militem, Dominum Cromwell 6r de 
 WymolJcn noftri privati Sigilli Cuftodem, noflrumq; ad quafcunq; 
 caufas Ecclefiaflicas noffra Authoritate, uti iiupremi Capitis didcX Eccle- 
 {\x Anglicanx, quoraodolibet tradand. five ventiland. Vicem-gerentem, 
 Vicarium Gcneralem & Officialem Principalem, per alias Literas Patentes 
 figillo noftro Majori communitas, conflituerimus& prxfccerimus. Quia 
 tamcn ipfc Thomas Cromwell noflris & hujus Rtgni Anglix tot & tarn 
 
 arduis
 
 . «. - I .. — — "^ — " —~—-— 
 
 lyA. A Collection Book III. 
 
 arduis negotiis adeo prxpeditus exiftit, quod ad omnem Jurifdidionem 
 nobis, uti Supremo Capiti hujafmodi competentern, ubiq; locorum infra ^ 
 hoc Regnum noftrum prxfatum, in his qux moram commodenon non 
 patiuntur aut fine noftrorum fubditorum injuria differri non poffunr, in 
 fua perfona expediend. non fufficiet, Nos tuis in hac parte fupplicatio- 
 nibus humilibus inclinati, & noftrorum fubditorum commodis confulere 
 cupientcs, Tibi vices noHras fub modo & forma inferius defcriptis com- 
 mittendas fore, Teq; liccntiandum efle decernimus, ad ordinandum igi- 
 tur quofcunq; infra Dioc. tuam London, ubicunq; oriundos, quos mo- 
 ribus & literatura pra:vio diligenti & rigorofo examine idoneos fore 
 compereris, ad omnes etiam Sacros & Presbyteratus ordines promoven- 
 dum, pra'Pentatofque ad beneficia Ecclefiaftica* qucecunque infra Dioc 
 tuam London, conftituta, fi ad curam beneficiis hujufmodi imminentem 
 fuftinend. habiles reperti fuerunt & idonei, admittendum ac in & de iif- 
 dem inflituendum 8c inveftigandum ; Ac etiam fi res ita exigatdeftituen- 
 dum, beneficiaq; Ecclefiaftica quaccunq; ad tuam collationem five difpofi- 
 tionem fpedantia & pertinentia perfonis idoneis confcrendum, atq; 
 approbandum tedamenta & ultimas voluntates quorumcunq; tux Dio- 
 Cicfeos, bona, jura, five credits non ultra fummam centum librarum in 
 bonis fuis vita: & mortis fuarum tcmporibus habend. necnon admini- 
 ftrationcs quorumcunq; fubditorum noftrorum tux Dioc, ab inteilato 
 decedend. quorum bona, jura, five credita non ultra fummam prxdi- 
 d:am vita: & mortis fuarum temporibus fefe extendent, quatenus hu- 
 jufmodi teftatorum approbatio atq; adminiftrationis commilfio five con- 
 celfio per pnvdeceflbres tuos aut eorum alicujus refpedive Commifla- 
 rlos retroadis temporibus fiebat ac fieri»& committi potuit, & non aliter 
 committendum, Calculumq; ratiocinium & alia in ea parte expcdienda 
 caulafq; lites & negotia coram te aut tuis deputatis pendend. indecif. 
 necnon alias five alia, quafcunq; five qu^cunq; ad forum Ecclefiafticum 
 pertinentia ad te aut tuos deputatos five deputand. per viam querela: aut, 
 appellationis five ex offic. devolvend. five deducen. qux extra Icgum no- 
 llrarum & ftatutorum Reg. noftri offenf coram te aut tuis Deputatis agita- 
 ri, aut ad tuam five alicujus Commiflariorum per te vigore hujus Comif- 
 fionis noftrx deputandorum cognitioncm devolvi aut deduci valeant & 
 podlnt, examinand. & decidend. Ad vifitandum infuper Capitulum Eccle- 
 {\x tua: Cathedral. London, civitatemq; London, necnon omnia & fin- 
 gula Monafteria, Abbatias & Prioratus, Collegia & alia loca pia, tam 
 Religiofa quam Hofpitalia, quacunq; clcrumq; & populum did, Dioc. 
 London, quatenus Ecclefix, Monafterii, Abbatix, per te five Proedecef- 
 forcs tuos London. Epifcopos vifitatio hujufmodi temporibus retroadis 
 cxerceri potuit, ac per te five per eofdem de legibus & ftatutis ac juribus 
 Regni noftri exerceri potuit & poteft, & non aliter : Necnon ad inqui- 
 rendum per te, ' vel alium feu alios ad id per te deputandum five deputan- 
 dos, tam ex officio mero mixto quam promoto fuper quorumcunq; exceffi- 
 bus, criminibus feu delidis quibufcunq; ad forum Ecclefiaflicum fpedan- 
 tibus infra Dioc. London, ac delinquentes five criminofos, juxta comperta 
 per te in ea parte per Licita Juris remcdia pro modo culpx, prout natura 
 & qualitas delidi popofcerit, coercendum & puniendum, cxteraq; omnia 
 & fingula in Prxmillis feu aliquo prxmifibrum, aut circa ea necefiaria 
 feu quomodolibet opportuna, ac alia quxcunq; Autoritatem & Jurif- 
 didioriem Epifcopalem quovifmodo re(piciend. & concernend, prxter 
 & ultra ea qux tibi ex Sacris Literis divinitus commifla efib dignof- 
 cantur, vice, nomine, &c Autoritate noftris cxequendum, Tibi, dc cujus, 
 
 fana
 
 Book III. of Record f. 175 
 
 fana dodrina, confcientix puritate, vitxq; & morum integritate, ac in 
 rebus gerendis fide & indufiria plurimum confldimus, vices noftras cum 
 potcfiate alium vel alios, CommilTarium vel CommilTarios, ad prxmilla 
 leu eorum aliqua furrogandi &• fubflituendi, eofdemq,- ad placitum revo- 
 cand. tcnore prxfentium committiraus, ac liberam facultatem concedi- 
 mus ; Teq; licenriam per pr.-rfentes ad noflri bene placiti duntaxat du- 
 raturas cum cujullibet congrux & Ecclefiafticce coercionis poteftate 
 quacunq; inhibitione in te datam prxfentium emanata in aliquo non ob- 
 ftante Tuam Confcientiam coram Deo ftriiftillime onerantes, & ut fummo 
 omnium judici aliquando rationem reddere, & coram nobis tuo cum 
 periculo corporali refpondere intendis : te admonentes ut interim tuum 
 officium juxta Evangelii normam pie & fande exercere ftudeas, &ne 
 quern ullo tempore unquam vel ad facros ordines promoveas, vel ad 
 curam animarum gercnd. quovis modo admittas, nifi eos duntaxat quos 
 ad tanti iSc tam venerabilis Officii fundionem vitx & morum integritas 
 certiflimis teftimoniis approbata, literarum fcientix & alia? qualitates re- 
 quifitas ad hoc habiles & idoneos clare & luculenter oflenderint & de- 
 claraverint ; Nam ut maxime compertum cognitumq; habemus morum 
 omnium, & Maxime Chriftianx Religionis corruptelam a malis Paftori- 
 bus in populum emanafTe, fic ut vcram Chrifti Religionem, vitxq; & 
 morum emendationcm a bonis Paftoribus iterum deiedis & alTumptis in 
 integrum reliitutum iri haud dubie fperamus. In cujus rci teftimonium 
 prxtentes Litcras noftras inde fieri, & Sigilli noflri quo ad Caufas Ec- 
 clefiafticas utimur appenfione juflimus Communiri. Dat. iz. die menfis 
 Novemb. Anno Dom. 15:59. & Rcgni noftri Anno 31. 
 
 XV. Tk Kjngs Letters fatents for printing the !Bihle in Engliflb. 
 
 HEnry the Eighth, &c. To all and fingular Printers and Sellers of Rot.Fat.ii'. 
 Books within this our Realm, and all other Officers, Miniftcrs Hen. 8, 
 and Subjects, thefe our Letters hearing or feeing, Greeting. We let you 
 wit, That being defirous to have our People at all times convenient 
 give themfelves to the attaining the knowledg of God's Word, whereby 
 they will the better honour him, and obferve and keep his Command- 
 ments ; and alfo do their Duties better to us, being their Prince and 
 Sovereign Lord : And confidering that this our Zeal and Defire can- 
 not by any mean take fo good effed, as by the granting to them 
 the free and liberal ufe of the Bible in our own natural Englijh Tongue : 
 fo unlefs it be forefeen that the fame pafs at the beginning by one' 
 TranHation to be perufed and confidcred ; The frailty of Men is fuch 
 that the diverfity thereof may breed and bring forth manifold Incon* 
 veniences ,• as when wilful and heady Folk fliall confer upon the diver/ity 
 of the faid TranHations. We have therefore appointed our right trufty 
 and well-beloved Counfellor, the Lord Cromvell^ Keeper of our Privy- 
 Seal, to take tor us, and in our Name, fpecial care and charge that no 
 manner of Perfon, or Perfons, within this our Realm , Ihall enterprife, 
 attempt, or fet in hand to print any Bible in the E»gli[h Tongue of any 
 manner of Volumn, during the fpace of five Years next cnfuing after the 
 Date hereof, but only all luch as fliall be deputed, affigned, and admit- 
 ted by the (aid Lord Cromwell. 
 
 The 1 3 Novemh. Trkefmo prmo Regni. 
 
 X X X XVr. The
 
 176 
 
 A Collecfion Book III. 
 
 XVI. The Actainder of ThortKt^ Cromwell. 
 
 Item quadam alia petitio^ {ormam cujufdam aclus attinHune in fe ccntitieiis^ 
 exhihita eft fucc Hegifie Majeftati in Farliame?ito pncdiHo, cujiu tenor 
 fequitar in hi€c verba. 
 
 IN their mod humble-wife ftieuing to your moH Royal Majefty, the 
 Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and all your moft loving and obe- 
 "'^''*^""*- dient Subjedts, the Commons in this your moft high Court of Parlia- 
 no Re^r "^^"^ alTembled ; That where your moft Royal Majefty, our Natural 
 Iricefimofe- Sovereign Lord, is juftiy, and lawfully, really entituled to be our fole 
 cundo. Supream Head and Governour, of this your Realm of England^ and of 
 the Dominions of the fame; to whom, and to none other under God, 
 ' the Kingly Diredion, Order, and Governance of your moft loving 
 and obedient Subjects, and People of this your Realm, only appertain- 
 ethandbelongeth. And the which your moft loving and obedient Sub- 
 jedts, your Highnefs prudently and quietly, without any manner of di- 
 tturbance by a long time moft gracioufly hath preferved, fuftained and 
 defended : And your Highnefs, for the Quietnefs, Wealth, and Tran- 
 quility of your faid humble and obedient S'ubjc(5ls, hath made, and or- 
 dained, divers and many moft godly, vertuous and wholfome Laws; 
 and for due execution of the fame, hath not defifted to travel in your 
 own moft Royal Perfon, to fupporc and maintain, as well the Laws of 
 Almighty God, as the Laws by your Highnefs made and ordained, by 
 due and condign Execution of the fame Laws upon the TranfgrefTors 
 offending contrary to the fame : And your Majefty hath always moft 
 vertuoully ftudied and laboured, by all ways, and all means, to and for 
 the fetting forth thereof, in fuch wife as might be moft to the Honour, 
 Glory, and Pleafure of Almighty Godj and for the common accord and 
 wealth of rhis your Realm, and other your Dominions : And for the 
 true execution of the fame, hath eledted, chofen and made divers, as 
 well of your Nobles as others, to be of your moft Honourable Coun- 
 cil, as to the Honour of a Noble Prince appertaineth. And where your 
 Majefty hath had a fpecial Truft and Confidence in your faid moft trufty 
 Counfcllors, that the fame your Counfellors, and every of them, had 
 minded and intended, and finally purpofed to have followed and pur- 
 fued your moft Godly and Princely Purpofe, as of truth the more num- 
 ber hath moft faithfully done ; Yet neverthelefs Thomas Cromwell, now 
 Earl of EQex^ whom your Majefty took and received into your trufty 
 Service, the fame Thomas then being a Man of very bafe and low de- 
 gree, and for fingular Favour, Truft and Confidence, which your Ma- 
 jefty bare and had in him, did not only eredt and advance the fame Tho- 
 mas unto the itate of an Earl, and enriched him with manifold Gifts, 
 as well of Goods, as of Lands and OfHces, but alfo him, the faid Tho- 
 mas Cromwell^ Earl of Ejfex, did eredt and make one of your moft trufty 
 Counfellors, as well concerning your Grace's Supream Jurifdidions Ec- 
 cleliaftical, as your moft high fccret Affairs Temporal. Neverthelefs 
 your Majefty now of late hath lound, and tried, by a large number of 
 Witneffcs, being your faithlul Subjeds, and Perfonages of great Honour, 
 Worfliip, and Uiicretion, the faid Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Ejfex, con- 
 trary to the fingular truft and confidence which your Majelfy had in 
 him, to be the moft fallc and corrupt Traitor, Deceiver, and Circum- 
 ._ ventor
 
 Book III. of Records, ijj 
 
 ventor againfl: 5'our mod Royal Perfon, and the Imperial Crown of 
 this your Realm, that hath been known, feen, or heard of in ail the 
 time of your mofl noble Reign : Infomuch that it is manifcniy proved 
 and declared, by the DepofuiortS of the Witnedes aforefaid, Tha-t 
 the fame Thomas Cromwell^ Edrl of Eff'ex^ ufurping upon your Kingly 
 Eftate, Power, Authority, and Office; without your Grace's Command- 
 ment or Affent, hath taken upon him to fet at liberty divers Perfons be- 
 ing convidted and attainted of Mifprifion of High Treafon ; and divers 
 other being apprehended, and in Prifon, for Sufpedion of High Trea- 
 fon ; and over that, many and divers Times, at fundry Places in this 
 your Realm, for manifold Sums of Money to him given, moft traiteroa- 
 flyhath taken upon him, by feveral Writings, to give and grant, as well 
 unto Aliens, as to j'our Subjedts, a great Number of Licenfes for con- 
 veying and carrying of Money, Corn, Grain, Beans, Beer, Leather, 
 Tallow, Bells, Mettals, Horfes, and other Commodities of this your 
 Realm, contrary to your Highnefs's mod Godly and Gracious Proclama- 
 tions made for the Common-wealth of the People of this your Realm 
 in that behalf, and in Derogation of your Crown and Dignity, And 
 the fame Thomas Cromwell^ elated and full of Pride, contrary to his 
 mod bounden Duty, of his own Authority and Power, not regarding 
 your Majefly Royal ; And further, taking upon him your Power, So- 
 vereign Lord, in that behalf, divers and many times moH; traiteroufly 
 hath conflituted, deputed and adigned, many fingular Perfons of your 
 Subjeds to be Commiflioners in many, your gfeat, urgent and weighty 
 Caufes and Affairs, executed and done in this your Realm, without the 
 AHcnt, Knowledge, or Confent of your Highnefs. And further al(o, be- 
 ing a Perfon of as poor and low Degree, as few be within, this your 
 Realm ; pretending to have fo great a Stroke about you, our, and his 
 natural Sovereign Leige Lord, that he letted not to fay publickly, and 
 declare, That he was fure of you ; whicli is detefliblc, and to be ab- 
 horred amongft all good Subjeds in any Chriftian Realm, that any 
 Subjed: fliould enterprize or take upon him fo to fpeak of his Sove- 
 reign Liege Lord and King. And alfo of his own Authority and Power 
 without your Highnefs's Confent, hath made, and granted, as well to 
 Strangers as to your own Subjeds, divers and many Pafsports, to pals 
 over the Seas, with Horfes, and great Sums of Money, without any 
 Search. And over that, mofl Gracious Sovereign Lord, amongfl divers 
 other his Treafons, Deceits, and FalOioods, the faid Thomas Cromwell^ 
 Earl of Effex^ being a deteltable Heretick, and being in himfelf utterly 
 difpofed to fet and fow common Sedition and Variance among your 
 true and loving Subjeds, hath fecretly fet forth and difperfed into all 
 Shires, and other Territories of this your Realm, and other your 
 Dominions, great Numbers of falfe erroneous Books, whereof many 
 were printed and made beyond the Seas, and divers other within this 
 Realm, comprifing and declaring, among many other Evils and Errors, 
 manifeft Matters to induce and lead your Subjedls, to diffidence, and re- 
 fufal of the true and fincere Faith and Belief, which Chriftian Religion 
 bindc(h all Chriftian People to have, in the moll: Holy and Blelled 
 Sacrament of the Altar, and other Articles of Chriftian Religion, moft 
 graciouily declared by your Majefty, by Authority of Parliament : 
 And certain Matters comprifed in Tome of the (aid Books, liath caufed 
 to bctranflated into our Maternal and Englilh Tongue : And upon re- 
 port made unto him by the Tranftator thereof, that the Matter lo tran- 
 
 X X X i - flated
 
 78 
 
 A Collection Book III. 
 
 Hated Inth exprefly been againfl the faid moft Blefled and Holy Sacra- 
 ment ; Yet the Tame Thomas Cromwel/^ Earl of Effex, after he had rejd 
 the fanne Tranflation, mod heretically hath affirmed the fame material 
 Herefie fo tranilatcd, to be good; and further hath faid, that he found 
 no fault therein ; and ever that, hath openly and obftinately holden 
 Opinion, and faid. That it was as lawful for every Chrillian Man to be 
 a Minifter of the faid Sacrament, as well as a Pried. And wliere alfo 
 your mofl: Royal Majefly, being a Prince of Vertue, Learning, andju- 
 ftice, of fmgular Confidence and Trull, did conftitute and make the 
 faid Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Ejfex, your Highnefs's Vicegerent within 
 this your Realm of England; and by the fame, gave unto him Autho- 
 rity and Power, not only to redrefs and reform all, and all 'manner of 
 Errors, and erroneous Opinions, infurging and growing among your 
 loving and obedient Subjeds of this your Realm, and of the Domini- 
 ons of the fame, but alfo to order and diredt all Ecclefiaftical and Spiri- 
 tual Caufes within your faid Realm, and Dominions ; the faid Thomas 
 Cromwell, Earl of Ejjex^ not regarding his Duty, to Almighty God, and 
 to your Highncfs, under the Seal of your Vicegerent , hath without 
 your Grace's Aflent or Knowledge, licenfcd and authorized divers Per- 
 fons, detedtcd and fufpeded of Herefies, openly to teach and preach 
 amongfl: your moft loving and obedient Subjcds within this your Realm 
 of England. And under the Pretence and Colour of the laid great Au- 
 thorities and Cures, which your Majefly hath committed unto him 
 in the Premifles, hath not only, of his corrupt and damnable Will 
 and Mind, adtually, at fome time, by his own Deed and Command- 
 ment, and at other Times by his Letters exprefly written to di- 
 vers worlhipful Perfons, being Sheriffs, in fundry Shires of this your 
 Realm, falfly fuggefling thereby your Grace's Pleafure fo to have been, 
 caufed to be fet at large many falfe Hereticks, fome being there indi- 
 d:ed, and fome other being thereof apprehended, and in Ward : and 
 commonly, upon Complaints made by credible Perfons unto the faid 
 Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Effex, of great and mofl deteftible Herefies 
 committed and fprung in many places of this your Realm, with Decla- 
 ration of the Specialities of the lame Herefies, and the Names of the Of- 
 fenders therein, the fame Thomas Cromwell, Earl of E(j^ex, by his crafty 
 and fubtil Means and Inventions, hath not only defended the fame Here- 
 ticks from Punidiment and Reformation ; but being a Fautor, Main- 
 tainer, and Supporter of Hereticks, divers times hath terribly rebuked 
 divers of the faid credible Perfons being their Accufers, and fome others 
 of them hath perfecuted and vexed by Iraprifonment and otherwife. 
 So that thereby many of your Grace*s true and loving Subjects have 
 been in much Dread and Fear, to dcted or accufe fuch deteflable known 
 Hereticks; the Particularities and Specialties of which faid abominable 
 Herefies, Errors, andOflcnces, committed and done by the {2\d Thomas 
 Cromwell^ being over'tedious, long, and of too great Number here 
 to be cxprefled, declared, or written. And to the Intent to have thofe 
 damnable Errors and Herefies, to be inculcated, imprefled, and infixed 
 in the Hearts of your Subjcds, as well contrary to God's Laws, as to 
 your Laws and Ordinances. Moft Gracious Soveraign Lord, the fame 
 Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Ejfex, hath allured and drawn unto him by 
 Retainers, many of your Subjcds funderly inhabiting in every of your 
 faid Shires and Territories, as well erroneoufly perfwading and decla- 
 ring to them the Contents of the falle erroneous Books, above- written 
 
 to
 
 Book III. (if lie cords. \n 
 
 to be good, true, and bell (landing with the rnofi: Holy Word and 
 Pleafure of God; as other his fa Iff and heretical Opinions and Errors; 
 whereby, and by his Confederacies therein, iie hath caufed many ot' 
 your faiihtul Subjeds to be greatly infeded with Herefics, and other 
 Errors, contrary to the right Laws and Pleafure of Almighty God. And 
 the lame Ihomas Cromwell, Earl of Efex, by the faJfe and traitorous Means 
 above- written, fuppoling himlclf to be fully able, by Force and Strength, 
 to maintain and defend his faid abominable Treafons, Herefies, ^nd 
 Errors, not regarding his mofl bounden Duty to Almighty God, and 
 his Laws, nor the natural Duty of Allegiance to your Majefty, in the laft: 
 Day of March^ in the 30 Year of ycur moff gracious Reign, in the l-'arifli 
 of St. Peter the Poor, within your City of London, upon Demonflratiori 
 and Declaration then and there made unto him, that there were certain 
 new Preachers, as Rolert Barr,es Clerk, and other, whereof part were 
 committed to the Tower of London, for preaching and teaching of 
 leud Learning againfl: your Highnefs's Proclamations ; the fame Thomas 
 affirming the Came preaching to be good, moil deteflably, arrogantly, er- 
 roneoufly, wilfully, malicioufly, and traiteroufly, exprefly againfl: your 
 Laws and Statutes, then and there did not let to declare, and fay, thefe 
 moll traiterous and deteilable Words enfuing, amongft other Vv'ords of 
 like Matter and Effed; that is to fay, That // the King ivould turn from 
 it, yet I would not turn; And if the King did turn, and all bis People, I 
 toould fight in the Field in r/iifje own Per/on, ivith my Sword in tny Hand 
 againjt him and all others-, and then, and there, mofl: traiteroufly pulled 
 out his Dagger, and held it on high, faying thefe Words, Or elfe this 
 Dagger thrull me to the Heart, if I would not die in that parrel againfl 
 them all : And I trujl, if I live one Tear or two, it fhould not lie in the 
 Kings Power to reffl or let it if he ivotdd. And further, then and there 
 fwearing by a great Oath, traiteroufly affirmed the fame his traiteroys 
 Saying and Pronunciation of Words, faying, / will do fa indeed, ex- 
 tending up his Arm, as tho' he had had a Sword in his Hand ; to the 
 raoft perillous, grievous, and wicked Example of all other your loving, 
 faithful and obedient Subjedls in tliis your Realm, and to the Peril of 
 your moil Royal Perfon. And moreover, our mofl gracious Sovereign 
 Lord, the faid Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Effex, hath acquired and obtained 
 into his FolTeflion, by Oppreflion, Bribery, Extort, Power, and falfe 
 Promiles made by him, to your Subjeds of your Realm, innumerable 
 Sums of Money and Treafure ; and. being fo enriched, hath had your 
 Nobles of your Realm in great Difdain, Derifion, and Deteftation, as by 
 exprefs words by him moft opprobriouOy fpoken hath appeared. And 
 being put in remembrance of others, of his Eftate, which your High- 
 refs hath called him unto, offending in like Treafons, the lafl: Day of 
 January, in the ;i Year of your mo!l noble Reign, at the Parifh of 
 St. Martins in the Fields, in the County of Middlefex^ mofl arrogantly, 
 willingly, malicioufly, and traiteroufly, faid, publiflied, and declared 
 That // the Lords would handle him fo, that he would give them fitch a 
 Break fajl as never was made in England, and that the proudefl of them 
 fjould know ; to the great Peril and Danger, as well of your Majefly, 
 as of your Heirs and Succcffors : For the which his moft deteflable and 
 abominable Herefics and Treafons, and many other his like Oflences 
 and Treafons over- long here to be rehearfed and declared. Be it En- 
 aded, Ordained, and Eftabliflicd by your Majefty, with the Allent of 
 the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in this prefent 
 
 Par- 
 
 o
 
 _^ , — -. . ■ -- — — — ■■■ ■ ^ — — »— 
 
 1 80 A Colli cf ion " Book III. 
 
 Parliament alTemblecf, and by the Authority of the fame, That the faid 
 ThomJs Crowwell, Earl of Fffex, for his abominable and detellable He- 
 j-efies and Treafons, by him mofl: abominably, heretically, and traite- 
 roufly pradifed, committed, and done, as well againd Almighty God, 
 as againft your Majefiy, and this your faid Realm, fliall be, and ftand, 
 by Authority of this prefent Parliament, convided and attainted 6f 
 Herefie and High-Treafon, and be adjudged an abominable and de- 
 teftable Heretick and Traitor; and fliall have and fufler fuch Pains of 
 Death, Lofles, and Forfeitures of Goods, Debts, and Chattels, as in cafe 
 of Herefie and High-Treafon, or as in cafes of either of them, at the 
 Pleafureof your moft P.oyal MajeQy. And that the fame Thomas Croni- 
 ivel/. Earl of Effex, fliall, by Authority abovefaid, lofe, and forfeit to 
 your Highnefs, and to your Heirs and Succeflors, all fuch his Caftles, 
 Lordlhips, Mannnrs, MelTuages, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reverfions, 
 Remainders, Services, Pollefiions, Offices, Rights, Conditions, and all 
 other his Hereditaments, of what Names, Nature, or Qualities foever 
 they be, which he the faid Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Bjex, or any 
 other to his life had, or ought to have had, of any Eftate of Inheri- 
 tance, in Fee-Simple or Fee-Tail, in Reverfion or Poffeflion , at the 
 faid laft Day of March, in the faid thirtieth Year of your moft Graci- 
 ous Reign, or any time fith or after, as in Cafes of High-Treafon. And 
 that all the faid Caftles, Lordfjiips, Manners, Lands, Meffuages, Tene- 
 ments, Rents, Reverfions, Remainders, Services, PoITeirions, Offices, 
 and all other the Premifles forfeited, as is abovefaid, fliall be deemed, 
 inverted, and adjudged, in the lawful, real, and adual PofTclIion of 
 your Highnefs, your Heirs and SuccefTors for ever in the fame, and in 
 fuch Eftate, Manner and Form, as if the faid Caftles, Lordlliips, Mannors, 
 MefTuages, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reverfions, Remainders, Ser- 
 vices, PoffefTion, Offices, and other the Premifles, with their Appurte- 
 nances, and every of them, were efpecially or particularly founden, by 
 Office or Offices, Inquifition or Inquifitions, to be taken by any 
 Efcheator or Efcheators, or any other Commiffioner or Commiftioners, 
 by Vertue of any CommiOion or Commillions to them or any of them, 
 to be diretfted in any County or Counties, Shire or Shires, within this 
 your Realm of EHgland-, \a here the faid Caftles, and other the Premifles, 
 or any of them, been, or do lye, and returned into any of your Maje- 
 fty's Courts. Saving to all and fingular, Perfon and Perfons, Bodies po- 
 litick and corporate, their Heirs and Succeflors, and their SuccefTors 
 and Adlgncs of every of them, other than the faid Thomas Cromwell, 
 Earl of Fjfex, and his Heirs, and all and every other Perfon and Per- 
 fons, claiming by the fame Thomas Cromwell, and to his Ufe, all fuch 
 Right, Title, Entrie, PoOellions, Intereft, Reverfions, Remainders, 
 Leafe, Leafes, Conditions, Fees, Offices, Rents, Annuities, Commons, 
 and all other Commodities, Profits, and Hereditaments whatfoever they 
 or any of them might, flic*ild, or ought to have had, if this Ad had 
 never been had or made, t>io^ided always, and be it enadted by the 
 Authority aforcfaid, that tliis Adl of Attainder, ne any Offence, ne 
 other thing therein contained, extend not unto the Deanery of f/W/5 
 in the County of Summerfet ; nor to any Manners, Lands, Tenements, 
 or FHereditamcnts thereunto belonging ; nor be in any wife prejudicial 
 or hurtful to the Biihop of Bath and tVells, nor to the Dean and 
 Chapter of the Catlicdral Church of St. Andreiv of Pf'V//j, nor to any 
 of them, nor to any of their Succeflors; but that the faid Bifhop, 
 
 Dean.
 
 Book III. of Records. 1 8 
 
 Dean, and Chapters, and their Succellors, and every of them, fliall 
 and may have, hold, ufc, occupy, and enjoy, all and fmgular their 
 Titles, Rights, Manners, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reverfions, and 
 Services, and all and fingular other their Hereditaments, Commodities, 
 and Profits, of what nature, kind, or quality, or condition foever they 
 be, in as ample and large manner and form, as tho' this Adi of At- 
 tainder, or any Ofience therein mentioned, had never been had, com- 
 mitted, nor made ; and that from hence-forth the Dean, and his Suc- 
 ceflbrs. Deans of the faid Cathedral Church that hereafter fhall be 
 perfected, ele(5ted, and admitted to the (ame. Shall, by the Authority 
 aforefaid, be Dean of the faid Cathedral Church, fully and wholly 
 incorporated with the Chapter of the fame, in as ample, large , and 
 like manner and form, to all intents and purpofes, as the Deans before 
 this time hath been and ufed to be, with the faid Chapter of the faid 
 Cathedral Church of IVells. And that the fame Dean and Chapter, and 
 their SucceH^ors, fliall have, occupy, and enjoy, all and fingular their 
 fuch PotTelfions, Manners, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reverfions, and 
 Services, and all and fingular their Hereditaments, of what nature, kind, 
 name or names they be called or known. And fhall be adjudged and 
 deemed in adual and real Pollelilon and Seizin of, and in the fame 
 Premifes, to all intents and purpofes, according to their old Corpo- 
 ration, as tho' this Ad: of Attainder, or any thing, claufe, or matter 
 therein contained had never been had, committed , nor made. This 
 faid Ad of Attainder, or any other Ad, Provifion, or any thing here- 
 tofore had or made to the contrary notwithftanding. Cut quidem pe- 
 tit'ioni cum provifione prcedttl. perleil, & intelle^. per didum Dominum 
 Regent ex Authoritate (£) conjenfu Parliamenti prcedi^li fc Refponfum eft. 
 
 Soit fai^ come il efl deftro. 
 
 XVlI. Cromwel'i Lzntr to the Kjng concerning his Mar- 
 riage with Ann of Clevc. An Original. 
 
 To the IQngj my mojl Gracious So'Vereign Lord 
 his ^yal Majejiy. 
 
 MOfl Merciful King, and mofl Gracious Sovereign Lord, may it CottmLibv. 
 pleafe the fame to be advertifed. That the laft time it plea fed 0j;&eC.i<?, 
 your benign Goodnefs to fend unto me the Right Honourable Lord 
 Chancellor, the Right Honourable Duke off Norf. and the Lord Admi- 
 ral, to examine, and alfo to declare unto me divers things from your 
 Majefty; among the which, one fpecial thing they moved, and thereupon 
 they charged me, as I would anfv\er before God at the dreadful day of 
 Judgment, and alfo upon theextream danger and damnation of my Soul 
 and Confcience, to fay what I knew in the Marriage, and concerning 
 the Marriage, between your Highnefs and the Queen. To the which I 
 anfwered as I knew, declaring unto them the Particulars, as nigh as I 
 then could call to remembrance. Which when they had heard, they, 
 in your Majefly's Name, and upon like charge as they had given me be- 
 fore, commanded me to write to your Highnefs the Truth, as much as I 
 
 knew
 
 1 82 A ColletJion Book 111. 
 
 knew in that Matter; which now I do, and the very truth, as God fliall 
 fave me, to the uttermoft of my knowledg. Firftj After your Majelly 
 heard of the Lady A>i» of Cleves arrival at Dover, and that her Jour- 
 neys were appointed towards Greemvkh, and that (he Ihould be at Roche- 
 (ler on New-years Even at night, your Highnefs declared to me, that 
 you would privily vifit her at Rochefler, upon New-years day, addiug 
 thefe words, To nourijh love ; which accordingly your Grace did upoa 
 New-years-day, as is above- faid. And the next day , being Friday, 
 your Grace returned to Greenwich, w here I fpake with your Grace, and 
 demanded of your Majedy, How yc liked the Lady /i«» .• your High- 
 nefs anfwered , as me thought, heavily, and not pleafantly, Nothing fo 
 well as Jhe was (poken of ■, faying lurther. That if pur Highnefs Lid known 
 as much lefore as ye then knew, fhe jhould not have come ivithin this Realm ^ 
 faying as by the way of lamentation. What Rewedy .<? Unto the which 
 I anfwered and faid, I know none, but was very forry therefore ; and fo 
 God knoweth I was, for I thought it a hard beginning. The next day 
 after the receipt of the faid Lady, and her entry made unto Greenwich^ 
 and after your Highnefs had brought her to her Chamber, I then waited 
 upon your Highnefs into your Privy- Chamber; and being there, your 
 Grace called me unto you, faying to me thefe words, or the like. My 
 Lord, is it not as I told you ? fay what they tviS, (he is nothing fo fair 
 as fhe hath been reported ; howleit fhe is well and feemly. Whertunto [ 
 anfwered and faid, By my Faith, Sir, ye fay truth; adding thereunto, 
 that I thought flie had a Queenly manner; and neverthelcis was forry 
 that your Grace was no better content : And thereupon your Grace 
 commanded me to call together your Council, which were thefe by 
 Name; The Arch-bilhop of Canterbury, the Dukes of Norfolk and 
 Suffolk^ my Lord Admiral , and my Lord of Durefme , and my felf 
 to commune of thefe Matters, and to know what Commiffions the 
 Agents of CVei/ifj had brought, as well touching the performance of the 
 Covenants fent before from hence to Dr. iVotton, to have been concluded 
 in Cleves, as alfo in the Declaration how the Matters flood for the Co- 
 venants of Marriage, between the Duke of Terrains Son , and the 
 faid Lady Ann. Whereupon Olefleger and Hogcflon were called, and the 
 Mattery propofcd ; whereby it plainly appeared, that they were much 
 aflonilhed and abaflied, and defired that they might make anfwer in 
 the next Morning, which was Sunday : And upon the Sunday in the 
 Morning your faid Counfellors and they met together early, and there 
 eft-loons was propofed unto them, as well touching the Commiflion for 
 the performance of the Treaty and Articles fent to Mr. Wotton, as alfo 
 touching the Contrads and Covenants of Marriage between the Duke 
 of Terrain's Son, and the Lady Ann^ and what terms they flood in. To 
 which things lb propofed, they anfwered as Men much perplexed, That 
 as touching CommilHon, they had none to treat concerning the Articles 
 fent to Mr. Wotton. And as to the Contrad and Covenants of Mar- 
 riage they could fay nothing, but that a Revocation was made, and that 
 they uere but Sponfals. Anc^ finally, after much reafoning, they of- 
 fered themfelves to remain Prifoners, until fuch time as they Ihould have 
 fent unto them from Cleves the firfl: Articles ratified under the 
 Duke their Matter's Sign and Seal, and alfo the Copy of the Revo- 
 cation made between the Duke of Terrain's Son and the Lady Ann. 
 Upon tht which Anfwers, I was fent to your Highnels by my Lords of 
 your Council, to declare to your Highnefs their Anfwer; and came to 
 
 you,
 
 Book III. of Keconls. 183 
 
 you, by the Privy Way, into your Privy Chamber, and declared unto 
 the fame all theCircumllances, wherewith your Grace was very much 
 difpleafed, faying, I im not ivell handled; infomuch that I might well 
 perceive that your Highnefs was fully determined not to have gone 
 through with the Marriage at that time, faying unto me thefe words, or 
 the like in eflecfl: ; That if it were not that jhe is come fo far unto my Realm 
 and the great Preparations that my States and People have made for her^ 
 and for fear of making a ruffle in the iVcrld; that is^ to mean to drive 
 her Brother into the hands of the Emperor^ and the French Kings hands^ be- 
 ing now together^ I would never have ne married her. So that I might well 
 perceive your Grace was neither content with the Perfon, ne yet with 
 the Proceedings of the /Agents; And at afrer-dinner , the faid Sunday^ 
 your Grace fent for all your faid Counfellors in, repeating how your 
 Highnefs was handled, as well touching the laid Articles, as alfo the faid 
 Matter of the Duke of Lorrain's Son. It might, and I doubt not, did 
 appear unto them how loth your Highnefs was to have married at that 
 time. And thereupon , and upon the Confidcrations aforefaid, your 
 Grace thought that it (hould be well done that (he fliould make a Prote- 
 ftation before ypur faid Counfellors and Notaries to be prefent, that (he 
 was free from all Contracts; which was done accordingly. And there- 
 upon I repairing to your Highnefs, declared how that ihe had made her 
 Proteftation. Whereunto your Grace anfwered in effedl thefe words, or 
 much like ,• Is there none other Remedy, but that I mufl needs^ againfl my 
 IVtU, put my Neck in the Toke ? and fo departed, leaving your Highnefs 
 in a ftudy or penfivenefs. And yet your Grace determined the next 
 Morning to go through; and in the Morning, which was Monday^ your 
 Majefty preparing your felf towards the Ceremonies ; There was one 
 Qjeftion, w ho ihould lead to the Church ? And it w as appomted that the 
 Earl of Ejfex deceafed, and an Earl that came with her, ihould lead her 
 to the Church. And thereupon one came to your Highnefs, and faid 
 to you, That the Earl of EJ/ex was not come; whereupon your Grace 
 appointed me to be one that ihould lead her : And fo I went into 
 her Chamber, to the intent to have done your Commandment ; and 
 lliortly after I came into her Chamber, the Earl of Ejex was come: 
 Whereupon I repaired back again into your Graces Privy-Chamber, 
 and lliewed your Highnefs how he was come ; and thereupon your Ma- 
 jefty advanced towards the Gallery out of your Privy-Chamber; and 
 your Grace being in and about the midft of your Chamber of Pretence 
 called me unto you, faying thefe words, or the like in Sentence ; My 
 Lord, if it were not to fatisfy the World, and my Realm, I would not do 
 that I mufl do this day for none earthly thing ; and therew ith one brought 
 your Grace Word that flie was coming ; and thereupon your Grace re- 
 paired into the Gallery towards the Clolet, and there paufed for her 
 coming, being nothing content that flie fo long tarried, as I judged then. 
 And fo confequently (he came, and your Grace afterwards proceeded to 
 the Ceremonies ; and they being fmilhed, travelled the day as apper- 
 tained, and the night after the cullom. And in the morning on Tuef- 
 day, I repairing toyourMajefty into your Privy-Chamber, finding your 
 Grace not fo pleafant as I trufted to have done, I was fo bold to ask your 
 Grace how you liked the Queen ? Whereunto your Grace foberly an- 
 fwered, faying, That I was not all Men, furely, as ye know, I liked her be- 
 fore not well, but now I like her much worfe ; for, quoth your Highnefs / 
 have felt her Belly., and her Breajlsy and t hereby y as I can judge ^ fhefhould 
 
 Yyy be
 
 184 
 
 A Collection Book III. 
 
 be no Maid', which Jlrook me fo to the Heart ivhen I felt them, that I had 
 neither will nor courage to proceed any farther in other Matters ', Taying, / 
 have left her as good a Maid as I fomd her : Which methought then ye 
 fpake diCpleafantly, which made me very (orry to hear ; Your Highnefs 
 alfo after Candlemas, and before Show/lie, once or twice faid, That ye 
 ivere in the fame cafe with her as ye were aforf, and that your Heart could 
 never confent to meddle with her carnally. Notwithflanding your High' 
 nefs alledgcd that ye for the moft part ufed to lay nightly, or every fe- 
 cond night by her, and yet your Majelly ever faid, 7 hat /he tvas as good 
 a Maid for you as ever her Mother hare her, for any thing ye had minijlred 
 to her. Your Highnels Oiewed to me alfo in Lent laft pafled, at fuch 
 time as ycur Grace had fome communication v\ ith her of my Lady Mary, 
 how that (he began to wax flubborn and wiltul, ever lamenting your 
 fate, and ever verifying that ye never had any carnal knowledge with 
 her : And alfo after Eajler, your Grace likewife, at divers times, and in 
 i!iitWhitfun-\<ttV, in your Grace's Privy-Chamber at 6rf(?»iwc;&, exceed- 
 ingly lamented your taie, and that your greateU grief was, That ye fhould 
 furtly never hjve any more Cl-ildren for the comfort of this Realm, if ye 
 fhould fo continue; afiuring me, that before God ye thougfjl fhe was never 
 your lawful Wife. At uhichtime your Grace knoweth what anfucr I 
 made ; w hich was, that I would for my part do my utmofl: to com- 
 fort and deliver your Grace of your Afflictions j and how forty I was both 
 to fee and hear your Grace, God knoweth. Your Grace divers times 
 fithen Whitfuntide. ever alledging one thing, and alfo laying, Thatjff 
 had as much to do to move the corfent of your Heart and Mind as ever did 
 Man, and that you took God to witnefs ; but ever, you faid, the Obflacle 
 could never out of your Mind. And, Gracious Prince , after that you 
 had firil feen her at Rochefler, I rever thought in my heart that ye were 
 or would be contented with that Marriage. And Sir, I know now in what 
 cafe I (land, in which is only the Mercy of God and your Grace; if 
 I have not, to the uttermoft of my remembrance, faid the Truth, 
 and the whole Truth in this Matter, God never help me. I am fure 
 there is, as I think, no man in this your Realm that knew more in this 
 than I did, your Highnefs only excepted. And I am fure, my Lord 
 Admiral calling to his remembrance, can fliew your Highnefs, and be 
 my Witnefs what I faid unto him after your Grace came trom Rochefler, 
 yea, and after your Grace*s Marriage : And alfo now of late, fithence 
 Whitfuntide, and I doubt not but many and divers of my Lords of your 
 Council, both before your Marriage, and fithence, have right-well per- 
 ceived that your Majelly hath not been well pleafed with your Mar- 
 riage. And as I fliall anfucr to God, I never thought your Grace con- 
 tent, after you had once feen her at Rochefler. And this is all that I 
 know, moll gracious and moft merciful Sovereign Lord, bekeching 
 Almighty God, whoever hath in all yourCaufes counfelled, preferved, 
 opened , maintained , relieved and defended your Highnefs ; So he 
 will now vouchlafe to counfel you, preferve you, maintain you, reme- 
 dy you, relieve and defend you , as may be moft to your Honour, 
 with Profpcrity, Health, and Comfort of your Hearts defire. For the 
 which, and tor the long Life, and prolperous Reign of your moft 
 Royal Majcfty, I Ihall, during my Life, and whiles I am here, pray to 
 Almighty God, that he o\ his moft abundant Goodnefs will help, aid, 
 and comfort you, after your continuance of Neflor's Years : that that 
 moft noble Imp, the Prince's Grace, your moft dear Son, may (ucceed 
 
 you
 
 Book ill. of Record f, 185 
 
 you to reign Long, profperoufly, and felicioufly to God's pleafure: be- 
 leeching moft humbly your Grace to pardon this my rude writing, and 
 to confidcr that I a mod woful Prilbner, ready to take the Death, when 
 it Ihall pleafe God and your Majelly ; and yet the frail flelh inciteth 
 me continually to call to your Grace for Mercy and Grace for mine 
 OtTcnces; and thus Chrift fave, preferve, and keep you. 
 
 Written at the Tower this WeJnefday, the lad of June, with the 
 heavy Heart, and trembling Hand, of your Highnefs's moll 
 heavy and moft miferable Prifoncr, and poor Slave, 
 
 Thomas Cromwell^ 
 
 Mod Gracious Prince, I cry for Mercy, Mercy, Mercy. 
 
 XVllI. The Kjngs own Declaration concerning it. 
 An Original. 
 
 <±> 
 
 Flrft I depofe and declare, That this hereafter written is meerly the CottonUhf. 
 verity intended, upon none finifteraffedion, nor yet upon none 0;/&o.C.io« 
 hatred nor difpleafure, and herein I take God to witnefs. Now to the 
 Matter 1 fay and affirm ; That when the firfl: communication was had 
 with me for the Marriage of the Lady Ann of Cleves^ I was glad to 
 hearken to it, trufting to have fome aflured Friend by it ; I much 
 doubting that time, both the Emperor, France, and the Bifliop of Rome ; 
 and alfo becaufe I heard fo much, both of her excellent Beauty and 
 virtuous Conditions. But when I dw her at Rochefler, the firft time 
 that ever I faw her, it rejoiced my heart that I had kept me free from 
 making any Padt or Bond before with her till I faw her my felf ; for 
 then 1 adfure you I liked her fo ill, and fo far contrary to that fhe was 
 praifed, that I was woe that ever ihe came into England ; and delibe- 
 raied uith my fclf, that if it were poflible to find means to break off, 
 I would never enter Yoke with her. Of which mifliking, both the great 
 Mailer, the Admiral that now is, and the Mafter of the Horfes, can and 
 will htre record. Then after my Repair to G/-<?f«ii;/V/;, the next day after 
 I think, and doubt not, but that the Lord of EJfex w ell examined, can, and 
 will, or hath declared what I then faid to him in that cafe ; not doubting, 
 but fmce he is a Perfon which knoweth himfelf condemned to dye by A^ 
 of Parliament, will not damn his Soul, but truly declare the Truth, not 
 only at the time fpoken by me, but alfo continually till the day of Mar- 
 riage ; and alfo many times after, whereby my lack of confent, I doubt 
 not, doth or fliall well appear ,- And alfo lack enough of the Will and 
 Power to confummate the fame ; wherein both he, my Phyfitians, the 
 Lord Privy Seal that now is, Hennage and Denny can, and I doubt not will 
 tellifie according to truth, which is, That I never for Love to the Woman 
 confented to marry; nor yet if Hie brought Maiden-head with her, took 
 any from her by true Carnal Copulation. This is my brief, true, and 
 pcrfcd Declaration. 
 
 Y y y I XIX. The
 
 86 ACoMiion Book III 
 
 XIX. The "judgment of the Cony ocathi for annulling of the Marriage 
 
 with Ann of Cleve. 
 
 Reeift ""TEnor vero Lirerarum Tefiimonialium hujufmodl fequitur, & eft 
 Cranm'cr. jL ^^''^ ExcellentilTimo in Chriflo Principi, &:c. Thomas Cantuarien. 
 & Edwardus Eboracen. Archiepifcopi, ceteriq; Epifcopi & rcliquus ve- 
 flri Regni Anglise Clerus Auroritate Literarum Commiffionalium Veftra: 
 Majeftatis, Congregati ac Synodum univerfalem repracfentantes, cum 
 oblequio, reverentia & honore debitis, falutem & felicitatem. Cum 
 nos humilimi & Majedatis Veftr.T devotidlmi fubditi, Convocati & 
 Congregati fumus virtute CommiffiOnis Veflr^c magno (Igillo Veftro 
 figillat. dat. 6 Julii Anno fcelicinTimi Rcgni Vedri tricefimo fecundo, 
 quam accepimus in hare qux fcquuntur verba. 
 
 Hcnricus Odavus Dei Gratia Anglix, &c. Archie pi (copis Cantua- 
 
 ren. & Eborac. ac cseteris Regni noftri Angli^e Epifcopis, Decanis, Ar- 
 
 chidiaconis, & univerfo CItro, falutem. Egerunt apud nos Rcgni no- 
 
 llri procercs & populus, ut cum nuper quardam emerferint, qux ut illi 
 
 putant ad nos Regniq; noftri fuccellionem pertineant, inter qua: praccipua 
 
 eft, caufa & conditio Matrimonii quod cum Iliuftri & Nobili Fccmi- 
 
 na Domina Anna Clevenfi propter externam quidem conjugii fpeciem, 
 
 perplexum alioqui etiam multis ac variis modis ambiguum videtur ; Nos 
 
 ad ejufdem Matrimonii difquifitionem ita procedere dignaremur, ut opi- 
 
 nionem Veftram qui in Ecclefia noftra Anglicana fcientiam Verbi Dei & 
 
 Doiftrinam profitemini exquiramus, vobifq; difcutiendum Autoritatcm 
 
 ita demandcmus, ut ii animis Veftris fuerit perfuafum Matrimonium cum 
 
 prarfata Domina Anna minime conHftere aut cohacrere debere; nos ad 
 
 Matrimonium contrahend. cum alia liberos efle, Veftro, Patrum ac re- 
 
 liquaz deinde Ecclefia: fuffragio pronun.cictur & confirmetur. Nos autetn 
 
 qui Veflrum in reliquis Ecciefia: hujus Anglicana; negotiis gravioribus 
 
 qua: Ecclefiafticam Oeconomiam 6i Religionem fpcdant judicium ample- 
 
 di folcmus, ad veritatis explicanda; teftimonium omnino neceflarium rati 
 
 fumus Cauf^E hujufmodi Matrimonialis feriem & circumftantias vobis ex- 
 
 poni & communicari curare, ut quod vos per Dei Leges licere decreveri- 
 
 tis, id demum totius Ecclefia: nollrx Autoritate innixi licite facere & exe- 
 
 qui audeamus. Vos itaq; Cnnvocari & in Synodum Univerfalem noftra 
 
 Autoritate convenire volentcs, vobis conjundtim & divifim committimus 
 
 atq; mandamus ut infpedla hujus ncgotii veritate, ac folum Deum pra: 
 
 oculis habentes, quod verum, quod juftum, quod honeftum, quod fan- 
 
 dum eft, id nobis de communi Concilio fcripto annuncio renuncictis 
 
 & de communi confenfu licere definiatis : Nempe hoc unum a vobis no- 
 
 ftro jure poftulamus, ut tanquam fida & proba Ecclefix membra caufie 
 
 huic Ecclefiaftica:, qua: maxima eft, in juftitia & veritate adefle velitis 
 
 & earn maturrime juxta Commilfionem vobis in hac parte fadam at- 
 
 folvere& expcdire. In cujus rei Teftimonium has Literas noftras fieri feci- 
 
 mus Fatentes, Tefte meipfo apud VYeftmon. fexto die Julii, Anno Rcgni 
 
 nollri tricefimo fecundo. Nos tenorem&efTedum Veftn-E Commillionis 
 
 per omnia fcquentes, poftquam matura deliberatione perpendimus &: confi- 
 
 deravimus omncs Matrimonii pfxtenfi inter Veftram Majeftatem Uluftriffi- 
 
 mam & Nobilem fosminam Dominam Annam Clevenlem circumftantias, 
 
 nobis multis modis expofitas, cognitas & perfpedas, tandem ad definitio- 
 
 nem
 
 Book III. of Records. i8' 
 
 nem & determinationem fcquentem, quam communi omnium confenfu 
 juftorumq; animorum noflrorum judicio ac recto confcientix didamine 
 protulimus, proceflimus, in hunc modum 6i (quod tenor Veftrx Com- 
 millionis exigit) Veftra: Nobilillima: Majeflati in hoc prxfenti fcripto re- 
 ferend. duximus, 6f fignificamus prout kquitur. 
 
 Primum itaq; comperimus & confideravimus Matrirrionium inter Ma- 
 jeftatem Veftram & Nobilem fceminam Dominam Annam Clevcnfem prae- 
 tenfam prxcontradto quodam five fponlaliorum, five Matrimonii, inter 
 di(5tain Dominam Annam & Marchionem Loiliaringias conclufo ambi- 
 guum, plane impeditum & perplexum rtddi; Animadvertimusenimquod 
 quamvis Vefira Majeftas in prima hujus Matrimonii prxtenfi tradatione 
 prxcontradtus prxdidi, & de quo turn fermo multus habebatur, difcudio- 
 nem & declatationcm ante foltmnizandi m cum dida Domina Anna Matri- 
 monium tanta inflantia excgerit, ut pro conditione contrahendi deinde Ma- 
 trimonii lui.'le meritotxiPamaripoflit,q!ia conditione defada nihil agerctur; 
 atq; haec cum ita fe habercrt tnmcn ncq, ante folf mnizationem illade prte- 
 contradu ambiguitasexpedita&declarata eft, cum id iplum turn temporis 
 Majeftas Veftra denuo expofceret&effljgitaret, cui clara jam & expedita 
 efle omnia falfo renunciabatur, ncq; poltea quicquamefficax ut promiOum 
 ab Orgtonbus fucrat, hue tranfmillum eft, quo fcrupulusille ex prarcon- 
 tradu natus f ximerctur, tollerf tur aut amoveretur, adeo quidcm ut prxten- 
 fum Matnmonium inter Majeflatem Veftram & Dominam Annam prrrdi- 
 diam non modo ex conditionis dekdu corruerit.ftd fi nulla conditio hujuf^ 
 modiomnino tuifiet, certequidtm Matnmonium hujufmodi prxtenfumex 
 fola prxcontradushujuftnodi caufa non explicata in fufpenfo manfcrit, in 
 eum etiam cafum nuilius v goris omnino ac valoris pronuneiandum, quo 
 prxcontradum ilium verbis de pri-fenti fadum fuide cooftiterit, id quod 
 multis de caufis eft verifimilius & mento fulpedum haberi poteft. 
 
 Confideravimus praeterea ex his qux allegata, affirmata & probata nobis 
 fuerunr, quod prxtenium Matnmonium inter Majeftatem veftram 6c Do- 
 minam Annam prxdidam internum, purum, perfedum & integrum con- 
 fenfum non habuit : imo contra quemadmodum inter ipfa tradationisini- 
 tia, cum de hocMatrimonio ageretur, piurimus illecebrarum fucus adhi- 
 bitus eft, & magnus laudationum actrvus (upra fidem cumulatus, ut hie 
 perdureretur&obtruderetur ignota, ita folemnizationis adus qui in.labat 
 i Majeftate Veftra animo reludanre & diftenticnte exortus eft, caufis 
 maximis & gravifl'mis urgentibus 6c prementibus qua: animum invitum & 
 alienum perpellere mehto pofient. 
 
 Connderavimus etiam carnalem Copulam Inter Majeftatem Veftram 
 & prxdidam Dominam Annam minime lecutam efle, nee cum ea jufto 
 impedimento intercedente conftqui deinde pofle. Qu^ omnia ex hisquas 
 audivimus probationibus, vera &certa efle exiftimamus. Poftremo iliud 
 quoq; Confldcramus, quod & nobis ab aiiis propofltum etiam nos vc- 
 rum efle fatemur, agnofcimus & approbamus viz. ut fi Majeftas Veftra 
 (^modo ne fiat divina: juflioni prxjudicium} in libertate contrahendi Ma- 
 trimonii cum alia efl"e dcclaretur, maxime totius Regni beneiicio id futu- 
 mm. Cum quidem Regni fceiicitas omnis & confervatio, turn in Re- 
 gia Veftra perlbna ad Dei honorem & divinarum legum executionem 
 confervandam confiftit, turn in vitandis etiam finiftris omnibus opinio- 
 nibus & fcandalis qux de Majeftatis Vcflrx prcgenie poft natam nobis 
 ex practenlo Matrimonio fobolem fuborirentur, ft prxcontradus ille 
 de quo diximus, & cujus declaratio nulla lecuta eft, prxdida: Dominjc 
 Ann^ objiceretur. His itaq; de caufis & confiderationibus aliilq; multis 
 
 non
 
 « 
 
 88 A Collection Book HI 
 
 non neceffariis qure exprimantur, cum feparatim fingulis, turn conjun- 
 dim omnibus confidcratis & perpenfis, Nos Archiepifcopi & Epifcopi, 
 cum Decanis, Archiadiaconis, & reliquo hujus Rcgni Clero nunc congre- 
 gato, circumftantias fadi ejufq; veritatem ut antedidum eft confideran- 
 tes, turn vero quid Ecclefia in hujufmodi cafibus & podit facere & fope- 
 numero antehac fecerit perpendentes, tcnore prxfentium dcclaramus & 
 definimus, Majeftarem Veftrarn prxdido Matrimonio pnrtcnfo, utpote 
 nuIlo& invalido, non alligari, fed alio defuperjudicio non expedato Ec- 
 clefiiE fua: Autoritate fretam pofle arbitrio fuo ad contralicnd. & con- 
 fummand. Matrimonium cum quavis femina, divine jure vobifcum con- 
 trahere non prohibita, procedere, prxtenfo illo cum Domina Anna prx- 
 didta Matrimonio non obftante. 
 
 Similiter Dominam Annam prrcdidam non obftante Matrimonio prx- 
 tenfo cum Majeftate Veftra, quod nullo pado obftare debere Decernimus, 
 pofTe arbitrio fuo cum quavis alia perfona divino jure non prohibita Matri- 
 monium contrahere. Hrec Nos Cieru'm & dodtam Ecclefix Anglicana: par- 
 tem repra^fentantes, turn vera, jufta, honefta, & fanda efle Affirmamus, 
 tum eildem qui perfediftime, integerrime, & efficacidime ad omnem in- 
 tentionem, propofitum & eftedum a nobis cxigi poteft, Confentimus & 
 Aflentimur per pra:fentes. In quorum omnium & fingulorum teftimonium 
 ha:c kripta manuum noftrarum fubfcriptione, communimus, utriufq; 
 etiam Archiepifcopi figillo appofito. Dat. Weftmon. nono die menfis J ulii. 
 Anno Dom. 1540. 
 
 XX. Ann of Cleve'j Utter to her brother. 
 
 BROTHER, 
 
 Co//o» Libr. 13 Ecaufe I had rather ye knew the Truth by mine Advertifement, 
 Ot/jo.C.io. _£j than for want thereof ye (hould be deceived by vain Reports, I 
 write thefe prefent Letters unto you, by which ye fliall underftand, That 
 being advertifed how the Nobles and Commons of this Realm defired 
 the King's Highnefs here to commit the examination of the Matter of 
 Marriage, between me and his Majefty, to the determination of the 
 Clergy : I did the more willingly confent thereunto, and fince the de- 
 termination made, have alfo allowed, approved, and agreed unto the 
 fame, wherein I have more refped, as becometh me, to Truth and 
 good Pleafure, than any worldly Afledion that might move me to the 
 contrary. I account God picafed with that is done, and know my felf to 
 have fuffered no wrong or injury ; but being my Body preferved in the 
 integrity which I brought into this Realm, and I truly difcharged from 
 all band of Confent, I find the King's Highnefs, whom I cannot juftly 
 have as my Husband, to be neverthelefs as a moft kind, loving, and 
 friendly Father and Brother, and to ufe me as honourably , and with 
 as much Humanity and Liberality as you, I my felf, or any of our Kin 
 or Allies could wifli or defire ; wherein I am, for my own part, fo 
 well content and fatisfied, that I much defire my Mother, You, and 
 other mine Allies fo to underftand it, accept, and take it ; and fo to 
 ufe your felf towards this Noble and \'ertuous Prince, as he may have 
 caufe to continue his friendfliip towards you, which on his behalf fliall 
 nothing be impaired or altered for this Matter ; for fo hath it pleafed his 
 Highnefs to fignify unto me, that like as he will fliew me always a mofl: 
 fatherly and brotherly kindnefs, and has fo provided for mcj fo will he 
 
 remain
 
 Book III. of Records. 189 
 
 remain with you, and other, according to fuch terms as have pafTed in 
 the fame knot of Amity uhich bet\\cen you hath been concluded, this 
 Matter notwithftanding, in fuch w/ife as neither J, ne you, or any of our 
 Friends fliall have juft caufe of Mifcontentment. Thus much I have 
 thought nccedary to write unto you, left for want of true knowledge 
 ye might otherwife take this Matter than ye ought, and in other fore 
 care for me than ye fhould have caufe. Only I require this of you. That 
 ye fo ufe your felf, as for your untowardnefs in this Matter, I fare not 
 the worfe ; whereunto I trul\ you will have regard. 
 
 XXI. T/;(? ^/olut'tons of feVcral 'B'lfnps and Divines, of fome Q^e- Ex M. SS. 
 jlions concerning the Sacraments , by which it will appear with ^- ^fH- 
 what maturity and care they proceedtd in the ^ formation^ taken '"^P^^^' 
 front the Originals, under their own hands. Only in copfmg them, 
 I judged it might he mere acceptable to the ^ader to fee every Mans 
 Anfwer fet down after eVery Quejiion •■, and therefore they are pub' 
 ]tp?ed in this Method. 
 
 The firft Qiieftion. 
 
 What a Sacrament is by the Scripture ? 
 
 Anfwers. 
 
 TH E Scripture (heweth not what a Sacrament Is, neverthelefs where Canter- 
 in the Latin Text we have Sacramentum, there in the Greek we lury. 
 have Myftenum ; and fo by the Scripture, Sacramentum may be called 
 Myjlerium, id eji, res occulta five arcana. 
 
 To the firft ; In Scripture we neither find definition nor defcription Tork. 
 of a Sacrament. 
 
 Without prejudice to the Truth, and faving always more better London. 
 Judgment, Cum facultate ettam- melius deliberandi ta hac parte. 
 To the firft Queftion ; 1 think that the Scriptures do ufe this word 
 Sacrament^ in divers places, according to the Matter it treateth upon, 
 Johie iz. Rev. i, WifJ. x 6, iz. Dan z. Eph. i. 3, 5-. Col. i. 1 Tim. 
 10. Rev. I J. as alfo it doth divers other \Aords : Yet, what a Sacra- 
 ment is by definition, or defcription of Scripture, I cannot find it expli- 
 cated openly, Likewife as I cannot find the definition or defcription of 
 the Trinity, nor yet fuch like things. Marry, what other Men can firid, 
 being daily and of long feafon extrcifed in Scripture, I cannot tell, re- 
 ferring therefore this thing to their better knowledge. 
 
 I think that where this word Sacramentum is found in the Scripture in Rochefter. 
 the Latin Tranflation, there in the Greek is found this word Muq-n^^oy, 
 that is to fay, a Myftery, or a fecret Thing, 
 
 What the word Sacrament betokeneth, or what is the definition, de- Carlijle. 
 fcription, or notification thereof, I have found no fuch plainly let out 
 
 ^ by
 
 i^o A ColkBion Book III. 
 
 by Scripture. But this I find, that it (hould appear by the fame Scrip- 
 ture, that the Latin word Hacramenfum, and the Greek word Myfler'ium^ 
 be in manner always ukd for one thing ; as much as to fay as, Ahfcon- 
 diium, Occultatum^ vel in occult o. 
 
 Pf Thomas Rohertfon. Ad Qujrftiones. 
 
 Rolertfon. -Ad primam Relpondeo, vocem Sacramenti, mihi in Sacris Literis non 
 reperiri in ha:c fignificatione, nifi quatenus ad Matrimonium applicatur 
 a Paulo, ubi tamen Grxce habetur Myfterium : & proinde ex meris 
 Scripturis exprefle definiri non pofle. 
 
 Dr. Qox ^ ^^^ "^'^ ^" Scripture, the definition of a Sacrament , nor what a 
 Sacrament is. 
 
 Dr Da\ ^ find no definition in Scripture of this word Sacramentum, howbeit 
 whereioever it is found in Scripture, the fame is in the Greek Mjflerium^ 
 which fignifieth a fecret, or hid Thing. 
 
 £)r_ Non habetur in Scripturis, quid Sacramentum proprie fit, nifi quod 
 
 Ogelthorp. fubinde Myfterium dicitur : varia enim, & in Scripturis, & in Ecclefia- 
 
 * flicis Scriptoribus reperitur ejus nominis fignificatio ; idioque definiri 
 non poteih 
 
 Dr. I find no definition of this word Sacrament in the Scripture ; nor 
 
 Redmayn. likewife o\ this word Gratia^ or Lex ^ with innumerable more; and 
 
 yet what they fignifie, it is known; fo the fignification of this word 
 
 Sacrament is plain , it is nothing elfe but a fecret hid Thing, or any 
 
 Myftery. 
 
 Dr. Like as Angelas^ Caelum, Terra, be fpoken of in Scripture, yet none 
 
 EAworth. of them defined : fo altho' Sacramentum be fpoken of in Scripture, 
 
 * yet it hath no definition there, but is taken divers ways, and in divers 
 Significations. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Symmons "^^'^ woi^ Sacrament in Scripture is not defined. 
 
 Dr. I fay this word Sacrament, taken in his common fignification, beto- 
 
 Trefjam. kcneth a Myftery, and hid, or a fecret thing : But if ye underftand 
 it in his proper fignification, as we ufe to apply it only to the feven 
 Sacraments, the Scripture flieweth not what a Sacrament is. And yet 
 left any man might be offended, thinking, that becaufe the Scripture 
 IVieweth not what a Sacrament is, therefore the fame is a light thing, 
 or little to be cfteemed : Here may be remembred, that there are fome 
 veighty and goaly things, being aUb of our Belief, which the Scripture 
 llievACth not exprefly what they are. As for Example ; We believe the 
 Son is conlubftantial to the Father : Item ; that the Father is unbcgot- 
 ten, yet the Scripture fiieweth not what is confubftantial, nor what 
 is unbcgotttn, neither maketh any mention of the words. Likewife 
 it is true, Baptilm is a Sacrament, Pennance is a Sacrament, ^c. yet the 
 Scripture flieweth not what a Sacrament is. 
 
 *V'j Edwardui 
 
 ^
 
 Book III. of Kecords, 191 
 
 Edvardm Leyghton. 
 
 Refponfions unto the Queftions. 
 To the firft Queftion, I fay ; That in Holy Scripture I never found, Dr. 
 and I think there is no Man tliat will find a Definition or Defcription Leyghton. 
 of this word Sacramenttm ; which is as much to fay in Englifh, as a 
 Myftery, a Secret, or a hid thing. 
 
 I do read no Definition of this word S act Amentum in Scripture; but Dr. Coren. 
 lometimes it is ufed in Scripture, to fignify a thing fecret or hid. 
 
 In primo articulo conveniunt omnes, non fatis conftare ex Scriptura, Convem- 
 quid fit Sacramentum ; Pleriq; tamen dicunt Graece appellari, Myfteri- ant, 
 um, ( i e. ) a Secret or a hid Thing. 
 
 In the Anfwer unto the firft Queftion, They do all agree, that it \s Agreement. 
 not evident by Scripture, what a Sacrament is, but Myfterium^ that is, 
 a fecret, or a hid Thing. 
 
 2. Queftion. 
 What a Sacrament is by the Ancient Authors ? 
 
 Anfttiers. 
 
 THe Ancient Doftors call a Sacrament, Sacra ret ftgnam, "^'^^^ '^ifi- Canterbury 
 bile VerbaWj Sjmbolumy at que fact to qaajumm confirm i. 
 
 To the fecond ; Of St. Augufiine\ words, this Defcription following '^ork, 
 of a Sacrament may be gathered ; Sacramentum eft invijibilis gratia^ vifi- 
 hilis Forma. And this Thing, that is fuch vifible Form or Sign of invifi- 
 ble Grace in Sacraments, we find in Scripture, altho' we find not the 
 word Sacrament y faving only in the Sacrament of Matrimony. 
 
 To the fecond ; I find in Authors this Declaration, Sacramentum eli i^Q„jip„' 
 Sacrjt ret fignum. Alfo, InvifibilU Gratis vifMlii Forma. Alfo, Vtfibtlit 
 forma, inzitfibilis Gratia imaginem gerens C^ caufa exifiens. And of the 
 Verity and Goodnefs of this Defcription or Declaration, I refer me to 
 the Divines, better acquainted with this Matter than I am. 
 
 I think that this word Sacrament ^ as it is taken of the Old kwx}mx%Rochefier. 
 hath divers and fundry Significations, for fometimes it is extended to all 
 holy Signs, fometimes to all Myfteries, fometimes to all Allegories, &c. 
 
 Thomas PVaidenJisy who writeth a folemn Work de Sacramefttisy caufeth CdrliW. 
 me to fay, that this word, Sacramentum in communiy is defined of the 
 ancient Authors ; who after that he had iliewed how that Wycliffy and 
 before him Berengarius hath laid, that AuguHine defineth Sacramentum 
 thus : Sacramentum est facrum ftgnum ; zt\a Signum in this wife, Signum 
 est res pater fpeciem quam fenfibui ingerit altquid aliud ex fe faciens irt 
 cogitationem 'ventre. He himfclf, with ancient Authors, as he faith, 
 defineth it thus ; Sacramentum est invifibtlif Gratia viftbilit Forma, vel, 
 
 Z z z Sacra-
 
 i^o A' Collcclion Book IIL ■ 
 
 Sacramentum eH Sacr.t ret Sigmm : Both tliele Delcriptions (^ laith he ) 
 be of the Ancient Fathers. 
 
 Dr. Skeramentum a vetuftioribus, qucmadmodum fert Hugo de S. Viclo- 
 
 Robertfon. re, & Thomas Aquinas, nondum rcpcriri definitum, nifi quod Augulii- 
 nus, interdum vocut Sacramenta, Sacra figna aut fignacula, incerdum fi- 
 mihtudines earum rerum, quarum funt Sacramenta. Et Rabanus, Sa- 
 cramentum dicitur, quod fub tegumento rerum corporahum, virtus Di- 
 vina fecretius falutem eorundem Sacramcntorum operatur, unde &: a fe- 
 cretis virtutibus vel Sacris Sacramenta dicuntur. 
 
 Dr. Cox. The Ancient Authors commonly fay. That a Sacrament is, S.tcr£ rei 
 Signam^ or Smyo [ancium Signxctdum\ but they do not utterly and pro- 
 perly define what it is. 
 
 Dr. Dxy. The Ancient Doftors take this word, S.icrainemtm^ diverfly, and ap- 
 ply it to many Things. 
 
 rj- Ex Auguftino & aliis colligitur, Sacramentum pofle dici, Sacroi rei 
 
 0?leth'orp ^'Snun^' ^^'» invifibilis gratis vifibilis Forma, quanquam hocc porterior 
 
 ' definitio non conveniat omnibus Sacramentis, fcil. tantum feptem iftis 
 
 ufitatis ; fed nee his quoqj ex oequo, cum non xqualem conferant gratiam. 
 
 Dr. Generally it is taken to lignify every fecret Myftery, and Sacramenta, 
 
 Redmayyt. ^^ called, Sacrarum, rerum fg>ia, or. Sacra fignacula .- And as this word ^ 
 Sacrament particularly is attributed to the chief Sacraments of the 
 Church, this Definition of a Sacrament may be gathered of St. Augufi. 
 Invifihilis Gratut vifibilis Forma. And alfo that a Sacrament is a myfti- 
 cal or fecret Work which confifteth ex Ferbo & ekmento. And Cyprian 
 faith, Verborum [olemnitAs & Sacri invocatio -nominis^ & fz^^ inftitutio- 
 nibm /t^oftolicis Sacerdotum Minijleriii Attributa^ 'vifibile celebrant Sacra- 
 mentumj rem ivero ipfam Spiritu^s Sanoltu format d^ efficit. 
 
 Dr. By the Ancient Authors, Sacramentum hath many fignifications, fome- 
 
 Edgeivorth'.^^tazs it is called a fecret Counfel. Tob. 12. Sacramentum Regis abfcondere 
 honum est. Nebuchadmzz.ais Dream was called Sacramentum^ Dan. z. 
 The Myftery of Chrift's Incarnation, and of our Redemption is fo cal- 
 led, Evhef. 3. and i Tim. 3. fo that every fecret Thing having fome 
 privy Senfe or Signification, is called Sacramentum^ generally extending 
 the Vocable : Notwithftanding in one Signification, Sacramentum-, ac- 
 cordeth properly to them that be commonly called the Seven Sacra- 
 ments 5 and hath this Definition taken of St. Augufi. and others, /»- 
 vifibilis gratix vifibilis Forma, ut ipfuts imaginem gerat & quodammodo 
 caufa exisiat. 
 
 D^. The Ancient Authors of Divinity ufe this word Sacrament in divers 
 
 Symmons. Significations, for they call it Myslerium \ and fo the Scripture ufeth it 
 in many places, as i Tim. 3. Tobie ii. Wi[d. z. Dan.z. Eph. i. & 3. 
 The word Sacrament is alfo uftd for a Figure or a Sign of the Old Te- 
 ftament, fignifying Chrijl, as the Pafchal Lamb, and the Brazen Serpent^ 
 and divers other Holy Signs. It is alfo taken of the Holy Authors, to 
 be an Holy fign, which makcth to the fandification of the Soul, given 
 to God againft Sin for our Salvation, as it may be gathered of tkem ; 
 
 for*
 
 Book III. of Records. 1^3 
 
 for this word SAcrament is called by them Sacrum Signum^ but I have 
 not read any cxprefs Definition common to all Sacraments. 
 
 This word Sacrament, in tlie ancient Authors, is oft-times ufed in Dr. 
 this general Signification, and fo ( as it is before faid) it is a Myftery, or Tre/ham^ 
 fecret Thing; and fometimes the fame word is ufed as appliabie only 
 unto the feven Sacraments ; and is thus defcribed, A vifible Form of an 
 invifible Grace; and thus alfo, a thing by the which, under the cover- 
 ing of vifible Things, the godly Power doth work our Health. 
 
 To the fecond I fay ; That Hugo de Sancio Ficfore, is one of the moft Dr. 
 Ancient Authors that I ever could perceive, took upon him to define Leyghton. 
 or defcribe a Sacrament: Howbeit, I fuppofe, that this common De- 
 fcription which the Schoolmen ufe, after the Mafter of the Sentences, 
 "j'tz. Sacrdmentum eH invifibilis GratU Tjifibilis feu fenfibilis Forma, may 
 be gathered of St. AuHin, and divers other ancient Authors Words, in 
 many places of their Works. 
 
 I do find no Definition plainly fet forth In Old Authors ; notwith- rj^ ^ 
 (landing this Definition, Invifibilu Gratite vifibilis Forma, may be gather- ' '^^^'''' 
 ed out of St. Augujlifie. 
 
 In fecundo Articulo conveniunt onines, Sacramentum efle facrae rei con. 
 fignum. Trelham, Oglethorpus, & Edgworth, dicunthancdefinitionem, 
 Sacramentum eft invifibilis gratiae vifibilis Forma, his feptem convenire. 
 Thurlebeus ait, non convenire omnibus feptem, Sc seque pluribus pofle 
 attribui atq ; feptem. 
 
 In the fecond they put many Defcriptionsof a Sacrament, as thefign di. Agreeml 
 a holy Thing, a vifible Word, &c. But upon this one definition, a Sacra- 
 ment is a vifible Form of invifible Grace, they do not all agree : For Doft- 
 crs, Edgworth, Trejham, and Oglethorp fay, That it is applicable only^ and 
 properly unto.the iwrc/ Sacrament, as it fignifieth the feven Sacraments ufually 
 received^ My Lord Elect of Weftminfter faith, That it agreeth not unto all 
 the Seven, nor yet more fpecially unto the Seven, than unto any other. 
 
 3. Queftion. 
 How many Sacraments there be by the Scripture ? 
 
 Anfjvers. 
 
 THe Scripture flieweth not how many Sacraments there be, but In- Canterbury 
 carnatio Chrijli and Matrimonium, be called in the Scripture My^ 
 fterta, and therefore we may call them by the Scripture Sacramento, But 
 one Sacramentum the Scripture maketh mention of, which is hard to be re- 
 vealed fully, as would to God it were, and that is, Myfterium Ini^uitatis, 
 or Myflerium Meretricis magnx & Bejlx. 
 
 To the third ; In Scripture we find no precife number of Sacraments. Tork. 
 
 To the third ; I find not fet forth the exprefs number, with exprefs I,c?Wtf/». 
 
 Z z z 2 Decla-
 
 1^4 -^ Cvlleclion ' Book III. 
 
 Declaration of this many and no more ; nor yet of thefe exprefly by 
 Scripture which we ufe, efpecially under the name oi Sacrament Sy faving 
 only of Matrimony. 
 
 Rochefter. I think that in the Scripture be innumerable Sacraments, for all My- 
 fteries, all Ceremonies, all the Facls of Chrift, the whole ftory of the JervSy 
 and the Revelations of the A^ocaljffe^ may be named Sacraments. 
 
 Carlile, The certain number of Sacraments, or Myfteries, contained within 
 
 Scripture, cannot be well exprelTed or affigned ; for Scripture containeth 
 more than infallibly may be rehearfed. 
 
 Dr. De iftis feptem, quas ufitate vocamus Sacramenta, nullum invenio no- 
 
 Robertfon, mine Sacramcnti appellari, nifi Matrimonium. Matrimonium efle Sacra- 
 mentum, probat Eckius, Homi 73. & conferre gratiam, ibid. 
 
 Dr. Cox. There be divers Sacraments by the Scripture, as in Tobie n. Sacra'^ 
 mentum Regis-, the King's fecret. Alfo Nebuchainezz.ars Dream, Dan. 2. 
 is called, Sacr amentum. Imarnatio Chrifli^ Sacr amentum^ Ephef. 3. Matri- 
 monium^ Sacramentum. 
 
 Dr. Day. Taking for Sacraments any thing, that this word, Sacramentum^ doth 
 fignify, there be in Scripture, a great number of Sacraments more than 
 feven. 
 
 Dr. Non habettir determinatus Sacramentorum numerus in Scripturls, funt 
 
 Ogkthcrpe. enim innumera fere illic, quae paflim vocantur Sacramenta ; cum omnis 
 allegoria, omneq ; Myfterium, dicatur Sacramentum. Quin 8rfomnia,ac 
 fecreta, fubinde Sacramenta vocantur. Tobie z. Sacramentum Regis ab- 
 fcondere bonum eft j & Dan. i. Imploremus mifericordias Dei Coeli fu- 
 per Sacramento ifto,&- fomnio. Paulusetiam Epift. i. vocat Myfterium 
 Incarnationis Chrifti Sacramentum: Et in Apoc. i. vocat Sacramentum 
 feptem Stellarum. Ac hoc prcscipue obfervandum venit, nullum a feptem 
 Sacramentis, receptis hoc nomine appellari, praetor folum Matrimonium. 
 
 Dr. As many as there be Myfteries, which be innumerable; but by Scrjp- 
 
 Redmajn. ture, I think, the feven which be named Sacraments, may principally 
 bear the name. 
 
 Dr. Speaking of Sacraments generally, they be innumerable fpoken of in 
 
 Edgworth. Scripture ; but properly to fpeak of Sacraments, there be but feven that 
 may be fo called, of which Matrimony is exprefly called Sacramentumy 
 Ephef 5-. and as I think, in the Germane and proper fignification of a Sa- 
 crament ; fo that the indivifible knot of the Man and his wife in one 
 Body, by the Sacrament of Matrimony, is the matter of this Sacrament; 
 upon which, ason the literal Verity the Apoftle foundeth this allegorical 
 faying. Ego aatem dico in Chrifio, & in Ecclejia ; for the miftical fenfe 
 pre-fuppofeth a verity in the Letter on which that is taken. Six more there 
 be to which the Definition doth agree, as manifeftly doth appear by the 
 Scriptures, with the expofition of the ancient Authors. 
 
 Dr. In the Scripture there is no certain number of Sacraments. 
 
 Sjmmons. 
 
 I find
 
 B ook III. of Records. I5'5 
 
 I find no more of che (even, called exprelly bacramenis, but only Dr. 
 Matrimony, but extending the name of Sacrament in his moft general 7rp/l&4^»- 
 Acception ; there are in Scripture a great number of Sacraments, where- 
 of the Apoftlc faith, .S; mvermt MjJtcrU omnia, Sec. 
 
 To the third ; I fay, that I find not in Scripture any of thefe feven Dr. 
 which we commonly call Sacraments, called SAcramentum, but only Leyghton, 
 M-itrimoniuin. But I find divers and many other things called Sacra- 
 ments in Scripture, as in the iz of Tohie, Sa.cr amentum Regis Abfcondere 
 bonum eft. hem Apoc. 17. Dicamiis tibi Sacramentum. Item, i Tim. 3. 
 Magnum elt pietatis Sacramentum. &c. 
 
 I cannot tell how many Sacraments be by Scripture, for they be above Dr. Core^. 
 one hundred. 
 
 In iertio conveniunt fat is : non effe certum numerum Sacramentorum per Con. 
 Scripturas. Redmaynm addit^ But by Scripture I think the feven which 
 be named Sacraments, may principally bear the Name. Idemfentit Edg- 
 jvorth, & feptem t ant urn. Matrimonium in Script urn haberi fub nomine facra- 
 menti phrej ; dicunt. 
 
 In the third they do agree, That there is no certain number of Sa- Agreem. 
 craments by Scripure, but even as many as there be Myfteries ; and none 
 of thefe feven called Sacraments, but only Matrimony in Scripture. 
 
 4. Queftion. 
 How many Sacraments there be by the ancient Authors ? 
 
 Anfwers. 
 
 BY the Ancient Authors there be many Sacraments more than feven, Canterbury 
 for all the Figures which fignify Chrift to come, or teftify that he 
 is come, be called Sacraments, as all the Figures of the Old Law, and 
 in the New Law ; Eachariflia, Baptifmm^ Pafcha, Dies Dominictts, lotio 
 Pedum, Jlgnam Crucis, Chrijma, Matrimonium, Or do, Sabbat um, Impofitio 
 Miinuum^ Oleum, Conjecratio Olei, Lac, Mel, Aqua, Vinum, Sal, Ignis, 
 Ciniij adapertio Aurium, vefiis Candida, and all the Parables of Chrift , 
 with the Prophefies of the Apocalyps, and fuch others, be called by the 
 Dodors, Sacramenta. 
 
 To the fourth ; There is no precife number of Sacraments mentioned Tor^ 
 by the Ancient Authors, taking the word Sarament, in his moft general 
 f'gnification. 
 
 To the fourth ; I find that St. Auftine fpeaketh, de Baptifmo, deEucha- London, 
 rijlid, de Matrimonio, de Ordinal ione Clericorum, de Sacramento chrifmatis & 
 IJnctionis : Alfo I find in the faid St. Aujltne, that in the Old Law there 
 were many Sacraments, and in the New Law few. 
 
 I think that in the Dodors be found many more Sacraments than feven, Rochefier, 
 f /■*. Panit Catechumenorum, fignum Crucis, Oleum, Lac, Sal, Mel, (^c. 
 
 That
 
 \<)6 A Collc^ion Book IIL 
 
 ilArhle. That Scripture containeth, by the lame Holy Gholl which is Author 
 
 thereof, the Holy Doctors, and Ancient Fathers expoundcth; So that 
 where in Scripture the number of Sacraments is uncertain, it cannot be 
 among them certain. 
 
 Dr. Apud Auguftinum lego Sacramentum Nuptiarum, Sacramentum Bap- 
 
 Kohertfon. tifmi, Sacramentum Euchariftiae,quod&altaris five panisvocat ; Sacra- 
 mentum Ordinationis ; Sacramentum Chrifmatis, quod datur per manus 
 impofitionem Baptizatis J Sacramentum Unftionis. 
 
 \>K.Cox. I find in the Ancient Authors, that Bapttfm is called Sacrametjtumy 
 Eucharifiia Sacramentum^ Matrtmonium Sacramentumy Ordo Sacramentum^ 
 Chrifma isacramentum, Imfofitio Manuum per Baptifmnm Sacramentum^ 
 Dtle^io Sacramentum-i Lotto pedum Sacramr/itumy Oleum^ Mel^ Lac^ Sa- 
 cra,mentA\ and many others. 
 
 Dr. Baj. There be a great fort of Sacraments found in the Doctors, after the 
 Acception above-faid, more than leven. 
 
 Dr. Apud Scriptores Ecclefiafticos repcriuntur multo plura Sacraraenta 
 
 Oglethorpe, quditn hxc feptem. 
 
 Dr. Taking this word Sacrament univerfally for Myfteries, or all fecret To- 
 
 Redmajff. kens, there be more Sacraments than can be reckoned ; but the feven by 
 old Authors may fpecially obtain the name. Lotio pedum is fpoken 
 of in old Authors as a fpecial Sacrament ufed then in the Church, and 
 as it appeareth, having a great ground in the Scripture; and I think 
 it were better to renew that again, and fo to have eight Sacraments, 
 rather than to diminifli the number of the feven now ufed. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Ednvortb ^^^"^ ^^^® ^^ ^° '^^ "^^^ Queftion before. 
 
 V Dr. The ancient Authors acknowledg many more than feven ; for they 
 
 Symmons. call in their Writings, all Rites and Ceremonies, Sacraments. 
 
 Dr. Generally, as many as Myfteries, fpecially feven^ and no more of like 
 
 Trefham. nature to them ; for altliough I find not exprefs mention were Penance 
 is called a Sacrament, yet I think it may be deduced and proved by 
 Cyprian in his Sermon de paffione Chrifii, in thefe words ; Deniq ; quicunq ; 
 fiunt Sacrament or um Mintjlriy per operattonem author it as in figura Crucis 
 ommbm Sacramentis largitur efeBum, & cun£ia peragit nobis quod omnibus 
 nominibui eminet a Sacramentorum -vicariis tnvocatum ; at licet indigni fint 
 qui accipiunty Sacramentorum tamen reverentia & propinquiorem ad Deum 
 parat accejfum, d^ ubi redierint ad cor conjlat ablutionis donum^ & reddit 
 effect m munerumy nee alias quari aut repeti necejfe eli Jalutiferum Sacramen- 
 tum; in thefe words, redtt effect »s mnnerum; and nee alias repeti neceffe 
 esi jalutiferum Sacramentum^ muft needs be underftood Penance, and alfo 
 that Penance is a Sacrament: For as our firft accefs to God is by the 
 Sacrament Baptifm, which Cyprian there following called Ablutionem pri- 
 mam j fo if we fall by deadly fin, we cannot repetere God again, but by 
 Penance; which repeting (/. e.) Penance, Cyprian calleth Salutiferum 
 Sacramentum. 
 Dr. To the fourth, I fay; That I find in ancienter Authors every one of 
 
 Leyghton, - . : , thefe
 
 Eook III. of Records. 1517 
 
 tliefe feven, which wc call commonly Sacraments, called Sacramentum ; 
 as in Jus^i/t every one of" them is called S tier amentum but only Penance ; 
 which CypriAfj calleth Sacrament um. Alio I Hnd in the ancienter Au- 
 thors divers other things (^befides the feven } called Sacraments, as Lo^ 
 tio Pedum in Cyprian, Sec. 
 
 More Sacraments be found in old Authors than Seven. Dr. Coren. 
 
 In quarto convenitint, plara ejfe Sacramenta qaam feptem apud Authores : Qon, 
 Redman addit -, But the feven, by old Authors, may fpecialy obtain 
 the name. Idem putat Edgivorth, and Trejham. Lotio Pedum^ he 
 thinketh were better to be renewed, and fo made eight Sacraments, 
 than the number of the feven to be diminifhed. Trejhamus chat Cj- 
 primum in Serm. de PaJJione Chrisii pro panitentia, quod dicatur Sacra- 
 ment um, cum dlii fere omnes nufquam appell&ri aiunt Sacramentum apud 
 Authores, & hie locus aperte agit de Baptifmo, quoJi vocat donum abluti- 
 onis, & Sacramentum Saluttferum. 
 In the fourth they agree, That there is no determinate number of Sa- Aoreem: 
 craments fpoken of in the old Authors ; but that my Lord of Tork, and 
 Edgivorth, Trefjam, Redmayn Crayford, and Simmons, fay, That tiiofe fe- 
 ven by old Authors, may fpecially obtain the name of Sacraments. The 
 Bifliop of St Davids faith. That there be but four Sacraments in the old 
 Doftors moft chiefly fpoken of, and they be Baptijm, the Sacrament of 
 the Altar, Matrimony and Penance, 
 
 S. Queftion. 
 
 Whether this vpord Sacrament, he and ought to be attributed 
 to the feven only ? And whether the feven Sacraments 
 he found in any of the old Authors ? 
 
 Anfivers. 
 Know no caufe why this word Sacrament fhould be attributed to the Canterbury 
 ^ feven only ; for the old Authors never prefcribed any certain num- 
 ber of Sacraments, nor in all their Books I never read thefe two words 
 joyned together, viz. feptem Sacramenta. 
 
 I 
 
 To the fifth ; To the firfl part of this Queftion, this word Sacra- Tork. 
 ment is ufed and applied in Scripture, to fomc things that be none of 
 the feven Sacraments. To the fecond part : The feven Sacraments be 
 found in fome of the ancient Authors, 
 
 To the fifth, I anf\ver; That this word Sacrament in our Language London. 
 commonly hath been attributed to the feven cuftomably called Sacra- 
 ments, not for that yet, that tiic word Sacrament cannot be applied to 
 any more, but for that the feven have been fpecially of very long and 
 ancient feafon received, continued and taken for things of fuch fort, 
 
 I tliink that the name of a Sacrament is, and may be attributed to RocheBtr, 
 rnore than feven, and that all the feven Sacraments be found in the old 
 Authors, tho' all perad venture be not found in one Author, But I have 
 not read Penance called by the name of a Sacrament in any of them. 
 
 Certain
 
 1^8 
 
 A Colleclion 
 
 Book 111. 
 
 Carlile. Certain it is, that this word Sacrament neither is nor ought to he 
 
 attributed to feven only, for both Scripture and ancient Audiors other- 
 wife appHeth it ; but yet nothing letteth, but that this Word Sacrament 
 may moH: efpecially, and in a certain due Pieheminence, be apphed to 
 the feven Sacraments, or moft: ancient name and ufage among Chriftian 
 Men. And that the ancient Authors have fo ufed'and apphed it, af- 
 firmeth the faid Thomas Waldeny convincing VVycliffe and BerenoArim. 
 who enforced the contrary ; from Cyprian^ and aUo Augujlm, with 
 other holy Doctors, they may fo well be gathered. 
 
 Dr. Vocabulum, Sucramenti, in Sacris Literis, nulli Sacramentoriim quod 
 
 Robertfon. fciam tribuitur, nifi Matrimonio : a vetuftis Scriptoribus tribuicur Cere- 
 moniis & umbris legis, Incarnationi Chrifti, figuris, allegoriis, Sf fefti- 
 vitatibus : Apud Paulum legitur divinitatis, voluntatis divinx, h pie- 
 tatis Sacramentum. Cxtcrum loquendo de Sacramentis his, o^x. funt 
 invifibilis gratis collatce in Ecclefia Chrirti vifibilia figna, opinor non 
 piura quam feptem inveniri, hifq; magis proprie quam reliquis, fub hac 
 ratione, tribui nomen Sacramenti. 
 
 Dr. Cox. This word Sacrament is not, nor ought not to be attributed to thefe 
 feven only. Thofethat we call feven Sacraments, be found in old Authors, 
 altho' fome of them be feldom found called by this name Sacrament. 
 
 Dr. Day. This word, Sacramentum^ neither is, nor ought to be fo attributed unto 
 thefe feven, but that it is, and may be attributed to many more things, 
 and fo the Ancienter Do£tors ufe it. The feven Sacraments be found in 
 ancient Doclors under the name of Sacrament, favingthat I remember 
 not that I have read in them Penance called a Sacrament. 
 
 Dr. Nomen commune eft multis aliis rebus, quam feptem iftis ufitatis Sa- 
 
 Oglethorp. cramentis. Septem Sacramenta, feorfim & fparfim repcriuntur in vcte- 
 rum monumentis. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Redmayn. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Ed'^rvorth. 
 o 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Symmons. 
 
 To the feven fpecially and principally, and in general to innumerable 
 more. But I cannot tell whether in any Old Author might be found thefe 
 two -woxdiSy feven Sacraments^ or this number limited; but every one of 
 the feven Sacraments, one by one, be found in the Old Authors. 
 
 Sacramentum, in his proper fignification, is and ought to be attributed 
 to the feven only ; and they be all feven found in the Authors. 
 
 This word, Sacrament, is not only to be attributed to the feven, but 
 that the feven Sacraments efpecially conferreth Grace, the Old Authors 
 efpecially accounteth rhem by the number of feven ; and the(e feven 
 are found in Authors and Scriptures, altho' they be not found by the 
 name oi feven. 
 
 Dr. I fay, this word Sacrament Is attributed to the feven ; and that the 
 
 Trefliam. feven Sacraments are found in the ancient Authors. 
 
 Dr. To the fifth I fay. firft, (as before) that this word Sacramentum, is 
 
 Leyghton. not applied or attributed in Holy Scripture to any of the feven, but oniy 
 
 to Matrimony. But it is attributed in Scripture, and ancient Authors to 
 
 many
 
 Book III. of Records, i^^ 
 
 many other things bclidcs thefe. Howbcir, taking tliis \vo\d,6.ur amen- 
 tum^ for a fenfible fignot" the invifible Grace ot'God given untoChrillian 
 People, as the Schoolmen, and many late Writers take it j I think thac 
 the feven commonly called Sacraments, are to be called only and molt 
 properly Sacraments. 
 
 This word Sacrament, may wdX be attributed to the fevcn ; and fo it Dr. Coren. 
 is found in Old Authors, favmg that I do not read exprefly in old Doftors, 
 Penance to be under the name of a Sacrament, unlefsit bem Chryjofiome^ 
 in the Expofitionrt^Z/f^r.e. Homil. zo.feci. i. cap. lO. inprinciPio. 
 
 Inquinto prster Herfordenf. Roffenf. Dayium Oglethorpum, Mene- Non. Con. 
 venf. &: Coxum putant omnes nomen Sacramenti prxcipue his fep- 
 tem convenire. Symons addit. The [even Sacraments fpecially confer 
 Grace: Eboracenf, Curren, Trcfliam, Symons, aiuntleptem Sacra- 
 menta inveniri apud veteres, quanquam Curren & Symons mox 
 videntur iterum negare. 
 
 . In the fifth ; The Bifhops of Hereford and St. DavUs, Dr. Day^ Dr. Dtjfent. 
 Cox^ fay, That this word. Sacrament, in the Old Authors, is not attri- 
 buted unto the feven only, and ought not to be attributed. The BiOiop 
 of Carlifle alledging iValdenfis. Doctors, Curren^ Edgworth^ Summons, Tre^ 
 fham^ fay, That it is and may be attributed. And Dr. Curren^ and Mr. 
 Symmons^ feem to vary againll themfelves each in their own Anfwers ; 
 for Dr. Curren faith, That this word Sacrament is attributed unto the 
 feven in the old Doftors, and yet he cannot find that it is attributed unto 
 Penance. Dr.Symmons faith. That the Old Authors account them by the 
 number of feven ; and yet he faith, That they be not found there by 
 the nameof/ex/f». 
 
 2. Queftion. 
 
 Whether the determinate tmmber of feven Sacraments be a 
 Do^rine^ either of the Scripture, or of the old Authors, 
 and fo to be taught ? 
 
 Anfwers. 
 
 THe determinate number of feven Sacraments is no Doftrine of the Cafiterhan 
 Scripture, nor of the Old Authors. ^ 
 
 To the fi){th ; The Scripture maketh no Mention of the Sacraments York. 
 determined to feven precifely ; but the Scripture maketh Mention of 
 feven Sacraments, which be ufed in Chrift's Church, and grounded 
 partly in Scripture ; and no more be in ufe of the faid Church but feven 
 fo grounded ; and fome of the ancient Doftors make mention of feven, 
 and of no more than feven, as ufed in Chrift's Church fo grounded ; 
 wherefore a Doftrine may be had of feven Sacraments precifely ufed 
 in Chrift's Church, and grounded in Scripture. 
 
 To the fixth ; I think it be a Doftrine fet forth by the ancient Fathers, London, 
 one from another, taking their matter and ground out of Scripture, as 
 they underftood it ; tho' Scripture, for all that, doth not give unto all 
 
 A a a a the
 
 _,J^-,-!U ^ f. 
 
 200 A CoIleFnon Book III. 
 
 the icvuii, the Tpeciai names by which now they are called, nor yet open- 
 ly call them by the name of Sacrament, except only (as is before-faid) 
 the Sacrament of Mxirimony. 
 
 Rochejier. Albeit the feven Sacraments be in effeft found both in the Scripture, 
 and in the Old Authors, and may therefore be fo taught ; yet 1 have 
 not read this precil'e and determinate number of feven Sacraments, nei- 
 ther in the Scripture, nor in the ancient Writers. 
 
 Carlile. By what is here before-faid, I think it doth well appear, that both 
 
 the Scripture of God, and holy ExpoHtors of the fame, would have the 
 (even Sacraments both taught, and in due Form exhibited to all Chriftian 
 People, as it fliall alfo better appear by what foUowcth. 
 
 ■ Dr. In Scriptura tantum unum ex iftis feptem Sacramentum vocari inve- 
 
 Rohertfon. nio, nimirum Matrimonium: Apud veteres'rcperiuntur omnia hiec fep- 
 tem, a nullo ramen, quod fciam, nomine 7. Sacramentorum celebrari, 
 nifi quod Eraf. ait 7. a vcteribus recenferi : Augud. loquens de Sacra- 
 mentis ad Januarium Ep. ii8. ait numerum feptenarium tribui Ecclefiae 
 propria inftar univerfitatis ; Item objectum fuifle HufTo in Concilio Con- 
 rtantienti qucd infideliter fenferit de 7. Sacramentis. Dc perfeftione 
 Num Ssptenarii, vide Auguii. lib. i. de Civ. cap. 31. 
 
 Dr. Cox, This determinate number of feven Sacraments, is no Doclrine of 
 Scripture, nor of the Old Authors, nor ought not to be taught as fuch 
 a determinate number by Scripture and Old Authors. 
 
 Dr. Da). Neither tlie Scripture, nor the ancient Authors, do recite the deter- 
 minate number of the feven Sacraments ; but the Dodrine of the fevea 
 Sacraments is grounded in Scripture, and taught by the ancient Authors, 
 albeit not altujicthcr. 
 
 ^cr 
 
 t)r, Septcnarius Sacramentorum numerus, Dcftrina eft recentium Theo- 
 
 Oglethcrp, logorumj quam illipartim ex Scriptura, parcim ex veterum fcriptis, ar- 
 guqe in f4crum hunc(uc aiuntj numerum, colkgerunt, 
 
 Dr. I think, as I find by old Authors, the ancient Church ufed all thefe 
 
 Redmayn feven Sacramc;nts ; and fo I think it good to be taught. 
 
 Dr. The determinate number of feven Sacraments, is not taught in any 
 
 Edsyoorth. 0"^ Procefsof the Scripture, nor of any one of the old Authors of pur- 
 pofe fpeaking of tlicm altogether, or in one Procefs, as far as I can re- 
 member; albeit they all feven be there, and there fpoken of in Scrip- 
 ture manifeflly, and fo have the old Authors left them in fundry places 
 of their Writings ; and fo it ought to be taught. 
 
 Dr. Forafmuch as the Scripture teachcth thefe feven, and fheweth fpecial 
 
 Symmons. Graces given by the fame, the which are not fo given by others, called 
 Sacraments, the old Authors perceiving the fpecial Graces, have accoun- 
 ted them in a certain number, and fo have been ufed by Doctors to be 
 calkd Jtve?ty and without Inconvenience may fo be taught. 
 
 Or. I fay, The determinate number of feven is not exprefly mentioned in 
 
 Trepiam. the 
 
 )
 
 Book III. of Records. 201 
 
 the Scripture., like as the determinate number of thefeven Petitions ot" 
 the Prayer is not expreflv mentioned j and as I think the fcven Petiti- 
 ons to have their ground in Scripture, even fo do I think of the fevcn 
 Sacraments, to be grounded in Scripture. 
 
 To the fixth, I fay as before, That the old Authors call each of thefe p^ 
 feven, Sacraments ; but be it, I cannot remember that ever I read the Leyoh'toa. 
 determinate, precife, and exprcfs number of feven Sacraments in any of 
 the ancient Authors, nor in Scripture. Howbeit we may find in Scrip- 
 ture, and the old Authors, aUb mention made, and the Doftrine of each 
 of thefe feven, commonly called Sacrameats. 
 
 The determinate number of feven, is a Do£lrine to be taught for every jj^. ^ 
 one of them be contained in Scripture, tho' they have not the number 
 of feven fet forth there, no more than the Petitions of the Pater Nojier 
 be called feven, nor the Articles of the Creed be called twelve. 
 
 Priori parti Qusftionis negative Refpondent. Herfordenf. Menevenf. Co/i. 
 Roffenf. Day us, Dunelmenf. Oglethorpus, Thurleby : Pofteriori 
 parti ) quod fit Doclrina conveniens refpondent affirmative 
 Eboracen. Roffen. Carliolen. Londinen. Day us Edg worth, Red- 
 mayn, Symmons, Curren: Londinen. & Redmanus non refpon- 
 dent priori parti Quaefiionis, nee Oglethorpus, Trefliam, Robin- 
 fonus Pofteriori. Eboracen. Londin. Symmons, Curren, volume 
 Scripturis peti Doclrinam feptem Sacramentorum. 
 
 In the fixth, touching the determinate number of the feven Sacra- Aqreeml 
 ments, the Bilhop of Durefme^ Hereford, St. Davids^ and RocheBer, the 
 Eled of iVefimmfter^ Dr. Day, and Dr. Oglethorpe fay, This prefcnbed 
 number of S^icrxments is not found in the old Authors. The Bifhop oiTorky 
 Drs. Curren^ Trep^am^ and Symmons^ fay the contrary. Concerning the 
 fecorid part, Whether it be a Doclrine to be taught .? The Bilbops of 
 Hereford.^ St. Divids^ and Dr. Cox. Think it ought not to be fo taught as 
 fuch a d'ter minute number by Scripture. The Bifliops of Tork, London^ Car- 
 hjle --y Drs. Day^ Curren, J re/ham, Symmons, Cray ford, Think it a Do£lrine 
 meet to be taught : And fome of them fay. That it is founded on Scripture. 
 
 7. Queftion. 
 
 What is found 171 Scrip ure of the Matter, Nature^ EffeSl^ and 
 Vertue of fuch as we call the feven Sacraments 5 fo as altho 
 the Na7Jie be not there.^ yet vphether the thing be in Scripture 
 or no.^ and in what wife fpo^en of ? 
 
 Anfrvers. 
 
 IFind not in the Scripture, the Matter, Nature, and EfFeft of all thefe Canterbury 
 which we call the fcven Sacraments, but only of certain of them, as 
 of Baptifn, in which we be regenerated and pardonded of our fin by 
 the Blood of Chrift : Of Euchanfiia, in which we be concorporated unto 
 Chnft, and made lively Members of his Body, nourilhed and fed to 
 the Everlafting Life, if wc rccive it as we ought to do, and elfe it is to 
 
 A a a a 2 us
 
 202 A C{/M^ion Book III. 
 
 us rather Death than Life. Of Pennnce alio I tind in the Scripture 
 whereby Sinners after Baptirm returning wholly unto God, be accepted 
 again unto God's Favour and Mercy. But the Scripture fpeaketh not 
 ct" Pe»aNce^ as vvecall it a Sacrament, conlilling in three parts. CcntritioTiy 
 Cofjftjfiorf, and Sat^Jaciion ; but the Scripture takcth Pi»a>?ce for a pure 
 Gonverfion oi a Snmer in Heart and Mind from his fins unto God, mak- 
 ing no rtiention of private Confeflion of all deadly Sifis to a Prielf, nor 
 ot fcccleriafrical SatistaQion ro be enjoined by him. Of M^ztrimony alfo 
 I find very much in Scripture, and among other things, that it is a Mean 
 whereby God doth ufe the Infirmity of our Concupifcence to the fet- 
 ting forth of his Glory, and encreafe of the World, thereby fanftifying 
 tlie Aft ot" Carnal Commixaon between the Man and the Wife to that 
 ufe; yea, akho'' one Party be an Infidel: And in this, Matrimony is alfo 
 a prortlife of Salvation, if the Parei.ts bring up their Childrert in the 
 Faith, Love, and Fear of God. Of the Matter, Nature and Effeft of 
 the other three^ that is to fay. Confirmation, Order, and Q.f.txtzmVncfiony 
 I read nothing in the Scripture, as they be taken for Sacraments. 
 
 y. , To the feventh ; Of Baptif?n, we find in Scripture the Inftituticn 
 
 by the Word of Chrift ; we find alfo that the Matter of Bapttfm is Wa- 
 ter, the Etfeft and Vertue is Remiflion of Sins. Q( Confirmation, we 
 find that the Apoftles did Confirm thofe that were Baptized, by laying 
 their Hands upon thtm, and that the EfFeft then was the coming of the 
 Holy Giiolt into them, upon whom the Apoftles laid their Hands, in a 
 vifible fign of the gilt of divers Languages, and therewith of ghoftly 
 firength to confefs Chrift, following upon the fame. Of the Sacrament 
 of the JUar, we find the Inftitution by Chrift, and the Matter thereof 
 Bread and Wine, the Effeft, Increafe of Grace. Of the Sacrament of 
 Penance, we find the Inftitution in the Gofpel, the Eftcft, Reconciliation 
 of the Sinner, and the Union of him to the Myftical Body of Chrift. 
 Ol the Sacrament of Matrimony, we find the Inftitution both in the Old 
 and New Teftament, and the EffeO; thereof. Remedy againft Concupi- 
 feertce and Difcharge of fin, which otherwife fhould be in the Office of 
 Generation. Of the Sacrament of Order, we find that our Saviour gave to 
 his Aportels power to Baptize, to Bind and to Loofe finners, to Remit fins, 
 and to Retain them, to Teach and Preach his Word, and to Confecrate 
 his moft precious Body and Blood, which be the higheft Ofiices of Order; 
 and the effect thereof Grace, we find m Scripture. Of extream Vn^ion, 
 we find in the Epiftle of the Holy Apoftle St. James, and of the Effects 
 of rhe fame. 
 
 To the feventh, I find that St. Auflin is of this feptence. That where the 
 Sacraments of the Old Law -did ^romije Grace and Comfort, the Sacraments of 
 the Neii> Law do give it indeed. And moreover he faith, That the Sacra- 
 ments of the New Law are, l"a£lu faciliora, pauciora, falubnora, 8< fceliciora, 
 more e after, more fewer, more wholfomer, and more happy. 
 
 Rochtfier, The Scripture teacheth of Baptifm, the Sacrament of the Altar, Math- 
 ^Ofiy and Fenance manifeftly : Ihere be alfo in the Scripture manifelt 
 Examples of Confirmation, viz. That it was done after Baptifm by the 
 Apoftles, per Mamttm Impofnionem. The Scripture teacheth alfo off'rder, 
 that it was done, per tnanuum Impofnionem cam oratione & jejunic. Ot the 
 UnQion of fick Men, the Epiftle of St. James teacheth manifeftly. 
 
 I think 
 
 London.
 
 Book III. of Records. 203 
 
 I think venly, That of the Subrtance, Effect, and Vertuc of theic Cz^-///--. 
 feven ufual Sacraments, that are to be taken and cftecmcd above others, 
 Ivehavc plainly and cxprclly by Holy Scripture. Of Baptijrti^ That who- 
 foever b-Heveth in Chrilt, and is Chrili^ened, fliall befaved'; andexctpt 
 that one be born again of" Water and the Holy Gholl:, he cannot come 
 within tile Kingdom of God. OF MAtrimony^ we have in Scripture, both 
 by name, and in effcil:, in the Old and New Teftameiit, both by Chrift 
 and his Apoftle P.w//. Of the Sacrament of the Altar^ I find plainly, 
 exprelly, both in the Holy Gofpels, and other places of Scripture. Of 
 ^emnce in like manner. Of Confirmation we have in Scripture, that 
 when the Sam-trita^s, by the Preaching of Philips had received the Word 
 of God, an J wereChriitened, the Apoftles hearing of the fame, fentFefcr 
 ind 'John unto them ; who when they came thither, they prayed for them 
 that they might receive the Ho'y Ghoft : Then they laid their Hands upon 
 them, and fo they received the Holy Ghoft ; This, faid Bede, is the Offict and 
 Duty only of Bijhops. And this manner and form, (faith St. Hierom) as it 
 is written in the Afts, the Church hath kept, That the Bijiwp fjould go abroad, 
 to call for the Grace of the Holy Gl}Ost, and lay his Hands upon tlnm, who had 
 been Chrifiened hy Friejls and Deacons. Of the Sacrament of Orders, we 
 have, 1 hat Chrift made his Apoftles the Teachers of the Law, and Mi- 
 nifters of hi^ Sacraments, that they fhould duly do it, and Make and Or- 
 dain others likevvife to do it after them. And fo the Apoftles Ordained 
 Matthias to be one of their number. St. Paul Made and Ordained Timotly 
 and Titns^ with others likevvife. Of the Sacrament of Extream Vnciion^ 
 We have manifeftly intheGofpel of Marl;, and Epiftleof Su James. 
 
 Materia Sacramentorum eft Verbum & Elementum, virtus quam Deus Dr^ 
 per ilia digne fumentibus conferat gratiam, juxta fuam promiflionem, ni- Robert/on} 
 mirum quod fint Sacra Signacula, non tantum fignantia, fed etiam fanfti- 
 ficantia. Unde opinor conftari hanc Sacramentorum vim efle in Sacris 
 Literis. 
 
 I find in Scripture, of fuch Things as we ufe to call Sacraments. Firft, Dr. Cox. 
 Of Baptifm manifeftly. Of Euchanfiia manifeftly. Of Fenance mani- 
 feftly. Of Matrimony manifeftly. Oi Ordering, per manus Jmpofitiomm 
 & Oratiomm manifeftly. It is alfo manifeft, that the Apoftles laid their 
 Hands upon them that were Chriftened. Of the Vn^ion of the fick wijch 
 Prayer manifeftly. 
 
 Albeit the feven Sacraments be not found in Scripture exprefted by Dr. Day^ 
 name, yet the thing it felf, that is, the Matter, Nature, Effeft and Vertue 
 of them is found there. Of Baptifm in divers places ; of the moft Holy 
 Communion ; of Matrimony ; of Abfolution ; of Bifhops, Priefts, and 
 Deacons, how the> were Ordained per Manuum Impofittonem cum Oratione ; 
 Of laying the Apoftles Hands on them that were Chriftened, tvhich 
 is a part of Confirmation ; of Undion of them that were fick^ with 
 Prayer joined withal. 
 
 Natura, vis, cffectuS) ac uniufcujufq; Scfamenti propi;ietas, feorfiai Dr. 
 in Scriptura reperitur, ut veteras earn interpretati funt. Oglethorpe. 
 
 As it appeareth in tiie Articles which be drawn of tlie faid feven Dr. 
 Sacraments. Redmajn. 
 
 In Scrip-
 
 204 ^ Collection Book III. 
 
 D; . Ill Scripcuic wc find ot the Form ot t[ic Sacraments, aj the Words Sa- 
 
 Edgworth. cramentd; and the Matter, as the Ekment^ Oil, Chrifm ; and the Patient 
 
 receiving the Sacrament ; and of Grace and encrcafe of Vertue given 
 
 by them, as the Elfecls. . 
 
 Dr. The things are contained in Scripture, as BaptJfm, [Confirmation, Eu- 
 
 Symmons. chariHia, Pamtentia, Extrema, Vnctio, Ordo, altho' they have not t'.iere 
 this name Sacrxmentum as Matrimony hath ; and every one of them 
 hath his Matter, Nature, Effect and Vertue. 
 
 Dr. I tliink the Thing, the Matter, the Nature, the EffefV, and Vertue of 
 
 Trefharn. them all be in the Scripture, and all there inftituted by Gods Authority j 
 for I think that no one Man, neither the whole Church hath Power to 
 Inftitute a Sacrament, but that fuch Inftitution pertaineth only to God. 
 
 Dr. To the feventh, I fay, That we may evidently find in Scripture, the 
 
 Leyghton, fubltance of every one of the feven Sacraments, the Nature, Effeft, and. 
 Veitue of the fame; as of Baptifw^ Confirmation, Penance, Matrimony y 
 and fo forth of the reft. 
 
 Dr. Coren. Of the Matter, Nature^ Vertue, and Eftect, of fuch as we call Sacra- 
 ments, Scripture maketh mention : Of Baptifm manifeftly ; of the moll 
 Holj Communion manifeftly ; of Ahfolntion manifeftly ; of Matrimony 
 manifeftly ; of Bifljops, Priefts, and Deacons, Scripture fpcaketh mani- 
 feftly, for they were ordered, per Impofitiones Manuum, Presbyterii cum 
 Oratione dr Jejanio. 
 
 fon, Coveniunt prxter Menevenf. naturam feprem Sacramentorum nobis 
 
 tradi in Scripturis. Eboracenf effeftus fingulorum enumerat, item 
 Carliolenf. 
 
 Agreem, Londinenf non refpondet Queftioni. Trefliamus ait ideo e Scipturis 
 tradi nobis Sacramenta, quoniam tota Ecclefia non habet Authori- 
 tatcm Inftituendi Sacramenta. 
 
 In the feventh they do agree, faving this, That the Bifliop of St. Da- 
 •vids fays. That ///e Nature, Effect, and Fertile of thefe feven Sacraments 
 only Baptifm, the Sacrament of the Altar, Matrimony, Penance, are contained 
 in the Scripture. Tiie other fay. That the Nature and the Vertue of all 
 the feven, ie contained in the Scripture. 
 
 8. Queftion. 
 
 Whether Confirmation.^ cum Chrifmatc, of them that he Bap' 
 tized, he found in Scripture ? 
 
 Anfwers. 
 Canterbury /^F Confirmation with Chrifm, without which it is counted no Sacra- 
 V^ ment, there is no Mention in the Scripture. 
 
 Tork. To the Eighth j We find Confirmation, cum Impofttione Manuam in 
 
 Scripture, as before ; cum Chnfmate we find not in the Scripture, but yet 
 
 . / we
 
 Book III. of Records. 205 
 
 we find Chril'mation with Oyi ul'cd even from the time of the Apoftles, 
 and {o taken as a Tradition Apollolick. 
 
 To the Eighth ; I find in Scripture in many places, de Impofitione Ma- London, 
 nuum^ which I think (confidering the Ufage commonly, and fo long 
 withal ufed) to be Confirmation ; and that with Chrifm, to fupply the 
 vifible Appearance of the Holy Ghort, which Holy Ghoft was fj vifibiy 
 feen in the Primitive Cliurch ; neverdielefs for the perfect Declaration 
 of the Verity hereof? I refer it to the Judgment of Men of higher 
 Knowledge in this Faculty. 
 
 Altho' Confirmation be found in the Scripture by Example, as I Rochesier. 
 faid before, yet there is nothing written de Chrifmate, 
 
 The Impofition of Hands, the holy Doftors take for the fame which Carlile. 
 we call Confirmation, done upon them which were Chriftened before, 
 whereof is written in the Acts, And as for Chrifm a^ it fhould feem 
 by Cyprun^ both as touching the Confection and Ufage thereof, that it 
 hath a great Ground to be derived out of Scripture, tho' it be not ma- 
 nifeftly therein fpoken of. 
 
 Res & Effe£tus Confirmationis continentur in Scriptura, nempe, Im- Dr.' 
 pofitio Manuum per Apoftolos Baptizatis, per quam dabatur Spiritus Robenfonl 
 Sanclus. De Chrifmate nihil illic legim.us, quia per id tempus Spiritus 
 Sanftus figno vifibili defccnderit in Baptizatos. Quod ubi fieri defierit, 
 Ecclefia Chrifmate figni externi loco uti coepit. 
 
 I find not in Scriptnrc, that the ApoPcles laying their Hands upon Dr. Cox] 
 tliena that were Baptized, did anoint them Chrifmate. 
 
 Confirmation cum Chrifmate I read not in Scripture, but Impojitiomm Dr. Day. 
 Manuum fnper Baptizatos, I find there is, which ancient Authors call 
 Confirmation ; and Inunftion with Chrifm a hath been ufed from the Pri- 
 mitive Church. 
 
 De impofirione manuum cum Oratione, exprefia mentio eft in Scrip- y)^^ 
 turis, qua; nunc ufitato nomine, a Doftoribus dicitur, Qon^rmzivo.S^iC' odethorpe', 
 rum C! rifma, Traditio eft Apoftolica ut ex veteribus liquet. 
 
 The Queffion is not fimple, but as if it Were asked, Whether Eucha- ly^ 
 riHia in tnfermentato^ be in the Scripture, or Baptifmui cum fale. Impofi- B^edmayn. 
 tiop of the Apoftles Hands, in which was conferred the Holy Gholt for 
 Confirmation of them who were Baptized, is found in Scripture. Chrifma 
 is a Tradition deduced from the Apoftles, as may be gathered by Scripture, 
 and by the Old Authors, and the Myltery thereof is not to be defpifed. 
 
 This Sacrament is one, unit ate integritatii, as fome others be : Therefore Dr. 
 it hath two parts ; of which one, that is, Impojito Manuum, is taken f/ek Edoworth. 
 6. & J^. 8. The other part, that is, Chrifme^ is taken of the Tradi- 
 tion of the Fathers, and fo ufed from the Primitive Church, nd. Cyp- 
 Eptfl. lib. 1. Ep. IX. 
 
 Confirmation is found in Scripture, and Confirmation cum Chrifmate^ Dr. 
 is gathered Irom the Old Authors. , I fay, Symmont.
 
 20^ A Collet ion Book IIL 
 
 Dr. I lay, Confirmation is found in Scripture, but this Additament, Cunt 
 
 Tnjh.i.n. Chrifmate^ is not of the Scripture, yet it is a very ancient Tradition, as 
 appeareth by Cyf. de V»ci. ChriJ'm. 
 
 Dr. To the eighth Queftion, I fay, That Confirmation of them that be 
 
 Leyghtou. Baptized, is found in Scripture, but curn Chrijmate it is not found in 
 Scripture, but it was ufed cum Chrifmate in the Church foon after the 
 Apodles Time, as it may evidently appear by the cited Authors. 
 
 Dr, Coren. The laying of the Bifliops Hands upon them that be Chriftened, which 
 is a part of Confirmation, is plainly in Scripture; and the Undion with 
 Chrifme, which is another part, hath been obferved from the Primitive 
 Church, and is called of St. Aujlin^ Sacramentum Chrifmatis. Unction of 
 the Sick with Oil, and the Prayer is grounded exprefly in Scripture. 
 
 Con, Conveniunt omnes Confirmationem cum Chrifmate non haberi in 
 
 Scriptjris. Eboracenf. Trefliam, Coren, Day, Ogclthorpe, Edg- 
 worth, Leighton, Simmons, Redman, Robinfonus, Confirmatio- 
 nem in Scripturis cffc contendunt; costerum Chrifma elTc tradiiio. 
 nem Apoltolicam : addit Robertfonus, &f ubi fieri de(;erat mira- 
 culum Confecrandi Spiritus Santli, Ecclefia Chrifmate (igni externi 
 loco uti cxpit ; Convenit illi Londinenf. 
 Carliolenf. pucat ufum Chrifmatis ex Scripturis peti polTe; Putant 
 omnes turn in hoc Articulo, tum fuperiori, Impofitionem Manuuni 
 ellc Confirmationem. 
 
 Agreem. In the eighth they do agree all, except it be the Blfliop o^CarliJIe, That 
 Confirmntio cum Chrifmate is not found in Scripture, but only ConfirotAtio 
 cum Manuiim Imfcfuione. And that alfo my Lord of St. Davids denieth 
 to be in Scripture, as we call it a Sacrament. My Lord of C4r///7(? faith. 
 That Chrifma, m touching the conJe£{ion and ufage thereof^ hath a ground to 
 be derived out of Scripture. The Other fay, That tt is but a Tradition. 
 
 p. Queftion. 
 Whether the Apoftles lackjfJg a higher Power^ as in not having 
 a Chriftian King among them, made Bifhops by that Ne- 
 ce[fity, or by Authority given by God ? 
 
 Anjwers. 
 
 AL L Chriflian Princes have committed unto them immediately of 
 God the whole Cure of all their Subjefts, as well concerning the 
 Adminiftration of God's Word, for the cure of Souls, as concerning 
 the Minirtration of Things Political and civil Governance : And in both 
 thefe Minillrations, they muft have fundry Minifters under them tofup- 
 ply that, which is appointed to their feveral Offices. The civil Mini- 
 rters under the King s Majclly, in this Realm of England, be thofe whom 
 it fhall pleafe his Highnefs for the time to put in Authority under him : 
 As for Example ; The Lord Chancellor, Lord Treafurer, Lord Great 
 Mailer, Lord Privy-Seal, Lord Admiral, Majors Sheriffs, &c. TheMi- 
 .nifters of God's Word under his Majclly, be the Bifhops, Parfons, Vi- 
 cars, and fuch other Priclls as be appointed by his Highnefs to that Mi- 
 nillration: As for Example, the Bilhop o'i Canterbury, the BilhopofD«- 
 refme, the Bilhop of IVtncheJler, the Parfon of iVinwick, &:c. All the faid 
 
 Officers
 
 Book III. of Records. 207 
 
 Officers and Minifteis, as well of that fore as the other, be appointed, af- 
 figned, and elefted, and in every place, by the Laws and Orders of 
 Kings and Princes. In the Admiflion of many of thefe Officers, be di- 
 vers comely Ceremonies and Solemnities ufed, which be not of Neceffity, 
 but only for a good Order and feemly Faftiion ; for if fuch Offices and 
 Miniftrations were committed without fuch Solemnity, they were ne- 
 verthelefs truly committed : And there is no more Promife of God, that 
 Grace is given in the committing of the Ecclefiaftical Office, than it is 
 in the committing of the Civil Office. In the Apoftles time, when 
 there was no Chriftian Princes, by whofe Authority Miniftefs of God's 
 Word might be appointed, nor Sins by the Sword correfted, there was 
 no Remedy than for Correftion of Vice, or appointing of Miniftcrs, 
 but only the Confent of Chrillian Multitudes among themfclvcs, by an 
 uniform Confent, to follow the Advice and Perfwaifion of fuch Perfons 
 whom God had moft endued with the Spirit of Counfel and Wifdom : 
 And at that time, forafmuch as the Chriftian People had no Sword, nor 
 Governor amongft them, they were conftrained of Neceffity to take fuch 
 Curats and Priefts, as either they knew themfelves to be meet thereunto, 
 or elfe as were commended unto them by others that were fo replete with 
 the Spirit of God, with fuch Knowledge in the Profeffion of Chrift, fuch 
 Wifdom, fuch Converfation and Counfel, that they ought even of very 
 Confcience to give Credit unto them, and to accept fuch as by them 
 were prefented: And fo fometimesthe Apoftles and others, unto whom 
 God had given abundantly his Spirit, fent or appointed Minifters of God's 
 Word ; fometimes the People did chufe fuch as they thought meet there- 
 unto ; and when any were appointed or fent by the Apoftles or others, 
 the People of their own voluntary Will with Thanks did accept them ; 
 not for the Supremity, Empire, or Dominion, that the Apoftles had 
 over them to command, as their Princes aind Mafters, but as good Peo- 
 ple, ready to obey the Advice of good Counfellors, and to accept any 
 thing that was necelTary for their Edification and Benefit. 
 
 To the Ninth ; We find in Scripture, that the Apoftlesiifed the Power toTork. 
 make Bifhops, Priefts, and Deacons ; which Power may be grounded upon 
 thefe Words : Sicut mijit me vivens Pater ^ fie ego mitto vos^ &c. And we veri- 
 ly think, that they durft not have ufed fo high Power, unlefs they had had 
 Authority from Chrilt j but that their Power to ordain Biftiops, Priefts or 
 Deacons, by Impofition of Hands, requireth any other Authority, than 
 Authority of God, we neither read in Scripture nor out of Scripture. 
 
 To the Ninth ; I think the Apoftles made Bilhops by the Law of God, London, 
 becaufe, A^s iz. it is faid. In quo vos Spiritus SanSius fofutt : Neverthe- 
 lefs, I think if Chriftian Princes had been then, they ftiould have named 
 by Right, and appointed the faid Bifliops to their Rooms and Places. 
 
 I think that the Apoftles made Biftiops by Authority given thera from Rochejler. 
 God. 
 
 That Chrift made his Apoftles,Priefts and Bilhops, and that he gave thera Curlile. 
 Power to make others like, it feemeth to be the very Trade of Scripture. 
 
 Opinor Apoftolos Authoritate Divina creaiTe Epifcopos 8r Presbyte- Dj-; 
 ros, ubi publicus Magiftratus permittit. Roben'fon 
 
 B b b b Altho' 
 
 ^j
 
 2o8 A Collet ion ' Book IIL 
 
 Dr'. Cox. Altho' the Apoftles had no Authoiity to torcc any Man to be Pnelt, 
 yet Cthey moved by the Holy Ghod) had Authority of God to exhort 
 aijd induce Men to fet forth God's Honour, and fo to make them Priells. 
 
 Dr. Day. [^The Apoftles made, that is to fay, Ordained Bifliops by Auth.ority gi- 
 ven them by God ; Joh. 20. Sicut mifit me I'he^s Pater ^ tta O' ego mitto vos. 
 Item Joa/i. alt. & Act. zo. and i lim. 4. Pauiu-s ordinavit Ttmothetim cj- 
 Tttum, & pxj'crihit quales iili debeant ordmare. 1 Tim. i. Tit. i. 
 
 Dr. • AporfoH Autfjoritate & mandato Dei, Ordinabant ac Inftitiiebant Epif- 
 
 Ogletboyp. copos, petita ac obtenta prius facuhate a Principe ac Magiftratu (ut 
 
 opinor) qui turn praerat. j 
 
 i;ii 
 
 Dr. , Chrifl: gave his Apoftles Authority to make other BifLops and Mini- 
 Redm'ayn. ^^^ in his Church, as he had received Authority of the Father to make 
 them Bifliops ; but if any Chriftian Prince had then been, the Apoftles 
 had been, and ought to have been Obedient Subjects, and would nothing 
 have attempted, but under the Permifiion and AfTent of their Earthly 
 Governors : Yet was it meet that they which were Special and molt 
 Eleft Servants of our Saviour Chrift, and were fent by him to convert 
 the World ; and having moft Abundantly the Holy Ghoft in them, fhould 
 have Special Ordering of fuch Miniftry as pertained to the Planting and 
 EncrealSng of the Faith ; whereunto I doubt not, but a Chriftian Prince, 
 of lii,s godly Mind, would moft lovingly have condefcendcd. And it is 
 to be confidcred, that in this Queftion, with other like, this Word, niak- 
 mg of a Bijhopy or Priejlj may be taken two ways : For underftanding 
 the Word, to Ordain or Conflcrate, fo it is a thing which pertaineth to 
 the Apoftles and their Succeffors only ; but if by this Word (Making") 
 be underftood the Appointing, or Naming to the Office ; fo, it pertaineth 
 fpecially to the Supream Heads and Governours of the Church, which 
 be Princes. 
 
 Di-. ■, The Apoftles made Bifhops and Priefts by Authority given them of 
 Edgworth. Gp.^, and ix)t for lack of any Higher Power : Notwithftanding where 
 there is a Chriftian King, or Prince, the Eledion, Deputation and Affig- 
 nation of them, thatfliall bePriefls or Bifliops, belongeth to the King or 
 Prince, fo that he may forbid any Bifliop within his Kingdom, that he 
 giv? no Orders, for Confiderations movmg him, and may affign him 
 a time when he fhall give Orders, and to whom : Example of King 
 David, I Chron. 24. dividing the Levites into 24 Orders, deputing over 
 every Order one chief Bifliop, prefcribing an Ordinal and Rule how they 
 Ihouki do their Duties, their Courfes ; and what Sacrifices, Rights and 
 Gerejuonics, they Ihould ufe every Day, as the Day and time required. 
 And his Son, King Solomon, diligently executed and commanded the 
 fame Ufages to be obferved in the Temple, after he had erefted and 
 fiftiflied it, z C-hron. 8. 
 
 Dr. The Apoftles made Bifhops and Priefts, by Authority given them of 
 
 Symmoni. ^^v 
 
 Dr. I fay, that the Apoftles had Authority of God to make Blftiops ; yet if 
 
 Trepaaf, tHcue -bad been a Chriftian King in any place where they made Biftiops, 
 
 they would, abud ought, to havedefired Authority alfo of him, for the 
 
 '\,jiil/ executing 
 
 i
 
 JBook III. of Records, lo^ 
 
 executing of fuch their godly Atts, which no Chnlhan King would have 
 denied. 
 
 To the ninth, I fay, that the Apoftles ( as I fuppofe ) made Bifhops Dr. 
 by Authority given unto them of" Chrill : Howbeit I think they would Lejohto». 
 and lliould have required t!ic Chriitian Princes Confent and Licenfe 
 thereto, if there had been any Chriftain Kings or Princes. 
 
 The Apoftles made Bifliops and Priefts by Authority given them of God : Dj-. Coren. 
 Notwithitanding if there had been a Chriftian King at that time, it had 
 been their Duties, to have had his Licenfe and PermilTion to do the fame. 
 
 Omnes Conveniunt Apoftolos Divinitus accepiffe Poteftatem -creandi^^^ 
 Epifcopos; Eboracenf. addit, non opus fuiffe alia authoritate Apo- 
 ftolis quam divina : Sic Thirleby & Edgworth, Rcdmanus diftin- 
 guitde InftitutionePresbyteri, Ordinationem&Confecrationem tri- 
 buit tantum Apoftolis & eorum Succelforibus, nominationem & ele£t- 
 ionem Magiftratibus : Sic Londinenf , Leightonus, Redman, Tre- 
 fham, Curren, aiunt petendam fuifle Poteftatem a Magiftratu Chri- 
 ftiano, fi turn fuiftet, Robertfonus non refpondet Quaeftioni, conce- 
 ditenimdatameffe Apoftolis Poteftatem creandiEpilcopos ubi Magi- 
 ftratus permitiif . Oglethorpus putat eos impetraffe poteftatem a prin- 
 cipibus: Carliolenf. Rotfenf. Day us, non refpondent uUimx Parti. 
 
 In the ninth, touching the Authority of the Apoftles in making Priefts, Aoreem^ 
 the Biftiop of Tork ,the Eledt of WefiminH^r^ Dr. Edgworth^ fay. That "^ 
 the Apvfites made Priejls by their own Poiver, given them by God, and that 
 they had no need of any other Power. The Bifhop of St. Davids (kith, That 
 becaufe they lacked a Chrifiian Prince, by that necejjit) they Or chained other B/Jbops. 
 Dr. Leighton, Curren, Trejham, and Redmayn, fuppofe, That they ought 
 to have asked licenfe of their Chrijlian Governors, if then there had been any. 
 
 10. Queftion. 
 
 Whether Bijhops or Priefls were firfi ? And if the Priefis 
 were firft^ then the Priefl made the Bifhop. 
 
 T 
 
 jinfwers. 
 
 H E Biftiops and Priefts were at one time, and were no two things, Canterbury 
 but both one OiRce in the begining of Chrift's Religion. 
 
 To the tenth; We think that the ApoQles were Priefts before they fork. 
 were Bifhops; and that the Divine Power which made them Prie: is, made 
 them alfo Bilhops ; and altho' their Ordination was not by all fdch Courle 
 as the Church now ufeth, yet that they had both vifibleand invifible 
 Sanflification, we may gather of the Gofpel, where it is written, iVrwf 
 mtft me Pater vtvens, & ego ntitto vos : & cum h<ec dixit, infufflivtt in 
 eos d^ dixit, acctptte Sptrttum Sanctum: Quorum rcmiferttis, &rc. And we 
 may well think, that then tliey were made Bilhops, when they had not 
 only a Flock, but alfo Shepherds appointed to them to Overlook, and a 
 Governance committed to them by the Holy Ghoft to ovcrfee both ; for 
 the name of a Biihop, is not properly a name of Order, but a name of 
 
 B b b b X Office,
 
 210 A Culkclion Book III. 
 
 ! 
 
 Office, fignitv ing an Ovcrleer. And altho' the interior Shepherds have 
 alfo Cure to overfee their Flock, yet forafmuch as the BUhops Charge 
 is alfo to overfce the Shepherds, the name of Overfeer is givcii to the 
 Bifhops, and not to the other; and as they be in degree higher, fo in 
 their Confecration we find difference even from the Primitive Church. 
 
 Lomon. To the tenth ; I think the Bifliops 'Cvere firft, and yet I think it is not 
 of importance, whether the Prieil then made the Bilhop, or elfe the Bi- 
 Ihop the Priefb; confidering (after the Sentence of Sr. Jerome) that i» the 
 begin ing of the Church there was none ( or if it were^ very jtnall^ d'tfereme be- 
 twetn & Bifuop and Priefl, effecially touching the fignipcation. 
 
 Rochejler. I find in Scripture, that Chrifl being both a Priefl and a Bifhop, Ordain- 
 ed his Apoltles, who were both Priells and Bilhops ; and the fame Apo- 
 ftles did afterwards Ordain Bilhops, and commanded them to Ordain 
 others. 
 
 Carlile ' d'i^ made his Apofi:lcsExorcifts,as itappearth in theio.Mtf. Deacons, 
 Priclls, and Biltops, as partly there, and after, in the 20 of St. John, Quo- 
 rtrm Remiferitis, oc. and were he faid, Hoc factte in mcam Commimor ationem 
 In the Acis^ Cxterorum nemo audehat fe conjungere illis. So that tiiey were 
 all thcfe together; and fo being according to the Ordinance of Chrift, 
 who had made after them 72 other Priefts, asitappearcth intheio/A of 
 Sr. Ltike^ they made and Ordained alfo others the Seven Principal Dea- 
 cons, as it is (hewed in the 6th of the Acfs ; where it is faid, That they 
 Praying laid their Hands upon them. In the 13 of the Acts, certain 
 there named at the Commandment of the Holy Gholi, fevered Saul and 
 Barnabits to that God had taken them, Faffing, Praying, and laying their 
 Hands upon them ; the which Saul, Ananias the Difcipie had Baptized, 
 laying his Hand upon him, that he might be replenifhed with the Holy 
 Gholh And Paul fo made, Ordained Timothy and Tite, willing themf 
 to do likewife as he had done, and Appointed to be done from City to 
 City, fames was Ordained the Bifliop of Jerufalem, by Peter, John, 
 and James. So that Example otherwife we read not. 
 
 i5i-. Incertus fum utri fuere priores, at fi Apoffoli in prima profecVione Or- 
 
 Robertfon. dinati erant, apparet Epifcopos fuifle priores, nempe Apoftolos nam po- 
 ftea defignavit Chriftus alios feptuaginta duos. Nee opinor abfurdum clTe, 
 ut Sacerdos Epifcopum Confecret, fi Epifdpus haberi non poicft. 
 
 Dr. Cox. Altho' by Scripture (as St. Hierome faith) Priefts and Bi(hops be one, 
 and therefore the one not before the other : Yet Bilhops, as they be 
 now, were after Priefts, and therefore made of Priefts. 
 
 Dr. Day. The Apoftles were both Bifhops and Priefts, and they made Bilhops and 
 Priefts, as Titus and Timotheus made Priefts. Epifcopatum (jus acciptat alter, 
 A6V. i.Presbyteros quiinvobis funt, obfecro&egoCompresbyter, 1 Pet. 5". And 
 in the Begming of the Church, as well that Word Epifcopus as Presbyter, 
 was common and attributed both to Bifhops and Priefts. 
 
 Dr. Utrique primi a Deo fafti, Apoftoli, Epifcopi ; Septuaginra difcipuli 
 
 Oglethorp. {utcon)crtura ducor) Sacerdotcs. Undc venfimile eft Epifcopos pia:- 
 ccffiiTe, Apoftoli enitn prius vocati erant. 
 
 Tiiey
 
 Book III. of Records. 211 
 
 They be of like begining, and at the bcgining, were both one, as Dr. 
 St. Hurome and other old Authors fhew by tlie Scripture, wherefore Redmayn. 
 one made another indifferently. 
 
 Chrift our Chief-Prieft and Bifliop, made his ApofllesPriefts and Bifhops j^,. 
 all at once ; and they did likewifc make others, fomePriefts, and fome Bi- Edawo'rth 
 Ihops ; and that the Priefts in the Primitive Church made Bifhops, I think '" 
 no inconvenience; {asjerome faith) in an Efifl.adEvagrium. Even like as 
 Souldiers fhould chufe one among themfeves to be their Captain ; So did 
 Priells chufe one of themfiilves to be their Bifhop, for confideration of his 
 Learning, Gravity, and good Living, 6^c. and alio for to avoid Schifms a- 
 mong themfelves by them, that fome might not draw the People one way, 
 and others another way, if they lacked one Head among them. 
 
 Chrift was and is the great High Bifhop, and made all his Apoftles Dr. 
 Bifhops ; and they made Bifhops and Priefls after him, and fo hath it Summons. 
 tvermore continued hitherto. 
 
 I fay, Chrift made the A poftles firft Priefts, and then Bifhops, and they Dr. 
 by this Authority made both Priefts and Bifhops, but where there had been Trefljuin. 
 a Chriftian Prince, they would have defired his Authority to the fame. 
 
 To the tenth. Dr.' 
 
 Leyghton. 
 
 - The Apoftles were made of Chrift, Bifliops and Priefts, both at the firft 3 nr /- . 
 and after them, SefttugmtA duo Difapuli, were made Priefts. 
 
 Menevenf. Thirleby, Redmanus, Coxiis, affcrunt in initio eofdem fu-^,,^; 
 ifte Epifcopos & Prebbyteros. Londinenf. Carliolenf. Symmons, putant 
 Apoff-olos fuiffe inftitutos Epifcopos a Chrifto, &■ eos poftea inftituifTe 
 alios Epifcopos & Presbyteros, & 72 Presbyteros poflea fuifle Ordi- 
 natos ; Sic Oglethorpus, Eboracenf. &■ Trefham aiunt Apoftolos pri- 
 mo fuiffe Presbyteros, deinde Epifcopos, cum aliorumPresbyterorum 
 credita eiTet illis cura. Robertfonus incertus eft utri fuerc priores, 
 non abfurdum tamen cfTe opinatur, ut Sacerdos confecret Epifcopum, 
 fi Epifcopus haberi non potcft. Sic Londinenf. Edgworth, Dayus, 
 putant etiam Epifcopos, ut vulgo de Epifcopis loquimur, fuiffe ante 
 Prcsbj/teros. Leightonus nihil Refpondet. 
 
 In the tenth ; Where it is asked, Whether Bifhops or Priefts were firft? J^reem: 
 The Bifhop of St. Davids, my Lord Elect of lVesimi»fler, Dr. Ox, Dr. Red.. 
 majn, fay, That at the begtning they were all one. The Bifhops of Tork, Lon- 
 don, Roche Her, Carlijk; Drs. DAy,Trejh Am, Symmons, Oglethorpe be in other 
 contrary Opinions. The Bifhop of Tork, and Doftor Trefhum, think. That 
 the Apoftles fir fi ivere Priefts, and after were made Bifhops, when the overfeeing 
 of other Priefis was committed to them. My Lords of Dufefme, London, Car- 
 lijle, Rocheftery Dv. Symmons and Cr afford, think. That the Apoftles firft were 
 Btjhops, and they after made other Btjhops and Priefts. Dr. Coren and Ogle- 
 thorpe, fay. That the Aposiles were made Bifhops, and the ji were after made 
 Priefts. Dr. Day thinks, That Bftjops as they he now-a-days called^ were be- 
 fore Priefts. My Lord of London, Drs. Edgworth and Robert/on, tliink 
 it no inconvenience^ if a Prteft made a Bifhop tn that time. 
 
 J I. Queftion.
 
 ■ .M.— —J 
 
 212 A Co lie til on Book III. 
 
 II. Queftion. 
 
 Whether a Bifljop hath Authority to make a Prie/i by the 
 Scripture^ or no ? A^id whether any other hut only a Bifhop 
 may make a Frieft ? 
 
 jl>7fwers, 
 Cdfiterhur) \ BiOiop may make a Prieft by the Scripture, and fo may Princes and 
 /\ Governors alfo, and that by the Authority of God committed to 
 them, and the People alfo by their Ele(?Hon ; for as we read that Bifliops 
 have done it, fo Chriftian Emperors and Princes ufually have done it, 
 and the Tecple before Chriftian Princes were, commonly did Eled: 
 their CiQiops and Priefts. 
 
 TorL To the eleventh ; That a Bilhop may make a Prieft, may be deduced 
 
 of Scripture ; for fo much as they have all Authority necefTary for the 
 ordering of Chrift'; Church, derived from the Apoftles, who made Bi- 
 Ihopsand Pricfls, and not without Authority, as we have faid before to 
 the ninth Qucliion; and that any other than Bifliops or Prielts may 
 make a Prieft, we neither find in Scripture, nor out of Scripture. 
 
 London. To the eleventli, I think, That a Bifhop duly appointed hath Authority 
 by Scripture, to make a Biihop, and alfo a Prieft : Becaufe Clu-ift being a 
 Bifliop did fo make himfelf; and becaufe alive, his ApoiUcs did the like. 
 
 Rochester. '^^^ Scripture fh^wcth by example, that a Bifhop hath Authority tO 
 make a Prielt ; albeit no Bimop being fubjeft to a Chriftian Prince, may 
 cither give Orders to Excommunicate, or ufe any manner of Jurifdi- 
 dion, or any part of his Authority, without CommifBon from the King 
 who is Supream Head of that Church whereof he is a Member; but 
 that any other xMan may do it befidesa Bilhop, I find no example, either 
 in Scripture, or in Doctors. 
 
 C.trliU. ^y what is faid before, it appeareth, that a Bilhop by Scripture may 
 
 make D:;acons and Priefts, and that we have no Example othcrwife. 
 
 Dr. Opinor Epifccpum habere Authoritatem creandi Sacerdotem, modo 
 
 Robert/on. id Maf;ilbatus publici permiffu fiat. An vero ab alio quam Epifcopo id 
 rite fieri pofTit, haud fcio, quamvis ab alio faftum non memini me le- 
 giffe. Ordin. conferr. gratiam, vid. Eck. Homil. 60. 
 
 Dr. Cox. Biflicps have Authority, as is aforefaid, of the Apoftles, in the tenth 
 Queftion, to make Priefti, except in cafes of great neceflity. 
 
 Dr. Day. Bifliops have Authority by Scripture, to ordain Bifliops and Priefts ; 
 Job. lo. Hujusrei gratiAreliqut te CretO- ut conHituas oppidattm Presbyte- 
 ros^ Tit. 1. Acl. ii\. 
 
 Dr. Auf horltas Ordinandi Presbyteros data eft Epifcopis per verbum, null- 
 
 Og/ethorpe.iiq ', aliis quos lego. 
 
 Dr. To the firft part, I anfwer, Yea ; for fo it appeareth Tit. i. and i.T/m. 5. 
 
 Rednjaw, with otiier places of Scripture. But whetlicrany other but only a Bifhop 
 
 may 

 
 Book 111. of Records. 213 
 
 ma}' make a Prieft, I have not read, but by fingiilar priviledge of God, 
 as when Mofet ( whom divers Authors fay was not a Fricft) made Aaron 
 a Prieft. Trutli it is, that the Office of a Godly Prince is to overfec the 
 Church, and the Minirtcrs therof ; and to caufe them do their duty, 
 and alfo to appoint them fpccial Charges and Offices in the Church, 
 as may be moft for the Glory of God, and Edifying of the People: and 
 thus we read of the good Kings in the Old Teftament, David, Joas^ 
 EzekUsy Jofias. But as for Making, that is to fay, Ordaining and Con- 
 fecrating of Priefts, I think it fpccially belongeth to the Office of a Bi- 
 fhop, as far as can be fhewed by Scripture, or any Example, as I fuppofe 
 from the begining. 
 
 A Bifhop hath Authority by Scripture to make a Priefl, and that any Dr. 
 other ever made a Friefl fince Chrifl's time I read not. Albeit Mofes Edgworth. 
 who was not Anointed Prieft, made Aaron Prieft and Bifhop, by a fpe- 
 cial Commiffion or Revelation from God, without which he would ne- 
 ver fo have done. 
 
 A Bifhop placed by the Higher Powers, and admitted to Minifter, may Dr. 
 make a Prieft ; and I have not read of any other that ever made Priefts. Sjmmons. 
 
 ' ■■•1 oT 
 
 I fay, a Bifhop hath Authority by Scripture to make a Prieft, and other Dr. 
 than a Bifhop, hath not Power therein, but only in cafe of necefTity. Trefham. 
 
 To the eleventh ; I fuppofe that a Bifhop hath Authority of God, as Dr. 
 his Minifter, by Scripture to make a Prieft: ; but he ought not to admit Leyghton. 
 any iMan to be Prieft, and Confecrate him, or to appoint him unto any 
 Miniftrv in the Church, without the Princes Licenfe and Confent, in a 
 Chriftian Region. And that any other Man hath Authority to make a 
 Prieft by Scripture, I have not read, nor any Example thereof. 
 
 A Bifhop being licenfed by his Prince and fupream Governour, hath Dr. Coren, 
 Authority to make a Prieft by the Law of God. I do not read that any 
 Prieft hath been ordered by any other than a Bifhop. 
 
 Ad primam partem Quxftionis refpondent omnes & convenit omni- Con. 
 bus prater Mencvenf. Epifcopum habere Authoritatem inftituendi 
 Presbyteros. Roftenf. Leighton, Curren, Robertfonus, addunt, 
 Modo Magiflratus id permittat. Ad fecundam partem Refpondent 
 Coxus &■ Trefham in neceffitate concedi poteftatem Ordinandi aliis. 
 Eboracen. videtur omnino denegare aliis banc Authoritatem Red- 
 mayn, Symmonsj Robertfon, Leighton, Thirleby, Curren, Roffen. 
 Edgworth, Oglethcrp, Carliolen. nufquam legerunt alios ufos fuifTe 
 hac poteftate, quanquam (privilegio quodam) data fit Moyfi, ut 
 Redmanus arbitratur &: Edgworth. Nihil refpondent ad fecundam 
 partem Qujcftionis Londinenfis & Dayus. 
 
 In the eleventh ; To the former part of the Queftion, the Bifhop oi Agnem. 
 St. Davids doth anfwer, That Btfl^ops have no Authority to make Prtefis 
 without they he Authorized of the Christian Prince. The Others, all of 
 them do fay. That they be Authorized of God. Yet fomc of them, as the 
 Bifhop of Rochefter, Dr. Curren, Leighton, Robertfon, add. That they can- 
 not uje this Authority without their Christian Prince doth permit them. To 
 
 the
 
 214 
 
 A Collet I on 
 
 Book 111. 
 
 the fecond part the Anfwer oF the Bifhop of" St. D.tv/ds is, Tiiat Lajme/* 
 have other-whiles made Priesh. So doth Dr. Edgworth and RcdmayH fay, 
 "IliAt Mofes, by a Priviledg given him of God, made Aaron hu Brother PriesL 
 Dr. Trejham, Crayford, and Cox fay, That Laymen may make Priests in 
 time of Neceffity. The BUhops oHork, Durcfme, Rochejter^ Cariif/e^Elcd: 
 of Wejlminjler, Dr. Curren, Leighton, Symmons, fcem to deny this thing j 
 tor they fay, They find noty nor read not any fuch example. 
 
 I 
 
 12. Queftion. 
 
 Whether in the New Teftamcnt be required any Consecration 
 of a Bifhop and Priefi^ or only appointing to the Office be 
 fiifficient ? 
 
 Anfwers. 
 
 IN the New Teftamenty he that is appointed to be a Bifliop, or a Prieft, 
 needeth not Confecration by the Scripture, for Election or appoint- 
 
 ins thereto is fufficient. 
 
 TorL\ 
 
 To the twelfth Queftion ; The Apoftles ordained Prlefts by Impofi- 
 tion of the Hand, with Parting and Prayer; and fo following their fteps 
 we muft needs think, that all the forefaid things be necelTarily to be ufed 
 by their SuccefTors : And therefore we do aUb think, that Appointment 
 only without vifible Confecration and Invocation for the AiTiftance and 
 Power of the Holy Ghoft-, is neither convenient nor fufficient ; for 
 without the faid Invocation, it befeemeth no Man to appoint to our 
 Lord, MLnifters, as of his own Authority ; whereof we have example in 
 the A£fs of the Apofiles ; where we find, that when they were gathered 
 to chufe one in the place of Judas, they appointed two of the Difci- 
 plcs, and commended the Eleftion to our Lord, that he would chufe 
 which of them it pleafed him, faying, and praying, Lord thou that: 
 knoweft the hearts of all Men, fherv whether of thefe two thou dofi chufe 
 to fucceed in the place o/" Judas. And to this purpofe in the Acls, we read 
 Dixit Sviritus San^us fegregate mihi Barnaiam, &c. And again, Qjtos 
 fcfuit Spirit us Sanclus regere Ecclejiam Dei. And it appeareth alfo that 
 in the Old Teflament, in the ordering of Priefts, there was both Vifible 
 and Invifible Sanftification ; and therefore in the New Teflament^ where 
 the Prieft-hood is above comparifon higher than in the Oldt we may not 
 think that only Appointment fufficeth without Sanftification, either Vi- 
 fible or Invifible. 
 
 To the twelfth ; I think Confecration of a Bifliop and Prieft be re- 
 quired, for that in the Old Law ( being yubutafliadow and figure of 
 the New ) the Confecration was required, as appears Levit. 8. yet the 
 truth of this I leave to thofe of higher Judgments. 
 
 Rochefier "^^^ Scripture fpeaketh, de Impofniene Manns & de Oratione : And 
 ^ -^ * of other manner ot Confccrations, I find no mention in the New Tefta- 
 went exprefly ; but the Old Authors make mention alfo of Inunftions. 
 
 Carlile. Upon this Text of Paul to Timothy ; Noli negligere grattam qua in te 
 
 efl, qua data, efi tibt per Prophetiam cum Impofitiom Manuum Preshyteni ; 
 
 St. Anfelm 
 
 London.
 
 Book III. of Records. 215 
 
 St. Anjelm faith, This Grace to be the Gift of the Bijhops Office, to the 
 which God of his meer gooimfs had called and preferred him. The Pro- 
 fhecy (he faith) ivas the infpiratien of the Holy Ghojl, by the which he 
 knew what he had to do therein. The Impofjtion of the Hands is that by the 
 which he was Ordained and received that Office : And therefore faith St. 
 Paul ) God is my VVttnefs, that I have difcharged my ftlf, fhowing you as I 
 ought to have done. Now look you rvell upon it whom that ye take to Orders, 
 left ye life your felf thereby. Let Bifjops therefore, who as faith St. Hierome) 
 hath Power to maki Priefls., confider well under what Law the order of 
 Ecclefiaflical Conflitution is bounden ; and let them not think thofe words of 
 the Apojlle to be his, but rather the words of Chrifi himfelf. 
 
 Opinor rcquiri Confccrationem quandam, hoc eft impofitionem ma- d^' 
 nuum, Orationem, Jejunium, &c. tamen nufquam hoc munere fungi Robert'fon. 
 pofle, nifi ubi Magiftratus inviter, jubeat, aut pcrmittat. 
 
 By Scripture there is no Confecration of Bifhops and Priefts required, q,. ^^„ 
 but only the appointing to the Office of a Priell, cum Impofitione Manuum. 
 
 Confecration of Bilhops and Priefts I read not in the New Teflament, Dr, jy^y 
 but Ordinatio per Manuum Impofittonem cum Oratione is read there as irl 
 the places above ; and the only appointment, as I think, is not fufficient. 
 
 Prjster vocationem, ceu defignationGm externam, quos vel a Principe Dr. 
 fiat, vel a populo per eleftionem &• fuffragia, requiritur Ordinatio alia Oglethorp. 
 per manuum impofitionem, idque per Verbum Dei. 
 
 Befides the appointing to the Office, it appeareth that in the Primi- Dr. 
 tive Church,' the Apoftles ufed certain Confecration of the Minifters oi Redm'ayn. 
 the Church, by impofitibn of Hands and Prayer, A5{s 6. and vi'ith Fa- 
 fting, Jcfs 1 4, drc. The Office of Prieft-hood is too dangerous to fet 
 upon, when one is but appointed only : Therefore for the confirmation 
 of their Faith, who take in hand fuch Charge, and for the obtaining of 
 farther Grace requifite in the fame, Confecration was Ordained by the 
 Holy Ghoft, and hath been always ufed from the begining. 
 
 Deputation to the Office, is not fufficient to make a Prieft, or a Bifhop, Dr.' 
 as appeareth by David and Solomon, who deputed the 24 above mentio- £^jj,(?;-^^; 
 ned to their Offices, yet they made none of them Priefts, nor any other. 
 
 The appointing to the Office per Manuum Impofitionem, is in Scripture* Dr, 
 and the Confecation of them hath of long time continued in the Church. Symmons. 
 
 There is a certain kind of Confecration required, which is Impofition Dr. 
 of the Bifhops Hands with Prayer, and the appointing only is not fufficient. Trep^am. 
 
 To the twelfth \ I fuppofe that there is a Confecration required, as Dr. 
 by Impofition of Hands ; for fo we be taught by the enfample of the Lmhton. 
 Apoiiles. 
 
 In the New Teflament is required to the making of a Bifhop, Impofi- Dr. Coren. 
 tic Manuum cum Oratione, which I take for Confecration, and Appoint- 
 ment unto the Office is not fufficient ; for King David^ 1 Chron. 14. did 
 
 C c c c Appoint
 
 2i6 A Colle^ion Book III. 
 
 Appoint Z4 to be B.lhops, who after were Conlecrated ; fo that both 
 thC' Appointment and the Confecration be reqiiifite. 
 
 Con. Refpondent Eboracenf. Londinenf. Carliolenf. Leighton, Trefliam, Ro- 
 
 - bertfonus, Edgworth, Curren, Day us, Oglethorp, Conftcrationem elle 
 requifitam. Rednianus ait earn receptam effe ab Apoftolis, atque a Spi- 
 ritu Sancio inftitutam ad confercndam gratiam Dayus, Roftcnf. Sym- 
 mons, aiunt Saccrdotlum confeni per manuum impofitionem, idq ; 
 eScripturis; Confecrationem vero diu receptam in Ecclefia: Coxus 
 Inftitutionem cum manuum impofuio ne fufficere, neq ; per Scriptu- 
 ram requiri Confecrationem. Robertfonus, addit fupra alios nufquam 
 hoc munere fungi pofle quempiam, nifi ubi Magiflratus invitet, ju- 
 beat aut permittat. 
 
 Jgreem, In the twelfth Queflion, where it is asked, Whether in the M-iu Te- 
 Hmtent be required any Confecration of a Bifhop, or only appointing to 
 the OffiCe be fufficient ? The Bifhop of St. David's faith. That only the 
 Jfpoirdirjg. Dr. Cox^ That ottly A^^oifitmg, cum Manuum Impofitione, is 
 fitfficieftt without Confecration. The Bifliops of Tork-, London^ Dtirefm^ Cav 
 li/Ie, Drs. Da/^ Curren, Leighton, Trepar/t, Edgrvorth, Oglethorp, fay, That 
 Confecration is req^uifite. Dr. Redmajn faitli, i'hat Confecration hath been 
 received from the Afojiles Time^ and inflitute of the Holy Ghofl to confer 
 Grace. My Lord of Rochtfler, Dr. Day, and Syrnmons, fay, That Priefi- 
 hood is given per manuum impofitionem, and that by Scripture; and that 
 Confecration bath of long time been received in the Church. 
 
 13. Queftion. 
 
 Whether Qf it fortune cf a Chrifiian Prince Learned, to conquer 
 certain Dominions of Infidels, having none but temporal 
 learned Men with him) if it be defended by God^s Law^ that 
 he and they fhould Treach and Teach the word of God there, 
 or no ? And alfo ma^e and confiitute Friefis^ or no ? 
 
 Anfrvers. 
 Canterbury 1 1* is not againft God's Law, but contrary they ought indeed fo to do j 
 1 and there be Hiflories that witneflcth, that fome Chriftian Princes, 
 and other Laymen un-confecrate have done the fame. 
 
 Torl{. To the thirteenth ; To the firft part of this Queftion, touching Teach- 
 
 ing and Preaching the Word of God in cafe of fuch need ; we think that 
 Laymen not ordered, not only may, but muft Preach Chrift and his 
 Faith to Infidels, as they fhall fee opportunity to do the fame, and muft 
 endeavour themfelves to win the Mifcreants to the Kingdom of God, if 
 that tliey can ; for as the Wife Man faith, God hath given charge to every 
 Man of his Neighbour ; and the Scripture of God chargeth every Man to do 
 all the good that he can to all Men : And furely this is the higheft Alms to 
 draw Men from the Devil the Ufurper, and bring them to God the very 
 Owner. Wherefore in this cafe every Man and Woman may be an Evan- 
 gelist, and of this alfo we have example. But touching the fecond part, 
 for cafe of Neceflity ; As we neither find Scripture, nor Example, that 
 Will bear, that any Man, being himfelf no Prieft, may make, that is to 
 
 fay,
 
 Book III. of Records. oi-j 
 
 lay, may give die Order ot" Prielt-liood to another, and Authority there- 
 with to minifter in the laid Order, and to ufe fiich Powers and Offices, 
 as appertaineth to Priert-hood grounded in the Gofpel. .So we find in 
 fuch cafe of need, what hath been done in one of the ancient Writers; 
 altho' this Authority to Ordain, after form afore-mentioncd, be not to 
 Laymen exprefly prohibited in Scripture i yet fuch a Prohibition is im- 
 plied, in that there is no fuch Authority given to them, either in Scrip- 
 ture or other-ways ; for fo much as no Man may ufe this or any other 
 Authority which cometh from the Holy Ghoft, unlefs he hath either 
 Commiflion grounded in Scripture, or elfe Authority by Tradition, and 
 ancient ufeol Chrill's Church univerfally received over all. 
 
 To the thirteenth and fourteenth following; I think that riecQiTnY Londo/t 
 herein, might either be a fufficient Rule and Warrant to determine and 
 order fuch Cafes, confidering that tempore mceffit^tU mulier Bapttzat^ dr 
 Laicui idem facity & audit conjtjfionem : Or elfe that God would infpire in 
 the Princes Heart, to provide the beft and moft handfome Remedy there- 
 in : And hard were it peradventure to find fuch great neceflity, but 
 either in the Train of the faid Prince, or in the Regions adjoining there- 
 unto, there might be had fome Priefts for the faid purpofes ; or finally, 
 That the Prince himfelf, godlily infpired in that behalf, might, for fo 
 good purpofes and intents, fet forth the A£l indeed, referring yet this 
 thing to the better judgment of others. 
 
 To the thirteenth and fourteenth following} I never read thefe czfcs, RockBer, 
 neither in Scripture, nor in the Doftors, and therefore I cannot anfwer 
 unto them by Learning, but think this to be a good Anfwer for all fuch 
 Queftions, viz. Necefjitas non huhet Legem. 
 
 It is to be thought^ that Chrift may call, as it pleafeth hihi, inwardly, Carlikl 
 outwardly, or by both together : So that if no Prieft might be had, it 
 cannot be thought, but that a Chriftian Prince, with others Learned, in- 
 wardly moved and called, might moft charitably and godlily profecute 
 that fame their Calling in the moft acceptable Work, which is to bring 
 People frorti the Devil to God, from Infidelity to true Faith, by what- 
 foever means God (hall infpire. 
 
 In hoc cafu exiftimarem accerfendds Vetbi &■ Sacramentorum Mini- Dr." 
 ftros, fi qui forent vicini ; quin fi nulli invenirentur, Principem ilium RobertJoH. 
 Chriftianum haberemus pro Apoftolo, tanquam miirum a Deo, licet ex- 
 terno Sacramento non eflet commendatus, quum Deus Sacramentis fuis 
 non fit alligatus. 
 
 To the Thirteenth, and Fourteenth following; it is not againft God*s Dr. Cox. 
 Law, that the Prince, and his Learned temporal Men, may Preach and 
 Teach, and in thefe cafes of extream Neceflity, make and Inftitutc 
 Minfters. 
 
 In this cafe (as I think) the Prince and other temporal Learned Meft OrJ Dm. 
 with him, may by God's Law, Teach and Preach the Word of God, * 
 and Baptize i and alfo (the fame Neceffity ftanding) Ele^ and appoint 
 Men to thofe Offices. 
 
 C c c c i In fum-
 
 2l8 
 
 A Collection 
 
 Book III- 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Ogie thorp. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Redtnayn. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 E^ivort/j. 
 
 In lumma ncccflitate Baptizare & proctiicare poiTunt & dcbenc, hxc 
 etenim duo, necelFaria funt media ad falutem; at ordmare ( ut conie- 
 fture diicor) nori debcur, fed aliunde Sacrihcos accerfne, quos fi habere 
 nequcanr, Deus ipfe (cuius negotium agitur,) vel oraculo admoncbit, 
 quid iaciendum erit, vel neceflicas ipla {qux fibi ipfi ell Lex) modum 
 Ordinandi fuggeret ac iuppedicabit. 
 
 I think they might, in fuch cafe of NeceflTity ; for in this cafe the 
 Laymen made the whole Church there, and the Authority of Preaching 
 and Miniftring the Sacraments, is given immediately to the Church ; and 
 the Church may appoint Minifters, as is thought convenient. There 
 be two Stories good to be confidered for this Queftion, which be writ- 
 ten in the lOth Book of the Hijiory EcclefiAfiick; the one of hrnmen- 
 Pf(es9 who Preached in hdia, and was after made Pried and Biihop 
 by Athamfms. And the other Story is of the King of the Iherian!, of 
 whom Ruffine the Writer of the Story faith thus ; Et nonAufn inttutus 
 6acrts fit fux gentis Apofiolus. Yet neverthelefs it is writen there, That 
 an Jmbajfade was fent /o Conflantine the Emperor, that he would fend them 
 Prkjls for the further Efiablifhment of the Faith there. 
 
 The Prince and his temporal Learned Men, might and ought, in that 
 ncceflity, to Inftrud the People in the Faith of Chrift, and to Baptize 
 them, ut idem rex fit & ju£ gentis Apofiolm^ and thefe be fufficient for 
 the Salvation of his Subjefts. But as concerning other Sacraments, lie 
 ought to abide and look for a fpecial CommilTiDn from Almighty God, 
 as Mofes had, or elfe to fend unto other Regions where Prielts or Bi- 
 ihops may be had, and elfe not to meddle. Examples in Ecclef. Hifi. 
 lib. I o. cap. I . de Frumentio. & cap. 2,. de Aacella captiva qua convert it 
 gentem Hiherorum cujus captiva rnonttis ad Imperatorem Confiantinum 
 : totius mentis legatio mittitur^ res gefla exponitur, Sacer dotes mittere exorantur 
 qui cxptttm erga je Dei muntis implerentf &c. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Symmons. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 7re^*m. 
 
 I think that in fuch a Neceffity, a Learned Chriftian Prince, and alfo 
 temporal Men Learned, be bound to Preach and Minifter either Sacra- 
 ments, fo that the fame Minifters be orderly alfigned by the High Power, 
 and the Congregation. 
 
 I fay, to the' firft parr, That fuch a King, and his temporal Learned 
 Men, not only might, but were alfo bound to Preach God's Word in this 
 cafe. And as to the fecond part, I fay. That if there could no Biihop 
 l)e had to laftitute, the Prince might in that of neceffity do it. 
 
 Dr. To the thirteenth ; I fuppofe the Affirmative thereof to be true ; 
 
 Ley"ht<m^ ^nwvis ppie§!ascUvium refidet pracipue in Ecckjia. 
 
 i yuivt , ij: .V ;.I 
 
 Dr. Coren.- : I" fuch a cafe, I do believe that God would illuminate tlie Prince ; To 
 ' that either he himfelf fhould be made a Bifhop, by internal workinjj; of 
 God ( as Paul was) or fome of his Subjefts, or elfe God would fend 
 hiM Bilhops: from other parts. And as for Preaching of the Word of 
 God, the Prwce might do it himfelf, and other of his Learned Subjefts, 
 akho' they were no Priefts. 
 
 Con, In prima parte Queftionis Conveniunt omnes, etiam Laicos, tali rerum 
 
 ftatu, 
 
 - .1!
 
 - ' ■ — g^ ■-- - - -_ ■ — - ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 Book II r. of Records. 219 
 
 rtatu, non Ipluni polie led dcbere docere. Ment-venf. Thirlcbcus, 
 Leigluonus, Coxus, Symmons, Trelham, Redmanus, Robertfonus, 
 etiam poteftatcm Miniftrandi SaCTamcnta, & Ordinandi MiniltroSy 
 conccdanc illis. Eboracenl". banc prorfus poteftatem de-ncgat. Co- 
 reo credit Frincipcm Divinitus illuminandum Sc confecrandum 
 fore in Epifcopum interne, aut ahquem ex fuis, Pauli excmplo. 
 Simile habet Herefordenfis & Carliolenfis. Dayus nihil refponder 
 de Ordinandis Presbyteris in hc^c necefTitate. 
 
 In the thirteenth ; Concerning the firfl: part, Whether Laymen may Aoreem^ 
 Preach and Teach God's Word ? They do all agree, in fuch a cafe, Th.it 
 not only tiK'y mxy^ but they ought to teach. But in the fecond part, toucliing 
 the Conilituting of Prielh of Laymen, my Lord of Tork.^ and Doftor 
 Edgrvorth, doth not agree with the other ; they fay, That Lnymen in no 
 mfec.m make Priejhy or have fitch Authority. The Bifhops of Durefme., St. 
 Davids^ Vl'eftminjler, Drs. Treflfam^ Cox, Leighton, Crawford, Symmons y Red- 
 may n^ Robert fon^ fay, That Laymen injuch cafe have Authority to Minijler 
 the SacramciJtSy and to make Prie[is. My Lord's of London, CarliJJe, and Here- 
 ford, and Dr. Coren, think, That God tnfuch a cafe ivoald gtve the Prince 
 Authority, call him inwardly, and illuminate htm or fame of his, as he did St. Paul. 
 
 14. Queftion. 
 
 Whether it be fore fended by God^s Law that (^ if it fo fortune 
 that all the Bifhops and Priejis of a Region were dead^ and 
 that the Word of God fhould remain there un-precichedy and 
 the Sacrament of Baptifm, and others un-minifired ) that 
 the King of that l{egion fhould viak^ Bifhops and Vriefis 
 
 I 
 
 to fupply the fame, or no 
 
 Anfwers. 
 T is not forbidden by God's Law. Canterbury 
 
 To the fourteenth ; In this cafe, as we have faid in the next Article TorL 
 afore. Teaching of the Word of God may be ufed by any that can and 
 would ufe ir, to the Glory of God ; and in this cafe alfo the Sacrament of 
 Baptifm may be Miniflred by thofe that be no Priefts ; which things al- 
 tho' we have not of Scripture, yet the univerfal Tradition and Praftice 
 of the Oiurch, doth teach us : And peradventure contraft of Matrimony 
 might alfo be made, the Solemnization thereof being only Ordained by 
 Law politivc, and not by any ground, either of Scripture, or of Tra- 
 dition ; altho' for veiy urgent caufes, the faid Solemnization is to be ob- 
 ferved when it may be obferved ; but that the Princes may not Make, that 
 is, may no? Order Priefts nor Bifhops, not before Ordered to Minifter 
 the other Sacraments, the Miniff ry whereof in Scripture is committed on- 
 ly to the ApolMes, and from them derived to their Succeffors, even from 
 the Primitive Church, hitherto, and by none other ufed, we have anfwer- 
 ed in the thirteenth Article. 
 
 Vt fupra, Quart, i}.— London. 
 
 Vt fupra, Qujcft. 13. — Hot Rochejler.
 
 220 A Colleclion Book Hi- 
 
 ^arlile. Not only it is given ot God to Supream Governors, Kings and 
 
 Princes immediate under them, to fee, caufe, and compel all their Sub- 
 jefts, Bifhops, Priefts, with all others, to do truly and uprightly their 
 bounden Duties to God, and to them, each one according to his Cal- 
 ling: But alfo if it were fo, that any-where fuch lacked to do and fulfil 
 that God would have done, right well they might, by the inward mo- 
 ving and calling of God, fupply the fame. 
 
 Dr. Huic Qutftioni idem Refpondendum, quod priori, arbitror. 
 
 Robertfofi. 
 
 l>r.Cox. •^<^^>/"''*, Qyeft. 13- 
 
 Dr. Day. To this cafe, as to the firft, I anfwer j That if there could no Bifhops 
 be had to order new Priefts there, by the Princes aflignation and ap- 
 pointment ; then the Prince himfelf might Ordain and Conftitute with 
 the confenc of the Congregation, both Priefts and Minifters, to Preach 
 and Baptize, and to do other Funftions in the Church. 
 
 j5^^ Si ab aliis Regionibus Sacerdotes haberi non poterinr, opinor ipfum 
 
 0„lethorPe. p'i'icipem deputare pofle etiam Laicos ad hoc Sacrum Officium j fed 
 ■^ omnia priu§ tentaada eftent, ut fupra. 
 
 Dr. To this, I think, may be anfwered, as to the laft Queftion before ; how- 
 
 Redmajn, beit the fureft way, I think, were to fend for fome Minifters of the Church 
 dwelling in the next Regions, if they might be conveniently had. 
 
 „, , Likewife as to the next Queftion afore. 
 
 Edgworth. 
 
 £)!•. If tlie King be alfo a Bifhop, as it is poflible, he may appoint Biihops 
 
 Symmons. ^^^ Priefls to Minifter to his People; but hitherto I have not read that 
 ever any Chriftian King, made Bifhop or Prieft. 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Trelha ^ make the fame anfwer, as to the lyh Queftion is made. 
 
 Dr. To the fourteenth ; I fuppofe the Affirmative to be true in cafe that 
 
 LcjghtoN. there can no Bifhops nor Priefts be had forth of other Countries, con- 
 veniently. 
 
 Dr. Coren. In this cafe I make anfwer as before, That God will never fufferhis 
 Servants to lack that thing that is neceffary ; for there fhould, either from 
 others parts, Priefts and Bifhops be called thither, or elfe God would call 
 inwardly fome of them that be in that Region to be Bifhops and Priefts. 
 
 Con. Fatentur ut prius, omnes, Laicos pofle Docere. Eboracenf. Symmons, 
 
 Oglethorp negant pofteOrdinare Presbyteros, tamen concedit Ebora- 
 cenf. baptizare &■ contrahere Matrimonia, Edgworth tantumbapti- 
 zare poffe *, nam fuificere dicit ad falutem. Alii omnes eandem po- 
 teftatem concedunt, quam prius. Roffenf. non aliud refpondet his 
 duabus Queftionibus, quam quod neceffitas non habeat Legem. 
 
 ^greem. In the fourteenth they agree for the moft part as they did before. That 
 
 Lajmen in thu cafe way Teach and Minifter the Sacraments. My Lord of 
 Torkj Dr. Symmons^ and Oghthorp fay. They can make no Priefts, altho' 
 
 Symmons
 
 book 111. of Records. 221 
 
 Symmons faid they might Minifter all Sacraments, in the Qtiestton before. 
 Yet My Lord of Tork, and Edgworth, do grant, 'Yh^tthey may Chrijien. 
 The Billiop'; of London, Rochefter, and Dr. Crayford, fay, That in fach 
 A cafey Neceflicas non habet Legem. 
 
 15. Queftion. 
 
 Wljether a Man be hound by Authority of this Scripture^ (Quo- 
 rum Remiferitis) and fuch- like, to confefs his fecret dead- 
 ly Sins to a Trieftj if he may have hiniy or no ? 
 
 Anfwers. 
 
 A Man is not bound, by the Authority of this Scripture, Qfforuin Citnterburv 
 Femiferitii^ and fuch-like, to confefs his fecret deadly Sins to a 
 Prieft, altho' he may have him. 
 
 To the fifteenth j This Scripture is indifferent to fecret and open Sins; Tork. 
 nor the Authority given in the fame is appointed or limited, either to the 
 one, or to the other, but is given commonly to both : And therefore feeing 
 that the Sinner is in no other place of Scripture difcharged of the Con- 
 feffion of his fecret Sins, we think, that this place chargeth him to con- 
 fefs the fecret Sins, as well as the open. 
 
 To the fifteenth ; I think that as the Sinner, is bound by this Autho- London. 
 rity to confefs his open Sins, fo alfo is he bound to confefs his fecret 
 Sins, becaufe the fpecial end is, to wit, Abfolutionem a. peccato cujm fecit 
 fe fervumy is all one in both cafes : And that all Sins as touching God 
 are open, and in no wife fecret or hid. 
 
 I think that Confeffion of fecret deadly Sins is neceflary for to attain Kochejlerl 
 Abfolution of them ; but whether every Man that hath fecretly commit- 
 ted deadly Sin, is bound by thefe words to ask Abfolution of the Prieft, 
 therefore, it is an hard Queftion, and of much Controverfy amongft 
 Learned Men, and I am not able to define betwixt them ; but I think 
 it is the fureft way, to fay that a Man is bound to Confefs, &c. 
 
 I think that by the mind of mofl; ancient Authors, and moft holy Ex-^^^'^^' 
 pofitors, this Text, Quorum Remiferitis peccata, &c. with other-like fer- 
 veth well to this intent ; That Chriflian Folk fhould confefs their fe- 
 cret deadly Sins to a Prieft there to be aflbiled, without which Mean, 
 there can be none other like Allurance. 
 
 Dr 
 
 Opinor obligare, modo aliter confcientiae illius fatisfieri nequeat.' R b tC • 
 
 I cannot find that a Man is bound by Scripture to confefs his fecret Dr. Cox. 
 deadly Sins to a Prieft, unlefs he be fo troubled in his Confcience, that 
 he cannot be quieted without Godly Inftru6lion. 
 
 The matter being in controverfy among Learned Men, and very Dr. Day. 
 doubtful, yet I think rather the truth is. That by Authority of this 
 Scripture, Quorum Remiferttisy &c. and fuch-like, a Man is bound to 
 coniels his fecret deadly Sins, which grieve his Confcience, to a Prieft, 
 
 if
 
 2 22 A Colle^iou Book III. 
 
 if he may conveniently have him. Forafmuch as it is an ordinary way 
 Ordained by Chrill in the Gofpel, by Abfolution to remit Sins; which 
 Abfolution I never read to be given, Jine ConftJ^one previa. 
 
 Dr. Confitenda fant opinor, etiam peccata abdita ac fecreta propter Abfd- 
 
 Pg/e//;o;/'(?. lutionem ac confcientio; tranquillitatem. &- precipue pro vitanda def- 
 
 pcratione, ad quam plerumq; adiguntur mulci in extremis, dum fibi 
 
 ipfis de remidione peccatoruni nimium blandiuntur, nullius (dum fani 
 
 funt ) cenfuram fubcuntes iiifi propriam. J 
 
 Dr. I think, that altho' in thefe words Confeflion of privy Sins, is not 
 
 Redmnyft. exprefly commanded ; yet it is infinuated and fhewed in thefe words, as 
 a neceffary Medicine or Remedy, which all Men that fall into deadly fin 
 ought, for the quieting of their Confcienccs feek, if they may conve- 
 niently have fuch a Prieft as is meet to hear their Confeflion. 
 
 Dr. Where there be two ways to obtain rem.ffiion of Sin, and to recover 
 
 Ednvorth* Grace, a Man is bound by the Law of Nature to take the furer way, or 
 elfe he fliould feem to contemn his own Health, which is unnatura!. 
 Alfo becaufe we be bound to love God above all things, we ought by 
 the fame Bond to labour for his Grace and Favour : So that becaufe we 
 be bound to love God, and to love our felves in an Order to God, we 
 bs bound to feek the beft and fureft Remedy to recover Grace for our 
 felves. Concfition is one way; but becaufe a Man cannot be well af- 
 fured, whether his Contrition, Attritioji, or Difpleafure for his Sin be 
 fufficient to fatisfy or content Almighty God, and able or worthy to 
 get his Grace ; Therefore it is neceffary to take that way that will not 
 fail, and by which thou mayeft be fure, and that is Abfolution of the 
 PrielV, which by Chrift's Promife will not deceive thee, fo that thou put 
 no ftep or bar in the way ; as, if thou do not then actually fin inwardly 
 nor outwardly, but intend to receive that the Church intendeth to 
 give thee by that Abfolution, having theefficacity of Chrift's Promife, 
 Quortim Rmiftritis, &-c. Now the Frieft can give thee no Abfolution 
 from that Sin that he knoweth not : Therefore thou art bound, for the 
 caufes aforefaid, to confefs thy Sin. 
 
 Dr. This Scripture, as ancient Doftors expound it, bindeth all Men td 
 
 Sjmmons. confefs their fecret deadly Sins. 
 
 Dr. I lay, That fuch Confeflion is a thing moft confonant to the Law of 
 
 Trepam, God, and it is a wife point, and a.wholfome thing fo for to do, and 
 God provoketh and allureth us thereto, in giving the Aftive Power to 
 Priefts to afloil in the words, Qttorum Remeferitis. It is alfo a fafer way 
 for Salvation to confefs, if we may have a Prieft : Yet I think that Con- 
 feflion is not necefTarily deduced of Scripture, nor commanded as a ne- 
 ceffary Precept of Scripture, and yet it is much confonant to the Law 
 of God, as a thing willed, not commanded. 
 
 Di-^ To the fifteenth ; I think that only fuch as have not the knowledg 
 
 Leyghton. of the Scripture, whereby they may quiet their Confciences, be bound 
 to confefs their fecret deadly Sms unto a Prieft : Howbeit no Mao ought 
 to contemn fuch Auricular Confeflion, for I fuppofe it to be a Tradi- 
 tion Apoftolical, neceflary for the unlearned Multitude. 
 
 A Man
 
 Book III. of Records, 223 
 
 A Man whole Confcicnce is grieved with mortal feciet fins, is bound Dr. Coren. 
 by thefc words, Quorum Remijeritis^ &c. to contefs his Sin to a Prieft, 
 it he may have him conveniently. 
 
 Eboracenf. Londinenf. Dayus, Oglethorpus, Coren, Redmayn, affe-Cov. 
 runt obligari. Coxus, Trefliam, Sr Robcrtfonus dicunt non obligari, 
 fi ilitcr ConfcientisE illorum fatisficri queat; Menevenf. nullo mo- 
 do obligari. Carliolenf. &r Symmons aiunt, fecundum veterum 
 interpretationem , hac Scriptura quemvis obligari peccatorem. 
 Rotfcnf. HereFordenf. & Thirleby non refpondent, fed dubitant. 
 Leightonus Iblum indoftos obligari ad Confeflioncm. Edgworth 
 tradit duplicem modum remillionis peccacorum, per Contntioaem 
 five Attritionem, & per Abfolutionem : & quia nemo poteft cer- 
 tus elTe, num attritio & dolor pro peccato fufficiat ad fatisfacien- 
 dum Deo &• obcinendum gratiam, ideo tutiflimam viam deligen- 
 dam, i'cillicet, Abfolutionem a Sacerdote, quse per promiflionem 
 Chrifti eft certa, Abfolvere non poteft nifi cognofcat peccata; Er- 
 go peccata per Confeflionem fiint illi revelanda. 
 
 In the fifteenth ; Concerning Confeffion of our fecret deadly Sins. Mreement 
 The Bifhops of Tork, Durefme^ London^ Drs. D^y, Coren^ Oglethorp, Red- 
 mayn^ Crayford, fay, That Men be bound to confejs them of their fecret Sins. 
 Drs. Cox, Trejham, Robert/on, fay, They be not bound, if they may quiet 
 their Confciences otherrvije. The Biftiop of Sr. Davtd'*s alfo faith, That 
 this Text bindt-th no Man. Dr. Leighton faith. That it bindeth only fuch as 
 have not the knowledg of Scripture. The Bilhop of Carlijle and Sjmmons 
 fay. That hy ancient Doctors Exfojition, Men be bouncl, by this Text, to con' 
 fejs their deadly Sins. 
 
 16, Queftion, 
 
 Whether a Bifhop or a Prieft may Excommunicate., and for 
 what Crimes ? And whether they only may Excommunicate 
 by Gods Law ? 
 
 Anfivers. 
 
 A Bifhop or a Prieft by the Scripture is neither commanded nor for- Canterbar 
 bidden to Excommunicate, but where the Laws of any Region ^ 
 
 giveth him Authority to Excommunicate, there they ought to ufe the 
 fame in fuch Crimes, as the Laws have fuch Authority in ; and where 
 the Laws of the Region forbiddeth them, there they have no Authority 
 at all ; and they that be noPrieibmay alfo Excommunicate, if the Law 
 allow thereunto. 
 
 To the fixteenth: The power to Excommunicate, that is, to diffever 27,;-^ 
 the Sinner from the Communion of all Chriftian People, and fo put them 
 out of the Unity of the Myftical Body for the time, donee refipifcat, is 
 only given to the Apoftles, and their Succeffors in the Gofpel, but for 
 what Crimes, altho' in the Gofpel doth not appear, faving only for Difo- 
 bedienceagainft the Commandment of the Church, yet we find example 
 of Excommunication ufed by the Apoftles in other cafes: As of the For- 
 nicator by Paul, of Hymenem and Alexander for their Blafphemy by the 
 fame j and yet of other Crimes mentioned in the Epiftle of the faid ?auI 
 
 D d d d writiog
 
 224 ^ ColleSion Book III. 
 
 TvFiting to the C6T//z//y/W/^. And again ot them that w era Difobedicnt 
 to his Doftiine, ^ Thejf. 3. We find alfo charge given to us, by the 
 Apoftle St. 'Johity that we fhall not Commune with them, nor fomuch 
 as fdkite him with Ave, that would not receive his Doctrine, By which 
 it may appear that Excommunication may be ufed for many great Crimes, 
 and yet the Church at this day doth not ufe it, but only for manifeft 
 Difobedience. And this kind of Excommunication, whereby Man is 
 put out of the Church, and diflevered from the Unity of Chrift's My- 
 (lical Body, which Excommunication toucheth aho the Soul, no Man 
 ipay ufe, but they only, to whom it is given by Chrift. 
 ,1 
 London. ' To the fixteenth ; I think that a Bifhop may Excommunicate, taking 
 example of St. Paul with the Corinthian ; and alfo of that he did to Al- 
 exander and Hyrnenetti. And with the Lawyers it hath been a thing out 
 of Quelfion, That to Excommunicate folemnly, appertainech to a Bifliop 
 altho'otherwife, botii inferior Prelates and other OiRcers, yea and Friers 
 too in notorious Crimes, after divers Mens Opinions, may Excommuni- 
 cate femblably, as all others that be appointed Governors and Rulers 
 over any Multitude, or Spiritual Congregation. 
 
 Rochelier. I anfwer Affirmatively to the firft part, in open and manifeft Crimes, 
 meaning of fuch Priefts and Bifhops as be by the Church Authorized to 
 ufe that Power. To the fecond part 1 anfwer, That it is an hard Que- 
 ftion, wherein I had rather hear other Men fpeak, than fay my own 
 Sentence; for I find not in Scripture, nor in the Old Doftors, that any 
 Man hath given Sentence of Excommunication, fave only Priefts ; but 
 yet I thiuk, that it is not againll the Law of God, that a Layman fliould 
 have Authority to do it. 
 
 Carlile. Divers Texts of Scripture feemeth, by the Interpretation of ancient 
 
 Authors, to fhew, that a Bilhop or a Prieft may Excommunicate open 
 deadly Sinners continuing in Obftinacy with contempt. I have read in 
 Hiftories, alfo, that a Prince hath done the fame. 
 
 Dr. Opinor Epifcopum aut Presbyterum Excommunicare pofTe, tanquam 
 
 Robert [on. miniftrum & os EccleHae, ab eadem mandatum habens. Utrum vero id 
 juris nulli nifi Sacerdotibus in mandatis dari poffit, non fatis fcio, Ex- 
 communicandum effe opinor pro hujufmodi criminibus, quaha recenfet 
 Paulus, 1 Cor. 5. fi, is qui frater nominatur, eft fornicator, aut avarus, 
 aut idolis fcrviens, aut maledicus, aut ebriofus, aut rapax, cum hujufmo- 
 di ne cibum fumere, Sfc. 
 
 Dr. Cox. A Bifhop or a Prieft, as a publick Perfon appointed to that Office, may 
 excommunicate for all publick Crimes, And yet it is not againft God's 
 Law, for others than Biihops or Priefts to Excommunicate. 
 
 Dr. Day. A Biftiop or a Prieft may Excommunicate by God's Law for manifeft 
 and open Crinies : Alfo others appointed by the Church, tho' they be no 
 Priefts, may exercife the Power of Excommunication. 
 
 Dr. Non folum Epifcopus Excommunicare poteft, fed etiam tota Congre- 
 
 Oglethorfeig^^^Oy idqj pro lethahbus criminibus ac publicis, equibus fcandalum Ec- 
 defio; provcnirc poteft. Non tamen pro re pecuniaria uti oUm folebant. 
 
 They
 
 jBook III. of Records, 225 
 
 They may fiscomaiunicate, as appcaietli, iCor. ^. i Jim. i. and that Dr. 
 for open and great Crimes, whereby the Church is otFended ; and tor Redmayn. 
 fuch Crimes as the Prince and Governors determine, and thinketh ex- 
 pedient, Men to be Excommunicate for, as appearcth in novellts Consii- 
 tulionlbus 'Jiistiiiiani. Whether any other may pronounce tlie Sentence 
 of Excommunication, but a Bifhop or a Priell, I am uncertain. 
 
 A Bifhop, or a Priell only, may Excommunicate a notorious and grie- Di'. 
 vous Sinner, or obltinace Perfon from the Communion of ChrilHan People, Edgivorth. 
 becaufe it pertaineth to the Jurifdiftion which is given to Prieds, y<?A. 
 26. Quorum Remiferitis, arc. Et Ouorumretifietis^ crc. There is one man- 
 ner of Excommunication fpoken ofj i Cor. <r. which private Perfons may 
 life. Si TS qui f rater nominatur inter "vos eft fornicxtor^ aat Avaria., auf Ido- 
 lis ferviens, &c. cum hujufmodi ne cibum quidem cupiatis. Excluding filthy 
 Perfons, covetous Perfons, Brawlers and Quarrellers out of their Com- 
 pany, and neither to Eat nor Drink with chem. 
 
 "Wholocver hath a place under the Higher Power, and is affigned by Dr. 
 the fame to execute his iMiniftry given of God, he may Excommunicate Symmonsi 
 for any Crime, as it Ihali be feen to the High Power, if the fame Crime 
 be pubUck. 
 
 A Bifhop and Pried may Excommunicate by Scripture : As touching Dr. 
 for what Crimes? I fay, for every open deadly Sin and Difobedience. rrf/^,<w. 
 And as touching. Whether only the Priefl: may Excommunicate ? I fay, 
 not he only, but fuch as the Church Authorizes fo to do. 
 
 To the fixteenth, I fay. That a Bifhop or a Pripfl having Licenfe and Dr. 
 Authority of the Prince of the Realm, may Excommunicate every oh- Lejghtoni. 
 ftinate and inobedient Perfon, for every notable and deadly Sin. And 
 further, I fay, That not only Bifhops and Priefts may Excommunicate, 
 but any other Man appointed by the Church, or fuch as have Authority 
 to appoint Men to that OiRce, may Excommunicate. 
 
 A Bifhop or a Prieft may Excommunicate an Obftinate Perfon for Dr. CorcM. 
 publick Sins. Forafmuch as the Keys be given to the whole Church, 
 the whole Congregation may Excommunicate; which Excommunication 
 may be pronounced by fuch a one as the Congregation does appoint, 
 altho' he be neither Bifhop nor Prieft. 
 
 Menevenf Htrefordenf Thirleby, Dayus, Leightonus, Coxus, Sym- Cort. 
 mons, Coren, concedunt Authoritatem excomunicandi etiam Laicis, 
 modo a Magillratu deputentur. Eboracenf. & Edgworth prorfus ne- 
 gant datum Laicis, fed Apoflolis & eorum Succefforibus tantum. 
 RofFenfis, Redmaynus, & Robertfonus ambigunt, num detur Laicis, 
 Londineiif non refpondet QuelHoni: Oglethorpus & Thirleby aiunt, 
 Ecclefia: datum effe poteflatem excommunicandi ; Idem Trefhamus. 
 
 In the fixteenth, of Excommunication, they do not agreci The Bifhops Agreement. 
 of Tork^ Durefme, and Dr. Edgworth fay, That Lay-men have not the Au- 
 thority to Excommunicate., hut that it ivas given only unto the Jpoftles and their 
 Succejfors. The Bifhops ot" Hereford., St. David's., Weftminfter ; Doftors, 
 Day., Coren., Leighton, CoXj Symmons, fay. That Laymen may Excomminn- 
 
 D d d d z cAte,
 
 226 A C a lie f lion Book III. 
 
 cate^ if they be appointed by the High Ruler. My Lord E'^ciX ot H'eJ^mtftifer, 
 Dr. Trefjaw, and Dr. Oglethorpe lay further, That the Power of Excbmmu- 
 Ytic Alton Tvas given to the Church, and to juch as the Church fhall Injlitute. 
 
 17. Queftion. 
 Whether VnSiion of the Sick, ^ith Oil^ to Beviit Venial Si?is^ 
 as it is novp ufeJ^ befpoJ^en of in the Scripure, or in any 
 ancient Authors? 
 
 Anfrvers. 
 
 Canterbury T T^<^'°" °^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^i^^^ ^'^ ^° Remit Venial Sins, as it is now 
 \Ji, ufed, is not fpoken of in the Scripture, nor in any ancient Au- 
 thors. 
 Thefearethe T. Ca^ittimen. This is mine Opin-on and 
 
 whicTare^'at Sentence at this prefent, which I do 
 
 the end of e- not temerarioufly define, but do re- 
 
 Sr ^^^ ^^^^ judgment thereof wholly un- 
 
 to your Majefby. 
 
 7ork ^^ ^^^ feventeenth j Of Unftion of the Sick with Oil, and that Sins 
 
 thereby be remitted, St. 'James doth teach us ; but of the Holy Prayers, 
 and like Ceremonies ufed in the time of the Undlion, we find no Ipecial 
 mention in Scripture, albeit the faid St. 'James maketh alfo mention of 
 Prayer to be ufed in the Miniftry of the fame. 
 
 Edtvard Ehor. 
 
 London. To the feventeenth ; I think that albeit it appeareth not clearly in Scrip- 
 ture, whether the ufage in extream Unftion now, be all one with that 
 which was in the begining of the Church: Yet of the Unftion in time 
 of Sicknefs, and the Oil alfo with Prayers and Ceremonies, the fame is 
 fet forth in the Epiftleof St. James., which place commonly isalledged, 
 and fo hath been received? to prove the Sacrament of extream Unction. 
 
 Ita mihi Edmundo Londinenfi Epifcopo pro 
 hoc tempore dicendum videtur, falvo 
 judicio melius fentientis, cuime promp- 
 te & humiliter fubjicio. 
 
 Rochefier, Inun£lion of them that be Sick with Oil, and praying for them for 
 remiflTion of Sins, is plainly fpoken of in the Epiftle of St. James., but 
 after what form or falhion the faid Inunftion was then ufed, the Scrip- 
 ture telleth not. 
 
 Written on the hack of the Paper, 
 The Bifliop of Rochejler's Book. 
 
 Carlile, Extream Uriftion is plainly fet out by St. James., with the which mak- 
 
 eth alfo that is written in the 6th of St. Mark, after the mind of right 
 gO(5d ancient Doftors. Robert Carliolea. 
 
 Dr. Db unftione infirmorum nihil reperio in Scripturis, prjeter id quod 
 
 Robertfon. fcribitur, Marc. 6. 8r Jacob. 5. Thomas Robertfo/t. 
 
 T- Can-
 
 Book III. of Records. 227 
 
 T. CAntuAtien. 
 
 Unflion of the Sick with Oil confecrate, as it is now ufed, is not Dr. Cox, 
 fpoken of in Scripture. Rubardtts Cox. 
 
 Unflion ot the Sick with Praying for them is found in Scripture. Dr. Da}. 
 
 George Daj. 
 
 Opiniones non Affertiones. 
 
 De Unftione Infirmorum cum oleo, adje£la Oratione, exprefla men- Dr. 
 tio eft in Scripturis quanquam nunc addantur alii ritus, honeftatis gratia Oglethorp. 
 ( ut in aliis Sacramentis ) de quibus in Scripturis nulla mentio. 
 
 Owifjiis Oglethorp/fs. 
 
 Un£t-ion with Oil, adjoined with Prayer, and having promife of Re- Dr. 
 mifRon of Sins, is fpDken of in St. James, and ancient Doctors ; as for Redmaytj] 
 the ufe which now is, if any thing be amifs, it would me amended. 
 
 J. Redmajn. 
 
 It is fpoken of, in Mark 6. and James 5. Augusiine and other ancient Dr. 
 Authors fpeaketh of the fame. Edgivorth. Edarvorth. 
 
 The Unclion of the Sick with Oil, to Remit Sins, is in Scripture, and Dr. 
 alfo in ancient Authors. Sjmon Matthew. Symmons. 
 
 Unflion with Oil is grounded in the Scripture, and exprefly fpoken of; Dr. 
 but with this Additament (as it is now ufed) it is not fpecified in Scrip- 7;rf/Z'^;». 
 ture, for the Ceremonies now ufed in Undion, I think meer Traditions 
 of Man. WlUiam Tre(Jjam. 
 
 To the feventeenth, I fay. That Unftion of the Siek with Oil and Pra- Pf.; 
 yer to Remit Sins, is manifeftly fpoken of in St. James\ Epiftle and an- Leyghton. 
 cient Authors, but not with all the Rites and Ceremonies as be now com- 
 monly ufed. Per me Edvardum Leighton. 
 
 T. Cmtuarien. 
 
 Unction with Oil to Remit Sins is fpoken of in Scripture. Dr. Coren. 
 
 Richard Coren. 
 
 Menevenf. & Coxus ncgant Unftionem Olei (ut jam eft recepta) ad C,on\ 
 remittenda peccata contineri in Scripturis. Eboracenf. Carliolenf. 
 Edgworth, Coren, Redmayn, Symmons, Leightonus, Oglethorp 
 aiunt haberi in Scripturis: Roffenf. Thirleby, Robertfonus, prae- 
 terquam illud jacobi 5. & Marci 6. nihil proferent. Herefordenfis 
 ambigir. Trefliam vult Unftionem Olei tradi nobis e Scripturis, 
 fed Unctionis Caeremonias traditiones effe humanas. 
 
 In the laft ; The Bifhop of St. David's^ and Dr. Cox, fay, That Vn- Agreer^h 
 ^ion of the Stck with Oil confecrate, as it is now ufed to Remit Sin, is not 
 fpoken of in Scripture. My Lords of Torky Durefme, Carlijle^ Drs. Coreny 
 Edgworth, Redmayny SymmonSy Leightony and Oglethorp lay, That it is 
 found in Scripture. 
 
 XXIL Dr.
 
 228 A Collecfkn " Book III- 
 
 XXII. Dr. Barnes'^ Renunciation of fome Articles 
 informed again fi him. 
 
 E it known to all Men, That I Robert B.irms^ DoQor of Divinity, 
 have as well in Writing, as in Preaching, over-fhot my feif, and 
 been deceived, by tiulting too much to mine own heady Sentence, and 
 giving judgment in and touching the Articles heieafter cnfuing ^ where- 
 as being convented, and called before the Perfon of mv moll gracious 
 Sovereign Lord King lltmy the Eighth of England and of France^'Dc'' 
 ' fenfor of the Faith, Lord of Ireland, and in Earth fupream Head, in> 
 mediately under God of the Church of England; It pleafed his High- 
 nefs, of his great Clemency and Goodnefs, being affifled with fundry of 
 bis mod difcreet and Learned Clergy, to enter fuch Difputation and Ar- 
 gument with me upon the Points ot my over-fight, as by the fimc was 
 fully and perfeftly confuted by Scriptures, and enforced only for Truths 
 lake, and for want of defence of Scriptures to ferve for the maintenance 
 of my parr, to yield, confefs, and knowledg my ignorance, and with 
 my moft humble fubmiffion, do promife for ever from henceforth to ab- 
 ftain and beware of fuch raflinefs : And for my further declaration there- 
 in, not only to abide fuch order for my doings pafled, as his Grace fhall 
 appoint and afTign unto me, but alfo with my heart to advance and fet 
 forth thefaid Articles cnfuing, which I knowledg and confefs to be moft 
 Catholick, and Chrilfian, and neceifary to be received, obferved, and 
 followed of all good Chriftian People. Tho' it fo be, that Chrift by the 
 Will of his Father, is he only which hath fufFered Paflion and Death 
 for Redemption of all fuch as will and (hall come unto him, by perfect 
 Faith and Baptifm; and that alfo he hath taken upon him gratis the 
 burden of all their Sins, which as afore will, hath, or fhall come to 
 him, paying fufficient Ranfomfor all their Sins, and fo is becomed their 
 only Redeemer and Juftifier ; of the which number I trufl: and doubt 
 not but that many of us now a days be of: Yet I in heart do confefs, that 
 after, by the forcfaid Means wc become right Chrillian Folks, yet then 
 by not following our Mafters Commandments and Laws, we do lofe the 
 Benefits and Fruition of the fame, which in this cafe is irrecuperable, but 
 by true Penance, the only Remedy left unto us by our Saviour for the 
 fame; wherefore I think it more than convenient and neceflary, that 
 whenfoever Juftification (hall be Preached of, that this Deed be joined 
 with all the fore-part, to the intent that it may teach all trusChriftian 
 People a right knowledg of their Juftification. 
 
 By me Robert Barnes. 
 
 Alfo I confefs with my Heart, That Almighty God is in no wife Au- 
 thor, caufer of Sin, or any Evil ; and therefore whereas Scripture iciith, 
 laduravit Domimis Cor Faraonis^ &c. and fuch other Texts of like fenfe, 
 they ought to underftand them, quod Dominm permifit eum indurari, 
 and not otherwife ; which doth accord with many of the ancient Inter- 
 preters alfo. By me Robert Barnes. 
 
 Further I do confefs with my Heart, That whenfoever I have ofFenJ- 
 td. my Neighbour, I muft firft reconcile my felf unto him, c're I ihall 
 get RemilTion of my Sins; and in cafe he offend mc, I muft forgive him. 
 
 e re
 
 Book 111. of Records. 22^ 
 
 e're that I can be forgiven ; for this doth the Pater Nofier^ and other 
 places of Scripture teach me. By me Robert Barnes. 
 
 I do alfo confcfs with my Heart, That good Works limited by Scrip- 
 ture, and done by a Penitent and true reconciled Chriftian Man, be pro- 
 fitable and allowable unto him, as allowed of God for his benefit, and 
 helping to his Salvation. Qy me Robert Barnes. 
 
 Alfo do confefs with my Heart, That L^ws and Ordinances made by 
 Chriftian Rulers, ought to be obeyed by the Inferiors and Subjefts, not 
 only for Fear, but alfo for Confcience; tor whofo breaketh them, break- 
 eth God'i Commandments. By me Robert Barnes. 
 
 All and fingular the which Articles before written, I the forefaid Ro- 
 bert Barnes do approve and confefs to be moft true and Catholick, and 
 promife with my Heart, by God's Grace, hereafter to maintain, preach, 
 and fet forth the fame to the People, to the uttermoft of my Power, wit, 
 and cunning. By me Robert Barnes. 
 
 By me William 'Jerome. 
 
 By me Thomas Gerard. 
 
 XXIII. The Foundation of the Bifhoprici of Weftminfter. 
 
 REx omnibas ad quos, &c. Salutem. Cum nuper Ccenobium quod- 
 dam five Monafterium, quod ( dum extitit ) Monafterium San£li 
 Petri Weftmon. vulgaritcr vocabatur, omnia & fingula ejus Maneria, 
 Dominia, Mefuagia, Terrae, Tenementa, Hacreditamenta, Dotationes 
 & Poflcflionesj certis de caufis fpecialibus & urgentibus, per Willielmum 
 ipfius ni'per Caenobii five Monafterii Abbatem, & ejufdem loci Conven- 
 tum, nobis & hsredibus noftris in perpetuum jamdudum data fuerunt 
 & conceffa, prout per ipforum nuper Abbatis & Conventus cartam fi- 
 gillo fuo communi five conventual! figillatam &' in Cancellar, noftram 
 irrotulat manifefte liquet; quorum pretextu nos de ejufdem nuper Csno- 
 bii five Monafterii fitu, feptu & praecindu, ac de omnibus & fingulis 
 praedift nuper Abbatis & Conventus Maneriis, Dominiis & Mefuagiis, 
 Terris, Tenementis, Haereditamentis, Dotationibus &: Pofleflionibus, ad 
 praefens pleno )ure feifiti fumus in dominico noftro, ut de feodo. Nos 
 utiq; fie de eifdem feifiti exiftem. divinaq; nos dementia infpirante nihil 
 magis ex animo aflPedtantes, quam ut vera rehgio verufq 5 Dei cultus inibi 
 non modo aboleatur, fed in integrum potius reftituatur, Sc ad primiti- 
 vam Cive genuinae finceritatis normam reformetur, corredlis enormitati- 
 bus in quas monachorum vita & profeflio longo temporum lapfu depio- 
 rabiliter exorbitaverit, operamdedimus, quatenus humana perfpicere po- 
 teft infirmitas, ut impofterum ibidem facrorum eloquiorum documenta 
 &: noftrae faluciferx Redemptionis Sacramenta pure adminiftrentur, bo- 
 norum morum difciplina fincere obfervetur Juventus in literis hberaliter 
 inftituatur, feneftus viribus defcclis, eorum prasfertim qui circa perfonam 
 noftram, vel alioquin circa Regni noftri negotia publice bene &r fidcli- 
 ter nobis fervierunt, rebus ad viftum neceifariis condigne toveatur, 8c 
 deniq ; elemofinarum in pauneres Chrifti elargitiones, viarum pontium- 
 que rcparationcs, Sc caetera omnis generis pietatis officia illinc exuberan- 
 ter in omnia vicina loca ionge latcqi dimancant, ad Dei omnipotentis 
 
 gloriam,
 
 230 A Colic ^lon Book 111. 
 
 gloriam, ^ ad fubditorum noftronim communcm utilitatem fclicitatcm- 
 que : Idcirco nos confiderantcs quod fitus difti nuper Monallerii Sanfti 
 Petri Weftmon. in quo multa turn perchariflimi patris noftri, turn alio- 
 rum Inclicorum, quondam Regum Angliat;, praeclara monumenta con- 
 duntur, fit locus apcus, conveniens Sr necelTarius inftituendi, erigendi, or- 
 dinandi h Itabiliendi fedem Epifcopalem, & quandem Ecclcfiam Ca- 
 tbedralem de uno Epifcopo, de uno Decano Presbytero, &: duodecim 
 l:'ra;bendariis Preshyteris, ibidem, Omnipotenti Deo &■ in perpctu- 
 um furvitium, ipfum fitum difti nuper Monaft. Sanfti Petri Weftmon. 
 ac locum h Ecckfiam ipfius in fedem Epifcopalem ac in Ecclefiam Ca- 
 thedral, creari, erigi, fundari h ftabiliri decrevimus, prout per prxfen- 
 tes decernimus. & eandem Ecclefiam Cathedral, de uno Epifcopo, de 
 uno Decano Prcsbytero, & duodecim Prxbendariis Preshyteris, te- 
 nore praefentium, realiter & ad plenum creamus, erigimus, fundamus, 
 ordinamus, facimus, conftituimus & ftabilimus, pcrpetuis futuris tem- 
 poribus duraturam, & fie ftabiliri ac in perpetuum inviolabiliter obfer- 
 vari volumus & jubemus per prsfentes. Volumus itaq; &■ per prsfentes 
 Ordinamus quod EcclefiaCathed rails prxdida fit, & deinceps in perpe- 
 tuum erit Ecclefia Cathedralis & Sedes Epifcopalis, ac quod tota villa 
 nortra Weftmon. ex nunc & deinceps in perpetuum fit Civitas, ipfamq; 
 Civitatem Weltm. vocari & nominari volumus &■ decernimus, ac ipfam 
 Civitatem S;^ totum Comit. noftrum Midd. prout per metas &• limitcs 
 dignofcitur, & limitatur, tota Parochia de Fulham in eodem Comit. de 
 Midd. tantummodo excepit. ab omni Jurifdiftione, Authoritate h Dioc. 
 Epifcopi London. & fuccefforum fuorum pro tempore exiften. fepara- 
 mus, dividimus, eximimus, exoneramus, &r omnino per prjefentes libe- 
 ramus: ac omnem Jurifdifiionem Epifcopalem infra eandem Civitatem 
 &■ Comit. Midd. exceptis prx-exceptis, Epifcopo Weftmon. a nobis per 
 has Literas noftras Patentes nominand. & eligend. & fuccefforibus fuis 
 Epifcopis Weftm. ac praedidl. Epifcopat. Weftm. adjungimus & uni- 
 mus, ac ex di£lis Civitate & Com. Diocefim facimus S: Ordinamus per 
 prxfentes, illamq ; Diocefim Weftm. in perpetuum fimiliter vocari, ap- 
 pcllari, nuncupari & nominari volumus &: ordinamus. Etut haec noftra 
 intentio debitum & uberiorem fortiatur effeftum, Nos defcientia, moribus, 
 probitate & virtute diledti noftri Confiliarii Thome Thyrkbei Clerici* 
 I>ecani Capells noftrae plurimum confidentes, eundem Thomam Thyr- 
 leby ad Epifcopa-'um diftjc Sedis Weftm. nominamus & eligimus, ac ipfura 
 Thomam Epitcopum Weft, per prcsfentes eligimus, nominamus, faci- 
 mus, 8f creamus, & volumus ; ac per praefentcs Concedimus & Ordi- 
 namus, quod idem Epifcopatus fit corpus corporatum in re & nomine, 
 ipfumq ; ex uno corpore declaramus & acceptamus, Ordinamus, facimus 
 & confticuimus in perpetuum, habeatq; fuccelTionem perpetuum, ac 
 quod ipfe & fucceflbres fui per nomen &: fub nomine Epifcopi Weftm. 
 nominabitur & vocabitur, nominabuntur & vocabuntur in perpetuum, 
 & quod ipfe &• fucceflbres fui per idem nomen & fub eo nomine profc- 
 qui, clamare h placitare, ac placitari, defendere &: defendi, refpondere 
 &■ rcfponderi, in quibufcunq; Curiis & locis legum noftrarum, ac haere- 
 dum & fucceflbrum noftrorum, &: alibi, in Sr fuper omnibus &■ fingulis 
 caufis, aftionibus, feftis, brevibus, demand. &■ querelis, realibus, pcr- 
 fonalibus & mixtis, tam temporalibus quam fpiritualibus, ac in omnibus 
 aliis rebus, caufis & materiis quibufcunque, & per idem nnmen Mane- 
 ria, Dominia, Terrs, Tenemcnta, Reftorias, Penfiones, Portiones Sc 
 alia quaecunq; Hoereditamenta, Poffefliones, proficua & cmolumenta, 
 
 tam
 
 Book III. of Records. o^i 
 
 tam fpiritualia live Ecclcfialtica, quam tcmporaiia, ac alia qui^cunq; per 
 Literas Patentes prxfato Epifcopo & SuccelForibus fuis, per nos feu hae- 
 redes noftros debito modo fiend, vel per quamcunq; aliam perfonam ftit 
 quafcunq; alias perfonas fecundum leges nollras, &■ ha;iedum fivefuccef- 
 forum nortrorum dand. feu concedend. capere, recipcrc, gaudere 8f 
 perquirere ac dare, alienare &■ dimittcre poflit & poflint, valcat 8r vale- 
 ant, Sr generaliter omnia alia &r fingula recipere, gaudcre, &' facere, 
 prout & eifdem modo & tbrma quibus coereri Epifcopi infra Rc^num 
 noftrum Anglise recipere aut facere pofTint, aut aliquis Epifcopjs infra 
 Regnum noftrum Anglice recipere auc facere poflit, &■ non aliter nee ullo 
 alio modo. Et ultenus volumus & ordinamus, quod Ecclefia Catlic- 
 dralis praedifta fir, & deinceps in perpetuum erit Ecclefia Cathedralis 8<r 
 Sedes Epifcopalis difti Tliomx & fucceflorum fuorum Epifcoporum 
 Wertm. ipfamq; Ecclefiam Cathedralem honoribus, dignitatibus, k in- 
 figniis Sedes Epifcopalis per praefentes decoramus, eandemq; Sedem Epif- 
 copalem prsfato Thoms h fuccefToribus fuis Epifcopis Wertm. damus 
 Sfconcedimus per prafentes habend. & gaudend. idem Thomae & Suc- 
 ceflbribus fuis in perpetuum. Ac etiam volumus & orindamus per prae- 
 fentes, quod prsefatus Thomas h fucceflbres fui Epifcopi Weft, prsdid. 
 omnimodamjurifdidionem, poteftatem & authoritatem ordinarias & Epif- 
 copales, infra Ecclefiam Cathedralem Weftm. & praedift, Diocef. exercere, 
 facere, & uti poflit, & debeat, poflint &: debeant, in tam amplis modo & 
 forma, prout Epilcopus London, infra Diocef. London, fecundum leges no- 
 ftras exercere, facere & uti folet, poflit aut debet. Et quod dic^us Thomas 
 Epifcopus Weftm. & fucceflbres fui Epifcopi Weftm. deinceps in perpe- 
 tuum habeat figillum authenticum, feu figilla authentica pro rebus 8f ne- 
 gotiis fuis agendis fervitur. ad omnem juris effeftum fimili modo & for- 
 ma, & non aliter nee aliquo alio modo, prout Epifcopus London, habet 
 aut habere poteft. Et ut Ecclefia Cathedralis praedift. de perfonis con- 
 gruis in fingulis locis & gradibus fuis preimpleatur & decoretur, dile- 
 ttum nobis Willielmum Benfon Saerce Theologiac Profeflbrem primum& 
 originalem, & modernum Decanum diftae Ecclefia Cathedralis, ac Simo- 
 nem Haynes Sacrae Theologiae ProfelTorem primum, & praefent. Presby- 
 terum Prasbendarium, ac Joannem Redmayn fecundum Presbyterum, 
 Praebendarium) ac Edvardum Leyghton tertium Presbyterum Pros- 
 bendarium, ac Antonium Belafys quartum Presbyterum Prasbendarium, 
 ac Wilhelmum Britten quinium Presbyterum, Praebendarium, ac Diony- 
 fium Dalyon fcxtum Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Humphredum Per- 
 kins fepiimum Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Thomam Effex oclavutn 
 Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Thomam Ellforde nonum Presbyterum 
 Prebendarium, ac Joannem Malvern decimum Presbyterum Praebenda- 
 rium, ac Willicmum Harvey undecimum Presbyterium Praebendarium, 
 ac Gerardum Carleton duodecimum Presbyterum Praebendarium, tenore 
 praefentium facimus & ordinamus. Per praefentes volumus etiam & or- 
 dinamus, ac eifdem Decano & Praebendariis concedimus per praefentes, 
 quod praedidus Decanus & duodecim Praebendarii difti fint dc fe in re 
 & nomine unum corpus corporatum, habeantq; fucceflionem perpetuam 
 & fe gerent, exhibebunt, & occupabunt Sedem, ordinationem, regulas 
 & ftatuta, eis per nos in quadam Indentura in pofterum fiend, fpecifi- 
 cand. & declarand. Et quod idem Decanus & Praebendarii & fucceflo- 
 rcs fui, Decanus & Capitulum Ecclefiae Cathedralis San£ti Petri Weftm. 
 in perpetuum vocabuntur, appellabuntur : Et quod praefatus Decanus 
 & Praebendarii Ecclefiae Cathedralis praedifta; & fucceflbres fui fint & in 
 
 E e e e per-
 
 232 A Collet ion Book III. 
 
 pcrpcruum .trun: Capitulum Hpifcopatus Wcltm. pe-.pttuis kituris 
 lemporibus anncxum, incoiporatum &■ unittim eildem modo & loima 
 quibus Decanus Sc Capitulum EccldiJ? Cathedralis Sanfti Pauli in Civi- 
 tate noftra London. Epifcopo London, auc Sedi Epifcopali London, an- 
 nexa, incorpoiata & unir. exift. ipfofq; Decanum Sc Pr^bendarios unum 
 corpus corporatum in re & nomine tkcimus, crcamus, & ftabilimus, & 
 eos pro uno corporc facimus declaramus, ordinamus k acceptamus, 
 habeantq; fucceflioncm ptrpctuam; Ec quod ipfe Decanus & Capitulum 
 eorumq; fucccdores per nomen Decani & Capitulum Ecclefias Cathe- 
 dralis Beati Van Weftm. profequi, clamare, placitare pollmt k impla- 
 citare, defendere 8c defendi, relpondere, & rcfpondcn, in quibufcunq; 
 tempore & Curiis Icgum noftrarum & alibi, in & fuper omnibus 8c fui- 
 gulis caufis, aftionibus, feclis, demand, brevibus 8c querehsj realibus, 
 fpiritualibus, perfonalibus 8c mixtis, k in omnibus aliis rebus, caufis 8c 
 materiis, prouc Decanus 8c Capitulum Sanfti Pauli London, agerc auc 
 taccre poiluut : Et per idem nomen Maneria, Dominia, Terrx, Tene- 
 nienta k cxtera quoscunq; H3£i:editamenta, poflefTiones, proficua, k emoi-r 
 umenta tam Spiritualia five Ecclefiaftica quam temporalia, 8c alia quae- 
 cunqj per nos per literas noftras Patentes, baeredum vel fuccelTorum nofti- 
 roium, feu per aliquam perfonum vel perfonas quafcunq; eis & fucceflbri.- 
 bus fuis vel aliter fecundum leges noftras, vel baeredum feu fuccefTorum 
 nollrorum dand. feu concedend. capere, recipere, k perquirere, dare, a^ 
 lienare, & dimittere poflint 6c valeant, & generaliter omnia alia & fing- 
 ula capere, recipere perquiere, dare, alienare, & dimittere, ac facere & 
 exequi, prout & eifdem modo & forma, quibus Decanus & capitulum 
 praedicl. Cathedralis Ecclefiae Sancti Pauli in praedifta civitate noftra Lon- 
 don, capere^ recipere, perquirere, dare, alienate, & dimittere, ac facere 
 aut exequi poflint, & non aliter, neq; aliquo alio modo: Et quod Deca- 
 nus & capitulum Ecclewae Cathedralis beati Petri Weftm. & SuccelTores 
 fui in perpetuum habebunt commune Sigillum, ad omnimodas cartas, evi- 
 dentias, & caetera fcripta, vel fada fua fiend, eos vel Ecclefiam Cathe- 
 dralem pi aeditl. aliquo modo tangen. five continend. figilland. Et infu- 
 per volumus Sc per prai;fentes concedimus k ordinamus, quod praedicl.E- 
 pifcopus Weftm. 8c quilibet fuccefforum fuorum pro tempore exiften. &: 
 prasdiil us Decanus k Capitulum Ecclefiae Cathedralis beati Petri Weftm. 
 h quiliber fuccefforum fuorum habeant plenam poteitatem k facultatem 
 faciendi, recipiendi, dandi, alienandi, dimittendi, exequendi k agendi 
 omnia k fingula quae Epifcopus London. & Decanus & Capitulum Sanfti 
 Pauli London, conjunclim & divifim facere, recipere, dare, alienare, di- 
 mittere, exequi aut agere poflint. Volumus etiain & ordinamus, ac per 
 prefentes Statuimus, quod Archidiaconus Midd. qui nunc eft k fuccef^ 
 fores fui funt deinceps in perpetuum feparati & exonerati & prorfus li- 
 bcrati a jurifdidtione, poteftate, jure & authoritatc Epifcopi London. & 
 fuccefforum fuorum, ac ab Ecclefia Cathcdrali Sanfti Pauli London, ab- 
 omniq; jure, poteftate & authoritate ejufdem ipfiufq-, Archidiaconi, 8c 
 fucceffores fuos per praefentes feperamus, exoneramus, penitus in perpe- 
 tuum liberamus, eundemq; Archidiaconum & fuccefTores fuos decerni- 
 mus, Statuimus, Ordinamus, ac ftabulimus in fimili Statu, modo, forma & 
 jure efle, ac deinceps in perpetuum fore, in prasdida Ecclefia Cathedraii 
 Weftm. quibus ipfe aut aliquis praedeceflorum fuorum unquam fuit in 
 Ecclefia Cathcdrali Sandi Pauli London. Statuimus etiam & ordinamus 
 ac per praefentes volumus & concedimus, quod praediftus Thomas Epif- 
 copus Weftm. 8c fucceffores fui Epifcopi Weftm. habeant, teneant & pof- 
 
 fideant
 
 JBook III. of Records. 233 
 
 fideanr, in omnibus & per omnia authoritatcm, potcllatem, lus&jurifdifti- 
 onem, de & lupcr Archidiaconatu Midd.& Archidiacono & luccefToribus 
 fuis, tarn plene & intcgre ad omncm efFc£tum quam Epifcopus London, 
 quid nunc eft aut aliquis praedccefTorum fuorum habctaut habuit, aut ha- 
 bere debuit vel ufus tuir. Volumus autcm ac per prxlenccs concedimus 
 tarn prxfatoEpifcopoquam Decano & Capitulo, quod babeat& habebir, 
 habeant & habebunt, lias Liccras noftias Patentes fub magno figillo no- 
 ftio Anglis debito modo fa£las & (igillatas, abfq: fine feu feod. ma^no 
 vel parvo nobis in Hanaperio noftro feu alibi ad ufum noftroium, prc- 
 inde qnoquo modo reddend. foJvend. vel facicnd. eo quod exprelTa mta- 
 tio, 6c ccr. In cuius rei, &c. Tefte Rege apud Weftm. decimo feptimo 
 die Decembris Anno Regni Regis Henrici Odavi trigcfimo fecundo. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 A Proclamation crjabieci by the Kings Maje/ly, vpith the ad- 
 vice of his Honourable Council, for the Bible of the large fl. 
 and greateft Volume to be had in every Church , devifed the 
 fixth of May, the 33 Tear of the Kings moft gracious Reign. 
 
 W Hereby Injunflions heretofore fet forth by the Authority of theRegift. 
 King's Royal Maiefty, Supream Head of the Church of this his ^°^"Z\ 
 Realm of EngUnA^ it was ordained and commanded, amongft ether 
 things, That in all and fingular Parilh-Churches, there fhould be provid- 
 ed, by a certain day now expired, at the cofts of the Curats and Pari- 
 ftiioners, Bibles containing the Old and New Teftament in the Englifh 
 Tongue, to be fixed and fet up openly in every of the faid Parifh 
 Churches ; the which godly Commandment and Injunction, was to the 
 only intent that every of the King's Majeftys loving Subiefts, minding 
 to read therein, might, by occafion thereof, not only confider and per- 
 ceive the great and ineffable Omnipotent Power, Promife, Juftice, Mercy 
 and Goodnefs of Almighty God ; but alfo to learn thereby to obferve 
 God's Commandments, and to obey their Soveraign Lord, and High 
 Powers, and to exercife godly Charity, and to ufc themfclves according 
 to their Vocations, in a pure and fincereChriftian Life, without murmur 
 or grudging: By the which Injunftions, the King's Royal Majefty in- 
 tended that his loving Subjefts (hould have and ufe the commodities of 
 the reading of the faid Bibles, for the purpofe above rehearfed, humbly, 
 meekly, reverently, and obediently, and not that any of them fhould 
 read the faid Bibles with high and loud Voices, in time of the celebration 
 of the Holy Mafs, and other Divine Services ufed in the Church; or 
 that any his Lay Sub)efls reading the fame, fhould prefume to take up- 
 on them any common Difputation, Argument, or Expofition of the 
 M) fteries therein contained ; but that every fuch Lay-man fhould, humb- 
 ly, meekly, and reverently, read the fame for his own inftruftion, edi- 
 fication, and amendment of his Life, according to God's Holy Word 
 therein mentioned. And notwithftanding the King's faid moft godly 
 and gracious Commandment and Iniundion, in form as is aforefaid, his 
 Royal Majefty is informed, That divers and many Towns and Parifhes 
 
 E e c e z within
 
 234 ^ Colle^ion Book III. 
 
 within this his Realm, have ncglefled their Duties in the accompHfhment 
 thereof, whereof his Highnefs marvelleth net a little; and minding the 
 execution of his faid former moft godly and gracious Injunctions, doth 
 ftraitly charge and command. That the Curats and Parifhioners, of every 
 Town and Parifli within this his Realm of England, not having already 
 Bibles provided within their Pariili Churches, fhall on this fide the 
 Vt2i^o^ All-SAints next coming, buy and provide Bibles of tlie largeft 
 and greateft Volume, and caule the fame to be fet and fixed in every of 
 the faid Paridi-Churches, there to be ufed as is aforefaid, according to 
 the faid former Injunctions, upon pain that the Curat and Inhabitants of 
 the Pariflies and Towns, fhall lofe and forfeit to the King's Majefly, for 
 every month thatthey fliall lack and want the faid Bibles, after the fame 
 feafl: ofJ/iSaintSj 40 s. the one half of the fame Forfeit to be to the King's 
 Majefty, and the other half to him or them which fhall firll find and 
 prefent the fame to the King's Majefties Council. And finally, the King's 
 Royal Majefty doth declare and fignify to all and fingluar his loving Sub- 
 jedts, that to the intent they may have the faid B.bles of the greateft 
 Volume, at equal and reafonable prices, his Highnefs, by the Advice of 
 his Council, hath ordained and taxed, That the Sellers thereof fliall not 
 take for any of the faid Bibles unbound, above the price of ten Shillings; 
 and for every of the faid Bibles well and fufficiently Bound, trimmed 
 and clafped, not above twelve Shillings, upon pain the Seller to lofe, for 
 every Bible fold contrary to his Highnefs's Proclamarion, four Shillings; 
 the one Moiety thereof to the King's Majefty, and the other Moiety to 
 the finder and prefenterof the Defaulter, as is aforefaid. And his High- 
 , nefs ftraitly chargeth and commandeth, That all and fingular Ordinaries, 
 having Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiftion within this his Church and Realm of 
 EfjgUnd, and Dominion of HWes, that they, and every of them, fhall put 
 their effedual endeavours, that the Curats and Parifhioners (hall obey and 
 accomplifh this his Majefty's Proclamation and Commandment, as they 
 tender the advancement of the King's moft gracious and godly Purpofe in 
 that behalf, and as they will anfwer to his Highnefs for the fame. 
 
 God favefhe JCIN6. 
 
 XXV. Afi Admojiitkn and Advert if ement given by the Bifhop 
 
 of London, to all Readers of this Bible in the Englijh 
 
 Tongue, 
 
 Re ifter ' 1 "" O the intent that a good and wholfome thing, godly and vertu- 
 Bonncr. ' JL oudy, for houcft intents and purpofes, fet forth for many, be not 
 hindred or maligned at, for the abufe, default, and evil Behaviour of a 
 few, who for lack of difcretion, and good advifement, commonly with- 
 out refpedt: of time, or other due Circumftances, proceed rafhiy and unad- 
 vifcdly therein ; and by reafon thereof rather hinder than fet forward 
 the thing that is good of it felf : It fhall therefore be very expedient, that 
 whofocver repaireth hither to read this Book, or any fuch like, in any 
 other place, he prepare himfelf chiefly and principally with all devotion, 
 humility, and quietnefs, to be edified and made the better thereby ; ad- 
 joining thereto his perfect and moft bounden duty of Obedience to the 
 King's Maiefty, our moft gracious and dread Soveraign Lord, and Su- 
 pream Head, efpecially in accomplilhing his Graces moft honourable In- 
 
 junftions
 
 Book ill. of Records. 235 
 
 junftions and Commandments, given and made in that behalf. And 
 right expedient, yea, neceflary it fhall be ahb, tliat leaving behind him 
 vain Glory, Hypocrify, and all other carnal and corrupt Affedions, he 
 bringing with him dilcretion, honell intent, charity, reverence, and quiet 
 behaviour, to and for the edification of his own Soul, without the hin- 
 drance, lett, or difturbance of any other his Chriilian Brother ; evermore 
 forefeeing that no number of People be fpccially congregate therefore to 
 make a multitude ; and that no Expofitionbe made thereupon otherwife 
 than it is declared in the Book it felf ; and that efpecially regard be had, 
 no reading thereof be uted, allowed, and with noife in the rime of any 
 Divine Service, or Sermon ; or that in the fame be ufed any Difputation, 
 Contention, or any other mifdemeanour; or finally that any Man julHy 
 may reckon himfelf to be offended thereby, or take occafion to grudg or 
 
 malign thereat. 
 
 God fave the K. I N G. 
 
 XX VL hjun^ions given by Bonner, Bifhop of London, 
 
 to his Clergy, 
 
 INjunflions made by theConfent and Authority of me Edmu»d Bonder RegiQ;. 
 BiQiop of London, in the Year of our Lord God 1541. and in the 34 1^"'",''* 
 Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord, Henry the Eighth, by the Grace ' ' * 
 of God, King of England^ France^ and Ireland, Defender of Faith, and 
 Supream Head here in Earth, next under God, of the Church of England 
 and Ireland. All which and fingular Injunctions, by the Authority giv- 
 en tome of God, and by ourfa.d Soveraign Lord the Kings Majefty^ I 
 exhort, require, and alfo command, all and lingular Parfons, Vicars, Cu- 
 rats, and Chauntry-Priefts, with other of the Clergy, whatfoever they be, 
 of my Dioccfs and Jurifdi6lon of London^ to oblerve, keep, and perform, 
 according as it concerneth every of them, in vertue of their Obedience, 
 and alfo upon Pains exprefled in all fuch Laws, Statutes, and Ordinances 
 of this Realm, as they may incur, and tbe objected againft them, now, 
 or at any time hereafter, for breaking and violating of the fame, or any 
 of them. 
 
 Firjl ; That you and every of you, fhall, with all diligence, and faith- 
 ful obedience, obferve and keep, and caufe to be obferved and kept, to the 
 uttermoft of your Power, all and fingular the Contents of the King's 
 Highnefs moft gracious and godly Ordinances, and Injunftions given and - 
 fet forth by his Graces Authority \ and that ye, and every of you, for the 
 better performance thereof, fhall provide to have a Copy of the fame in 
 writing, or imprinted, and fo to declare them accordingly. 
 
 Item; That every Parfon, Vicar, and Curat, Ihall read over and di- 
 ligently ftudy every day one Chapter of the Bible, and that with the 
 glofs ordinary, or fome other Do8:or or Expofitor, approved and al- 
 lowed in this Church of England, proceeding from Chapter to Chapter, 
 from the begining of the Gofpel of Matthew, to the end of the New 
 Teftament ; and the fame fo diligently ftudied to keep ftill and retain 
 in memory, and to come to the rehearfal and recital thereof, at all fuch 
 time and times as they, or any of them, fhall be commanded thereunto 
 by me, or any of my Officers or Deputies. 
 
 Item; That every of jou do procure and provide of your own, a 
 Book called, The Injlitutton cf a Chrifiian Man^ otherwife called the 
 
 BiP}Ofs
 
 — — — ^ . — ■ ■ 1 .1 ■ I ■ i. i ^^ajg i . __ 
 
 236" A Colleclion Book lll-i 
 
 B'pops Book; and that ye, and every ot )0L), dotxcicifc )our IcIvesirTf 
 the fame, according to fuch Precepts as hath been given heretofore, or . 
 hereafter to be given. . j , 
 
 Ite»i; That ye being abfent from your Benefices, in cafes lawfully , 
 permitted by the Laws and Statutes oVthisRea'm,do fufFcr no Pricilto 
 keep your Cure, unlcG iie being firlt by you prelented, and by me or my^^ 
 Officers thereunto ablcd and admitti;d. And for the more and better, 
 alfurance and pjrtbrmance thereof to be had, by thefe Prefcnts I vvarti, 
 and monifli peremptorily, all and fingular benificed Parfons having Be- 
 nefices M'ith Cure, within my Diocefs and Jurifdiilion, that they and 
 every of them, fhall either be perfonally refidcnt upon their Benefices and 
 Cures, before the Feallot" St. Michael the Arch-Angel now ncxccnl'uing;, 
 or elfe prefent, before the faid Feaft, to me the faid BiQiop, my Vicar- 
 General, or ether my Officers depuccd in that behalf, fuch Curatsas upon . 
 examination made by me, or my faid Officers, may be found able and 
 fufficient to ferve and difcharge their Cures in their abfence j and alfo at 
 the faid Feaft, or before, fhall bring in and exhibit before my faid OfficersT 
 their fufficientDifpenfaitions authorized by tfie King's Majefty, r.s well fotr 
 Non-refidence, as lor keeping of more Benefices' with Cure than one. 
 
 Item; That every Parfon, Vicar, and other Curats, once in every 
 quarter, fliall openly in the Pulpit exhort and charge his PariOiioners,- 
 that they in no wife do m^ike any privy orfecrct contrail of Matrimony^ 
 between themfelves, but that they utterly defer it until fuch time as- 
 they may, conveniently have the Father and Mother, or fome other 
 Kinsfolks or Friends ot the Perfon that fliall make fuch Contraft of Ma»' 
 trimony; or elfe two or three honeft Perfons to be prefenf, and to hear 
 and record the words and manner of their Contraft, as they will avoid^ 
 theextream pains of the Law provided in that behalf, if they prefump- 
 tuoufly do or attempt the contrary. 
 
 Item ; That in the avoiding of divers and grievous OfFences and Enor- 
 mities, and fpecially themoft deteftable Sin of Adultery, which ofttimes 
 hath happen'd by the negligence of Curats in marrying Perfons together 
 which had been married before, and making no due proof of the death 
 of their other Husbands and Wives at the times of fuch Marriages, I re- 
 quiie and command you, and monifli peremptorily by thefe Prcfents, all 
 manner of Parfons, Vicars, and Curats, with other Priefts, being of my 
 Diocefsand Jurifdiftion, that they, nor any of them from henceforth do 
 prefume to folcmnizate Matrimony in their Churches, Chappels, or elfe- 
 where, between any perfons that have been married before, unlefs tbe 
 faid Parfon, Vicar, Curat, or Prieft, be firft plainly, fully, and fufficiently 
 informed and certified of the Deceafe of the Wife or Husband of him or 
 her, or of both, that he fliall marry, and that in writing, under the Ordi- 
 naries Seal of the Diocefs, or place where he or fhe inhabited or dwelt 
 before, under pain of Excommunication, and otherwife to be punifhed for 
 doing the contrary, according to the the Laws provided and made in that 
 behalf. 
 
 Item ; That yc, and every of you that be Parfons, Vicars, Curats, 
 and alfo Chauntry-Priefts and Stipendiaries, do inflruft, teach, and 
 bring up in Learning the Beft ye can, all fuch Children of your Pa- 
 rifhioners as fliall come to you for the fame ; or at the leafl, to teach 
 them to read Englifh, taking moderately therefore of their Friends that 
 be able to pay, fo that thereby they may the better learn and know how 
 to Believe, how to Pray, how to live to God's Pleafurc. 
 
 Item J
 
 hook III. of Records. 237 
 
 hew ; That every Curat do at all times his belt diligence to ilir, move 
 and reduce fuch as be at Difcord, to Peace, Concord, Love, Charity, 
 and one to remit and forgive one another, as often and howfoevertiey 
 fhall be grieved or offended: And that the Curat flievv and give example 
 thereof, when and as often as any variance or difcord Ihall happen to be 
 between him and any of his Cure. 
 
 Iter/i-^ Where fome froward Perfons, partly. for malice, hatred, dif- 
 pleafure, and difdain ; negled, contemn, and defpife their Curats, and fuch 
 as have the Cure and Charge of their Souls; and partly to hide and 
 cloak their leud and naughty living, as they have ufed all the Year before, 
 ufe at length to beconfolled of other Priells which have not the Cure of 
 their Souls ; Wherefore I will and require you to declare, and ihow to 
 your Parifhioners, That no Teftimonials brought from any of them, fhall 
 ftand in any affedl ; nor that any fuch Perfons fhall be admitted to God's 
 Board, or receive their Communion, until they have fubmitted them- 
 felves to be confefTed of their own Curats. ( Strangers only except ) or elfc 
 upon arduous and urgent Caufcs and Confiderations, they be otherwile 
 difpenfed with in that behalf, either by me, or by my Officers aforefaid. 
 
 Item ; That whereupon a deteftable and abominable practice univer- 
 fally reigning in your Parifhes, the young People, and other ill-difpofed 
 Perfons doth ufe upon the^VW^;'^ and holy-days, in time of Divine Ser- 
 vice, and Preaching theWord of God, to refort to Ale-houfes, and there ex- 
 ercifeth unlawful Games, with great Swearing, Blafphemy,.Drunkennefs, 
 and other Enormities, fo that good and devout Perfons be much otiend- 
 ed therewith : Wherefore I require and command you, to declare to 
 fuch as keepeth Ale-houfes, or Taverns, within your Parifhes that at 
 fuch times from henceforth, they Ihall not fuffer in their Houfes any 
 fuch unlawful and ungodly AfTemblies; neither receive fuch Perfons to 
 Bowling and drinking at fuch Seafons, into their Houfes, under pain of 
 Excommunication, and otherwife to be punifhed for their fo doing, ac- 
 cording to the Laws in that behalf. 
 
 Item; That all Curats fhall declare openly in the Pulpit, twice every 
 Qjarter, to their Parifhioners, the feven deadly Sins, and the Ten Com- 
 mandments, fo that the people thereby may not only learn how to obey, 
 honour, and ferve God, their Prince, Superiours, and Parents butalfo to 
 avoid and efchew Sin and Vice, and to hve vertuoufly, following God's 
 Commandments and his Laws. 
 
 /ttm; That where I am credibly informed, that certain Priefls of my 
 Diocefs and Jurifdiclion, doth ufe to go in an unfeemly and unprielily 
 Habit and Apparel, with unlawful Tonfures, carrying and having upon 
 them alfo Armour and weapons, contrary to all wholfome and godly 
 Laws and Ordinances, more like Perfons of the Lay, than of the Cler- 
 gy, which ma) and doth minifter occafion to light Perfons, and to Per- 
 fons unknown, where fuch Perfons come in place, to be more licentious 
 both of their Communication, and alfo of their A&s, to the great flan- 
 der of the Clergy : Wherefore in the avoiding of fuch Hinder and ol^lo- 
 quy hereafter, I admonifh and command all and fingular Perfons, Vicars, 
 Curats, and all other Priefls whatfoever they be, dwelling, or inhabi- 
 ting, or hereafter fhall dwell and inhabit within my Diocefs and jurif- 
 didion. That from henceforth they, and every of them, do ufe and 
 wear meet, convenient, and decent Apparel, with their TrulTmcs ac- 
 cordingly, whereby they may be known at all times from Lay-p-op!<^> 
 and to be of the Cl'-rgy, as they intend to avoid and efchew the Pemlty 
 of the Laws ordained in that behalf. Item ;
 
 238 A Colle^ion Book III. 
 
 Item; That no Farlon, Vicar, or otlir beneficed Men, having Cure with- 
 in my Diocefs and Jurifdidion, do fuffer any Prieft to fay Mafs, or to 
 have any Service within their Cure, unlefs they firll give knowlcdj;, 
 and prefent them witii the Letters of their Orders to me as Ordinary, or 
 tp my Officers deputed in that behaU"; and the faid I'riell: fo prcfented, 
 Ihill be by me, or my laid Officers, found able and fufficienc thereunto. 
 Item ; That every Curat, not only in his Preachings, open Sermons, 
 and Collations made to the People, but alio at all other times necefTary, 
 do perfwade, exhort, and moniih the People, being of his Cure, what- 
 foever they be, to beware and abftain from fwearing and blafpheming 
 of the Holy Name of God, or any part of Chrift's mod precious Body 
 or Blood. And likewifc to beware, and abliain from Curfing, Banning, 
 Chiding, Scolding, Backbiting, Slandering, and Lying. And alfo from 
 talking and )anghng in the Church, efpecially in time of Divine Service 
 or Sermon-time. And femblably to abrtain from Adultery, Fornication, 
 Gluttony, and Drunkennefs: And if they, or any of them, be found 
 notorioully faulty or infamed upon any of the faid Crimes andOffences^ 
 then to deted: them at every Vifitation, or fooner, as the Cafe (hall re- 
 quire, fo that the faid OSenders may be corrcded and reformed to the 
 example of others. 
 
 Item ; That no Prieft from henceforth doufeany unlawful Games, or 
 frequently ufc any Ale-houfe, Taverns, or any fufped place at any un- 
 lawful Times^or any light Company, but only for their Necefrarie-Jjas they, 
 and any of them, will avoid the danger that may enfue thereupon. 
 
 Item ; That in the Plague-time, no dead Bodies or Corpfes be brought 
 into the Church, except it be brought ftraightto the Grave, and imme- 
 diately buried, whereby the People may the rather avoid Infedion. 
 
 Item ; That no Parfons, Vicars, ne Curates, permit or fufter any man- 
 ner of common Plays, Games, or Interludes, to be Played, fet forth, or de- 
 clared, within their Churches, or Chappels, where the Blejfed Sacrament of 
 the Altar is, or any other Sacrament Mtmjlred, or Divine Service [aid or 
 Jung : Becaufe they be places Conflitute and Ordained to mil diffofed People 
 for Godly Prayer, and rvholfom ConfoUtion. And if there be any of your Pa' 
 ri/hionsrs, or any other Per/on or Perfons, that will obftinately or violently in- 
 force any fiich Plays, Interludes, or Games to be Declared, (et Forth or Played 
 in your Churches, or Chappeh, contrary to this our Forbidding and Com- 
 mandment, that then you, or either of you, in whofe Churches or Chap- 
 pels any fuch Games, Plays, or Interludes, fliallbe foufed, that immedi- 
 ately thereupon make relation of the Name of the Perfon, or Perfons, fo 
 Obftinately and Difobediently ufing themfelvcs, unto Me, my Chancel- 
 lor, or other my Officers, to the intent that they may be therefore 
 Reformed and Puni(hed according to the Laws. 
 
 Item ; That all Friefts Ihall take this Order when they Preach j firft, 
 They fliall not rehearfe no Sermons made by other Men within this 200 
 or 300 Years ; but when they (hall Preach, they Oiall take the Gofpel, or 
 Epiltlc of the Day, which they fhall recite and declare to the People 
 plainly, diliindly, and fincerely, from the begining to the end thereof, 
 and then to defire the People to Pray with them for Grace, after the 
 ufagc of the Church of England now ufed : And that done, we will that 
 every Preacher (hall declare the fame Gofpel, cr Epiftle, or both, even 
 from the begining, not after his own Mind, but after the Mind of fome 
 Catholick Dodors allowed in this Church of England, and in no wife to 
 affirm any thing, but that which he fhall be ready always to (hew in 
 
 fome
 
 Book III. of Records, 239 
 
 fome ancient Writer ; and in no wife to make rehcarfal of any Opinion 
 not allowed, for the intent to reprove the fame, but to leave that for 
 thofe that are and ("hall bs admitted to Preach by the King's Majefty, or 
 by me, the Biiliop of London^ yoUr Ordinary, or by mine Authority. 
 In the which EpilUe and Gofpcl, ye flull note and confider diligently, 
 certain godly and devout places, which may inccnfeand ftir the Hearers 
 to obedience of good Works and Prayers: And in cafe any notable Ce- 
 remony uled to be obferved in the Church, fhall happen that day when 
 any preaching iliall be appointed, it Ihall be meet and convenient that 
 the Preacher declare and fet forth to the People the true meaning of the 
 fame, in fuch fort that the People may perceive thereby, what is meant 
 and fignified by fuch Ceremony, and alfo know how to ufe and accept 
 it to their own edifying. Furthermorej That no Preacher fhall rage or 
 rail in his Sermon, but coldly, difcreetly, and charitably, open, declare 
 and fet forth the excellency of Vertue, and to fupprefs the abomination 
 of Sin and Vice ; every Preacher fhall, if time and occafion will ferve, 
 inftrud and teach his Audience, what Prayer isufed in the Church that 
 day, and for what thing the Church prayeth, fpeciaTly that day, to the 
 intent that all the People may pray together with one Heart for the 
 fame; and as occafion will ferve, to Chew and declare to the People 
 what the Sacraments fignifieth, what ftrength and efficacy they be of, 
 how every Man ihould ufe them reverently and devoutly at the receiv- 
 ing them. And to declare wherefore the Mafs is fo highly to be 
 efteemed and honoured, with all the Circumftances appertaining to the 
 fame. Let every Preacher beware that he do not feed his Audience 
 with any Fable, or other Hiftories, other than he can avouch and juflify 
 to be written by fome allowed Writer. And when he hath done all 
 that he will fay and utter for that time, he Ihall then in few words re- 
 cite again, the Pith and Effed of his whole Sermon, and add thereunto 
 as he fhall think good. 
 
 Item ; That no Parfon, Vicar, Curat, or other Prieft, having Cure 
 of Souls within my Diocefs and Jurifdiftion, fhall from henceforth 
 permit, fuffer, or admit any manner of Perfon,J of whatfoever eftate or 
 condition he be, under the degree of a Bifliop, to preach, or make any 
 Sermon or Collation, openly to the People within their Churches, 
 Chappels, or elfewhere within their Cures, unlefs he that {hall fo preach 
 have obtained before fpecial Licence in that behalf, of our Soveraign 
 Lord the King, or of me Edmund^ Bifliop of London^ your Ordinary ; 
 And the fame Licence fo obtained, Ihall then and there really bring 
 forth in writing under Seal, and fljew the fame to the faid Parfon, Vicar, 
 Curat, or Prieft, before the begining of his Sermon, as they will avoid 
 the extream Penalties of the Laws, Statutes, and Ordinances, provided 
 and eftabliflied in that behalf, if they prefumtuoufly do attempt any 
 thing to the contrary. 
 
 Item-^ I defire, require, exhort, and command you, and every of 
 ■ you, in the Name of God, That ye firmly, faithfully, and diligently, 
 to the utter moft of your powers, do obferve, fulfil, and keep all and 
 fingular thefe mine Injundions. And that ye, and every of you, being 
 Priefts, and having cure, or not cure, as well Benefice as not Benificed, 
 within my Diocefs and Jurifdiftion, do procure to have a copy of the 
 fame Injunftions, to the intent ye may the better obferve, and caufe to 
 be obferved the contents thereof. 
 
 Ffff the
 
 , - -- l. T - ■ I .. ■- - - ■ - ■ - ■..- .,■■-—- 
 
 24.0 A Colk^ion Book III. 
 
 The Names of Books Frohibited^ delivered to the Curatesy 
 Anno 1542. to the intejit that they fhaU prefent them 
 rvlth the Names of the Owner Sy to their Ordinary^ if they 
 find any fuch mthin their Parifhes. 
 
 ■^He Difputation between the Father and the Son. 
 The Supplication of Beggars; the Author fi/h. 
 
 The Revelation of Antichrift. 
 
 The Practice of Prelates ; written by Tinda/I. 
 
 The Burying of the Mafs, in Englifh Rithme. 
 
 The Book of Friar Barnes^ twice Printed. 
 
 The Matrimony of Ttndall. 
 
 The Expofition of Tindall^ upon the 7th, chap, to the Corintlu 
 
 The Kxpofition of Tindally upon the Epiftles Canonick of St. '^oh». 
 
 The New Teftament of Tmda/Ps Tranflation, with his Preface before 
 the whole Book, and before the Epiftles of St. PW, ad Rom. 
 
 The Preface made in the Englifti Prymmers, by Marjha/L 
 
 The Church of John RajlaU. 
 
 The Table, GlofTes, Marginal, and Preface before the Epiftle of St. Paul 
 RoniAity of thomas Matthews doing, and Printed beyond the Sea with- 
 out priviledg, fet in his Bible in Englifh. 
 
 The ji. B. C. againft the Clergy. 
 
 The Book made by Frier Roys againft the Seven Sacraments^ 
 
 The wicked Mammon. 
 
 The Parable of the wicked Mammon. 
 
 The Liberty of a Chriftian Man. 
 
 Ortuliti AnimAY in Englifh. 
 
 The Supper of the Lord, by G. Joye. 
 
 friths Difputation againft Purgatory. 
 
 tindalVs Anfwer to Sir. 71 Mores Defence of Purgatory, 
 
 The Prologue to Genefis^ Tranflated by Ttndall. 
 
 The Prologues to the other four Books of Mojes. 
 
 The Obedience of a Chriftian Man. 
 
 T^he Book made by Sir J. Oldcafile. 
 
 The Sume of Scripture. 
 
 The Preface before the Pfalter in Engiilh. 
 
 The Dialogue between the Gentleman afld Ploughman. 
 
 The Book of "jonas in Englifti. 
 
 The Dialogue of Goodnle. 
 
 Defcnforium Paris. 
 
 The fume of Chriftianity. ' ^ ^ 
 
 The Mirrour of them that be Sick and in Pain.' 
 
 Treatife of the Supper of the Lord, by Calfi^n, 
 
 Every one of Calwyr^^ Works* 
 
 ■^\ 
 
 SS{^.
 
 Book III. of Records, 241 
 
 XXVII. A Colle(5lion of PalTages out of the Canon Law? ' 
 made by Craumer^ to (hew the neceillty of reforming it. 
 
 An Orizinal. 
 
 o 
 
 DiA. iz. Onntes de Major. & obedient, jolit. Extra. De Major} t 
 df obedient. Unxm San^iam. 
 
 HE that knowlcdgeth not himfclf to be under the Biftiop of /?o»?e, Ex M. SS. 
 and tliat the Bifliop of Rome'is ordained by God to have Prima- D. Sti//- 
 cy over all the World, is an Herctick, and cannot be faved, nor is not i»a/]eet 
 ofthe Flock of Chrift. ^^ ' 
 
 Difl. 10. De Sententia ExcoinrnHfjicationis, Noverit. i'y, ^» ii. omne. 
 
 Princes Laws, if they be againfl: the Canons and Decrees of the Bi- 
 fliop of Romej be of no force nor flrength. 
 
 Dift. 19, iO, 24. 2'. !• yi recfa memor. Qffotiens hxc e/? 2,J. j. I. 
 
 Geneml. vioUtores. 
 
 All tlie Decrees of the Bidiop of Rome ought to be kept perpetually 
 of every Man, without any repugnancy, as God's Word fpoken by the 
 Mouth of Peter ; and whofoever doth not receive them, neither avail- 
 eth them the Catholick Faith, nor the four Evangelifts, but they blaf- 
 pheme the Holy Ghoft, and ihall have no forgivenefs. 
 
 35. 3'. I. Generdi. 
 
 All Kings, Bifhops, and Noblemen, that believe or fuffer the Bifhop 
 of Rome's Decrees in any thing to be violate, be accarfed, and for ever 
 culpable before God, as tranfgreiTors of the Catholick Faith. 
 
 Dift. XI. Quamvis^ & z^.q. i. A reSfa. memor. 
 The See of Rome hath neither fpot nor wrinkle in it, nor cannot err. 
 
 5'5. ^. I. Jdeo de Senten. & re judicata. ; de jurejurando licet 
 ad ApofioUca It. 6. de jurejurando. 
 
 The Bifhop of Rome is not bound to any Decrees, but he may com- 
 pel, as well the Clergy as Lay-men, to receive his Decrees and Canon- 
 Law. 
 
 9. q. z. Jp/i cuncia. Nemoz. q. 6. dudum aliorum. 17. q. 4. Si quis 
 de B Apt if, & ejus effeilu majores. 
 
 The Bifhop of Rome hath Authority to judge all Men, and fpecially 
 todifcern the Articles ofthe Faith, and that without any Council, and 
 may afToil them that the Council hath damned; but no Man hath Au- 
 thority to judge him, nor to meddle with any thing that he hath judged, 
 neither Emperor, King, People, nor the Clergy : And it is not lawful 
 for any Man to difpute of his Power. 
 
 gr. Duo funt 1'). q. 6. Alios Nos SanBorum j urates 
 irt Clemen, de Hareticis aut ofjicium 
 
 The Bifhop of Rome may excommunicate Emperors and Princes, de- 
 
 F f f f 1 pofe
 
 -»^— »'^— *^^ I ■■ ^ I.I 
 
 242 A Cvlle^ton Book III. 
 
 pofe them from their States, and afloil their Subjefts from their Oath 
 and Obedience to them, and fo conftrain them to Rebellion. 
 
 De Major. & obedien. folU. Clement, de fententiA C^ re 
 judicata. FaHoral. 
 
 The Emperor is the Bifliop of Rome's Subjeft, and the Bifliop of 
 Rome may revoke the Emperor's Sentence in Temporal Caufes. 
 
 De Elect. & Ble^i fotefiate Vemrahilem. 
 
 It belongeth to the Bifhop of i?(jwe to allow or difallow the Empe- 
 ror after he is elefled ; and he may tranflate the Empire from one Re- 
 gion to another. 
 
 De [uf^lenda l^egligen. fraht. Grand. It. 6. 
 The Bifliop of Rome may appoint Coadjutors unto Princes. 
 
 DilL 17. Si modo finodum Regula. Nee licuit multum. 
 Concilia, 96. uhinam. 
 
 There can be no Council of Bifhops without the Authoiity of th^ 
 See of Rome \ and the Emperor ought not to be prefent at the Coun- 
 cil, except when Matters of the Faith be entreating, which belong 
 univerfally to every Man. 
 
 a. 2'. 6. 
 Nothing may be done againfl: him that appealeth unto Romel 
 I. ^. 3. Aliorum Dift. t\0. Si Papa. Dift. ^6. Satis. 
 
 L'J' 
 
 The Bifliop of Rome may be judged of none but of God only ; for 
 altho' he neither regard his own vSalvation, noi no Mans elfe, but draw 
 down with himfelf innumerable People by heaps unto Hell ; yet may 
 no mortal Man in this World prefume to reprehend him: Forafmuch as 
 he is called God, he may not be juJged of Man, for God may be 
 judged of no Man. 
 
 3. Z. q. 5. 
 
 The Bifliop of Rome may open and flint Heaven unto Men. 
 
 Difl:. 40. No» ms. 
 The See of Rome receiveth holy Men, or elfe maketh them holy. 
 
 i De Penitent ia. Dift. i. Serpens. 
 
 He that maketh a Lye to the Bifliop of Rome committeth Sacrlledg,'. 
 
 De confecra. Dift. i . De locorum prxcepta. Ecelefia de Ele^, 
 & Ele£ii poteflate Fundament a. 
 
 To be Senator, Captain, Patrician, Governor, or Officer of Romcy 
 none fliall be ele£led or pointed, without the exprefs licence and fpecial 
 eonfent of the See of Rome.
 
 Book III. of Records. 243 
 
 De Eleciione & EleHi potejiate Venerahilem. 
 
 It appertaineth to the Bifhop of Rome to judge which Oaths ought to 
 be kept, and which noc 
 
 De jure] ur and. Si vero. ij. ^. 6. Author it at em. 
 
 And he may abfolve Subjects from their Oath of Fidelity, and ab- 
 folve from other Oaths that ought to be kept. 
 
 De for competent. Ex tenor e. De donat. inter fir urn & Vxorem depen- 
 dent ia. Qui Filii funt legit time ver 'venerabilem. De Ele£i. dr Elect i 
 fotejlate Fundame/ita, Extravag, J.i Alajont. & Obedient, unam San£litm 
 Pe judiciis No'vit. 
 
 The Bifhop of Rome is Judge in Temporal Things, and hath two Swords, 
 
 Spiritual and Temporal. 
 
 De H<ereticis Multorum. 
 
 V 
 
 The Biftiop of Rome may give Authority to arrefl: Men, and imprifon 
 them in Manacles and Fetters. 
 
 Extrav. de Confuetudine fuper gentes. 
 
 The Bifhop of Rome may compel Princes to receive his Legats. 
 
 De Truga, & Pace. Trugas. 
 
 It belongeth alfo to him to appoint and command Peace and Truce 
 to be obferved and kept, or not. 
 
 De Fnehend. & dig. dile^us & It. 6. licet. 
 
 The Collation of all Spiritual Promotions appertain to the Bifhop 
 of Rome. 
 
 De Exceffibus Pr<elatorum. Sicut unire. 
 
 The Bilhop of Rome may unite Bifhopricks together, and put one under 
 another at his pleafure. 
 
 Li. 6. de pcenis Felicis. 
 
 In the Chapter Felicit li. 6. de pienis^ is the moft partial and unreafo- 
 nable Decree made by Bonifacius 8. that ever was read or heard, againft 
 them that be Adverfaries to any Cardinal of Rofne, or to any Clerk, 
 or Religious Man of the Biftiop of Rome^s Family. 
 
 Dift. zS. Confulendum. Dift. 96. Si Imperator. ii. q. i.Quod Clericus. 
 l^emo nulltis. Clericumy &c. (3* q. 2. Quod 'vera de jentent. ExcommU' 
 nicAtion. Si judex q. 7. q. 5. Si quit de foro competent. J^uUus Si quit 
 Ex tranfmilfa. de foro compet. in 6 SecuUres. 
 
 Lay-men may not be judges to any of the Clergy, nor compel thera 
 to pay their undoubted Debts, .but the Bifhops only mult be their 
 Judges. 
 
 De foro Competent. Chmfit licet. 
 
 RcfJors of Churches may convent fuch as do them wrong, whi- 
 ther they will, before a Spiritual Judge, or a Temporal. 
 
 Idem
 
 244- ^ ColleclioJi Book III. 
 
 Idem ex parte Dile£if. 
 
 A Lay-man being fpoiled, may convent his Adverfaries before a 
 fpiritual Judge, whethci- the Lords of the Feod confent tliercto or 
 not. 
 
 IbicUm Significajli, & ii. q, i. jiUcuit. 
 
 A Lay-man may commit his Caufe to a Spiritual Judge ; but one 
 of the Clergy may not commit his Caufe to a Temporal Judge, with- 
 out the confent of the Bilhop. 
 
 Ne Clerici vel ■ Monachi. Secundum, 
 Lgy-men may have no Benefices to Farni. 
 
 De SententtA Excommunkntionii. Noverit extra, de P^nitentii 
 & Remijf. &c. etfi. 
 
 All they that make, or write any Statutes contrary to the Liber-- 
 tics of the Church ; and all Princes, Rulers, and Counfellors, where 
 fuch Statutes be made, or fuch Cuftoms obferved, and all the Judg- 
 es and others that put the fame in Execution ; and where fuch 
 Statutes and Cuftoms have been made and obferved of old Time, 
 all they that put them not out of their Books be Excommunicate, 
 and that fo grievoufly, that they cannot be afToiled but only by the 
 Eifhop of Rome. 
 
 De Immunitate Eccleji^. Uon mima adverfui. 
 Quia Quum dr in 6. Clericis, 
 
 The Clergy, to the relief of any common neceflity, can nothing 
 confer without the confent of the Bifhop of Rome ; nor it is not law- 
 ful for any Lay-man to lay any Impofition of Taxes, Subfidies, or 
 any Charges upon the Clergy. 
 
 Did. $y. Hoc capitalo d* 63. MuUus & qud fequiuntar. 
 Noft ali^ cum Laic. 
 
 Lay-men may not meddle with EleSions of the Clergy, nor with 
 any other thing that belongeth unto them. 
 
 De jurejurando. Nimis. 
 
 The Clergy ought to give no Oath of Fidelity to their temporal 
 Governors, except they have Temporalities of them. 
 
 Dift. 96. Bene Quidem. li. q. 1.. Apojlolicos. Quif^uis. 
 
 The Goods of the Church may in -no wife be alienated, but whofo- 
 cver receiveth or buyeth them, is bound to Rcftitutibn ; and if the 
 Church have any Ground which is little or nothing worth, yet it fhall 
 not be given to the Prince ; and if the Prince will needs buy it, the 
 Sale (hall be void and of no ftrcngth. 
 
 . 13, q.
 
 -Hi-"rr' I ■(!' IT ' 'truii 
 
 Book III. of Records. 245 
 
 13. q. z. Non lice at. 
 
 It is not lawful for the Bifliop of Rome to alienate or Morgate any 
 Lands of the Church, for every manner of Neceffity, except it be Houfes 
 in Cities, which be very chargeable to fupporc and maintain- 
 
 Did;. 96. Quis tJUHqaxm^ 3. q. 6. Accufatio 11, q. 1. Continua. 71uIIhs 
 Je^imonium Relatum Experientt<e. Si quijquam Si qu<e. Sicut StatuimfHf 
 nulltis cte perjona. Si quis. 
 
 Princes ought to obey Bifhops, and the Decrees of the Church, and to 
 fubmit their Heads unto the Biihops, and not to judge over the Bifhops ■■, 
 for the Bifliops ought to be forborn, and to be judged of no Lay-man. 
 
 De Major. & obeiien. folite. 
 
 Kings and Princes ought not to fet Bifliops beneath them, but re- 
 verently to rife againit them, and to affign them an Honourable Seat 
 h^ them. 
 
 II. q. I. Qucecunque. ReUtum. Si qui omnes <volumMs. Placuit. 
 
 All manner of Caufes, whatfoever they be, Spiritual or Temporal, 
 ought to be determined and judged by the Clergy. 
 
 Ibidem Omnes, 
 
 No Judge ought to refufe the Witnefs of one Bifhop, altho' he be but 
 alone. 
 
 De HJereticis ad abolendam, & in Clementinis ut ojficium. 
 
 Whofoever teacheth or thinketh of the Sacraments otherwife than 
 the See of Rome doth teach and obferve, and all they that the fame 
 See doth judge Hereticks, be Excommunicate. 
 
 And the Bifhop of Rome may compel by an Oath, all Rulers and 
 other People, to obferve, and caufe to be obferved, whatfoever the Sec 
 of Rome fhall ordain concerning Herelie, and the Fautors thereof; and 
 who will flot obey, he may deprive them of their Dignities. 
 
 Clement, 'de Yeliq. & vefKrat. San^ioram. Si Dotninus extravag. de.reliql 
 & venerat SanHorum. Cam pne excelfi : De ftenittrft. & remijf, anti- 
 quorum, (^ Clemen, unigenitus. Quemadmodum. 
 
 We obtain RemifTion of Sin, by obferving of certain Feafts, and 
 certain Pilgrimages in the Jubilee, and other prefcribed Times, by 
 virtue of the Biftic'p of Rome^s Pardons. - 1, X 
 
 De fenit emits & r^ifflonibus extravag. cm. 3. Et Ji Dominici. 
 
 Whofoever offendeth the Liberties of the Church, 'of dbth vibJatc 
 any IfKcrdidion that cometh from Rome^ or confpireth againft the Per- 
 fon, or Statute of the Bifhop, or See of Rome ; or by any ways offen- 
 ^th, difobeycth, pr rebeUeth againil the faid Bifhop, or See ; or that kil- 
 kch 2. Prieft, or offendeth perfonally againft a IJifliop, or Other prelate i 
 
 or
 
 2^6 A Colle^ion Book III. 
 
 or invadeth, fpoileth, withholdeth, or vvafteth Lands belonging to the 
 Church of Rome^ or to any other Church, immediatly fubjeft to the fame • 
 or whofoever invadeth any Pilgrims that go to Rome^ or any Suitors to 
 the Court of Rome^ or that let the devolution of Cauf^s unto that Court 
 or that put any new Charges or Impofitions, real or perfonal upon any 
 Church, or Ecclefiaftical Ferfon ; and generally all others that offend in 
 the Cafes contained in the Bull, which is ufually Publifhed by the Bifhops 
 of Rome upon Maundy Tburfday ; all thefc can be afToiled by no Prieft, Bi- 
 Ihop, Arch-Bifhop, nor by none other, but only by the Bifliop of Rome, 
 or by his exprefs licence. 
 
 2. ^. ^. Z,. 
 
 Robbing of the Clergy, and poor Men, appertaineth unto the judg- 
 ment of the Bilhops. 
 
 13. 9. q. 
 
 He is no Man-flayer that flayeth a Man which is Excommunicate. 
 
 Dift. 6j. Tihi Domino de Sententia, ExcommunicationU. Sijudex^ 
 
 Here may be added the moft Tyrannical and abominable Oaths which 
 the Biftiop of Rome exafts of the Emperors ; m Clement, de jurejurando 
 Romani diff. 6. 3. Tthi Domino. 
 
 De Confecra. Dift, i. Sicat. 
 
 it is better not to Confecrate, than to Confecrate in a place not Hal- 
 lowed. 
 
 De Confecrat- Dift. 5. De hit Manns, ut Jejuni. 
 
 Confirmation, if it be Miniftred by any other than a Bifhop, is of no 
 value, nor is no Sacrament of the Church ; alfo Confirmation is more to 
 be had in reverence than Baptifm ; and no Man by Baptifm can be a 
 Chriftian Man without Confirmation. 
 
 De peenitenf. Dift. 1. Multiplex. 
 
 A penitent Perfon can have no Remiflion of his Sin, but by fuppli- 
 cation of the Priefts. 
 
 XXVIIL A Mandate for Publiihing and ufing the Prayers 
 
 in the Englijh Tongue. 
 
 Mandatum Domino Epifcopo London, direct : Pro publications 
 R?giarum Injuntiionum. 
 
 Regiftei, ]\/f Oft Reverend Father in God, right trufty and right well-belovcd 
 FoT'^s iyi we greet you well, and let you wit, That calling to our remem- 
 ° ■ '^ ■ brance the miferable State of all Chriftendom, being at this prefent, be- 
 fides all other troubles, fo plagued with moft cruel Wars, Hatred, and 
 Diffentions, as no place of the fame almoft ( being the whole reduced 
 to a very narrow Corner ) remaineth in good Peace, Agreement, and 
 Concord ; the Help and Remedy whereof far exceeding the Power of 
 any Man, muft be called for of him who only is able to grant our Petiti- 
 
 ons,
 
 Book III. of Records. 247 
 
 oiis, and never torlakcch nor rcpcalcth any thatHrmly believe, and laith- 
 fully call on him; unto whom alio the example of Scripture encourag- 
 cch us, in all thefe ani other our Troubles and Neceffities, to fly and to 
 cry for Aid and Succour ; being therefore refolved to have continually 
 from henceforth general ProceHions, in all Cities, Towns, Churches, 
 and Pariihes of this our Realm, faid and fung, with fuch Reverence and 
 Devotion as appertaineth. Furafmuch as heretofore the People, partly 
 for lack of good Inflrudion and Calling, and partly for that they un- 
 derftood no part of fuch Prayers or fuffrages as were ufed to be fung 
 and faid, have ufed to come very flackly to the Proceflion, when the 
 fame have been commanded heretofore: We have fet forth certain 
 godly Prayers and Suffrages in our Native Englifh Tongue, which we 
 fend you herewith, fignifying unto you, That for the fpecial truft and 
 confidence we have of your godly mind, and earneft defire, to this fet- 
 ting forward of the Glory of God, and the true worfhipping of his 
 moll Holy Name, within that Province committed by us unto you, we 
 have fent unto you thefe Suffrages, not to be for a month or two ob- 
 ferved, and after flenderly conlidered, as other our Injun£lions have 
 to our no little marvel, been ufed ; but to the intent that as well the 
 fame, as other our Injunftions, may be earneftly fet forth by Preaching 
 good Exhortations and othtrwife to the People, in fuch fort as they 
 feeling the godly tafte thereof, .may godly and joyoufly, with thanks^ 
 receive, embrace, and frequent the fame, as appertaineth. Wherefore 
 we will and c-mmand you, as you will anfwer unto us for the contrary, 
 not only to caufe thefe Prayers and Suffrages atorefaid to be publilhed^ 
 frequented, and openly ufed in all Towns, Churches, Villages, and Pa- 
 riihes of your own Diocefs, but alfo to fignify this our Pleafure, unto all 
 other Bifliops of your Province, willing and commanding them in our " 
 Name, and by virtue hereof, to do and execute the fame accordingly. 
 Unto whofe Proceedings, in the execution of this our Commandmenr, 
 we will that you have a fpecial refpsd, and make report unto us, if any 
 fliall not wiih good dexterity accomplilh the fame ; not faUing, as our 
 fpecial trult is in you. 
 
 At St. Janes Sj Ju»ii—Reg»i. 36. Dire£led to the Arch-Bifhop of 
 
 XXIX. Tl^ Articles ack/iorp/ec/gec/ by Shaxton, late Bp. of 
 Sarum. 
 
 TUqF/kJI; Almighty God by the Power of his Word, pronounced Regifter, 
 by the Prieft at Mafs in the Confecration, turneth the Bread l^y'""-^ 
 and Wine, into the natural Body and Blood of our Saviour Jefus 
 Chrift ; fo that after the Confecration, there remaineth no Subftance 
 of Bread and Wine, but only the Subllance of Chrift, God and Man. 
 
 The Second; The faid BlefTed Sacrament, being once Confecrate, is 
 and remaineth ftill the very Body and Blood of our Saviour Chrift, 
 although it be referved, and not prefently diftributed. 
 
 The Third; The fame BlefTed Sacrament being Confecrate, is and 
 ought to be worfhipped and adored with godly honour wherefoever it 
 is, foraftnuch as it is the Body of Chriil infeparably united to the 
 Deity. 
 
 G g g g The
 
 248 
 
 A Coltetiion Book Hi. 
 
 The Fourth; The Church, by the Miniftration of the Prielt, otfereth 
 daily at the Mafs for a Sacrifice to Almighty God, the felf-fame Body and 
 Bluod of our Saviour Chrift, under the form of Bread and Wine, in 
 the remembance and rcprefentation of Chrift's Death and Paflion. 
 
 The Fffsh; The fame Body and Blocd which is offered in the Mafs, 
 is tlie very propititation and fatisfaftion for the fins of the World; for- 
 afmiich as it is the felt-fame in Subfl:ance u hich was offered upon the 
 Cr-ofs for our Redemption : And the Oblation and Aftion of the Prieft 
 is alfo a Sacrifice of Praife and Thankfgiving unto God for his Bene- 
 fits, and not the fatisfadion for the Sins of the World, for that is only 
 to be attributed to Chrift's Paflion. 
 
 The Sixth ; The faid Oblation, or Sacrifice, fo by the Prieft offered 
 in the Mafs, is available and profitable both for the Quick and the Dead, 
 altho' it lieth not in the Power of Man to limit how much, or in what 
 meafure the fame doth avail. 
 
 The Seventh ; It is not a thing of neceflity, that the Sacrament of 
 the Altar fhould be Miniftred unto the People under both kinds of 
 Bread and Wine : And it is none abufe that the fame be Miniftred to the 
 People under the one kind,- forafmuch as in every of both the kinds, 
 whole Chrift, both Body and Blood is contained. 
 
 The Eighth ; It is no derogation to the vertue of the Mafs, altho' the 
 Prieft do receive the Sacrament alone, .and none other receive it with 
 him* 
 
 The Nifith ; The Mafs ufed in this Realm of England, is agreeable to 
 the inftitution of Chrift ; and we have in this Church o\' England, the 
 very true Sacrament, which is the very Body and Blood of our Saviour 
 Chrift, under the form of Bread and Wine. 
 
 The Tenth ; The Church of Chrift hath, doth, and may lawfully 
 order fome Priefts to be Minifters of the Sacraments, altho' the fame do 
 not preach, nor be not admitted thereunto. 
 
 The Eleventh ; Priefts being once dedicated unto God by the Order 
 of Prieft-hood, and all fuch Men and Women as have advifedly made 
 Vows unto God of Chaftity or Widowhood, may not lawfuly Marry 
 after their faid Orders received, or Vows made. 
 
 The Twelfth; Secret auricular Confeflion is expedient and neceflary 
 to be retained, continued, and frequented in the Church of Chrift. 
 
 The Thirteenth', The Prefcience and Predeftination of Almighty 
 God, altho' in it felf it be infallible, induceth no neceftity to the Afti- 
 on of Man, but that he may freely ufe the Power of his own Will or 
 Choice, the faid Prefcience or Predeftination notwithftanding. 
 
 I Nicholas Shaxton, with my Heart, 
 do believe, and with my Mouth 
 do confefs all thefe Articles above- 
 written to be true in every part. 
 
 Ue dejpicias hominem avertentem fe apeccato, neque im- 
 froferes ei : Memento quomam ommi in eorruftione 
 jumusy Eccief. 8. 
 
 XXX. ^
 
 Book III. of Records. 249 
 
 XXX. A Letter mitten by Lethington the Secretary 0/ Scot- 
 land, to Sir William Cecil, the Qjueen of England^ Secre- 
 tary^ touching the Title of the Queen of Scots to the Crown 
 cf England : By which it appears that K. Henry'5 Will was 
 not [igned by hinu 
 
 I Cannot be ignorant that fome do objeft as to her Majeftys Foreign F.x M. SS, 
 Birth, and hereby think to make her incapable of the Inheritance D.G.Ff^'f. 
 of Endnnd. To that you know for Anlwer what may be faid by an 
 Englijb Patron of my Miftrifs's Caufe, altho' I being a Scot will not af- 
 firm the fame, that there arifeth amongft you a Quellion, Whether the 
 Realm of Scotland be forth of the Homage and Leageance of EngUndt 
 And therefore you have in fundry Proclamations preceeding your Wars 
 making, and in fundry Books at fundry times, laboured much to prove 
 the Homage and Fealty of ScotUnd to England. Your Stories alfo be 
 not void of this intent. What the judgment of the Fathers of your 
 Law is, and what commonly is thought in this Matter, you know bet- 
 ter than I, and may have better intelligence than I, the Argument being 
 fitter for your Aflertion than mine. 
 
 Another Queftion there is alfo upon this Objeftionof Foreign Birth; 
 That is to fay, Whether Princes inheritable to the Crown, be in cafe 
 of the Crown, exempted or concluded as private Perfons being Stran- 
 gers born forth of the Allegiance of England. You know in this cafe, 
 as divers others, the State of the Crown : The Perfons inheritable to 
 the Crown at the time of their Capacity, have divers differences and 
 prerogatives from other Perfons ; many Laws made for other Perfons 
 take no hold in cafe of the Prince, and they have fuch Priviledges as 
 other perfons enjoy not ; as in cafes of Attainders, and other Penal Laws ; 
 Examples, Hen. 7. who being a Subject, was attainted ; and Ed, 4. 
 and his Father Richard Plantagenet were both attainted ; all which not- 
 vvithftanding their Attainders had right to the Crown, and two of them 
 attained the lame. Amongil many Keafons to be fhewed, both for the 
 differences, and that Foreign Birth doth not take place in the cafe of 
 the Crown, as in common perfons, the many experiences before the 
 Conqueft, and fince, of your King's, do plainly teftify. ^. Of purpofe 
 I will name unto you, Hen. xd. Maud the Emprefs Son, and Richard 
 of Bourdeaax the Black Princes Son, the rather for that neither of the 
 two was the King of England^s Son, and fo not Enfant du Roy, if the 
 word be taken in this flrid fignification. And for the better proof that 
 it was always the common Law of your Realm, that in the cafe of the 
 Crown, Foreign Birth was no Bar ; You do remember the words of 
 the Stat. zj. Ed. 3. where it is faid, the Law was ever fo: Whereupon 
 if you can remember it, you and I fell out at a rcafoning in my Lord 
 of Leiceflefs Chamber, by the occafion of the Abridgment of Rafial^ 
 wherein I did ihew you fomewhat to this purpofe ; alfo thefe words, In- 
 fant and Ancejlors be in Pr£dtcamento ad aliquidy and fo Correlatives ia 
 fuch fort, as the meaning of the Law was not to reftrain the underlland- 
 ing of this word Infant^ (o ftrift as only to the Children of the King's 
 Body, but to others inheritable in remainder ; and if fome Sophiftcrs will 
 needs cavil about the precife undcrflanding of Infant, let them be 
 
 G g g g 1 anfwered
 
 2^0 A Collection Book III. 
 
 anfwered with the fcopt; of this word Ancestors in all Provifions, for 
 F/7//, Nepotes and Liberty you may fee there was no difference betwixt 
 the firft degree, and thefc that come after by the Civil Law. Libero- 
 riim afpeliatione, comprehenAuntur non folum filii^ I'trum etiam Nepotes^ 
 Pronepotes^ Abnepotes^ 8fc. If you examine the Reafon why Foreign 
 Birth is excluded, you may fee that it was not fo needful in Princes cafes, 
 as in common Perfons. Moreover, I know that Efighitid hath oftentime 
 married with Daughters, and married with the great^ft Foreign Princes 
 of Europe. And fo I do alfo underiland, that they all did repute the 
 Children of them, and of the Daughters of EngUnd, inheritable in Suc- 
 ccflion to that Crown, notwithftanding the Foreign birth of their IlTue: 
 And in this cafe I do appeal to all Chronicles, to their contrads of Mar- 
 riages, and to the opinion of all the Princes of Chriftendom. For tho' Eng- 
 landhc a noble and puiflant Country, the refpeft of the Alliance only, 
 and the Dowry, hath not moved the great Princes to match (o often in 
 Marriages, but the pollibility of the Crown in SucceflTion. I cannot be 
 ignorant altogether in this Matter, confidcring that I ferve my Sove- 
 reign in the room that you ferve yours. The Contrad of Marriage is 
 extant betwixt the King, my Miftris's Grandfather, and Queen Margaret^ 
 Daughter to King Henry the yth^ by whofe Perfon the Title is devolved 
 on my Sovereign ; what her Father's meaning was in bellowing of her, 
 the World knoweth, by that which is contained in the Chronicles written 
 by Poitdorm Vtrgilius^ before ( as I think } either you or I was born 5 
 at leaft when it was little thought that this Matter Ihould come in que- 
 ftion. There is another Exception alfo laid againft my Soveraign, which 
 feems at the firft to be of fome weight, grounded upon fome Statutes 
 made in King Hen. 8. time, {viz.. ) of the x8/^, 8^ 35^/^ of his Reign, 
 whereby full Power and Authority was given himthefaid King //ewj', 
 to give, difpofe, appoint, aflign, declare, and limit, by his Letters, Pa- 
 tents under his Great Seal, or elfe by his lafl: Will made in writing, and 
 figned with his Hand at his pleafure, from time to time thereafter the 
 Imperial Crown of that Realm, &c. Which Imperial Crown is by fome 
 alledged andconftantly affirmed to have been limited and difpofed, by 
 the laft Will and Teftament of the faid King Hen. 6. figned with his 
 Hand before his Death unto the Children of the Lady Francii ; and Ele- 
 anor^ Daughter to Mary the French Queen, Younger Daughter of Hen. 
 y.diwAo^ Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk \ fo as it is thought theQiieen, 
 my Sovereign, and all others, by courfe of Inheritance, be by thefe 
 Circumftances excluded, and foreclofed: So as it does well become all 
 Subjed^s, fuch as I am, fo my liking is, to fpeak of Princes, of their 
 Reigns and Proceedings modeftly, and with refpedt ; yet I cannot ab- 
 ftain to fay, that the Chronicles and Hiftories of that Age, and your 
 own Printed Stautes being extant, do contaminate and difgrace greatly 
 the Reign of that King in that Time. But to come to our puipofe, 
 what equity and juftice was that to dis-inherit a Race of Foreign Princes 
 of their Poflibility, and maternal Right, by a municipal Law or Statute 
 tnade in that, which fome would term abrupt time, and fay, that That 
 would rule the Roaft, yea, and to exclude the right Heirs from their 
 Title, without calling them to anfwer, or any for them: Well it may 
 belaid, that the injury of the time, and the indireft dealing is not to 
 be allowed ; but fince it is done it cannot be avoided, unlcfs fome Cir- 
 cumftances material do annihilate the faid limitation and difpolition of 
 the Crown. 
 
 Now
 
 Book ill. cf Records. 251 
 
 Now lee Ub examine the manner and circumitances how King //?/;. 8. 
 was bv Statute inabled to difpofe the Crown. There is a form in two 
 forts prefcribed him, which he may not tranfgrefs, that is to fay, cither 
 by his Letter Patents, Icaled with his Great Seal, or by his laii Will, 
 figned with his Hand : For in this extraordinary cafe he was held to an 
 ordinary and precife form; uliich being not obferved, the Letters Pa- 
 tents, or Will, cannot work tiie intent or cJil'ft fuppoied. Andtodif- 
 prove, that the Will was figned with his own Hand ; You know, that 
 long before his death he never ufed his own figning with his own Hand; 
 and in the time of his Sicknefs, being divers times prelTed to put his 
 Hand to the Will written, he refufed to do it. And it feemed God 
 would not futfer him to proceed in an Acl lb injurious and prejudical 
 to the right Heir of the Crown, being his Niece. Then his death ap- 
 proaching, fomeas well known to you as to me, caufed IVi/Iiam C/arke, 
 fometimes Servant to Thom^ts Henneage, to fign the fuppofed Will with 
 a ftamp, (for othcrwife figned it was never); and yet notwithftanding 
 fome reipefting more the facisfaftion of their Ambition, and others their 
 private Commodity, then juft and upright dealing, procured divers ho- 
 neft Gentlemen, attending in divers feveral Rooms about the King^s 
 Perfon, to teftify with their Hand-writings the Contents of the faid 
 pretended Will, furmifed to be figned with the King's own Hand. To 
 prove this diflembled and forged finned Teftament, I do refer you to 
 fuch Trials as be yet left. Firft ; The Atteftation of the late Lord Pa-^ 
 get, publilhed in the Parliament in Queen Marys Time, for the reftituti- 
 on of the Duke of Norfolk. Next, I pray you, on my Sovereign's be- 
 half, that the Depofitions may be taken in this Matter of the Marquels 
 of Wimhejler, Lord Treafurer of England ; the Marquefs of Northamp- 
 ton, the Earl of Pembroke, Sir Willtatn Petre then one of King Henry's 
 Secretaries, Sir Henry NeveS, Sir Maurice Barkley, Do£Vor Buts, Edmoad 
 fjarman Biker, John Osbcrn Groom of the Chamber, Sir Anthony Ven- 
 Ti'ts, if he be 4iving, Terris^ the Chirurgion, and fuch as have heard 
 David Vincent and others fpeak in this cafe; and that their Atteftations 
 may be enrolled in the Chancery, and in the Arches, In prpetuam rei 
 unemoriam. 
 
 Thirdly ; I do refer you to the Original Will furmifed to be figned 
 with the King's own Hand, that thereby it may molt clearly and evi- 
 dently appear by fome differences, how the fame was not figned with 
 t?ie Kings Hand, but flamped as aforefaid. And albeit it is ufed both as 
 «n Argument and Calumination againil my Sovereign to fome, that the 
 iaid Original hath been erabezelled in Queen Marys Time, I truft God 
 will and harh refervedthefametobe an Inflrument to relieve the Truth, 
 and to confound falfe Surmifes, that thereby the Right may take place, 
 fiotwithftandiog the many Exemplifications and Tranfcripts, which be- 
 ing fealcd with the "reat Seal, do run abroad in England, and do carry 
 away many Mens minds, as great prefumptions of great Verity and Va- 
 lidity. But, Sir, you know in cafes of lefs importance, that the whole 
 Realm of England Tranfcripts and Exemplifications be not of fo great 
 force in Law to ferve for the recovery of any thing, either real or per- 
 fonal : And in as much as my Sovereign's Tittle in this cafe fhall be little 
 advanced, by taking Exceptions to others pretended and crafed Titles, 
 ■conHdering her Precedency, I will leave it to fuch as are to claim after 
 the ilTue of Hen. the "jth, to lay in Bar the Poligamy of Charles Brandort 
 the Duke of Suffolk; and alfo the vitiated and clandeftinc Contraft, ( if 
 
 it
 
 2 52 A ColleclioJi Book III. 
 
 it may bcio called ) having no witnels nor foletnnization ofChiilHan 
 Matrimony, nor any lawful matching of the Earl oi Hartford, and the 
 Lady Katheririe. Lafily ; The femblably compelling of Mr. Kjy., and 
 the Lady Mary Silkr to the Lady Kjitherine. 
 
 And now, Sir, I have, to anfwer your defire, faid fomewhat brief- 
 ly to the Matter, which indeed is very little, where fo much may be 
 faid ; lor to fpeak truly, the Caufe fpeaketh for it felf. I have fo 
 long forborn to deal in this Matter, that I have almofl: forgotten 
 many things which may be faid for Roboration of her Right, which 
 I can Hiortly reduce to my remembrance, being at Edinburgh where 
 my Notes are : So that if you be not by this fatisfied, upon knowledg 
 from you of any other Objection, 1 hope to fatisfy you unto all things 
 may be faid againft her. In the mean time I pray you fo counfel the 
 Queen, your Sovereign) as feme effedual reparation may follow with- 
 out delay, of the many and fundry traverfes and disfavourings commit- 
 ted againrt theQu^en, my Sovereign : As the publilhing of fo many exem- 
 plifications of King Henrfs fuppofed Will, the fecret embracing of jf^/^^ 
 Hallei Books, the Books printed and not avowed the laft Summer, one 
 of the which my Miftrefs hath fenc by Henry Kjlligrew to the Queen your 
 Sovereign; The Difputes and Proceedings of I,wco//;j-//;», where the 
 Cafe was ruled againll the Queen my Sovereign ; the Speeches of fun- 
 dry in this laft Seflion of Parliament, tending all to my Sovereign's de- 
 rifion, and nothing faid to the contrary by any Man, but the Matter 
 iliut up with filence, moft- to her prejudice ; and by fo much the more 
 as every Man is gone home fettled and confirmed in his Error. And 
 laftly, The Queen, your Sovereign's Refolution to defend now by Pro- 
 clamations, all Books and Writings containing any difcufTion of Titles 
 when the whole Realm hath engendred by tbefe fond Proceedings, and 
 other favoured Praftifes, a fettled Opinion againft my Sovereigns, to the 
 advancement of my Lady Kjtherine's Title. I might alfo fpeak of a- 
 nother Book latley printed and fee abroad in this laft Seftion, contain- 
 ing many Untruths and weak Reafons,* which Mr. Wailing defired might 
 be anfwer'd before the Defence were made by Proclamation. I truft you 
 will fo hold hand to the Reformation of all thefe things, as the Queen 
 ray Sovereign, may have effeclualy occafion to efteem you her Friend ; 
 which doing, you fliall never offend the Queen your Miftrefs, your 
 Country, nor Confcience, but be a favourer of the Truth againft Er- 
 rors, and yet deferve well of a Princefs, who hath a good Heart to re- 
 cognize any good turn, when it is done her, and may hereafter have 
 means to do you pleafure. For my particular, as I have always honoured 
 you as my Father, fo do I ftill remain of the fame mind, as one, whom 
 in all things not touching the State, you may direft, as your Son Thomas 
 Cecil, and with my hearty commendations to you, and my Lady, both, I 
 rake my leave. I'wm Strivltng, the ^th o( January, 1566. 
 
 A N 
 
 '->iv JvU.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Concerning fome of the 
 
 Errors and Falftioods 
 
 I N 
 
 SANDERS Book 
 
 O F T H E
 
 M 
 
 Sil; Iv: 
 
 mcK 
 
 
 
 \? ;■" ' ri r :" } ■ 
 
 i' 
 
 I
 
 255 
 
 9in ^ppeuDijc* 
 
 THofe who intend to write Romances, or Plays, do com- 
 monly take theif Plot from feme true Piece of Hiftory; 
 in which they faften fuch Charafters to Perfons and 
 Things, and mix fuch Circumftances and fecret PafTages, 
 with thofe publick Tranfailions and Changes, that are in 
 other Hifi:ories; as may more artificially raife thofe Faflions and 
 Affeftions in their Readers Minds, which they intend to move, than 
 could poffibly be done, if the whole Story were a meer FiSkion and 
 Contrivance : And tho* all Men know thofe tender FafTages to flow only 
 from the Invention and Fancy of the Foet ; yet, by I know not what 
 Charm, the greateft part that read or hear their Poems, are foftned 
 and fenfibly touched. 
 
 Seme fuch Defign Sanders feems to have had in his Book, which he 
 very wifely kept up as long as he lived : He intended to reprefent the 
 Reformation in the fouleft fliape that was poflible, to defame Queen 
 E/izaheth, to ftain her Blood, and thereby to bring her Title to the 
 Crown in queftion ; and to magnify the Authority of the See of Romey 
 and celebrate Monaftick Orders, with all the Praifes and high Charafters 
 he could devife : And therefore after he had writ feveral Books on theTe 
 Subjefts, without any confiderable Succefs ; they being all rather filled 
 with foul Calumnies and detrafting Malice, than good Arguments, or 
 ftrong Senfe, he refolved to try his Skill another way ; fo he intended 
 to tell a doleful Tale, which fhould raife a deteftation of Herefy, an ill 
 Opinion of the Queen, caft a ftain on her Blood, and difparage her Ti- 
 tle, and advance the Honour of the Papacy. A Tragedy was fitter for 
 thefeendi, fince it left the deepeft ImpreflTions on the graver and better 
 AflFeftions of the Mind ; the Scene muft be laid in England^ and King 
 Henry the Eighth and his three Children, with the Changes that were 
 in their Times, feemed to afford very plentiful Matter for a Man of 
 Wit and Fancy, who knew where he could dextroufly fhew his Art ; 
 and had boldnefs enough to do it without fhame, or the reverence due, 
 either to crowned Heads, or to Perfons that were dead. Yet becaufe he 
 knew not how he could hold up his Face to the World, after thefc Dif^ 
 CGveries were made, which he had reafon to expe£t, this was concealed 
 as long as he lived ; and after he had died/(?r his faith (that is, in Rebel- 
 lion, which I fhall fhew is the Faith in his Stile) this Work of his was 
 publifhed. The Stile is generally clean, and things are told in an eafy 
 and pleafant way; only he could not ufe his Art fo decently, as to re- 
 ftrain that Malice which boiled in his Breaft, and often fermented out 
 too palpably in his Pen. 
 
 The Book ferved many Ends well, and fo was generally much cried 
 up, by Men who had been long accuftomed to commend any thing that 
 was ufeful to them, without troubling themfelves with thofe impertinent 
 QueRions, whether they were true or falfc ; yet Kifhtoriy and others fince 
 
 H h h h that
 
 • I 
 
 2^6 An Appendix. 
 
 that time, took the Pencil again in their Hands, and finding there were 
 many Touches wanting, which would give much Lite to tlie whole Piece, 
 have fo changed it, that it was afterwards reprinted, not only with a 
 large Continuation, that was writ by a much more unskilful Poet, but 
 with lb many and great Additions, fcattered through tiie whole Work, 
 whereby it feemed fo changed in the vamping, that it looked new. 
 
 If any will give ihemfclves the trouble, to compare his Fable with the 
 Hiflory that I have written, and the certain undoubted Authorities I 
 bring in conHrmation of what I aflert, with the flbnder, and (for the 
 moft part) no Autho'-ities, he brings, they will foon be able to difcern 
 where the Truth lies: But becaufe all People have not the L'eifure or 
 Opportunities for laying things fo critically together, I was advifed by 
 thofe whofe Counfels diredled me in this whole Work, to fum up, in 
 an Jppe/;dix, the moft confiderable Falfhoods and Miflakes of that 
 Book, with the Evidences upon which I rejedled them. Therefore f 
 have drawn out the following Extraftion, which confiils of Errors of 
 two forts. The one is, of thofe in which there is indeed no Malice, yet 
 they fhew the Writer had no true information of our Affairs, but com- 
 mits many Faults, which tho' they leave not fuch foul Imputations on 
 the Author, yet tend very much to difparage and difcredit his Work. 
 But the others are of an higher Guilt, being defigned Forgeries to ferve 
 partial Ends ; not only without any Authority, but manifeftly contrary 
 to Truth, and to fuch Records as (_in fpite of all the care they took in 
 Q^Ahrfs Time by deftroyingthem, to condemn Pofterity to Ignorance 
 in thefc Matters ) are yet refer ved, and ferve to difcover the falfliood 
 of thofe Calumnies in which they have traded fb long. I fhall purfue 
 thefe Errors in the feries in which they are delivered in Sanders his Book, 
 according to the Impreffion at Co/e» i6i8, which is that I have. I firit 
 fet down his Errors, and then-aihort confutation of them, referring the 
 Reader for fuller Information to the foregoing Hiftory. 
 
 Pa^e z. ^' ^^"/^(^^ fays; 'That when Prince Arthur and his Princefs were 
 ■^ * * bedded, King Henry the ^tb ordered a grave Matron to lie in the Bed, 
 
 * that fo they might not confummate their Marriage. 
 
 This is the ground- work of the whole Fable; and fliould have been 
 fome-way or other proved. But if we do not take fo fmall a Circum- 
 fiance upon his word, we treat him rudely ; and who will write Hifto- 
 ries, if they be bound to fay nothing but Truth I But little thought our 
 Author that there were three Depofitions upon Record, point blank 
 againft this ; for the Dutchefs of Norfolk, the Vifcount of Fitzwater and 
 his Lady, depofed they faw them bedded together, and the Bed bleffed 
 after they two were put in it; befides that fuch an extravagant thing 
 was never known done in any place. 
 l(?ii. z. Sa/iders fays ; ' Prince Arthur was not then fifteen Years of Age, 
 
 * and was fick of a lingring Difeafe. 
 
 The Plot goes on but fcurvily, when the next thing that is brought 
 to confirm it, is contradifted by Records. Prince Arthur was born the 
 zoth of September^ in the Year i486, and fo was if Years old and two 
 months palTed at the i^th of November 150J, in which he was married 
 to the Princefs, and was then of a lively and good Complexion, and 
 did not begin to decay till the Shrovetide following, which was impu- 
 ted to his ExcefTes in the Bed, as the Witneffes dcpofe. 
 
 '3. He
 
 An Appendix. o'^-j 
 
 3. He fays; ' Upon the motion for the marrying of his Brother 7^/^. 
 ' Henry to the Princefb, it was agreed to by all, that the thing was lawful. 
 
 It was perhaps agreed on at Rome^ where Mony and other pohtical 
 •*'Arts ("way their Councclsj but it was not agreed to in England : For 
 which we have no meaner Autliority, that Warham Arch-Bifhop of 
 Canterbury^ who when examined upon Oath, depofed that himfcif then 
 thought the Marriage was not honorable, nor well pleafing to God, 
 and that he had thereupon oppofcd it much, and that the People mur- 
 mured at it. 
 
 4. He fays ; ' There was not one Man in any Nation under Heaven, p^^g ,^ 
 
 * or in the whole Church, that fpake agamft it. 
 
 The common Stile of the Rormn Church, calling the See o^ Rome the 
 Catholick Churchy muft be applied to this, to bring off our Author; 
 othcrwife I know not how to fave his Reputation. Therefore by all 
 the Nations unkr Heaven muft be underftood only the Divines at Rome, 
 tho' when it came to be examined, they could fcarce find any who 
 would )u{lify it : All the moft famous Univerfities, Divines, and Cano- 
 nifts, condemned it, and Wg.rhani'i Teftimony contradicts this planly, 
 befides the other great Authorities that were brought againft it, for 
 which fee lib. i. from pag. 91. to pag. 103. 
 
 5. ' The King once faid, He would not marry theQtteen. p . ^ 
 Here is a pretty Eflay of our Author's Art, who would make us think 
 
 it was only m a tranfient Difcourfe, that the King faid he would not 
 marry Queen }\jitherine; but this was more maturely done, by a fo- 
 lemn Proteftation, which he read himfelf before the '&i{ho^ 0? Winches 
 Iter, that he would never marry her, and that he revoked his confent 
 given under Age. This was done when he came to be of Age, fee 
 fag. 36. it is alfo confeffed by Sanders himfelf. 
 
 6. He fays ; ' The Queen bore him three Sons and two Daughters jj^i^^ 
 All the Books of that time fpeak only of two Sons, and one Daugh- 
 ter ; but this is a flourilh of his Pen to reprefent her a fruitful Mother 
 
 7. He fays ; ' The King had fometimes two, fometimes three Con- p^oe %, 
 cubines at once. 
 
 It does not appear he had ever any but Elizt^eth Blunt ; and if we 
 judge of his Life, by the Letters the Popes wrote to him, and many 
 printed Elogies that were publifhed then, he was a Prince of great Piety 
 and Religion all that while. 
 
 8. He fays; ' The Lady Mary was firft defired in marriage by "James p^„g ^^ 
 
 * the lyth of Scotland, then by Charles the j;th the Emperor; and then "^ 
 . * Francis asked her, firft for the Dolphin, then for the Duke of Or leasee , 
 
 * and laft of all for himfelf. 
 
 But all this is wrong placed, for fhe was firft contradled to the Dol- 
 phin, then to the Emperor, and then treated about to the King of Scot- 
 Lxnd; after that it was left to Francis his choice, whether fhe fliould be 
 married to himfcif, or his fecond Son the Duke 0^ Orleance: So little 
 did our Poet know the publick Tranfaftions of that Time. 
 V 9. He fays; ' She was in the end contracted to the Dolphin: From Ibid. 
 ' whence he concludes, that all Foreign Princes were fatisfied with the 
 
 * lawfuUiefs of the Marriage. 
 
 H h h h X She
 
 f 
 
 2$S A/i Appendix. 
 
 She was firft ot all coiitrafted to the Dolfhin. Foreiga Princes were 
 fo little fatisficd of the lawfuinefs of the Marriage, that tho' flie bcint^ 
 Heir to the Crown oi EngUndy was a Match ot great Advantage ; ye\ 
 their Councellors excepted to it, on that very account) that the Marriage 
 wa> not good. This was Aoi\<i. in SfAin, and fhe was rejected, as a 
 Writer who lived in that time informs us; and Senders confedes it was 
 dotie by the trench .^ mbalTador. 
 
 Psge 7. 10. He fays; * Wolfey was firft Bifhop oS. Uncdn^ then o[ Darefmcf 
 
 * after that ot VVi»cheJitr^ and laft of all Arch«Bi(hop oi York; after 
 ' that he w^ made Chancellor, then Cardinal and Legate. 
 
 The order of thefe Preferments is quite reverfed ; for fVolfy foon af- 
 ler he was made Bifhop of Ltftco/n, upon Cardinal Bembridge his Death, 
 w^iiGt only promoted to the See of lorky but advanced to be a Cardi- 
 iaalTn tlie yth Vear of the King's Reign: And fome months after that 
 he was made Lord Chancellor; and leven Years after that, he got the 
 .Biiliopr icic of Dtaejme^ which fix Years after he exchanged for Whifiche- 
 Jfer. He had heard perhaps that he enjoyed all thefe Preferments ; but 
 knowing nothing of our Affairs beyond hearfay, he relblved to make 
 him rife as Poets order their Heroes^ by degrees, and therefore ranks his 
 Advancement not according to Truth, but in the method he liked beft 
 himfeif. 
 
 Pa'^'e 8. !!• He fays; ' ^folfey firft defjgned the Divorce, and made LongUni 
 ^ [i^\^t was the King's ConfefTor, lecond his motion for it. 
 
 . :The King not only denied this in pubiick, faying, That he himfeif 
 liad firft moved it to Longlmd in conleffion ; and that Wol[ey had op- 
 pofed it all he could : But in private difcourfe with Grinsus^ told him, 
 he had laboured under thefe J>crup!es for feven Years j (extern ^erf etuis 
 Anms irepidatid. Which reckoning from the Vear 1531, in which 
 Grifiaus wrote this to one of liis Friends, will fall back to the Year 
 1 5*14, long before Wolfey had any Provocation to tempt him to it. 
 
 Pa^e o. Jti. He fays; * In the Year 1 5:19, in which the King was firft made 
 
 'to doubt of his Mawiage, he was refolved then whom to marry when 
 
 * he was once divorced. l_ 
 
 , But fay his other Story, Anne Boleya was then but fifteen Years old 
 and went vo Pra»ce at that Age, where (he ftayed a confiderable Time 
 before fhe came to the Court ot Englimd, . 
 Ihid. 1 3. He fays ; * The King fpent a Year in a private fearch, to fee what 
 
 * could be found, either in the Scriptures, or the Popes-Bull, to be made 
 ' ufeof againti his Marriage; but they could find nothing ,> ■ 
 
 la that rime all the Biftops of EagUndy except Ftjber, declared urt- 
 dcv their Hands and Seals, that they thought the Marriage unlawful ; 
 for which fee pag. 38. and upon what Reafons this was grounded, has 
 -bcenclearly opened, /'j^. 97. -ft I'i* ':■' '\r<r^ :-.■■'< An] 
 
 Ibid:, • X4' Heikys5 * If there Were any Ambiguities in the Pope's firft Let- 
 
 %0rs ( meaning the Bull, for difpenfing with the Marriage ) they were 
 .1.<t^red bty other Letbets, which Berdttuuid of .$/<»» had afterwards 
 
 * procured. ■ (!• ''>' ^ -o i'pJnKnT M-^ ldt"T •irf.« •,' , f!>l 100T i.ubib 
 .'.V rn Thefe other Letters (by which he means the Breve ) bear date the 
 
 ftrae day with tlie Bull; and fo were not procured afterwards. There 
 
 were mdced violent Prelumptions of their being forged long after, even 
 
 9de . :. oi[ n after
 
 An Appendix. 255^ 
 
 after the Procefs had been almoft a Year in yVgication. But tho' they 
 helped the matter in fome leffer Particulars, yet in the mam Bufincfs, 
 Whether Prince Arthur did know his Princefs, they did it a great 
 prejudice ; for whereas the Bull bore, that by the Qaeens Petition 
 her former Marriage wzs perhaps confummated, the Breve bears tliai in 
 her Petition, the Marriage was faid to be confummated, without any 
 ferhap^. 
 
 1 f . He fays ; ' The King having feen thefe fecond Letters, both he UH, 
 
 * and his Council refolved to move no more in it. 
 
 The Procefs was carried on, almoft a Year, before the Breve ,was 
 heard of; and the Forgery of it foon appeared, fo they weiit on pot- 
 withftanding it. 
 
 16. He fays ; * The Bifhop of Tarhy being come from Frames to con- p.^^^ j^ 
 
 * elude the Match for the Lady Mary, was fet on by the King and .the 
 'Cardinal, to move Exception to the Lawfulnefs of the Marriage, , 
 
 There is no reafon to believe this; for that Bilhop, tho' afterwards 
 made a Cardinal, never publifhed this ; which both he ought to have 
 done as a good Catholick, and certainly would have done as a true Car- 
 dinal, when he faw what followed upon it, and perceived that he was 
 trepanned to be the firft mover of a thing, which ended fo fatally for 
 the Interefts of Ror/ie. 
 
 17. He fays ; * The Bifhop of Tarhy^ in a Speech before the King in pa^^ j ^ 
 'Council, faid. That not he alone, but almoft all learned Men, thought 
 
 * the King's Marriage unlawfiil and null ; fothat he was freed from the 
 
 * Bond of it, and that it was againft the Rules of the Gofpel ; and that 
 
 * all Foreign Nations had ever fpoken very freely of it, lamenting that 
 
 * the King was drawn into it in his Youth. 
 
 It is not ordinary tor AmbalTadors to make Speeches in King's Coun- 
 cils: But if this be true, it agrees ill with what this Author delivers iri 
 his third Page^ That there was not a Man in the whole Church, nor 
 under Heaven, that fpoke againftit, otherwife the Bifhop of T^^was 
 both an impudent and a foolifh Man. -'^d-^' • 
 
 18. He fays; * Upon the Pope's Captivity, fVolfey was fent over to p^^g ^^ 
 ' France with 300000 Crowns to procure the Pope's Liberty. 
 
 HaU^ Holling(bead and Stow fay, He carried over 140000 pounds Sur- 
 lift, which is more than thrice that fum. (ojc lijJr ^n zi ^rou-i 
 
 19. He fays ; ' Two Colleagues were feot in tbi^ Airiibaffy with tHe Ibid. 
 
 * Cardinal. 
 
 His Greatnefs was above that, and none are mentioned in the; Re- 
 cords. . i K tib oi .MiK ,'jii J : 
 
 io. He fays; 'Orders followed hint to Citllaif\,sii3t to mAfz-my Ibid, 
 'thing about the King's Marriage with the French King's Siftfci^? the 
 
 * King having then refolved to marry A»rte Boleyn. li; 
 
 This agrees ill with what he faid psg. 9. that a Year before th6 King 
 was refolved whom to marry. 
 
 21. He fays ; 'King Henry ^ that he might have freeer accefsto Sir Tho- Ibid' 
 
 * mas Baleynh Lady, fent him to France ; where after he had flayed two 
 
 * Years, his Lady was with Child of Anni Boleyn by the King. 
 
 This Story was already confuted, {QQpag. 41,41. And in it there arc 
 more than one or two Lies. 
 
 I. Sir
 
 26'o Jn Appendix. 
 
 1. Sir Thomas Boleyn went not Ambaflador to France till the jth Year 
 of the King's Reign : And if two Years after that, Anne was born, wliicli 
 was the ^th of his Reign, Ihe mud: then have been but ten Years old at 
 this time. 
 
 2. Tho' he had fent him upon his firft coming to the Crown, this 
 could not be true ; for two Years after, admit her to be born, that is 
 Anno 1511, then a Year before this, which was Jmio 1J16, flie was 
 fifteen Years old ; in which Age, Sanders fays, flie was corrupted in her 
 Fathers Houfe, and fent over to France^ where Ihe llaid long. Bat all 
 this is falfe : For, 
 
 3. She was born two Years before the King came to the Crown, in 
 the Year 1/07, and if her Father was fent to France two Years before, 
 it was in the Year ijoj. 
 
 4. The King being then Prince, was but fourteen Years old, for he 
 was born the ^Sih of June, in the Year 1491 ; in which Age there is 
 no reafon to think lie was fo forward as to be corrupting other Mens 
 Wives, for they will not allow his Brother, when almoit two Years 
 elder, to have known his own Wife. 
 
 As tor the other pieces of this Story, that Sir Thomtu BoUyn did fuc his 
 Lady in the Spiritual Court; that upon the King's fending him word 
 that llie was with Child by him, he paffed it over ; that the King had 
 alfo known her Sifter, and that (he had owned it to the Queen, that 
 at the fifteenth Year of Anne^s Age, fhe had proftituted her lelf both to 
 her Fathers Butler, and Chaplain ; that then ihe was fent to France, 
 where fhe was at firft for fome time concealed, then brought to Court, 
 where fhe was fo notorioufly lewd, that flie was called an Hachjej ; 
 that ihe afterwards was kept by the French King; that when (lie came 
 over into Eng/andy Sir Thomas Wiat was admitted tobafe Privacies with 
 her, and offered to the King and his Council, that he himfelf Ihould 
 witli his own Eyes fee it ; And in fine, that fhe was ugly, mifhaped; 
 and monftrous, are fuch an heap of impudent Lyes, that none but a 
 Fool, as well as a Knave, would venture on fuch a recital. And for ail 
 this, he cites no other Authority but Rajial's Life of Sir Thomas More, 
 a Book that was feen by none but himfelf; and he gives no other evi- 
 dence that there was any fuch Book, but his own Authority. Nor is it 
 hkely that Raftal ever writ More'^s Life, fince he did not fet it out with 
 his Works which he publifhed in one Volume, Anno i$s^- ^^ is true, 
 More''s Son in-Law, Roper, writ his Life which is fince printed, but 
 there is no fuch Story in it. The whole is fucli a piece of lying, as if 
 he who forged it, had refolved to out do all who had ever gone before 
 him ; for can it be fo much as imagined, that a King could purfue a De* 
 fign for feven Years together) of marrying a Woman of fo fcandalous 
 a Life, and fo difagreeable a Perfon ; and that he who was always in 
 the other extream of jealoufy, did never try out thefe Reports, and 
 would not fo much as fee what Wiat informed ? Nor were thefe things 
 publifhed in the Libels that were printed at that time, either in the Em- 
 peror's Court, or at Rome. All which fhew that this was a defperate 
 Contrivance of Malicious Traitors, againft their Sovereign Queen Elt- 
 z,detbj to defame and difgrace her. And this I take to be the true rea- 
 'fon why none made any full anfwer to this Book all her Time. It was 
 not thought for the Queen's Honour to let fuch Stuff be fo much confi- 
 dered as to merit an Anfwer. So that the 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, and 18, 
 p^esj are one continued Lye. 
 ' .X ' . 11. He
 
 An Appendix, 261 
 
 21. He fays; Sir Thomas Boleyn hearing the King intended to marry Fa?e i6. 
 
 * his fuppofed Daughter, came over in ail hafte from France^ to put him 
 
 * in mind that fhe was his own Child; and that the King bade him 
 
 * holj his peace for a fool, Ibr an hundred had lien with his Wife as well 
 
 * as he, but whofe foever Daughter fhe was, fhe fhould be his Wife, 
 
 * and upon that Sir Thomas inftruded his Daughter how fhe Ihould hold 
 
 * the King in her Toils. 
 
 Sir Thomas muft iiave thought the King had an ill Memory ; if he had 
 forgot fuch a Story ; But the one part of this makes him afraid that the 
 King fliould marry his Daughter, and the other part makes him afraid 
 they Ihould mifs their hopes in it : Not to mention how little hkely it is 
 that a King of fuch high Vanity, would have done that which the priva- 
 teft Perfon has an averfion to, I mean, the marrying the Daughter of 
 one whom they know to be a common Proftitute. 
 
 23. He fays; ' Wolfey before his return from France^ fent Gambara to p^^^ ^ 
 
 * the Pope, defiring him to name himfelf Vicar of the Papacy, during "^ 
 
 * his Captivity. 
 
 "This was not done till almoft a Year after this: And the motion was 
 fent by Staphileu-s Dean of the Rota, fof which (cQpag. 50. 
 
 24. He fays ; * None but ill Men and ignorant Perfons wrote againft p^„g ^ 
 
 * the Marriage, but all learned and good Men wrote for it. "^ 
 
 The whole Do£tors of the Church, in all Ages, were againft it ; and 
 no Do6lor, ancienter than Cajetan, could ever be found to have writ 
 for it. 
 
 25-. He fays; ' That tho' great Endeavours were ufed ro perfwadeyi^ 
 
 * Sir Tho. More of the unlawfulnefs of the Marriage, all was in vain. 
 
 Is it probable that the King would have made him Lord Chancel- 
 lor, when he was fo earneft in this Bufinefs, if he had not known that 
 he would have gone along with him in it? By one of his Letters to 
 Cromwel out of the Toiver, it appears, that he approved the Divorce, 
 and had great hopes of fuccefs in it, as long as it was profecutedat Rome^ 
 and founded on the defecls in the Bull. And in the 22^ Year of the 
 King's Reign, when the Opinions of the Univerfities, and the Books of 
 Learned Men were brought to England againft the Marriage, he carried 
 them down to the Houfe of Commons, and made read them there; af- 
 ter which he defired they would report in their Country what they had 
 heard and feen ^ and then all Men would openly perceive that the King 
 had not attempted this Matter of his Will and Pleafure, but only for 
 the difcharge of his Confcience. More was a Man of greater Integrity 
 than to have faid this, if he had thought the Marrige good; fo that 
 he has either afterwards changed his Mind, or did at this TimedifTem- 
 ble too artifically with the King. 
 
 26. After a long flourifh about the King's fecret Fears and Apprchen- p^^g ^^^ 
 fions, and the Perplexities the Cardinal was in, which muft pais for a 
 piece of his Wity that is to fay. Lyings for he knew none of their 
 thoughts ; He fays, ' That Gardiner and Sir Francis Brian were fent to 
 
 * the Pope together, Gardiner being then Secretary of State 
 
 In this there arc only three grofs miftakes. Firft, Gardiner was not 
 fent with the firft Melfage to the Pope, Secretary Kjtight carried it. 
 1. Sir Francis Brian went never to kome with GarJiner: It is true, a 
 
 Year
 
 2^2 An Appendix, 
 
 YcMratter the commencing the Suit, Sir hrA-aas Brim wasfent to Rome^ 
 and about a month after him Gardiner was alfo fent ; fo tho' they were 
 both together at /icwe, yet they were not fent thither together. 
 
 3. G.trdimr was not Secretary of State, but was Wolfej's Secretary 
 when he went firft to Rome^ and was made a Privy-Councellor wlien 
 he wasfent thither the fecond time ; and was not Secretary of State, till 
 fome months after his return from his Journey the lafl: time. 
 
 Vage z"". -!• ^^ ^^)'^i * They made the Pope beheve that the Queen would 
 ' willingly retire into a Monaftery. 
 
 This was on the contrary a contrivance of the Popes, who thought 
 it the eafieft way to bring the Matter to a good ifTue *, but in EiigUnd, 
 they had no hopes of it, and fo always diverted the motion when it was 
 propofed by the Pope. 
 
 ll,ll 28. He fays; ' The Pope faid he would confult with fome Cardinals 
 
 * and Divines, and do all that he could lawfully do to give the King 
 ' Sati-^faftion. 
 
 Upon the firfl motion of it, the Pope frankly granted the King's de- 
 fire ; and gave a Bull with a Commiffion upon it: And only confulted 
 fome Cardinals about the methods of doing it. And did alfure the King, 
 that he would not only do every thing that could be granted in Law or 
 Juftice, but whatfoever he could grant out of thefulnefs of hii Power. It 
 is true, al'cerwards when the Pope changed his Mealures, and refolved 
 to agree with the Emperor, he pretended he underftood not thele 
 things himfclf, but would needs turn it over upon the Cardinals and 
 Divines. 
 
 Pif^e 24. 19' He fays ; * All the Cardinals were of a Mind that the Marriage 
 ' was good. 
 
 Cardinal SxriEiorum Qtutuor, by the force of that mighty Argument 
 of 4000 Crowns, changed his Mind. All the other Cardinals were 
 forward in granting the King's Defires, for which he wrote them a Le- 
 tcr of Thanks. 
 
 Pa'^c 26. 3°* He fays ; ' The Pope granted the Commiflion to the two Legats, 
 "^ * not doubting but it was true that had been told him of the Queens 
 
 *readinefs to go into a Monaftery. 
 
 The Pope knew (he would not yield to any fuch thing ; but when 
 he granted that Commiflion, he fent with CAmpegio^ Decretal Bull, an- 
 nulling the Marriage ; and fent afterwards a Promife never to avocate 
 the Procefs, but to confirm what Sentence the Legats Ihould give ; tho* 
 foon after he broke his Promife moft fignally. And fince he had often 
 difpenfed with others for breaking their Faith, he might think that it 
 was hard to deny him the fame priviledg for himfelf. 
 
 Ibid. 31. He fays; * The Pope underftanding that the Queen did not con- 
 
 * fent to the Propofitions that were made, and that hehad been abufed, 
 
 * fent after Campegio^ when he was on his Journey, that he fhould not 
 
 * proceed ro a Sentence without a new Order. 
 
 The Pope fent Campana to Engla»d after Campeg/o, to aflure the King 
 he would do every thing for him that he could do oat of the fulnefs of 
 his Power : And ordered the fame Perfon to charge Cardinal Campegio 
 to burn the Decretal Bull, which he had fent by him : In all which the 
 Pope, as appears by the Original Letters, was only governed by poli- 
 tick
 
 An Appendix, 2 6" 3 
 
 tick Maxims, and confidered nothing but the Dangers himfelf was hke 
 to fall in ; tho' Sunders would perfwade us, he was ready to run the 
 hazard of all thefe. 
 
 ^2. He fays; ' The King by his Letters to the Pope, did, at the fame P^^e ^o. 
 
 * time that he was moving Scruples about his own Marriage, tranfadt 
 
 * about a Difpenfation for a Marriage betiwxt his own Natural Soa 
 
 * the Duke oi Richmond^ and his Daughter the Lady Marj. 
 
 Tho' the whole Difpatches at that time, both to and from Rome, be 
 moft happily preferved, there is not the leaft mention of any fuch de- 
 fign: And can any Body think, that if any fuch motion had been made, 
 the Pope would not have taken great Advantages from it, and that thefe 
 Letters would not have been afterwards publiftied? But this Sanders 
 thought was a pretty Embelifhment of his Fable j and of a piece with 
 this is his next. 
 
 33. He fays; 'The King did under his own Hand confefs, he had /^/i. 
 
 * known Anne Bolejns Sifter Matji^ and defired the Pope would difpence 
 
 * with his Marrying Jnne, notwithftanding that. 
 
 The falfhood of this appears from the recital of it : And how came 
 it, that thefe Letters were not Publifhed ; Nor is there any mention of 
 this in all the Difpatches I have feen. And it is not poflible, that in fo 
 many Conferences which the Englijh AmbafTadors had with the Pope, 
 thefe two things fliould never have been difcourfed of. And can it be 
 thought credible, that at the fame time when the King pretended fuch 
 Scruples and Troubles of Confcience, he would be guilty of fo much 
 Folly and Impudence, as to put himfelf thus in the Pope's Mercy, by 
 two fuch Demands? This was a Forgery of Cardinal Pole^Sy which 
 Sanders greedily catched to drefs up the Scene. 
 
 34. From fnge 34. to 42, there is a trifling Account given of thcpage 34^ 
 Reafons brought againft the Marriage) which Sanders anfwers manfully, 
 
 and fights couragioufly againfl the Man of Straw he had fet up. But if 
 that be compared with what has been opened in the Hiftory, it will ap-:. 
 pear how lame and defeftive his Account is. 
 
 35. He fays; * Clarke Bifhop of Bath and Wells, Tonlial Bifliop oiPage ^x. 
 
 * London, and IVesi Bifliop of Ely, writ for the lawfulnefs of the King's 
 
 * Marriage. / 
 
 All the Bifhops, except Fifher, had a Year before this, given it under 
 their Hands and Seals, that the King's Marriage was unlawful : And in 
 all the Memorials of that Time, Fi^er is the only Bifhop I find menti- 
 oned to have writ for it. Tonftal was alfo foon after Tranflated to Du- 
 refme, which none that have confidered that King's Temper, will think 
 could have been done, if he had interpofed in fo tender a Point, againfl 
 what the Kingfo vehemently defired. 
 
 36. He fays; That Abell, Poivel, Fetherjlon, and Ridly, alfo writ /^/</.- 
 
 * for the Marriage. 
 
 This is not likely of the fecond and third, for they being afterwards 
 attainted of Treafon, no fuch Books were objefted to them ; but the 
 Crime charged on them, was only that they faid, the King's Marriage 
 Avith Qj(atherine was good. 
 
 37. He fays; * All things appeared clear in the Trial before the Lc-Page 43* 
 
 I i i i *gats,
 
 264 ^^^ Appendix. 
 
 ' gats, in behalf ot the Marriage, lb that they could give no Sentence 
 * againft fuch full Evidence as was brought for it. 
 
 This is faid without any regard to Truth ; for all the Matter of Fa£l 
 that had been alledged, was clearly proved for the 'contrary fide. It 
 was proved that Prince Arthur Married the Queen : Violent prefumpti- 
 ons appeared of his confummating the Marriage: It was alfo proved, 
 that the King was under Age when the Bull was obtained, and that the 
 Petitions given in his Name, upon which the Bull was granted, were 
 falfc : That the King had not defired it, but when he came of Age he 
 had protefted againll it : And that there was no hazard of a War be- 
 tween Spain and England^ the preventing which, was the chief Reafon 
 fet down in the Bull that permitted it. So that all that had been infor- 
 med at Rom, as to Matter of Fad, was fully proved before the Legats, 
 by clear Inftiuments, and many, and noble Witnefles. 
 Ihd 3 8 . He puts a long bold Speech in Csmpegio's Mouth, w ho was far from 
 
 affuming fuch freedom ; but lived licentioufly in EngUnd, in all manner 
 of Diforders, of which both he and his Baftard Son were guilty. And 
 by dilfembling, and other Arts, perfwaded the King to delay the 
 Procefs, from Day to Day, giving him full AlTurances, that in conclufion 
 he ftiould obtain what he defired : And by fuch means he gain'd Time, 
 and drew out the Trial, till the Pope had ended his Treaty with the 
 Emperor, and then he ferved him an ItdtAn Trick, by adjourning the 
 Court. 
 
 p g 39, He fays ; * Some Do£lors being corrupted with the King's Mony, 
 •^ * declared for him i but thofe were none of the moft learned. 
 
 The King ordered thofe he fent, not to give or promife any thing to 
 any Perfon, till they had delivered their Opinion freely : Upon which 
 fome of them wrote to him, that they would anfwer upon their Heads, 
 that they had followed his Orders in that particular. 
 
 Ihid. 40. He fays ; ' Thefe Determinations were publifhed in the Names 
 
 ' of the Univerfities, to deceive the World by a falfe Reprefentation of fo 
 ' great Authorities. 
 
 Were the publick Seals of the Univerfities, put to their Determinati- 
 ons, afcer a long debate, all being required to deliver their Confciences 
 upon Oath, and done with the unanimous Confent of the whole Faculty 
 m fome places, falfe Reprefentations ? This was done in Italy, in Padaaf 
 Bonoma, Ferrara, and Jldilla», under the Pope and the Emperor's Eye, 
 and within their Dominions. 
 
 Pa<re ^o 4»' He fays; * Endeavours where ufed to corrupt the Univerfity of 
 ''^^ ^ ' ^Co/eft, and fome others in Germany, for which great Sums were offered, 
 
 * and that the King was at a vaft expence in it. 
 
 Crooks Accompts (hew that his Expence in Italy was very inconfidera- 
 ble. And who can imagine that when Paris^ Padua, and Bononia, had 
 declared for the King, he would be much concerned for Colm, or any 
 other Univerfity in Germany ? Thofe who will believe Sanders, and fuch 
 Authors as he quotes, CochletUj and an unknown Bilhop of Brafile^ 
 may if they will. 
 
 Page J I. 41. He fays ; ' In Oxford the King not being able to obtain a fatisfa- 
 
 * ftory Anfwer in that Matter, eight Students of the Univerfity broke 
 
 * into the place where the Seal was laid, and put it jo an ^nfwer, which 
 
 * palTcd for tlx Determination of the Univerfity. The
 
 An Appe7idix. 26$ 
 
 The Lord Herbort fays, There was an Original Inlirumcnt palled, 
 which he faw, by which the Univerfity did appoint a Committee of 3 2' 
 Dodors and Batchellors of Divinity, to examine the Queftions propo- 
 fed by the King, and to fet the Seal of the Univerfity to any Anfvver 
 that they fhould agree on : And thcfe did afterwards give a Refoluti- 
 on againft the lawfulnefs of the Marriage. 
 
 43. ' He tells a long Story of the King's endeavours to gain Regmaldpac^e -js 
 
 * Pok, and that he came over to England:, and being much prelTed '^ 
 
 * by his Kindred to comply with the King, he went to him, fully pur- 
 
 * pofed to have done it : But could not fpeak a word to him, till he re- 
 
 * folved to talk to him in another Stile ; and then he found his Tongue, 
 
 * and fpake very freely to the King, who put his Hands fometimes to his 
 
 * Ponyard, intending to have killed him i but was overcome with the 
 
 * Simplicity and Humihty of his Difourfe: And fo the King continued 
 
 * his Penfion to him, and gave him leave to go back to Padua. 
 
 This is another pretty adventure of one of the Heroes of the Ro- 
 mance, but has this misfortune in it, that it is all without any proof: 
 For as none of the Books of that Time ever mention it, fo neither did 
 Pcle himfelf pretend to have carried fo, in his Book, tho' written with 
 the moft provoking infolence that was poffible. In it he mentions his 
 going over to England, but not one word of any fuch difcourfe with the 
 King. And King Henry was not a Man of fuch a Temper, as to permit 
 one of Pole's (^ality to go out of England, and live among his Enemies, 
 and continue his Penfions to him, if he had to his face oppofed him in 
 a Matter he laid fo much to Heart. 
 
 44. He fays; * Fijl^er of Rochefter^ and Holman Bifhop o^ Brislol^Page <u 
 
 * wrote for the Marriage; ^ ■'* 
 
 There was no Biflioprick, nor Bifhop of Bristol at that time, nor 
 thirteen Years after. 
 
 * 45. ' Many are reckoned up who wrote for the Marriage in all Na.- /bid. 
 
 * tions. 
 
 Thefe are neither to be compared in Number, nor Authority, to thofe 
 who wrote againft it ; an hundred Books were fhewed in Parliament, 
 written by Divines, and Lawyers beyond Sea, befides the Determinati- 
 ons of twelve of the moft celebrated Univerfities in Europe. The Em- 
 peror did indeed give fo great Rewards, and fuch good Benefices, to 
 thofe who wrote againft the King, that it is a wonder there were not 
 more Writers of his Cde* -u 
 
 ?i 46. He fays; ^ Thit upon fVarham Arcb-Blfhop o^ Canterbury's ^QdAh^p a<re 55. 
 
 * the Earl of VVilt[bire^ told the King that he had a Chaplain, who was ^ 
 
 * at his Houfe, that would certainly ferve the King in the matter of his 
 
 * Divorce ; upon which Cranmer was promoted. 
 
 Cramner was no ftranger to the King at this time : He was firft recom- 
 mended by the King to the Earl o( PViltjhire, to be kept in his Houfe; 
 but was in Germany when Warham died, and made no hafte over, but 
 delayed his Journey fome months. It is true, he was of the mind that 
 the King ought to be divorced ; but this was not out of fervile Compli- 
 ance; for when the King prefled him in other things that were againft 
 his Confcience, he exprclTed all the Courage and Conftancy of Mind 
 which became ib great a Prelate. 
 
 I i i i 1 47. He
 
 <2G(> An Apfendix, 
 
 Ibid. 47. He fays; ' That Crannnr being to fwearthe Oath of Obedience 
 
 ' to the Pope, before he was Confecrated, did proteft to a publick Nota- 
 ' ry, that he took it againft his Will ; and that he had no Mind to keep 
 
 * his Faith to the Pope, in prejudice to the King's Authority. 
 
 He did not protell that he did it unwillingly, nor was it only to a No- 
 tary, but twice at the High Altar he repeated the Proteftation that l)c 
 made ; which was to this effeft, That he intended not thereby to ob- 
 lige himfelfto any thing, contrary to the Law of God, the King's Pre- 
 rogative, or the Laws of the Land; nor to be reftrained from fpeak- 
 ing, advifing, or confenting to any thing that fhould concern the Re- 
 formation of the Chriilian Faith, the Government of the Church of 
 England, and the Prerogative of the Crown and Kingdom. 
 
 Pace 5 7. 48. He fays ; ' Cranmer did in all things fo comply with the King's 
 '^ ' Lufls, tliat the King was wont to fay he was the only Man that had ne- 
 
 * ver contradided him in any thing he had a mind to. 
 
 Cranmer was both a good Subje£l, and a modeft and difcreet Man, 
 and fo would obey and fubmit as far as he might, without Sin : Yet when 
 his Confcience charged him to appear againft any thing that the King 
 prtlfed him to, as in the Matter of the fix Articles, he did it with 
 much Refolution and Boldnefs. 
 
 Pioe 58. 49* ^^ ^^^'i 'The King going over to Calais, carried Aune Boleyn 
 "^ ' ' fecretly with him. 
 
 He carried her over in great State, having made her Marchionefs of 
 Pembroke ; and in the publick Interview between him and Francisy fhe 
 appeared with all poffible Splendor. 
 
 f>^g 50 5'o. He fays; * After the King's return ^\-om Frame y he brought the 
 ' A£tion of Premunire againfl all the Clergy. 
 
 This is an Error of two Years; for fo long before this Voyage to 
 Frx/ice was that Aftion begun: And the Clergy about 18 Months be- 
 fore had made their Submiflion ; and obtained their Pardon in March 
 1531, which appears by the Printed Statutes, and the King went over 
 to France m September 1532; fo that it is clear Sanders never looked for 
 any Verification of what he wrote. 
 
 /^/■^. 51. He fays; ' The King, by an unheard-of Tyranny, and a new 
 
 ' Calumny, brought this Charge againft the Clergy. 
 
 Thefe Laws upon which the Charge was founded, had been oft re- 
 newed ; they were firft made under Edward the Firft, by reafon of the 
 Papal Encroachments that gave the rife to them j they were oft confir- 
 med by Edivard the Third, Richard the Second, He»ry the Fourth, and 
 Henry the Fi|th; with the Concurrence of their Parliaments, fo the 
 Charge was oeither new or Tyrannical. lujv/ j^. 1 ,:; 
 
 Ibid. 52. He fays; ' The Clergy fubmitted to the King, being betrayedby 
 
 * their Metropolitans, Cramner and Lee. 
 
 The Submiffion was niade two Years before Crtnmer was Arch-Biftiop, 
 
 in March i jj j , and Cranmtr was Confecrated in MArch 1535, but at that 
 
 time Warha.m{i.\^ \x\Canterburyi as for, Lee, he oppofed it for fome time* 
 
 Ibid. ■ 5V ^*^ ^^y*' * The whole Clergy petitioned the King, to forgive 
 
 * their Cringe, according to that Supream Power which he had over aH 
 
 * the Clergy. an(l Laity, within his Kingdom; from whence the King's 
 ' Counfcllors took occafion afterwards to call him Savream Head. 
 
 ;h . ■■ The
 
 An Appendix, 261 
 
 The Ckrgv did, in the Title of their Submiirion, call the King in for- 
 mal Terms, Supream Head of the Church and Clergy of England as far as 
 by the La'v of Chrijl is /aivful; to which h'/Jher, with the rcll of the Con- 
 vocation, fubfcribed. And all this was done when Alore was Chancellor. 
 
 y^. He fays ; * When the King went to Marry A^^e Boleyn, he per- Page <?r. 
 
 * fwaded RonUfid Lee, made foon after Bifliop of Coventry and Litchfield^ 
 
 * to officiate in it, alluring him he had obtain'd a Bull for it from Rome, 
 
 * which was then lying in his Cabinet. Upon which Lee giving Credit 
 ' to what he had, did iMarry them. 
 
 This is another trial of Sa»ders^s Wit, to excufe Lfc, who tho' at this 
 time he complied abfolutely with the King, yet did afterwards turn 
 over to the Popifli Party ; therefore to make him look a little clean, 
 this Story muft be forged. But at that time all the World faw that the 
 Pope and the Emperor were fo linked together, that Lee could not but 
 know that no fuch thing was poffible. And he was fo obfequious to 
 the King, that fuch Arts were needlefs to perfwade him to any thing 
 the King had a mind to. 
 
 5-5:. For five Pages he runs out in Repetition (of all tbofe foul Lyes Page 6y. 
 concerning Jnne Boleyn, by which he defigned both to difgrace the Re- 
 formers, who were fupported by her, and to defame her Daughter 
 Queen Elizabeth, which have been before confuted : After that he fays, 
 
 * Queen Kjtherifie, with three Maids and a fmall Family, retired into 
 
 * the Country. 
 
 She had both the refpeflof a Princefs Dowager, and all the Jointure 
 contrafted to her by Prince Arthur \ fo (he could not be driven to that 
 ftraitnefs ; but this muft go for an Ornament in the Fable. 
 
 ^6. He fays; ' It was concluded, that Cranmer m\^t be more free to Pate 71, 
 ' pafs Sentence, that there fhould be an Oath impofed on the Clergy, for 
 •paying the fame Obedience to the King, that they had paid the Pope: 
 
 * Upon which he tells a long formal Story, for two Pages, That 'it was 
 
 * refolved to draw Fip^er into it, to fwear Obedience to the King in all 
 
 * Ecclefiaftical Caufes, with that exception, as far as is Uwjtd, according 
 ' to the Word of God; which he did, and perfwaded others to do it; 
 ' and upon this Cranmer taking the New Oath, went and pronounced 
 
 * Judgment for Divorce. 
 
 There is not one tittle of this true, for there was no Oath fworn about 
 the King's Supremacy at this time. The Story of Fz/Xxsr,- is that which 
 was done by the Convocation two Years before Cranmer'' s Preterment, 
 i)or was there any Oath taken then, or at this time. It is true, two 
 Years after this, Gardiner, Stokefley, and many other Bifhops, did of 
 their own accord take fuch an Oath ; but there was no Law for it till 
 tht r%th Year of the King's Reign. - •' "■ 
 
 SJ. He fays-, 'One Richard Rifey (pv'.Rbufe, according to the Re- F/«^e yz. 
 'cords) Xvas hired by Anne Boleyn to poifon Pifher. ' ' ' 
 
 Rnufe was boiled alive for poifoning the Bifhop's Family, but did not 
 difcover any that fet him on it : Which none can think but he would 
 have done, if the Queen had hired him to it, and had thfn deferted him,, 
 to perifh in fo horrid a manner. 
 
 ;.l' 
 
 58. He fays; ^ CraTmer hQ\r\^ by Authority of Parliament freed from F<J^e 73 
 
 Miis
 
 26 S An Appendix. 
 
 ' his Oath to the Pope, and bound by a new one to the King, went 
 ' now confidently to pronounce Sentence. 
 
 The Parliament did not put down the Pope's Authority for eight 
 
 Months after this, and appointed no new Oath till three Years after ; 
 
 For Crarjmer fat in Judgment as Primate of England, and Legate of the 
 
 Apoftolick See. 
 
 l^ict> S9- H^ ^"^ysj * Cmnmn carried feme Bifliops with him, and having 
 
 * cited the Queen, without hearing her, he gave Sentence againft the 
 
 * Marriage. 
 
 Gardiner, Stokefley, CUrk, and LongUnd, the Biftiops of Wimhejlery 
 London, Bath, and Lincolny went with him. He could not hear the 
 Qiieen, when Ihe would not appear ; but he examined all the Inftru- 
 ments and Evidences that had been brought in the whole Procefs. 
 Pa"e 7j-. 60. He fays; 'The Pope would not proceed againft the King, till 
 *■ he met with the French King at MarJeilUs : But that the Englijh Am- 
 ' bafTadors did there carry fo infolently, that Francis was afhamed of 
 
 * their Behaviour; and defined the Pope to proceed againft the King 
 
 * as he thought fit, and that he fhould never defend him more, but 
 Ihould be againft him. 
 
 Here the Romance goes on too grofly, for the Pope and the French 
 King agreed at Marjeilles to bring this matter to an Iffue : The Pope de- 
 clared he thought the King's Caufe was juft and right ; and promifed, if 
 the King would fend a full SubmifFion to Rome, he would give Sentence 
 in his Favour. Upon which the French King fent over the Bifhop of Pd- 
 m, who prevailed with the King to do it ; tho' this afterwards came to 
 nothing. It is true, Bonner who was always officious and forward when 
 there was any thing to be got by it, being fent to Marfellies by the King 
 to deliver an Appeal in the King's Name to the Pope, to the next General 
 Council; and perhaps knowing nothing of the private Tranfaftions be- 
 tween the Pope and the French King, it being a Secret of too great Im- 
 portance to be communicated to fuch a hot-brain'd Man, did deliver his 
 Meffage to the Pope in fuch provoking Language, that the Pope talked 
 of throwing him into a boiling Cauldron ; and he was fain to fly for it. 
 
 Fage 76. 61. He fays; ' The Pope returning to Italy, after he had again moft 
 
 * carefully reviewed the whole Caufe, gave Sentence. 
 
 This was fo precipitated, that they would not ftay fix Days beyond 
 the time which they prefixed, for the return of the MefTenger that was 
 fent to England, but difpatched that, which by the forms oftheir Court 
 fliould have been done in three Confiftories, all in one Day. 
 
 Page 78. 6x. He fays; * Upon this Sentence, the King being enraged, did 
 
 * command Queen Katherine to be only called Princefs, and declared 
 
 * her Daughter the Lady Mary a Baftard. 
 
 Both thefe were done five Months before the Pope's Sentence, and 
 foon after, the Sentence was pronounced by Cranmer. And thefe were 
 the natural Confequences of it ; for the Marriage being annulled, neither 
 could fhc be longer a Queen, nor her Daughter Princefs any more. 
 Ihid. 63. He fays; The King imprifoned F. forefi a Francifcan Obfer- 
 
 yant, a moft holy and learned Man, for contradifting Latimer, whea 
 
 * he was enveighing againft the Pope's Authority. 
 
 Concerning this Foreft, I have feen an Original Letter of one Lifl, a 
 Friar of the.fame Houfe, a Year after this, that fays, ForeH was a great 
 
 fcandal
 
 An Appendix, 269 
 
 fcandal to their Houfe, and was very ignorant ; and that tho' he had 
 been much againft the King in his Marriage, yet he had then infinuated 
 himfelf into his Favour, of which many ot" the Houfe, who were for the 
 King's Caufe, had great Apprehenfions. In the fame Letter he writes, 
 how cruel they were againit any of their Brethren, who they thought 
 difcovcred any thing that was done among them ; and that one Rainf- 
 croft^ a Brother, whom they fufpedted to have informed what paffed 
 among them, was cruelly ufed, and kept in Prifon till he died; which 
 he chiefly imputes to Vorefl. This Friar fwore the King's Supremacy, 
 and yet at the fame time was perfwading others not to do it ; and being 
 queftioned upon it, faid, He took the Oath only with his Outward, 
 but not with his Inward Man; and for that, and his denying theGof- 
 pel, he was burnt as an obftinate Heretick. 
 
 * 64. He fays,- ' Ahell^ Powel, and Fetherfion, were put in Prifon becaufe p^^g ^g 
 
 * they confulted with the Maid of IQ»t. ^ ■^' 
 
 This is only charged upon the former of thefe, but the two latter 
 are not accufed of any fuch thing. 
 
 65. He fays 5 ' EUzaheth being born the %th of Sept ember y but Rve li/iJ. 
 
 * Months after the King had publickly Married her Mother, could not 
 
 * be the lawful Iffue of that Marriage. 
 
 This is a malicious Lye, for himfelf confefled that the King was mar- 
 ried to her Mother the 14?^ of November, the former Year ; between 
 which and the Zth of September^ there were ten Months ; nor was the 
 King ever after that Married publickly to the Queen. For what he calls 
 a publick Marriage, was only the fhcwing her openly as Queen. But 
 the defign of this Lye is fo villble, that it needs not be opened. 
 
 66. He fays ; * The King's Daughter Mary^ who was then prefent, ibid, 
 *■ could never be induced to think fhe was the King's Child. 
 
 In the former Page he faid, Mary was fent to her Mother ; and now 
 forgetting himfelf too foon, he lays, ftie was prefent when Elizabeth 
 was born. What Mary\ Thoughts were, none can tell, but fhe publickly 
 acknowledged her to be her Sifter, tho' fhe did not ufe her as one. 
 
 67. He fays; Elizabeth Barton, who was famed for Iier SinEk\ty,Page 80, 
 
 * and fix with her, who thought Ihe was infpired by the Holy Ghoft, 
 ' were accufed in Parliament. 
 
 Thofefix knew that flie was not infpired ; and that all that was gi- 
 ven out about her, was a Contrivance of theirs, who had inflrufted her 
 to play fuch Tricks ; as was proved by their own Confeflions, and other 
 Evidences. 
 
 68. He fays; *They all died very conftantly : And on the Margent/^/W. 
 
 * calls them feven Martyrs. 
 
 The Nun her felf acknowledged the Impofture at her Death, and 
 laid the heavieft weight of it on the Priefts that fuffered with her, who 
 had taught her the Cheat: So that they both died for Treafon and Im- 
 pofture. And this being Sanders^ Faith, as appeared by his Works^ they 
 were indeed Martyrs for it. 
 
 69. He fays ; ' More and Fiflier having examined her, could fee no Ibid, 
 
 * ground to think fhe was afted by a Fanatical Spirit, as it was given out. 
 
 It was not given out that (he was afted by a Fanatical Spirit, for that 
 had been more honeft ; but her Spirit was Cheating and Knavery- More 
 clear'd himfelf, and looked on her as a weak Woman, and commonly 
 
 called
 
 270 An Appendix, 
 
 called her the Stlly Maid^ But t\fher did difowii her, when the Cheat 
 was difcovered, though he had given her too much Hncouragment 
 before. 
 
 P.i'^e 8x. 70. He fays; ' The tiling flie prophefied came to pafs ; which was 
 '^ ' that Mxry Ihould be Queen of EnglmL. 
 
 The thing for which Ihe and her Complices were attainted of Trea- 
 fon, was, that (lie faid, ]f the Kjug Married, Anne Boleyn, he fljoulc^ mt 
 be a King a Month longer^ and not An Hour longer in the Jight of God., and 
 JJjould die a Villains Death. But it did not ferve Sanders's ends to tell 
 this. 
 Uid. 7 1' He fays; ' The Day fhe fuffered, many of the the Nobility came 
 
 * and fwore to the Succellion of the IfTue of the King's Marriage with 
 ' Queen Jnne, before the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury^ the Lord Chan- 
 ' cellor, and Cromwel. 
 
 Both Houfes of Parliament, did in the Houfe of Lords take that 
 
 Oath, on the Day of their Prorogation, which was the -^oth of March, 
 
 as appears by the fecond A6t of the next Seflion : And the Nun, with 
 
 her Complices, did not fufFer till the xi. of April zhtv. 
 
 Ibid. 7z. He fays; ' The Francifcans of the Obfervance, chiefly two Fa- 
 
 * thers in London, Elftony and Payton^ did, both in their Sermons and 
 publick Difputes, juftify the King's Marriage with Q;_ Katherine. 
 
 Eljlon and Pay tony were not of London, but of Greenwich. They com- 
 pared the King to Jchab, and faid, in the Pulpit, to his face, The Dogs 
 jhall lick his Blood ; with many other fuch virulent Expreflions. But to 
 rail at a Prince with the moll fpiteful Reproaches that could be, was 
 a part of Sanders'^s Faith ; And fo no Wonder thofe pafs for Confeffors, 
 when Elizabeth Barton and her Complices are reckoned Martyrs. 
 
 Page 82. 73. He fays ; ' Tonjlal Bifhop of Durefme, was ordered by the King's 
 ' Meffengers, not to come to the SelTion of Parliament x6 Regni, in 
 
 * which the King's Supremacy was eftablifhed. 
 
 In this he is fafer than in fome other Stories ; for the Journals of that 
 Seflion are lofl:, fo the falfliood of this cannot be demonftrated : Yet it 
 is not at all likeley, that he who juftified all that was done in the former 
 Seflion, in which the Pope's Power was put down, the Nomination of Bi- 
 fliops annexed to the Crown, a Reformation of Ecclefiaftical Laws ap- 
 pointed to be made, in defence of all which he wrote afterwards, was 
 now fo fcrupulous as to be ordered to ftay at home. But Tonjlal fuffering 
 imprifonment in Edward the Sixth's time, it was fit to ufe fome art to fliew 
 that he was unwillingly brought to comply with the King. 
 Ibid. 74. ' He, to (hew God's Judgments on the chief Inftruments that 
 
 ' fcrved the King, fays, That the Duke of Norfolk ^x^s by the King con- 
 *demned to perpetual Imprifonment. 
 
 ' This bewrays palpable Ignorance, fince he was attainfed of High- 
 Treafon the very Day before the King's Death, and fhould have fuffered 
 the next Day, if the King's Death had not prevented it. But fmcehe will 
 defcanton the Providence of God, hefliould rather have concluded, that 
 his efcaping fo narrowly was a fign of God's great care of him. 
 Ibid. 7 J. In the Seflion of Parliament that met the third of November ('as 
 
 he defcribes it, which was the iSth Year of the King's Reign ) he fays 
 
 * Mary the King's Daughter was illegitimated, and all her Honours were 
 
 * transferred on Elizabeth, and the Pppes Power put down. 
 
 This
 
 An Appe?idix. 271 
 
 This Ihevvs he never looked on our publick Statutes 5 otherwife he 
 had Icen that thcfe A£ls paired in the former Seflion. 
 
 76. He fays; ' When the King fent his AmbafTadors to the French Pxge 84. 
 
 * Court, Francis would not fo mucli as hear them give a Juftification of 
 
 * the King's proceedings. 
 
 How true this can be, tiic World may judge, fincc thefe two Kings 
 continued in a firm Alliance Eight Years after this. And Francis did 
 often treat, both with him and the Princes of Germany, about thefe 
 Things, and was inclined to do almoft all that he did. 
 
 77. He fays; *The Lutherans did fo abominate the Grounds of his /^/W. 
 
 * Separation from Rome^ that they could never be induced to approve 
 *it; for which he Cites Cochleus^ an Author of his own Kidney. 
 
 They did condemn the King's firft Marriage as unlawful, and thought 
 the Pope's Difpenfation had no force : And fo far they approved it. But 
 they had this fingular Opinion, that he fhould have continued unmar- 
 ried as long as Q;_ Kjtherine lived. Yet in that they were fo modeft, 
 that they only defired to be excufed, as to the fecond Marriage: Which 
 confidering that Queen Anne favoured their Doclrine, and that by an 
 abfolute compliance with what the King had done, they might have fe- 
 cured his Protection to themfelves, whom otherwife they provoked 
 highly, is an evidence of a ftri£l adhering to what their Confciences 
 Dictated, that cannot be fufficiently commended. 
 
 78. He fays; *The King made many Write Apologies for what h^Page Sf. 
 
 * did ; which fome did willingly, being tainted with Herefy, others un- 
 ' willingly, and for fear, as Gardiner and Ton flail. 
 
 In this he fhews how little judgment he had of the Nature of Things 
 when he thinks to Excufe their Writing for the King, as extorted by 
 force : To have done it through Error and Miftake, was much the fof- 
 ter Excufe ; but to make them Men of fuch proftituted Confciences, as 
 not only to Subfcribe and Swear, but to Write with Learning and Zeal, 
 and yet againft their Confciences, reprefents them guilty of unexpreflible 
 bafenefs. Indeed Gardiner was a Man like enough to Write anything 
 that might pleafe the King ; but Tonjlal was a Man of greater probity, 
 than to have done fo unworthy a thing upon any account whatfoever. 
 But fince he mentioned Writers, he fhould have named Longland Bilhop 
 of Lincoln, Stokefley Bifhop of London, and above all, Bonner, who did 
 officioudy thruft himfelf into the Debate, by writing a Preface to Gar- 
 diner^s Book, with the greateft vehemence that could be. But the Blood 
 he filed afterwards did fo endear him to this Author, that all paft Faults; 
 were forgiven, and to be clean forgotten. 
 
 79. He fays; ' Five Martyrs fufFered, bccaufe they would not (wezt Page 85. 
 
 * the King's Supremacy, according to the Law that was then paffed. 
 
 There was no fuch Law made at that time, nor could any fuch Oath 
 be then put to them. The only Oath which the Parliament had ena- 
 fted, was the Oath of the SuccefTion, and the refufing it, was only mif- 
 prilion of Treafon, and was not punifhable by Death. But it was for 
 denying the King's Supremacy, and for writing and fpeaking both a- 
 gainft it, and his Marriage, that they fufFered according to Law. 
 
 80. He fays; * C^wwfpe/ threatned the Jury, in the King's Name, with f ^^^ 87. 
 
 * certain Death, if they did not bring them in Guilty. 
 
 Every Body that knows the Law of England, will foon conclude this 
 to be a Lye : For no fuch Threatnings were ever made in Trials in this 
 Nation: Nor was there any need at this lime: For the Law was fo 
 
 K k k k plain,
 
 272 An Appendix. 
 
 plain, and their Facts fo clearly proved, that the Jury could not ret'ufe 
 to bring them in Guilty. 
 
 P;«. 88j85», 8 1. He fays; The three Carthufians that fuffered, were made ftand 
 upright, and in one place, fourteen days together, with Irons about their 
 Necks, Arms, and Legs, before they died ; and then with great pomp 
 he dcfcribes their Death in all its parts, as if it had been a new-devifed 
 Cruelty, it being the Death which the Law appoints for Traitors. He 
 rells, that Cromwel lamented that others of them had died in their Cells, 
 and fo prevented his Cruelty. He alfo adds a long ftory of the feverities 
 againft the Framijcans. 
 
 All this he drew from his learning in the Legend. The Englifh Na- 
 tion knows none of thefe Cruelites, in which the S^mifh Inquilitors are 
 very expert. I find, by fome Original Letters, that the Carthuftam who 
 were fliut up in their Cells, lived about a Year after this; fo \i Cromwel 
 had defigned to take away their lives, he wanted not opportunities ; but 
 it appears from what More writ in his Imprifonmcnt, that Cromwel was 
 not a cruel Man, but on the contrary, merciful and gentle. And for the 
 Francij'cans^ tho' they had offended the King highly, two of them railing 
 fpitefully at him to his Face, in his Chappel at Greemvich: Yet that 
 was pafled over with a Reproof, from which it appears that he was not 
 ea/ily provoked againft them. So all that Relation which he gives, 
 being without any Authority, muft pafs for a part of the Poem. 
 
 i'j^e 5)1. 8i. He fays; 'The Bifliop of Rochefler was Condemned, becaufe 
 
 * he would not acknowledge the King's Supremacy in Ecclefiaftial Mat- 
 
 * ters. 
 
 He was never prefTed to acknowledge it, but was Condemned for 
 denying it, and fpeaking againft it : For had he kept his Opinion to 
 himfelf, he could not have been queftioned. But the denying the King's 
 Titles, of which his being Supream Head was one, was by the Law 
 Treafon ; fo he was tried for fpeaking againft it, and not for his not 
 acknowledging it. 
 
 Page p3. 83. 'He runs out in an high Commendation of Fijber^ and among 
 ' other things, mentions his Epifcopal and Apoftolical Charity. 
 
 His Charity was burning indeed. He was a mercilefs Profecutor of 
 Hereticks, fo that the rigor of the Law, under which he fell, was the 
 fame Meafure that he had Meafured out to others. 
 
 Page 100. 84. Smders will let the World fee how carefully he had Read the Le- 
 gend, and how skilfully he could write after that Copy, in a prety Fa- 
 bulous Story concerning Mare's Death ; to whom I will deny none of 
 the Praifes due to his Memory, for his great Learning, and fingular Pro- 
 bity : Nor had he any blemifh but >a hat flowed from the Leaven of that 
 cruel Religion, which carried him to great Severities againft thofe tliat 
 Preached for a Reformation. His Daughter Roper was a Woman of 
 great Vertue, and worthy of fuch a Father, who needed none oi Sari' 
 deri^s Art to reprefent her well to the World. His Story is ; ' That the 
 
 * moining her Father died, ftie went about diftributing all the Mony ftie 
 ' had, in Alms to the Poor : And at laft was at her Prayers in a Church, 
 
 * when of a fudden (he remembred that (he had forgot to provide a 
 
 * Winding-fheet for his Body ; but having no more Mony left, and not 
 
 * being well known in that place, Ihe apprehended they would not give 
 'her Credit: Yet fhe went to a Linnen- Drapers Shop, and calling ifor 
 ' fo much Cloth, fhe put her Hand in her Pocket, knowing Ihe had 
 * 'nothing in it, but intending to make an Excufe, and try if they would 
 
 * truft
 
 An Appendix. 273 
 
 * truft her. But by a Miracle ihe found the price of the Sheet, and nei- 
 
 * ther more nor lefs, was conveighed into her Pocket. 
 
 This is fuch a lively eflay of the Man's Spirit that invented it, that 
 I leave it without any further Commentary. 
 
 85. He fays ,• ' Lee that was not in Orders, was fcnt to vifit the Mo- Pa^e 105. 
 
 * naileries, who follicited the Chaftity of the Nuns. 
 
 He does not mention Leighton and Londotiy the two Chief Vifitors for 
 Leighton brought in Lee: But they were of the Popifli Party, and £ee 
 was Cranmerh Friend, therefore all muft be laid on him. He was in 
 Orders, and foon after was made Dean of Tork. I have feen Complaints 
 of Dr. London^ folliciting the Nuns, yet I do not find Lee complained of. 
 But fince London was a Perfecutor of Hereticks, fuch a fmall kindnefs, 
 as the concealing his Name, and the turning the blame over on Lee^ was 
 not to be ftood on among Friends, efpecially by a Man of Smdersh in- 
 genuity. 
 
 86. For the correfpondence between Q. Kjithenne and Father Forefi^ p^ 
 
 and the Letters that paft ; fince Sanders tells us not a word how he came ^' 
 
 by them, we are to look on them as a piece of the Romance. 
 
 87. He fays ; ' Anne Boleyn bore a monflrous and a mifhaped Lump oipage 1 14 
 
 * Flefh, when the time of her bearing another Child came. '** 
 
 She bore a dead Child before the time, fays Hall; but their was no 
 great reproach in that, unlefs made up by Sanders's Wit. 
 
 88. He lay s out the Bufinefs of Anne Bolejn with fo much Spite and Ma- p^^e 1 1 c 
 lice, that we may eafily fee againft whom he chiefly defigned this part of 
 
 his Work. He fays ; * She was found guilty of Adultery and Inceft. 
 
 There was no Evidence againft her, but only a hear-fay from the 
 Lady Wingfield: We neither know the Credit of that Lady, nor of the 
 Perfon who related it in her Name, It is true, Mark Smeton did confefs 
 his Adultery with the Queen, but it was generally thought he was 
 drawn into it by fome Promifes that were made to him, and fo chea- 
 ted out of his Life ; but for the Queen, and the other Four, they at- 
 tefted their Innocency to the laft : Nor would any of thofe unfortunate 
 Perfons redeem their Lives at fo ignominious a rate, as to charge the 
 Queen, whom they declared they knew to be Innocent; fo that all the Evi- 
 dence againft her, was an hear-fay of a Woman that was dead, the Con- 
 felTion of a poor Mufician, and fome idle words her felf fpake of the 
 Difconrfes that had palled between her and fome of thofe Gentlemen. 
 
 89. He fays; * Foreigners did generally rejoice at her fall: And to paoe jjtf, 
 
 * prove this, he Cites Cochleash Words, that only Ihew that Author's ill 
 ' Opinion of her. 
 
 The Germans had fo great a value of her, that all their Correfpon- 
 dence with the King fell to the ground with her : But he may well Cite 
 Cochieus^ an Author of the fame Honefty with himfelf, from whofe 
 Writings we may with the like fecurity make a Judgment of Foreign 
 Matters, as we may upon Sanders'*^ Teftimony believe the Account he 
 gives of Englifh Affairs. 
 
 90. He tells us, among other things done by the King, and picks Itpa^g „- 
 out as the only Inftance he mentions of the King's Injunftion, * Tliat 
 
 * the People (hould be taught in Churches the Lord's Prayer, the Ave, 
 
 * the Creed, and the Ten Commandments, in Englifh. 
 
 It feems this Author thought the giving thefe Elements of Religion 
 to the People in the vulgar Tongue , a very heinous Crime, when this is 
 fingled out from all the reft. 
 
 Kkkkz 91.* That
 
 274 -^^^ Appendix. 
 
 Ibid. 91. ' That being done, he fays, there was next a Book Puhlifhed, 
 
 ' called Articles, appointed by the Kings Majefty, which were the Six 
 
 * Articles. 
 
 This (hews that he either had no information of Eftglijh Affairs, or 
 was flecping when he Wrote this : For the Six Articles were not Pub- 
 liflicd foon after the Injundtions, as he makes it, by the fame Parlia- 
 ment and Convocation, but three Years after, by another Parliament : 
 They were never put in a Book, nor Publifhed in the King^s Name ^ 
 they were Enafted in Parliament, and are neither mere nor lefs than 25 
 Lines in the firll ImprefTion of that Aft ; fo far (hort come they of a Book. 
 P.i'^e no. 92- He reckons up very defeftively the Differences between the 
 Church of Rome; and the Doftrine fet forth by the King's Authority: 
 But in one Point he fhews his ordinary Wit ; for in the Sixth particular, 
 he fays, ' He retained the Sacrament of Order, but appointed a New 
 
 * Form of Confecrating of Bifliops. 
 
 This he put in out of Malice, that he might annul the Ordinations 
 of that Time j but the thing is falfe : For except that the Bifliops, inftead 
 of their Oaths of Obedience to the Pope, which they formerly fwore, 
 did not fwear to the King, there was no other Change made ; and that 
 to be fure, is no part of the Form of Confecration. 
 Pa>re 110. 9 V He refolved once to fpeak what he thought was Truth, tho' it be 
 *^ ' treafonabic and impious : And fays, ' Upon thefe Changes, many in 
 
 ' Lhcolnjhire^ and the Northern Parts, did rife for Religion, and the 
 ' Yaith of Chrift. 
 
 This was indeed the Motive by which their Seditious Priefts mifled 
 them ; yet he is miftaken in the Time, for it was not after the Six Arti- 
 cles were Publiflied, but almoft three Years before it. Nor was it for the 
 Faith of Chrift, which teaches us to be Humble, Subjeft, and Obedient ; 
 but becaufe theKing was removing fome of the Corruptions of the Faith, 
 which their falfe Teachers did impioufly call the Faith of Chrift. 
 Ibid. 94- He fays; 'The King did promife moft faithfully, that all thefe 
 
 ^ Things of which they complained, (hould be amended. 
 
 This' is fo evidently falfe, that it is plain Sanders refolved dextroufly 
 tQ avoid thefpeaking of any fort of Truth ; For the King did fully and 
 formally tell them, he would not be Directed nor Counfelled by them in 
 thefe Points they complained of, and did only offer them an Amneiiy 
 for what was pafi. 
 fiwe 111. 95' *Then he reckons up 32 that died for the Defence of the Faith. 
 They were attainted of Treafon, for being in actual Rebellion a~ 
 gainft the King: And thus it appears that Rebellion was the Fmh in his 
 fenfe ; and himfelf died for it, or rather in it, having been ftarved to 
 death in.a Wood, to which he fled after one of his rebellious Attempts 
 on his Soverajgn, in which he was the Pope's Nuncio. 
 Vaoe 111. 96- He fays.; 'The King killed the Earl of Kjldare, and Five of his 
 
 ' Uncles. 
 
 By this ftrange way of expreffing a legal Attainder, and the execu- 
 tion of a Sentence for manifeft Treafon and Rebellion, he would infi- 
 nuate on the Reader, a fancy, tliatone of Bonmrh cruel Fits had taken 
 the King, and that he had killed thofe with his own Hand. The Lord 
 Herbert has fully opened that part of the Hilfory, from the Records chat 
 he few ; and Ihews that a more refolved Rebellion could not be, than 
 that was, of which the Earl of Kjldare and his Uncles were Guilty. 
 But becaufe they fent to the Pope and Emperor for Affiftancc, the Earl 
 
 dcfiring
 
 An Appendix, 275 
 
 dcfiring to hold the Kingdom oi' Ire/and o( the Pope, fince the King by 
 his Heiefy ha;) fallen from his Right to it, Sanders mull needs have a 
 great kindnefs for their xMemory, who thus fuft'erd for his fa/th. 
 
 97. He fays; ' Queen J^^e %wo«r being in hard Labour of Prince /^z^. 
 
 * Edward, the King ordered her Body to be To opened by Surgeons, that 
 , (he died foon after. 
 
 All this is falfe, for fhc had a good Delivery, as many Original Let- 
 ters written by her Council ( that have been fince Printed ) do fliew, 
 but fhe died two days after of a Diftemper incident to her Sex. 
 
 98. He fets down fome PafTages of Cardinal Poles'*s Heroical Conftan- p^„g , ^ - 
 cy; which being proved by no Evidence, and not being told by any 
 
 other Writer, ( whom I ever faw) are to be look'd on as the flouriflies 
 of the Poet to fet off his Hero. 
 
 99. He would perfvvade the World, that the Marquefs of Exeter^ the Pa^e ii-?- 
 hord Montac/ae, and the reft that fuffered at that Time, died, becaufe 
 
 they were believed to diflike the King's Wicked Proceedings ; and that 
 the Countefs of Sarum was Beheaded on this fingle account, that flie 
 was the Mother of fuch a Son, and was fincerely addifted to the Catho- 
 lick Faith; and that Ihe was Condemned becaufe fhe Wrote to her Son, 
 and for wearing in her Breafl, the Pidure of the Five Wounds of Chrift. 
 
 The Marquefs of Exeter pretended he was well fatisfied with the King's 
 Proceedings, and was Lord Steward when the Lords Darcy and HafJiewQXQ 
 Tried, and he gave Judgment againfl them. But it being difcovered that 
 he and other Perfons approved of Cardinal Po/e's Proceedings, who en- 
 deavoured to engage all Chriftian Princes in a League againft the King, 
 purfuant to which they had exprefTed themfelves, on feveral Occafions, 
 refolv^ed, when a fit opportunity offered it felf, to Rebel ; it was no won- 
 der if the King proceeded againft them according to Law. And for the 
 Countefs of Sarum^ tho' the legality of that Sentence pafTed againft her 
 cannot be defended, yet fhe had given great offence ; not only by her Cor- 
 refpondence with her Son, but by the Bulls fhe had received from Rome^ 
 and by her oppofing the King's Injunctions, hindring all her Tenants to 
 read the New Teftament, or any other Book fet out by the King's Order. 
 And for the Pifture, which was found among her Cloaths, in having been 
 the Standard of the Rebellion, and the Arms of Englandhdng found on the 
 other fide of it, there was juft ground to fufpeft an ill Defign in it. 
 
 100. He fays; 'The Images which the King deftroyed, were by p^^^ 12^9; 
 *many wonderful Works of God, recommended to the Devotion of ^ 
 
 * the Nation. 
 
 All the wonder in thefe Works, was the knavery of fome juglmg 
 Impoftors, and the fimplicity of a credulous multitude, of whichi fee 
 Page 114. which being fo openly difcovered, nothing that had fliame 
 iir it, could fpeak of them asfiur Author does, 
 
 101. He fays ; ' Six and twenty Carts drawn with Oxen, were loaded Page 131. 
 
 * with the Riches taken from Thom.ts Backet^ Shrine ; whom he makes 
 *a moft glorious Martyr, that died for the Defence of the Faithy and 
 ' was honoured by many Miracles after his deatli. 
 
 Other Writers have fufficiently fhewed what a perfidious, Ingratefui, 
 and turbulent Prieft he was. All thefc were Vertues in our Author's 
 Opinion, and Ingredients in his Faith. But he has in this Accompt of 
 the Riches of the Shrine, gone beyond himfelf, having by a figure of 
 Speech very familiar to him, (called Lying) increafed rwo Cliefts (fee 
 Fagezz^.^ to x6 Cart Loads. 
 
 \or. He
 
 2 76" An Appendix, 
 
 Faoe 151. 101. He faysi 'The Sentence which P. Paul gz\c out againft the 
 
 * King, was affixed in fome Towns, both in France^ lUfiders^ and Scot- 
 
 * land : From which he infers, that both the Emperor, the French, and 
 ' Scotch King, did confent to that Sentence. 
 
 In this he defigned an eminent piece of Service to the Apoftolick See, 
 to leave on Record an Evidence, that Three Soveraign Princes had ac- 
 knowledged tlic Pope's Power of depofing Kings. But he did ill to 
 name the Proofs of his AlTertion, and had done better to have faid lim- 
 ply that it was fo, than to have founded it on fo ill grounds: As if the 
 affixing Papal Bulls in a place, were an evidence that the Princes in 
 whofe Dominions it was done, confented to it. He might with the 
 fame reafon have concluded, that Q^^Eltzaheth confented to the Sen- 
 tence agiiinrt her fclf; which it is very like will not be eafily believed, 
 tho' the Bull was affixed in Lo»don. But all thofe very Princes whom 
 he names, continuing to keep up their correfpondence with the King, as 
 well after as before this Sentence, is a much clearer demonftiation that 
 they defpifed the Pope's Sentence. 
 
 Fage 134. 103. He fays; 'The King, by his own Authority, threw all the 
 ' Begging Orders out of their Houfes. 
 
 The falfliood of this hath appeared already, for they refigned their 
 Houfes to the King : And of thefe Refignations, tho' many were Deftroy- 
 cd, yet near an Hundred are ftill Extant. 
 
 Ibid^ 104. He fays; 'The Parliament, in the Year 1539, gave the King 
 
 ' all the great Monafteries. 
 
 The Parliament Palled no fuch Aft ; all that they did, was only to 
 confirm the Grants made, or to be made by thefe Houfes to the King. 
 It was their Surrenders that cloathed the King with the Right to them. 
 All the Tragical Stories he tells us that followed upon this, are founded 
 on a falfe Foundation. 
 
 Page 13)-. 1 oy. He fets down a Form of a Refignation, which he fays, ' All the 
 
 * Abbots, and many Religious Perfons, were made to Sign and fet their 
 ' Seals to it. 
 
 Among all the Refignations which are yet extant, there is not one in 
 this Form ; for which fee Page x^S. 
 Piige 135. 106. He fays; ' The King's Commiffioners, who went about getting 
 
 * Hands to that Form, made them believe, in every Houfe, that all the 
 ' rert had ugned it ; and fo by that, and other perfwafions, prevailed 
 ' with many to fet their Hands to it. 
 
 If all the Subfcriptions had been procured about the fame time, fuch 
 Arts might be fufpcfted : But in a Thing that was Three Years a doing, 
 thefe Tricks could not have fervedtheir turn. 
 
 Ibid. 107. He fays; 'They told the Monks, that tho' the King might, by 
 
 ' Virtue of the Aft of Parliament, feize on their Houfes and Rents, yet 
 'hedefired rather to do it with their Good-will. 
 
 In this there are two Errors ; Firft, Moft of thefe Houfes were re- 
 figned to the King before the Aft of Parliament, fee Pag. 135. And next, 
 the Aft of Parliament only confirmed their Deeds, but did not give 
 their Houfes to the King. 
 
 Page 137. 108. He fays; ' The Abbots of GUffenbary, Colchejler, and Reading, 
 ' fuffered Martyrdom, becaufe they refufed to fet their Hands to that 
 
 * Writing. 
 
 There was no fuch Writing ever offered to them, nor was there any 
 Law to force them to refign ; So they could not fuffer on that account ; 
 
 but
 
 A^i Appendix, 277 
 
 but ihey were Martyrs for Sanders^s Fatth^ tor tliey were attainted by 
 a legal Trial of High Trcafon. 
 
 1 09. ' He tells a long Story of Whittitjg Abbot of GUjfenburfs being Page 1 3 8, 
 
 * brought up to London, to be prevailed with tofet his Hand to the Sur- 
 
 * render. Which he rtill refuilng to do, was fent back j and tho' a 
 
 * Book againft the King's Divorce was found among his Papers, which 
 
 * was laid there by thofe who fearched for it ; yet that was part over in a 
 
 * chiding : But as he went home, hearing there was a meeting of the 
 
 * County at HW/j, he went thither; and as he was going up to his place 
 
 * on the Bench, he was called to the Bar to anfwer fome Things that were 
 ' to be objefted to him : He was amazed at it, and asked what the mat- 
 
 * ter was ? But one told him, he needed fear nothing, for fomewhat 
 
 * was only to be done for form to terrify others: Upon which he was 
 
 * condemned and fent away to his Abbey, little thinking he was fo near 
 
 * his end ; but when he came near it, a Priert was fent to him to take 
 
 * his Confeflion, for they told him he muft die immediately j he begg'd 
 
 * a day or two's rcfpite, but in vain : So they Hang'd him up in his Ha- 
 
 * bit, on the top of the Hill near his Abbey, and Quartered him ; and 
 
 * all this was done in one day. 
 
 This Book came out in Foreign Parts, and was Printed at Rome, in 
 the Reign of 5m//^ the Fifth, who took great pleafure in fuch Execu- 
 tions, as he defcribes this to have been ; which may fall oft out, where 
 the lives of the Subjeds are wholly at the Princes Mercy : But to tell 
 fuch Tales of Ef7gla»d^ which is fo famed over the World for the fafety 
 and fecurity the bubjedts enjoy, and for the regular and legal proceed- 
 ings in all Trials, efpecially of Life and Death, was a great Error in 
 the Poet; for the decorum of the Laws and Cuftoms of a place muft be 
 obferved, when any Nation is made the Secne of a Fable. But as no- 
 thing like this can be done by the Law of England, fo there was nothing 
 of it m this Cafe: The Jury that fate on him, were Men of great Credit 
 in the Country: When he died, he acknowledged his Offences; and 
 with appearance of Repentance, begged God's Pardon, and the King's : 
 See Pag. 239. 
 
 1 10. After many bitter Inveftives againft Cromrvel, for which I could p^g j . ^. 
 never fee good Evidence, tho' I cannot difprove them by any convincing 
 Argunients, he fays, < That he advifed the King to make a Law, that 
 
 * Perfons might be Convented and Condemned in abfence, and with- 
 
 * out being Heard: And that this Law firft of all fell upon himfelf. 
 
 There was no fuch Law ever made, only the Parliament by their 
 Supream Authority, did Attaint fome in that manner, but no other 
 Court might do it. Nor was this firft applied to Cromwel; for a Year 
 before his Attainder, the Countefs ofSarum, with a great many mere, 
 were fo attainted, tho' fhe did not fuffer till a Year after him. 
 
 111. He tells many Reafons why the King had a mind to put away j^^-j 
 Anne of Cleve : But in This, as in other Things, he betrays a profound ig- 
 norance of that Time; for every Body knew, that the King, from the 
 firft time he faw her, difliked her, and that he never Confummated the 
 Marriage. 
 
 This is a Subjeft not fit to be long dwelt on ; but if any will compare 
 the Account I give of this Matter from Records, with Sanders^s Tale, 
 they will f.e that he Wrote at random, and did not fo much as know 
 Publick TranfdQions. 
 
 112. He faysj ' The King had promifed to the Emperor, That he Page 146. 
 
 would
 
 278 An Appendix. 
 
 'would no longer continue in the Smalcaldick League; but Cromwel 
 
 * counterfeited the King's Hand, to a new Confirmation of it; which 
 ' coming to the Emperor's knowledg, he challenged the King of it ,• 
 ' and fent him over a Copy of it; upon which the King difowned ir, 
 
 * and caft it on Cromwel ; and that this was the caufe of his fall. 
 
 This I believe is one of Sj»ders^s Dreams ; there is not one word of it 
 in CrornmPs Attainder; ncr do I find the leaft ihadow of this in fome 
 Original Letters which lie wrote to the King for his Pardon, in which 
 lie anfwers many of the Things laid to his Charge. Nor is it likely he 
 would adventure on fo bold a Thing, with fuch a King; nor could the 
 Emperor have that Writing in his Power, as long as the King lived; for 
 it is not to be imagined how he coilld come by it, till he had taken the 
 Duke of S.txo>jy Prifoner^ which was after this Kings Death. 
 
 p ^^g^ 113. He fays; ' Wlien Cromwel was put to Death, the King proceed- 
 ' ed to the Divorce of A»»e of Cleve. 
 
 The Divorce was judged by the Convocation, Eight days before 
 CrommPs Death, and confirmed in Parliament, which was diffolved be- 
 fore he fuffered. 
 
 Ibid. 114' ^^ ^^y^' 'The King fent to her, to tell her, he had a mind to 
 
 * be feparated from her ; and tho' he could proceed more feverely 
 ' againft her, fince he knew flie was an Heretick; yet for her Families 
 ' fake, he left it to her felf to devife any Reafon for their Divorce j 
 
 * Upon which fhe came next day to the Senate, ( which may be either 
 ' the King's Council, or the Parliament ) and confelTed fhe had been 
 ' Married to another before fhe was Married to the King ; and tbere- 
 ' upon, by the Authority of Parliament, he was divorced, and within 
 
 * Eight Days Married Kjttherine Howard. 
 
 There are but fix grofs Errors in this Period, i. The King fent not 
 any Meffage to her, nor came there any Anfwer from her, till the Sen- 
 tence of Divorce was quite palTed. 1. In the Original Letter with 
 thofe he fent to her, wrote to him from Richmond, it appears that they 
 ufed no threatnings to her, but barely told her what was done ; to 
 which fhe acquiefced. 3. She never came from Richmond in all that 
 Procefs, and fo made no fuch declaration in the Senate. 4. She did 
 not fay that (lie was Married to another, but only that fhe had been 
 Contrafted to the Prince of horrain when fhe was under Age. 5. The 
 Parliament did not diffolve the Marriage, but only confirmed the Sen- 
 tence of the Convocation. 6. The King did not Marry Kjitherine Ho' 
 wird before the Sth.o^ AuguH, and the Divorce was Judged the lotb 
 of jf///y, a Month wanting two days. 
 y 115. He fays 5 ' The King had Coofummated the Marriage for Seven 
 
 ^ * Months together. 
 
 There were but fix Months between his Marriage and the Divorce ; 
 and in all that while, as they Bedded but feldom, fo there were very 
 clear Evidences brought, that it was not Confummated. 
 Page i c i. 1 1 6. He fays ; * The King fent the Bifhop of WimbeHery and Sir Hen- 
 dry Kjievet., to the Diet of the Empire; who were ordered to propofe 
 ' to the Emperor, that the King might be again Reconciled to the See of 
 ^Rme\ to which, he adds, his Confciencedid drive him: But fince the 
 •* King would not confefs his pafl Crimes, nor do Penance for them, nor 
 
 * reftore the Goods of the Church, it came to nothing. 
 
 This is another Ornament of the Fable, to fhew the Poet's Wit ; but 
 is as void of Truth, as any pafTage in PUutus or Terence is. For the 
 
 King
 
 Addenda. 27^ 
 
 King was all his Life fo intraftable in that Point, that the Popilh Party- 
 had no other way to maintain their Intereft with him, but to comply, 
 not without Aflfeftation in that Matter : And when an Information was 
 given againft Gardiner for his holding fome Correfpondence with the 
 Pope's Legate at the Diet, he got the Man who had innocently difco- 
 vered it, to be put in Priibn ; and faid, it was a Plot againft him to 
 ruin him, which he needed not be fo Sollicitous about, if his Inftru£lions 
 from the King had allowed him to enter on fuch a Treaty. 
 
 117. He runs out in a long digreffion, upon the King's afTuming the Pa'^e 155. 
 Title of King of Ireland ; to ihew that the Kings of Englmi only hold 
 
 Ireland by the Pope's Donation. 
 
 In this Sanders fliews his Art, he being to carry the Standard of Re- 
 bellion in that Kingdom, to blaft the King's Right to it. He acknow- 
 ledges the Crown of England had the Dominion of Ireland, with the 
 Title of Lord of Ireland, about 400 Years: And certainly if (6 long a 
 poffeflion does not give a good Title, and a prefcriptioii againft all Other 
 Pretenders, moft of the Royal Families in Chriftendom will be to feek 
 for their Rights. But he fays. It was given by the Pope to King f/e»rj 
 the Second ; and yet he confefl'es that he had conquered fbme parts of 
 it, betore that Grant wasfent him by Hadrian the Fourth. Certainly, 
 King Henry the Second had as good a right to take it, as Pope Hadrian 
 had to give it : Nor was the King's accepting the Pope's Donation, any 
 prejudice to his Title: For things extorted or allowed upon a publick 
 Error, can have no force, when that is openly difcovered. If then the 
 Superftition of thofe Ages, made, that the Pope's Donation was a great 
 help to any Pretender, it was no wonder that Kings made ufe of it ; but 
 it were a wonder indeed if they fhould acknowledg it, after the Trick 
 is known and feen by all. 
 
 118. After this, and a Satyr againft Queen £//^^^e?^ for alTuming the p^,.^ j^^; 
 Title, Defender of the Faith, and a long enumeration of the exaftions "^ 
 inthelaft Years of his Reign; in which tho' there is matter enough for 
 
 I'evere Complaints, yet many of the Particulars he mentions are without 
 any proof, and muft reft on the Author's credit 5 which by this time, the 
 Reader will acknowledg is not very great. Another long difcourfe of 
 fome length follows, of the Misfortunes of the Duke of Norfolk^ and of 
 all that ferved the King in his Divorce, and in the following Anions of 
 his Life: From which he infers, that thefe were efFefts of a Curfe from 
 Heaven upon all that he did, and on all thofe that allifted him : But as 
 the Inference is bad, fo he forgot to mention thofe Noble Families that 
 were raifed in his Time, and have continued Gnce in great Honour ; as 
 th&Seymours, from whom the Dukes oi Somerjet are detcended ; the Pau- 
 lets, from whom the Marquefs of Winchester derives j the Ruffels, Wri- 
 othflies-, Herberts, Riches, and Cromrvells, from whom the Earls of Bed~ 
 ford, Southampton, Pembroke, Effex, and ArdgUfs have defcended ; and 
 the Browns, the Petres, the Pagets, the Norths, and the Montagacs,(i:om 
 whom the Vice-Count Mountague, the Barons Petre^ P^g^f-, North, and 
 Mountague, arc defcended. Thefe Families have now flourifhed in great 
 Wealth and Honour an Age and a half j and only one of them has, and 
 that but very lately determined in the Male Line .- But the Illuftrious 
 Female Branches of it are intermixed with other Noble Families. So 
 that the Obfcrvation is falfe, and the Inference is weak. 
 
 119. He fays; ^ When the King found his ftrength declining, he had pa^e 144! 
 * again fome thoughts of reconciling himfelf to the Church of Rome ; 
 
 L I 11 which
 
 28o 
 
 Addenda, 
 
 * which when it waspropofed to one of the Bifhops, he made a flatter- 
 ' ing Anfwer. But Gardner moved that a Parliament might be called 
 
 . < for doing it: And that the King for the quiet of his own Confcience, 
 
 * would vow to do it ; of which God would accept in that extremity, 
 ' when more was not pofllble to be done. But feme of his Courtiers 
 
 * coming about him, who were very apprehenfive of fuch a Reconcili- 
 *aiton, left they fliould have been made reftore the Goods of the 
 ' Church, diverted the King from it : And from this our Author infers, 
 *that what the King had done, wasagainft his Confcience, and that fo 
 
 * he finned the Sin againft the Holy Ghoft. 
 
 I fliall not examine this I'heological Definition of the Sin againft the 
 Holy Ghoft; for my Quarrel is not at prefent with his Divinity, but 
 with his Hiftory, tho' it were eafy to fhew that he is alike at both. But 
 for this Story, it is a pure Dream ; for not only there is no Evidence 
 for it, nor did Gare/i»er in the Reign of Queen Mary ever own any fuch 
 thingj tho' it had been then much for the credit of their Caufe, efpeci- 
 ally he being often upbraided with his compliances to this King, for 
 which the mention of his Repentance had furnifhed him with a good 
 Anfv\cr : But as the Tale is told, the Fidion appears too plainly, for 
 a Parliament was aftually fitting during the Kings Sicknefs, which was 
 dillolved by his Death, and no fuch Propofition was made in it. The 
 King on the contrary deftroyed the chief hopes of the Popifh Party 
 which were founded on the Duke of AV/o/zt's greatnefs, by the Attain- 
 der which was pafTed a day before he died. And yet Sanders makes 
 this Difcourfe to have been between the King and Gardiner after his fall, 
 and his Sons Death, between which, and the King's Death, there were 
 only nine days: But befides all this, Gardiner had loft the King's Favour 
 a confiderable time before his Death. 
 Pdgs 166. 120. He fays; ' The King, that he might not feem never to have 
 
 * done any good in his whole Life, as he was dying, founded Chrifi^s 
 ' church Hofpital in London ; which was all the Reftitution he ever 
 
 * made for the Monafteries and Churches he had robbed and fpoiled. 
 
 If it had not already appeared, in many Inftances, that our Author 
 had as little ftiame as honefty, here is a fufficient proof of it. I will not 
 undertake to juftify the King, as if he had done what he ought to have 
 done, in his new Foundations: But it is the height of impudence to de- 
 ny things that all £;ig//tW knows. He founded fix Bifhopricks; he en- 
 dowed Deans and Prebendaries, with all the other Oflices belonging to 
 a Cathedral, in fourteen feveral Sees, Canterburjy Winchejlery Durejme, 
 E/j, Norwich, Rochefler^ Worcejler, and Car lip i together with Wefi' 
 minftery Chefler, Oxford^ G/oucefiery Peterboroaghy and BriHoly where, he 
 Endowed Biihopricks likewife. He founded many Grammar»Schools, as 
 Burton, Canterbury, Coventry, Worcejler, 6ic. He founded and Endowed 
 Trmity Colledg in Cambridgy which is one of the nobleft Foundations in 
 Chriftendom. He alfo founded Profeftbrs in both Univerfities, for 
 Greek, Hebrervy Law, Phyftck, and Divinity. What cenfure then dc- 
 ferves our Author, for faying. That the 'Ro(^\i2i\ oi Chrifis -Church was 
 all the Reftitution he ever made of the Church-Lands? 
 Ibid. . 1 2 J • He gives a Chara£ler of the King, which fuits very well with his 
 
 Hiftory, his Malice in it being extravagantly Ridiculous. Among other 
 things, he fays ; ' The King promoted always learned Biftiops, Cranmer 
 
 * only being excepted, whom he advanced to fervc his Lufts. 
 
 Cranmer was a Man of greater Learning than any that ever fate in 
 
 that
 
 An Appendix, 281 
 
 that Sec before liini, as appears in every thing tliat he Writ; Tonftxl 
 was a Learned Man, and Gardiner was much efteemed for Learning ; yet 
 if any will compare CrAnmeis Books of the Sacrament, with thofe the 
 other two Writ on the fame fubjeft; there is fo great a difference be- 
 tween tlic Learning and Solidity of the one and the other, that no Man 
 of common Ingenuity can read tliem, but he muft confefs it. 
 
 iiz. He fays ; ' When the King found himfelf expiring, he called for a ^aze 170 
 
 * Boul of White- Wine, and faid to one that was near him, We have lost 
 *■ all: And was often heard repeating Monks^ Monks, and fohe died. 
 
 This was to make the Fable end as it had gone on, and it is forged 
 without any Authority or appearance of Truth. The manner of his 
 Death was already told, fo it needs not be repeated. 
 
 115. He fays J * The King by his Will appointed tlie Crown to go 15 
 
 * to his Righteous Heirs after his Three Children, and icommanded his ^^^ ' ''^' 
 
 * Son to be bred a true Catholick: But his Will was changed, and ano- 
 
 * ther was forged, by which the Line of Scotland was excluded, and 
 
 * they bred his Son a Heretick. 
 
 There was no fuch Will ever heard of 5 and in atl the Debates that 
 were managed in Queen Eliza(;etfA Reign about the Succeffion, thofe 
 tliat pleaded for the 6coti(h Line, never alledged this ; which had it 
 been true, did put an end to the whole Controverfy. It was indeed 
 faid, that the Will which was given out as the King's Will, was not 
 ligned by his Hand, nor fealed by his Order, but it was never pretend- 
 ed that there was any other Will : So this is one of our Author's Forgeries. 
 
 The Conclufion, 
 
 THus I have traced him in this Hiflory, and hope I have faid much 
 more than was neceffary to prove him a Writer of no Credit, and 
 that his Book ought to have no Authority ; fince he was not only a 
 ftranger to the Publick Tranfaftions, Printed Statutes, and the other 
 Authentick Regifters of that Time, but was a bold and impudent 
 Afferter of the grolleft and moft malicious Lies, that ever were contri- 
 ved, I have not examined all the Errors of his Chronology, for there is 
 fcarce any thing told in its right order, and due place ; nor have I in- 
 fifted on all the PalTages he tells, without any Proof, or appearance of 
 Truth ; for I as could only deny thefe without any other evidence but 
 what was Negative, fo there are fo many of thena, that I muft have tran- 
 fcribed the greateft part of his Book, if I had confidered them all. I 
 have therefore only Tingled out thofe Paflages, which I had in the for- 
 mer Hiftory demonftrated to be falfe : And thefe are both fo many and 
 fo important, that I am fure, enough is faid to deftroy the Credit of 
 that Author, and of his Book, which has too long deceived the World. 
 And what is performed in this firft Part, will I hope difpoflefs the Rea- 
 der of any ill Impreffions the following Parts of that Work have made 
 on him, concerning the fucceeding Reigns, of which an Account fhall 
 be given, as foon as it poflible can be made ready. 
 
 I fhall efteem my Time, to have been well employ'd, and my Pains right- 
 ly placed, if my Endeavours have fo good an enect, as to take off the un- 
 juft Prejudices which fome may have conceived at the Changes that were 
 then made in Religion, or at the beginings of them; which being repre- 
 fented by this Author, and upon his Teftimony by many other Writers, 
 in fuch odious CharaiStcrs to the World, are generally fo ill looked on. 
 
 L 11 1 2 The
 
 282 ^^^ Appendix. 
 
 The Work it felf was fo Good,done upon fo much Reafon,man3ged with 
 fuchCarc, dire£Ved by fuch Wirdom, and tempered with fo great Modera- 
 tion, that thofe who intended to blalt it, did very wifely to load it with 
 fomc fuch Prejudices : For if without thefe, the thing it lllf be examined 
 by Men of a candid Temper and fohd Judi^ment,the Oppofcrs of it know 
 well where the Truth hes ; and on whofe fide, both the Scriptures, and the 
 beft Ages of the Primitive Church have declared. But it was not fit to put 
 a(^eftion of fuch importance, on fo doubtful and fo dangerous an ifTue : 
 Mlierefore it was well confidered'by them, that fome popular and eafily un- 
 tlerftood Calumnies, todifgrace thebeginingsof it, aod thePerfons that 
 were moll imployed in it, were to be fallned on them: And if thefe could be 
 once generally received, then Men might be alienated from it by a fhorter 
 way,t!ian could be done by thedullandunfuccefsful methods of Reafon. 
 Therefore as the Caufeofour Church hath been often vindicated, by the 
 Learned Books that have been publilhed in if, and never with morefuccefs, 
 and a clearer Viflory, than of late, in the claborateWritings (which are ne- 
 ver to be mentioned but with honour) of the renowned Dv.Stillhig fleer, (o 
 I judged it might not be an unufeful and unacceptable Work ("which tho' 
 it be of a lower form, and fo moft fuitable to my Genius, yet will be of gene- 
 ral ufe) to employ the leifure I enjoy, and the fmall Talent committed to 
 rae,in examining and opening theTranfaftions of thofe Times: And if thofe 
 who read it,aredifpolTe[redoftheirPrejudices,and inclined to confiderthings 
 as they are now fet before them, in a truer light, I have gained my end in ic 
 The Truths of Religion need no fupport h-om the Father of Lyes. A Re- 
 ligion made up of Fallhoods and Impoftures, muft be maintained by Means 
 fuitable to it felf : So Sander s^sBook might well ferve the ends of thatChurcb, 
 which has all along raifed its greatnefs by publick Cheats and Forgeries ; 
 fuch as the Donation oiConjlantine^ and the Book of the Decretals j Befides 
 the vaft number of Miracles and Vifions that were for many Ages made ufe 
 of by them; of which even the moft difingenuousof their Writers begin to 
 be now afliamed. But the Reformation of Religion was a Work of Light, 
 and needs none of the Arts of Darknefs to juftify it by. A full and diftinft 
 Narrative of what was then done, will be its Apology, as well as its Hifto- 
 ry. There is no need of Artifice, but only of Induflry, and Sincerity, to ga- 
 ther together all the remains of that Time, and put them in good Order. 
 
 I am now begining to look towards the next, and indeed the bed 
 part of this Work : Where, in the firfl Reign, we fhali obferve the aftive 
 Endeavours of thofe Reftorers of Religion. The next Reign affords a 
 fadder profpeft of that Work laid in Ruins, and the Authors of it in 
 Aflies ; but the F .res that confumed them, did rather fpread then cxtin- 
 guilh that Light which they had kindled. And what is fabled of the 
 Phcemxy will be found true of our Cliurch, That fhe rofe new out of 
 thefe Aihes, into which Ihe feemed confumed. 
 
 Towards the pcrfefting this Hiftory, I hope all that love the Subject 
 of it, will contribute their Endeavours, and furnilh every thing that is in 
 their power, which may make it fuller or clearer : So I end with that de- 
 fire which I made in the Preface, that any who have in their Hands any 
 Papers relating to thefe Times, will be plea fed to communicate them ; 
 and whatever affiftance they give to it, (hall be moft thankfully owned 
 and acknowledged. 
 
 Th End of the Appendix, 
 
 ADDENDA.
 
 283 
 
 ADDENDA. 
 
 Numb. I. ARTICLES alotit Religion, [et out 
 by the Convocation^ and PuUiJbed by the Kings 
 Authority. 
 
 AN ORIGINAL. 
 
 HENRT the Eighth, by the Grace of God, King of Engla}7d,(^offi;^\^^^ 
 and of France, Defender of the Faith, and Lord oi Ireland, Qi^^p^^,^ 
 and in Earth Supream Head of the Church of E»gUi7d, to all 
 and fingular our mod: loving, faithful and obedient Subjefts, 
 greeting. Amongft other Cures commited unto this our Princely Of- 
 fice, whereunto it hath pleafed God of his infinite Mercy and Good- 
 nefs to call us, we have always efteemed and thought ( as we alfo 
 yet efteem and think ) this to be moft chief, moft ponderous, and of 
 mofl: weight, that his Holy Word and Comniandments may fincerely 
 without lett or hindrance, be of our Subjefts truly believed, and reve- 
 rently kept and obferved; and that Unity and Concord in Opinions, 
 namely in fuch things as does concern our Religion, may encreafe and 
 go furthward, and all occafion of DiflTent and Difcord touching the 
 fame be repreffed, and utterly extinguiflied ; for the which caufe ws be- 
 ing of late, to our great regret, credibly advertifed of fuch diverfity in 
 Opinions, as have grown and fprongen in this our Realm, as well con- 
 cerning certain Articles neceffary to our Salvation, as alfo touching cer- 
 tain honeft and commendable Ceremonies, Rites, and Ufages in our faid 
 Church, for an honeft policy, and decent order heretofore of long time 
 ufed and accuftomed ; minding to have that unity and agreement eftab- 
 lifhed through our faid Church concerning the premises ; And being 
 very defirous to efchew not only the dangers of Souls, but alfo the out- 
 ward inquietnefs which by occafion of the faid diverfity in Opinions (if 
 remedy had not been provided ) might perchance haveenfued; have not 
 only in our own perfon many times taken great pain,- ftudy, labour and 
 travails, but alfo have caufed our Bifhops and other the moll difcreet 
 and befl: learned men of our Clergy of this our whole Realm to be af- 
 fembled in our Convocation, for the full debatement and quiet determi- 
 nation of the fame: where after long and mature deliberation and difpu- 
 tations, had of and upon the premilTes, finally they have concluded and 
 agreed upon the faid ma'ters, as well thofe which be commanded of God, 
 and are necelTary to our Salvation, as alio the other touching the honed 
 Ceremonies, and good and politick Order, as is aforefaid j which their 
 determination, debatement, and agreement, forafmuch as we think to 
 have proceeded of a good, right and true judgment, and to be agreeable 
 to the Laws and Ordinances of God, and much profitable for the eftab- 
 lifhmcnt of that charitable concord and unity in our Church of England, 
 which wc moft dcfire, we have caufed the fame to be publifhed, will- 
 ing.
 
 284 
 
 Addenda, 
 
 ing, rc-quiring and commanding you to accept, repute, and take them 
 accordingly ; mod: heartily defning and praying Almighty God, that it 
 may pleafe him fo to illumin your hearts, that you, and every of you, 
 may have no lefs dclire, zeal, and love to the faid Unity and Concord, 
 in reading, divulging, and following the fame, then we have had and 
 have, cauling them to be thus devifed, fet forth and publiihed. And for 
 becaufewe would the (aid Articles, and every of them, to be taken and 
 underftanden of you after fuch fort, order, and degree as appertaineth 
 accordingly ; We have caufed by the like affent and agreement of our 
 faid Bifliops and other Learned Men, the faid Articles to be divided into 
 two forts, that is to fay, fuch as are commanded exprefly by God, and 
 are neccllary to our Salvation, and fuch other, as although they be not 
 expreily comman^ied of God, nor necelTary to our Salvation ; yet being 
 of a long continuance for a decent order and honeft policy, prudently 
 inftituted, arc for that fame purpofe and end to be obferved in like man- 
 ner i which ye following, after fuch fort as we have prefcribed unto 
 you, fl'jall nor only attain that moft charitable Unity and loving Con- 
 cord, whereof (hall eofue your incomparable commodity, profit, and 
 lucre, as well fpiritual as other; but alfo ye conforming your felvcs, and 
 ufing thefe our faid Articles as is aforefaid, fhall not a little encourage 
 us to take further travel, pains and labours for your commodities in all 
 fuch other matters, as in time to come may happen to occur, and as 
 it fhall be moft to the honour of God and ours, the profit, tranquillity, 
 and quieinefs of all you our moft loving Subjefts. 
 
 The Articles of our Faith. 
 
 Flrfi, As touching the chief and principal Articles of our Faith, fith 
 it is thus agreed as hereafter followeih by the whole Clergy of 
 tFiis our Realm, we will that all Bilhops and Preachers fhall inftruft 
 and teach our People, by us committed to their Spiritual Charge, that 
 they ought and muft molt conftantly believe and defend all thole things 
 to be true, which be comprehended in the whole body and Canon of 
 the Bible, and alfo in the three Creeds or Symbols, whereof one was 
 made by the Apoftles, and is the common Creed which every man 
 ui'eth ; tlie fecond was made in the Holy Council of N/tf, and is faid 
 daily in the Mafs ; and the third was made by Athanafttuy and is com- 
 prehended in the Pfalm Quicunque vult ; and that they ought and muft 
 take and interpret all the fame things according to the felf fame fen- 
 tence and interpretation, which the words of the felf-fame Creeds or 
 Symbols do purport, and the Holy approved Doftors of the Church do 
 intreat and defend the fame. 
 
 Item, That they ought and muft repute, hold and take all the fame 
 things for the moft Holy, moft fure, and moft certain, and infallible 
 words of God, and fuch as neit.lxer ought, ne can be altered or convel- 
 led by any contrary Opinion or Authority. 
 
 hew. That they ought and muft believe, repute and take all the Ar- 
 ticles of our Faith contained in the faid Creeds to be fo neceffary to 
 be believed for Man's Salvation, that whofoever being taught will not 
 believe them as is aforefaid, or will obftinately affirm the contrary of 
 them, he or they cannot be the very Members of Chrift and his Spoufe 
 the Church, but be very Infidels or Hereticks, and Members of the De- 
 vil, with whom they fhall perpetually be Damned. 
 
 hem,
 
 Addenda. 285 
 
 Item, That they ought and muft moll reverently and religioufly ob- 
 ferve and keep the felf-fame Words, according to the very fame form 
 and manner of fpeaking, as the Articles of our Faith be already con- 
 ceived and exprelTed in the faid Creeds, without altering in any wife, 
 or varying from the fame. 
 
 hem. That they ought and mufl: utterly refufe and condemn all thefe 
 opinions contrary to the faid Articles, which were of long time paft 
 condemned in the four Holy Councils, that is to fay, in the Council 
 of Nice, Conjlantifiople, Efhejuf, and Chalcidonenfey and all other lith 
 that time in any point confonant to the fame. 
 
 The Sacrament of Baptijm. 
 
 SEcorsdlj, As touching the Holy Sacrament of Baptifm, wc will 
 that all Bifhops and Preachers fhall inftruft and teach our people 
 committed by us unto their Spiritual Charge, that they ought and muft 
 of neceflity believe certainly all thofe things, which hath been always 
 by the whole confent of the Church approved, received and ufed in the 
 Sacrament of Baptifm ; that is to fay, that the Sacrament of Baptifm 
 was inftituted and ordained in the New Teftament by our Saviour Jefus 
 Chrift, as a thing neceflary for the attaining of everlafting life, accord- 
 ing to the faying of Chrift, Nift quis renatus fuerit ex Ac[ua. & Spiritu 
 Sanclo, non foteji intrare in Regnum aeiorum. 
 
 Item, That it is offered unto all Men, as well Infants as fuch as have 
 the ufe of Reafon, that by Baptifm they fhall have remiffion of Sins, 
 and the grace and favour of God, according to the faying of St. Johnj 
 Qui crediderit & Baptizatas faerit Salvus erit. 
 
 Item, That the promife of Grace and everlafting Life, which promife 
 is adjoyned unto the Sacrament of Baptifm, pertaineth not only unco 
 fuch as have the ufe of Reafon, but alfoto Infants, Innocents, and Chil- 
 dren ; and they ought therefore and muft needs be Baptized : And that 
 by the Sacrament of Baptifm they do alfo obtain remiflion of their Sins, 
 the grace and favour of God, and be made thereby the very Sons and 
 Children of God, infomuch as Infants and Children dying in their In- 
 fancy fhall undoubtely be faved thereby, or elfe not. 
 
 Item, That Infants muft needs be Chriftened becaufe they be born in 
 Original Sin, which Sin muft needs be remitted ; which cannot be done 
 but by the Sacrament of Baptifm, whereby they receive the Holy Ghoft 
 which exercifeth his Grace and Efficacy in them, and cleanfeth and pu- 
 rifieth from Sin by his moft fecret vertue and operation. 
 
 Item, That Children or Men once Baptized, can, ne ought ever to 
 be Baptized again. 
 
 Item, That they ought to repute, and take all the Anabaptifts and the 
 Pelagians opinions contrary to the premifles, and every other Mans opi- 
 nion agreeable unto the faid Anabaptifts or the Pelagians opinions in 
 this behalf, for deteftable Herefies, and utterly to be condemned. 
 
 Item, That Men or Children having the ufe of Reafon, and willing 
 and defiring to be Baptized, fhall by the virtue of that holy Sacrament 
 obtain the grace and remiffion of all their Sins, if they fhall come there- 
 unto perfedny and truly repentant and contrite cf all their Sins before 
 committed, and alfo pcrfeftly and conftantly confefling and believing 
 all the Articles of our Faith, according as it was mentioned ia the Ar- 
 ticle before, or clfe not. 
 
 And
 
 2S6 Addenda, 
 
 And finally, it" they fhall alio have firm credence and trull in the 
 promifc of God adjoyned to the faid Sacrament, that is to fay, that 
 m and by this faid Sacrament, which they fhall receive, God the Fa- 
 ther giveth unto them for his Son Jefus Chrift's fake, remifTion of all 
 tlieir Sins, and the Grace of the Holy Ghoft, whereby they be newly 
 regenerated and made the very Children of God, according to the fay- 
 ing of Chrift and his Apoftle St. Peter^ PdnitentUm agite & Baptizetar 
 tifiufquifq^ue vefirum in nomine 'jefu Chrijli in remiffionem feccAtoruWy & 
 accipietis donttm Spiritt^s San£}i, and according alfo to the faying of St. 
 Paul ad Titum 3 non ex operthut jusittia qu<e fecimtts nos,fed JecunAum fw 
 am mifericordiam, falvos nos fecit per lavacrum regenerattonis & renovatiO' 
 ills Spirittts Sunlit J quetn ejfudit in nos opilenter per Jejum Chriftum fer- 
 vatorem nostrum^ ut juftificati illius gratia h^redes efficitmur jrtxta fpem 
 vita eXern*- 
 
 The Sacrament of Penance. 
 
 THirdl^^ Concerning the Sacrament of Penance, We will that all 
 Bilhops and Preachers (hall inftru£t and teach our People commit- 
 ted by us unto their Spiritual Charge, tliat they ought and muft moft 
 conftantly believe, that that Sacrament was inftituted of Chrift in the 
 New Tcftament as a thing fo necefTary for mans Salvation, that no man 
 which after his Baptifm is fallen again and hath committed deadly Sin 
 can without the fame be faved, or obtain everlafting Life. 
 
 Item^ That like as fuch men which after Baptifm do fall again into 
 Sin, if they do not Penance in this Life, fliall undoubtedly be damned ; 
 even fo whenfoever the fame men fhall convert themlelves from the faid 
 naughty Life, and do fuch Penance for the fame as Chrift requireth 
 of them, they Ihall without doubt attain remiflion of their Sins and 
 ihall be faved. 
 
 Item^ That this Sacrament of perfeft Penance which Chrift requireth 
 of fuch manner of perfons, confifteth of Three Parts, that is to fay, Con- 
 trition, ConfefTion, with the amendment of the former Life, and a New 
 obedient Reconciliation unto the Laws and Will of God, that is to fay, 
 cxteriour Ads in works of Charity according as they be commanded of 
 God, which be called in Scripture, fru^tu dtgni panitentia. 
 
 Furthermore, as touching Contrition, which is the the firft part, We 
 will that all Bifhops and Preachers fhall inftru£t and teach our Peo- 
 ple committed by us unto their Spiritual Charge, that the faid Contri- 
 tion confifteth in two fpecial Parts, which muft always be conjoined 
 together and cannot be diflevered ; that is to fay, the Penitent and 
 Contrite Man muft firft knowledge the filthinefs and abo.mination of his 
 own Sin, whereunto he is brought by hearing and confidering of the 
 Will of God declared in his Laws, and feeling and perceiving in his 
 own Confcience, that God is angry and difpleafed with him for the 
 fame ; he muft alfo conceive not only great forrow and inward fhame 
 that he hath fo grievoufly offended God, but alfo great fear of Gods 
 difpleafure towards him, confidering he hath no Works or Merits of his 
 own which he may worthily lay before God, as fuflicient fatisfaftion for 
 his Sins ; which done, then afterwards with this fear. Shame and Sorrow 
 muft needs fucceed and be conjoyned, The fecond Part, viz,, a certain 
 Faith, Truft and Confidence of the Mercy and Goodncfs of God, where- 
 by the Penitent muft conceive certain Hope and Faith that God svill for- 
 give.
 
 Addenda. 287 
 
 give him his Sins, and repute him juftified and of the number of his 
 E!e(5t Children, not for the worthinefs of any Merit or Work done by 
 the Penitent, but for the only Merits of the Blood and PaJfion of our 
 Saviour Jefus Chrift. 
 
 Item^ That this certain faith and hope is gotten and alfo confirmed, 
 and made more ftrong by the applying of Chrifl's words and promife, 
 of his grace and fdvour contained in his Gofpei, and the Sacraments 
 in.lituted by him in the New Teftament; and therefore to attain this 
 certain faith, the fecond part of Penance is neceflary, that is to fay, 
 Confeflion to a Pried if it may be had; for the Abfolution given by 
 the Pi ieft was inftituted of Chrifl to apply the promifes of God's grace 
 and favours to the Penitent. 
 
 Wherefore as touching ConfefTion, We will, that all Bifliops and 
 Preachers fliall inftruft and teach our People committed by us to their 
 Spiritual Charge, that they ought and muft certainly believe that the 
 words of Abfolution pronounced by the Prieft, be fpoken by the Au- 
 thority given to him by Chrift in the Gofpei. 
 
 Item^ That they ought and muft give no lefs faith and credance to 
 the fame words of Abfolution fo pronounced by the Minifters of the 
 .Church, than they would give unto the very words and voice of 
 God himfelf if he fliould fpeak unto us out of Heaven, according to 
 the faying of Chrift, Quorum remiferitii peccatOj &c. & qui vos audit me 
 audit. 
 
 Item, That in no ways they do contemn this Auricular Confeffion 
 which is made unto the Minifters of the Church, but that they ought 
 to repute the fame a very expedient and neceflary mean, whereby they 
 may require and ask this Abfolution at the Priefts hands, at fuch time as 
 they (hall find their Confciences grieved with mortal Sin, and haveocca- 
 fion fo to do, to the intent they may thereby attain certain comfort and 
 confolation of their Confciences. 
 
 As touching the third part of Penance, We will, that all Bifliops and 
 Preachers fhall inftruft and teach our People committed by us to their 
 fpiritual charge, that although Chrift and his death be the fufficient 
 Oblation, Sacrifice, Satisfaftion, and Recompence, for the which God 
 the Father forgiveth and remitteth to all finners not only their fin, but 
 alfo Eternal Pain due for the fame; yet all men truly penitent, con- 
 trite and confefled, muft needs alfo bring forth the fruits of Penance, 
 that is to fay, Prayer, Fafting, Almsdeeds, and muft make Reftitution 
 or Satisfaftion in will and deed to their Neighbour, in fuch things as 
 they have done them wrong and injury in, and alfo muft do all other 
 good works of mercy and charity, and exprefs their obedient will in 
 the executing and fulfiling of God's Commandments outwardly, when 
 time, power and occafion fhall be Miniflred unto them, or elfe they 
 Ihall never be faved ; for this is the exprefs Precept and Commandment 
 of God, y^gite fruBtts dignos panitentta ; and St. Paul faith, Debitores 
 fumm, and in another place he faith, Cajligo corpus meum © in fervttU' 
 tern redigo. 
 
 Jtem^ That thefe precepts and works of Charity be neceflary works 
 to our Salvation, and God neceffarily requireth that every penitent 
 man fliall perform the fame, whenfoever time, power, and occanon fliall 
 be miniftredunto him fo to do. 
 
 Item, That by Penance and fucli good works of the fame, we fliall 
 not only obtain cvcrlafting Life ; but alfo we ftiall deferve remiflion or 
 
 M m m m mitigation
 
 288 Addenda, 
 
 mitigation of thefe prefent pains and affliftions in this World, accord- 
 ing to the faying of St Paalj Si nos ipji j/idicaremttif non judicaremur, a 
 Domino ; & 2acharias, Convertimini ad me & ego convert ar ad vos ; O" 
 Efajas ^8.fra»ge ejurienti fa»em tuum^ &c. tunc urisvelut hortos irrigutis. 
 Hac funt incmcanda ecclefiis & ut exercitenttir ad bejie oferandum, & in his 
 tpfis oferibm exerceant & confrntent fdem, petentes & eyipe^antes a Deo 
 mtigationem prafentium calamitatum. 
 
 The Sacrament of the Jltar. 
 
 Fourthly^ As touching the Sacrament of the Altar, We will, that all 
 Bilhops and Preachers Ihall inftruft and teach our People commit- 
 ted by us unto their fpiritual charge, that they ought and muft con- 
 ftantly believe that under the form and figure of Bread and Wine, which 
 we there prefently do fee and perceive by our outward fenfes, is verily, 
 iubftantially, and realy contained and comprehended, the very felf-fame 
 body and blood of our Saviour Jefus Chrift, which was born of the Vir- 
 gin Mary^ and fuffered upon the crofs of our Redemption, and that 
 under the fame form and figure of Bread and Wine, the very felf-fame 
 body and blood of Chrift is corporally, really, and in the very fub- 
 ftance exhibited, diftributed and received of all them which receive the 
 faid Sacrament ; and that therefore the faid Sacrament is to be ufed 
 with all due reverence and honour, and that every man ought firft to 
 prove and examine himfelf, and religioufly to try and fearch his own 
 Confcience, before he fhall receive the fame ; according to the faying of 
 St, Paul, Qjiifquii ederit panem hunc aut biberit de poculo Domini indigne, 
 reu6 erit corporiss & janguinis Domini ; probet autem feipfum homo, & fie 
 de pane illo edat (jr de poculo illo bibat ; nam qui edit aut bibit indigMy 
 judicium fibi ip(i manducat & bibity non dijudicans corptts Domini. 
 
 '^unification. 
 
 Fifthly^ As touching the order and caufe of our Juftification, we 
 will, that all Biihops and Preachers Ihall inftruft and teach our 
 People committed by us unto their fpiritual charge, that this word Ju- 
 flification fignifieth remiflion of our Sins, and our acceptation or re- 
 conciliation into the grace and favour of God, that is to fay, our per- 
 fed renovation in Chrift. 
 
 ■ Itemy That Tinners attain this Juftification by Contrition and Faith 
 joyned with Charity, after fuch fort and manner as we before menti- 
 oned and declared ; not as though our Contrition, or Faith, or any 
 works proceeding thereof, can worthily merit or defervc to attain the 
 faid Jurtification ; for the only mercy and grace of the Father, pro- 
 mifed freely unto us for his Sons fake Jefus Chrift, and the merits of 
 his blood and paflion be the only fufficient and worthy caufes there- 
 of; and yet that notwithftanding, to the attaining of the faid Juftifi- 
 cation, God requireth to be in us not only inward Contrition, perfe£l 
 Faith, and Charity, certain hope and confidence, with all other fpiri- 
 tual graces and motions, which, as we faid before, muft neceffarily 
 concur in remiflion of our Sins, that is to fay, our Juftification ; but 
 alfo he requireth and commandeth us, that after we be juftified we 
 
 muft
 
 Addenda, 28^ 
 
 mult alfo have good works of charity, and obedience towards God, 
 in the obferving and fulfilHng outwardly of his Laws and Command- 
 ments: For although acceptation to everlaf^ing Life be conpyned with 
 Jufkification, yet our good works be necefTarily required to the attain- 
 ing ofeverlafling Life; and we being )uftified,be necclTarily bound, and 
 it is our necelTary duty to do good works, according to the faying of 
 St. P&uly Debitores jumtis non citrni at fectindiim carnem vivamus^ num Ji 
 fecundum carnem -vixerimns ynoriemur^ fin mtem fpiritu faHa. corporis^ tnor- 
 tifictverimits^ 'vivemm ; etenim quicufique fpiritu Dei ducufitur hi fu»t filii 
 Dei : and Chrifl: faith, fi vis ad vitam ingredi Jerva mandata ; and Sr. 
 Paul faith, df malis operibtis^ qui taiia agunt Kegnum Dei non pojjidehunt. 
 Wherefore we will that all Bifhops and Preachers fhall inftvudt and 
 teach our People committed by us unto their fpiritual charge, that God 
 neceflarily requireth of us to do good Woiks commanded by him; 
 and that not only outward and civil Works, but alfo the inward fpi- 
 ritual motions and graces of the Holy Ghoft ; that is to fay, to dread 
 and fear God, to love God, to have firm confidence and truft in God, 
 to invocate and call upon God, to have patience in all adverfities, to 
 hate Sin, and to have certain purpofe and will not to fin again, and 
 fuch other like motions, and vertues : For Chrift faith, Nifi abundave- 
 rit jaliitia veflra plufquam Scriharum & Pharifaoram, non intrabitis in 
 Regnum Coslorum\ That is to fay, we mufl not only do outward civil 
 good works, but alfo we mufl: have thefe forefaid inward fpiritual mo- 
 tions, confenting and agreeable to the Law of God. 
 
 0/ Images^ 
 
 AS touching Images, truth it is that the fame have been ufed in 
 the old Tefl:ament, and alfo for the greater abufes of them fome- 
 times defliroyed and put down ; and in the new Teftament they have 
 been alfo allowed, as good Authors do declare. Wherefore we will 
 that all Bifhops and Preachers ihall inflrudl and teach our People, 
 committed by us to their fpiritual charge, how they ought and may ufe 
 them. And F/r/, That this may> be attributed unto them, that they be 
 reprefenters of vertue and good example, and that they alfo be by oc- 
 cafion the kindlers and firers of Mens minds, and make Men often re- 
 member and lament their Sins and Offences, efpecially the Images of 
 Chrift and our Lady \ and that therefore it is meet that they fliould 
 ftand in the Churches, and none otherwife to be efteemed : And to the 
 intent the rude people fhould not from henceforth take fuch fuperfti- 
 tion, as in time paft it is thought that the fame hath ufed to do; we 
 will that our Bifhops and Preachers diligently fhall teach them, and 
 according to this Doftrine reform their abufes, for elfe there might 
 fortune Idolatry to enfue, which God forbid. And as for Cenfing of 
 them, and kneeling and offering unto them, with other like worfliip- 
 pings, although the fame hath entred by devotion, and fallen to cu- 
 ftom ; yet the people ought to be diligently taught, that they in no 
 ways do it, nor think it meet to be done to the fame Images, but only 
 to be done to God, and in his Honour, although it be done before 
 the Images, whether it be of Chrift, of the Crofs, or of our Lady, or 
 gf any other Saint befidc. 
 
 M m m m a, t. (>f
 
 2^0 Addenda. 
 
 Of Honouring of Saints. 
 
 AS touching the Honouring of Saints, we will that all Bifhops and 
 Preachers fliall inftruft and teach Our People, committed by Us 
 unto their Spiritual Charge, that Saints now being with Chrift in Hea- 
 ven, be to be honoured of Chriftian People on Earth ; but not with 
 that confidence and honour which are only due unto God, trufting to 
 attain at their hands that which muft be had only of God, but that they 
 be thus to be honoured, becaufe they be known the Eleft Perfons of 
 Chrift, becaufe they be paffed in Godly Life out of this tranfitory 
 World, becaufe they already do Reign in Glory with Chrift ; and moil 
 fpecially to laud and praife Chrift in them for their excellent vcrtues 
 which he planted in them, for example, of and by them to fuch as are 
 yet in this World to live in Vertue and Goodnefs, and alfo not to fear to 
 dye for Chrift and his Caufe, as fome of them did ,• and finally to take 
 them, in that they may, to be the advancers of our prayers and demands 
 unto Chrift. By thefe ways and fuch like, be Saints to be honoured and 
 had in reverence, and by none other. 
 
 Of Praying to Saints. 
 
 AS touching Praying to Saints, We will that all Biftiops and Preach- 
 ers fhall inftruft and teach our People committed by us unto their 
 Spiritual Charge, that albeit Grace, remiflion of Sin and Salvation, can- 
 not be obtained but of God only by the Mediation of our Saviour 
 Chrift, which is only, fuflicient Mediator for our Sins; yet it is very 
 laudable to pray to Saints in Heaven everlaftingly living, whofe Chari- 
 ty is ever permanent, to be interceflbrs, and to pray for us and with us, 
 unto Almighty God after this manner : All holy Angels and Saints in 
 Heaven pray tor us and with us unto the Father, that for his dear Son 
 Jefus Chrift's fake, we may have Grace of him» and remiflion of our 
 Sins, with an earneft purpofe, not wanting Ghoftly Strength, to obferve 
 and keep his holy Commandments, and never to decline from the fame 
 again unto our lives end : And in this manner we pray to our 
 Bleffed Lady, to St. "John Baptijl, to all and every of the Apoftles or 
 any other iaint particularly, as our Devotion doth ferve us; fo that it 
 be done without any vain Superftition, as to think that any Saint is 
 more merciful, or will hear us fooner than Chrift, or that any Saint doth 
 ferve for one thing more than another, or is Patron of the fame. And 
 iikewife we muft keep Holy-days unto God, in memory of him and his 
 Saints, upon fuch days as the Church hath ordained their Memories to 
 be celebrated ; except they be mitigated and moderated by the alTenn 
 or commandment of the Supream Head, to the Ordinaries, and then 
 the Subjects ought to obey it. 
 
 •" Of Rites and Ceremonies. 
 
 AS concerhing the Rites and Ceremonies of Chrift's Church, as to 
 have fuch Veftments in doing God fervice, as be and have been 
 moft part ufed, as Sprinkling of Holy-water to put us in remembrance 
 of our Baptifm, and the Blood of Chrift fprinkled for our Redemption 
 upon the Crofs : Giving of holy Bread to put us in remembrance of the 
 Sacrament of the Altar, that all Chriften Men be one Body Myftical of 
 
 Chrift,
 
 Addenda. 
 
 2^1 
 
 Chrift, as the Bread is made of many grains, and yet but one Loaf, and 
 to put us in remembrance of the receiving the holy Sacrament and Body 
 of Chrift, the which we ought to receive in right Charity; which 
 in the begining of ChrilVs Church, Men did more often receive thaa 
 they ufe now a days to do ; bearing of Candles on Ca»dkmas-dajy 
 in memory of Chrift the fpiritual Light, of whom Simeoff did prophe- 
 fie as is read in the Church that day: Giving- of Afhes on Aflj-l'Vednef- 
 day, to put in remembrance every Chriften Man in the begining of 
 Lent and Penance, that he is but Aflies and Earth, and thereto Ihall 
 return ; which is right neceflary to be uttered from henceforth in our 
 Mother-tongue always on the fame day : Bearing of Palms on Pahn- 
 Sufiday^ in memory of receiving of Chrift into Jtrufakm, a little befoie 
 his death, that we may have the fame defire to receive him into our 
 Hearts ; creeping to the Crofs, and humbling our fclves to Chrift on 
 Good Friday before the Crofs, and offering thereunto Chrift'before the 
 fame, and kifTing of it in memory of our Redemption by Chrift made 
 upon the Crofs ; Setting up the Sepulcher cf Chrift, whofe body after 
 his death was buried ; the Hallowing of the Font, and other like Ex- 
 orcifms and Benediclions by the Minifters of Chrill's Church : And all 
 other like laudable Culloms, Rights, and Ceremonies be not to be con- 
 temned and caft away, but to be ufed and continued as things good 
 and laudable, to put us in remembrance of thofe fpiritual things that 
 they do fignify, not fuffering them to be forgotten, or to be put in Ob- 
 livion, but renewing them in our Memories from time to time; but 
 none of thefe Ceremonies have Power to remit Sin, but only to ftir and 
 life up our minds unto God, by whom only our Sins be forgiven. 
 
 Of Purgatory. 
 
 T^ Orafmuch as due order of Charity requireth, and the Book of 
 "*- Maccabees^ and divers ancient Doctors plainly fhewing, that it is a 
 very good and charitable deed to pray for Souls departed, and foraf- 
 much alfo, as fuch ufage hath concinued in the Church fo many years, 
 even from the begining, We will that all Bifliops and Preachers (hall 
 inftruft and teach our People, committed by us unto their Spiritual 
 Charge, that no Man ought to be grieved with the continuance of the 
 fame, and that it ftandeth with the very due Order of Charity, for a 
 Chriften Man to pray for Souls departed, and to commit them in our 
 Prayers to Gods mercy, and alfo to caufe others to pray for them in 
 MalTes, and Exequies, and to give Alms to others to pray for them, 
 whereby they may be relieved, holpen, of fome part of their pain : But 
 forafmuch as the place where they be, the name thereof, and kind of 
 pains there, alfo be to us uncertain by Scripture; therefore this with 
 all other things we remit to God Almighty, unto whofe mercy it is meet 
 and convenient for us to commend them, trufting that God accepteth our 
 Prayers for them, referring the reft wholly to God, to whom is known 
 rheir eftate and condition ; wherefore it is much neceflary that fuch Abu- 
 fcs be clearly put away, which under the name of Purgatory hath been 
 advanced, as to make Men believe that through the Bifhop of Romes 
 Pardon, Souls might clearly be delivered out of Purgatory, and all the 
 pains of it, or that MaiTcs faid at Sca/aCarli^ or otherwhere, in any place, 
 or before any Image, might likewife deliver them from all their pain, 
 and fend them ftreight to Heaven, and other like Abufes. 
 
 Sigaed
 
 2^2 
 
 Addenda, 
 
 
 Signed 
 
 . Thomas 
 
 T. Cantumen. 
 
 Edvardus Ebor. 
 
 Jdannes London 
 
 Cuthbertus Dunehneff. 
 
 'Joannes Lincoln. 
 
 Joannes Lincoln Nomine procurx- 
 torio pro Dom. Joan. Exon. 
 
 Hugo Wygornen. 
 
 Joannes Rojfen, 
 
 Richardos Cicefiren. 
 
 Joames ^athonien. 
 
 RobertHS Abbas San^i Albani. 
 
 iViUielmiis ah We simon aster. 
 
 Joannes ab Burien. 
 A Rtchardiu Ab. Glafconia. 
 A Hugo Ab, Redying. 
 
 Robert/is Ab. Malmesbur. 
 
 Clemens Ab. EvePjamen. 
 
 Johannes Ab. de Bello. 
 
 Wmielmui Ab. S. Petri Gloceft. 
 
 Richardtts Ab. Winchelcombens. 
 
 Joannes Ab. de CroyUndy 
 
 Robert U4 Ab, de Thorney. 
 
 RobertHS Ab. de Walnthaml 
 
 Joannes Ab. Cirencefi' 
 
 Joannes Ab. Teuxburen. 
 
 Jhomas Prior Coventr. 
 
 Joannei Ab, de Ofmy. 
 B Henricus Ab. de Corariis. 
 Anthonius Ab, de Eyntham. 
 Robertas Prior Elien. 
 
 Cromivefl, 
 Thomas Elien. 
 Joannes Lincoln. Nomine procurato- 
 
 rio pro Dom. Rowlando Coven. & 
 
 Lichfielden. 
 Joannes Bangor en. 
 Nicholas Sarisburien. 
 Edvardus Hereforden. 
 Willielmus Nonvicen. 
 Willielmus Meneven. 
 Robertas Ajfaven. 
 
 Robertas Prior Jive Magijler or dints 
 de Hemper ingham. 
 
 Richardas Ab. de Notley. 
 
 Hugo Prior de Huntwgtoan. 
 
 Willielmus Ab, k Stratford. 
 
 Gabriel Ab. de Backfefitrie. 
 
 Henricus Ab. de Wardenor. 
 
 Joannes Prior de Merton. 
 
 Richardas Pr. de iValfinghant, 
 B Thomas Ab. de 
 
 Thomas Ab. de Stanley. 
 
 Richardas Ab. ^e Bytlefden. ^ 
 
 Richardas Pr. de Lanthony. 
 
 Robertas Ab. de Thame. 
 B Joannes Prior de Helvenham. 
 
 Radulphus Prior de Kymmc, 
 .B Richardas Ab, de Brufza, 
 
 Robertas Ab. de Welhows, 
 
 Bartholamaus Pr. de Overhey. 
 
 Willielmus Pr. de Bargaveny. 
 
 Thomas Ab. de Ahendon. 
 
 \ 
 
 Inferior Domus. 
 
 C R. Grvent Archidiaconus London^ 
 & Breck. 
 
 Robertas Alridge Archid. Colecejl. 
 O" Procurator Cleri. Coven. & 
 Litchf, 
 
 Thomas Bedyl Archid, Cornab. 
 Rtchardus Street Archid. Verbis. 
 David Pole Ar, Salop. 
 Rtchardus Doke Archid. Sarum„ 
 Edmundus Bonner Archid, Leyce- 
 
 stria. 
 Tljomas Baghe Archid, Stirr. 
 
 Gamaliel Clyfton Decanas Hereford. 
 
 & Proc. Capit. 
 Joannes London Decanas Wallingford. 
 Nicholas Metcalf. 
 Richardas Layton Archid. Bucks, 
 Hugo Coren Proc. Cleri Hereford. 
 Richardas Spareheford Proc. Cleril 
 
 Hereford. 
 Mauritius Griffith Proc. Cleri, 
 
 Rojfen. 
 Qulielmus Buckmajlr. Procurator, 
 
 Cleri London, 
 
 Richardai
 
 Addenda. 
 
 2^3 
 
 O 
 
 
 de 
 
 Rtdhtrdus Rawjofi Jrcbid. EJfex. Bichardifs Sbelton 
 
 Edmrdndus Cnnmer Archid. Cant. Melyngham. 
 
 Polidorus Firgilius Archid. Wellen. Per me WiUielmtim Glyn. Archi. An 
 
 RichxrdusCoren Archid. Oxon. 
 
 Henrictis Morgan Procurator Cleri 
 Lincoln. 
 
 Petria Vannes Archid. Wygornen, 
 
 Georgius Hennage Decantts Lin- 
 coln. 
 
 Nib Spencer Procurator Cleri 
 Norrvicen. 
 
 Guilielm. Kjiight Archid. Ceflrix. 
 
 Nicolatts Met cdf Archid. Roffen. 
 
 Gultelmui Hedge Procurator Cleri 
 Norwicen. 
 
 Adam Traves Archid. Exon. 
 
 Richardus Woleman Dec. Wellen, 
 
 Tho. Brereivood Archidiacan. Bar. 
 Procur. Capituli d^ Cleri Exon. 
 
 Ceorgitu Caretv Archid. Totten 
 Proc. Capituli & Cleri Exon. 
 
 Ihomas Bennet Proc. Cleri & Ca- 
 pit. Sarum, 
 
 Richardus Arched. Proc. Cleri d* 
 Capit. Sarum. 
 
 Tetrm Lighman Pr. Cleri Cant. 
 
 Edmundt{s Stewart Proc, Cleri 
 Winton. 
 
 Joannes Rayne Pr. Cleri Lincoln, 
 
 Leonardm Savile Proc. Cleri Ar- 
 chid. Lewen. 
 
 Simon Mattherp Pr. Cleri London. 
 
 Lanfrid Ogle Archid, Salop. 
 
 Gulielmus Maye Proc. Cleri Elien. 
 
 Rol. Philips Proc. Ecclef. St. Pau- 
 li London. 
 
 "Joannes Bell Ar. Glocefi. 
 
 glejfem. 
 
 Robertm Evans Decxn. Bangorett, 
 Waltertts Cretyng Ar. Bathonien. 
 Thomas Bogard Procurator Cleri 
 
 Wygornen. 
 "Joannes Nafi Proc. Cleri Bathon. 
 
 & Wellen. 
 Georgim Wyndham Archid. tJor- 
 
 wicen. 
 Joannes Chamber Dec. St. Stephani 
 
 Archid Bedford. 
 Nicolatts WflfoH, 
 
 Some Obfervations on the former 
 Subfcriptions. 
 
 A The Abbots of Glopnbury and 
 Reading fubfcribe with the reft : 
 by which it appears that they 
 compUed in the changes that 
 were made, as readily as others 
 did. 
 
 B The Abbots writ genei-ally fo 
 ill, that it is very hard to read 
 their Subfcriptions : Some of 
 them I could by no means know 
 what to make of. 
 
 C There are of 50 of the lower 
 houfc of Convocation: Ofthofe 
 there are z$ Archdeacons, 4 
 Deans of Cathedrals, 3 Deans 
 of Colkgial Churches, ly Pro- 
 curators for the Clergy, and 
 one Mafter of a College. 
 
 ]n\\M fT 
 
 T-TT 
 
 M 
 
 II. Soroc Queries put by Cranmer in Order to the Cor- 
 
 re(5ting of feveral Abufes. 
 
 Flrjly WhatCaufts, Reafons, or Confiderations hath or might move ^^j//. Libr.' 
 any man to defire to have the Biftiop of Rome reftored in any point Cleop.E. $, 
 to his pretended Monarchy, or to repugn againft the Laws and Sta- 
 tutes of this Realm made for the fetting forth of the Kings Title of 
 Supream Head ? •^mh.iv. ; .„. i.. y. 
 
 Itemy Whether a Man offending deadly after he is Baptized, may %i 
 
 obtain reraiffion of Sins, by apy ochsr way than by Contrition, through 
 Grace? • <ii'tJii' ' j iJiuJi .'-..jw^ 
 
 :C.|isq 
 
 .^i IJJU'.ltjf^'iii 
 
 Jtpnt]
 
 25>4 Addenda. 
 
 qj Item, If the Clergy know that the common fort of Men have them 
 
 in an higher eftimation, becaufe they are perfwaded, that it lyeth in the 
 Will and Power of Priefls to remit, or not remit Sins at their pleafure, 
 whether in fuch cafe the faid Clergy offend if they wink at this, and 
 voluntarily fuffer tlie People to continue in this Opinion ? 
 
 4; Item, Whether a Sinner being ferry and contrite for his Sins, and 
 
 forthwith dying, Ihall have as high a place in Heaven, as if he had 
 never offended ? 
 
 5-: Itciti, Whether any, and what difference may be AflTigned betwixt 
 
 two Men, whereof the one being very forry and contrite for his Sins 
 dieth without Abfolution of the Prieil, and the other which being 
 contrite is alfo abfolved by the Prieft and fo dieth ? 
 
 6, Item^ If it may appear that the common people have a greater af- 
 
 fiance or trufl; in outward Rites or Ceremonies than they ought to have 
 and that they efteem more vertue in Images and adorning of them, 
 kifling their feet, or offering Candles unto them, than they fhould 
 efleem, and that yet the Curats knowing the fame, and fearing the 
 
 ' lofs of their offerings, and fuch other temporal commodities, do rather 
 
 encourage the People to continue after this fort, than teach them the 
 Truth in the premifes according to Scripture 3 what the Kings Highnefs 
 
 ^ and his Parliament may do, and what they are bound in Confcience 
 
 to do in fuch cafe ? 
 
 '-J. item. Whether now In time of the new Law the Tithes or Tenth be 
 
 due to Curats by the Laws of God, or of Man ; and if the fame be due 
 by the Laws of Man, what Mans Laws they be ? 
 
 8. 7/f/w, Whether the Clergy only, and none but they ought to have 
 
 voices in general Councils f 
 
 ^; Item, Whether the i^th Canon in the Council of C&lcedon, wherein 
 
 is contained that one Clerk may not fue another before any fecular 
 Judge, but only before his Bifhop, and fuch other Canons of like effeft, 
 have been generally received or not? and whether the fame be contra- 
 17 to the Kings Prerogative and Laws of this Realm, and whether it 
 be expedient that it were declared by the Parliament that the faid Ca- 
 nons beiflg at no time received, efpecially within this Realm, be void 
 and of none effed ? 
 
 .jjjio." . .-.Item, Of,tI)e 24^/^ Canon of the faid Council, wherein is contained 
 
 Va <i ^^^ Monafteries once confecrated, by the Bifliop, inay not after be made 
 
 '^ dwelling houfos for Laymen, whether that Canon have been received 
 
 and obferved, and whether the fame be againft the Power of the King 
 
 and Authority of his Parliament? 
 
 1 1; hem. If it may appear that the Bifhops have not, ne yet do maturely 
 
 examine and diligently inquire of the Converfation, and Learning of 
 fuch as be ordered or admitted to Cures by them» but rather without 
 examination or inquifition indiftinftly admit perfons unable, whereof 
 
 enfueth 
 
 -ar^ ■.
 
 Addenda. qq^ 
 
 enfuctli great peril ot .Souis, and innumerable inconveniences other- 
 ways, wliat the King's Highncfs or his Parliament ought to do, or may 
 do for i-gformation in the Premilii^s r" 
 
 Item, IF fuch as have Deanries, Arch-Deaconries, Chanterfhips, and u, 
 other Offices or Promotions of the Clergy, ule not themfclves m their 
 own p^rlbns after fuch fort as the primary inllitution of thefe Oifices of 
 Promotion require, and according to the Wills of them that endowed 
 them, what the King and his Pailiament may do,or ought to do in this cafe ? 
 
 Item, For what caufes and to what ends and purpofes fuch Offices and j :>; 
 Promotions of the Clergy were firft inftituted? 
 
 Itemj If Curates having Benefices with cure, for their more bodily j . 
 eafe, refuf-^ to dwell upon any of their faid Cures, and remain in id!j- 
 nefs continually in Cacliedral or Collegial Churches upo.i ciieir Pie- 
 bends, whether it be in this cafe expedient, that the King's Hi^hnefs or 
 his Parliament take any Order for the redrefs of the fame? 
 
 Item, Of the Sacraments of Confirmation, Order, Matrimon/, and i^-; 
 extream Unclion, what the external Signs and inward Graces be in every ' 
 
 of the faid !>acraments, what promifes be made to the receivers of them 
 by God, and of what efficacy they be of, and energy of themfelves? 
 
 III. Some Queries concerning Confirmation, with the 
 Anfwers which were given to them by Cranmery and 
 Stokejly Bifhop of London. 
 
 AN ORIGINAL. 
 
 Hether Confirmatiort be Inftituted l>y Chriji ? ^ ,~^^ 
 
 with Cran^ 
 
 w 
 
 ReJpoK. There is no place in Scripture that declareth this Sacrament »>^r's Hand: 
 to be inftituted of Chrift. Cotton Libr, 
 
 Fi>ft, For the places alledged for the fame, be no Inftitutions but '^^"'' ^' ^' 
 Afts and Deeds of the Apoflles. 
 
 Secondly, Thefe Afls were done by a fpecial Gift given to the Apo- 
 ftles for the confirmation of God's Word at that time. 
 
 Thirdly, The faid fpecial Gift doth not now remain with the Suc- 
 ceiTors of the Apoftles. 
 
 What is the External 
 
 The Church ufeth Chrifma, for the exterior Sign, but the Scripture 
 maketh no mention thereof. 
 
 WljAt is the Efficacy of this Sacrament ? 
 
 The Bifliop in the name of the Church doth invocate the Holy Ghoft 
 to give Strength and conftancy, with other fpiritual Gifts, unto the per- 
 fon confirmed : So that the efficacy of this Sacrament is of fuch valu«^ 
 as is the Prayer of the Bi(hop made in the name of the Church. 
 
 N n n n fide
 
 \^6 Addenda. 
 
 H<tc rejpondeo^ fulvofempcr eruiitiorum & Ecclefix orthodoxajudicio. 
 
 Stokeflefs Paper. 
 
 The firft Qucftion IVhether the SacrAment of Confirmation he a Sacra- 
 ment of the New leflameiH injlituted by Chrifl ? 
 
 To this I anfucr, That it is. 
 
 The fecond Qiieltion, What is the outward Sign, and the invifible 
 Graces which be conferred in the fame ? 
 
 To this I anjiver. That the Words Signo te Sigm San^<e crucis^ & 
 confirmo te, SiC. With the confignation, with the Cream, impofition of 
 hands of the Prelates, be the Signs : And the increafe of the Gifts of 
 the Holy Ghoft, and efpecially ot Fortitude, to fpeak, fhew, and defend 
 the Faith, and to fuffer for the fame in cafe need be. 
 
 The third Qaejlion, What promifes be made of the faid Graces ? 
 
 I Anfwer^ That the fafts and deeds that be exprefled in the Books of 
 the Apoftles, with the effefts enfuing, by the impofition of their Hands 
 upon them that before had received Remiflion of their Sins, joyned 
 with the promifes of Chrift, made to his Church, and the continual be- 
 lief of the Univerfity of the fame Catholick Church from thet.time of the 
 Apoftles hitherto, without contradidion of any Man ( ignorants and 
 fufpefts of Herefie only excepted J makethus, and in my opinion, with- 
 out prejudice of other Mens opinion, ought to fuffice to make all Men 
 that hath promifed to believe the Catholick Church, affuredly to think 
 that God hath made the promifes of the faid Grace, 
 
 Bgo Joannes London, fic refpondeoj fretas autoritate & tefli- 
 monio antiquijjimoram^ eorumc^ue DoSiiJJimorum far iter ac Satdlif- 
 fimorum vtrorum^ (^ pr^ecipue SanUx Matris noftrA Ecclefu Ca- 
 tholic £j cui etiam in non expnffis in Sacra Script ura^ non mult a 
 minus quam fcriptis, fides adhihenda efl j nifi tarn de Baptijmo par- 
 vulorum^ quam de perpetua Deipara virginis iategritate, & id ge- 
 nus complaribu'Sy quibus fine Jalutis penculo nemo dijcreditf licehit 
 falva Fide contradicere. , 
 
 IV. Some Considerations offered to the King hy Cran-^ 
 mer^ to Induce him to proceed to a further Refor- 
 mation. 
 
 Cott Libr 'T)^^^^^'^^ '^ V^^"* Highnefs gracloufly to confider, deeply to ponder 
 Chop E 4* ^ ^"^ weigh by your high Wifdom thefe Confiderations following. 
 I' ■^* /vr/?. How DO great thing is to be determined, principally matters 
 of Chrift's Religion, without long, great, and mature deliberation. 
 
 Secondly, How evil it hath fucceeded when in Provincial, yea, or yet 
 in General Councils, Men have gone about to fet forth any thing as in 
 the force of -God's Law, without the manifcft Word of God, or elfe with- 
 out apiparent Rcafons infallibly deduced out of the Word of God. 
 r^: Thirdly, How all Chrirtened Regions are now full of Learned Men 
 in the Scripture, which can well efpie out and judge how things that 
 be, or ihail be fc t forth, arc agreeable with Scripture or nor, 
 
 ^ Fourthlf,
 
 Addenda 
 
 291 
 
 Fourthlj^ Of what Audacity Men be of now adays, which will not 
 fpare to write againfl: high Princes, as well as againft private perfons, 
 without any refpeft to their high Eftates, only weighing the equity or 
 the iniquity of the Caufe. 
 
 Fifthly, How not only Men of the New Learnirtg ( as they be cal- 
 led ) but alfo the very Papiftical Authors, do allow that by the Word of 
 God, Prierts be not forbidden to Marry, although they were not igno- 
 rant that many expounders of Scripture were of the contrary judgment. 
 
 Sixthly, How that it is not poflible tliat all Learned Men (liould be 
 of one mind, fentence, and opinion, as long as the cockle is mingled 
 with the wheat, the Godly with the Ungodly, which certainly fhall be 
 as lon^i as the World endureth. 
 
 Seventhly^ How variety of Opmions have been occafion of the open- 
 ing of many Verities heretofore taken for Herefie, yea, and yet fo efteem- 
 ed and taken of many, in other Reigons; as namely the ufurped Au- 
 thority of the Bifhop of Rome, hath by that occafion come into Lighr, 
 with the effufion of the blood not of a few, fuch as were the firft ftir- 
 rers up thereof. 
 
 Lapy, There be alfo other Opinions not fpoken of, which have 
 made, and yet will make as much variance in your Graces Realm, as any 
 of them treated of, namely. Whether the Holy Scripture teacheth any 
 Purgatory to us after this Life or not ? Whether the fame Scripture 
 teacheth the Invocation of dead Saints .<? Whether there be any unwrit- 
 ten Verities neceffary to be believed, not written in Scripture, nor de- 
 duclcd by infallible Arguments out of the open places of Scripture ? 
 Whether there be any fatisfaffions befide the fatisfaftion of Chrift? 
 Whether Free-Will by its own ftrength may difpofe it felf to Grace of a 
 coveniency ( as it is faid ') de congruo ? Whether it be againft Scrip- 
 ture to kiis the Image of Chrift in the Honour of him? And generally 
 whether Images may be ufed any other way than your Grace fetteth 
 forth in your Injun£lions ? 
 
 Whether in confideration of the Premifes it may pleafe your High- 
 nefs to fufpend your judgment for a time, and not to determine the 
 Marriage of Prielb to be againft Scripture, but rather to put both parts 
 to filence, commanding them neither to preach, difpute, nor openly to 
 talk thereof under pain of — &c. And in cafe thefe Premifes do not 
 move your Highnefs to ftay, that then it may pleafe the fame to grant 
 that the Article of Priefts Marriage may be openly difputed in both 
 Univerfities, under indifferent Judges, before it be determined. AU 
 the Arguments of the contrary Party firft to be delivered in writing to 
 the Defenders, twelve days before the Difputation ; to the intent they 
 may the more maturely and deliberately make anfwer to the fame ; and 
 they that Ihall enter as Defenders into this difputation, to do it under 
 this condition, that if their Judges difcern them to be overcome, they 
 be right well contented to futfer death, therefore; And if their 
 Adverfaries cannot prove their purpofc, their defire is no more but 
 that it may pleafe your Highnefs to leave your moft humble Subjefls 
 to the liberty that God's Word permitteth them in that behalf; and 
 your faid humble Subjects fhall pray unto Almighty God for the pre 
 lervation of your moft Royal Eftate long to continue, to God's Glory 
 and Honour. 
 
 N n n n i V* A
 
 2^8 Addenda, 
 
 V. A Declaration made of the Fundions and Divine In-^ 
 ftitution of Bifliops and Priefts. 
 
 A^ 
 
 AN ORIGINAL. 
 
 S touching the Sacrament of Holy Orders, we will that all Bi- 
 ^ fhops and Preachers Ihall inftruft and teach our People commit- 
 ted by us unto their Spiritual Charge. 
 T 'h ' •^"'/' ^^^ ^^^^^ Chrift and his Apoftles did inftitute and ordain in 
 Con. Libr. ^j^^ NewTeftament, that befides the Civil Powers and Governance. of 
 ^/'•^■^' Kings and Princes, which is called in Scripture, FoteHa-s ghdii^ the 
 Power of the Sword, there Ihould be alfo continually in the Church 
 Militant, certain other Minifters or Officers, which lliould have Spiri- 
 tual Power, Authority and Commiffion under Chrift, to Preach and 
 Teach the Word of God, unto his People, and to difpenfe and Ad- 
 minifter the Sacraments of God unto them ; and by the fame to con- 
 fer and give the Grace of the Holy Ghoft, to Confecrate the BleiTed 
 Body of Chrift in the Sacrament of the Altar, to Loofe and Abfoil from 
 Sin, all Perfons which be duly Penitent and forry for the fame ; to 
 Bind and Excommunicate fuch as be guilty in manifeft Crimes and Sins, 
 and will not amend their Defaults ; to Order and Confecrate others in 
 the fame Room, Order and Office, whereunto they be called and admit- 
 ted themfelves ; and finally to feed Chrift's People like good Paftors 
 and Reftors, as the Apoftles calleth them, with their wholfome DoSrine, 
 and by their continual Exhortations and Monitions to reduce them from 
 Sin and Iniquity, fo much as in them lyeth, and to bring them unto the 
 perfeft knowledge, the perfeft love and dread of God, and unto the 
 perfed: Charity of their Neighbours. 
 
 Item^ That this Office, this Miniftration, this Power and Authority 
 is no tyrannical Power, having no certain Laws or Limits, within the 
 which it ought to be contained, nor yet none abfolute Power, but it is 
 a moderate Power, fubjeft, determined, and reftrained unto thofe cer- 
 tain Limits and Ends for the which the fame was appointed by God's 
 Ordinance, which, as was faid before, is only to adminifter and diftri- 
 bute unto the Members of Chrift's Myftical Body, fpiritual and ever- 
 lafting things ; that is to fay, the pure and Heavenly Doftrine of Chrift's 
 Gofpsl, and the Graces conferred in his Sacraments : And therefore 
 this faid Power and Adminiftration is called in fome places of Scripture, 
 Donmn & Gr/itii^ a Gift and a Grace; in fome places it is called Clavcs 
 five fotefias Clxvtam, that is to fay, the Keys, or the Power of the Keys^ 
 whereby is fignified a certain limited Office reftrained unto the execu- 
 tion of a fpecial FunO:ion or Miniftration, according to the faying of 
 St. PmU in his firft Chap, of his Epiftle to the Romnns^ and in the fourth 
 Chap- of his Epiftle to Timothj^ and alfo in the fourth Chap, of his 
 Hpiftle to the Efhej. Where he writes in this Sentence ; QHum afcetp- 
 d/Jfit Chrtfiits in dtunty c/iptivim daocft captivitatcm^ S? dedjt Don.t homi- 
 tiibnsy dedit autem, alios quidem Apofiolos^ alios vero Prophet/is, alios vero 
 Evangeltfixs^ alios autem P aft ores ac Do£iores, ad inftaurationem fan^orum^ 
 in op Its Adminiftration^^ in itdificatiomm corporis Chrifliy donee pervenia^ 
 
 - i \ i\ /'. mtts
 
 Addenda. 2^^ 
 
 mtts omnis in ttmtatem Ptdei & agnitionii htlii Dei, m virum perfectnnt, tn 
 imnjurAm atatis f>le»e adultic Chrijli. That is to lay, " when Chrilt af- 
 " c ended into Heaven, he iubdued and vaniflied very Captivity her 
 " felf, and led or mack her thrall and captive, and diftributcd and gave 
 " divers heavenly Gitts and Graces unto Men here on Earth ; and a- 
 " mong all, he made fome the Apoftlcs, fome Priefts, feme Evangelifts, 
 *' fome Pallors and Doctors, to the intent they ftiould execute the work 
 *' and office of their Adminiftration, to the Inliauration, Inllruftion, 
 " and Edifying of the members of ChrilFs Myftical Body .- And that 
 " they fhould alfo not ceafe from the Execution of their faid Office, un- 
 *' til all the faid Members were not only reduced and brought unto 
 *' Unity of the Faith, and the knowledge of the Son of God, but alfo 
 " thac they were come unto a perfe6l State, and full Age therein, that 
 *' is to fay, until they were fo Eftablidied and confirmed in the fame, 
 '' that they could no more afterwards be wavering therein, and be led 
 " or carried like Children, in any contrary Doftrine or Opinion, by 
 " the craft or fubcile Perfwafion of the falfe Paftors and Teachers, 
 " which go about by craft, to bring them into Erroneous Opinions, but 
 " that they fhould conftantly follow the true Doftrine of Chriii's Gof- 
 *' pel, growing and cncrealing continually by Charity unto a perfect 
 " Member of that Body, whereof Chrilt is the very Head, in whom, if 
 *' the whole Body, that is to fay, If every Part and Member, be grown 
 *' and come unto his perfeft Eftate, not all in like, but every one accor- 
 " ding to the Gift and Quality which is deputed unto it, and fo to be 
 *' Compacted, United, and Corporated together in the faid Body, no 
 " doubt but that the whole Body and every part thereof fhall thereby 
 *•' be made the more perfeft and the more ftrong, by reafon of that na- 
 " tural Love and Charity, which one Member fo United in the Body 
 " hath unto the other. By which words it appeareth evidently not on- 
 ly that St. Paul accounted and number'd this faid Power and Office of 
 the Paftors and Doftors among the proper and fpecial Gifts of the Ho- 
 ly Ghoft, but alfo it appeareth that the fame was a limited Power 
 and Office, Ordained fpecially and only for the caufes and purpofes 
 before rehearfed. 
 
 Item^ That this Power Office, and Adminiftration is neceffary to be 
 preferved here in Earth for three fpecial and principle Caufes. Firji^ 
 for that it is the Commandment of God it fhould be fo, as it appear- 
 eth in fundry places of Scripture. Secondly^ for that God hath infti- 
 tuted and ordained none other ordinary mean or loftrument, whereby 
 he will make us partakers of the Reconciliation which is by Chrift, 
 and confer and give the Graces of his Holy Spirit unto us, and make 
 us the right Inheritors of everlaftlng Life, there to Reign with him for 
 ever in Glory, but only his Word and Sacraments; and therefore the 
 Office and Power to Minifler the faid Word and Sacraments, may in 
 no wife be fuiTered to perifh, or to be aboliftied, according to the fay- 
 ing of St. Paul^ Quomcdo credent in eum cle q^uo non audierunt ? Quomodo 
 autem audicnt fne pr^dicante ? Quomodo autem pr<edica(?Mnt nift miffi fue- 
 rrint ? Sicut fcriptura esi, quam jpecioft fuper inontes pedes Evangeliz.tnti' 
 um Pacem, Jnnunciaatium bona. ! Thirdly .^ Becaufe the faid Pov/cr and 
 Office or Funftion hath annexed unto it affuredly Promifes of excellent 
 and Ineftimable Things ; for thereby is conferred and given the Holy 
 Ghoft with all his Graces, and finally our Juftification and cvcrhifting 
 Life, according to the faying of St. PauI^ Non me pudet Evangelii Jefu 
 
 Chrijli,
 
 500 Addenda, 
 
 Chrtjli^ fotentia. ft quidem est Dei adfalutem omm credenti ; that is to fay, 
 1 am not alhamed of the Room and Office which I have, given unto 
 me by Chrift, to Preach his Gofpel, for it is the Power of God, that 
 is to fay, the ele£t Organ or Inftrument ordained by God and endu- 
 ed with fuch Vertue and Efficacy, that it is able to give and Mini- 
 fter effectually everlafluig Life unto all thofe that will believe and obey 
 unto the fame. 
 
 Item^ That this Office, this Power and Authority was commitred and 
 given by Chrift and his Apoftles unto certain Perfons only, that is to 
 iay, unto Friefls and Bifhops, whom they did eled, call, and admit 
 thereunto by their Prayers and Impofition of their Hands. 
 
 Secondly^ We will that all Bifhops, and Preachers ftiall Inftru6l and 
 Teach our People committed unto their Spiritual Charge, that the Sa- 
 crament of Order may worthily be called a Sacrament, becaufe it is a 
 Holy Rite, or Ceremony Inftituted by Chrift and his Apoftles in the New 
 Teftament, and doth confift of two Parts, like as the other Sacraments of 
 the Church do ; that is to fay, of a Spiritual and an Invifible Grace, and 
 alfo an outward and a vifible Sign. The invifible Gift or Grace con- 
 ferred in this Sacrament, is nothing elfe but the Power, the Office and 
 the /Authority before mentioned : The vifible and outward Sign, is, the 
 Prayer and Impofition of the Bifhops Hands, upon the Perfon which 
 receiveth the faid Gift or Grace. And to the intent the Church of 
 Chrift fliould never be deftituted of fuch Minifters, as fhould have 
 and execute the faid Power of the Keys, it was alfo ordained and com- 
 manded by the Apoftles, that the fame Sacrament ihould be applyed 
 and miniftred by the Bifhop from time to time, unto fuch other Per- 
 fons as had the Qualities which the Apoftle very diligently defcrye; 
 as it appeareth evidently in the third Chap, of the firft Epiftle of St. Fml 
 to Jtm. and his Epiftle unto Titas. And furely this is the whole ver- 
 tue and efficacy, and the caufe alfo of the inftitution of this Sacrament 
 as it is found in the New Teftament j for albeit, the Holy Fathers of 
 the Church which fucceeded the Apoftles, minded to beautiiie and 
 ornate the Church of Chrift with all thofe things which were com- 
 mendable in the Temple of the jfem^, did devife not only certain other 
 Ceremonies than be before rehearfed, as Tonfurcs, Rafures, Undions, 
 and fuch other Obfervances to be ufed in the A4niiniftration of the (aid 
 Sacraments, but did alfo inftitute certain inferiour orders or degrees, 
 as 'Janitorsy LeEtors, Exorcijis^ AcolitSy and Subdeacons^ and deputed 
 to every one of thofe certain Offices to execute in the Church, where- 
 in they followed undoubtedly the Example and Rites ufed in the Old 
 Teftament ; yet the truth is, that in the New Teftament there is no 
 mention made of any degrees or diftinftions in Orders, but only of Dea- 
 cons or Minilters, and of Priefts or Bifhops : Nor is there any word 
 ipoken of any other Ceremony ufed in the conferring of this Sacrament, 
 but only of Prayer, and the Impofition of the Biftiops hands. 
 
 Thomas Cromtvell. Rich. Cicejir. Simon Matthew. 
 
 T. Cantuarieij. Richardas Wolman. Joannes Prjum. 
 
 Edvardus Ebor. Jo/innes Bel/. Gnlielmus Buchna/fre, 
 
 Joannes London. Willi elmtds Clyfe. Willtehius Maye. 
 
 Cuthbertus Dunelmenfis Robertas Aldridge, Nieolatis Wotton. 
 
 Joannes Lincoln. Gilfridus DowneSf Richardus Cox. 
 
 Joannes Bathondenf Joannes Skip* Joannes Redman. 
 
 Th(mat 
 
 m
 
 Addenda. 
 
 301 
 
 Thomxs Ellen. Cuthbertus Marfhall. Jhomas Robertfon. 
 
 Joannes Bangor. M-trnuduke Waldebj. Thomas Baret. 
 
 NicoUus Sarum. Roberta Oking. Joannes Nafe. 
 
 Edvardifs Hererfoden. Nicolaia Heyth. Joannes Barbar, 
 
 Hugo Wygorn. Rodolphus Bradford. 
 
 Joannes R(ffen, Richardus Smth. 
 
 ( Some other Hands there are that cannot be Read. ) 
 
 Sacra TheologLe, Juris EccIe/taBiciy & Civilis Profejfors. 
 
 yi. A Letter of Melanthon'5, to perfwade the King to a fut' 
 tber Reformation, An Original. 
 
 SD. SereniiTime & Inclyte Rex, Etfi audieramus Romanum Epif- ^^/^, Libr. 
 • copum omnibus artificiis incendere Csfaris Carololi & Regis Galli- cleop. E. %, 
 ci animos adverfus Britannos & Germanos, tamen quia fpero Deum haec 
 pericula gubernaturum elTe, & defenfurum tranquilitatem tuam, fcripfi 
 in alteris Uteris de Ecclefiarum emendatione, quam fi tempore fment 
 rogo ut Regia Majeftas tua fufcipiat. Poftea adjeci hanc Epitlolam, non 
 impudentia, fed optimo ftudio, & amore cum Ecclefiarum, cum Regiae 
 Majeftatis tus incitatus : Quare per Chriftum obteftor Regiam Majefta- 
 rem tuam ut raeam libertatem boni confular. Saepe cogito Britannicae 
 Ecclefix primordia, & caeteras laudes : Hinc enim propagata eft dodrina 
 Chriftiana in magnam Germaniae & Gallias partem ; imo Britannicae Ec- 
 clefiae beneficium fuit, quod primum Romanae Provinciie Hberatae funt 
 perfecutione. Haec primum nobis Imperatorum pium Conftantinum de- 
 dit : Magna haec gloria eft veftri norninis. Nunc quoque Regia Majeftas 
 tua primum heroica magnitudine animi oftendit fe veritati patrpcina- 
 turum efle excuflit Roman! Epifcopi tyrannidem, quare veterum puri- 
 tatem Ecclefiae veftrae maxime optarim reftitui integram. Sed animad- 
 vert© iftic effe quofdam qui veteres abufus ortos aut confirmatos a Ro- 
 mano Epifcopo adhuc mordicus tenent. Mirum eft autem Autorc abu- 
 fuum eje£lo ipfa tamen venena retineri ; qua in re illud etiam periculi 
 eft, quod illi ipfi aut eorum imitatorcs aliquando revocaturi poteftatem 
 Romani Epifcopi videntur, fi populus hunc putavit efle Magiftrum Ec- 
 clefiarum, incurrunt enim Ritus in oculos & admonent de autore, uc 
 Solonis memoria cum legibus Athenis & propagata & jucunda fuit. 
 
 Gaudebam igitur in Edifto recens iftic propofito de Religione, pro- 
 mitti publicam deliberationem & emendationem de Ecclefiarum Ritibus 
 & Legibus, eaque fententia mitigavit Decreti acerbitatem : quanquam 
 enim laudo pietatem, quod errores prohibentur, qui pugnant cum do- 
 ftrina Catholics Ecclefiae quam & nos profitemur j tamen doleo ad eas 
 caufasadjeftum effe articulum, in quo precipitur omnium Rituum ufita- 
 torum & Caelibatus obfervatio. Primum enim multi transferrent Edi^ti 
 Autoritacem ad ftabiliendos abufus Miffae. Deinde in univerfum confir- 
 matur pertinacia eorum qua Doftrinae noftrae funt iniquiores, 8f debilt- 
 tantur ftudia piorum. Auguftinus queritur fua aetate jam durioreni 
 fuillc fervitutem Chriftianam quam Judaicam, quanto erit afperior fer- 
 vitus, fi fuperftitiofiores incptiae, ut reptatio ad crucem aut res fimiles 
 municntur corporum fuppliciis ? Gcrfon fcribit prodefte piis, qui tamen 
 
 fuper-
 
 [ ' 
 
 ^02 Addenda. 
 
 fuperltitiolius obfervant Ritus, ut invitentur ad cos violandos, ut ufu 
 & cxcmplo dedifcant fuperftitionem. 
 
 Sed raunio tranquilieratem, dices, &: nolo difTimilitudine Rituum ex- 
 citari difcordias. Ego de piis & modeftis loquor qui humanus traditio- 
 nes fine tumultibus violant, non de liis qui in ccetu publico leditiolc 
 rranquillum populum auc concitant aut pciturbant. Extant autcm 
 antea leges de feditiofis, nee ftatim violatio incpti & non necelTarii 
 Ritus judicanda eft feditiofa, attamen hac in le ncn folum tranquilli- 
 tatis, fed criam piarum Confcientiaium ratio habenda eft: Eft enim 
 tencra res Confcientia, facile languefcit perculfa potentum judiciis. 
 
 Nee ignoro quofdam novo jam uti genere fapientics, excufant abufus 
 8c leniunt eos aftute affidVis interprctationibus, ut habeant fpeciofam 
 caufam cur eos retineanr; ficut nefarics abufus cxcufat Autor rcfocma- 
 tionis Colonienfis, ut campanarum confecrationem & fimiles impofiuras. 
 Quam multa funt in faDulofis hiftoriis Smftorum, ut Chriitophori, 
 Georgii, quae, ut Poemata, continent venuftiflimas Allegorias •, nee ta- 
 men propter has cogendis funt Ecclefis ut illas pocticas perfonas co- 
 lant. 
 
 Erat in Egypto Sacrum cum ficimaturuiiTent, populus enim intcmplo 
 edens recentes ficus, addebat canticurt; his verbis, Dulcis Veritas, Huic 
 Ritui facile eft bellam fignificationem addere, eumq; accomodare ad 
 Jaudem Verbi Dei, nee tamen propterea hie mos in Ecclefias revocandus 
 eft ; atqui hane novam fophifticam exoriri paflim videmus. Sic in Ita- 
 Jia dicuntur abufibus patroeinari, Contarenus, Sadolecus, & Polus Car- 
 dinalis ; nam hi praecipue fafceperunt fibi jam has Partes defendendae 
 Romance impietatis, & hane ducunt efle magnam ingenii laudem fucos 
 illinire vitiofis Ritibus, putantq; fe his inepiiis Dionyfu Theologiam My- 
 ftieam renovare. Haee Spohiftica, nifi prudentes gubernatores Ecclefia- 
 rum obfiftent, pariet horribilem confufionem religionum, & rurfus ob- 
 ruet veritatem. Donee flagitantur humani Ritus tanquam necefifarii, 
 confirmatur prava opinio de cuku; ideo Paulus tarn vehementer non 
 mcxioopinionem, fed Ritus ipfos Lcvitieos infeftatus eft, prsevidebat enim 
 non excuti poiTe fuperftitionem, fi Ritus manerent, quare graviffime in- 
 quit, fi circumcidmitti^ Chriflus vobis nihil proderit, 
 
 Retineatur ergo fimplex &r perfpieua fententia de libertate in adia- 
 phoris, & doceant eoncionatores quae fcandala vitanda fint; retinean- 
 tur Ritus divinitus inftituti, & aliquiK humanae traditiones utiles ad bonum 
 ordinem; ut Paulus loquitur^ &: fit modus Caeremoniarum quo; habeant 
 conjunftam gravitatem & elegantiam; dccet autem abefle ab Eeclefiis 
 barbariem : Caeteri inutiles & inepti Ritus non duriter flagitentur. 
 
 Deinde quantum periculi adfert confeientiis prohibitio conjugii, ncc 
 ignorat Regia Majeftas tua, Legem de caelibatu perpetuo tantum Romaj 
 natam eflfe: Extant Epiftolae Epifcopi Tarraeonenfis defendentes con)u- 
 gia Presbyterorum in Hifpania contra Romanum Epifcopum. In Germa- 
 nia ante annos quingentos adhue Sacerdotes fuerunt mariti, adeoque 
 aegre tulerunt fibi eripi hane libertatem, ut in Epifcopum Moguntinuni 
 recitantcm Edidum Romanum tumultuantes impetum fecerint, quar^ 
 Epifcopus fugere coaftus recitationem omifit, Erat Autor Edidi Gre- 
 gorius feptimus qui euilibet Tyrannorum veterum audacia & impietate 
 par fuit. Hie cum longo & funefto bello civili noftros Germanicos 
 imperatores implicuiftet, fimul etiam Ecclefias Tyrannide oppreflit. . Au- 
 .dio & in Anglia Sacerdotes fuifle maritos : Dcniq; notx funt Hiftoris, 
 quae exenipla fatis multa continent; quare miror in Edifto citari Epifto- 
 
 iam
 
 Addenda. 30 
 
 o 
 
 lam ad Corinthios, cum haec longe aliud tradat de conjugio, ac proecipiat 
 conj'jgium iis qui non funt idonei ad cslibatum. 
 
 Nee objicienda funt vota quae & expreffe pugnant cum divinis man- 
 datis, & trahunt fecum multiplicem luperftitionem h morum corrup- 
 tionem; videmus enim quails iic vita multorum Sacerdotum cjelibum; 
 itaq; non fine dolore aliquo Icgi in Edidlo, quod hi qui Uxores duxe- 
 runt accufantur Levitatis, nam hoc convicio caufa noftra prsegravari 
 vidttur, quae tamen Ecclaefix neceflaria eft, ut Conjugii dignicas clarius 
 confpiciatur, ut fuperftitiofi cultus votorum reprehendantur, ut arce- 
 antur libidines. Non enim impuruscoelibatus, fed honefta & pia con- 
 jugum confuetudo, eft caftitas Deo gratia, ficut Chriftus fua voce divi- 
 nam conjunftionem appellat conubium, inquiens, Quos Deas cofijunx- 
 it, Sfc. Difcamus Dei Ordinationem in natura magnifacere, eaque re- 
 verenter uti, non fingamus ip(i novos cultus fine Verbo Dei ; de quo 
 genere Paulus nominatim concionatur, cum ad Timoiheum fcribens du- 
 riter reprehendit eos qui prohibent nuptias. 
 
 Propheta Daniel infignes notas addit Antichrifto duas, cum ait co- 
 let Deum Maofim argento h auro, & Deum Patrum fuorum non in- 
 telliget, & Mulieres non curabit. Haec quadrant maxime ad Roma- 
 nos mores : Miffarum abufus & Sanctorum cultus pepererunt immenfas 
 opes &• Regiam potentiam. Nova numina conted>a funt, adorantur 
 aurex & argenteae llatuae, & auro atque argento ornantur. Deinde 
 accedit Lex de coelibatu, unde magna corruptio morum orta eft. Hae 
 notae cui genti, cui Regno ufquam competunt nifi fadioni Epifcopi Ro- 
 mani ? qui cum fit Antichriftus, pio & forti animo ipfius autoritati & 
 legibus adverfandum eft. 
 
 Porro taeliciter coepit Re;2ia Majeftas tua qua^dam emendare, fuftulit 
 aliqua idola quas impie colebantur : Obreftor ergo Regiam Majeftatem 
 tuam, ut reliquam Impietatem Romanam etiam ex Ecclefiis tollat. Ex- 
 empla teftantur ingentibus viftoriis ornatos elTe Reges qui fuftulerunt 
 Idololatriam, ac faepe teftatur Deus quantopere requirat hunc cultum 
 ut removeantur fuperftitiones, &: pro hoc officio ingentia prsmia polli- 
 cetur ; quare Deus etiam defender Regiam Majeftatem tuam, fi ut Eze- 
 chias &: caeceri pii Reges impios ritus fuftuleris. Audit Regia Majeftas 
 tua in Belgico & alibi immanem faevitiam exerceri adverfus pios ; & haec 
 Tyrannis gignit alia multa vitia, ftabilit Idololatriam, delet veram in- 
 vocationem, extinguit penitus veram Religionem ; cumq; defint boni 
 Doftores, multi in populo fiunt palam a^ou Conftat enim pasne Eth- 
 nicam licentiam effe in Belgico, alii fuperftitiofi natura, alii Fanaticas opi- 
 niones Anbaptiftarum ampledtuntur. Talis eft in Belgico ftatus, quod 
 quidem floret pace, otio, opibusj adfluunt luxu ditiores, ita fe beatos 
 effc putant, nee interea profpiciunt quot pcenas ipfis impendeant : Deus 
 autem baud dubie tantam impietatem & crudelitatem atrociter puniet 
 Nollem igitur in Regno tuo renovari afperitatem adverfus pios, quam 
 ita prohibebit Regia Majeftas tua fi Ediftum leniet & Ecclefias confti- 
 tuere perget. Deinde ut etiam ad pofteritatem, animi abhorreant a 
 Tyrannide Romani Epifcopi, plurimum refert illis leges toUi, qux funt 
 nervi autoritatis ipfius ; magna vero adminicula potentiae Romanorum 
 Epifcorum fuerunr, MiiTarum abufus, & Caelibatus, quae fi durabunt 
 aliquando poterunt praebere occafionem iis qui depravatae funt opinionis 
 Romanae Aula;, ut ad earn rurfus inclinationem faciant. Id caveri 
 quantam referat, fi Doftrinae Puntas confervanda eft, fatis intelligit Re- 
 gia Maieftas tua. Verupi adhuc eft quod Juvenilis de Romana Aula 
 
 O o o o fcrjpfit,
 
 304 
 
 Addenda. 
 
 fcripfic, hie fiunt homines^ &c. imbuti eo loci malis artibus, contuma- 
 ciam fingularcm adverfus Reges inde referunt, ut multa exempla teftan- 
 tur. Hanc Epiftolam loquaciorem ac liberiorem ut Regia Majeftas tua 
 honi confulat oro. Precor autem Deum & Dominum noftrum lefum 
 Chriftum, ut Regiam Majeftatem tuam fervet & defendat, ac gubernet 
 ad falutem Ecclefia;. Bene & feliciter valeat Regia Majeftas tua. Ex- 
 Francofordia 
 
 Cal. Aprilis 1539. 
 
 Regios Majeftatis tux 
 
 Addiaiflimus 
 
 Directed thus on the back j 
 
 Philippus Melanthon 
 
 SerenifTimo & Inclyto Angiicc & Franciie 
 Regi D. Henrico 0£tavo Wallias & 
 CornubiiE Principi, Capiti Anglicas 
 Ecclefia: port Chriftum Supremo, 
 
 Principi Clementiflimo. 
 
 Cott, 
 CUop 
 
 VII. A Letter written by the German Amhaffadors to the King^ 
 agaififl the taking away of the Chalicey anct againft -private 
 Ma[fest and the Celibate of the Clergy y &c. An Original. 
 
 . Libr. QErenifTime & PotentifTime Rex, Domine Clementiffime, etfi Sere- 
 p, E. I?. O niftimam Regiam Majeftatem veftram maximorum negotiorum mo- 
 
 5. 
 
 le, turn ad Regnum ac Provincias proprias Majeftatis Veftrcc pertinen- 
 tium, turn etiam exterorum Regum, Principum, & Potentatuum gra- 
 viflimiscaufis,qucead Regiam Maieftatem Veftram pxnequotidie devol- 
 vuntur, obrui non ignoremus ; nofque pro noftra erga Regiam Maje- 
 ftatem Veftram debita obfervantia ut par eft, nihil minus velimus aufc 
 cogitemus, quam Sereniffimam Regiam Majeftatem Veftram vel mitten- 
 dis Uteris crebrioribus, vel uUa alia re interturbare & a Reipublicse curi$ 
 impedire, tamen certis quibufdam de caufis, quas Sereniftimac Regix 
 Majcftati Veftrse probaturos nos fperamus, duximus iterum ad Sereniffi- 
 mam Regiam Majeftatem Veftram literas dandas effe, nihil dubitanteS 
 quin Veftra Serenillima Regia Majeftas eas pro fuo infigni bonitate, fa- 
 pientia, doftrina, atque favore fincerioris Religionis, benigne acceptura 
 fir. Cum enim ab Illuftriflimis Principibus noftris nobis injuntla man- 
 data Veftrae Sereniffim^ Majeftati jampridem expofuerimus, & prsetereai 
 poftulante Majeftate Veftra cum quibufdam ejufdcm Reverendiffimis & 
 Eruditiflimis Kpifcopis & Theologiac Dodloribus, de Articulis ReligiorJ?s 
 Chiiftianae per duos pane menfes fermones contulcrimus, ac Dei benefli^* 
 cio res CO pcrduda fuerit, ut nihil ambigamus, quin inter Screnifll'ffiam 
 Regiam jMajeftatcm Veftram S: Principcs noftros, ac cor-.im in cauCa ret> 
 ligionis confcederatos utrorumqj Epifcopos, Thcologos & Subditos fir- 
 
 jna-
 
 Addenda, oo'r^ 
 
 ma atq; perpetua concordia in /inccriore Evangtlu Dotlrina, in laudem 
 Dei Optimi Maximi, falutem Ecclelix Chnftianx, ac pcrniciem Romani 
 Antichrifti, fecutura fit, nofque reliquam dii'putationem dc abullbus non 
 expedare queamus, exidimavimus non cHe alienum ab officio noftro, uc 
 ance difcelTum noftrum S:;reni(Timx Rcgix Maieftati Vclhx, qux per 
 Dei Gratiam indefefTa cura & diligentia finceiam Evangelii Doitrinam 
 promotam cupit, debitam obfer^ antiam, atque pcrpetuum ftudium no- 
 ftrum iiteris noftris teftatum relinqueremus, & Majeftati Veftix noftro- 
 rum etiam f ntentiam de quibufdam Articulis abufuum, de quibus Maje- 
 ftas Veftra poii abitum nollrum baud dubie curabit eofdem Epilcopos 
 & Theologos pro inquirenda veritate, fermones conferre & difputare, 
 declararemus : Nihil ambigentes, quin ea etiam in re Serenilfima Regia 
 Majeftas Veftra pro Chrifti gloria id praxftitura fit, ut non tantum Do- 
 ftrinam puram habeat, verum etiam abolitis aliquando impiis cultibus & 
 abufibus per Romanum Epifcopum in Ecclefiam introdudis, cuitus ac 
 Csremonias conientaneas Verbo Dei conftituat : Facile enim Sereniflima 
 Regia Maieftas Veftra pro fua fumma fapientia pcrfpicit, non pofTc un- 
 quam Doftrinx puritatem, vel conftitui, vel conlcrvari, nili tollantur 
 e medio etiam hi abufus, qui prorfus & ex diametro, ut dici folet, cum 
 Verbo Dei pjgnant, & Romani Antichrifti Tyrannidem ac Tdololatriani, 
 tum pepererunt, tum etiam hactenus confervarunt ; nam ut radn-ibus 
 demum refe£bis, neceffe eft arbores & herbas penitus exarefcere & perire, 
 ita dubium non eft, quin impiis Romani Epifcopi abufibus & Idolola- 
 tria, ut fundamento ftabiliiatis ipfius labefaftis & everfi"-, ttiam Tyran- 
 nis ejufdem prorfus ruitura & interitura fit ; quod riifi fiat perpetuo 
 metuendum eft, ne levi aliqua occafione iterum repuUulefcat & tan- 
 quam a radice revivifcat. 
 
 Sunt vero haec tria pxne capita &• fundamentum Tyrannidis k Ido- 
 lolatrix Pontificix, quibus ftantibus, neque Doftrina Religionis Integra 
 permanere, neque unquam Romani Epifcopi improbiflimus dominatus, 
 penitus extirpari poterit : Nempe, Piohibitio utriufque fpeciei Sacra- 
 menti in coena Domini, Mifla Privata, & Interdiftio conjugii Sacerdo- 
 tum, qus quidem ufque adeo Dei Verbo adverfantur, adeoque etiam 
 honeftati publicx repugnant, ut vel ex his folis apcrtillime intelligi polTic 
 Romanum Pontificem verum Antichriftum, & omnis Idololatrix, im- 
 pietatis, erroris, &: turpitudinis, in Chrifti Ecclefiam introdu'Sx aufto- 
 rem eile ; de quibus fane Articulis nos pauca quxdam Sereniflimx Regix 
 Majeftati Veftrx optimo ftudio fcribemus, & ejufdem ut Regis fumma 
 fapientia, acerrimc iudicio, & excellenti Doflrina prxditi, cenfurx com- 
 mittemus, perfuafiflimum nobis habentes Veftram Majeftatem Illuftrilli- 
 mam Pnncipum noftrorum, & Statuum confcederatorum Confilium & 
 Inftitutum, in hifce Articulis non improbaturam efte. 
 
 Primum enim, Sereniffime ac Potentiffime Rex, non exiftimamus £)^ ^^^^^^^ 
 quenquam inficias iturum, quin Chrifti Doftrino, mendata, &■ ovd^m-fpgcie. 
 tiones omnibus aliis praeceptis, traditionibus aut cxremoniis humanis 
 prxferri debeant ; hie enim cum ipfe fit vita & Veritas, errare non potcft, 
 humana vcro omnia, prxcipue in rebus divinis, incerta &■ dubia funt, 
 Porro conftat Chriftum ipfum utramq; fpcciem inftituiffe, cum ait, Bi- 
 bite ex hoc omnes ; %c Paulum idem docuilTe, cum inquit, i Cor. 1 1. 
 Probet feipfum homo, & fic de pane comedat & poculo bibar. Quibus 
 fane locis, non de una parte Ecclcfix, id eft, dc Sacerdotibus tantum, 
 fed de tota Ecclefia mentio fit : Nam quod quidam ita Argumentantur 
 folis Apoftolis Chriftum id dixiife, eaque de caufa utramj fpeciem ad 
 
 O z folos
 
 t - ■ 
 
 30^ Addenda, 
 
 folos Sacerdotes pertinere, infirmum admodum eft Argumentum ; quia 
 eadem ratione fequeretur, quod Laicis ne altera quidem fpecies danda 
 eflet ; neque enim alio loco Chriflus mandavit folum corpus Laicis dari, 
 &utiamque fpeciem pro Sacerdotibus inftituit: Sed hoc tatendum eft, 
 quod illud mandacum Chrifti de Sacramento, aut ad omnes, hoc eft, 
 Laicos & Sacerdotes pertineat, aut Laici prorfus a Sacramento Corporis 
 etiam arccndi fuerint, cum nufquam alibi in Evangelio, nih tunc cum 
 dedit Apoftolis fimul Corpus &; Sanguinem, Sacramentum pro Laicis in- 
 ftitutum reperiatur ; idque ad omnes pertinere Paulus declarat, cum ad- 
 dit, &■ dc poculo bibat, &c. Quod enim dicunt Sacramenti divifionem, 
 urgentibus quibufdam caufis, ab Ecclefia inftitutam elTe, & fub una fpe- 
 cie, non minus quam utrique continere, non muitum ad rem facit.- 
 Quis enim non intelligit hie de Chrifti inftituto & mandate agi, idque 
 humans au61;oritati & opinionibus longe prsferendum effe ; neque enim 
 Ecclefia fumit fibi banc libertatem ex Chrifti Ordinationibus res indirTc- 
 rentes conftituendi ; & rationes illae vel de difcrimme ordinum, feu dig- 
 nitate Sacerdotali, vel periculo eftufionis & limiles, nullo modo tantam 
 queunt vim habere, ut propterea Divinse Ordinationes mutandae lint ; 
 neque uUa etiam confuetudo contra mandata Dei mtrodufta, ipfis canoni- 
 bus Pontificiis atteftantibus, probanda eft. Conftat vero ufum utriuf- 
 que fpeciei, & clarum habere mandatum Chrifti, & adprobationcm San- 
 tlorum Patrum, ac conl'uetudinem veteiis Eccleliasj fie enim, inquit 
 Divus Hieronymus, Sacerdotes qui Euchariftis fcrviunr, & Sangui- 
 nem Chrifti populis diftribuunt ; &: Gelafis Pontifex, Sacramenti Cor- 
 poris & ■^'anguinis Domini divifiv^nem prohibet, eamque grande Saciile- 
 gium adpellat. 
 
 AdhjEC, durat hodie hie mos Communionis utriufque fpeciei in Graecis 
 Ecclefiis, quae hac in re Romani Pontificis Tyrannidi Temper reftiterunt, 
 -neque ejus jugum recipere voluerunt, & teftantur Hiftoriae turn in Ger- 
 mania, tum in multis aliis Regionibus ac Provinciis, verum Communio- 
 nis ufum diu confervatum fuifte, fed tandem fulminibus Romani Anti- 
 chrifti, quibus totum poene orbcm terrarum conterruit & fubjugavit, ho- 
 mines, ut verifimileeft, vifti verum Euchariftiis ufum mutarunt, ad quem 
 tamen, per fingularem Dei Gratiam, agnita icerum veritate Evangelica 
 cum Principes noftri, tum aliiEvangelii Doftrinam profitentes, jam redi- 
 erunt, & ielc ac fuos in re Univerfae Ecclefiae maxime falutifera, tanquam 
 in libertatem, excuflb jugo Poniificio, vendicarunt & adferuerunt. 
 Nam quae caufse Pontificem permoverint, ut contra Chrifti mandatum 
 & inftitutum, contra fententiam Sanftorum Patrum, contra confuetu- 
 dinem Univerfje Ecclefiae Chriftianae, Sacramentum divideret, & Laicos 
 Sanguine Domini nefarie fpoliaret, facile Sereniffima Rcgia Majeftas 
 Veftra perfpicit. Verifimile quidem videtur, eum voluifte fuam, fuiquc 
 ordinis audoritatcm ac dignitatem, ea ratione augere, & hoc difcrimen 
 Inter Laicos & Sacerdotes conftituere, nam etiam nunc clamitant adver- 
 farii, Laicos debere elle altera fpecie contentos; quafi Regnum aliquod 
 poffideant, & ita imperare ipfis liberum fit, ut etiam Chrifti beneficium 
 hominibus eripere queant, ad quod pocius fi fno officio fungi . vellent, 
 omnes invitare & pellicere deberent. Sed quid Chrilto cum Belial ? 
 quid Pontifici cum Chrifti inftituto, cujus ipfe fe fummum adveriarium 
 effe fatis declarat, ideoque tum in hoc, tum aliis falutaribus Religionis 
 Chriftianae Articulis oportuit ipfum a fcriptura difccdore, imo Dodri- 
 nam Evangelio confentaneam damnare, ut manifcftuMti ficretjicum elle 
 Antichriftum, dequo paflimScriptura taliapraedixit. ••.»»• 
 
 Porro
 
 Addenda, 307 
 
 Porro in altcro Artkulo, De Miila Frivata, adliuc magis adparec a De Mijfa 
 Romano Pontifice Religionem Chrirtianam adco cppeif^m & oblcura- /r/V/i/^j. 
 tam, ut Cbrifti Bcneficium, qui fua morte nosredcmit, folufque eft ho- 
 ftia & fatisfaftio pro peccatis noftris, poenicus fultulerir, & in ejus lo- 
 cum Idololatricum cultum pro abolendis peccatis in Ecckfiam invexeiit 
 eamque fuis erroribus & prophanationibus miferabiliter implicaveric, 
 turbaverit & deformaverir. Cum enim MiiTa nihil aliud fit, ncc elTe de- 
 beat, quam Communio five Synaxis, ut Paulus adpcllat, neque etiam 
 alius ejus ufus fuerit tempore Apoftolorum & veteris Ecclefia;, quemad- 
 modum hoc clare ex S. Patribus probari poteit, plane dive lum quod- 
 dam opus, prorfus pugnans cum Communione & vero Miflfe ulu inde 
 faftum eft, quod decent ex opere operato, uc loquuutur, mereri giati- 
 aro, & tollere peccata vivorum &: mortuoium. 
 
 Hjcc opinio quantopere diftec a Scriptuns, ac gloriam Paflionis Chri- 
 fti laedat, Sereniff. Regia Majeftas Veftra tacillime judioibit. Si enim 
 hoc verum eft, quod Miffa pro aliis applicari pjtcft, qui ' pxcata tollit 
 & prodeft tam vivis quam mortuis, iequitur Jnftificationcm ex opere 
 Miffarum contingere, non ex fide ^ ve um hoc orrminu Scr'prura: re- 
 pugnat, quae tradit nos gratis propter Chriftum per fi lem juftificari, ac 
 peccata nobis condonari, & in gratiam nos recipi, atque iij. non alieno 
 opere, fed propria fide propter Chriftum, fingulos juftos fieri : At illi 
 docent alienum opus pro remittendis peccatis alteri, quod quidem me- 
 rum eft fomnium & figmentum humanum, repugnans Evangclicae Do- 
 ctrinae ; nam tunc demum adpUcatur gratia pc Verbum & Sacramento- 
 rum ufum, cum ipfi utimur Sacramentis, fed ifti pro aliis utuntur, quod 
 perinde eft ac i\ pro aliis Baptizarentur. Neque vero poteft dici quan- 
 topere deform et Chrifti Gloriam opinio ilia de MilTa, qus ex opere ope- 
 rato conferat gratiam, aut applicata pro aliis meieatur eis remiflionem 
 venialium B^ mortalium peccatorum culpae & pcenae; idque aperte ad- 
 verfari Scripturse, & a vero ufu Miffx five Communionis longc difci- 
 dere, vei inde liquet, quia Miffa five Synaxis ideo eft inftituta, ut fide 
 lis qui utitur Sacramento recordetur quoe beneficia accipiar per Ch; -.ftum 
 & erigat ac foletur pavidam confcientiam ; ideoque ibi porrigi debet 
 Sacramentum, his quibis opus eft confolatione, ficut Ambrofius aitj 
 quia femper pecco, femper debeo accipere Medicinam. Atque hie 
 ufque ad tempora Gregorii in Ecclefia Miffss u(us fuit, neque antca 
 privata MilTos cognitce fuerunt ; quod quidem cum mulis aliis Patrum 
 Sententiis patet, turn Chryfoftomi, qui inquit, Sacerdotem ftare ad Al- 
 tare& alios ad Communionem accerl'ere, alios arcere: Et ex veteribus 
 Canonibus conftat, unum aliquem celebraffe MifTam, a quo reliqui 
 Presbyteri & Diaconi fumpferunt corpus Domini, fie enim inquit Canon 
 Nicenus, Accipiant Diaconi fecundum Ordinem poft Presbytcros ab 
 Epifcopo vel Presbytero, Sacram Communionem. Et fcribit Epiphani- 
 us, in Afia Synaxim ter celebratam fingulis feptimanis, nee quotidianas 
 fuiffe Miifas, eumque morem ab Apoftolis traditura effe; qui quidem 
 Lifls ufus etiam hodie in Graecis Parochiis durare dicitur, nam tantum 
 fingulis dominicisdiebus & feftis, fit ibi una publica Miffa, privatas verb 
 Don habent : Fuitque Grseca Ecclefia hoc nomine longe foelicior quam 
 Latina, qux meliorem ufum ccenx Domini, Synaxis, five Miffa: reii- 
 nuerit, neque vei Sacramentum Corporis &: Sanguinis Domini, contra 
 claram Evangelii Dotliinam diveferit, ut paulo ante diximus, neque 
 etiam privatis Miifas SacrcE Scripturx acerrime repugnantes, receperit 
 cujus qiudem rei banc potentiflimam caufam fuiffe arbiiramur, quod 
 
 Grxca
 
 3o8 
 
 Addenda, 
 
 Grarca F.ccleda Romanum lipilcoputn auftorem perverfe & Idololatricas 
 Dbftrinx, & omnium poenc abufum qui in Ecclefiam introdufli func, 
 pro fummo Ecclefia: Umverfalis five Catholicx Capite, nunquam agno- 
 \trit. 
 
 Sed concedunt quidam adplicationes qux fiunt in MilTa pro vivis & 
 mcrtuis, & item opiniones, quod ex opere operate gratiam mereri tra- 
 duntur, non efle probandas, & difputant abolitis illis opinionibus im- 
 piis, alia ratione Miflas privatis retinendas, nempe quia funt gratiarum 
 aftiones, qux poffint ab uno vel a pluribus fieri Hxc fane ratio videtur 
 aliquam habere fpeciem, eftque mx^ov (frtf^-i^riv., ut inquit Sophocles, quo 
 in caufis invalidis, & ut ipfe ait, morbidis utendum fit. hi Miffa tan- 
 turn efTet gratiarum a£tio, poffit fortaflis tali aliquo prxtextu Colorari ; 
 verum conftat earn principaliter inftitutam efle, ut lit Sacramentum quod 
 per Miniftrum alteri exhibeatur, ut accipens & credens confequatur 
 gratiam. Et hoc quidem principali fine pofito, accedit alter de gratia- 
 rum a£tione; quara nuUo modo ab inllitucione Chrifti recedere, fed 
 mod urn & formam illius Inftitutiones, & excmplum veteris Ecckfix fe- 
 qui & retinere debemus : Nulla enim novitas, prxfertim in Sacramentis, 
 recipienda elt, contra formam a Chrifto traditam, & contra cxempla 
 veteris Ecclefia. 
 
 Porro conftat privatas Miflas efle recentes, & a Romanis Pontificibus 
 introduftas & ne hodie quidem, ut paulo ante diftum eft, in Grxcis 
 Ecclefiis efi!e, nifi Parocbiales diebus fefl:is, cum quibus adhuc manet ve- 
 ftigium Communionis : Cum igitur contra Dei Verbum Mifla privata in- 
 trodufta fit, eamque humanum tantum & commentitium cultum elTc ad- 
 parear, quis dubitat quin talis MilTa, fine ullo periculo omitti pofl[it 
 imo debeat, cum repugnet Evangelio? Eftque pium & fanftum opus 
 vcrum Miflx five Synaxis ufum Ecclefix reftituere ac reddere, quo per 
 Romanum Pontificem, hoc eft Antichriftum, mukisjamannis miferabi- 
 liter privata fuij qui quidem adhuc mordicus privatas Mifl"as tenet, ad- 
 ferit, & defendit. Neque id immerito, facile enim fentit quod labefaftata 
 MilTa privata, labefaftetur imo ruant Univerfum ejus Regnum &: Tyran- 
 nis, qux Miffis illis nititur ; ut enim in feminibus caufa eft Arborum & 
 ftirpium; ita hujus luduofiffimi dominatus, imperii, tyrannidis, nundi- 
 nationes &■ Iddlolatrix Pontificia femen fuit fuperftitio Mifl"arum priva- 
 tarum : Nam hx pepererunt & fuftinuerunt, veluti Atlas quidam, to- 
 tum Papatum j ad harum normam omnia redafta funt, fiquidem nihil 
 fuit, quod non Mifla aliqua expiari poITe creditum eft. His aucupatus 
 Pontitex Romanus indulgentias, quibus immenfam pecuniam ex toto 
 Orbe terrarum prxdatus eft ; hx Monachorum turbas infinitas coacerva- 
 runt, cum eorum nullus alius eflet ufus, quam demurmurandi Miflas 
 privatas, 8? alioquin inutile terrx pondus forent. Hx funt & fuerunt 
 univcrfa pietas, quam Pontifex Romanus profitetur, banc folam novit 
 ille Rcligioncm, qux in Miflis privatis confiftit ; Doftrinam enim Evan- 
 gelii non modo non habet, verum acerrime odit & profequitur, 8r in 
 fumtna his Miflis ipfam prxdicationem Verbi Divini Pontifex extermi- 
 navir, ut per omnia Antichrifti munere fungeretur : Nam in loco unius 
 concionis Verbi, amplius mille Miflx privatx, hoc eft, humani & com- 
 mentitii cqltus, contra Divinum Verbura fucccflerunt ; ciitn non Miflas 
 fieri fed Evangelium prxdicare, 8r Sacramenta rite diftribuer.e & admi- 
 niftraic9 Chriftus Apoftolis, quorum illi volunt efle fucceflbres, man^ 
 daverit. " /,•.,; 
 
 i' Cura-
 
 Addenda. 30^ 
 
 Curarunc igitur illurtrifrimi Principes noi^n, & alii Evangelii Do- 
 ftrinam proficcntes, Principes & Status, privatas MiiTas pcnitus aboleri, &" 
 vciiim MilTjE ufum five Syiiaxnn Chriiti inftitutioni, exemplo Apoftolo- 
 rum, veteris Ecclefix ac Patrum ftntentiis conformem, in Ecclefiam re- 
 vocarum & reftitueiunt. Quce quideni MilTa five Synaxis lumma cum 
 reverencia celebratur, fervatis pa>ne omnibus ufitatis Cxremoniis, qux 
 non repugnant Pietati :, & admifcentur Germanicae five Vcrnaculce cau- 
 tiones ad docendum populum ; prsscepit enim Pauius, in Ecclefia uti 
 lingua intellefta a Populo. Porro, quia propter Communionem five u- 
 fum Sacramenti Miffa inftituta eft, hi qui funt idonei & antea cxplorati, 
 Sacramento utuntur ; ac dignitas & ufus Sacramenti, n.!mma diligentia ac 
 cura ex Verbo Dei populo commendatur, ut fciant & intelligant liomi- 
 nes, quantam confolationem pavidis confcientiis adferar, ac difcant Deo 
 credere, &: optima quseque ab eo expeftare & petere. 
 
 Et hunc quidem Sacramenti & Mife ufum, Scriptura; confentaneum, 
 Deo gratum, & Pietati conducibilem efle, SerenifTima Rcgia Majeftas 
 Vcftra facile agnofcit ; neque enim hie aliquid contra Dei Verbum ad- 
 mittitur, imo fecunc'um Clirifti mandatum & ordinationcm, qui hanc Sa- 
 cram Communionem ad hunc finem inftituit, omnia gcruntur: Nulla 
 eft hie admixta, prava, aut impia opinio, ut in Mifla privata Papiftica, 
 cujjs finis &r inftitutio cum Evangelio pugnat. Nihil hic etiam abfque 
 fumma reverentia, ordine, 8c decoro, digno Ecclefiae, fieri cernitur: 
 A'-!dt;mufque adfirmare, ma)ore Religione hunc verum MiiTae ufum ex- 
 hiberi apud nos, quam hadenus unqaam fub Papatu privatse Miflfe cele- 
 brate fuerint, piovocamufque ad teltimonia doA.flimorum virorum, qui 
 a Majcflate Veftra mifli in illis locis fuerunt, & haec omnia coram fi- 
 eri viderunt 8: audierunt. 
 
 Ouod enim Adverfarii clamitant, Noftros omnes cultus Divinos, om- 
 nes Cisremonias, omnem denique Religionem abolere & labefa^itare, ea 
 in re Principibus noftris, & aliis Evengelii Doclrinam profitentibus, in- 
 juriam faciunt; 8c hose eos infigni quadam malevolentia & odio pluf- 
 quam Vatiniano, ut dici folet, confingere 8c comminifci clare adparef,' 
 Cum ex Doclrina noflirorum, quam confentiente-n Sacris Literis in lu- 
 cem ediderunt, 8c Scriptis fuis univerfo orbi Chrifti^no promulgarunt, 
 tum etiam exemplis noftrorum Ecclefiarum, in quibus nolint velint co- 
 guntur fateri, omnia Religiofius & fanftius fieri, quam apud ipfos ; im- 
 mo Dei beneficio univerfus populus non tantum in templis eft religio- 
 fior, fed in tota difciplina publica modeftius fe gerit, majoremque erga 
 Magiftratum civilem, h. eos qui Ecclefiis proefunt reverentiam i^ hono- 
 rem exhibet, quam unquam antea factum fuerit ; "^ hoc fincere Evan- 
 gelii Doftrinas acceptum referre debemus, quos fingulos, reflius omni- 
 bus Pontificiis conftitutionibus, fui officii admonet, & fola in quibus 
 revera pictas ac cultus divinus confiftat, tradit ac docet. 
 
 Porro, quod Miffs collocatx ad quacftum, ut fub Papatu accidit, tur- 
 piter prophancntur, quodque hic abufus in omnibus psne templis latif- 
 fime pateat, non eft obfcurum : Nam Chrifti beneficium qui nos pre- 
 tiofo fuo fanguine redemit, idque gratuito pro vili ftipe 8c mercede 
 vendere, Sc tale etiam opus indc conftituere velle, quod ex fui natura, 
 hoc eft ex opere operato, mcreatur gratiam, 8c poffit adplican pro pec- 
 catis aliorum, mortuorum h. vivorum, quis non videt fummam effe im- 
 pietatcm ? Quid enim ell corpus Domini indigne traftare & fumere, fi 
 hoc non effet ? An poteft etiam magis impium quidquam dici, quam ill?. 
 de Miffis iftis docuerunt? Ncmpe quod Chriftus fue poflionc fatibfecerit 
 
 pro
 
 3 1 o Addenda. 
 
 pro peccatis Originis, & inttituerit Miflam, in qua fieric Oblatio pro 
 quocidianis dtliftis mortalibiis &• venialibus ; cum Chriltus pcenitcntiani 
 & remiinonem peccatorum proedicari mandaverit : MilTam veio, hac eft 
 Synaxim, ad alium plane finem inllituerit, viz. ut porrigatur Sacramen- 
 tum his quibus opus, clt confolatione, & ur per Verbum & Sacramentum 
 credentes gratiam rccipiant, & remiflionem peccatorum confequantur, 
 non ut ipfi fuum opus, quod quale quale fit, humanum figmentum, huma- 
 nus cultus eft, contra Scripturam Deo offerant ac facrificent. Hoc enim 
 non placet Deum, ut Chriftus ipfe inquit, fe fruitra coli mandatis ho- 
 minum : Nam MifTam non efle tale opus five Sacri/icium, quod merea- 
 tur gratiam &: profit etiam aliis, inde adparet, quia MilTa fi"e Synaxis 
 ad hoc eft inftituta, non ut Deo aliquid offeratur, fed ut communican- 
 tes confolationem hauriant, & veluti pignus feu certum fignum gratias 
 ac bons voluntatis Dei erga fe rccipiant, atque ita recordencur mortis 
 Chrifti, hoc eft, beneficiorum quoe per Chriftum accipiunt, qui qui- 
 dem pro nobis mortuus eft, foiufque pro peccatis noftris fatisfecit ; 
 idque probanc Verba ipfa quibus & Chriftus & Paulus de MiGa five 
 Synaxi ufi funt. 
 
 Primum enim inquit Chriftus hoc eft Corpus meum, quod pro vobis 
 traditur. Haec funt Verba Promiflionis Divins quae folam fidcm exi- 
 gunt, quibufque offertur nobis gratia & remiflio peccatorum, ergo non 
 eft Sacrificium, hoc eft, opus quod Deo offeratur & quidem pro abo» 
 lendis peccatis. Item Paulus ait, Annunciantes mortem Domini : An- 
 nunciate autem non eft Sacrificare, hoc eft tale opus Deo reddere^ quo 
 peccata deleantur. Praeterea Evangelii textus ita ibnat, Fregit & dedic 
 Difcipulis, inquiens, accipite & comedere, 8fc. item bibit ex hoc om- 
 nes, &c. accipere autem, comedere, & libere, non eft facrificare, quia 
 hxc opera ex opere operato non delent peccata. 
 
 Neque mandatur hifce verbis, ut nos Deo aliquid offeramus, fed po- 
 tius ut ab eo accipiamus, quia addit, pro vobis traditum, & fanguis qui 
 pro vobis effunditur ; quae Verba oftendunt, non exhiberi a fumentibus 
 Euchariftiam Deo Sacrificium, fed donum hominibus datum. Praeterea 
 vero nemo dicit Laicos cum fumunt Sacramentum, Sacrificare ; at quan- 
 tum ad banc Sacram Communionem, Milfam, five Synaxim periinet, 
 nulla eft ratio diverfitatis, cum idem Chriftus uno eodemque tempore 
 ac momento, propter eundem finem &: ufum, hoc Sacramentum abfque 
 differentia utentium Sacerdotum vel Laicorum inftituerit. Et quemad- 
 modum prohibitio utriufque fpeciei, humanum tantum commentum & 
 mandatum eft ; ita quod de Sacrificio Miffje ex opere operato gratiam 
 promerente traditur, humana tantum opinio eft, contra Verbum Dei, 
 a quo in rebus maximis, nempe ad remiflionem peccatorum, faluteni 
 animarum, & vitam a-tcrnam pertinentibus, nullo modo eft difcedendum : 
 Non enim fruftra Paulus inquit & bis repetit, fi nos aut Angelus de 
 Ccelo evangelizet vobis praeter id qd. evangelizavimus & accepiftis, 
 Anathema fit. 
 
 Praeterea nee poteft ratio diverfitatis adfignari ex Sacris Llteris, cur 
 magis dicant eos qui Sacramento Euchariftiae fruuntur facrificare, quam 
 illos qui alio Sacramento, ut Baptifmo, utuntur, cum utrumq; nihil aliud 
 fit, quam Sacramenta quae Chriftus horum inftitutor & auftor prorfus 
 ad alium finem, quam ut fint talia Sacrificia, qualia illi comminifcuntur, 
 ordinavit. Sed oportuit, Romanum Pontificem, Miffas privatas) ad oppri- 
 mendam Chrifti, aim ipfe hoftis eft, gloriam attollere, ut populum Chri- 
 ftianum a vcriwte Evangelica & agnitionc Chrifti, & Sacramentoruni le- 
 
 / 
 
 gitimo
 
 Addenda. 
 
 311 
 
 gitimo ufu, prorfus abduccret, Chrirtique bonitatem & mifericordiam ob- 
 literaret. Qui enim Miflam tale Sacrificium efle cogitant, quo Deus pla- 
 cetur, hi non queunt Chrifti beneficium expcnderc pro dignitate, & in 
 terroribus ac doloribus vex & judicii Dei non habebunt icfugium, neque 
 bona confcientia poterunt dona k figna amoris divina agnofceie, fi alie- 
 no opere Deum placari &: peccata remitti fibi perfuafum habeant : Nam 
 illi ipfi qui nituntur impias opiniones de Mifla privata excufare, hoc prx 
 textu, quafi Mifla ideo vocetur Sacrificium, quia fit gratiarum aftio Sc Sa- 
 crificium Laudis, hi convincuntur propriis ipforum Teftimoniis & Scrip- 
 tis qua; de Mifla extant, hseque perfuafiones hominum animis etiam hodie 
 de Miflis privatis inherent : Sic enim Thomas inquit in Opufculo de Sa- 
 cramento Altaris, cur Mifla inftituta fit ? Corpus Domini femel oblatum 
 eft in cruce, pro debito originali, fie offeratur jugiter pro quotidianis de- 
 liclis in Altari, ut habeat in hoc Ecclefia munus ad placandum fibi Deum 
 fuper omnia iegis Sacrificia preciofum & acceptum. 
 
 Alexander Papa, nihil in Sacrificiis Ecclefiae majus efle poteft, quam 
 Corpus & Sanguis Chrifti, nee ulla oblatio hac potior eft, fed omnes prae- 
 cellit: Item ipfa Veritas nos inftruit, Calicem ac panem in Sacramento 
 offerre, quando ait, accipite &: comedite, nam crimina atq; peccata, ob- 
 latis his Domino Sacrificiis, delentur. Et rurfus, inquit, talibus hoftiis 
 dekdabitur & placabitur Deus, & peccata dimittec ingentia. Gabriel de 
 Canon. Mifls, Sacramentum Euchariftiae veluti Sacrificium fummo patri 
 oblatum, nedum veniale fed etiam mortale, non dico fumentium fed om- 
 nium eorum pro quibus offertur, & quantum ad reatum culpae & poena;, 
 pius vel minus fecundum difpofitionem eorum pro quibus offertur, 
 tollit : Unde Thomas in Quarto Die. i. x. q. z. Euchariftia in quantum 
 eft Sacrificium, habet effeftum etiam in aliis pro quibus offertur, in quibus 
 non prae-exigit vitam fpiritualem in aftu, fed in potentia, & ideo fi eos dif- 
 pofitos inveniat, eis gratiam obtinet, virtute illius veri Sacrificii a quo om- 
 nis gratia in nos fluxit, & per confequens peccata mortalia in eis deler, non 
 ficut caufa proxima, fed in quantum gratiam contritionis eis impetrat. 
 
 His &: fimilibus omnes libri Scholafticorum pleni funt, quibus uno ore 
 docent, Miflam tale efle Sacrificium, quo gratiam homines mereantur ex 
 opere operato, quod ad delenda aliorum peccata adplicari pofllt. Quae 
 Doftrina aut potius perverfum & impium figmentum, an pugnet cum Sa- 
 cris Literis necne? An verum Miflaefeu Communionis ufum tradit necne? 
 An Chrifti beneficium non magis obfturit quam illuftret, imo etiam pror- 
 fus tollat? VeftraeSereniflima; Regis Majeftati dijudicandum relinquimus 
 quas pro fua fapientia, & non tantum in rebus politicis, fed etiam Sacris 
 & in omni genere doftrinarum acerrimo judicio, facile cenfebit, juftiflima 
 caufam habuiflfc Principes noftros & alios Evangelii Doftrinam profitentes, 
 Miff^as privatas abrogandi, S>c verum Miflae five Communionis ufum, pro 
 Chrifti gloria & [confolatione totius Ecclefia; Chriftiana:, reftituendi Sc 
 revocandi, poftquam ex Dei Verbo cognoverunt, quantum privarae Miflae 
 a veritateEvangelicadiftent, quantumq; iniis infit Impictatis&Idoiola- 
 trias : Fuit enim unicum Sacrificium propitiatorium in mundo, viz. Mors 
 Chrifti, qui, ut Paulus inquit, femel eft pro nobis oblatus, &faclusho- 
 ftia pro peccatis noftris, quod caitera Iegis Sacrificia propitiatoria figni" 
 ficarunt, qux fimilitudinc quadam, erunt fatisfaftiones redimentes jufti- 
 tiam Legis, ne ex politia excludercntur illi qui peccaverant, caque ccfla- 
 verunt poft Revelatum Evangelium : In Novo Teftamento, ncccflc eft 
 cultum tantum efl(2 Spiritualem, hoc eft, juftitiam Fidei &: in\i'\us Fidei, 
 quiaadfcrtjuftitiamSc vitam fpiritualem 8fa;ternam, juxta, Dabo Legem 
 
 P p p p meam
 
 o 1 2 Addenda. 
 
 meam in cordibus eorum ; & Chrilius ait, veri adoratores adorabunc Pa- 
 trem in fpiritu & veritate, i. e. vero cordis adfeftu, qua de caufa abrogati 
 funt Levitici cukus, quod debeanc fuccedere cultus Spirituales mentis, & 
 horum frudlus ac figna ; ut in Hpiftolaad Hebroeos manifefte docetur. 
 
 Ex quibus omnibus fcquitur MilTam non effe Sacrificium, quod ex ope- 
 re operate mereatur, facicnte vel aliis reniidionem Peccatorum, ut illi 
 docuerunt. Et quocunque quidam fuco nitantur excufare MiiTas priva- 
 tas, Temper eis retragatur & reclamat Doftrina ipforum de MifTa, qua earn 
 aliis poffe adplicare tradiderunt, h peccata delete hominibus pcrfuafe- 
 runt. Hajc opinto nifi reftituto vero MiflTse ufu, nunquam ex animis 
 hominum delebitur, fed perpetuo manet &reditis error, quod oporteat 
 talem tik. cultum in Ecclefia, quo Deus placetur. 
 
 Et ut videatur fiftione juris ; Jureconfulti loquuntur, MifTam poffe vo- 
 cari facrificium memoriale five Laudis : At cum id non fit fatisfa(Soriuni 
 pro facientibus, vel adplicabile pro aliis, quoquis mereatur remiflionetn 
 Peccatorum, quorfum attinebit, relifto vero ejus ufu & inftitutione, id in 
 Ecclefiam introducere, ubi propter nuUam humanam rationem, commen- 
 tum, aut opinionem, a Chrifti mandate & ordinatione, eft difcedendum ? 
 Eadem enim ratione ; Natalis Domini & fimilia Fefta, quoc in Chrifti me- 
 moriam celebrantur, facrificia memorialia five Euchariftica dici poffcnt; 
 imo talia Sacrificia verius funt, Evangelii prcedicatio, fides, invocatio, gra- 
 tiarum aftie, adfliftiones, aut adplicationes pre aliis ; & Miffjs principalis 
 finis, ut fupra diflferuimus, is eft, ut fit Sacramentum, quod per Miniftrum 
 alteri exhibeatur, quare non poteft dici Sacrificium ; cum nemo ignoret 
 magnum inter Sacrificia & Sacramenta difcrimen effe, his enim nos dona 
 a Deo oblata accipimus, illis vero noftrum Deo reddimus &: offerimus. 
 
 Neque vero liabent privatge Miffae alios auflores quam Pontifices, qui 
 a tempore Gregorii, nunc banc, nunc illam Cisremoniam, Cantionem, 
 aut Orationem, finguli profua fanditate&opiniene adjecerunt, ut hifto- 
 rirE une confenfu teftantur, donee eandem, egregium, illud opus, dignuni 
 iftis au6loribus exsdificarunt, & relifto vero MilTjc five Communionis 
 ulu, ac ebliterata doftrina de Chrifto, Univerfa Ecclefia Mifias privatis m 
 qua fola omnem parne Sanditatem pofuerunt, repleta 8? obruta fuit. 
 
 Hsc Sereniflime ac Potentifiime Rex noftrorum Principum & aliorum 
 Imperii ordinum, Evangelicam Dodirinam profitentium, Theologi & 
 Doftores, juftis voluminibus explicarunt, qux quidem hac Epiftola nos 
 breviter attingendaduximus; non quod Sereniflimam Regiam Majefta- 
 tem Veftrara haec latere penitus putemus, neq; enim ignoramus Serenifli- 
 mx Regime Majeflati VeftrjE & veterum & recentium fcripta, de his & aliis 
 Controverfiis Ecclefiafticis diligentifiime cognita effe, de quibus etiam 
 Majeftas Vcftra fapientiffime, eruditiffime fa^pe cum doftis viris conferre 
 &■ difputarefolet: Sed hoec idee fecimus ut Majeftati Veftrjej quampoffet 
 fieri breviflime, occafionem & caufas quafdam abolitarum, privatarum 
 Miffaium apudnes, fumma cum obfervantia utdecet exponeremus; & 
 adverfariorum calumnias, quibus cum apud Regiam Majeftatem Veftram, 
 tum alias, undecunque quaefita & arrepta occafione, variis technis & fig- 
 mentis, doftrinam finceriorem gravare & in odium omnium perducere 
 conantur, declinaremus. 
 
 Neque vero ambigimus, quinMajeftasVeftra, ut Rex eruditiffimus & 
 veritatis Evangelic^ amantiffimus, facillime judicabit, quod non temere 
 privatx Miffa; apud nos abrogate fint, fed juftiffimis & firmiffirais ratio- 
 nibus, ex Dei Verbo quod folum errarc non poteft, fincere & abfque fo- 
 phiftica deduttis, pro confcrvanda & illuftranda Chrifti Gloria, & homi- 
 
 nuin
 
 Addenda, ^ 1 3 
 
 num falute id faftum effe; Ec opponantur qualefcunq; cxcogitari poflint 
 Cavillationes & Sophifmata, tamen adparebit noftros hoc agere quod fit 
 tutius, dum retinent modum & formam inftitutionis Chrifti. Ac maxima 
 pars Sacerdotum fua fponte apud nos defiit Mifl'as privatas celebrare, port;, 
 eaquam intellexerunt ex Evangelica D ftrina, quantum in iis crroris & 
 impietatis effet i & plurimi ac doftiffimi quique, qui Sacerdotia aut Pa- 
 rochias fub Magiftratibus alienis a fincera Evangelii Doftrina teoebanr, 
 ea dL'feruerunt, ne cogerentur facere contra fuas Confcientias, feque ad ea 
 loca in quibus Evangelii Doftrina libere priEdicatur contulerunt ; gra- 
 viffimuinenim eft quenquam in re prxfertim rali qux Dei gloriam licdit 
 ac Divino Verbo repugnat, tanquam ad cultum divmum adigi & compelli. 
 
 Sed ne Sereniiiimas Regias Majeftati Veftr:^ proiixitate literarum fimus 
 molefti, definemus plura de hoc articulo imprafentiarum differere. 
 
 Reftat tertius locus inftituti Argumenti, viz de Conjugio Sacerdo- jjg Covmno 
 turn, quod itidem Romanus Epifcopus contra Scripturam, contra Leges Saceriltum. 
 Naturse, & contra omnem Honeftatem prohibuit, ac mukorum peccato- 
 rum, fcelerum & tu; pitudinis occafionem praebuit : Sed fortalTe ne pof- 
 fic dubitari eum elle Chrifti adverfarium, de quo cum illam iptam prohi- 
 bitionem, turn alia quasdam qujsin ilium fplum adperte quadrant, Scrip- 
 tura clare prgedixit, oportuit eum talem Legem Ccelibatus Saccdotalis 
 fancire, ut ficut leo ex unguibus, ita Papa, hoc eft, Antichriftus, ab hac 
 prohibitione Sanftiffimi & in omnibus honorabilis conjugii, agnofcere- 
 tur; fie enim Paulus inquit, Spiritus autem manifefte dici, quod in no- 
 viflimis temporibus difcedent quidem a, fide, attendentes Spiritibus Er- 
 roris & Doftrinis Daemoniorumj in hypocrifi loquentium mendacium, 
 cauteritatem habentium Confcientiam fuam, prohibentium nubere : Hose 
 fi non in Romanum Epifcopum congruunt, in quem alium convenient ? 
 nemo enim alius quam ipfe conjugium Socerdotibus injuftiffime eripuit, 
 & ccelibatum impuriflimum fub fpecie Sanditatis, &■, ut Paulus ait) in 
 Hypocrifi 8c per mendacium introduxit. 
 
 Scriptura non minus Sacerdotibus, quam alterlus fortis hominibus ma- 
 trimonium liberum permittit, fijnt enim de eadem carne, qute totum ge- 
 nus humanum veftit & continet, nati : Non polTunt igitur naturam fuam 
 mutare, non poffunt carnem abjicere, nee abfque fingulari Dei dono 
 ccelibes vivere, nam non quiiibet, ut Chriftus inquit, capit Verbumhoc; 
 & Paulus, propter Fornicationem unufquifque fuam UXorem habeat; & 
 peculiariter de Sacerdotibus air, conftituas per civitatis Presbyteros ficut 
 difpofui tibi, fi quis fine crimine eft, unius Uxoris vir, Filios habens fi- 
 deles, non in accufatione luxuriae; item, oportet Epifcopum elle irre- 
 prehenfibilem, unius Uxaris virum : Pate igitur hanc prohibitionera non 
 ex jure Divino, fed potius contra Sacram Scripturam decretum efle. 
 
 At folet a quibufdam Pontificiis defenforibus opponi, quod licet con- 
 jugium Sacerdotum non videatur vctitum Divinis Literis, tamen Sacer- 
 dotes a veteribus temporibus in hunc ufq; diem in coelibatu vixilTe, eaq; 
 de caufa addunt non elfe difcedendum hac in re a tali exempio, neq; per- 
 mittendum conjugium Sacerdotibus. His, Sereniflime ac Potentiffimc 
 Rex, adperte refragantur hiftoriae, turn Ecclefiafticx turn aliae, ex quibus 
 clare patet, Epifcopus & Sacerdotes veteribus temporibus conjugatos fLiifTe. 
 
 Primum enim Spiridion Cyprius Epifcopus, vir unus ex ordine Pro- 
 phetarum, ut Hiftoria Ecclefiaitica ait, Uxorem habuitex qua filiam no- 
 mine Lenen fufcepit ; deinde ordine paenc omnes Epifccpi Uxorati fuc- 
 runt, quorum plurimi Filii poftea, turn Romani, turn alii Epifcopi cre- 
 ati funt : Fuit enim Sylverius Papa Hormifdas Epifcopi Filius, Papa Theo- 
 
 P p p P X dorus
 
 314 
 
 Addenda. 
 
 dorus Theodori Epifcopi Hierofolyraitani, Papa^ Adrianus fecundus Ta- 
 lari Epifcopi, Joannes decimus Papa Sergii, Papac, Gelafius Valerii Epif. 
 copi, Papa Joannes decimus quintus Leonis Prcsbyteri Filius ; & ne om- 
 nes enumeremus, patct vcl unica hiftoria Polycratis, ex cujus parentibus 
 feptem fuerunt per ordinem Epifcopi, ipfe vero fuit oftavus ; at non eft 
 credibile omnes illos ex illegitimis nuptiis prognatos effe, cum ipfi ca- 
 nones & decreta Synodorum doceanr, conjugia Sacerdotum efle licita ; 
 lie enim inquit Canon Apoftolorumj fi quis docuerit Sacerdotem fub ob- 
 tentu Rcligionis propriam Uxorem contemnere, Anathema fit. 
 
 Item extat prxclarum exemplum de Paphnutio confeflbre, qui uni- 
 verfe Synodo Nicense prohibitionem conjugii diffuafit, &: obtinuit ne 
 hac ex parte fancitum, led hoc in uniufcujufque voluntate no necefll- 
 tate permilTum fuerit. Quie Hiftoria etiam in )ure Foniificio recenfetur, 
 extatque decretum quoddam fexiJS Synodi, in quo palam damnatur pro- 
 hibitio conjugii Sacerdotalis. 
 
 Sed ob)icitur iterum, proptervotum caftitatis, quod Sacerdotes prceili- 
 terunt, non poffe eis permitti nuptias. Hoc quale votum fit, quamque ' 
 obligatorium, quod fine peccato fervari non poteft, Sereniflima Rcgia 
 Majertas Veftra pro Summa Sapientia &: Do6lrina, facile asftimabit : Ncq; 
 enim donum caftitatis omnibus datum eft, idq; ccelibatus ipfe Sacerdotum, 
 & quotidiana exptrientia etiam nunc teftatur; & quid de tali voto fen- 
 tiendum fit, Sanftorum Patrum fcntentia deciaravit, fie enim Auguftinus 
 ait, quidam nubentes poft votum adferunt adulteros efle ego autem di- 
 co vobis quod graviter peccant qui tales dividunt. Et Cyprianus de vir- 
 ginibus qui continentiam voverunt, fie inquit, fi prcefervare nolunt, vel non 
 polTunt, melius eft ut nubant, quam ut in ignem delicis fuis cadant. 
 
 Cenfent itaque prsedifti Sanfti Patres tale votum non debere impe- 
 dire Matrimonium, ficut revera etiam non poteft obftare quo minus hi 
 quibus donum cnotinentiie non contigit, matrimonium contrahant : Nam 
 melius eft nubere quam uri, ut inquit Paulus : Quid autem eft impurius 
 ccelibatu illo Sacerdotali? quam pauci vero continent? quam plurimi 
 in fornicationibus, adukeriis, & id genus fimilibus ac gravioribus pecca- 
 tis & flagitiis piene quotidie deprehenduntur, contra quod fi leges feve- 
 reanimadverttrent, non habituri elTent, quo de illo fido & hypocritico 
 ccelibatu adeo gloriarentur. 
 
 Ac tradunt Hiftoria: in Germania triennium aut amplius, Sacerdot€S 
 acerrime reftitifle Sanftioni Pontificis Hildebrandi de ccelibatu, qui fum- 
 ma vi eis Uxores adimire conatus eft, hique juftiflimas caufas contra il- 
 1am conftiturionem ac tyrannidam Pontificiam, pro Matrimonio dcfen- 
 dendo allegarunt, in qua re cum nihil ojqui obtinere potuerint, tandem 
 ingens orta eft feditio contra Archiepifcopum Moguntinum, qui decre- 
 tum pontificium detulerat, adeo ut is ab inccepto deftiterit ; & vix tandem 
 Papa poft multas diras Execrationes & Bullas, quibus etiam Caelum ip- 
 fupi expugnare conatus eft, miferis Sacerdotibus facultatem liberam con- 
 jugii, contra divina & humana jura abftulerit, & omnis generis libidinis 
 & impuratis exercendas occafionem priebuerit: Extat quoque Epiftola 
 ad Nicolaum Epifcopum Romanum I. Divi Udalrici Epifcopi Auguften- 
 fis, qua is graviflimis Sfoptimis argumentis diflliadet & damnat prohibi- 
 tionem conjugii Sacerdotum. 
 
 Cum igitur Principes noftri, & alii profitentcs Evangelii Dodlrinani, 
 patefafta per Dei Gratiam iterum veritate, intcllexerint quid de prohibi- 
 tione ilia Pontificia conjugii Sacerdotalis fentiendum eflet, & palam vi- 
 derent & experirentur, quod non poflet ccelibatus ille fine peccatis & 
 
 fcandalis
 
 Addenda. 
 
 fcandalis confiftere, luperunt in ea etiam vincula Ponrificia, ac Matrimo- 
 nium Sacerdocibus, ficut hoc Scriptura Sacra & exempla SanQorum Pa- 
 trum ac veteris Ecclefis exigunt & teftantur, liberum permiferunt. Exi- 
 ftimarunt enim hoc quoque ad fuum officium pertinere, ut infinitorutn 
 fcandalorum & fcelerum, qux necclTariofecum trahit coclibatus Sacerdo- 
 talis, occafionem & materiam prxfcinderent & auferrenr, publicarque 
 honellati hac quoque in re confulerent ; maxime cum animadvertercnt 
 quantcE etiam abominarioncs, & in ordine Sacerdotal], & in Monalk- 
 riis Vcftalium ac Monachorum evenerint, in quibus compertum eft fepe 
 infantes crudeliter necatos, pharmacis foetus depulfos, & fimilia nefaria 
 crimina commilla quos folos fruftus coelibatus ille protulitj ideoque 
 pluiimi nunc Tunt conjugati Sactrdotes apud nos, multi etiam coelibes 
 idque cu)ufq le Confc entix ut vel ducat Uxorem vel a Conjugio abftine- 
 at, p rmittitur ; modo ita vivat ne fit aliis otFendicuIo, ahoqui enim non 
 minus in Sacerdotes quam reliquum vulgus, hacquoque parte, fecund um 
 Le es politicis animadvertitur. Ac per Dei Gratiam, hoc inde fecutum 
 eft, quod eorum Confcientiis, quibus continentise donum non contigit, 
 confultum fuerit, plurimorum fldgino. um &: fcelerum occafio celTaverit, 
 matronis ac pueliis quibus plerique iltorum fub fpecie Pietatis f^Epiflime 
 inhiabant, & laqueos neclebant, nihil ejufmodi periculi fit ; & in fumma, 
 quod quum turn Officia Ecclefiaftica, tum politica majjre reverentia &: 
 honeftate tradtentur, quodque ab univerfis in majore honore & favore 
 habeantur Sacerdotes, quam antea in illo pleno fcandahs coslibatu accident, 
 id quoque magna ex parte honeftum conjugium Sacerdotum prceftat. 
 
 Adhazc, nulli acrius &: conftantius oppugnant Romanum Pontificem, 
 6f tum Matrimonii Ubertatem, tum fanam Doftrinam ab illo obfcuratam 
 Sfoppreflam defendunt, quam hi qui ab ejus jugo impuri illius coeliba- 
 tus liberati funt ; & honefte etiam fuos liberos quos ex conjugio fufci- 
 piunt educate folent, quibus baud dubie Deus etiam port mortem pa- 
 rentum, ubi in timore Domini aliti & edo£ti fuerint, profpiciet ; gra- 
 viflimum enim efle, Sacerdotes ideo a conjugio arcere, quia fua munia 
 five officia tantum ad vitam fuam, non autem jure hxreditario tenent ; 
 eadem ratione multis aliis qui funt aut in publicis muneribus, aut in privatis 
 Minifteriis, Matrimonium interdicendum foret. Quodquidcm fifieretj 
 Reip. plus incommodi quam boni allaturum e{tet; cum &: Sacrarum Li- 
 terarum Audloritate, Sanftiflimorum patrum Sententiis, Legum, Naturas 
 & Gentium teftimonio, & omnium fapientiffimorum virorum judicio ac 
 fuffragiis conftet, Matrimonium femper iis,qui cxlibesviverenon queant, 
 ad vitanda graviora pericula, concelTum &: liberum efle debere. 
 
 HxQy Sereniflime ac Inviftiflime Rex, coram SerenifTima Regia Ma- 
 jeftate Veftra, breviter differenda duximus, ut Majeftati Veftrae ratio- 
 nes quafdam commemoraremus, cur IliuftrilTimi Principes noftri,&alii 
 Evangelii Doftrinam profitentes Principes & Status Imperii, in his tribus 
 Articulis adeo diffentiant ^ Romano Pontifice, ut ficut in reliquis Doc- 
 trince Chriftianae partibus a veritate vel latum digitum non difccden- 
 dum efle exiftiment, ita in his etiam decreverint, abjeda ejus Tyrannide, 
 pro Gloria Evangelii, 8f ad vitanda infinita fcclera, perdurare : Neque 
 vero hie dicemus de aliis abufibus a Romano Pontifice introduftis, in 
 quos imprimis Confeflio Auricularis rccenferi meretur, qua ille, 8c Po- 
 tdhrem clavium tantum ad turpiflimum qugeftum & Tyrannidem rede- 
 git, & Confedionem ipfam, qus inlormandarum & confolandarumCon- 
 fcieniiarum gratia, falubriter inftituta fuit, carnificinam tantum Confcien- 
 tiarum reddidit, perqueeam tum omnesReges, Principes, & Potentatus 
 
 fub 
 
 o 
 
 15
 
 ^i6 Addenda, 
 
 fub fuo jugo tenuit, turn multorum malorum auftor exticit ; de qua 
 quid noftri fentitant ac qua reverentia in Ecclefiis retineant, edita ipfo- 
 rum fcripta teftantur. 
 
 Ac gratulamur nobis datam occafionem hcec Sereniflimae Regiae Maje- 
 ftati Veftraeexponendi, cjufq ; cenfurse committendi : Cum enim Majeftas 
 Veftra & fumma Doi^rina, Sapientia ac ftudio Veritatis prsdita fit, 8c 
 Romani Epifcopi Tyrannidem (baud fine mente Deum, five numine Di- 
 vum, utPoeta inquit) itidem ex fuis ampliffimis Regnis exterminari cu- 
 raverit, neque amplius per Dei Gratiam illius impiis opinionibus capti- 
 va teneatur ; perfuafilTimum nobis habemus Veftra: Sereniffima: Rcgia: 
 Majeftatis hifce de rebus maximis, qux ad Dei Gloriam, falutem Eccle- 
 tvXy & perpetuam profligationem Romani Antichrifti pertinent, xquif- 
 fimum ac liberrimum fore judicium, quod fane ii, quibus vel Doftrina 
 aut veritatis ftudium de eft, vel animum habent addi6lum Pontificiis Opi- 
 nionibus, velmetu interdum prohibentur, aut eiiam ab aflfedibus diverfe 
 trahuntur, non adeo facile prssftare poffunt ; & plurimi interdum infer- 
 vientes tempore, fingunt fe odiifi!e Pontificem, fimulantque ftudium veri- 
 tatis, quibus tamen revera aliud eft cordi, bi vero quum non poffint nee 
 debeant de hifce controverfiis ferre fententiam, Seieniflima Regia Ma- 
 jeftas Veftra nequaquam ignorat. 
 
 Non autem dubitamus, quin ut quifque eft eruditiffimus, & veritatis 
 Evangelic^ amantiflimus, ita facillime eum caufam noftram, imo Chrifti 
 & EcclefiiE, adprobaturum ede, neque enim ea uUum commodum aut 
 emolumentum privatum quasritur, fed folum agitur de abolendis impiis 
 abufibus in Chrifti Ecclefiam per Antichrillum inveftis, & Chrifti Glo- 
 ria illuftranda, ac veris Cultibus reftituendis, & ut hominum Confcientis 
 Jugo ac Tyrannide pontificia liberentur, ac fcandala publica, quantum 
 fieri poftit, e medio tollantur. Quarum quidem rerum ftudium quo ju- 
 re reprehendi queat, ut etiam magis favore & imitatione dignum cenfcn- 
 dum fit ; Cum enim omnium bene conftitutarum Rerumpub. hie prxcl- 
 pue finis & fcopus efle debeat, ut & Dei Gloria ornetur, & publica fa- 
 lus, honeftas, pax & tranquillitas confervetur, quis dubitat eos qui fe- 
 dent ad gubernacula Rerumpub. & ad ha:c tanquam ad Cynofuram, ut 
 dici folet, curfam fuum & omnem rationem regendi Rempublicam, infti- 
 tuunt, maximis Laudibus dignos efle? Et quoniam Sereniflima Regia 
 Veftra Majeiias, ut Rex fapientiflimus, & eruditiflimus, hunc quoque 
 fcopum in gubernarrdis ampliflimis & laudatiflimis Regnis & Provinciisfuis 
 ob oculos habere, Luce meridiana clarius adparet, non poflumus non nobi- 
 lipfis, quum in hac honeftiflima caufa promovendae Chrifti Glorix &: Pub- 
 lics utilitatis, ad Sereniffimam Regiam Majeftatem Veftram Oratores 
 mifii fumus, non gratulari ; non poflumus etiam non foelices judicare 
 univcrfos fubditos, Majeftatis Veftrx, quibus divina bonitate talis Rex 
 & Princeps contigerir, qui cum alia regiis Virtutibus excellit, turn ftu- 
 dio veraz pietatis & veritatis Evangelicae omnibus modis admirandus con- 
 fpicitur. 
 
 Sunt quidem ilia maxima Remp. certis & juftis Legibus civilibus con- 
 ftituere, bonos tueri & juvare, improbos pcenis adficere, arcere injurias, 
 Pacem& Concordiam fubditorum confervarej quis enim non tanquam 
 Deum aliqucm talem Principem ample£l:endum h honorandum putet, 
 a quo ifta prxftentur : Sed adhuc funt majora, fi vera pietas abceflerit, fj 
 Chrifti Gloria ornetur, fi Dei Verbum in prctio habcatur, fi cultus Di- 
 vinx Voluntati confentanei inftiiuantur, fi hominum confcientiis confu- 
 latur, & publica fcandala e medio tollantuij ilia enim tantum hanc ci- 
 
 vileiTi
 
 Addenda. 
 
 317 
 
 vilem vitam attingunt, quam unumquemq; quum tempus pr.-Efinitum ad- 
 veneric, deferere oportct ; hare vero ad iKternam falutem pertinent qua: 
 bonos & pios, ceffantc hac mifera conditione humanx Vita:, expeftar, 
 quibufq; & in hoc, & in future feculo, maxima pixmia propofita funr. 
 Hoc eft cur Deus Reges honore fui nominis ornat, cum ait, Ego dixi, 
 Dii eltis, maxime ut res divinas intelligant, & veram Rcligionem in 
 Mundo confervent ; hue prarcipue Scriptura hortatur, cum inquit, Nunc 
 Reges intelfigite, & erudimini qui judicatis terram, fervite Domino, 8:c. 
 hue invitanc exempla prreftantiflimorum Regum in Sacris Literis, qui 
 fumma cura, opera, ac Iludio veram Religionem promoverunt, Sf 
 impios cultus abiogarunt: Hoc David, hoc Jofias, hoc Jofaphat, hoc E- 
 zechias, &• deinceps omnes Sandiflimi Reges prarlliterunc. Eadem cum 
 SereniiT. R. M. Veftra baud dubie etiam cogiter, imo jam nunc in hoc 
 totis viribus incumbat, ut fincera EvangeUi Doiirina Papa: Tyrannide 
 opprefTa rcftituatur, Gloria Chrilii itidem a Pontifice obfcurata iterum 
 illuftretur, & impii abufus ab illo ipfo Antichrifto in Ecclefiam ttinquam 
 vencnum quoddam peftilentiffimum fparfi & introducli aboleantur, a« 
 veri & Divinis Literis confentanei Cultus &• CceremonirE conftituantur, 
 non dubitamus quin Deus Opt. Max. SerenifT. R. Majeftatis Veftrsco- 
 natus & confiUa, in hifce rebus Sanctifllmis & Honeftiflimis fortunatu- 
 rus fit, &• pro fua bonitate clementer eftefturus, ut inter SerenifT. R. M. 
 Vetiram & Principes noftrcs, ac eorum in caufa ReHgionis confosdera- 
 tos, talis Concordia conftituatur, quam & Laudem Evangelii, &■ pub- 
 licam totius Chriftiani Orbis utiUtatem celTuram, & majori exitio Roma- 
 no Antichrifto futuraro effe, minime ambigimus; eftque optima fpes, ut 
 volenre Deo, plures Reges, Principes, & Potentatus, ad banc Sanftif- 
 fimam caufam accedant, ac Evangelic:» veritatis Doctrinam agnofcant & 
 recipiant, ficut etiam ha£tenus per Dei Gratiam, maximi progrelTus fadli 
 funt, & non tantum in Germania, verum etiam extra Germaniam, Po- 
 tentiffimi Reges, Principes & Civitates, Divini Verbi Doftrinam rece- 
 perunr. 
 
 Adparetque homines paflim agnita veritate, ex Scriptis eorum qui 
 Evangelii Doflrinam profitentur ^ docent, per totum pjsne orbem ter- 
 rarum fparfis fanioris Doftrinx admodum cupidos effe, quorum preces 
 aliquando Deus pro fua benignitate exaudiet, ac fuum Verbum ilium i- 
 natis mentibus Regum & Principum latiffime propagabit, ut fi unus 
 Paftor, hoc eft Dominus nofter Jefus Chriftus, & anum Ovile quod eft 
 Ecclefia Catholica, quas profitetur fmcerum Chrifti Evangelium; & illi 
 confentaneum ufum Sacramentorum retinet, non Papiftica aut Romana, 
 quiE utrumque reprobar,, odit, & oppugnat. 
 
 Quod reliquum eft, Sereniflime ac Potentiflime Rex, Domine Cle- 
 mentiffime, prccamur & optamus ut Screniff. Regia Majeftas Veftra in 
 ccepfo negotio veritatis Evangelicaj pro illuftranda Chrifti Gloria &falu- 
 te publica, per Dei Gratiam fortitcr pergat, quod quidem Majeftatem 
 Veftram, ut Regem verae Pietatis & omnis virtutis ac Doftrinae aman- 
 tiftimum, fafturam nihil dubitamus : Oramufque ut Screniffima Regia 
 Majeftas Veftra dato benigno refponfo, ad llluftriffimos Principes no- 
 ftros, quam primum fieri queat, ne commodam praefentis Navigationis 
 occafionem negligamus, clementer nos dimittat; & utScreniftima Regia 
 Majeftas Veftra, crga quam noftra debita officia atque fervicia fumma 
 cum obfcrvantia perpetuo conftabunt, has noftras Literas pro fua infigni 
 humanirate, bonitate ac dementia, in optimam partem accipiat, nofque | 
 
 etiam clementer commcndatos habeat. Bene valeat ScrenilHma Regia ,\ 
 
 Majclias
 
 3i8 
 
 Addenda. 
 
 Majeftas Veftra, quam Deus Opt. Max. pro illuftranda & propaganda 
 oominis fui Gloria & publica falute, diu fervet incolumem. Datce Lon- 
 dini quintodie Augufti Anno Dom. 1538. 
 
 VeftrcE Sereniflimae Regiae 
 
 Majeftatis 
 
 AddiSIfTimi 8c obfequentiflimi, 
 
 Francifcus Burgratus 
 Vicecancellarius, 
 
 i Georgius a Boynebiirgli 
 
 D. Oratores. 
 
 ♦ 
 
 Friderlchus Myconius 
 
 Ecclefiaftes Gothanus. 
 
 Cott. Libr. 
 Cleo^. E. 5, 
 
 VIII. The Kings Anfvoer to the former Letter^ 
 
 LIteras Veftras, Egregii ac praeftantiflimi Oratores, per miniftrutn 
 veftrum nuper ad nos miffas, fumma humanitate plenas, atque in- 
 gentem erga nos benevolentiatn fpirantes, turn libenter accepimus, turn 
 magna cum voluptate legimus ; quibus fignificatis vos, poft expofita no- 
 bis mandata, cumquibufdam Epifcopis& TheologiiE Dodoribusanobis 
 defignatis de Chriftianie Religionis nonnullis Articulis per duos menfes 
 contulifTe J non dubitare quoque quin inter Frincipes veftros & nos, atq ; 
 utrorumq; Epifcopos, Theologos 8c fubditos, firma perpetuaq; concordia 
 in Evangelii Doftrina ad laudem Dei, & Romani Antichrifti perniciem 
 fit fequutura : Verum quia reliquam difputationem de abufibus expefta- 
 re non poteftis, cum jam naves appulerinc vos in patriam deportaturae, 
 ante difceffum Veftrum exiftimatis veftri officii elTe ut fentcntiam vellram 
 de quibufdam abufuum Articulis nobis declaretis, de quibus nos poft dif- 
 ceiTum veftrum cum Epifcopis 8c Theologis noftris conferre poflemusi 
 Et quia tria capita prscipua putatis quos fundamentum Pontificiae Tyran- 
 nidis fuftentare videntur, nempe Prohibitionem utriufque fpeciei in ccena 
 Domini, MilTas privatas, 8c Prohibitionem Conjugii Sacerdotum ; de 
 his Articulis fententiam veftram ingenue aperitis, atque cam judicio no- 
 ftro quantumcunq; id fit, & cenfurae committitis : Quis non banc veftram 
 benevolentiam, Egregii Oratores, fummopere ample£tatur f" Quis non 
 banc Veftram Gratitudinem modis omnibus admiretur ? Qui nobifcunx 
 ea communicare ftudetis, quce non modo ad praefentem vitam tranfigen- 
 dam, fed ad futuram quoque alTequendam conferunt ? Enim vero fi ilios 
 non abs re exiftimamus amicos, qui in Regionum commerciis ca quae funt 
 gratia atque commoda important, ne quid ufquam defit quod ad prae- 
 fentem vitam degendam pertinet j quanto magis illi funt amici judicandi, 
 qui quae adxternam vitam conferunt, impertiri non gravantur ! nam quae 
 pracfentis vitac fubfidia parantur durabilia diu non funt, quae vero ad aeter- 
 nam promovent nunquam intermoriuntur ? quinimo amicitia ipfa terrc- 
 na, quantumvis ingens, quantumvis firma, fincm habet c vita excelTurn 
 charitas vero qux nunquam cxcidit poft banc vitam fplendefcit magis.
 
 Addenda 
 
 Et quia noftrum )udicium non afpernari videmini, quod nos ip/i indig- 
 num exiftimamus, ut de rebus tam arduis judicemus, atque ea proponitis 
 qux putatis inprimis ample6lenda, qua in re non vulgarem fed ingentem 
 vim erga nos amoris olienditis, ne nos non refpondefe hinc vcftriB 
 tantx gratitudini videremur, fi qua nobis ad prasfens videntur vobifcum 
 non.communicaremus, decrevimus itidem de his tribus Articulis non- 
 nihil attingere, &■ pedtus noftrum ingenue vobis aperire: Quo fiet uc 
 mutuus inter nos & Principes veftros amor eo magis augefcar, eo diutius 
 foveatur, fi nihil occultum inter amicos retentetur, fed fumma finceri- 
 tate gerantur omnia, id quod nos cum omnibus amicis femper facere 
 confuevimus; quod noftrum perpctuum inftitutum in prsfentia apud 
 AmicinimGS, eofque quos habemus chariflimos, mutare nequaquam libu- 
 it. Verum de Arciculis ipfis tandem agamus. 
 
 Tie utmoj^ue Specie. 
 
 Quod imprimis fub utraq; Specie femper Eucharlftiam populis fecun- 
 dum primariam, Chrifti inftitutionem dandam efle exiftimetis, & nullo 
 pafto fub altera tantum, non pofTumus quovis pa£to adduci, egregii &: 
 praeftantinimi Oratores, ut putemus vos id ferio afftrmaffe, fed forfaa 
 proband! caufa nobis id potuiffe, ut quid fentiamus intelligeritis ; nam 
 ipfa opinio tam aliena eft a refta Scripturse intelligentia, ut vix quivis id 
 ferio affirmare prxfumeret, quod latius in hac Epiftola declarabimus. 
 Nee nobis perfuadere pofl'umus) etfi occafio fit, vos non nobifcum cre- 
 dere, quod fub fpecie Panis fit realiter & fubftantialiter verum &■ vivum 
 Corpus Chrifti, & una cum Corpore Sanguis verus, alioqui fatendum 
 eflet Corpus ibi exfangue efle, quod nefas eflet dicere, cum Caro ilk 
 Chrifti non modo viva, fed & vivificatrix fit ; & quod fub fpecie vini 
 non modo vivus & verus Chrifti Sanguis fit, fed etiam una cum vero 
 Sanguine viva & vera etiam Corporis fit Caro. Quod cum ita fit, ne- 
 ceflario confequetur etiam eos qui fub altera fpecie communicant, & 
 folum fub fpecie Panis Corpus Chrifti fumunt, non fraudari Commu- 
 nione Sanguinis Chrifti, atque eos etiam qui fub fpecie vini Communi- 
 cant non fraudari Communione Corporis Domini j Quocirca cum fub 
 alterutra fpecie utrumq; contineatur, viz. & Corpus & Sanguis Chrifti, 
 utravis folum fpecies porrigatur populis, utrumque, id eft tam Sanguis 
 quam Corpus Chrifti, per hoc eifdem exhibeatur. Nam Chriftus ipfe fub 
 altera fpecie dcdifle iegitur in Evangelio Lucx Difcipulis duobus in 
 Emaus euntibus, quando agnitus eft in fraftione Panis ; fcribitur enim, 
 quod cum recumberet cum eis, accepit Panem & bencdixit, ac fregit Sc 
 porrigebat illis, & aperti funt oculi eorum, & cognoverunt eum fraftio- 
 ne Panis. Ubi de Euchariftia cum locum vetuftiflirai Authores Chryfo- 
 ftomus, Thcophylaftus, & Auguftinus intelligunt, & tamen de vini po- 
 culo nulla ibi fit mentio : Unde Chriftus qui in altera fpecie miniftravit 
 Eucharlftiam, libertatem Ecclefix fponfae fuas reliquifle videtur, ut imitetur 
 fponfi fui veftigia, ac fimiliter fub altera fpecie, ficut fub utraque, com- 
 municare libcre poflit. Nam Chriftus qui fub utraq; fpecie Communio- 
 nem docuit, etiam de Communione fub altera ipleexemplum reliquit, qui 
 fecum tamen nufquam vel in pra:ceptis, vcl in exemplis diflidet. 
 
 Simile idem Lucas in Aftis Apoftolorumcitat, quando poft adventum 
 Spiritus San£li, proedicante Petro, appofitx funt animac circitcr tria mil- 
 lia, inquiens, Erant autcm perfeve rantes in Doftrina Apoflolorum & 
 Communicatione & fraftione Panis & orationibus : VJbi fimiliter de Eu- 
 
 Q^q q q chariftia 
 
 o 
 
 ^9
 
 ^20 Addenda, 
 
 chariftia eum locum intelligunt veteres, & de poculo nulla fit ibi mentio 
 Jam fi Chriftum ipfum Autorem, fi Apoftolos ab eo ad docendum oibem 
 miflbs Patronos habet, Communio fub una fpecie nempe Panis, uiitatain 
 Ecclefia non eft tanquam Evangelicis prsceptis contraria, ftatim repudi- 
 anda ; nam Apoftoli, qui per adventum Spiritus edo£ti funt omnem ve- 
 ritatem, nunquam in tractione Panis Communionem dedifTent populo, fi 
 ut'raq; fpecies de piacepto Chrifti femper neceffario fuilfet porrigenda, ne 
 Chrilli jubentis parum memores inftitutum ejus mutafle viderentur. 
 
 Porro ipfa Chrifti Verba, quoe poft Evangeliftas Paulus tocam ccenara 
 dominicam Corinthiis enarrans citat, nos admonent Chriftum feparatim 
 de alterutra fpecie locutum efte ; ait enim, Dominus Jefus in qua no6>e 
 tradebatur, accepic Panem & Gratias agens fregit, & dixit, accipite & 
 manducate, Hoc eft Corpus meum quod pro vobis traditur, hoc facite 
 in mei Commemorationem. Ecce Chriftus de Corpore fuo fub fpecie 
 Panis fumendo feparatim locutus eft, inquens, Hoc facite, priufquam ul- 
 1am de poculo faceret mentionem. Poftea autem de Calice ait Paulus, 
 Similiter & Calicem poflquam coenavit accepit dicens ; Hie Calix Novum 
 Teftamentum eft in meo .Sanguine, hoc facite quotiefcunq; bibetis in 
 mei Commemorationem: Nee dixit ficut de corpore dixerat fimpliciter. 
 Hoc facite in mei Commemorationem, fed dixit. Hoc facite, cum hac ad- 
 jeftione, nempe quotiefcunq: bibetis in mei Commemorationem, per 
 hoc nobis indicans, non femper fub fpecie vini fumendum efle fanguinem 
 una cum Corpore fub fpecie Panis, fed quotiefcunq; fumeretur Sanguis 
 fub fpecie Vini in Commemorationem Chrifti, id faciendum. 
 
 Ecce rurfum Chriftus poft diftributionem corporis fui, perafta coena 
 in qua corpus fuum fub fpeci Panis feparatim prius dederat, iterum fe- 
 paratim fub fpecie Vini Sanguinem fuum offeret, inquiens. Hoc facite 
 quotiefcunq; bibetis in mei Commemorationem, (ignificans nobis & fe- 
 orfum nonnunquam alterum porrigi pofle, & tamen cum ita fit, utriufq; 
 vim integram Populis dari, alioqui fuffeciflet femel duntaxat de utroq; 
 fuifle did urn, Hoc facite, nee de Calice adjecifiet Hoc facite quotiefcunq; 
 bibitis, cum prius de fpecie Panis fimpliciter dixiflet Hoc facite, nifi fepa- 
 ratim ea fumi pofle judicaret. 
 
 Neque quifquam negate poteft Difcipulos in coena fub fpecie Panis 
 fumpfifll" Corpus Chrifti, ccenantibus illis, accepit Panem & benedixit 
 ac fregit deditq-, illis, dicens, Hoc eft Corpus meum : Calicem autem 
 non nifi poft intervallum ac perafta ccena porrexit, nifi quis adeo ftu- 
 pidus eflet, ut crederet poft fumptionem fpecie Panis non prius eos 
 fumpfifle Corpus Chrifti, quura poftquam ccenavit porrexifle Calicem 
 quali vero priora Verba Chrifti irrita fuifi!ent, cum de fpecie Panis di- 
 ctret Hoc eft Corpus meum, aut ipfa diftributio fafta Difcipulis nullam 
 vim haberet, priufquam de Calice perafta Ccena bibiflent : Quod cum 
 impium fit fentire, tum ipfum Verbum & Faftum Chrifti, proh nefas! 
 evacuat. Denique ipfe Paulus, poftquam etiam de utraque fpecie con- 
 junftim locutus eft, rurfum de iplis fpeciebus disjunftim infert, inquiens 
 
 Qua; verba latinc fie tranftulit Erafmus, Itaq; quifquis ederit Panem 
 huncaut de Calice biberit indigne, reus erit Corporis & Sanguinis Do- 
 mini ; ubi ex Pauli verbis aperte liquet, Quifquis indigne Panem hunc 
 fumpferit, reum efle Corporis & Sanguinis Domini, aut fiquis de Calice 
 biberet indigne, fimiliter reum efte Sanguinis & Corporis Domini, quod 
 tamen nullo modo aimini daretur, nifi feorfurn tub fpecie Panis eftet & 
 
 Corpus
 
 Addenda. 321 
 
 Corpus & Sanguis Chrifti, arque itidcm fub fpecie Vini feorfum efTet & 
 Corpus & Sanguis Chrifti ; nee disjunftim de fpecie Panis locutus tuilTec 
 Paulus, fi nunquam nili conjun£tim cum Calice fumeretur : Neq; rur- 
 fum disjundim de Calice dixifTet, fi nunquam nificonjunftim cum fpecie 
 Panis effet fumendus. Qiiorfum cnim ea disjunxiflet fi nunquam nifi 
 conjunfta eflepoflent? An Verba ipfa Scripturx fingula funt attendenda,. 
 nam Propheta inquic, Inclinate auiem Vefl:ram in Verba oris mei ; & 
 Moifes in Deuteronomio ait, Ponite corda veftra in omnia Verba quce ego 
 teftificor vobis hodie, quia non incafTum prcEcepta funt vobis. Et iterumy 
 nonaddetis ad verbum quod vobis ioquor, nee auferetis ab eo. Verba 
 igitur Domini atque ipfius Pauli, & feparatim de alterutra fpecie primum 
 pofita, & poft utriufque conjunftionem etiam iterum disjundla, fignifica- 
 re nobis videntur, & pofle alcerutram fpeciem feorfum porrigi fecundum 
 Verbum Chrifti. 
 
 Nee per hoc quod Chriftus dixit, Bibite ex hoc omnes, ftatim confe- 
 quetur Chriftum jufTilTe Communionem cuilibet de populo femper fub 
 utraq; fpecie & nunquam fub altera dandameffe: Nam illorum Verbo- 
 rum fenfum non alium efle apparet, quam quem ipfe Dominus Apofto- 
 lum fuum Paulum, qui a Domino de hoc Sacramento omnia fe accepifle 
 teftatur, edoeuit, nempe quod quotiefcunq; de Calice hoc quifquam bi- 
 beret, id in Chrifti memoriam faceret, ficut tecerunt Difcipuli, qui 
 tunc aderant priefentes & de eo biberunt omnes: Itaque quotiefeunque 
 Sanguis Chrifti bibendus a quoquam eflet, in memoria PafTio Chrifti re- 
 cordanda eft ; ficut fimiliter quifquis Corpus Chrifti fumpferit, ad memo- 
 riam paflionem ejus revocare debet : Neque ex pr:2cepto Chrifti toties 
 bibendum efl!e de hoc Calice, quotiefcunq; Corpus Chrifti fumendum 
 eft, apparet per ea qu:E de verbis & de exemplo Chrifti fupradida funt. 
 Certe quicquid Chriftus omnino obfervari prscepit, non pofle ulla hu- 
 mana fandione prohiberi putamus, cum humana Lex divinam abolerc 
 non poflit. Similiter etiam exiftimamus, nee morem ullum, nee ullam 
 confuetudinem tantopere a pud homines valere, ut Dei Verbum expug- 
 net & Chrifti prxceptum fubvertat. 
 
 Verumtamen cum Chriftus nobis libere reliquerit ut eum tribus mo- 
 dis corporaliter fumere pofTimus, & quarto fpirituaiiter, nempe primoj 
 fub utraque fpecie ; fecundo, fub Panis fpecie tantum ; tertio, fub Vini ; 
 quarto, voluntate Sc defiderio folo cum aliter neceflitate eoafti eum fumere 
 nequimus ; exiftimamus pro primo, ut fiquis fidelis ardenti in Deum amo- 
 re flagrans, pietateq; ingenti leftuans, magnopere defideraret Saeramen- 
 tum fub utraq; fpecie fumere, fi nullum vel valetudinis vel imbeeillitatis 
 obftaret impedimentum, ei fub utraq; fpecie Communio praeberi poflit, 
 dummodo neq; poftulans neq; miniftrans Sacramentum in fcandalum Popu- 
 li, aut in contemptum Ecclefise id taciat, neque fuo jure Leges Religionis 
 in qua dcgit five Ecclefiafticas five Laicas infringere prxfumat. 
 
 Pro fecundo & tertio fie, Quod fi impedimentum aliquod hujufmodt 
 inter venit, ut in utraque fpecie abfq; periculo fumi non poftit, ut ft 
 quis Paralyfi correptus, aut ab alio quovis naturae aut morborum irape- 
 dimento utramq; fpeciem recipere commode non poflit, hie fi defi- 
 deret Sacram Communionem fumere, ei fub altera tantum fpecie porri- 
 gatur. Pro quarto autem, Quod fiquis naufea, vcl alia corporis molcftia 
 adeo fit infeftatus, ut nihil in ftomachum receptum non rejeftcr, huic fi 
 id petat, Sacramentum faltcm oftendi pofl"et, ut vifo eo mortem Chrifti 
 rcdemptoris fui citius revocans in memoriam compunSus corde fpiritu- 
 aiiter communicec. 
 
 Q^q q q I Pluri-
 
 5 22 Addenda. 
 
 Plurimum igitur demiror, quod hi qui Chriftiana: Libertatis affertores 
 & acerrimi propugnatoies videri volunt, libertatem banc noftram in hoc 
 uno Corporis & Sanguinis Domini Sacramento, quo nihil fupeiexcellen- 
 tius, nihil celebrius, nihil incomparabilius, nihil deniq; ad conlolandos 
 fideiium animos folidius, Chriftus hinc abiturus Ecclefix fus reliquir, 
 nobis tollere velint, Quid enim majus donare potuic Chriftus in hoc 
 Sacramento fumendum quam feipfumf Deinde cum ipfe omnino libe- 
 rum nobis reliquerit, & pofle aliquos fub utraq^ fpecie Communioncm 
 accipere, & polTe alios fub altera, nonnullos quoq; morborum necefli- 
 tate irtipeditos, falteminconfped^um prolato Corporc Domini compunc- 
 to corde poffe Spiritualiter communicare, quanta immodeftia, quanta 
 inclementia efTet, libertate hac fraudarc Chriftianos? Uc quibus tub 
 utraq; fpecie, ob impedimenta qua: funt innumera, Communio prxberi 
 non poltet, his fummi boni fruitione privatis fub neutra dareturi Nee 
 adhuc fatentur et fi non corporaliter fumatur, faltem Spiritualiter capi pofle. 
 Qua non fervitute durior eifet hxc conditio, ut Chrifti redempcoris noftri 
 corpus, quod ille a fidclibus fumi voluit, nobis id fummopere delideran- 
 tibus violenter eripiaturj quis ingenue Chriftianus libertatem fruitionis 
 hujus fibi extortam non omni morte intolerabiliorem putaret? Itaq; 
 libertas hsc a Chrifto nobis relidla omni conatu retinenda e[t, omnibus 
 viribus amplectenda, necipfismea opinione fidendumeft, qui earn nobis 
 tollere velint. 
 
 Praeterea, quid fiat apud feptentrionales Populos ? quid apud Populos 
 Aphricce & qui intra Tropicos habitant? apud quos non ea vini copia 
 eft ut Populis omnino fub fpecie vini prxberi poffit, (nam his Populis 
 cervifia ex frugibus eft potui) an ideo quia fub utraq; fpecie his mini- 
 ftrari Sacramentum non poteft, ab utraq; arcendi eflfent ? aut fub una 
 non integrum Chriftum capere poffent ? id quod abfit. 
 
 Quando autem primum Populus prifcum morem deferere, & fub altera 
 tantum Panis fpecie Communionem facram fumere ccepit, nobis eft in- 
 compertum ; credible eft majores noftros auftoritate Scriptura; motos, 
 qua; alteram nonnunquam fpeciem per Chriftum & Apoftolos datam me- 
 morat, propter periculum effufionis in terram Sanguinis Chrifti, cum li- 
 quida omnia levi membrorum trepidante motu facile effundantur, religi- 
 ofa quadam & pia reverentia, non mediocriq; Dei timore abftinuilTc in 
 Sacramento a vini fpecie, nee Chriftum qui fe cum Ecclefia ufque in finem 
 omnibus diebus manfurum promifit, tot fxculis eam deferuilfe, ut fi ne- 
 cefTarium prcEceptum de utraq; fpecie femper ab omnibus fumenda de- 
 diflet, in re tanti momenti eam permifilTet turpiter labi ; fed magis Ec- 
 clefiae fua: liberum reliquiffe videtur, ut cum in alterutra fpecie totus 8c 
 integer Chriftus contineatur, fub altera etiam fumi poflit. 
 
 Qui vero fit mos hodie de utraq; fpecie in Ecclefiis Gra:cis, qu^e Ro- 
 manae Ecclefiae Tyrannidem nunquam admiferunt, non fatis nobis eft 
 compertum, cum Grcecia tota Turcarum fubfit imperio, nee libcram ha- 
 beant facultatem Chriftum ut libet profitendi, quando nee VcrbumDei 
 publice praedicare, nee ad Campanarum fonitum Populum convocare, 
 nee publicas Litanias crucis vexillo praeeunte faccre, his ullo pado eft 
 concefl"um. 
 
 Illud quoq; imprimis eft obfervandum, nempe quod in Univerfis Ec- 
 clefiis in die Parafceves Sacerdos & omnis Populus fub una tantum fpe- 
 cie Panis communicant, non fub fpecie vini, ut cum is dies reprxlentac 
 mortem Chrifti in qua Sanguis ejus prctiofus pro noftra falutc cffufus eft 
 & feparatus a cprpore, feparatim illo die fub altera folum fpecie commu- 
 
 nicarent
 
 Addenda. 323 
 
 nicarent omnes five Sacerdos five Populus; qui mos per univerfam Ec- 
 clefiam nunquam fuilTec admifTus, nifi fub altera tantum fpecie integer 
 Chriftus concinerecur, atq; nifi fub altera Sacramentum Populis miniftrari. 
 
 De Mtffj. Privata. ♦ 
 
 Per Miflas autem privatas multosabufus introduftos efle dicitis, quas 
 velut Atlantem quendam Papatum fuftinuifle, indulgentias invexifle, or- 
 bem expilafTe, ut pote qus ad quxftum pateanr, Monachorumturbas coa- 
 cervafle, Verbum Dei exterminafle afleritis, atq; ideo Germanos Princi- 
 pes Synaxim veteri more reduxifle quam Lingua vernacula faceie, ritu 
 fdtis decoro atque decenti commemoratis ; privatas vero Miflas apud vos 
 in totum ab ^litas cfl'e, qugs tot pepererunt abufus & fcetus malignos. Qua 
 de re nobilcum diu multumq; cogitantes, confideramus inprimis nihil 
 unquim in Ecclefia fua Chriftum ordinafle quo malignus ferpens ali- 
 quando non fit abufus, neque tamen propterea rejiciendum eft quicquid 
 fanfte eft ordinatum, alioqui Sacramenta omnia antiquanda efTent ; quin 
 magis reputavimus longe fatius efle abufus omnes in totum removere, 
 quiE vero Sanfte &: pie introdufta funt in Ecclefiam, ilia ipfa llabilia ma- 
 nere. 
 
 Nam fi ideo Mifloe private abolendas funt in totum, quia dei illis Tho- 
 mas Aquinas, Gabriel, atque alii Do6trinas ut dicitis impias induxe- 
 lunt, viz. MifTas ex opere operato gratiam mereri, & tollere peccata 
 vivorum & mortuorum, & applicari pofle alienum opus ad alterum, 
 Quicquid fit, quod illi aflerunt, hoc de omni Mifla aflerunt, non de 
 privata duntaxat ; Qua propter fi ad tollendas illas opiniones qualefcun- 
 que MilTa privata elfet abroganda, eadem ratione abroganda effet Sy- 
 naxis & Mifla publica, quam vos ipfi retinetis nee cenfetis abolendam, 
 quicquid de ea alii opinentur. Mifla vero privata, velut privata qua:- 
 dam ell Communio k Synaxis, quse fi refte atque ut decet fiat, quicun- 
 que fideles illi interefle decreverint, fi pceoitentes convenerint contriti 
 de peccatis, Deiq; implorent Mifericordiam cum Filio prodigodicentes, 
 Pater peccavi in Caelum & coram te, baud dubie quin ipfi Spiritualiter 
 cum Sacerdote communicant, offerentes fe &: animas fuas, hoftias vivas 
 & acceptabiles Deo, tametfi pauci fuerint, atq; a corporali Sacramenti 
 fumptione abftinuerint .- Ac per hoc Mifla privata Ecclefiae adeo non ob- 
 eli, ut non parum & ad vitam conigendam, & ad fidem in Chriftum 
 cotroborandam prodeife videatur; quippe Chriftiani per hoc peccato- 
 res fe agnofcunt quotidie delinquentes, quotidie veniam poftulanr, quo- 
 tidie per peccatum in falebrofo vitas hujus curfu cadentes, quotidie poe- 
 nitcntes refurgunt, & velut alacriores redditi, devidVo fxpius hofte, fiunc 
 ad pugnam audentiores. 
 
 Porro ftacim in exordio omnis Miflbe privatac publica eft peccatorum 
 omnium generalis Confeflio, venia poftulatura Deo, abfolutio impartitur 
 a Sacerdote fecundum Dei Verbum, quemadmodum in Mifla publica. 
 
 Et fi in MilTa publica & quantumcunq ; folenni nemo adfit alius prster 
 Sacerdotcm qui communicarc velit in efu Sacramenti, quid quaefo dif- 
 feret Mifla publica a privata ? An Sacerdos in folemni die populo ad 
 Sacra conveniente, fi nemo alius communicarc velit, abftinet a Mifla 
 publica? Atque inter Grxcos ipfos, ubifingulis dominicis diebus fit una 
 Miff^a publica mi afleritis, raro admodum communicat in efu Sacramenti 
 quifquamc Populo, uti a Fide dignis accepimus, qui ipfi Gixcorum Sa- 
 cris interfucrunt. 
 
 Quod
 
 004. Addenda. 
 
 Quod vero Epiphanium citatis qui fingulis feptimanis ter celebratara 
 Synaxim in Afia afTerit, eumq; morem ab Apoftolis induclam, cum jam 
 tantum in Grscia fingulis Dominicis fiat Populi convcntus ad Sacra, fi 
 mutari mos potuit ab Apoftolis induQus, ut rarius quam ftatuerant Apo- 
 ftoli Populus Congregatur, cur non etiam mutari potuit ut fiepiuscon- 
 veniret, quando per hoc celebrior fit mortis Chrifti mcmbria, id quod in 
 MifTa fit etiam privata. 
 
 Jam vero fi Sacramentum hoc a fidelibus exerceri Chriftus in mortis 
 fuse memoriam prscepit, inquiens, hoc facite in meam Commcmoratio- 
 nem, ne mors ejus raro admodum commemorata in Oblivionem tranfi- 
 ret, quo crebrius, quo frcquentius, memoria ejus in Sacramento repe- 
 titur, CO mandatum ejus fervatur magis : Etenim ficut raro admodum 
 inemoriata Oblivioni funtobnoxia, itacrebro frequentata radices inmen- 
 teagunt altius, ne obliterari unquam poflint; itaq; ut mos Chrifti cre- 
 bra memoria illuftretur, Miffa etiam privata non parum confert. 
 
 Certe Paulus Apoftolus fingulas domos privatas, ubi credentium nu- 
 merus aliquis erat, Ecclefias vocat, membra Majoris Ecclefiae, Civitatis 
 illius in qua effent, ficut majorcs ipfas Civitatum Ecclefias, membra Ca- 
 tholicne & univerfalis Ecclefix appellat, fcribens ad Corinthios ; at qux 
 Ecclefia arcenda eft a Communione Corporis Domini ? Chriftus etiam ipfe 
 inftituendo Sacramentum hoc Corporis & Sanguinis fui, inquit, Hoc quo- 
 tiefcunq*, facitis, facite in meam Commemorationem: Nee tempus nee lo- 
 cum ullum cohibuit, quo fieri id non poftet, quonam modo igitur arce- 
 bimusquenquama Miflis privatis ? Et ad dies fefios publicamq; Synaxim 
 eum reiegabimus? Cujus arbitrio Chriftus liberum reliquit, quando & 
 ubi id vellet decenter exequi, dum inquit quotiefcunque ? nam fi certa 
 tempora fervanda effent, non indefinite locutus fuiffet Chriftus ipfum 
 Dei Verbum, ipfa fapientia Patris. 
 
 Jam vero ab initio nafcentis Ecclefix per fingulas domos ubi erant fi- 
 deles fiebat Communio, atq; id quotidie, tefte Luca in Apoftolorum 
 Aftis, ubi ait, Quotidie quoq; perdurantes unanimiter in templo, & 
 frangentes circa domos Panem ; quem locum etiam de Communione ve- 
 teres interpretes Intelligunt, & laincn fingulis diebus non agebant pub- 
 lice dies feftos, fed privatim per domos communicabant : Etfi terrenorura 
 Regumatq^ Principum Miniftri pleriq; omnes nullum diem tranfigcre 
 cupiunr, quo non fruantur vel folo afpeftu fui Domini, tametfi propior 
 congrefTus non contingat, quis fidclis Chriftianus non omnibus optabit 
 votis, ut quando in hac vita Chriftum Regem Regum, & Dominum Do- 
 minantium, in Majeftate glorias regnantem cernere mortales oculi non 
 pofTunt, ifaltem per Fidem in Sacramento Corporis Domini, quod ille fi" 
 delibus in memoriam fui frequentandam reliquit, interim quotidie Re- 
 gem glorix videat ? 
 
 Qyod vero Chryfoftomus Sacerdotem ad altare ftare, & alios ad Com- 
 munionem accerfere, alios arcere fcribit, enarrat morem publics Commu- 
 nionis, qui in initio nafcentis Ecclefis crebrius quam nunc fit frequen- 
 tabatur ; qui mos nunc in Pafchat, quando ubiq; communicat Populus 
 apud omncs fervatur Ecclefias : Coetcrum ille ipfe cxpoftulat cum fideli- 
 bus fui tcmporis, quod rarius communicenr, quam veJ oporteret, vel 
 vetus mos crat ; ccEterum nufquam is privatas Miffas yetuit. 
 
 At Canon Nicenus Diaconis in Communione publica fuum locum de- 
 fignat poft Presbyteros ; caeterum nee is Canon, nee iillus alius Miftas 
 privatas abrogat. 
 
 Sacramentum
 
 Addenda. ^ 2 '^ 
 
 Sacramentum autem Euchariftige Sacrificium non elle arbitramini, 
 quod unum Sacrificium fie propitiatorium mors Chrifti, &• cum is ultra 
 non moricur, qui femel tantum pro nobis oblatus eft, nullum reftat ultra 
 Sacrificium, nifi cultus Spiritualis, hoc eft, juftitia Fidei & Fructus Fidei. 
 Quid fibi velit juftitia qux ex Fide eft fcimus, quippe quam Paulus op- 
 ponit Juftitije quae eft ex Lege : Cxterum qui funt fruftus Fidei, nobis 
 ex Scnpturis non fatis liquet, ipfam Fidem ficut charitatcm, & multas alias 
 virtutes fcimus efle fruclus Spiritus. Verum enim vero non fatis miramur, 
 cur quifpiam cegre ferat Miifam Sacrificium vocari, quando omnis ve- 
 tuftas & Grxcorum & Latinorum fie eam appellare confuevit, quum ibi 
 fiat confecratio Corpus & Sanguinis Domini in memoriam mortis ejus, 
 qui, ut inquit Paulus, pro peccatis offerens hoftiam, in fempiternum 
 det ad dextram Dei, una enim oblatione confummavit in fempiternum. 
 fandtificatos ; itaq; fi Chriftus & Sacerdos eflet, & Sacrificum, & Hoftia, 
 ubicunq; eft Chriftus, ibi eft Hoftia noftra, ibi eft Sacrificium noftrum; 
 at fi in Sacramento altaris eft verum Corpus Chrifti, & verus Sanguis 
 Chrifti, quo pafto manente veritate Corporis & Sanguinis Domini, non 
 eft ibi Sacrificium noftrum. ^ 
 
 Porro quia in Miffa eft Chriftus Sacrificium noftrum, qui ipfe ultr^ 
 non moritur, ibiq; cum ipfo capite noftro, nos illius Corpus & Membra 
 nofmet ipfos Deo Hoftias vivas ofFerimus, Grieci id totum dvaliJi^iilgv 
 ^(Am), id eft, Sacrificium incruentum vocant: Ita veteres omnes intre- 
 pide MilTam Sacrificium vocarunt, quod ibi fit Chriftus Sacrificium no- 
 Itrum in Sacramento. 
 
 Sic Bafilius, fie Chryfoftomus, fie Hieronymus, fie Auguftinus, eam 
 appellare non dubitavit; Quocirca quid vetat Miflam, in qua confecra- 
 tur Panis in Corpus Chrifti, & Vinum in Sanguinem ejus, qui vere eft 
 Sacrificium noftrum, & hoc fieri in niemoriam ftii juflit, voacri Sacrifici- 
 um : Aliqui fi id negabimus, non parum verendum eft, ne cum Sacra- 
 mentariis quos nunc vocant, qui veritatem Corporis & Sanguinis in Sa- 
 cramento negant, & cum Anabaptiftis confentire videamur, a qua fu- 
 fpicione ficut in animo noftro nos profitemur longe abelTe, ita quoq; cu- 
 pimus calumniantibus adverfariis omnem obtredandi anfam auferri ; At- 
 qui cum in Mifta tum Sacerdos, tum Fopulus contritus de peccatis fe ut 
 hortatur Paulus, Hoftiam vivam, fanftam atq; Deo placentem exhibeat, 
 Laudes quas Deo canat Sc in gratiarum aftione verfetur, quis dubitare 
 poteft, ea quoq; ratione, Miftam jure Sacraficium nominari, cum Pro- 
 pheta appellat Sacrificium Laudis, & Paulus omnes hortetur, ut fe Hoftias 
 vivas exhibeant, id quod fit in Mifla. Malachias etiam propheta inquit, 
 Ab ortufolisufq; ad occafum, magnum eftnomen meum ingentibus, & 
 in omni loco Sacrificatur, & offertur nomini meo Oblatio munda, quia 
 magnum eft nomen meum in gentibus, dicit Dominus exercituum. At 
 qua: alia Oblatio munda in omni loco inter gentes, nifi folus Chriftus aut 
 quod aliud Sacrificium Chriftianorum, nifi Miffa, ubi Commemoratio 
 morris Chrifti igitur? Nam aut aliquot inter gentes Chriftianorum 
 oportet effe Sacrificium, aut mentitus eft Propheta : Quxnam quosfo eft- 
 Oblatio munda, nifi folus Chriftus Hoftia noftra, qui in Sacramento alta- 
 ris eft fub Panis & Vini fpeciebus? quippe quantumcunq; nos ipfi nos 
 Deo offeramus, hoftiae munda non meremur nomen, quorum omnis ju- 
 ftitia velut pannus eft menftruatx ; Itaque, conftat Miffam Sacrificium 
 vocari ex Verbo Dei per Malachiam enunciato, quod cum ita fit, cur 
 Miffs invidemus nomen Sacrificii, quod Propheta priedixir, & in qua 
 Chriftus in Sacramento praefens eft iplc mundi Sacrificium- 
 
 Dt
 
 ^26 Addenda, 
 
 De Conjugio Sacerdotum. 
 
 Ccelibatum Sacerdotum contra Scripturam, contra Leges Natures, con- 
 tra Honeftatem, per Pontlficcni Romanum afferitis introduftum, cum 
 Scriptura Sacerdotibus, ficut ceteris hominibus, conjugium permittat, nee 
 poiTit naturam fuam mutare, nee abfq; fingulari dono ccelibes viverei 
 Nam non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, & Paulus inquit, propter fornica- 
 tionem unufquifq; Uxorem fuam habeat. 
 
 Hie primum ord iri juvat, ut locum ilium Evangelii de tribus Eunucho- 
 rum gcneribus confideremus, quandoquidem Chriftus alios a natura 
 Eunuchos efle afferit, alios per vim faftos, quorum neutrum genus con- 
 tinentiae virtute fplendet ; quoniam alteros ad generandum natura, alte- 
 ros violentia reddidit inutiles. Tertium vero genus eorum eft, qui 
 quanquam terrena generatione uti poffunt, malunt continere, 8c fe ca- 
 itrare propter Regnum Coelorum ; de quo genere Chriftus ftatim infert, 
 qui poted capere, capiat, id quod nee de primo, nee de fecundo Eunu- 
 chorum genere intelligi poteft, quibus continentiie palma negata ell, cum 
 defcendere in certamen nequeunt: Tertium vero genus eorum elt, qui 
 continentiae ftudent, & a licitis nuptiis abftinere malunt propter Reg- 
 num Coelorum, quo Chriftum liberius atq; expeditius fequantur, ne ter- 
 renis nuptiis implicati, cogitare cogantur, ut inquit Paulus, quas funt 
 mundi ; ad quod genus Chriftus virginitatis author homines fapientiflime 
 invitat, inquiens, Qui poteft capere, capiat: Per hoc quod inquit, ca- 
 piat, homines adhortans ad capefcendum certamen ut paimam arripiant, 
 nempe Regnum Coelorum, ad quod neminem hortaretur, fi nemo car- 
 nem poffit vincerej per hoc vero quod ait, qui poteft capere, pofle 
 capi paimam indicans ; alioqui fi impoftible effet carnem fuperare quorfum 
 attineret dicere, qui poteft, fi nemo id poflit. 
 
 Praterea per ea verba, Qui poteft capere, quofdam etiam efle declarat, 
 qui non facile pofTunt, nam nifi aliqui non facile pofTent capere* cur fe- 
 cerneret eos qui poflunt; itaq; confiderandas animi vires admonet, pri- 
 ufquam certamen aggrediare, ne temere arrepto certamine turpiter fuc- 
 cumbas: Nee dixiflct quofdam cffc, qui fe caftraverunt propter Regnum 
 Ccelorum, fi caro eflet infuperabilis, & nemo fe caftrare pofl"et. Nee 
 dubitandum eft quin is qui hortatur ad fubeundum certamen, gratiara 
 fuam fine qua nihil poflent, his non defuturam demonftrat, qui nomina 
 fua in militiam ei dederunt, quorum ille ipfe dux futurus eft, qui non 
 modo in periculis fuos Milites invocatus nunquam deferit, fed ftat ante 
 Januam & pulfat, paratus femper ad fuccurrendum, fiquisei aperiat : Nam 
 Paulus tentationes fuperari pofle nos admonet, modo Dei auxilium im- 
 ploremus, inquiens, Tentatio vos non apprehendit nifi humana, fidelis 
 autem Deus qui non patietur vos tentari fupra id quod poteftis, fed fa- 
 ciet etiam cum tentatione proventum ut poffitis fuftinere. Qiiamobrem 
 his qui continentiam femel profitentur, & earn poftea turpiter deferunt, 
 etiam atq; etiam confiderandum eft, ne nomen Dei blafphcmare videan- 
 tur, Chriftum accufantes deferti auxilii, cum fint ipfi defertores miliiiae, 
 & primo ftatim congreflli terga dantes hofti , itaq; quod Paulus liberum 
 cuiq; facit, ut propter fornicationem Uxorem fuam habeat, id de his 
 intelligi, qui continentiam non funt prolefti, Paulus ipfe nos docct, in- 
 quiens, de viduis adolefcentioribus, quae cum luxuriatx fuerunt in Chrifto 
 nubere volunt, habcntes damnationem quia primam fidem irritam fece- 
 runt. Auguftinus Pauli Dodrinam fecutus, Pfal. 83. inquit, alius ex 
 
 Dei
 
 Addenda. 527 
 
 Dei munere majus a liquid vovit, (iatuit nee nuptias pati, qui non dam- 
 naretur fi duxilfet Uxorem ; poft votum quod Deo promifit fi duxeric 
 damnabitur : Sic virgo quje fi nuberet non peccaret, Sanftimonialis (i 
 nupferit Chrifti adultera reputabitur, refpexic enim retro de loco quo 
 accelferat, exemplo Uxoris Loth, & ficut canis reverfus ad vomitum re- 
 putatur. 
 
 Itidem Auguftinus, Pfal. 7^. ample afferit votum femel emiflum fer- 
 vandum efle. Hieronymus etiam adverfus Jovinianum inquit, vergoquoe 
 fe Deo dicavit, fi nubat, damnationem habet ^ atq; alio loco adverjus 
 eundem, Virgines tux quas prudentiflimo confilio (quod nemo unquam 
 legerat, nee audierat de Apoftolo) docuifti, melius efle nubere quam 
 uri, occultos adulteros in apertos verterunt maritos ; non fuafit hoc A- 
 poflolus, non Eleftionis vas Virgilianum confilium eft, conjugium vocat, 
 hoc praetexit nomine culpam. Verbum ipfum Deipalam adverfatur ubi- 
 que ne rumpantur vota. Propheta inquit, vovete Sc reddite Domino 
 Deo Veftroj in Deuteronomio quoq; fcribitur, cum votum voveris 
 Domino Deo tuo, non tardabis reddere, quia requiret illud Dominus 
 Deus tuus, &• fi moratus fueris, reputabitur tibi in peccatum; fi nolue- 
 ris polliceri abfq; peccato eris, quod autem egrefTum eft de labiis tuis, 
 obfervabis & facies, ficut promififti Domino Deo tuo & propria volun- 
 tate & ore locutus es. Ecclefiaftes etiam inquit, fiquid vovifti ne mo- 
 reris reddere, fed quodcunq; voveris redde: Et in Numerorum libro 
 fcribitur, fiquis virorum votum Domino voverit, aut fe conftrinxerit 
 juramento, non faciat irritum verbum fuum, fed omne quod promifit 
 implebit. Quocirca Ecclefia a principio ficut conjugatos Sacerdotes & 
 Epifcopos, qui fine crimine effent unius Uxoris viri propter neceflita- 
 tem admifit, cum tot alii quot poflent ad edocendum orbem fufficere tunc 
 non reperirentur idonei, & tamen Paulus Timotheum coelibem ele- 
 git ; Ita quoq; fiquis ad Sacerdotium ccelebs accerfitus, poftea Uxorem 
 duxerit, femper a Sacerdotio deponebatur, fecundum Canonem Neo- 
 caefarienfis Concilii, quod fuit ante Nicenum. Similiter in Calcedonenfi 
 Concilio, in cujus primo capite priora Concilia confirmantur, ftatuitur 
 ut DiaconifTa, fi fe nuptiis tradat, maneat fuh Anathemate, &: Virgo 
 Deo dicata & Monachus jungentes fe nuptiis, maneant excommunicati. 
 
 Hoc quoq; obfervandum eft, quod in Canonibus Apoftolorum habe- 
 tur, tantummodo Le£lores Cantorefq; non conjugatos poffe Uxores du- 
 cere, caeteris vero in Clerum admiffis poftea Uxorem ducere nunquani 
 licuir. 
 
 Qui vero conjugati ad Sacerdotium admiffi erant, Uxores fuas prre- 
 textu Religionis abjicere nequaquam poterant, ut docet Canon Apofto- 
 licus; cumquc in Niceno Concilio proponeretur de Presbyteroruitt 
 jam duftis Uxoribus abjiciendis, reftitit Paphnutius ne legitime Ux- 
 ores pellerentur, cujus fententiam, cum Canone Apoftolorum de 
 ronabjicendis Uxoribus concordatem, omnesfunt fecuti. 
 
 Cneterum in Niceno Concilio nihil unquam propofitum fuit, ut Sacer- 
 dotes poft Sacerdotium Uxores ducerenr, quod jam ante fie erit prohi- 
 bitum, ut fiquis contrarium auderet, ducens poftea Uxorem, deponere- 
 tur a Sacerdotio, ut fupra ditium eii ; itaq; Paphnutius de non abjicien- 
 dis jam dudis ante Sacerdotium Uxoribus, non autem de ducendis poft 
 Sacerdotium apcrte locutus eft. "^ 
 
 Itaq; neq-, Canon aliquis Apoftolicus, neq; Concilium Nicenum quic-- 
 quam habec ejufmodi ut in Sacerdotium admifli, poftea Uxores ducant, 
 ficut vos allcgatis. 
 
 R r r r His
 
 328 Addenda, 
 
 His concordat fexta Synodus in qu^ fancifufn eft quod fiquis e Clero 
 vellet Uxorem ducere, ante fubdiaconatum id fftceret, poftea nequaquam 
 liceret, nee uUa ufquam libertas Sacerdotibus in fexta Synodo datur poft 
 .Vacerdotium Uxores ducendi, ficut vos afleritis. 
 
 Itaq; a principio nafcentis Ecclefis, plane compertum eft nullo un- 
 quam tempore licuiftc Sacerdoti poft Sacerdorium Uxorem ducere ; atq; 
 ubicunqj id fuit attentatum, id non fuit impune, nam tantum nefas aufus 
 deponebatur a Sacerdotio. Paulas Apoftolus inquit, de conjugibus lo, 
 quens, nolite t'raudare invicem nifi forte ex confenfu ad tempus, ut va- 
 cetis orationi. Hieronymus in Apologia ad Pammachium ajt, Paulus 
 Apoftolus dicit, Quando coimus cum Uxoribus nos orare non pofle, ft 
 per coitum quod minus eft impeditur, id eft orare, quanto plus quod 
 majus eft, id eft Corpus Chrifti, prohibctur accipere : Idque late profe- 
 quitur exemplo Panum Propofitionis, qui non dabantur nifi continenti- 
 biis Davidi & Miniftris, ut fcribitur in libro Regum ; Panes enim Pro- 
 pofitionis, quafi Corpus Chrifti, de Uxorum cubilibus confurgentes edere 
 non poterant, ut inquit Hieronymus, atq; exemplo dationis legis veteris, 
 ^nte cujus dationem filii Ifrael in Exodo triduo abftinere funt jufti ab 
 Uxoribus. 
 
 Hieronymus etiam adverfus Jovinianum inquit, fi Laicus k quicunq; 
 lideiis orare non poteft, nifi careat officio conjugali, Sacerdoti Qui 
 femper pro Populo oflPerenda funt facrificia, femper orandum eft; Si 
 femper orandum eft^ femper ergo carendum Matrimonio. Idem ailerit 
 Ambrofius ample in Epiftola ad Timotheum prima, cum quo confentit 
 Auguftinus. 
 
 Paulus Timotheum Difcipulum in Sacerdotali Officio erudiens, admo- 
 Dct fecularia negotia fugienda efle, inquiens, Labora ut bonus miles 
 Chrifti Jefu, nemo militans implicat fe negotiis fecularibus, ut ei placeat 
 cui fe probavit ; & fi Sacerdotes Uxores acciperent, curis fecularibys ne- 
 c^fle eft involvantur, nam tefte Paulo^ qui cum Uxore eft, folicitus eft 
 qccc funt mundi, quomodo placeat Uxori ; qui v^ro fine Uxorc eft, fo- 
 licitus eft quae Domini funt, quoniodo placeat Deo ; Idoqj eundem ad 
 coelibatum hortatur, quando ait Teipfum caftum cuftodi, nam Caftitas, 
 ubi de conjugatis non fit fermo, ccelibatus intelligitur, fuum enim Difci- 
 pulum fui fimilem reddere cupiebat ; atque quodam in loco Corinthiis 
 fcribens, omnes homines hortatur ad continentiam, ait enim, volo om- 
 nes homines efle ficut meipfum, & rurfus dico non nuptis & viduis bo- 
 num eft, fi fie permanferint ficut & ego. Alio in loco fcribens eifdem, 
 Miniftros Ecclefiae fui officii admonet, adhortans ne in vacuum; Gratiam 
 Dei recipiant, & fubdit, Nemini dantes ullam oflPenfionem, utnonvitun 
 peretur minifteriufn, fc in omnibus exhibeamus nofmetipfqs ficut Dei' 
 Mniftros, &c. in vigiliis, in jejuniis, in caftitate, in fcientia, inverbo 
 veritatis. Quae omnia ad Miniftros Ecclefios pertinent quos, caftitatem. 
 maximc feftari convenit, ut impuri non appropinquent altaribus, a quim 
 bus falaces omnino arceri decet : Nam non nifi 4e Sacerdotibus ea intel- 
 lig^ poflunt, quando fcientia divinae Legis 8f Populi inftitutio ad eos fpec-- 
 tat^ ut inquit Malachias, Labia SacerdotiscuftodiuntScientiam & Legem 
 requirunt ex ore ejus. Et Paulus Timotheum vult fe exhibeie oper^ri- 
 um inconfufibilem, refte traftantem verbum veritatis, viz. in Dodrina) 
 populi } igitur Sacerdotes Domini, qui fe Deo jampridecn dedicaverupt, 
 qui fe caftraverunt proptet RegnumCcelorurn, qui pro fuis & populi 
 peccatis orare aftidue debent, quonari) padlo, deferto ccelibatus, vexilii*. 
 fero Chrifto, novis nuptiis operam dare fecularibiifq; moleftiis quibus 
 
 fcaturiunc
 
 Addenda. 32^ 
 
 fcaturiunc fe implicare decet? quid enim eft ad aratrum manum mittere, 
 retroq; recipere exemplo Uxoris Loth, fi hoc non eft ? cujufmodi ho- 
 mines non aptos efTe Regno Dei, Chriftus ipfe pionunciat, etenim fi ne- 
 mo poteft Uxori pariter & Philofophias operam dare, ut mundana pru- 
 dentia docet, quanto magis is qui ic Deo dicavit, duobus Dominis fer- 
 vire non potent, nempe Deo pariter & mundo, quorum uterq; totum 
 hominem, non dimidiatum, ad fe raptat ? 
 
 Quanquam autem & conjugati & coslibes in initio Ecclefix admitte- 
 bantur ad Sacerdotium, id tamen non ubiq,- ita fervabatur tefte Hierony- 
 moadverfusVigilantium, ubiinquit, quid tacient Orientis Ecclcfioe, qiid 
 Egypti, & Sedis Apoftolicas quae aut Virgines clericos accipiunt, aut 
 continentes, aut fi Uxores habuerint mariti efTe defiftunt? Atque ad 
 Pammachium Hieronymus inquit, Chriftus Virgo, Virgo Maria, utri- 
 ufq; fexus virginiratem dedicaverunt, Apoftoli vei Virgines, vel poft 
 nuptias continentes, Epifcopi, Presbyteri, Diaconi, aut Virgines eligun- 
 tur, aut vidui, aut certe poft Sacerdotium in aeternum pudici, in morem 
 Ecclefix veterem, cujus autor eft haud dubie Paulus & Scriptura ipfa. 
 Jam vero uti Auguftinum citatis, qui ait quidam nubentes poft votum 
 aflerunt adulreros t^Q, ego dico vobis quod gravitur peccant qui tales 
 dividunt : At ille ipfe Auguftinus afferit, lapfus & ruinas i caftitate Saac- 
 tiori qux vovetur Deo adulteriis qSs, pejores, neq; ftatim legitimum eft 
 quicquid tolerat Ecclcfia. 
 
 Cyprianus quoq; ipfe quem citatis, in ilia ipfa Epiftola dc Virginibus 
 qusE continentiam voverunt, ubi inquit, fi perfeverare nolunt, vel non 
 poffint, melius eft ut nubant, quam ut in ignem delitiis fuis ruant ; ex 
 quo infertis tale votum non impedire Matrimonium, longe aliud fentit : 
 Nam confultus a Pomponio Sacerdote, quid fibi videretur de Virginibus 
 his, qua: cum femel ftatum fuum continenter & firmiter tenere decre- 
 verint, detedce funt poftea in eodem lefto pariter manfiffe cum Mafcu- 
 lis; ea de re altius repentes Sermonem, periculofamq; efle Virginum & 
 Mafculorum cohabitationem, confirmans per Scripturas ac graves muU 
 torum ruinas ex hoc enatas, aflerens generaliter de omnibus Virginibus 
 inquit, quod fi ex fide Chrifto fe dicavcrint caftc Sc pudice fine ulla fa- 
 bula perfeverent, ita fortes & ftabiles praemium Virginitatis expedient; 
 fi autem perfeverare nolunt, vel non polTunt, melius eft ut nubant, quam 
 ut in ignem delitiis fuis cadant, certe nullum Fratribus aut Sororibus 
 fcandalum faciant, cum fcriptum fit, &rc. Et paulo poft infert, Chriftus 
 Dominus & Judex nofter, cum Virginem fuam fibi dicatam &: fanftitati 
 fuae deftinatam jacere cum altero cernat, quam indignatur & irafcitur, 
 & quas pcenas inceftis hujufmodi conjunftionibus comminaturl Deinde 
 ad qusfitum refpondens, jubet obftetrices adhiberi ut videatur an Vir- 
 gines'illae fint corruptac, ubi inquit, fi autem aliqux ex eis corruptae 
 fuerunt deprehenfx, agant posnitentiam pienam, quia qux hoc crimen 
 admiffit, non mariti fed Chrifti adultera eft, &: ideo aeftimato jufto tem- 
 pore h ex Homologefi fa£ta ad Ecciefiam redeant ; quod fi obftinat* 
 perfeverent, nee fe ab invicem fcparent, fciant fe cum hac fua impudica 
 obftinatione nunquam a nobis admitti in Ecciefiam pofle, ne exemplura 
 corteris ad ruinam dcliftis fuis facerc incipiant. Ecce quid fentit Cypria- 
 nus de votis ruptis, inceftuofos & Chrifti Adulteros hujufmodi flagitio- 
 fos appellat, & nifi fcparentur, nunquam admittit in Ecciefiam; quomo- 
 do erga talia vota non impcdiant Matrimonium, aut quis ad tale Matri- 
 monium quenquam hortari audebit, quod fine violatione voti & tranf- 
 greftione divini mandati, ideoq; fine gravifllmo fcelere contrahi non 
 
 R r r r X poflit ?
 
 330 Addenda. 
 
 polTit ? Atqui quod Frincipes Germanise, fcribitis, cum viderent multa 
 flagitia de coelibatu Sacerdotum provcnire, Matrimonia Sacerdotibus 
 libera permififle, fi meum, Egregii Oratores, confilium requifiirent veftri 
 Principes, priufquam tot Sacerdotes apud vos ruptis vinculis ad nuptias 
 convolairent, ad jd confilii dediffem quod veftri Principes arripuerunt 
 hrcfito magnopere ,• nam W Sacerdotes qui continere nollent, erumpere 
 ad nuptias omnino voluiflenr, quanto fatius ibrte fuilTer, exemplo ve- 
 terum depofiiifle tales a Sacerdotio, fuieq; de cxcero Confcientiae quen- 
 quam reliquifle, ac deinde puriores altaribus admovifle, quam iiberc 
 omnia permittendo peccatis alienis auftores videri, atqj ea ratione aliena 
 peccata noftra facere: Vcruntamen nos qui in aliena Repub. curiofi 
 nunquam fuimus nee efle voluimus, omnia Principum veftrorum afta 
 atq; gefta in optimam partem interpretamur, non diibitantes, quin ad 
 tollendos abufus omnes fincerus his animus, atq; ad repurgandam Dei 
 Eccleliam appofitus non defit. 
 
 Forro nos qui in Regno noftro Romani Epifcopi Tyrannidem profli- 
 gare magna induftria ftudinws, & Chrifti Gloriam fuiceriter promovere 
 curabimus Deo propitio, quantum humano confilio fieri poteft, ne qiHs 
 abufus five a Romano Epilcopo five a quovis alio induftus non abolea- 
 tur, & fi quos comperiemus tempore infervientes, fingentefq; fe odLflc 
 Romanum Epifcopum, atq; in Sermone fimulare viritatem, quam corde 
 non amplefluntur, ejufmodi viris confilia noftra de rebus facris noa 
 communicabimus, nee eorum vel de Sacris vel de Prophanis expeftabi- 
 mus fententiam. 
 
 Qys vero Chrifli purum atq; finceram Dodrinam promovere, quse 
 Chrifti Evangelium dilatare, quae ad repurganda Ecclefiac Anglicanae 
 vitia tendere, quae ad extirpandos abufus atq; errores omnes fpefta re, quae 
 deinq; Ecclefire candorem exonare pofle videbuntur, ea totis viribus lec- 
 tabimur, his ftudebimus, his Deo volente in perpetuum incumbemus. 
 
 De Articulis vero quos jam difleruimus maturius cum Theologis no- 
 ftris quamprimum vacabit agemus, atq; ea demum ftatuemus quae ad 
 Chrifti Gloriam Ecclefiaeque fponfe ejus decorem conducere exiftimabi- 
 mus. 
 
 Vobis autem, PrsftantifTimi Oratores qui tot labores terra marique 
 perpefli eftis, ut nos inviferetis, qui cum Theologis noftris tamdiu con- 
 tuliilis, qui ob Evangelii negotium a Patria abfuiftis multis menfibus, 
 immenfas atq; innumeras habemus gratias ; nee miramur ft dulcis amor 
 Patrias, poft diuturnam abfentiam veftram, ad reditum vos invitat. Ita- 
 que poft expleta Principum veftrorum mandata, poft abfoluta in totuni 
 negotia veftra, fi non gravabimini nos invifere, vefter ad nos acceflus 
 admodum gratus crit, vofque in Patriam non modo libenter dimittemus 
 cum bona venia, fed ad Principes etiam veftros, literas dabimus fummx 
 diligentia* veftrx in exequenda legatione Teftimonium perhibentes 
 Valete. 
 
 IX.
 
 Addenda, 331 
 
 IX. A Letter written by the King to his BifhofSy c/ire^ing 
 them how to inflruH the People. An Original. 
 
 By the KING. 
 
 HENRT R. 
 
 Right Reverend Father in God, right trufty and well-beloved, we cott. Libr 
 greet you well : And whereas for the Vertue, Learning and good cleop. E. <;' 
 Qualities which we faw and perceived heretofore in you, judging you 
 thereby a Perfonage that would fincerely, devoutly, purely, and plain- 
 ly fet forth the Word of God, and inftruft our People in the truth of 
 the fame, after a fimple and plain fort, for their better Inftruclion, U- 
 nity, Quiet, and Agreement in the Points thereof, we advanced you to 
 the room and office of a Bilhop within this our Realm j and fo endowed 
 you with great Revenues and Pofleffions ; perceiving after, by the 
 contrariety of Preaching within this our Realm, our faid People were 
 brought into a diverfity of Opinion, whereby there enfued Contention 
 amongft them ; which was only engendred by a certain contemptuous 
 manner of fpeaking, againft honeft, laudable, and tolerable Ceremo- 
 nies, Ufages, and Cuftoms of the Church ; we are enforced by our fun- 
 dry Letters, to admoniih and command you, amongft others, to Preach 
 God's Word fincerely, to declare Abufes plainly, and in no wife con- 
 tentioufly to treat of matters indifferent, which be neither neceflary to 
 our Salvation, as the good and vertuous Ceremonies of Holy Church, ne 
 yet to be in any wife contemned and abrogated, for that they be incite- 
 ments and motions to Virtue, and allurements to Devotion : All which 
 our travail notwithftanding, fo little regard was by fome taken and ad- 
 hibited to our Advertifements therein, that we were conftrained to put 
 our own Pen to the Book, and to conceive certain Articles, which were 
 by all you tlie BiQiops and whole Clergy of this our Realm in Convoca- 
 tion agreed on, as Catholick, meet, and neceflary to be by our Authority 
 for avoiding of all Contention fet forth, read and taught to our Subjeds, 
 to bring the fame in Unity, Quietnefs, and good Concord : Suppofing 
 then that no Perfon having Authority under us, would either have pre- 
 fumed to have fpoken any word, that might have offended the fcntence 
 and meaning of the fame, or have been any thing remifs, flack, or neg- 
 hgent in the plain fetting forth of them as they be conceived, fo as by 
 that mean of abftinence fuch Quiet and Unity fhould not grow thereup- 
 on as we defired and looked for of the fame ; and perceiving eft-foons, by 
 credible report, that our labours, travail, and defire therein, is never- 
 thelefs defeated, and in manner by general and contemptuous words 
 fpoken by fundry light and feditious Perfons, contemned and defpifed, 
 fo that by the abftinence of direft and plain fetting forth of the faid 
 Articles, and by the fond and contentious manner of fpeaking, that the 
 faid light Perfonagcs do ftill ufe againft the honeft Rites, Cuftoms, Ufa- 
 ges, and ceremonial thinas of the Church, our People be much more 
 offended than they were before ; and in a manner exclaim that we wifl 
 fuffer that in)ury at any Man's hand, whereby they think both God, Us, 
 and our whole Realm highly offended, infomuch that principally upon 
 
 that
 
 0-^ 
 
 Addenda. 
 
 that ground, and tor the Ketbrmation of thofe Follies and Abules, they 
 have made this Commotion and Infurreftion, and have thereby gricvouf- 
 ly offended us, damaged themfelves, and troubled many of our good 
 Subjeds: We be nov/ enforced, for our difcharge towards God, and 
 for the tender Love and Zeal we bear to the Tranquillity and loving U- 
 nity of our faid People and Subjefts, again to readdrefs thefe our Let- 
 ters to all the Bifhops of our Realm, and amonglf other unto you, as 
 a peremptory Warning to admonifh you, to demean and ufe your felf 
 for the redobbying of thefe things as fliall be hereafter declared, upon 
 pain of deprivation from the Bifhoprick, and further to be puniQied for 
 your Contempt, if you (hall offend in the contrary, as Juftice fhall re- 
 ciuire for your own Trefpafs. 
 
 And firff, we ftraitly charge and command you, that plainly and di- 
 ftinftly, without any additions, ye fliall every Holy-day, wherefover. 
 ye ftiall be within your Diocefs, when ye may fo do with your Health 
 and convenient Commodity, openly, in your Cathedral Church., or the 
 Parilh Church of the place where ye fliall for time be, read and de- 
 clare our Articles \ and in no wife, in the reft of your words which ye 
 fliall then fpeak of your felf, if you fpeak any thing, utter any word 
 that (hall make the fame, or any word in the fame, doubtful to the 
 People. 
 
 Secondly, We will and command you. That you fliall in your Per- 
 fon travel fiom place to place in all your Diocefs, as you may with your 
 Commodity, and endeavour your felvcs every Holy-day to make a Col- 
 lation to the People, and in the fame to fet forth plainly the Texts of 
 Scripture that you fhall treat of; and with that alio as well to declare 
 the Obedience due by God's Laws to their Prince and Soveraign Lord, 
 againft whofe Commandment they ought in no wife, though the fame 
 were unjuft, to ufe any violence, as to commend and praife honeft 
 Ceremonies of the Church as they be to be praifed, in fuch plain and 
 reverent fort, that the People may perceive they be not contemned, and 
 yet learn how they were inflituted, and how they ought to be obferved 
 and elleemed ; ufing fuch a temperance therein, as our faid People be 
 not corrupted, by putting over-much affiance in them, which a part 
 fhould more offend, than the clear filencing of the fame, and that our 
 People may thereto the better know their Duties to us, being their 
 King and Soveraign Lord. 
 
 Thirdly, We Itraitly charge and command you. That neither in 
 your private Communications you fhall ufe any Words that may found 
 to the contrary of this our Commandment, ne you fliall keep or retain 
 any Man of any degree, that fliall in his words privately or openly, di- 
 reftly or indiredlly, fpeak in thefe matters of the Ceremonies, contcn- 
 tioufly or contemptuoufly ; but we will that in cafe ye have, or fhall 
 have towards you any fuch Perfon that will not better temper his 
 Tongue, you fliall, as an Offender and a Seduftor of our People, fend 
 the fame in fure cuftody to us and our Council, to be punifhed as fliall 
 appertain ; and femblably to do with other Strangers whom ye fliall 
 hear to be notable Offenders in that part. 
 
 Fourthly, Our Pleafure and Commandment is. That you fliall on 
 your behalf, give ftrait Commandment upon like pain of deprivation 
 and further punilhment, to all Parfons, Vicars, Curates, and Goveriioii 
 of Religious Houfes, Colledges, and other places Rcclefiaftical within 
 your Diocefs, that they and every of them fliall, touching the indifferent 
 
 praife
 
 333 
 
 Addenda, 
 
 praife of Ceremonies, the avoiding of contentious and contemptuous 
 Communication, concerning any of the fame, and thediftinftand plaia 
 reading of our faid Articles, obferve and perform, in their Churches, 
 Monafteries, and other Houfes Ecclefiaftical aforefaid, the very fame 
 order that is before to you prefcribed. And further, that you permit 
 nor fuffer any Man, of what degree foever in Learning, Strangers or o- 
 ther, to preach in any place within your faid Diocefs out of his own 
 Church, by virtue of any Licenfe by us, or any other of our Minifters, 
 granted before the fifteenth day of this Month, neither in your prefence 
 nor elfewhere, unlefs he be a Man of fuch Honefty, Vertue, Learning, 
 and Judgment, as you fhall think able for that purpofe, and one whom 
 in manner you dare anfwer for. 
 
 Finally ; Whereas we be advertifed that divers Priefts have prefumed 
 to marry themfelves, contrary to the cuftom of our Church of EngUndy 
 Our Pleafure is. Ye fhall make fecret enquiry within your Diocefs 
 whether there be any fuch refiant within the fame or not: And in 
 cafe ye fhall find that there be any Priefts that have fo prefumed to 
 marry themfelves, and have fithence neverthelefs ufed and exercifed in 
 any thing the Office of Priefthood, we charge you, as ye will anfwer 
 upon the pains aforefaid, not to conceal their doings therein, but rather 
 to fignify their demeanour to our Council, or to caufe them to be ap- 
 prehended, and fo fent up unto us accordingly. Given under our Sig- 
 net at our Caflle of Windfor^ the i^th day of t^ovemher^ in the x^th 
 Year of our Reign. 
 
 X. TonJiaWs Arguments for the Divine Inftitution of Auri- 
 cular Confellion h with fome Notes written on the Mar- 
 gent by King Henrys own Hand. An Original. 
 
 ^od Confeffio AuricuUris ft de Jure Divino. 
 
 PRobari videtur ex illo loco Matthaei ?. ubi Joanne Baptifla in defer- Q^^f ljIj^ 
 to priedicante posnitentiam, exibat ad eum Hierofolyma & omnis^/^^« p -'. 
 Judxa, & baptizabantur ab eo in Jordane confitentes peccata fua; quem ' 
 
 locum Chryfoftomus ita exponit, inquiens, Confeflio peccatorum eft 
 Teftiraonium Confcientiie confitentis Deum, qui enim timet Judicium 
 Dei peccata fua non erubcfcat confiteri ; qui autem erubefcit non timet, 
 perfedus enim timor folvit omnem pudorem : illic enim turpitudo con- 
 feflionis afpicitur, ubi futuri judicii poena non creditur. Nunquid ne- 
 fcimus quia ConfefTio peccatorum habet pudorem, & quia hoc ipfum 
 erubefcere poena eft gravis, fed ideo magis non jubec Deus confiteri pec- 
 cata noftra, ut verecundiam patiamur propcena? nam& hoc ipfum pars 
 eft ludicii, O mifericordia Dei ! quem toties ad iracundiam excitavimus, 
 fufficit ei * folus pudor pro pcena. 
 
 Si verecundia pro pcena eft apud Deum, ea autem non continget ^'^ defohludoTc 
 confefTione faOia foli Deo, nam nemo rationis compos ignorat etiam ab- " ^"' 
 fque ConfefTione Deum peccata noftra fcire, de ConfefTione fafta homini ^^^I'x. 
 necefTe eft intelligantur. Prajterea ipfa Verba demonftrant quod Joanni 
 Baptiftx contcfTi funt peccata fua, nam dixit eis, facite ergo fruftum dig- 
 num pocnirentia, quod apte dicere non poterat, nifi pcenitentes eos ex 
 confefTione tibi fadta refcivifTet. 
 
 Btd*
 
 534. Addenda. 
 
 Beda Marci. I. 
 
 Ec Baptizabantur ab illo in Jordane flumine, confitentes peccata fua. 
 
 *Exempium* Exemplum confitendum peccata ac meliorem vitam promittcndi datur 
 '^'"^'""'^'■•'-eis, qui Baptifma accipere defiderant, ficut etiam prxdicante f Paulo in 
 "^^■^t^^ow /ir^- Ephefo multi credentium veniebanr, confitentes Sf annunciantes aftus fu- 
 cepto. OS, quatenus abdicata vita veteri, renovari mererentur in Clirifto. 
 
 ^ . Scribitur quoq; in Evangelio Joannis 21. Quorum remiferitis peccata, 
 
 dendumeft!' rcmittuntup eis & quorum retinueritis, retenta funt : & Match, i ». Qua:- 
 
 Abfolutio da- cunq; ligaveritis fuper terram, erunt ligata in Ccelo, & quaecunq; folveri- 
 
 tur in reme- [jg fuper tcrram, erunt foluta in Ccelo. Remittere autem & folvere ne- 
 
 ^^"m^ltenti- "^° potefl id quod ignorat, occulta autem peccata prxcer peccantem no- 
 
 ^aT tll^um, vit nifi folus Deus, quare nifi peccata aperiantur Sacerdoti, nee ea ligare 
 
 nam fi non ncc foIverc pofTet. Et * quemadmodum SacratifTima tua Majeflas, fi 
 
 ^f^/ero. commiflionem aliquibus dediflet audiendi & terminandi negotium ali- 
 
 tene^d7d"r7t ^^od, non poffent )udic€s rem ignorantes nifi negotio coram eis pate- 
 
 rem.fed non ta.8.0 caufam finire, viz. propter culpam litigatorum non comparentium 
 
 fertte fofi- coram eis ; fie nee Sacerdotes ligare & folvere poflunt peccata qu2 ig- 
 
 """■ norant. Itaq; cum Deus, Sacerdotem velut medicum Spiritualem Eccle- 
 
 frc dcderif, fiquisenim fua Vulnera ce'at, ipfelua Culpa perit, cum tamen 
 
 defalutefua deberet effe folicitus, ficut Paulus ad Phil. i. admonet, in- 
 
 quiens, cum metu & tremore Salutem veftram operamini. 
 
 Origenes in Levit. Homilia 2. lo(^uens de Remifjionihm Feccatorum. 
 
 Defuaopini. Eft adhuc & feptima, licet dura & laboriofa, per poenitentiam Remif- 
 ne lo^uens. {[q Peccatorum, cum lavat Peccator Lachrimis ftratum fuum, & fiunt ei 
 Lachrima; fux Panis die & no£te, & cum non erubefcit Sacerdoti Domi- 
 ni indicare Peccatum fuum, & quaerere medicinam fecundum eum qui 
 * Af/j/ff/eKfiV ait, * Dixi pronunciabo adverfum me injuflitiam meam Domino, & tu 
 fjuiabutitur rcmlfifii impictatem cordis mei, in quo impletur & illud quod Jacobus 
 Scriftura. ^poftolus dicit, Siquis autem infirmatur, vocet Fresbyteros Ecclefix, & 
 t Nunauanas imponant ci manus f ungentes eum oleo in nomine Domini, & oratio Fidei 
 ynodus utiaio- falvabit infirmum, Sc fi iu PcccdLis fucrit remittentur ei. 
 
 nis in Confef- 
 
 fwneutebatur Origenes Homilia 2. /;; Pfal. 37. 
 
 Intellige mihi fidelem qaidem hominem fed tamen infirmum, qui eti- 
 
 am vinci ab aliquo Peccato potuit, &: propter hoc mugientem pro delic- 
 
 tis fuis & cmni modo curam vulneris fui fanitatemq; requirentem, licet 
 
 prceventus fit & lapfus, volentem tamen medelamac falutem reparare ; fi 
 
 ergo hujufmodi homo memor delifti fui, confiteatur quae commifit, & hu- 
 
 ,mana confufione parvi pendat eos, qui exprobrant eum confitentem, & 
 
 fe w?«/cowj?-no^2f^t vel irrident, ille autem mtelligens per hoe veniam nbi dan, oc m 
 
 teantur, jam die Rcfurrcftionis pro his quibus nunc confunditur coram hominibus, 
 
 de contemptu tuuc ante Angelos Dei confuHoncm atq; opprobria evafurum, ut nolit te- 
 
 loquitur. g^j.^ gj occultare maculam fuam, fed pronunciet delidtum fuum, nee vclit 
 
 efTe Sepulchrum dealbatum, quod deforis quidem appareat hominibus 
 
 fpeciofum, id eft ut videntibus fe quafi juftus appareat, intus autem fit 
 
 repletus omni immunditie & oITibus mortuorum. 
 
 Et paulo poft, Quoniam iniquitatem meam pronuncio. Pronunciatio- 
 nem iniquitatis, id elt* confeffionem Peccati, frequentius diximus, vide ergo 
 quid edocet nos Scriptura divina, quia oportet Peccatum non celare intrin- 
 fecus; fortaflis cnim ficut ii qui habent intus inclufam efcam indigelbm, 
 
 aut
 
 Addenda, 335 
 
 atit humoris, vel phlegmatis ftomacho graviter 8f molelle immincntem (i 
 vomuerunc relevantur, ita etiam hi qui peccarunt, fi quidem occultant & 
 retinent intra fePeccatum intrinfecus urgentur, &propemodum fuflPocan- 
 tur a phlegmate vel humore Peccati : Si autem ipfe fui accufator fiat, dum 
 accufat femetipfum, fimul evomit k deleftum, atq; omnem morbi digeric 
 caufam. Tantummodo circumfpice diligentius cui debeas confiteii Pec- 
 catum tuum, proba prius medicum cui debeas caufam languoris expo- 
 nere, qui fciat infirmari cum infirmante, flere cum flente, qui condolendi 
 & compatiendi noverit difciplinam, ut ita demum fiquid ille dixerit, qui 
 fe prius & eruditum medicum oftendcrit & mifericordem, fiquid Confilii 
 dederit, facias & fequaris, fi intellexerit & proeviderit talem elTe langu- 
 orem tuum, qui in conventu totius Ecclefios exponi debeat & curari, ex 
 quo fortaflis & cxteri gsdificari poterunt, & tu ipfe facile fanari, muka 
 hac deliberatione & fatis perito medici illius Confilio procurandum ell. 
 
 tyfrUnus in Sermom de Lap (is. 
 
 Denique quando & fide majore &■ timore meliores funr, qui quamvis F.,feoy cy- 
 nullo Sacrificii aut Libelli facinore conftrifti, quoniam tamen de hoc vel ^^ji"'« ^""-^ 
 cogitaverunt, hoc ipfum apud Sacerdotes Dei dolenter & fimpIiciter{'£""„Xr 
 confitentur, Exomologefin Confcientiae faciunt, animi fui pondus Q-^po- »o» plus pr^d- 
 nunt, falutarem medelam parvis licet & modicis vulneribusexquirunt, fci- J,J"^*,^ '""'° 
 entes fcriptum effe, Deus non deridetur? derideri & circumveniri Deus 
 non poteft, nee aftutia aliqua fallente deludi : Plus imo delinquit qui fe- 
 cundum hominem Deum cogitans evadere fe poenam Criminis credit, Ci 
 non palam Crimen admifit. Chriftus in pragceptis fuis dicir, qui confufjs 
 me fuerit, cdnfundet|eum Filius Hominis, & Chriftianum fe putat qui 
 Chriftianus efle aut confunditur aut veretur : Quomodo poteft effe cum 
 Chrifto qui ad Chriftumpertinere aut erubefcit aut meruit? minus plane 
 peccaverit non videndo idola, nee fub oculis circumftantis atq; infultantis 
 Populi fanftitatem Fidei profanando, non polluendo manus fuas funeftis 
 Sacrificiis, nee fceleratis cibisora maculando; hoc eo proficit ut fit minor 
 Culpa, non at innocens Confcientia ; facilius poteft ad veniam Criminis 
 pervenire, non eft tamen immunis a Crimine, necceflet in agenda poeni- 
 tentia, atq; in Domini Mifericordia deprecanda, ne quod minus effe in 
 qualitate delidi videtur, in neglefta fatisfadione cumuletur. Confitean- ■^'■^'''*'^^/''«'» 
 tur finguli, qucefo vos fratres, deliftum fuum, dumadhuc quideliquitin;,f^;yCrf/r°" 
 faeculo eft, dum amitti confeflio ejus poteft, dum fatisfaftio & remiflio 
 fafta per Sacerdotes apud Dominum grata eft j convertamur ad Domi- 
 num mente tota, & pcenitentiam Criminis veris doloribus exprimentes 
 Dei Mifericordiam deprecemur ; illi fe anima profternat, illi mceftitia 
 fatisfaciat, illi fpes omnis incumbat ; rogare qualiter debeamusdicitipfe, 
 Revertimini, inquit, ad me ex toto corde veftro, fimulq; & jejunio, & 
 fletu, & planftu, & fcindite corda veftra & non veftimenta. 
 
 Prceterea Efaias Peccatorem admonet Cap. 42. fecundum 70. inquiens, m om»es 
 Die tu prior iniquitates tuas ut juftificeris ; & Solomon Prov. 18. ait/"'"^^"'> f^^ 
 Juftus prior eft Accufator fui, atq; ideo ne Satan nos in judicio coram om- "'" P''*"f"'"*- 
 nibus accufet, nos ilium in hac Vita, per priorem confeffionem delicti no- 
 ftri faftam aliis prcevenire debemus, nam Deum prcevenire in noftriaccu- 
 fatione nequimus qui omnia fafta noftra jam novit, imo vero antequam 
 fierent ca proefcivit ; quare Confeffio ilia neceffe eft, intelligatur, de extra- 
 nea confcfTione faftaDei Minillro qui id ignoravit, nam Deum nihil un- 
 ■^ quam latuit, non raodo jam factum, fed ne futurum quidem quicquam. 
 
 S f ff Circa
 
 33^ Addenda, 
 
 Cum nee cut Ciixa peilonas ver6 Miniftrorum quibus fieri deberec ContelFio, atq; 
 
 TeRmZ^urmn C'^ca tempoia Ecclefix nonnunquam aliquid immutarunt, & varie pro 
 
 firmum pr<ecep- fcgionibus itatucrunt. 
 
 turn d»tipr. gj jjj, iw^m folicitudinem, Sacratiffima Majeftas, circa publicam Regni 
 tui tranquillitatem ftabilendam fandHflime occiipatam, longa multorimi 
 le^iionej qus prxccf ilia affene poffem, remorari videar, plura adiun- 
 gere fupeifedebo, illud tantummodo precatus, utmeam banc fcribendiTe- 
 meritatem boni confulat, quamego totam perfpicacillimo atqjeruditilTi- 
 mo Majeftatistuaejudicio confiderandam penfitandamq; commiito. Atq; 
 ita fcelici/Time valeat Sacratiffima tua Majeftas cujus Regnum 5e profper- 
 rimum& in feculum diuiurnum vobis fore precamur. 
 
 XI. A Letter of King Henry's to Tonftalls Bifhop of Du- 
 refme, againji Auricular Confeffion being of Vivine Inftitw 
 tion. An Original. 
 
 ^l^CQ metbought (my Lord of D»rham) that both the Bifliops of 
 Cm. Libr. ^ <j^..j,^ Winchefler, and your Reafons and Texts were fo fully an- 
 ^ /*• •^' 5"' fwered this other day, in thehoufe, as to my feeming and fuppofal, the 
 mod of the houfe was fatisfied 5 I marvelled not a little why eft-ibons 
 you have fent to me this now your writing, being in a manner kw other 
 Texts or Reafons than there were declared both by the Bifhop of Cah- 
 terhury and me, to make fmally or nothing to your intended purpofe : 
 But either I efteem that you do it to prove mine fimple judgment alone, 
 which indeed doth not much ufe ( tho' not the wifeft) to call in aid, 
 the Judgments of other learned Men, and fo by my ignorant Anfwer, 
 feem to win the Field ,• or elfe that you be too much blinded in your own 
 Fancy and Judgment, to think that a Truth, which by learning you have 
 not yet proved, nor I fear me cannot by Scriptures, nor any other Di- 
 redl-ors probable grounds, though I know mine unfufficiency in Learning, 
 if the matter were indifferent, and that the Ballance flood equal, fince 
 I take the verity of the Caufe rather to favorize the part I take than 
 yours, it giveth me therefore great boldnefs not prefuming in Learn- 
 ing, but in juftnefs of the Caufe, feeing by writing you have provoked 
 me to it, to make anfwer to your Arguments : Therefore I begining 
 now to reply to your firft Allegation, fhall elTay to prove, if I can, that 
 your own Author in place by you alledged, maketh plain againft your 
 Opinion; for as you alledg him, St. Chryfofiom faith, Quod fufficit fi- 
 lm pudor pro pcena^ then Auricular Confeffion is not by commandment 
 neceffary ; for if it were, this word ( Solus ) is by your Author ill fet ; 
 therefore your Author in this place furdereth you but little. To your 
 Vdlxx Argument, I deny your confequent, founded only upon fmall 
 Rcafon, which is the ground of your taUnx Argument : which Reafon 
 I need not take away, for your alledged Author doth fhew too plainly, 
 in his J. Homily^ Tom. 5. that you gather wrong fenfe upon his Words, 
 for he faith, with much more touching this matter, thefe few Words, 
 Non homintbas peccata daegere cogo ; Then this other Text before rehear- 
 fed, is not to be underftood as you will by writing it. Further, me 
 thinketh I need not ( God thank you ) too greatly fludy for Authors to 
 conclude your wrong taking of Texts, for thofe your felf alledg fervethi 
 me well to purpofe: for all your labour is to prove that Auricular Con- 
 feffion were by God commanded, and both your Authorities of ii^-4 
 
 and
 
 Addenda. 337 
 
 and Piul^ fhevveth nothing but that they did confefs their Sins, and yet 
 do not they affirm that it was by commandment; wherefore they make 
 for mine Argument and not for yours. Your other Texts of '^ohn z\. 
 and Matthew lo. were fo throughly anfwered thisother day, aiidfoma- 
 nifeftly declared not to appertain to our grounded Argument, that I 
 marvel you be not afliamed eft-foons to put them in writing, and to 
 found your Argument now fo fondly on them ; for what fonder Argu- 
 ment can be made to prove thereby a neceffity of Confeflion, than to 
 fay, If you confefs not, I cannot forgive ? Would a Thief which com- 
 mitteth Fellony, think himfelf obliged by the Law to difclofe his Fello- 
 ny, if the Law fay no more, but if thou confefs not I cannot forgive 
 thee? Or would Theft the fooner therefore be forgiven ? This is mat- 
 ter fo apparent, that none can but perceive except he would not fee. 
 As touching Origeas places by you alledged ; as the firft , in Leviticum^ 
 flieweth that we be as much bound Uvareftratum Lacrimis^ as Aicere Sa- 
 cerdoti, which no Man, I think, will affirm that we be bound to do ; 
 and yet he affirmeth not that any of them is commanded : The Text al- 
 fo whereby ye would approve his fo faying, doth not yet fpeak quod 
 fronuncitibo juflitiarn meam Sacerdotiy but Domwo : The other of James 
 feemeth better to make for extream Unftion, than for Confeffion ; for 
 when was ever the ufe, that Folk comming only to Confeffion, were wont 
 to be anointed with Oil, therefore this makes nothing to your Argu- 
 ment. As touching Ori^eff in Pfal. 37. he faith not quod obligamur di- 
 cereSacerdoti, but Ji co/?fiteaff tar ; and feemeth rather to perfwade Men 
 that they fliould not paruifendere Confeffiofiem^ (as all good Folk would) 
 than that they were obliged to confefs them to a Prieft. Though Cypri^ 
 an de Lapfis, doth praife them which do confefs their Faults to Priefls, 
 yet doth he confefs that we be not bound to do fo; for he faith in the 
 higheft of his praife thefe Words, How much be they then higher in Faith, 
 and better in Fear of God, which though they be not bound by any Deed of 
 Sacrifice-) or Book, yet be they content Jorronfully to confefs to the Priefi Sins ! 
 He knowledgeth no bond in us by neither faft of Sacrifice or Libel, why 
 alledg you ( tho he praife Auricular Confeffion ) that we fhould be 
 bound by God and Law thereto ? This is no proof thereof, neither by 
 Reafon nor by Scripture, nor any good Authority. And whereas he 
 faith further, Confiteantur finguli^ quxfo vos fr aires, delictum fuum ; this 
 doth not argue a Precept j nor yet the faying oi Efay, cap.4j. fecundum 
 Septuaginta\ nor Solomon in the Proverbs 10. for thefe fpeak rather of 
 knowledging our Offence to God in our Heart, than of Auricular Con- 
 feffion ; after David the Prophet's faying and teaching, when he faid, 
 Ttbi full peccavi, that was not to a Prieft. By the Text alfo which you 
 alledg, begining, circa perfonas vera Minijlrorum^ &c. you do openly 
 confefs that the Church hath non accepted Auricular Confeffion to be 
 by God's Commandment ; or elfe by your faying and Allegation, they 
 have long erred ; for you confefs that the Church hath divers times 
 changed, both to whom ConfeHion ftiould be made, and times when ; 
 and that alfo they have changed divers Ways for divers Regions; if it 
 were by God's Commandment they might not do thus : Wherefore, my 
 Lord, fincel hear no 'other Allegations, I pray you blame not me tho I 
 be not of your Opinion; and of the both, 1 think that I have more 
 oaufe to think you obftinate, than you me, feeing your Authors and 
 Allegations make fo little to your purpofe. And thus far you well. 
 
 xn. A
 
 338 Addenda. 
 
 XII. A Definition of the Church j correSled in the Marge'nt 
 by King Hcnry'^ ovrn Hand. An Original. 
 
 De Ecc/efia. 
 
 Cott. Vibv. T7Cclefia prater alias acceptiones in Scripturis duas habet picefcipuas : 
 Cleop. E. 5. lIj Unam, qua Ecclcfia accipitur pro Congregatione Sanftorum & ve- 
 
 re fidelium qui Chrifto caplti vere credunt, & Sanftificantur Spiritu ejus 
 *sp»if.i cim-hxc autem una eft, & vere Sanftum Corpus Chrifti fedfoli Deo * cog- 
 p cogmta. nitum, qui hominum corda folus intuetur. Altera acceprio eft, qua Ec- 
 
 ciefia accipitur pro Congregatione omnium Hominum qui baptizati funt 
 l^ftlliiinatL ^" Chrifto, &• non palam abnegarint Chriftum, nee funt f excommuni- 
 {3.)Et cogmtio c^i\ )j: Quae Ecclefige acceptio congruit ejus Statui in hac vita duntaxar, 
 huj,,.< Ecctefia ubi habet malos bonis fimul admixtos {a\ & debet efle cognita per 
 %mF!/hi^&' Verbum & Legitimum ufum Sacramentorum ut poflit audiri ; ficut do- 
 sacramento- cct Cliriftus, Qui Ecclefiam non audiret. Porro ad veram unitatem Ec- 
 ^^J;^"5;J;:cIeri3e, requiritur ut fit confenfus in refta Doctrina Fidei & adminiftra- 
 te, ac unanhni tiouc Sacramentoium. 
 conjenftt auef- TraditioHcs vero k Ritus atq; Caeremoniae quae vel ad Decorum, vel 
 
 Ordinem, vel Difciplinam Ecclefice ab horainibus funt inftitutae, non om- 
 
 nino necefle eft, ut eadem fint ubiq; aut prorfus fimiles : Hae enim 8c 
 * Mode rciio- varisB fucpe & variari pofllint * pro regionum atq; morum diverfitate & 
 r;buspiue^nt commodo f, fie tamen ut fint confentienties Verbo Dei: 8? quamvis in 
 
 ambus lumper „,py-'j n- • y ^ t • ^ • • 
 
 ,btempowidum hcclelia lecundum pofteriorcm acceptionem mah fint bonis admixti, atq; 
 ijf, ^''J'!^!!'^ etiam Minifteriis Verbi & Sacramentorum nonnunquam praefinr, tamen 
 Z^rLel^edo (^^^ ^^'^^i^^^nt nonfuo fed Chrifti nomine, mandato & author itate, li- 
 Dei mn aeiver- cQ^ eorum Miniftcrio uti tam in verbo audiendo quamrecipiendis Sacra- 
 •^^%'; ^y; £^,^,. mentis, juxta illud. Qui vos audit me audit; nee por eorum malitiam 
 /?^«o/?rflC«rAo-imminuitur effeftus aut gratia donorum Chrifti rite accipientibus, 
 i/ca&y^popli-(^^^^^ enim efficacia propter promiflionem & ordinationem Chrifti etiamC 
 PoMifiK Ro- per malos exhibeantur. 
 
 manus, nee qaiquis aliquis Pralfltui aut Pontifex, habet qu'tcqtild agere prsterqumn In fn/u Dhcefet. 
 
 0. 
 ut 
 
 The end of the Addenda.
 
 A Tabic of the Records and Papers that are in the ColleSi' 
 ion^ with which the places in the Hijiory to which they 
 relate5 are marked , the firft number, with the Letter C 
 is the Page of the Colle^ion j the fecond, with the Let™ 
 ter H. is the Page of the Hiftory. 
 
 T 
 
 C, H. 
 
 i.^ " ' B" ^ ^^£ Record of Card. Adrian'^ Oath of Fidelity 
 to /C- Henry the jth^ for the Bifljo^rick of Bath 
 and Wells 3 II 
 
 Pope JuliusV Letter to Jrch-h/Jhop Warham, for gi- 
 
 vifjg K. Henry the Sth the Golden Rofe y 18 
 
 3. ^ ifrit for fummorfifig Convocations ibid 19 
 
 4. A VVrit for a Convocation fummoned by Warham on an Ec- 
 clefiaftical account 6 zo 
 
 5. The Preamble of an A^ of Subfidy granted by the Clergy 7 ibid 
 
 6. Bijljop Tonftal'/ Licenje to Sir Thomas More /or hu read- 
 ing Heretical Books 831 
 
 The Second Book. 
 
 "i. The BuU for the JQng^s Marriage with Qffeen Katherine 9 34 
 X. The Kjn£s Froteftation againft the Marriage 10 35 
 
 3. Cardinal Wolfey'j firfi Letter to Gregory Caffali about the 
 
 Divorce 11 44 
 
 , 4. Two Letters of Secretary Knight'j to the Cardinal and the 
 KJ»gy gi'vi^g an account of his Conferences with the Pope con- 
 cerning the Divorce 
 y. A part of a Letter from Knight to Card. Wolfey, that jbews 
 
 the Dijpenfation Wits then granted and fent over 
 6 Gregory CaSaVs Letter concerning the Method in which the 
 Pope dejired the Divorce Jhould be managed 
 
 7. The Kjn^s Letter to the College of Cardinals^ from which it 
 appears how much they favoured his Caufe 
 
 8. the CardinaPs Letter to the Pope concerning the Divorce 
 
 9. Card. Wolfey '5 Letter to Caffali, directing him to make Pre- 
 fents at Rome 
 
 10. The Decretal BuU that was dejired intheJQng's Caufe 
 li. The CardinaPs Letter to John Caflali concerning it 
 IX. Staphileus'i Letter to the Cardinal 
 
 13. The CardinaPs Letter to Campegio 
 
 14. The CardinaPs Letter to Caflali, defiring a Decretal Bull 
 might be fent over 
 
 1 5". The Breeveof P. Julius /or the King's Marriage, fufpecled 
 
 to he forged 
 16. A part of the CardinaPs Letter to G. CaHali, defiring leave 
 
 to {hew the Decretal Bull to fame of the Kjn£s Council 
 xy. John Caflali*^ Letter concerning the Conference he had with 
 
 the Pope 
 
 T t t t l8. The 
 
 10 
 
 46 
 
 Z4 
 
 47 
 
 ^S 
 
 48 
 
 a6 
 
 ^7 
 
 50 
 ibid 
 
 18 ibid 
 
 19 
 
 3f 
 ibid 
 
 5r 
 
 ibid 
 ibid 
 
 ^6 
 
 54 
 
 n 
 
 55 
 
 38 
 
 S^ 
 
 ibid ibid
 
 A Table 
 
 — — _ _- 
 
 1 8. The Pole's Letter to the Cardmal, giving credence to Cam- 
 
 pana 44 jS 
 
 1^. A part of Peter VaunesV luflrullionsy direcfing him to 
 
 threaten the Pope ibid ibid 
 
 20. The CardinaPs Letter to the AmhaJfadorSf concerning his 
 
 fr emotion to the Popedom 45 6t 
 
 11. An Information given to the Pope concerning the Divorce 46 6% 
 zz. The zd part of a. long Difpatch of the Cardinal's concerning 
 
 the Divorce 
 2,3. Another Difpatch to the fame purpqfe 
 
 24. A Letter from the two Legats to the Pope, advifing a. De' 
 cretal Bull 
 
 25. Another Difpatch to Rome concerning it 
 z6. A Letter fiom the Pope to the Cardinal 
 zy. The fCing'*s Letter to the Amhajfadors, to hinder an Avoca- 
 tion of the Suit 
 
 28. The Kin^s Letter concerning his appearance before the Legats 
 
 29. Dr. Bennet'j Letter to the Cardinal, fkerving how little they 
 might expe£} from the Pope 
 
 ^o. A Letter from the Pope to the Cardinal concerning the Avo- 
 cation 
 
 ^i. An Acf releafing the Kjng Sams of Mony that were raifed 
 by a Loan 
 
 ^z. A Letter from Gardiner and Fox, concerning their Proceed- 
 ings at Cambridg 
 
 3 3. -t4 Letter from Crook out of Venice, concerning the Opini- 
 ons of Divines about the Divorce 
 
 34. The judgment of Vniverfities concerning the IQn^s Mar- 
 riage 
 
 55. The judgment of the Lutheran Divines about it 
 
 35. An Abjtra£i of the Grounds of the Divorce 
 27. A Bull font to the Arcb-Bijhop of Canterbury, againfi the 
 
 Statutes of Provifors 
 38.^ Letter to Kjng Henry the Sth, for repealing that Statute 
 
 39. y^ Letter to the Parliament upon the fame occafion 
 
 40. An Inftrument of the Speech the Arch-bifhop of Canterbu- 
 ry made to the Houfe of Commons concerning it 
 
 41. An AB retraining the paiment of Annates to the See of Rome 
 
 42. The Kjn£s laji Letter to the Pope 
 
 43. A Promife made to the Cardinal <?^ Ravenna, for engaging 
 
 him to procure a Divorce 
 
 44. Bonner'^ Letter concerning the Proceedings at Rome 
 45". Another Letter about the fame Procejs 
 
 45. Another Letter concerning the progrefi of the ProceJS at Rome 
 
 47. The Sentence of Divorce given by Cranmer 
 
 48. An Act for the Deprivatton of the Bijhops of Salisbury and 
 Worcelkr 
 
 49. A Letter from Cromwel to FiHier concerning the Maid of 
 Kent 
 
 $0. A Renunciation of the Pope'*s Supremacy, figned by the Heads 
 
 of fix Religious Hoidfes 
 §1. A Mandate for the Confecration of Suffragan Bifhops 
 
 48 
 
 ibid 
 
 5<J 
 
 6$ 
 
 6z 
 
 66 
 
 66 
 
 67 
 
 70 
 
 6^ 
 
 ibid 
 
 ibid 
 
 7» 
 
 70 
 
 74 
 
 7* 
 
 76 
 
 74 
 
 77 
 
 80 
 
 V9 
 
 ^3 
 
 82 
 
 88 
 
 8; 
 
 89 
 
 S8 
 
 91 
 
 ibi^ 
 
 ^93 
 
 89 
 
 106 
 
 91 
 
 107 
 
 5>2 
 
 ibid 
 
 93 
 
 loS 
 
 9> 
 
 "3 
 
 100 
 
 114 
 
 10? 
 
 116 
 
 104 
 
 ibid 
 
 109 
 
 H7 
 
 III 
 
 iiii 
 
 I 12 
 
 126 
 
 114 
 
 M3 
 
 "5 
 
 148 
 
 ,11 
 
 149 
 
 122 
 
 If 2 
 
 
 The
 
 of the Records. 
 
 The Third Book. 
 
 C. H. 
 
 t. Jnftruchons for the General Vifitation of the MoK.tJleries izi 175 
 
 z. General Inj unci ions Jent bj the Kjng to all the Monajl tries 129 177 
 
 3. Some Particulars relating to the Diffolution of Monajleries 
 
 Se£l. 1 . Of the Preambles of fome Surrenders i ? 2 i g ■> 
 Seit. 2,. A Lift of Religions Houfes that were of new founAed 
 
 by the Kjng^ after the Act for their difolution i?^ 214 
 Se£l. 3. A Lifi of all the Surrenders of Monajleries which 
 
 are extant 134 2,28 
 
 Sect. 4. 7 he Confefjions made by fome Abbots i^o 2x7 
 Se£V. 5". Of tbe manner of fu^prejjing the MonaJierieSf after 
 
 they were furrendrcd 141 x^^ 
 
 4. Queen Ann Boleyn'j lajl Letter to Kjng Henry 144 197 
 
 5. The 'Judgment of the Convocation concerning General Councils 146 iio 
 
 6. lnflru£iions for a Fifitation of Monajleries^ in order to their 
 
 Dijfolution 147 an 
 
 7. Injiruciiom given by the Kjng to the Clergy 150 215" 
 
 8. A Letter from Cromwel to Shaxton Bilhof f Sarum 154 230 
 
 9. The Sentence given out by Pope Faul the Third againjt Kjng 
 
 Henry 1^6 2^^ 
 
 10. The Opinio ft of fome Bijhops concerning the Ktn£s Supre- 
 macy 167 238 
 
 11. Injunolions to the Clergy made by Cromwel ibid ibid 
 
 12. Injunctions made by Arch-Bi/hop Cranmer 171 244 
 
 13. A Letter of Cromwel'j to the Bifbop of Lattdaff, dire5iing 
 
 how to proceed in the Reformation 1'J2 ibid 
 
 14. The Comnijffion by which Bonner held his Bijhoprick of the 
 
 Kjng 173 2^^ 
 
 15. The King's Letters Patents for printing the Bible in Bnglip 175- 258 
 
 16. The Attainder of Thomas Cromwel t']6 x6$ 
 
 17. Cromvvel'j Letter to the Kjng concerning his Marriage with 
 
 Ann (jf Cleve 181 269 
 
 18. The King's own Declaration about it 185 268 
 
 19. The fudgment of the Convocation annulling ft 186 ibid 
 ao. Ann of Cleves Letter to her Brother 188 2^9 
 ai. Tlie Refolutions of fever al Bijhops and Divines concerning the 
 
 Sacraments 189 27^ 
 22. Dr. Barns'^ Renunciation of fome Articles informed againjl 
 
 him 12,1% 282 
 
 13. The Foundation of the Bi(hoprick of Weftminfter 229 28 5 
 
 24. A Proclamation for the Englifh Bible to be fet up in all 
 
 churches ^-i-i 288 
 
 25. An Admonition fet up by Bonner /(?r all that came to read 
 
 the Bible 234 *99 
 
 26. Injunctions given by Bonner to his Clergy 135' 301 
 2 J. A Collection of Paffages out of the Canon Law^ made by 
 
 Cranmer, to (hew the necfjjity of reforming it 241 315* 
 
 28. A Mandate for publijhing and ufing the Prayers in the Eng- 
 
 lifh Tongue 246 316 
 
 29. Articles fubfcribed hy Shaxton thi late Bif^op of Sarum 247 31^ 
 
 30. A
 
 A JM 
 
 C. H- 
 
 -10. A Letter from Lethington the Scotijh Secretary^ to Cecil, 
 Secretary to Q^een Elizabeth, hy which it appears that Kjng 
 Heniyj Will na forged. i^p ^^^ 
 
 ' An Apfendix, concerning fome Errors a»d Falfhoods 
 
 in Sanders'j Eook of the Englifl) Schifm 255- 
 
 Addenda. 
 
 I. 
 
 2. 
 
 Articles about Religion^ fet out hy the Convocation^ and pub' 
 lijbed hy the KJng^s Authority 
 
 Some Queries put by Craiirper, in order to the correcting of 
 fever al Ahufes 
 
 ■3. Some Queries concerning Confirmation, ivith the Anfvers that 
 irere given to them hy Cranmer, and Stokefly Bi[hop of Lon- 
 don 
 ^. Some Confiderations offered to the Kjng hy Cranmer, to induce 
 him to proceed to a further Reformation 
 
 5. A Declaration made by fame Btjhops and Divines, concerning 
 
 the Fun^ions and Divine Injlitution of Bifhops and Priefls 
 
 6. A Letter of Melandhons, to perfivade the Kjng to a fur- 
 ther Reformation 
 
 7. A Letter written hy the German Ambaffadors to the King, 
 
 againft the taking arvay of the Chalice, and againfl private 
 Maffes, and the Celibate of the Clergy 
 
 8. The Kjngs Anfwer to the former Letter 
 
 9. A Letter written by the Kjng to his Bifhops, direiiing them 
 
 how to injlru6i the People 331 348 
 
 10. Arguments given by Tonftal to the Kjng, to prove AuricU' 
 lar Confejjior} to be of a Divine Injlitution ; with fome Notes 
 
 on the Margent written with the Kjng^s own hand 333 349 
 
 \i. A Letter of the Kjn^s to Tonftal, in Anfwer to the for- 
 mer Taper 336 ibid 
 
 11. A Definition of the Catholick Church, corrected with the 
 
 Kin^s own hand 338 ibid 
 
 z»3 
 
 344 
 
 191 
 
 ibid 
 
 295- 
 
 ibid 
 
 296 
 
 ibid 
 
 248 
 
 345- 
 
 301 
 
 347 
 
 304 
 318 
 
 ibid 
 ibid 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 }^
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 Tfyis book is DUE on the last date stamped below, 
 
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 Porm L9-50Tn-4,'61(B8994s4)444
 
 ■»-BR 
 
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