6121 A A o o <= 33 3 m O 9 1 O > 1 9 3D J> 3) -« 9 9 univer'sity of CALIf^ORNlA SAN DIEGO THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA ,tf' BY J:'p.''WICKERSHAM CRAWFORD PROFESSOR OF ROMANIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PHILADELPHIA. 1915 PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA DEPARTMENT OF ROMANIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES Extra Series, No. 4 MY FATHER JAMES CRAWFORD THIS LITTLE VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED 6/2./ d 7 PREFACE. In the belief that a fairly intensive study must be made of the various types of Spanish dramatic literature of the six- teenth century before we can properly appreciate the import- ance of Lope de Vega and his contemporaries, I have here attempted to treat in some detail the development of the pas- toral drama in Spain. I have included in the first chapter only the material which seemed necessary in order to show the sources from which the early plays of Enzina were derived and I have disregarded the comic scenes found in so many plays in which shepherds take part, since these belong, in my opinion, to the history of the farce. In the last chapter, I have merely tried to study pastoral themes up to the time when they were fused into the mythological and lyrical drama by Calderon de la Barca. I gratefully acknowledge my indebted- ness to my friend and colleague. Dr. Hugo Albert Rennert, for valuable suggestions and criticisms. J. P. W. C. 5 CONTENTS PAGE CHAPTER I The Spanish Drama bjefore Enzina 9 CHAPTER II The Plays of Juan del Enzina i8 CHAPTER III Pastoral Plays after Enzina 5i CHAPTER IV The Pastoral Plays of Lope de Vega and Calderon de la Barca 105 7 CHAPTER I. The Spanish Drama before Enzina. It has been generally conceded that the origin of the drama in Spain must be sought in the Church Liturg}'. We have but few examples of early liturgical texts from Spain/ but there is sufficient evidence to prove that the development of the re- ligious drama in Spain was analogous to that of other coun- tries. The Mass in itself is essentially dramatic and it is known that at an early period the Gloria in excelsis was chanted antiphonally. In the ninth century the Antiphonarium of Gregory the Great was enriched by the insertion of new melodies for which certain texts called tropes were composed. A trope preserved in a tenth century manuscript from the Benedictine Abbey of St. Gall ^ contains a colloquy between the Maries and the angel at the sepulchre, and in a like man- ner the OMcium Pastorum was based on a Christmas dialogue about the praesepe or cradle. These tropes show the beginning of the liturgical drama and formed the basis for subsequent dramatic development. In the course of time new elements were added to the scene at the manger, such as the Magi or Tres Reges, a theme closely associated with the adoration of the shepherds. It has been shown that at an early date the liturgical Prophet play was combined with the older Adoration and Magi plays. The origin of the Prophet play is a pseudo-Augustinian sermon. Contra Judaeos, Paganos et Arianos, which was read in the ' Two liturgical Easter texts of the eleventh century from the Mon- astery of Silos, published by K. Lange, Die lateinischen Osterfeiern, Miinchen, 1887, 24 ff., show the beginning of dramatic development. * E. K. Chambers, Mediaeval Drama, 1903, vol. ii, chap, xviii. 9 lO THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA churches at Christmas time and is of such a form as to lend itself readily to dramatic representation.^ The Old Testament witnesses to the coming of Christ were summoned, together with \'ergil, the Sibyl and others who were believed to have foretold the Saviour's advent. Although few liturgical texts have been discovered in Spain, Spanish literature may boast of possessing one of the earliest religious plays in the vernacular, the Auto de los Reyes Mag OS,- probably belonging to the end of the twelfth or early part of the thirteenth century and derived from one of the Latin Ofifices employed at Limoges, Rouen, Nevers, Com- piegne and Orleans. We also have a grave-watcher's song, probably taken from an Easter play, in Berceo's Duelo que fizo la virgen, of the first half of the thirteenth century. Apparently the edict of Pope Innocent III (1210), forbid- ding religious plays because of the secular elements which had been introduced, was not generally observed in Spain, for the oft-quoted passage of the Siete Partidas (1252-1257) expressly permits Christmas, Epiphany and Easter representations with certain restrictions.^ References to these plays in the four- teenth century are rare, but we may assume an uninterrupted development on the basis of documents of the fifteenth century. The Council of Aranda (1473), forbade the introduction of profane elements into religious festivals, but permitted ser- ious performances. In the year 1462, the Constable IMiguel Lucas de Iranzo with two pages performed a mask on Twelfth Night in which the presentation of gifts by the Wise Men to 1 See the five articles of Marius Sepet published in the Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes, vol. xxviii, pp. i and 21 1 ; vol. xxix, pp. 105 and 261 and vol. xxxviii, p. 397. ' For bibliography and discussion of the date, see Grober's Gruudriss der ronianischen Philologie, vol. ii, 2, 1897, p. 400 and James Fitz- maurice Kelly, Historia de la literatura espaiiola, 1913, pp. ii-i3- 3 Partida I, Tit. VI, Ley XXXIV. Quoted by Schack, Historia de la literatura y del arte dramdtico en Espaiia, Madrid, 1885, vol. i. pp. 219-20. THE SPANISH DRAMA BEFORE ENZINA 1 1 the Virgin was represented.' We also have an account of an elaborate Christmas play in Spanish produced by order of the Archbishop and Chapter of Saragossa in 1487 in honor of Ferdinand and Isabella, in which music and dancing formed an important part.- The earliest descendant in Spanish of the Offic'mm Pastorimi which has been preserved is the Representacion del Nacimi- ento de Nuestro Senor by Gomez Manrique,^ written at the request of his sister Maria Manrique and represented by the nuns of the convent of Calabazanos on Christmas Eve, prob- ably between the years 1467 and 1481. Joseph expresses his doubts concerning the purity of Mary and she prays that God may open his eyes to the truth. An angel then appears to Joseph, telling him that he is an arch-fool since Isaiah had prophesied that a virgin would give birth to a child and that the prophecy will be fulfilled in Mary. The latter then ap- pears with the Christ Child in her arms and the announcement of the glad tidings is made to the shepherds who forthwith offer their homage to Jesus. Gabriel, Michael and Raphael then pledge their allegiance to the Virgin and present to the Child the symbols of his Passion. Here the liturgical drama has become secularized but not popularized. The song, para collar al nifio, which closes the play is significant, for similar songs are found in nearly all the later shepherds' plays. It undoubtedly had its origin in the carols which were sung in connection with the Christmas service. No attempt is made to give a realistic picture of the life of shepherds and there is no comic element to detract from the sacredness of the sub- ject. * Jose Amador de los Rios, Historia critica de la literatura espatiola, Madrid, vol. vii, 1865, 476 ff. * Amador de los Rios, ibid., vol. vii, 484 ff., and Schack, ibid., vol. i, pp. 26y-6%. ^ Published by Paz y Melia, Cancionero de Gomez Manrique, vol. i, Madrid, 1885, pp. 198-206. See also Eugen Kohler, Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen, Dresden, 191 1, pp. 3-4- 12 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA We already find the fusion of comic and sacred elements accomplished in a portion of Fr. Inigo de Mendoza's Vita Christi, first published about 1480.^ This is a scene in dialogue form relating the appearance of the angels to the shepherds to announce the Nativity and written in the same lenffuaje villanesco which had been used by the author of the Coplas de Mingo Revulgo. Fray Inigo apologizes in this manner for the use of comic elements in a sacred subject: ^ Por que non pueden estar en vn rigor toda via los archos para tirar, suelenlos desenpulgar alguna piega del dia; pues razon fue declarar estas chufas de pastores para poder recrear, despertar y renouar la gana delos lectores. The shepherds see a figure flying toward them and Juan is thoroughly frightened : ^ Si, para Sant Julian! ya llega somo la pena. Purre el gurron del pan, acoger me he a Sant Millan, que se me eriza la grefia. . . . Another shepherd asks mockingly : Tu eres hi de Pascual, el del huerte cora^on? Torna, torna en ti, zagal, ' A few extracts were published by Menendez y Pelayo in the Anto- iOgia de poelas liricos castellatws, vol. vi, Madrid, 1896, p. ccix ff., and the Vita Christi was published in full by R. Foulche-Delbosc in the Cancionero castellano del siglo XV , vol. i, Nueva Biblioteca de autores espaiioles, vol. xix, Madrid, 1912. ' Cancionero castellayio del siglo XV, p. 22. ^ Ibid., ■p. 18. THE SPANISH DRAMA BEFORE ENZINA i ^ se que no nos hara mal tan adonado gargon ; ponte me aqui ala pareja y venga lo que viniere, que la mi perra bermeja le sobara la pelleja a quien algo nos quisyere. An angel then announces the birth of Christ and bids the shepherds seek the Child in the manger. Juan exclaims, on hearing the song: Minguillo, daca. leuanta, no me muestres mas enpacho, que segund este nos canta alguna cosa muy sancta deue ser este mochacho, y veremos a Maria, que juro hago a mi vida, avn quigal preguntaria en que manera podia estar virgen y parida. Mingo finally consents to obey the summons and tells his com- panion what gifts he should take: mas lieua tu el caramiello, los albogues y el rabe con que hagas al chequiello vn huerte son agudiello, que quiga yo baylare. The same simple rejoicing is shown in the account of another shepherd who relates what he has seen at the manger. It is true that this scene was not represented, but we may look upon it as a faithful transcription of the performances which were given at that time either in the church itself or in the yard. We could hardly conceive of a serious writer in- venting this scene in which the comic element plays so large a part. It is particularly interesting inasmuch as the shepherds here represented have the same characteristics that we find 14 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA in the plays of Enzina and later writers. They speak their own crude language, they are filled with terror at the sight of the angel and star, they sing and dance as they go to the manger and tell of their love for food. It was used as an in- troduction to the Nativity scene, but already we find the shep- herds occupying a disproportionate place. It is difficult to determine definitely the origin of the comic element which was an important factor in the develoi>ment of the Spanisli drama. We know that the reign of the Roman mime did not come to an end with the fall of Rome, nor was his voice silenced by the vigorous protests throughout the Middle Ages by Church Fathers and Church Councils. The frequent references to him, and after the ninth century, to the joculator, his twin-brother, are sufficient proof of his success as an entertainer of an idle crowd. ^ On holidays and at wed- dings, his presence was indispensable, and he even occasion- ally entered the churches to ply his profession. His accom- plishments consisted in singing, playing musical instruments, exhibiting trained animals, astonishing the gaping rustics with acrobatic feats, and sometimes in performing plays. Of the latter we know nothing, save what we may glean from the earliest religious and secular texts. Their performances were often improvised and no one dreamed of preserving their muiiicac ineptiae and more highly developed plays. As Faral has said,- " Perissable comme la joie des banquets et des fetes qu'ils egayaient, I'oeuvre des mimes s'est perdue." The mere fact that we find adultery plays in which the deceived husband is ridiculed both in the repertoire of the Roman mimes and in the early Spanish farces, and that there are striking analogies, as for example, between the Roman stupidus and the Spanish pastor and hobo, is not sufficient to prove that these types are 1 See Reich, Der Mimus, Berlin, 1903, and E. Faral, Les Jongleurs en France au Moyeu Age, Bibliothcque de I'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, vol. 187, Paris, 1910. »P. 14. THE SPANISH DRAMA BEFORE EXZINA i - derived from the early mimes.^ It seems probable, however, that the Spanish juglares inherited from the mimes, " I'esprit mimique, esprit fort riche, qui s'exprime de manieres tres di- verses, par des danses, des scenes muettes, des dialogues," and that the comic scenes in the early religious plays and the secular farces, represent a survival of the ancient spirit of the mimes. According to this theory, the comic elements in the religious plays and the early farces are independent of the liturgical drama." The debate may also be mentioned among the factors whicli contributed to the creation of the drama in Spain. A biblio- graphy recently published ^ shows the popularity of this form which appeared in various literatures under the name of debat, ^ Africanus reproached Origen for accepting as authentic the story of the chaste Susanna since the manner in which Daniel discovered the guilt of the elders was conceived in the spirit of the burlesques of Philistion. Origen replied that if the same argument were valid, the contest of two women before Solomon to prove their right to a child might be placed in the same class. Reich, ibid., vol. i, 2, p. 430. The story of Susanna frequently appeared on the stage in the sixteenth century. It was the subject of Juan de Pedraza's Comedia de Sancta Susanna, published in Gallardo's Ensayo de una biblioteca de libros raros y curiosos, vol. iv, no. 3648. The contest of two women for a child before Solomon is the theme of Diego Sanchez de Badajoz's Farsa de Salomon. ' In an article entitled. The Pastor and Bobo in the Spanish Religions Drama of the Sixteenth Century, published in the Romanic Review, vol. ii, pp. 376-401, I attempted to prove that the comic scenes in the religious plays and certain characters in the farses were derived from the shepherds' plays. M. Faral's book on the jongleurs in France has changed my opinion in the matter. ^ Aloritz Steinschneider, Rangstreit-Literatur, published in the .S'j^- sungsberichte der philosophisch-hi^torischcn Klasse der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaftcn, Wien, 1908, vol. 155. For the Catalan Mascaron, an early example of the debate in Spain, but probably not a play, see J. P. W. Crawford, The Catalan Mascaron and an Episode in Jacob van Maerlant's Merlijn, Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, vol. xxvi, 191 1 and review by G. Huet, Romania, vol. xlii, 1913, pp. 474-75. 1 6 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA disputation, contrasto, dialogue, combat, debate, altercatio, cer- tayncn and coufUctus.^ Many of these debates seem essentially undramatic, such as those between water and wine, the eye and the heart. Carnival and Lent. Summer and Winter, etc. We meet with a number of these themes in early Spanish liter- ature,- especially in the courtly poetry of the fifteenth century, and some of them found their way into the early plays. The Carnival eclogue of Juan del Enzina describes the battle be- tween Carnival and Lent ; the contrasto between a knight and shepherdess which is the basis of the pastourelle mo- tive, is the theme of the same author's first egloga en re- questa de amoves; the discussion concerning the virtues and imperfections of women is found in Enzina's Egloga de tres pa^tores and is the chief subject in Per Alvarez de Ayllon's Comedia Tibalda; the Farsa o cucsi comedia del soldado of Lucas Fernandez contains a dispute as to the relative superiority of military and pastoral life and (jil Vicente's Auto dos quatro tempos and Triumpho do in- verno represent a variant of the well-known Conflictus veris et hiemis. It is evident that the debate was a contributing factor, although it could probably not have produced a drama inde- pendently. Among the literary debates composed in Spain during the fifteenth century, one of the most important is the Dialogo entre el Amor y un vie jo * of Rodrigo Cota. An old man ' Steinschneider, ibid., gives an important list of works dealing with the debate. James H. Hanford has published an article entitled The Debate Element in the Elizabethan Drama in the volume of Anniver- sary Papers in honor of George L. Kittredge, Boston, 1913. * See Elena y Maria (Disputa del clerigo y el caballero) , a thirteenth century poem in Leonese dialect, published by Ramon Menendez Pidal, Reznsta de tilologia espanola, vol. i, 1914, pp. 52-96. ' Reprinted by Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia de poetas liricos castel- lanos, vol. iv, Madrid, 1893, PP- 1-20 and also found in the Caticionero general de Hernando del Castillo, vol. i, Madrid, 1882. Another version which seems to be of a later date was published by Miola, Miscellanea di tilologia e linguistica in memoria di Caix e Canello, Firenze, 1886. THE SPANISH DRAMA BEFORE ENZINA 17 who has retired from the world with its many trials and cares is accosted by Cupid who reproaches him for showing so little respect for his power. The old man replies bitterly that he is well acquainted with the deceits of Love and charges him with causing all the troubles of life. Cupid pleads his own cause so eloquently that the old man proclaims himself a servant of Love, whereupon the tiny god upbraids him for his folly, ridicules his age and promises him untold suffering as his re- ward. The old man then realizes to his sorrow that he has been tricked. There is no doubt that Enzina knew this dia- logue and made use of it in composing his Egloga de CrUti)io y Febea.^ ^ I have not included the Celestina among the precursors of Encina since its influence is found only in one scene of the Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano. CHAPTER 11. The Plays of Juan del Enzina. Juan del Enzina, rightly called the " patriarch of the Span- ish drama," was born in the year 1469, probably at the town of Enzina, near Salamanca.^ He studied at the University of Salamanca, where he probably obtained both his baccalaur- eate and licentiate, since he is mentioned with these degrees in later documents. His Ancto del Repelon, the earliest Span- ish farce known, gives a picture of student life at Salamanca. It is likely that there he came under the influence of Lebrixa to whose Gramatica castellmia Enzina was indebted in the com- position of his Arte de la poesia castellanar A considerable portion of his verse dates from his student days, since he tells us in the dedication of his Cancionero, directed to Ferdinand and Isabella, that his poems were composed between the age of fourteen and twenty-five. His interest in classical studies is attested by his paraphrase of Vergil's Eclogues, dedicated to the young Prince John in 1492. While at the university, he won the favor of its Chancellor, Gutierre de Toledo, who was probably instrumental in secur- ing for him a position in the service of his brother, D. Fadri- que Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba. He probably entered the latter's household in the autumn of the year 1492, since he says in his first eclogue, which was almost certainly composed ^ On the life of Enzina, see Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia de poeias liricos, vol. vii, pp. i-c; Alfredo Alvarez de la Villa, El Aucto del Repelon publicado con un estudio critico-biograiico, Paris, 1913; Eugen Kohler, Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen, Dresden, 191 1, and the introduction to Dr. Kohler's edition of the Rcpresentaciones of Enzina, published in the Biblioteca Roinanica, Strasburg, 1914. I have used the edition of the Teatro completo de Juan del Encina, published by the Spanish Academy at Madrid in 1893. - Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia de poetas liricos, vol. vii, p. iii. 18 THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA jg in that year, that he had recently entered the Duke's service, and he held there the position of musician and court poet until at least the year 1498. During these years, he composed for representation before the Duke of Alba and his household the eight plays included in the first edition of his Cancionero (1496) and also the so-called Egloga de las grandes lluvias, performed on Christmas Eve of the year 1498. The latter play contains a passage from which we may infer that he sought the post of cantor in the Cathedral of Salamanca. We do not know the date of his first journey to Italy. He may have been among the thousands of pilgrims attracted to the Holy City for the Jubilee of 1500, and remained there hoping for preferment from the Valencian Rodrigo Borgia, who had been elevated to the Papacy in 1492 with the title of Alexander VI. We do not know the length of his residence in Rome at this time, except that on September 15, 1502, he obtained an appointment from the Pope to a benefice at Sala- manca, in which document he is described as " Clerigo salman- tino, Bachiller, familiar de S. S. y residente en la curia romana." We do not know whether he assumed these new duties at once, or whether he tarried for some time in Rome. It is evi- dent, however, that he retained the Pope's friendship, for in 1509 he received an appointment from the Papal Nuncio to an archdeaconship and canonship at Malaga and took posses- sion of these offices at the beginning of the year 15 10. He was evidently regarded as an important personage, since he was employed by the Chapter on various missions. However, his relations with the Chapter were somewhat strained, chiefly because he had not taken orders, and also because of his frequent absences from his duties.^ ' On Enzina's life at Malaga, see Rafael Mitjana, Sobre Juan del Encina, rmisico y poeta. Nuevos datos para su biografia. Malaga, 1895, the same writer's article entitled Nuevos docuvientos relatives a Juan del Encina, published in Revista de filologia espanola, vol. i, 1914, pp. 274-288, and Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia, vol. vii. pp. xi-xiii. 20 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA On May 17. 15 12, he obtained the permission of the Chapter to go to Rome, and probably remained there until July of the following year. It is difficult to overestimate the inspiration which Enzina must have received as a result of his visit to the center of artistic and literary activity at the culminating period of the Renaissance. In 1506 the foundation stone of the new St. Peter's had been laid with Bramante as master of the works. Toward the end of the year 151 1, Raphael's fres- coes in the Camera della Segnatura were completed and about a year later Michael Angelo's frescoes on the ceiling of the Sistine Cha^iel were unveiled. Enzina was in Rome when Julius II died and when the son of Lorenzo the Magnificent was elected to the Papacy on March 11, 1513. He must have been in the crowd that witnessed the magnificent ceremony of taking possession of the Lateran on April eleventh, or perhaps took part in the procession as a member of the Papal choir. We do not know when he secured the Pope's favour, but the fact that Leo X aided him in his subsequent career proves that he had a liking for the poet. It is probable that Enzina obtained the Pope's protection because of his accomplishments as a musician, for it is well known that Leo X had a special preference for music, drew to his court the best musicians of Italy and abroad, and raised the Papal choir to a high degree of perfection through his interest and patronage.^ It has been frequently stated that Enzina held the position of Director of tlie Papal choir, but this office was only conferred upon bishops and high ecclesiastics.- We have documentary evidence that he had returned to Ma- laga by August. 1513, and that on March 31, 1514, he an- nounced his intention of returning to Rome. The objections of the Chapter were overruled by a Bull of Leo X (October 14. 1514) : " sobre la diligencia de su ausencia, para que es- ' Dr. Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages. London, 1908, vol. viii, pp. 144-49- * Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, Cancionero musical dc los siglos XV y XVI, Madrid, 1890, p. 27. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 2 1 tando fuera de sii iglesia, en corte de Roma, por suya propria cabsa o ajena, no pudiesse ser privado, molestado ny pertur- bado, no obstante la institvicion, ereccion o estatutos de la dicha iglesia," a document which shows that he had already won the Pope's favour.^ Enzina spent the year 15 15 at Rome, and shortly after his return to Spain, received on May 21, 15 16, an order from the Bishop of Malaga to appear at Valladolid under penalty of ex- communication. We do not know the reason for this sum- mons, but apparently the protection of the Pope continued, for he was appointed to the lucrative post of " Sub Colector de Espolios de la Camara Apostolica " which permitted him to absent himself from his duties at Malaga. Finally, on Feb- ruary 21, 1 5 19, he resigned his position at Malaga and re- ceived in exchange a benefice at Moron. It seems that he never assumed the duties of this latter position, for he was appointed Prior of the church of Leon by the Pope in March of the same year and took possession of that post by proxy, since he was still residing in Rome. He had now reached his fiftieth year and he determined to cast aside worldly afifairs, take orders and go on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He gives an account of this journey in his Tribagia, via sacra de Hicrusaleni, an insipid composition in coplas de arte mayor, published at Rome after his return, in I52i(?). He left Rome in the spring of 1519 and at V^enice met D. Fadrique Enriquez, ]\Iarques de Ribera, who was also on his way to Jerusalem. Enzina describes their journey in great detail. The sight of the sacred places evi- dently produced a profound impression upon the poet, al- though his account betrays no sign of inspiration. He seems to have been in a deeply penitent mood, perhaps for the hetero- doxy and blasphemy contained in the Egloga de Cristino y Febea and Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano, spent three nights in prayer at the Holy Sepulchre and said his first mass on Mount Zion. ^ Menendez y Pelayo, AiUologia, vol. vii, p. xiv. 22 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Returning to Rome in the autumn of 1520, he probably re- mained tliere until 1 526 when his name first appears on the minutes of the Chapter of the church of Leon.^ Documents re- cently discovered show that he was awarded exceptional hon- ours by the Chapter and that he fulfilled his duties as Prior from October 2, 1526 until October 2, 1528. The place of his death, which occurred between January 27, 1529 and January 10, 1530, is not known. In the prologue to the first edition of his Ccmcionero, which appeared at Salamanca in 1496, Enzina complains that he has been obliged to publish his works because many of his com- positions had been so corrupted that he no longer recognized them, and he also wished to silence his detractors, who claimed that his wit was limited to " cosas pastoriles e de poca autori- dad," whereas " no menos ingenio requieren las cosas pastor- iles que otras." He also speaks of these slanderers in his first eclogue.- We are not concerned here with the non-dramatic composi- tions of Enzina. such as the Arte de la poesia castcllana-, his paraphrase of Vergil's Eclogues, the Triimfo de la Fama and the many religious and secular poems found in his own Can- cionero and in other anthologies of the period.^ The first edi- tion of his Cancionero which appeared at Salamanca in 1496, contained the following plays : 1. Egloga representada en la noche de la Natividad de nues- tro Salvador. 2. Hlgloga representada en la mesma noche de Navidad. 3. Representacion a la muy bendita pasion y muerte de nues- tro precioso Redentor. 4. Representacion a la santisima resurreccion de Cristo. ' For Enzina's residence at Leon, see Eloy Diaz-Jimenez y Molleda, Juan del Eticina en Leon, Madrid, 1909. * Teatro complcio de Juan del Encina, ed. by Canete and Barbieri, Madrid, 1893. pp. 6-9. * Menendez y Pelayo studied the lyric poetry of Enzina in his usual masterly way in vol. vii of his Antologia de poetas liricos castellanos. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 23 5. Egloga representada en la noche postrera de Carnal. 6. Egloga representada en la mesma noche de Antruejo o Carnestollendas. 7. Egloga representada en requesta de unos amores. 8. Egloga representada por las mesmas personas. This edition was reprinted at Seville in 1501 and at Burgos in 1505. The edition of the Cancionero which appeared at Salamanca in 1507 contains the following additions: 9. Otra egloga representada en la noche de Navidad (Eg- loga de las grandes lluvias). 10. Otra representacion al nuestro muy esclarecido Principe Don Juan de Castilla, Del Amor. The edition of Salamanca, 1509, contains two additional plays : 11. Otra egloga de tres pastores (Egloga de Fileno, Zara- bardo y Cardonio ) . 12. Coplas del Repelon (Aucto del Repelon). Two plays, (13) Egloga de Cristino y Febea and (14) Eg- loga de Placida y Vitoriano, were not included in any edi- tion of the Cancionero.^ Of these plays, the Passion and Easter representaciones are the direct descendants of the liturgical drama. The two Christmas eglogas (2) and (9) represent, especially in the latter play, the fusion of popular comic elements with the re- ligious drama. In the second Carnival eclogue we find a com- bination of popular elements with a famihar debate theme. This play would properly be treated in a history of the farce in Spain, and the same is, of course, true of the Aucto del Re- pelon. The remaining plays may be divided into three classes according to the source of the pastoral inspiration, i. Popu- lar elements influenced by Vergil's Eclogues, including (i) ^ I have not included in this list the Egloga interlocutoria, attributed to Enzina by Salva, Catdlogo, vol. i. 1872, p. 434- See also Kohler, Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen, pp. 32-34- 24 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA and (5) ; 2. Derived from the Cancionero literature, including {•/), (8) and (lo); Derived from imitation of Italian ec- logues, including (ii), (13) and (14). The first tv^o eclogues were presented on Christmas Eve, probably of the year 1492, in a hall or chapel of the palace of the Duke of Alba.^ They are composed in the rude sayaffu-es ^ dialect in nine-line strophes, with a v-illancico of seven stanzas at the close of the second. The first eclogue serves merely as a prologue to the second. The shepherd Juan enters, extolling the Duke and Duchess. Mateo objects to his presence, de- claring that his works are not worth two straws. Juan replies, promising to publish his poetry which will silence all adverse criticism and concludes with praise of his patrons. This is simpl}' a piece de circonstance, without any dramatic purpose, and designed only to flatter his protectors and at the same time to afford him an opportunity to reply to his detractors. The first idea of the play is probably to be found in the custom of making New Year's gifts with some ceremony, but the form, as well as the idea of treating one's own aflfairs under pastoral disguise, was almost certainly suggested by Vergil's Eclcogues. To the latter. Enzina was also undoubtedly indebted for his use of the word egloga to designate his plays. The two Carnival plays (5) and (6), were performed at the palace of the Duke of Alba on Shrove Tuesday, probably of the year 1494.^ The first, which merely serves as a prologue to the second, is a eulogy of the Duke of Alba in pastoral fashion, suggested by Vergil's fourth eclogue.* It consists of ■ This date, which has been generally accepted by historians of Spanish literature, has been recently questioned by Dr. Eugen Kohler, Siebcn spanische dramatische Eklogen, p. 20, on the ground that Rojas's oft-quoted passage in his Loa de la Comedia does not neces- sarily assign the year 1492 for the representation of Enzina's first play. ' There is good reason to believe that the language used by the shepherds is purely conventional, and not based upon the local dialect of Sayago. See also Morel-Fatio, Romania, vol. x, p. 240. * For a discussion of the date, see Kohler, ibid., pp. 24-25. "^ A somewhat similar production is the eclogue of Francisco de THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 25 a dialogue between Bras and Beneito, probably Enzina him- self, concerning the rumored departure of the Duke of Alba to fight against France, in which the shepherds express the sorrow which they will feel at his absence. Another shepherd, Pedruelo, annovmces that peace has been signed between Spain and France, and the play ends with a villancico. The treaty referred to was negotiated by Ferdinand the Catholic and Charles VIII in September, 1493, according to the terms of which Rousillon was ceded to Spain. The Egloga representada en requesta de utios amores, per- formed before the Duke of Alba and his household, probably on Christmas day, 1494, is conceived in an entirely different spirit from the plays already examined. While the pastoral element in the aforementioned plays is derived from an at- tempt to give a realistic representation of everyday life, the theme of the requesta de iinos amores is found in the Can- cionero literature of the period and is distinctly aristocratic in tone. The shepherd i^Iingo, although married, courts the shep- herdess Pascuala and urges her to accept his love. His plea is interrupted by the arrival of a Knight who soon proves to be a rival. The Knight compliments the maiden upon her beauty, and Pascuala coquettishly replies : Madrid, written toward the end of the year 1494, " en la cual se in- troducen tres pastores : uno llamado Evandro, que publica la paz ; otro llamado Peligro. que representa la persona del rey de Francia Carlos, que quiere perturbar la paz que Evandro publica ; otro llamado For- tunato, cuya persona representa el rey don Fernando, que tambien quiere romper la guerra con el rey de Francia llamado Peligro, y razonan muchas cosas." See Caiiete, Farsas y Eglogas al modo y estilo pastoril y castellano fechas par Lucas Fernandez, Madrid, 1867, p. Iv and Kohler, ibid., pp. 158-60. Later allegorical plays with political subject are the Egloga real compuesta por el Bachiller de la Pradilla (1517). published by Kohler, ibid., p. 209 and the Farsa sobre la con- cordia del Emperador con el Rey de Francia (1529), by Fernan Lopez de Yanguas, analyzed by Cotarelo y Mori, Revista de Archivos, 1902. vol. vii, p. 253 and published by Urban Cronan, Teatro espanot del sigto XVI, Madrid, 1913. I am unable to accept as convincing Sr. Cotarelo's identification of the P>achiller de la Pradilla and Lopez de Yanguas. 26 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Esos que sois do ciudad Perchufais huerte de nos. He promises her wealth if she will accept his love, but Mingo bids her beware of a traitor who has already deceived other maidens. The gentleman threatens him with violence and sneeringly asks of what value is his love since he has nothing to offer her. In reply, Mingo recites a long list of homely gifts ^ whicii l.e will present to her and finally suggests that the shepherdess choose between them. The Knight agrees to this, and Pascuala says: Mia fe, de vosotros dos? Escudero, mi senor, si OS quereis tornar pastor, mucho mas os quiero a vos. The courtier gladly accepts the terms, offers Mingo his friend- ship, and the play ends with a song. The basis of the play is the courtship of a shepherdess by a knight, a theme which we find in its most archaic form in the famous Contrasto of Cielo d'Alcamo, and later in the French pastourelle. The Jeu de Robin et Marion of Adam de la Halle represents the same sort of transition from lyric poetry to drama as we find in this eclogue of Enzina. It is not within the province of this monograph to study the origins of this cele- brated debat amoureux or to attempt to determine its relations with the popular May games.- In the hands of the jongleurs, the tone of the pastourelle became courtly and the great ma- jority of the examples which we possess may be easily recog- nized as the offspring of a knightly minstrelsy. The inlain is 1 A recital of the gifts in courtship seems to be inherent in pastoral poetry. We find it in the eleventh Idyl of Theocritus, in Boccaccio's Ameto and in many later productions. * See Alfred Jeanroy, Les Origines de la pocsie lyrique en France au moyen Age, Paris, 1904, pp. 10-44; Gaston Paris, Review of the same published in the Journal des Savants, 1891-92; Joseph Bedier, Les Fetes de »iai et les commencemens de la poesie lyrique au Moyen Age, Revue des Deux mondes, vol. 135. 1896, pp. 146 fF. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA oj often held up to scorn/ The theme became popular in Por- tugal and also appears in the serranillas of Juan Ruiz, the burlesque element in which is akin to some of the Latin pas- toralia, and in a few charming poems composed by the Mar- ques de Santillana. The requesta de amores theme, which is identical with the pastourelle, is found occasionally in the Cofi- cionero literature of the fifteenth and early sixteenth century. Enzina himself composed a sort of contra\sto between a shep- herd and knight, published in the Cancionero Musical. The pastoral motive as treated in the eclogue is courtly in spirit. In the contest for the fair Pascuala, the shepherd is worsted and his efforts at lovemaking doubtless provoked a laugh from the gentlemen and ladies who witnessed the performance.- It is true that the knight was obliged to don a shepherd's garb in order to win the maiden, but this was merely a literary con- vention. The Egloga representada por las mesmas personas was per- formed after an interval of a year, probably on Christmas day, 1495, and consists of two scenes. In a brief prologue, Mingo expresses his fears on entering the presence of his lord and lady, but encouraged by Gil, ofifers them his gift : Recebid la voluntad, tan buena y tanta, que sobra ; los defetos de mi obra suplalos vuestra bondad. Siempre, siempre me mandad, que aquesto estoy deseando; mi simpleza perdonad, y a Dios, a Dios os quedad, que me esta Gil esperando. The poet here refers to his collected works which were pub- lished at Salamanca the following year. ^ S. L. Galpin, Cortois and Vilain. A Study of the Distinctions made between them by the French and Provencal Poets of the 12th, 13th and 14th Centuries, New Haven, 1905. * In Old French and ProvenQal poetry, the vilain was considered outside the pale of courtly love. See Galpin, ibid., pp. 62-66. 28 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA In rather awkward fashion we are informed that a year has passed since the incidents described in the preceding play. The sliepherd Gil is the knight whom Pascuala had preferred to Mingo, but he wearies of pastoral life and longs to return to the palace with Pascuala. She dons the robes of a lady and astonishes both Mingo and his wife Menga, with her beaut), a transformation which Alingo ascribes to the power of Love, to whom all things are possible. Gil urges Mingo to accom- pany them but the shepherd hesitates, alleging his ignorance of courtly manners and also because he regrets to forsake the simple pleasures of pastoral life, which he apostrophizes in a few lines that reveal true poetic feeling. The idea of be- coming a gentleman appeals, however, to his vanity, and with evident satisfaction he puts on his best clothes and adopts the airs of a courtier. He is also delighted with the transforma- tion in Menga, whom I'ascuala has attired as a lady. The play ends with a song in praise of the omnipotence of Love. Here the well known contrasto on the relative advantages of citv and country life ^ is combined with the theme of the power of Love, frequently treated in the fifteenth-century Can- cioneros and ultimately derived from Ovid's Ars amaioria. The Representacion del Amor deals almost exclusively with the theme of the omnipotence of Love. It was first published in the edition of Enzina's Canc'wnero which appeared in 1507, but was written in 1497 - and performed at Salamanca before Prince John of Castille, probably in honour of his marriage to Margarita of Austria, daughter of Emperor ^Maximilian, which was solemnized at Burgos on April 2. 1497. It consists of forty-five dcc'unas, and was Enzina's first attempt at a strictly court performance. Cupid enters, armed with bow and arrow, asserting his ' This is found in the tenth-century Latin Invitatio amicae, in one of the Carmina buratta and in Luca Pulci's Driadeo d'amore. See Enrico Carrara. La poesia pastorale, Milano, 1909, p. 168. * Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Estudios de historia literaria de Espana, Madrid, 1901, p. 179. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 29 power over all mortals, in terms which closely resemble the boasting loquaciousness of Amor in Rodrigo Cota's Dialogo entre el amor y un mejo. He meets the shepherd Pelayo, who failing to recognize him, asks by whose permission he hunts on forbidden territory. Cupid threatens to punish him for his temerity, Pelayo refuses to heed his warning and is laid low by one of Cupid's arrows. After the tiny god departs, the shepherd Juanillo finds Pelayo lamenting his wound, and on learning the identity of his assailant, severely reproves him for his folly in trying to resist the all-powerful Cupid. A knight who learns the cause of Pelayo's injury expresses sur- prise that the god who had vanquished Solomon, David and Samson should have met with so little respect at the hands of a shepherd. The hapless Pelayo asks anxiously whether his wound is mortal and the knight replies : El Amor es de tal suerte que de mill males de muerte que nos trata, el peor es que no mata. It is evident that in this production Enzina dramatized a theme well known in the Cancionero literature of his time and which was eminently well suited to the celebration of the mar- riage of Prince John. The treatment of the subject is conven- tional and shows no advance in dramatic technique over the earlier productions. An element of burlesque is introduced in the description of the love-sickness of the shepherd Pelayo, which is employed in many of the later pastorals.^ In the ten plays already mentioned, composed before En- zina's first journey to Italy, the author shows no influence of foreign models. His indebtedness to Vergil, which has been ^ We find the resistance offered by a shepherd to Cupid in a play written or staged by Niccolo da Correggio at Ferrara in 1506, which is described as follows : " Veneno poi alcuni pastori de li quali uno im- berbe vilipendendo Cupido et dicendo non credere ni haver tema de le forze sue, et Taltro contrastando cum epso," etc. See Luzio-Renier, Giornale storico delta letteratura italiaiia, vol. xxi, p. 263. 30 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA overestimated by many critics, is limited to his use of the pas- toral form in the prologues to the first Qiristmas eclogue and first Carnival play. The religious plays were the logical out- growth of the liturgical drama, and the pastoral element in the Carnival play was derived from the realistic representa- tion of the shepherds in the Christmas performances. The two eclogues en requesta de unos a mores and the Representacion del Amor represent a dramatization of themes found in the lyric poetry of his own country. We do not know the date of Enzina's first visit to Italy, but it is certain that he was living at Rome in 1502. The in- tense literary activity of Italy must have awakened his interest, particularly the recent innovations in dramatic literature with which he certainly became familiar. The Italian versions of Plautus and Terence which had appeared at Ferrara, Mantua, Rome, Florence and other cities must have attracted his atten- tion, but he was especially interested in a new form of pas- toral drama whicli had been developed, compared with which his own pastoral plays must have seemed crude and unfinished. Poliziano's Orfeo had been performed at the Court of Mantua in 1471, and this was the first of a long series of mythological and allegorical plays, many of which treated political matters or the love affairs of the poet's patron. Bernardo Fulci's translation of Vergil's Eclogues, completed in 1471, was fol- lowed by Italian eclogues composed by Leon Battista Alberti, Girolamo Benivieni, Jacopo Fiorino de' Boninsegni of Siena, Francesco Arsocchi and Boiardo. These were for the most part imitations of Vergil and were not intended for represen- tation. At a little later period, however, it became the fashion to perform pastoral eclogues on festival occasions at the great courts. The eclogues of Serafino Aquilano (1466-1500) were recited in public at Rome ; Galeotto del Carretto praised the election of Alexander VI to the Papacy in an eclogue which was probably represented, and at least several of the eclogues of Antonio Tebaldi or Tebaldeo, composed before 1499, were recited. We shall see that the three plays composed by Enzina after his first visit to Rome, namely, the Egloga de tres pas- THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZLNA 31 tores (or de Fileno, Zambardo y Cardonio), Egloga de Cris- tino y Febea and Egloga de Placida y Vitorimio, show the in- fluence of Italian literature, and that one of them is directly derived from an Italian eclogue. The Egloga de tres pastores, otherwise known as Egloga de Fileno, Zambardo y Cardonio, was first published in the 1509 edition of Enzina's Cancionero. Various dates have been as- signed for the composition of this play. Caiiete declares that it was written between 1505 and 1509. Sr. Cotarelo y Mori assigns it to 1497 o^i the ground that Lucas Fernandez refers to it in his Farsa o cuasi coinedia del soldado, which must have been composed in that year since it contains a reference to En- zina's Representacion del Amor, performed in the year 1497.^ We may accept Dr. Kohler's argument that the passage in Fernandez's play does not necessarily refer to Enzina's Repre- sentacion del Amor,~ and the fact that the Egloga de tres pas- tores is derived from an eclogue of Antonio Tebaldeo which was not published until 1499, offers conclusive proof that it must be dated during or after Enzina's first visit to Italy. Dr. Kohler argues" that it was composed between 1507 and 1509 on the ground that it would have been published in the edition of the Cancionero which appeared in the former year if it had been written at that time. This date is the most satisfactory which we can arrive at with the evidence at hand, although I am inclined to believe that it was composed during Enzina's first residence in Italy as the conditions for the performance of such a play were more favourable at Rome than in Spain. The argument of the Egloga de tres pastores is briefly as follows. The shepherd Fileno tells his friend Zambardo of the sorrow which the indifiference of the shepherdess Cefira has caused him and asks to be allowed to relate his troubles. Zambardo ofifers to aid the unhappy lover, but though the spirit ' Cotarelo y Mori, Estudios de Historia literaria de Espaiia, Madrid. 1901, pp. 168-171. ' Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen, p. 45. ^ Ibid., pp. 34-35- 32 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA is willing, tlie flesh is weak, for he falls asleep while Fileno pours out the story of the wrong he must endure. When Fileno sees that he can receive no sympathy in that quarter, he bursts out in a furious invective against the god of Love, and then summons his friend Cardonio, telling him the cause of his sufl^ering. Cardonio counsels moderation, objecting that his friend blames all women for the cruelty of one. This is followed by a sort of contrasto, in which Fileno attacks women with the bitterness of Boccaccio in the Corbaccio. to which he himself refers. Cardonio replies, alleging the virtues of women and mentioning those who are held in esteem by men. Car- donio then declares that he must leave Fileno in order to look after his flock. As he departs, Fileno intimates that he will not long survive his sorrow^ When left alone, he curses Ce- fira,' takes a touching farewell of his flock and pipe, calls upon death in rhetorical fashion and stabs himself. Cardonio, anxious over the condition of Fileno, returns to the spot and sees him lying on the ground, his body stained witli blood. He breaks out into mourning over the death of his friend, calls Zambardo to aid in the burial and inscribes an epitapli over the tomb of Fileno. The play is composed in eighty-eight octaves in coplas de arte mayor, Enzina's first and only attempt to use this meter for dramatic composition. It shows more power and serious- ness of purpose than Enzina had hitherto displayed. Love is here no trifling matter, as in the two eclogues en requesta de loios amores, but a consuming passion which drives the hapless Fileno to his death. The dialogue is well sustained, although the language is stilted. It is the first tragedy of the Spanish theatre and occupies the same position in the drama as the Carcel de Amor of Diego de San Pedro in Spanish fiction. It ' The stanza commencing, Maldigo aquel dia, el vies y aun el ano, p. 218 of the Teatro completo, resembles some of the fifteenth-century Italian rispetti beginning with the word maledetto. See D'Ancona, La Pocsia popolare italiana, Livorno, 1906, p. 510 and R. T. Hill, The Emteg and Plaser, Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, vol. xxx, 1915, p. 50. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 33 won the approval of Juan cle Valdes in the Dialogo de la len- gua, although he preferred the Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano. The Egloga de tres past ores shows an enormous advance in dramatic art over earlier Spanish plays, due to the use of Italian material, but at least one episode is a reminiscence of his own Christmas eclogues, namely, the scene at the opening in which Zambardo falls asleep while Fileno is mourning his unrequited love for Cefira. It is interesting to find the bur- lesque element appearing in what we may rightly consider the first serious Spanish play. The dispute between Fileno and Cardonio concerning the relative virtues and vices of women is the first example of the dramatic treatment of a theme which occupied to so great a degree the attention of the misogynistic and philogynistic poets of the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- turies ^ and which is later encountered in the Farsa del matri- vionio of Diego Sanchez de Badajoz, the Couiedia Tibalda of Per Alvarez de Ayllon and other plays. Menendez y Pelayo, having in mind only the Cassaria and / Suppositi of Ariosto, the Calandria of Cardinal P>ibbiena and the Mandragola of Machiavelli, denied the influence of Italian literature upon the Egloga de tres pastores and declared that the tragic denouement was suggested by the Celestina ' and Car eel de Amor. Dr. Kohler denies the influence of these Spanish works ^ and cites three Italian plays, the plots of which resemble somewhat the argument of Enzina's eclogue. These are the Filauro by Bernardo Filostrato, an Egloga pastorale of Baldassare Taccone and the Egloga pastorale di Flavia. Of the first of these nothing is known except that it was called atto tragic o by Crescimbeni. In the second, Phileno relates that he is in love with a nymph who prefers the service of * See A. Farinelli, Note sulla fortuna del Corbaccio nella Spagtui medievale, published in Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie, Festgabe fiir Adolfo Mussaffia, Halle, 1905, pp. 401-60 and Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia, vol. v. * Antologia, vol. vii, pp. Ixxxvi-xc. ^ Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogeu, pp. 126-129. 34 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Diana to that of \'enus and when his friend Aminta wishes to lead him away, the unhappy lover objects, preferring to die rather than abandon the search for his nymph. Still closer, says Dr. Kohler, is the resemblance between Enzina's play and the Egloga pastorale di Plavia} Fileno tells his friend Silverio of his hopeless love for a nymph and on remaining alone, is about to take his life when the maiden arrives opportunely to stay his hand, declaring that women can not declare their feel- ings and that they must be understood although they do not speak. It is true that there is a slight similarity between these compositions, but none of them can in any way be regarded as the source of the Egloga de tres pastores.^ The source of the Egloga de tres pastores is the second ec- logue •' of Antonio Tebaldi or Tebaldeo, who was born at Fer- ' This eclogue must have been composed before 1503. See Carrara, La poesia pastorale, p. 214. Dr. Kohler, following Carducci, Su I' Aminta del T. Tasso, Firenze, 1896, assigns it to the year 1528. Through the kindness of my friend, Mr. Vincenzo di Santo, I have a copy of the Egloga di Flavia, preserved at the Biblioteca Communale of Siena in the collection of Commedie dei Rozzi, with the catalogue number, Q, VII, 47. 'The similarity in the name Fileno proves nothing since it is found in many of the early Italian eclogues. Senor Cotarelo, in his Estudios de historia literaria, p. 170, mentions the following Italian play, a copy of which was found by Gallardo in the Biblioteca Colombina, which he assumes to be a translation, imitation or extract of Enzina's play, basing his opinion on the similarity of the names Fileno and Saphyra (Cefira) : Egloghn pastorica asdruciolo di Phylenio Gallo da Montiauo. Interlocutori, Phylenio et Saphyra, Nympha. Stampata in Siena p. M. di B. F. XXX de luglio 1524. He also includes this play as Number 147 among the rare Italian works published in his Catdlogo de ohras drama- ticas, impresas, pero no conocidas hasta el presente con un apendice sobre algunas piezas raras 6 no conocidas de los antiguos teatros f ranees c italiaito, Madrid, 1902. This play by the Sienese Phylenio Gallo, com- posed as early as 1497, has been reprinted by Percopo, La prima imita- sione del I'Arcadia, Napoli, 1894. It has nothing common with Enzina's eclogue except the names of the chief characters. ' I pointed out the source of this play in an article entitled The Source of Juan del Eiuina's Egloga de Fileno y Zamhardo, published in the Revue Hispanique, vol. xxx, 1914. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL EN Z IN A 3- rara in 1463.^ He resided at the court of the Este family and served as preceptor in ItaHan poetry to the Princess Isabella. In the year 1496 he went to Mantua where he remained four years under the protection of the Marquis Francesco. Toward the end of 1499 he returned to Ferrara and became the secre- tary of Lucrezia Borgia. He went to Rome about the year 15 13, where he became intimate with Bembo, Castiglione and Raphael. When the Imperial troops sacked the Holy City in 1527, he lost all his property and became the bitter enemy of Charles V. He died on November 4, 1537. His Italian verse, consisting of four pastoral eclogues, epistles in terza rinia and some three hundred sonnets, the extravagant conceits of which make him a precursor of the poets of the Seicento," were pub- lished in 1499 t>y his cousin Jacopo Tebaldeo, without the author's knowledge. His verses were highly esteemed by his contemporaries and eleven editions of his Italian poetry ap- peared between 1499 and 1550. It is likely that his eclogues were intended for representation, for we know that one of which he was the author was performed at Ferrara during the Carnival of 1506,^ and another in 1505. To Tebaldeo has been generally attributed the rifacimento in five acts of Poliziano's Orfeo. His second eclogue consists of 251 lines in terza rima.* The ' For the biography of Tebaldeo, see Vittorio Rossi, // Quattrorento, Milano, pp. 389-391 ; Luzio-Renier, La coltura e le relacioni lefterarie di Isabella d'Este Gonsaga, Giomale storico della litteratura italiana, vol. xxxiii, 1899, pp. 1-62; F. Cavicchi, Intorono al Tebaldeo, Giorn. stor. della let. ital., supplenicnto, no. 8, 1905; D'Ancona, Studj sulfa letteratura italiana de'primi secoli, pp. 191-202 and E. G. Gardner, Dukes and Poets in Ferrara, New York, pp. 470-76. - See D.'Ancona, Del secentismo nella poesia cortigiana del secolo XV, in Studj sulla letteratura italiana de'primi secoli, Ancona. 1884. * G. Campori, Notizie per la vita di L. Ariosto, Firenze, 1871, p. 67 and Giorn. stor. della let. ital., vol. xxxi, 1898. p. 115. * The text which I have used is contained in Vol. XVI of the Parnaso italiano, Egloghe boscherecce del secolo XV-XVI, Venezia, 1785, pp. 30-35. 36 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA interlocutors are two shepherds, Tirsi and Damone. Tirsi asks Dainone the cause of his sorrow. Damone in reply asks to be left alone for he can no longer enjoy the society of men and bids his friend inquire no further concerning the reason of his grief. Tirsi pleads that their long friendship justifies this confidence and again asks him to reveal his secret. Damone rather brusquely replies that he wishes to be alone, and Tirsi, apologizing for having been insistent, says that he will go to look after liis flock. When Damone remains alone, he declares that he is ready for death since Amarilli turns a deaf ear to his wooing. As he stabs himself, he bids a tender farewell to his sheep, now left without a shepherd, and with his last breath pardons the maiden for her cruelty. Tirsi returns, still worried over the change which has come about in his friend. He sees Damone lying on the ground and his sheep scattered. On drawing nearer, he sees the pool of blood in which he lies and the dagger in his heart. He tenderly mourns his death and reproaches himself for having left the love-lorn Damone. He prepares the body for burial and com- poses an epitaph for his tomb. It is of interest to note the changes made by Enzina in adapt- ing this eclogue. He expands the Italian work of two hundred and fifty-one lines into a play consisting of thirty-seven pages in the printed version. He introduces a third character, the shepherd Zambardo, probably in order to give greater variety and also because it afforded him an opportunity for comic effect. While in the original, Damone refuses to disclose the cause of his grief and accuses his friend with being importu- nate, in the Spanish play Fileno is only too ready to confide in the other two shepherds. Enzina transformed into a real play what is hardly more than a literary exercise. The long dis- cussion between Fileno and Cardonio regarding the virtues and imperfections of women is not found in the Italian work. When the love-sick shepherd remains alone, however, the simi- larity l:)etween the two eclogues is marked as a few examples will prove. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 37 Cardonio says that he must look after his flock : ^ Tambien porque me es, Fileno, forzado que vaya esta noche dormir al lugar, y con mi ida poner el ganado do lobo ninguno lo pueda tocar. Tirsi takes leave of Damone : ^ Rimanti in pace, ch'io me ne vo via: tornar vo' al gregge, che il lupo rapace facilmente assalire ora il potria. Fileno bids farewell to his flock and stabs himself :^ Solo el partir de tu compaiiia me causa pasion, oh pobre ganado ! mas place a Cupido que quedes sin guia, al cual obedezco a mal de mi grado. Se que los lobos hambrientos contino, por ver si me parto, estan asechando. Ay triste de mi, que fuera de tino la lumbre a mis ojos se va ya quitando ! Damone also foresees the destruction of his sheep : * Povero armento mio ! Chi fia tua guida da poi che il tuo pastor da te si parte? Quando piu troverai scorta si fida? Gia parmi di veder tutto straziarte da'lupi ch'ognor stanno intenti e pronti aspettando ch'io vada in altra parte. Mai piu non ti vedro per questi monti pascer le tener'erbe, e al tempo estivo scacciar la sete a questi freschi fonti. Tu puoi viver sicur mentrc son vivo; ma il mi convien morire; ond'io ti lasso: Amor vuol che di me tu resti privo. ' Teatro covtpleto, p. 212. 2 Tebaldeo, 11. 46-48. ' Teatro completo, p. 219. * Tebaldeo, 11. 17^187. 38 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA In the Spanish play. Cardonio returns anxiously to the spot where he has left his friend : ^ Oh Dios, cuanto se es Fileno mudado de aquello que era desde agora dos anos ! Y como le ha Cefira trocado con sus palabrillas, burletas y enganos! Quiero tornar, per oirle siquiera quejar de Cupido y su poca fe, y porque cierto jamas no debiera dejarle del son que yo le deje. In like manner, Tirsi returns to Damone: ^ Quanto e Damon mutato da quel ch'era ! Gia viver senza me non sapea un giorno ; or fugge com'io fussi un'aspra fiera: ma fermo io nel pensier di far ritorno la dove il lasciai pien d'afflizione, e star nascosto a quel boschetto intorno, tanto che intender possa la cagione de I'interna sua pena aspra ed acerba, per cui fugge la luce e le persone. Cardonio sees Fileno lying motionless on the ground : ' Veslo do yace en la yerba tendido. Ay, que he tenido contino temor que solo algun lobo no lo haya hallado! mas quiza durmiendo su pena e dolor mitiga, dejandole el Uoro cansado. In like manner, Tirsi sees the prostrate body of Damone : * Ecco che giace la disteso in erba: veggo disperse andar tutto il suo armento : forse il dolor dormendo disacerba. ' Teatro completo, pp. 22021. 2 Tebaldeo, 11. 194-202. ^Teatro completo, p. 221. * Tebaldeo, 11. 203-205. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 39 Cardonio steals up to him noiselessly and sees blood on Fileno's chest and the dagger by which he has met his death : ^ Mejor es salir de tanto dudar, y ver bien si duerme o qu'es lo que hace. La boca cerrada por no resollar . . . Y es sangre aquella que en su pecho yace? Sin duda el es muerto de algun animal del modo que siempre yo, triste, he temido. Oh Venere sancta! Y aquel es punal que tiene en el lado siniestro metido ! Oh triste Fileno, y cual fantasia te ha conducido a tan aspera suerte ! This is almost a literal translation of the Italian text : ^ Andero a lui col pie tacito e lento : tener bisogna ben chiuse le labbia. Oime! parmi il terren sanguinolento. Temo che morto qualche animal I'abbia, trovandol qui dormir soletto e stance, che molti vengon per gran fame in rabbia. Che ferro e quel ch'ha nel sinistro fianco? Ahi misero Damon, come t'hai morto? Come in brev' ora sei venuto manco ? Cardonio reproaches his friend for having left him without even an embrace : ^ Pues dime, enemigo, por que me negaste el ultimo abrazo, siendote hermano? o cual es la causa que no me tocaste, como era razon, a! menos la mano.'' Compare with this Tebaldeo's eclogue : •* Deh, perche almen la mano non mi toccasti, dicendo : resta in pace, Tirsi fido? Perche I'ultimo bacio a me negasti? ^Teatro completo, pp. 221-22. 2 Tebaldeo, 11. 206-214. ' Teatro completo, p. 222. * 11. 224-26. 40 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Cardonio declares that Fileno's reputation in the world will suffer because of his suicide: * y peor es que. siendo por sabio estimado, luego que sea tu muerte sabida, de todos seras por loco juzgado; porque el fin es aquel que honra la vida. Tirsi expresses the same regrets concerning Damone : * Che si dira, quando fia sparso il grido : Damon s'e ucciso con sua propria mano, come gia per Enea I'infausta Dido? Tu sarai da ciascun chiamato insano ch'eri f ra noi tenuto il piu prudente : il fine e quel che loda il corso humano. The epitaphs placed upon the tomb of Fileno and of Damone also show a marked similarity. The indebtedness of Spanish to Italian literature of the six- teenth century has been frequently pointed out in fiction, lyric and epic poetry, comedy and tragedy, and it is interesting to note that one of the earliest Spanish pastoral plays is borrowed from an Italian eclogue. This fact becomes even more signifi- cant when we remember that the Egloga de tres pastores is the first tragedy in the Spanish drama and contains incidents which were frequently repeated in subsequent plays.^ * Teatro completo, p. 222. 2 Tebaldeo, 11. 227-32. The fact that Enzina's play is derived from an Italian eclogue serves to confirm the theory that the egloghe rapprescMtative were the ultimate source of the Italian pastoral drama, which was first clearly stated by Vittorio Rossi in his excellent book, Battista Guarini ed il Pastor Fido, Torino, 1886. Carducci, in his essay, Su I'Aminta di T. Tasso, Firenze, 1896, refused to accept these conclusions and tried to prove that the Arcadian drama was a creation of the literary and courtly circles of Ferrara and that the precursors of the Aniinta are to be sought in Reccari's Sacrifizio and Giraldi Cintio's Egle. iRossi discussed the theory of Carducci in the Giornale storico della letteratiira italiana, vol. xxxi, 1898, p. 108, and reaffirmed his belief that the eclogue was capable of developing into real drama. Enzina's use of Tebaldeo's eclogue shows how simple the transformation might be. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZISA 41 The Egloga de Cristino y Febea was not published in any edition of Enzina's Cancionero, and the unique copy from which it was reprinted by Barbieri bears no date. Lucas Fer- nandez refers to it as follows in speaking of the ills caused by Love in his Farsa cuasi comedia del soldado: ^ Y aim Cristino en religion se metio y dejo su hato. Despues Amor de rebate le saco de su intencion ; enviole mensajera muy artera que lo tentase de amor, Ninfa llamada Febera, muy artera, y volviole a ser pastor. Since this play of Fernandez was published in 15 14, Enzina's egloga must have been printed before that date, perhaps in 1509 as Barbieri conjectured.^ I believe that it was composed during Enzina's first visit to Italy and that it was performed at Rome. In addition to the Italian elements in the play which would support this view, it bespeaks a court production of the kind common in Rome at the time but unknown in Spain.^ The shepherd Cristino tells his friend Justino that he is ' Farsas y eglogas al modo y cstilo pastoril y castellatio, Madrid, 1867, p. 94. ' For a discussion of the date, see Kohler, Sieben spa>iische drama- tische Eklogen, pp. 44-45 and 61. Dr. Kohler has proved conclusively, in my opinion, that the date 1497 ascribed to the play by Cotarelo is in- correct. ' We can not accept without further evidence the statement of Dr. Kohler. Representacioncs dc Juan del Encinu, p. 15, based upon the Historia de Malaga of Francisco Guillen Robles and also mentioned in Narcisco Diaz de Escovar's El Teatro en Malaga. Malaga, 1896, that public performances in Malaga date from 1490, that after 1513 the Real Hospital de la Caridad became the beneficiary of these representa- tions, and that Enzina's plays could have been produced publicly dur- ing his residence in that city. See the excellent work of Henri Meri- mee. Spectacles et Comediens a Valencia, 1913, p. 22). 42 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA weary of life with its bitter disai>pointments and wishes to do penance in a hermitage for his faults. Had he suffered as many pains for God as he had experienced in love affairs and with his patrons, he would be canonized. Justino is sceptical as to the vocation of his friend and reminds him of the de- lights of pastoral life which he must abandon. Cristino re- mains unshaken in his purpose and departs to don the garb of a hermit. Cupid then appears before Justino, furious that Cristino has renounced worldly pleasures. He summons the nymph Febea and bids her dissuade the shepherd from his in- tention, promising to make him suffer for his temerity. The n>Tnph forthwith presents herself at the hermitage and argues that one may serve God as well in the world as in religion : Vivir bien es gran consuelo, con buen celo, como Santos gloriosos : no todos los religiosos son los que suben al cielo ; tambien serviras a Dios entre nos ; que mas de buenos pastores hay que frailes y mejores, y en tu tierra mas de dos. This cunning argimient, however, has little effect upon the pious hermit. Febea draws near and Cristino shrinks from her touch, not from displeasure but through fear of gossip. The nymph offers her love and Cristino tries to resist the temptation, but we feel that the Church is in grave danger of losing one of her own. He complains bitterly against Cupid who has pursued him to his place of refuge and the god ap- pears, promising to accord any favour. The shepherd offers to discard his hermit's garb, provided that he be granted the love of Febea. Cupid agrees to the condition, but warns him to never again think of the religious life. When Cristino meets Justino. he tells him of the temptations to wdiich he has been subjected, and his companion comforts him with the re- THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 43 mark that after all. only centenarians are suited for the life of a hermit : Las vidas de las hermitas son benditas, mas nunca son hermitanos sino viejos de cient aiios. Cristino agrees, although somewhat mortified by the thought of the scandal likely to arise from his apostasy, but even this is forgotten in his delight at escaping from a life which was tiresome and ill-suited to him. It has been suggested that the play is to a certain degree autobiographical, a theory which seems to have good grounds of probability. The anti-clerical tone, the revolt against ascetic doctrines, the statement that the religious life is only adapted to old men, and that there are more good shepherds (the author really means courtiers) in the world than friars, may be ascribed to Enzina's contact with the free ideas current in Italy at the time. The influence of Rodrigo Cota's Dialogo entre el Amor y un viejo is clear, but the author made certain innovations not found in earlier Spanish literature. The ap- pearance of the nymph in the play is due to Enzina's ac- quaintance with Italian literature, for no figure is more fre- quently found in the Italian eclogues of the period. The poet's lack of familiarity with this type is shown by the fact that she appears at Cupid's summons as a supernatural crea- ture, yet on the earnest plea of Cristino, he is promised her love by Cupid. The Egloga de Cristino y Febea may be re- garded as a play using Spanish material, conceived in the Italian spirit. Enzina's last dramatic composition, the Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano, was not published in any edition of his Cancionero and the unique original copy has neither date nor place of pub- lication. Moratin mentions a Roman edition of 15 14, but nothing further is known of its existence. It is almost certain, however, that this is the play referred to in a letter of Stazio Gadio to the Marquis Francesco of Mantua, dated January 11, 44 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA 1513: " Zovedi a YI. festa de li Tre Re, il sr. Federico ... si redusse alle xxiij hore a casa dil Cardinale Arborensis, invi- tato da lui ad una commedia. . . . Cenato adunche si redus- seno tutti in una sala, ove si havea ad representare la com- media. II pto. Rmo. era sedendo tra il sr. Federico, posto a man dritta, et lo Ambassator di Spagna a man sinistra et molti vescovi poi a torno, tutti spagnoli ; quella sala era tutta piena di gente, e piu de le due parte erano spagnoli, e piu putane spagnole vi erano che homini italiani, perche la commedia fu recitata in lingua castiliana, composta da Zoanne del Enzina, qual intervene lui ad dir le forze et accidenti di amore, et per quanto dicono spagnoli non fu molto bella et pocho deletto al Sr. Federico." ^ This document shows that Enzina was not only the author of the play presented on Twelfth Night, 15 13, but that he also took part in the performance. Cardinal Ar- borea, at whose house the play was performed, was the Valen- cian Jaime Serra, elevated to the College of Cardinals by Alex- ander VI in 15 10.- It is true that Julius II preferred scenes of battle to the theatre, but he was a patron of plays and we have many docu- ments whicii attest the performance of comedies and eclogues ' First published by A. Luzio in an article entitled Federico Gonzaga ostaggio alia corte di Giulio H, Archivio della R. Societd romana di storia patria, Vol. IX, 1881, p. 550. It was mentioned by Arturo Graf, Attraverso il Cinquecento, Torino, 1888, pp. 264-65, who incorrectly ascribes the performance to August, 1513. Senor Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia de poetas liricos castellanos, Vol. VII, p. xiii, quoting from Graf, declares that Enzina could not have witnessed the performance of the play since documents show that he had returned to Spain by August 13, 1513. It was first identified as the Egloga de Placida y Vi- toriano by A. L. Stiefel, Zeitschrift fiir romanischc Philologic, Vol. X\-II. 1893. p. 586. ' Creizenach, Geschichte des neueren Dramas, Vol. Ill, Halle, 1903, p. 100. In the Conclave of March 10, 1513, two months after the per- formance of Enzina's play, Serra received the highest number of votes to succeed Julius II. althougli apparently no one thought seriously of his election to the Papacy. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 45 at Rome during the years that he occupied the Papacy.' The wealthy banker Agostino Chigi, " the Rothschild of his time ", encouraged Siennese companies to perform popular comedies at Rome - and plays of this sort became one of the chief diver- sions of the entourage of Julius II and of his successor Leo X. The presence of women of the demi-monde with a goodly array of Cardinals at the performance of Enzina's play will sur- prise no one who has read of the private life at Rome in the early years of the sixteenth century.^ The Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano opens with a prologue recited by Gil Cestero, who addressing the coinpana nobre and especially nuestro amo (probably Cardinal Arborea), gives an outline of the plot and asks for attention. The play may be divided into ten scenes or two acts, since a villancico is sung after the fourth scene. Placida mourns because she beheves herself abandoned by her lover Vitoriano. His absence makes her long for death and at the same time she curses him for his treachery. In her anguish, she calls for her recreant lover and determines to flee to the mountains and dark groves where the wild beasts, the springs and rivers will have pity upon her grief. After she withdraws, Vitoriano appears, complaining that he has been unable to escape from the bonds which unite him to his mis- tress since absence has only increased his love for her and she is ever present in his thoughts. He seeks the counsel of his 1 See D'Ancona. Origini del teatro italiano. Vol. II. Torino, 1891, pp. 75-83. 2 We know, for example, of a dinner given in July, 1512, by Chigi to Federico Gonzaga, " e nanti si cominciasse a cenare, se f ece fare una Representatione pastoral, recitata da alcuni putti e putte senesi, che molto bene dissero, e fu bella materia." DWncona, Origini, Vol. II, p. 81. On the Congrega dei Rozzi of Siena and its predecessors, see C. Mazzi. La Congrega dei Rozzi di Sienn nel seeolo XVI. 2 vols, Firenze. 1882. ' See in this connection the interesting essay of Arturo Graf, Una Cortigiana fra mille, contained in his volume entitled Attraverso U Cin- quecento, Torino, 1888. 46 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA friend Suplicio who urges liiin to forget the old love by taking up a new one ^ and suggests that he court the fair Flugencia. Vitoriano agrees to this with some reluctance and Suplicio promises to arrange the meeting. In the next scene, Vitoriano greets Flugencia with flatter- ing words which she at first pretends to doubt. He presses his suit, praising her beauty and telling of the sorrow which her indifference causes him. She makes sport of his protesta- tions, but coquettishly gives him reason to hope that his desires will be gratified. The scene is skilfully represented and shows Enzina at his best as a dramatist. The next scene, derived from the Celestitia, has almost no connection with the rest of the play and was well suited to the puttane spagmwle who witnessed the performance at Rome. Flugencia meets and exchanges obscene jokes with the coma- dre Eritea, an infamous hag, expert in magic love potions, abor- tions and even more disgraceful practices. Vitoriano, how- ever, tells Suplicio that Flugencia can never make him forget his love for Placida and that he would rather die a thousand times than break his faith with her. Vitoriano departs to seek Placida, leaving Suplicio alone who bitterly reproaches Cupid for having wrought this transformation in his friend. Vitoriano returns in great anguish, for a shepherd has told him that he has seen Placida seeking some lonely place and lament- ing the infidelity of her lover. He determines to die since he has treated her so cruelly. While Suplicio is questioning the shepherd Pascual, Vitoriano slips away. The next scene, which serves as an interlude, consists of a dialogue between Gil and Pascual which by its realistic tone resembles the rude representation of shepherds found in En- zina's Christmas plays. The burlesque purpose of the scene is evident. They talk about the strange conduct of Placida and Vitoriano and when Gil remarks that he pities them for their misfortunes, Pascual replies: ' This passage, Teatro completo, p. 273, is derived from Ovid's Reme- dia avwris, Book II, pp. 452-460. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 47 Dalos a rabia y a roiia los de villa y palaciegos ! El amor los endimona. Peores son que ponzona, todos son unos rapiegos lladrobaces que nunca querrian paces. Dies les de malos sosiegos. They sit down to play dice and Gil forfeits his basket, but the game is interrupted by the strains of a reed-pipe and they re- tire, singing a villancico. Placida appears, lamenting her cruel fate and desirous only of death since she has lost the love of Vitoriano. With bitter reproaches which recall those of the abandoned Dido,^ she plunges into her heart the dagger which had been left behind by Vitoriano, calling upon Cupid to receive her sacrifice. Vi- toriano enters, mourning the absence of his sweetheart, but Echo alone replies to his laments.^ He comes upon the corpse of Placida, becomes deathly pale and is overwhelmed with grief when he learns that she had committed suicide with his own dagger. He desires to take his life but his friend Sup- licio restrains him, asking whether he wishes to lose his soul as well as his body, and only consents to leave Vitoriano alone on the promise that he will do himself no injury. This scene is followed by the long and tiresome Vigilia de la enamorada muerta, a sacrilegious parody of the prayers for the dead in which the god Cupid is invoked. The fact that parodies of this kind were composed by a number of Enzina's contemporaries does not mitigate the offense but serves to ex- plain it. Probably the most famous example of this type is found in the Liciones de Job of Garci Sanchez de Badajoz and a similar irreligious spirit animates the Siete gozos de amor of ' See R. Schevill, Studies in Cervantes, Persiles y Sigismunda, Trans- actions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. XIII. 1908, p. 486. ' This metrical exercise is also found in the Cancionero general. Vol. n, p. 21. 48 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Rodriguez del Padron, the Diez mandamicntos de amor, el Pater Noster de las mujeres and certain coplas of Mossen Gai^uU. aplicando el salmo De Profundis a sus pasiones de amor, all of which are contained in the 151 1 edition of the Cancionero general.^ This is followed by a sort of interlude between Gil, Pascual and Suplicio. The rude shepherds distrust SupHcio at first and show little interest when they learn that Placida has put an end to her life. They refuse to aid in her burial until they have had a nap. He leaves in despair and the scene changes to Vitoriano who commends his soul to \'enus as he is about to end his life. Venus, however, appears and stays his hand, assuring him that Placida is not really dead and that if he will have faith, she will restore her to life. She summons Mer- cury, bidding him to bring the soul of Placida back to her l)ody; Mercury recites an incantation and vanishes. Vitori- ano, scarcely able to believe the evidence of his own eyes, sees the maiden gradually recover her faculties. She tells him that she has returned from the other world where she had learned that she would soon be joined by him. He shows her the dag- ger as proof that he had determined to die and Placida offers up thanksgiving to God and also to Venus, Mercury and Cupid, for their kind offices. In the following scene, Suplicio returns with Gil and Pas- cual to inter the body of Placida, planning a suitable place for the burial, while Suplicio is already composing the epitaph when they see a man and woman in the distance who Gil thinks must be Juan and Benita. To their great surprise, they recog- nize Vitoriano, and Placida, apparently none the worse for her experience. Vitoriano can oft'er no explanation for the mir- ' Mario Equicola in his Libro di natura damore, Venezia, 1531, fol. 191V., says: " Non lauclo tra Spagnoli ne in altra natione quelli che le cose sacre et divine alii amori appropriano." These parodies are akin to the Old French Epitres farcies. See also E. Faral, Les Jongleurs en France au May en Age, Paris, 1910, p. 32 and D'Ancona, Orit/inj del teatro italiano, Vol. I, 1891, p. 67. THE PLAYS OF JUAN DEL ENZINA 49 acle but tells how his ardent desire has been fulfilled by Venus and Mercury. The play ends with a dance/ The reader need not be surprised at the unexpected denoue- ment, for the pastoral drama frequently defied all laws of probability. It will be remembered that in Tasso's Antdnta, Silvia has a remarkable escape from a wolf and Aminta him- self, when attempting suicide by leaping from a high cliff, gets off with a few scratches. Many shepherds and shepherdesses in the Italian eclogues were eager for death, but someone usu- ally intervened to prevent what must otherwise have resulted in a high mortality rate. Sometimes a divinity intervened, as in Enzina's play ; in other cases as in the seventh prose portion of Sannazaro's Arcadia and in the Egloga pastorale di Flavia, it was the lady herself who saved her lover from death. There is no doubt that Enzina borrowed the chief incidents of this play from Italian pastoral and mythological compositions, al- though the precise source has not been determined, and intro- duced into the material a certain human interest and air of realism by the use of elements borrowed from the Celestina and from his own early pastorals. The burlesque purpose of certain scenes is especially noteworthy, which is prominent in some of the Italian plays of the period and which later was to develop into the comrnedia rusticale. There is no reason to suppose, however, that the author derived these comic scenes from Italian sources. Gil, Suplicio and Pascual diflfer but little from the shepherds who appear in his own Christmas plays and eclogues " en requesta de amores ". Although the crude representation of shepherds in the Christmas and Carnival plays belongs to the history of the farce, the requesta de amores theme and the incidents found in the Egloga de tres pastores and Egloga de Placida y Vitori- ano, borrowed from Italian models, formed the basis for the subsequent development of the pastoral drama. ' The play is followed by various canciones, etc., which are attributed to Cartagena, Nunez, Manrique and other poets in the Cancionei'o gen- eral, and also by a parody on the liturgy entitled Nunc Dimittis by Fernan Lopez de Yanguas. ^O THE SPAMSH PASTORAL DRAMA We also find in Enzina's plays the beginning of the Spanish lyrical drama, as far as our texts are concerned. All of his plays, with the exception of the introduction to the first Christmas eclogue, the Egloga de las grandes lluvias and the Egloga dc tres pastorcs,^ conclude with a villancico or cantor- cillo, which is usually accompanied by a dance. The second Egloga en re quest a de amoves and the Egloga de Placida y Vi- toriano are divided into two parts by a song. In the majority of cases the text is given, and for three of them, the musical notation has been preserved.^ Most of them were sung by four persons, which doubtless aflfected the number of char- acters in the early plays, and it is interesting to see how a fourth shepherd was introduced at the very end of the Aucto del Repelon in order that they might be able to " cantar dos por dos ". This practice of combining recitation with song was continued by Lucas Fernandez, Gil Vicente and other poets, and leads directly to the :;arzuela in the time of Calderon de la Barca.^ * The old suelta edition of this play ends with the words, Queremos rogaros queraris entonar un triste requiem que diga de amores. * See Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, Cancionero musical de los siglos XV y XVI, Madrid, Nos. 353, 354 and 357. ' See Felipe Pedrell, Teatro lirico espanol anterior al siglo XIX, Vols. III-V, La Coruna, 1897-98. Cotarelo y Mori mentions a number of examples of music and songs in the early plays in the introduction to his Coleccion de entremeses, loas, bailcs, jdcaras y mojigangas desde fines del siglo XVI a mediados del XVIII, Tomo I, Vol. 1, Madrid, 191 1, pp. cclxxvi-cclxxix. CHAPTER III. Pastoral Plays after Enzina. An immediate successor and imitator of Enzina is Lucas Fernandez of whom we know little beyond what may be learned from a study of his works. The date of his birth and death alike remain unknown, but it is certain that he was born and lived at Salamanca and that he was not only a contem- porary of Enzina, but was acquainted with his plays and imi- tated them.^ That he was a cleric is proven by his knowledge of classical mythology and the liturgical character of his re- ligious plays. Like Enzina, he was skilled in music and this constitutes an important part in his plays. His name is not mentioned by Agustin de Rojas nor by any other writer of the sixteenth or seventeenth century who discussed the origins of the drama in Spain and his Farsas y eglogas al modo y estilo pastoril y castellano, published at Salamanca in 15 14, were not republished until 1867.' The collection consists of six plays, three religious and three secular, and a non-dramatic Dialogo para cantar. The Awto de la Pasion is a liturgical drama without popular elements. The two Christmas plays, Egloga farsa del nascimiento de niiestro redemptor Jesu Cristo and Auto o farsa del nasci- miento de niiestro sefior Jesu Cristo show no advance over the eclogues of Enzina dealing with the same subject. Although their didactic purpose is evident, the comic element intro- ^ In his Farsa o cuasi comedia {del soldado), he refers to Enzina's two eclogues en requcsta de unos amores, Representacion del Amor, Egloga de Cristino y Febea and Egloga de Ires pastor es. See page 54 of this study. 2 Edited with an introduction by Canete, Madrid, 1887. 51 52 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA duced in the cnule representation of the daily hfe of the shep- lierds shows to what an extent the spirit of the popular farce had obtruded itself into the religious plays. The three secular plays of Lucas Fernandez treat themes which we have already found in the early eclogues of En- zina and introduce but few new elements. The comcdia {de Bras-Gil, Bcringuella y Miguel-Turra) aims to give a rustic setting to the requesta de amores theme and the characters are real shepherds and shepherdesses, not knights and ladies mas- querading. Bras-Gil, an unpolished Fileno, has been wounded by Cupid's arrow, and has sought the shepherdess Beringuella so far over hill and valley without success that he can neither eat nor sleep. He sees in the distance the object of his search and at first can scarcely believe his eyes. He accosts her with flattering words, humbly begging her favour, but she brusquely bids him to leave her in peace. He reproaches her for her cruel treatment and shows her a carved spoon which he has brought as a present. When he says there is no remedy for his ill, she suggests a little salve or syrup. She finally yields to his importunities, however, he then offers her a ring and they start otT together to the sheep-fold. Their dream of happiness is rudely shattered by the arrival of Juan-Benito, Beringuella's grandfather. The lovers try in vain to hide and Juan-Benito accuses Bras of having attempted to seduce the maiden. The shepherd indignantly denies the charge, swear- ing by everything holy that he has done the girl no harm. The grandfather and suitor are on the point of coming to blows when another shepherd, Miguel-Turra, intervenes in the dis- pute. He suggests that the quarrel may be settled by the mar- riage of Beringuella and Bras, and the latter recites at length his lineage to the third and fourth generation when the grand- father declares that the match is not an equal one. Finally he gives his consent to the marriage and recounts at length the objects which he will give as Beringuella's dowry and the bridegroom promises an equally long list of presents. Miguel- Turra summons his wife for the nuptials and the play ends with a song and dance in which all the characters join. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER EN ZIN A -3 The play, composed certainly before 1509 since the Farsa o cuasi comedia del soldado of that year contains a reference to it ^ and probably written several years earlier, shows the in- fluence of Enzina's reqiiesta de anwrcs eclogues both in the versification (double redondillas) and in the subject-matter. It is probable that it was performed to celebrate the wedding of some nobleman.^ We must remember that an attempt to por- tray in rustic fashion the love afifairs of shepherds would only prove interesting to people of quality. The play is also note- worthy as showing how easily the conventional pastoral could be transformed into a farce. The influence of Enzina's first Egloga en requ-esta de unos amores is still more clearly seen in Fernandez's Farsa cuasi comedia. The theme is the same, a contralto between a knight and shepherd for the love of a maiden, except that in Fernan- dez's play, the girl is a doncella (lady), not a shepherdess. This is the first Spanish play which we possess, treating an in- cident frequently found in later pastorals, the burlesque court- ship of a lady by a rude shepherd. There is no internal evi- dence which would permit us to determine its date of compo- sition, except that it must have been written after 1496, the date of publication of the first edition of Enzina's Cancionero. A maiden, whose name is not given, complains bitterly of Fortune who has separated her from her lover and inquires of a shepherd whom she meets whether he has seen a knight in the neighborhood, and the shepherd replies : Y que cosa es caballero? Es algun huerte alemana, o Hobo rabaz muy fiero, o vignadero, o es quizas musarana ? * Kohler, ihid., p. 55. * There is evidence that weddings were often celebrated by the per- formance of plays. Enzina's Representacion del Amor was written in honour of the marriage of Prince John of Castile, the Egloga ynter- locutoria of Diego de Avila is a wedding play and Diego Sanchez de Badajoz's Farsa del Matrimonio (1530), bears the rubric, "para repre- sentar en bodas." -^ THE SPAMSH PASTORAL DRAMA She explains that caballcro means houibre del palacio but the sheplierd, undaunted, urges her to accept his love instead, as- serting his own superiority. In her despair, she declares that she will put an end to her life, like Dido, and the shepherd, tieclaring that Dido must have been a fool, advises her to offer a reward for her lost love, for he had once recovered a she-ass by such means. When he presses his suit in his rude way, the lady expresses surprise that even shepherds feel the wounds of Cupid. He replies that Love deprives them of their thoughts and senses and narrates in rustic fashion the power of Love over all creatures. He suggests that she may find a refuge in his cabin and promises her many gifts, but she de- clares that she prefers the grave. At this point the knight appears who puts the shepherd to flight after a brief dispute and the play ends with a villancico. The farcical element was designed to amuse an aristocratic audience and the triumph of the courtier over the rustic is merely a repetition of the same incident in Enzina's first Egloga en requesta de unos amoves. In a number of later plays, such as the Egloga of Juan de Paris, Farsa Ardamisa of Diego de Negueruela and Comc- dia Florisea of Francisco de Avendafio, we find a lady in search of her lover who is exposed to insulting proposals from boorish shepherds. The love of a rude shepherd is again the theme of Lucas Fernandez's Farsa o cuasi comedia del soldado. Prabos laments the ills which he has received at the hands of Love ; his flock strays at will, he has forgotten how to play his pipe and the pleasures of life have turned into bitter sorrow. A soldier draws near who asks the cause of his grief and Prabos finally confesses that he suflfers the pains of Love. He knows that its consequences are grave, for Fileno had died for love of Zefira, Pelayo had been wounded by Cupid, Bras-Gil had suf- fered because of Beringuella and Mingo for Pascuala, and Cristino had left the world and donned a hermit's garb be- cause of love-sickness.^ The soldier sympathetically offers ' The author refers to plays familiar to an audience at Salamanca, PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 55 good advice and the shepherd Pascual appears. The latter makes sport of his companion's trouble and suggests in turn a remedy : Con madresilva y gamones sanaras, y malvarisco, y con rabano gagisco, encienso macho y bayones. Flor de sago y doradilla y manzanilla es muy chapada hesica, que no hay vesibro de villa sin tranquilla ; que ansi sane mi borrica, que andaba bien de tu suerte medio mustia y mangonera. Si aquesto yo no le hiciera, ya debrocaba de muerte.^ The soldier resents, however, the mocking tone of Pascual who then asks rudely what is meant by Love. The soldier shows himself well acquainted with the courtly ideas of the time in the subtle definition which he offers but finally loses his patience at the impertinence of Pascual and a sort of contrasto ensues in which the shepherd abuses the military life and the soldier, who here shows some of the characteristics of the braggart captain, attacks pastoral life. Prabos finally suc- ceeds in making peace and Pascual goes in search of Antona, Prabos's sweetheart, who after some hesitation accepts the hand of the unhappy lover. The play ends with a mllancico in praise of Love. It must have been composed after the appearance of En- zina's Egloga de tres pastores in 1509 since reference is made to the unhappy fate of Fileno. The mention of the same author's Egloga de Cri'stino y Febea does not aid us in deter- Enzina's Egloga de tres. pastores and Representacion del Amor, his own Comedia (de Bras-Gil, Beringuella y Miguel-Turra) and Enzina's Egloga de Cristino y Febea. ' Farsas y eglogas, p. loi. 56 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA mining tlie date of composition as the year in which that play- was tirst pubHshed in by no means certain. The Egloga de Torino, contained in the anonymous Ques- tion dc Amor, first pubhshed at Valencia in 1513,^ forms a connecting link between the Spanish and Italian pastoral drama at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Signor Croce has shown that the Question de amor is a ronian a clef, com- posed at Naples between the years 1508 and 1512, portraying courtly society at that city, and it is probable that the Egloga de Torino was actually represented before Bona Sforza and the other characters who appear in the novel. Torino mourns because his love for Benita (Bona Sforza) is not returned. He is unable to forget her in spite of her cruelty and blames Cupid as the cause of his suffering. After bidding a tender farewell to his flock, his rebec and staff, he attempts to take his life, since only in death can he find relief: Mejor te seria del todo morir que verte penando muriendo seruir do solo es tu pago tenerte aborrido.^ The shepherd Guillardo hears his groans and believing that he has been wounded by some animal, tries to restore him to consciousness but without success. In his fear he summons another shepherd, named Quiral, who arouses the unhappy lover and asks the reason of his laments. Torino replies : ^ Siento, pastores, el mal de le muerte y essa no llega por darme mas pena ; passion me combate, razon me condena, dolor me fatiga, tristega me aquexa, querria sanar, querer no me dexa, los males son niios, la causa es agena. ' For the Question de amor, see Benedetto Croce, Di un antico romanzo spagnuolo, published in the Archivio per le provincie napolitane, Vol. XIX, Naples, 1894, and Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la novela, Vol. I, Madrid, 1905, pp. cccxxvii-cccxxxi, who also published the Question de amor, including the Egloga de Torino, in Vol. II of his Origenes de la Novela, Madrid, 1907. * Origenes de la novela, Vol. II, p. 68. * Ibid., p. 69. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 57 Quiral persists in learning the cause of his pain and asks : Que mal puede ser tan crudo que sientas lo mucho que duele y callas tu fatiga? Es mal dellonbrigo o dolor de barriga que dices el dano y la causa no cuentas? Torino replies that his suffering comes from poca esperanga which is far more severe than anything he has mentioned. His friend finally understands that Torino is suffering from mal d'amorio and curses the shepherdess who has caused such pain, but the lover refuses to hear a single disparaging re- mark about his lady. Quiral says that he should deem him- self fortunate if he loves Benita, who is endowed with all vir- tues: siendo ella tal, dime porque mueres, siendo tu llaga en si gloriosa? Torino answers that he will be satisfied if only Benita knows the suffering she has caused. Guillardo is quite unable to understand the subtle delicacy of the lover and asks concerning the nature of this disease which causes such anguish : Es biuora que o es alacran, o es escorpion, o es basilisco, que yo oy dezir aqui en nuestro aprisco que a todos los mata los qu'a velle van ? Quiral, who is more sophisticated, gives a casuistical definition of Love which the boorish Guillardo is totally incapable of comprehending. Benita approaches with a lady-in-waiting and asks the sub- ject of their discussion. Torino tells her of the grief which her coldness causes him and humbly begs some mark of favour. She becomes angry at his persistency and bids him cease his importunities, but the lover declares that he is powerless to banish her from his thoughts and describes his undying affec- tion in this rhetorical fashion : 58 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Assi que yo muero en mi scpultura, de aqui a mill afios que vengan a ver, de tus cfigias se podran coger tantas sin cuento que no haura mesura, y en todos mis huessos aura una escritura que ya dend'agora la tengo yo escrita e dizen las letras : esta es Benita, la que desde entonces su nombre nos dura. Benita withdraws in anger and Torino declares that even though she leave him, his spirit is ever present with her. Guillardo puzzles over the possibility of being in two places at the same tfme and Quiral urges Torino to be of good cheer since the glory acquired is in proportion to the suffering en- dured when love is set upon so worthy an object. The eclogue closes with a villancko sung by the three shepherds. Although this play was composed and probably performed in Italy, it is not likely to have been derived from an Italian original. It reproduces situations found in many Italian eclogues of the time such as the unhappiness of a shepherd caused by unrequited love and the attempt at suicide, but these are already present in the Egloga de tres pastores of Enzina and the opening scenes in these two plays offer many similari- ties. The use of copies de arte mayor in the Egloga de Torino is probably derived from the above-mentioned eclogue of En- zina. It is well known that the burlesque pastoral element, which appeared even in Poliziano's Orfeo, became popular in Italy in the early years of the sixteenth century with the pre- decessors of the Congrega dei Rozzi of Siena, but we need not assign this element in the Egloga de Torino to Italian imi- tation since burlesque scenes are found in the Egloga de tres pastores of Enzina and in the Contedia and Farsa o cuasi com- edia del soldado of Fernandez which the author of the Egloga de Torino may have known although they were not printed until 1 5 14. The only feature of the Egloga de Torino which may with certainty be ascribed to Italian imitation is the intro- duction of real persons as characters, a practice commonly found in the early Italian eclogues. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 59 An anonymous Egloga pastoril, preserved at the Royal Library of Munich and recently reprinted,^ shows that at an early date the plays of Enzina were known and imitated at Valencia. The characters are five shepherds, Juan Melenudo, Peranton, Gil Calvo, Climentejo, Mossen Bartholome and Llorente, a sorcerer. The scene is laid at Valencia and the early part abounds in references to contemporary events. The shepherds complain of the pestilence which has afflicted the city and describe the terror at the approach of a Moorish fleet which has caused rich and poor alike to abandon their homes. The sadness and solitude of the present which contrasts so vividly with the happiness of the past inspired the author to write the best verses of the play, which recall the famous coplas of Jorge Manrique : - O solitaria que queda, a segun era, la tan poblada ciudad ! Dolor era de mirar de quan poca gente queda ! Que es de tantos galanes principales, que tenias en ti, Valencia? Como te han hecho ausencia, touiendo tan pocos males? Qu'es de tanta gente honrrada atauiada, y las damas festejadas, tan vestidas y arreadas que no te ha quedado nada? Peranton declares that all their troubles were the conse- quence of their own sins and that conditions would have been * By Dr. Eugen Kohler, Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen, Dres- den, 191 1, and by Urban Cronan, Teatro espanol del siglo XVI, Mad- rid, 1913. I have used the text of the latter edition. ' Henri Merimee, L'Art Dramatique a Valencia, dcpuis les engines jusqu'au commencement du xvii^ siecle, Bibl. Meridionale, 2« Serie, Tome XVI, Toulouse, 1913, p. 106. 6o THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA still worse, had it not been for the intervention of the Virgin and of San X'icente Ferrer, the Patron Saint of the city. The shepherds then begin to discuss their personal affairs and Per- anton and Juan relate the cruel treatment that they have re- ceived from tlie shepherdesses on whom their hearts were fixed. Still greater is the anguish of Qimentejo when he learns that his betrothed, Jimena de Hontorio, has married another shepherd and in his grief he determines to put an end to his life: Dexame, quiero morir, por salir de tan asperas f atigas ! no me den gachas ni migas, que no lo puedo sufrir.^ Juan asks him concerning his ill : Qu'es esto? Tienes calambre, o qual landre de las que corrian ogano, que muestras tan gran desmayo, que as cuydado espantarme? He begs his friend not to die until he has confessed his sins and then suggests that the encantador Llorente be called in to heal Climentejo of his wound. The hapless lover finally consents and Llorente appears who boasts of his powers in necromancy and pronounces a weird incantation ^ over the dis- appointed suitor. The znllancico Avhich ends the play an- nounces the cure of the lover. The play has neither unity nor well developed plot. The references to the epidemic and threatened visit of a Moorish fleet point to the end of 15 19 or early part of the year 1520 as the date of composition.^ It was probably performed to 1 11. 691-95. ',His repertory in magic is as extensive as that of the clerigo negro- mante in Gil Vicente's Exhortagdo da guerra (1513). ' Kohler, ibid., p. 175. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA ^i celebrate the recent escape of the city of Valencia from the dangers that threatened it and the pastoral element was intro- duced in imitation of Enzina's eclogues. The moralizing ele- ment which is so evident in the early part probably indicates that the author was a cleric. It is particularly significant that this play, performed at Valencia, should have been composed in the so-called sayagues dialect, employed by Enzina in most of his plays. The suicide theme appears to be a parody of the unhappy experiences of Fileno and Vitoriano in Enzina's last play. It is interesting to note that the earliest extant ex- ample of the Valencian drama borrowed its form, character, language and versification from Castile. The Egloga niieva, attributed to Diego Duran, and preserved in an undated edition at the Royal Library of Munich,^ pre- sents the traditional reqiiesta de amor theme with certain variations. A shepherdess appears, complaining that her flock is lost, and is accosted by a hermit who says that for love of her he detests the monastery, and invites her to accompany him to his hermitage. She can scarcely find words to ex- press her contempt for him, but he replies : ' A los sanctos religiosos que hazen obra diuina, captiua amor mas ayna con sus tiros poderosos. The hypocrite's courtship is interrupted by the arrival of a tafify-vender who threatens to punish the hermit for his infamous design. In her despair, the maiden calls upon the Virgin for aid, but the vender offers his protection. A quarrel is only averted by the intervention of the shepherdess and finally the vender suggests a game, the stakes of which 1 It has been recently reprinted by Kohler, Sieben spanische drama- tische Eklogen, Dresden, 191 1, and by Cronan, Teatro espaiiol del siglo XVI, Madrid, 1913. Kohler, ibid., p. 176, gives the arguments in favor of ascribing this play to Diego Duran. 2 11. 75-78. 62 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA sliall be the alms which the hermit has received. The latter agrees and wins all the money of the vender, who then re- fuses to pay his debt. Again they abuse one another and the shepherdess again prevents them from coming to blows. The vender withdraws in discomfiture and the hermit tries to ab- duct the maiden by main force, but is prevented by the ar- rival of a friar who indignantly asks what he is doing alone with a woman. These two illustrious representatives of the Church then insult each other while the frair attempts to carry off the girl himself in order to protect her from the hermit. Failing in this, he hastens away to report the case to the Prior and a shepherd enters who charges the hermit with having at- tempted to seduce the maiden and calls his companion Gil. We naturally expect the hermit to receive a punishment com- mensurate with his offense, but strangely enough, after a few words of abuse, Gil suggests a game : Con que ayamos alegria, que oy me paresce dia con que gasajo tomeys. They agree to play the game, " Do posa la mariposa," which is described in detail and ends with the complete discomfiture of the hermit By this time, apparently, his offense is entirely forgotten. The four characters sit down together to eat and drink, and the play ends with a dance and a villancico be- ginning : Oy, que es dia de plazer, tomemos gran gasajado, por quitar nuestro cuydado ! which indicates that it was performed on Shrove Tuesday. The basis of the play is the reqiiesta de amores theme, in which other characters besides shepherds take part. The characteristics ascribed to the hermit and friar show the lati- tude which was permitted in Spain in the early part of the sixteenth century in the satire of the Religious Orders. The PASTORAL PLA YS AFTER ENZINA 63 author was undoubtedly a Castilian and the reference to the " barrio del Rey," ^ seems to indicate that it was performed at Madrid. The original edition is undated, but its primitive character allows us to conjecture that it was probably com- posed before 1520.- The Egloga nuevamente compuesta of Juan de Paris, the earliest known edition of which bears the date 1536,^ shows the influence of Enzina's Cristino y Fehea and Placida y Vitoriano, with certain additions derived from the morality plays. A hermit appears who declares that life is full of trials and prays to God to guard him from temptation. He meets the knight Estacio who inveighs against the cruelty of Cupid. His lady, Numida, has disappeared, and in despair he seeks her over hill and valley, charging the god of Love with having ill recompensed his long service. He recounts at length the woes caused in ancient times by Cupid and deter- mines to put an end to his life. The hermit comes from his place of concealment and reproaches him for the violence of his passion in words which recall the advice of the Nurse to Phaedra in Seneca's Hippolytus : * No deues pensar ques dios el amor, segun que creyan los ciegos gentiles ; mas mira, seiior, por modos sutiles, su diffinicion, ques mucho mejor : amor es tristeza ; amor es error, que los coraqones abrasa y los ciega, y es vna llama quel demonio pega a las entranas del nueuo amador.^ 1 L. 141. » See Kohler, ibid., pp. 178-79. ' The edition of 1551, preserved at the Royal Library of Munich, was reprinted by Kohler, Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen, Dresden, 1911. The 1536 edition, preserved at the National Library of Madrid, has been reprinted by Cronan, Teatro espaTiol del siglo XVI, Madrid, 1913. Quotations in the text are taken from the latter edition. * 11. 195-201. "11. 153-160. ^4 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA With the argument used by Ovid in his Remedia amoris,^ he tries to prove to the lover that he must banish all thoughts of Love at once from his heart : A este, si damos pequena cabida, no resistiendo a la entrada primera, despues se acrecienta por vna manera que nunca mas puede hallar la salida; assi como el arbol, sin fuerga crecida, estando muy tierno lo arrancaras, mas desque bien crece, arrancar no podras ; assi es la costumbre por este tenida.^ The knight begs the hermit to aid him in his trouble and the hermit replies that Naso offers many remedies against the ills of Love, the chief one of which is to avoid idleness which led Aegisthus into sin ^ and caused suffering to countless per- sons. He urges Estacio to banish love from his thoughts by devoting himself to the service of God, the knight consents and they set out together toward the hermitage. The devil enters who accuses God of depriving him of the souls of men which belong to him and determines to seek Numida and re-unite the lovers so that Estacio will return to the world. As he withdraws to carry out his project, the shepherd Vicente appears, thoroughly frightened at having caught a glimpse of the devil. He hides behind some bushes and Numida draws near, praying that Cupid may allow her to find her lover. She sees Vicente in his hiding-place ai\d asks him whether he has seen Estacio. The shepherd has not yet recovered from his fright and exclaims : Aun si es el diabro aqueste cramor, defiendame Dios y sancto Tomas ! arriedro te vayas, o mal Satanas ! * 1 11. 81-88. 2 11. 161-68. 'Remedia amor is, 11. 161 -162. < 11. 297-299. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 65 The lady bids him have no fear and V icente, seeing with whom he has to deal, compliments her on her beauty and asks the cause of her sorrow : mas dizme, senora, por que inconuiniente estades llorando con huertes passiones? tenes mal de madre, dolor de rifiones, quigas del bago, tambien de la f rente? O estays emprenada de mala manera, y estays en puntillos de auer de parir? y si es desta guisa, deueyslo dezir ; yre yo corriendo a llamar la partera.^ She explains the cause of her grief in figurative language which the shepherd is entirely unable to understand, but when he learns that she mourns the absence of her lover, he pro- poses himself as a substitute, boasting of his prowess and promising all sorts of simple gifts. She refuses to listen to his proposals and Vicente summons his companion Cremon who may be able to ofifer advice. When the latter learns the condition of affairs, he declares that he is not surprised that Numida has refused the homely Vicente, but that she will surely accept himself. This leads to a dispute between the two shepherds who are on the point of coming to blows when they are reconciled by the maiden. Vicente then tells her that a hermit lives in the neighbourhood who may be able to inform her of the whereabouts of her lover. When they reach the hermitage, the hermit calls Estacio and the lovers offer thanks to God and Cupid who have re-united them. One glance at his lady suffices to cure the knight of all desire to embrace the religious life : Agora reniego de mala fraylia ; ni quiero hermitafio ni frayle mas ser.^ The hermit urges that the marriage ceremony be performed at once. Estacio objects that a wedding in the wilderness is 1 11. 309-316. 2 11. 537-38. 66 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA not befitting liis lady, but Cremon will brook no delay and per- forms a comic ceremony which includes the blessing of his donkey as well as his own. The hermit invites Estacio and Numida to spend the night in his hut but Vicente objects, im- puting dishonourable intentions to the holy man. The play ends with a villancico beginning: Huyainos de ser vasallos del amor, pues por preinio da dolor. The play contains a number of elements with which we are already familiar. The search of Estacio and Numida for one another recalls the Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano of Enzina^ and the same author's Egloga de Cristino y Febea probably suggested the scene in which the unhappy lover embraces the religious life and then is led to return to the world by the sight of his lady. The coplas de arte mayor in which the play- is composed recall Enzina's Egloga de tres pastorcs. The courtship of Numida by two shepherds who are unable to understand her delicate feelings is found in Fernandez's Farsa cuasi comedian The character of the devil is doubtless de- rived from the religious plays in which comic scenes frequently occur between that character and the Bobo. Of the five Spanish eclogues of the Portuguese poet, Sa de Miranda, only two appear to have been written for representa- tion, Alejo and Epitalamio.- The first of these was composed * For the relation of this play to earlier works, see Kohler, ibid., i86- i88. I am unable to find any connection between this farce of Juan de Paris and the plays of Torres Naharro, as Dr. Kohler claims. ' I have used the excellent edition of the Poesias de Francisco de Sd de Miranda, by Senhora Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Halle, 1885, which contains the most trustworthy account of the poet's life and literary activity. The other Spanish eclogues of Miranda, Celia, Andres and Nenwroso, were probably not recited. The learned editor of Miranda, p. 834, states that the Egloga Nemoroso was sent to An- tonio Pereira at Court, " onde seria representada para dar gosto ao Infante (D. Luiz)." In my opinion, the very nature of this composi- PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 67 about the year 1532, or at all events some time between his re- turn from Italy and his retirement from Court, and was prob- ably recited in the presence of the King.* The eclogue is written in the traditional redondilhas, but Miranda shows that his acquaintance with Italian poetry has borne fruit by the insertion of a canfao of entirely new form '^ and by the use of four stanzas of ottava rima, the first examples of this metre used in Portugal. The young shepherd Alejo appears, a prey to some strange disease. He knows not whether it be Love or madness which makes him forget his sheep and his songs. A vague uneasi- ness allows him no peace. He lies down beside a spring and falls asleep. His foster-father, the old shepherd Sancho en- ters, calling in vain for the wayward boy who has forgotten the tender care which has been bestowed upon him. The old man continues his search and a nymph draws near to the sleep- ing youth. She casts loving glances upon him as she bids him rest, and then enchants the spring, singing in praise of the all- powerful god of Love. Alejo awakes. He had dreamed that he was in a dark wilderness and that someone had called him by name, but he refuses to heed the summons, preferring to follow the guidance of Love. He drinks from the enchanted waters, loses his senses and disappears. tion, written in 1537 to celebrate the memory of Garcilasso de la Vega, precludes the idea of representation. I expect to study elsewhere the Spanish non-dramatic pastoral eclogues. * Poesias de Francisco de Sa de Miranda, p. 766. It was also pre- sented at the house of Antonio Pereira about the year 1553. See ibid., p. 847. ' He replaces the eight lines of the conventional arte maior by hen- decasyllables and inserts a septenario italiano in the middle of each stanza. In five of the ten strophes, the last line is repeated as the first lin* of the stanza following, an artifice employed in earlier Por- tuguese poetry and first used in the Italian eclogue by Francesco Arsocchi, and a little later by Sannazaro in the second eclogue of the Arcadia, 11. 81-100. See Poesias de Francisco de Sa de Miranda, p. cxiv, and Michele Scherillo's edition of the Arcadia di Jacobo Sanna- zaro, Torino, 1888, pp. ccxviii-ccxxii. 68 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Two shepherds, Anton and Juan, enter, lamenting the ab- sence of Riljero ^ and alluding covertly to his retirement from Court. They recall a caufao on the cruelty of Love which the absent poet had once sung and which they recite in alternate strophes." Their song is overheard by Toribio who is asked by Anton how he had liked " el cantar nuestro estranjero." Toribio is cautious in expressing approval of this new form of verse and Juan himself realizes the difficulty of introducing foreign fashions into a country where tradition has so much weight.^ Andar contra la costumbre es nadar contra la vena. Forzado es que se deslumbre atinque tenga buena lena i mas en tierra do tanto el USD vale. Si alguno del hilo sale, encomiende se a buen santo ! Toribio then sings two songs in the traditional style, which are highly praised by his companions, and Juan declares in his admiration : * Si miichos tales pastores huviese por la montana, no se irian los loores todos pera tierra estrana. ' The reference is to Bemardim Ribeiro, a friend of Miranda and author of the famous Menina e moga. For a discussion of the interpre- tation of this passage, see Poesias de Francisco de Sa de Miranda, pp. 767-770. * Juan says of this composition: Fue (sabes) de estrana parte donde un tiempo ambos andamos, thus proving that Ribeiro, as well as Juan (Miranda), had visited Italy. It does not follow that Ribeiro had written in the Italian man- ner. See Guimaraes, Bemardim Ribeiro, Lisboa, 1908, pp. 114-15. 3 11. 592-599- * II. 678-685. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 6q Aqui buenos naturales suele haver, mas vezos sin aprender nos danan nuestros zagales. Juan, who is Miranda himself, consents to sing a " cantar estranjero " and tells of his delight on becoming acquainted with the Italian forms of verse while in Italy : ^ Con deseo de ver tierras, huve de pasar los puertos; puse me a las blancas sierras, rios del hielo cubiertos. Alia que pastores vi ! Quan enseiiados a cantar versos rimados ! Que plazer que ende senti ! Vino un dia un viejo cano, convidamos lo a cantar, tomo la zampona en mano, toco, bolvio la a posar. Todos, sobre todo io deseando de oir mas, i porfiando, el buen viejo asi canto. The song consists of four stanzas of oitava rima on the cruelty of Cupid. Judging from the manner in which the verses are introduced, and from Juan's comment on a song by Anton ^ that it " was not stolen like mine," we may believe that these octaves were translated or imitated from one of the Italian poets with whom Miranda became acquainted in Italy, but I have not succeeded in finding the original. The shepherd Pelaio enters, declaring that there is a mad youth in the neighborhood who goes about composing verses. When Alejo appears, complaining of his suffering, the shep- herds comment on his unhappy condition, and when they dis- cover that he is tormented by " mal de amores," Pelaio sug- 1 11. 710-725. 2 1. 835. 70 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA gests that tliey call a clerk to exorcise him. The shepherds then drink from the enchanted spring and they too are en- kindled by the fire of Love. In his description of the love-madness of Alejo, Miranda may have been indebted to Enzina, Fernandez or the anony- mous Egloga de Torino, although the same incident is found in many of the early Italian eclogues. To this conventional theme he added the charming episode of the enchantment of the youth by a nymph, derived from Theocritus. Aside from the beauty of the verse, the importance of this eclogue in the literary history of Portugal can scarcely be overestimated since it represents the first attempt to introduce the Italian ottava rima into the poet's ov^^n country, although he was not yet ready to write the new measure in his native language. Miranda opened a brilliant period for Portuguese literature which reached its culminating point in Camoens. The only other Spanish eclogue of Miranda which appears to have been recited is the Egloga Epitalamio, written shortly after 1535 at the Quinta da Tapada and directed to Antonio de Sa in honor of the marriage of his daughter Camila de Sa ^ with Joao Rodriguez de Sa. It is composed in tercetos, the metre most frequently employed in the Italian eclogues, and contains also two carifoes a maneira toscana with the rime scheme abc abc cdeedff and eight stanzas of oitavas rimas with an estrihilho at the end of each. The interlocutors are two shepherds, Nuno and Toribio and the eclogue is brought to a close by a chorus of shepherds and shepherdesses. Nuno almost fails to recognize his friend Toribio who seems to be afflicted by some strange malady. He discovers, how- ever, that the unhappy man is a victim of love's torments and gives him salutary advice, derived for the most part from Ovid's Remedia amoris, so frequently employed by the poets on such occasions. When Toribio confesses his helpless state, Xuiio upbraids him for his weakness, but the love-sick shep- herd refuses to heed the prudent counsel. Nuno then tells * Poesias de Francisco de Sa de Miranda, p. 752. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER EN ZIN A 71 him that one day Ribero had sung of the evils of Love and Gil ^ had extolled its blessings to a company of shepherds. Nuno repeats these cangoes and at the close a chorus of shep- herds and shepherdesses sings an epithalamium, imitated from Catullus,- each stanza of which ends with an estrihilho of two lines in honor of the family of Sa to which both bride and groom belonged. Sa, Sa, por aire, tierra i mar resuena en comiin alegria i buena estrena. It is true that these two eclogues treat conventional themes and that they show no advance in dramatic construction as compared with the plays of Enzina, but the spirit in which they are conceived represents the progress made by Spanish poetry between the years 151 3 and 1535. Enzina knew Vergil, but his paraphrase of the Eclogues shows that he was interested chiefly in their content rather than in their form. The influence of Italian literature upon his work is purely superficial. He is by far the most important of the poets whose verses were collected in the Cancionero general, but not because his attitude toward life or literature differed from theirs. Miranda, on the other hand, had a dift'erent ideal of art from the poets represented in the Cancionelro geral de Resende. His classical studies had imbued him with an ap- preciation for form and when his intellectual curiosity led him to visit Italy, he not only assimilated the new artistic conceptions of the Renaissance, but also felt obliged to ex- press these new ideas after the fashion of his Italian friends. His literary education was completed by a Spaniard, Garcilasso de la Vega.^ ' The identity of Gil is not known. * Compare especially the first stanza of Miranda, 11. 476-483, with Catullus, LXII, 21-24. ' On the relations of Miranda and Garcilasso see Senhora Michaelis de Vasconcellos's notes in the Poesias de Francisco de Sd de Miranda, pp. 831-38. 72 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA We have already seen that reahstic scenes of pastoral life were introduced into the courtly pastoral by Enzina and Fernandez. The Spaniard, with his innate love of realism, doubtless found ridiculous the exaggerated ex- pression of the suffering caused by unrequited love which leads to death and which was borrowed from a foreign source. In Italy also, a realistic note makes its appearance in the character of Tirsi in Poliziano's Orfeo and from the beginning of the sixteenth century, popular plays were pro- duced at Siena and frequently performed at Rome, in many of which the purpose of the authors to burlesque conventional pastoral themes is evident.^ One of the most interesting of these Italian popular plays is Niccolo Campani's // Coltellino ^ (1520), which is a manifest parody of a play of the same type as Enzina's Egloga de tres pastorcs. Many plays of this kind were produced in Italy in the early years of the sixteenth century, especially by the Congrega dei Rozzi of Siena. ^ In most of the Spanish pastoral plays, the burlesque element is only incidental. Only in the Farsa de la hechicera of Diego Sanchez de Badajoz do we find a play which may be consid- ered primarily a parody of pastoral themes.* A gallant appears, complaining that all his efforts to win the love of his sweetheart are futile and that nothing remains for him but death : '" ' On the development of the pocsia rusticana in Italy, see Enrico Car- rara, La poesia pastorale, Milano, 1909, pp. 225-241. * // Coltellitio has been reprinted in the collection entitled Poesie drammatiche rusticali, edited by Ferrario, Milano, 1812. ' For the Congrega dei Rozzi see C. Mazzi, La Congrega dei Rozzi di Siena nel secolo XVI, 2 vols., Firenze, 1882. * This play is included in the collection of his works entitled Recopi- lacion en metro, published by his nephew in 1554 and reprinted at Mad- rid, 1882-1886 in Vols. XI-XII of the Libros de antaiio. The Farsa de la hechicera is published in Vol. XII and references are to this edition. Sanchez de Badajoz was born in Estremadura and his literary activity extended approximately from 1525 to 1547. ' P. 223. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 73^ Pu€s no puedo, con vivir, serville en cosa que acierte, quierole ofrecer la muerte, quizas le podre servir. Mi nao ya no navega, mi propio querer me mata, mi vida muerte me trata, mi mano, porque la niega? Ya mi fin, en fin, se allega, ya siento vida mortal ; sal aca, cruel punal, y acaba vida tan ciega. He lays hold of his dagger and is about to strike himself when a negress draws near who embraces and kisses him. He re- pulses her, and on remaining alone, proceeds to carry out his desperate resolve : ^ Esfuerza, brazo cuytado, tu esfuerzo y fuerza nombrada, saque esta alma desalmada deste cuerpo tan cansado, que viendome desalmado aquella fiera leona, satisfara su persona en verme asi maltratado. Thrusting his dagger in his body, with as little success as Berna in // Coltellino, he exclaims : ^ Triste de mi, que no acierto, las fuerzas se me enflaquecen, los ojos se me escurecen, de todo bien soy desierto : O si con mi desconcierto pudiesse mirar sin vida, si se torna por servida en verme del todo muerto! O que terrible pasion ! O mi alma, donde estas? » P. 225. * Pp. 225-26. ^4 THE SPAXISII PASTORAL DRAMA Sal, sal y satisfaras aquella dulce vision. Cubreseme el corazon : ay ! ay ! ay ! que me desmayo, triste de mi, que me cayo ! O que crudo galardon ! A shepherd enters who seeing the prostrate form, tries to revive him and makes ridiculous conjectures concerning the cause of his illness. Finding his efforts to restore him to consciousness unavailing, he places a string of garlic in the unhappy man's mouth and hastens off in search of the witch (candelera) " que sabe de nial de ombrigo." She asks the lover the cause of his illness and he replies : ^ Mi mal no tien redencion ; en mi corazon se sella tal herida de diamante, y de mano tan pujante que no cumple sanar della. He extolls in exaggerated language the charms of his beloved and the witch, seeing that his case is serious, makes a circle on the ground, scatters grain in the form of a cross and begins her conjuration which will inflame with love the cold heart of his lady: ^ Sea luego aqui conmigo Fapesmo y Baraliton, Dario Ferio y gran Pluton, que es el mayor enemigo ; traya, invisible, consigo al lujurioso Asmodeo, para que cumpla el deseo en su amiga de este amigo. Saquemela de su cama, trayala aqui engarrafada, hagala venir penada encendida en viva llama ; ' P. 230. ' Pp. 233-34. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 75 hagala de onesta dama, desonesta y lujuriosa, tan sucia como hermosa, torne en disfama su fama. Sieguela del corazon, hagala muy atrevida, no espere a ser requerida, venzase de su pasion. No se sujete a razon, no tenga temor ni freno, no escuche consejo bueno contra su ciega opinion. ^ A devil appears in response to the summons and he is sent off to re-unite the lovers while the shepherd, very much frightened at his appearance, takes refuge with the old woman inside the magic circle. He is finally carried off to prison by the magis- trate on a false accusation of the witch and the spectator, or reader, remains in doubt as to the fate of the unhappy knight. The laments of the melancholy lover recall those of Fileno and Torino as they prepared to end their days because of un- requited aft'ection. The attempts at suicide in the early Italian and Spanish eclogues were preceded by a long and often tire- some recital of the suffering of the unhappy lover which re- minds us of Tafano's comment on Berna in // Coltellino as he tries to muster up courage to stab himself, Chi vuol morir non fa tante parole. It was this element which is burlesqued in the Farsa de la hechicera, and to this is added the inability of the rude shep- herd to understand the cause of the lover's pain, which we have found in the Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano of Encina, the Egloga de Torino and in other early Spanish plays. ' The incantation is a common bucolic theme, found in the second Idyl of Theocritus, the second Bucolic of Vergil and Ninth Prose of the Arcadia. We find it in Spanish in the anonymous Egloga pastoril, see p. 60, and in Avendafio's Comedia Florisea. For this jargon, how- ever, we need not seek for classical sources, it is merely a comic repro- duction of the ensahnos pronounced by the village encantadores. 76 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA The conventional requesta de amorcs theme is treated in Diego de Negueruela's Farsa llamada Ardamisa.^ Ardamisa appears, lamenting that her lover Galirano has abandoned her because of her own indifference, and calling upon death to ease her pain. She rejects indignantly the brutal proposals of a water-carrier (aguador) and the ridiculous pretensions of an enamoured Portuguese. The latter is driven away by a bragging swashbuckler, who offers her his protection in pompous phrases, boasting of the exploits which he has al- ready performed : ^ O mi €spada ! si lengua te fuesse dada, como darias fama eterna dc la gran honra ganada del brago que te gouierna ! Las hazafias y marauillas estrarlas de mis fuergas indomestas, a las brutas alimanas aun les son ya manifiestas. Si mandays, porque mas me conozcays, si mi nombre hos he celado yo quiero que lo sepays, que por nombre soy llamado Fierotrasso, aquel es que a cada passo haze los hombres pedagos, el que por montes y rasos haze carne con sus bragos. This illustrious descendant of Pyrgopolinices, however, does not offer his protection disinterestedly for he threatens to gain possession of the lady by violent means. In her terror, Arda- misa calls upon Galirano for aid and the lover appears in the very nick of time. She describes to him how Fierotrasso ' Reprinted from an undated edition, by Leo Rouanet in the Biblio- theca hispanica, Madrid, 1900. 2 11. 580^4. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 77 had threatened to kill her and the bully tries to intimidate Galirano, but no sooner does the latter touch him than the braggart falls to the ground, exclaiming : ^ Ay, ay, ay ! que soy muerto ! L-redo in Deuin, valame Dios ! Ardamisa rejoices at the painful experiences which she has suffered since at last she has again met her lover. Galirano tries to inquire the road to the nearest town from a shepherd who appears at that moment, but the latter is afraid to draw near and is unable to understand the plight of the lovers. They then debate the question so often discussed in the early pastorals, whether shepherds feel the pains of love the same as the palacicgos. A friar then accosts them who introduces himself as follows : ^ A mi llaman fray Artendo, maestro en sacra theologia, gran letrado, qu'en Paris fuy graduado de maestro, mi sefior, y tanto he trabajado que soy gran sermonador. He preaches the lovers a sermon to prove that the salvation of their souls is endangered by their passion for one another. He suggests that Galirano enter a monastery and offers to conduct the lady to a place of safety himself. The shepherd, however, has no confidence in the promises of friars and exclaims : ^ Do a huego tal religioso ! Senor, no confieys en el ; no veys como esta rauioso por lleuarsela con el? Ardamisa and Galirano withdraw and the friar finds the 1 11. 701-702. 2 11 985-991. *11. 1118-1121. 78 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA prostrate braggart who proves to be only badly frightened. The friar can not resist the temptation to preach to iiim on the error of his ways and learns from him how he had been worsted in his encounter with Galirano. They plan to abduct the lady, the friar stipulating that he can not take part in such a heinous project unless he gains possession of Ardamisa himself. The Portuguese also enters into the conspiracy and they threaten the shepherd with death unless he will guide them to the house where the lovers have sought refuge. He consents to this and as the conspirators stand before the door, Ardamisa and Galirano come forth, bid farewell to the audi- ence and the play ends with a sword dance. The treatment of the requesta dc amores theme in this play recalls Fernandez's Farsa o c'ua^i comedia and especially the Egloga nueva of Diego Duran, in both of which a lady in search of her lover is exposed to insulting proposals. It was a simple matter to add other characters such as the Portuguese and rufidn, stock figures in sixteenth-century comedy. The gipsy fortune teller adds a bit of local colour and the shame- less friar who appears in so many plays of this period indi- cates the popular attitude toward the Religious Orders. This play, however, is by no means popular in spirit and was prob- ably performed before an aristocratic audience. The senti- ments expressed by Galirano and Ardamisa are couched in the courtly manner and the fact that the shepherd is represented as a clown is sufficient evidence that the play was not designed for a popular performance. We know nothing of the author, Diego de Negueruela. The only early edition bears no date and its recent editor con- jectures that it was printed in the first half of the sixteenth century, at the latest shortly after 1550. Judging from its primitive character, we may not be far wrong in assigning its composition to about the year 1530. The requesta de amores theme treated d lo divino is found in the Coplas de una doncella y un pastor.^ A maiden appears, ' Reprinted by Gallardo, Ensayo dc una hiblioteca espanola de libros PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 70 complaining of her unhappy lot and desirous of death. She meets a shepherd who asks her where she is going and when she declares that she wishes to remain alone, he tells her to beware of the wild man (saivaje) : Que si viene y lo oteais, no es mucho que cayais en el suelo amodorrida ! y aun si viene de corrida y en aqueste valle os toma, no fuera mucho que os coma antes que halleis guardia. She replies that she hopes he will come and put an end to her suffering. The shepherd retires and comes back dressed in. his best clothes and is more astonished than before that she refuses to listen to his proposals. His courtship is interrupted by the arrival of the wild man and the shepherd takes to his heels. Contrary to our expectations, the wild man proves to be very tame. He tells her that only in solitude can one hnd relief from the troubles of life and advises her to go to a hermitage near by, where she may consecrate herself to the Virgin, She gladly consents and the shepherd agrees to show them the way, after much hesitation, for he is still frightened at the appear- ance of the wild man. The hermit urges them to free them- selves of all worldly thoughts and the maiden, the wild man and the shepherd fall on their knees and pray to the Virgin, The beginning of this play resembles Fernandez's Farsa cuasi corncdia, the Egloga nueva of Duran and the Farsa Ar- damisa, and it is evident that we have to do here with a re- ligious treatment of the same theme. The saivaje is probably derived from earlier popular satyr plays. ^ raros y curiosos, Vol. I, Madrid, 1863, cols. 703-711, from an edition of 1604. Salva, Catdlogo, vol. i, p. 420, mentions an edition published about the year 1530 and ascribes the play to a certain Eugenio Alberto. Moratin mentions an edition of 1540. I have used the reprint of Gal- lardo. * See F. Neri. La maschcra del selvaggio, an article published in the Giornale storico dcUa letteratura italiatia, Vol. LIX, 1912, pp. 47-68. go THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA A more ambitious treatment of conventional pastoral motives than hitherto attempted is found in the Coniedia Florisea of Francisco de Avendano/ first published in 1551, the earliest Spanish play which we possess divided into three jornadas. After a comic prologue in rustic style, which seems to be an imitation of the prologue to Torres Naharro's Comedia Trofea,^ a knight bearing the ominous name of Muerto ap- pears, railing at the cruelty of Fortune which has brought him to poverty and sorrow in his old age. His servant Listino urges him to bear adversity with stoical spirit since Fortune's wheel is neyer stable and mankind is subject to various vicissi- tudes of fate. The gentleman, however, turns a deaf ear to this salutary advice and declares that death alone can free him from his misery. Listino, evidently recalling the advice of Cardonio to Fileno in somewhat similar circumstances,^ re- minds him that such a course will endanger his soul's salva- tion and adduces theological and philosophical arguments to prove his point. Muerto pretends to be convinced by this advice and sends Listino to a monastery nearby to ask for his admission, promising to do himself no harm while his page is absent."* Listino, however, doubts his master's sincerity and hides close by in order to prevent, if possible, any harm from befalling him. When Muerto remains alone, he determines to carry out his design and with a prayer for mercy on his lips is about to put an end to his life when Floriseo rushes forward and asks the cause of his sorrow which has led him to contemplate suicide. Muerto replies that he has been reduced from prosperity to low estate and that nothing remains for him but death. On hearing this, Floriseo exclaims : ^ * Reprinted by Sr. Bonilla y San Martin in the Revue Hispanique, Vol. XXVII, 1912. " Bonilla y San Martin, Revue Hispanique, Vol. XXVIl, p. 399. ' Enzina's Egloga de trcs pastor es, Tcatro completo, p. 215. * Vitoriano makes a similar promise to Suplicio in Enzina's Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano, Teatro completo, p. 325. * 11. 654-68. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA gl O cuytados ! por dios que somos topados dos hombres tan sin ventura, que jamas forjo natura otros dos mas lastimados.^ He further explains that his heart is consumed with love of a maiden whom he seeks in vain and they determine to end their lives together. At this point Listino intervenes, remind- ing them of the Divine command against self-destruction, but his arguments are unheeded and he withdraws. Floriseo reviles Cupid for his treachery in terms which re- call the laments of Fileno and Vitoriano, and Muerto inveighs against the cruelty of Fortune. They confess their sins in preparation for death, but the double suicide is again prevented by the arrival of the shepherd Salauer who makes sport of them. He asks Muerto and Floriseo the cause of their trouble, and the latter replies : - esto yo abrasado de la llama de Cupido. Salauer is unable to understand this figurative language and answers : como OS quemays? por mi amor, pues no ay lumbre no es possibre.' Floriseo tries to explain that Love is the source of his pain but the shepherd is not interested and invites them to sit down in the shade and rest. In the second Jornada, the maiden Blancaflor appears, la- menting that Love has made her more miserable than Polixena, Progne, Philomena, Bethsabe or Dido, since Floriseo is lost in the mountains through love of her. She meets Listino who, 1 This incident recalls Tansillo's Due Pellegrini. 2 11. 1057-58. 'As we have seen, incidents of this kind are found in a number of early Spanish plays. 82 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA in reply to her questions, tells her that he has just left two gentlemen who contemplated suicide, one because of Fortune's cruelty and the other because of unrequited love and that the lattcr's name was Floriseo. He offers to guide her to the spot in order that their bodies may at least be recovered if they have carried out their sinister purpose. Listino, however, starts off alone and the maiden is accosted by the simple Salauer who asks why she risks her life by wandering alone in the wilderness, exposed to many dangers. When she explains that she seeks her lover, he urges, as in Fernandez's Farsa o cuasi comcdjia, that she accept him as a substitute. Muerto then appears who also suggests that in his company she may be able to forget the object of her search but she indignantly rejects this unworthy proposal. At this point Floriseo ap- pears and the lovers are reunited after their long separation. In the third Jornada, Fortuna appears, boasting of her limitless power. She is seen by Salauer who, thoroughly frightened, summons Pedruelo, the encantador, to protect them from the monster. Pedruelo pronounces a comic in- cantation, but Fortuna declares that all their efforts to resist her are unavailing and reveals her identity. Salauer and Pedruelo then assail her for all the ills she has brought upon them until Muerto bids them be silent and prepare for the wedding. Salauer assumes the role of priest, as in the Egloga of Juan de Paris, and performs a comic ceremony, uniting Floriseo and Blancaflor. Fortuna presents the couple with a wedding present of one thousand ducats and promises to provide bountifully for Muerto. The play ends with a song. Sr. Bonilla says in the introduction to his reprint ' that the Comedia Florisea belongs to the school of Torres Naharro. It is true that the prologue resembles that of the Comedia Trofca, that the comic scene between the shepherd and Fortuna undoubtedly recalls the same play and that the division into jornadas is derived from Naharro. As for the theme and treatment, however, it is evident that the author merely bor- ^ Rez'uc Hispanique, vol. xxvii, p. 392. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 83 rowed incidents frequently found in the earlier pastoral drama. The influence of Encina's later plays is most apparent. The more formal type of dramatic eclogue in Spain is rep- resented by the Comedia Tibalda of Per Alvarez de Ayllon, first published in 1553 with the title, Comedia de Preteo y Tibaldo llamada disputa y remedio de amor en la qual se tratan subfiles sentencias por quatro pastores: Hilario, Preteo, Tibaldo, Griseno y dos pastoras, Polindra y Belawra. In the prologue to this edition, which was later reprinted at X'alladolid, Luis Hurtado de Toledo says that he had procured a copy of the play which had neither been corrected nor completed because of the author's death, and that he had added what in his opinion was lacking, modestly excusing himself for the im- perfections of his own work when compared with the original. A fortunate discovery by Senor Bonilla y San Martin of a manuscript containing the original version of Per Alvarez de Ayllon, entitled Comedia Tibalda, allows us to determine the extent of the additions made by Luis Hurtado de Toledo.^ The date of composition of the Comedia Tibalda is not known. Inasmuch as certain verses of Per Alvarez de Ayllon are included in the 151 1 edition of the Cancionero General of Hernando del Castillo, we are justified in ascribing the play to a much earlier date than that of its publication by Hurtado de Toledo. It is written in octaves of arte mayor, the metre used by Juan del Enzina in his Egloga de tres pastores, with which it also offers striking similarities in subject matter. The argument of the Comedia Tibalda is in brief as follows. The mournful shepherd Tibaldo inveighs against the cruelty of Love because his sweetheart Polindra has forsaken him and has married the old but wealthy shepherd Griseno. His friend Preteo reproves him for his excessive grief and sug- gests prudent means by which he may banish the girl from his ' Sr. Bonilla has republished the Comedia Tibalda, using the variants of the second edition of Valladolid, together with the additions of Hurtado de Toledo in the Bibliotheca hispauica, Madrid, 1903. All references are to this edition. 84 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA thoughts. Tibaldo attempts to refute these arguments, alleg- ing the universality of Love which has triumphed over even the most powerful, and extolling the charm and grace of Polindra. Preteo then expatiates at length on the imperfec- tions of women, to which Tibaldo replies with theological and sophistical arguments to prove the superiority of woman over man, citing examples of the illustrious and virtuous women of the past. The dispute is interrupted by the appearance of the shepherdess herself who is obliged to listen to Tibaldo's insult- ing remarks concerning the age and bodily defects of her husband. At this point Griseno appears who resents the jibes of Tibaldo, but Polindra and Preteo finally effect a reconcilia- tion between the husband and the rejected suitor. Hurtado de Toledo was dissatisfied with this ending and added about twenty-eight stanzas to the original play. Tibaldo declares that his love for Polindra was dictated solely by rea- son and that he had blamed her for making an unequal match. The husband is so impressed by Tibaldo's appeal that he bids Polindra heal the wound which she has caused. The disap- pointed lover, not to be outdone in generosity, declares that he has been cured of his grief by his rival's kind words and the play ends with a song. In the Comedia Tibalda, which is merely a literary exercise and was certainly not designed for representation, the pastoral element is merely used as a vehicle for the discussion of two themes which are frequently met with in Spanish literature of the early sixteenth century, the remedies for the illness of Love and the question of the imperfections of woman. It was because Per Alvarez de Ayllon was primarily interested in the development of these subjects that Hurtado de Toledo consid- ered the play unfinished and deemed it necessary to add another denouement which is even less satisfactory to us than that of the original version. The theme of the omnipotence of Love, which forms the basis of a large part of the courtly lyric poetry of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, is frequently found associated PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 85 with its corollary, the remedies against the pains of Love.^ The Ars amatoria, Remcdia amoris and other works of Ovid were the chief sources from which these ideas were derived.- In Enzina's Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano, Suplicio counsels Vi- toriano to cure himself of his passion for Placida by love for another lady and cites examples from classical antiquity in which this course has proved successful, closely following the advice by Ovid in the Remedia amoris.^ Likewise the recom- mendations of the hermit to the love-sick Estacio in the farsa of Juan de Paris are taken from the same source and Naso is expressly mentioned as the authority.* The influence of Ovid's Remedia amoris is still more clearly shown in the Co)iiedia Tibulda, for Preteo follows this work almost literally in the advice which he gives to Tibaldo to banish Love from his thoughts. Great ills come from trifling causes, he tells him, and delay in the cure is fatal,' just as a tree is easily uprooted only when young ; * avoid idleness which is the source of all the suffer- ings of Love; ^ devote yourself to games; attend to your fields and vineyards ; ^ find pleasure in hunting and fishing; ^ if these ' These themes are found in a number of iSpanish non-dramatic eclogues of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. * Professor (Rudolph Schevill in his interesting monograph, Ovid and the Reymscence in Spain, University of California Publications in Modern Philology, vol. iv, 1913, has shown the continuity of the Ovid tradition in Spain throughout the medieval and Renaissance periods. ' Teatro completo de Juan del Encina, p. 273, and Remedia amoris, 11. 452-460. * See p. 64. "^ 11. 161-68 and Remedia amoris, 11. 95-98. « 11. 169-176 and Remedia amoris, 11. 81-88. ■^ 11. 409-416 and Remedia amoris, 11. 135-144. *• 11. 433-440 and Remedia amoris, 11. 169-198. »11. 441-512 and Remedia amoris, 11. 190-210. This recalls the advice given to the love-sick Clonico by Eugenic in the Eighth Eclogue of Sannazaro's Arcadia. Sylvano gives similar counsel to the unhappy Hyrcano in Seraphino Aquilano's third eclogue. Opere dello elegantis- simo poeta Seraphino Aquilano, Vinezia, 1557, p. 59. 86 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA diversions afford you no relief, enter the army, for one form of warfare is conquered by another; your sorrow will be re- lieved by travel ; ^ your departure will be sorrowful but victory lies in flight ; - be firm in your resolve not to return ; * when your grief is greatest, feign that your thoughts are fixed on another lady and try to imagine that Polindra is devoid of charm.'* Preteo concludes by promising to find for him a shepherdess more attractive than Polindra.^ The formal debate between I'reteo and Tibaldo regarding the relative imperfections of women treats a theme which was ex- ceedingly popular in Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- turies. Professor Arturo Farinelli has shown in an interest- ing article * that // Corbaccio of Boccaccio was the chief arsenal from which the detractors of women drew their weapons, while the same author's De claris uiulieribus furnished the de- fense which the friends of the fair sex employed. This con- trasto made its first appearance in the Spanish drama in the Egloga de tres pastores of Enzina,^ in which the arguments pro and con are derived from these two works of Boccaccio.^ In the Coinedia Tibalda, Preteo attempts to relieve his 1 11. 521-528 and Remedia amoris, 11. 213-214. 2 11. 529-536 and Remedia amoris, 11. 215-216. *11. 545-552 and Remedia amoris, 11. 241-248. * 11- 553-576 and Remedia amoris, 11. 299 fF. * In like manner, in Encina's Egloga de Placida y J'itoriano, Suplicio suggests Flugencia to Vitoriano as a counter-irritant for his passion for Placida. ^ Note suIla fortuna del Corbaccio nella Spagna medievale, published in Bausteine cur romanischen Philologie, Festgabe fur Adolf Mussafia, Halle, 1905. '■ See p. 32. ' The same debate is used as an introduction to Diego Sanchez de Badajoz's Farsa del matrimonio (1530) and is the subject of the third part of the Colloquio pastoril of Antonio de Torquemada, published by Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la novela, vol. ii, Madrid, 1907. See also an article, Antifemviinismo medievale, by Carlo Pascal, pub- lished in a volume entitled Poesia latina mediez'ale, Catania, 1907. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA g? friend's suffering by attacking women, charging them with cruelty, avarice, insincerity, fickleness, discourtesy, treachery and all other faults and vices. The influence of the Corhaccio is evident, but I have found few cases of texttial agreement. Tibaldo then undertakes an inordinately long defense of women in the course of which he marshals various theological and scholastic reasons to prove his case. In this discussion, the author did little more than versify certain of the arguments employed by Juan Rodriguez del Padron in his Triwifo de las donas. ^ A comparison of the two texts not only serves to show the indebtedness of Per Alvarez de Ayllon, but also makes clear certain passages in the Comedia Tibalda. Tibaldo adduces the following reasons to prove the super- iority of woman over man. Woman was created after man ; ^ Eve did not lose her innocence until after Adam had eaten the forbidden fruit ; ^ man sinned knowingly while woman was deceived ; ■* God first created the body and then the soul, in the creation of woman he made an end to all his works ; ^ man was created from clay and woman from perfect flesh ; " woman was created in Paradise while man was created in the Damas- cene field ; ' the superiority of woman is shown in her beauty ' Obras de Juan Rodriguez de la Cdinara (6 del Padron). Edited by Sr. Paz y Melia, Madrid, MDCGCLXXXIV. * Tibalda, 11. 1012-16 and Padron, first argument, p. 88. ' Tibalda, 11. 1017-24 and Padron, thirteenth argument, p. 91. * Tibalda, 11. 1025-32 and Padron, twelfth argument, p. 91. * Tibalda, 11. 1033-40 and Padron, first argument, pp. 88-89. * Tibalda, 11. 1041-48 and Padron, third argument, p. 89. Professor Karl Pietsch mentions this passage of Rodriguez del Padron and adds some interesting parallels in an article entitled Notes on Spanish Folklore, Modern Philology, vol. v, 1907, pp. 98-100. ''' Tibalda, 11. 1049-56 and Padron, second argument, p. 89. Line 1052 of the Comedia Tibalda should read: y al honbre crio en el campo damas(;eno, not aniasfeno. Pietsch, ibid., p. 99, gives a number of examples in which the ager darnascenus is spoken of as the birthplace of Adam. Pulci, however, in his Morgan te Maggiore, Canto XXV, stanza 28, speaks of " il campo Amascen "' as the birthplace of Adam. 88 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA and wisdom ; ^ women invented many useful arts while homi- cide and theft are derived from men ; - God was insulted and crucified by men and was mourned by women ; ^ Christianity was persecuted by men and defended by women ; * the female eagle is far superior to the male and all virtues are born in women.' Tibaldo then cites as additional proof a long list of famous women of antiquity, almost all of whom are eulogized in similar terms in Boccaccio's De Claris mulieribus. Luis Hurtado de Toledo not only attempted to compose a more satisfactory ending to the Comedia Tibalda,^ but also wrote a pastoral eclogue entitled Egloga Siluiana del galardon de amor which was published at Valladolid with the second edition of the Comedia Tibalda (or Comedia de Preteo y Ti- baldo). The date of this edition is not known, but inasmuch as it closely resembles the Comedia Tibalda in subject and man- ner of treatment, we may ascribe it to a date shortly after the publication of Per Alvarez de Ayllon's eclogue in 1553. The Egloga Siliuana, composed in coplas de arte mayor, is an evident imitation of the anonymous Egloga de Torino. Sil- bano inveighs against the cruelty of Cupid who had caused his love for Silvia to be unrequited. Like Fileno, Torino and many other hapless shepherds, he bids farewell to his staflf, his flock and the beloved valley where he had been smitten by Cupid's arrow, and prepares to die. In the second act, the shepherd Lascibo appears, declaring to his companion Quirino that neither the rich nor the poor ' Tibalda, 11. 1057-64 and Padron, fifth argument, pp. 89-90. * Tibalda, II. 1079-86 and Padron, twenty-first argument, pp. loo-ioi. * Tibalda, 11. 1087-94 and Padron, twenty-ninth and thirtieth argu- ments, pp. 108-109. * Tibalda, 11. 1095-1102 and Padron, arguments 33-36, pp. 110-112. * Tibalda, II. 1103-1110 and Padron, thirty-seventh argument, p. 112. •Hurtado de Toledo (iS30?-i59i ?) was also the author of the Cortes del casta amor, Trecientas en defensa de ilustres mujeres, the His- toria de San Joseph and other works, and completed the Cortes de la muerte of Micael de Carvajal. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA go man is content with his lot, but his morahzing is interrupted by the sight of the prostrate Silbano. Ouirino, who recalls Guillardo in the Egloga dc Torino, makes absurd conjectures concerning the cause of his illness or death, and when the lover is finally restored to consciousness, his companions are unable to understand the figurative language which he employs. Silbano. Son mis dolores tan grandes y ciertos, que estando en el fuego me tienen temblando. Quirino. Ni yo no te entiendo ni se que te dizes. Tu tiemblas con fuego y en frio te abrasas? Silbano tries to explain that he is suffering the pangs of unre- quited love, but that he glories in his sorrow, a distinction which his ruder companions are unable to comprehend. In the third act, Silvia approaches and asks the shepherds the subject of their discussion. Silbano pleads for some con- sideration or mark of favour, but the lady is unwilling to listen to his suit and his friends reproach him for his folly. In the fourth act Rosedo, Silvia's husband, appears, expressing his delight at the beauties of Nature, and while Silvia, who has followed him, lies concealed in the bushes, he bursts forth in a lyrical address to the dawn with something of the fervour of Chantecler himself.^ Silvia then steps forward and accuses him of infidelity, in the belief that he had addressed some shep- herdess. The unfortunate Rosedo, who thus pays the penalty for early rising, has the greatest difficulty in persuading his jealous wife that his sonnet was directed to Aurora. At this point Silbano appears and Rosedo learns that the shepherd has been made miserable through love for Silvia. Filled with sympathy for the unhappy lover, Rosedo bids his wife console him for he himself had experienced the pains of Love, but Sil- bano refuses to accept this unexpected remedy, declaring that Rosedo's generosity has freed his body of all sensual thoughts. The Egloga Siluiana is one of the most insipid and worth- ' This was evidently suggested by the story of Cephalus and Procris, Ovid, Metamorphoses, VIL go THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA less of the Spanish pastorals. The first two acts, describing the lover's unhappy plight and the mockery of his friends are a close imitation of the anonymous Egloga de Torino and the ridiculous suggestion of Rosedo that Silvia offer some mark of favour to the disappointed suitor is derived from Hurtado de Toledo's addition to the Coiiicdia Tibalda. The sentiments expressed are extremely artificial, the verse is halting and the cause of Silvia's jealousy is absurd. The author does not op- pear to have been endowed either with a dramatic sense or with poetical gifts of a very high order. The nature of the eclogue precludes the possibility of having been composed for representation. A better developed plot and far more human interest is found in the Farfa a m-anera de tragedia, the single extant copy of which, preserved at the British Museum,^ appeared at Va- lencia in the year 1537. The anonymous author probably bor- rowed from Torres Naharro the division of the play into five acts, which he calls aiitos. After a comic prologue, including a brief summary of the argument, the shepherd Torcato enters, expressing his de- light that he has won the love of Liria. He confides his secret to his friend Roseno who is sceptical and refuses to believe until he hears the truth from Liria herself. Torcato bids him hide and promises that he will be satisfied since he has an en- gagement at that very spot with his lady. The latter appears, joyful in the certainty of her love for Torcato. She has strug- gled against her growing passion but now yields with delight and even Nature seems to smile upon her happiness. Yet she is timid when she sees him and begs him to act with prudence, although affirming at the same time her love. Her brother Carlino suspects their relations and determines to lose no time in informing her husband Gazardo who will take her life for her infidelity. ' This play has recently been reprinted by Dr. Hugo A. Rennert, Revue Hispanique, vol. xxv, Paris, 191 1, and in a revised edition at Valladolid in 1914. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 91 The next three acts show us Gazardo. a paysan parvenu, who at first pays httle attention to the scandal-monger CarHno but finally consents to set a trap for the lovers in the form of a forged letter. This letter, purporting to be from Liria, is de- livered to Torcato, in which the lady informs him that the secret of their relations has been discovered, that she no longer cares for him and bids him to leave the neighborhood. The lover's joy is turned to despair, he writes with his own blood a letter to Liria charging her with his death and stabs him- self. Liria receives the missive, finds the body of Torcato and with loud laments at his death and lack of faith, kills herself Gazardo grieves over his loss but Carlino is unmoved by his sister's death, declaring that it was well deserved. The influence of Torres Naharro is evident in the formal division of the play into five acts, and the passion of two lovers, thwarted by the lady's brother, recalls as M. Merimee suggests, the CoJiiedia Himenea of the same author.^ How- ever, in this portrayal of the tragedy of love we are reminded at once of the Egloga de tres pastores and Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano of Enzina. The double suicide recalls especially the latter play where a similar denouement is only averted by the kind offices of Venus and Mercury. The second, third and fourth acts are far inferior to the first and last. Carlino re- sembles the complacent husband, cornudo y contento, whom we find at a later date in Lope de Rueda's Tercer Paso and in the character of Cornalla in Timoneda's Comedia llamada Car- melia (or Cornelia). The opening scene has real poetic beauty and the death of Torcato and Liria is portrayed with real feel- ing. In spite of its evident defects, it is unquestionably one of the best plays produced in Spain in the first half of the six- teenth century. Although the characters often express them- selves in the conventional style of the sentimental novels of the day, the play is interesting as one of the first attempts to introduce a real plot with human interest into a purely pas- toral composition. ^ L'Art dramatique a Valencia, p. 125. 92 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA With the triumph of Italian comedy in the second half of the sixteenth century, the imitations of the Propaladia of Tor- res Naharro, the realistic elements borrowed from the Celes- tina, and the influence of classical and Italian tragedy, the Spanish drama enlarged its scope and was no longer content to repeat the commonplaces of Enzina. In the growing ten- dency toward a realistic portrayal of everyday life in comedy and toward the heroic play in tragedy, the pastoral play was sure to decline. It is true that a number of later plays such as the Coloquio de Camila and Coloquio de Tyinbria retained the pastoral atmosphere, but these are derived from an imita- tion of Plautus or an Italian imitator of classical comedy, and simply prove that the pastoral disguise was employed in obe- dience to a firmly established tradition. Lope de Vega, in the dedication of his play, La Arcadia, while admitting that it owes something to imitation of classi- cal works, adds : " si bien el uso de Espaha no admite las rus- ticas Bucolicas de Teocrito, antiguamente imitadas del famoso poeta Lope de Rueda." ^ However, only two plays of Lope de Kueda are extant which can properly be classed as pastoral and neither of these shows to any great degree imitation of the Greek poet. The Comedia llainada Discordia y question de Amor, men- tioned by Baltasar Gracian in his Agudeza y arte de ingenio, has recently been published from an edition of 1617 by Fran- cisco R. de Uhagon - who conjectures that it was originally printed at Valencia by Juan Timoneda. It is not certain that the play is correctly ascribed to Lope de Rueda, but if he be the author, it is reasonably sure that the division into three jornadas is the work of some arrcglador in order to conform to the practice in vogue at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The first act treats a theme which is also found in the Auto ^ Parte irecena de las comedias de Lope de Vega, 1620. The passage is quoted by Cotarelo y Mori, Estudios de historia literaria, pp. 241-42. ' In the Rczista de Archivos, vol. vi, 1902. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA ^^ pastoril portuguez of Gil Vicente and in the story related by Selvagia in the first book of Montemayor's Dimui: Salucio loves Leonida, but she is enamoured of Pretonio, who has set his affections upon Silvia, who will accept only the love of Salucio. They all curse Love for the trick he has played upon them, and finally determine to refer the question to him for decision. Wearing bandages over their eyes, since Love has blinded them, they set out for the interview. In the second act, Cupid bids all true lovers gather beneath his standard, boasting of his unlimited power and promising to grant his favours in abundance to those who faithfully serve him. He falls asleep and Diana and a nymph, Belisa, appear. They see the sleeping Cupid, take his bow and arrow, and then awaken him, asking why he has ventured to trespass upon the territory of the goddess. He replies that his supreme power recognizes no restraints and declares to Diana that he is ruler over all mankind and of herself as well. He weeps bitterly when he discovers that he is disarmed, but Diana offers him no sympathy and declares that he must pay for his arro- gance. With the aid of Belisa, she binds him hand and foot and places above him an inscription to the effect that no one shall release him under penalty of being punished by Love himself. The inevitable bobo appears who makes fun of the predicament in which the little god finds himself and Cupid, in despair, calls upon \"enus for help but is answered only by Echo. In the third act, the unhappy shepherds and shepherdesses arrive at the abode of Cupid. When they remove the bandages from their eyes, they are amazed on seeing the god in bonds. On Cupid's promise to repay their service, they release him and then read the inscription : ^ Preso como veys assi Castidad dexo al Amor por aleuoso y traydor, quien le quitare de aqui que muera desamor. 1 P. .'52. 94 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Cupid, however, counsels them to have no fear and bids them relate the cause of their sorrow. Salucio explains that the love of each is unrequited and urges him to change the object of tneir afifections. Cupid promises to comply in return for the service tliat tliey have rendered him, and asks : ^ qual quereys que mude aqui, las pastoras, o pastores? The shepherds claim that since a lover's affection must be con- stant, Leonida and Silvia should yield, while the maidens de- clare that sinc,e there is no truer love than that of a woman, Salucio and Petronio should change. The question is dis- cussed at length until Cupid, unable to reach a conclusion satisfactory to all parties, brings the dispute to a close by saying : Estaos con vuestras passiones hasta que el tiempo os ayude a niudar las aficiones : y pues en los coracjones padeceys mortales penas, quiero con estas cadenas meteros en mis prisiones. The threat of Diana is thus fulfilled. It will be seen that here the defeat of Cupid by Chastity is added to the theme of love unrequited in two or more couples. This ingenious arrangement of unhappy lovers is found in the introduction to Gil Vicente's Auto pastoril portuguez, rep- resented before King John the Third on Christmas Eve, 1523. This deals with the love affairs of three shepherds and three shepherdesses, each of whom meets only with rebuffs from the object of his or her love. Joanne loves Catalina, who has lost her heart to Fernando, who is enamoured of Maclanella, who has set her affections upon Affonso. who adores Inez, who idolizes Joanne. Each expresses his grief on finding his or her love unreturned :' ^ ' P. 353- ' Ohras de Gil Vicente, Coimbra, 1907, vol. i, p. 32. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 95 Joanne. Oh Catalina ! Catalina. Oh Fernando ! Fernando. Oh Madanella! Madanella. Oh Affonso ! Oh quando, quando me quereras algum bem ! Affonso. Oh Inez ! quanto mal tern esta maleita, em que ando! Inez. Oh Joanne ! quao amiga que sam do teu bom doairo ! Joanne. Se nao tens outro repairo, cant'eu nao sei que te diga. Fernando. Isto chamao amor louco, eu por ti e tu por outro. The knot is left untied and the play ends with the adoration of the Virgin. The same artificial circle of unhappy lovers is found in the sixth Idyl of Moschus and also occurs in the first book of Mon- temayor's Diana, where Selvagia tells of the suffering caused to herself and her three companions by unrequited love, for by some curious caprice of Fate, the ardent shepherd or shep- herdess was destined to find his or her love unreturned. "Ved que estrano embuste de amor. Si por uentura Ysmenia yua al campo, Alanio tras ella, si Montano yua al ganado, Ysmenia tras el, si yo andaua al monte con mis ouejas, Alontano tras mi. Si yo sabia que Alanio estaua en un bosque donde solia repastar, alia me iua tras el. Era la mas nueua cosa del mundo oyr como dezia Alanio sospirando, ay Ysmenia!, y como Ysmenia dezia, ay Seluagia !, y como Seluagia dezia, ay Montano!, y como Montano dezia, ay mi Alanio! " ' The last lines in the passage quoted above from V'icente were glossed by Alanio in his song to Ysmenia in the Diana, " cantando," says Montemayor, " este antiguo cantar : Amor loco, ay amor loco ! yo por uos, y uos por otro." * Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes dc la novela, vol. ii, Madrid. 1907, p. 264. 96 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA The similarity in subject and treatment and the fact that Mon- temayor seems to quote from Vicente makes it extremely prob- able that the Auto pastor il portuguea is the source of Selva- gia's story in the Diana.^ The only other extant play of Lope de Rueda which treats a definitely pastoral theme is the Colloquio llattuida Prcndas de Amor. The interlocutors are two shepherds, Menandro and Simon, and the shepherdess Cilena. Menandro and Simon dispute as to which has received the greater mark of affection from the maiden ; to Simon she has given an ear-ring and to Menandro a ring. They charge one another with jealousy and Cilena filially appears whom we expect to solve the ques- tion. When Menandro appeals to her for a decision, she an- swers by giving them other presents, declaring that she has not time to tarry. The shepherds then compare notes and each claims to have received the higher mark of favour. This colloquy with its artificial theme, has no dramatic value and must be regarded simply as affording diversion to some aristocratic gathering which may have been entertained by the dramatic presentation of this casuistical question. As we shall see, questions of this kind were frequently treated in Spain and we know that the Congrega dei Rozzi of Siena - amused itself with Duhbi, Casi and Questioni of the same type and that similar games were popular in Italian society in the sixteenth century.* ' I mentioned this similarity in a note entitled Analogues to the Story of Selvagia in Montemayor's Diana, Modern Language Notes, vol. xxix, 1914, pp. 192-94. The same theme is found considerably de- veloped in the Comedia Metamorfosea of Joaquin Romero de Cepeda and in the following Italian pastoral plays of the sixteenth century, the Discordia d'amore (1526) of Marco Guazzo, Lo Sfortunato (1567) of Argenti and Gli Intri^ati (1581) of Alvise Pasqualigo. * See C. Mazzi, La Congrega dei Rozzi, Firenze, 1882, vol. i, 124 ff. * See Renier, Giornale storico delta letteratura italiana, vol. xiii, 382 ff. Somewhat similar questions are discussed in the Clareo y Florisea of Nunez de Reinoso, Biblioteca de auiores espaiioles, vol. iii, pp. 442-43. See on the latter the interesting article of Professor PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA gy The earliest example which I have found of the dramatic treatment of the caso de amor theme in Spain is the anonymous Comedia Fenisa, first published in 1540.^ The interlocutors are three shepherds, Valerio, Marsirio and Silvio, the shei>- herdess Fenisa and a bobo. The three shepherds are en- amoured of Fenisa and enter into a contest to determine which shall deserve her affections. Marsirio suggests that each state the reason why he ventures to aspire to her hand : e visto el dolor estrecho que todos tres poseemos y el mal que Amor nos ha hecho; que los dos la gloria demos al que tiene mas derecho. Silvio declares that while pasturing his flock, he had seen F^enisa whose beauty had caused him to faint. The maiden sprinkled water on his face, saying: Esfuerza, amador. Ama, ama y persevera : sabras que cosa es Amor. Since then she has been ever present in his thoughts. Mar- sirio relates that he had first seen her beauty by moonlight ; he too had fainted, whereupon she said : De que has pavor? Vuelve en ti, qu'el amador mas constancia ha de tener. Valerio also had swooned at the beauty of Fenisa and she had said to him: Cierto nunca he visto yo menos animo en zagal. Rudolph Schevill, Some Forms of the Riddle Question and the Exer- cise of the IVits in Popular Fiction and Formal Literature, University of California Publications in Modern Philology, vol. ii, no. 3, p. 223. ^ I have not seen the edition of 1540. 1 have quoted from the version of 1588 which Gallardo reprinted in his little journal, El Criticon, Madrid, 1859. Sr. Bonilla has recently republished an edition of 1625 in the Revue Hispanique, Paris, vol. xxvii, 1913. gS THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA Each claims to have received the greatest mark of favour from the maiden. The Bobo then gives his version which shows the tendency to satire which is present in the earhest pastorals. While enjoying a huge meal, he had seen Fenisa who laid a mighty blow on his head with her crook and went away laughing. The three shepherds finally refer the ques- tion to Fenisa herself, declaring to her that she will have three deaths on her conscience if she refuses to decide. With some reluctance she expresses her preference for Valerio and the two disappointed suitors depart sorrowfully, inveighing against the fickleness ,of woman. This play, in spite of its puerile simpHcity, seems to have en- joyed unusual popularity. Not only was it republished at X'alladolid in 1588 and at Salamanca in 1625 but also forms the basis of two religious plays of the middle of the sixteenth century. Colloquio de Fenisa and Fide Ypsa,^ in which the theme is treated a lo divino, preserving many lines of the original. It is likely that Juan de Melgar, to whom the ver- sion published in 1625 is attributed, is the arreglador, not the author. The analog}'^ between this play and the various themes treated in the Italian Dubbi and Cast d'amore is clear. The influence of Italian literature is more clearly seen in the prologues of the three plays of Juan Timoneda, namely, La Co media de Amphitrion, La Comedia de los Menemnos and Comedia llamada Carmelia (or Cornelia), published at Valen- cia in 1559.^ The Comedia de Amphitrion contains a pro- logue recited by Bromio, an old shepherd, Pascuala, his daughter and two young shepherds, Morato and Roseno. After an introductory song, Bromio urges Pascuala to declare ^ Published by Leo Rouanet, Colecc'wn de auios, farsas y coloquios del siglo XVI, vol. iii, Madrid, 1901. 'These three plays are republished in the Obras complctas of Juan de Timoneda publicadas por la Sociedad de Bibliofilos valen^ianos, vol. i, Valencia, 191 1. Los Menemnos was reprinted by Moratin, Origenes del teatro espanol, Biblioteca de autores espanoles, vol. ii, and by Ochoa. Tesoro del teatro espanol, vol. i, Paris, 1838. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA gg her preference for one of her suitors, Morato or Roseno, both of whom have served her faithfully. The maiden replies that she will indicate her choice by a sign, and turning to the young men, says : " Sus : Toma, Roseno, esta mi guirnalda, y dame la tuya, Morato. Declarado queda ya, padre mio, a quien mas destos ama mi corazon." After her departure, the lovers dispute as to the meaning of her enigmatical reply. Each adduces good reasons why he should be considered the favoured one and Bromio finally suggests that they refer the question to the most subtle and enamoured wits in the land. The young shepherds agree and Bromio addresses the audience as follows : " Nobles y apas- sionados Senores y senoras : la quistion suso dicha dexamos en mano de vuestras mercedes para que declaren a qual destos zagales ama y quiere mas esta zagala ; que mafiana bolueremos por la respuesta." Morato and Roseno then state the argu- ment of the play and the prologue ends with a song beginning : Dinos, zagala, qual de los dos es el tu amado ? This casuistical discussion is derived from the first question in the fourth part of Boccaccio's Filocolo. It will be recalled that while searching for Biancofiore, Filocolo is obliged by reason of a storm to stop at Naples where he is cordially re- ceived by Fiammetta and her merry companions. One after- noon Fiammetta suggests that they amuse themselves by pro- posing questioni d' amove for solution to a king who shall be elected by her comrades. She herself, however, is chosen queen and thirteen subtle questions are offered for discussion. The first is identical with the subject treated in the prologue of Timoneda's Ampkitrion. In the Italian version a young girl is urged by her mother to express her preference for one of her two suitors. " Disse la giovane : cio mi place ; e rimiratili amenduni alquanto, vide che I'uno avea in testa una bella ghirlanda di fresclie erbette lOO THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA e di fiori. e I'altro senza alcuna ghirlanda dimorava. AUora la giovane. che similemente in capo una ghirlanda di verdi fronde avea, levo quella di capo a se, e a colui che senza ghir- landa le stava davanti la mise in capo ; appresso quella che Taltro giovane in capo avea ella prese e a se la pose, e loro lasciati stare, si torno alia festa," etc. Except that Timoneda substituted the father for the mother of the maiden, the two versions agree.^ The Coniedia de los Menemnos is preceded by a prologue in which Cupid and three shepherds. Ginebro. Climaco and Claudino, are' the characters. The shepherds, enamoured of the shepherdess Temisa, present themselves before Cupid, ask- ing him to decide which of them the maiden should prefer. Claudino has boasted to Temisa of his physical strength, Cli- maco has assured her of his sincerity and generosity, while Ginebro has urged his suit on the plea of his prudence and wisdom. Cupid asks which of the lovers she has chosen and Climaco replies that Ginebro has been the favoured one. Cupid approves this choice, declaring that neither the strength of Hercules nor the generosity of Alexander the Great will satisfy a discreet woman, but only the fruits of real knowl- edge. The rejected suitors are satisfied with this decision and recite the argument of the play. The subject of this prologue is identical with the theme treated in the third questione d'amore of the Filocolo. One of ' This theme is first suggested in the Babylonica of lamblichus of the second century A. D. and was frequently treated in medieval and Renaissance poetry. See the interesting article of Signor Pio Rajna, Una questione d'amore, published in Raccolta di studii critici dedicata ad Alessandro d'Ancona, Firenze, iQOi, pp. 553-68 and Adolfo Gaspary, Storia delta letteratura italiana, vol. ii, parte prima, Torino, 1900, pp. 325-26. The source of this prologue and of the prologue to Timoneda's Comedia de los Menemnos was noted by me in an article published in the Modern Language Review, vol. ix, April, 1914. I there mentioned the fact that the Cnmedia de Amphitrion, which purports to be a trans- lation or adaptation of the Amphitruo of Plautus is merely a stage version of the translation of the Amphitruo of Francisco Lopez de Villalobos which first appeared in the year 1515 (?). PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA jqi the ladies tells Fiammetta that from among her suitors, she has chosen three as most worthy of her love: " de'quali tre, I'uno di corporale fortezza credo che avanzerebbe il buono Ettore, tanto e ad ogni prova vigoroso e forte ; la cortesia e la liberalita del secondo e tanta, che la sua fama per ciascun polo credo che suoni ; il terzo e di sapienza pieno tanto, che gli altri savii avanza oltra misura." She concludes by asking the ad- vice of Fiammetta who decides the question in favour of the learned man, as is done by Cupid in Timoneda's prologue.^ The prologue of Timoneda's Comedia llamada Carrnelia (or Cornelia) treats a somewhat analogous theme. Three lovers, Paris, Anteon and Leandro propose to Lamia certain pre- guntas de caso de amoves, which deal w^ith sophistical subjects such as these : what is the most potent reason for women to hate men ; how is man most pleasing to woman ; what gives the greatest offense to a woman's heart ; how does afifection be- tween lovers most quickly vanish, etc. After Lamia answers these questions, the four interlocutors recite the argument of the play. The influence of Timoneda is clearly seen in the prologue to Alonso de la Vega's Comedia de la Duquesa de la Rosa, published with two other plays of the same author by Timo- neda in 1566.- Two shepherds, Falacio and Bruneo, defy Cupid, charging him with causing all the trouble in the world. Cupid bids them yield to his power which is respected by all men ; but the shepherds, undaunted by his threats, are about to ' The episode of the Thirteen Questions was translated into Spanish by D. Diego Lopez de Ayala, assisted by Diego de Salazar. This translation was published at Seville in the year 1546 with the title Laberirtto de amor and again at Toledo the same year with the title, Trece questiones muy graxiosas sacadas del Pliiloculo del famoso Juan Bocacio. See Pio Rajna, Le questioni d'amore nel Filocolo, Romania, vol. xxxi, pp. 28-81 and Menendez y Pelayo, Origeues de la novela, vol. i, Madrid, 1905, pp. ccci-cccii. * These plays have been reprinted with an introduction by Menendez y Pelayo, published by the Cesellschaft fiir romanischc Literatur. vol. vi, Dresden, 1905. 102 THE SPANISH PASTORAL DRAMA lay violent hands upon the tiny god when the shepherdess Doresta enters, urging tliem to submit since all their efforts to resist will be fruitless. Cupid gives her his bow and arrow, ordering her to strike to the heart the one whom she prefers. Falacio at once calls for mercy as he has been struck by the arrow and Bruneo, also vanquished by Cupid, follows suit. They both declare themselves the slaves of Love and when Doresta asks which she would prefer, Cupid refers the question to the ladies and gentlemen there assembled. A return to the theme already treated by Gil Vicente in his Auto pastoril •portuguez, by Montemayor in the narrative of Selvagia, by Lope de Rueda in his Discordia y question de Amor and in several Italian plays is found in the Comedia Metamorfosea of Joaquin Romero de Cepeda. published in 1582.^ The division of this play into three acts is purely ar- bitrary. Three shepherds and three shepherdesses suffer the pains of unrequited love and each blames another for heartless- ness. Almost the entire play is occupied with silly proposals followed by brusque refusals after this fashion: Belisena. Por mi Medoro suspiro. Eleno. Belisena es mi querer. Albiiia. Eleno me ha dado el tiro. Belisena. Medoro, vuelte a mi. Medoro. Yo no te quiero, pastora. Eleno. Belisena, mi sefiora. Belisena. Eleno, dejame aqui. Albina. Eleno, mirame agora. Eleno. Como se ha de concluir y dar fin a este debate? Eleno's question is one which naturally occurs to the reader. The author, however, makes a gallant effort to reach a solu- iton. A metamorphosis takes place simultaneously in their hearts and each shepherd or shepherdess expresses his or her love for the person who a moment before had been scorned. This change leads to as difficult a situation as the previous one 1 Reprinted by Ochoa. Tesoro del teatro espanol. Vol. I, Paris, 1838. PASTORAL PLAYS AFTER ENZINA 103 and the author ends the play in despair without reaciiing a satisfactory conchision. With the exception of a few works of Lope de Vega, the Comedia Metamorfosea was the last pastoral play printed in Spain in the sixteenth century. The drama as conceived by Torres Naharro and Lope de Rueda had completely triumphed soon after the middle of the sixteenth century and the pas- toral plays which appeared after that date may almost be re- garded as anachronisms. The pastoral drama contained within itself the cause of its inevitable dissolution : it was not original nor did it represent actual life. Imitative by its very nature, it could not thrive after the drama was no longer re- stricted to private performances at the palace of some grandee, but was forced to go out on the village square or into an im- provised corral to win the plaudits of the crowd. Theatre goers demanded at least an approximation to realism or some human interest, and this demand the pastoral drama failed to supply. To the comedia de capa y espada as conceived by Tor- res Naharro in his Comedia Himenea, Geronimo Bermudez, Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola and Juan de la Cueva offered new interests, those of national and foreign history. It re- mained for a man of genius to fuse these disparate elements in order to create a truly national drama, and this man of genius was Lope de Vega. However, the development of a realistic or historical drama was not the determining factor in the decline of pastoral plays. In spite of the growth of realistic comedy and of heroic tra- gedy, Italy and England can boast of the composition of the Aniinta, Pastor Fido and Faithful Shepherdess at a compara- tively late date. The chief reason for the waning of the pas- toral drama in Spain in the latter half of the sixteenth century is found in the conditions prevailing in that country. The pastoral play is an artificial product which can flourish only in an artificial environment and this environment was lacking in Spain. The Emperor Charles was not a patron of play-writers, and Philip II was more interested in securing theological works for the Escorial Library and in supporting Arias Montano's 104 THE SPAXISH PASTORAL DRAMA Polyglot Bible than is encouraging the theatre. Nor were there any small literary courts in Spain at this period, like that of Ferrara, where a poet might compose a play with the con- ventional pastoral atmosphere, containing a veiled paneg}Tic of a generous patron. Through lack of support from the Crown and noblemen of literary tastes, the pastoral drama was doomed, at least temporarily, to extinction. Two facts are of particular significance in the study of the pastoral drama before Lope de \'ega, its independence of the pastoral novel and of the new Italian verse forms. The pas- toral novel, which had a glorious career in Spain ' and which soon became known abroad, left scarcely a trace on the pas- toral drama which developed, for the most part, the themes treated by Enzina, Fernandez and in the Egloga de Torino. The verse forms found in these early w'orks were also accepted as models by later poets, who appear to have been quite ignor- ant of the profound transformation experienced by Spanish poetry as a result of the innovations of Boscan and Garcilasso de la Vega.- ' For the historj- of the Spanish pastoral novel, see Dr. Hugo A. Rennert. Spanish Pastoral Rom